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THE 
 
 WORKS 
 
 Of the Learned 
 
 JOSEPH BINGHAM, M. A. 
 
 Late Re&or of Havana and fometime Fellow of 
 University-College in Oxford. 
 
 CONTAINING, 
 
 / hOfr - 2- 2- 
 
 I. ORIGINES ECCLES IA S7 1 CJE: 
 
 Or, The Antiquities of the Christian 
 Church. In twenty three Books. 
 
 II. A Scholaftical Hiftory of Lay-Baptism. In two Parts. 
 
 III. The Trench Churches Apology for the Church of 
 
 England. 
 
 IV. A Difcourfe concerning the Mercy of God to Peni- 
 
 tent Sinners. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for Robert Knaplock the Bifhotfs- 
 Head in St. Paul's Church-yard. 
 
 — ♦ 
 
 M DCC XXVL 
 
 
To the Right Reverend Father in GOD, 
 
 JONATHAN, 
 
 Lord Bifliop of Winchester* 
 
 And Prelate of the Mofl Noble Order of the Garte r. 
 My Lord-, 
 
 AVING once determined with my felf to 
 make thefe Colle£tions Publick, I needed no 
 long time to confider, to whom I fhould firft 
 Addrefs and Prefent them. They are? my 
 Lord, the firft Fruits of my Labour under Your 
 Lordfhips Government and Infpedtion: And I was willing 
 to think, and do prefume I did not think amifs, that Your 
 Lordfhip had a fort of Title to the firft Fruits of any of Your 
 Clergy's Labour; efpecially if the Subje£t, on which they 
 were employed, was fuitable to their Calling, and had any 
 dire£t Tendency to promote Chriftian Knowledge in the 
 World. The Subjedt of the prefent Difcourfe, being an Ef- 
 fay upon the antient Ufages and Cuftoms of the Primitive 
 Church, and a particular Account of the State of her Cler- 
 gy, is fuch, as being confidered barely in its own Nature, I 
 know cannot but be approved by a Perfon of Your Lordfliip s 
 Character ; whofe Care is concerned not only in Preferving 
 the Purity of the Primitive Faith, but alfo in Reviving the Spi- 
 rit of the Antient Difcipline and Primitive Pra&ice : And 
 were the Management any ways anfwerable to the Great- 
 nefs of the Subject, That would doubly recommend it to 
 Your Lordfhip's Favour ; fince Apples of Gold are fomething 
 the more beautiful for being fet in Pi£tures of Silver. But 
 I am fenfible the Subject is too Sublime ?M Copio« 'oo 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 Nice and Difficult, to have Juftice done it from any Angle 
 Hand, much lefs from mine : All therefore I can pretend to 
 hope for from Your Lordfhip, is, That Your Candour and 
 Goodnefs will make juft Allowances for the Failings, which 
 Your Sagacity and Quicknefs will eafily perceive to be in this 
 Performance. I am not, I confefs, without Hopes, that as well 
 the Abftrufenefs and Difficulty of the Subje£t it felf, as my 
 own difficult Circumftances, under which I was forced to 
 labour, for want of proper Affiftance of abundance of Books, 
 may be fome Apology for the Defe£ts of the Work : And 
 if 1 can but fo far obtain Your Lordfhip's good Opinion, as 
 to be thought to have defigned well ; as I am already con- 
 fcious of my own good Intentions to confecrate all my 
 Labours to the publick Service of the Church ; that will 
 infpire me with frefh Vigour, notwithflanding thefe Dif- 
 ficulties, to proceed with Cheerfulnefs and Alacrity in 
 the remaining Parts of this Work, which are yet behind, and 
 which I fhall be the more willing to let about, if I can per- 
 ceive that it has Your Lordfhip's Approbation. The Counte- 
 nance and Encouragement of fuch a Judge may perhaps have 
 a more univerfal Influence, to excite the Zeal or many others, 
 who have greater Abilities to ferve the Church: And I know 
 not how better to congratulate Your Lordfhip upon Your 
 happy Acceflion to the Epifcopal Throne of this Diocefe, than 
 by wifhing You theBleffingand Satisfaction of fuch a Clergy, 
 whofe Learning and Induftry, Piety and Religion, influen- 
 ced by the Wifaom of Your Condu6t, and animated by the 
 Example of Your Zeal and Perfeverance, even to Imprifon- 
 ment in Times of greateft Difficulty, may fo qualify them to 
 difcharge every Office of their Function, as may make Your 
 Diocefe one of the fhining Glories of the Preient Church, 
 and a provoking Example to the Future: Which is the 
 hearty Prayer and Defire of, 
 
 MT LORD, 
 
 Tour Lord/hip's Faithful, and Obedient Servant, 
 
 J. Bingham. 
 
THE 
 
 PR E F A C E 
 
 [To the Firft Volume, when printed in 8vo.] 
 
 HIS Volume, which is now publijhed, being only a 'Part of a larger 
 Work, the Reader, I pre fume, will expect 1 jhould give him fome little 
 Account of the whole T)efign, and the Reafons which engaged me iipon 
 this Undertaking. The T)efign which I have formed to myfelf, is to 
 give fuch a Methodical Account of the Antiquities of the Chriftian 
 Church, as others have done of the Greek, and Roman, and Jewifli 
 Antiquities ; not by writing an Hiftorical, or continued Chronological- 
 Account of all Tranfactions, as they happened in the Church, (of which 
 kind of Books there is no great want) but by reducing the antient Cuftoms, Ufages and 'Pra- 
 ctices of the Church under certain proper Heads, whereby the Reader may take a View at 
 once of any particular VJage or Cuftom of Chrijlians, for four or five of the firft Centuries, 
 to which I have generally confined my Enquiries in this Difcourfe. I cannot but own, I 
 was moved with a fort of Emulation (not an ^Unholy one, I hope) to fee fo many Learned 
 Men with fo much Zeal employed in Collecting and Publi/hing the Antiquities of Greece 
 and Rome ; whilft in the mean time we had Nothing (fo far as I was able to learn ) that 
 could be called a Compleat Collection of the Antiquities of the Church, in the Method 
 that is now propofed. The Compilers of Church-Hiftory indeed have taken Notice of ma- 
 ny Things of this kind, as they pafs along in the Conrfe of their Hiftory, as Baronius, 
 and the Centuriators, and fever al others : But then the Things lie /battered in fo many 
 Places in large Volumes, that there are few Readers of thofe few that enter upon Read- 
 ing thofe Books, that will be at the Pains to Collect their Accounts of Things into one 
 View, or Digeft and Methodize their fcattered Obfervations . There are a great many 
 other Authors, who have written feveral Excellent Diftourfes upon particular Subjects 
 of Church-Antiquity, out of which perhaps a Gronovius or a Graevius might make a more 
 Noble Collection of Antiquities, than any yet Extant in the World : But as no One has 
 yet attempted fuch a IV ork, fo neither, when it was effected, would it be for the Purcha/e 
 or Perufal of every ordinary Reader, for whofe r Ofe chiefly my own Collections are in- 
 tended. There are a third Sort of IV riters, who have alfo done very good Service in Ex- 
 plaining and Jlluftrating feveral Parts of Church- Antiquity, in the Occafioual Notes and 
 Obfervations upon many of the antient Writers; of which kind are the curious Obfer- 
 vations of Albafpiny, Juftellus, Petavius, Valefms, Cotelerius, Baluzius, Sirmondus, Go- 
 thofred, Fabrotus, Bijhop Beverege, and maty others, who have publijhed the Works of 
 the antient Fathers, and Canons of the Councils, with very Excellent and Judicious 
 Remarks upon them But thefe again lie fcattered in fo many and fo large Volumes, with- 
 out any other Order, than as the Authors on whom they commented, would admit of, that 
 they are not to be reckoned upon, or ufed as any Methodized or c Digefted Collection of 
 Church Antiquities, even by thofe who have Ability to Purchafe, or Opportunity to Read 
 them. Be fides thefe there are another fort of Writers, who have purpofely undertaken 
 to give an Account of the antient UJages of the Church, in Treatifes written particularly 
 upon that Subject ; fuch as Gavantus, Cafalius, Durantus, and feveral others of the Ro- 
 man Communion'. But thefe Writers do by no means fatisfy a Judicious and Inquifitive 
 Reader, for feveral Reafons ; i. Becaufe their Accounts are very Jmperfefl, being con- 
 V o l. I. a , fined 
 
ii 
 
 The PREFACE. 
 
 fined chiefly to the Liturgical Tart of Church- Antiquity, befide which there are a great 
 many other Things neceffary to be explained, which they do not Jo much as touch upon, or 
 once mention. 2. Becaufe in treating of that Tart they build much upon the Collections 
 of Gratian, and fuch Modem Writers, and ufe the Authority of the fpurious Epiftles of 
 the antient Topes, which have been exploded long ago, as having no pretence to Anti- 
 quity in the Judgment of all Candid and Judicious Writers. Bat chiefly their Accounts 
 are unsatisfactory, becaufe, 3. Their whole T>eflgn is to varnijh over the Novel T ra- 
 dices of the Romilh Church, and put a Face of Antiquity upon them : To which pitrpofe 
 they many times reprefent antient Cufloms in difguife, to make them look like the T ra- 
 dices of the prefent Age, and offer them to the Reader's View not in their own Native 
 Drefs, but in the Similitude and Refemblance of Modern Cufloms. Cardinal Bona him- 
 felf could not forbear making this Reflection upon fome fuch W riters as thefe, whom he 
 juflly cenfures, as deferving very ill * of the Sacred Rites of the Church, 
 
 * Bona Rerum Li- ana > ffj e ' ir venerable Antiquity, who meafure all antient Cufloms by the 
 turgic. . 1. c. 1 . ^practice of the prefent Times, and judge of the Trimitive c Diflcipline 
 only by the Rule and Cufloms of the Age they live in ; being deceived by 
 a falfe Terfuafion, that the Traffic e of the Church never differed in a?iy Toint from the 
 Cufloms which they learned from their Forefathers and Teachers, and which they have 
 been inured to from their tender Tears: Whereas we retain many Words in common with 
 the antient Fathers, but in a Senfe as different from theirs, as our Times are remote 
 from the firfl Ages after Chrifl ; as will appear (fays he) when we come to difiourfe of 
 the Oblation, Communion, and other Tarts of *Divine Service. This is an ingenuous 
 Confcffion, and withal a jufl Reflection upon the Tartiality of the Writers of his own 
 Church ; and a good Reafon, in my Opinion, why we are not to expect any exact Accounts 
 of Antiquity from any Writers of that Communion-, though fome are lefs tainted with 
 her Errors than others, and can allow themfelves to be a little more Liberal and Free 
 upon fome Occafions than the reft of their Brethren : Tet even Bona himfelf, after the 
 Reflection he has ?nade upon others, runs into the very fame Error, and falls under his 
 own Cenfure : And Habertus, though otherwife a very Learned and Ingenuous Terfon* 
 who has written about the Greek Liturgicks, as Bona has of the Latin ; is often through 
 Trejudice carried away with the common Failing of the Writers of that Side, whofe Ta- 
 lents are chiefly employed in Talliating the Faults of the Communion and Caufe they are 
 engaged in. So that if we are to expect any exact Account of Church- Antiquities, it 
 mufl be from fome Proteftant Authors, who can write with greater Freedom and lefs 
 Trejudice concerning the Ufages and Cufloms of the Trimitive Church. But among thefe 
 there are very few that have travelled very far in this Way, the Generality of our 
 Writers contenting themfelves to collect and explain fo much of Church- Antiquity, as 
 was neceffary to Jhew the Errors and Novelties of Topery ; but not defending to any 
 more Minute and Tarticular Confederation of things, which did not come within the Com- 
 pafs of the Controverfy they had with the Romifh Church. Hofpinian indeed, in the be- 
 ginning of the Reformation, wrote feveral lar^e Volumes of the Origin of Temples, Fe- 
 Jlivals, Monachifhi, with the Hiflory of the Eucharift. But as thefe take in but very 
 few Subjects, fo they are too full of Modern Relations ; which make them fomething tedious 
 to an ordinary Reader, and no compleat Account of Trimitive Cufloms neither. Spa- 
 latenfis in his Books de Republica Eccleliaftica has gone a little farther ; yet he generally 
 confines himfelf to the Topifh Controverfy, and has much out of Gratian and the Canon 
 Law ; which indeed ferved him as good Arguments ad Hominem againfl thofe whom he 
 had to deal with, but it will not pafs for Autheniick Hiflory in other Cafes. SuicerusV 
 Thefaurus Ecclefiafticus is abundantly more Tarticular, and indeed the beft Treafure of 
 this fort of Learning, that has yet been publifhed : But his Collections are chiefly out of 
 the Greek Fathers', and only in the Method of a Vocabulary or Lexicon, explaining 
 Words and Things precifely in the Order of the Alphabet. The mo ft Methodical Ac- 
 count of Things of this kind, that I have yet feen, is that of our Learned Countryman 
 *Dr. Cave, in his Excellent Book of Primitive Chriftianity ; wherein he has given a fuc- 
 cinct but clear Account of many antient Cufloms and Tractices, not ordinarily to be met 
 
 with elfewhere. But his T)efign being chiefly to recommend the Moral Tart of Trimi- 
 tive Chriftianity to the Obfervation and Tractice of Men, he was not obliged to be very 
 particular in explaining many other Things, which though ufeful in themfelves, yet might 
 be looked upon as foreign to his Defign ; and for that reafin, I pre fume, he 'nulnftrioufly 
 
 ■ .itted 
 
The PREFACE. iii 
 
 omitted them. There are fame other Books, which I have not yet feen, but only gnefls by 
 the Titles that they may be of this kindi fitch as BcbeliusV Antiqukates Eccleiiailicae, 
 Martinay de Ritibus Ecclefiae, Hendeciusde Antiquitatibus Eccleiiailicis, Quenltcdt An- 
 tiquitates Biblicae & Ecclefialticae : But I preflurne, whatever they are, they will not 
 forejlall my T>efegn, which is chiefly to gratify the Englifh Reader with an entire Colle- 
 ction of Church- Antiquities in our own Language, of which this Volume is publifhed as a 
 Specimen. And if this proves ufeful to the Public k, and finds a favourable Acceptance, 
 it will be follo wed with the remaining Tarts of the Work (as my Time and Occaflions will 
 <rive me leave) according to the Scheme here laid down, or with as little Variation as may 
 be. I fhall next treat of the Inferior Orders of the Clergy, as I have here done of the 
 Superior: Then of the Elections and Ordinations of the Clergy. And the fever a I Quali- 
 fications of thofe that were to be ordained: Of the 'Privileges, Immunities, and Revenues 
 of the Clergy, and the feveral Laws and Rules which particularly reflected their Fun* 
 £f ion. To which I fhall flubjoin an Account of the antient Afceticks, Monks, Virgins and 
 Widows, who were a fort of Retainers to the Church. After this fhall follow an Account 
 of the antient Churches, and their feveral Parts, Vteufels, Conflecrations, Immunities, 
 together with a Notitia of the antient Divifeon of the Church into Provinces, Uiocefes, 
 Parifhes, and the Original of thefe. After which I fhall flpeak of the Service of the 
 Church, beginning with the Inftitution and Inf fruition of the Catechumens, and defer ibing 
 their feveral Stages before Baptifen; then fpeak of Baptifen it fclf, and its ordinary Con- 
 comitant, Confirmation. Then proceed to the other folemn Services of Pflalmody, Reading 
 of the Scripture, ^and Preaching, which were the firft Part of the antient Church-Service : 
 Then fpeak of their Prayers, and the feveral Rites and Cnfloms obfirved therein ; where 
 of the Vfe of Liturgies and the Lord's Prayer ; and of the Prayers of Catechumens, E- 
 nergumens and Penitents ; all which part of the Ser vice thus far was commonly called by 
 the Name of the MilFa Catechumenorum ; then of the MiiTa Fidelium, or Communion- 
 Service ; where of the Manner of their Oblations and Celebration of the Eucharifl, which 
 was always the Clofie of the ordinary Church-Service. After this I fhall proceed to give a 
 particular Account of their Fafls, and Feftivals, their Marriage Rites, and Funeral 
 Rites, and the Exercifie of antient Church T)iflcipline ; their Manner of holding Councils 
 and Synods, Provincial, Patriarchal, Oecumenical-, the Power of Chrijlian Princes in 
 Councils, and out of them: The Manner and Vfe of their Litcrae Formats?, and the feve- 
 ral forts of them : Their different ways of Computation of Time : To which I fhall add 
 an Account of their Schools, Libraries, and Methods of Educating and Training up Per- 
 fons for the Miniftry ; and fay fomething of the feveral Tranflations of the Bible in ufe 
 among them, and feveral other Mifecellaneous Rites and Things, which would proper h 
 come under none of the forementioned Heads ; fuch as their Manner of taking Oaths, their 
 Abfeinence from Blood, their frequent Ufe of the Sign of the Crofes, their feveral forts of 
 publick Charities, the Honours which they paid to their Martyrs, together with an Ac- 
 count of their Sufferings, and the feveral Infer uments of Cruelty ufled by the Heathen to 
 harafs and torment them. In treating of all which, or any other finch-like Matters, as 
 Jhall offer themf elves, I fhall obferve the fame Method that I have done in this Volume ; 
 illustrating the antient Cuftoms from the Original Records of Antiquity, and joining the 
 Opinions of the befl Modern Authors that I can have Opportunity to perufle, for unfolding 
 Points of great eft Difficulty. I confefs, indeed, this Work will fluffier flbmething in my 
 Hands, for want of feveral Books, which I have no Opportunity to flee, nor Ability to 
 purchafle : But that perhaps may tempt flome others, who are at the Fountains ofl Learn- 
 ing, and have all manner ofl Books at Command, to add to my Labours, and improve this 
 Effay to a much greater Perfection ; fence it is a Subject that will never be exhaufted, but 
 ft ill be capable ofl Additions and Improvement . The chief AJfeftance I have hitherto had, 
 is from the noble Benefaction of one, who being dead, yet i'peaketh ; / mean the renown- 
 ed Bifhop Morley, whofle Memory will for ever remain flrefh in the Hearts ofl the Learned 
 and the Good ; who, among many other Eminent Works of Charity and Generofety, becom- 
 ing his great Soul, and high Station in the Church ; fluch as the Augmentation ofl feveral 
 flmall Benefices, and Provifion ofl a decent Habitation and Maintenance for the Widows ofl 
 Poor Clergymen in his Tiiocefle, &c. has alflo bequeathed a very valuable Co lie 61 ion ofl 
 Books to the Church ofl W inchefter, for the Advancement ofl Learning among the Paro- 
 chial Clergy: And I reckon it none of the leaft Part ofl my Happinefls, that Providence 
 removing me early from the Vniverfity, (where the befl Supplies of Learn i 7/^ #V to be 
 
 had) 
 
IV 
 
 The PREFACE. 
 
 Dr. Radclifle. 
 
 had) placed me by the Hands of a Generous Benefactor, without any Importu- 
 nity or Seeking of my own, in fiich a Station, as gives me Liberty and Opportu- 
 nity to make life of fo good a Library, tho' not fo perfect as I could wijh. But the very 
 mentioning this, as it is but a juji Debt to the Memory of that great Prelate, fo perhaps it 
 may provoke fome other generous Spirit, of like Abilities and Fortune with him, to add 
 new Supplies of Modern Books publijhed fince his 'Death, to augment and compleat his 
 Benefaction. Which- would be an Addition of new Succours and Auxiliaries to my felf 
 and others in my Circumftances, and better enable us to ferve the Publick. In the meati 
 time, the Reader may with Eafe enjoy, what with no fhtall Tains and Indujlry I have. 
 collected and put together ; and he may make Additions from his own Reading and Obfer- 
 vation, as I have done upon fever al Authors, whom I have had occafion to perufe and men- 
 tion. From fome of which, and thofe of great Fame and Learning, I have fometimes 
 thought my felf obliged to dijfent, upon fome nice and peculiar Queflions: But I have never 
 done it, without giving my Reafons, and treating them with that Decency and Rejpetl, 
 which is due to their great Learning and Character. If in any thing I have made Mi- 
 flakes of my own, (as I cannot be fo vain as to think I have made none ) every Intelligent Rea- 
 der may make him felf Judge, and cor reel them with Ingenuity and Candor. All I can fay, 
 is, That I have been as careful to avoid Mijlakes as I could, in fo Critical and Curious a 
 Subject ; and I hope there will not be found fo many, but that this Eflay may prove 'Vfe- 
 ful both to the Learned and Unlearned ; to inftruct the one, who cannot read thefe Things 
 in their Originals ; and refrejh the Memories of the other, who may know many things, 
 that they cannot always readily have recourfe to. Or, if it be of no ufe to greater 'Profi- 
 cients, it may at leaf be fome Help to Toung Students and New Beginners, and both pro- 
 voke them to the Study of antient Learning, and a little prepare them for their Entrance 
 upon it. Befides, I confidered, there were fome who might have a good Inclination toward 
 the Study of thefe things, who yet have neither Ability to purchafe, nor Time and Oppor- 
 tunity to read over many antient Fathers and Councils : And to fuch, a Work of this Na- 
 ture compofed ready to their Hands, might be of confiderable Dfe, to acquaint them with 
 the State and Practice of the Primitive Church, when they have no better Opportunities to 
 be informed about it. If in any of thefe Reflects, thefe Collections (which were defigned 
 for the Honour of the antient Church, and the Benefit of the Prefent,) may prove Ser- 
 viceable toward thofe Ends, I jhall not think my Time and Pains ill beflowed. 
 
 T II E 
 
THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Of the feveral Names and Orders of Men in the Chriftian Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 Of thofe Titles and Appellations which Chrifti- 
 ans owned, and diftinguirtied themfelvcs by. 
 
 SEct. I. Chrijlians at firfi called Jefleans, The- 
 rapeutas, Electi, &c. Seel:, z. Chrifi called 
 by a Technical Name IX0T2j and Chrijlians, 
 Pifciculi, from that. Sect. 5. Chrijlians, why 
 called Gnoftici by jome Authors. Sect. 4. Theo- 
 phori, and Chriftophori. Sect, f . Sometimes, 
 but very rarely, Chrifti. Sect. 6. Chrijlians 
 great Enemies to all Party-Names, and Human 
 ^Appellations. Chriftian, the Name they chiefly 
 gloried in. Seel:. 7. Of the Name Catholick, 
 and its Antiquity. Sect. 8. In what Senfe the 
 Name Ecclefiafticks given to all Chrijlians. 
 Seel:, p. The Chriftian Religion called Aoyjua, 
 and Cbriftiam 6t tv &by[xal©>. Seel:. 10. Chri- 
 jlians called Jews by the Heathens. Seel:. 1 1. 
 Chrifi commonly called Chreftus by the Heathens j 
 and Chrijlians, Chreftians. Pag. 1 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Names of Reproach, which Jews, Infi- 
 dels, and Hereticks, caft upon the Christians. 
 
 Sect. 1. Chrijlians commonly called Nazarens by 
 Jews and Heathens. Sect. z. And Galileans. 
 Seel:. 3. And Atheifis. Seel:. 4. Greeks and 
 ImpofiorsJ Seel:. 5. Magicians. Sect. 6. The 
 new Superfiition. Se6t. 7. Sibyllifts. Seel - . 8. 
 Biothanati. Sect, p. Parabolarii, and Defperati. 
 Sect. 10. Sarmentitii, and Semaxii. Sect. 11. 
 Lucifugax Natio. Sect. iz. Plautina Profapia. 
 Sect. 13. Chrijlians called Capitolins, Synedri- 
 ans, and Apoftaticks, by the Novatians. 
 Sect. 14. Pfychici, by the Montanifts and Va- 
 lentinians. Sect. if. Allegorifts by the Mille- 
 naries. Sect. 16. Chronitas by the Aetians, 
 Simplices by the Manichees, Anthropolatra: by 
 the Apoilinarians. Sect. 17. Philofarcas, and 
 Pelufiotae, by the Origenians. Sect. 18. The 
 Synagogue of Satan and Antichrift, by the Luci- 
 ferians. p. f 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 CHAP. HI. 
 Of the fevcral Orders of Men in the Chriftian 
 Church. 
 
 Sect. i. Three forts of Members of the Chriftian 
 Church } the riy»ju^oi, 7ri?oT, and Karrx^l-^oi j 
 Rulers, Believers, and Catechumens. Sect. 2. 
 The Name^ Believers, firiclly taken for the bap- 
 tized Laity, in Oppofition to the Catechumens. 
 Sect. 3. Catechumens owned as Imperfebl Mem- 
 bers of the Church. Sect. 4. Hereticks not repu- 
 ted Chrijlians. Sect. f. Penitents and Energu- 
 mens ranked in the fame Clafs with Catechumens. 
 
 p. p 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 A more particular Account of the ritror, or Be- 
 lievers, and their feveral Titles of Honour, 
 and Privileges above the Catechumens. 
 
 Sect. 1. Believers otherwife called qnrilpufyox, The 
 Illuminate. Sect. 2. And 61 txiixunpfyoi, The Ini- 
 tiated. Sect. 3. And tsXioi, The Per feci. Sect. 
 4. Chari Dei, ayioi, &c. Sect, f. The Privi- 
 leges of Believers. Firft, To partake of the Eu- 
 charifi. Sect. 6. Secondly, To ftay and join in 
 all the Prayers of the Church. Sect. 7. Thirdly, 
 Their fole Prerogative to ufe the Lord's- Prayer. 
 Whence that Prayer was called h^n -ms-cuv, 
 the Prayer of Believers. Sect. 8. Fourthly, 
 They were admitted to hear Difcourfes upon the 
 mofi Profound Myfteries of Religion. All which 
 Privileges were denied to the Catechumens, p. 1 1 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 Of the Diftinction of Believers from the Rulers. 
 Where, of the Distinction obferved in the 
 Names and Offices of Laity and Clergy j and 
 of the Antiquity of thefe Distinctions. 
 
 Sect. 1. Believers otherwife called Laid, Laymen, 
 to d.jitnguijh them from the Clergy. Sect. 2. The 
 Antiquity of this Difiinclion in the Names, pro- 
 ved again ^ Rigakius, Salmafius, and belden. 
 Sect. 3. The Objection from 1 Pet. j\ 3. anfwer- 
 
vi 
 
 7be CONTENTS. 
 
 ed. Sect. 4. A Diftinclion in the Offices of Lai- 
 ty and Clergy always obferved. Sect. Laymen 
 otherwife called Biwrmot, Seculars. Sect. 6. Alfio 
 W\S?), Private Men. Sect. 7. What Perfons 
 properly called Clerici. Sect. 8. the Name Cle- 
 
 rici, fometimes appropriated to the inferior Orders. 
 Sect. 9. The Reafon of the Name Clerici. Sect. 
 10. All the Clergy antiently called Canonici, 
 and the Reafon of it. Sect. 1 1 . Alfio rd^is 
 /3nV«n© J , The Order of the Sanctuary, p. 1 } 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Of the feveral Superior Orders of the Clergy in the Primitive Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Original of Bifhops } and that they were 
 a diftincVOrder from Presbyters in the Primi- 
 tive Church. 
 
 SEdt. 1 . What the Ancients mean by different Or- 
 ders of Bijhops and Presbyters. Seel:, z. The 
 Order of Bifhops always owned to be fuperior to 
 that of Presbyters. Sett. 3. The Order of Bi- 
 jhops reckoned by all Antient W nters to be of A- 
 pofiolical and Divine Inflitution. Sect. 4. A Lift 
 or Catalogue of Bijhops ordained by the Apoflks. 
 
 p. 17 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the feveral Titles of Honour given to Bi- 
 fhops in the Primitive Chuich. 
 
 S ct. 1. All Bijhops at fir ft called Apoftles. Sect. 
 z. After that, Succejfors of the Apoftles. Seel:. 
 
 2. Whence every Bifioofs See called Sedes Apo- 
 ftolica. Sect. 4. Bijhops called Princes of the 
 People. Sect, f. Pra^pofiri, TF-^e^wTs^^gjec/^o^ 
 t^o^yi. Seel:. 6. Principes Sacerdotum, Summi 
 Sacerdotes, Pontifices Maximi, 6cc. Sect. 7. 
 Every Biftoop antiently called Papa, Father, or 
 Pope. Seel. 8. Pater Patrum, and Epifcopus 
 Epifcoporum } a Title given to others befide the 
 Bijhop of Rome. Sect. 9. Bijhops fometimes 
 called Patriarchs. Seel:. 10. All Bifhops f iled 
 Vicars of Chrifi. Sect. 1 1 . And Angels of the 
 Churches. p. zi 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Offices of Bifhops, as diflinct from Pref- 
 
 byters. 
 
 Sect. i. A Threefold Difference between Bifhops and 
 Presbyters, in the Discharge of their Office and 
 Function. Sect. z. Fir ft, In the common Offices 
 that might be performed by both ; the Bijhop a6led 
 by an Independent Power, but Presbyters in De- 
 pendance upon, and Subordination to him. Sect. 
 
 3 . This fpeciffd in the Offices of Baptifm, and 
 the Lord's- Supper. Sect. 4. And in the Office of 
 Preaching. Sect. %. Secondly, Some Offices 
 never intrufted in the Hands of Presbyters 5 fitch 
 as the Office and Power of Ordination. Sect. 6. 
 Inflames of Ordinations by Presbyters difannulled 
 by the Church. Sect. 7. Some Allegations to the 
 contrary examined. Where, of the Difference 
 made between the Ordinations of Schifmatical 
 Bijhopi, and thofe of mere Presbyters. Sect. 8. 
 A 1 hird Difference between Bijhops and Presby- 
 
 ters, was, That Presbyters were always accounta- 
 ble to their Biftiops j not Bijhops to their Presby- 
 ters. Sect. p. let Bifhops Power not arbitrary, 
 but limited by Canon in various Rejpecls. p. zf 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Power of Bifhops over the Laity, 
 Monks, fubordinate Magiftrates, and all Per- 
 fons within their Diocefe: And of their Office 
 in difpofing of the Revenues of the Church. 
 
 Sect. 1 . No Exemption from the JurifditJion of the 
 Bifhop in the Primitive Church. Sect. z. All 
 Monks fiubjeel to the Bifijup of the Diocefe where 
 they lived. Sect. 3. As alfo all fubordinate Ma- 
 giftrates in Matters of fpiritualjurifdiflion. Sect. 
 4. Of the Diflinciion between Temporal and Spi- 
 ritual Jurifdittion. Bifhops Power wholly confined 
 to the latter. Sect, f . The Bijhofs Prerogative 
 in granting the Litaera? Formatae to all Perfons. 
 Sect. 6. Of the Bifhop'' s Power in difpofing 
 of the Revenues of the Church. p. 30 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Office of Bifhops, in relation to the 
 whole Catholick Church. 
 
 Sect. 1 . In what Senfie every Bijhop Juppofied to be 
 Bifhop of the whole Catholick Church. Sect. z. 
 In what RefpecJ the whole World but one Diocefe, 
 and but one Bijhoprick in the Church. Sect, 3, 
 Some particular Inftances of private Bijhops atling 
 as Bijhops of the whole Univerfal Church, p. zz 
 
 C H A P. VI. 
 Of the Independency of Bifhops $ efpecially in 
 the Cyprianick Age, and in the African Churches. 
 
 Sect. 1. What meant by the Independency cf Bi- 
 jhops one cf another, and their abjolute Power in 
 their own Church. Sect. 2. All Biftiops Lad Li- 
 berty to form their own Liturgies. Sect. 5. And 
 to exprefis the Jams Catholick Creed in different 
 Forms, as to what concerned Method or ExpreJJion. 
 Sect. 4. And to appoint particular Days of Faft- 
 ing in their own Churches. Sect. j\ The Inde- 
 pendency of Bijhops moft conjpicuous in the Afri- 
 can Churches } proved by feveral Inftances out of 
 Cyprian. p. 34 
 
 CHAP. 
 
7he CONTENTS. 
 
 VII 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 Of the Power of Bifhops, in hearing and deter- 
 mining fecular Caufes. 
 
 Sect. i. Bijhops commonly chofen Arbitrators of 
 Men's Differences in the Primitive Church. Sect. 
 z. 'the Original of this Cuftom. Where, of the 
 true meaning of thofe Words in St. Paul, ra? 
 ij's&svyiju^yss' ov rrf c/KxXncn'a} i Cor. 6. 4. Sect. 
 3. This Power of Bijhops confirmed by the Impe- 
 rial Laws. Sect. 4. Tet not allowed in Capital 
 and Criminal Caufes ; nor in any Caufes, but when 
 the Litigants both agreed to take them for Arbi- 
 trators. Sect. f. Bijhops fometimes made their 
 Presbyters and Deacons, and fometimes Laymen, 
 their Subftitutes in this Affair. A Conjecture 
 about the Original of Lay-Chancellors. p. 37 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 Of the Privilege of Bifhops to intercede for 
 Criminals. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Several Inftances of Bijhops interceding for 
 Criminals to the Secular Magijlrate. Sc6t. z. 
 The Reafons why they interceded for fome Crimi- 
 nals, and not others. Sect. 3 That they never 
 interceded in Civil Matters, and Pecuniary Cafes. 
 
 p. 38 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 Of fome particular Honours and Inftances of Re- 
 fpect, fhewed to Bifhops by all Perfons in ge- 
 neral. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Of the antient Cuftom of bowing the Head, 
 to receive the Benediction of Bijhops. Sect. z. 
 Of Kiffing their Hands. Sect. 3. The Cuftom of 
 Jinging Hofanna's to them fometimes ufed, but not 
 approved. Sect. 4. What meant by the Corona 
 Sacerdotalis, and the Form of faluting Bifhops 
 per Coronam. Sect. 5. Whether Bifhops anti- 
 ently wore a Mitre? Sect. 6. Of the Titles 
 'Ayian-arot, Beatiflimi, &c. moft Holy and moft 
 Bleffed Fathers, common to all Bifhops. Sect. 7. 
 Bijhops diftinguijhed by their Throne in the Church. 
 
 p. 40 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 Of the Age, and fome other particular Qualifi- 
 cations required in fuch as were to be ordained 
 Bifhops. 
 
 Sect. 1. Bijhops not to be Ordained under 30 Tears 
 of Age, except they were Men of extraordinary 
 Worth. Sect. z. To be chofen out of the Clergy 
 of the fame Church, or Diocefe, to which they 
 ivere to be ordained. Sect. 3. Some Exceptions to 
 this Rule, in three fpecial Cafes. Sect. 4. Bi- 
 jhops ordinarily to be fuch as had regularly gone 
 through the Inferior Orders of the Church. Sect. 
 f. This to be under fteod of the Orders below that 
 of Deacon : For Deacons were qualify' 'd to be or- 
 dained Bijhops, without being made Presbyters. 
 Sect. 6. In Cafes of Necefftty, Bift)ops chofen out 
 of the inferior Orders. Sect. 7. And in fome ex- 
 traordinary Cafes ordained immediately from Lay- 
 men. The Cuftom of going through all the Orders 
 of the Church in five or fix Days time, a Novel 
 
 Practice never ufed in the Primitive Ages. p. 42. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 Of fome particular Laws and Cuftoms obferved 
 about the Ordination of Bifhops. 
 
 Sect. i. Bifhopricks not to remain void above three 
 Months. Sect. z. In fome Places a new Biftjop 
 was always chofen, before the old was interred. 
 Sect. 3. Some Inflames of longer Vacancies, in 
 times of Difficulty and Perfecution. Sect. 4. 
 Three Bijhops ordinarily required to a Canonical 
 Ordination of a Bijhop. Sect. 5. Tet Ordinati- 
 ons by one Bijhop allowed to be valid, though not 
 Canonical. Sect. 6. The Bijhop of Rome not 
 privileged to ordain alone, any mure than any other 
 Jingle Bijhop. Sect. 7. Every Biftoop to be or- 
 dained in his own Church. Sect. 8. The antient 
 Manner of ordaining Bifhops. Sect. 9. One of 
 the Forms of Prayer ufed at their Confecration. 
 Sect. 10. Of their Enthronement; their Homil'je 
 Enthronifticas, and Litene Enthronifticae, 
 otherwife called Synodicae, and Cdmmunica- 
 torise. p. 46 
 
 CHAP. XII, 
 
 Of the Rule which prohibits Bifhops to be or- 
 dained in fmall Cities. 
 
 Sect. 1. The Reafon of the Law againfl placing 
 Bifhops in fmall Cities. Sect. z. Some Excepti- 
 ons to this Rule in iEgypt, Libya, Cyprus, A- 
 rabia, and efpecially in the Province of Afia Mi- 
 nor. Sect. 3. Reafons which engaged the Anci- 
 ents fometimes to erect Bifhopricks in fwull Places. 
 
 p. fo 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 Of the Rule which forbids two Bifhops to be 
 ordained in one City. 
 
 Sect. 1. The general Rule and Practice of the Church 
 to have but one Bijhop in any City. Sect. z. Tet 
 two Bijhops fometimes allowed by Compromife to 
 end a Difpute, or cure an inveterate Scbifm. 
 Where of the famous Offer made by the Catholick 
 Biftjops to the Donatifts in the Collation of Car- 
 thage. Sect. 3. The Opinions of learned Men 
 concerning two Bifoops in a City in the Apoftolical 
 Age, one of the Jews, and the other of the Gen- 
 tiles. Sect. 4. The Cafe of Coadjutors. p. j*r 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the Chorepifcopi, TlifyoJAjrai, and Suffragan 
 Bifhops: And how thefe differed from one a- 
 nother. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the Reafon of the Name Chorepifcopi, 
 
 and the Miftakc of fome about it. Sect. 2. Three 
 different Opinions about the Nature of this Order. 
 The firfi Opinion, that they were mere Presbyters. 
 Sect. 3. The zd Opinion, that fome of them were 
 Presbyters, and fome Bijhops. Sect. 4. The -id 
 Opinion moft probable, that they were all Bijhops. 
 Sect. f. Some Objections againft this anfwered. 
 Sect. 6. Of the offices of the Chorepifcopi, 
 Firft, they were allowed to ordain the inferior 
 Clergy, Subdeacons, Readers, &c. but not Pres- 
 byters 
 
The CONTENT S. 
 
 byters or Deacons, without fpecial Licenfe from 
 the Ciiy-Bijhop. Sect. 7. Secondly, they had 
 Power to minifter Confirmation. Sect. 8. Thirdly, 
 Power to grant Letters DimiJJory to the Country- 
 Clergy. Sect, p. Fourthly, they might officiate 
 in the Pre fence of the City-Bijhop. Sect. 10. 
 Fifthly, they might fit as Bifiwps and vote in 
 Councils. Sect. 11. The Power of the Chore- 
 pifcopi not the fame in all Times and Places. 
 Sect. 12. Their Power firfi flruck at by the Coun- 
 cil of Laodicea, which fet up ntfyorMsrai, or 
 Vifiting- Presbyters, in their Room. Their Power 
 wholly taken away in the Wellern Church in 
 the $tb Century. Sect. 13. Of the Attempt made 
 in England to reft ore this Order under the Name 
 of Suffragan Bijhops. Sect. 14. That Suffragan 
 Biftjops in the Primitive Church were not the 
 Chorepifcopi, but all the Bijhops in any Province 
 under a Metropolitan. Sect, if. Why the Suf- 
 fragan Biftjops of the Roman Province were par- 
 ticularly called by the Technical Name, Libra. 
 
 p- rr 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the Interceffores and Intcrvcntores in the Afri- 
 can Churches. 
 
 Seel. t. The Reafon why fome Bifhops were called 
 by thefe Names in the African Church, and what 
 their Office was. Seel:. 2. Their Office not to laft 
 above one Tear. Seel:. 3. No Inter ceffor to be 
 •made Bifhop of the Place, where he was confiitu- 
 ted Inter ceffor. p. f 8 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of Primates or Metropolitans. 
 
 Seel:, r. The Original of Metropolitans, by fome de- 
 rived from Apoftolical Conftitution. Seel. 2. By 
 ethers from the Age next after the Apoftles. Sect. 
 2. Confeffed by all to have been long before the 
 Council of Nice. Seel:. 4. Proofs of Metropoli- 
 tans in the zd Century. Seel', f . By what Names 
 Metropolitans were antiently called. Seel:. 6. In 
 Africk they were commonly called Senes, becaufe 
 the oldeft Bifhop of the Province {excepting the 
 Province where Carthage food) was always the 
 Metropolitan by vertue of his Seniority. Sect. 7. 
 How the African Bijhops might forfeit their Title 
 to the Primacy, and lofe their Right of Seniority. 
 Seel:. 8. A Regifter of Ordinations to be kept in 
 the Primate's Church, and all Bijhops to take 
 place by Seniority, that there might be no Difputes 
 about the Primacy. Seel:, p. Three forts of Ho- 
 norary Metropolitans befide the Metropolitans in 
 Power. Fir ft, the Primates JEvo. Seel:. 10. 
 Secondly, Titular Metropolitans. Sect. 1 1 . Thirdly, 
 the Bifijop of fome Mother-Churches, which were 
 honoured by antient Cuftom. Sect. 1 2. The Offices 
 of Metropolitans. Fir ft, to ordain their Suffragan 
 Bijhops. Sect. 1 3. This Power continued to them 
 after the fetting up of Patriarchs in all Places, 
 except in the Patriarchate of Alexandria. Sect. 
 14. The Power of Metropolitans not arbitrary in 
 this rejpect, but to be concluded by the Major Fote 
 of a Provincial Council. Seel:, if. Metropolitans 
 themfelves to be chofen and ordained by their own 
 
 \ 
 
 Provincial Synod, and not obliged to go to Rome 
 for Ordination. Seel:. 16. The id Office of Me- 
 tropolitans, to decide Controverfies arifing among 
 their Provincial Biftjops, and to take Appeals from 
 them. Seel:. 17. Their third Office was to call 
 Provincial Synods, which all their Suffragans were 
 obliged to attend. Seel:. 18. Fourthly, they were 
 to publifh fuch Imperial Laws as concerned the 
 Church, together with the Canons that were made 
 in Councils, and to fee them executed j for which 
 end they were to vifit any Diocefes, and correct 
 Abufes, as occafion required. Seel:, ip. Fifthly, 
 all Bijhops were obliged to have recourfe to the Me- 
 tropolitans, and take his Formatas or Letters of 
 Commendation, whenever they travelled into a Fo- 
 reign Country. Seel:. 20. Sixthly, it belonged to 
 Metropolitans to take care of vacant Sees within 
 their Province. Sect. 21. Laftly, they were to 
 calculate the Time of Eafter 5 and give Notice of it 
 to the whole Province. Seel:. 22. How the Power 
 of Metropolitans grew in After- Ages. Seel:. 22. 
 The Metropolitan of Alexandria had the. 
 greateft Power of any other in the World. Seel:. 
 24. All Metropolitans called Apoflolici, and 
 their Sees Sedes Apoftolica^. p. fp 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 Of Patriarchs. 
 
 Seel:. 1. Patriarchs antiently called Archbijhopf* 
 Sect. 2: And Exarchs of the Diocefe. Sect. 3. 
 Salmafius\f Miftake about the firft Vfe of the 
 Name Patriarch. Sect. 4. Of the Jewifh Pa- 
 triarchs, their firft Rife, Duration, and Extin- 
 ction. Sect', f . Of the Patriarchs amongft the 
 Montanills. Sect. 6. The Name Patriarch firft 
 ujed in the proper Senfe by Socrates and the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon. Sect. 7. Four different Opi- 
 nions concerning the firft Rife of Patriarchal 
 Power. Sect. 8. The Opinion of Spalatenfis and 
 St. Jerom preferred. Some probable Proojs of 
 Patriarchal Power before the Council of Nice, 
 offered to Confideration. Sect. p. Patriarchal 
 Power confirmed in three General Councils fuc- 
 ceffively after the Council of Nice. Sect. 10. I he 
 Power of Patriarchs not exactly the Jame in all 
 Churches. The Patriarch of Conftantinople had 
 fome peculiar Privileges. Sect. ir. As alfo the 
 Patriarch of Alexandria had his : Wherein they 
 both exceeded the Bijhop oj Rome. Sect. 12. 
 The Powers and Privileges oj Patriarchs. Firft 9 
 they were to ordain all the Metropolitans of the 
 whole Diocefe, and to receive their own Ordination 
 from a Diocefan Synod. Sect. 13. Secondly, they 
 were to call Diocefan Synods, and prefide in them. 
 Sect 14. Thirdly, they might receive Appeals from 
 Metropolitans and Provincial Synods. Sect. if. 
 Fourthly, they might cenfure Metropolitans, and 
 their Suffragan Biftjops, if Metropolitans were re- 
 mifs in cenfuring them. Sect. 16. Fijthly, they 
 had Power to delegate Metropolitans, as their 
 Commiffioners, to hear Ecclefiaftical Caufes in any 
 Part of the Diocefe. Sect. 17. Sixthly, they 
 were to be confulted by their Metropolitans in all 
 matters of Moment. A remarkable Inftance in 
 the Egyptian Bifljops. Sect. 18. Seventhly, they 
 
 <5 were 
 
•Jhe CONTENTS. 
 
 ivere to notify and communicate to their Metropoli- 
 tans fuch Imperial Laws as concerned the Churchy 
 in like manner as the Metropolitans were to notify 
 to the Provincial BiJJjops. Sett, ip. Lafily, the 
 Absolution of greater Criminals was referred to 
 them. Sett. 20. The number of Patriarchs through- 
 out the World, reckoned to be about Fourteen, an- 
 fwerable to the number of Capital Cities in the fe- 
 deral Diocefes of the Roman Empire : All which 
 at firfl were abfolute and independent of one ano- 
 ther, till Rome by Ufurpation, and Conftanti- 
 riople by Law, got fome of their Neighbours to 
 be jubjecl to them. Sett. 21. The Patriarch of 
 Confhintinoplc commonly dignified with the Title 
 of Oecumenical, and his Church called the Head 
 of all Churches: And that he was Equal in all 
 Refpecls to the Bifhop o/'Rome. Sett. 22. What 
 Figure the fubordinatc Patriarchs of Ephefus and 
 Cxfarea made in the Church: And that they 
 were not mere Titular Patriarchs, as fome in 
 After-Ages. p. 66 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the 'AuTox^aXoi, or Independent Bifhops. 
 
 Sf tt r. All Metropolitans antiently filled aLroyk^aKoK. 
 St&. 2. Some Metropolitans Independent after the 
 fetting up of Patriarchal Power, as thofe of Cy- 
 prus, Ibeiia, Armenia, and the Britannick 
 Church. Sett. 3. A third fort of 'AvTOMtyahoi, 
 fuch Bifhops as were Jubjecl to no Metropolitan, 
 but only to the Patriarch of the Diocefe. Thefe 
 in the Greek Notitia's dignified with the Title, 
 though they had not the Power of Archbifhops and 
 Metropolitans. Sett. 4. Valefius\r Miftake cor- 
 rected, p. 75 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of Presbvters. 
 
 Sett. 1. The meaning of the Name Presbyter. Sett. 
 1. Apoftles and Bijhops fometimes called Presby- 
 ters Sett. 3. The Original of Presbyters, as 
 taken mure ftriclly for the id Order in the Church. 
 Sett. 4. The Powers and Privileges of Presbyters. 
 Sett, f . Presbyters allowed to fit with the Bifhop 
 on Thrones in the Church. Whence ox -re cMjtsos 
 ®(>jvii, denotes a Presbyter, one that fits on the 
 id Throne. Sett. 6. The form of their fitting in 
 a Semi-circle ; whence they were called Corona 
 Presbyterii. Sett. 7. Presbyters efieemed a fort 
 of Ecclefiafiical Senate, or Council of the Church, 
 whom the Bifhop confulted and advifed with upon 
 all Occafions. Sett. 8. Evidences of this Prero- 
 gative, out of Ignatius, Cyprian, and others. 
 Sett, p The Power of Presbyters thought by fome 
 to be a little refrained in the 4th Century, and 
 not fo great in fome places as in the id. Sett. 
 10. Tet fill they were admitted to join with the 
 Bifljop in the Impofition of Hands upon thofe that 
 were ordained to their own Order. Sett. 1 1 . And 
 allowed to fit in Confifiory with their Bijhops. 
 Sett. 1?. As alfe in Provincial Councils. Sett. 
 1 3 . And in general Councils likewife. Sett. 14. 
 An Account of the Titles of Honour given to 
 Presbyters, and how they differed from the fame 
 Title as ap' t \ied to Bifhops. Sett. ij\ In what 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Senfe Bifhops, Presbyters and Deacons called 
 Priefis. Sett. 16. Why Priefis called Mediators 
 between God and Men. Sett. 17. The ant lent 
 Form and Manner of ordaining Presbyters. Sett. 
 18 Of the Archipresbyteri. That thefe were more 
 antient than the Cardinales Presbyteri, which 
 fome erroneoufiy confound with them. Sett. ip. 
 Of the Seniores Ecclefias. That thefe were not 
 Lay- elders in the modern Acceptation. p. 74 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 Of Deacons. 
 
 Sett. 1 . Deacons always reckoned one of the Sacred 
 Orders of the Church. Sett. 2. Tet not generally 
 called Priefis, but Minifiers and Levites. Sett. 
 
 3. And for this Reafon the Bifijop was not tied 
 to have the Affiflance of any Presbyters to ordain 
 them. Sett. 4. The firfi Office of Deacons to 
 take care of the Veffels and Utenfils of the Altar. 
 Sett. f. zdly, to receive the Oblations of the 
 People, and prefent them to the Prieft, and recite 
 publickly the Names of thofe that Offered. Sett. 
 6. \dly, To read the Gofpel in fome Churches. 
 Sett. 7. 4thly, To minifier the Cup to the People. 
 Sett. 8. But not to confe crate the Elements at the 
 Altar. Sett. p. fthly, Deacons allowed to bap- 
 tize in fome places by the Bifhop^s Authority. 
 Sett. 10. 6thly, Deacons to bid Prayer in the 
 Congregation. Sett. ir. Jthly, Allowed to preach 
 upon fome Occafions. Sett. 12. %thly, And to 
 reconcile Penitents in Cafes of extreme Neceffity. 
 Sett. 13. gthly, to attend their Bijhops in Coun- 
 cils, and fometimes reprefent them as their Proxies. 
 Sett. 14. lothly, Deacons empowered to correcl 
 Men that behaved themfelves irregularly in the 
 Church. Sett. 1 f . Deacons antiently performed 
 the Offices of all the inferior Orders of the Church. 
 Sett- 16. nthly, Deacons the Bifhop 1 's Sub- Almo- 
 ners. Sett. 17. Deacons to inform the Bijhop of 
 the Mifdemeanors of the People. Sett. 18. Hence 
 Deacons commonly called the Bifhop 's Eyes and 
 Ears, his Mouth, his Angels and Prophets. Sett, 
 ip. Deacons to be multiplied according to the Ne- 
 ceffities of the Church. The Roman Church pre- 
 cife to the number of feven. Sett. 20. Of the 
 Age at which Deacons might be ordained. Sett. 
 zi. Of the Refpecl which Deacons paid to Pres- 
 byters, and received from the inferior Orders. 
 
 p. 8} 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of Archdeacons. 
 
 Sett. 1. Archdeacons antiently of the fame Order 
 with Deacons. Sett. 2. Elected by the Bijhop, 
 and not made by Seniority. Sett. 3. Commonly 
 Perfons of fuch Interefi in the Church, that they 
 were often chofen the Bifhop' 's Succeffors. Sett. 
 
 4. The Archdeacons Offices; iff, to affifi the 
 Bifhop at the Altar, and order the other Deacons 
 and inferior Clergy to their feveral Stations and 
 Services of the Church. Sett. c. Secondly, to 
 affifi the Bifhop in managing the Church's Reve- 
 nues. Sett. 6. Thirdly, to affifi him in Preach- 
 ing. Sett. 7. Fourthly, in ordaining the inferior 
 Clergy. Sett. 8. Fifthly, the Archdeacon had 
 
 c Power 
 
The CONTENTS. 
 
 Power to cenfure the other Deacons, hut not Pres- 
 bytery much lefs the Archpresbyter of the Church, 
 as fome miftake. Sect. 9. What meant by the 
 Name Apantita, and -whether it denotes the Arch- 
 deacon's Power over the whole Diocefe. Sect. 10. 
 Why the Archdeacon called Cor-Epifcopi. Sect. 
 11. 7 he Opinions of learned Men concerning the 
 firft Inftitution of this Office and Dignity in the 
 Church. p. 92 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 Of DeaconefTes. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The antient Names of Deaconefles, c/Wxovoz 
 TrgsffCuTicft:?, Viduse, Miniftras. Sect. 2. Deaco- 
 nejfes by fome Laws required to be Widows. Sect. 
 3. And fuch Widows as had Children. Sect. 4. 
 To be 60 Years of Age. Sect, f . And fuch as 
 had been only the Wives of one Man. Sect. 6. 
 
 D eac one ffes always ordained by Impofition of Hands. 
 Sect. 7. Tet not con fe crated to any Office of the 
 Priefthood. Sect. 8. Their Offices, 1.T0 affift at 
 the Baptifm of Women. Sect. 9. 2. To be a 
 fort of private Catechifls to the Women Catechu- 
 mens. Stct. 10. 3. To vifit and attend Women 
 in Sicknefs and Diftrefs. Sect. 11. 4. To Mini- 
 fier to the Martyrs in Prifon. Sect. 12. To 
 keep the Womens Gate in the Church. Sect. 12. 
 Laftly, To prefide over the Widows, 8tc. Sect. 
 14. How long this Order continued both in the 
 Eaftern and Weftern Church. Sect. if. Ano- 
 ther Notion of the Name DiaconifTa, in the mid- 
 dle Ages of the Churchy in which it fignifies a 
 Deacon's Wife, as Presbytera does a Presbyter" 's 
 Wife, and Epifcopa a Bifhop's Wife. The con- 
 trary Errors of Gentilletus and Baronius about 
 thefe, cor re tied. p. 92 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Of the Inferior Orders of the Clergy in the Primitive Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the firft Original of the Inferior Orders, and 
 the Number and Ufe of them : And how they 
 differed from the Superior Orders of Bifliops, 
 Presbyters and Deacons. 
 
 SEct. 1. The Inferior Orders not of Apoftolical 9 
 but only Ecclefiafiical Inftitution^ proved againft 
 Baronius, and the Council of Trent. Sect. 2. 
 No certain Number of them in the Primitive 
 Church. Sect. 2. Not inftituted in all Churches 
 at the fgpte time. Sect. 4. The Principal Ufe of 
 them in the Primitive Church, to be a fort of 
 Nurfery for the Hierarchy. Sect, f . None of 
 . thefe allowed to for fake their Service, and return 
 to a mere fecular Life again. Sect. 6. How they 
 differed from the Superior Orders in Name, in 
 Office^ and manner of Ordination. p. 107 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of Subdeacons. 
 
 Sect. 1 . No mention of Subdeacons till the %d Centu- 
 ry. Sect. 2. Their Ordination performed without 
 Impofition of Hands in the Latin Church. Sect. 
 3. A brief Account of their Offices. Sect. 4. 
 What Offices they might not perform. Sect, f . 
 The Singularity of the Church of Rome in keeping 
 to the precife Number of feven Subdeacons. p. 1 10 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of Acolythijls. 
 
 Sect, t . Acolythifts, an Order peculiar to the La- 
 tin Church, and never mentioned by any Greek 
 Writer for 4 Centuries. Sect. 2. Their Ordina- 
 tion av.i Office. Sect. 2. The Origination of the 
 Name. Sect. 4. Whether Acolythifts be the 
 
 fame with the Deputati and Ceroferaij of later 
 4gv? p. in 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of Exorcifts. 
 
 Sect. 1. Exorcifts, at firft no peculiar Order of the 
 Clergy. Sect. 2. Bifhops and Presbyters, for the 
 three firft Centuries^ the ufual Exorcifts of the 
 Church. Sect. 2. In what Senfe every Man his 
 own Exorcifi. Sect. 4. Exorcifts conflicted into 
 an Order in the latter end of the ^d Century. 
 Sect, f . Their Ordination and Office. Sect. 6. 
 A fhort Account of the Energumens, their Names^ 
 and Station in the Church. Sect. 7. The Exor- 
 cifts chiefly concerned in the Care of them. Sect. 
 8. The Duty of Exorcifts in reference to the Cate- 
 chumens, p. i 1 z 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of Lectors or Readers. 
 Sect. I. The Order of Readers not inftituted till the 
 $d Century. Sect. 2. By whom the Scriptures 
 were read in the Church before the Inftitution of 
 that Order. Sect. 3. The manner of ordaining 
 Readers. Sect. 4. Their Station and Office in 
 the Church. Sect. f. The Age at which they 
 might be ordained. V- ll T 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Ofliarij or Door-keepers. 
 
 Sect. 1. No mention of this Order till the t.d or 
 4th Century. Sect. 2. The manner of their Or- 
 dination in the Latin Church. Sect. 3. Their 
 Office and FuncJiont p. tl y 
 
 CHAP. 
 
7he CONTENT S. 
 
 xi 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Pfalmift* or Singers. 
 
 Sect. I. the Singers a diflintt Order from Readers 
 in the Primitive Church. Sect. 2. their Inftitu- 
 tion and Office. Sect. 3 . Why called \jFoGo\t?:. 
 Sect. 4. What fort of Ordination they had. 
 
 p. 118 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Copiata or Fojfarij. 
 
 Sect. 1. the Copiatae or Foflarij reckoned among 
 the Clerici of the Primitive Church. Sect. 2. 
 Firfi inflituted in the time of Conftantine. Sect. 
 5. Why called Decani and Collegiati. Sect. 4. 
 Their Office and Privileges. p. 1 1 P 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Parabolani. 
 
 Sect. 1. the Parabolani ranked by fome among the 
 Clerici, S<*ct. t. their Injlitution and Office. 
 Seel:. 3. the Reafon of the Name Parabolani. 
 Sect. 4. Some Laws and Rules relating to their 
 Behaviour. p. 121 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 Of the Catechifts. 
 
 Sect, t. Catechifts no diftintt Order of the Clergy , 
 but chofen out of any other Order. Sect. 2. 
 Readers fometimes made Catechifts. Sect. 5. 
 Why called vausohoyot by fome Greek Writers. 
 Sect. 4. Whether all Catechifts taught publickly 
 in the Church} Seel:, f. Of the Succeffion in 
 the Catechetick School at Alexandria. p. 1 22 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Defenfores or Syndicks of the Church. 
 
 Sect. I. Five forts of Defenfores noted^ whereof 
 two only belonged to the Church. Sect. 2 . Of the 
 Defenfores Pauperum. Sect. 2. Of the Defen- 
 fores Ecclefias, their Office and Funtlion. Sect. 
 
 4. Of their Quality. Whether they were Clergy- 
 men or Lay-men. Sect. f. the iY.Jiy.ci and ht- 
 xKnaiUJixoi among the Greeks the fame with the 
 Defenfores of the Latin Church. Sect. 6. Chan- 
 cellors and Defenfors not the fame in the Primi- 
 tive Church. Sect. 7. Whether the Defenfores 
 Office was the fame with that of our Modern 
 Chancellors? p. 12.4 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the Oeconomiy or Stewards and Guardians of 
 the Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. the Occonomi inflituted in the ^th Cen- 
 tury, the Reafons of their Inflitution. Sect. 2. 
 thefe always to be chofen out of the Clergy. Sect. 
 
 5. Their Office to take care of the Revenues of 
 the Church, especially in the Vacancy of the 
 Bifhoprick. Sect. 4. the Confent of the Clergy 
 required in the Choice of them. p. 1 27 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 A brief Account of fome other Inferior Officers 
 in the Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the ■nra^.aovd^ioi or Manfionarii. Sect. 
 2. Of the Cuftodes Ecclefiarum, & Cu (lodes 
 Locorum Sanctorum : And how thofe differed 
 from each other. Sect. 2. Of the Sceuophylaces 
 or Ceimeliarchae. Sect. 4. Of the Hermeneurse 
 or Interpreters. Sect. f. Of the Notarii. Sect. 
 
 6. Of the Apocrifarii or Refponfales. p. 1 28 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 Of the Elections and Ordinations of the Clergy, and the particular Qualifi- 
 cations of fuch as were to be ordained. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the feveral ways of defigning Perfons to the 
 Miniftry, in the Apoftolical and Primitive 
 Ages of the Church. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Four feveral ways of defigning Perfons to 
 the Miniftry. Of the firft way by cafting Lots. 
 Sect z. the fecond way by making choice of the 
 Firft fruits of the Gentile Converts. Sect. 5. the 
 third way by particular Direction of the Holy 
 Ghoft. Sect. 4. the fourth way by common Suf- 
 frage and Election. p. 1 52 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 A more particular Account of the antient Man- 
 ner and Method of Elections of the Clergy. 
 
 Sect. 1. the different Opinions of learned Men con- 
 cerning the Popular Power antiently in Elections. 
 Sect. 2. the Power of the People equal to that 
 of Inferior Clergy in the Election of a Bifljop, 
 Sect. 3. this Power not barely teftimenial, but 
 Elective. Sect. 4. Evidences of this Power from 
 fome antient Rules and Cuftoms of the Church. 
 As 1 ft, that no Bifhop was ordinarily to be ob± 
 
 trudtd 
 
xii Z&* CONTENTS. 
 
 traded on an Orthodox People without their Con- 
 fent. Seel, f. 2dly, This farther confirmed from 
 Examples of the BiJJoops complying with the Voice 
 of the People againft their own Inclination. Seel. 
 0. }dly, From the manner of the Peoples voting 
 at Elections. Seel. 7. 4th ly, From the Ufe and 
 Office of Inter vent or s. Seel. 8. fthly, From the 
 Cuftom of the Peoples taking Perfons and having 
 them ordained by force. Seel, p. <Sthly, From 
 the Title of Fathers, which fome Bijhops upon this 
 Account by way of Compliment gave to their Peo- 
 ple. Seel. 10. What Power the People had in 
 the Defignation of Presbyters. Seel. 1 1 . Whether 
 the Council of Nice made any Alteration in thefe 
 Matters. Seel. 1 2. Some Exceptions to the gene- 
 ral Rule. 1 ft, In cafe the great eft Part of the 
 Church were Hereticks or Schi/'maticks. Seel. 13. 
 2dly, In cafe of ordaining Bifhops to far diftant 
 Churches, or barbarous Nations. Seel. 14. $dly, 
 In cafe an Interventor or any other Bifhop in- 
 truded himfelf into any See without the Confent 
 of a Provincial Synod. Seel. if. 4thly, In 
 cafe of Factions and Divifions among the People. 
 Seel. 16. ft lily, Ihe Emperors fometimes inter- 
 pofed their Authority, to prevent Tumults in the 
 like Cafes. Seel. 17. (Sthly, The People fome- 
 times refrained to the Choice of one out of three ^ 
 that were nominated by the Bifhops. Seel. 18. 
 Laftly, By Juftinian'j Laws the Power of Ele- 
 cting was confined to the Optimates, and the in- 
 ferior People wholly excluded. Seel. 19. How 
 and when Princes and Patrons came to have the 
 chief Power of Election. p. 135 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 Of the Examination and Qualifications of Perfons 
 to be ordained in the Primitive Church. And 
 fii ft of their Faith and Morals. 
 
 Seel. 1. Three Enquiries made about Perfons to be 
 ordained, respecting, 1 . Their Faith and Learning : 
 2. Their Morals : 3. Their outward Quality and 
 Condition in the World. Seel. 2. The Rule and 
 Method of examining their Faith and Learning. 
 Seel. 3. The irregular Ordination of Synefius 
 confidered. Seel. 4. A ftrict Enquiry made into 
 the Morals of fuch as were to be ordained. Seel. 
 5. For which Reafon no Stranger to be ordained 
 in a foreign Church. Seel. 6. Nor any one who 
 had done publick Penance in the Church. Seel. 7. 
 No Murderer, nor Adulterer, nor one that had 
 lapfed in time of Perfecution. Seel. 8. No Ufu- 
 rer or feditious Perfon. Seel. p. Nor one who 
 had voluntarily difmcmbred his own Body. Seel. 
 10. Men only accountable for Crimes committed 
 after Baptifm, as to what concerned their Ordina- 
 tion. Seel. 1 1 . Except any great Irregularity 
 happened in their Baptifm itfelf. As in Clinick 
 Baptifm : Seel. 1 2. And Heretical Baptifm : 
 Both which unqualified Men for Ordination. Seel. 
 1 2 . No Man to be ordained who had not fir ft 
 made all his Family CathoJick Chrifiians. Seel. 
 14. What Methods were ant lent ly taken to pre- 
 vent S'moniacal Promotions. p. 145 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 Of the Qualifications of Perfons to be ordained, 
 refpecling their outward State and Condition 
 in the World. 
 
 Seel. 1. No Soldier to be ordained Presbyter or 
 Deacon. Seel. 2. Nor any Slave or Freed-man 
 without the Confent of his Patron. Seel. 2. Nor 
 any Member of a Civil Society, or Company of 
 Trade fmen, who were tied to the Service of the 
 Common-wealth. Seel. 4. Nor any of the Curi- 
 ales or Decuriones of the Roman Government. 
 Seel. f. Nor any Proctor or Guardian, till his 
 Office was expired. Seel. 6. Pleaders at Law 
 denied Ordination in the Roman Church. Seel. 
 7. And Energumens, Actors, and Stage-players 
 in all Churches. P- 149 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the State of Digamy and Celibacy in particu- 
 lar: And of the Laws of the Church about 
 thefe in reference to the antient Clergy. 
 
 Seel. 1. No Digamift to be ordained, by the Rule of 
 the Apoftle. Seel. 2. Three different Opinions 
 among the Antients about Digamy. 1. That all 
 Perfons were to be refused Orders as Digamifts, 
 who were twice Married after Baptifm. Seel. 2. 
 2dly, Others extended the Rule to all Perfons 
 twice married before Baptifm. Seel. 4. $dly, 
 The moft probable Opinion of thofe who thought 
 the Apoftle by Digamifts meant Polygamifts, and 
 fuch as married after Divorce. Seel. 5. No Vow 
 of Celibacy required of the Clergy, as a Condi-' 
 tion of their Ordination, for the three fir ft Ages. 
 Seel:. 6. The Vanity of the contrary Pretences. 
 Sed. 7. The Clergy left to their Liberty by the 
 Nicene Council. Sed. 8. And other Councils of 
 that Age. p . Ifa 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Ordinations of the Primitive Clergy, and 
 the Laws and Cuftoms generally obferved 
 therein. 
 
 Seel. 1. The Canons of the Church to be read to the 
 Clerk, before the Bijhops ordained him. The 
 Reafon of making this Law. Se£b. 2. No Clerk 
 to be ordained ivr?>\i\ufjjftw, without being fixt to 
 fome Church. Seel. 5. Exceptions to this Rule 
 very rare. Seel. 4. No Bifhop to ordain another 
 Man's Clerk without his Confent. Seel. 5. No 
 Bifhop to ordain in another Man's Diocefe. St cl. 
 6. The Original of the four folemn times of Or- 
 dination. Seel. 7. Ordinations indifferently given 
 on any Day of the Week for the three firft Cen- 
 turies. Seel. 8. Ufually performed in the time of 
 the Oblation or Morning- Service. Seel. p. The 
 Church the only regular Place of Ordination. Seel:. 
 10. Ordinations received kneeling at the Altar. 
 Seel. 11. Given by Impofttion of Hands and 
 Prayer. Sett. 12. The Sign of the Crofs ufed 
 in Ordination. Seel. 15. But no Unci ion, nor 
 the Ceremony of delivering Veffels into the Hands 
 of Presbyters and Deacons. Seel. 14. Ordinati- 
 ons concluded with the Kifs of Peace. Seel. if. 
 
 The 
 
7he CONTENT S 
 
 xiii 
 
 The Anniverfary Day of a Bijhop's Ordination 
 kept a Fcjlival. P- 15 6 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 The Cafe of forced Ordinations and Reordina- 
 tions confidered. 
 
 Sect, i. Forced Ordinations very frequent in the 
 Primitive Church. Sect. 2. No Excufe ad- 
 mitted in that Cafe, except a Man protefied upon 
 
 Oath that he would not be ordained. Sect. 3. 
 This PracJice afterward prohibited by the Impe- 
 rial Laws and Canons of the Church. Seel:. 4. 
 Tet a Bifhop ordained againfi his Will had not the 
 Privilege to Relinquifh. Seel:, f. Preordinations 
 generally condemned. Sect. 6. The Propofal made 
 by Cecilian Bifhop of Carthage to the Donatifts 
 examined. Seel:. 7. Schifmaticks fometimes reor- 
 dained. Sect. 8. And Heretic ks alfo upon their 
 return to the Church, in fome Places. p. 161 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Of the Privileges, Immunities, and Revenues of the Clergy in the Pri- 
 mitive Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Some Inftances of Refpeft, which the Clergy 
 paid mutually to one another. 
 
 Seel:. 1 . The Clergy obliged to give Entertainment to 
 their Brethren, travelling upon neceffary Occafions. 
 Seel. 2. And to give them the Honorary Privi- 
 lege of Confecrating the Eucharifi in the Church. 
 St c~t. 2. The Ufe of the Literje Formatae, or 
 Commendatory Letters, upon this Occafion. Sect. 
 4. The Clergy obliged to end all their own Contro- 
 verfies among tbemfelves. Sect, f . What Care 
 was taken in receiving Accufations againfi the 
 Bijhops and Clergy of the Church. p. 166 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 Inftances of Refpecl: fliewed to the Clergy by 
 the Civil Government. Where particularly of 
 their Exemption from the Cognifance of the 
 Secular Courts in Ecclefiaftical Caufes. 
 
 Sect. 1. Bijhops not to be called into any Secular 
 Court to give their Tefiimony. Sect. 2. Nor ob- 
 liged to give their Tefiimony upon Oath, by the 
 Laws of Juftinian. Sect. 3. Whether the Jingle 
 Evidence of one Bifhop was good in Law againfi 
 the Tefiimony of many others. Sect. 4. Presby- 
 ters privileged againfi being queftioned by Torture, 
 as other Witneffes were. Sect, f. The Clergy ex- 
 empt from the ordinary Cognifance of the Secular 
 Courts in all Ecclefiafiical Caufes. Sect. 6. This evi- 
 denced from the Laws of Conftantius. Sect. 7. 
 And thofe of Valentinian and Gratian. Sect. 8. 
 And Theodofius the Great. Sect. 9. And Ar- 
 cadius and Honorius. Sect. 10. And Valenti- 
 nian III. and Juftinian. Sect. 11. The Clergy 
 alfo exempt in leffer Criminal Caufes. Sect. 12. 
 But not in greater Criminal Caufes. Sect. 13. 
 Nor in Pecuniary Caufes with Laymen. Sect. 14. 
 Of the neceffary difiinclion between the fupreme 
 and fubordinate Magi fir ates in this Bujinefs of 
 Exemptions. p. 169 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Immunities of the Clergy in reference to 
 Taxes, and Civil Offices, and other burthen- 
 fome Employments in the Roman Empire. 
 
 Sect. r. No Divine Right pleaded by the ant lent 
 Clergy to exempt them f elves from Taxes. Sect. 2. 
 Tet generally excu fed from perfonal Taxes, or Head- 
 money. Sect. 3 . But not excufed for their Lands 
 and Poffeffions. Sect. 4. Of the Tribute called 
 Aurum Tyronicum, Equi Canonici, &c. and 
 the Clergy's Exemption from it. Sect. The 
 Church obliged to fuch Burthens as Lands were 
 tied to before their Donation. Sect. 6. Of the 
 Chryfargyrum or Lufiral Tax, and the Clergy's 
 Exemption from it. Sect. 7. Of the Metatum, 
 What meant thereby, and of the Clergy's Exemp- 
 tion from it. Sect. 8. Of the Superindicta and 
 Extraordinaria. The Clergy exempt from them. 
 Sect. 9. The Clergy fometimes exempt from con- 
 tributing to the Reparation of High-ways and 
 Bridges. Sect. 10. Alfo from the Duty called 
 Angariae and Parangarias, &c. Sect. 1 1 . Of 
 the Tribute called Denarifmus, Uncias, and 
 Defcriptio Lucrativorum : And the Church's 
 Exemption from it. Sect. 12. The Clergy ex- 
 empt from all civil perfonal Offices. Sect. 13. 
 And from fordid Offices both Predial and Perfo- 
 nal. Sect. 14. Alfo from Curial or Municipal 
 Offices. Sect. I f . This lafi Privilege confined to 
 fuch of the Clergy as had no Efiates but what 
 belonged to the Church, by the Laws of Conftan- 
 tine. Sect. 16. Conftantine'j Laws a little altered 
 by the fucceeding Emperors in Favour of the 
 Church. p. 174 
 
 C H iA P. IV. 
 
 Of the Revenues of the antient Clergy. 
 
 Sect. 1. Several ways of providing a- Fund for the 
 Maintenance of the Clergy. Firft, by Oblations j 
 fome of which were Weekly : Sect. 2. And others 
 Monthly. Sect. 3. Whence came the Cufiom of 
 a Monthly Divifion among the Clergy. Sect. 4. 
 d Secondly, 
 
XIV 
 
 The CONTENTS. 
 
 Secondly, other Revenues arifwgfrom the Lands 
 and Poffeffions of the Church. Se&. f . Thefe 
 very much augmented by the Laws of Conftan- 
 tine: Sect. 6. Whofe Laws were confirmed, and 
 not revoked by the fucceeding Emperors, as fome 
 miftake. Sect. 7. Thirdly, another Part of 
 Church Revenues raifed by Allowances out of the 
 Emperor's Exchequer. Sect. 8. Fourthly, the 
 Eflates of Martyrs and Confejfors, dying without 
 Heirs, fettled upon the Church by Conftantine. 
 Seft. p. Fifthly, the Eflates of Clergymen dying 
 without Heirs and Will, fettled in like manner. 
 Sect. 10. Sixthly, Heathen Temples and their 
 Revenues fome times given to the Church. Sect. 
 11. As alfo Seventhly, Heretical Conventicles 
 and their Revenues. Sect. 12. Laftly,/ he Eflates of 
 Clerks deferting the Church, to be forfeited to the 
 Church. Seft. 15. No disputable ways of aug- 
 menting Church- Revenues encouraged. Fathers 
 not to difinherit their Children to make the Church 
 their Heirs. Sect. 14. Nothing to be demanded 
 for Adminiflring the Sacraments of the Church, nor 
 for Confirmation, nor for Confecrating of Churches, 
 nor for Interment of the Dead. Sect. 1 f . The 
 Oblations of the People antiently efleemed one of 
 the mod valuable Parts of Church Revenues. 
 
 p. 18; 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 Of Tithes and Fir it-fruits in particular. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Tithes antiently reckoned to be due by Di- 
 vine Right. Sc£t. 2. Why not exacted then in 
 the Apojlolical Age, and thofe that followed. Sect. 
 5 . In what Age they were firfi generally fettled 
 upon the Church. Sect. 4. The Original of Firft- 
 fruits, and manner of offering them. p. ipi 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 Of the Management and Diftribution of the 
 Revenues of the antient Clergy. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The Revenues of the whole Diocefe antient' 
 ly in the Hands of the Bifhop. Seft. 2. And by 
 his Care difiributed among the Clergy. Sect. 3. 
 Rules about the Divifion of Church-Revenues. 
 Sect. 4. In fome Churches the Clergy lived all 
 in common. Sect. Alterations made in thefe 
 Matters by the Endowment of Parochial Churches. 
 Sect. 6. No Alienations to be made of the Goods 
 or Revenues of the Church, but upon extraordinary 
 Occafions. Sect. 7. And that by the joint Con- 
 fent of the Bifhop and his Clergy, with the Ap- 
 probation of the Metropolitan or fome Provincial 
 Bifhops. p. 195 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 An Account of feveral Laws and Rules relating to the Employment, Life, 
 and Converfation of the Primitive Clergy. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the Excellency of thefe Rules in general, 
 and the Exemplarinefs of the Clergy in Con- 
 forming to them. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The Excellency of the Chrifiian Rules at- 
 tefied and envied by the Heathens. Sect. 2. The 
 Char abler of the Clergy, from Chrifiian Writers. 
 Sect. 5 . Particular Exceptions no Derogation to 
 their general good Character. Sect. 4. An Ac- 
 count of fome antient Writers, which treat of the 
 Duties of the Clergy. p. 1 97 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of Laws relating to the Life and Converfation 
 of the Primitive Clergy. 
 
 Sect. 1. Exemplary Purity required in the Clergy 
 above other Men. Reafons for it. Sect. 2. 
 Church Cenfures more fevere againfl them than 
 any others. Sect. 2. What Crimes punifhed with 
 Degradation,^^. Theft, Murder, Perjury, Fraud, 
 Sacrilege, Fornication and Adultery. Sect. 4. 
 Alfo Lapfmg in time of Perfecution. Sect. f. 
 And Drinking and Gaming. Sect. 6. And Ne- 
 gotiating upon Ufury. The Nature of this Crime 
 enquired into. Se£t. 7. Of the Hofpitality of the 
 Clergy. Sect. 8. Of their Frugality and Con- 
 
 tempt of the World. Sect. 9. Whether the 
 Clergy were antiently obliged by any Law to part 
 with their Temporal Poffeffions. Sect. 10. Of 
 their great Care to be inoffenftve with their 
 Tongues. Sect. 11. Of their Care to guard againfl 
 fufpicion of Evil. Sect. 12. Laws relating to 
 this Matter. Seft. 13. An Account of the Aga- 
 petas and aweivcaflci, and the Laws of the Church 
 made againfl them. Sect. 14. Malevolent and 
 unavoidable Sufpicions to be contemned. p. ipp 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 Of Laws more particularly relating to the Exer- 
 cife of the Duties and Offices of their Function. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The Clergy obliged to lead a Studious Life. 
 Sect. 2. No Pleas allowed as jufl Apologies for 
 the contrary. Sect. 3. Their chief Studies to be 
 the Holy Scriptures, and the approved Writers 
 and Canons of the Church. Sect. 4. How far 
 the Study of Heathen or Heretical Books allowed. 
 Sect. y. Of their Piety and Devotion in their 
 publick Addreffes to God. Sect. 6. The Cenfure 
 of fuch as neglecled the Daily Service of the 
 Church. Sect. 7. Their Rules about Preaching 
 to Edification. Sect. 8. Of their Fidelity, Dili- 
 gence, and Prudence in their private Addreffes and 
 Applications. Sect. p. Of their Prudence and 
 
 Candor 
 
Ike CONTENTS 
 
 xv 
 
 Candor in compofing unneceffary Controverftes in 
 the Church. Sect. 10. Of their Zeal and Courage 
 in defending the 'truth. Sect. 1 1. Of their Obli- 
 gations to maintain the Unity of the Church : And 
 of the Cenfure of fucb as fell into Herefy or 
 Schifm. p. 2 op 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 An Account of fome other Laws and Rules, 
 which were a fort of Out-guards and Fences 
 to the former. 
 
 Sect, i. No Clergyman allowed todefert or rclinquifh 
 his Station without juft Grounds and Leave. Sect. 
 z. Tet in fome Cafes a Refignation was allowed 
 of. Sect. 3. And Canonical Pcnfions fometimes 
 granted upon fitch Occafions. Sect. 4. No Clergy- 
 man to remove from one Diocefe to another with- 
 out the Confent and Letters Difmiffory of his own 
 Bijhop. Seel:, f. Laws againfl the BaxavriCoi or 
 Wandring Clergy. Sect. 6. Laws againfl the 
 Tranflations of Bijhops from one See to another 
 how to be limited and underftood. Sect. 7. Laws 
 concerning the Refidence of the Clergy. Sect. 8. 
 Of Pluralities, and the Laws made about them. 
 Sect. p. Laws prohibiting the Clergy to take up- 
 on them fecular Rufinefs and Civil Offices. Sect. 
 10. Laws prohibiting the Clergy to be Tutors and 
 Guardians, how far extended. Sect. 1 1 . Laws 
 againfl their being Sureties, and pleading Caufes 
 at the Bar in behalf of them/elves or their 
 Churches. Sect. 12. Laws againfl their following 
 fecular Trades and Merchandize. Sect. 13. 
 What Limitations and Exceptions thefe Laws ad- 
 mitted of. Sect. 14. Laws refpetling their out- 
 ward Converfation. Sect. if. Laws relating to 
 their Habit. Sect. 16. The Tonfure of the An- 
 cients very different from that of the Romifli 
 
 Church. Sect. 17. Of the Corona Clericalis, 
 and why the Clergy called Coronari. S ct 18. 
 Whether the Clergy were diflinguiflocd in their Ap- 
 parel from Laymen. Sect. 1 p. A particular Ac- 
 count of the Bitrus and Pallium Sect. 20. Of 
 the Collobium, Dalmatica, Caracalla, Hemi- 
 phorium and Linea. p. 220 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 Some Reflections on the foregoing Difcouife, 
 concluding with an Addrefs to the Clergy of 
 the prefent Church. 
 
 Sect. r. Reflect. 1. All Laws and Rules of the 
 antient Church not neceffary to be obferved by the 
 prefent Church and Clergy. Sect. 7. Reflect. 2. 
 Some antient Rules would be of excellent Ufe, if 
 revived by jufl Authority Sect. 2. Reflect. 3. 
 Some antient Laws may be complied with, though 
 not Laws of the prefent Church. Sect. 4. Re- 
 flect. 4. Of the Influence of great Examples, and 
 Laws of perpetual Obligation. Sect, f . Some 
 particular Rules recommended to Obfervation: 
 Firft, relating to the antient Method of training 
 up Perfons for the Miniftry. Sect. 6. Secondly, 
 Their Rules for examining the Qualificatious of 
 the Candidates for the Miniftry. Sect. 7. Third- 
 ly, Their Rules about private Addrefs, and the 
 Exercife of private Difcipline. Sect. 8. Laftly, 
 Their Rules for exercifmg publick Difcipline upon 
 delinquent Clergymen, who were convicl of 
 fcandalous Offences. Sect. p. JulianV Defign to 
 reform the Heathen Priefls by the Rules of the 
 Primitive Clergy, an Argument to provoke our 
 Zeal in the prefent Age. Sect. 10. The Conclu- 
 fion, by way of Addrefs to the Clergy of the pre- 
 fent Church. p. z.3 3 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 Of the Afceticks in the Primitive Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Difference between the firft Afceticks and 
 Monks: And of the firft Original of the Mo- 
 naltick Life. 
 
 SEdt. 1. Afceticks always in the Church; Monks 
 not fo. Sect. 2. This Difference acknowledged by 
 fome ingenuous Writers of the Romifli Church. 
 Sect. 3. What the Primitive Afceticks were. 
 Sect. 4. When the Monaflick Life firft began. 
 Sect, f . In what the antient Afceticks differed 
 from Monks. Sect. 6. What other Names 
 they were called by. p. 243 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 Of the feveral forts of Monks, and their diffe- 
 rent Ways of living in the Church. 
 
 Sect. r. Several forts of Monks diftinguifhed by 
 their different Ways of living. Sect. 2. Some 
 
 1 
 
 called dvax^iOcii, Anchorets. Sect. 3. Others, 
 Cenobites or Synodites. Sect. 4. Others, Sarai- 
 baitas and Remboth. Sect. f. A fourth fort 
 Stylitae, or Pillarifts. Sect. 6. Of fecular 
 Monks. Sect. 7. All Monks originally no more 
 than Laymen. Sect. 8. In what Cafes the Cleri- 
 cal and Monaflick Life might be cmjoyned together. 
 Sect. p. The Original of Canons Regular. Sect. 
 10. Of the Monks called Accemetse, or Watchers. 
 Sect. 11. Of thofe called Boo-y.ot, or Grazers. 
 Sect. 12. Of the Benedictines and Gyrovagi in 
 Italy. Sect. 13. Of the Apoftolicks in Britain 
 and Ireland. Sect. 14. Of fome uncommon 
 Names of Monks in the antient Church, Hefy- 
 chaftae, Continentes, Silentiarii, Renuncian- 
 tes, Philothei, k Therapeut£e, Cellulani, and 
 fucb like. p. 246 
 
 CHAP. 
 
xvi 
 
 The CONTENTS 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 An Account of fuch antient Laws and Rules, 
 as relate to the Monaftick Life, and chiefly 
 that of the Cenobites. 
 
 Seel:. I. The Curiales not allowed to turn Monks. 
 Se<5t. 2. Nor Servants without their Maftefs 
 Confent. Se£t. 2. Nor Hmbands and Wives 
 noithout mutual Confent of each other. Seft. 
 4. Nor Children without the Confent of their 
 Parents. Seft. f . Children, though offered by 
 their Parents, not to be retained againft their own 
 Confent. Sect. 6. Of the Tonfure and Habit of 
 Monks. Sect. 7. No folemn Vow or Profeffion 
 required of them. Sed. 8. What meant by their 
 Renunciation of the World. Se&. 9. Of the 
 Difference between the Renunciative and the Com- 
 municative Life. Sea. 10. All Monks antiently 
 maintained by their own Labour. Sect. 1 1 . Pro- 
 per Officers appointed in Monajleries for this Pur- 
 pofe, viz. Decani, Centenarii, Patres, &c. 
 Sect. 1 2 The Power of the Abbots or Fathers 
 very great in Point of Difcipline over the reft. 
 Sect. 12. Allowed alfo fome peculiar Privileges 
 in the Church. Sect. 14. Tet always fubordinate 
 to the Power of Bifhops. Sect, 1 The fpiritual 
 Exercifes of Monks : Firft, Perpetual Repentance. 
 Sect. 16. Secondly, Extraordinary Fafting. Sect. 
 
 17. Thirdly, Extraordinary Devotions. Sect. 
 
 18. Of Laws excluding Monks from Offices both 
 
 Ecclefiaftical and Civil. Sect. 19. No Monks 
 antiently encroaching on the Duties or Rights of 
 the fecular Clergy. Sect. 20. Not allowed at 
 firft to dwell in Cities, but confined to the Wilder- 
 nefs. Sect. 21. What Exceptions that Rule ad- 
 mitted of. Sect. 22. Whether Monks might be- 
 take themfelves to a fecular Life again ? . Sect. 
 22. Marriage of Monks antiently not annulled. 
 Sect. 24. What Punijhments ordinarily inftitled 
 on Deferters. p. 2f 2, 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 The Cafe and State of Virgins and Widows in 
 the antient Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the Diftinclion between Ecclefiaftical 
 and Monaftical Virgins. Sect. 2. Whether they 
 were under any Profeffion of perpetual Virginity. 
 Sect. 5. When firft made liable to the Cenfures 
 of the Church for marrying againft their Profeffion. 
 Sect. 4. The Marriage of profeffed Virgins never 
 declared Null. Sect, f. Liberty granted by fome 
 Laws to marry, if they were confecrated before 
 the Age of forty. Sect. 6. Of their Habit, and 
 Form, and manner of Confecration. Sect. 7. Of 
 fome Privileges beftowed on them by the Imperial 
 Laws and Cuftom of the Church. Sect. 8. Of 
 the Name vovfr & Nonnas, and its Signification. 
 Sect. p. Some particular Obfervations relating to 
 the Widows of the Church. p. z66 
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 An Account of the antient Churches, their Original, Names, Parts, Uten- 
 
 fils, Confecrations, Immunities, &c. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 Of the feveral Names and firft Original of 
 Churches among Chriftians. 
 
 SEct. 1. Of the Names Ecclefia, and hi>Chv\ai- 
 asr\^}ov, and the Difference between them. Sect. 
 2. Of the Names Dominicum, whence comes 
 Dohm > and x.v£ja.x.6v,whence Kirk and Church ; 
 and Domus Columba;. Sect. 2. Of the Di- 
 ftinclion between Domus Dei, Domus Divina, 
 and Domus Ecclefias. Sect. 4. Churches called 
 Oratories and Houfes of Prayer. Sect, f . Why 
 called Bafilica; and 'Ava'xHo^. Sect. 6". When 
 firft called Temples. Sect. 7. Sometimes called 
 Synodi, Concilia, Conciliabula & Conventi- 
 cula. Sect. 8. Why fome Churches called Mar- 
 tyria, Memorise, Apoftolaea & Propheteia- 
 Sect. p. Why called Ccemiteria, Menfie & Areas. 
 Seft. 10. Why Cafae, Trophsea & Tituli. 
 Sect. 11. Of Tabernacles and Minfters, and fome 
 other lefts ufual Names of Churches. Seft. 12. 
 Of the Diftinclion between Ecclefia Matrix and 
 Diocefana. Sect. 12. Proofs of Churches in the 
 1 ft Century, collecled by Mr. Medc. Sect. 14. 
 Proofs in the zd Century. Sect. if. Proofs in 
 
 the tyd Century. Sect. 16. The Objeclion from 
 Arnobius and Ladtantius anfwered. Sect. 17. 
 Some additional Colleclions on this Head out of 
 Ladtantius de Mortibus Perfecutorum, and 
 others. p. 272 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 Of the Difference between Churches in the firft 
 Ages and thofe that followed: And of Hea- 
 then Temples and Jewifh Synagogues turned 
 into Chriftian Churches. 
 
 Sect. 1. The firft Churches very fimple and plain. 
 Sect. 2. Reafons for altering the State of Eccle- 
 fiaftical Struclures. Sect. 3. The Munificence par- 
 ticularly of Chriftian Emperors contributed much 
 toward this. Sect. 4. As alfo their Orders for 
 converting Heathen Temples and pub lick Halls into 
 Churches. p. 284 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the different Forms and Parts of the antient 
 Churches : And firft of the Exterior Narthex, 
 or outward Ante-Temple. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Churches antiently of different Forms. Sect. 
 2. And different Situation from one another. 
 
 Seft, 
 
xvii 
 
 Sect. 3 . Commonly divided into three Parts, and 
 fomc times four or five in a large Acceptation. 
 Sect. 4. Each of thefe /undivided into other Parts. 
 The Exterior Narthex, or Ante-Temple included, 
 firft the -nr^TruXov or Vcftibulum Magnum, the 
 J Ugh Porch. Sect, f. Secondly, the (MuavXiov, 
 Atrium or Area, the Court before the Church 
 furrounded with Portico's or Cloyflers. Sect. 6. 
 Thirdly, The Cantharus or Phiala, the Foun- 
 tain in the middle of this Court, for wafting as 
 they went into the Church. Sect. 7. Whether 
 the fuperflitious Ufe of Holy -Water be not a Cor- 
 ruption of this antient Cuflom. Sect. 8. The 
 Atrium and Portico's in the Ante-Temple made 
 ufe of for burying the Dead, before they were ad- 
 mitted into Churches. p- 2.87 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Interior Narthex, and the Parts and Ufes 
 of it. 
 
 Sect I. Of the lepr -ar^TruXa, or Porches before 
 the Doors of the Church. Sect. 2. Of the Nar- 
 thex, Pronaos, or Ferula. Sect. 3. The Ufe of 
 it for the Catechumens, Energumens, and Pe- 
 nitents of the id Order. Sect. 4. Alfo for Jews, 
 Heathens, Hereticks^ Schifmaticks to hear in. 
 Sect, f . This not the Place of the Font or Bap- 
 tifiery, as in our Modern Churches. Seel:. 6. 
 Why it was called Narthex, and of the different 
 fort of Nartheces in feveral Churches. p. 291 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 Of the Naos or Nave and Body of the Church, 
 and its Parts and Ufes. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the beautiful and Royal Gates. Why 
 fo called. Sect. 2. The Nave of the Church 
 ufually a fquare Building, called by fome the Ora- 
 tory of Laymen. Sect. 5 . In the loweft Part of 
 this flood the Subftrati, or Penitents of the zd 
 Order. Sect. 4. And the Ambo, or Reading 
 Desk. Se6t. f. Above thefe the Fideles, or 
 Communicants, and the 4th Order of Penitents, 
 called Confiftentes, had their Places. Sect. 6. 
 The Places of Men and Women ufually feparate 
 from each other. Sect. 7. Why the Places of 
 the Women called xal^eju^a and uxs^cSa. Sect. 
 8. Private Cells for Meditation, Reading and 
 Prayer on the back of thefe. Sect. 9. The Place 
 of the Virgins and Widows diftinguijh' d from 
 others. Sect. 10. The Solea or o-wX«ov, the Ma- 
 gifirate's Throne in this Part of the Church. 
 What meant by the Senatorium in fome Modern 
 Churches. p. 292 
 
 CHAP. VJ. 
 
 Of the Bema, or 3d Part of the Temple, called 
 the Altar-Part, or Sanctuary, and the Parts 
 and Ufes of it. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The Chancel antiently called Bema, or Tri- 
 bunal. Sect. z. Alfo ayiov, ij^laov, and Sa- 
 crarium, the Holy, or the Sancluary. Sect. 3. 
 And Swias-ri'gpv, the Altar-Part. Sect. 4. And 
 Presbyterium & Diaconicum. Sect. f. Alfo 
 Chorus, or Quire. Sect. 6. This Place fepa- 
 rated from the reft by Rails, called Cancelli, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 whence comes Chancel. Sect. 7. And kept inac- 
 cefible to the Multitude, whence called Adyta. 
 Sect. 8. The FJoly Gates, and Veils or Hangings 
 dividing the Chancel from the reft of the Church. 
 Sect. 9. The upper End of the Chancel called 
 Apfis, Excdra, and Conchula Bematis. The 
 Reafon of thefe Names. Sect. 10. This antiently 
 the Place of the Thrones of the Biftjops and Pref- 
 byters. Sect. 1 r- And of the Altar, or Commu- 
 nion-Table, encompaffed with the Thrones in a 
 Semi-circle. Sect. it. The Names Altar and 
 Table indifferently fifed in the Primitive Church. 
 Sect. 13. In what Senfe the Ancients fay they 
 had no Altars. Sect. 14. Of the Names Holy 
 Table, Myftical Table, ike. Sect, if. Altars 
 generally made of Wood till the time of Conftan- 
 tine. Sect. 16. But one Altar antiently in a 
 Church. Sect. 17. And fometimcs but one in a 
 City, though feveral Churches, according to fome 
 Authors. Sect. 18. Of the Ciborium, or Ca- 
 nopy of the Altar. Sect. 19. Of the fir ft Ufe of 
 the Perifterion or Silver Doves over the Altar. 
 Sect. 20. When fir ft the figure of the Crofs fet 
 upon the Altar. Sect, z i . Of the Coverings and 
 V ".Jfels of the Altar. The fir ft Original of Lamps 
 and Tapers burning by Day at the Altar. The 
 Original of Incenfe and Cenfers. The Altare 
 Portatile & Antimenfia, Modern Inventions of 
 later Ages. The pi7r/VW, or Flabella, as old as the 
 Author of the Conftitutions. Sect. 22. Of the 
 Oblationariurn,Paratorium, or Prothefis. Sect. 
 23. Of the Sceuophylacium, or Diaconicum 
 Bematis. p. 297 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Baptifteries, and other outer Buildings, 
 called the Exedra of the Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. Baptifteries, antiently Buildings diftintl 
 from the Church. Sect. 2. Thefe very capacious, 
 and the Reafons of it. Sect. 3. Why called 
 (pwltsV^a, Places of Illumination. Sect. 4. Of 
 the Difference between a Baptiftery and a Font. 
 And why the Font called Pifcina and y.oXu/aCn'S^. 
 Sect. f. How Fonts and Baptifteries antiently 
 adorned. Sect. 6. Baptifteries antiently more pe- 
 culiar to the Mother -Church. Sect. 7. Of the 
 Secretarium or Diaconicum Magnum, The 
 Veftry of the Church. Sect. 8. Why this other - 
 wife called Receptorium & Salutatoiium, The 
 Greeting- Ho ufe. Sect. 9. Of the Decani ca, or 
 Prifons of the Church. Sect. 10. Of the Mita- 
 torium or Mefatorium. Sect. ir. Of the Ga- 
 zophylacium & Paftophoria. Sect. 12. Of the 
 Schools and Libraries of the Church. Sect. 13. 
 In what Senfe Dwelling-Houfes, Gardens and 
 Baths, reckoned to be Parts of the Church. 
 Sect. 14. Of the Original of Organs, and when 
 they firft came to beufed in the Church. Sect. if. 
 Of the Original of Bells, and how Church- Affcm- 
 blies were called before their Invention. p. 308 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Donaria t5? Anathemata, and other Orna- 
 ments of the antient Churches. 
 
 Sect. 1. What the Ancients meant by the Anathe- 
 mata in Churches. Sect. 2. Why one particular 
 C kind 
 
xviii The CONTENTS. 
 
 kind of thefe called bitluTr&nala, and when brought 
 firfi into Churches. Sect. 3. Churches antiently 
 adorned with Portions of Scipture written upon 
 the (Vails. Sect. 4. And with other Infcriptions 
 of Human Compofition. Sect. 5. Gilding and Mo- 
 faick Work, ufed in the -ant tent Churches. Sect. 6. 
 No Piclures or Images allowed in Churches for 
 the firfi 300 Tears. Sect. 7. Firfi brought in by 
 Paulinus and his Cotemporaries, privately and by 
 Degrees, in the latter end of the 4th Century. 
 Sect. 8. The Pitlure of Kings and Bifhops brought 
 into the Church about the fame time. Se6t. 9. 
 But neither the Piclures of the Living nor the 
 Dead defigned for Worfinp. Sect. 10. No Images 
 of God or the Trinity allowed in Churches till 
 after the id Niccne Council. Sect. m. Nor 
 ufually Statues or Maffy Images, but only Paint- 
 ings and Piclures, and thoje rather Symbolical 
 than any other. Seel. 1 1. Of adorning the 
 Churches with Flowers and Branches. p. 317 
 
 C H A P. IX. 
 Of the Confecration of Churches. 
 
 Se£t. 1. What the Ancients meant by Confecration 
 of Churches. Sect. 2. The firfi authentick Ac- 
 counts of this to be fetched from the <\th Century. 
 Sect. 5. The Bifhop of every Diocefe the ordinary 
 Minifier of thefe Confecrations. Seel:. 4. No 
 Church to be built without the Bifhofs Leave. 
 Sect, f . Nor till the Bifhop had firfi made a fo- 
 lemn Prayer, and fixed the Sign of the Crofs in 
 the Place where it was to be built, by the Laws 
 of Juftinian. Sect. 6. No Bifhop to Confecrate 
 a Church in another Man's Diocefe, except Ne- 
 cefiity required it. Sect. 7- No Necefjity of a 
 Licence from the Bifijop of Rome in former Ages 
 for a Bijhop to Confecrate Churches in his own 
 Diocefe. Sect. 8. Churches always dedicated to 
 God, and not to Saints, though fometimes difiin- 
 guifhed by their Names for a Memorial of them. 
 Sect. 9. Churches fometimes named from their 
 Founders, or other Circumfiances in their Building. 
 Sect. 10. When Altars firfi began to have a par- 
 ticular Confecration with new Ceremonies difiin tl 
 from Churches. Sect. 1 1 . No Church to be built 
 or Confecrated before it was endowed. Sect. 12. 
 Tet Btfiwps not to demand any thing for Confecra- 
 tion. Sect. 13. Confecrations performed indiffe- 
 rently upon any Day. Seft. 14. The Day of Con- 
 fecration ufually celebrated among their Anniver- 
 fary Fefiivals. p. 525 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Refpect and Reverence which the Pri- 
 mitive Chriftians paid to their Churches. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Churches never put to any profane life, but 
 only Sacred and Religious Service. Sect. 2. The 
 
 like Caution obferved about the Sacred Veffels and 
 Vtenfils of the Church. Sect. 3. What Diffe- 
 rence made between Churches and Private Houfes. 
 Sect. 4. How fome chofc rather to die, than to de- 
 liver up Churches to be prophaned by Hereticks. 
 Sect. f. The Ceremony of wafhing their Hands 
 when they went into the Church. Sect. 6. The 
 Ceremony of putting off the Shoes ufed by fome 
 but this no general Cuftom. Sect. 7. Whether 
 the Ancients ufed the Ceremony of bowing toward 
 the Altar at their Entrance into the Church. 
 Sect. 3. Kings laid afide their Crowns, and 
 Arms, and Guards, when they went into the 
 Houfe of the King of Kings. Sect. 9. The Doors 
 and Pillars of the Church and Altar often kiffed 
 and embraced in Token of Love and Refpecl to 
 them. Sect. 1 o. Churches ufed for Private Me- 
 ditation and Prayer, as well as Publick. Sect- 
 1 1 . Their publick Behaviour in the Church ex- 
 prefjtve of great Reverence. Sect. 12. Churches 
 the fafefi Repofitory for things of any V alue, and 
 the fecurefi Retreat for Men in times of great 
 Diftrefs. p. 329 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the firfi Original of Afylums, or Places of 
 Sanctuary and Refuge, with the Laws relating 
 to them in Chriftian Churches. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The Original of this Privilege to be deduced 
 from the time of Conflantine, but not from his 
 Laws. Sect. 2. At firfi only the Altar and inner 
 Fabrick of the Church the Place of Refuge j but 
 afterwards any outer- Buildings or Precintls of the 
 Church invefied with the fame Privilege. Sect. 
 
 3 . What Perfons allowed to take Sancluary. Sect. 
 
 4. What Perfons and Criminals denied this Pri- 
 vilege. Firft, Publick Debtors. Sect. f. Se- 
 condly, Jews that pretended to turn Chrifians 
 only to avoid paying their Debts, or fuffering Le- 
 gal Punifhment for their Crimes. Sect, 6. Third- 
 ly, Hereticks and Apofiates. Sect. 7. Fourthly, 
 Slaves that fed from their Mafiers. Sect. 8. 
 Fifthly, Robbers, Murderers, Confpirators, Ra- 
 vifhers of Virgins, Adulterers, and other Crimi- 
 nals of the like Nature. Sect. 9. A jufi Re- 
 fleclion upon the great Abufe of Modern Sanctu- 
 aries, in exempting Men from legal Punifhment^ 
 and enervating the Force of Civil Laws. Sect. 10. 
 Conditions antiently to be obferved by fuch as fled 
 for Sancluary to the Church, otherwife they were 
 not to have the Benefit of it. Firft, No one to 
 fly with Arms into the Church. Sect. 11. Se- 
 condly, No one to raife a feditious Clamour or 
 Tumult as he fled thither. Sect. 12. Thirdly, 
 No one to eat or fieep in the Church, becaufe of 
 the Sacrednefs of the Place, but to have his En- 
 tertainment in fome outward Building. p. 334 
 
 B O O K 
 
7be CONTENTS. 
 
 xix 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 A Geographical Defcription of the Diftridts of the antient Church, or an Ac- 
 count of its Divifion into Provinces, Diocefes, and Parifhes. And of the 
 firft Original of thefe. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the State and Divifion of the Roman Em- 
 pire, and of the Church's Conformity to That 
 in Modelling her own External Polity and Go- 
 vernment. 
 
 SEd. i . The State of the Roman Empire in the 
 Days of the Apoftles. Seel:. 2. the State of the 
 Church made conformable to it. Sed. 3 . The Di- 
 vifion of the Roman Empire into Provinces and 
 Diocefes. Seel:. 4. The fame Model followed by 
 the Church. Seel, f . This evidenced by the Ci- 
 vil Notitia of the Empire. Sed. 6. Compared 
 with the moft antient Accounts of the Divifion of 
 Provinces in the Church. Sed. 7. This evidenced 
 farther from the Rules and Canons of the Church. 
 Seel:. 8 Yet the Church not tfd precifely to ufe 
 this Model, but ufed her Liberty fometimes in va- 
 rying from it. Seel:, p. An Account of the Ec- 
 clefias Suburbicarias in the Diftricls of the Ro- 
 man Church. Seel:. 10. This moft probably the 
 true antient Limits of the Bijhop of Rome'; both 
 Metropolitical and Patriarchal Jurifdiclion. Sed. 
 11. Some evident Proofs of this, Jhewing the 
 Churches of Milan, Africa, Spain, France and 
 Britain, to be independent of the Pope's Patri- 
 archal Power. Seel:. 12. The contrary Excepti- 
 ons of Schelftrate, relating particularly to the 
 Britannick Church, examin'd and refuted, p 340 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 A more particular Account of the Nature and 
 Extent of Diocefes, or Epifcopal Churches, 
 in Africa, Egypt, Arabia, Paleftine, Syria, Phoe- 
 nicia and other Eaftern Provinces. 
 
 Seel:. 1. Diocefes antiently called sra^wcu^ Paro- 
 chial Sect. 2. When the Name Diocefe began 
 firft to be ufed. Seel:. 3. What meant by the 
 ■zsr^aVeta, or Suburbs of a City, which were 
 reckoned Part of the City- Diocefe. Seel:. 4. 
 Diocefes not generally fo large in Nations of the 
 firft Ages Converfton, as in thofe converted in the 
 middle Ages of the Church. Sect, f . A particu- 
 lar Account of the Extent of Diocefes in the 
 African Provinces. Seel:. 6. Of the Diocefes of 
 Libya, Pentapolis and iEgyptus. Sect. 7. Of 
 the Dioce/es of Arabia. And why thefe more 
 frequently in Villages, than in other Places. Sect. 
 8. Of the Diocefes in Paleftine, or the Patri- 
 archate of J erufalem. Sect. 9. A Catalogue of 
 the Provinces and Diocefes under the Patriarch 
 of Antioch. Sect. 10. Obfervations on the Dio- 
 cefes of Cyprus. Sect. n. Of the Diocefes of 
 Syria Prima and Sccunda. Sect. 12. Of the 
 Province of Phoenicia Prima and Secunda. Sect. 
 
 12.O/ the Province of Theodorias. Sect. 14. 
 Of Euphratefia or Comagene. Sect. if. Of 
 Ofrhoena, and Mefopotamia, or Armenia 
 Quarta. Sect. 16. Of Armenia Perfica, other- 
 wife called Magna. Sect. 17. Of Aflyria, A- 
 diabene and Chaldaea. Sect. 18. Of the Im- 
 merini in Perfia, and the HomeritvE in Arabia 
 Felix. Sect. ip. Of Bijhops among the Sara- 
 cens in Arabia. Sect. 20. Of Bifiiops of the 
 Axumites, or Indians beyond Egypt. No parti- 
 cular Account of Diocefes in Iberia, Parthia, or 
 India Orientalis, to be had out of the Monu- 
 ments of the antient Church. p. 3f 1 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 A Continuation of this Account of Diocefe3 in 
 the Provinces of Afia Minor. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the Extent of Afia Minor, and the 
 number of Diocefes contained therein. Sect. 2. 
 Of Cappadocia and Armenia Minor. Sect. 3. 
 Of Pontus Polemoniacus. Sect. 4. Of Hele- 
 nopontus. Sect, f . Of Paphlagonia and Gala- 
 tia. Sed. 6. Of Honorias. Sed. 7. Of Bi- 
 thynia. Sect. 8. Of Hellcfpontus. Sect. p. 
 Of Afia and Lydia Proconfularis. Sect. 10. 
 O/Caria. Sed. 11. Of Lycia. Sed. 12. Of 
 Pamphylia Prima and Secunda. Sect. 13. Of 
 Lycaonia. Sed. 14. O/Pifidia. Sed. if. Of 
 Phrygia Pacatiana & Salutaris. Sect. 16. Of 
 Ifauria and Cilicia. Sect. 17. Of Lazica, or 
 Colchis. Sect. 18. Of the J fie of Lesbos and 
 the Cyclades. p. 365 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 A Continuation of the former Account in the 
 European Provinces of Thracia, Macedonia, 
 Greece, Illyricum, Sec. 
 
 Sect, is Of the fix Provinces of Thrace. Firft 
 of Scythia. Sect. 2. Of Euro pa. Where par- 
 ticularly of the Diocefe of Conftantinopie in this 
 Province. Sect. 2. Of Thracia, properly fo 
 called. Sect. 4. Of Hcemimontis. Sed. 5. 
 Of Rhodope. Sed. 6. Of Moefia Sccunda. 
 Sed. 7. Of the feven Provinces of Macedonia 
 and Greece. Of Macedonia Prima and Secun- 
 da. Sed. 8, Of ThelTalia. Sed. p. Of A- 
 chaia, or Attica, Peloponefus and the Iflc of 
 Eubcea. Sed. 10. Of Epirus Vetus, and Epi- 
 rus Nova. Sed. 11. Of the Ifle ef Crete. 
 Sed. 1 2. Of the five Provinces in the Diocefe 
 of Dacia. Of Prevalitana. Sed. 13. Of Mce- 
 fia Superior. Sed. 14. Of Dacia Mediterra- 
 nea and Dacia Ripenfis. Sed, r?. Of Darda- 
 nia and Gothia. Sed. 16. Of the fix Pro- 
 vinces 
 
XX 
 
 vinces in the Diocefe of lllyricum Occidentale. 
 Of Dalmatia. Sect. 17. Of Savia. Sed. 18. 
 Of Pannonia Superior and Inferior. Sect. 19. 
 Of Noricum Mediterraneum, and Noncum 
 Ripenfe. P- 373 
 
 1 C H k V. V. 
 
 A particular Account of the feventeen Provinces 
 of the Roman and Italick Diocefes, and of the 
 Epifcopal Diocefes contained in them. 
 
 Seft. 1 . Of the Extent of the Diocefe of the Biftjop 
 of Rome. Sed. 2. Of Diocefes in Tufcia and 
 Umbria. Seel:. 3. Of the Province of Valeria. 
 Sect. 4. Of Picenum Suburbicarium. Sect, f. 
 Of Latium and Campania. Seft. 6. Of Sam- 
 ntum. Sect. 7. Of Apulia and Calabria. Sect. 
 8. Of Lucania and Brutia. Sect. 9. Of the 
 IJles of Sicily, Melita and Lipara. Sect. 10. 
 Of Sardinia <wi Corfica. Sect. 11. Of Pice- 
 num Annonarium and Flaminia. Sect. 12. 0/ 
 ^Emylia. Sect. 13. 0/ Alpes Cottiae. Sect. 
 14. Of Liguria. Sed. if. 0/ Rhastia Prima 
 «W Secunda. Sect. 16. Of Venetia and Hi- 
 ftria. P- 377 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Diocefes in France, Spain, and the Bri- 
 tijh Ifles. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the antient Bounds and Divifion of 
 Gallia into feventeen Provinces. Of Gallia & 
 Septem Provincial Sect. 2. Of the Diocefes 
 in the Province of Alpes Maritime. Sect. 2. 
 Of Alpes Graias, or Penninae. Sect. 4. Of 
 Viennenfis Prima and Secunda. Sect. f. Of 
 Narbonenfis Prima and Secunda. Sect. 6. Of 
 Novempopulania. Sect. 7. Of Aquitania 
 Prima and Secunda. Sect. 8. Of Lugdunenfis 
 Prima, Secunda, Tertia, Quarta, and Maxi- 
 ma Sequanorum. Sect. 9. Of Belgica Prima 
 and Secunda. Sect. 10. Of Germanica Prima 
 and Secunda. Sect. 1 1 . The antient Divifion 
 of the Spanifh Provinces. Sect. 12. Of Tar- 
 raconenfis. Sect. 13. Of Carthaginenfis. Sect. 
 14. Of Boetica. Sect. if. O/Lufitania. Sect. 
 16. Of Gallascia. Sect. 17. Of the lflands of 
 Majorca, Minorca, &V. Sect. 18. the State 
 of the Spanifh Church evidenced from fome of 
 her moft antient Councils. Sect. ip. Of Ireland 
 
 and Scotland. Sect. 20. Of the Biitifh Church 
 in England and Wales. Sect. 21. This whole 
 Account confirmed from fome antient Canons of 
 the Church. Sect. 22. And from the Bifloofs 
 Obligation to Vifit their Diocefes once a Tear, 
 and confirm Children in the Country- Region, p. 3S7 
 
 CHAP. vir. 
 
 The Notitia, or Geographical Defcription of the 
 Bimopricks of the antient Church, as firfl: 
 made by the Order of Leo Sapiens in the IXth 
 Century, compared with fome others, p. $96 
 
 C H A P. VIII. 
 
 Of the Divifion of the Diocefes into Parimes, 
 and the firfl: Original of them. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the antient Names of Parifij-Churches, 
 Parochiae, Diocefes, Ecclefix Dicecefanas, Ti- 
 tuli, Sect. 2. The Original of Parijh- 
 
 Churches owing to Neceffity, and founded upon the 
 Apoftolical Rules of Chriftian Communion. Sect. 
 2 . Some of them probably as antient as the times 
 of the Apoftles, in the greater Cities of the Ro- 
 man Empire. Sect. 4. Lejfer Cities had Country 
 Parijhes even in times of Perfecution. The Ori- 
 ginal of Country Parijhes in England. Sect, f . 
 The City Parijhes not always ajjign'd to particular 
 Presbyters, but ferved in common by the Clergy 
 of the BiJIjop's Church. This otherwise in Country 
 Parijhes which had fixed Presbyters from their 
 firfl Injlitution. Sect. 6. Settled Revenues not 
 immediately fixed upon Parijhes at their firfl Di- 
 vifion, but paid into the common Stock of the Bi- 
 Jhofs Church. When firft appropriated Reve- 
 nues began to be fettled upon Parijh-Churches in 
 the Eafl, in Spain, France, Germany, and the 
 Englim Church. p. 404 
 
 The Conclusion. 
 
 Wherein is propos'd an eafy and honourable Me- 
 thod for eftablrfhing a Primitive Diocefan 
 Epifcopacy, conformable to the Model of the 
 fmaller fort of antient Diocefes, in all the Pro- 
 teftant Churches. p. 408 
 
 Appendix. p. 410 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 Of the Inftitution of the Catechumens, and the firft Ufe of the Creeds 
 
 in the Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the feveral Names of the Catechumens, and 
 the Solemnity that was ufed in admitting them 
 to that State in the Church. Alfo of Cate- 
 chizing, and the time of their Continuance in 
 that Exercife. 
 
 SEct. 1. The Reafon of the Names 'Kal^t^ 01 
 Novitioli, Tyrones, Sect. 2. Impofttion 
 
 of Hands and Prayer ufed in the firft Admiffion 
 of Catechumens. Sect. 3. And Confignation with 
 the Sign of the Crofs. Sect. 4. At what Age 
 Perfons were admitted to be Catechumens. Sect. 
 
 5. How long they continued in this State. Sect. 
 
 6. The Subftance of the antient Catechifms, and 
 Method of Inftruclion. Sect. 7. The Catechumens 
 allowed to read the Scriptures, p. 4 19 
 
 CHAP. 
 
7 he CONTENTS. 
 
 xxi 
 
 CHAP. H. 
 Of the fcvcral Gaffes or Degrees of Catechu- 
 mens, and the gradual Excrcifes and Difei- 
 pline of every Order. 
 
 Sect. I. Four Orders or Degrees of Catechumens 
 among the Ancients. Sc£t. z. Firft, the 'Ej-jur 
 S'y/jJJuci, or Catechumens privately inflrubled with- 
 out the Church. Sect. 3. Secondly, the a'xyw- 
 fjfyoi, Audicntes or Hearers. Sect. 4. Thirdly, 
 the ydvuxXfvovWj or Gcnu-flectentes and Sub- 
 ftrati, the Kneclers. Seel:, f. Fourthly, 
 Competentes or Electi, the immediate Candi- 
 dates of Baptifm. Sect. 6. How this I aft Order 
 were particularly difciplined and -prepared for Bap- 
 tifm. Sect. 7. Partly by frequent Examinations, 
 from which fuch as approved themfelves had the 
 Name of Electi, the Chofen. Seel:. 8. Partly by 
 Exorcifm, accompanied with lmpofition of Hands 
 and the Sign of the Crofs, and Infufflation. Seel:, 
 p. Partly by the Exercifes of Fafting and Abfti- 
 nence, and Confeffton and Repentance, 8cc. Sect, 
 lo. Partly by learning the Words of the Creed 
 and Lord 's- Prayer. Sect. 1 1 . And the Form of 
 Renunciation of the Devil, and Covenanting with 
 Chrifl, with other Rcfponfes relating to their Bap- 
 tifm. Sc6t. 12. What meant by the Competen- 
 tes going veiled before Baptifm. Seel:. 13. Of 
 the Ceremony called Ephphata, or opening of the 
 Ears of the Catechumens. Seel:. 14. Of putting 
 Clay upon their Eyes. What meant by it. Sect. 
 1 j* . Whether the Catechumens held a lighted Ta- 
 per in their Hands in the time of Exorcifm. Sect. 
 16. What meant by the Sacrament of the Cate~ 
 chumens. Sect. 17. How the Catechumens were 
 puniftjed, if they fell into grofs Sins. Sect. 1 8. 
 How they were treated by the Church, if they died 
 without Baptifm. Sect. 19. What Opinion the 
 Ancients had of the Neceffity of Baptifm. Sect. 
 20. The want of Baptifm fupplied by Martyrdom. 
 Sect. z\. And by Faith and Repentance, in fuch 
 Catechumens as were pioufty preparing for Bap- 
 tifm. Sect. 22. The Cafe of Hereticks returning 
 to the Unity of the Church : How far Charity in 
 that Cafe was thought to fupply the want of Bap- 
 tifm. Sect. 13. The Cafe of Perfons Communi- 
 cating for a long time without Baptifm: How far 
 that was thought to fupply the want of Baptifm. 
 Sect. 24. The Cafe of Infants dying unbaptized : 
 The Opinion of the Ancients concerning it. p. 423 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Original, Nature, and Names of the an- 
 tient Creeds of the Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. Why the Creed called Symbolum. Sect. 
 
 2. Why called Canon, and Regula Fidei. Sect. 
 
 3. Why called Mathcma. Sect. 4. Why called 
 7^9^*1 and y^jujua. Sect. f. Whether that 
 which is commonly called the Apoftles Creed, 
 was compofed by the Apo files in the prefent Form 
 of Words. Seel:. 6. That probably the Apoftles 
 tifed feveral Creeds, differing in Form, not in Sub- 
 
 fiance. Seel:. 7. What Articles were contained 
 in the Apoftolical Creeds. P- 437 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 A Collection of feveral antienc Forms of the 
 Creed out of the Primitive Records of the 
 Church. 
 
 Se6t. t. The Fragments of the Creed in Irenacus. 
 Sect. 2. The Creed of Origen. Sect. 3. The 
 Fragments of the Creed in Tertullian. Sect. 4. 
 The Fragments of the Creed in Cyprian. Sect. f. 
 The Creed of Gregory Thaumaturgus. Sect. 
 6. The Creed of Lucian the Martyr. Sect. 7. 
 The Creed of the Apoftolical Conftitutions. 
 Sect. 8. The Creed of Jerufalcm. Sect. p. Th4 
 Creed of Cxfarea in Paleftine. Sect. 10. The 
 Creed of Alexandria. Seel:. 11. The Creed of 
 Antioch. Sect. T2. The Roman Creed, com- 
 monly called the Apollles Creed. Sect. 13. The 
 Creed of Aquileia. Sect. 14. The Nicene Creed, 
 as firft publiftyed by the Council of Nice. Sect, 
 if. The Creeds in Epiphanius, compleating the 
 Nicene Creed. Sect. 16. The Nicene Creed 
 was complcated by the Council of Conftantinople. 
 An. 381. Sect. 17. Of the Ufe of the Nicene 
 Creed in the ant lent Service of the Church : And 
 when it was firft taken in to be a Part of the 
 Liturgy in the Communion Office. Se6r. 18. 
 Of the Athanafian Creed. p. 443 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 Of the Original, Nature, and Reafons of that 
 antient Difcipline of concealing the facred 
 Myfteries of the Church from the Sight and 
 Knowledge of the Catechumens. 
 
 Sect. 1. The Errors and Pretences of the Romanifts 
 upon this Point. Seel. 2. This Difcipline not 
 ftritlly obferved in the very firft Ages of the 
 Church. Seel:. 3. But introduced about the time 
 of Tertullian, for other Reafons than what the 
 Romanifts pretend. Sect. 4. This proved from 
 a particular Account of the things which they 
 concealed from the Catechumens. Which were, 
 Firft, The Manner of Adminiftring Baptifm. 
 Sect, f . Secondly, The Manner of Adminiftring 
 the Holy Unclion or Confirmation. Sect. 6. 
 Thirdly, The Ordination of Priefts. Seel. 7. 
 Fourthly, The Liturgy, or publick Prayers of 
 the Church, fuch as the Prayers for the Energu- 
 mens, Penitents, and the Faithful. Sect. 8. 
 Fifthly, The Manner of Celebrating the Eucharift. 
 Sect. p. Sixthly, The My fiery of the Trinity, 
 the Creed, and the Lord's- Prayer from the firft 
 fort of Catechumens. Sect. 10. Reafons for 
 concealing thefe things from the Catechumens. 
 1 ft, That the Plainnefs and Simplicity of them 
 might not be contemned. Sect. 11. 2dly, To con- 
 ciliate a Reverence for them. Sect. 12. 3dly, 
 To make the Catechumens more defirous to know 
 them. p. 47)" 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 B OOK 
 
xxii 
 
 The CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK XI. 
 
 Of the Rites and Cuftoms obferved in the Adminiftration of Baptifm in the 
 
 Primitive Church. 
 
 chap. r. 
 
 Of the feveral Names and Appellations of Bap- 
 tifm in the Primitive Church. 
 
 SEdt. i. The Names of Baptifm moft commonly 
 taken from the fpiritual Effecls of it. Sect, ft. 
 Hence Baptifm called Indulgentia, Indulgence 
 or Abfolution. Sect. $. And -wakityiVic-ta, Re- 
 generation j and xfyGixa, the Unclion. Sect. 4. 
 And q)wTio-/ixo?, Illumination. Sect, f . And Sa- 
 lus, Salvation. Sect. 6. From the Nature and 
 Subftance of it, it was called Myfterium Sacra- 
 mentum, and a^^yk. Sect. 7. And Character 
 Dominicus, the Mark or Characler of the Lord. 
 Sect. 8. Why called the Sacrament of Faith and 
 Repentance. Sect. p. The Notation of the Names 
 Baptifm, Tinction, Laver. That they do not 
 univer f ally denote Immerfion. Sect. 10. Of fome 
 other Names given to Baptifm. The great Cir- 
 cumcifion, c^jjv and ^ayana, the Gift of the 
 Lord. Viaticum and Phylacterium, TsX«Wtr, 
 /muno-ts and Symbola. p. 461 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Matter of Baptifm: With an Account 
 of fuch Hereticks as rejected or corrupted 
 Baptifm by Water. 
 
 Sect. 1. Baptifm wholly rejetted by the Hereticks 
 called Afcodrutje, and Marcofians, and Valen- 
 tinians, and Quintilians. Sect. 2. And by the 
 Archontici. Sect. 3. And the Seleucians and 
 Hermians. Sect. 4. And Manichees and Pauli- 
 cians. Sect. 5. What Opinion the Meflalians or 
 Euchites had of Baptifm. p. 466 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the antient Form of Baptifm: And of fuch 
 Hereticks as altered or corrupted it. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The ufual Form of baptizing in the Name 
 of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. Sect. 2. 
 This Form of Words generally thought neceffary to 
 be ufed in Baptifm. Sect. 2. Whether Baptifm 
 in the Name of Chrift alone was ever allowed 
 in the Church. Sect. 4. Of Alterations made in 
 the Form of Baptifm. Firft, By the Tritheifts 
 and Prifcillianifts. Sect, f . Secondly, By the 
 Menandrians. Sect. 6. Thirdly, By the Elce- 
 feans. Sect. 7. Fourthly, By the Sabellians 
 and Montanifts. Sect. 8. Fifthly, By the Mar- 
 cofians. Sect. p. Sixthly, By the Paulianifts. 
 Sect. 10. Seventhly, By the Eunomians and 
 others who baptized into the Death of Chrift. 
 Sect. 1 1 . Whether all the Arians were guilty of 
 the fame Innovation. $e6t. 12. Whether any 
 
 Additions were made to the Form of Baptifm in 
 the Cat ho lick Church. p. 4<5p 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Subjects of Baptifm, or an Account of 
 whatPerfons were antiently allowed to be bap- 
 tized. Where particularly of Infant-Baptifm. 
 
 Sect, r . Why the £)ueflion about the Adminiftrators 
 of Baptifm is here omitted. Sect. 2. Who were 
 antiently reckoned the proper Subjecls of Baptifm. 
 Where of the corrupt Cuftom of baptizing inani- 
 mate things, as Bells, in the Roman Church. 
 Sect. 3. Baptifm not to be given to the Dead. 
 Sect. 4. Nor to the Living for the Dead. Where 
 of the ApoftWs Meaning of being baptized for 
 the Dead, 1 Cor. if. 2p. Sect. f. Proof of 
 Infant Baptifm from the antient Records of the 
 Church. Sect. 6. From Clemens Romanus and 
 Hermes Paftor. Sect. 7. From Juftin Martyr. 
 Sect. 8. And the Author of the Recognitions, con- 
 temporary with Juftin Martyr. Sect. p. From 
 Irenaeus. Sect. 10. And Tertullian. Sect. 11. 
 And Origen. Sect. 12. And Cyprian, with the 
 Council of Carthage under him. Sect. 13. Infant- 
 Baptifm not to be delayed to the eighth Day, after 
 the Example of Circumcifion. Nor till three 
 Tears, as Gregory Nazianzen would have had it. 
 Sect. 14. let in fome Churches it was de- 
 ferred to the time of an approaching Feftival. 
 Sect. if. A Refolution of fome ^ueftions con- 
 cerning Infant-Baptifm. Whether Children might 
 be baptized when only one Parent was Chriftian ? 
 Sect. 16. Whether the Children of Excommuni- 
 cated Parents might be baptized? Sect. 17. 
 Whether expofed Children, whofe Parents were 
 unknown, might be baptized. Sect. 18. Whether 
 the Children of Jews or Heathens might be bap- 
 tized in any Cafe whatfoever ? Sect. 1 9. Whether 
 Children bom while their Parents were Heathen^ 
 might be baptized? p. 476 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 Of the Baptifm of Adult Perfons. 
 
 Sect. 1. No Adult Perfon to be baptized without, 
 previous IndrucJion, to qualify them to anfwer for 
 themfelves. Sect. 2. Tet dumb Perfons allowed 
 to be baptized in fome certain Cafes. Sect. 2. 
 And Energumens in Cafes of Extremity. Sect. 
 4. No Slave to be baptized without the Teftimony 
 of his Mafier. Sect. Tet Baptifm to be a 
 voluntary Act, and no one to be compelled to re- 
 ceive it by force. Sect. 6. What Perfons were 
 rejecled from Baptifm : With a particular Ac- 
 count of fome certain T fades and V nations, which 
 kept Men from it. Such were Image-making and 
 1 Stage- 
 
7be CONTENT S. 
 
 xxm 
 
 St age -playing. Sett. 7. Gladiators, Charioteers, 
 and other Gamefters. Sett. 8. Aftrologers, and 
 Praclifers of fitch other curious Arts. Sett. 9. 
 I rcfjuenters of the publick Games and Theatre. 
 Sett. 10. In what Cafe the Military Life might 
 unqualify Men for Baptifm. Sett. 1 1 . Whether 
 Perfons might be baptized who lived in the State 
 of Concubinage. Sett. 1 z. The peculiar Error of 
 the Marcionites in rejecling all married Perfons 
 from Baptifm. p. 4^6 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 Of the Time and Place of Baptifm. 
 
 Sett. 1 . Why Adult Perfons fometimes delayed Bap- 
 tifm by Order of the Church. Sett. 2. Private 
 Reafons for deferring Baptifm againft the Rules 
 of the Church. Firft, Supinity and Negligence of 
 Salvation. Sett. 3. Secondly, An Unwillingness 
 to renounce the World, and fubmit to the Severi- 
 ties of Religion. Sett. 4. Thirdly, A Fear of 
 falling after Baptifm. Sett. 5*. Fourthly, Su- 
 perftitious Fancies in reference to the Time, and 
 Place, and Minijiers of Baptifm. Sett. 6. 
 Fifthly, A Pretence of following the Example of 
 Chrilt, who was baptized at thirty Tears of Age. 
 Sett. 7. The folemn Times appointed for Baptifm 
 by the Church, were Eafter, Pentecoft, and 
 Epiphany. Sett. 8. And in fome Places the 
 Feflivals of the Apofles and Martyrs, and the 
 Anniverfary Days of the Dedication of Churches 
 prevailed alfo. Sett. p. No fuch fated times in 
 the Days of the Apofles. Sett. 10. How far 
 thefe Rules obliging in future Ages. Sett. 1 1 . 
 Baptifm not confined to any Place in the Apoftoli- 
 cal Ages. Sett. 12. But in After-ages confined 
 to the Baptifieries of the Church. Sett. 1 3. Ex- 
 cept in the Cafe of Sicknefs, or with the Biftops 
 Licence to the contrary, upon fome fpecial Occa- 
 fions. p. 494 
 
 CHAP. VN. 
 Of the Renunciations and Profeflions made by 
 all Perfons immediately before their Baptifm. 
 
 Sett. 1 . Three things required of all Perfons at their 
 Baptifm. ift, To renounce the Devil. Sett. 2. 
 The Form of this Renunciation, and the Import of 
 it. Sett. 3. The Antiquity of this Renunciation. 
 By fome derived from the Apofles. Sett. 4. 
 This Renunciation made by Perfons ftanding with 
 their Face toward the Weft. The Reafon of this 
 Praclice, with fome other Ceremonies. Sett, f . 
 Why this Renunciation made three times. Sett. 
 6. The fecond thing required of Men at their Bap- 
 tifm, was a Vow or Covenant of Obedience to 
 Chrift. Sett. 7. This Vow of Obedience made 
 by turning to the Eaft. And why. Sett. 8. Tide 
 third thing required of the Party to be baptized, 
 was a Profejfon of Faith in the ufual Words of 
 the Creed. Sett. 9. This Confeffon made in the 
 mofl folemn and publick manner. Sett. 10. With 
 Hands and Eyes lift up to Heaven. Sett. 1 1 . 
 Repeated three times. Sett. iz. And fubferibed 
 with their own Hands in the Books of the Church, 
 as fome think. Sett. 13. The life of all thefe 
 Ceremonies and Engagements, to make Men fenfi* 
 
 lie of their Obligation, and fledfafi to their Pro- 
 fejfon. Sett. 14. Whether publick and particu- 
 lar Confeffon of Sins was required of Men at 
 their Baptifm. V- f° l 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Ufc of Sponfors or Sureties in Baptifm. 
 
 Sett. 1 . Three forts of Sponfors in the Primitive Church. 
 Fir ft for Children. Sett. z. Parents commonly 
 Sponfors for their own Children. Sett. 3. Other 
 Sureties not bound to maintain the Children for 
 whom they were Sponfors. Sett. 4. But only to 
 anfwer for them to the feveral Interrogatories in 
 Baptifm. Sett. 5* . And to be Guardians of their 
 fpiritual Life for the future. Sett. 6. The fe- 
 cond fort of Sponfors for fuch Adult Perfons as 
 could not anfwer for themfelves. Sett. 7. The 
 third fort of Sponfors for all Adult Perfons in 
 general. Sett. 8. Whofe Duty was not to anfwer 
 in their Names, but only to admonifj and inftrutl 
 them before and after Baptifm. Sett. 9. This 
 Office chiefly impofed upon Deacons and Deacon- 
 nejfes. Sett. 10. What Perfons prohibited from 
 being Sponfors. Sett. 11. But one Sponfor re- 
 quired, and that a Man for a Man, and a Wo- 
 man for a Woman. Sett. 12. When fir ft it be- 
 came a Law that Sponfors might not marry a fpi- 
 ritual Relation. Sett. 1 3 . Why the Names of the 
 Sponfors ordered to be regiftred in the Books of the 
 Church. p. fop 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Unttion and the Sign of the Crofs in 
 Baptifm. 
 
 Sett. I . Of the firft Original of Unclion in Bap- 
 tifm. Sett. z. Of the Difference between this 
 and Chrifm in Confirmation. Sett. 3. The De- 
 fign of this Unclion, and the Reafon of it. Sett. 
 4. The Sign of the Crofs frequently ufed in the 
 Ceremonies of Baptifm. Firft, In the Admijfon 
 of Catechumens \ and Secondly, in the time of 
 Exorcifm. Sett. f. Thirdly, In this Unclion 
 before Baptifm. Sett. 6. Fourthly, In the Un- 
 clion of Confirmation. p. f 14 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 Of the Confecration of the Water in Baptifm. 
 
 Sett. 1. The Confecration of the Water made by 
 Prayer. Sett. z. An antient Form of this Prayer 
 in the Conftitutions. Sett. 3. The Sign of the 
 Crofs ufed in the Confecration. Sett. 4. The 
 Effetls and Change wrought by this Confecration, 
 the fame as in the Bread and Wine in the Eucha- 
 rift. Sett. f. How far thefe Prayers of Confe- 
 cration reckoned neceffary in the Church, p. f 17 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 Of the different Ways of baptizing by Immer- 
 fion, Trine Immerfion, and Afperfion in the 
 Cafe of Clinick Baptifm. 
 
 Sett. 1 . All Perfons antiently divefted in order to be 
 baptized. Sett. 2. No Exception in this Cafe, 
 either with refpetl to Women or Children. Sett. 
 
 $. Yet 
 
XXIV 
 
 The CONTENTS 
 
 3 . Tet Matters were fo ordered, as that no In- 
 decency might be committed. Seel. 4. Baptifm 
 ufually performed by Immerfion. Sect. $■ Tet 
 Afperfion allowed in fome extraordinary Cafes. 
 
 Sect. 6. Trine Immerfton the general Praclice for 
 feveral Ages. The Reafons of this. Sect. 7. The 
 Original of this Praclice. Sect. 8. When fir ft 
 the Church allowed of any Alteration in it. p. f 21 
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 Of Confirmation, and other Ceremonies following Baptifm, before Men were 
 
 made Partakers of the Eucharift. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Time when, and the Perfons to whom 
 Confirmation was adminiftred. 
 
 SEct. 1. Confirmation antiently given immediately 
 after Baptifm, if the Bifhop were prefent. Sect. 
 2. And this as well to Infants as Adult Perfons. 
 Which is evidenced firfi from fome plain Teftimo- 
 nies. Seel:. 3. And, fecondly, from the Cuftom of 
 giving the Eucharifi to Infants for many Ages. 
 Seel:. 4. Whence it appears, that Confirmation 
 was not efieemed a proper Sacrament diftintl from 
 Baptifm. Sect, f . No not when it was feparate 
 from Baptifm, as in the Cafe of Hereticks who 
 were baptized out of the Church. Seel:. 6. No 
 NeceJJity of giving Confirmation to Infants now, 
 any more than the Eucharift, from the Example 
 of the Primitive Church. p. 527 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 Of the Miniiier of Confirmation. 
 
 Sect, r. The Confecration of Chrifm referved only 
 to the Office of Bifhops by the Canons. Se6t. 2. 
 The Ufe of the Chrifm divided between the Office 
 of Bifhops and Presbyters. Seel:. 3. The other 
 Ceremony of Impofition of Hands, referved more 
 ftriclly to the Office of Bifhops. Seel. 4. Tet in 
 fome fpecial Cafes Presbyters by Commiffion al- 
 lowed to minifler it alfo. As Firft, when Bifhops 
 particularly required their Presbyters to do it to 
 fuch as were baptized in the Church. Sect. 5. 
 
 * Secondly, Presbyters might adminifler it to the 
 Energumens, who were baptized at a diftance 
 from the Bifhop 's Church. Seel:, 6. And Third- 
 ly, to fuch as were baptized in Herefy or Schifm, 
 in cafe they were in Danger of Death. p. f 51 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 Of the Manner of Adminiftring Confirmation, 
 and the Ceremonies ufed in the Celebration 
 of it. 
 
 Seel. 1. The firft Ceremony of Confirmation was 
 the Unclion of Chrifm. Sect. 2. The Original 
 of this Unclion. Sect. 3. The Form and Manner 
 of Adminiftring it, together with the E feels of it. 
 
 Sect. 4. The fecond Ceremony of Confirmation 
 was the Sign of the Crofs. Seel:, f. The third 
 and moft noted Ceremony of Confirmation, was 
 Impofition of Hands; and the fourth, Prayer 
 joyned therewith. Seel:. 6. The Original of the 
 Ceremony of Impofition of Hands. Seel:. 7. 
 What Opinion the Ancients had of the Neceffity 
 of Confirmation. Sect. 8. How they punifhed 
 thofe that neglecled it. P- f 3F 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 Of the remaining Ceremonies of Baptifm fol- 
 lowing Confirmation. 
 
 Seel:. 1. Perfons newly baptized, cloathed in white 
 Garments. Seel:. 2. Thefe fome times delivered to 
 them with a folemn Form of Words. Sect. 3. 
 Worn eight Days, and then laid up in the Church. 
 Seel:. 4. The Ceremony of Lights and Tapers. 
 What intended by it : And at whofe Charge both 
 thefe were provided. Seel:, f . The Kifs of Peace 
 given to Perfons newly baptized. Sect. 6. And a\ 
 tafle of Honey and Milk in Token of their new Birth. 
 Sect. 7. Then they were required to repeat the Lord's 
 Prayer. Seel. 8. And received into the Church 
 with Pfalmody. Sect. 9. And admitted imme- 
 diately to the Communion of the Altar. Seel:. 10. 
 Of the Ceremony of wafhing the Feet, retained in 
 fome Churches. Seel:. 1 r . A general Refleclion 
 upon the whole preceding Difcourfe, with relation 
 to the Praclice of the prefent Church. p. 5-41 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Laws againft Rebaptization both in 
 Church and State. 
 
 Sect. 1. But one Baptifm, properly fo called, al- 
 lowed by the Church. Seel:. 2. Only the Marcio- 
 nites allowed Baptifm to be thrice repeated. Sect. 
 3. What the Church did in doubtful Cafes, not 
 reckoned a Rebaptization. Seel:. 4. Nor when 
 Jhe baptized thofe who had been unduly baptized 
 before in Herefy or Schifm. Sect. 5. Apoflates 
 never rebaptized in the Catholick Church. Seel:. 
 6. What Hereticks rebaptized the Catholicks. 
 Sect. 7. What Punijhments were inflicled on Re- 
 baptizers by the Laws of Church and State, p. 546 
 
 BOOK 
 
Ihe CONTENTS. xxv 
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 General Obfervations relating to Divine Worfhip in the antient Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Some neccflary Remarks upon the antient Names 
 of Divine Service, which Modern Corrup- 
 tions have rendred Ambiguous. 
 
 (jEcT. i. The Partition of this Work. Sect. 2. 
 
 \5 Of the Mifla Catechumenorum, or Ante-Com- 
 munion Service, to which all Orders of Men 
 were admitted. Sect. 2. Of the Mifla Fideli- 
 um, or Communion- Service, peculiar to Com- 
 municants only. Sect. 4. The true Original and 
 Meaning of the antient Name Mifla, the Mafs, 
 which in its primitive Ufe denotes every part of 
 Divine Service ; but no where an Expiatory Sa- 
 crifice for the Quick and the Dead. Sect, f . In 
 what Senfe Divine Service antiently called Sacri- 
 fice, Sacrificium. Sect. 6. And Sacramenta. 
 Sect. 7. And Curfus Ecclefiafticus. Sect. 8. The 
 Names Aaragy/cc, 'h^yla, 'It^y, and Mus-ayw- 
 yia, mofi u/ual in the Greek Church. Sect. 9. 
 Liturgies fometimes taken for fet Forms of 
 Prayer. Sect. 10. Of Litanies. This at firft 
 a general Name of Prayers. How and when it 
 came to be appropriated to certain particular Forms 
 of Worfhip, called Rogations. Sect. 11. Of the 
 diftinclion between greater and lejfer Litanies. 
 Sect. 12. Of their Proceffions. p. 5-5-5 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 That the Devotions of the antient Church were 
 paid to every Perfon of the BlefTed Trinity. 
 
 Sect. 1. Proofs of the Worfhip of Chrift, as the 
 Son of God, or fecond Perfon of the BleJJed Tri- 
 nity, in the firjl Century. Sect. 2. Proofs of the 
 fame in the fecond Century, from the Teftimony of 
 Pliny, Ignatius, Polycarp, and the Acls of Po- 
 lycarp, the Epiftle of the Church of Smyrna, 
 Juftin Martyr, Athenagoras, Lucian, Irenaeus, 
 Theophilus Antiochenus, Clemens of Alexan- 
 dria, Athenogenes, the Acls of Andronicus, 
 Tertullian. Se£t. 3. Proofs of the Worfhip of 
 Chrift in the third Century out of Caius Roma- 
 nus, the Council of Antioch, Dionyfius of Alex- 
 andria, Origen, Novatian, Cyprian, Arnobius, 
 Lactantius, the Acts of the Martyrs in Eufebius, 
 the Acts of Felix, Thelica, Emeritus, Glyce- 
 rius, Olympius, and many others. The Force of 
 this Argument to prove the Divinity of Chrift 
 upon this Chriftian Principle, That Divine Ho~ 
 nour was to be given to none but God only. Sect. 
 4. The Proofs of the Worfhip of the Holy Ghofi, 
 from the Teftimony of Polycarp, Juftin Martyr, 
 Lucian, Theophilus, Clemens of Alexandria, 
 Athenogenes, Origen, the Author of the Re- 
 cognitions, under the Name of Clemens Roma- 
 nus. The Ancients charged with Tritheifm by 
 Praxeas and the Sabellians, upon the Account of 
 their Worfhipping the Holy "Trinity. The Worfhip 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 of the Holy Ghofl proved farther from the Tefti- 
 mony of Cyprian, Firmilian, and Gregory 
 Thaumaturgus. Sect. f. In what Senfe all 
 Prayers are ordered to be direbled to the Father. 
 
 p. f6z 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 That in the antient Church Religious Worfhip 
 was given to no Creature, Saint or Angel, 
 Crofs, Image or Relick, but to God alone. 
 
 Sect. 1. This Pofttion proved firfl from their gene- 
 ral Declarations againft giving religious Worftiip 
 to any Creature. Sect. z. Secondly, from their 
 denying the Worfhip of Saints and Angels in par- 
 ticular, and condemning it as Idolatry. Sect. 2. 
 Thirdly, from their charging the Praclice of it 
 upon Hereticks and Heathens only. p. 5-74 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 That antiently Divine Service was always per- 
 formed in the Vulgar Tongue, underftood by 
 the People. 
 
 Sect. 1. This proved, Firft, from plain Teftimonies 
 of the Ancients afferting it. Sect. 2. Secondly, 
 from the People's joining in Pfalmody and Prayer, 
 and making their proper Refponfes in the Liturgy. 
 Sect. 3. Thirdly, from the frequent Exhortati- 
 ons of the Fathers to the People^ to hear, and 
 read, and pray with Under ft anding. Sect. 4. 
 Fourthly, from the References made by the Fa- 
 thers in their Sermons to the Prayers and Leffons 
 in the Service of the Church. Sect. f. Fifthly, 
 from the Scriptures being tranflated into all Lan- 
 guages from the firft Foundation of Churches. 
 Sect. 6. Sixthly, from the Ufe of the Order of 
 Interpreters in the Church. Sect. 7. Seventhly, 
 from the Cuftom of having Bibles laid in Churches, 
 for the People to read in private. Sect. 8. 
 Eighthly, from the general Allowance granted to 
 all Men to have, and read the Scriptures in their 
 Mother Tongue. Which Privilege was never in- 
 fringed by any but the Heathen Pcrfecutors. 
 Sect. 9. From the Liberty granted to Children and 
 Catechumens to join in publi'ck Prayers, and 
 read the Scriptures. Sect. 10. From the Form 
 and Tenour of the Ordination of Readers in the 
 Church. p. 579 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Original and Ufe of Liturgies in Stated 
 and Set Forms of Prayer in the Primitive 
 Church. 
 
 Sect. 1 . Every Biftoop at Liberty in the firft Ages 
 to order the Form of Divine Service in his own 
 Church. Sect. z. In After-ages the Churches of 
 a whole Province by Confent conformed to the Li- 
 turgy of the Mctropolitical Church. Sect. 2. 
 Why none of the antient Liturgies are now re- 
 g maining 
 
XXVI 
 
 The CONTENTS. 
 
 maining perfetl and entire as they were in their 
 firjl Original. Sect. 4. What Forms were afed 
 in the Apofiles Days. Where of the antient Forms 
 ufed by the Jews in their Temple- Worfloip and Sy- 
 nagogue-Service. How our Saviour and his 
 Apofiles complied with the Ufe of them. What 
 new Forms were introduced by the Apofiles into 
 the Chriftian Service. Sect, f. What Evidence 
 there is of the Ufe of fet Forms in the fecond Cen- 
 tury, from the Teflimony of Pliny, Ignatius, 
 Lucian, Jultin Martyr, Irenceus, Clemens of 
 Alexandria, Tertullian, and the Acts of St. 
 Perpetua and Felicitas. Sect. 6. Evidence of 
 fet Forms in the third Century, from the Tefii- 
 mony of Hippolytus, Origen, Cyprian, Firmi- 
 lian, Gregory Thaumaturgus, the Council of 
 Antioch, Caius Romanus, Nepos, Dionyfius 
 of Alexandria, Athenogenes, and Cornelius 
 Bijhop of Rome. Sect. 7. Evidences of fet 
 Forms in the fourth Century, from the Tefiimony 
 of Arnobius, Lactantius, Eufebius, the Forms 
 of Licinius, and Conftantine, Athanatius, Ju- 
 vencu c , Pachomius, Flavian Bijhop of Antioch, 
 Cyril of Jerufalem, Hilary of Poi&iers, the 
 Council of Laodicea, Epiphanius, Optatus, Ba- 
 fil, Ephrem Syrus, the Praclice of Arius and 
 Eunomius, St. Ambrofe, St. Jerom, and St. 
 Auftin, the Council of Carthage and Milevis. 
 
 p. f86 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 An Extract of the feveral Parts of the antient 
 Liturgy out of the Genuine Writings of St. 
 Chryjofiom, following the Order of his Works. 
 
 Sect. 1. Parts of the Liturgy in the firft tome. 
 Sect, i. Parts of the Liturgy in the fecond Tome 
 of St. Chryfoftom'j Works. Se&. 3. Part of 
 the antient Liturgy in the third Tome. Sect. 4. 
 Part of the antient Liturgy in the fourth Tome 
 of St. Chryfoftom'j Works. Sect. y. In the 
 fifth Tome. Sect. 6. In the fixth Tome. Sect. 
 7. In the feventh Tome of his Homilies on St. 
 Matthew. Sect. 8. In the eighth Tome on St. 
 John and the Acts of the Apoftles. Sect. p. In 
 the ninth Tome on Romans, on the firfi and fe- 
 cond to /fo Corinthians. Sect. 10. In the tenth 
 Tome. p. 61 1 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Ufe of the Lord's Prayer in the Liturgy 
 of the antient Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. The Lord's Prayer efieemed by all the An- 
 cients a Form given by Chrift to be ufed by all 
 his Difciples. Sect. 2.. Accordingly it was ufed 
 by the Primitive Church in all her publick Offices: 
 Particularly in the Adminifiration of Baptifm. 
 Sect. 3. And in the Celebration of the Eucha- 
 rift. Sect. 4. And in their Morning and Evening 
 Prayers. Sect. f. And in their private Devo- 
 tions. Sect. 6. Whence it had the Name of 
 Oratio Quotidiana, the Chrifiian 's daily Prayer. 
 Sect. 7. And was ufed by all Hereticks and Schif- 
 maticks as well as Catholicks. Sect. 8. That 
 it was efieemed a divine and fpiritual Form of 
 Prayer. Sect. p. And the Ufe of it efieemed a 
 peculiar Privilege, allowed only to Communicants 
 and per feci Chrifiians. p. 612. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the ufe of Habits, and Gefture, and other 
 Rites and Ceremonies in the antient Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. No certain Evidences for the Ufe of di- 
 fiincl Habits in the Apofiolical Age, or the two 
 following Ages. Sect. z. What Evidence there 
 is for them in the fourth Century. Sect. 3. Four 
 Poflures of Devotion fpoken of by the Ancients. 
 Firft, Standing, which was particularly injoined 
 on the Lord's Day, and all the time between 
 Eafter and Pentecoft. Sect. 4. Secondly, 
 Kneeling at all other times, efpecially on the Sta- 
 tionary Days, and other times of Devotion. Sect. 
 f . Thirdly, Bowing down the Head, or Inclina- 
 tion of the Body. Sect. 6. Fourthly, Profira- 
 tion. Sect. 7. Sitting not an allowed Pofiure of 
 Devotion. Sect. 8. Some fuperfiitious Praclices 
 in Devotion noted by Tertullian, as bathing the 
 Body, and putting off their Cloaks when they 
 went to Prayer. Sect. p. That the Ancients al- 
 ways prayed uncovered. Sect. 10. And lifted up 
 their Hands toward Heaven, fometimes in the 
 Form of a Crofs. Sect. 1 1 . But yet were great 
 Enemies to all Theatrical Gefiures. Sect. 11. 
 What Ceremonies they ufed at their Entrance into 
 the Church. Sect. 13. That the Bifioop faluted 
 the People with the Form, Pax vobis, at his En- 
 trance into the Church. Sect. 14. And the 
 People gave Alms to the Poor, who flood before 
 the Gates of the Church for this Purpofe. Sect. 
 1 That they worfhipped toward the Eaft, with 
 theReafons for this Praclice. p. 6zj 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Times of their Religious Aflemblies, and 
 the feveral Parts of Divine Service performed 
 in them. 
 
 Sect 1. No certain Rule for meeting in Publick, ex- 
 cept upon the Lord's Day, in times of Perfecution, 
 for the two firfi Ages. Sect. 2. The Original of 
 the Stationary Days, or Church- AJfemblies on 
 Wednefdays and Fridays, and what Divine Ser- 
 vice was performed on thofe Days. Sect. 3. Sa- 
 turday or the Sabbath antiently obferved with 
 great Solemnity, as a Day of publick Devotion. 
 Sect. 4. How they obferved the Vigils of the 
 Sabbath and Lord's Day, and other incidental 
 Fefiivals of Martyrs. Sect, f . Of the Fefiivals 
 of Martyrs, their Original, and what Divine 
 Service was performed on thofe Days. Sect. 6. 
 Solemn AJfemblies for Preaching, and other Acls 
 of Divine Worfloip, held every Day during the 
 whole forty Days of Lent, and the fifty Days 
 between Eafter and Pentecoft. Sect. 7. Publick 
 Prayer Morning and Evening every Day in the 
 third Century. Sect. 8. The Original of the Ca- 
 nonical Hours of Prayer. No notice of them for 
 publick Prayer, but only for private, in the three 
 firfi Ages. Sect. p. What Service was allotted 
 to thefe Canonical Hours by the Church in the 
 fourth Century. Sect. 10. Of the Matutina, or 
 Prima, called the New Morning Service. Sect. 
 1 1 . Of the Tertia, or third Hour of Prayer. 
 Sect. 12. Of the fixth Hour, or Noon-day Ser- 
 vice. 
 
7be CONTENTS. 
 
 xxvii 
 
 vice. Sect. 13. Of the ninth Hour, or three in 
 the Afternoon. p. 636 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 The Order of their Daily Morning Service. 
 
 Seel:. 1 . The Order of Morning Service, as defcribed 
 in the Conftir.ur.ions. This began with the lxiiid 
 Pfalm. Sect, z. What Notice there is of this 
 Morning Pfalm in other Writers. Sect. 3 . Next 
 to the Pfalm followed the Prayers for the Cate- 
 chumens, Energumens, Competentes, and Pe- 
 nitents. Sect. 4. Then the Prayers for the Faith- 
 ful, the Peace of the World, and the whole State 
 of Chrift'j Church. Sect, f. What Notice we 
 have of thefe Prayers in other Writers. Seel:. 6". 
 After the general Prayer for the whole State of 
 the Church, followed a port Bidding- Prayer for 
 Prefervation in the enfuing Day. Sect. 7. Then 
 the Bijloofts Commendation or Thankfgiving. Sect. 
 8. And his Impofition of Hands or Benediction, 
 with the Deacon's D'ifmiffion of the Affembly. 
 Sect. 0. Whether the Morning Hymn was part of 
 the publick Service every Day. Sect. 10. Whe- 
 ther the Pfalms and Leffons were read at the 
 daily Morning Service. Sect. 1 1 . The Original 
 
 of the Ante-lucan'er Night Affemblies in time of 
 Perfecution. Sect. 1 z. Thefe continued when the 
 Perfections were over. Sect. 13. 7 he Order of 
 Divine Service, which was performed in them, as 
 defcribed by St. Bafil. Sect. 14. The Account of 
 them out of Caffian. Sect. if. This Morning 
 Service much frequented by the Laity as well as 
 the Clergy. p. 646 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 The Order of their Daily Evening Service. 
 
 Sect. 1. The Evening Service in mofl things con- 
 formed to that of the Morning. Sect. z. But 
 they differed, firft, in that a proper Pfalm {the 
 cxli) was appointed for the Evening Service. 
 This Pfalm called the Evening Pfalm by the Au- 
 thor of the Constitutions. Sect. 3. This Pfalm 
 mentioned by Chryfoftom, and other Writers, 
 under the fame Denomination. Sect. 4. Second- 
 ly, they had proper Prayers for the Evening Ser- 
 vice. Sect. f. The Evening Hymn. Sect. 6. 
 Whether there were any Hymns, or Pfalms, or 
 Leffons read in the Evening Service, befide the 
 cxlift Pfalm. Sect. 7. The Lord's Prayer ufed 
 in many Churches, as the Conclufton of the daily 
 Morning and Evening Service. p. 654 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 Of that Part of Divine Service which the Ancients comprized under the ge* 
 neral Name of Mtffa Catechumenorum, The Service of the Catechumens^ 
 or Ante-Communion Service on the Lord's Day, 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of rhe Pfalmody of the antient Church. 
 
 SEct. i. That the Service of the antient Church 
 on the Lord's Day ufually began with Pfalmody. 
 Stct. z. The Pfalms intermixed with Leffons and 
 Prayers in fome Churches. Sect. 3. Thefe Pfalms 
 called by a peculiar Name, Pfalmi Refponforij. 
 Sect. 4. Some Pfalms appropriated to particular 
 Services. Sect. 5. Others fung in the ordinary 
 Courfe as they lay in Order, without being ap- 
 propriated to any Time or Day. Sect. 6. And 
 fome appointed occasionally, at the Difcretion of the 
 Bifidop or Precentor. Sect. 7. Prayers in fome 
 Places between every Pfalm inftead of a Leffon. 
 Sect. 8. The Gloria Patri added at the end of 
 every Pfalm in the Weftern Church, but not in 
 the Greek or Oriental Church. Sect. p. The 
 Pfalms fometimes fung by one Perfon only. Sect. 
 10. Sometimes by the whole Affembly joyning al- 
 together. Sect. 1 1 . Sometimes alternately by the 
 Congregation divided into two Parts, and answer- 
 ing Verfe for Verfe to one another. Sect. iz. 
 Sometimes by a ftngle Precentor repeating the firft 
 Part of the Verfe, and the People all joyning 
 with him in the Clofe. This was called uxm^eiv, 
 and U7ra>t»«v. What meant by Diaplalms,Acrote- 
 
 leuticks, and Acrofticks in Pfalmody. Sect. 13.* 
 An Anfwer to a Popifh Objection againfi the 
 Peoples bearing a Part in Pfalmody. Sect. 14. 
 Pfalmody always performed in the Jlanding Po- 
 fture. Sect. 1 f . Of the ufe of plain Song, and 
 its Commendation among the Ancients. Sect. 16. 
 Artificial and melodious tuning of the Voice allowed 
 in Singing, when managed with Sobriety and Dif- 
 cretion. Sect. 17. No Objection made againfi 
 Pfalms or Hymns of human Compofition, barely 
 as fuch. Sect. 18. But two Corruptions fever ely 
 inveighed againfi. Firft, over-great Nicencfs and 
 Curiofity in Singing, in Imitation of the Modes 
 and Mufick of the Theatre. Sect. ip. And Se- 
 condly, pleafing the Ear without raifing the 
 Affections of the Soul. p. 66 r 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 A particular Account of fome of the raoft noted 
 Hymns ufed in the Service of the antient 
 Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. Of the leffer Doxology, or Hymn, Glory 
 be to the Father, &c. Sect. 1. Of the great 
 Doxology, Glory be to God on high, &c. 
 Sect. 3. O/^Trifagion, or Cherubical Hymn, 
 Holy, Holy, Holy, &c. Seft. 4. Of the Al- 
 
 lelujah, 
 
XXX 
 
 The CONTENTS. 
 
 Sandta Sanctis, and the Hymn, Glory be to 
 God on high, Hofanna, 13 c. Sect, zz. Of 
 
 the Invitatory P faint fung before the Communion. 
 Seel. $3. That the Confecration antiently was al- 
 ways performed with an audible Voice. Seel;. 24. 
 And with the Ceremony of breaking the Bread) to 
 reprefent our Saviour's Pajfion. P- 74 1 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 Of Communicants, or Perfons who were al- 
 lowed to receive this Sacrament, and the man- 
 ner of receiving it. 
 
 Sect. 1 . All Perfons, except Catechumens and Pe- 
 nitents, obliged to receive the Eucharift. Stct. 2. 
 When and how this Difcipline began firfl to re- 
 lax. Sect. 3. tVhen firfl the ufe of Eulogice 
 came in, inflead of the Eucharift, for fuch as 
 would not communicate . Sect. 4. The Corruption 
 of private and folitary M ifs unknown to former 
 Ages. Sect, f. Other Corruptions countenanced 
 in the Roman Church, fuch as the Mifla Sicca 
 and Nautica, and thofe called Bifaciata#«^ Tri- 
 facial, &c. Seel:. 6. The Communion not given 
 to Hereticks and Schifmaticks, without Confefjions 
 and Reconciliation. Seel. 7. Tet given to Infants 
 and Children for fever al Ages. Seel. 8 And 
 fent to the abfent Members of their own and other 
 Churches. Sect. 9. And to thofe that were fick, 
 or in Prifon, or under any Confinement, or in 
 Penance at the Point of Death. Sect. 10. The 
 Eucharift fometimes confe crated in private Houfes 
 for thefe Purpofes. Sect. 1 t . And commonly re- 
 ferved in the Church for the fame Ufes. Sect. 
 li. And alfo for publick ufe upon fome Days, 
 when they made no new Confecration. This called 
 IV! ilia Prasfanctificatorium. Its Ufe and Origi- 
 nal. Sect. 12. The Eucharift fometimes referved 
 in private by private Men, for daily Participa- 
 tions. Sect. 14. Tet this never allowed in the 
 publick Service. Sect. if. A novel Cuflom noted 
 of referving the Eucharift for forty Days, and 
 the Inconveniences attending it. Sect. 16. The 
 Eucharift fometimes given to the Energumens 
 in the Interval of their Diftemper. Sect. 17. 
 All Men debarred from it that were guilty of 
 any great or notorious Crime, of what Rank or 
 Degree foever. Sect. 18. The ghiefiion of Di- 
 gamy or fecond Marriage fated. Whether it 
 debarred Men at any time from the Communion. 
 Sect. 1 9. The corrupt Cuflom of fome, who gave 
 the Eucharift to the Dead, cenfured by the An- 
 cients. Sect. 2,0. Parallel to which is the abufc 
 of burying the Eucharift with the Dead. Sect. 
 zi. The Order of Communicating. Sect. 22. 
 Some Rules obferved for diflinElion of Places in 
 Communicating. p. 769 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 A Refolution of feveral Queftions relating far- 
 ther to the manner of Communicating in the 
 antient Church. 
 
 Sect. 1. That the People were always admitted to 
 receive the Communion in both Kinds. Sect. 2. 
 That in receiving in both Kinds they always re- 
 
 ceived the Elements diflintlly, and tot the one 
 dipped in the other. Sect. 3. That the Ancients 
 received fometimes ftanding, fometimes kneeling, 
 but never fitting. Sect. 4 No Elevation of the 
 Hofl for divine Adoration in the antient Church 
 for many Ages, till the rile c/Tranlubftantiation. 
 Sect. f. The People allowed to receive the Eucha- 
 rift into their own Hands. S.cl 6. The fame 
 Cuflom obferved in delivering it to ~ nett and 
 Children. Sect. 7. The Eucharift ujua,., 
 vered to the People with a certain Form of Words, 
 to which they anfwered Amen. Sect. 8. How, 
 Novatian and others abufed the Communion to 
 . wicked Purpofes. Sect. p. Proper Pfalms for the 
 Occafion ufually fung while the People were com- 
 municciting. p. 785 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 Of their Poft-Communion Service. 
 
 Sect. 1 . The Communion Service clofed with feveral 
 forts of Thankfgiving. The Deacon's Bidding- 
 Prayer or Thankfgiving. Sect. 2. The Bifljop's 
 Thankfgiving, or Commendation of the People to 
 God, Sect. 3. The Bifioop's Benedict ion. Sect. 
 4. The Deacon's Form of difmiffing the People 
 with the fhort Prayer, Go in Peace. Sect. 5. 
 What Account we have of thefe Prayers in other 
 Writers be fides the Con fti tut ions. Sect. 6. 
 Thefe Thankfgivings always made in the Plural 
 Number by and for the whole Body of Communi- 
 cants. And fo they are fill remaining in the Ro- 
 man Mafs-Book, to the reproach of the great 
 abufe of private and folitary Mafs. p. 802; 
 
 CHAP. vir. 
 
 How the Remains of the Eucharifi were difpofed 
 of: And of their common Entertainment 
 called Agape, or Feaft of Charity. 
 
 Sect. 1. Part of the Eucharift antiently referved 
 for particular Ufes. Sect. z. The reft divided 
 among the Communicants. Sect 3. This Divifion 
 of the confecratcd Elements, a diftincl thing from 
 the Divifion of the other Oblations. beet. 4. 
 The Remains of the Eucharift fometimes given to 
 innocent Children. Sect, f . And fometimes burnt 
 in the Fire. Sect. 6. Some part of the other 
 Oblations difpofed of in a Feaft of Charity, which 
 all the Ancients reckon an Apoftolical Rite accom- 
 panying the Communion. Sect. 7. Whether this 
 Feaft was before or after the Communion in the 
 Apoftles Days. Sect. 8. How obferved in the 
 following Ages-, when the Eucharift was com- 
 monly received fafting, and before this Feaft, ex- 
 cept upon fome particular Occafions. Sect. p. 
 Thefe Love- Feaft s at fir ft held in the Church ; 
 but afterward forbidden to be kept in the Church 
 by Orders of Councils. Sect. 10. How the Chri- 
 ftians were at firfl abufed and calumniated by 
 fome of the Heathen, but admired and envied by 
 others upon the Account of thefe Feafis of Cha- 
 rity, p. 8of 
 
 CHAP. 
 
7be CONTENTS. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 CHAP. VI II. 
 
 Of the Preparation which the Ancients required 
 as neceffary in Communicants, to qualify them 
 for a worthy Reception. 
 
 Sect, i. A general Anfwer to this §hieflion, by re- 
 ferring to the Profejfions of Repentance, Faith, 
 and holy Obedience, made by every Chriflian in 
 Baptifm ; in the Obfervation of which Profejfions 
 emery one was pre fumed to be qualified for the 
 Communion. Sect. z. What bailings were deemed 
 confifient with thefe Profejfions, and a State of 
 Grace, and a continual Preparation for the Com- 
 munion. Sect. 5 . What Repentance required for 
 fuch Failings. Sect. 4. What Crimes unqualified 
 Men abfolutely for the Communion, and what fort 
 of Repentance was required for them. Sect, f . 
 Miniflers not to admit fcandalous and notorious 
 Sinners to the Communion, without J'atisfatlory 
 Evidences of their Repentance, in fuch Cafes as 
 fubjetled them to the publick Difcipline : In other 
 Cafes, where the publick Difcipline was not con- 
 cerned, they were only to admonifi) them to abjlain 
 from Communion, but not obliged abfolutely to re- 
 pel them from it. Sect. 6. Auricular Confeffion 
 ef private Sins not necefj'ary to be made to the 
 Priefi, as an indifpenjible Qualification for the 
 Communion. Sect. 7. 'That Preparation confifis 
 not in coming to Communion at certain holy Seafons, 
 Eafter, Chriftmas, &V. but in Sanblity and Pu- 
 rity at all times. Sect. 8. What Faith they re- 
 
 quired in Communicants. Soft. p. What Purity 
 of Soul by Repentance and Obedience. How far 
 Fafiing uj'eful or neceffary lo this Pnrpofe. Sect. 
 I o The Necejfity of Jujlice and liefiitution in a 
 worthy Communicant. Sect. 11. The Neceffity 
 of Peace and Unity. Sect. iz. The Neceffity of 
 Charity to the Poor. Sect. 13. The Neceffity of 
 forgiving Enemies, and pardoning Offences. Sect. 
 14. What Behaviour required in the Acl ef Com~ 
 municating : And what Deportment afterwards 
 
 p. 8n 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 Of frequent Communion, and the Times of Ce- 
 lebrating it in the anticnt Cliurch. 
 
 Sect. t. All Perfms, except Penitents under Cenfure, 
 obliged antiently to receive the Communion every 
 Lord's- Day, by the Canons of the Chur h. Sect. 
 z. This jhewed to be the con ft ant Praclice for the 
 three firfi /Iges. Sect. 3. The Euchariit celebra- 
 ted on other Days befide the Lord's- Day in many 
 Churches. Sect. 4. And in fomc Places every 
 Day. Sect, f . When firfi it came to be fettled 
 to three times a Year. Sc6l, 6. And afterward 
 to once a Tear by the Council of Lateran. Sect. 
 
 7. What Attempt was made to rejlo'-e frequent 
 and full Communions at the Reformation. Sect. 
 
 8. Wherein this is fill deficient : And what feems 
 yet neceffary to be done in order to reduce Commu- 
 nion to the Primitive Standard. p. 8^4 
 
After thefe Collections were printed of% I had occafion to make one Remark upon a Word ufed 
 in the ift Book, Chap. z. Sect. 17. which becaufe I have no Opportunity to mention elle- 
 wherej the Reader may plcafe to fake it in this Place. The Name Pilojiota^ which I fay the Orj- 
 genians ufed as a Term of Reproach for the Catholicks, ought rather to be read Peliifiotte^ from 
 Lutum j in which Senfe it fignifies Earthly, Senfual, Carnally-minded Men, which were the 
 Names the Origenians bellowed upon the Orthodox, becaufe they had not the fame Apprehenfions 
 of Spiritual and Heavenly Bodies as they had. St. Jerom gives this Explication in exprefs Terms, 
 in a Paffage which has lately occurr'd to my Obfervation, where he ufes [*] the Greek Word TruXso-r- 
 ovrar, which explains his Meaning in other Places, and puts the Matter beyond all Difpute. So 
 that though Baronius from fome Copies reads it Pilo/iota, yet the true reading is Pelufiota^ as the 
 PaiTage cited in the Margin does evince. 
 
 [*] Hicron. Com. in Jerom. 29. p, 4.07. 6)u& cum audiunt Di/cipuli ejus (Origenis) Grunn'mns, FamilU Stercora, putant fe Divma 
 nud'tre Myfieria: Nofque quod ifta contemninus, quafi pro brutis habent animmtibus, & vacant TrnKvattoTctu to quod m Luto ijliui corporis 
 eonftituti, non fojjlmus [entere coeUfiin, 
 
THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Of the feveral Names and Orders of Men in the 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the feveral Titles and Appellations of Chriftians, which they owned y and 
 
 dtftinguifhed themfelves by. 
 
 SECT, t 
 Chriftians at firfl 
 tailed Jefleans, 
 and Therapeu- 
 tx, ri/roi, 
 ch.*sjc]oi, 8cc. 
 
 HEN Chrifti- 
 anity was firfl: 
 planted in the 
 World, they who 
 embraced it were 
 commonly known 
 among themfelves 
 by the Names of 
 Difciples, Believers, Elect, Saints, and Brethren j 
 before they aflumed the Title and Appellation of 
 Chriftians. Epiphanius [_a~] fays they were alfo 
 called 'hosouo:, Jeffeans; either from Jeffe the 
 Father of David, or, which is more probable, 
 from the Name of the Lord Jefus. He adds, 
 that. Philo fpeaks of them under this Appellation, 
 in his Book t^] 'hosouw j which he affirms to 
 be no other but Chriftians, who went by that 
 Name in JEgypt, whilft St. Mark preached the 
 Gofpel at Alexandria. This Book of Philo's is 
 now extant under another Title j fiix 
 $-«cop/rnx», Of the Contemplative Life: And lb it is 
 cited by Eufebius [b~] - y who is alfo of Opinion, 
 that it is nothing but a Defcription of the Chri- 
 
 ftians in Mgypt, whom he calls Therapeut<e 5 
 which fignifies either Worftiippers of the True 
 God, or Spiritual Phyficians, who undertook to 
 cure Men's Minds of all vicious and corrupt Af- 
 fections. But whether this Name was invented 
 by Philo, as moft proper to exprefs their ways of 
 living, or was then the common Name of Be- 
 lievers in JEgypt, before the Name Chriftian was 
 fpread over all the World, Eufebius does not un- 
 dertake to determine : However, he concludes it 
 was a Name given to the Chriftians j and St. Je- 
 rom [c] is fo pofitive in it, that for this Reafon 
 he gives Philo a Place in his Catalogue of Eccle- 
 liaftical Writers j telling us, that he wrote a 
 Book concerning the firft Church of St. Mark 
 at Alexandria. 
 
 Some Learned Criticks of the laft Age, call 
 this whole Matter \jf] into Queftion: But their 
 Arguments are anfwered by others [e] as Learn- 
 ed j and therefore I ftiall enter no farther into 
 this Difpute, but refer the Reader, that is curious, 
 thither for Satisfaction. That which I here take 
 notice of farther, is only this j That thefe 
 
 [a] Epiphan. Hxr. 29. n. 4. [b~\. Eufeb. Hid. Lib. 2. c. 17. Lib. 2. c. 17. Dallxus de Jejun. & Quadragef. Lib. i.e. 4. [e] Be- 
 [r] Hieron de Scviptor. c. 11. [d] Scaliger & Valerius in Eufeb. vereg. Tod, Can. Vind. Lib. 3. c.j\ n. 4. 
 
 Vol. I. B Names, 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book L 
 
 Names, Therapeuta and Jeffai, were fcarce ever 
 ufed in After- Ages j but the other Names, "Aywi, 
 Unci, 'Ey.Xsx.1ci, Saints, Believers, Eled, &c. 
 occur frequently in Ecclefiaftical Writers and 
 fignify not any fele& Number of Chriftians, (as 
 now the Words, Saints and Elect, are often ufed 
 to fignify only the Predeftinate 5 ) but all Chri- 
 ftians in general, who were enter'd into the 
 Communion of the Church by the Waters of 
 Baptifm. For fo Theodoret [/] and others explain 
 the Word "Aywi, Saints, to be fuch as were 
 vouchfafed the Honour and Privilege of Baptifm. 
 
 SECT. II. And upon this Account, be- 
 
 of the Technical ca ufe the Chriftian Life took its 
 
 names, i x t 2 Original from the Waters of Bap- 
 
 and Wheat tifm & and depended upon t h e Ob- 
 
 fervance of the Covenant made therein, the 
 Chriftians were wont to pleafe themielves with 
 the Artificial Name Pifciculi, Fifties ; to denote, 
 as Tertullian [g] words it, that they were rege- 
 nerate, or born again into Chrift's Religion by 
 Water, and could not be faved but by continu- 
 ing therein. And this Name was the rather cho- 
 fen by them, becaufe the Initial Letters of our 
 Saviour's Names and Titles in Greek, imaSc 
 Xg/s-w, ©*S 'Tior, Swln'e, Jefus Chrift, the Son of 
 God, our Saviour, Technically put together, 
 make up the Name IXOTS j which fignifies a 
 Fifti, and is alluded to both by Tertullian, and [h] 
 Optatus. 
 
 sect. III. Sometimes Chriftians alfo 
 chriftiam why cal- themfelves by the Name of 
 led Gnoftici. Gnofticks, rvwnxot, Men of Un- 
 derftanding and Knowledge > becaufe the Chri- 
 ftian Religion was the trueft Wifdom, and the 
 Knowledge of the molt Divine and Heavenly 
 things. This Name was aped and abufed by a 
 perverfe fort of Hereticks, who are commonly 
 known and diftinguiftied by the Name of 
 Gnofticks, becaufe of their great Pretences to 
 Knowledge and Science falfly fo called. Yet this 
 did not hinder but that the Chriftians fometimes 
 laid claim to it, as having indeed the only juft 
 and proper Right to make ufe of it. For which 
 Reafon,C7<?w*7« Alexandrinus p] in all his Writings, 
 gives the Chriftian Philofopher the Appellation 
 of rvfid?w6r. Athanafius [k~\ calls the Afceticks of 
 j£gypt, who were of the Contemplative Life, 
 by the fame Name, rvw?ix.o/ : And Socrates tells 
 us, Evagrius Ponticus wrote a Book for the Ufe 
 of thefe Afceticks, which he entituled, 'The 
 Gnoftick, i. e. Rules for the Contemplative Life j 
 fome Fragments of which are yet extant in So- 
 crates [/], and fome others publiftied by Cotele- 
 rius, in his Monuments of the Greek Church. In 
 
 one of thefe Fragments, there is mention made 
 of a Monk, who is ftiled Mova^o? t 1 nap/*€«Xflr, 
 rffl Tvcds-ouov 6 (Pomijloitcitos j which the firft 
 Tranflators of Socrates not underftanding, render, 
 A Monk of great Renown, of the Seel of the 
 Gnofticks 5 as if he had been one of the Gnoflick 
 Hereticks > whereas, it means no more than a 
 Monk of the Contemplative Life, who inhabited 
 in a Village called the Parembole, not far from 
 Alexandria; being one of thofe Afceticks, whom 
 Evagrius and all the reft call by the then known 
 Name of Chriftian Gnofticks. See Falefiufs Note 
 upon Socrates. 
 
 Another Name which fre- sect. iv. 
 quently occurs in the Writings of Sometimes called 
 the Ancients, is that of ettofaw 1^°" &CM ~ 
 which fignifies Temples of God, ° P ° n ' 
 and is as old as Ignatius, who ufually gave him- 
 felf this Title ; as appears, both from the In- 
 fcriptions of his Epiftles, each of which begins, 
 'Iyvan©-' 6 ^ ©?o<p ; £j)? j as alfo from the ancient 
 A6h of his Martyrdom, where [m] the Reafon 
 of the Name is explained in his Dialogue with 
 Trajan; who hearing him ftile himfelf Theophc- 
 rus, asked what that Name meant? To which 
 Ignatius replied, That it meant one that carried 
 Chrift in his Heart. Doft thou then,, faid Tra- 
 jan, carry him that was crucify'd in thy Heart ? 
 Ignatius anfwered, Yes : For it is written, J will 
 dwell in them, and walk in them. Anaftafius Bibli- 
 othecarius indeed gives another Reafon, why Ig- 
 natius was called Theophorus ; becaufe he was the 
 Child whom our Saviour took, and fet in the 
 midft of his Difciples, laying his Hands upon 
 him-, and therefore the Apoftles would never 
 prefume to Ordain him again by Imposition of 
 Hands after Chrift. But as Bifhop Pearfon [Vj 
 and others have obferved, this was a meer Inven- 
 tion of the modern Greeks, from whom Anafta- 
 fius took it without farther Enquiry. Much more 
 ridiculous and abfurd, is the Reafon which is 
 affigned by Vinccntius [0] Bellovacenfis and fome 
 others j That Ignatius was fo called, becaufe the 
 Name of Jefus Chrift was found written in Gol- 
 den Letters in his Heart. Both thefe Fancies are 
 fufficiently refelled by the Genuine Acls of his 
 Martyrdom j which give a more Rational Ac- 
 count of the Name, and fuch as plainly intimates 
 that it was no peculiar Title of Ignatius, but 
 common to him with all other Chriftians : As 
 indeed Biftiop Pearfon does abundantly prove 
 from feveral Paflages of Clemens Alexandrinus^ 
 Gregory Nazianzen, Palladius, Eulogius, Theodoret, 
 Cyril of Alexandria, Photius, Maximus, and o- 
 thers. Particularly Clemens [_p~\ afiigns the fame 
 Reafon of the Name, as Ignatius does j That the 
 
 [/] Theodor. Com. in Philip, i, \. [g] Tertul. de Bapt. 
 c. I. Nos Pifciculi fecundum ix^vv noftrum Jefum Chriftum in 
 aqua nafcimur; nec aliter quara in aqua permanendo falvi fumus. 
 [6] Optat. cont. Parmen. Lib. 3. p. 62. Hie eft Pifcis qui in 
 Baptifmate per invocationem Fontalibus undis inferitur, ut quae aqua 
 fuerat. a Pifce etiam Pifcina vocitetur. Cujus Pifcis nomen, fe- 
 cundura Appellationem Graecam in uno nomine per fingulas Literas 
 turbam fandtorum nominum continet, 2v$vV> <l uo d e ^ latine, 
 
 Jefus Chriftus Dei Filius Salvator. [/] Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 
 p. 294. Strom. 2. p. 282. Strom. 6. p. 66j. Strom. 7. p. 748. 
 [k] Athan. ap. Socrat. Hid. Eccl. Lib. 4. c. 23. [/J Socrat.ibid. 
 [w] Acta Ignat. ap. Grabe Spicil. T. 2. p. 10. [«] Pearfon 
 Vind. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 1 2. p. 297. Cave'; Life of Ignatius. Grabe 
 Spicil. T. 2. p. 2. [0] Vincent. Specul. Lib. 10. c. 7. 
 [f> J Clem. Strom. Lib. 7. p. 748. 
 
 Chriftian 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 3 
 
 Chriftian is therefore called ©eocpo^v and 
 ©Eotpe^^^, bccaufe as the Apoftlc fays, he is 
 the Temple of God. We fometimes alfo meet with 
 the Name Chriftophori in the fame Scnfej as in 
 the Epiftle of Phileas, Bifhop of Thumis, re- 
 corded by Eufebius; where fpeaking of the Mar- 
 tyrs of his own time, he gives them the Title of 
 X^°^'°^3 l ju«Y^esr, \_q] bccaufe they were Tem- 
 ples of Chrift, and acted by his Holy Spirit. 
 
 sfxt. v. St. Ambrofc, in one place, 
 Ami fometimesM gj ves tnem t h e Name of Chrifti, 
 vcryrarely, chrnU i n a qualify'd Senfe; alluding to 
 the Signification of the Word Chriflus in Scrip- 
 ture ; where it fometimes fignifies any one that 
 is anointed with Oyl, or receives any Commiflion 
 from God by a Spiritual Unction. In which 
 Senfe, every Chriftian is the Lord's Anointed. 
 And therefore he fays, it is no Injury [r] for the 
 Servant to bear the Character of the Lord, nor 
 for the Soldier to be called by the Name of his 
 General \ forafmuch as God himfelf hath faid, 
 'Touch not mine anointed, or my Chrift s; Chrift os 
 meos, as now the Vulgar Tranflation reads it, 
 (Pfal. iof. if.) And St. Jerom alfo, who in his 
 Notes upon the Place [/] obferves, That all 
 Men are called Chrifts, who are anointed with 
 the Holy Ghoft ; as the Ancient Patriarchs be- 
 fore the Law, who had no other Unction. Yet 
 we do not find that the Chriltians generally took 
 this Name upon them, but rather referved it to 
 their Lord, as his peculiar Name and Title. 
 
 SECT. vi. Yet it is very obfervable, 
 
 nemies to a Party- t j iere wus fl.^ f omc peculiar Rela- 
 Names, and Human . i _ . Z 
 
 Appellations. tl01 "> to Chrift and God, from 
 
 whom they would be named, 
 and not from any Mortal Man, how great or 
 eminent foever. Party-Names, and Human Ap- 
 pellations, they ever profeffed to abhor. We 
 take not our Denomination from Men, fays 
 Chryfoftom j [/] We have no Leaders, as the Fol- 
 lowers of Marcion, or Manichaus, or Arius. No, 
 fays Epiphanius [u], The Church was never called 
 fo much as by the Name of any Apoftle : We 
 never heard of Petrians, or Paulians, or Bartho- 
 lom<£aw, or Thaddgans j but only of Chriftians, 
 from Chrift. I honour Peter, fays another Father 
 [w], but I am not called a Petrian j I honour 
 Paul, but I am not called a Paulian j I cannot 
 bear to be named from any Man, who am the 
 Creature of God. They obferve, that this was 
 only the Property of Sects and Herefies, to take 
 Party-Names, and denominate themfelves from 
 their Leaders. The great and venerable Name 
 
 of Chriftians was neglected by them, whilft they 
 prophanely divided themfelves into Human Ap- 
 pellations j as Gregory Nyffen [x~] and Nazianzen 
 complain. Thus Bafil obferves \_y~] how the 
 Marcionites and Valentinians rejected the Name of 
 Chriftians, to be called after the Names of Mar- 
 cion and Valentinus, their Leaders. Optatus [z~] 
 and St. Aufiin [a] bring the fame Charge againit 
 the Donatifts. Optatus lays, it was the uiual Que- 
 Ition of Donatus to all Foreigners j Quid apud 
 vos agitur de Parte mea? How go the Affairs of 
 my Party among you ? And the Bifhops who 
 were his Followers, were ufed to fubferibe them- 
 felves, Ex 'Parte Donati. Epiphanius obferves the 
 lame of the Audians, Colluthians, and Arians : 
 And he tells us more particularly of Meletius and 
 his Followers, [c~] That having formed aSchifm, 
 they left the old Name of the Catholick Church, 
 and ftiled themfelves by a diftinguifhing Cha- 
 racter, The Church of the Martyrs - t with an invi- 
 dious Defign, to caft a Reproach upon all others 
 that were not of their Party. In like manner, as 
 the Arians ftiled themfelves Lucianifts [d~] and 
 Conlurianifts, pretending to follow the Doctrine 
 of Lucian the Martyr. 
 
 But the Church of Chrift ftill kept to the 
 Name of Chriftian. This was the Name they 
 gloried in as moft expreffive of their Unity and 
 Relation to Chrift. Eufebius [e~\ records a memo- 
 rable Story out of the Epiftle of the Churches 
 of Lyons and Vienna, in France j concerning one 
 Sanclus a Deacon of the Church of Vienna, who 
 fuffer'd in the Perfecution under Antonine ; That 
 being put to the Rack, and examined by the 
 Magiftrates concerning his Name, his Country, 
 his City, his Quality, whether he were bond or 
 free} his Anfwer to all their Queftions was, i" 
 am a Chriftian : This, he faid, was to him both 
 Name, and City, and Kindred, and every thing. 
 Nor could the Heathen with all their Skill ex- 
 tort any other Anfwer from him. St. Chryfoftom 
 [/] gives the like Account of the Behaviour of 
 Lucian the Martyr before his Perfecutorsj and 
 there are fome other Inftances of the fame Na- 
 ture, by which we may judge how great a Ve- 
 neration they had for the Name Chriftian. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Of the Name Ca- 
 tholick, and its An- 
 tiquity. 
 
 The Importunity of Hereticks 
 made them add another Name to 
 this, viz. that of Catholick} 
 which was as it were their Sir- 
 name, or Characteriftick , to diftinguiih them 
 from all Sects, who though they had Party- 
 Names, yet fometimes ilieltered themfelves under 
 the common Name of Chriftians. This we learn 
 from Parian's Epiftle [g] to Sempronian the No- 
 
 [9] Eufeb. Lib. 8. c. jo. [r] Ambrof. de Obit. Valentin. 
 T. 3. p. n. Nee injuriara putes, Characteri Domini inferibuntur 
 8c Servuli, 8c nomine Imperatoris iignantur Milites. Denique 8c 
 ipfe Dominus dixit, Nolite tangere Chriftos meos. [*J Hieron. 
 Com. in Pfal. 104. Ecce ante Legem Patriarchs non unc\i Rega- 
 li unguento, Chrifti dicuntur. Chrifti autem funt,qui Spiritu Sanfto 
 unguntur. [/] Chryfpft. Horn. 33. in Aft. [«] Epiphan. 
 Hot. 42. Marcionit. Item. Hser. 10. [w] Greg. Naz,. Orat. 
 3 '■ P- fo6. See alfo Athan. Orat. 2. contra Arian. Greg. NyfT. 
 
 de Perfeft. Chrift. T. 3. p. 276. [x] NyfT. contra Apollin.T. 3. 
 p. 261. Naz,. Orat. ad Epifcop. [y J Baiil. Com. in Pfal. 48. 
 p. 245-. O] Optat. Lib. 3. p. 66. [a] Aug. Ep. 68. ad 
 Januar. [£] Epiph. Hser. 70. Audianor. Id. Haer. 69. Arian. 
 [c] Epiph. Haer. 68. Meletian. [J} Theodor. Hift. Eccl. Lib. i. 
 c. f. Epiphan. Haer. 69. Arian. [e] Eufeb. Lib. 5-, c. 1. 
 [/] Chryfoft. Homil. 46. in Lucian. T. 1. p. 602. [g ] Pa- 
 cian. Ep. 1. ad Sempronian. Chriftianus mihi nomen eft, Catholicus 
 Cognomen, iUud me nuncupat, Iftud oftendit. 
 
 vatian 
 
 \ 
 
4 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book I. 
 
 vatian Heretick, who demanding of him the 
 Reafon why Chriftians called themfelves Catho- 
 licksj He anfwers, that it was to difcern them 
 from Hereticks, who went by the Name of 
 Chriftians. Chriftian is my Name, fays he, and 
 Catholick my Sirname : The one is my Title, the 
 other my Chara&er or Mark of Diftindtion. 
 Hereticks commonly confined Religion, either 
 to a particular Region, or fome felcct Party of 
 Men, and therefore had no Pretence to ftile 
 themfelves Catholicks: But the Church of Chrift 
 had a juft Title to this Name, being called Ca- 
 tholick (as Opt at us [/>] obferves) becaufe it was 
 univerfally diffufed over all the World. And in this 
 Senfe the Name is as ancient almoft as the Church 
 it felf. For we meet with it in the Paffion of 
 Polycarp [f] in Eufebius, in Clemens [k~\ Alexayi- 
 drinus, and Ignatius [/]. And fo great a Regard 
 had they for this Name, that they would own 
 none to be Chriftians, who did not profefs them- 
 felves to be of the Catholick Church. As we 
 may fee in the \m~] Acts of Pionius the Martyr, 
 who being asked by Polemo the Judge, Of what 
 Church he was ? Anfwered, I am of the Catho- 
 lick Church: For Chrift has no other. 
 
 SECT. vill. I muft here, obferve farther, 
 in what senfe t h at t h e Name of Ecclefiafticks 
 
 ti ks a 7vel CC u7ll was fometimes attributed to all 
 Chilians™ f ° * Chriftians in general. For though 
 this was a peculiar Name of the 
 Clergy, as contradiftinct from the Laity in the 
 Chriftian Church} yet when Chriftians in gene- 
 ral are fpoken of, in Oppofition to Jews, Infi- 
 dels and Hereticks, then they have all the Name 
 of Ecclefiafticks, or Men of - the Church y as be- 
 ing neither of the Jewijh Synagogues, nor of 
 the Heathen Temples, nor Heretical Conventi- 
 cles, but Members of the Church of Chrift. In 
 this Senfe dvffis bw.\r\(nci<?r/.ol is often ufed by 
 [Vj Eufebius and Cyril [o~] of Jerufalem. And 
 Valefius \_p~) obferves the fame in Origen, Epipha- 
 nius, St. Jerome and others. 
 
 SECT. ix. Sometimes alfo we find the 
 ThechriftitnRe- Word Acyjua put abfolutely to 
 HT anfcbrfZ's fi g nif V the Chriftian Religion } as 
 htk Zoyt**T&. Cbryfoftom [q] and theodoret [r] 
 fay, St. Paul himfelf ufes the 
 Word in his Epiftle to the Ephefians, z. 1 f . And 
 Eftius [f] allures us it was the common Interpre- 
 tation of all Ancient Expofitors, both Greek and 
 Latin, upon that Place. And hence it was that 
 Chriftians were called fometimes 6t tS Aoy J u<xT®', 
 Men of the Faith, meaning the Faith of Chrift. As 
 in the Refcript of Aurelian the Emperor againft 
 
 Paulus Samofatenfis, recorded by [/] Eufebius, 
 the Bifhops of Italy and Rome are ftiled 'ExiVxo- 
 7toi rk c^oy^aT©', Bifhops of the Faith, that is, 
 the Chriftian Faith. 
 
 The Heathens alfo were ufed SECT. x. 
 to confound the Names of Jews chriftians exiled 
 and Chriftians together} Whence ]™ s ^ the kea ~ 
 in Heathen Authors the Name of * m ' 
 Jews by miftake is often given to the Chriftians. 
 Thus Dio in the Life of Domitian [u] fpeaking 
 of Jcilius GUbrio, a Man of Confular Dignity, 
 fays he was accufed of Atheifm, and put to 
 Death for turning to the Jews Religion : Which, 
 as Baronius [w] and others obferve, muft mean 
 the Chriftian Religion, for which he was a Mar- 
 tyr. So when Suetonius [*] fays, that Claudius 
 expelled the Jews from Rome, becaufe they grew 
 tumultuous by the Inftigations of Chreftus; 'tis 
 generally concluded by Learned [_y] Men, that 
 under the Name of Jews he alfo comprehends 
 the Chriftians. In like manner when Spartian, 
 [z] fays of Caracalla\ Playfellow, that he was 
 of the Jewijh Religion, he doubtlefs means the 
 Chriftian: Forafmuch as Tertullian [a] tells us 
 that Caracalla himfelf was nurfed by a Chriftian. 
 
 The Heathens committed ano- sect. xr. 
 ther miftake in the Pronuncia- chrift the Hea- 
 tion of our Saviour's Name, f en >" m ™nly cat- 
 whom they generally called Cbre- 
 Jtus inftead or Chriftus; and his a ns. 
 Followers Chreftians for Chrifii- 
 ftians : Which is taken notice of by Juft in Mar- 
 tyr Tertullian [c~\, Laclantius[d~\, and fome o- 
 thers : who correct: their Miftake, tho' they have 
 no great Quarrel with them upon this Account} 
 for both Names are of good Signification. Chri- 
 fius is the fame with the Hebrew Meftias, and fig- 
 nifies a Perfon anointed to be a Prieft or King } 
 and Chreftus being the fame with the Greek Xor\- 
 ?or, implies Sweetnefs and Goodnefs. Whence 
 Tertullian [e~] tells them, that they were -unpar- 
 donable for profecuting Chriftians merely for 
 their Name, becaufe both Names were Innocent 
 and of excellent Signification. 
 
 The Chriftians therefore did not wholly reject: 
 this Name, though it was none of their own 
 Impofing. As neither did they rcfufe to be cal- 
 led Jews, in that Senfe as the Scripture ufes the 
 Word, to diftinguifh the People of God from 
 the Synagogue of Satan, Rev. z. 9. Though to a- 
 void the Subtilties of the Ebionites and Nazarens, 
 who were for blending the Ceremonies of the 
 Law with the Faith of the Gofpel, they rather 
 chofe to avoid that Name, and ftuck to the 
 Name of Chriftians. 
 
 [h~] Optat. Lib. i. p. 46. Cum inde di£ta lit Catholics, quod 
 fit Rationalis 8c ubique diffufa. [/] Eufeb. lib. 4. c.if. [/-•] 
 Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. 7. [/] Ignat. Ep.'ad Smym. n. 8. [m] 
 A£t. Pionii ap. Baron, an 2.5-4. n. 9. Cujus, inquit Polemo, es Ec- 
 clefiae? Refpondit Pionius, Catholics: Nulla enim eft alia apud 
 Chriftum. [n] Eufeb. lib. 4. c. 7. lib. 5-. cap. 27. [0] Cyr;l 
 Catech. if. n. 4. [/>] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. lib. 2. cap. 25-. [9] 
 Chryf Horn. ?. in Ephef. [r] Theod. Com. in Bpief:'t;'if. 
 {>] Eft. Com. in Eph. 2. 14. [f] Eufeb. 1 7. c. 30. [»] 
 Dio in Domit. [w] Baron, an. 94. n. 1 . [.v] Suetcn. Claud, 
 c. 26. Juxteos ImpuHore Chrefto affidue tumukuantes Roma expu- 
 
 lit. [y] Hotting Hift. Eccl. T. 1 . p. 37. Bafnag. Exerc. in Ba- 
 ron, p. 129. Selden. de Sfnedr. Lib. 1. c. 8. who cites Lipfius, Pe- 
 tavius, and many others. [z] Spartian. in Caracal, c. 1. [a] 
 Tertul. ad Scapul. c. 4. Lac"re Chriitiano educatus. [h] Juft.M. 
 Apol. 2. 0] Tertul. Apol. c. 3. [d] La&. lib. 4. c. 7. [e] 
 Tcrrul. ibid. Chriftianus quantum interpretatio eft, de Unctione de- 
 ducitur. Sed & cum perperam Chreftianus pronunciatur a vobis 
 (mm nec Nominis certa eft notitia penes vos) de luavitate vel be- 
 nignitate compoiitum eft. Oditur ergo in hominibus innocuis c- 
 tiam nomen innocuum. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap XL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Names of Reproach which the Jews, Infidels^ and Heret 'icks cafi 
 
 upon the Chriftians* 
 
 SECT. I. Y>E S I D E S the Names alrca- 
 
 cbriftians called Jj fpoken of, there were forne 
 
 Na»«n« ^ *fc other reproac hful Names caft Up- 
 
 jews am a- ^ . j ic j r Adverfaries, 
 
 thcnsi .... . . 
 
 which it will not be improper 
 here to mention. The fir ft of thefc was Naza- 
 rens, a Name of Reproach given them fir ft by 
 the Jews, by whom they are ftiled the Seel of 
 the Nazarens, A£b 14. f . There was indeed a 
 particular Herefy, who call'd themfclves Na^- 
 ^pot: And Epiphanius [/] thinks the Jews had 
 a more efpeciul Spite at them, becaufe they were 
 a fort of J&mjh Apoftatcs, who kept Circumci- 
 fion and the Mofaical Rites together with the 
 Chriftian Religion : And therefore, he fays, they 
 ■were ufed to Curfe and Anathematize them 
 Three times a-day, Morning, Noon and Even- 
 ing, when they met in their Synagogues to pray, 
 in this direful Form of Execration, cmxara^jia-M 
 6 &fo; tos va£&)£5«W, Send thy Curfe, O God, upon 
 the Nazarens. But St- Jerom [g] fays this was 
 levelled at Chriftians in general, whom they 
 thus anathematized under the Name of Naza- 
 rens. And this feems mod probable, becaufe as 
 both St. Jerom [h~] and Epiphanius himfelf [f\ 
 obferves, the Jews termed all Chriftians by way 
 of Reproach, Nazarens. And the Gentiles took 
 it from the Jews, as appears from that of Datia- 
 rtus the Prcetor in Prudentius, [£] where fpcak- 
 ing to the Chriftians, he gives them the Name 
 of Nazarens. Some [f] think the Chriftians at 
 firft were very free to own this Name, and e- 
 fteemed it no Reproach , till fuch time as the 
 Herefy of the Nazarens broke out, and then in 
 Deteftation of that Herefy they forfook that 
 Name, and called themfclves Chriftians, Atls 1 1. 
 16. But whether this be (aid according to the 
 exact Rules of Chronology, I leave thofe that 
 are better skilled to determine. 
 
 SECT. II. Another Name of Reproach 
 
 And Gahlarans : was t ] iat Q £ Galileans, which was 
 Julian's ordinary Stile, whenever 
 hc fpake of Chrift or Chriftians. Thus in his 
 Dialogue with old Maris a blind Chriftian Bi- 
 fhop, mentioned by Sozomen [ni] he told him 
 by way of Scoff, Thy Galilasan God will not cure 
 
 thee. And again, in his Epiftle (Vj to Arfacius 
 High-Prieft of Galatia, The GaliUans maintain 
 their own Poor and ours alfo. The like may be 
 obferved in Socrates [0], Thcodotet [/>], Chryfo- 
 Jlom [c[], and Gregory Nazianzen [r~], who adds, 
 That he not only cailcd them Galileans himfelf, 
 but made a Law that no one ftiould call them by 
 any other Name* thinking thereby to abolifh 
 the Name of Chriftians. 
 
 They alfo called them Atheifts, sect. ill. 
 and their Religion the Atheifm, Al f 9 <* he 'fl s i 
 or Impiety, becaufe they derided 
 the Worfnip of the Heathen Gods. Dio [s~] fays, 
 Acilius Glabrio was put to Death for Atheifm, 
 meaning the Chriftian Religion. And the Chri- 
 ftian Apologifts, Athenagoras [/], Juftin Martyr 
 [it], Arnobius [w], and others, reckon this a- 
 mong the Crimes which the Heathens ufually 
 lay to their Charge. Eufebius fays [x~] the Name 
 was become fo common, that when the Perfec- 
 ting Magiftrates would oblige a Chriftian to re- 
 nounce his Religion, they bad him abjure it in 
 this Form, by faying among other things, od^e iv? 
 'AS-iar, Confufion to the Atheifts, Away with the 
 Impious, meaning the Chriftians. 
 
 To this they added the Name SECT. IV. 
 of Greeks and lmpoftors. Which And Grceks and 
 is noted by St. Jerom [y] who Im ^ ors - 
 fays, Wherefoever they faw a Chriftian, they 
 would prefently cry out, 6 y^aixo? om&fans, Be- 
 hold a Grecian Impoftor! This was the Chara- 
 cter which the Jews gave our Saviour, 7r\av©% 
 That Deceiver, Mat. 2.7. 63. And Juftin [z] 
 Martyr fays, they endeavoured to propagate it 
 to Pofterity, fending their Apoftles or Emiflaries 
 from Jerufalem to all the Synagogues in the 
 World, to bid them beware of a certain Impi- 
 ous, Lawlefs Sect, lately rifen up under one Je- 
 fus a Galilean Impoftor. Hence Lucian [a] took 
 occafion in his Blafphemous Raillery to ftile him 
 the Crucifyed Sophifter. And Celfus \F\ com- 
 monly gives him and his Followers the Name of 
 ycnTxt, Deceivers. So Afclepiades the Judge in 
 Prudentius, [c~] compliments them with the Ap- 
 pellation of Sophiftersj And Ulpian [d~\ pro- 
 
 [/] Epiphan. Haer n. n. 9. [^] Hieron. Com. in Efa. 49. 
 T. f. p. 178. Ter per ringulos dies fub nomine Nazarenorum 
 roaledicunt in Synagogis fuis. [h~\ Id. de Loc. Hebr. T. 3. p. 
 189. Nos apud vttcres, quafi opprobrio Nazarxi dccebamur, quos 
 nunc Chriftianos vocant. ["/] Epiphan. ibid. [&] Prudent. 
 «fei s-«p&v<yV. Carm. f. de S. Vincent. 
 Vos Nazareni alTiftite, 
 
 Rudemq; ritum fpernite. Td. Hymno 9. de Rom. Mart. 
 [/] Junius Parallel, lib. 1 . C. 8. Godwyn Jew. Rites, lib. 1. c. 8. 
 \rn\ Sozom. lib. f. c. 4. [»} Ap. Sozom. lib. 5-. 16. 
 [0] Socrar. lib. 3. c. iz. [/>] Theodor. lib. 3. c. 7. £c 21, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [9] Chryf. Horn. 63. Tom. f, [r] Naz. 1. Invedtiv. [s] Dio in 
 Domitian. [t] Athen. Legat. pro Chrift. [«] Juft. Apo'. 1. 
 p. 47. [w] Arnob. lib. 1. [x] Eufeb. lib. 4. c. if. [y] Hi- 
 eron. F.p. 10. ad Furiam. Ubicunque viderint Chriftianum. fta- 
 tim illud de Trivio, y^tfinof c/v»&6T»f> vocant Impoftorem. 
 [*.]Ju(Hn. Dial. Try ph. p. 337. [a] Lucian. Peregrin. [6J Celf. 
 ap. Orig. lib. 1. p. 6. [c] Prudent. t$ci ss^. Carm. 9. de Ro- 
 mano Mart. Qui? hos Sophiftas error invexit novus? 8cc. 
 [J] Digeft. lib. 5-0. Tit, 13. c. 1 . Si incantavit, fi inprecaius eft, 
 li (ut vulgari verbo Impoftorum utarj exorcifavit. 
 
 C fcribes 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book I. 
 
 fcribes them in a Law by the Name of Impo- 
 ftors. 
 
 The Reafon why they added the Name of 
 Greek to that of Impoftors, was (as Learned Men 
 [e~] conjecture) becaufe many of the Chriftian 
 Philofophers took upon them the Grecian or Phi- 
 lofophick Habit, which was the t%6 > 6Xouov or 
 Pallium: Whence the Greeks were called Pal- 
 liati, as the Romans were called Togati, or Gens 
 Togata, from their proper Habit, which was the 
 Toga. Now it being fome Offence to the Ro- 
 mans to fee the Chriftians quit the Roman Gown, 
 to wear the Grecian Cloak ; they thence took oc- 
 casion to mock and deride them with the fcur- 
 rilous Names of Greeks, and Grecian Impoftors. 
 Tertullian's Book de Pallio was written to fhew 
 the fpiteful Malice of this foolifh Objection. 
 
 a 1 
 
 SECT. v. But the Heathens went one 
 Magicians. ft e p farther in their Malice : and 
 becaufe our Saviour and his Followers did many 
 Miracles, which they imputed to Evil Arts and 
 the Power of Magick} they therefore generally 
 declaimed againft them as Magicians, and under 
 that Character expofed them to the Fury of the 
 Vulgar. Celfus [/] and others pretended that 
 our Saviour ftudied Magick in Egypt: And 
 St. Aufiin [g] fays, it was generally believed a- 
 mong the Heathen, that he wrote fome Books 
 about Magick too, which he delivered to Peter 
 and Paul for the ufe of his Difciples. Hence it 
 was that Suetonius \h~\ fpeaking in the Language 
 of his Party, calls the Chriftians Genus hominum 
 Superflitionis Malefica, The Men of the Magical 
 Superftition. As Afclepiades the Judge in Pru- 
 dentius [f] ftiles St. Romanus the Martyr, Arch- 
 Magician. And St. Ambrofe obferves in the 
 Paffion of St. Agnes [k~] how the People cryed 
 out againft her, Away with the Sorcerefs! A- 
 way with the Enchanter! Nothing being more 
 common, than to term all Chriftians, efpecially 
 fuch as wrought Miracles, [/] by the odious 
 Name of Sorcerers and Magicians. 
 
 sect. vr. The New Superftition was a- 
 Jhe New Super- no ther Name of Reproach for 
 flitim - the Chriftian Religion. Suetonius 
 
 gives it that Title [m~], and Pliny and Tacitus add 
 to it [n] the Opprobrious Terms of wicked and 
 unreafbnable Superftition. By which Name al- 
 fo Nero triumphed over it, in his Trophies 
 which he fet up at Rome, when he had harafled 
 the Chriftians with a moft fevere Perfecution. 
 He gloried that he had purged the Country of 
 
 Robbers, and thofe that obtruded and inculcated 
 the new Superftition [0] upon Mankind. By 
 this, there can be no doubt he meant the Chri- 
 ftians, whofe Religion is called the Superftition 
 in other Infcriptions of the like nature. See 
 that of Dioclejian cited in Baronius, An. 504. 
 from Occo. Superfiitione Chrijlianorum ubique dele- 
 ta, 13c. 
 
 Not much unlike this was that other Name 
 which Porphyry [/>] and fome others give it, 
 when they call it the Barbarous, New, and 
 Strange Religion. In the Acts of the Famous 
 Martyrs of Lyons, who fuffered under Antoninus 
 Pius, the Heathens fcornfully infult it with this 
 Character. For having burnt the Martyrs to 
 Afh.es, and fcattered their Remains into the Ri- 
 ver Rhone, they faid, they did it to cut off then- 
 Hopes of a Refurrection, upon the ftrength of 
 which they fought to obtrude [jf\ the New and 
 Strange Religion upon Mankind. But now let 
 us fee whether they will rife again, and whether 
 their God can help and deliver them out of our 
 Hands. 
 
 Celfus gives them the Name of sect. vii. 
 Sibyllifis [f], becaufe the Chri- chriftians, why 
 ftians in their Difputes with the calkd Slb y llifts - 
 Heathens, fometimes made ufe of the Authority 
 of Sibylla their own Prophetefs againft themj 
 whofe Writings they urged with lb much Ad- 
 vantage to the Chriftian Caufe, and Prejudice to 
 the Heathen, that Juftin Martyr [s] fays, the 
 Roman Governors made it Death for any one to 
 read them, or Hyftafpes, or the Writings of the 
 Prophets. 
 
 They alfo reproached them SECT. vill. 
 with the Appellation of Biabdvaroi, Biathanati. 
 Self-Murderers, becaufe they readily offered them- 
 felves up to Martyrdom, and chearfully under- 
 went any violent Death, which the Heathens 
 could inflict upon them. With what Eagernefs 
 they courted Death, we learn not only from the 
 Chriftian [f] Writers themfelves, but from the 
 Teftimonies of the Heathens [u] concerning 
 them. Lucian [w] fays they not only defpifed 
 Death, but many of them voluntarily offered 
 themfelves to it, out of a Perfuaflon that they 
 fhould be made Immortal, and live for ever. This 
 he reckons Folly, and therefore gives them the 
 Name of Kay.oJaliJ.ons, the Miferable Wretches 
 that threw away their Lives. In which Senfe 
 Porphyry [#] alfo ftiles the Chriftian Religion, 
 Ba^Ca^v roX/ji>]jua, The Barbarous Boldnefs. As 
 
 [e] Kortholt. de Morib. Chriftian. c. 3. p. 23. Baron, an. $6. n. n. 
 [/] Origen. cont. Celf. lib. 2. Arnobius lib. 1. pag. 36. . [^] Aug. 
 de Confenfu Evang. lib. 1. c. 9. [&J Sueton. Neron. c. 16. 
 [»] Prudent. <ofef rsij. Hymn. 9. de S. Romano. Quoufque tan- 
 dem fummus hie nobis Magus illudit ? [£] Ambr. Serm. 90. 
 in S. Agnen. Tolle Magam ! Tolle Maleficam ! [/] See Kor- 
 tholt de Morib. Chrift. c. 4. [w] Sueton. Nero. c. 16. [ri] Plin. 
 lib. 10. Ep. 97. Nihil aliud inveni, quam Superftitionem 
 Pravam 8c Immodicam. Tacit. Annal. ij. c. 44. Exitiabilis fuper- 
 ftitio. [0] Infcript. Antiq. ad Calcem. Sueton. Oxon. N E- 
 RONI. CLAUD. CAIS. AUG. PONT. MAX. OB. 
 
 PROVINC. LATRONIB. ET. HIS. QUI. NOVAM. 
 GENERI. HUM. SUPERSTITION. INCULCAB. 
 PURGAT. [/>] Ap. Eufeb. Hift. Eccl. lib. 6. c. 19. Ba'fCa- 
 &v 7 oA f/.vi pa. [q] Act. Mart. Lugd. ap. Eufeb. lib. f. c. 1. 
 OpuuxHctc Z'lvnv >C, Kcuytiv. [r~\ Origen. c. Celf. lib. f. p. 272. 
 0] Juft. Apol. 2. p. 82. [/] See thefe Collected in Pearfon. 
 Vind. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 9. p. 384. [«] Arrius Antonin. ap. Ter- 
 tul. ad Scap. c. 4. Tiberian. in Joh. Malela Chronic. [w] Lu- 
 cian. de Mort. Peregrin. [*] Porphyr. ap. Eufeb. Hift. Eccl. 1. 
 6. c. 19. 
 
 Arrius 
 
Cha p. II. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 7 
 
 Slrrius Antoninus [>] terms the Profcflbrs of it, 
 % c/^etXci, The Stupid .Wretches., that had fuch a 
 mind to die •, And the Heathen in Minucius [z], 
 'Homines deplorattf ac defperata Faclionis, The Men 
 of the Forlorn and Defperate Faction. All which 
 agrees with the Name Biathanati, or Biaothanati, 
 as Baronius [a] underftands it. Though it may 
 fignify not only Self-Murderers, but (as a Learn- 
 ed Critiek [b~] notes) Men that expeft to live 
 after Death. In which Scnfe the Heathens pro- 
 bably might ufe it likewife, to ridicule the Chri- 
 ftian Doctrine of the Rcfurrccrion ; on which, 
 they knew, all their fearlefs and undaunted Cou- 
 rage was founded. For fo the fame Heathen 
 in Minucius endeavours to expofe at once both 
 their Refolution and their Belief : O Strange 
 Folly, and incredible Madnefs ! fays he ; they dc- 
 fpife all prefent Torments , and r yet fear thofe 
 that are Future and Uncertain : They are afraid 
 of dying after Death, but in the mean time do 
 not tear to die. So vainly do they flatter them- 
 felvcs, and allay their Fears, with the hopes of 
 fome reviving Comforts after Death. For one 
 of thefe Reafons then they gave them the Name 
 of Biothanati, which Word exprefly occurs in 
 fome of the A61:s of the ancient Martyrs. Ba- 
 ronius obferves [r] out of Bede's Martyrology, 
 that when the feven Sons of Symphorofa were 
 martyred under Hadrian, their Bodies were all 
 call into one Pit together, which the Temple- 
 Priefts named from them, Ad feptem Biothanatos, 
 The Grave of the Seven Biothanati. 
 
 SECT. ix. Fo r the fame Reafon they gave 
 Parabola™, ^ them the Names of Parabolarii 
 fcefperati. and De f perat ^ Tne Bold and De- 
 
 fperate Men. The Parabolarii or Parabolani a- 
 mong the Romans, were thofe bold adventurous 
 Men, who hired out themfelves to fight with 
 wild Beafts upon the Stage or Amphitheatre, 
 whence they had alfo the Name of Beftiarii, and 
 Confeclores. Now becaufe the Chriftians were 
 put to fight for their Lives in the fame manner, 
 and they rather chofe to do it than deny their 
 Religion, they therefore got the Name of Pa- 
 rabolic and Parabolani: Which though it was 
 intended as a Name of Reproach and Mockery, 
 yet the Chriftians were not unwilling to take it 
 to themfelves, being one of the trueft Characters 
 that the Heathens ever gave them. And there- 
 fore they fometimes gave themfelves this Name 
 by way of Alluvion to the Roman Paraboli, as 
 in the Paflion [_*~] oiAbdo zn&Senne in the time or 
 Valerian, the Martyrs who were expofed to be 
 devoured by Wild Beafts in the Amphithea- 
 tre, are faid to enter, Ut audaciffimi Parabolani, 
 as moft refolute Champions, that defpifed their 
 own Lives for their Religion's fake. But the o- 
 
 ther Name of Defperati they rejected as a Ca- 
 lumny, retorting it back upon their Adverfaries, 
 who more juftly deferved it. Thofe, fays La- 
 Slantius [d], who fet a Value upon their Faith, 
 and will not deny their God, they firft torment 
 and butcher them with all their might, and then 
 call them Defperado's, becaufe they will not fpare 
 their own Bodies : As if any thing could be 
 more Defperate, than to torture and tear in 
 pieces thofe whom you cannot but know to be 
 Innocent. 
 
 Tertullian mentions another SECT, X. 
 Name, which was likewife oc- Sarmentitii, *»d 
 cafioned by their Sufferings. Scmaxu - 
 The Martyrs which were burnt alive, were ufu- 
 ally tied to a Board or Stake of about Six Foot 
 long, which the Romans called Semaxis j and then 
 they were furrounded or covered with Faggots 
 of fmall Wood, which they called Sarmenta. 
 From this their Punifhment, the Heathen who 
 turned every thing into Mockery, gave all Chri- 
 ftians the difpiteful Name of Sarmentitii and Se- 
 maxii \_e~\. 
 
 The Heathen in Minucius [/] SECT. XT. 
 takes occafion alfo to reproach Luctfugax Natio. 
 them under the Name of the Sculking Genera- 
 tion, or the Men that loved to prate in Corners 
 and the Dark. The ground of which fcurrilous 
 Reflection was only this, That they were forced 
 to hold their Religious Aflemblies in the Night 
 to avoid the Fury of the Perfecutions. Which 
 Celfus [g] himfelf owns, though otherwife prone 
 enough to load them with hard Names and odi- 
 ous Reflections. 
 
 The fame Heathen in Minucius s EC t. XII. 
 gives them one fcurrilous Name plau " na Protapia ; 
 more, which it is not very eafy Pl!tores - 
 to guels the meaning of. He calk them Plauti- 
 nians \_h~\, Homines Plautina Profap'ue. Rigaltius 
 [i~] takes it for a Ridicule upon the Poverty and 
 Simplicity of the Chriftians, whom the Heathens 
 commonly reprefented as a Company of poor ig- 
 norant Mechanicks, Bakers, Taylors, and the 
 like Men of the fame Quality with Plautus, who 
 as St. Jcrom \k~] obferves, was fo poor, that in a 
 time of Famine he was forced to hire out him- 
 felf to a Baker to grind at his Mill, during which 
 time he wrote three of his Plays in the Inter- 
 vals of his Labour. Such fort of Men Cacilius 
 fays the Chriftians were > and therefor^ he ftiles 
 Oclavius in the Dialogue, Homo Planting Profa- 
 pia, & Pijlorum pracipuus, A Plautinian, a chief 
 Man among the Illiterate Bakers, but no Philo- 
 fopher. The fame Reflection is often made by 
 Celfus. You fhall fee, fays he [/], Weavers, 
 
 — ~ — ~ — — — — — — — — — — — — 
 
 nuc. Odlav. p. if. Latebrofa 5c Lucifugax Nario, in publicum mu- 
 ta in angulis garrula. [g~\ Origen. c. Celf. lib. i . p. 7. [h~\ Mi- 
 nuc. p. 37. Quid ad hxc audet Oftavius homo Plautina: Prola- 
 pis, ut Pifiorum prsecipuusita poftremus Philofophorum r [/']Ri- 
 galr. in Loc. {_!;] Hieron. Chronic, an, 1. Olymp. 14^. [/] O 
 rigen. c. Celf. lib. 3. p. 144. 
 
 [y] Tertul. ibid. [x.] Minuc. OGav. pag. if. [a] Ba- 
 ron, an. 138. n. f. [£] Suicer. Tbefaur. Ecclefiaft. T. 1. p. 
 690. [c] Baron, an. 138. n. 6, [*] Ada Abdon. & Sennes ap. 
 Suicer. [</] La£t. Inftit. lib. j. c. 9. Defperatos vocant, quia 
 corpori fuo minime parcunt, &c. [e] Tertul. Apol. c. fo. Li- 
 cet nunc Sarmentitios St Semaxios appelletis, quia ad Stipitem di- 
 midii Axis reyincti, Sarmentorum ambitu exurimur. [/] Mi- 
 
 Tay- 
 
s 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book I. 
 
 Taylors, Fullers, and the moft Illiterate and Ru- 
 ftick Fellows, who dare not fpeak a Word be- 
 fore Wife Men, when they can get a Company 
 of Children and filly Women together, fet up to 
 teach ftrange Paradoxes amongft them. This is 
 one of their Rules, fays he again [n~\, Let no 
 Man that is Learned, Wife, or Prudent, come 
 among us j but if any be Unlearned, or a Child, 
 or an Idiot, let him freely come j fo they openly 
 declare, that none but Fools and Sots, and fuch 
 as want Senfe, Slaves, Women and Children, are 
 fit Difciples for the God they worfhip. 
 
 SECT. xill. Nor was it only the Hea- 
 Wuh what Names t h ens t hat thus reviled them, but 
 1 fft« T commonly every perverfe Sect a- 
 
 broached theOrtho- , J , , r 
 
 itc* chrijiians. mon g the Chnftians had lome 
 reproachful Name to call upon 
 them. The Novatian Party called them Corne- 
 lians [o~], becaufe they communicated with Cor- 
 nelius Bifhop of Rome, rather than with Novati- 
 anus his Antagonift. They alfo termed them 
 Apoftaticks, Capitolins, Synedrians, becaufe [/>] 
 they charitably decreed in their Synods to re- 
 ceive Apoftates, and fuch as went to the Capitol 
 to Sacrifice, into their Communion again upon 
 their fincere Repentance. The Nefiorians \_q] 
 termed the Orthodox Cyrillians j and the Arians 
 [r] called them Eujlathians and Paulinians, from 
 Euflathius and Paulinus Bifhops of Antioch. As 
 alfo Homooufians, becaufe they kept to the Do- 
 ctrine of the 6/moao-tov, which declared the Son 
 of God to be of the fame Subftance with the 
 Father. The Author of the Opus Imperfeclum 
 on St. Matthew, under the Name of Chryfoftom 
 [s~] ftiles them exprefly, Harefis Homooufianorum, 
 The Herefy of the Homooufians. And fo Sera- 
 pion in his Conflict with Arnobius [f] calls them 
 Homooufianates, which the Printed Copy reads 
 corruptly Homuncionates, which was a Name for 
 the Nefiorians. 
 
 SECT. xiv. The Cataphrygians or Monta- 
 chrifliam called ni a s cor nmonly called the Or- 
 
 Pfychja h, the thodox y • Carnal bccaufe 
 
 they rejected the Prophecies and 
 pretended Infpirations of Montanus, and would 
 not receive his Rigid Laws about Falling, nor 
 abftain from Second Marriages, and obferve Four 
 Lents in a Year, &c. This was Tertullian's ordi- 
 nary Compliment to the Chriftians in all his 
 Books [u] written after he was fallen into the 
 Errors of Mont anus. He calls his own Party 'the 
 Spiritual, and the Orthodox the Carnal: And 
 fome of his Books [w] are exprefly entituled, 
 Adverfus Pfychicos. Clemens Alexandrinus [x] ob- 
 ferves, the fame Reproach was alfo ufed by other 
 Hereticks befide the Montanifts. And it appears 
 from Irenaus, that this was an ancient Calumny 
 
 of the Valentinians, who ftiled themfelvcs the 
 Spiritual and the Perfefr, and the Orthodox the 
 Secular and Carnal, [^] who had need of Abfti- 
 nence and Good Works, which were not nccef- 
 fary for them that were Perfect. 
 
 The Millenaries ftiled them SECT. X v. 
 Allegorifis, becaufe they expound- Allegorifis by the 
 ed the Prophecy of the Saints M,!lenaries - 
 Reigning a Thoufand Years with Chrift, Rev. 
 xx. 4. to a Myftical and Allegorical Senfe. 
 Whence Eufebius [z] obferves of Nepos the E- 
 gyptian Bifhop, who wrote for the Millennium, 
 that he entituled his Book, tXff^©- 'AX^nfc^wv, 
 A Confutation of the Allegorifis. 
 
 Aetius the Arian gives them the sect. XVI. 
 abufive Name of X^v/rou j by Ch.-onitae by tlx 
 which he feems to intimate, that z Aet, f s ' J^f** 
 
 1 • n 1 • • U > t< by the Manichees ; 
 
 their Religion was but Tempora- / nthropoW 6 ' 
 ry, and would lhortly have an end } ,h e Apoliinarians. 
 when as the Character was much 
 more applicable to the Arians themfelves, whole 
 Faith was fo lately fprung up in the World j as 
 the Author of the Dialogues de trinitate, under 
 the Name of Athanafius, who confutes Aetius, 
 [a] juftly retorts upon him. 
 
 The Manichees, as they gave themfelves the 
 moft Glorious Names of Elecli, Macarii, Catha- 
 rifi<e, mentioned by [b~] St. Aufiin\ fo they re- 
 proached the Catholicks with the moft con- 
 temptible Name of Simplices, Idiots j which is 
 the Term that Manichaus himfelf ufed in his 
 Difpute [c] with Archelaus the Mefopotamian Bi- 
 fhop, filling the Chriftian Teachers, Simplhio- 
 rum Magiftros, Guides of the Simple j becaufe 
 they could not relifh his Execrable Doctrine con- 
 cerning Two Principles of Good and Evil. 
 
 The Apoliinarians were no lefs injurious to the 
 Catholicks, in fixing on them the odious Name 
 of Anthropolatra, Man-Worfhippers > becaufe 
 they maintained that Chrift was a Perfect Man, 
 and had a Reafonable Soul and Body, of the fame 
 Nature with ours; which Apollinarius denied. 
 Gregory Nazianzen [d~\ takes notice of this A- 
 bufe, and fharply replies to it 5 telling the Apolii- 
 narians, that they themfelves much better delerv- 
 ed the Name of Sarcolatrte, Flefh-Woifhippers : 
 For if Chrift had no Human Soul, they muft be 
 concluded to worfhip his Flcfti only. 
 
 The Origenians, who denied SECT. xvn. 
 the Truth of the Refurrection, Philofarca?, W 
 and afferted that Men fhould have Pelu ^. &c. fy 
 only Aerial and Spiritual Bodies tAt 0r, S enians - 
 in the next World, made Jefts upon the Catho- 
 licks, becaufe they maintain'd the contrary, That 
 our Bodies ftiould be the fame Individual Bodies, 
 and of the fame Nature that they are now, with 
 
 [«] Ibid. p. 137. [0] Eulog. ap. Phot. Cod. 280. [/>] Pa- 
 cian. Ep. l. ad Sempronian. [q~] Ep. Legat. Schifmat. ad 
 luos in Ephefo in Aft. Con. Ephef. Con. T. 3. p. 746. [rj Sc- 
 ion), lib. 6. c. 21. [/] Opus lmperf. Horn. 48. [*] Con- 
 flict. Arnob. & Serap. ad calcem Irenaei. p. 5-19. [«] Tertul. 
 adv. Prax. c. 1. Nos quidem agnitio Paracleti disjunxit a Pfychicis. 
 Id. de Monogam. c. 1. Hsretici nuptias auferunr, Pfychici inge- 
 
 runt. See alfo c. w.and 16. [jp] De Jejuniis adv. Pfychicos. 
 De Pudicitia, &c. [*] Clem. Alex. Strom, lib 4. p. 5-11. [y] I- 
 ren. lib. 1. c. 1. p. 29 Nobis quidem, quos Pfychicos vocant, 
 & de feculo efle dicunt, neceflaiiam continemiam, rjyc. [x.] Eu- 
 feb. lib. 7. c. 24,. [a] Aihan. Dial. 2.de Trinit. T. 2. p. 191. 
 [b] Aug. de Ha:r. c. 46. [c] Archel. Difp. adv. Manichstum ad 
 calcem Sozomen. Ed. Valef p. lyj. [cl] Naz. Ep. 1. ad Cledon. 
 
 Flefh 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 9 
 
 Flcfli and Bones, and all the Members in the 
 fame Form and Structure, only alter'd in Quali- 
 ty, not in Subltance. For^ this they gave them 
 the opprobrious Names of Simplices and Philo- 
 farca [f\ Idiots, and Lovers of the Flcfli j Car- 
 net, Animalcs, J amenta, Carnal, Senfual, Animals } 
 Lutei, Earthy j Pelufiotcs [/], which is a Term 
 of the fame Importance, from the Greek Word 
 Latum, as St. Jerom himfelf [ # ] explains it. 
 So that though Baronius from fome Copies reads 
 this Name, Pilofiota, yet the true Reading is 
 Pelufiota, as the Paffagc cited in the Margin 
 plainly evinces. 
 
 s ECT. xviil. B ut of all others the Luciferi- 
 TbeSynagogwofK*- ans gavc the Church the rudeft 
 tt language; (tiling her the Bro- 
 
 thel - home , and Synagogue or 
 
 Antichrifi and Satan; becaufe fhe allow'd thofe 
 Bifhops to retain their Honour and Places, who 
 were cajoled by the Avians to fubferibe the 
 fraudulent Confcfiion of the Council of Arimi- 
 num. The Lucifer} an in St. Jerom runs out in 
 this manner againft the Church ; and St. Je- 
 rom fays, he fpake but the fenfc of the whole 
 Party, for this was the ordinary Stiie [g] and 
 Language of all the reft. 
 
 Thefc are fomc of thofe Reproachful Names, 
 which Hereticks, concurring with Jews and In- 
 fidels, endeavoured to fatten upon the Chriftian 
 Church} which I mould not fo much as have 
 mentioned, but that they ferve to give fome 
 Light to Antiquity, and therefore were not 
 wholly to be pafled over in a Treatife of this 
 Nature. 
 
 CHAP. nr. 
 
 Of the feveral Orders of Men in the Chriftian Church. 
 
 SECT. I. TT 
 Three forts of Mem- § 1 
 
 A V I N G given an Ac- 
 count of the feveral Names 
 
 bers of the Chnflian 
 
 churi the'dyi- °/ Chriftians, I proceed now to 
 /fret, n/ro/, and I peak of the Perfons, and ieveral 
 KaTnyj,y.<i m . Orders of Men in the Chriftian 
 Church. Some divide them in- 
 to Three Ranks, others into Four, others into 
 Five> which yet come much to the fame ac- 
 count, when they are compared together. Eu- 
 febius reckons but Three Orders, viz. the 'Hya- 
 fjfaci, Tlisc}, and KaTn^yjJJuoi. Rulers, Believers, 
 and Catechumen. There are in every Church, 
 fays he, Three Orders of Men, [b] One of the 
 Rulers or Guides, and Two of thofe that are fub- 
 jecl: to them : For the People are divided into 
 Two Claffes } the n^oi, Believers, and the Un- 
 baptized, by whom he means the Catechumens. 
 St. Jerom \J] makes Five Orders } but then he 
 divides the Clergy into Three Orders, to make 
 up the Number} reckoning them thus, Bifhops, 
 Presbyters, Deacons, Believers, and Catechumens. 
 In which Account he follows Origen, who [£] 
 makes Five Degrees fubordinate to one another 
 in the Church } faying, Every one fhall be pu- 
 nifhed according to the Difference of his Degree. 
 
 \e\ Hieron. Ep. 6\, ad Pammach. T. 2. p. 171. Nos Simplices 8c 
 Philofarcas dicere, quod eadem OlTa, 8c Sanguk, 8c Caro, id eft, 
 Vultus 8c Membra, totiufque Cornpago corporis refurgat in no- 
 viflima die. [/] Id. Ep. 6y. ad Pammach. 8c Ocean, de Error. 
 Orig. p. iqz. Pelufiotas nos appellant, 8c Luteos, Animalefque 8c 
 Carneos, quod non recipiamus ea qua? Spiritus funt. [*] Id. 
 Com. in Jerem. 29. p. 407. Quae cum audiunt Difcipuli ejus (O- 
 rigenis) 8c Grunniana: Familix Stercora, putant fe Divina audire 
 Myfteria : Nofque qui ifta contemnimus, quafi pro brutis habent a- 
 nimantibus, 8c vocant thaxo-/«t«<, eo quod in Luto iftius Cor- 
 poris conftituti, non pofllmus fentire cceleftia. [g] Hieron. 
 Dial. adv. Lucifer. T. 2. p. 135-. Aflerebat univerfum mundum 
 e(Te Diaboli: Et, ut jam familiare eft eis dicere, fa£tum de Ecclefia 
 Lupanar . Q uo d Antichrifti magis Synagoga, quam Ecclefia 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 If a Bifhop or Prefident of the Church fins, he 
 ihall have the greater Punifhment. A Catechu- 
 men will deferve Mercy, in comparifon of a Be- 
 liever} and a Layman, in compa-rifon of a Dea- 
 con} and a Deacon, in comparifon of a Presby- 
 ter. Here are plainly St. Jerom\ Five Orders} 
 firft Bifhops, under the Name of Prefidents of 
 the Church •, then Presbyters.} after them Dea- 
 cons} then Believers or Laymen.} and laft of all 
 the Catechumens. 
 
 I n all which Accounts, thefe sect. Ti. 
 Four Things are proper to be rc- f?f%{ h 7 fir f h 
 marked, i. That the Name, Be- {^ZtvLb^ 
 1 levers, Flis-ci, and Fideles, is here tizgll 
 taken in a more ftrict Senfe only 
 for One Order of Chriftians, The Believing or 
 Baptized Laity, in Contradiftinct.ion to the 
 Clergy and the Catechumens, the Two- other 
 Orders of Men in the Church. And in this 
 Senfe the Words rLs-ei and Fideles are commonly 
 ufed in the ancient Liturgies [/] and Canons, to 
 diftinguifh thofe that were baptized, and allowed 
 to partake of the Holy Myftcries, from the 
 Catechumens. Whence came that ancient Di- 
 - 
 
 Chrifti debeat nuncupari. \h~] Eufeb. Demonft. Evang. lib. 7. 
 c. 2. p. 323. Tet'st ;caef)' i«es-«p i/.yiKw\a.v ToiyixaT j«v yXv 
 ii 7c>i/ iiyv(j.kvuify. Silo $ -ra. tw n^wr uv . ['] Hieron. 
 
 Com. in Efai. 19. p. 64. Quinque Ecclefia: Qrdines, Epifcopos, Pres- 
 byteros, Diaconos, Fideles, Catechumenos. . [£] Origen. Horn, 
 f. in Ezek. Pro modo graduum unufquifque torquebitur. Majorem 
 poenam habet, qui Ecclefia: praefidet 8c delinquir. Annon magis 
 milericordiam promeretur ad comparationem Fidelis, Catechume- 
 nus? Non magis venia dignus eft Laicus, ii ad Diaconum confe- 
 ratur? Et rurilis comparatione Presbyteri Diaconus veniam plus 
 meretur. (7] See Con. Nic. Can. 11. Con. Eliber. c. i2 s 
 46, j 1. Conilit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 34. Cyril. Hierofcl. Pra^. Ca- 
 tech. n. 2. 
 
 D ftinclion 
 
10 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book. L 
 
 ftin&ion of the Service of the Church into the 
 MijJ'a Catechumenorum, and Mijfa [m~] Fidelium j 
 of which more in its proper Place. 
 
 sect. III. zdly, We may hence obferve, 
 
 Catechummsovn- t ^ at t } ie Catechumens, though 
 eJ a> rmperfe* but impcrfea Chriftians, were in 
 
 Members of the r r r j i • i • 
 
 church iome mealure owned to be within 
 
 the Pale of the Church. Foraf- 
 much as Eufebius, Origen, and St. Jerom, reckon 
 them one of the Three Orders of the Church. 
 And the Councils of Elibcris [n~] and Conflantino- 
 pie [o] give them exprefly the Name of Chrifti- 
 ans. Tho' as St. Auftin [p] fays, They were not 
 yet Sons, but Servants : They belonged to the 
 Houfe of God, but were not yet admitted to all 
 the Privileges of it> being only Chriftians at 
 large, and not in the moft ftri£t and proper Ac- 
 ceptation. 
 
 sect. TV. And yet this is more than can 
 
 Hcretkks not reck- ^ ^ of Hercticks properly fo 
 cned among chrtftt- called For we ma y obferve, idly, 
 That in the forementioned Divi- 
 fion, Hereticks come into no Account among 
 Chriftians. They were not efteemed of, either 
 as Catechumens, or Believers, but as mere Jews, 
 or Pagans ^ neither having the true Faith, nor 
 being willing to learn it. Tertullian [_q~] fays in 
 general, If they be Hereticks, they cannot be 
 Chriftians. And St. Jerom [r] difputing with a 
 Lucifer ian, fays the fame in exprefs Terms, That 
 Hereticks are no Chriftians j nor to be fpoken 
 of, but as we would do of Heathens. Laclantius 
 [/} fpecifles in the Montanifls, Novatians, Palen- 
 tinians, Marcionites, Anthropians, Arians, faying, 
 That they are no Chriftians, who forfaking the 
 Name of Chrift, call themfelves by other Deno- 
 minations. Athanajius [f\ and Hilary [u~\ fay the 
 fame ol the Arians, That they are not Chriftians. 
 Conflantine therefore enacted it into a Law, 
 That they fhould not be called Chriftians, but 
 Porphyrians j from Porphyry that infamous Hea- 
 then, whofe Practice they fo much refembled in 
 their impious Blafphemies and Reproaches of 
 
 Chrift and the Chriftian Religion. And in Imi- 
 tation of this, 'Theodoftus [_x] Junior made ano- 
 ther Law to the fame Effecl:, againft Nejiorius 
 and his Followers ; That they fhould not abufe 
 the Name of Chriftians > but be called Simonians, 
 from Simon Magus the Arch Heretick. To 
 which we may add that Decree of the General 
 Council of Sardica, in their Synodical Epiftle 
 py] againft the Arians; where they require all 
 Catholicks, not only to deny the Arian Bifhops 
 the Title of Bifhops, but even that of Chriftians. 
 All which evidently proves, that the Ancients 
 put a manifeft Difference betwixt thofe who 
 were Apoftates from the Faith, and thofe who as 
 yet had never made any folemn Profeffionof their 
 Faith in Baptifm : They allowed the Catechu- 
 mens the Name of Chriftians, becaufe they were 
 Candidates of Heaven j but they judged Here- 
 ticks unworthy of that Name, becaufe they cor- 
 rupted the common Faith of Chriftians, and de- 
 nied the Lord, by whofe Name they were 
 called. 
 
 SECT. v. 
 Penitents and E- 
 
 ^thly, We may obferve in the 
 laft place, that there were no 
 Chriftians, but what might be ner g™ 
 
 i , r i - m the fame Clafs 
 
 reduced to fome one or other of wt hc*techumeJ. 
 the Three foremention'd Orders 
 For the Penitents, and Energumens, as they called 
 thofe that were pofletTed with Evil Spirits, may 
 be ranked among the Catechumens, being com- 
 monly treated and dilciplined by the Church in 
 the fame manner as they were, and placed in the 
 fame Clafs with them j and the Monks and other 
 Afceticks may be ranked under the common 
 Head of Believers, though they had fome pecu- 
 liar Marks of Diftinftion in the Church. Yet 
 I fhall not confine my felf to fpeak of all thofe 
 precifely in this Order, and under thefe Heads, 
 but give each a diftincl: and proper Place in this 
 Difcourfe j fpeaking here only of Believers in 
 general, as they ftood diftinguifhed from the 
 Catechumens and the Clergy of the Church, and 
 treating of the reft as occafion fhall require in 
 the following parts of this Difcourfe. 
 
 [mi] Con. Carth. 4. c. 84. Con. Valent. Hifpan. c. 1. [»]Con. 
 Elib. Can. 39. [0] Con. Conft. i. Can. 7. [/>] Aug. 
 Tradt. ii. in Joh. T. 9. p. 41. Quod iignum Crucis in fronte ha- 
 bent Cacechumeni, jam de Domo magna funt, fed fiant ex fervis 
 Filii. Non enim nihil funt. quia ad magnam Domum pertinent. 
 [q~\ Tertul. de Prsefcript. c 37. Si Haeretici funt, Chriftiani efle 
 non poflunr. [r] Hieron. Dial. c. Lucif. T. z. p. 135-. Haere- 
 
 tici Chriftiani non funt Igitur prsefixum inter nos habemus, de 
 
 Haeretico lie loquendum ficut de Gentili. [s] Laft. Inftit. lib. 4. 
 c. 30. [/] Athan. Orat. 2. adv. Arian. T. 1. p. 316. 'A^avoi 
 ov}ig, bx. titr/ x&rtcivoU [«] Hilar, ad Conft. lib. 1. p. 98. 
 
 Chriftianus fum, non Arianuy. [w>] Conft. Imp. Ep. ad Epifc. 
 ap. Socrat. lib. t. c. 9. [*] Cod. Theod. lib. 16. Tit. f. de Hse- 
 ret. c. 66. Damnato portentofae Superftitionis. Audore Neftorio, 
 nota congrui nominis ejus inuratur Gregalibus, ne Chriftianorum, 
 Appellatione abutantur: Sed quemadmodum Ariani Lege divas 
 memorise Conftantini ob fimilitudinem impietatis Porfyriani a Por- 
 fyrio nuncupantur; fic ubique participes nefariiE Sedfcs: Neftorii Si- 
 moniani vocentur. See the fame in the ABs of tht General Coun- 
 cil of Ephefus, Part. 3. c. 45-. Con. Tom. 3. p. 1209. 
 [y] Con. Sardic. Ep. Synod, ap. Theod, lib. 1. c. 8. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 ii 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 A more particular Account of the Tlisoi, or Believers j Their Titles of Honour 
 
 and Privileges above the Catechumens. 
 
 SECT. I. T^HE TLs-o!, or Fideles, being 
 Believers other- x fuch as were baptized, and 
 wife called <p&>Ti(L- tRercby made compleat and per- 
 £,T fe£t Ch "ltians, were upon that 
 
 account dignified with feveral 
 Titles of Honour and Marks of Diftinclion a- 
 bove the Catchumens. They were hence called 
 qifli^pijiivci.. The Illuminate: So the Council of 
 Laodicea [z~] terms thofe that were newly Bap- 
 tized, 7r^cr(parw; (pafh^svla?. And Jobius [a] in 
 Photius, o\ <pwli£eV SVC *' As St. Paul himfelf in 
 the Epiftle to the Hebrews twice ufes the word 
 Illuminate for Baptized, in the Opinion of moll 
 \b~] Interpreters. The Reafon of the Name is 
 given by Jufiin Martyr, who fays [c~\ they were 
 fo called, becaufe their Underftandings were en- 
 lightned by the Knowledge that was confequent 
 to Baptifm. For all the Myfteries of Religion 
 were unveiled to the Baptized, which were kept 
 fecret from the Catechumens: And fometimes 
 alfo Baptifm was attended with extraordinary Il- 
 luminations of the Holy Ghoft, as in thofe whom 
 St. Paul caufed to be Baptized at Ephefus : A£t. 
 xix. 6. I'hey [fake with Tongues and prophefied. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 And 01 n'.l/VHfti- 
 
 VO i, the Initiated. 
 
 z. They were hence alfo 
 ftiled 6i /jie^unjwsvor, which the 
 Latins call Initiati, the Initiated, 
 that is, Admitted to the Ufe of the Sacred Of- 
 fices, and Knowledge of the Sacred Myfteries of 
 the Chriftian Religion. Hence came that Form 
 of Speaking, fo frequently ufed by St. 
 Chryfofiom and other ancient Writers [d] when 
 the- touched upon any Doctrines or Myfteries 
 which the Catechumens underftood not, jVacriv 6i 
 /acjaunutvcic, The Initiated know what is fpoken. 
 St. Ambrofe writes a Book to thefe [e] Initiati. 
 Ifidore [/] of Peluftum, and Hefychius [_g~\ call 
 them uus-tzf, and others juus-aywynTot : Whence 
 the Catechumens have the contrary Names, 
 'A/au$-o{, 'Ajuu'nror, and 'Ajuus-aywynToj ; The Uni- 
 nitiated, or Unbaptized. 
 
 sect. III. 5. Believers were other- 
 
 And t;Aho/> The w jf e ca H e( j T £ Xe<5( an£ J T cXefsj^cr, 
 
 Verfeci. The Perfect } becaufe they were 
 
 Confummate Chriftians, who had a Right to 
 participate of the Holy Eucharift j the to rsXetov, 
 as it is frequently called in the Canons [h~] of 
 the Ancient Councils; where omrb t«X«ov IX^hv, 
 and tS TfX.«» usTs^etv, always fignify Participation 
 of the Holy Eucharift, that Sacred Myftery 
 
 that unites us to Chrift, and gives us the mod 
 Confummate Perfection that we are capable of in 
 this World. 
 
 4. Tertullian adds to thefe the sect.iv. 
 Name of Chart Dei, The Favou- chari Dei > Filii 
 rites of Heaven j becaufe their DeI ' " A ^""' &c - 
 Prayers and Interceflions were powerful with 
 God, to obtain Pardon for others, that fhould 
 addrefs Heaven by them. Therefore, in his Tn- 
 ftrudtions to the Penitents, he bids them, Charts 
 Dei adgeniculari, fall down at v he Feet of thofe 
 Favourites, and commend their Suit to all the 
 Brethren, defiring them to intercede with God 
 for them. Tertul. de Poenit. c 9. 
 
 All thefe Names (and many others that might 
 be added, which are obvious to every Reader, 
 fuch as Saints, and Sons of God, &c.) were pe- 
 culiar Titles of Honour and Refpedr. given only 
 to thofe who were -iri>;o\ y or Believers. 
 
 And hence it was, thatcorre- SECT. v. 
 fpondent to thefe Names, the Ft- The Privileges of 
 deles had their peculiar Privileges the Fldeies - To 
 in the Church above the Cate- 0J the £ «" 
 
 chumens. For, Firft, it was their 
 fole Prerogative to partake of the Lord's Table, 
 and communicate with one another in the Sym- 
 bols of Chrift's Body and Blood at the Altar. 
 Hither none came, but fuch as were firft initiated 
 by Baptifm. Whence t,he, Cuftom was, before 
 they went to celebrate the Eucharift, for a Dea- 
 con to proclaim "j&ym 'Ay/as-, Holy Things for 
 Holy Men: Ye Catechumens go forth, [7] as the 
 Author of the Conftitutions, and St. Chryfofiom 
 and fome others word it. 
 
 2. Another of their Prero- sect. vi. 
 gatives above Catechumens, was, Ta join in all 
 to ftay and join with the Minifter ihe Fra y ers °f th * 
 in all the Prayers of the Church j churc ' } ' 
 which the Catechumens were not allowed to do. 
 For in the Ancient Service of the Church, there 
 were no Prayers preceding the Communion 
 Office ; but only fuch as particularly related, 
 either to the feveral Claffes of Penitents, or the 
 Energumeni, that is, Perfons poflefled with Evil 
 Spirits, or the Catechumens themfelves. When 
 thefe Prayers were ended, the Catechumens and 
 all others were commanded to withdraw, and 
 then began the Communion-Service at the Altar j 
 where none were admitted fo much as to be 
 
 [z.] Con. Laodic. Can. 2. [«] Phot. Cod. 222. p. yoj\ fcc 
 yo8. [£] See Grot. Hammond. Ertius in Heb. 6. 4. 8c 10. 32. 
 [c] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 94. [</] Cafaubon Exerc. 16. in Baron, 
 p. 299. obferves this Vhrafe to occur no lefs than fo times in St. 
 Chryfofiom and St, Auflin, [e] Ambrofe De his qui initiantur 
 
 Myfteriis. [/] Ifidor. Lib. 4. Ep. 162. \<reto~iv ot (j.v^au to" 
 teybfjizvov. [g] Hefych. Voce uvrou. \_h~\ Con. Ancyran. 
 Can. 4, 5-, 6, 8cc. [»] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 8. c. 8. 8c 12. 
 Chryfoft. Horn, in Parab, ck Filio Prodig. Tom. 6. pfi r^v 
 ItctTtlY^y^' 2cc. 
 
 Spectator?. 
 
12 
 
 The A n t i cmj i t i e s of the 
 
 OOK I, 
 
 Spectators, fave thofe who were to Communi- 
 cate in the Eucharift. For to join in Prayers 
 and Participation of the Eucharift, were then 
 Privileges of trfe fame Perfonsj and no one was 
 qualify'd for the Prayers of the Church, that 
 was not qualify'd for the Communion. 
 
 SECT. VII. 3. More particularly,theUfe 
 l.UxUfeof the c f t j ie Lord's Prayer, was the 
 Lord's Pryer ano- fo , c p rero g at i ve of the Tlltoi, or 
 Believers. 
 
 ther Prerogative of .. 
 
 For then it was no 
 
 the n/roi : Whence 
 
 it w*s call'd *vx» Crime, or Argument of Weak- 
 m :-:h. The Fray- riefs, or Want of the Spirit, to 
 er of Believers . ufe it j but an Honour and Pri- 
 vilege of the moft Confummate and Perfect 
 Chriftians. The Catechumens were not allow'd 
 to fay, Our Father^ till they had fir ft made them- 
 felves Sons by Regeneration in the Waters of 
 Baptifm. This is exprelly faid by St. Chryfojlom 
 [k~], St. Juftin [/], Theodoret [m~] and feveral o- 
 thers. And for this Reafon, Chryfojlom [n\ calls 
 it coy/] -aris&v'} and St Aujlin [cf], Oratio Fidelium, 
 The Prayer of the Regenerate, or Believers ; be- 
 caufe it was their Privilege and Birth-right : It 
 v/as given to them as their Property, he [/>] fays, 
 and therefore they made ufe of it 5 having a 
 Right to fay, Our Father which art in Heaven^ 
 who were born again to fuch a Father, by Wa- 
 ter and the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 sect. vill. 4. Lastly, They were admit- 
 
 4- The y reread- te( j to De Auditors of all Difcourfes 
 
 milted to hear Dif- 
 courfes upon 
 
 made in the Church, even thofe 
 wfi profound Mj' that treated of /he moft abftrufe 
 pries of Religion. Points and profound Myftenes of 
 the Chriftian Religion j which 
 the Catechumens were ftrictly prohibited from 
 hearing. The Catechumens were allowed to 
 hear the Scriptures, and the ordinary popular 
 Difcourfes that were made upon them ; which 
 was no more than what fome Councils \j] allow 
 
 even to Jews and Gentiles : For in thofe Difcour- 
 fes they never treated plainly of their Myfterics, 
 but in fuch a covert way, as the Catechumens 
 could not underftand them. But when the Ca- 
 techumens were difmiffed, then they difcourfed 
 more openly of their Myfteries before the Fide- 
 les, whofe Privilege it was to be the fole Audi- 
 tors of fuch Difcourfes. This we learn from 
 St. Ambrofe; [r] who fays, His common Dif- 
 courfes to the Unbaptized, were only upon 
 Points of Morality j but when they were Bapti- 
 zedjthen was the time to open to them the Myfte- 
 ries and Sacraments of Religion : To have dif- 
 courfed to them of thofe Things before, had 
 been more like Expofing Myfteries, than Ex- 
 plaining them. St. Aujlin fpeaks to the fame 
 purpofe, in one of his Sermons [s] to the newly 
 Baptized: Having now difmiffed the Catechu- 
 mens, fays he, we have retained you only to be 
 our Hearers : Becaufe, befide thofe Things 
 which belong to all Chriftians in common, we 
 are now to difcourfe more particularly of the 
 Heavenly Myfteries, or Sacraments j which none 
 are qualify'd to hear, .but fuch as by God's Gift 
 are made Partakers of them. And therefore ye 
 ought to hear them with the greater Reverence, 
 by how much more fublime thofe Doctrines are, 
 which are committed only to the Baptized and 
 Believing Auditors, than thofe which the Cate- 
 chumens alfo are wont to hear. Theodoret [f\ 
 takes notice of the fame Diftinclion made in 
 their Difcourfes, according to the Difference of 
 their Auditors j faying, We difcourfe obfeurely 
 of Divine Myfterics before the Unbaptized 3 but 
 when they are departed, we fpeak plainly to the 
 Baptized. From all which it is evident, that the 
 Fideles were fingled out, as the only proper Au- 
 ditors fit to hear Difcourfes upon the fublime 
 Doctrines and Myfteries of Religion. And in 
 thefe and the like Privileges, confifted their Pre- 
 rogative above the Catechumens. 
 
 [£] Chryfoft. Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 740! [/] Aug. Horn. 29.' 
 de Verb. Apoft. [/»] Theodor. Epit. Div. Dogm. c. 24. 
 [»] Chryibft. Horn. 10. in Colof. p. 1 385-. [e] Aug. Enormia 1 , 
 c. 7'. [/>] Aug. Com. in Pfal. 142. Orabant utique jam Fideles, 
 jam Apoftoli. Nam ifta Oratio Dominica magis Fidelibus datur. 
 Id. Enchirid. ad Laurent, c. 7 1. De quocidianis, brevibus levibufq; 
 
 peccatis quotidiana Oratio Fidelium fatisfacit. Eorum eft enim 
 
 dicere, Pater nofter qui es in Caelis; qui jam Patri tali regenerati 
 funt, ex aqua 8c Spiritu Sanfto. Con. Carthag. 4. Can. 14. 
 
 Ut Epifcopus nullum prohibeat ingredi Ecclefiam, 8c audire Verbum 
 Dei, five Gentilem, five Haereticum, five Judaeum, uique ad Mif- 
 fim Catechu menorum. [r] Ambrof. de his qui Myfteriis ini- 
 tiantur, c. /. De Moralibus quotidianum Sermonem habuimus— — — 
 
 Nunc de Myfteriis dicere tempus admonet, atque ipfam Sacramen- 
 torum rationem edere, quam ante Baptifmum fi putaflemus infinu- 
 andam nondum initkitis, prodidifle potius quam edicifiexftimaremur. 
 [*] Aug. Serm. 1. ad Neophytos in Append. T. 10. p. 845-. Di- 
 mifiis jam Catechumenis, vos tantum ad audiendum retinuimus : 
 Quia pratter ilia, quae omnes Chriftianos convenit in commune fer- 
 vare, fpecialiter de cceleftibus Myfteriis locuturi fumus, quae audire 
 non poflunt, nifi qui eo donante jam Domino perceperunt. Tanto 
 ergo majore reverentia debetis audire quae dicimus, quanto majore 
 ifta funt, quae foils Baptizatis 8c Fidelibus Auditoribus committun- 
 turj quam ilia quae etiam Catechumeni audire confueverunt. 
 [f] Theod. Quaeft. 15-. in Num. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 u 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Diftin&ion betwixt the Laity and Clergy ; and of the Antiquity 
 
 of that DiflinBion. 
 
 SECT. T. 
 
 The Fideles 0- 
 therwtfe called Lai- 
 ri, to diftinguif!) 
 them from the 
 Clergy. 
 
 E have hitherto confidered 
 :he Great Body of the 
 
 Chriftian Church, the Fideles, as 
 oppofcd to the Catechumens: 
 We are now to view them in a- 
 nother Relation, as contradi- 
 ftincl: to the Clergy: in which Relation they 
 went by other Names fuch as thofc of Lain, 
 Laymen ; Btwrixot, Seculars j Private 
 Men. The mod common and ancient Name, 
 was that of Laid; which every where occurs in 
 the Writings of Origen, Cyprian, and Terlullian, 
 and others of the Third Century: Which is a 
 thing fo evident, that the grcatcft Enemies of 
 this Diftinction, Rigaltius \ii\,Salmafius, and Sel- 
 den, do not pretend to diipute itj but only fay, 
 There was originally no fuch Diftin&ion in the 
 Church ; but that it is a Novelty, and owing to 
 the Ambition of the Clergy of the Third Cen- 
 tury, in which Cyprian and Tertullian lived. 
 
 SECT. it. Th i s Accufation reflects high- 
 
 The Antiquity of ly upon St. Cyprian, and other 
 
 this BiflinEiion pro- Holy Martyrs his Cotemporariesj 
 
 W «£«»y? Rigalti- who were as f ar f rom t i ie Ambi- 
 
 us, Salmafius, and • , • 1 _ j _i \- 
 
 Selc j en tion that is charged upon them, 
 
 as the Authors are from Truth, 
 that bring the Charge. For indeed the Diftin- 
 £tion was none of their inventing j but derived 
 from the Jewifi Church, and adopted into the 
 Chriftian by the Apoftlcs themfelves. Clemens 
 Alexandrinus [w] fpeaking of St. John, fays, That 
 after his Return from Banifhment in the I fie of 
 Patmos, he fettled at Ephefus; whence being of- 
 ten invited to vifit the Neighbouring Regions, 
 he Ordained them Bifhops, and fet apart fuch 
 Men for the Clergy, as were fignify'd to him by 
 the Holy Ghoft. Whence it appears, that the 
 Name KXri'e®-'? Clergy, was always a peculiar 
 Title of thofe that were fet apart for the Mini- 
 ftry and Service of God. And that this Diftin- 
 clion came from the Jewifi Church, is evident 
 from what Clemens Romanus [x] fays of the JewiJIi 
 Oeconomyj That as the High-Prieft had his Of- 
 fice affigned him, and the Pricfts alio their pro- 
 per Station, and the Levitcs their peculiar Ser- 
 vice j fo Laymen in like manner were under the 
 Obligation of Precepts proper for Laymen. Thefe 
 Inftances evidently prove, that a Diftin&ion was 
 always obferved in thefe Names, Laity and Cler- 
 gy, from the firft Foundation of the Chriftian 
 Church. 
 
 There is but one Objcai- sect. hi. 
 on of any moment againft this: r f n rf^'™ an 
 Which is taken from the Words r^ re )i L ? l' an " 
 of St. Peter, where he bids the W 
 FJders of the Church not lord it over God's 
 Heritage. The Original is, jun^' w\- xara/.y^^'ev- 
 ts? t 9 ^ xXn'e'jjv, which (as fomc Learned [_f] Cri- 
 ticks obferve) may as well fignify the Poflcfiions 
 of the Church, as the People. But admit that it 
 means the People > this is no more than is faid of 
 the People of Jfracl, who are called God's j&jj'g©*, 
 and Xaoj i\'y.\r\^ l &, his Inheritance, or his Clergy ; 
 Dent. 4. 20. i>. 20. as both the Jews and Chri- 
 ftians were, in oppofition to the Heathen: Not- 
 withstanding which, God had his peculiar K\n- 
 ^ among his own People, who were his Lot 
 or Inheritance, and diftinguifhed by that Name 
 from the Laid, or remaining Body of the Peo- 
 ple. As we have obferved before in the Name 
 II190!, Fideles, or Believers j all Perfons within the 
 Pale of the Church were called Believers, in op- 
 polition to Infidels and Pagans j but when they 
 would diftinguilh one Order of Men in the 
 Church from another, then the Name Believers 
 was given peculiarly to fuch as were Baptized, 
 and the reft were called Catechumens : So here, 
 all Chriftian People are God's KX^r, his Lot, 
 his Inheritance, or his Clergy: But when his 
 Minifters are to be diftinguifhed from the reft of 
 the People in the Church, then the Name Cle- 
 rici, or Clergy, was their appropriate Title, and 
 the Name of the other, Laymen. 
 
 And this Obfervation will sect. IV. 
 help to fet another fort of Per- A DiJ?i»8m in 
 fons right, who confound not on- the , <ft" °f Y" y 
 
 if.. 1 1 ^ rr r m d Clergy always 
 
 ly the Name, but the Offices or yf erve d 
 Laity and Clergy together j and 
 plead that originally there was no Diftinction be- 
 tween them. The Name of Priefthood, indeed, 
 is fomctimes given in common to the whole Body 
 of Chriftian People ; 1 Pet.z. p. Rev. 1.6. but fo 
 it was to the Jewifti People, Exocl. 19. 6< Te JJjall 
 be unto me a Kingdom of Priefis, and an Holy Na- 
 tion. Yet every one knows, that the Offices of 
 the Priefts and Levites among the Jezus, were 
 very diftintt from thofe of the common People, 
 not by Ufurpation, but by God's Appointment. 
 And fo it was among Chriftians, from the firft 
 Foundation of the Church. Where-ever any 
 Number of Converts were made, as foqn as they 
 were capable of being formed into an Organical 
 
 [«] Rigalt. Nor. in Cypr. Ep. 3. [n>] Clem. Alexand.Quis 
 Dives (alvetur. ap. Combelif. Audtar. Novifl". p. 1 85-. & ap. Euicb. 
 Lib. 3-c. 23. KA>ic» h'ef. y- t/c* hMwqmv •use -z-vdiucn @~ 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ai\(j.ttiVOf/)pe>v. [x] Clem. Rom. Ep. 1. ad Cjrinth. n. 40. 
 \_y~\ Dodwel. Ditert. i. in Cyprian. 
 
 E Church 3 
 
i+ The A n t i qu i t i e s of the Book I. 
 
 Church > a Bifhop, or a Presbyter, with a Dea- 
 con, was ordained to minifter to them, as Epi- 
 phanius [z] delivers from the ancient Hiftories of 
 the Church. The fame may be obferved in the 
 forementioned Paffage of Clemens Akxanclrinus, 
 where he fays St. John ordained Bifhops and o- 
 ther Clergy, in the Churches which he regula- 
 ted, by the Direction of the Holy Ghoft. Hence 
 it is that Ignatius fo frequently in all his Epiflles 
 charges the People to do nothing without the 
 Bifhops [a], Presbyters and Deacons. Tertullian 
 [b~] fays it was cuftomary among Hereticks to 
 confound the Offices of Clergy and Laity toge- 
 ther: They made one a Bifhop to-day, and an 
 other to-morrow j to-day a Deacon, and to-mor- 
 row a Reader j to-day a Presbyter, and to-mor- 
 row a Layman. For Laymen among them per- 
 formed the Offices of the Priefthood. But this 
 was not the Cuftom of the Catholick Church. 
 For as St. Jerom [c~] obferves, they reckoned 
 that to be no Church, which had no Priefts. 
 They were of no efteem with them, who were 
 both Laymen and Bifhops together. And by 
 this we may judge how ingenuoufly they deal 
 with St. Jerom and 'Tertullian, who alledge their 
 Authorities to pYove that every Chriftian is as 
 much a Prieft as another. St. Jerom indeed fays 
 \_d~] there is a Laical Priefthood} but then he ex- 
 plains himfelf to mean no more by that, than 
 Chriftian Baptifm, whereby we are made Kings 
 and Priefts to God. And Tertullian [e~\ grants 
 no other Priefthood to Laymen, fave that they 
 may baptize in cafe of abfolute Neceffity, when 
 none of the Ecclefiaftical Order can be had} 
 which was according to the Principles and Pra- 
 ctice of the Primitive Church } but does by no 
 means confound the Offices of Laity and Clergy 
 together, unlefs any one can think Cafes Ordina- 
 ry and Extraordinary all one. The ancient Hi- 
 ftorians [/] Socrates and Ruffin tell us, that Fru- 
 mentius and JEdcJius, two young Men, who had 
 no external Call or Commiffion to preach the 
 Gofpel, being carried Captive into India, con- 
 verted the Nation, and fettled feveral Churches 
 among them. And the fame Socrates [_g~] and 
 Theodoret fay, that the Iberians were firlt con- 
 verted by a Captive Woman, who made the King 
 and Queen of the Nation Preachers of the Gol- 
 pel to their People. Yet a Man would argue 
 very weakly, that mould hence conclude, that 
 therefore there was no Diftinftion betwixt Cler- 
 gy and Laity in the Primitive Church } or that 
 Laymen might Preach without a Call, and Wo- 
 
 men Ordain Minifters of the Gofpel. The Au- 
 thor of the Comments upon St. Paul's Epiftles,un- 
 der the Name [£] of St. Ambrofe, feems to fay 
 indeed, that at firft all Chrift's Difciples were 
 Clergy, and had all a general Commiffion to 
 preach the Gofpel and Baptize : But that was in 
 order to Convert the World, and before any 
 Multitude of People were gathered, or Churches 
 founded, wherein to make a Diftinclion. But as 
 foon as the Church began to fpread it felf over 
 the World, and fufficient Numbers were Con- 
 verted to form themfelves into a Regular So- 
 ciety, then Rulers and other Ecclefiaftical Offi- 
 cers were appointed among them, and a Di- 
 ftinclion made, that no one, no, not of the 
 Clergy themfelves, might prefume to meddle 
 with any Office not committed to him, and 
 to which he knew himfelf not Ordained. So 
 that for ought that appears to the contrary, we 
 may conclude, that the Names and Offices of 
 Laymen and Clergy were always diftincl: from 
 one another, from the firft Foundation of Chri- 
 ftian Churches. 
 
 The Laymen were diftin- SECT. v. 
 guiftied alfo by the Name of B:oo- L*ymen alfo cul- 
 ■moi, Seculars, from B/©*, ^j?"*™ " Se ' 
 which fignifies a Secular Life. 
 And by this Title they are difcerned not only 
 from the Clergy, but alfo from the Afce- 
 ticks and thofe of a more retired Life, who 
 bid adieu to the World, and disburdened them- 
 felves of all Secular Cares and Bullnefs. Thus 
 St. Chryfoftom [f] exhorting all Men to read the 
 Scriptures, fays, Let no Man think to excufe 
 himfelf by faying, I am a Secular, dns Pianinos, 
 it belongs not to me to read the Scriptures, but 
 to thofe that have retired from the World, and 
 have taken up their abode in the Tops of the 
 Mountains. And in another place commenting 
 on thofe Words of St. Paul, Let every Soul be 
 fubjeel to the higher Powers : he fays, This Com- 
 mand is given to the Clergy, and to the Monks, 
 and not to the Seculars [if\ only. And fo they 
 are ftiled in the Author [k] who goes under the 
 Name of Jujlin Martyr, and others. 
 
 I n fome Writers they are sect. VI. 
 termed MwJ), Private Men, as pw- 
 being only in a Private Capacity, vate Mm - 
 and not acting as Publick Minifters. So it was 
 another Name to diftinguifh them from the 
 Clergy who were in the Publick Office and Em- 
 
 [r] Epiphan. Haer. 75-. Aerian. n. 5-. [a] Ignat. Ep. ad 
 Magnef. n. 6, & 7. Ep. ad. Trail, n. 2. Ep. ad Philad. n.7. 
 [£] Tertul. de Praefcript. c. 41. Alius hodie Epifcopus, eras alius: 
 Hodie Diaconus, qui eras Lector : Hodie Presbyter, qui eras Laicus. 
 Nam 8c Laicisfacerdotalia munera injungunr. [c] Hieron. Dial, 
 c. Lucifer. T. 2. p. 145". Ecclefia non eft quae non habet Sacerdotes. 
 Ibid. Omifiis paucis homunculis, qui ipfi fibi 8c Laici funt 8c Epif- 
 copi. \jT\ Hieron. ibid. p. 1 36. Sacerdotium Laici, id eft, Bap- 
 tifma. Scriptum eft enim, Regnum 8c Sacerdotes nos fecit, 8cc. 
 [e] Tertal. Exhort, ad Caft. c. 7. Nonne 8c Laici Sacerdotes fu- 
 mus? Scriptum eft, Regnum quoque nos 8c Sacerdotes Deo 8c 
 
 Patri fuo fecit. Ubi Ecclefiaftici Ordinis eft Confeflus, 8coffert 
 
 & tingust Sacerdos, qui eft ibi, folus. Sed ubi tres, Ecclefia eft; 
 
 licet Laici. [/] Ruftln. Lib. 1. c. 9. Socrat. Lib. 1. c. 19. 
 [ff] Socrat. Lib. 1. c. 20. 'Aup'onfot xi'jpt/xej <ra yetTx, 8cc. 
 Theodor. Lib. 1. c. 23. [h] Ambrof. five Hilar. Diacon. Com. 
 in Eph. 4. p. 248. Ut crefceret Plebs 8c mukiplicaretur, omnibus 
 inter initia conceflum eft 8c evangelizire, 8c baptizare, 8c Scripturas 
 in Ecclefia explanare. At ubi autem omnia loco circumplexa eft 
 Ecclefia, Conventicula conftituta funt, 8c Reftores 8c caetera Officia 
 in Eccleliis funt ordinata, ut nullus de Clero auderet, qui ordinatus 
 non eflet, prxfumere Officium quod fciret non fibi creditum. 
 [»] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Laz. T. y. [«] Chryf. Horn. 23. in Rom. 
 
 {j.'ovov. [k] Juft. M. Refp. ad Quaeft. 19. izS tiujtx.% a.v%fu>7ro» t 
 &c. 
 
 ploy- 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 rloyment of the Church. Sc. Chryfofiom [/] and 
 theodoret [«] fay the Word W&ns is fo uled by 
 St. Paul himTelf, i Cor. 14. 16. which we tran- 
 flate, Unlearned } but they fay, it fignifies no 
 more than a Layman, or one in a Private Capa- 
 city, whether Learned or Unlearned, who is 
 not a Publick Minifter of the Church. And fo 
 Origen alfo ufes the Name Wi£>% not for Perfons 
 Unlearned, but for Laymen, who had Power as 
 well as other Chriftians to call out Devils in the 
 Name of Chrift [»]. And Syneftus oppofes the 
 Names, iJW^ and 1*$*, to one another, making 
 [0] the one to denote thofc who miniftred in 
 the Sacred Service of the Church j and the o- 
 ther, thofe who had no fuch Office, but ferved 
 God only in a private Capacity, as Laymen. 
 Whence alfo fpcaking of fomc Clergymen who 
 deferved to be Degraded, he fays, they 
 were to be treated publickly by all, w; avlixpu* 
 ic/Wra, as meer Private Men, that is, no longer 
 as Clergymen, but Laymen. Whence we may 
 colle£t, that this was a common Name for all 
 fuch as had no Publick Office or Miniitry in the 
 Church. 
 
 SECT. vil. On the other hand, all Per- 
 whatverfinspro- f ons w ho had any publick Em- 
 perfy called Clerici. pi oyment j n the Church , were 
 called by the common Name of Clerici; which 
 Name at firft was given only to the Three Su- 
 perior Orders of Bifhops, Priefts and Deacons, 
 becaufe there were then no other Orders in the 
 Church. But in the Third Century many Infe- 
 rior Orders were appointed, as fubfervient to the 
 Deacons Office, fuch as Sub-Deacons^ Acoly- 
 thifts, Readers, &V. And then thofe alfo had 
 the common Name of Clerici too, having no far- 
 ther Concern with Secular Affairs, but wholly 
 attending the Service of the Church. St. Cy- 
 prian always gives thefe the Name of Clerici \jf\ : 
 As where he fpeaks of Optatus a Sub-Deacon, 
 and Saturus a Reader, he ftiles them both Cle- 
 rici. The Ordination of fuch he [f] calls Ordi- 
 nationes Clerics. And hence the Letters which 
 he hadOccafion to fend to foreign Parts by their 
 Hands, had the Name of Liter* [f\ Cleric*. Lu- 
 man the Martyr, and Cyprian's Cotemporary, 
 fpeaks in the fame Stile concerning Exorcifts 
 [f] and Readers. 
 
 The Council of Nice it felf [u] gives the Ap- 
 pellation of KXri^qr, to others befides Bifhops, 
 Presbyters and Deacons. And the Third Coun- 
 
 cil of Carthage, made a Canon [_<z?;] on purpofe 
 to confirm the Title to them. 
 
 Yea, the fame Council [*] sect. viii. 
 feems rather to appropriate the rhe mme Cicri - 
 Namc Clerici to the Inferior ci f° met> ™> *p- 
 
 ~ ■ 1 r T^-n.- cl- trcpnate to the In- 
 
 Orders, by way of Diftin&ion yJ 0rOrdtrs . 
 from the Superior, firft naming 
 Bifhops, Presbyters, and Deacons, and then the 
 Gieric/y or Clerks j that is, the Inferior Orders. 
 And the fame is done by St. Ambrofe \_y\ and 
 Hilary [z] under his Name, more cxprefly, who 
 jpeak of the Clerici as dillincr. from the Deacons. 
 As alfo Epiphanius [a], who fpeaking of thofe 
 that lapied in Egypt in the Dioclefian Perfec- 
 tion, he fays, fomc of them were Soldiers, fome 
 Clerks of divers Orders, fome Presbyters, and 
 fome Deacons. Where the Clerici are fpoken of 
 as diftincl from Presbyters and Deacons. And 
 fo in the Council of Laodicea [f] and many o- 
 ther Places. 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 The Reafon of the 
 Name Clerici. 
 
 As to the Reafon of the 
 Name Clerici and Clerus, St. Je- 
 rom [c~] rightly obferves, that it 
 comes from the Greek K>^' e ©s which fignifies a 
 Lot 5 and thence he fays, God's Minifters were 
 called Clerici, either becaufe they are the Lot 
 and Portion of the Lord, or becaufe the Lord is 
 their Lot, that is, their Inheritance. Others [d~] 
 think fome regard was had to the ancient Cu- 
 ftom of chufing Perfons into Sacred Offices by 
 Lot, both among Jews and Gentiles ; which is 
 not improbable, though that Cuftom never ge- 
 nerally prevailed among Chriftians, as fhall be 
 {hewed hereafter. 
 
 SECT. X, 
 
 All the Clergy 
 called Canonici. 
 
 There is another Name for 
 the Clergy, very commonly to 
 be met with in the ancient Coun- 
 cils, which is that of Canonici, a Name derived 
 from the Greek Word Kavwv, which fignifies a- 
 mong other things, the Roll or Catalogue of 
 every Church, wherein the Names of all the 
 Ecciefiallicks were written, and which was as it 
 were the Rule of knowing to what Church they 
 belonged. In this Senfe the Word Kavwv is of- 
 ten uled by the Council [e] of Nice. The 
 Council of Antiocb [/] calls it £yi(& Kavwv, the 
 Sacred Rollj the Apoitolical Canons, Ka.Tcl\oy@> 
 ltpy.Tix.6s [g], the Catalogue of the Clergy. 
 Which is the fame that Sidonius Jpollinaris 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. 35-. ini Cor. 14. )£ic-'t»v cTi \cukov Xiy&. 
 [nf\ Theod. Com. in 1 Cor. 14.. 16. ifuSruiv x*\h tiv ov 
 
 uli TilaynSpov [»] Orig. c. Celf.Lib. 7. p. 334.. 
 [0] Synef. Ep. 5-4. ad Theoph. p. 1+4. [/>] Synef. Ep.67. p. 15-9. 
 [q] Cypr. Ep. 14. al. 29. Ed. Ox. Qaoniam oportuic me per 
 Clericos frribere, Sec. fecifle me fciatis Ledrorem Saturum, gc 
 Hypodiaconum Optatum. Hid. Ep. 33. al. 38. \ s~\ See 
 Fell. Not. in Cypr. Ep. 23. [t] Lucian. Ep. 17. al. 23. ap. 
 Cypr. Prxfente de Clero, 8c Exorcifta Sc Leflore, Lucianus fcriplit. 
 [«] Con. Nic. Can. 3. [w] Con. Carth. 3. can. 21. Clerico- 
 rum nomen etiam Leclores gc Ptalmiftx Sc Oftiarii retineant. 
 [*] Con. Carth. 3.1.15-. Placuit ut Epifcopi, 8c Presbyteri, 8c 
 
 Diaconi, vel Clerici non fint Condudtores. [y~\ Ambr. de 
 Dignit. Sacerd. c. 3. Aliud eft quod ab Epifcopo requirit Deus, 
 aliud quod a Presbytero, 8c aliud quod a Diacono, 8c aliud quod a 
 Clerico, Sc aliud quod a Laico. [*,] Pfeud. Ambr. in Eph. 4. 
 Nunc neque Diaconi in Populo predicant; neque Clerici vel Laici 
 baptizant. [a] Epiphan. Her. 68. Melet. [£] Con. Lacfdic. 
 can. 20. \_c] Mieron. Ep. 2. ad. Is'epot. Cleros graece, Sors Latine 
 appellatur : propterea voantur Clerici, vel quia de Sorte funt De- 
 mini, vel quia ipfe Dominus Sors, id eft, Pars Clericorum eft. 
 
 Dodwel. Diflert. 1. in Cypr. §. fi. [e] Con. Nic. Can.16, 
 ! 7> I0 - [/] Con. Antioch. 1. [g] Can. Apoftol. c. 13, 
 14, if, 5-0, 8cc. 
 
 0] calls 
 
16 
 
 The Antiquities, &c. 
 
 Book h 
 
 [h~] calls 'Jlbus-y and the Council of Agde \J] 
 by the Name of Matricula; and St. Jufiin [I], 
 Tabula Clericorum. Now becaufe the Names 
 of all the Clergy were enrolled in this Cata- 
 logue or Canon, they were hence called Cano- 
 nici. As in St. Cyril \T\ xavovtxwv -ara^au'ta fig- 
 nifies the Prefence of the Clergy. And xavo- 
 vinoi -sj/aXrcu in the Council of Laodicea [m~\ 
 fignifies fuch of the Clergy as were ordered 
 to fing in the Church. And fo generally in the 
 Councils of Nice [»] and Antioch^ ol cv tz£ xa- 
 i/ovi, is put to denote the Clergy of the Church. 
 And upon the fame Account all others, whofe 
 Names were fet down in the Churches Books, 
 to entitle them to receive Maintenance from 
 the Church, were called by the fame Name, 
 Canonici^ fuch as the Monks, Virgins, Wi- 
 dows, &c. whom St. Bafil \_o] fpeaks of un- 
 der this Name, as Balfamon and Zonaras under- 
 Hand him. 
 
 I pafs over many other Names SECT. XI. 
 
 of the Clergy, which are obvi- And T«t£« ™ 
 
 ous to every Reader 5 fuch as that f^Jf' th l ° r * 
 c t- 1 i r 7i- i i t . aer of the Semau- 
 
 ot JLxcleiiaiticks, and is^Ttxo^or 1 
 rdfys (s^lrxrlj the Holy Order, ($c. 
 and mall but take notice of one more, Which 
 rarely occurs any where but in Gregory Nazian- 
 zen, who gives the Clergy, efpecially the fupe- 
 rior Clergy, the Name of T«£i? wBn'^©-, the 
 Order of the Sanctuary [/>]. Which Name 
 was given them from their Privilege of entering 
 into that Part of the Church where the Altar 
 ftood, which (as we mail fee when we come to 
 fpeak of Churches) was called Brjua or h^arelov^Thc 
 Sanctuary. Hither none might come but the Cler- 
 gy,who were therefore called the Order of the San- 
 ctuary. Whence in the fame Author \jf\ tzS Cr^urt 
 -ar^a-dyeiv fignifies to give a Man Ordination, or 
 make him a Clergyman : And 6 &7ro (Iwclt(&, is 
 one of the Sacred Order [r], or one of the Clergy. 
 
 [h] Sidon. Lib. 6. Ep. 8. NomenLe&orum Albus nuper excepit. 
 [>] Con. Agathenf. can. 2. Refcripti in Matricula gradum fuum 
 dignitatemque fufcipiant. [&] Aug. Horn. fo. de Diverlis. T.io. 
 p. fi$. Delebo eum de Tabula Clericorum. [/] Cyril. Praef. 
 Catech. n. 3. [m] Con.Laodic. can. 1^. [»] Con. Antioch, 
 
 can. 2. & 6. Con. Nic. can. 16, 8t i f. [0] Bafil. Ep. Canonic, 
 c. 6. [p] Naz. Orat. 20. in Laud. Bafil. p. 236. [q] Id. 
 Orat. 1 9. de Fun Patr. [r] Naz. Orat. 19. p. 310, & 311. 
 Orat. 20, p. 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 Of the feveral Orders of the Clergy in the Primitive Church. 
 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 Of the Original of Bifhops : And that they were a diflmB Order from Presbyters 
 
 in the Primitive Church. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Whzt the Ar.ci- 
 tnts mean by 
 different Orders 
 of Bidrips and 
 Presbyters. 
 
 E have hitherto 
 confidercd the 
 Clergy in gene- 
 ral , as diftin£fc 
 from the Laity, 
 and come now to 
 examine by what 
 Names or Offices 
 they were diftinguifhed from one another. And 
 here the mod ancient Diftinction that occurs, is, 
 that of the Superior Clergy into the Three di- 
 ftiucr. Orders of Bifhops, Presbyters, and Dea- 
 cons. That there were no other Orders in the 
 Church but thefe Three at firft, will be eviden- 
 ced in its proper Place, when I come to give an 
 Account of the .firft Rife and Original of the In- 
 ferior Orders j and that Deacons were always a 
 Sacred and Standing Order, will be proved like- 
 wife when I fpeak particularly of them : Here 
 then it remains that our Enquiry be made only 
 into the Diftincr.ion betwixt the Orders of Bi- 
 fhops and Presbyters. And this,fo far as concerns 
 Matter of Fa£t, and the Practice of the Church 
 (which is the thing I have undertaken to give an 
 Account of) will be molt fairly and fully re- 
 foived, by confidering only thefe three Things, 
 i. That the Ancient Writers of the Church al- 
 ways fpeak of thefe as diftin& Orders, z. That 
 they derive the Original of Bifhops from Divine 
 Authority, and Apoltolical Conftitution. 3. That 
 they give us particular Accounts and Catalogues 
 of fuch Bifhops as were firft Settled and Confed- 
 erated, in the new-founded Churche^, by the 
 Hands of the Apoftles. 
 
 But before I proceed to the Proof of thefe 
 things, I mult premife one Particular, to avoid 
 all Ambiguity j That T take the Word Order in 
 that Senfe as the Ancients ufe it, and not as ma- 
 ny of the Schoolmen do, who for Reafons of 
 
 their own diftinguifh between Order and Jurif- 
 diction, and make Bifhops and Presbyters to be 
 one and the fame Order, only differing in Power 
 and Jurifdiftion. This Diftin£tion was un- 
 known to the Ancients 5 among whom the 
 words, Order, Degree, Office, Power and Ju- 
 rifdiction, when they fpeak of the Superiority of 
 Bifhops above Presbyters, mean but one and the 
 fame thing, viz. The Power of the Supreme 
 Governors of the Church, conferred upon them 
 in their Ordination, over Presbyters, who are to 
 do nothing but in Subordination to them- St. 
 Jerom, who will be allowed to fpeak the Senfe 
 of the Ancients, makes no Difference in thefe 
 Words, Ordo, Gradus, Officium, but ufes them 
 promifcuoufly to fignify the Power and Jurif- 
 di&ion of Bifhops above Presbyters and the whole 
 Church, which is, properly fpeaking, the very 
 Effence of their Order. Therefore fometimes he 
 calls them different Orders, as in his Book againft 
 Jovinian [_s~\ where he fays, that both in the Old 
 and New Teftament the High-Priefts are one 
 Order, the Priefts another, and the Levhes ano- 
 ther. So in his Epiftles [f\ to Rufiicus, and Fa~ 
 blola [a], where he joins Or do and Gradus toge- 
 ther. In other places he ufes the Word Gradus 
 only. As in his Epiftle to Euftochium [_w] he 
 calls Presbyters Priefts of the Inferior Degree : 
 And in his Epiftle to Heliodore [x], Deacons the 
 Third Degree : And in his Comment upon Mi- 
 cah [jy], Bifhops, Priefts and Deacons, the De- 
 grees in the Church. At other t'mes he expreffes 
 his meaning by the Word Offices. As where [_z] 
 he fays, That Bifhop, Presbyter and Deacon are 
 not Names of Men's Merit, but of their Offices. 
 So that it is all one according to St. Jerom, whe- 
 ther we fay the Order, or the Degree, or the 
 Office, or the Power and Jurifdi&ion of a Bi- 
 fhop : For all thefe are intended to exprefs the 
 
 [j] Hieron. cont. Jovin. Lib. z. p. 89. In veteri Teftamento 8c 
 in Novo al'um Ordinem Pontifex tenet, alium Sacerdotes, alium 
 Levitt. [.'] Id. Ep. ad Ruftic. T. 1. p. 46. Singuli Eccleiiarum 
 Epifcopi, finguli Archipresbyteri, linguli Archidiaconi, 8c omnis 
 Qrdo Eccleliallicus fuis Redoribus nititur. [«] Id. ad Fabiol. 
 de 4,2. Manfion. Ifrael. T. 3. p. 4+. Ipfos fecundi Ordinis intelligi- 
 raus Prarceptores, Luca Evangeliite teitante, Ducdecim fuifle A- 
 poftolos, 8c feptuaginta Difcipulos minoris Gradus. [w] Ep. 27. 
 ad Euftoch Aderant Hieroiolymarum Sc aliarum Urbium Epiicopi, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 8c Sace.dotum Inferioris Gradus, 8c Levitarum innumerabilis mul- 
 titude. [*] Ep. 1. ad Heliodor. Non minorem in Tertio 
 Gradu adhibuit diligentiam, 8cc. [y] Com. in Mic. 7. p. 162. 
 Non hoc dico, quod iftiufmodi Gradibus in Ecclefia non debeatis 
 efie fubjeiti. [s] Cone. Jovin. Lib. 1. p. 41. Epifcopus, Pres- 
 byter, 8c Diaconus non funt Meritorum nomina, fed Officiorum 
 
 Si Diaconus fanctior Epifcopo fuo fuerit, non ex eo quod inferior 
 Gradu eft, apud Chriftum deterior eft. 
 
 F fame 
 
 «■ 
 
18 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book It. 
 
 fame thing, viz. The Authority of Bifhops over 
 their Presbyters and the whole Church. And in 
 this Senfelufe the Word Order, inthisDifcourfe, 
 to exprefs the Opinion of the Ancients, concern- 
 ing the different Powers of Bifhops and Presby- 
 ters in the Church. 
 
 SECT. ir. Now that there was fuch a 
 The Order of Bi- Diftinclion always obferved in 
 pops always owned church, is evident, i ft, From 
 
 to be Superior to that j-n A . J ri. /la 
 
 of prefers. the Tdhmony of the molt An- 
 cient Writers > who fpeak or Bi- 
 fhops, Presbyters, and Deacons, as diftincTb De- 
 grees in the Church, and the two latter as Sub- 
 ordinate to the firft. The Teftimonies of Igna- 
 tius to this purpofe [a] are fo full and evident, 
 that nothing was ever pretended to be faid againft 
 them, fave only that they are not the Genuine 
 Remains of that Ancient Author > which has 
 beenfo often confidered and replied to by Learn- 
 ed [b~\ Men, that there is no Pretence left to 
 fivour fuch an Imagination. The Citations are 
 too numerous to be here inferted at large, and 
 therefore I fhall only give the Reader a Speci- 
 men in one fingle Teftimony, by which he may 
 judge of all the reft. In his Epiftle to the Mag- 
 nefians, he exhorts them [c] to do all things in 
 Unity, under the Bifhop preliding in the place of 
 God, and the Presbyters in the place of the Apo- 
 ftolical Senate, and the Deacons to whom is com- 
 mitted the Miniftry and Service of Jefus Chrift. 
 
 The Author of the Acls of the Martyrdom of 
 Ignatius [d~\, lately publifhed from an Ancient 
 Greek Copy, fpeaks exaclly in the fame manner, 
 of thefe Three Orders, when he fays, That as 
 Ignatius was on his Journey to Rome, all the 
 Cities and Churches of JJia lent to falute him 
 by their Bifhops, Presbyters, and Deacons. Not 
 long after thefe Authors, lived Pius Biihop of 
 Rome, whofe Authority I cite, becaufe Blondel 
 [e~\ allows it to be Genuine. This Author in his 
 Epiftle to Jujlus of Vienna, gives him the Title 
 of Bifhop [/"], and fpeaks of Presbyters and 
 Deacons under him. In the beginning of the 
 next Age we have the Teftimonies of Clemens 
 Alexandrimis, Origen, and Tertulllan, all agreeing 
 in the fame thing, that there were then in their 
 own Times the different Orders of Bifhops and 
 Presbyters in the Church. There are here in 
 the Church, fays Clemens [_g~\ the different De- 
 grees or Progreflions of Bifhops, Presbyters, and 
 Deacons, in imitation oF the Angelical Glory. 
 Origen takes notice of this Diftinclion above ten 
 
 times [h~] in his Works, which thofe thatpleafc 
 may read at large in Bifhop Pearjbu. I fhali only 
 recite Two Paflages, one out of his Homilies 
 upon St. Luke, written whilft he was a Layman, 
 where he fays, That [f] Digamy excludes Men 
 from all Ecclefiaftic.il Dignities: For one that is 
 Twice Married can neither be made Bifhop, 
 Presbyter, nor Deacon. Here he calls them dif- 
 ferent Dignities ; in the other [k~] Place he calls 
 them different Degrees, frying, Every one fhall 
 be punifhed according to his Degree : If the 
 Supreme Governor of the Church offends, he 
 fhall have the greater Punifhment. A Layman 
 will deferve Mercy in companion of a Deacon, 
 and a Deacon in comparifon of a Presbyter. So 
 that Bifhops, in his Opinion, were then a De- 
 gree above Presbyters and Deacons. 'Tertulllan 
 frequently [/] mentions the fame Diftinclion, but 
 more efpecially in his Book de Baptifmo, where 
 he fays [m~] The Right of Baptizing belongs to 
 the Chief Prieft, who is the Bifhop ; and after 
 him to Presbyters and Deacons, yet not without 
 the Authority of the Bifhop, for the Honour of 
 the Church, in the Prefervation of which con- 
 fifts the Church's Peace. 
 
 Thefe Allegations are fufheient Evidences, as 
 r.o Matter of Fad, and the Praclice of the 
 Church in the Three firft Ages, that there was 
 then an Order of Chief Priefts, or Bifhops, fu- 
 perior to Presbyters, fettled and allowed in the 
 Chriftian Church. 
 
 If we proceed a little farther sect. nr. 
 into this Enquiry, and examine The order of Bi- 
 from what Original this Ap- fi°P> of sipofiolicd 
 pointment came, whether from ******* 
 Ecclefiaftical or Apoftolical Inftitutionj which 
 is another Queftion concerning Matter of Facl, 
 that will in fome meafure determine the Right 
 alfo : The fime Authors, with the unanimous 
 Confent of all others, declare, That it was no 
 Human Invention, but an Original Settlement of 
 the Apoftles thcmfelves, which they made by 
 Divine Appointment. The Order of Bifhops, 
 fays Tert/illian, [n] when it is traced up to its 
 Original, will be found to have Sr. John for one 
 of its Authors. This agrees exaclly with what 
 Clemens Alexandrinus [o] has recorded of him, 
 That when he was fettled at Ephefus, he went a- 
 bout the neighbouring Regions, Ordaining Bi- 
 fhops, and fetting apart fuch Men for the Cler- 
 gy, as were fignified to him by the Holy Ghoft. 
 Thefe were thofe Afiatick Bifhops that St. Je~ 
 
 [a] Ignar. Ep. ad Ephef. n. 2, 3, 4,. Ep. ad Philad. n. 4, 7, 10. 
 Ep. ad Smyrn. n. 8, 8c 12. Ep. ad Trail, n. 2, 7, 12, 12. Ep. ad 
 Polycarp. n. 6. [6] Pearfon Vind. Ignar. Ufler de Epift. Ignar. 
 VoiT. Epift. ad River. Coteler. Praef.8c Nor. in Ignar. Bull. Defenf. 
 Fid. Nic. Seel. 3. n. 6. p. 290, 8cc. [c] Ignat, Ep. ad Mag- 
 nef. n. 6. [d] Martyr. Ignat. ap. Grabe Spicil. Saccul. 2. T. 1. p. 1 !. 
 [e] Blondel. Apol. p. 18. [f] Pius Ep. 2. ad Juft. Vien. Tu 
 
 vcro apud Senatoriam Viennam Colobio Epifcoporum veftitus, 
 
 &c. Presbyteri 8c Diaconi te oblcrvenr. \_g ] Clem. Alex. Strom. 
 Lib. 6. p. 667. ^vjaij^A xj 1 tw bwh 07 rate Tr&iti-Trxi bmvr.'o* 
 fjrwh tPid&bmv. 8cc. Id. Psedag. Lib. 3. c. 12. p. 
 
 264. [h] Origen. Horn. 2. in Num. Horn. 2. in Cantic. Horn. 6. 
 in Efai. Hem. f, 8c 16. in Ezek. Con. in Mac. 19, 8c zi. De Orat, 
 
 ap. Pearfon. Vindic. Ignat. Parr. t. c. 11. p. 320. [»] Orig. 
 Horn. 17. in Luc. Ab Ecclefiafticis Dignitatibus non folum Forni- 
 catio fed 8c Nuptias repellunr. Neque enim Epifcopus, nec Presby- 
 ter, nec Diaconus, nec Vidua pofiunr efle Digami. [/<•] Orig. 
 Horn. f. in Ez,ek. Pro modo Graduum unufquifquc torquebitur, 
 &c. [/] Tertul. dc Monogam. c. it. De Fuga. c. 11. De Prsa- 
 fcript. c. 41. O] Tertul.de Bapt. c. 17. Dandi quidem jus 
 habet fummus Sacerdos, qui eft Epifcopus: Dehinc Presbyteri 8c 
 Diaconi, non tamtn fine Epifcopi audroritate, propter Ecclefiar 
 honorem ; quo falvo falva Pax eft. [»] Tertull. adv. Marciow. 
 Lib. 4. c. f. Ordo Epifcoporum ad originem recenfus, in Joannem 
 ftabit Auciorem. [0] Clem. Alex. Quis dives Salvetur. ap. Com- 
 befif. Auclar. Noviffim. p, iSj-. 8c ap. Eufeb. Lib. 3. c. 23. 
 
 rom 
 
Chap. I.' 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 19 
 
 rom [/>] fpcaks of, who fays that at their requeft. 
 St. John wrote his Gofpel againlt the Herclies of 
 Ebion and Cerinthus. Whence it follows, that 
 according to this Account, the Order of Bifliops 
 was fettled before the Canon of Scripture was 
 concluded. Whence Clemens of Alexandria \_q] 
 farther obferves, That there are many Precepts 
 in Scripture appertaining to particular forts of 
 Perfons, fome to Presbyters, fome to Deacons, 
 and fome to Bifhops alio. Irenaus declares hirn- 
 felf of the fame Opinion, that there were Bi- 
 fliops as well as Presbyters in the Apoltles Days. 
 For the AfTembly of Miletus, he fays, [f] was 
 compofed of Bifliops and Presbyters, that were 
 of Ephefus , and the neighbouring Cities of A- 
 fia. And therefore agreeably to that Hypothecs, 
 he always derives the SuccefTIon of Bifliops and 
 their Original from the Apoltles. As where lie 
 fays [s] that Hyginus Biiliop of Rome was the 
 Ninth in order of Epilcopal Succeflion from the 
 Apoltles [/]. And in another Place giving 
 an exact Catalogue of the 12. Bifliops of Rome 
 that governed fucccilively in that Sec to his own 
 time, he fays of Linus the firft of them, that he 
 was ordained Bifliop immediately by the Apo- 
 ltles, upon the firil Foundation of the Church 3 
 and of Eleutherius the lalt of them, that he was 
 the Twelfth Bifliop from the Apoltles. Tertul- 
 Uan [w] infills much upon the fame Argument, 
 and makes a Challenge to all forts of Hercricks 
 upon it : Let them fliew us the Original of their 
 Churches, and give us a Catalogue of their Bi- 
 fliops in an exact Succeflion from Firft to Lalt, 
 whereby it may appear, that their firlt Bifliop 
 had either fome Apoitle, or fome Apoitolical 
 Man, living in the time of the Apoltles, for his 
 Author or immediate Predeceflbr. For thus it is 
 that Apoitolical Churches make their Reckon- 
 ing. The Church of Smyrna counts up to Poly- 
 carp ordained by St. John, The Church of Rome 
 to Clemens ordained by St. Peter; And fo all o- 
 ther Churches in like manner exhibit their firft 
 Bifliops ordained by the Apoltles, by whom the 
 Apoitolical Seed was propagated and conveyed 
 to others. This implies that the Apoltles, as 
 they founded Churches, fettled Bifliops in them •, 
 and that this might be proved from the Records 
 and Archives of every Church, the molt of 
 which were probably then remaining, when Ter- 
 
 tullian made this Challenge to all Hcreticks, and 
 appealed to thefe Original Records in behalf of 
 the Catholick Church. 
 
 An Exact and AuthentickCa- sect. iv. 
 talogue of thefe firft Founda- * Li fl or ckf£ 
 tions, would be a very ufeful and lo « H ' °f f uch 
 
 ' • • 1 • r, 1 • fliops as were firft 
 
 entertaining thing: But at this , ™ 
 
 Diltance of 1 lme, it is lmpoln- Affiles. 
 ble to gratifie the World with a- 
 ny fuch Curiolity, whatever Pains fhould be ta- 
 ken about it. Yet there are fome fcatter'd Re- 
 mains and Fragments to be collected out of the 
 Ancient Writers, which will fufKciently anfwer 
 our prefent Delignj which is, to evidence that 
 the Apoltles fettled Bifliops in all Churches upon 
 their iirlt Plantation. 
 
 To begin with the Church of Rome : We 
 have already heard Irenaus and Tertullian decla- 
 ring, that the Apoltles Ordained a Bifliop there. 
 And the fame is afTerted by St. Chryfoftom [x~], 
 and Eufebius [/], and Ruffin [z~], and St. Je- 
 tom [a], and Optatus [f], and Epiphanius |Vj, 
 and St. Auftin; who fays, [cf] If the Order of 
 Bifliops fucceeding one another be of any Conli- 
 dcration, we take the fureft and foundeft way, 
 who begin to number from St. Peter : For Linus 
 fucceeded Peter, and Clemens, Linus 5 and Ana- 
 cletus, Clemens, &c. 
 
 'Tis true, there is a little difference in the Ac- 
 count which thefe Authors give of the Succef- 
 lion ; for fome reckon Linus firft, then Anacletus, 
 then Clemens: Others begin with Clemens, and 
 reckon him the firft in Order from St. Peter. 
 But this is ealily reconciled by learned [e~\ Men ; 
 who make it appear, that Linus and Anacletus 
 died whilft St. Peter lived > and that Clemens was 
 Ordained their SuccelTor by St. Peter alfo. So 
 that we have Two or Three Perfons, by this 
 Account, Ordained fuccelfively Bifhops of Rome 
 by the Hands of the Apoltles. 
 
 Next, for the Church of Jerufalem; it is una- 
 nimoully deliver'd by all Ancient Writers, that 
 James the Lord's Brother was the Firft Bifliop 
 thereof. St. Jerom [/] fays, He was Ordained 
 by the Apoltles immediately after our Lord's 
 Crucifixion. Epiphanius [g] calls him therefore 
 the Firft Bifliop ; the Firft who had an Epifco- 
 pai Chair, the Firft to whom Chrift committed 
 
 [/>] Hieron. Cata!. Scriptcr. Ecclef in Joanne. Noviffimus 
 omnium fenpfit Evangelium, rogatus ab Mix Epifcopis. [_q] Clem. 
 Alex. P-rdag. lib. 3. c. 11. p. 264. [/■] Iren. lib. 2. c. 14. In 
 Mileto convocatis Epiicopis 2c Prcsbyteris, qui e:ant ab Ephefo 5c 
 a reliquis proxirr.is Cwitatibus. [s] Id. lib. 1. c. 28. Hyginus 
 nonum locum Epiiccpatus per fucceffionem ab Apoflolis habuit. 
 [t] Eufeb. lib. 4. c. 11. cites the [arm out of Irenxus. [«] Iren. 
 lib. 3. c. 2. Fundantes 8c inftruentes bcati Apoftoli Ecclefiam, Lino 
 Epifcopjium adminifirandoe Ecclefoe tradiderunt. Cited alfo by 
 Euitb. lib. f, c. 6. [n>] Tcrtul. de Prxfcripr. c. 32. Edant O- 
 vigines Ecclefiarum fuarum : Evolvant ordinem Epiicoporum fuo- 
 rum, it* per fucceillones ab initio decurrentem, ut primus iile E- 
 pifcopiis aliquem ex Apoflolis, vcl Apoftolicis viris, qui tarmen 
 cum Apoflolis perfeveraverinr, bsbuerit Auclorcm Sc Anteccflbrem . 
 Hoc enim mcdo Ecclehsc Apoltolicx cenfus fuos dercrunt: Sicut 
 Smyrnaeorum Ecclelia Polyc3rpum ab Joanne conlocatum refert: 
 S:cut Rominoium Clementem a Petro ordiuarum edir: Proinde u- 
 tique 8c cxterx cxhibenr, quos ab Apoflolis in Epifcopatum confli- 
 ct 
 
 tutos, Apoftolici feminis Traduces habent. See alfo c. 36. ibid. Po- 
 lycrat. Epift. ap. Eufeb. lib. 5. c. 24. Cyprian. Ep. 5-2. al. 5-5-. ad 
 Antonian. p. 104. Cum Fabiani Locus, id eft, Locus Petri, 8c 
 gradus Cathedrae facerdotalis vacaiet. Id. Ep. 27. al. 32. ed. Oxon. 
 [*] Chryf. Horn. 10. in 2 Tim. [y] Eufeb. lib. 3. c. 4. 
 [z] Ruffin. ap. Hieron. Apol. 2. p. 219. [a] Hieron. Cata!. 
 Script, in Clemen. [t>~\ Optat. lib. 2. p. 48. [f] Epiph. 
 Hxr. 27. [d~] Aug. Ep. 165-. Si Ordo Epifcoporum iibi fuc- 
 cedentium conliderandus eft; quanto certius 8c vere lalubriter ab 
 ipfo Petro numeramus? Petro enim fucceffit Linus, Lino Cle- 
 mens, Clementi Anacletus, &c. [e] Cotel. Not. in Conft. Apoft. 
 Lib. 7. c.46. Pearfon de SuccelT Rom. Pontif. Differt. 2. c. 2. 
 Cave Hift. Lit. Vol. U in Clem. [/] Hieron. Catal. Script, c. 
 3. Poft Paffionem Domini, ftatim ab Apoflolis Hierofolymorum 
 Epifcopus ordinatus. Id. Com. in Gal. 1. p. 165-. Hie Jacobus pri- 
 mus Hierofolymorum Epifcopus fuit. [g~\ Epipban. Haer. 78. 
 Antidicomar. n. 7. Id. Hsr. 29. Kaz.or. n. 3. Haer. 66. Mankh. 
 n. 19, 
 
 hi? 
 
20 
 
 The Antiqjjiti es of the 
 
 Book II 
 
 his own Throne upon Earth. Cbryfoftom [h~] fays, 
 He was made Bifhop byChrift himfelf: The Au- 
 thor \j] of the Apoftolical Conftitutions; both 
 by Chrift, and the Apoftles. In like manner, 
 Eufebius [_f\ always fpeaks of him under that 
 Character, as Firft Bifhop of Jerufalem, Ordain- 
 ed by the Apoftles. So Hegefippus [/], Clemens 
 [m] . Alexandrinus, and Dionyfius [»J Bifhop of 
 Corinth, all cited by Eufebius. To whom we 
 may add St. Auftin [o], who ftiles John Bifhop 
 of Jerufalem St. James's SuccefTor, and PoffefTor 
 of the Chair wherein he fat as firft Bifhop of 
 the Place. And it is remarkable, what Clemens, 
 one of the ancientefl of thefe Writers fays, That 
 this was defigned as a peculiar Honour to St. 
 James, in regard that he was the Brother of 
 Chrift: For tho' our Saviour ufually gave the 
 Preference to Peter and John, and James his Bro- 
 ther ; yet none of thofe contended about this 
 Honour, but chofe this James, firnamed Juftus, 
 to be Bifhop of the Placed where he lived a 
 Saint, and died a Martyr. 
 
 Some time after his Death, as Eufebius [/>] re- 
 lates from Ancient Tradition, the Apoftles and 
 Difciples of our Lord, as many as were yet in 
 being, met together with our Saviour's Kinfmen 
 (feveral of which were then alive) to confult a- 
 bout chufing a SuccefTor in St. James's room ; 
 and they unanimoufly agreed upon Simeon, Son 
 of Cleopas, our Saviour's Coufin according to the 
 Flefhj thinking him the mod fit and worthy 
 Perfon to fit upon the Epifcopal Throne. The 
 fame is afTerted by Eufebius in other [?] Places, 
 and the Author [f] of the Conftitutions under 
 the Name of Clemens Romanus. 
 
 From Jerufalem, if we pafs to Antioch, there 
 again we find Euodius firft, and after him Igna- 
 tius, Ordained Biihops by the Hands of the A- 
 poftles. Baronius [s] and fome others fancy, that 
 they fat both at the fame time; the one as Bifhop 
 of the Jews, and the other of the Gentiles : But 
 Eufebius [f] fays exprefly, that Euodius was the 
 firft, and Ignatius the fecond, after Euodius was 
 dead. And it is agreed by all Ancient Writers, 
 that they were both confecrated before St. Peter's 
 Death. Of Euodius there can be no queftion 
 made, if it appears that Ignatius was ordained by 
 the Apoftles in his room. Now this is moft ex- 
 prefly faid by Theodoret [a], That he received 
 the Gift of the High-Priellhood, ap^isgwa-ujJ/ir 
 ydpvi from the Hand of the Great Peter. In like 
 
 manner, Chryfoftom in his Encomium [w] upon 
 him, fays, He does not only admire him, became 
 he was thought worthy of fohigh a Degree; bur 
 that he was Ordained to it by thofe Holy Men, 
 and had the Hands of the BlefTed Apoftles laid 
 upon his Sacred Head. The fame is faid in effect 
 by Athanafius [#], when he calls him the firft 
 Bifhop of Antioch after the Apoftles ; and Origen 
 [jy] who calls him the fecond after St. Peter; 
 and Jerom [z], the third- For tho' they count 
 differently, yet they mean the fame thing; That 
 Ignatius was Ordained SuccefTor to Euodius while 
 the Apoftles lived, and fo might be called either 
 fecond or third after the Apoftles, according as 
 St. Peter and Euodius were included, or excluded 
 out of the Number. 
 
 From Antioch let us go to Smyrna ; where we 
 fhall find Polycarp, another Apoftolical Bifhop, 
 Ordained by the Apoftles. St Jerom afcribes his 
 Ordination [a] to St. John, whofe Difciple he 
 was. Irenaus fays, he himfelf knew him ; and 
 therefore could not miftake in what he relates of 
 him ; which is, That he was Ordained Bifhop 
 by the [b~] Apoftles. Tertullian [c] and Eufebius 
 \d~\ witnefs the fame; the one faying, that he 
 was Ordained by St. John; and the other, by 
 thofe that had feen the Lord. 
 
 Papias was another Difciple of St. John, [e] 
 as both Irenaus and St. Jerom witnefs : And he 
 was cotemporary with Ignatius and Polycarp, and 
 Bifhop of Hierapolis about the fame time: that 
 is, in the beginning of the Second Century. So 
 that it is probable, he wa? another of thofe Bi- 
 fhops which St. John Ordained in Afia, tho' we 
 have no exprefs Teftimony to prove it. 
 
 But it is afTerted by all Ancient Writers, That 
 Timothy was Ordained Bifhop of Ephefus by St. 
 Paul. Eufebius Chryfoftom \_g~], Epiphanius 
 
 \_h~\, Jerom [/'], Hilary the Deacon [k~], and the 
 Author of the Paffion of Timothy in Photius [/], 
 unanimoufly atteft it. And Theodoret [m~] affirms 
 moreover, That he was Bifhop, under the Title 
 of an Apoftle. 
 
 Moft of the fame Authors agree in the fame 
 Evidence for Titus [V|, That he was made Bi- 
 fhop of Creteby St. Paul alfo. And Chryfoftom [o~] 
 with Eufebius, feems to give both him and Ti- 
 mothy the Power of Metropolitans; of which 
 more hereafter. 
 
 Others fay, that Dionyfius the Areopagite was 
 made firft Bifhop of Athens. Eufebius [/>] more 
 
 [>] Chryf. Horn. 38. in 1 Cor. 15-. [i] Conft. Apoft. Lib. 
 
 8. c. is- W Eufeb - Lib - *' c - z *- Lib< ? * C * & 7> Lib ' 7- 
 c. 19. [7] Hegefip. ap. Eufeb. Lib. 2. c. 23. [>] Clem. 
 Hypotypof. Lib. 6. ap. Eufeb. Lib. 2. c. 1. [»] Dionyf. Ep. ad 
 Athenienf.ap. Eufeb. Lib. 4. c. 23. [«] Aug. contra Crefcon. 
 Lib. 2. c. 37. Hierofolymitanam Ecclefiam primus Apoftolus Jacobus 
 Epifcopatu fuo rexit. Id. cont. Liter. Petil. Lib. 2. c. j-i. Cathedra 
 Ecclefiae Hierofolymitanx, in qua Jacobus fedit, 8c in qua hodie 
 Joannes fedet. See alfo Cyril. Catechifm. 4. n. 17. Catech. 14. 
 n. 13. [f>] Eufeb. Lib. 3. c. 11. [9] Idem Chronic, 
 [r] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 7. c. 46. [1] Baron, an. 47. n. 14. 
 an. 71: n. n. Halloix Vit. Ignar. c. 2. p. 394. |>] Eufeb. 
 Lib. 3. c. 22. [«] Theod. Dial. 1. T. y. p. 33. [»] Chry- 
 foft. Horn. 42. in Ignat. Tom. 1. p. f6j. Ed. Front. Due. 
 O] Athan. de Synod. Arim. T. 1. p. 922. \y] Orig. Horn. 6. 
 in Luc. Ignatium dico Epifcopum Antiochiae poft Petrum Secun- 
 
 dum, [z] Hieron. Catal. Scriptor. in Ignat. Tertius poft Petrum 
 Apoftolum Epifcopus. [a] Hieron. Catal. Script, c. 17. Polycar- 
 pus Joannis Apoftcli Difcipulus, ab eo Smyrna; Epifcopus ordinatus. 
 [£] Iren. Lib. 3. c. 3. Ab Apoftolis in Afia, in eaquoe eft Smyrnis 
 Ecclefia, conftitutus Epifcopus, quern £c nos vidimus in prima 
 noftra state. [r] Tertul. de Praefcrip. c. 32. [rf] Eufeb. 
 Li\ 3.C. 36. & Lib. 4. c. 14. [?] Iren. Lib. c. 33. Papias 
 Joannis Auditor, Polycarpi Contubernalis. Hieron. Ep. 29. ad 
 Theodor. It. de Scriptor. [/] Eufeb. Lib. 3. c. 4. [g] Chryf. 
 Horn. 1. in Philip. [h~\ Epiph. Haer. jf. Aerian. [1] Hieron. 
 Catal. Scriptor. in Timotheo. [£] Pfeudo-Ambrof. Prxf. in 
 Tim. It. Com. in 1 Tim. 3. [7] Phot. Cod. 25-4. O] Theo- 
 dor. Com. in 1 Tim. 3. t. [»] Eufeb. & Chryfoft. loc. cit. 
 Hieron. de fcriptor. in Tito. Pfeudo-Ambrof. Praef. in Tir. Theo- 
 dor. loc. cit. [0] Chryf. Horn. 1. in Tit. It. Horn. if. in 
 1 Tim. [/>] Eufeb. Lib. 3. c.4. It. Lib. 4. c. 23. 
 
 th an 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 21 
 
 than once mentions an Epiftleof Dionyfius Bifhop 
 of Corinth, a very ancient Writer of the Second 
 Century, wherein this is exprcfly aflcrted. So 
 that he mult be Ordained, either by St. Paul 
 himfelf, as Suidas and others \j] think, or by 
 fome other Apoftle. 'Tis generally agreed, that 
 this Dionyfius died fome time before St. John, 
 and was fuccecded in his Bifhoprick by Publius, 
 and he by ghiadratus, whom St. Jerom [r] calls 
 a Difciple of the Apoftles j which, in all proba- 
 bility, refers to his being tutor'd by St. John. 
 Now if Quadratus himfelf was St. John's Difci- 
 ple, (as he might be, who was Bifhop in the 
 time of the Emperor Hadrian, to whom he pre- 
 fented his Apology j ) then there might be Three 
 
 Bifhops fucceffivcly at Jthens, all trained up by 
 the Apoltles, and Two of them confecrated by 
 their Hands, or at leait with their Conient and 
 Approbation. 
 
 1 fhall end this Catalogue of Primitive Bi- 
 fhops, with what Theodoret [/] lays of Epaphro- 
 ditus; That as 'Timothy and Titus were Bifhops of 
 Ephefus and Crete under the Name of Apoftles, 
 fo Epaphroditus was Biihop of Philippi under the 
 fame Title j which was then the common Name 
 of all that were properly Biihops: Of which 
 1 fay no more in this Place, becaufe I give a 
 more particular Account of it in the following 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the fever al Titles of Honour given to Bifhops m the Primitive Church. 
 
 sect. r. 
 
 All Btfliops at firjl 
 called Apojlles. 
 
 OR farther Confirmation of 
 what has been alferted in the 
 
 foregoing Chapter, it will not be 
 amifs here to fubjoin next a fhort Account of the 
 feveral Titles of Honour which were given to 
 Bifhops in the Primitive Church. The moll; An- 
 cient of thefe, is the Title of Apoftles j which, 
 in a large and fecondary Senfe, is thought by 
 many to have been the Original Name for Bi- 
 fhops, before the Name Bifhop was appropriated 
 to their Order. For at firft they fuppofe, the 
 Names Bifhop and Presbyter, to have been com- 
 mon Names for all of the Firft and Second Or- 
 der-, during which time, the appropriate Name 
 for Bifhops, to diftinguifh them from mere Pres- 
 byters, was that of Apoftles. Thus Theodoret [t] 
 fays exprefly, The fame Perfons were anciently 
 called promifcuoufly both Bifhops and Presby- 
 ters, whiift thofe who are now called Bifhops, 
 were called Apoftles. But fhortly after, the 
 Name of Apoftles was appropriated to fuch only 
 as were Apoftles indeed j and then the Name Bi- 
 ihop was given to thofe who before were called 
 Apoftles. Thus, he fays, Epaphroditus was the 
 Apoftle of the Philippians, and Titus the Apoftle 
 of the Cretians, and Timothy the Apoftle of the 
 jifiaticks. And this he repeats [u~] in feveral o- 
 ther Places of his Writings. 
 
 The Author under the Name of St. Ambrofe 
 [w~] afferts the fame thing j That all Biihops 
 were called Apoftles at firft. And therefore, he 
 fays, [x] that St. Paul, to diftinguifh himfelf 
 from fuch Apoftles, calls himfelf an Apoftle, 
 not of Man, nor fent by Man to Preach, as 
 
 thofe others were, who were chofen and fent by 
 the Apoftles to confirm the Churches, simala- 
 rius [_y] cites another PafTage out of this fame 
 Author, which fpeaks more fully to th„ pur- 
 pofe : They, fays he, who are now called Bi- 
 fhops, were originally called Apoftles : But the 
 Holy Apoftles being dead, they who were or- 
 dained after them to govern the Churches, could 
 not arrive to the Excellency of thofe Firft j nor 
 had they the Teftimony of Miracles, but were 
 in many other refpecls intern; to them: There- 
 fore they thought it not decent to affume to 
 themfelves the Name of Apoftles > but dividing 
 the Names, they left to Presbyters the Name of 
 the Presbytery, and they themfelves were called 
 Bifhops. 
 
 This is what thofe Authors infer from the I- 
 dentity of the Names, Bifhop and Presbyter, in 
 the firft Age: They do not thence argue (as 
 fome who abufe their Authority have done fince) 
 that therefore Bifhops and Presbyters were all 
 one j but they think that Bifhops were then di- 
 ftinguifhed by a more appropriate Name, and 
 more expreffive of their Superiority, which was 
 that of Secondary Apoftles. 
 
 Aeterward Bifhops thought SECT. II. 
 it Honour enough for them to be A f ter r that > StiC ' 
 fliled the Apoftles Succeffors. As «f°"°f^P°fit"> 
 Cyprian [z], and Firmilian [a], and the Bifhops 
 in the Council [b~] of Carthage call themfelves 
 and others. And St. Jerom \_c~\ fpeaks of them 
 in the fame Stile, faying, Wherefoever a Bifhop 
 is, whether at Rome, or Eugubium-, at Conjlanti- 
 
 Suidas in Voce Dionyf. Maxim. Prolog, ad Oper. Dionyfii. 
 [r] Hieron. de Scriptor. c. 19. Qjadratus Apoftolorum Difcipulus, 
 Publio Athenarum Epifcopo ob Chrim" fidem Martyrio coronaco, 
 in locum ejus fubftituimr. [*] Theod. Com. in i Tim. j. i. 
 [f] Theodor. Com. in i Tim. 3. '. [«] Theodor. Com. in 
 Phil. 1. r. It. in Phil. 2. zf. [n>] Ambrof. Com. in Eph. 4. 
 Apoftoli Epifcopi Cunt. [x] Id. Com. in Gal. 1. 1. [v] A- 
 malar. de Offic. Ecclef. Lib. z c. 1 3 . Qui nunc Epifcopi nominan- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 tur, illi tunc Apoftoli dicebantur, &c. [*] Cypr. Ep. 69. al. 
 66. ad Florent. Qui Apoftolis vicaria Ordinatione fuccedunr. Id. Ep. 
 42. al. 4f . ad Cornel. Laborare debemus, ut unitatem a Domino, 
 8c per Apoftolos nobis Succeflbribus traditam, obtinere curemus. 
 [a] Firmil. Ep. 7 f. ap. Cypr. p. zzj. [6] Con. Carthag. ap. 
 Cypr. in Sum-agio Clari a Mafcula. [c] Hieron. Epift. 8/. ad 
 Evagr. It. in Pfal. 44. 16. 
 
 G nople, 
 
22 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 nople, or at Rhegium ; at Alexandria, or at Tanis ; 
 they are all of equal Merit, their Priellhood is 
 the fame; they are all SuccefTors to the Apoftles. 
 And both he and St. Auflin [d] draw that of the 
 Pfalmift to this Senfej Infiead of thy Fathers 
 thou Jhalt have Children, whom thou may'ft make 
 Princes in all Lands : They fay, Bifhops are the 
 Sons of the Apoftles, and Princes and Fathers in 
 the Church. 
 
 SECT. III. And hence it was that anci- 
 
 Whence every Bi- end every Bifhop's See Was dig- 
 .(hops See called -r^ j h fe Ti , f g % 
 5>edes Apoftoltca. ' J _ , . n . . . _ 
 
 Apoflohca, an Apoftolical See> 
 which in thofe days was no peculiar Tide of the 
 Bifhop of Rome, but given to all Bifhops in ge- 
 neral, as deriving their Original, and counting 
 their Succeffion from the Apoftles. The Catho- 
 lick Church, fays St. Auflin, [e~\ is propagated 
 and diffufed over all the World by the Apoftolical 
 Sees, and the Succeffion of Bifhops in them. 
 'Tis plain, this is not fpoken only of the Bifhop 
 of Rome, but of all other Bifhops whatfoever. 
 Sidonius Apoliinaris [/] ufes the fame Expreffion, 
 in fpeaking of a private French Bifhop, who fat 
 five and forty Years, he fays, in his Apoftolical 
 See. And Paulinus [g] makes no more but the 
 ufual Compliment to Alipius, when he tells him, 
 That God had defervedly placed him in an Apo- 
 ftolical See with the Princes of his People. 
 
 SECT. rv. Where we mud alfo note, 
 
 Bifhops called t fa t Paulinus fpeaks in the ufual 
 
 Vrmces of the Feo- p^ fe ^ of thofc 
 
 Times, when he calls Bifhops 
 Princes of the People. For that was another u- 
 fual Title that was given them ; as appears from 
 Optatus \_h~], and feveral Paffages in St. Jerom 
 j who, to diftinguifh them from Secular 
 Princes, ufually ftiles them Principes Ecclefia, fje] 
 Princes of the Church} applying to them that 
 Prophecy of Ifaiah 60. 17. which according to 
 his Tranflation, is, I will make thy Princes Peace, 
 and thy Bifhops Righteoufnefs : Upon which he 
 [/] has this Notej That the Majefty of the 
 Holy Scripture is to be admired, in that it calls 
 thofe who were to be Bifhops in future Ages, 
 by the Name of Princes. In the Greek Writers 
 they are ftiled ap^o/ler ojotXno-wv , Governors 
 and Princes likewifej as frequently in [m~] Eu- 
 
 febius, Origen [»], Chryfoflom [0], and many 
 others. 
 
 In the fame Senfe, Cyprian sect, v. 
 \_p~], and Tertullian \_q] common- _Pncp°firi, 
 ly call them Prefidents, or Pro- \ *™> ' 
 vofts of the Church} which Eu- ™ 
 febius [r] and Juftin [j] Martyr call ur^s^n?, and 
 fometimes •nr^j^pci [f], and others tycfoi In- 
 fpectors* all which are proper Characters of Bi- 
 fhops, who have the Care, Prefidency, and In* 
 fpection of the Church. 
 
 And becaufe this Prefidency SECT. vi. 
 was not only over the People, Principes Saccr- 
 but alfo over the Clergy; they . . c . 
 were dignify d upon that account S acerdotcs, ^.f. 
 with the diftinguifhing Chara- 
 cters of Summi Sacer dotes, Pontifices Maximi, and 
 Principes Sacerdotum, Chief Pnells, and Princes 
 of the Clergy. The Author under the Name of 
 St. Ambrofe [_w~\ gives the Bifhop exprcfly the 
 Title of Chief Prieft, and Prince of the Priefts. 
 And fo frequently, the Name Summus Sacerdos is 
 ufed by St. Jerom: As, where fpeaking of him- 
 felf, he fays, In the Opinion of all Men he 
 was thought worthy of the High - Priellhood j 
 he explains \_x~] himfelf to a mean Bifhoprick. 
 And in another place [jy] ; TheProfperity of the 
 Church depends upon the Honour of the Chief 
 Prieft. The fame Title is given to all Bifhops, by 
 the Author [z] of the Queftions upon the Old 
 and New Teftament under the Name of St. Au- 
 flin. Sidonius \_a~] calls them Summi Pontifices ; 
 where he fpeaks only of the Bifhops of France. 
 And therefore, when 'Tertullian [b~\ gives the Ti- 
 tle of Pontifex Maximus to the Bifhop of Rome, 
 he does him no greater Honour, than in thofe 
 days was done to every Bifhop in the World: 
 And fome think he meant not the Bifhop of 
 Rome in particular, but comprehended all others 
 under that Title. As it is certain the Council of 
 Agde does, when it orders [c] every Metropolitan 
 to call his Suffragans, ad Ordinationem fummiPon- 
 tificis; which means not, to the Ordination of 
 the Pope of Rome, but to the Ordination of any 
 French Bifhop within the Metropolitan's Pro- 
 vince or Jurisdiction. For then, as we have feen, 
 Summus Pontifex was the ordinary Title of every 
 Bifhop whatfoever. 
 
 [tl] Aug. Com. in Pfal. 44. \6. p. 169. Pro Apoftolis nati funt 
 
 Filii tibi, conftituit fuut Epii'copi, Ipla Ecclefia Patres illos ap- 
 
 pellat, [e] Aug. Ep. 42. ad. Fratres Madaurenf. Chriftiana So- 
 cietas per fedes Apoftolorum 8c fucceflTiones Epifcoporum ccrta per 
 orbem propagatione diffunditur. [/] Sidon. lib. 6. Ep. 1. ad 
 Lup. Tricaflln. In Apoftolica fede novem jam decurfa Quinquen- 
 nia, [g] Paulin. Ep. 4^. ad Afypium. Cum Prineipibus populi 
 fui lede Apoftolica meritd collocavit Dominus. See alfo Tertul. de 
 Prxfcript. c. 36. Ipfae adhuc Cathedra: Apoftolorum fuis Locis 
 
 prxfidentur. Habes Corinthum. •> Habes Philippos, &c. 
 
 [h] Optat. lib. 1. p. 39, Ipii Apice; 8c Principes omnium Epif- 
 copi. [i] Hieron Com. in Efa. 3. [It] Hieron. Com. 
 in Pfal. 44. Principes Ecclefis, id eft, Epifcopi. Id. Com. in 
 Efa. j\ 8c Tit. 1. [/] Hieron. Com. in Efa. 60. Scripture S. 
 admiranda Majeftas, quod Principes futuros Ecclefix Epifcopos 
 oominavir. [m] Eufeb, Hill. lib. 6. c. 28. lib. 8. c. 1. 8c 3. 
 
 It. de Martyr. Paleft. c. 1. [»] Origen. Horn. 11. in Jerem. 
 Cont. Celf. lib. 3. p. 129. [0] Chryf. de Sacerdot. lib 3. c. if. 
 Id. Horn. 3. ad Pop. Antioch. T. 1. p. 48. [p] Cypr. Ep. 3, 9, 
 13, 27, 81. Ed. Oxon. Prjepofiti. [<f] Tertul. ApcL c. 39. 
 Ad Uxor. lib. ». c. 7. De Cor. Mil. c. 3. [r] Eufeb. lib. 6. 
 c. 3, 8, 10. lib. 7. c. 13. lib. 8. c. 6. [s] Juft. Apol. 2. Chry- 
 foft. Horn. 3. in Colof. [/] Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 2. It. de Martyr. 
 Palseft. c. 2. [«] Philoftorg. Hift. lib. 3. c. 6. [w] Am- 
 brof Com. in Eph. 4. In Epifcopo omnes Ordines funt, quia Pii- 
 mus Sacerdos eft, hoc eft Princeps Sacerdotum. [*] Hieron. 
 Ep. 99. ad Afellam. Omnium pene judicio dignus fummo S3cer- 
 dotio decernebat. [y] Id. Dial. c. Lucifer, p. 139. Ecclefix 
 falus in fummi Sacerdotis dignitate pendet. [z] Aug. QuxR. 
 Vet. 8c N. Teft. c. 101. Quid eft Epifcopus nifi primus Presbyter, 
 id eft, fummus Sacerdos? [a] Sidon. lib. 4. Ep. 1 r. lib. 7. Ep. 
 f. [b] Tertul. de Pudicit. c. 1. [c] Con. Agnthenf. c. 35-. 
 
 And 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 23 
 
 SECT. VIT. 
 
 "Every Bifhop an- 
 ciently called Papa, 
 lather, or Pope. 
 
 And To was the Name of 
 Papa, tho' now it is become the 
 Prerogative 
 
 and fole 
 
 pretended 
 
 Privilege of the Bifhop of Rome. 
 
 Some Hiftorians [d~] indeed are fo vain as to af- 
 fcrt confidently, That Cyril of Alexandria was 
 the firfl Bifhop in thofe Parts who had the Ho- 
 nour of being called Papa, and that becaufe he 
 was Pope Celejline's Legate in the Council of E- 
 phefus. The Arabick Writers, Homaidius, and 
 Abubacrus Habafides, cited by Echellcnfts and Bi- 
 fhop Pearfon [e], deliver a quite contrary Story j 
 That the Name was firft given to the Patriarch of 
 Alexandria, and thence carried to Rome: Which 
 feems to be faid, in anfwer to the Romijh Pre- 
 tences. But the Truth of the Matter is, That 
 it was no peculiar Privilege of one Patriarch or 
 other, but the common Title of all Bifhops, who 
 were called Fathers [/] of the Church, and Fa- 
 thers [g~\ of the Ciergyj and Papa means no 
 more. Therefore Tertullian, in his Book de Pu- 
 dicitia, c. 15. fpcaking indefinitely of any Chri- 
 flian Bifhop, who abfolves Penitents, gives him 
 the Name of Benediclus Papa. Or if we fup- 
 pofe, as fome do, that he (peaks particularly of 
 the Bifhop of Rome; yet there is nothing fingu- 
 lar in it : For at the fame time, Dionyftus, Pres- 
 byter of Alexandria, fpeaking of Heraclas his 
 Bifhop, gives him the very fame Title \h~\, The 
 Blcfied Pope Heraclas. And Arius himfelf [i~\, 
 in one of his Epi files, fpeaks of his Bifhop Alex- 
 ander in the fame flile. St. Jerom gives the Ti- 
 tle [_k~] to Athanaftus, Epiphanius, and Paulinus: 
 And writing often to St. Auftin, he always in- 
 fcribes [f] his Epi flies, BeatiJJimo Papa Augujlino. 
 So among Cyprian's Epiflles, thofe that are writ- 
 ten to him are ufually inferibed \m\ in the fame 
 manner, Cypriano Papa. And the Clergy of 
 Rome themfelves [n] give him the Title of Bene- 
 diclus Papa, and BeatiJJimus and GlorioJiJJimus Pa- 
 pa Cyprianus. It were eafy to add many other Te- 
 llimonies out of Epiphanius, and Confiantinc , s E- 
 piflles, and the Theodofian Code, and efpecially 
 Sidonius Apollinaris |Vj, who always gives the 
 French Bifhops the Stile of Dominus Papa. But 
 in fo plain a Cafe I need not infifl any longer, ef- 
 pecially fince a Learned Romanifi \_p~] has under- 
 taken to prove, out of Authors as late as Pho- 
 tius and Gregory of tours, That Papa was the 
 common Name of all Bifhops for feveral Ages: 
 Who alfo notes out of Balfamon, That this 
 
 Name was fometimes given to the Inferior Cler- 
 gy i who were called Papa Pifinni, Little Fa- 
 thers ; and their Tonfure or Crown thence cal- 
 led ^o.TT-jjArpj., The Tonfure of the Fathers. In 
 comparifon of whom, Balfamon [d] calls Presby- 
 ters and the Choreptfcopi, Protopapa and Prole pa-, 
 pades, Chief- Fathers j fpeaking in the Language 
 of his own Times, when the Choreptfcopi and 
 Presbyters were become all one. 
 
 sect. vm. 
 
 Pacer Patrum , 
 Epifcopus Epif- 
 coporum. 
 
 But Bifhops had Hill a more 
 Honourable Title than that of 
 Papa : For they were commonly 
 called Patres Patrum, and Epifco- 
 pi Epifcoporum, Fathers of Fathers, and Bifhops 
 of Biihops. The firft that had this Title was 
 James Bifhop of Jerufalem; which made the 
 Counterfeit Author under the Name of Clemens 
 Romanus [r~] inferibe an Epi file (as directed to 
 him) with this Title ; Clemens Jacobo Domino, 
 Epifcopo Epifcoporum, &c. To which Sidonius 
 Apollinaris (V) alludes plainly, when writing to 
 Lupus an eminent French Bifhop, he tells him, 
 He was Father of Fathers, and Bifhop of Bi- 
 fhops, and another James of his Age. By this 
 we underfland what Tertullian [t] means, when 
 fpeaking ironically of the Catholick Bifhops, 
 who admitted Adulterers into Communion again 
 upon their Repentance, he fays, I hear there is a 
 Decree publifhed, and that a peremptory one; 
 The Chief Pontiff, the Bifhop of Bifhops faith, 
 I forgive the Sins of Adultery and Fornication, 
 to all thofe that repent of them. Some [«] take 
 this for a peculiar Character 1 of the Bifhop of 
 Rome; and I will not deny, but that Tertullian 
 might intend more efpecially to rcfle£l upon 
 him: But yet there is nothing lingular in theTi- 
 tle, which did not belong to other Bifhops as 
 well as himj as appears from what has been al- 
 ready cited out of Sidonius. To which we may 
 add the Testimony of Athanajius [w], who fliles 
 Hofius, The Father of Bifhops: And Gregory Na- 
 zianzen [x] gives the fame Title to his own Fa- 
 ther, as St. Jerom [y] does to Epiphanius, fliling 
 him the Father of all Bifhops. Cotelerius [z~] 
 obferves, that Gregory Nyffen is called Wdrfy -nra- 
 T£g&v, Father of Fathers, by the Second Coun- 
 cil of Nice; and others [a] fay, Theodofus the 
 Emperor gave Chryfoftom the fame Honourable 
 Title after Death. As to the Reafon of thefe 
 Names, it is probable fome Bifhops might have 
 
 [«] Nicephorus is cited and chafiifed by Savaro for this. Vid.Savaro 
 Not. in Sidon. lib. 6. Ep. 1. [e] Pearfon Vind. Ignat. Part 
 
 t: c. ir. p. 330. [/] Aug. Com. in Pfal. 44. p. 169. Ipfa 
 Ecckfia Patres illos appellat. Chryfoft. Horn. 3. ad Popul. Antioch. 
 T. 1. p. 43. [g] Hieron. Ep. 61. ad Theoph. Epilcopi contenti 
 lint Honore fuo : Patres fe fciant elTe, non Dominos. Id. Ep. 2. 8c 
 
 3. ad Nepotian. Com. in PlaJ. 44. gcc. [h] Dionyf. Ep. ad 
 Philemon, ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 7. n<W tS />t«y.*etK Y\d-!rA I- 
 
 ucov 'H^zKKa. [/] Arius Ep. ad Eufeb. Nicom. ap. Theod. 
 
 lib. 1. c. f. 8c ap. Epiphan. Hxr. 69. Arian. [k] Hieron. Ep. 61. 
 
 cd Pammach. p. 163. [/] Id. Ep. 17, 18, 2j-, 30. inter Epift. 
 
 Auguftini. [w] Cypr. Ep. 23, 31, 36. Edit. Oxon. [»] Ep. 
 
 8 Cleri Rom. ad Cler. Carthag. ibid. Didicimus feceiTifie Benedi- 
 
 £him Papam Cyprianum. Ep. 30. Cler. Rom. ad Cypr. BeatHTime 
 
 ac Gloriofifiime Papa. [0] Sidon. lib. 6. Epift. 1. Domino p3ps 
 
 Lupo. Lib. 6. Ep. 2. Papas Pragmatic Lib. 6. Ep. 3. Domino Papas: 
 Leontio. And fo for 1 2 Efiflles together. [ p] Savaro Com- 
 ment, in Sidon. lib. 6. Ep. i. p. 379. [cf\ Balfam. Com. in Can. 
 Apoft. c. 5-9. It. in Con. Antioch. Can. 1 o. [r] Pfeudo-Clem. 
 Ep. 1. ad Jacob. [j] Sidon. lib. 6. Ep. 1. Tu Pater Patrum, 8c 
 Epifcopus Epifcoporum, 8c alter Sasculi tui Jacobus. [/] Ter- 
 tul. de Pudicit. c. r. Audio etiam Edi&um eiTe propofitum, 8c qui- 
 dem peremptorium, Pontifex fcilicet Maximus, Epifcopus Epifco- 
 porum dicit, Ego 8c Mechiae 8c Fornicationis delicta Pcenitentia de- 
 fundtis dimitto. [«] Baron, an. 142. n. 4. an. 216. n. 4. Georg. 
 Ambianas Obferv. in Tertul. T. 3. p. 633. [w] Athan. Epift. ad 
 folit. Vit. agentes. T. 1. p. 837. [#] Naz. Orat. 19. de Fun. 
 
 Patr. p. 314. [j] Hieron. Ep. 61. p. 167. [z] Coteler. 
 Not. in £p. Clem. p. <5oj\ [«] Nicephor. lib. 14. c. 43. 
 
 them 
 
24 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book If. 
 
 them upon the account of Perfonal Merit j and 
 others from the Eminency of their Sees ; as the 
 Bifhop of Alexandria, to whom Balfamon [_b~\ 
 gives the Title of Pater Patrum, many Ages af- 
 ter: But there was a more general Reafon why 
 all Bifhops fhould be called fo, as may be col- 
 lected from [c] Epiphanius who fays, That the 
 Order of Bifhops, was an Order that begat Fa- 
 thers to the Church j that is, Bifhops made Bi- 
 fhops by Ordinationj whereas Presbyters could 
 only beget Sons, by the Power which they had 
 of Baptizing. And therefore, tho' we fome- 
 times find Presbyters called Fathers, yet wc no 
 where find the Title of Pater Patrum given to 
 any of their Order. Yet I muft here alfo ob- 
 ferve, that feveral of thefe Titles were never 
 kindly received among the African Fathers j be- 
 caufe the Bifhops of Rome began to abufe them, 
 to eftablifh an ufurped Authority over their 
 Neighbours. Therefore, in Two African Coun- 
 cils held at Carthage, the one under [cf] Cyprian, 
 the other [/] in St. Auftin's time, thefe Titles, 
 Epifcopus Epifcoporum, Princeps Sacerdotum, and 
 Summus Sacerdos, were difcountenane'd and for- 
 bid, infomuch that the Primates themfelves were 
 not allowed to ufe them. But of this more 
 hereafter, when we come to fpeak of Metropo- 
 litans. 
 
 SECT. ix. Gregory Nazianzen in his Rhe- 
 Bifiops fomeumcs tor i ca i wav ufually gives Bifhops 
 
 tailed Patriarchs. the T j t]e of p atria rchs ; by which 
 
 he means not Patriarchs in the proper Senfe, as 
 the Word came afterward to be ufed in the 
 Church, to fignify Bifhops of the larger Sees, 
 who had Primates and Metropolitans under 
 them: but any Bifhops whatfoever, that were 
 Heads of their own Family ^ that is, the Church 
 fubjec~t to them. Thus he ftiles his own Father 
 Patriarch, [/] though he was but Bifhop of 
 Nazianzum, a very fmall City in Cappadocia, un- 
 der Cafarea the Metropolis. And in his Ora- 
 tion [g] before the Council of Conftantinople he 
 gives the fame Title to all other Bifhops, com- 
 plaining of the Arian Cruelties againft them: 
 Have we not had, fays he, our ancient Bifhops, 
 or to fpeak more properly, our Patriarchs pub- 
 lickly murder'd by them? In another place 
 complaining of the corrupt Promotions and 
 Practices of fome Bifhops of his Age, he thus 
 takes his leave of them [h~\, Felete- y Infokntes e- 
 Jiote : Patriarchatus per fortes inter vos diftribuite. 
 Farewelj Go on in your Infolence: Divide the 
 
 Patriarchial Dignities among you : Translate 
 yourfelves from See to See : Set up fome, puli 
 down others. Where it is evident he fpeaks not 
 of Patriarchs properly fo called, but only of 
 fome Ambitious Spirits among the Bifhops, who 
 turned all things into Confufion, and did what 
 they pleafed with the Preferments of the 
 Church. Gregory Nyfj'en ufes the fame Term for 
 Bifhops, in his Funeral Oration upon Meletius, 
 which he made in the Council of Conftantinople, 
 where he gives all the Bifhops then in Council 
 the Title of Patriarchs : Behold [f\ thefe Patri- 
 archs, All thefe are the Sons of our Jacob; 
 meaning Meletius, whom he calls Jacob for his 
 Age, and the reft Patriarchs, in allufion to the 
 Twelve Patriarchs who were Jacob's Children. 
 Thus Bifhops were commonly It i led , till luch 
 times as the Name Patriarch became the appro- 
 priate Title of the mo ft eminent Bifhops, fuch 
 as Rome^ Conftantinople, &c. And even fome A- 
 ges after that, de Marca \JC\ obferves, that Itha- 
 laricus and the reft of the Gothifh Kings in Italy 
 gave the Name of Patriarchs to all Bifhops with- 
 in their Dominions. 
 
 It muft not here be forgot- SECT. X. 
 ten, that all Biihops anciently v!air ' °f 
 
 were ftiled alfo Vicars of Chrift, 
 and had as much Intereft in that Name as he 
 that has fince laid fo much Claim to the Title. 
 The Author of the Queftions [/] under the 
 Name of St. Auftin, fays exprefly, That every 
 Bifhop is the Vicar of God. Cyprian fays the 
 fame in feveral of his Epiftles \m~\, that every 
 Bifhop is Vice Chrifti, Chrift's Vicar or Vicege- 
 rent. And this is his meaning in that noted 
 Paftage to Cornelius, where [»] he fays, All He- 
 refies and Schifms take their Original from 
 hence, that Men do not fubmit to God's Prieft, 
 and confider that there ought to be but one Bi- 
 fhop in a Church at a time, and one Judge as 
 the Vicar of Chrift. This is fpoken of every 
 Individual Bifhop throughout the World, as Ri- 
 galtius [o] freely owns; and th*y grofly miftake 
 Cyprian's Meaning, and abufe his Authority, who 
 apply it only to the Bifhop of Rome. St. Bafil 
 \_p] extends the Title to all Bifhops $ and fo 
 does the Author under the Name of St. Am- 
 brofe \_q~\, who is fuppofed to be Hilary, a Dea- 
 con of the Church of Rome ; which would have 
 been an unpardonable Overfight in him, had it 
 not been then the Cuitom of the World to give 
 all others this Title as well as the Bifhop of Rome* 
 
 [6] Balfam. Refp. ad Interrogat. Marci ap. Leunclav. Jus Gr. Rom. 
 T. i. lib. f. p. 362. Kve>@- Mstpx.©- ircn^wv rrctrrip vweip- 
 yeov &c. [cjEpiphan.Ha2r.7j-. Aerian. Uctr'ipcov ^hut/km taEk. 
 riaTUac yb yivvX t* e*KAM9-i'ei. [d] Con. Canhag. ap. Cypr. 
 p. 229! Neque enim quifquam noftrum Epifcopum le Epifcopo- 
 rum conftituit , aut Tyrannico terrore ad oblequendi neceflitatem 
 Collegas fuos adigit. [e] Con. Carth. 3. c. 26. Ut Prima: fedis 
 Epifcopus non appelletur Princeps Sacerdotum, aut Summus Sacer- 
 dos, aut aliquid hujufmodi, fcd tantum Prima: ledis Epifcopus. 
 [/] Naz.Orat. 19. p. 312. Or.20.de Laud. Bafil. p. 34.2. Orat. 4,1 . 
 P- °7f. [,?] Orat. 32. p. fif. \_h] Naz. Cygn. Carm. 
 de Epifcopis T. 2. p. 308. [i] Greg. Nyfl" Orar. de Fun. Melet. 
 T. 3. p. j-8o. M Marca Diflert, de Primatib. u. 20. p. 112. 
 2 
 
 [/] Aug. Quift. Vet. & Nov. Tcft. c. 127. Antiftitem Dei pu- 
 riorem csetcris efle oportet. — — — Eft enim Vicarius ejus. 
 [tri] Cypr. Ep. 63. ad Caecil. IUe Sacerdos Vice Chrifti vere fun- 
 gitur, qui id quod Chriflus fecit imitatur. [»] Ep. ff. al. 5-9. 
 ad Cornel, p. 1 29. Ncque enim aliunde Hserefes obortae funt, aut 
 nata funt fchifmata, quam inde quod Sacerdoti Dei non obrempera- 
 tur, nec unus in Ecclefia ad tempus Sacerdos, & ad tempus Judex 
 Vice Chrifti cogitatur. [0] Rigalt. in Loc. Ecce autem Epif- 
 copos sevo jam Cypriani vicarios Chrifti. [/>] Bafil. Conftit. 
 Monach. c. 22. T. 2. p. 792. [a] Ambr. Com. in 1 Cor. 11. io« 
 
 Epifcopus Perfonam habet Chrifti. Vicarius Domini eft, 
 
 &c. The Author of the ConfiitHtiont, lib. 2. c. x6.fttles the Bi/hop 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 25 
 
 SECT. xr. I {hall but take notice of one 
 And Angels of the "Title more given to Bilhops, 
 churches. which is that of Angels of the 
 
 Churches; a Name which fome Authors [r] fup- 
 pofe to be ufed by St. Paul, 1 Cor. II. 10. where 
 he fays, Women ought to be covered in the 
 Church becaufe of the Angels ; that is, Bilhops, 
 fays Hilary the Deacon, in the place laft men- 
 tioned. And fo the fame Author underftands 
 that of St. John, Rev. 1. to. the (even Stars are 
 the Angels (Y] of the [even Churches. Which is 
 alfo the Interpretation of St. Aufiin [/] and Epi- 
 phanius [u], who fay that by Angels we are not 
 there to underftand the Celeftial Angels (as Ori- 
 gen thought, who afligns a Guardian Angel [w] 
 to every Church) but the Bilhops or Governors 
 
 of thofe Seven Churches. Hence in After- Ages 
 Bifhops were called Angels of the Churches : As 
 Socrates [x~] terms Seraphion, who was Bifhop of 
 Thmuis, The Angel of the Church of Thmuis; 
 And the Author of the fhort Notes [_y] upon 
 Timothy, under the Name of St. Jerom, fays of 
 every Biihop, That he is the Angel of God Al- 
 mighty. In this Senfe Dr. Hammond [z] ob- 
 ferves out of a Saxon MS. that in our own Lan- 
 guage anciently Bifhops were called God's By- 
 dels, that is, MefTengers or Officers, as he ex- 
 plains it from Sir Henry Spelman's Gloflary, in 
 the word Bedellus. And thus much of thofe an- 
 cient Titles of Honour, which were given to 
 all Bifhops indifferently in the Primitive Church. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Offices of Bifhops as diftmB from Presbyters. 
 
 SECT. I. T Come now to confider the E- 
 A threefold dife- JL pifcopal Office and Function 
 
 rtncebetweenBifhofs j t f e \f . Where, tO do Juftice to 
 
 and Tresbytersmthe Ant i qu j ty j t j s necefrary for me 
 oCld °LntZ. to obferve a Threefold Diftincti- 
 ^ ce an ' on between Bifhops and Presby- 
 
 ters in the difcharge of Ecclefiaftical Offices. 
 For ift, In the common Offices, which were or- 
 dinarily intrufted in the Hands of Presbyters, 
 fuch as Preaching, Baptizing, A.dminiftring the 
 Eucharift, &c. {there was this obvious difference 
 betwixt a Biihop and a Presbyter j that the one 
 acted by an Abfolute and Independent Power, 
 the other in Dependaoce upon, and Subordina- 
 tion to his Bifhop ; by whofe Authority and 
 Directions under God he was to be Governed, 
 and do nothing without his Confent or againfl 
 it : So that though there was no difference in 
 the things that were done, yet there was an Ef- 
 fential Difference in the Power of doing them. 
 This is an Obfervation not commonly made, but 
 it is of very great ufe, both for Eftablifhing the 
 juft Bounds of Epifcopal and Presbyterial Power, 
 and clearing the Practice of the Primitive Church. 
 idly, Some Offices were never intrufted in the 
 hands of Presbyters ; nor allowed, if performed 
 by them $ fuch as the Ordination of Bifhops, 
 Presbyters, &c. $dly, Bifhops always retained 
 the Power of calling their Presbyters to an Ac- 
 count, and Cenfuring them for their Mifdemea- 
 nors in the difcharge of their Office ; which 
 Presbyters could not do by their Bifhop, be- 
 ing always fubject and fubordinate to him as their 
 Superior. Tliefe things cleared and fet in a fair 
 
 Light will give us a juft Account of the Office 
 of a Bifhop, as diftinct from that of a Presbyter 
 in the Primitive Church. 
 
 First then we are to ob- sect. II. 
 ferve, that in fuch ordinary and 1. in the common 
 common Offices as might be per- °ffi ces *> hich night 
 formed by both, Bifhops and b ! h 
 Presbyters afted by a different ^ JVtl 
 Power } the Bifhop was the Ab- fendmt Power) but 
 folute, Independent Minifter of fresiyters inDepen- 
 the Church, and did whatever dance upon and s»6- 
 he did by his own Authority fole- '» him. 
 
 ly inherent in himfelf ; but the Presbyters were 
 only his Affiftants, authorifed to perform fuch 
 Offices as he intrufted them with, or gave them 
 Commiffion and Directions to perform, which 
 they ftill did by his Authority, and in Depen- 
 dance upon, and Subordination to him as their 
 Superior ; and might do nothing againfl his 
 Will, or Independent of him. This is clear from 
 many PafTages in Ignatius, Cyprian, and the Ca- 
 nons of the ancient Councils, which all agree in 
 this, That nothing is to be done without the 
 Bifhop j that is, without his Knowledge, with- 
 out his Confent, Directions or Approbation. 
 Thus [a] Ignatius in his Epiftle to the Church 
 of Smyrna : Let no one perform any Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Office without the Biihop. Which he ex- 
 plains both there and elfewhere [b~\ to mean, 
 without his Authority and Permiffion. So in the 
 Council [c] of Laodicea it is exprefTcd the fame 
 way : The Presbyters fhall do nothing without 
 the Confent of the Bifhop. The Council [d] of 
 
 [r] Arnbrofiafter, ibid. Angelos Epifcopos dicit, ficut docetur 
 in Apocalypli Joannis. [*] Pfeudo-Ambrof. in 1 Cor. 11. 10. 
 ['] Aug. Ep. i(52. Divina voce laudatur fub Angeli nomine Praepo- 
 fnus Ecclefar. [»] Epiph. Hser. 25-. Nicolait. [w] Orig. 
 Horn. 20. in Num. T. 1. p. ifi. So alfo Andreas Caefarienf. 
 ''AfyiKoi ff}V\a,Kt<. Com. in Apoc. f. 20. [#] Socrat. Lib. 4. 
 c - 1 3- [jC] Hieron. Com. in i Tim. 3. [*,] Ham. Angot. 
 
 Vol. X. 
 
 o»Rev. 1. ao. [«] Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn.n.8. M»Jei? pc»e«« 
 78 hrmo'KO'w* Tt «-^oj4t« tSv avm'ovjav &i triv onx.MO'tet.i » 
 [£] Id. Ep. ad Polycarp. n. 4. MtjJ^e a.viv yvafxra <r« ytvi£a. 
 [e] Con. Laodic. Can. $6. v Ac«t/ yvdy.n< n cmrn'o-rv. 
 [d] Cos. Arelat. 1. can. 19. Ut Presbyteri fine Confcientia Epifco- 
 porum nihil faciant, 
 
 H ArUs 
 
— m*mm <■ 1 . . 1 - ■ . ■ , ,. : — — — , j _ 
 
 26 The Antiquities of the Book II. 
 
 Aries and Toledo [i] fay, without his Privity or 
 Knowledge. And the Apoftolical Canons [/] 
 give a Reafon for all this, Becaufe the Bifhop 
 is the Man to whom the Lord's People are 
 committed, and he muft give an Account of their 
 Souls. 
 
 sect. ill. This Rule they particularly 
 This fpeafied in the apply to the Offices of Baptifm 
 offices of Baptifm, ant j t ^ c Lord's Supper. A Pref- 
 and tU Lord's sup- byter might orc ii nar ily adminifter 
 ' both thefe Sacraments j but not 
 
 againft the Will of his Bifhop, or in Oppofition 
 and Contradiction to him, but by his Confent 
 and Authority, in a due Subordination to him as 
 his Superior. It is not lawful, fays [g] Ignatius, 
 either to baptize or celebrate the Eucharift with- 
 out the Bifliop : But that which he allows, is 
 well-pleafing to God. He does not fay, that none 
 but a Bifhop might adminifter thefe Sacraments, 
 but that none was to do it without his Allow- 
 ance and Approbation. And that is plainly the 
 meaning of [_h~] Tertulliau and St. Jerom [f\ 
 when they fay, that Presbyters and Deacons have 
 no Power to baptize, without the Command and 
 Authority of the Bifhop or Chief Prieft 5 and 
 that this is for the Honour of the Church, and 
 the Prefervation of Peace and Unity. St. Am- 
 brofe [it] afTerts the fame, that though Presbyters 
 do baptize, yet they derive their Authority from 
 their Superior. 
 
 sect. iv. The like Obfervation may 
 And m the office of \, e mac ]e upon the Office of 
 Preaching. Preaching. This [*] was in the 
 
 firft place the Bifhops Office, which they com- 
 monly discharged themfelvcs, efpecially in the 
 African Churches. Which is the Reafon we fo 
 often meet with the Phrafe, Tratlante Epifcopo, 
 the Bifhops Preaching, in the Writings [f] of 
 St. Cyprian : For then it was fo much the Office 
 and Cuftom of Bifhops to Preach, that no Pref- 
 byter was permitted to preach in their Prefence, 
 till the time of St. Auftin, who whilft he was a 
 Presbyter was authorized by Valerius his Bifhop 
 to preach before him : But that, as Poffidius [mj 
 the Writer of his Life obferves, was fo contrary 
 to the Ufe and Cuftom of the African Churches, 
 that many Bifhops were highly offended at it, and 
 fpake againft it > till the Confequence proved that 
 fuch a Permiffion was of good Ufe and Service 
 to the Church ; and then feveral other Bifhops 
 granted their Presbyters Power and Privilege to 
 preach before them. So that it was then a Fa- 
 
 vour for Presbyters to preach in the Prefence of 
 their Bifhops, and wholly at the Bifhops Difcre- 
 tion whether they would permit them or not ; 
 and when they did preach, it was Potefiate ac~ 
 cepta, by the Power and Authority of the Bifhops 
 that appointed them. In the Eaftern Churches 
 Presbyters were more commonly employed to 
 preach, as Poffidius [»] obferves, when 'he fays 
 Valerius brought the Cuftom into Africk from 
 their Example : And St. Jerom intimates as much, 
 when he complains [0] of it as an ill Cuftom 
 only in fome Churches to forbid Presbyters to 
 preach. Chryfoftom preached feveral of his elabo- 
 rate Difcourfes at Antioch whilft he was but a 
 Presbyter, and fo did Atticus [/>] at Conftantino- 
 ple : And the fame is obferved to have been 
 granted to the Presbyters \j] of Alexandria, and 
 Cafarea, in Cappadocia [f] and Cyprus, and other 
 places. But ftill it was but a Grant of the Bi- 
 fhops, and Presbyters did it by their Authority 
 and Commiffion : And whenever Bifhops faw 
 juft Reafon to forbid them, they had Power to 
 limit or withdraw their Commiffion again : As 
 both Socrates [s] and Sozomen [t] teftify, who 
 fay that at Alexandria Presbyters were forbidden 
 to preach, from the time that Arius raifed a 
 Difturbance in the Church. Thus we fee what 
 Power Bifhops anciently challenged and exer- 
 cifed over Presbyters in the common and ordi- 
 nary Offices of the Church : Particularly for 
 Preaching, Bifhops always cfteemed it their Cf- 
 fice, as much as any other. Such a vaft difference 
 was there between the Practice of the Primitive 
 Church and the Bifhops of Rome in After- Ages ! 
 When, as Blondel obferves out of Surius. there 
 was a time when the Bifhops of Rome \\ ere not 
 known to preach for Five hundred Years ioge- 
 ther : Infomuch that when Pius ^uintus made a 
 Sermon, it was looked upon as a Prodigy, and 
 was indeed a greater Rarity than the Saculares 
 Ludi were in Old Rome. See Blondel Apolog. 
 p. j*8. and Surius Comment. Rer. in Orbe gefiar. 
 
 But to return to the Bifhops SECT. v. 
 
 of the Primitive Church. There 2. Theoffice and 
 
 were other Offices, which they Fowcr °f 
 
 very rarely intrufted in the hands w V" r . 2*JJ * 
 
 r r> , 1 -r i the hands or Pref<- 
 
 or Presbyters > and if ever they ^ (ers _ J 
 granted them Commiffion to per- 
 form them, it was only in Cafes of great Necef- 
 fity : Such were the Offices of Reconciling Pe- 
 nitents, Confirmation of Neophites, Confecra- 
 tion of Churches, Virgins and Widows, with 
 fome others of the like nature 5 of which I fhall 
 
 [e] Con. Tolet. f. Can. 20. Sine Confcientia Epifcopi nihil 
 penitus Presbyteri agere praefumanr. [/] Can. Apoft. c. 39. 
 
 C?3 Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. n. 8. [h] Tertul. de Bapt. c. 17. 
 Dandi jus quidem habet fummus Sacerdos, qui eft Epifcopus: Dc- 
 hinc Presbyteri &c Diaconi; non tamen line Epifcopi Auttoritate, 
 propter Ecclelix honorem, quo falvo falva Pax eft. [/] Hieron. 
 Dial. cont. Lucifer, p. 139. Inde venit, ut fine Juftione Epifcopi, 
 neque Presbyter neque Diaconus jus habeant baptifandi. Am- 
 brof. de Sacram. lib. 3. c. 1. Licet Presbyteri fecerint, tamen Ex- 
 ordium Minifterii a fummo eft Sacerdote. [JSTJ Vid. Can. Apoft, 
 c. 5-8. [/] Cypr. Ep. ?i, 56, 83. Ed.Oxori. It. Pontius Vir. 
 Cypr. ibid. [m'\ Poflid. Vir. Aug. c. f. Eidem Presbyter© Pq- 
 
 teftatem dedit coram fe in Ecclefia Evangelium praedicandi, ac fre- 
 quentifTime tra&andi, contra ufum quidem ac confuetudinem A- 
 fricanarum Ecclefiarum. Unde etiam ei nonnulli Epifcopi detrahe- 
 
 bant. Poftea bono prxecdente exemplo, accepta ab Epifcopis 
 
 Potefiate, Presbyteri nonnulli coram Epifcopis populo tra&aic cce- 
 perunt verbum Dei. [»] Ille in Orieutalibus Ecclefiis id ex 
 more fieri fciens, obtrec~tantium non curabat Linguas, Sec. Poffid 1 . 
 ibid. [0] Pefllma: confuetudinis eft in quibufdam Ecclefiis tacere 
 Presbyteros, 8c prxfentibus Epifcopis nonloqui, &c. [/>] Socrat. 
 Lib. 7. c. 2. [q] Theodor. Lib. 1. c. 2. [>] Socrat. Lib. 
 c.'zi, [/J Socrat, ibid. [tj Sozom. Lib. 7. c. 17. 
 
 fpeak 
 
Chap. HI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 27 
 
 fpeak nothing more particularly here now, be- 
 caufe they will come more properly under Con- 
 ficH-ation in other Places. But there was one 
 Office which they never intruded in the hands 
 of Presbyters, nor ever gave them any Commif- 
 fion to perform i which was the Office of Or- 
 daining the Superior Clergy, Bifhops, Presby- 
 ters, and Deacons. The utmoft that Presbyters 
 could pretend to in this matter, was to lay on 
 their hands together with the Bifhop in the Or- 
 dination of a Presbyter, whilft the Bifhop by 
 his Prayer performed the Office of Confecration. 
 Thus much is allowed them by one of the Coun- 
 cils fie} of Carthage, which yet exprefly referves 
 the Benediction or Ordination-Grayer to the Bi- 
 fliop only. In the Ordination of Bifhops they 
 had no concern at all •, which was always per- 
 formed by a Synod of Bifhops, as fhall be fhew- 
 ed more particularly when we come to fpeak of 
 the Rites and Culloms obferved in their Ordina- 
 tions. Here in this place it will be fufficient to 
 prove in general, that the Power of Ordinations 
 was the Prerogative of Bifhops, and that they 
 never communicated this Privilege to any Prcf- 
 byters. St. Jerom's \uu] Teflimony is irrefraga- 
 ble Evidence in this Cafe. For in the fame place 
 where he fets off* the Office of Presbyters to the 
 befl advantage, he ftill excepts the Power of 
 Ordination What is it, fays he, that a Bimop 
 does more than a Presbyter, fetting afide the 
 Bufinefs of Ordination? St. Chryfofiom [w~] fpeaks 
 much after the fame manner, where he advances 
 the Power of Presbyters to the higheft. Bifhops 
 and Presbyters, fays he, differ not much from 
 one another. For Presbyters are admitted to 
 preach and govern the Church : And the fame 
 Qualifications that the Apoflle requires in Bi- 
 fhops, are required in Presbyters alfo. For Bifhops 
 are Superior to them only in the Power of Or- 
 dination, and have that one thing more than 
 they. In another place [x~] he proves that 'Timo- 
 thy was a Bifhop, becaufe the Apoflle fpeaks of 
 his Power to ordain, bidding him lay hands fud- 
 denly on no Man. And he adds both there and 
 elfewhere [y] that the Presbytery which ordain- 
 ed 'Timothy was a Synod of Bifhops, becaufe 
 meer Presbyters had no Power to ordain a Bi- 
 fhop. I might here produce all thofe Canons of 
 the ancient Councils, which fpeak of Bifhops 
 Ordaining [z], but never of Presbyters \ which 
 Rule was fo precifely obferved in the Primitive 
 Church, that Novatian himfelf would not pre- 
 fume to break it, but fent for Three Bifhops [a] 
 from the fartheft Corners of Italy, rather than 
 
 want a Canonical Number of Bifhops to ordain 
 him. I only add that Obfervation of Epipbanius 
 \aa\ grounded upon the general Practice of the 
 Church, That the Order of Bifhops begets Fa- 
 thers to the Church, which the Order of Pref- 
 byters cannot do, but only begets Sons by the 
 Regeneration of Baptifm. 
 
 I know, fome urge the Authority of St. Je- 
 rom [b~] to prove that the Presbyters of Alexan- 
 dria ordained their own Bifhop, from the days of 
 St. Mark to the time of Heraclas and Dionyfws; 
 and others think the fime Words prove that he 
 had no new Ordination at all : But they both 
 miflake St. Jerom's Meaning, who fpeaks not of 
 the Ordination of the Bifhop, but of his Ele- 
 ction } who was chofen by the Presbyters, out 
 of their own Body, and by them placed upon 
 the Bifhop's Throne j which in thofe days was 
 no more than a Token of his Election, ?nd was 
 fometimes done by the People ; but the On na- 
 tion came after that, and was always referved for 
 the Provincial Bifhops to perform, as fhall be 
 fhewed hereafter. 
 
 But it may be enquired, what sect. VI. 
 was the Practice of the Church ordlfittiobs by 
 in cafe any Presbyters took upon di f* rmi - L - 
 them to ordain ? Were their Or- led by the clmnh - 
 dinations allowed to fraud good or not? I an- 
 fwer, They were commonly revcrfed and difan- 
 nulled. As in the known Cafe of Ifchyras [c~] 
 who was depofed by the Synod of Alexandria, 
 becaufe Colluthus who ordained him, was nom n'e 
 than a Presbyter, though pretending to be a Bi- 
 fhop: And in the cafe of thofe Presbyters who 
 were reduced to the Quality of Laymen by the 
 Council [d~\ of Sardica, becaufe Eutychianus and 
 Mufaus who ordained them, were only preten- 
 ded Bifhops. The Council of Scvil in Spain [e~\ 
 went a little farther : They depofed a Presbyter 
 and two Deacons, becaufe the Bifhop only laid 
 his hands upon them, whilft, a Presbyter pro- 
 nounced the Bleffing or Confecration-Prayer o- 
 ver them. And fome other In fiances might be 
 added of the like Nature, which fhew that then 
 they did not allow Bifhops fo much as to dele- 
 gate or commiffion Presbyters to ordam in their 
 Name, but referved this entirely to the Epifco- 
 pal Function. 
 
 The common Pleas which fome sect. vir. 
 
 urge to the contrary , derogate Some MegtttMi 
 
 nothing from the Truth of this VMM&fy&d- 
 
 Obfervation. For whereas it is mmt ' 
 
 [»] Con. Carth. 4. can. 3. Presbyter cum ordinatur, Epifcopo 
 eum benedicente, 8c manum fuper caput ejus tenente, etiam om- 
 nes Presbyreri, qui praefentes funt, manus fuas juxta marium E- 
 pifcopi fuper caput i'lius teneant. [««] Hieron. Ep. 8$\ ad E- 
 vagr. Quid eriim facit, excepta Ordinatione, Epifcopus, quod 
 Presbyter non facit? [n>] Chryf. Horn. it. in 1 Tim. 2. 8. 
 [x] Id. Horn. 1. in Philip, i. [_yj Horn 13. in 1 Tim. 4. 14. 
 r. y> JVi 7rpi<?£vTifi)t crmTiioTyj e^/ -/row. [z] See Con. 
 Nic. c. 19. Con. Antioch. c. 9. Con. Chilced c. i, 8c 6. Con. 
 Garth. 2. c. 45-. Can. Apoft. c. 1. (V) Cornel. Ep. ad Fabium 
 ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 23. [aa] Epiph. Hsr, Aerian. ["£] Hie- 
 ron. Ep, Sj. ad Evagr. Alexandria: a Marco Evangelifta ufquc ad 
 
 Heraclam 8c Dionyfiura Epifcopus, Presbyteri femper unum ex le 
 electum, in excelliori gradu collocatum Epifcopum nominabant; 
 quomodo fi Exercitus Imperatorem faciat. [c] Athan. Apol. 2. 
 p. 732. Epift. Cler. Mareot. ibid. p. 784. M Con. Sard. Can, 
 20. [e] Con. Hifpal. 2. Can f. Relatum eft nobis de quibuf- 
 dam Clericis, quorum dum unus ad Presbyterum, duo ad Levita- 
 rurh minillerium facraremur, Epifcopus oculorum dolore detentus 
 fertur manum ftnm fuper eos tanrum impofuifle, 8c Presbyter qui- 
 dam illis contra Ecclefnfticum ordinem Benediclionem dedifle, &c. 
 Hi giadum Saceidotii vei Levitici ordiais, quern perverfe a cpti 
 funt, amittunt. 
 
 faid. 
 
2s The Antiquities of the -BookIL 
 
 _ _ 
 
 raid, i/?, That the Chorepifcopi were only Pref- would tranfgrefs the Canons in fo plain a Cafe, 
 byters, and yet had Power to ordain : That Therefore I cannot fubferibe to a Learned -Man 
 feems to be a plain miftakej for all the Chorepif- [/], who -fays, Nothing is more plain and evi- 
 copi of the Ancient Church were Real Bifhops, dent, than that here a Presbyter ordained a Pref- 
 tho' Subordinate to other Bifhops j as I mail bytcr, which we no where read was pronounced 
 mew more particularly hereafter, when I come Null by I'beophilus then Bifhop of Alexandria 
 to fpeak of their Order, _. It is faid, That the nor any others "at that time. T conceive the 
 City-Presbyters had Power to ordain by the Bi- contrary was rather evident to them, and there- 
 mop's Licenfe5 and that this was eftablifhed by fore they had no Reafon to pronounce it Null 
 Canon in the Council of [/] Ancyra. But this knowing it to be a jutt and" regular Ordina- 
 is grounded only upon a very ambiguous Senfe, tion. jal i»V«*5t&, bns. i»« 
 
 if not a corrupt Reading of that Canon. For f . I remember but one Inftance more in An- 
 
 all the old Tranflators render it much otherwife, eient Church-Hiftory (for Modern Inftances I 
 
 That the City-Presbyters mail do nothing [g] wholly pals by) that feems to make any thin?; 
 
 without the Licenfe and Authority of the Bi- for the Ordination of Presbyters j and that is in 
 
 fhop, in any Part of the Paroch or Diocefe be- the Anfwer giveirby Pope Leo to a Queftionput 
 
 longing to his Jurifdi&ion. Which agrees with to him by Rufticus Narbonenfti , Whether the 
 
 what I have cited before out of the Council of Ordination of certain Perfons might ftand good 
 
 Laodicea; and feveral other Canons, which make who were only ordained by fome Pfeudo-Epifcopl y 
 
 Presbyters dependent upon their Bifhops in the Falfe Bifhops, who had no Legal and Canonical 
 
 ordinary Exereife of their Function. (See be- Right to their Places ? To this he anfwers, [02} 
 
 fore §. z. of this Chapter.) And fome Greek Co- That if the Lawful Bifhops of thofe Churches 
 
 pies [_h~] read it, cv tir^a -a^ix/a, which feems gave their Confent to their Ordination, it might 
 
 to fignify that Presbyters mail not officiate in a- be efteemed valid and allowed ; otherwife to be 
 
 nother Diocefe without Letters DimhTory from difannullcd. But here it is to be confidered that 
 
 their own Bifhop. thefe Pfeudo-Epifcopi were in fome Senfe Bifhops,. 
 
 3. It is urged further, that Novatus, a Presby- as being ordained, though illegally, to their 
 ter of Carthage, ordained Feliciffimus a Deacon. Places : For they feem to be fuch as had Schif- 
 But this feems to be no more than procuring him matically intruded themfelves into other Men's 
 to be ordained by fome Bifhop. For Cyprian fays Sees, or at leaft obtained them by fome corrupt 
 he made Novatian [f] Bifhop of Rome after the and irregular Practices. Now the Church did 
 fame manner as he had done Felicijfimus Deacon not always refcind and cancel the A&s of fuch 
 at Carthage. But now it is certain he did not Bifhops, but ufed a Liberty either to reverfe and 
 ordain Novatian, but only was inftrumental in difannul the Ordinations made by them, or o- 
 procuring three obfeure Italian Bifhops to come therwife to confirm and ratify them, as fhe faw 
 and ordain him. And in that Senfe he might occafion. Therefore though the General Coun- 
 ordain Felicijfimus too. But admit it were other- cil \n~\ of Conftantinople depofed all fuch as were 
 wife, it was only a Schifmatical A£b, condemned ordained by Maximus, who had fimonically in- 
 by Cyprian and the whole Church. traded himfelf into Gregory Nazianzen's See at 
 
 4. 'Tis pleaded out of Caffian, That Paphnu- Conftantinople } yet the Novatian Clergy were ad - 
 tins an Egyptian Abbot, ordained one Daniel a mitted by the Council of Nice, [o~] though or* 
 Presbyter. But if Caftan's Words be rightly dained by Schifmatical Bifhops j and the African 
 confidered, he fays no fuch thing, but only [£] Councils [/»] allowed the Ordinations of the 
 that Paphnutius firft promoted him to be made a Donatifi Bifhops, though they had long conn- 
 Deacon before feveral of his Seniors, and then nued in Schifm, and given Schifmatical Orders 
 intending to make him his Succeffor, he alfo to others alfo. Which fhews that the Primitive 
 preferred him to the Dignity of a Presbyter. Church made fome difference between Orders 
 Which Preference or Promotion does not at all conferred by Schifmatical Bifhops, and thofe 
 exclude the Bifhop's Ordination. It may reafo- conferred by mere Presbyters. I enquire not 
 nab ly fignify the Abbot's Choice, which he had now into the Grounds and Reafons of this, but 
 power to make ^ but it cannot fo reafonably be only relate the Church's Practice. From which 
 interpreted that he ordained him j fince this was upon the whole matter it appears, that this was 
 contrary to the Rules and Practice of the Church : another Difference betwixt Bifhops and Pref- 
 And confidering where and when Paphnutius byters, that the one had Power to ordain, but 
 lived, in the midft of Egypt, among an hundred the other were never authorifed or commiflioncd 
 Bifhops, in the Fifth Century, it is not likely he to do it. ■ iq msup mi - ;o?a 
 
 *ci .00 .* jirr*D ooD [\>l .x„ £ »j^d©i*I i wargK Jh -cA .*r{D bs .s+ .1* .q3 [f] ,;sol itdon aQi atoimbda 
 
 . ■ : 
 
 fliUMf AMD Jaotu < incotiC o~v eluxD (XM e iovfOMil tluiZi 
 [/} Con. Aneyr.can. 13. [g~\ Id. ex Verfione Dionyfii Ex- 
 igui : Sed nec Presbyteris Ctyitatis, fine Praecepto Epifcopi, ampli- 
 us aliquid impcrare , nec line authoritate Literarura ejus in una- 
 qoaque Parochia aliquid agere. [h~] Cod. Can. edit. Ehinger. 
 [f] Cypr. Ep. 49. al. p. ad Cornel, p. 97. ed. Oxon. Quoniam 
 pro magnitudine fua debeat Carthaginem Roma pracedere, illic ma- 
 jora £c grayiora coramifit. Qui iftic adverfus Ecclefiam Diaconum 
 fecerat, illic EpiCcopuni- fecit. [<■] Cafilan. Collat. 4. c. 1. A 
 
 beato Paphnutio folitudinis ejuI3em Presbytero, & quidem cum 
 
 urt wildl oTq n»bir.p oT .mhtgofi bn .j .It ,\b .q_ .iqO ft] 
 
 raultis junior effet a2tate, ad Diaconii eft prcelatus Officiirm. • 
 
 Optanfque libirnet rucceflbrem digniffimum providere, fup?rftes 
 eum Presbyrerii honore provexit. [/] Stilling. Irenic. Par. 2. c. 
 7. n. 8. p. 380. [~] Leo Ep. 91. ad Ruftic. c. 1. Si qui au- 
 
 tem Clerici ab; iftis Pfeudo-epi/copis in eis Ecclefiis ordinati Tunr, 
 quae ad proprios Epifcopos pertinebant, &z Ordinatio eorum cum 
 Confenfu 2c Judicio Prxfidentium faelaeft, poteft rata haberi, 8£c 
 [»] Con. Conftant. can^. [*]. Con, Nic. c. 8. [/>] Collat. 
 Carthag. 1. Die, c. 1 6, .1 .4.0 V 
 
 S 3. Besides 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 29 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 A l<t Difference be- 
 tween Bifhops and 
 Presbyters : Presby- 
 ters accountable to 
 their Bifhops, not 
 Bifhops to their 
 Presbyters. 
 
 3. Besides this, there was 
 a Third Difference between Bi- 
 fhops and Presbyters in point of 
 Jurifdi&ion : Bifhops always re- 
 tained to themfelves the Power of 
 calling Presbyters to an Account, 
 and Ccnfuring them for their Mif- 
 carriages in the Difcharge of their Office - y but 
 Presbyters had no Power to cenfure their Bifhops, 
 or fct up an Independent Power in oppofition to 
 their Authority and Jurifdi&ion. When FeliciJJi- 
 mus and Jugendus fet up a feparate Communion 
 at Carthage againft Cyprian,, threatning to excom- 
 municate all that communicated with him, Cy- 
 prian gave Orders to his Deputies (being himfelf 
 then in Banifhment) to execute firft their own 
 Sentence upon them, and let them for their Con- 
 tempt of him and the Church \jf\ feel the Power 
 of Excommunication j which was accordingly 
 done by his Delegates, as appears from their An- 
 fwer [f] to him. In another place, writing to 
 Rogatian a Bifhop, who made Complaint to Cy- 
 prian und the Synod, of an unruly Deacon j he 
 tells him, It was his lingular Modefty to refer 
 the Cafe to them, when he might by vertue of 
 his own Epifcopal Authority himfelf have pu- 
 nifhed the [j] Delinquent j againft whom, if he 
 perfifted in his Contempt, he fhould ufe the 
 Power which belonged to his Order, and either 
 depofe or fufpend him. Nothing can be more 
 plain and evident, than that in Cyprian's time all 
 Bifhops were inverted with this Power of Cen- 
 luring Delinquents among the Clergy. And any 
 one that looks into the Councils of the following 
 Age, will find nothing more common, than Ca- 
 nons, which both fuppofe and confirm this 
 Power. As when the Apoftolical Canons fay 
 [WJ, That no Presbyter, or Deacon, excommu- 
 nicated by his own Bifhop, mould be received 
 by any other: That fuppofes all Bifhops to have 
 Power to inflidt Ecclefiaftical Cenfures upon 
 their Clergy. The like may be feen in the Ca- 
 nons of the Council of Nice [x] which allows 
 an Appeal in fuch a Cafe to a Provincial Synod j 
 and the Council of Sardica [_y]^ which orders 
 the Metropolitan to hear and redrefs the Grie- 
 vance : So alfo in the Councils of Antioch \jz}, 
 Chalcedon [V], and many others. 
 
 SECT. IX. Yet it muft be own'd, that 
 Yet Bijhop's Power according to the Difcipline and 
 not Arbitrary, but Cuftom of thofc Times, Bifhops 
 
 feldom did any thing of this na- limited by Omm 
 ture, without the Advice and 
 Conient of their Presbyters, who 
 were their AfTefTors, and (as it were) the Eccle- 
 fiaftical Senate and Council of the Church : 
 Of which I fhall give a more particular Ac- 
 count, when I come to fpeak of the Honour and 
 Privileges of the Order of Presbyters. And here 
 it is to be further noted out of the preceding 
 Canons, That if any Clergyman thought himfelf 
 injur'd by his Bifhop, he had Liberty to appeal 
 [f] either to the Metropolitan, or a Provincial 
 Synod : And in fome Places, the better to avoid 
 Arbitrary Power, the Canons provided, That 
 no Bifhop fhould proceed to cenfure a Presby- 
 ter, or Deacon, without the Concurrence of 
 fome Neighbouring Bifhops to join with him in 
 the Sentence. The firft Council of Carthage [c] 
 requires Three to cenfure a Deacon, and Six to 
 cenfure a Presbyter. The Second Council of 
 Carthage [d] requires the fame Number, accord- 
 ing to all correct Editions of it : For Crab's E- 
 dition is palpably falfe and yet Blondel [e] lays 
 hold of that Corruption, to prove that Presby- 
 ters and Deacons weie to be Judges of their own 
 Bifhop j which make the Canons fpeak mere 
 Nonfenfe, and appoints the Bifhop to judge himfelf 
 alfo. The true Reading of the Canon is this: The 
 Criminal Caufe of a Bifhop fnall be heard byTwelve 
 Bifhops j the Caufe of a Presbyter, by Six > the 
 Caufe of a Deacon, by Three joined with his 
 own Bifhop. This obliges every Bifhop to 
 take other Bifhops into Commiffion with him 
 in Criminal Caufes, but does not authorize Pres- 
 byters and Deacons to fit as Judges upon their 
 own Bifhop. Which may be farther evidenced 
 from another Canon [/] of the next Council 
 of Carthage j which fpeaks of a Legal Number 
 of Bifhops to judge a Presbyter, or Deacon ; 
 and affigns Six for a Presbyter, and Three for a 
 Deacon, as the former Canons appointed. But 
 for the Inferior Clergy, there was no fuch Re- 
 ftraint laid upon the Bifhop, that I can find > 
 but he alone, by the fame Canon [g], is al- 
 lowed to hear their Caufes, and end them. Only 
 they had Liberty to appeal, as all others, in cafe 
 of Injury done them, to the Metropolitan, or a 
 Provincial Synod 3 which the Nicene Council 
 [TTj, and many others, appoint to be held once 
 or twice a Year for that very purpofe j That if 
 any Clergyman chanced to be unjuftly cenfured 
 by the Paflion of his Bifhop, he might have re- 
 
 Cf] Cypr. Ep. 38. al. 41. p. 80. Cum Felicifiimus commina- 
 tus lit, non communicaturos in Monte (al. Morte) fecum, qui 
 nobis communicarent : Accipiat fententiam quam prior dixit ; ut 
 abftentum a fe nobis fciat. [r] Ep. 39. al. 41. ad Cypr. Ab- 
 ftinuimus Communicatione Felicimmum 8c Augendum, 8cc. 
 [j] Cypr. Ep. 6f. al. 3. ad Rogatian. Tu quidem pro folita tua 
 humilitate fecifti, ut mafles de eo nobis conqucri, cum pro Epif- 
 copatus vigore 8c Cathedrae auftoritate haberes poteftatem, qua 
 
 poffes de illo ftatim vindicari Quod fi ultra te contumeliis fuis 
 
 provocaverit, fungeris circa eum Potefhte honoris tui, ut eum vel 
 deponas vel abftineas. See alfo Cypr. Ep. 10. al. 16. Ed. Oxon. 
 [»] Canon. Apoft. c. 33. [*] Con. Nic. Can. f. [y] Con. 
 Sard. Can. 13, 14. [t] Con. Antioc. Can. 3, 8c 4. 
 [«] Chalced. Can. 9. [b] See for the Liberty of Appeals- Con. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Carthag. a. c. S. Carthag. 4. c. 19, 8c 66. Antioch. c. la. Vafion. 
 c. Venetic. Can. 9. [«] Con. Carthag. 1. Can. 11. Si quis 
 aliquam Caufam ha'ouerir, a tribus vicinis Epifcopis, 11 Diaconus 
 eft, arguatur : Presbyter a fex. [</] Con. Carth. a. Can. io- 
 Plicet ut Caufa criminals Epifcopi a duodecim Epifcopis audiatur: 
 Ciufa Presbyreri a fex ; Caufa vero Diaconi a tribus cum propric 
 Epifcopo. [e] Blondel. Apol. p. 137. And Crab thus reads it 
 corruptly: Epifcopus a duodecim Epifcopis audiatur, 8c a fex 
 Presbyteris, 8c a tribus Diaconibus cum proprio fuo Epifcopo. c 
 [/] Con. Carth. 3. c. 8. Si Presbyreri vel Diaconi fuerint a cu- 
 
 fati, adjun£to libi ex vicinis locis Legitimo numero Collegarum 
 
 in Presbyteri nomine fex, in Diaconi tribus, ipforum Caufas dif- 
 cutiant. [^] Ibid. c. 8. Reliquorum Clericorum Caufas folus 
 Epifcopus loci agnofcat 8c finiat. \h~] Con. Nic. Can. f. 
 
 I courfe 
 
ao 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i b s of the 
 
 Book IT 
 
 courfe to a Superior Court, and there have Ju- as near as I can collect it out of the Genuine 
 ftice done him. This is the true State and Ac- Records of the Ancient Church. } 3!j3l iV 
 count of the Power of Bifhops over their Clergy, taBzuoiqml Jhti*gs biowB tohiq8 srfj bsdtetdk 
 
 ^D/ T33Uibni tns m ovs^ sHj yd Jud <v)'6;0 ntetb lis axrh Tto nrarij Jin has t ^sras'rgaM aafirfqoi 1 ! 
 
 1 — r— 
 
 JbpJoa 1<* qorfxia iu\w& oi sonsfhil n £ 3v £ ri 
 
 0/" Power of Bifhops over the Laity, Monks, Subordinate Magifirates, and 
 all Perfons within their Diocefe : And of their Office in difpofing of the Re- 
 
 - 33 it-ipop banobbaq zqodtifl zuo wW& { »i«ftigfiM 33snibiodti8 zasrreCI bus 
 
 THE next thing to be con- nounces Excommunication againft them. The 
 
 fldered, is, The Power of fame Injunctions may be read in the Councils of 
 
 Bifhops over the People j which, Orleans [ni], Agde [»], Lerida (V), and others ; 
 
 upon Enquiry, will be found to which fubject the Abbots as well as Monks to the 
 
 SECT. I. 
 jYo Exemptions 
 fr?m the furifdi- 
 Bion of the B'tfhop 
 in the Primitive 
 
 chnub. extend it ielt over all Perfons, of 
 
 what Rank or Quality foever, 
 within their Diocefe, or the Bounds and Limits 
 of their Jurifdiction. The Extent of Diocefes 
 themfelves, and the Reafons why fome were 
 much greater than others, I do not here conll- 
 derj but referve that for a more proper Place, 
 to be treated of when we come to fpeak of 
 Churches. What I obferve in this place, is, 
 That all Orders of Men within the Diocefe, 
 were fubject to the Bifhop : For, Privileges to 
 exempt Men from the Jurifdiction of their Dio- 
 cefan, were Things unknown to former Ages. 
 Ignatius makes bold to fay [i], That as he that 
 honours his Bifhop, is honoured of God j fo he 
 that does any thing covertly in Oppofition to 
 him, is the Servant of Satan. And Cyprian de- 
 fines the Church [£] to be a People united 
 to its Bifhop, a Flock adhering to its Pallor. 
 Whence the Church may be laid to be in the 
 Bifhop, and the Bifhop in the Church j and if a* 
 ny are not with their Bilhop, they are not in the 
 Church. 
 
 Particularly, we may 
 obferve of all Afceticks , and 
 Monks, and Hermits - y That the 
 Laws, both Ecclefiartical and Ci- 
 vil, fubjected them to the Bifliop 
 of the Place where they lived. For Ecclefiaiti- 
 cal Laws, we have Two Canons in the Coun- 
 cil of Cbalcedon [f\ to this purpofcj the jfirft of 
 
 Bifhop's Care and Correction. Juftintan confirms 
 all this by a Law in the Codej which fays [/>[), 
 All Monasteries are to be reckoned under the 
 Jurifdiction of the Bifhop of the Territories 
 where they are; and that the Abbots themfelves 
 are part of their Care. In one of his Novels 
 [_q], the Election of Abbots is put into the Bi- 
 fhop's Hands. And by other Laws [r], no new 
 Cells, or Monafleries, were to be erected, but 
 by the Confent and Licenfe of the Bifhop, to 
 whofe Jurifdiction they belonged. It is there- 
 fore a very juft Reflection, which Bede, and fome 
 others [f] from him, make upon the State of the 
 Scottijh Church j That Things were in a very 
 unufual and prepofterous Order, when inftead of 
 Abbots being fubject to the Bifhops, the Bifhops 
 were fubject to a fingle Abbot. This was Or* 
 dini inujitatoy as Eede [f\ rightly obferves : For 
 there was no fuch Practice allowed in the Primi* 
 tive Church. 
 
 In thofe days, the Authority SECT. in. - 
 of Bifhops was fo highly eftcem- & all fabordi- 
 ed, and venerable in the Eyes of 
 all Men, that even the Subordi- 
 nate Magiftrates themfelves were 
 fubject to their Spiritual Difcipline and Correcti- 
 on. The Prefects and Governors of Cities and 
 Provinces, were obliged to take their Communi- 
 catory Letters along with them to the Bifhop of 
 the Place, whither the Government fent them 5 
 and whilft they continued in their Office there, 
 which prefcribes, That all Monks, whether in they were to be under the Bifhop's Care j who ? 
 City or Country, fhall be fubject to the Bilhop, if they tran I greiTed againft the publick Difcipline 
 and concern themfelves in no Bufinefs (Sacred or of the Church, was authorifed by the Imperial 
 Civil) out of their own Monaftcryj except they Laws to punifh them with Excommunication, 
 have his Licenfe and Permiffion, upon urgent This we learn from a Canon of the ftrft Council 
 Occafion fo to do. And if any withdraw them- oi Aries [u] which was called hy- Con ft amine him- 
 felves from his Obedience, the other Canon pro- felf, who ratify'd its Canons, and gave them as 
 
 _ . : : 
 
 II. 
 
 All Monks fubjetf 
 to the Bifl:op of the 
 Hiocefe where they 
 lived. 
 
 nate Alagijlrates m 
 matters of Spiritual 
 
 
 
 •osa ampf rfijV c tmo' i I usilima s ni tionaw ray 
 
 [7] Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn.n. 9. heL&ea. c/wk'tx ri vtyvan 
 Tt*i tPi&Cohv A«TprfL't<. [k] Cypr. Epift.. 60. al. 66. ad Pupian. 
 p. 168. Ecclefia Plebs Sacerdoti unita, 6c Paftori fuo Grex ndhr- 
 rens. Unde (cire debes Epifcopum in Ecclefia die, & Eoclefiam in 
 Epifcopo; Et fi qui cum Epifcopo non fint, in Eccleiia non cfle, 
 & c - W Con. Chalced. Can. 4, 6c 8. [m~\ Con. Aurel. 1. 
 en. [»] Agathenf. Can. 38. [0] Ilerdenf. c. 3. 
 O] Cod. Juft. Lib. R Tir. j. de Epifcop.' L&%v?™W\ 
 Novel, f. c. o. [r] Con. Chalced. Can. 4. Con. Agath. c. ? 
 
 
 
 .murnixfilvf 
 
 [s] Pearfon VincL Ignat. Part. i.e. 11. p. 333. [/] Bed. Hi ft. 
 Gent, Anglor. Lib. 3. c. 4. Cujjjs juri 6c omnis Provincia, 6c ipfj 
 etiam Epifcopi Ordine ioufitato debeant ede fubjefti. [«] Con. 
 
 Arelat. 2. c. 7. De Prxfidibus ita placurr, ut cum promori 
 
 fuerint, Literas accipiant Ecclefiafticas Communicator's. Ita tamer; 
 ut in quibufcunque locis geflerint, ab Epifcopo ejufdem ,'oci Cura 
 de illis agarur; at cum ccepqijint contra Difciplinam publicum a- 
 ge're, tone demum a Commun.onc excludantur. Similittr 6; de his 
 
 ' « ' * L J it 
 
0hap. IV- Christian Church. 
 
 31 
 
 then 
 
 Inverted ' ' 
 
 with : 
 to .this 
 
 it were the Force of Imperial Sanctions. And Power that Bifhops 
 
 by Virtue of this Power, they fometimes un- And tho' in After-ages they attained 
 
 fheathed the Spiritual Sword againft Impious and Power, yet it was not by any inherent Right of 
 
 Prophane Magiftrates, and cut them off from all their Order, but by the 1 
 
 Communion with the Church. Of which We 
 have an Inftance in Synefws Bifhop of Ptolemais 
 excommunicating Andronicus the Governor, 
 for his Cruelties and Blafphemies > and many, o- 
 ther fuch Examples, which will be mentioned 
 
 Favour and Indulgence 
 of Secular Princes. It muft here alfo be farther 
 noted, That it was ever efteemed dishonourable 
 for Bifhops fo much as to petition the Secular 
 Power againft the Life of any Man, whom they 
 had condemned by Spiritual Cenfures, And 
 
 when we come to treat particularly of the Dif- therefore, when Ithacius and fome other Spanijb 
 
 cipline of the Church. As to what concerns the Bifhops prevailed with Maximus to flay the He- 
 
 Bifhops Power to infpecl: and examine the A£bs reticle Prifcillian, St. Martin and many other pi- 
 
 and Decrees of Subordinate Magiftrates; Socrates ous Bifhops petitioned againft it, faying, It was 
 
 [x~] affures us it was pra&ifcd by Cyril at Alex an- was enough to expel Hcreticks [r] from the 
 
 dria 9 in reference to Oreftes the PrafeUus Augu- Churches: And when they could not prevail, 
 
 fialis of Egypt \ tho', as he intimates , it was they fhewed their Refentments of the Fa6t a- 
 
 fome Grievance to him to be under his Infpe- gainft the Author of it, refufing to admit Itha 
 
 ftion. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 Of the D'tft'mcTton 
 between Temporal 
 and Spiritual Ju- 
 rifdiBion; Biflwps 
 Tower wholly confi- 
 ned to the latter. 
 
 ctus the Sanguinary Bifhop to their Commu- 
 nion. So great a Concern had thofe Holy Men 
 to keep within the Bounds of their Spiritual Ju- 
 rifdidion. 
 
 3i9W amoT: yrlw ertolw-H. 3fn bits ,a9vra<£03fl 
 
 And it may be obferved, that 
 the Authority of Bifhops was ne- 
 ver greater in the World, than 
 when they concerned themfelves 
 only in the Exercife of their own 
 proper Spiritual Power. For 
 then they had an univerfal RefpecT: paid them by 
 all forts of Menj infomuch that no Chriftian 
 would pretend to travel, without taking Letters 
 of Credence with him from his own Bifhop, if 
 he meant to communicate with the Chriftian 
 Church in a Foreign Country. Such was the 
 admirable Unity of the Church Catholick in 
 
 SECT. V. 
 An Account of the 
 Liters Formatae, 
 and the Bifhops "Pre- 
 rogative in granting 
 them to all Perfons. 
 
 abcO aril rj t wbJL £ \d 2irb lift 
 But it muft be owned and 
 fpoken to the Glory of thofe Pri- 
 mitive Bifhops, that they chal- 
 lenged no Power, as of Right 
 belonging to them, but only that 
 which was Spiritual. They did 
 not as yet lay claim to both 
 Swords, much lefs endeavour to wreft the Tem- 
 poral Sword out of the Magiftrates Hand, and 
 dethrone Princes under pretence of Excommuni- 
 cation. The ancient Bifhops of Rome them- 
 felves, always profeffed Obedience and Subje- 
 ction to the Emperor's Laws: Which I fhall 
 not Hand here to prove, fince it has fo frequent- 
 ly and fo fubftantially been done by feveral of our 
 Learned [y] Writers : And it is confeffed by the 
 
 more Ingenuous of the Romijh Writers [z~] them- thofe days, and the bleffed Harmony and Con- 
 felves, That Gregory the Vllth was the firft Pope 
 that pretended to depofe Chriftian Princes. The 
 ancient Bifhops of the Church laid no Claim to 
 a Coercive Power over the Bodies or Eftates of 
 Men j but if ever they had occafion to make ufe 
 of it, they applied themfelves to the Secular Ma- 
 giftrate, for his Affiftance. As in the Cafe of 
 Paulus Samofatenfis, who kept poffeffion of the 
 Bifhop's Houfe, after he was depofed from his 
 Bifhoprick by the Council of Antioch. The Fa- 
 thers in that Council having no Power to re- 
 move him, petitioned the Emperor Aurelian [a] 
 againft him j who tho' an Heathen, gave Judge- 
 ment on their fide, and ordered his Officers to 
 fee his Sentence put in Execution. And thus 
 the Cafe ftood, as to the Power of Bifhops, for 
 fome Ages after under Chriftian Emperors: In* 
 fomuch that Socrates [b~] notes it as a very fin- 
 gular thing in Cyril Bifhop of Alexandria^ That 
 he undertook by his own Power to fhut up the 
 Novatian Churches, feizing upon their Plate and 
 Sacred Utenfils , and depriving their Bifhop 
 T'heopemptus of his Subftance. This was done 
 t 1 (SfOjsTtxyjV ra^scdf, beyond any ordinary 
 
 fent of her Bifhops among one another ! Thefe 
 Letters were of divers forts, according to the 
 different Occafions or Quality of the Perfons 
 that carried them. They are generally reduced 
 to Three Kinds j The Epifiol* Commendatoria , 
 Communicatoria, and Dimifforia. The firft were 
 fuch as were granted only to Perfons of Quality, 
 or elfe Perfons whofe Reputation had been cal- 
 led in Queftion, or to the Clergy who had oc- 
 cafion to travel into Foreign Countries. The 
 SeCond fort were granted to all who were in the 
 Peace and Communion of the Church > whence 
 they were alfo called Pacific*, and Ecclefiafiic*, 
 and fometimes Canonic*. The Third fort were 
 fuch as were only given to the Clergy, when 
 they were to remove from their own Diocefe, 
 and fettle in another ; and they were , to teftify 
 that they had their Bifhop's Leave to depart - 
 
 and 
 
 fomc- 
 
 ambiO iqco\iq3 mcife 
 
 
 whence they were called Dimijfori*^ 
 times Pacific* likewife. All thefe went under 
 the general Name of Format* \ becaufe they 
 were written in a peculiar Form, with fome par- 
 ticular Marks and Characters, which ferved as 
 fpecial Signatures to diftinguifh them from Coun- 
 
 fi 
 
 [w] Synef. Ep. 5-8. ad Epifcopos, p. 798. [x] Socrat. Lib. 
 7. c. 13. [y~\ See Bifliop Morton'* Grand Impo/l. of the Church 
 of Rome, c. it. Joh. Roffenf. de Poteft. Papae in Temporal. Lib. 
 i. c. 2. Otho Frifingenf. Chron. Lib. 6. c. if* ..Greg. 
 
 Tholofan. de Repub. Lib. 26. c. f. [a] Eufeb. Lib. 7. c. 30. 
 
 jib non fiibb:>a ni ,Jnil noa oaco1iq3 ratio iwp it 33 ;oqo3ikj3 
 [£] Socrat, Lib. 7. c. 7. 0] Sulp. Sever. Lib. a. p. 119. 
 Maximum orare, ut Sanguine Infelicium abftineret : Satjs fu- 
 pcrque fufficere, ut Epifcopali fententia Hayretici judicati Ecclefiis 
 pellerenttir^^ >flo Q ,0tO .tuoIwD .twO [t] .0 a .\ Jsvovt 
 
 terfeits, 
 
32 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book If. 
 
 terfeirs. I fhall not fUnd now to give any fur- 
 ther account of them here, but only obferve that 
 it was the Bifhop's fole Prerogative to grant 
 them} and none might prefume to do it, at lead 
 without his Authority and Commiifion. The 
 Council of Antioch [d] allows Country-Bifhops 
 to write them* but exprefly forbids Presbyters 
 the Privilege. And whereas in Times of Perfe- 
 ction, fome Confeflors who were of great E- 
 fteem in the Church, would take upon them to 
 grant fuch Letters by their own Authority, and 
 in their own Names j the Councils of [<?] Aries, 
 and Eliberis [/], forbad them to do it; and or- 
 dered all Perfons who had fuch Letters, to take 
 new Communicatory Letters from the Bifhop. 
 Baronius \_g] and the common Editors of the 
 Councils, who follow him, miftake thefe Let- 
 ters for the Libels which the Confeflors were u- 
 fed to grant to the Lapfi, to have them admitted 
 into the Communion of the Church again : But 
 Alb af piny [h~] corrects this Miftake ; and rightly 
 obferves, That thofe Councils fpeak not of fuch 
 Libels as were given to the Lapfi, but of fuch 
 as were given to all Chriftians, who had occa- 
 sion to travel into Foreign Countries ; which it 
 belonged to the Bifhops to grant, and not to the 
 Confeflors, whatever Authority they might o- 
 therwife have obtained by their honourable Con- 
 feffion of Chrifl in time of Perfecution. The 
 Council of Eliberis {Tj takes notice of another 
 Abufe of this nature, and corrects it j which 
 was. That fome Women of famous Renown in 
 the Church , Clergymens Wives, as Albafpiny 
 thinks, or rather the Wives of Bifhops, would 
 prefume both to grant and receive fuch Letters 
 by their own Authority : All which the Coun- 
 cil orders to be funk, as being dangerous to the 
 Dilcipline and Communion of the Church, and 
 an Encroachment upon the Bifhops Power, to 
 whom alone it belonged to grant them. For by 
 all ancient Canons, this Privilege is referved en- 
 tirely to Bifhops, and this fet their Authority 
 very high in the Church : For no one, either 
 Clergy or Laity, could communicate in any 
 Church befidehisown, without thefe Teftimonials 
 from his Bifhop ; as may be feen in the Councils 
 of Carthage [£], and Agdc [/], and many others. 
 
 I have but one thing more to 
 
 S S C T. VI7" 
 
 Of the Bifhops Pow- 
 er in Difpoftng of 
 the Revenues of tbt 
 Church. 
 
 obferve concerning the Power of 
 Bifhops over the Church ; and 
 that is, their Authority and Con- 
 cern in Difpofing of the Reve- 
 nues of the Church. I intend not here to enter 
 upon the Difcourfe of Ecclefiaftical Revenues, 
 (which has its proper Place in this Work here- 
 after) but only to fuggeft now, That it was 
 part of the Bifhops Office and Care, to fee them 
 managed and difpofed of to the bell Advantage. 
 The Councils of Antioch [»], and Gangra [«], 
 have feveral Canons to this purpofe; That all the 
 Incomes and Oblations of the Church {hall be 
 difpenfed at the Will and Difcreticn of the Bi- 
 fhop j to whom the People, and the Souls of 
 Men are committed. Thofe called the Apoftc- 
 lical [o~] Canons, and Conftitutions [/>], fpeak 
 of the fame Power. And Cyprian [_q] notes, That 
 all who received Maintenance from the Church, 
 had it, Epifcopo difpenfante, by the Order and 
 Appointment of the Bifhop, He did not indeed 
 always difpenfe with his own Hands, but by 
 proper Afliftants, fuch as his Archdeacon, ani 
 the Oeconomus j which fome Canons [r~\ order to 
 be one of the Clergy of every Church : But 
 thefe Officers were only Stewards under him* 
 both of his appointing, as St. Jerom[s~] obferves, 
 and alfo accountable to him as the Supreme 
 Governor of the Church. Whence PoJJidim 
 takes notice of the Practice of St. Auftin', that 
 tho' neither Seal nor Keys was ever feen in his 
 Hand, but fome of his Clergy were always his 
 Administrators j yet he had his certain Times to 
 audit their Accounts: So that all was ftill his 
 Act, tho' adminiftred and difpenfed by the Hands 
 of others. And this was agreeable to the Primi- 
 tive Rule and Practice of the Apoftles, to whofe 
 Care and Cuftody the Peoples Oblations, and 
 Things confecrated to God, were committed: 
 They chofe Deacons to be their Affiftants, as 
 Bifhops did afterwards i ftill retaining Power ia 
 their own Hands to direct and regulate them in 
 the Difpofal of the Publick Charity, as Prime 
 Stewards of God's Revenue, and chief Mailers 
 of his Houfhold. 
 
 1 
 
 [d] Con. Antioch. Can. 8. [e] Con. Arelat. i. e. 9. De 
 his, qui Confeirorum Literas offerunt, placuit, ut fublatis eis Li- 
 tcris, alias accipiant Communieatorias. [/] Con. Elib. c. zj . 
 [g] Baron, an. 142. Loayfa Not. in Con. Elib. c. if. [AJ Al- 
 
 bafp. Not. in Cod. E^cfoiWW^q ^rrf°fe ^trfe 
 
 [*] Con. Carth. 1. Can. 7. Clericus vel Laicus non cornmunlcet 
 
 in alieoa Plebe fine Uteris Epifcopi fui. ff| Agarh. Can, ri. 
 
 id3 
 
 . I 
 
 (iwurifonum iht ori* ft* 
 
 , , — - 
 
 Epaun. c. 6. Laodic. c. 4 
 
 1, Milevir. c. to. Con. Antioch. c. 7. 
 [m~\ Con.Antioch. c 24, & 2f. [»] Con. Gangr. c. 7, 8c 8. 
 [9] Canon. Apod. c. 31, & 38. [p] Conftir. ApoftoL L. a 
 c. if. [q] Cypr. Ep. 38. al. 41. Jull. Mart. Apol. 2. [r] Con. 
 Chalced. c. 26. . [j] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. Sciat Epifco- 
 pus, cut commifla eft Ecclefia, quem Difpenfationi Pauperum, 
 Curseque prseficiat. ■■» ») — 
 
 imummoD .ytYutoS be .tttarl ni $*bq „f»Jq3 .guA 
 ti?auup) oiorfrO n/«qo-^i<j3 tomqfttr) rep ^tvriinrw i&m ft* 
 
 noma .8^1 .q .rkpe b* .U to ,1^9 M 
 
 mti orflon otjjilfoD titlp & W ,m mA ^ t» §mtH* 
 w<kh .msvtitm mfci 4 •fth/3 m*ipt% 1?, 
 
 grfO mtnti ttumu Mitaiil itium w9KHt*tA ft«*J «=» ft 
 -fort ^ out saiutfiiZ JirfliirfD ?sup A&wtov * v.*..*-.. 
 
 jam C«J .;u*rvM. »r»«o) A msflm m» 
 .1* .10 /rarfjA JxipJ w mm [t ] mjp ^ r || a^gi 
 JBUS 10 •■•w,- .1. i »» ^ wtV» aHU 
 
 •.'•."!*Jft 
 
 mqabrrot'i kX3 vspdo sop «ttfbbo3 onmo jS tok .zimviolot 
 
 .fe.r» .^3 bl M .dot q .bi3 -ftfitT «fr.«rfD p»] 
 -«r.. vsmrcitm aanoqoaHqS avao uqtq<y^k{3 Jttt ^jcttmcaih 
 
11 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 33 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 0/ ^ 0^frt? 0/ Bijhops, in relation to the whole Catholkk Church, 
 
 sect. I. XT/E" nave hitherto confidered 
 inwhat/en/eevtry \y the Office and Power of 
 Bifbop fupfofedtobe Biftlops over t h c Clergy and 
 
 Hi/hob of the wholi r _. P*_. J, 
 
 cLholukchurch. People of their own particular 
 Churches: But there is yet a 
 more eminent Branch of their Paftoral Office 
 and Care behind, which is, their Superintcnden- 
 cy over the whole Catholick Church ; in which 
 every Bifhop was fuppofed to have an equal 
 Share > not as to what concerned External Poli- 
 ty and Government, but the Prime Eflential Part 
 of Religion, the Prefervation of the Chriftian 
 Faith. Whenever the Faith was in danger of 
 being fubverted by Herefy, or deftroyed by Per- 
 fection, then every Bifhop thought it part of 
 his Duty and Office to put to his helping Hand, 
 and labour as much for any other Diocele as his 
 own. Diocefes were but Limits of Conveni- 
 ence, for the Prefervation of Order in times of 
 Peace: But the Faith was a more univerfakhing; 
 and when War was made upon that, then the 
 whole World was but one Diocefe, and the 
 whole Church but one Flock j and every Paftor 
 thought himfelf obliged to feed his great Ma- 
 tter's Sheep, according to his Power, whatever 
 Part of the World they were fcattered in. In 
 this fenfe, every Bifhop was an univcrfal Paftor, 
 and Bifhop of the whole World} as having a 
 common Care and Concern for the whole Church 
 of Chrift. This is what St. Auftin [/] told Bo- 
 niface Bifhop of Rome; That the Paftoral Care 
 was common to all thofe who had the Office of 
 Bifhop j and tho' he was a little higher advanced 
 toward the Top of Chrift's Watch-tower, yet 
 all others had an equal Concern in it. St. Cy- 
 prian teltifies [«] for the Practice of his own 
 time, That all Bifhops were fo united in one Bo- 
 dy, that if any of the Body broached any Here- 
 fy, or began to lay walte and tear the Flock of 
 Chrift, all the reft immediately came in to its 
 Refcue: For though they were many Paftors, 
 yet they had but one Flock to feed j and every 
 one was obliged to take care of all the Sheep of 
 Chrift, which he had purchafed with his Blood. 
 In this fenfe Gregory Nazianzen \jv) fays of Cy- 
 prian, That he was an univcrfal Bifhop j That 
 he prefided not only over the Church of Car- 
 
 thage and Africk, but over all the Regions of trie 
 Weft, and over the Eaft, and South, and Nor- 
 thern Parts of the World alfo. He fays the fame 
 of Athanafius [#] ; That in being made Bifhop 
 of Alexandria, he was made Bifhop of the whole 
 World. Which agrees with St. BaftPs Obfer- 
 vation [v] concerning him* That he had the 
 Care of all Churches, as much as that which was 
 peculiarly committed to him. Chryfoftofn [z] in 
 like manner ftiles Timothy Bifhop of the Uni- 
 verfe : And in compliance with this Cuftomary 
 Character, the Author under the Name of Cle- 
 mens Romanus [zz~], gives St. James Bifhop of 
 Jerufalem the Title of Governor of all Churches, 
 as well as that of Jerufalem. Chryfoftom [a] fays, 
 St. Paul had the whole World committed to his 
 Care, and every City under the Sun> That he 
 was the Teacher [b~] of the Univerfe, and prefi- 
 ded [c~] over all Churches : Which he repeats in 
 many Places of his Writings. Nor was this 
 Prerogative fo peculiar to the Apoftles, but that 
 every Bifhop (in fome meafure) had a Right and 
 Title to the fame Character. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 In what RefpeB 
 the whole World but 
 
 Hence came that current 
 Notion, fo frequently to be met 
 with in Cyprian, of but one Bi- 
 
 n ,,«■ 5 V v-m 1 v one Diocefe, and but 
 
 fhopnek in the Church 5 where- ^ Bijk*fri*in th* 
 in every fingle Bifhop had his church. 
 Share in fuch a manner, as to 
 have an equal Concern in the whole: Epifcopatus 
 unus eft, cujus a Jingulis in folidum pars tenetur. [d] 
 There is but one Bifhoprick in the Church : and 
 every Bifhop has an undivided Portion in it. He 
 does not fay, it was a Monarchy, in the Hands 
 of any fingle Bifhop } but a diffufive Power, 
 that lay in the whole College of Bifhops, [e] c- 
 very one of which had a Title to feed the whole 
 Church of God, and drive away Hercfy out of 
 any Part of it. In this Senfe, the Bifhop of 
 Eugubium\ Power extended as far as the Bifhop 
 of Rome's; The Bifhop of Rhegium was as much 
 Bifhop of the whole Church, as Confiantinople; 
 and Tanis equal to Alexandria: For in St. Je- 
 rom's [/] Language, they were all Ejufdem Me- 
 riti, and ejufdem Sacerdotii; of the fame Merit, 
 and equal in their Priefthood, which was but 
 
 [/] Aog. cont. Epift. Pelag in Prsefat. ad Bonifae. Communis 
 eft nobis omnibus, qui fungimur Epifcopatus Officio (quamvis 
 ipfe in eo celfiore faftigio praemineas) Specula Paftoralis. 
 [«] Cypr. Ep. 68. al. 67. ad Sreph. p. 178. Iccirco copiofum 
 Corpus eft Sacerdotum, concordiae murua; glutino afque Unitatis 
 vinculo copulatum, ut fi quis cx Collegio noftro Hacrefin facexe, 
 8c gregem Chrifti lacenre 8c vaftare tentaverit, fubveniant caete- 
 
 fi Nam etfi Paftores multi fumus, unum tamen Gregem 
 
 pafcimus, 8c Oves univerfas, quas Chriftus Sanguine fuo 8c Paffi- 
 one quatfivit, colligere 8c fovcre debemus. [»] Greg. Naz. 
 Orat. 18. in Laud. Cypr. jV] Naz. in Laud. Athan Or. ai. 
 p. 577. 4 o)x.ii/vSpv{ ta,<r»< &7n<rettri«f.v 7r/s<4'?3- Bafil. 
 JLp. fi.ii Athanaf. [*] Chryf. Horn. 6. adv. Jud. T. u p. 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 $■4.1. 7 1 <f ojXKwV'Hf trp9<?U!rittv i^myjetexirfSfi®'- \_xx\ Pleu- 
 do-Clem. Ep. ad Jacob, ap. Coteler. Patr. Apoft. T. 1. p. 61 1. Cle- 
 mens Jacobo Regenti Hebraeorum fanclam Ecclefiam in Hie- 
 
 rofolymis, fed 8c omnes Ecclefias, qua: ubique Dei Providearia 
 fuodatje &nt. [a] Chryf. Horn. 17. in illud, Salutate Prifcil- 
 lam. T. j-. p. 241. twc o'lHwuivnv a-rif^ ifKi^eio-fJikv©- , &c„ 
 [£] Id. Horn. 6. in Terraemotum & Lazar. T. f. p. 107. f o}kv- 
 fiivtie fifdaKor©-. [e] Id. Horn. 17, in Prifcillam. p. 248. 
 W] Cypr. de Cnit. Eccl. p. 108. (Yj Id. Ep. fi. al. ff. ad 
 Antonian. p. in. Epifcopatus unus, Epifcoporum multorum con- 
 cordi flumerofitate diffufus, 8cc. In the fame Epijlle, he often men- 
 tions the Collegium Sacerdotale. It, Epift. ep. gc 68. [/] Hie* 
 ron. Ep. 8f . ad Evagr, 
 
 K one. 
 
34 
 
 The A nt i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 one. In Things that did not appertain to the 
 Faith, they were not to meddle with other 
 Men's Diocefes, but only to mind the Bufinefs 
 of their own : But when the Faith or Welfare 
 of the Church lay at flake, and Religion was 
 manifeftly invaded j then, by this Rule of there 
 being but one Epifcopacy, every other Bi- 
 fhoprick was as much their Diocefe as their 
 own; And no Human Laws or Canon could 
 tie up their Hands from performing fuch Afts of 
 their Epifcopal Office in any part of the World, 
 as they thought necefTary for the Prefervation of 
 Religion. 
 
 sect. nr. 
 
 ; Some particular 
 Tnftances of Private 
 Eif!>ops ailing as 
 Bifliops of the whole 
 Univerfal Church. 
 
 For the better understanding 
 the Church's Practice in this 
 Point, I fhall illuftrate it in two 
 or three particular Inftances. It 
 was 1 a Rule in the Primitive 
 Church, That no Bifhop mould 
 Ordain in another's Diocefe, without his Leave: 
 And tho' this was a fort of Confinement of the 
 Epifcopal Power to a fingle Diocefe, yet for Or- 
 der fake it was generally obferved. But then it 
 might happen, that in fome Cafes there might 
 be a Neceffity to do otherwife: As in cafe the 
 Bifhop of any Diocefe was turned Heretick, and 
 would Ordain none but Heretical Clergy, and 
 perfecute and drive away the Orthodox : In that 
 Cafe, any Catholick Bifhop, as being a Bifhop 
 of the Univerfal Church, was authorifed to Or- 
 dain Orthodox Men in fuch a Diocefe, tho* con- 
 trary to the common Rule 5 becaufe this was 
 evidently for the Prefervation of the Faith, 
 which is the Supreme Rule of all 5 and there- 
 fore that other Rule muft give way to this fu- 
 perior Obligation. Upon this account, when 
 the Church was in danger of being over-run 
 with Arianifm, the great Athanajius as he re- 
 turned from his Exile, made no Scruple to Or- 
 dain in feveral Cities \_g\ as he went along, tho' 
 they were not in his own Diocefe. And the fa- 
 mous Eufebius of Samofata did the like, in the 
 Times of the Arian Perfecution under Falens. 
 Theodoret [£] fays , He went about all Syria, 
 
 iidi ni qorfliS aid Jlltoi isvs 
 
 
 Phoenicia, and Palefiine , in a Soldier's Habit} 
 Ordaining Presbyters and Deacons, and fetting 
 in Order whatever he found wanting in the 
 Churches. He Ordained Bifhops alfo in Syria 
 and Ciliaa, and other Places; whofe '■'Names 
 Theodoret [/] has recorded. Now all this was 
 contrary to the common Rules, but the Neceffi- 
 ties of the Church required it; and That gave 
 them Authority in fuch a Cafe to exert their 
 Power, and aft as Bifhops of the whole Ca- 
 tholick Church. Epiphanius made ufe of the 
 fame Power and Privilege in a like Cafe; Or- 
 daining Paulinianus, St. Jerom's Brother, firfjt 
 Deacon, and then Presbyter, in a Monastery out 
 of his own Diocefe in Palefiine ; again 11 which, 
 when fome of his Adverfaries objected, that in 
 was done contrary to Canon ; he Vindicated [k\ 
 his Practice upon the Strength of this Principle ■> 
 That in Cafes of preffing Neceflity, fuch as 
 this was, where the Interefl of God was to be 
 ferved, every Bifhop had Power to aft in any 
 part of the Church: For though all Bifhops 
 had their particular Churches to officiate in, 
 and were not ordinarily to exceed their own 
 Bounds; yet the Love of Chrift was a P.ule a- 
 bove all : And therefore Men were not barely 
 to confider the thing that was done, but the 
 Circumflances of the Action, the Time, the 
 Manner, the Perfons for whofe fake, and the 
 End for which it was done. Thus Epiphanius 
 apologizes for the Exercife of his Epifcopal 
 Power in the Diocefe of another Man. Now 
 from all this it appears, that every Bifhop was 
 as much an Univerfal Bifhop, and had as much 
 the Care of the whole Church, as the Bifhop 
 of Rome himfelf; there being no Afts of the 
 Epifcopal Office, which they could not per- 
 form in any part of the World, when need re- 
 quired, without a Difpenfation, as well as he. 
 All that he enjoyed above others , was only 
 the Rights of a Metropolitan , "or a Patriarch, 
 and thofe confined by the Canons to a ceiuiu 
 Diftrift; of which more hereafter in their 
 proper place. 
 
 f nwo 
 
 moT* 
 
 J ; 
 
 ?J5W il J_d' ^ . p •yrw 
 
 vrH _rf .dbiudO a wo ?.irf ni ilsft nth iob:0 
 
 So zmicft. tmlihpq bsrl ^ 
 
 3rfr moil 
 __________ 
 
 b 
 
 Z5V-SL1& i 
 
 on sis znwo jiwS. ha 
 
 Of the Independency of BiJhops y especially in the Cyprianick Age, and 
 
 atari; in the African Churches. 
 
 -5-wfotdA inrb bns e erjoffhfi So ?jjw trarfT .83fbiurfD siavib ni 
 
 THERE is one thing more is the Abfolute Power of every 
 
 muft be taken notice of, Bifhop in his own Church, In- 
 
 whilft we are considering the dependent of all others. For the 
 
 proper Office of Bifhops, which right understanding the juft Limits of this 
 
 .v .TD3 
 \« iwwi_wty\_d *£l 
 
 SECT. L 
 What meant by the 
 Independency of Bi- 
 fhops one of another, 
 
 _______ 
 
 and their abfolute 
 Power in their irwn 
 
 Churt&l OJ 8£ 
 
 - — 
 
 — 1 — 
 
 .q .£ ,T .JcJ .iD .f\tf\ .Idia jdooc^ giuttJ M "f -^ooltO 
 is~\ Socrat. Lib. 2. c^.o" ©' [h] ThszoA. Lib. 4. c. i|. 
 [»] Theod. Lib. f.c.4, [*] Epiphan. Ep. ad Joan. Hierofol. 
 ObDeitimorem hoc fuwus facere compulfi: Maxime cum nulla 
 fifdiverfitas in Sacerdotio Dei, & ubi utilitati Dei providctur. Nam 
 etfi finguli Ecclefiacura Epifcopi hahent fub fe Ecckfias, quibus cu- 
 
 ra Tidentur impendere, & nemo fuper alienam menfuram extendi- 
 tur; tamen prasponitur omnibus Charitas Chrifti, in qua nulla ii- 
 mulatio eft : nec conliderandum quid fa£ium fit, fed quo Tempo- 
 re, & quo Modo, & in quibus, 8c quare faftum fit. 
 
 3qi .q .bimvVi .Sl'iqS b£ .ot .q3 
 
 .q3 .4&u3 
 
 ,bidl .InnsT [*j Power, 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 3S 
 
 Power, we arc to diftinguifh betweca the Sub- 
 ftantial and the Ritual Part of Religion. For it 
 was in the latter chiefly that Bifhops had an ab- 
 folute Power in their own Church, being at Li- 
 berty to ufe what indifferent Rites they thought 
 fit in their own Church, without being accoun- 
 table for their Practice to any other. In matters 
 of Faith indeed, when they corrupted the Truth 
 by Heretical Doctrines, or introduced any Ri- 
 tuals that were deftructive of it, there they were 
 obnoxious to the Cenfure of all other Bifhops ; 
 and every individual of the whole Catholick Col- 
 lege of Bifhops (as has been noted in the laft 
 Chapter) was authorifed to oppofe them : But in 
 fuch indifferent Rites as were Lawful to be ufed 
 in the Church, every Biihop was allowed to 
 chufe for himfclf, and his own Church, fuch as 
 he thought fit and expedient in his own Wifdom 
 and Difcretion. 
 
 Thus for Inftance, though 
 there was but one Form of 
 Worfhip throughout the whole 
 Church, as to what concerned 
 
 th 
 
 yn.e ni . 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 All Bifiops had 
 Liberty to form their 
 Own Liturgies. 
 
 p reding it, as appears from the fcveral Forms 
 ftill extant, which differ fomething from one a- 
 nothcr. Thofe in [r~] Irenzus, in [s] Cyprian, 
 and Tertullian [f\, are not exactly in the -fatjie 
 Method nor Form of Words. The Creed of 
 Eufcbius [a] and his Church of Cafarea differed 
 from that of Jernfalcm; upon which Cyril [w~] 
 comments - y And that of Cyril's from that in St. 
 James's, [x] Liturgy. And to omit abundance 
 more that might here be mentioned, the Creed 
 of Aquileia recited by Ruffin [j ] differs from the 
 Roman Creed, which is that we commonly call 
 the Apoftles Creed. Now the Reafon df all 
 this Difference could be no other but this, that 
 all Bifhops had Power to frame the Creeds of 
 their own Churches, and exprefs them in fuch. 
 Terms as fuited bed: their own Convenience, 
 and to meet with the Herefies they were molt 
 in danger from : As Ruffin obferves that the 
 Words Invifible and fmpaffible were added to the 
 firft Article in the Creed of Aquileia, in Oppo- 
 fition to the PatripaJJim or Sabellian Hereticks, 
 who afierted that the Father was Vifible and 
 Paflible in Human Flefh, as well as the Son. 
 And it is evident the Bifhops of other Churches 
 
 It were eafy to confirm 
 Obfervation by many other 
 fiances of the like Nature > 
 I fhall only 
 
 this 
 In- 
 but 
 
 name one more. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 And appoint parti' 
 cular Days of Fafl- 
 ing in their own 
 Churches. 
 ~3 
 
 the Subflance of Chriftian Worfhip > yet every 
 
 Biihop was at Liberty to form his own Liturgy ufed the fame Liberty, as they law Occafton 
 in what Method and Words he thought proper, 
 only keeping to the Analogy of Faith and found 
 Doctrine. Thus Gregory Nazianzen obferves of 
 St. Bafil, that among other good Services which 
 he did for the Church of Cafarea, whilft he was 
 but a Presbyter in it, one was [ni] the compo- 
 fing of Forms of Prayer, which by the Confent 
 and Authority of his Bifliop Eufehius were ufed 
 by the Church. And this is thought not impro- 
 bably by fome \n~) to be the firft Draught of 
 that Liturgy, which bears his Name to this day. 
 The Church of Neo-Cafarca in Pontus , where 
 St. Bafil was born, had a Liturgy peculiar to 
 
 themfelves, which St. Bafil [o~] fpeaks of in one divided in their Practice, and one part dined on 
 of his EpifHes. Chryfofiom's Liturgy, which he that Day, whilft another fafted. Now to rc- 
 compofed for the Church of Conftantinople, dif- move Cafulanus his Scruple, St. Aufiin gives him 
 fered from thefe. The Ambrofian Form differed [z] this Anfwer: That the bed; way in this cafe 
 from the Roman, and the Roman from others, was to follow thofe who were the Rulers of 
 The Africans had peculiar Forms of their own, every Church. Therefore if he would take his 
 
 Advice, he fhould never refill his Bifhop jn this 
 Matter, but do as he did without Doubt or 
 Scruple. Which plainly implies, That it was 
 then in every Bifhop's Power to Order or not 
 Order this Fall in his own Church, as he faw 
 
 which is the Power every Biihop 
 had to appoint particular Days of Fafting in his 
 own Church. This we learn from St. Aufiin' s 
 Anfwer to Cafulanus about the Saturday Faft. 
 Cafulanus was very much troubled and perplexed 
 about it, becaufe he obfeived in Africk fome 
 Churches keep it a Faft, and others a Feltival ; 
 nay fometimes in the fame Church Men were 
 
 differing from the Roman, as appears from fome 
 Paffages cited by Viclorinus Afer and Fulgentius, 
 out of the African Liturgies, which Cardi- 
 nal Bona [p~\ owns are not to be -found in the 
 Roman. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 And exprefs the 
 fame Creed in diffe- 
 rent Forms. 
 
 igULGBiiq.vD 
 The like 
 
 be made upon the Creeds ufed 
 in divers Churches. There was 
 but one Rule of Faith, as Ter- 
 tullian \jf\ calls it, and that fixt and unalterable, 
 as to the Subftance, throughout the whole 
 Church. Yet there were different ways of Ex- 
 
 moft convenient. 
 
 Obfervation may 
 
 And indeed thefe Privileges 
 of Bifhops, and their Abfolute 
 and Independent Power in all fuch 
 Matters, were no where more 
 fully referved to them, than 
 
 in 
 
 SECT.V. 
 The Independency of 
 Bifhops moftconfpi- 
 chous in the Afri- 
 can Churches. 
 
 9& vJ V.;M«Hfc$« 
 
 the African Churches, from the time of Cyprian, 
 
 fro] Nas. Orat. 20. in Laud. Bafil. p. 540. i-y^wV t/WrarM?-, 
 Kf cVMtrutcf.t <t« ^rifjLetT©-. [n] Billius Not. in Loc. Cave 
 Hift. Liter, Vol. 1. p. 194. [0] Bafil. Ep. 63. ad Neocaefar. 
 [p ] Bona Rer. Liturgic. Lib. 1 . e. 7. n. 5. ■ [ q ] Tertul. de 
 veland. Virg. c. 1. Regula Fidei una omnium eft, fok immobiiis 8c 
 irreformabilis, 8cc. [r] Iren. Lib. n & z. ;M j>] Cypr, 
 Ep. 70. ad Epifc. Numid. p. 190. It. Ep. 76. al. 69. ad Magnum, 
 p. 185. ed. Oxon, [f] Tertul, Ibid. [»] Eufeb. Ep. 
 
 -ad Caefarienf. ap. Socrat. Lib. 1. c. 8. [jp] Cyril. HierofoL 
 Catecb. 4. [*] Liturg. JacobL Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. T. a. p. 7. 
 [j] Ruffin. in Symbol. Credo in Deum Patrern Omnipotentem, 
 Invifibilera 8c Impaflibilem. [z] Aug. Ep. 86. ad Cafulan, 
 
 Mos eorum mini iequendus videtur, quibus eorum Populorum 
 Congregatio regenda commifla eft. Quapropter f{ Confilio meo 
 acquiefcis: Epifcopo tuo in hac re noli refiftere, 8c quod fack ipfc, 
 fine ullo fcrupulq vel difceptatione fe&are. 
 
 who 
 
36 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 who frequently makes mention of this Indepen- 
 dent Power j which extended not only to meer 
 Rituals^ but to feveral momentous Points of 
 Difcipline j fuch as the Cafe of Rebaptizing 
 Hereticks, admitting Adulterers to the Commu- 
 nion of the Church again, and the Queftion a- 
 bout the Validity of Clinick Baptifm. In thefe 
 Points Cyprian's Opinion and Practice differed 
 from others of his Fellow-Bifhops : But yet he 
 affumed no Power of Cenfuring thofe that acted 
 differently from what he did, nor feparated from 
 their Communion upon it } but left every one 
 to give an Account of his own Practice to God 
 the Judge of all. For the Cafe of Re-baptizing 
 fuch as were baptized by Hereticks, he was in- 
 tirely for it, as is fufficiently known to all : But 
 he was not fo Zealous for it, as to exercife any 
 Judicial Power of Depofing or Excommunica- 
 ting thofe who practifed otherwife j but de- 
 clares he left every Bilhop to his Liberty, to act 
 according to his Judgment, and anfwer for what 
 he did to God alone. To this purpofe he ex- 
 prefles himfelf in his Letter to Pope [a] Stephen, 
 and that to [f] Jubaianas\ but moft fully in his 
 Speech delivered at the opening of the great 
 Council of Carthage, which met to confider this 
 very Queftion. Let us every one now, fays he, 
 give our Opinion of this Matter} [bb~\ Judging 
 no Man, nor Repelling any from our Commu- 
 nion, that fhall think otherwife. For no one of us 
 makes himfelf Bifhop of Bifhops, or compels 
 his Collegues by Tyrannical Terror to a Neceffity 
 of Complying} forafmuch as every Bifhop, accor- 
 ding to the Liberty and Power that is granted 
 him, is free to act as he fees fit } and can no 
 more be judged by others, than he can judge 
 them. But let us all expect the Judgment of our 
 Lord Jefus Chrift, who only hath Power both 
 to inveft us with the Government of his Church, 
 and to pafs Sentence upon our Actions.. Thus 
 far Cyprian in full and open Council declares for 
 the Independent Power of every Bifhop, tacitly 
 reflecting upon the Bifhop of Rome, who pre- 
 tended to excommunicate thofe who differed 
 
 in Opinion and Practice from him , which Cy- 
 prian condemns as a Tyrannical way of pro- 
 ceeding. 
 
 For the next Point, that is, the Cafe of ad- 
 mitting Adulterers to Communion again, Cy- 
 prian iays his Predcceffbrs in Africk were divi- 
 ded upon the Queftion } but they did not divide 
 Communion upon it: For though fome Bifhops 
 admitted Adulterers to Penance, and others re- 
 fufed to do it, yet they did not Cenfure each 
 others Practice, but prefervcd Peace and Con- 
 cord among [c] themfelves, leaving every one to 
 anfwer to God for his Actions. 1 know indeed 
 fome Learned Perfons [_d~] interpret this Liberty 
 of the African Bifhops lb, as to make it mean 
 no more than a Liberty to follow their own 
 Judgment, till fuch times as the Church fhould 
 determine the Matter in Difpute, by making 
 fome Publick Decree about it : But I muft own, 
 I cannot but think Cyprian meant fomething 
 more, becaufe he pleads for the fame Liberty e- 
 ven after the Decrees of a Plenary Council} as 
 we have feen in his Preface to the Council of 
 Carthage. 
 
 As to the Third Queftion, about the Validity 
 of Clinick Baptifm, that is, whether Perfons who 
 were only fprinkled with Water in their Beds in 
 time of Sickncfs, and not immerfed or warned 
 all over the Body in Baptifm, were to be looked 
 upon as compleat Chriftians} Cyprian for his own 
 part refolves it in the Affirmative: But yet, if 
 any Bifhops were otherwife perfuadcd, that in 
 was not Lawful Baptifm, and upon that ground 
 gave fuch Perfons a new Immerfion, he profeffes 
 [e] that he prefcribes to none, but leaves every 
 one to act according to his own Judgment and 
 Difcretion. This was that ancient Liberty of the 
 Cyprianick Age, of which I have difcourfed a little 
 more particularly in this place, becaufe it fhews 
 us what was then the uncontefted Power and 
 Privilege of every Bifhop in the African Church, 
 which is^not fo commonly underftood in thefe 
 latter Ag s. 
 
 [d] Cypr. Ep. 71. ad Steph. p. 197. Qua in re nec nos vim 
 cuiquam facimus, aut Legem damus, cum habeat in Ecclefise ad- 
 miniftratione voluntatis fuse arbitrium liberum unulquifque prae- 
 pofitus , rationem attus fui Domino redditurus. [6 ] Ep. 
 
 73. ad Jubaian. p. a 10. Con. Carth. ap. Cypr. p. 129. 
 
 Supereft ut de hac ipfa re finguli quid fentiamus , proferamus ; 
 neminem judicantes, aut a jure Communionis aliquem, fi di- 
 verfum fenfcrit, amoventes. Neque enim quifquam noftrum 
 Epilcopum fe Epifcoporum conftituit, aut Tyrannico terrore ad 
 obfequendi neceflitatem Collegas fuos adigit; quando habeat 
 omnis Epiftoput pro licentia Libertatis 8t Poteftatis fox, arbiui- 
 
 um proprium ; tamque judicari ab alio non poffir, quam nec ip- 
 Ce poteft judicare. Sed exlpedremus univerfi Judicium Domini 
 noftri Jefu Chrifti , qui unus 8c folus habet poteftatem 6c p«epo« 
 nendi nos in Ecclelia; fuae Gubernatione, 8c de a£ba noftro judi- 
 candi. [c~\ Cypr. Ep. fi. al. ff. ad Antonian. p. 110. 
 
 (X) Bifhop Fell, Not. in Loc. citat. [e] Cypr. Ep. 76.al.69. 
 ad Magnum, p. 186. Qua in parte neraini verecundia 8c roode- 
 ftia noftra prxjudicar, quo minus unufquifque quod putat, fentiat. 
 8c quod ftnferir, faciat. It. p. 188. Nemini pratfcribentes, quo 
 minus ftatuat quod putat unufquifque prxpofitus j attus iui ratio- 
 acm Domino redditurus. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. VII. Christian Church. 
 
 37 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Power of BIJhops In Hearing and Determining Secular Caufes. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Bifljopt commonly VV fuch Offices of the Epif- 
 chofinArbitratorsof al Fun a. ion as belonged to 
 
 Mens Differences in u r> rt- i~ ~L t c a 
 
 cheVrimLechHuh »U Bifliops by the Laws or God 
 and the Canons of the Church : 
 Besides thefe there was one Office more impofcd 
 upon them by Cuftom, and the Laws of the 
 State i which was the Hearing and Determining 
 Secular Caufes, upon the continual Applications 
 and Addrcfles that People made to them. For 
 fuch was the Singular Character and Repute of 
 Bifliops, and fuch the entire Confidence Men 
 generally repofcd in them for their Integrity and 
 juftice, that they were commonly appealed to, 
 as the beft Arbitrators of Men's Differences, and 
 the moft Impartial Judges of the common Dif- 
 putes that happened among them. Sidonius Apol- 
 linaris [/] often refers to this Cuftom : And Sy- 
 nefius calls it [g] part of his own Epifcopal Of- 
 fice and Function. St. Ambrofe tcftifies for him- 
 felf [b~] that he was ufed to be appealed to upon 
 fuch Occafions and St. Auftin [/] fays of him, 
 that he was often fo much employed in hearing 
 Caufes, that he had fcarcc time for other Bufi- 
 nefs. And this was St. Juftiris Cafe alfo, who 
 frequently complains of the Burden [k~] that lay 
 upon him in this refpect. For not only Chrifti- 
 ans, but Men of all Seels applied to him: Info- 
 much that as Poffidius [/] notes in his Life, he 
 often fpent all the Morning, and fomctimes the 
 whold Day Fafting and Hearing their Caufes j 
 which though it was a great Fatigue to him, yet 
 he was willing to bear it, becaufe it gave him 
 frequent Opportunities of inftilling the Princi- 
 ples of Truth and Virtue into the Minds of the 
 Parties that applied themfelves to him. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 The Original of this 
 Ciiftomll4}M meant 
 by the Word &\s%" 
 VtifAv ci inSr. ?shl, 
 i Cor. 6. 4. 
 
 And it is to be obferved , 
 that though there be no exprefs 
 Text in the New Teftament that 
 commands Bifliops to be Judges 
 in Secular Caufes, yet St. Auftin 
 was of Opinion, that St. Paul in 
 prohibiting Men to go to Law before the Un- 
 believers, did virtually lay this Obligation upon 
 them. For he fays once and again [m~] that it 
 was the Apoftle that inftituted Eccleflaftical 
 Judges, and laid the Burden of Secular Caufes 
 upon them. By which he means, that the A- 
 poftle gave a general Direction to Chriftians to 
 chufe Arbitrators among themfelves j and that 
 Cuftom determined this Office particularly to the 
 Bifliops, as the beft qualified by their Wifdom 
 and Probity to difcharge it. And this is very 
 
 greeable to St. PauVs meaning, 1 Cor. 6. 4. as 
 lome very Learned and Judicious Criticks f_« j 
 underftand him. For though all the common 
 Tranflations render the Words, cJ|«9i:vnf^>y? of 
 T7) ox>t>.n(7/a, Perfons that are leaft efteemed in 
 the Church: Yet Dr. Lightfoot obferves, that 
 they may as well fignify Perfons of the greateft 
 Efteem. For the Original Word, ^is^rtvnu^jo^ 
 fignifies only private Judges, or Arbitrators of 
 Men's own chufing, fuch as were in ufe among 
 the Jews, who called them ie/W^, non-Au- 
 thentici, not becaufe they were of the Meaneft 
 and moft Contemptible of the People^ but be- 
 caufe they were the loweft Rank of Judges, and 
 not fettled as a (landing Court by the Sanhedrim, 
 but chofen by the Litigants themfelves to arbi- 
 trate their Caufes. Such Private Judges the A- 
 poftle directs the Chriftians to chufe in the 
 Church, and refer their Controversies to them : 
 Which is not any Injunction to chufe Judges 
 out of the pooreft and meaneft, and moft igno- 
 rant of the People, but rather the contrary, Per- 
 fons that were well qualified by their Wifdom 
 and Authority, to take upon them to be Judges, 
 and end Controversies among their Brethren. 
 Now becaufe none were thought better qualified 
 in thefe Refpects than Bifliops, the Office of 
 Judging upon that account was commonly impo- 
 fed upon them, and they in Decency and Chari- 
 ty could not well refufe it. This feems to be 
 the true Original of this part of the Epifcopal 
 Office and Function. 
 
 But what was thus begun by SECT, ill.' 
 Cuftom, while the Civil Gover- T f 5 c ? T rofB t 
 nours were Heathens, was after- t hTimpe"riaTilws 
 ward confirmed and eftablifhed * 
 by Law, when the Emperors became Chriftians. 
 Eufebius [0] fays, Conjiantine made a Law to con- 
 firm all fuch Decisions of Bifliops in their Con- 
 fiftories, and that no Secular Judges fhould have 
 any Power to reverie or difannul them} ForaC- 
 much as the Priefts of God were to be preferred 
 before any other Judge. And Sozomen \_p] adds, 
 that he gave leave to all Litigants to refer their 
 Caufes to the Determination of Bifhops, whofe 
 Sentence fhould ftand good, and be as Authen- 
 tick as if it had been the Decision of the Empe- 
 ror himfelf: And that the Governors of every 
 Province and their Officers fhould be obliged to 
 put their Decrees in Execution. There is a Law 
 now added at the end of the theodofian Code, 
 which fome take for this very Law of Conjiantine 
 mentioned by thefe Authors. Selden himfel£ 
 
 [/] Sidon. Lib. j.Ep. 12. Lib. 6. Ep. 2, 8c 4. [g] S7- 
 nef. Ep. iof. p. 299. [h~\ Ambrof Ep. 24. ad Marcellum. 
 ['] Aug. ConfclT. Lib. 6. c. 3. [A] Aug. Ep. no. 8c 147. 
 Ir. de Opere Monach. c. 29. [/] Poflid. Vir. Aug. c. 19. 
 [m] Aug. Ser. 24. in P&l. 118. Conftituit talibus Caufis Ec« 
 
 V o l. L 
 
 clefiafticos Apoflolus Cognitores, in Foro prohibens jurgare 
 Chriftianos. Id. de Oper. Monach. c. 29. Quibus nos moleftiis af- 
 fixit Apoftolus, &c. 0] Lightfoot, 8c Lud. de Dieu in 1 Cor.. 
 6.4. [9] Eufeb. de vie. Conflant. Lib. 4. c. 27. [fj So-, 
 z,om. Lib. 1. c. 9. 
 
 L reckon*. 
 
Sift- 
 
 38 
 
 7 he A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 reckons [_<f\ it a genuine Piece j but I think 
 Got hof red's Arguments are ftronger to prove it 
 fpurious. For it grants Bifhops fuch a Power, as 
 neither Eufebius nor Sozomen mention^ and all o- 
 ther Laws contradict: w'z. That if either of 
 the contending Parties, the Pofleflbr [r] or the 
 Plaintiff, was minded to bring the Caufe before 
 a Bifhop, either when it was before a Secular 
 Court, or when it was determined, he might 
 do it, though the other Party was againft it. 
 Whereas all Laws and Hiftory are againft this 
 Practice : For no Caufe Was to be brought be- 
 fore a Bifhop, except both Parties agreed by 
 way of Com-promife to take him for their Ar- 
 bitrator. In this Cafe the Bifhop's Sentence 
 was Valid, and to be executed by the Secular 
 Power, but not othcrwife. So that either this 
 was not the Genuine Law of Conflantine^ to 
 which Eufebius and Sozomen refer, or elfe it Was 
 revoked and contradicted by all others. Gotho- 
 fred produces a great many contrary Laws : I 
 fhall concent my felf with a fingle Inftance. 
 
 SECT. IV. I N the Jnftiman Code [5] we 
 
 m crtmma aujes, ji rca dius and Honorius about the 
 nor in any Caufes , . 
 
 but when the Lki- fame Matter, which may ierve to 
 gants both agreed explain the Law of Co'njlantine. 
 to take them for For there any Bifhops are allow- 
 sirbitrators. e( j to judge, and their Judgment 
 
 is ordered to be Final, fo as no Appeal mould 
 be made from it; and the Officers of the Secu- 
 lar Judges are appointed to execute the Bifhops 
 Sentence: But then there are thefe Two Limi- 
 tations exprefly put : ift, That they mall only 
 have Power to judge, when both Parties agree 
 by Confent to refer their Caufes to their Arbi- 
 tration. And, zdly, where Caufes are purely 
 Civil, and not Criminal Caufes, where perhaps 
 
 Life and Death might be concerned. For in 
 fuch Caufes the Clergy were prohibited by the 
 Canons [f] of the Church, as well as the Laws 
 of the State, from being concerned as Judges. 
 Therefore fiifhops never fuffered any Criminal 
 Caufes to come before them, except fuch as 
 were to be punifhed with Ecclefialtical Cen- 
 fures. 
 
 But they had commonly Ci- SECT. v. 
 vil Caufes more than enough Bficps fometime; 
 flowing in upon them. So that miule tlmr r 
 
 ..1 . - r i r • ters, ar.il fonicttmis 
 
 they were forced fometimes to T A - c 
 
 . J r 1 . „ , Laymen their Subfii- 
 
 let part of this Care devolve up- Ui tesm thnAfrirr. 
 on fome other Perfon, whofe In- 
 tegrity and Prudence they could confide in. 
 This was commonly one of their Clergy, a Pref- 
 byter or a Principal Deacon. St. Auftin^ when 
 he found the Burden of this Affair begin to 
 prefs too hard upon him, fubftituted Eradius his 
 Presbyter [u] in his room. And the Council of 
 Tarragone fpeaks not only of Presbyters but [w^ 
 Deacons alfo, who were deputed to hear Secu- 
 lar Caufes. And Socrates fays, {Vj Sylvanus Bi- 
 fhop of Troas took the Power wholly out of 
 the Hands of his Clergy, becaufe he had found 
 fome of them faulty in making an unlawful Gain, 
 of the Caufes that were brought before them 5 
 for which Reafon he never deputed any one of 
 them to be Judge, but made fome Layman his 
 Delegate, whom he knew to be a Man of Inte- 
 grity, and Ariel: Lover of Juftice. I leave the 
 Learned to enquire, whether Lay- Chancellors 
 in the Church had not their firft Rife and Ori- 
 ginal from fome fuch Occafion as this, whifft 
 Bifhops deputed Laymen to hear Secular Caufes 
 in their Name, ft ill referving the proper Spi- 
 ritual and Ecclefiaftical Power entirely to them- 
 felves. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Privilege of Bifhops to intercede for Criminals, 
 
 J Have obferved in the forego- 
 
 sect. I. 
 
 bf the great Power X ing Chapter, that Bifhops 
 and intereft of Bi- were never flowed to be Judges 
 
 tV£ZlZ * C r?' «>• Criminal Cauls, 
 giftrates. becaule they were not to be con- 
 
 cerned in Blood : They were to 
 be fo far from having any thing to do in the 
 Death of any Man, that Cuftom made it almoft 
 a piece of their Office and Duty to fave Men 
 
 from Death, by Interceding to the Secular Ma- 
 giftrates for Criminals that were condemned to 
 die. St. Ambrofe often made ufe of this Privi- 
 lege, as the Author of his Life obferves j fre- 
 quently addreffing himfelf to [jy] Macedonius^ 
 and Stilico [z], and other great Minifters of the 
 Age, in behalf of poor Delinquents, to obtain 
 Pardon for them. St. Aujlin did the fame for 
 the CirctimcellionS) when they were convicted and 
 
 [q] Selden Uxor. Hebr. Lib. 3. c. 28. p. 5-64. [r] Ex- 
 
 travag. de Elett. Judicii Epifcop. ad Calcem Cod. Theod. T. 4. p. 
 303. Quicunque Litem habens, five Pofleflbr, five Petitor erit, in- 
 ter initia Litis, vel 'decuffis temporam curriculis, five cum negoti- 
 um peroratur, five cum jam coeperit promi fententia, Judicium 
 eligit ftcrofinclae Legis Antiftitis, ilico fine aliqua dubitatione , 
 etiamii alia Pars refragatur, ad Epifcopum cum fermone Liti- 
 gantium din'gatuiif Vid. Gothofred. Comment, in Loc. 
 [s] Cod. Jurtin. Lib. 1. Tit. 4. Leg. 7. Si qui ex Confenfu apud 
 Sacra: Legis Afttiftitem litigare voluerint, nfln vetabuntur. Sed ex- 
 perienrur illjm in Civili duntaxat negotio. more Arbitri fponte reft- 
 
 dentis Judicium. Ibid. Leg. 8. Epifcopale judicium ratum fit 
 
 omnibus, qui fe audiri a Sacerdotibus elegerint > eamque eorum Ju- 
 dicationi adhibendam cfle reverentiam jubemus, quam veftris defer* 
 ri necefle eft P t:(tatibus, a quibus non licet provocarc, &c. 
 \t\ Concil. Tai acm. can. 4. Habeant Licentiam Judicandi, excep- 
 tis Criminalibus Negotiis. [«] Aug. Ep. no. [w] Con. 
 Tarracon. c. 4. Nullus Epifcoporum, Presbyterorum, vel Clerico- 
 rum, Die Dominico propofitum cujufcunquc caufae negotium au- 
 deat judicare. [*] Socrat. Lib. 7. c. 37. [y] Paulin. vit. 
 Ambrof. p. 8, [>] Ibid. p. 1 1. 
 
 ■ • con- 
 
Chap. VIII. Christian Church. 
 
 39 
 
 condemned for Murdering fomc of the Githolick 
 Clergy : He wrote two Pathetick Letters [a] to 
 the African Magi fixates, Marcellinus Comes, and 
 Apringius, defiring that their Lives might be: fea- 
 red, and that they might only be punifhed with 
 clofc Cuftody and Confinement, where they 
 mioht be fet to Work, and have time allowed 
 them for Repentance. The Council [b~] of Sar- 
 dica feems to fpeak of it as the Duty of all Bi- 
 fhops to intercede for fuch as implored the Mer- 
 cy of the Church, when they were Condemned 
 to be Tranfported or Bar.ifhed, or any the like 
 Punifhmcnt. And the Cuftom was become fo 
 general, that it began to be confidered as a Con- 
 dition in the Election of a Bifhop, whether he 
 were qualified to difcharge this part of his Of- 
 fice as well as others. Sidonius Apollinaris \_c~\ 
 inftanccs in fuch a Cafe, where it was made an 
 Objection by the People againft the Election of 
 a certain Bilhop, that being a Man of a Monk- 
 ilh and retired Life, he was fitter to be an Ab- 
 bot than a Bifhop: He might intercede, they 
 faid, indeed with the heavenly Judge for their 
 Souls, but he was not qualified to intercede with 
 the earthly Judges for their Bodies. He was 
 not a Man of Addrefs, which they then thought 
 neceflary to difcharge this part of the Office of 
 a Bifhop. They might perhaps judge wrong, as 
 thofe in St. Jerom [d~J did, who pretended that 
 Clergymen ought to give fplendid Entertain- 
 ments to the Secular Judges, that they might 
 gain an Intereft in them : whom St. Jerom juitly 
 reproves, telling them, that any Judge would 
 pay a greater Reverence to a Pious and Sober 
 Clergyman, than to a Wealthy one, and would 
 refpect him more for his Holinefs than his Riches. 
 However, this fhews what was then the com- 
 mon Cuftom, and how great an Intereft Bifhops 
 generally had in the Secular Magiflrate, who 
 feldom rejected any Petitions of this Nature. So- 
 eratcs notes, that even fome of the Novatian Bi- 
 fhops enjoyed this Privilege, as Paulus [i] of 
 Conjlantinopk , and Leontius [/] of Rome, at 
 whofe Interceflion rfheodofius the Emperor par- 
 doned Symmachus, who had been guilty of Trea- 
 fon, in making a Panegyrick upon Maximus the 
 Tyrant, but was after his Death fled for Sanctua- 
 ry- to a Chriflian Church. 
 
 W e may here obferve that 
 Crimes in thcmfclvcs of a very SECT. II. 
 heinous Nature, fuch as Trcafon n .fl Reafom wh J 
 
 j , 3 r . B'.jhops interceded 
 
 and Murder, were fometimcs fa'tmaqfomtbi 
 pardoned at their Rcqueft: But mfinot a:Un. 
 we are not to imagine that Bi- 
 fhops at any time turned Patrons for Crimi- 
 nals, to the Obflruction of Publick Juflice 
 (which would have been to have cut the Si- 
 news of Government) but only in fuch Cafcs 5 
 where Pardon would manifestly be for the Be- 
 nefit and Honour both of the Church ancf 
 Commonwealth - y or elfe where the Crimes 
 thcmfclvcs had fome fuch alleviating Circum- 
 stances, as might incline a compaffionare Judge 
 to grant a Pardon. As when St. Ambrofe inter- 
 ceded with Stilico for the Pardon of fomc poor 
 deluded Wretches, whom Stilico' s own Servant 
 by Forgery had drawn into an Error. Their 
 Ignorance might reafonably be pleaded in their 
 behalf. And when St. Auftin petitioned for fa- 
 vour to be fhewed to the Circumcellions, it was, 
 he thought, for the Honour of the Church, to 
 free her from the Sufpicion and Charge of Re- 
 venge and Cruelty, which the Donatifis were fo 
 ready to caft upon her. And therefore he de- 
 fired Apringius \_g~\ the Proconful, to fpare them 
 for the fake of Chrift and his Church, as well 
 as to give them time to fee their Error, and re- 
 pent of it. 
 
 I t mufl farther be noted from 
 St. Ambrofe, that Bifhops, though J ECT \ IIL , 
 
 , i ri V • They never mteree- 
 
 they themfelves were fometimcs ded \ n tfj A/fl ,_ 
 chofen Judges m Civil Caufes, ters , M d Pecuniae 
 yet never interceded for any caufes. 
 Man in fuch Caufes to the Se- 
 cular Judges. And he gives a very good Reafon 
 \_b~] for it: Becaufe, in pecuniary Caufes, 
 where Two Parties are concern'd, a Bifhop 
 could not intercede for one Party, but the 
 other would be injured, and have Reafon to 
 think he loft his Caufe by the Intereft and 
 Favour of the Interceffor inclining to the 
 adverfe Party. For which Reafon, there are 
 no Examples of their Interceding in fuch 
 Cafes. 
 
 [a] Aug. Ep. 15*9, & t6o. [£] Con. Sardic. Can. 7, 
 
 [<-] Sidon. Lib. 7. Ep. 9. p. 443. Hie qui nominatur, inquiunt, 
 non Epifcopi, fed potius Abbatis compkt officium : Et intercedcre 
 magis pro Animabus apud Coeleftem, quam pro Corporibus apud 
 Terrenum Judicem poteft. [</] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepoaan. 
 
 p. 1 f . Quod fi obtenderis te facere hsc, ut roges pro miferis at- 
 que fubje&is: Judex Seculi plu6 deferec Clcrico Cominenti, quam 
 
 Diviti, & magis fan&itatem tuam venerabitur quam opes. [«] So- 
 crat. Lib. 7. c. 17. [/] Id. Lib. f. cap. 14. [g] Aug. 
 Ep. 160. Illi impio ferro fuderunt Sanguinem Chriftianum: Tu ab 
 eorum Sanguine etiam Juridicum gladium cohibe propter Chriftum 
 ■ ■ Tu inimicis Eccleliae Viyentibus relaxa fpatium poenitendi. 
 [h~\ Ambrof. de Offic. Lib. 2. c.9. In Caufis Pecunjariis interve- 
 nire non eft Sacerdotis, 8cc. 
 
 CHAf, 
 
40 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book If 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of fome particular Honours and Injlances of RefpeB fhewed to Btfljops, 
 
 by all Perfons m general. 
 
 SECT. I. HTHERE are feveral other 
 
 of the ancient J. Privileges belonging to Bi- 
 
 cuftom of Bowing jfaops, in common with the reft 
 
 ± H f' '°r eceiv ° of the Clergy } fuch as their Ex- 
 
 the Benediction of . r t> ^ r s^r 
 
 Bifiops. emption from Burdeniome Of- 
 
 fices, and fome fort of Taxes, 
 and the Cognizance of the Secular Courts in 
 fome Cafes i of which I fhall fay nothing par- 
 ticularly here, becaufe they will be confider'd 
 when we treat of the Privileges of the Clergy in 
 general. But there are two or three Cuftoms, 
 which argued a particular Refpect paid to Bi- 
 ' ihops, and therefore I muft not here wholly pafs 
 them over. One of thefe was the ancient Cu- 
 llom of Bowing the Head before them, to re- 
 ceive their Blefling: A Cuftom fo univerfally 
 prevailing, that the Emperors themfelves did not 
 refufe to comply with it : As may appear from 
 that Difcourfe of Hilary [/'] to Conftantius-, 
 where he tells him, He entertained the Bifhop 
 "with a Kifs, with which Chrift was betrayed} 
 and bowed his Head to receive their Benediction, 
 whilft he trampled on their Faith. This plainly 
 refers to the Cuftom we are fpeaking of. And 
 by it we may underftand the meaning of fheodo- 
 ret, when he fays The Emperor Falentinian 
 gave Orders to the Bifhops, who were met to 
 make choice of the Bifhop of Milan ; That they 
 Ihould place fuch an one on the Bifhop's Throne, 
 of that Eminency for Life and Doctrine, that 
 the Emperors themfelves might not be afhamed 
 to bow their Heads to him. The fame Cuftom 
 is more plainly hinted by St. Chryfofom, in one 
 of his Homilies [/] to the People of Antioch; 
 where fpeaking of Flavian their Bifhop, who 
 was gone to the Emperor to procure a Pardon 
 for them j he fays, Flavian was a Prince, and a 
 more Honourable Prince than the other : Foraf- 
 much as the Sacred Laws made the Emperor 
 fubmit his Head to the Hands of the Bifhop. 
 He fpeaks of no other SubmifTion, but only this, 
 in receiving the Bifhop's Benediction. For in 
 other refpects, the Priefts in thofe Days were al- 
 ways fubject to the Emperors. He that would 
 fee more Proofs of this Cuftom, may confult 
 Falefus, who [«] has collected a great many 
 PafTages out of other Authors relating to it. I 
 (hall only add here that Refcript of Honorius 
 
 and Valentinian, which fays, Bifhops were the 
 Perfons to whom all the World bow'd the Head ; 
 
 Quibus omnis terra caput inclinat. 
 
 Such another Cuftomary sect. ir. 
 Refpect was paid them, by Kif- °f Ki lf m & tht * 
 fing their Hand } which feems to mnds - 
 have accompany'd the former Ceremony: For 
 St. Ambrofe [ti] joins them both together, fay- 
 ing, That Kings and Princes did not difdain to 
 bend and bow their Necks to the Knees of the 
 Priefts, and kifs their Hands j thinking them- 
 felves protected by their Prayers. Paulinus fays 
 [o] , the People paid this Refpect commonly to 
 St. Ambrofe. And Chryfofom fpeaking of Melc- 
 tius Bifhop of Antioch, fays [/»}, At his firft 
 coming to the City, the whole Multitude wenc 
 out to meet him, and as many as could come 
 near him, laid hold on his Feet, and kifTed his 
 Hands. They that pleafe to fee more of this 
 Cuftom, may confult Sidonius \_q~\ Apollinaris 9 
 and Savaro's Learned Notes [r] upon him ; who 
 cites Ennodius, and feveral other Authors to the 
 fame purpofe. 
 
 St. Jerom mentions another SECT. III. 
 Cuftom, which he condemns, as ^ Cuftom, of 
 [/] doing too great an Honour to sin &'"2 Hofanna ' s 
 mere Mortal Men> which was, " ,f em A f 9me ' im " 
 1 he People s Singing Hofanna s p rove ^ 
 to their Bifhops, as the Multi- 
 tude did to our Saviour at his Entrance into Je- 
 rufalem. Valefms [t] cites a PafTage out of An- 
 tonius's Itinerary to the fame purpofe } where the 
 Form of Words i% Blejfed be ye of the Lord, and 
 bleffed be your Coming j Hofanna in the Higheft. 
 Some alfo underftand Hegefippus (Vj in the fame 
 Senfej where fpeaking of the Preaching of 
 James Bifhop of Jerufalem, he fays, The People 
 that were converted by his Difcourfe, cried out, 
 Hofanna to the Son of David. Scaliger under- 
 ftands this as fpoken to James himfelf : But o- 
 thers [w] take it for a Doxology, or Acclama- 
 tion to Chrift, whom they glorify'd upon the 
 Teftimony that James had given him : And this 
 feems to be the truer Senfe of that place j how- 
 ever, in the other Acceptation there is nothing 
 contrary to Cuftom in it, as appears from what 
 
 [/] Hilar, adv. Conftant. p. 97. Ofculo Sacerdotes excipis, quo 
 2c Chriftus eft proditus: Caput Benedi&ioni fummittis, ut Fidem 
 calces. [fc] Theod. Lib. 4. c. 6. oVfc'f dv-nS ris «m«t£- 
 fctf \ssn>KKti'u/ufy Kitpcth^i' [/] Chryf. Horn. 3. ad Pop. An- 
 tioch. T. 1. p. 48. [m] Valef. Not. in Theod. Lib. 4. c. 6. 
 [a] Ambrof. de Dignit. Sacerd. c. 2. Quippc cum videas Regurn 
 colla 8c Principum fubmitti gentibus Saccrdotum, 8c exofculatis eo- 
 rum dexteris, Orationibus eorum credant fe communiri. [0] Pau* 
 lin. Vir. Ambrof. p. 2, 8c 3. [/>] Chryf. Horn. 47. in Melet. 
 T. 1. p. 793. [q] Sidon. Lib. 7. Ep. 11. Sanfti Callici- 
 
 ni manu ofculata. Id. Lib. 7. Ep. 11. [r] Savaro Not. in Si- 
 don. Lib. 8. Epift. u. p. $-32. [s] Hieron. in Mat. 21. T. 9. 
 p. 62. Videant ergo Epifcopi, 2c quantumlibet Sancli homines, 
 cum quanto periculo dici ifta fibi patiantur, &c. [*] Valef. 
 Not. in Eufeb. Lib. 2. c. 23. [a] Hegefip. ap. Eufeb. Lib. 2. 
 
 C. 23. TloKhuv i'o^a.^'o^uv hm T» (/.er.pTv&tcL rk I*x^£V, ly 
 Kiy'ovluv, uQ-avva. ifp Atf£i'J\ [w] Grabe Spicileg. Sxc. 
 2. p. 207. tranjlates it thus: Multi hoc Jacobi Teftimonio confir- 
 mati glorificabant (Jefum) dicentes, Hofanna Fiiio David. 
 
 has 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 41 
 
 has been faid. I do not infift upon what St. Je- 
 rom in another place fays [#] farther of this Bi- 
 fhop of Jerufalem That he was a Man of fuch 
 celebrated Fame among the People, for his great 
 San&iry, that they ambitioufly ftrove to touch 
 the Hem of his Garment: For this Honour 
 was not paid him as a Bifhop, but as a moil Ho- 
 ly Man; who was indeed, according to the Cha- 
 racter given him by Hegeftppus and Epiphanius, a 
 Man of fingular Abftinence and Piety, and one 
 of the Miracles of the Age he lived in. So that 
 this was a fingular Honour done to him, for his 
 fingular Holinefs and Virtue. 
 
 sect. IV. But to proceed with the 
 
 what meant l>y the common Honours paid to Bi- 
 Corona Sacerdota- fhops. Another Inftance of Re- 
 
 Xis, and the Form of f £ be bf erV ed in the U- 
 
 So7 a m^ PCr K»l F° rnls of Addrefling them: 
 For when Men fpake to them, 
 they commonly prefaced their Difcourfe with 
 fome ; Title of Honour, fuch as that of Precor 
 Coronam, and Per Coronam veftram j which we 
 may Englijh, Your Honour and Dignity; lite- 
 rally, Your Crown. This Form often occurrs 
 in Sidonius Apollinaris, Ennodius, St. Jerom [j] 
 and others. St. Auftin fays, Both the Catholicks 
 [z] and Donatijls ufed it, when they fpake to 
 the Bifliops of either Party ; giving them very 
 refpe&ful Titles, and intreating, or rather adju- 
 ring them Per Coronam, that they would hear 
 and determine their Secular Caufes. 
 
 SECT. v. The Ufe of this Form of 
 
 whether Bifiops Speech then is plain, but the 
 
 anciently wore a R ea f on f j t j s not f Q evident. 
 Mure or any the g r- -, d f others fan _ 
 
 like Ornament. . <- J n . . . . _,. 
 
 cy it refpected the Ancient Fi- 
 gure of the Clerical Tonfure j by which the 
 Hair was cut into a Round from the Crown of 
 the Head downwards. Others think it came 
 from the Ornament which Bifhops wore upon 
 their Head j and that they will needs have to be 
 a Crown or Mitre. Whereas, it does not ap- 
 pear that Bifliops had any fuch Ornament in 
 thole Days. I know indeed, both Valefius [_b~\ 
 and Petavius [c] are very confident, that all Bi- 
 fhops (from the very firft) had an appendant 
 Badge of Honour on their Foreheads, which 
 they fay was the fame with the Petalum, or Gol- 
 den Plate, which the Jewijb High-Priefts wore : 
 And it cannot be denied, but that as ancient an 
 Author as Polycrates [_d~\, mentioned both by 
 Eufebius and St. Jerom fays, That St. John was a 
 Prieft, wearing a Petalum: And Epiphanius [e] 
 
 fays the fame of James Bifhop of Jerufalem. 
 But this was not fpoken of them as Chriftian 
 Bifhops, but on Prefumption of their having 
 been Jewijb Priefts, and of the Family of Aaron. 
 Valefius himfelf cites a MS. Paflion of St. Mark, 
 which fets the fame Ornament on his Head, and 
 gives this very Reafon for it : It is reported, fays 
 he, that St. Mark, according to the Rites of 
 the Carnal Sacrifice, wore the Chief Prieft.'s/V> 
 talum among the Jews: which gives us plainly 
 to [/] underftand, fays that Author, that he was 
 one of the Tribe of Levi, and of the Family of 
 Aaron. So he did not take this for the Orna- 
 ment of a Chriftian Bifhop, but a Jeivijh Prieft; 
 and that opens the way for us to underftand what 
 the other Authors meant by it, however Val»~ 
 Jius chanced not to obferve it. Now if it can- 
 not be proved, that Bifhops anciently wore any 
 fuch Ornament as this, it will much lefs follow 
 that they wore a Royal Crown, or Mitre, as 
 Spondanus [ g~] aflerts they did, and thence dedu- 
 ces the Cuftom of addrefling them Per Coronam 1 
 therein deferting his great Mafter Baronius, who 
 afllgns another Reafon for it. After all, it feems 
 molt probable, that it was no more than a Me- 
 taphorical Expreffion, ufed to denote the Ho- 
 nour and Dignity of the Epifcopal Order : Tho' 
 I do not deny that the Clerical Tonfure was 
 fometimes called Corona; but that was not pecu- 
 liar to Bifhops, but common to all the Clergy. 
 
 I t will not be improper to SECT. VI. 
 add, while we are upon this Point, Of the Tales A- 
 that it was ufual in Men's Ad- gjgj^ 
 drefi'es to Bifhops, or in fpeaking 
 of them, to mention their Names with fome 
 Additional Title of Refpect, fuch as ©toipiXira- 
 rof, and 'Ayuiraroi, moil Dear to God, andmoft 
 Holy Fathers: Which Titles occur frequently in 
 the Emperor's Refcripts in the Civil [b~\ Law, 
 and were of fuch common Ufe in thofe Times, 
 that Socrates (when he comes to the Sixth Book 
 of his Hiftory, which treats of his own times) 
 thinks himfelf obliged to make fome Apology 
 [f\ for not giving the Bifhops that were then 
 living thefe Titles. Which I the rather note, 
 becaufe of the Vanity of fome, who reckon the 
 Title, Moft Holy Father, the Pope's fole prero- 
 gative; and to correct the Malice of others, who 
 will not allow a Proteftant Bifhop to receive that 
 Title, without the Sufpicion and Imputation of 
 Popery. As if St. Auftin and St. Jerom had 
 been to blame, becaufe the one wrote, and the 
 other received Epiftles always thus inferibedj 
 Domino vere Santto, Beatiffimo Papa Augufti- 
 
 (V) Hieron. Com. in Gal. 1. Jacobus Epifcopus Hierofolymorum 
 primus fuit, cognomento Juftus; Vir tantae fan&itatis 8c rumoris in 
 populo, ut Fimbriam veftimenti ejus certatim cupcrent attingcre. 
 [y] Sidon. Lib. 6. Ep. 3. Au&oritas Coronae tax, &c. Id. Lib. 
 7. Ep. 8. ad Euphron. De minimis rebus Coronam tuam maxi- 
 mifque confulerem. Ennod. Lib. 4. Ep. 29. ad Symmac. Lib. f. 
 Ep. 17. ad Marcellinum. Lib. 9. Ep. 17. ad Aurelian. Hieron. 
 Ep. 16. ad Auguft. inter Epift, Aug. Precor Coronam tuam. 
 [z] Aug. Ep. 147. ad Proculeian, Epifc. partis Donati. Honorant 
 nos veftri, honorant vos noftri. Per Coronam noftram nos adju- 
 rant veftri ; per Coronam veftram,, vos adjurant noftri. [a] Sa- 
 VOL. I. 
 
 varo Not. in Sidon. Lib. 6. Ep. 3. Baron, an. f%. a. 134. 
 [J] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. Lib. f. c. 24. [>] Petav. Not. in 
 
 Epiph. Harr. 78. n. 14. [d] Polycrat. ap. Eufeb. Lib. f. c. 24. 
 [e] Epiphan. Haer. 29. n. 2. It. 78. n. 14. [/] Au£or MS. 
 Paflion S. Marc. ap. Valef. ibid. B. Marcum juxta ritum carnalis 
 Sacrificii, Pontificalis apicis Petalum in populo geftafle Judarorum,' 
 illuftrium virorum Syngraphae declarant: Ex quo manifefte datur 
 intelligi, de ftirpe eum Levitica, imo Pontificis Aaron facra: Succef- 
 Conis Originem habuifle. [g] Spondan. Epitom. Baron, an. f8. 
 n. 5-4. [h] Juftin. iNovel. 8, 40, 42, 67, S6, tfyc. Concil. 
 Chalced. Aft. 10. [*] Socrat. Procem. ad Lib. 6. 
 
 M no- 
 
4* 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 no. See St. Aujlin's Epift. n, 12, 14, 17,18,21. 
 where St. Jerom and others give him thofe ho- 
 nourable Titles. 
 
 SECT. VII. There is one thing more 
 BijhopsJiJlingHijh- t k ac mu fl- not be omitted, be- 
 
 ttfo tZrcT™ caufe k was the common Honour 
 and Privilege of all Bifhops, to 
 be diftinguifhed in the Church by a Chair, or 
 Seat, which was commonly called their Throne. 
 Thus [_k~] Eufebius calls the Bifhop of Jerusalem's 
 Seat, &(>jvcv Attos-oXixov, the Apoftolical Throne 
 becaufe St. James, Bifhop of Jerufalem, firft fat 
 in it. And for the fame Reafon , Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen [/] calls the Bifhop of Alexandria's Seat, 
 the Throne of St. Mark. It was otherwife cal- 
 led B«><2, and S^'v©* jtynXor, the High Throne j 
 becaufe it was exalted fomething higher than the 
 Seats of the Presbyters, which were on each fide 
 of it, and were called the Second Thrones } as 
 we fhall fee hereafter, when we come to fpeak 
 of Presbyters. All that I fhall obferve farther 
 here concerning this Throne of the Bifhop, is, 
 That tho' it be fometimes called the High and 
 Lofty Throne, efpecially by thofe Writers [m~] 
 who fpeak in a Rhetorical Strain > yet that is 
 
 only meant comparatively, in refpeet of the 
 lower Seats of Presbyters: For otherwife, it was 
 a Fault in any Bifhop to build himfelf a Pom- 
 pous and Splendid Throne, in Imitation of the 
 State and Grandeur of the Secular Magiflrates. 
 This was one of the Crimes which the Council' 
 of Antioch [»] , in their .Sy nodical Epiftle a- 
 gainft Paulus Samofatenfis, laid to his Charge, 
 That he built himfelf an high and ftately Tribu- 
 nal, not as a Difciple of Chrift, but as one or" 
 the Rulers of the World j making a Secretum to 
 it, in Imitation of the Secular Magiflrates ; 
 whofe Tribunals had a Place railed out from the 
 reft, and feparated by a Veil, which they called 
 the Secretum; and the Ambitious Bifhop gave 
 his the fame Name } by which and fome other 
 fuch like Practices, he raifed the Envy and Ha- 
 tred of the Heathens again ft the Chriftians, as 
 they there complain of him- It was then the 
 great Care of the Chriftian Church, to obferve 
 a Decorum in the Honours which ihe beftowed 
 upon her Bifhops } that they might be fuch as 
 might fet them above Contempt, but keep them 
 below Envy j make them Venerable, but not 
 minifter to Vanity, or the outward Pomp and 
 Oftentation of Secular Greatnefs. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Age, and fome particular Salifications required in fuch as were 
 
 to be Ordained Bifhops, 
 
 SECT. I. 'TP HOSE Qualifications of 
 
 Bifhop not to be X Bifhops, which were com- 
 
 Ordained mder 30 mon to them with the reft of 
 
 rears of Age, ex- t h e Clergy, fhall be fpoken of 
 
 cept they were Men hereafter . Here j fa^l Only take 
 of extraordinary r r ^ 
 
 worth notice ot a few that were more 
 
 peculiar to them. Such as, firft, 
 their Age j which by the Canons was required 
 to be at leaft Thirty Years. The Council of 
 Neocafarea [0] requires Thirty in Presbyters j 
 which is a certain Argument that the fame Age 
 was requifite in a Bifhop. The Council of Agde 
 [p] more exprefly limits their Age to that time j 
 requiring all Metropolitans to infift upon it in 
 their Ordination. The Reafons given by thefe 
 Councils arej Becaufe our Saviour himfelf did 
 not begin to teach before he was Thirty Years 
 old } and becaufe that is the perfect Age of Man. 
 Therefore, tho' a Man was otherwife never fo 
 well qualify'd, the Council of Neocafarea fays, 
 he fhall wait, and not be Ordained fo much as 
 Presbyter before that time. But whether this 
 Rule was always obferved /rom the days of the 
 
 Apoftles, maybe queftioned: For there is no 
 fuch Rule given by the Apoftles in Scripture. 
 That which goes under their Name in the Con- 
 ftitutions [fj 5 requires a Bifhop to be fifty 
 Years Old before he is Ordained 5 except he be 
 a Man of fingular Merit and Worth, which may 
 compenfate for the want of Years. This fhews, 
 that the Cuftom of the Church varied in this 
 Matter; and that Perfons of extraordinary Qua- 
 lifications were not always ty'd to be of fuch an 
 Age. Timothy was Ordained young} as may be 
 collected from what the Apoftle fays to him, 
 1 Tim. 4. 12. Let no Man defpife thy T,outh. The 
 Hiftory of the Church affords many other fuch 
 Inftances. Eufebius [r~\ fays, Gregory Thaumatur- 
 gus and his Brother Athenodorus were both Or- 
 dained Bifhops very young} in vtvs an^a. St. 
 Ambrofe [s] fays the fame of Acholius Bifhop of 
 Thejfalonica } That he was young in Years, but 
 of mature Age in refpect of his Virtues. And 
 Socrates [f] gives the like Account of Paulus 
 Bifhop of Confiantinople. Theodoret [u] obferves 
 alfo of Athanajius, That he was but young when 
 
 0] Eufeb.Lib.7.c. 19,8c 51. [/] Naz.Orat.ii.inlaud.Athanaf.T. 
 1 -P- 377- ["»] Naz.Somnium de Eccl. Anaftaf. Sublimi Throno infide- 
 re mihi videbar.Id. Orat. 20. in Laud. Bafil. p. 54.2. ami ilv J4-«- 
 Klv $ umffKomns Segvov. &c. [»] Ap. Eufeb. Lib. 7. c. 20. 
 [«} Con. Neocaef. Can. 11. [p] Concil. Agathen. c. 17. 
 Presbyterum vel Epifcopum ante Triginta annos, id eft, antequam 
 ad viri perfe&i setatem perveniat, nullus Metropolitanorum ordi- 
 
 nare praefumat. See alfo Con. Tolet. 4. c. 18, & 19. [q] Con- 
 ftit. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 1. [r] Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 30. [j] Ambr. 
 Ep. 60. ad Anyfium. Benediftus proceflus Juventutis ipfius, in qua 
 ad fummum ele&us eft Sacerdotium, maturo jam probatus virtu- 
 tum ftipendio. [/] Socrat. Lib. 2. c. 6. 'Av^ey. v\ov fj& 
 
 r nKiKtav, rresSiCmoTet 3 rcuf <p?<-<iiv, [*] Theod. Lib. x. 
 
 C. 26. Vi.Q- $J UV THf YihlMAV- 
 
 he 
 
Chap. X. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 45 
 
 he attended his Bifhop Alexander at the Council 
 of Nice j and yet within Five Months after, he 
 was chofen his Succeffor at Alexandria. Which 
 probably was before he was Thirty Years old : 
 For the Council of Nice was not above 20 Years 
 after the Persecution under Maximian j and yet 
 Athanafms was fo young, as not to remember the 
 beginning of that Perlecution, Anno 303. but 
 only as he heard it from his Fachcrs. For when 
 he fpeaks of it, he fays [wj, He learn'd of his 
 Parents, that the Perfecution wasraifed by Maxi- 
 mian, Grandfather to Confiantius. So that if we 
 compute from that time, we can hardly fuppofe 
 him to be 20 Years old, when he was Ordained 
 Bifhop, Anno $z6. 'Tis agreed by all Authors 
 [x] , That Remigius Bifhop of Rhemes was but 
 22. Years old when he was Ordained, Anno 47 r. 
 and Cotekrius [y], after Nicephorus, fays, Sc. E- 
 leutherius, an Illyrican Bifhop, was confecrated at 
 twenty. Ignatius gives a plain Intimation, That 
 Damas Bifhop of the Magnefians, was but a very 
 young Bifhop ; tho' he docs not exprefly men- 
 tion his Age. He calls his [z] Ordination, vsw- 
 T££/xyiv ra'^iv, a youthful Ordination ; and there- 
 fore cautions the People not to defpife him for 
 his Age, but to reverence and give place to him 
 in the Lord. Salmafius [a] and Ludovicus Capel- 
 lus miferably pervert this Pafiage, and force a 
 Senfe upon it, which the Author never fo much 
 as dreamt of: They will needs have it, that by 
 the Words v-wn^jmv rdt,iv , Ignatius means the 
 Novelty of Epifcopacy in general, that it was 
 but a new and late Inftitution : Which is not on- 
 ly contrary to the whole Tenor and Defign of 
 all Ignatius's Epiftles, but to the plain Senfe of 
 this Pafiage in particular \ which fpeaks nothing 
 of the Inftitution of Epifcopacy, but of the Age 
 of this Bifhop, who was but young when he 
 was Ordained. 
 
 Now from all this it appears, That tho' there 
 was a Rule in the Church, requiring Bifhops to 
 be 30 Years old when they were Ordained y yet 
 it was frequently difpenfed with, either in Cafes 
 of Neceflity, or in order to promote Perfons of 
 more extraordinary Worth and fingular Qualifi- 
 cations. Yet fuch Difpenfations, as qualify Boys 
 of Eleven or Twelve Years old to be made Bi- 
 fhops, are no where to be met with in the Pri- 
 mitive Church j tho' the Hiftory of the Papacy 
 affords frequent Inflanees of fuch Promotions, 
 as thofe that pleafe may fee in a Catalogue of 
 thetn, collected by Dr. Reynolds and Mr. Mafon, 
 two [b~\ Learned Writers of our Church. 
 
 SECt.IT. But to return to the Bifhops 
 
 Biflnps to be chofen of the Primitive Church: Ano- 
 §ut of the clergy of ther Qualification in a Bifhop, 
 
 anciently very much inflfted on, the church to which 
 was, That he fhould be one of tfj v ordained, 
 the Clergy of the fame Church, over which he 
 was to be made Bifhop. For Strangers, who 
 were unknown to the People, were not reckon- 
 ed qualify'd by the Canons. This is plainly irn- 
 ply'd by Cyprian [V], when he fays, The Bifhop 
 was to be chofen in the Prefence of the People j 
 who had perfect Knowledge of every Man's 
 Life and Actions, by their Converfation among 
 them. St. Jcrom obferves, That this was the con- 
 ftant Cuftom of Alexandria QT], from St. Mark 9 
 to Dionyjius and Heraclas, for the Presbyters of 
 the Church to chufe a Bifhop out of their own 
 Body. And therefore Julius \_e~] makes it a 
 ftrong Objection againft Gregory, whom the Ari~ 
 ans obtruded on the Church of Alexandria in the 
 room of Athanafius > That he was a perfect Stran- 
 ger to the Place, neither baptized there, nor 
 known to any: Whereas, the Ordination of a 
 Bifhop ought not to be fo Uncanonical j but he 
 fhould be Ordained by the Bifhops of the Pro- 
 vince in his own Church, and be aV aura tS U- 
 (oar«», air' dvrx t3 xXn'ps, one of the Clergy of 
 the Church to which he was Ordained. The 
 ancient Bifhops of Rome were all of the fame- 
 mind, fo long as they thought themfelves obli- 
 ged to walk by the Laws of the Church : For 
 Ccleflin [/"], and Hilary [g], and Leo infift 
 upon the fame thing, as the common Rule and 
 Canon of the Church. And we find a Law as 
 late as Charles the Great, and Ludovicus Pius, to 
 the fame purpofe. For in one of their Capitu- 
 lars [/] it is ordered, That Bifhops fhall be cho- 
 fen out of their own Diocefe, by the Election 
 of the Clergy and the People. Tho', as Balu- 
 zius [k~] notes, this Law did not extend to very 
 many Diocefes: For by this time, the French 
 Kings had the Difpofal of all Biihopricks in 
 their Dominions, (except fome few Churches, 
 which by fpecial Privilege retained the old way 
 of Ele£ting :) And they did not bind themfelves 
 to nominate Bifhops always out of the Clergy of 
 that Church which was vacant, but ufed their 
 Liberty to chufe them out of any other 5 as now 
 it is become the Privilege and Cuftom of Kings 
 and Princes almoft in all Nations: Which is the 
 Occafion of the Difference betwixt the Ancient 
 and Modern Practice in this Particular. For 
 while the ancient way of Elections continued, 
 the General Rule was for every Church to make 
 choice of one of her own Clergy to be her Bi- 
 fhop, and not a Stranger. 
 
 Y e t in fome extraordinary SECT. III. 
 Cafes this Rule admitted of Le- Some Exceptions to 
 gal Exceptions ; particularly in t 
 
 [w] Athan. Ep. ad Solitar. T. i. p. 8yj. [#] Hincmar. 
 
 Vit. Remig. Baron, an. 471. p. 298. jjf] Coteler. Not. in 
 Conft. Apoft. Lib. \. c. 1. Niceph. Lib. 3. c. 29. [z] Ig- 
 nat. Ep ad Magnef. n. 3. [a] Vid. Pearfon. Vindic. Ignat. 
 Prsef. ad Le£tor. [£] Vid. Rainoldi Apolog. Thef. n. 26. 
 Mafon of the Confecrat. of Bifhops. Lib. 1. c. f. \_c~] Cypr. 
 Ep. 68. al. 67. ad Fratr. Hifpan. p. 172. Epifcopus deligatur Plebe 
 prcefente qux lingulorum vitam pleniffime novit, & uniufcujuique 
 a£tum dc ejus Converfatione perfpexit. Hieron. Epift. 8j\ 
 
 ad Evagr. Alexandria a Marco Evangelifta ul^ue ad Hcrackm 8c 
 
 Dionyfium Epifcopos, Presbyteri femper unum ex fe eleftum, in. 
 excelfiori Gradu collocatum Epifcopum nominabant. [*] Jul 
 Ep. ad Oriental, ap. Athan. Apol. 2. T. 1. p. 749. [/] Oaele- 
 flin. Ep. 2. ad Epifc. Narbon. c. 4, 8c f. [g] Hilar. Pap. E-' 
 pift. 1. ad Afcan. Tarracon. c. 3. O] Leo Ep. 84. ad AnaftaH 
 c. 6. [i] Capitular. Karoli 8c Ludov. Lib. i.e. 84. Epifcopi 
 per Ele&ionem Cleri 8c Populi, fecundum Statuta Canonum, dc 
 propria Diceceli eligantur. [fc] Baluz. Not. ad Concilia Gall, 
 Narbon, p. 34. It. Not. ad Gratian. Dift. 63. c. 34. p. 4. 7. 
 
 thefe 
 
44 
 
 The Ant i qjj it ies of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 thefc Three Cafes : i . When it was found for 
 the Benefit of the Church to tranflate Bifhops 
 from one See to another. In this Cafe though 
 the Bifhop was a Stranger, yet his Tranflation 
 being Canonical, was reckoned no Violation of 
 this Law. z. When the Church could not u- 
 nanimoufly agree upon one in their own Body, 
 then to pacify their Heats and end their Contro- 
 versies, the Emperor or a Council propofed one 
 of another Church to their Choice, or promo- 
 ted him by their own Authority. Upon this 
 ground Neblarius, Chryfofiom, and Neftorius, all 
 Strangers, were made Bifhops of Conftantinople. 
 It was to end the Difputes that arofe in the 
 Church, which was divided in their Elections, 
 as Socrates [/] and Sozomen give an account of 
 them. 3. Sometimes Men's extraordinary Merit 
 gave them Preference, though Strangers, before 
 all the Members of the Church to which they 
 were chofen. As St. Ambrofe \m\ obferves of 
 Eufebius Vercellenfis, that he was chofen, poflha- 
 bitis Civibus , before all that were Citizens or 
 bred in the Place, though none of the Electors 
 had ever feen him before, but only heard of his 
 Fame and Character: And there are many other 
 Inflances of the like Nature. But excepting 
 fome fuch Cafes as thefe, the Rule was generally 
 obferved, to chufe no one Bifhop of any Place, 
 who was not known to the People, and a Mem- 
 ber of the fame Church before. 
 
 sect. iv. Another Qualification re- 
 Bijhopstogothro* q U i re( l i n a Bifhop was, that he 
 
 thj Inferior Orders ^ gradually t0 his Ho _ 
 
 of the Church. , & „ -u 
 
 nour, and not come to the 
 Throne per Saltum ; but firft pafs through fome, 
 if not all the Inferior Orders of the Church. 
 The Council of Sardica has a Canon [»] very 
 full to this purpofe: If any Rich Man or Plea- 
 der at the Law defire to be made a Bifhop, he 
 fhall not be ordained till he has firft gone through 
 the Offices of Reader, Deacon, and Presbyter: 
 That behaving himfelf worthily in each of thefe 
 Offices, he may afcend gradually to the Height 
 of the Epifcopal Function : And in every one of 
 thefe Degrees he fhall continue fome confidera- 
 ble time, that his Faith, and good Converfation, 
 and Conftancy, and Moderation may be known. 
 The fame Rule is prefcribed by the Council of 
 Bracara [0] and fome others. And that it was 
 the Ancient Practice of the Church, appears 
 from what Cyprian fays \_p\ of Cornelius, that he 
 was not made Bifhop of Rome all of a fudden, 
 but went gradually through all the Offices of the 
 Church, till his Merits advanced him to the E- 
 pifcopal Throne. Ifbeodoret [_<f\ commends Atha- 
 nafius upon the fame Account \ and Gregory Na- 
 zianzen [rj fpeaks it to the Honour of St. Baftl, 
 
 with fome Reflection on feveral Bifhops of his 
 Age, that he did not as foon as he was Baptized 
 leap into a Bifhoprick, as fome other Ambitious 
 Perfons did, but rife to his Honour by Degrees. 
 He adds, that in Military Affairs this Rule was 
 generally obferved > every great General is firft a 
 common Soldier, then a Captain, then a Com- 
 mander : And it would be happy for the Church, 
 fays he, if Matters were always fo ordered in 
 it. By this time it feems this Rule was fre- 
 quently tranfgrefTed, without any Reafon or Ne- 
 ceffityj but only by the Ambition of fome whd 
 affected the Office of Bifhop, yet were not wil- 
 ling to undergo the Inferior Offices that were 
 preparative to it. 
 
 But I muft obferve, that it 
 was not always neceffarily re- 
 
 SECT. v. 
 Deacons might 
 be ordained 'Bifhops , 
 tho' never ordained 
 Presbyters. 
 
 quired that a Man fhould be 
 ordained Presbyter firft in order 
 to be made a Bifhop : For Dea- 
 cons were as commonly made Bifhops as any o- 
 ther. Cacilian was no more than Archdeacon [j] 
 of Carthage, when he was ordained Bifhop, as 
 we learn from Optatus. And both fheodoret [f\ 
 and Epiphanius [u~] fay, that Athanafius was but 
 a Deacon, when he was made Bifhop of Alex- 
 andria. Liberatus obferves the fame [w] of Pe- 
 ter Moggus and Efaias, two other Bifhops of A~ 
 lexandria: As alfo of Agapetus [x~] and P~igilius, 
 Bifhops of Rome. Socrates \_y] and Theodoret [z] 
 relate the fame of Felix Bifhop of Rome, who 
 was ordained in the Place of Liberius. Eufebius 
 [a] takes notice of one of his own Name, a 
 Deacon of Alexandria, who was made Bifhop of 
 Laodicea. And Socrates [b~] fays, Chryfoftom made 
 Heraclides, one of his own Deacons, Bifhop of 
 Ephefus, and Serapion Bifhop of Heraclea. And 
 that this was a general Practice, and agreeable to 
 Canon, appears alfo from a Letter of Pope Leo, 
 where fpeaking of the Election of a Metropoli- 
 tan, he fays [<r] he ought to be chofen either out 
 of the Presbyters, or out of the Deacons of the 
 Church. 
 
 Sometimes in Cafes of sect. VI. 
 Neceffity Bifhops were chofen Bifhops in cafes of 
 out of the Inferior Orders, Sub- N ?ff\ , out 
 
 , -r. j cj3 t - j ofthelnferiorOrders 
 
 deacons, Readers, &c. Liberatus 
 fays, Silverius, who was Competitor with Vigi- 
 lius for the Bifhoprick of Rome, was but a \_d~\ 
 Subdeacon. And St. Auftin himfelf, when he 
 erected his new Bifhoprick at Fujfala, being dif- 
 appointed of the Perfon whom he intended to 
 have had confecrated Bifhop, offered one Anto- 
 nius a Reader to the Primate to be ordained Bi- 
 fhop in his room j and the Primate without any 
 Scruple immediately ordained himj though as 
 
 [/] Socrat. Lib. 6. c. 2. Lib. 7. c. 29. Sozom. Lib. 8. c. 2. 
 j>] Ambrof. Ep. 82. ad Ecd. Vercel. [»] Concil. Sardic. Can. 
 10. [0] Concil. Bracar. 1. c. 39. Per fingulos Gradus erudi- 
 tus, ad Sacerdotium veniat. [/>] Cypr. Ep. jri. al. fy.ad An- 
 tonian. p. 103. Non ifte ad Epifcopatum fubito pervenit, fed per 
 omnia Ecclefiaftica Officia promotus, & in divinis Adminiftrationi- 
 bus Dominum faepe promeritus, ad Sacerdotii fublime faftigium 
 «un£tis Religionis Gradibus afcendit. [q] Theod. Lib. 1. c. if. 
 
 [r] Naz. Oat. 10. in laud. Bafil. p. 237. [/] Optat. Lib. 1. p. 
 41. [f] Theodor. Lib. 1. c. if. [«] Epiphan. Haer. 
 
 69. Arian. [w] Liberar. Breviar. c. 16, & 18. [x~\ Li- 
 
 berat. ibid. c. 21, & 22. [y] Socrat. Lib. 2. C 37. [2.] Theod. 
 Lib. 2. c. 17. [a] Eufeb. Lib. 7. c. 11. [b] Socrat. Lib. 
 6. c. 11. Lib. 6. c. 4, & 17. [t] Leo. Ep. 84. c. 6. Ex 
 Presbyteris ejufdem Ecclefiae, vel ex Dia€ooibus eligatur. 
 [d\ Liberat. Brev. ext. 
 
 St. 
 
C H A P. X. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 4-5 
 
 St. Auftin [<?] teftifies, he was but a young Man, 
 who had never fhewed himfelf in any other Of- 
 fice of the Church befide that of Reader. 
 
 SECT. VII. There want not alfo fcvcral 
 And m firm extra- Infhnces of Perfons, who were 
 ordinary cafe S or- orc j a j n ed Bifhops immediately of 
 Lavmcn, whe/cod by his part, 
 cular Providence (cemed to point 
 them out as the fitteft Men in fome certain Jun- 
 ctures, to be employed in his Service. Thus it 
 was in the known Cafe of St. Ambrofe, who was 
 but newly baptized, when he was ordained Bi- 
 fhop, as both Paulinas [/] and all the Hiftorians 
 teftify. When the People of Milan were fo di- 
 vided in the Election of a Bifhop, that the 
 whole City was in an Uproar, he being Praetor 
 of the Place, came in upon them to appeafe the 
 Tumult, as by vertue of his Office he thought 
 himfelf obliged to doj and making an Eloquent 
 Speech to them, it had a fort of Miraculous Ef- 
 fect upon them : For they all immediately left 
 off" their Difpute, and unanimoufly cried out, 
 They would have Ambrofe to be their Bifhop. 
 Which the Emperor underftanding, and looking 
 upon it as a Providential Call, he ordered him to 
 be baptized (for he was yet but a Catechumen) 
 and in a few Days after to be ordained their Bi- 
 fhop. St. Cyprian was another Jnftance of the 
 like Providential Difpenfation. For Pontius \_g] 
 fays in his Life, that he was chofen Bifhop by 
 the Judgment of God and the Favour of the 
 People, though he was but a Neopbite, or newly 
 baptized. Socrates [h~] and Sozomcn [f] Cay the 
 fame of Neclarius, Gregory Nazianzen's SuccefTor 
 at Conftantinople, that he was chofen Bifhop by 
 the Second General Council, whilft he had his 
 Myfbical Garments on him, meaning thofe White 
 Garments which the newly Baptized were ufed 
 to wear. Eufebius, Biihop of Cafarea in Pontus, 
 St. Ba/Ws Predcceflor, was not Baptized, but on- 
 ly a Catechumen, when he was chofen Bifhop, 
 as Nazianzen himfelf [£] informs us. And Eu- 
 cherius was but a Monk, that is, a Layman, 
 when he was chofen and ordained Biihop of 
 Lions, as Baronius [f] fays, from Hilarius Arela- 
 tenfis in the Life of Honoratus. Chryfoftom [m~\ 
 feems to fay the fame of Philogonius Biihop of 
 Antioch, when he reports of him, that he was 
 taken from the Court of Judicature, and carried 
 from the Judges Bench to the Bifhops Throne, 
 &7ro €ruj.a.T@> cPiHasDiS om CJjjua {6£<jv. In all thefe 
 
 Inftanccs there feems to have been the Hand of 
 God and the Direction of Providence, which 
 fupcrfedes all ordinary Rules and Canons: And 
 therefore thefe Ordinations were never cenfured 
 as Uncanonical or Irregular, though contrary to 
 the Letter of a common Rulej becaufe the Rule 
 it fclf was to be underltood with this Limita- 
 tion and Exception, as one of the ancient Ca- 
 nons [»"] explains it felf, and all others that re- 
 late to this Matter j faying, One that is newly 
 converted from Gentili/m, or a Vicious Life, 
 ought not prefently to be advanced to a Bi- 
 fhoprick : For it is not fit, that he who has yet 
 given no Proof of himfelf, fhould be made a 
 Teacher of others: unlefs it be fo ordered bv 
 the Grace and Appointment of God himfelf, el 
 ixn w &actv ^ag/v tsto yivoiroi. For in this 
 Cafe there could be no Difpute j the Will of 
 God being Superior to all Human Canons what- 
 foever. And therefore though the fame Limita- 
 tion be not cxprefs'd in other Canons, yet it is 
 evident that they are always to be underftood 
 with this Exception. Upon which account it 
 was not reckoned any Breach of Canon, to make 
 a Layman Biihop, when Providence feemed firffc 
 to grant a Difpenfation, by directing the Church 
 to be unanimous in the Choice of fuch a Perfon. 
 They did not in fuch cafes make a Layman receive 
 one Order one day, and another the next, and 
 fo go through the feveral Orders in the compafs 
 of a Week, but made him Biihop at once, 
 when need required, without any other Ordina- 
 tion. The contrary Cuftom is a Modern Pra- 
 ctice, fcarce ever heard of till the time of Pho- 
 tius, Ann. 8f8, who to avoid the Imputation of 
 not coming gradually to his Bifhoprick, was on 
 the firft day made a Monk, on the id a Reader, 
 on the $d a Subdeacon, on the 4th a Deacon, on 
 the f th a Presbyter, and on the 6th a Patriarch, 
 as Nicetas David [0] a Writer of that Age in- 
 forms us in the Life of Ignatius. Spalatenjis \_p~\ 
 obferves the fame Practice to be continued in the 
 Romijb Church, under pretence of complying 
 with the ancient Canons 5 though nothing can 
 be more contrary to the true Intent and Meaning 
 of them} which was, That Men fhould conti- 
 nue fome Years in every Order, to give fome 
 Proof of their Behaviour to the Church, and 
 not pafs curforily through all Orders in Five or 
 Six Days time* which Practice, as it does not 
 anfwer the End of the Canons, fo it is altoge- 
 ther without Precedent in the Primitive Church. 
 
 M Aug. Ep. 2.61. ad Cseleftin. [/] Paulin. Vit. Ambrof. 
 p. 3. Ruffin. Lib. 2. c. 1 1. Theod. Lib. 4. c. 6. 8c 7. Socrat. Lib.4. 
 c. 30.* Sozom. Lib. 6. c. 24. [g~\ Pont. Vit. Cypr. p. 2. 
 Judicio Dei & Plebis favore ad Officium Sacerdotii & Epifcopatus 
 Gradum adhuc Neophytus, 8c ut putabatur Novellus eleclus eft. 
 M Socrat. Lib. e. 8. [i] Sozom. Lib. 7. c. 8. ih 
 
 (jlv^iy^v \Srvna. \tt ri/^cpii<T/jSfj©-, 8cc. [fc] Naz. Orat. 19. 
 de Laud. Patr. T. 1. p. 308. [/] Baron, an 44 1. p. 9. 
 [m] Chryf. Horn, j i. de S. Philogon. T. 1. p. 397. [»] Canon. 
 Apoft. c. 80. [0] Nicet. Vit. Ignat. Concil. Tom. 8. p. 1199. 
 [/>] Spalat. de Repub. Lib. 3. c. 4. n.19. p. 430. 
 
46 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of fome particular Laws and Cufioms obferved about the Ordination 
 
 of Blfljops. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Bijhopricks not to 
 be void above Three 
 Months. 
 
 WHEN any Bifhoprick be- 
 came void by the Death 
 or Ceflion of its Bifhop, then 
 forafmuch as Bifhops were look- 
 ed upon as a neceffary conftituent Part of the 
 Church, all imaginable Care was taken to fill up 
 the Vacancy with all convenient Speed. In the 
 African Churches a Year was the utmoft Limits 
 that was allowed for a Vacancy > for if within 
 that time a new Election was not made, he that 
 was appointed Adminiftrator of the Church du- 
 ring the Vacancy, whofe Bufinefs it was to pro- 
 cure and haften the Election, was to be turned 
 out of his Office, and a new one put in his 
 room, by a Canon of the fth Council [_q] of 
 Carthage, which is alfo confirmed in the African 
 [f] Code. But in other Places this was limited 
 to a much fhorter Time : For by a Canon [V] 
 of the General Council of Chalcedon, every Me- 
 tropolitan is obliged to ordain a new Bifhop in 
 the vacant See within the fpace of Three 
 Months, under pain of Ecclefiaftical Cenfure, 
 unlefs fome unavoidable Neceflity forced him to 
 defer it longer. 
 
 s E C T. II. At Alexandria the Cuflom was 
 
 in fome places a t0 p ro ceed immediately to Ele- 
 
 nevBfiop vascho- ^ foon ^ the fiifh ^ 
 
 (en before the old one , . , , r , . r . 
 
 vfas Buried. dead, and before he was interred. 
 
 Epiphanius [f] hints at this Cu- 
 flom when he fays, They were ufed to make no 
 delay after the Deceafe of a Bifhop, but chufe 
 one prefently, to preferve Peace among the Peo- 
 ple, that they might not run into Factions about 
 the Choice of a Succeffor. But Liberatus [u] is 
 a little more particular in defcribing the Circum- 
 ftances of it : He fays, it was cuftomary for the 
 Succeflbr to watch over the Body of the Decea- 
 fed Bifhop, and to lay his Right Hand upon his 
 Head y and to bury him with his own Hands, 
 and then take the Pall of St. Mark, and put it 
 upon himfelf, and fo fit in his Throne. To 
 thefe Authorities we may add that of Socrates, 
 who [_w] fays, That Cyril of Alexandria was in- 
 throned the third Day after the Death of c theo- 
 philus: And he intimates, that the fame thing 
 was practifed in other Places: For Proclus Bi- 
 fhop of Confiantinople [x~] was inthroned before 
 Maximian his PredecefTor was interred, and after 
 his Inthronement he performed the Funeral Of- 
 
 fice for him. And this was done at the Inftance 
 and Command of the Emperor Thcodoftus, that 
 there might be no Difpute or Tumult raifed in 1 
 the Church about the Election of a Bifhop. 
 
 Yet notwithftanding this Care sect. III. 
 
 and Diligence of the Church in Seme in/lances of 
 
 filling up vacant Sees, it fome- lon S er vacancies in 
 
 times happened , that the Ele- T 'T f D ^ a '7 
 
 \ r\- r i->-n j r i ana Pcr/ecution 
 
 etion of Bilhops was deterred to 
 a much longer Seafon. For in A f rick at the time 
 of the Coliarion of Carthage there were no left 
 thanThreefcore Bifhopricks void at once, which 
 was above an Eighth part of the whole. For 
 the whole Number of Bifhops was but 466, 
 whereof 286 were then prefent at the Confe- 
 rence, and 120 were abfent by reafon of 
 Sicknefs or old Agej befides which, there were 
 60 Vacant Sees, which were unprovided of Bi- 
 fhops at that time, as the Catholicks told [yj 
 the Donatifts , who pretended to vie Numbers 
 with them, though they were but 279. What 
 was the particular Reafon of fo many Vacancies 
 at that Juncture, is not faid: but probably it 
 might be the Difficulty of the Times, that Ca- 
 tholick Bifhops could not there be placed, where 
 the Donatifts had gotten full Poffeffion. Or per- 
 haps it might be the Negligence of the People, 
 who contented themfelves with Adminiftrators 
 during the Vacancy, and would not admit of a 
 new Bifhop. The Council of Macriana mentio- 
 ed by Fulgentius Ferrandus [z] takes notice of this 
 Dilatory Practice in fome Churches, and cen- 
 fures it by a Canon, which orders the Admini- 
 ftrators, who were always fome Neighbouring 
 Bifhops, to be removed} and condemns fuch 
 Churches to continue without Adminiftrators, 
 till they fought for a Bifhop of their own. A- 
 nother Reafon of long Vacancies in fome Times 
 and Places, was the difficult Circumftances the 
 Churches lay under in time of Perfecution. For 
 the Bifhops were the Men chiefly aimed at by 
 the Perfecutors : And therefore when one Bifhop 
 was Martyred, the Church fometimes was for- 
 ced to defer the Ordination of another, either 
 becaufe it was fcarce poffible to go about it in 
 fuch times of Exigency, or becaufe fhe was un- 
 willing to expofe another Bifhop immediately to 
 the implacable Fury of a raging Adverfary, and 
 bring upon her felf a more violent Storm of Per- 
 
 lq] Con. Carth. Can. 8. [r] Cod. Can. Eccl. Afric. 
 can. jf. 0] Con. Chalccd. Can. if. [f] Epiphan. Haer. 
 69. Arian.n. ir. //« ^pori^W uiTtt nhd/rriv n kTio-^'air^ 
 &c. [»] Liberat. Breviar. c. 20. Confuemdo quidem eft A- 
 lexandrise, ilium, qui defunfto fuccedit, excubias fuper defun&i 
 corpus agerc, manumque dexteram ejus capiti fuo imponere, 8c fe- 
 pulto manibus fuis, accipere collo fuo Beati Marci Pallium, 8c tunc 
 legitime federe. [wj Socrat. Lib. 7. c. 7. [#] Id. Lib. 7. 
 
 c. 40. [y~\ Aug. Brevic. Collat. prima: Diei, c. 14. Sane 
 propter Cathedras quas Epifcopis vacuas apud fe efle dixerunt, re- 
 iponfum eft a Catholicis, fexaginta efte quibus fucceflbres Epifcopi 
 nondum fuerant ordinati. [2. J Ferrand. Brev. Canon, c. 23. ap. 
 Jufte!. T. 1. p. 449. Ut Interventores Epifcopi conveniant Plebis 
 quse Epifcopum non habent, ut Epifcopum accipiant; Quod fi ac- 
 cipere neglexerint, remoto Interventore fic remaneant, quam diu 
 fibi Epifcopum quxrant. 
 
 fecution. 
 
Chap. XI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 fecution. The Roman [d] Clergy give this for 
 their Reafon to Cyprian, why after the Martyr- 
 dom of Fabian they did not immediately proceed 
 to a new Election : The State of Affairs, and 
 the Difficulty of the Times was fuch as would 
 not permit it. Baronius [b~\ reckons the time of 
 this Vacancy a Year and Three Months, but o- 
 thers [_c] who are more exact in the Calculation, 
 make it a Year and Five Months: By either of- 
 which Accounts it was above a Year beyond the 
 time limited by the Canons. But this was no- 
 thing in Comparifon of that long Vacancy of 
 the Bifhoprick of Carthage, in the time of the 
 Arian Persecution under Genfericus and Hunericus, 
 two Heretical Kings of the Vandals, which Vi- 
 ctor Vticenfis [d~] fays was no lefs than 24 Years, 
 during all which time the Church of Carthage 
 had no Bifhop. But thefe were Difficulties up- 
 on the Church, and Matters of Force, not her 
 Choice : For in times of Peace fhe always acted 
 otherwife, and did not think fuch extraordinary 
 Inftanccs fit Precedents to be drawn into Exam- 
 ple j much lefs to be drawn into Confequence 
 and argued upon, as fome [e] have done, that 
 therefore the Church may be without Bifhops, 
 becaufe fhe fub fitted in fome extraordinary Va- 
 cancies without them, when fhe could not have 
 them: Which Argument would hold as well 
 againft any other Order as that of Bifhops, did 
 but they who urge this Argument, rightly con- 
 fider it. 
 
 sect. iv. But to return to the Ordina- 
 Three Btfiopsre- t i on Q f Bifhops: At the time ap- 
 qu \red to tbeonii- inted for Ordination, the Me- 
 
 nation of a, Bi bop. 1 , . r , r j r i 
 
 J f tropohtan was tiled to lend forth 
 his Circular Letters, and fummon all the Bifhops 
 of the Province to meet at the Place where the 
 new Bifhop was to be ordained, and affill at his 
 Confecration. The Prefence of them all was re- 
 quired, if they could conveniently attend •> if 
 not, they were to fend their Content in Wri- 
 ting: In which cafe Three Bifhops, with the 
 Affiflance or Confent of the Metropolitan, were 
 reckoned a fufficient Canonical Number to per- 
 form the Ceremony of Confecration. St. Cy- 
 prian [/] fpeaks of it as the general Practice of 
 the Church in his time, to have all the Bifhops 
 of the Province prefent at any fuch Ordination. 
 And Eufebius [g] particularly takes notice of the 
 Ordination of Alexander Bifhop of Jerufalem, 
 who fucceeded Narcijjus, that he was ordained 
 fg\ x.o»vyjV ^ G/?no-x.o7rot>v yv^^nc, with the common 
 
 Confent of the Bifhops of his Province. The Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon [h~] calls this a Canonical Ordi- 
 nation, when the Metropolitan with all or moffc 
 of his Provincial Bifhops ordain the Bifhops of 
 their own Province, as the Canons have appoint- 
 ed. And the General Council of Conftantinopk 
 [f\ jultified the Ordinations of Flavian Bifhop of 
 Antioch, and Cyril of Jerufdkm, as Canonical in 
 this refpect, becaufe they were ordained by the 
 Bifhops of their Provinces Synodically met toge- 
 ther. This was the ancient Rule of the Coun- 
 cil of Nice, which requires the Affiflance of all 
 the Bifhops of the Province, if they could con- 
 veniently [_k~] attend the Ordination : But foraf- 
 much as that either through urgent Neceffity, or 
 by reafon of their great Diflance it might hap- 
 pen that all of them could not be prefent, it is 
 added, That in that cafe Three Bifhops fhould 
 be fufficient to ordain, provided the Metropoli- 
 tan and the reft fent their Confent in Writing. 
 But under Three the Canons did not generally 
 allow of. The firft Council [/] of Aries, and 
 the third of Carthage [m~\ require Three befides 
 the Metropolitan. And the fecond Council of 
 Arks [n] does not allow the Metropolitan to be 
 one of the three, but faith exprefly, That he 
 lhall take the Affiftance of Three Provincial Bi- 
 fhops befide himfelf, and not prefume to ordain 
 a Bifhop without them. 'Tis true, thofe called 
 the Apoflolical [0] Canons and Conftitutions [p], 
 allow the Ordination that is performed by Two 
 Bifhops only : But this is contrary to all other 
 Canons ; which are fo far from allowing Two 
 Bifhops' to ordain by themfelves, that the Coun- 
 cil of Orange \j] orders both the Ordaining Bi- 
 fhops and the Ordained to be depofed : And the 
 Council of Riez [r] actually depofed Armentarius 
 for this very thing, becaufe he had not Three 
 Bifhops to ordain him. All Churches indeed did 
 not punifh fuch Ordinations with the fame Seve- 
 rity, but in all Places they were reckoned Unca- 
 nonical. When Paulinus ordained Evagrius Bi- 
 fhop of Antioch, Theodoret [s~] takes notice that 
 this was done againft the Laws of the Church, 
 becaufe he was ordained by a fingle Perfon, and 
 without the Confent of the Provincial Bifhops. 
 And Synefius [f\ fays the fame of the Ordination 
 of Siderius Biihop of Palabifca, that it was Irre- 
 gular, becaufe he neither had the Confent of the 
 Bifhop of Alexandria his Metropolitan, nor 
 Three Bifhops to ordain him. It was to avoid 
 this Cenfure of Irregularity, that Novatian when 
 he fet himfelf up to be Bifhop of Rome againft 
 
 [a] Ep. 31. al. 30. ap. Cyprian, p. y8. Pod exceflum nobiliffi- 
 mx memoriae viri Fabiani, nondum eft Epifcopus propter rerum 8c 
 temporum difficultates conftitutus. [£] Baron, an. 25-3. n. 6. an. 
 2/4. n. 46. [c] Pearfon. Anna], Cypr. an. ifo. n. 3. 8c an. 
 if i- n. 6. [</] Viftor. de Perfecut. Vandal. Lib. 2. [e] Blon- 
 del. Apol. [/] Cypr. Ep. 68. al. 67. ad Fratr. Hifpan. p. 172. 
 Quod apud nos quoque 8c fere per Provincias univerfas tenetur, ut 
 ad Ordinationes rite celebrandas, ad earn Plebem, cui Prsepofitus 
 ordinatur, Epifcopi ejufdem Provincial proximi quique conveniant, 
 8c Epifcopus deligatur Plebe praefente, 8cc. [g] Euleb. Lib. 6. 
 c. 1 1. [A] Con. Chaked. A<3. 1 6. C. T. 4. p. 81 7. [«] Ep. 
 Synod, ap. Theodor. Lib. f. c. 9. [h~] Con. Nic. Can. 4. 
 F.tis'jcoxoi' <B-ps0-fj>ce< u.tthi^a, [/Xv ^ro <na.->\av ?W lv tm ztta^- 
 yjicL KsfS-iraiSit;. [/] Cod. Arelat. 1. c. 21. Si non potue- 
 
 rint leptem , fine tribus Fratribus non praefumant ordinare. 
 [w] Con. Carth. 3. Can. 39. Forma antiqua fervabitur ut non mi- 
 nus quam tres fiifficiant, qui fuerint a Metropolitano direcli ad or- 
 dinandum Epifcopum. See alfo Con. Carth. 6. c. 4. [»] Con. 
 Arelat. 2 . c. f. Nec Epifcopus Metropolitanus fine tribus Epifcopis 
 Comprovincialibus praefumat Epifcopum ordinare. [0] Can. 
 Apoft. c. 1 . 'Et/Vjcot©- %e<poTO['#'<8-fi> » iTKrytanruv A»'o ii 
 [/>J Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 8. c. 27. [9] Con. Aiau- 
 fic. 1. Can. at. [r] Con. Reienf. Can. 1. Ordinationem quam 
 Canones irritam definiunt, nos quoque vacuandam efle cenfuimus: 
 In qua prastermifla trium praefentia, nec expe&is Comprovincialium 
 Literis, Metropolitani quoque Voluntate negledta, prorfus nihil quod 
 Epifcopum faceret oftenfum eft, [s] Theod. Lib. f. c. 23, 
 [t] Synef. Ep. 67. 
 
48 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book II. 
 
 Cornelius, fent for three Bifhops out of the far- 
 theft Corner of Italy to come and [V] ordain 
 him, left it fhould be objected againft him, that 
 he had not a Canonical Ordination. And upon 
 this Account , when Pelagius the Ift was to be 
 ordained Bifhop of Rome, becaufe three Bifhops 
 could not be procured, a Presbyter [u~] was taken 
 in to make up the Number. In all which the ge- 
 neral Practice of the Church is very clearly feen 
 and defcribed. 
 
 SECT. v. Yet it muft be obferved,that 
 Yet ordinations by though this was the common 
 one Biff,opallorced to Rule anc [ p ra ai ce of the Church, 
 
 Canonical 0t y et iC waS not and abf °- 
 
 lutely of the Effence of Ordina- 
 tion. For the Church many times admitted of 
 the Ordinations of Bifhops that were confecrated 
 only by one or two Bifhops. The Council of 
 Orange [w] which orders both the Ordaining 
 Bifhops and the Ordained to be depofed, in cafe 
 Two Bifhops only ordained a Bifhop with his 
 Confent, decrees notwithstanding, that if a Bi- 
 fhop was ordained by any fort of Violence againft 
 his Will, though only by Two Bifhops, in that 
 cafe his Ordination fhould ftand good, becaufe 
 he was Paflive in the thing, and not confenting 
 to the Breach of the Canons. And without this 
 Paflivity, there are feveral Inftances of Ordina- 
 tions by Two Bifhops only, the Validity of 
 which we do not find difputed. Pelagius Bilhop 
 of Rome was reckoned a true Bifhop, though as 
 we have juft now heard, he had but Two Bi- 
 fhops and a Presbyter to ordain him. Diofcorus of 
 Alexandria was confecrated likewife by Two 
 Bifhops only, and thofe under Ecclefiaftical Cen- 
 furej as we learn from an Epiftle of the Bifhops 
 of Pontus [_x~], at the end of the Council of 
 Chalcedon : Yet neither that Council, nor any 
 others ever queftioned the Validity of his Ordi- 
 nation, unlefs perhaps thofe Pontick Bifhops did, 
 who call it Nefandam atque imaginariam Ordina- 
 tionem. Siderius Bifhop of Pal<ebifca was ordained 
 by one Bifhop ; yet Athanaftus not only allowed 
 his Ordination, and confirmed it, but finding 
 him to be an ufeful Man, be afterwards ad- 
 vanced him, as Synefius [jy] fays, to the Metro- 
 political See of Ptolemais. Paulinus Bifhop of 
 Antioch ordained Evagrius his Succeflbr, without 
 any other Bifhop to affift him : Which though 
 it was done againft Canon, yet tfheodoret allures 
 us [z], that both the Biihops of Rome and A- 
 lexandria owned Evagrius for a true Bifhop, and 
 never in the leaft queftioned the Validity of his 
 
 Ordination. And though they afterwards con- 
 fented to acknowledge Flavian, at the Inftance 
 of I'heodofius, to put an end to the Schifm ; yet 
 they did it upon this Condition, that the Ordi- 
 nations offuch as had been ordained by Evagrius, 
 fhould be reputed Valid alfo : As we learn from 
 the Letters of Pope [a] Innocent, who lived not 
 long after this Matter was transacted. 
 
 Hence it appears, that the SECT. vr. 
 
 Ordination of a Bifhop made by The Bijlwp of Rome 
 
 any fingle Bifhop was Valid, if ^privileged to or- 
 
 the Church thought fit to allow fiftW? 
 
 xt 1 j 1 t>-/i r than any other fingle 
 
 it. Nor had the Bifhop of Rome B jjj } ^ J 
 any peculiar Privilege in this 
 Matter above other Men, though fome pretend 
 to make a Diftinction. There is indeed an an- 
 cient Canon alledgcd in the Collection of Ful- 
 gentius Ferrandus, out of the Council of Zella, 
 and the Letters of Siricius, which feemsto make 
 a Referve in behalf of the Bifhop of Rome : For 
 it fays, [f\ One Bilhop fliall not ordain a Bifhop, 
 the Roman Church excepted. But Cotelerius [c~\ 
 ingenuoully owns this to be a Corruption in the 
 Text of Ferrandus, foifted in by the Ignorance 
 or Fraud of fome Modern Transcriber, who con- 
 founded two Decrees of Siricius into one, and 
 changed the Words, Sedes Apoftolica Primatisj 
 into Sedes Apoftolica Romana. For in the Words 
 of Siricius \_d\ there is no mention made at all 
 of the Roman Church, but it is faid, That no 
 one fhall ordain without the Confent of the A- 
 poftolical See j that is, the Primate or Metropo- 
 litan of the Province i and that one Bifhop alone 
 fhall not ordain a Bifhop, becaufe that is arro- 
 gant and afluming, and looks like giving an Or- 
 dination by Stealth, and is exprefly forbidden by 
 the Nicene Council. So that in thefe Times the 
 Bifhops of Rome were under the Direction of 
 the Canons, and did not prefume to think they 
 had any Privilege of Ordaining fingly, above 
 what was common to the reft of their Order. 
 
 The next thing to be taken sect. VII. 
 notice of in this Affair, is, That Every Biflnp to be 
 every Bifhop, by the Laws and crdain f « his «f 
 Cuftom of the Church, was to ch!,rch - 
 be ordained in his own Church, in the Prefence 
 of his own People. Which is plainly intimated 
 by Cyprian [e] when he fays, That to celebrate 
 Ordinations aright, the neighbouring Bifhops of 
 the Province were ufed to meet at the Church 
 where the new Bifhop was to be ordained, and 
 there proceed to his Election and Ordination. 
 
 [y] Eufeb. Lib. 6.c. 43. ex Epift. Cornel, [a] Lib. Pontifi- 
 cal. Vit. Pelag. Dum non eflent Epifcopi, qui eum ordinarent, in- 
 venti funt duo Epifcopi, Joannes de Perufio, 8c Bonus de Ferentino, 
 8c Andreas Presbyter de Oftia, 8c ordinaverunt eum . [w] Con . 
 Araufic. i.c.zi. [#] Concil. Tom. 4. p. 960. Ordinationem 
 fuam a damnatis Epifcopis, 8c hoc duobus, accepit, cum Regulse 
 
 Patrum vel tres Epifcopos corporaliter adefie in hujufmodi 
 
 dilpenfationibus omnino profpiciant. Synef. Ep. 67. 
 
 [z,] Theod. Lib. f. c. 23. [a] Innoc. Ep. 14. ad Bonifac. 
 Ecclefia Antiochena ita Pacem poftulavit 8c meruit, ut 8c Evagria- 
 nos fuis Ordinibus ac Locis, intemerata Ordinatione, quam acce- 
 perant a memorato, fufciperet. [b~\ Ferrand. Brey. Canon, c. 6". 
 
 Ut unus Epifcopus Epifcopum non ordinet, ejccepta Ecclefia Ro- 
 mana. Concilio Zellenfi. Ex Epiftola Papa; Siricii. [c] Coteler. 
 Not. in Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 3. c. 20. [d] Siric. Ep. 4. c. 1. 
 Ut extra 'confcientiam fedis Apoftolicse, hoc eft, Primatis, nemo 
 audeat ordinare. It. c. 2. Ne unus Epifcopus Epifcopum ordinarc 
 prafumat propter arrogantiam, ne furtivum prseftitum Beneficium 
 videatur. Hoc enim 8c a Synoda Niczna conftitutum eft atque defi- 
 nitum. [e] Cypr. Ep. 68. al. 67. ad Fratr. Hilpan. p. 171. 
 
 Ad Ordinationes rite celebiandas, ad earn Plebem, cui Prsepofitus 
 ordinatur, Epifcopi ejufdem Provincke proximi quique / conve- 
 niant, &c. 
 
 And 
 
Chap. XI 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 49 
 
 And this was fo generally the Praftice of the 
 whole Church, that Pope Julius [/] made it an 
 Obje&ion againft Gregory of Alexandria, who 
 was obtruded on the Church by the Eufebian 
 Party in the room of Athanafius^ that he was 
 ordained at Antioch, and not in his own Church, 
 but fent thither with a Band of Soldiers whereas 
 by the Ecclefiaftical Canon he ought to have 
 been ordained, W avrHs c^y-Xncr/as-, in the 
 Church of Alexandria it felf, and that by the 
 Bifhops of his own Province. This Rule was 
 very nicely obferved in the African Churches, 
 where it was the conusant Cuftom for the Pri- 
 mate (whofe Office it was to ordain Bifhops) to 
 go to the Church where the new Bifhop was to 
 be fettled, and ordain him there. Of this we 
 have feveral Inftances in St. Aufiin, who himfelf 
 was ordained in his own Church at Hippo [g] 
 by the Primate of Numidia : And having divi- 
 ded his Diocefe, and erected a new Bifhoprick 
 at FuJ/ala, and ele&ed a Bifhop, he fent for the 
 Primate, though living [gg~] at a great Di- 
 ftance, to come to the Place and ordain him 
 there. 
 
 SECT. VIII. As to the Manner and Form 
 The ancient Form of Ordaining a Bifhop, itisthus 
 of ordination of briefly defcribed by one of the 
 Bifhops. ^ Councils [h] of Carthage : When 
 a Bimop is ordained, Two Bifhops fhall hold the 
 Book of the Gofpels over his Head, and whilft 
 one pronounces the Bleffing or Confecration 
 Prayer, all the reft: of the Biihops that are pre- 
 fent, mall lay their Hands upon his Head. The 
 Ceremony of laying the Gofpels upon his Head 
 feems to have been in ufe in all Churches. For 
 the Author [f\ of the Apoftolical Conftitutions 
 (a Greek Writer who is fuppofed to relate the 
 Cuftoms of the }d Century) makes mention of 
 it, only with this Difference, that inftead of 
 Two Bifhops, there Two Deacons are appointed 
 to hold the Gofpels open over his Head, whilft 
 the Senior Bifhop or Primate, with Two other 
 Bifhops affifling him, pronounces the Prayer of 
 Confecration. This Ceremony of holding the 
 Gofpels over his Head, is alfo mentioned by St. 
 Chryfofiom [£] and the Author of the Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Hierarchy under the Name of Dionyfius^ who 
 fays it was a peculiar Ceremony ufed only in the 
 Ordination of a Bifhop. 
 
 sect. IX. The Author of the Conftitu- 
 A Form of Prayer tions recites one of the ancient 
 ufed at their omfe- Forms of Prayer, the clofe of 
 
 oration. wh ; ch ^ ryj ^ thefe Words . 
 
 " Grant to him, O Lord Almighty, by thy 
 te Chrift the Communication of the Holy 
 cc Spirit $ that he may have Power to remit 
 
 Sins according to thy Commandment, and t6 
 " confer Orders according to thy Appointment, 
 * and to loofe every Bond according to the 
 M Power which thou gaveft to the Apoftlesi 
 " that he may pleafe thee in Meeknefs and a 
 " pure Heart, Conftantly, Blamelefs, and with- 
 " out Rebuke j and may offer unto Thee that 
 et Pure Unbloody Sacrifice, which thou by 
 '* Chrift haft appointed to be the Myftery or 
 " Sacrament of the New Covenant, for a fweet- 
 66 fmelling Savour, through Jefus Chrift: thy 
 6C Holy Son, our God and Saviour, by whom 
 tc be Glory, Honour and Worfhip to Thee, in 
 w the Holy Spirit, now and for ever. Amen, 
 It is not to be imagined that one and the fame 
 Form was ufed in all Churches: For every Bifhop 
 having Liberty to frame his own Liturgy, as 
 there were different Liturgies in different Chur- 
 ches, fo it is rnofl rcafonable to fuppofe the Pri- 
 mates or Metropolitans had different Forms of 
 Cor, Deration, though there are now no Remains 
 of them in being, to give us any farther Infor- 
 mation. 
 
 The Confecration being en- sect. X. 
 
 ded, the Bifhops that were pre- of their Enthrom- 
 
 fent conducted the new ordained m ' nt - HomilixEn- 
 
 Bifhop to his Chair or Throne, tT^T 
 
 , { i • i • _i n terae Enthromfticar. 
 
 and there placing him, they all 
 
 faluted him with an Holy Kifs in the Lord. 
 Then the Scriptures being read (according to 
 Cuflom, as part of the daily Service) the new 
 Bifhop made a Difcourfe or Expofition upon 
 them, which was ufually called Sermo Enthro- 
 niflicus, from the Time and Circumftances in 
 which it was fpoken. Such was that famous 
 Homily of Meletius Bifhop of Antioch, mentioned 
 by Epiphanius \jn~] and Sozomen, for which he 
 was immediately fent into Banifhment by Con-> 
 ftantius. Socrates frequently takes notice of fuch 
 Homilies made by Bifhops [»] at their Inftal- 
 ment j and Liberatus [<?] fpeaking of Severus of 
 Antioch, mentions his Expofition made upon that 
 Occafion, calling it, Expofitio in Inthronifmo. It 
 was ufual alfo for Bifhops immediately after their 
 Inftalment, to fend Letters to foreign Bifhops, 
 to give them an Account of their Faith and Or- 
 thodoxy, that they might receive Letters of 
 Peace and Communion again from them \ which 
 Letters were therefore called, Litera Enthronifiica^ 
 or cuWaCca cV^^vis-ikou, as Evagrius [_p~\ terms 
 them, fpeaking of the Circular Letters which 
 Severus Bifhop of Antioch wrote to the reft of the 
 Patriarchs upon that Occafion. Thefe were o- 
 therwife call'd Communicatory Letters, xoiv&wxa 
 <j^y^\x\xaxa^ as the Council of Antioch^ that 
 depofed Paulus Samofatenfis, terms them : For 
 the Fathers in that Council having ordained 
 
 [/] Jul. Ep. ad Oriental, ap. Athanaf. Apol. 2. T. r. p. 749. qui adfunt, manibus fuis caput ejus tangant. [»] Conftit. Apoft. 
 
 [g~\ PolTid. Vit. Aug. c. 8. [gg~] Aug. Ep. 26 1. Propter quern Lib. 8. c. 4. [k] Chryf. de Laudib. Evang. cited by Habertus, 
 
 ordinandum, fanclrum fenem, qui tunc Primatum Numidiae gere- p. 79. Dionyf. Ecclef. Hierarch. c. j. par. 2..SecT\ 1. p. 264. 
 
 bat, de longinquo ut veniret rogans, Literis impetravi. [A] Con. [/] Conftit. Lib. 8. c. 5-. [m] Epiphan. Hser, 73. Sozom. Lib. 4.' 
 
 Carth. 4. c. 2. Epifcopus cum ordinatur, duo Epifcopi ponant 8c c. 28. [»] Socrat. Lib. 2. c. 43. Lib. 7. c. 29. [0] Liberat. 
 
 teneant Evangeliorum Codicem fuper Caput 8c verticem ejus, 8t Breviar. c. 19. [/>] Evagr. Lib. 4. c. 4. 
 
 uno fuper eum fundente Benedi&ionem, reiiqui omnes Epifcopi * 
 
 Vol. I. O Domnus 
 
so 
 
 The Ant i qjj it ies of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 Domnus in the room of Paul, gave notice there- 
 of to all Churches, telling them that they fig- 
 nified it to them for this Reafon, that they might 
 write to Domnus, and receive xctv&vina aul'ypj.ix- 
 ixara [jf\ Communicatory Letters from him : 
 Which, as Valefius [r] rightly notes, do not 
 mean there thofe Letters of Communion which 
 Bifhops were ufed to grant to Perfons travelling 
 into Foreign Countries; but fuch Letters as 
 they wrote to each other upon their own Ordi- 
 
 nation, to teftify their Communion mutually 
 with one another. Thefe Letters are alfo called 
 Synodic^ by Liberatus [_s~\; who fays, this Cu- 
 ftom of every new Bifhop's giving Intimation of 
 his own Promotion to thofe of his own Order, 
 was fo neceffary, that the Omiffion of it was in- 
 terpreted a fort of Refufal to hold Communion 
 with the reft of the World, and a virtual Charge 
 of Hercfy upon them. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the Rule which prohibits Bijhops to be Ordained in fmall Cities. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Reafon of the 
 Law aga'mft placing 
 Bijhops in fmall Ci- 
 ties. 
 
 B 
 
 Dif- 
 
 EFORE I end this 
 courfe about Bifliops, I mull 
 give an Account of Two Rules 
 more refpe&ing their Ordination! 
 The firft of which was; That 
 Bifhops mould not be placed in fmall Cities or 
 Villages: Which Law was firft made by the 
 Council of Sardica, with a Defign to keep up 
 the Honour and Dignity of the Epifcopal Or- 
 der; as the Reafon is given in the Canon made 
 about it; which fays, It mail not be lawful to 
 place a Bifhop in a Village, or fmall [/] City, 
 where a fingle Presbyter will be fufficient : For 
 in fuch Places, there is no need to fet a Bifhop ; 
 left the Name and Authority of Bifhops be 
 brought into Contempt. Some add to this the 
 Fifty feventh Canon of the Council of Laodicea, 
 which forbids the placing of Bifhops in Villa- 
 ges, and in the Country, [u] appointing Vifi- 
 tors to be conftituted in their Room: But this 
 Canon fpeaks not of Abfolute Bifhops, but of 
 the Chorepifcopi, who were fubjec~t to other Bi- 
 fhops, of which I fhall treat particularly hereaf- 
 ter. However, there is no Difpute about the 
 Sardican Canon; for the Reafon annexed ex- 
 plains its Meaning, that it prohibits univerfally 
 the Ordination of Bifhops in fmall Cities and 
 Country Places. 
 
 B u t it may be obferved that 
 this Rule did never generally ob- 
 tain : For both before and after 
 the Council of Sardica, there 
 were Bifhops both in fmall Ci- 
 ties and Villages. Nazianzum 
 was but a very fmall City; Socrates [x~] calls it 
 to-oXk ooTsXo?, a Little one : And upon the fame 
 account Gregory Nazianzen \_y] ftiles his own Fa- 
 ther, who was Bifhop of it, ]Ufx^7roX(Vyi?, a Lit- 
 tle Bifhop, and one of the Second Order. Yet 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Some Exceptions 
 to this Rule in E- 
 gypt, Libya, Cy- 
 prus, Arabia, Alia 
 minor, &c, 
 
 he was no Ckorcpifcopus, but as Abfolute a Bi- 
 fhop in his own Diocefe, as the Bifhop of Rome 
 or Alexandria. Gerte near Peluftum was but a 
 fmall City, as Sozomen [a] notes; yet it was a 
 Bifhop's See. Theodoret obferves the fame of Do- 
 licha, where Maris was Bifhop [b~], that it was 
 but a very little City, ■aroXly.vr', crij.iy.pj. he calls it 5 
 And he fays the like of Cncufus \_c] in Armenia, 
 the Place whither Chryfofiom was banifhed : Yet 
 as fmall a City as it was, Chryfofiom [cT\ found a 
 Bifhop there, who treated him very civilly and 
 refpeclfully in his Exile. Synefius makes men- 
 tion of the Bifhop of Olbi<e in one [e~] of his E- 
 piftles, and at the fame time tells us the Place 
 was but a Village; for he calls the People c/^ju©> 
 xw.uh'ths-, a Country People. So he fays in ano- 
 ther [/] Epiftle, that Hydrax and Polabifca had 
 for fome time each of them their own Bifhop; 
 though they were but Villages of Pentapolis, 
 formerly belonging to the Diocefe of Erythra, 
 to which they were fome time after annexed a- 
 gain. In Sozomen's Time among the Arabians 
 and Cyprians it was an ufual thing to ordain Bi- 
 fhops not only in Cities, but Villages; as alfo a- 
 mong the Novatians and Montanifts in Pbrygia : 
 All which he affirms [g] upon his own Know- 
 ledge. Some think Dracontius was fuch a Bi- 
 fhop, becaufe Athanafius [h~\ ftiles his Bifhoprick 
 X<x>py.s cmayiarw : But whether this means that 
 he was an Abfolute Bifhop, or only a Chore- 
 pifcopus, as others think, is not very eafy to de- 
 termine. As neither what kind of Bifhops thofe 
 were, which the Council of Antioch [/'] in their 
 Synodical Epiftle agz'mft Paulus Samofatenfis, calls 
 Country Bifhops; for perhaps they might be 
 only Chorepifcopi, or Dependant Bifhops, as Vale- 
 fius conjectures. But this cannot be faid by thofe 
 mentioned by Sozomen, nor of the other In- 
 ftances I have given out of Synefius, and the reft 
 of the fore-cited Authors; from whofe Tefti- 
 
 [q] Eufeb. Lib. 7. c. 30. [r] Valef Not. in Loc. 
 [ s] Liberat. Breviar. c. 17. Quia Lkeras Synodicas non direxiflef, 
 &c. ['] Con Sardic. Can. 6. Mil 'J&voj dnrKu^ K&Srirav 
 &7nax,o'7rov xdij.w nvi n ^cf.y^a. -w6a«. [«] Concil.Laodic. 
 c. J-7- W Socrar. Lib. 4. c. i', 8c xG. [y] Naz. Orat. 
 19. de Laud. Patr. T. 1. p. 310. [YJ.Sozom. Lib. 8. c.19. n'oMf 
 OJ Theod. Lib. j. c. 4. ■ [c] Theod, Lib. 2. c. f. 
 
 Sc Lib. f. c. 34. [</] Chryl". Ep. 1 ^f. ad Cyriacum. 
 [e] Synef.Ep.76. [/] Id.Ep. 67. Ku/jlcu "5 dv]au mfldt.- 
 ToKeaf. [g] Sozom. lib. 7. c.19. 'Eric otm X) lv x.co[acu{ 
 MnVws; jepsju^, <5^t v diptC'iotf >U xweliK tyvuv, &C. 
 [A] Athanaf. Epift. ad Dracont. T. t. p. 9f<W CO A P- Eufeb " 
 lib. 7. c. 30. 'ETT/fl-KoTSf tuv op'opav a.yj£v Tg ir'oKiuv. 
 
 monies 
 
Chap.XII 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5i 
 
 monies it plainly appears, that there were Bi- 
 lhops in very fmall Cities, and fometimes in Vil- 
 lages, notwithstanding the contrary Decree of 
 the Sardican Council. It is alfo very obfervablc, 
 That in Afia Minor, a Trad of Land not much 
 larger than the Ifle of Great- Britain, (including 
 hut two Diocefes of the Roman Empire) there 
 were almoft Four Hundred Bilhops j as appears 
 from the ancient Notitid's of the Church. 
 Whence it may be collected, that Cucufus and 
 Nazianzum were not the only fmall Cities in 
 thofe Parts j but that there were many other Ci- 
 ties and Diocefes, of no very great Extent in 
 fuch a Number. 
 
 SECT. III. One thing that contributed 
 Reafo'tfiirEnil- much to the Multiplication of 
 in Lncu!es CkS m Bilhopricks, and that caufcd them 
 to be erected fometimes in fmall 
 Places, was, That in the Primitive Church e- 
 very Bilhop, with the Confent of his Metropo- 
 litan, or the Approbation of a Provincial Coun- 
 cil, had Powar to divide his own Diocefe, and 
 Ordain a new Bilhop in fome convenient Part of 
 it, for the Good of the Church, whenever he 
 found his Diocefe too large, or the Places to lye 
 at too great a Diftance, or the Multitude of 
 Converts to increafe, and make the Care and In- 
 cumbrance of his Diocefe become too great a 
 Burden for him. This was the Reafon why St. 
 Aufiin [_k~] erected a new Bifhoprick at Fujfala a 
 Town in his own Diocefe, about 40 Miles from 
 Hippo. It was a Place where great Numbers had 
 been converted from the Schifm of the Dona- 
 tifts , and fome remained to be converted ftill: 
 But the Place lying at fo great a Diftance, he 
 could not bellow that Care and Diligence, ei- 
 ther in Ruling the one, or Regaining the other, 
 which he thought neceffary: And therefore he 
 prevailed with the Primate of Numidia, to come 
 and Ordain one Antonius to be Bilhop there. And 
 this was confonant to the Rules of the African 
 Church ; which allowed new Bifhopricks to be 
 erected [/] in any Diocefe where there was need, 
 if the Bilhop of the Diocefe and the Primate 
 gave their Confent to it; or, as Ferrandus \rn\ 
 has it in his Collection, if the Bilhop, the Pri- 
 mate, and a Provincial Council , by their joint 
 Confent and Authority gave way to it. By ver- 
 tue of thefe Canons, during the time of the 
 Schifm of the Donatifts, many new Bifhopricks 
 were erected in very fmall Towns in Africk ; 
 as appears from the Acts of the Collation of 
 Carthage j where the Catholicks and Donatifts 
 mutually charge each other with this Practice: 
 
 That they divided fingle Bilhopricks fometimes 
 into three or four; and made Bilhops in Coun- 
 try-Towns and Villages, to augment the Num- 
 bers of their Parties. Thus, in one place, we 
 find Petilian the Donatifl [n\ complaining, That 
 the Catholicks had made four Bilhops in the Dio- 
 cefe of Januarius, a Donatifl Bilhop, to outdo 
 them with Numbers. And, in another place, 
 Alypias the Catholick orders it to be entred [0} 
 upon Record, That a great many Donatifl Bi- 
 lhops there mentioned, were not Ordained in 
 Cities, but only in Country-Towns or Villages. 
 To which Petilian [/»] replies, That the Catho- 
 licks did the fame j Ordaining Bilhops in Coun- 
 try-Towns, and fometimes in fuch Places where 
 they had no People: His meaning is, that in 
 thole Places all the People were turned Dona- 
 tifts j And for that very Reafon the Catholick 
 Bilhops thought themfelves obliged to divide 
 their Diocefes, and Ordain new Bilhops in fmall 
 Towns j that they might outdo the Donatifts, 
 both in Number and Zeal, and more effectually 
 labour in reducing the ftraying People back a- 
 gain to their ancient Communion with the Ca- 
 tholick Church. This was the Practice of A- 
 frick, and this their Reafon for Erecting fo many 
 fmall Bilhopricks in thofe Times of Exigency: 
 They had always an eye to the Benefit and Edi- 
 fication of the Church. 
 
 Gregory Nazianzen highly commends St. BafiVs 
 Piety and Prudence for the like Practice. It 
 happen'd in his time, that Cappadocia was divided 
 into two Provinces, and Tyana made the Metro- 
 polis of the Second Province, in the Civil Ac- 
 count : This gave Occafion to Anthimus Bilhop 
 of Tyana, to lay claim to the Rights of a Me- 
 tropolitan in the Church j which St. Bafil oppo- 
 fed, as injurious to his own Church of Cafarea, 
 which by ancient Cuftom and Prefcription had 
 been the Metropolis of the whole Province. 
 But Anthimus proving a very contentious Advcr- 
 fary, and railing great Difturbance and Commo- 
 tions about it, St. Bafil was willing to buy the 
 Peace of the Church with the Lofs of his own 
 Rights j fo he voluntarily relinquilhed his Juris- 
 diction over that Part of Cappadocia, which An- 
 thimus laid claim to: And, to compenfatc his 
 own Lofs in fome meafure , he erected feveral 
 New Bilhopricks in his own Province} as, at 
 Sajima, and fome other fuch obfeure Places of 
 that Region. Now, tho' this was done contra- 
 ry to the Letter of a Canon, yet Nazianzen ex- 
 tols the Fact upon three Accounts. Firft, Be- 
 caufe hereby a greater Care was taken [_q~] of 
 Men's Souls. Secondly, By this means every 
 
 [_k] Auguftin. Epift. 261. ad Geleftin. Quod ab Hippone me- 
 moratum Caftellum millibus Quadraginta fejungitur, cum in eis 
 
 regendis, 8c eorum Reliquiis licet exiguis colligendis ■ me vide- 
 
 rem latius quam oportebat extendi, nec adhibendx fufficerem dili- 
 gentiae, quam certilTima ratione adhiberi debere cernebam, Epifco- 
 pum ibi ordinandum conftituendumque curavi. [/] Concil. 
 Carth. 2. c. $\ Si accedente tempore, crefcente Fide, Dei populus 
 multiplicatus de!ider3vit proprium habere Reftorem, ejus videlicet 
 voluntate, in cujus poteftate eft Dicecefis conftituta, habeat Epifco- 
 pum. It. Con. Carh. 3. c. 4.2. [m] Ferrand. Breviar. Canon, 
 c. 13. Ut Epifcopus non ordinetur in Diceceli, qua; Epifcopum 
 
 nunquam habuit, nifi cum voluntate Epifcopi ad quem ipfa Dice- 
 cefis pertinet, ex Concilio tamen plenario Sc Primatis Authoritate. 
 [»] Collat. Carth. i.e. 117. Petilianus Epifcopus dixit, In une 
 Plebe Januarii Collegae noftri praefentis, in una Dicecefi, quatuor 
 funt conftituti contra ipfum ; ut numerus fcilicet augeretur. 
 [0] Ibid. c. 181. Alypius dixit, Scriptum lit iftos omnes in Villi's 
 vel in Fundis efle Epifcopos ordinatos, non in aliquibus Civitatibus. 
 [/>] Ibid. c. 182. Petilianus Epifcopus dixit: Sic etiam tu multos 
 habes per omnes agros difperfos : Imo crebros ubi habes, fane 8c 
 fine populis habes. . [^J Naz. Orat. 20. de Laud. Balil. 
 Tom. 1. p. i$6. 
 
 Cit 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 City had its own Revenues. And laftly, The 
 War between the two Metropolitans was ended. 
 This, he fays, was an admirable Policy, worthy 
 the great and noble Soul of St. Bajil, who 
 could turn a Difpute fo to the Benefit of the 
 Church, and draw a confiderable Advantage out 
 of a Calamity, by making it an occafion to guard 
 
 and defend his Country with more Bifhops. 
 Whence we may collect, that in Nazianzen's 
 Opinion, it is an Advantage to the Church to be 
 well ftock'd with Bifhops ; and that it is no Dis- 
 honour to her to have Bifhops in fmall Towns, 
 when Neceffity and Reafon require it. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the Rule which forbids Two Bifhops to be Or darned m one City. 
 
 NOTHER Rule gene- 
 
 SECT.I. 
 
 The General Rule rally obferved in the Church, 
 
 andPratiiceof the waSj That in one City there 
 
 Church to Uve but be but Qne Bi ft op tho > 
 
 one Bifhop in a City. . , , f • c 
 
 it was large enough to admit or 
 
 many Presbyters. In the time of Cornelius, there 
 were Forty fix Presbyters [r] in the Church 
 of Rome, Seven Deacons, as many Sub-Deacons, 
 and Ninety four of the Inferior Orders of the 
 Clergy : And the Body of the People, at a mo- 
 derate Computation, are reckon'd by fome |Y) 
 to be about Fifty thoufand $ by others [t], to 
 be a far greater Number j yet there was but one 
 Bifhop over all thefe. So that when Novatian 
 got himfelf Ordained Bifhop of Rome, in Oppo- 
 fition to Cornelius ; he was generally condemned 
 over all the World, as tranfgrefling the Rule of 
 the Catholick Church. Cyprian [u] delivers it as a 
 Maxim upon this Occafion ; That there ought 
 to be but one Bifhop in a Church at a time, and 
 one Judge as the Vicegerent of Chrift. There- 
 fore he fays [w] Novatian was no Bifhop, fince 
 there could not be a Second after the Firft j but 
 he was an [x] Adulterer, and a Foreigner, an 
 ambitious Ufurper of another Man's Church, 
 who had been regularly Ordained before him. 
 And fo he was told not only by [y~] Cyprian, 
 but a whole African Council at once ; who, in 
 return to Novatian's Communicatory Letter, 
 which (according to Cuftom) he wrote to them 
 upon his Ordination, fent him this plain and po- 
 fitive Anfwer : That he was an Alien j and that 
 none of them could communicate with him, 
 who had attempted to erect a Prophane Altar, 
 and fet up an Adulterous Chair, and offer Sacri- 
 legious Sacrifice againft Cornelius the true Bifhop j 
 who had been Ordained by the Approbation of 
 God, and the Suffrage of the Clergy and Peo- 
 
 ple. There were, indeed, fome Confeflbrs at 
 Rome, who at firft fided with Novatian : but 
 Cyprian [z] wrote a Remonitrating Letter to 
 them, wherein he foberly laid before them the 
 Sinfulnefs of their Practice ; And his Admoni- 
 tion wrought fo effectually on fome of the chief 
 of them, that not long after they returned to 
 Cornelius, and publickly confeffed their Fault in 
 thefe Words : We acknowledge our Error j 
 We have been impofed upon and deluded by 
 treacherous and deceitful Words : For though 
 we feemed to communicate with a Schifmatical 
 and Heretical Man, yet our Mind was always 
 fincerely in the Church. For we are not igno- 
 rant, [a] that as there is but one God, one 
 Chrift the Lord, and one Holy Spirit 5 fo there 
 ought to be but one Bifhop in a Catholick 
 Church. Pamelius [b~\ and others, who take 
 this for a Confeffion of the Bifhop of Rome's 
 Supremacy, betray either grofs Ignorance, or 
 great Partiality for a Caufe : For though this was 
 fpoken of a Bifhop of Rome, yet it was not pe- 
 culiar to him, but the common cafe of Bifhops 
 in all Churches. Ignatius and all the Writers 
 after him, who have faid any thing of Bifhops, 
 always fpeak of a fingle Bifhop in every Church : 
 And tho' [_c] Origen feems to fay otherwife, that 
 there were Two Bifhops in every Church 5 yet 
 as he explains his own Notion, his Meaning is 
 the fame with all the reft : For he fays the one 
 was Vifible, the other Invifiblej the one an 
 Angel, the other a Man. So that his Teftimony 
 (tho' there be fomething peculiar in his Notion) 
 is a farther Confirmation of the Churches 
 Practice. 
 
 The Writers of the following Ages do fo fre- 
 quently mention the fame thing, that it would 
 be as tedious, as it is needlefs to recite their [/] 
 
 [r] Cornel. Ep. ad Fabium ap. Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 43. 
 [j] Bifhop Burnet, Letter 4. p. 107. [?] Bafnag. Exerc. ad 
 Annal. Baron, an. 44. p. 5-32. [a] Cypr. Epift. 57. al. 5-9. ad 
 Cornel, p. 129. Unus in Ecclefia ad tempus Sacerdos, 8c ad tern- 
 pus Judex Vice Chrifti. [w] Id. Epift. 5-2. al. ff . ad Antonian. 
 p. 104. Cum poft primum fecundus efle non pofiit, quifquis poft 
 unum qui folus efle debeat, faftus eft, non jam Secundus ille, fed 
 nullus eft. [x] Ibid. p. 112. Nifi fi Epifcopus tibi videtur, qui 
 Epifcopo in Ecclefia a Sedecim Co-epifcopis facto, Adulter atque 
 Extraneus, Epifcopus fieri a defertoribus per ambitum nititur. 
 [y] Cypr. Ep. 67. al. 68. ad Steph. p. 177. Se foris efle coepifle, 
 nec pofle a quoquam noftrum fibi communicari ; qui, Epifcopo 
 Cornelio in Catholica Ecclefia de Dei judicio, 8c Cleri ac Plebis 
 fufltagio ordinato, profanum Altare erigere, Adulteram Cathedram 
 collocare, 8c Sacrilega contra verunV Sacerdotem Sacrificia offerre 
 
 tentaverit. [z.] Cypr. Ep. 44. al. 46. ad Nicoftrat. & Maxim. 
 [<?] Cornel. Ep. 46. al. 49. ad Cyprian. Nec enim ignoramus 
 unum Deum efle, unum Chriftum Dominum, quem confefli fu- 
 mus, unum Spiritum San&um, unum Epifcopum in Catholica 
 Ecclefia efle debere. [6] PameJ. Not. in Loc. [e] Orig. 
 Horn. 13. in Luc. Per fingulas Ecclefias bini funt Epifcopi, alius 
 
 Vifibilis, alius Invifibilis Ego puto invenii i fimul pofle &. An- 
 
 gelum 8c Hominem bonos (leg. Binos) Ecclcfise Epifcopos. 
 [</] See Chryfoft. Epift. 125-. ad Cyriac. 8c Horn. 1. in Philip. Je- 
 rom. Epift. 4. ad Ruftic. Ep. 8$\ ad Evagr. Com. in Tit. 2. Pfeudo 
 Hieron. Com. in 1 Tim. c. 3. 12. Hilar. Diac. Com. in Phil. 1. 
 I. It. in 1 Cor. 12. 28. 8c 1 Tim. 3. 12. Pacian. Ep. 3. ad Sem- 
 pronian. Socrat. Lib. 6. c. 22. Soz,om. Lib. 4. c. 14, 8c i/.Theod. 
 Lib. 3. c.4. 
 
 Teftimonies. 
 
Chap.XIII. Christian Church. 
 
 53 
 
 Therefore I fhall only add thefe Thus fpake the Divine Mektius, fays our An- 
 
 thor, Lovingly and Meekly ; but Paulinas would 
 not acquiefce, nor hearken to him. 
 
 We meet with another fuch Propofal made to 
 the Donatift Bifhops, by all the Catholick Bi- 
 fhops of Africk Aflembled together, at the o- 
 pening of the famous Conference of Carthage- 
 There they offered them freely before the Con- 
 
 Two T ungs • That the Council of Nice 
 
 Repeats anS^onfirms'this Ancient Rule. For in 
 
 the Eighth Canon, ^\^\°^%^ 
 tian BiLps that return to the Catholick Church 
 it is faid, that any Bifhop may admit them to 
 officiate as Presbyters in the City, or zsChore- 
 
 £^i££W 2835 ^ence began, That if they would return to the 
 tor trm i ' nQt be two Bifhops in one Unity and Communion of the Church, upon 
 r^'ru Secondlv That in Fad the People were due Conviftion, they ihould retain their [e] E- 
 eenerally pofferffed with the Opinion of the Ab- pifcopal Honour and Dignity ftill : And becaufe 
 f \ I Jnhwfulnefs of having two Bifhops fit this could not. be done, as the Circum fiances and 
 together- Womuch that Theodoret tells [*] us, Cafe of the Church then were, without allow- 
 when Conftantius propofed to the Roman People ing two Bifhops for fome time to be in the fame 
 Z hnve Tiberius zJ Felix fit as Copartners, and City, it was farther propofed, That every Ca- 
 oovern the Church in common, they unanimouf- tholick Bifhop fhould take the other to be his 
 1v Lreed to reicft the Motion, crying out, One Copartner, and fhare the Honour with him ; al- 
 God, One Chnft, One Bifhop. lowing him to fit with him in his own Chair, 
 ' as was ufual for Bifhops to treat their Fellow 
 Yet it muft be obferv'd, that Bifhops, that were Strangers; and alfo granting 
 as the great End and Defign of him a Church of his own, where he might be 
 this Rule was to prevent Schifm, capable of returning the like Civility: That fo 
 and preferve the Peace and Uni- they might pay mutual Refped and Honour to 
 ty of the Church : So on the o- each other, and take their turns to fit higheft in 
 tier hand when it manifeftly ap- the Church, till fuch times as one of them fhould 
 peared, that the allowing of two Bifhops in one die; and then the Right of Succeffion fhould 
 C\tv in fome certain Circumflances and critical be always in a fingle Bifhop, as it was before. 
 _ jJ? i ...I — -~ ~> 1( - on rnA rn And this, thev fav. was no new thinp- in /Ifrir.k 
 
 SECT. ir. 
 
 Yet two Bifjops 
 fometimes alhvoedby 
 Compromif ,to end a 
 Difpute, or cure an 
 Inveterate Schifm. 
 
 Tunftures, was the only way to put an end to 
 fome long and inveterate Schifm ; in that cafe 
 there were fome Catholick Bifhops, who were 
 willing to take a Partner into their Throne, and 
 
 — — j § j - - - - — — - — 
 
 And this, they fay, was no new thing in Africk. 
 For from the Beginning of the Schifm, they that 
 would recant their Error, and condemn their Se- 
 paration, and return to the Unity of the Church, 
 
 willing to take a rartnei mu. r ■> - -- . l Vrf l r » ' 
 
 fhare the Epifcopal Power and Dignity between were by the Chanty of the Cathohcks always 
 them Thus Meletius Bifhop of Antioch made treated in the fame courteous manner. From hence 
 the Propofal to Paulinas his Antagonift, who it is plain, that this had been the Practice of A- 
 though he was of the fame Faith, yet kept up frick for above one whole Century ; and the pre- 
 a Church divided in Communion from him. I fent Bifhops propofed to follow the Example of 
 fhall relate the Propofal in the Words [>] of their PredecefTors, in making this Conceffion to 
 Theodcret Meletius, fays he, the meekell of -the Donatijls, in order to clofe up and heal the 
 Men thus friendly and mildly addrefled himfelf Divifions of the Church. But they add, That 
 to Paulinus • Forafmuch as the Lord hath com- forafmuch as this Method might not be accepta- 
 mitted to me the Care of thefe Sheep, and thou ble to all Chnftian People, who would be much 
 haft received the Care of others, and all the better pleafed to fee only a fingle Bifhop in every 
 Sheep afree in one common Faith, let us join Church, and perhaps would not endure the Part- 
 our Flocks, my Friend, and difpute no longer nerfhip of two, which was an unufual thing: 
 about Primacy and Government : But let us feed They therefore propofed in this Cafe, that both 
 the Sheep in common, and beftow a common the Bifhops fhould freely refign, and fuffer a 
 Care upon them, [d] And if it be the Throne fingle Bifhop to be chofen by fuch Bifhops as 
 that creates the Difpute, I will try to take away were fingly pofTefTed of other Churches. So 
 this Caufe alfo. We will lay the Holy Gofpel that at once they teftify both what was the u- 
 upon the Seat, and then each of us take his fual and ordinary Rule of the Church, to have 
 Place on either fide of it. And if 1 die firft, but one Bifhop in a City, and alfo how far they 
 vou fhall take the Government of the Flock a- were willing to have receded, in order to efta- 
 lone : But if it be your Fate to die before me, blifh the Peace and Unity of the Church in that 
 then I will feed them according to my Power, extraordinary Jun&ure. I have been the more 
 
 [£] Theod. Lib. *. c. 17. [f] Theod. Lib. f. c. 3. [</] Ei 
 (Aiff@- $£x.@- r let? yzwa, \ya >£, rtuhtiv $fch<Lo-'u 
 1setett.tT0tJ.aji- h> $ il-rw to $£ov tsefTiSAr-us oUctfyiKlov* 6- 
 KtnUadiv isetpifyva. [e] Collat. Carth. i. 
 die, c. 1 6. Sic nobifcum tcneant Unitatem, ut non folum viam 
 falutis invenianr, fed nec Honorem Epifcopatus amittant. Po- 
 tent quippe unufquifque noftrum, Honcris fibi focio copulato, vi- 
 ciflim federe eminentius, ficut Peregrino Epifcopo juxta conlidente 
 Colleg. Hoc cum alternis Bafilicis utriufque conceditur, uterque 
 abalterutro Honore mutuo praevenitur: Quia ubi praxeptio Chari- 
 tatis dilataverit Corda, poffemo Pacis non fit augufta, ut uno eo- 
 VOL. I. 
 
 rum defumfio, deinceps jam fingulis finguli, priftino more, fucce- 1 
 dant. Nec novum aliquid fiet : Nam hoc ab ipfius Separationis 
 Exordio, in eis qui damnato nefariae difcefllionis errore, unitatis dul- 
 cedinem vel fero: fapuerunt, Catholica Diledlio cuftodivit. Aut fi 
 forte Chriftiani Populi fingulis deleflantur Epifcopis, & duorum 
 Confortium , inufitata rerum facie, tolerare non polfunt: Utrique 
 de medio fecedamus; 8c Ecclefiis in fingulis, damnata fchifma- 
 tis caufa in unitate pacifica conftitutis , ab his qui finguli in Ec- 
 clefiis fingulis invenientur,, unitati fadlas per longa neceflaria fingu- 
 li conftituantur Epifcopi. ! 
 
 P caCly 
 
54 The Ant i quit ies of the Book 11 
 
 eafily tempted to recite this Paflage at large, not 
 only becaufe it is a full Proof of all that has 
 been aflerted in this Chapter, but becaufe it gives 
 us fuch an Inftance of a Noble, Self-denying 
 Zeal, and Charity, as is fcarce to be parallel'd in 
 any Hiftoryj and {hews us the Admirable Spirit 
 of thofe Holy Bifhops, among whom St. Aufiin 
 was a Leader. 
 
 SECT. nr. Some very Learned [a] Per- 
 
 The opinions of f ns are farther of Opinion, that 
 
 Learned Men con- ^ R u | e fa b out one Bifhop in a 
 cerning Tvo Bifhops Q{ ^ ^ ^ j acc j n th<J 
 m a City in the A- . J i , . , . r> 1 > • i 
 
 poftolkk A g e,one of Apoftohcal Age : For they think 
 the Jews, and the o- that before the perfect Incorpo- 
 therofthe Gentiles, ration and Coalition of the Jews 
 and Gentiles into one Body, there 
 were Two Bifhops in many Cities, one of the 
 Jews, and another of the Gentiles. Thus they 
 think it was at Antioch, where Euodius and Ig- 
 natius are faid to be Bifhops ordained by the A- 
 pofllesj as alfo Linus and Clemens at Rome, the 
 one ordained by St. Peter Bifhop of the Jews, 
 and the other by St. Paul Bifhop of the Gentiles. 
 Epiphanius feems to have been of this Opinion. 
 For he fays, [b~] Peter and Paul were the firft 
 Bifhops of Rome ; and he makes it a queflion 
 whether they did not ordain Two other Bifhops 
 to fupply their Places in their Abfence. In ano- 
 ther place [c] he takes occafion to fay, That 
 Alexandria never had Two Bifhops, as other 
 Churches had > which Obfervation, Bifhop 
 Pear/on thinks, ought to be extended to the A- 
 poftolical Ages* as implying, that St. Mark be- 
 ing the only Preacher of the Gofpel at Alexan- 
 dria^ left but one Bifhop his SuccefTor} but in 
 other Churches fometimes Two Apoflles ga- 
 thered Churches, and each of them left a Bifhop 
 in his Place. Yet this does not fatisfy other 
 Learned [_d~\ Perfons, who are of a different 
 Judgment, and think that tho' the Apoftles had 
 occafion to Ordain two Bifhops in fome Cities, 
 yet it was not upon the account of different 
 Churches of Jews and Gentiles, but in the ordi- 
 nary way of Succeffion : As Ignatius was Or- 
 dained at Antioch after the Death of Euodius, and 
 Clemens at Rome after the Death of Linus. I 
 fhall not pretend to determine on which fide the 
 Right lies in fo nice a Difpute, [e] but leave it 
 to the Judicious Reader, and only lay, that if the 
 former Opinion prevails, it proves another Ex- 
 ception to the common Rule of having but 
 one Bifhop in a City } or rather fhews what was 
 the Practice of the Church before the Rule was 
 made. 
 
 To thefe we may add a third sect. IV. 
 Exception in a Cafe that is more The c*fe of coad- 
 plain, which was that of the Co- ^ tors - 
 adjutors. Thefe were fuch Bifhops as were or- 
 dained to affift fome other Bifhops in cafe of 
 Infirmity or Old Age, and were to be Subordi- 
 nate to them as long as they lived, and fucceed 
 them when they died. Thus when NarciJJus 
 Bifhop of Jcrufalem was difabled by reafon of his 
 great Age, (being a hundred and twenty years old) 
 Alexander was made his Coadjutor. Eufebius [/"] 
 and St. Jerom both fay it was done by Revela- 
 tion j but they do not mean, that NarciJJus 
 needed a Revelation to Authorize him to take a 
 Coadjutor, but only to point out to him that 
 particular Man : For Alexander was a Stranger, 
 and a Bifhop already in another Country, fo that 
 without a Revelation he could not have been 
 judged qualified for this Office j but being once 
 declared to be fo, there was no fcruple upon any 
 other Account, but by the unanimous Confent 
 \_g~] of all the Bifhops in Palejline, he was cho- 
 fen to take part with Narcifpus in the Care and 
 Government of the Church. Valefius [h~] reckons 
 this the firlf. Inftance of any Coadjutor to be 
 met with in ancient Hiftory, but there are feve- 
 ral Examples in the following Ages. Theotecnus 
 Bifhop of Ccefarea made Anatolius his Coadjutor, 
 defigning him to be his SuccefTor} fo that for 
 fome time they [/] both governed the fame 
 Church together : Maximus [k] is faid by Sozo- 
 men to be Bifhop of Jerufalcm, together with 
 Macarius. Orion Bifhop of Paliebifca, being grown 
 old,ordained Siderius his Coadjutor and SuccefTor, 
 as Synefius [/] informs us. So e theodoret \m~] takes 
 notice that John Bifhop of A parr e a had one Ste- 
 phen for his Collegue. And St. Ambrofe [11] men- 
 tions one Senecio, who was Coadjutor to Bajfus. 
 In the fame manner Gregory Nazianzen was Bi- 
 fhop of Nazianzum, together with his aged Fa- 
 ther. Baronius indeed [o] denies that ever he was 
 Bifhop of Nazianzum, but St. Jerom [_p~\ and 
 all the ancient Hiftorians, Socrates \jf\, Sozomen 
 [r], Ruffin [/], and Theodoret \f] exprefly afTert 
 it} though fome of them miftake in calling him 
 his Father's SuccefTor : For he was no otherwife 
 Bifhop of Nazianzum, but only as his Father's 
 Coadjutor. He enter'd upon the Office with 
 this Proteflation, That he would not be obliged 
 to continue Bifhop there any longer than his Fa- 
 ther lived, as he himfelf acquaints [«] us in his 
 own Life, and other Places } fo that after his 
 Father's Death he actually Refigned, and getting 
 Eulalius to be ordained in his room, he betook 
 himfelf [w~] to a private Life. All which evi- 
 
 [a] Pearfbn. Vinci. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 13. p. 414. Hammond. 
 Diflert. f. adv. Blondel. c. 1. [i>] Epiphan. Haer. 27. Carpocrat. 
 n.6. [c] Idem. Haer. 68. Meletian. n. 6. [d] Coteler. Not. 
 in Conftitut. Apoft. Lib. 7. c. 46. [e] Bifhop Pearfon himfelf 
 altered his Opinion. See his Diflert. 2. de Succefllone Rom. Pontif. 
 c. 3. [/] Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 11. [g J Hieron. de Script. 
 
 Eccl. in Alexandro, Cuncvtis in Palaeftina Epifcopis in unum congre- 
 gatis, adnitente quoque ipfo vel maxime Narcifib, Hierofolymitanae 
 Ecclcfia: cum eo gubernaculum fufcepit. \h~) Valef. Not. in 
 Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 11. ['] Eufeb. Lib/}, c. 32. a^eo f dv7»s 
 
 r j^y\f j o&KMitr'taf. [k~\ Sozom. Lib. 2. c. 20. [7] Synef 
 
 Ep. 67. [m~] Theod. Lib. y. c. 4. [s] Ambr. 79. ad 
 
 Theophil. Fratri noftro & Coepifcopo Baflb in Confortium regendse 
 
 Ecclefiae datus eft Senecio. [0] Baron, an. 371. n.6. 
 
 [p] Hieron. de Script. Eccl. Gregorius primum Safimorum, deinde 
 
 Nazianzenas Epifcopus, &c. ■ [of] Socrat. Lib. 4. c. 26. 
 
 [r] Sozom. Lib. 6.C.17. [s] Ruffin. Lib. 2.c. 9. 
 
 [f] Theodor. Lib. 5-. c. 8. [«] Naz. Carm. de Vita fua. It 
 
 Orat. 8. ad Patr, fw] Naz, Ep. 42. ad Greg. NyfT. 
 
 dently 
 
Chap. XIV- Christian Church. 
 
 J5 
 
 dcntly proves that he was not his Father's Suc- 
 ceflor, but only his Coadjutor. I will but add 
 one Inftance more of this Nature, which is the 
 known Cafe of St. Auflin, who was ordained 
 Bifhop of Hippo whilft Valerius was living, and 
 fat with him [#] for fome time as his Coadjutor} 
 which he did by the confent of the Primate of 
 Carthage, and the Primate of Numidia, who or- 
 dained him. Pojfidius fays, he had fome fcruple 
 upon him at firft, becaufe he looked upon it as 
 contrary to the Cuftom of the Church : But be- 
 ing told, that it was a thing commonly praclifed 
 both in the African and Tranfmarine Churches, 
 he yielded with fome Rclu&ancy to be ordained. 
 Thefc Inftances are evident Proof, that it was 
 not thought contrary to the true fenfc of the 
 Canon, in cafe of Infirmity or old Age, to have 
 Coadjutors in the Church : Though, 'tis true, 
 St. Auflin was of Opinion that his own Ordina- 
 
 tion was not Regular, when afterward he came 
 to know the Nicene Canon, which he did not 
 know before ; and for this Reafon he would not 
 ordain \_y~\Eradius Bifhop whilft he himfclf lived, 
 though he had nominated him with the confent 
 of the Church to be his Succefibr. But all Men 
 did not underftand the Canon in this ftricl: and 
 rigorous Senfe that St. Auftin did, as abfolutely 
 forbidding two Bifhops to be in a Church at 
 the fame time in all Cafes whatfoever, but only 
 when there was no jufl: Reafon, and the Neceffi- 
 ties of the Church did not require it : But if 
 there was a reafonable Caufe to have more Bi- 
 fhops than one, as when a Bifhop was unable to 
 execute his Office, or in any the like Cafe, the 
 Canon did not oblige, as appears from the In- 
 ftances that have been mentioned, and feveral o- 
 thcrs that might be added to them. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the Chorepifcopi, HeeAo£&>Tcu y and Suffragan Bifhops: And how theft 
 
 differed from one another. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Of the reafon of 
 the name Chore- 
 pifcopi, and the 
 Miflnke of fome *~ 
 bout it. 
 
 AS the Bifhops, when they 
 were difabled by old Age 
 or Infirmity, ordained themfelves 
 Coadjutors in the City: So when 
 their Diocefes were enlarged by 
 the Converfion of Pagans in the 
 Country and Villages at a great diftance from the 
 City-Church, they created themfelves another 
 fort of Affiftants in the Country, whom they 
 called Chorepifcopi - f who were fo named, not be- 
 caufe they were ex Choro Sacerdotum, as a Latin 
 Writer [z] by miftake derives the Word, but 
 becaufe they were eww"*^ '? Country- 
 
 Bifhops, as the Word properly fignifies, and not 
 Presbyters of the City Regions, as Salmafius un- 
 derltands it. 
 
 SECT. n. 
 
 Three different Opi- 
 nions about the Na- 
 ture of this Order : 
 i ft. Thttt they tver e 
 mere Presbyters. 
 
 Now though the Name does 
 in fome meafure determine their 
 Quality, yet great Difpute has 
 been among Learned Men con- 
 cerning the Nature of this Order. 
 
 Among the Schoolmen and Ca- 
 nonifts 'tis a received Opinion, that they were 
 only Presbyters ; as they may be feen in Turrian 
 [a], EJiius Antonius Augufiinus [/] and 
 
 Gratian [/], who are followed not only by Sal- 
 mafius [e], but by [/] Spalatenfis, [g] Dr. 
 Field, and Dr. Forbes [h~], the laff. of which 
 brings feveral Arguments to prove that they were 
 
 mere Presbyters, and never had any Epifcopal 
 Ordination. 
 
 SECT. nr. 
 
 A id Opinion, 
 that fome of them 
 were Presbyters, and 
 fome of them Bi- 
 fhops. 
 
 Others think there were 
 two forts of Chorepifcopi , fome 
 that had Epifcopal Ordination, 
 and others that were fimple Pres- 
 byters: Which is the Opinion of 
 Cabajfutius [/], Peter de Marca 
 \_k] and Belfarmin [/]. They all allow that in 
 fome Cafes it happen'd that the Chorepifcopi were 
 Bilhops, becaufe they were ordained Bifhops be- 
 fore they were made Chorepifcopi. And thus 
 much is certainly true: For in the Primitive 
 Church, fometimes Bifhops were ordained to a 
 Place, but not received, either through the per- 
 verfenefs of the People, or by reafon of Perfecu- 
 tion, or the like Caufe: And fuch Bifhops 
 (whom the ancient Writers [ni] and Canons term 
 c^o\cdoi and ^o\a£ov1s>- omTY.oTroi, vacant Bifhops) 
 not being permitted to Officiate in their own 
 Church, were admitted to a£t as Chorepifcopi un- 
 der any other Bifhop that would entertain them. 
 The Council of Nice [»] made the like Provi- 
 fion for fuch of the Novatian Bifhops as would 
 return to the Catholick Church} that the Bi- 
 fhop of the Place fhould admit them either to 
 the Office of a City-Presbyter, or a Chorepifco- 
 pus j that there might not be two Bilhops in one 
 City. And fo it was determined likewife by 
 
 [x] Poffid. Vit. Aug. c. S. Paulin. Ep. 46. ad Roman. Aug.Ep. 
 .34.. 8c 110. [y] Aug. Ep. 110. Quod reprehenfum eft in me, 
 nob reprehendi in Filio meo. Erit Presbyter uc eft, quando Deus 
 tolueric futurus Epifcopus. [z.] Raban. Maur. de Inltit. Sacerd. 
 Lib. 1. c. 5-. Salmaf. de Primar. c. 1. [a\ Turrian. Not. in 
 
 Can. 5-4. Con. Nic. Arabic. [b] Eft. in 4. Sent. Dift. 34, §. 30. 
 [c] Ant. Auguft. Epit. Jur. Can. Lib. 6. Tit. 1. c. 8, u, 13. 
 
 [d] Grat. Dift. 6. c. 4, f. [e] Walo Meflalin. c. f. p. 317. 
 [/"] Spalat. de Repub. Par. 1. Lib. 2. c. 9. n. 17, 18, 19. 
 \_g ] Field of the Church, Lib. 29. [h] Forb. Iren. Lib. 
 c. 11. Prop. 14. p. 249. [i] Cabaflut. Notit. Concil. c. 8. p. 45. 
 [k] Pet. de Marca de Concord. Lib. 2. c. 1 3. [/] Bellarm. de 
 
 Cleric. Lib. 1. c. 17. [m] Socrat. H. E. Lib. 4. c. 7. Cone. 
 Antioch. Can. i<5, [»] Cone. Nic. can, 8. 
 
 the 
 
56 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 the fame Council [<?] in the Cafe of the Mele- 
 tian Bifhops, that upon their return to the Uni- 
 ty of the Church, they fhould be allow'd to of- 
 ficiate in Subordination to the Bifhops of the 
 Catholick Church. Now it is plain that all 
 fuch Chorepifcopi as thefe were properly Bifhops, 
 becaufe they were originally ordained Bifhops 
 before they came to a6t in the Quality of Coun- 
 try-Bifhops under others. But for all the reft, 
 de Marca thinks they were only Presbyters. 
 
 SECT. IV. Both thefe Opinions (which 
 The ^ opinion, d\ff er \i tt ] e f r0 m one another) are 
 
 tlo th s ty 7hTm!ti re J eaed b y Bifhop ^r/ow [/>] , 
 probable * Dr. Hammond Dr. Beverege 
 
 (>], Dr. Cave [/], and even by 
 Mr. Blondcl [t] himfelf, who though by fome 
 reckoned among thole of the contrary Opinion, 
 has a long DifTertation again ft de Marca, to prove 
 that all the Chorepifcopi mentioned in the ancient 
 Councils were properly Bifhops. And there 
 needs no fuller Proof of this than what Athana- 
 fius fays in his 2d Apology, where he puts a ma- 
 nifeft Diftin&ion betwixt Presbyters and the Cho- 
 repifcopi. For fpeaking of the irregular Promo- 
 tion of Ifchyras, who was made Bilhop of the 
 Region of Mareotis by the Eufebian Faction, he 
 fays, Mareotis was only a Region of Alexandria, 
 and that all the Churches of that Precinct were 
 immediately fubjecl: to the Bifhop of Alexandria, 
 and never had either Bifhop or Chorepifcopus \_u~] 
 among them, but only Presbyters fixt each in 
 their refpective Villages or Churches. This, as 
 Blondel [_iu] well obferves, fhews evidently that 
 the Chorepifcopi were not the fame with Presby- 
 ters, however the Forger of the Decretal Epi- 
 ftles under the Name of Pope Leo and Damajus, 
 would have perfuaded the World to believe fo. 
 
 SECT. v. But why then does theCoun- 
 
 someobjeaions a- c \\ c f Neocafarea [x~] fay that the 
 
 gamft this anfwerel Chorepi f copi were on l y fa i m i ta . 
 
 tion of the Seventy? I anfwer, becaufe they 
 were fubjeft to the City-Bifhops, as the 70 El- 
 ders were fubject to Mofes, or the 70 Difciples 
 to the Apoftles. For whatever the Council 
 means by the Seventy, it cannot be proved 
 thence that the Chorepifcopi were mere Presby- 
 ters. 
 
 But it is faid, that they could not be Bifhops, 
 becaufe the Ordination of Bifhops was to be per- 
 formed by three Bifhops, with the confent of 
 the Metropolitan and the Provincial Bifhop j 
 whereas the Council of Antioch [jy] fays, That 
 a Chorepifcopus was ordained by one Bifhop only, 
 the Bifhop of the City to whole Jurifdiction he 
 belonged. To this the Reply is eafy, that this 
 was one principal difference between the City- 
 Bifhops and Country-Bifhops, who differed both 
 
 in the manner of their Ordination, and in their 
 Power : For the one was fubordinate to the o- 
 ther: Therefore thofe Canons which require 
 three Bifhops to impofe Hands in the Ordination 
 of a Bilhop, fpeak only of fuch Bifhops as were 
 to be Abfolute and Supreme Governors of their 
 own Diocefe, and not of fuch who were fubor- 
 dinate to them, whom the City-Bifhops might 
 ordain at their own Difcretion, yet fo as to ftand 
 accountable to a Provincial Synod. 
 
 The Office of thefe Chorepif- sect. VI. 
 
 copi was to prefide over the The chorepifcopi 
 
 Country-Clergy, and enquire in- allowed to ordam the 
 
 to their Behaviour, and make re- In f enor cler ^' but 
 
 port thereof to the City-Bifhop j *" mbyter, or 
 
 1 , r • 1 <• m J r % Deacons , without 
 
 as alfo to provide fit Perfons for fpecid Lken f e f rom 
 the Inferior Service and Mini (by the city Bifiop. 
 of the Church. And to give 
 them fome Authority, they had certain Privile- 
 ges conferred on them. As ift, they might or- 
 dain Readers, Sub- Deacons, and Exorcifts for 
 the ufe of the Country-Churches. St. Bafil [z] 
 requires of his Chorepifcopi that they fhould firft 
 acquaint him with the Qualification of fuch Per- 
 fons, and take his Licenfe to ordain them : But 
 the Council of Antioch [_a~\ gives them a General 
 Commiffion to ordain all under Presbyters and 
 Deacons, without confulting the City-Bifhop 
 upon every fuch Promotion : And for Presbyters 
 and Deacons, they might ordain them too, but 
 not o^/^ct tS cv rn wo\ei 1 Qmcni07ns , without the 
 fpecial Leave of the City-Bifhop, under whofe 
 Jurifdiction both they and the Country were. 
 And this is the meaning of the Council of Ancyra, 
 [b~] which fays the Chorepifcopi fhall not have 
 Power to ordain Presbyters or Deacons : Which 
 we muft interpret by the Explication given in 
 the Council of Antioch, that they fhould not be 
 Authorized to do it without the particular Dire- 
 ction of the City-Bifhop, but by his Leave they 
 might. 
 
 2. They had Power to mi- SECT. vn. 
 nifter Confirmation to fuch as The l had Pmer 
 were newly Baptized in Country- t0 C0K ^ rm - 
 Churches. This is exprefly provided by the 
 Council of Riez [c~] in the Cafe of Armentarius, 
 whom they reduced to the Quality of a Chore- 
 pifcopus, but ftill allowed him the Privilege of 
 Confirming Neophites; which argues that Con- 
 firmation might then be adminiftred by the 
 Hands of the Chorepifcopi in Country-Churches. 
 
 3. They had Power to sect. vill. 
 grant Letters DimifTory, or as And Power t0 
 fhey were otherwife called, Ca- Z?Ttb7S%t 
 nonical and Irenical Letters, to ° ' er 
 the Country - Clergy , who defired to remove 
 
 [0] Cone. Nic. Ep. Synod, ap. Socrat. H. E. Lib. 1. c. 9. 
 [p] Barlow'* Letter to Bifoop Ufher, in Ufli. Let. 222. p. 5-10. 
 [q~\ Ham. Diflert. 3. cont. Blondel. c. 8. [V] Bevereg. Pan- 
 deft. T. i. Not. in Cone. Ancyr. can. 13. [*] Cave Prim. 
 Chrift. Par. 1. c. 8. p. 224. [r] Blondel. Apol. p. gf, &c. 
 [«] Athan. Apol. 2. T. 1. p. 802. - ■'[»] Blondel. Apol. p. 127. 
 
 Non unum cum Presbyteris Chorepifcopus fuifle, ut eandem for- 
 mam geftafle, prout Decretalium fuppofitori fomniare vifum eft. 
 (#)Conc. Neocsefar. can. 14. yj^pi-wi-XK^o'i trlai eig rv- 
 irov iCJ^ou.iix.o/jet. [y] Concil. Antioch. can. 1 o. [z] Ba- 
 fil. Epift. 181. [«] Cone. Antioch. can. 10. [b] Con. 
 Ancyr. can, 14. [c] Cone. Reienf. c. 3. 
 
 from 
 
Chap. XIV. Christian Church. 
 
 57 
 
 from one Diocefe to another. Thus I under- 
 tone! that Canon of the Council of Antiocb [</] 
 which lays, Country-Presbyters {hall not grant 
 Canonical Letters, xavovixds emsokds, or fend 
 Letters to any Neighbour Bifhop ; but the 
 Chorepifcopi may grant eipnvixar, Letters Dim i (Tory, 
 or Letters of Peace. 
 
 sect. IX. 4. They had liberty to Of- 
 
 They had Power to fi c i ate j n tne City-Church, ill 
 
 officiate in the Pre- the p re f cn ce of the Bifhop and 
 
 fence of the Cuy- of ^ G ity, which 
 
 Country-Presbyters had not. For 
 fo the Council of Neocafarea determined in Two 
 Canons to this Purpofe [e] : " The Country- 
 " Presbyters mall not offer the Oblation, nor 
 " diflribute the Bread and Wine in time of 
 " Prayer in the City-Church, when the Bifhnp 
 " and Presbyters are prefent : But the Country- 
 " Bifhops, being in Imitation of the Severity, as 
 w Fellow-Labourers, for their Care of the Poor, 
 tc are admitted to offer. 
 
 SECT. X. f. They had the Privilege 
 
 And t» sit and G f Sitting and V oting in Synods 
 vote in councils. and Councils : Of which there 
 are feveral Inftances {till remaining in the Ads 
 of the ancient Councils. In the firfl: Nicene 
 Council [/] Palladius and Selucius fubferibe 
 themfelvcs Chorepifcopi of the Province of 
 Coelofyria : Eudcmon Chorepifcopus of the Pro- 
 vince of alma : Gorgonius, Stephanas, Euphronius, 
 Rhodon,Thcophanes, Chorepifcopi of the Province 
 of Cappadoda: Hefychius, Theodore, Anatolias, 
 $>hiintus, Aquila, Chorepifcopi of the Province of 
 Ifauria : Theufiinus and Eulalius of the Province 
 of Bithynia : So again in the Council of Neoca- 
 farca [g] Stephanas and Rudas or Rhodon, two 
 of the fame that were in the Council of Nice, 
 fubferibed themfelvcs Chorepifcopi of the Pro- 
 vince of Cappadocia. And in the Council of E- 
 phefas \_h~\, C<efarius Chorepifcopus of Alee. 
 
 SECT. xi. But here I muft obferve, that 
 
 ChZl7co ? ^t thC Power and P rivile g cs of " 
 orepi co P> not ^ Chorepifcopi varied much, ac- 
 
 the famem all Times .. r J r 5 
 
 and Places. cording to the Difference of 
 
 Times and Places. For when 
 the Synod of Riez in France, Ann. 439, had de- 
 pofed Armentarius from his Bifhoprick, becaufe 
 he was Uncanonically ordained, they allowed 
 him the Privilege of being a Chorepifcopus, after 
 the Example of the Nicene Fathers, but limited 
 him as to the Exercife of his Power. For though 
 they gave him Authority to Confirm Neophytes, 
 and Confecrate Virgins, and Celebrate the Eu- 
 charijl in any Country-Church with Preference 
 to any Presbyter of the Region : Yet ifi they 
 denied him [f\ the Privilege of Confecrating the 
 Eacharift in the City-Church, which by the 1 3th 
 
 Canon of the Council of Neocafarea was allowed 
 to other Chorepifcopi. id/y, they confined him to 
 a fmgle Church in the Exercife of his Chorcpifco- 
 pal Power > whereas others had Power over a 
 whole Region. \dly, They forbad him to ordain 
 any of the Inferior Clergy even in his own 
 Church, which other Chorepifcopi were allowed 
 to do by the 13th Canon of the Council of An- 
 cyra. And hence it appears, that as their Power 
 was precarious and depending upon the Will of 
 Councils and City-Bifhops, from whom they re- 
 ceived itj fo by this time their Authority began 
 to fink apace in the Church. 
 
 The Council of Laodicea sect. XII. 
 gave them the firfl; Blow, An. 360. Their Power firft 
 For there it was decreed [k~] that fi rHck ** h the 
 for the future no Bifhops fhould Council of Laodi- 
 be placed in Country Villages, " a> ™f & "J 
 but only n^odVUrou, Itinerant or their room. 
 Vifiting Presbyters 5 and forfuch 
 Bifhops as were already Conftituted, they fhould 
 do nothing without the Confent and Direction 
 of the City-Bifhop. In the Council of Chalce- 
 don we meet with fome fuch Presbyters exprefly 
 ftiled n?g/oc%Tc«, as Alexander [/] and Valentinas 
 [m], each of which has the Title of Presbyter 
 and ns£/ocMjT«'<r. And fo in the fth General 
 Council at Conftantinople [»] one Sergius a Pres- 
 byter has the fame Title of rbg/ocftW!?, Curator 
 or Vifitor of the Syrian Churches : Yet ftill the 
 Order of the Chorepifcopi was preferved in many 
 Places. For not only mention is made of them 
 by Gregory Nazianzen [0] and St. Bafil in the 4th 
 Century, but alfo by tfheodoret [/>] who fpeaks 
 of Hypatius and Abramius, his own Chorepifcopi } 
 and in the Council of Chalcedon in the fth Cen- 
 tury, we find the Chorepifcopi fitting and fub- 
 fcribing in the Name of the Bifhops that fenc 
 them. But this was fome Diminution of their 
 Power : For in former Councils they fubferibed 
 in their own Names, as Learned Men [cf\ agree. 
 But now their Power was finking, and it went 
 on to decay and dwindle by degrees, till at laft 
 in the pth Century, when the forged Decretals 
 were fet on foot, it was pretended that they 
 were not true Bifhops, and fo the Order by the 
 Pope's Tyranny came to be laid afide in the 
 Weflern Church. 
 
 Some Attempt was made in sect. XIII. 
 
 England, at the beginning of the of the Attempt t» 
 
 Reformation, to reftore thefe un- re ft ore the Chore- 
 
 der the Name of Suffragan Bi- P 1 ^ *• En 8 land ; 
 
 n -r, jj-fL • * • under the Name of 
 
 mops. I'or as our Hiftones in- c, l( £.,„, n » ;/7 ^ t 
 
 r ■■ Suffragan Bijbops. 
 
 form us, [r] by an Act of the 
 26th of Henry theVIIth,^. if $4> feveral Towns 
 were appointed for Suffragan Sees, viz. Thetford^ 
 Ipfwich, Colchefter, Dover, Gailford, Southampton^ 
 taunt on, Shaft sbury, Molt on, Marlborough, Bed* 
 
 [d~\ Con. Antioch. can. 8. [«] Con. Neocxf. Cm. 1 5, 
 8c 1 4.. [/] Con. Nic. 1. Jn Subfcription. [g~\ Con. Neocaef. 
 in Subfcription. [It] Con. Ephef. Aft. 1. [f] Cone. Reinf. 
 Can. 3. 0] Con. Laod. Can. sr. [/] Con. Chalced. Aft. 4. 
 
 Vol. I 
 
 [w] Ibid. Aft. 1 o. [»] Con. CP. fub Mcnna Aft 1. p. <;6%, 
 
 [0] Nazian. Ep. 88. Theodore Bafil. Ep. 1 8 1. [/>] Theod. Ep. 
 113. ad Leon. [q] Blondel. Apol. p. 1 3 1. Bevereg. Not. in Con 
 Ancyr. c. 1 3. [r] Burnet. Hift. of Refor. Vol. 1. p. 1 $j. 
 
 d M. 
 
58 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book U. 
 
 ford, Leicejler, Gloucefter, Shrewsbury, Briflol, Pen- 
 reth,Bridgewater,Nottingham,Grantham, Hull, Hun- 
 tington^ Cambridge , Pereth, Barwick, St. Germans 
 in Cornwall, and the Ifle of /Wight. Thefe Suf- 
 fragans were to be confecrated by the Archbifhop, 
 and two other Bifhops, and by the AQc to have 
 the fame Epifcopal Power, as Suffragans former- 
 ly had within this Realm : But none of them 
 either to have or a6t any thing properly Epifco- 
 pal, without the Confent and PermilTion of the 
 Bifhop of the City, in whofe Diocefe he was 
 placed and conftituted. Now any one that com- 
 pares this with the Account that I have given of 
 the ancient Chorepifcopi, will eafily perceive that 
 thefe Suffragans were much of the fame Nature 
 with them. But then I muft obferve that this 
 was a new Name for them : For anciently Suf- 
 SECT XIV fragan Bifhops were all the City- 
 Suffragan lifiops Bifhops of any Province under a 
 different from the Metropolitan, who were called 
 Chorepifcopiw?^ his Suffragans, becaufe they met 
 Primitive church. at his Command to give their 
 Suffrage, Counfel or Advice in a Provincial Sy- 
 nod. And in this Senfc the Word was ufed in 
 England, at that time when Linwood wrote his 
 Provincial, which was not above an hundred 
 Years before the Reformation, An. 1430. in his 
 Comment upon one of the Conftitutions of John 
 Peckham, Archbifhop of Canterbury, which be- 
 gins with thefe Words, Omnibus & Singulis Coe- 
 pifcopis Suffraganeis Noflris : To all and lingular 
 our Fellow-Bifhops and Suffragans: Upon this 
 Word Suffragans he has this Note : \f\ " They 
 " were called Suffragans, becaufe they were 
 <c bound to give their Suffrage and Afliftance 
 " to the Archbifhop, being fummoned to take 
 
 part in his Care, though not in the Plenitude 
 " of his Power." Whence it is plain that in his 
 time, :Suffragan Bifhops did not fignifie Chore- 
 pifcopi, or Rural Bifhops, but aU. the Biftops of 
 England under their Archbifhops or Metropoli- 
 tans. Thus it was alfo in other Churches: The 
 Seventy. Bifhops who were immediately fubjecl: 
 to the Bifhop of Rome, as their Primate or Me- 
 tropolitan, were called his Suffragans, becaufe 
 they were frequently called to his Synods 3 as 
 the reafon of the Name is given in an ancient 
 Vatican MS. cited by [t] Baronius. 
 
 And here it will not be amifs SECT. xv. 
 to obferve, whilft we are fpeak- The Sujf r ^ m Bk - 
 ing of Suffragan Bifhops, that fop of the Roman 
 thefe 70 Bifhops, who were Suf- Frov '»<* coiled 6^ a 
 fragans to the Bifhop of Rome, ^'J*™* 1 n*™, Li- 
 were by a peculiar Technical 
 Name called Libra; which Name was given 
 th em for no other Reafon, but becaufe of their 
 Number Seventy. For the Roman Libra, as An- 
 tiquaries [«] note , confifted of 70 Solidi, or fo 
 many Parts > and therefore the Number 70 in 
 any other Things or Perfons, thence took the 
 Name of Libra : As the 70 Witneffes which are 
 introduced depofing againft Marcellinus, in the 
 Council of Sinueffa, that they faw him Sacrifice, 
 are by the Author of thofe A&s [w] termed 
 Libra Occidua, for no other Reafon, as Baronius 
 [_x~] conceives,but becaufe they were 70 in Num- 
 ber. And Grotius gives the fame Reafon for 
 affixing this Title on the 70 Bifhops, who were 
 Affeffors or Suffragans to the Bifhop of Rome-, 
 they were, as one might fay, his Libra, or ordi- 
 nary Provincial Council. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the Interceflbres and Interventores m the African Churches. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Why fome Bifhops 
 called Intercejfors in 
 the African Chur- 
 ches. 
 
 THERE is one Appellation 
 more given to fome Bifhops 
 in the African Councils, which 
 muft here be taken Notice of, 
 whilft we are fpeaking of Bifhops ; 
 which is the Name Interceffor and Interventori 
 a Title given to fome Bifhops upon the account 
 of a Pro-tempore Office which was fometimes 
 committed to them. In the African Churches, 
 and perhaps in others alfo, upon the Vacancy of 
 a Bifhoprick, it was ufual for the Primate to ap- 
 point one of the Provincial Bifhops to be a fort 
 of Procurator of the Diocefe, partly to take 
 care of the vacant See, and partly to promote 
 and procure the fpeedy Election of a new Bifhop. 
 
 And from this he had the Name of Interceffor 
 and Interventor. 
 
 sect. 11. 
 
 The Office of an In- 
 terceffor not to laft 
 above a Tear. 
 
 The Defign of this Office 
 was manifeftly to promote the 
 good of the Church, but it was 
 liable to be abufed two ways. 
 For the Interceffor by this means had a fair Op- 
 portunity given to ingratiate himfelf with the 
 People, and promote his own Intereft among 
 them, inftead of that of the Church } either by 
 keeping the See void longer than was neceffary j 
 or if it was a Wealthier, or more Honourable 
 Place than his own, by getting himfelf chofen 
 into it. To obviate any fuch Defigns, the A- 
 
 \s\ Linwood Provinc. Lib. 1. Tit. 2. c. 1. Suffraganeis. Sic 
 dictis, quia Archiepifcopo fuffragari 8c afliftere tcnentur, &c. 
 [/] Baron, an. 105-7. n - P««er feptem Collaterals Epifcopos 
 erant alii Epifcopi, qui dicuntur Suffraganei Rorrani Pontificis, 
 nulli alii Primati vcl Archiepifcopo fubje&i, qui frequenter ad Sy- 
 nodos vocarentur. [«] Brerewood dc Ponder. 8c Pret. c. if. 
 
 [n>] Concil, Sinueff. ap. Crab. T. 1. p. 190. Hi omnes ele£H funt 
 Viri, Libra Occidua, qui Teftimonium perhibent, videntes Mar- 
 cellinum thurificafTe. [#] Baron, an. 302. n. 91. fy] Grot, 
 in Luc. 10. 1. Romanis Epifcopis jam olim 70 Epifcopi Adfeflbrei 
 Libra di&i, quod Libra Romana tot folides contineret. 
 
 frican 
 
Chap. XVI. Christian Church. 
 
 59 
 
 frican Fathers in the Fifth Council of Carthage 
 made a Decree, That no Intcrceflbr fliould con- 
 tinue in his Office for above a Year* but if he 
 did not procure a new Bifhop to be chofen 
 within that time, another Interceflbr fliould be 
 fent in his Room : And the more effectually to 
 cut off all Abufes, and prevent Corruption, 
 they enatted it alfo into a Law [z] that no In- 
 
 terceflbr fliould be capable of 
 fucceeding himfelf in the vacant 
 See, whatever Motions or So- 
 licitations were made by the 
 People in his behalf. So extream- 
 ly cautious were thefc Holy Ar 
 frican Fathers to prevent Abufes in Matters of; 
 this Nature. 
 
 sect. nr. 
 
 No Interceffor t» bfi 
 made Bifliof of the 
 Place where he -was 
 confirmed Intercef- 
 for. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of Primates or Metropolitans. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Some derive theO- 
 riginal of Metropo- 
 litans from Apofto- 
 lical Conjlitution. 
 
 THE fame Reafons which fir ft 
 brought in Chorepifcopi and 
 Coadjutors, as fubordinate to Bi- 
 Ihops in every City -Church, 
 made the Bifhops of every Pro- 
 vince think it neceffary to make one of them- 
 felves Superior to all the reft, and inveft him 
 with certain Powers and Privileges for the good 
 of the Whole : Whom they therefore named 
 their Primate or Metropolitan, that is, the Prin- 
 cipal Bifhop of the Province. Bifhop Ufhcr [a] 
 derives the Origin of this Settlement from A- 
 poftolical Conftitution. So alfo Bifhop Bevercge 
 [b~], Dr. Hammond [c], Peter de Marca and fome 
 others. And there are feveral PafTages in Eufe- 
 bius and Chryfbftom which feem to favour this. 
 For Eufebius [ft] fays, Titus had the Superinten- 
 dency of all the Churches in Crete: And Chry- 
 foftom in like manner [<?], That the Apoftle com- 
 mitted to him the whole Ifland, and gave him 
 power to cenfure all the Bifhops therein. He 
 fays the fame of Timothy [/], that he was en- 
 trusted with the Government of the Church in 
 the whole Region or Province of Afia. And it 
 is certain the Cyprian Bifhops in the Council of 
 Ephefus [g], pleaded the Privileges of their Me- 
 tropolitan to be as ancient as the Apoftles. 
 
 SECT. it. But it may be doubted, whe- 
 
 others from the ther the Apoftles made any fuch 
 A** next after the General Settlement of Metropo- 
 Apofiks. litans in every Province •, And 
 
 the Records of the Original of moft Churches 
 being loft, it cannot be certainly proved they 
 did. De Marca [_h] thinks that though the A- 
 poftles gave a Model or Specimen in Timothy 
 and Titus, yet they left it to following Ages to 
 finifh and compleat it. Dr. Cave fays [z], it 
 commenced not long after the Apoftolick Age, 
 when Seels and Schiims began to break in apace, 
 and Controverfies multiplying betwee, ^particular 
 Bifhops, it was found neceffary to pitch upon 
 
 one in every Province, to whom the Umpirage 
 of Cafes might be referred, and by whom all 
 Common and Publick Affairs might be directed* 
 Perhaps it took its Rife from that common Re- 
 fpecr. and Deference, which was ufually paid by 
 the reft of the Bifhops, to the Bifhop of the 
 Civil Metropolis in every Province j which ad- 
 vancing into a Cuftom, was afterward made into 
 a Canon by the Council of Nice. 
 
 sect. nr. 
 
 Conftffed by all to 
 have been long before 
 the Council of Nice. 
 
 This is certain, that the 
 Nicene Council fpeaks of Metro- 
 politans as fettled by ancient Cu- 
 ftom long before, when it ufhers 
 in the Canon about them with, d^ata '&n 
 x^/Ierrco, Let ancient Cuftoms [k] be continued j 
 and then goes on to fpeak of the Cuftom in E- 
 gypt, which was for the Bifhop of Alexandria to 
 have Power over all the Churches of Egypt, 
 Libya and Pentapolis : Which was Mctropoliti- 
 cal, if not Patriarchal, Power. Epiphanius [f\ 
 mentions the fame, fpeaking of Alexander, and 
 Peter, Bifhops of Alexandria before the Council 
 of Nice, he fays, They had oxx\«a-ia?txy)v c/Wxncnv, 
 the Adminiftration of Ecclefiaftical Affairs 
 throughout all Egypt, Thebais, Mareotes, Libya, 
 Ammoniaca, Mareotis and Pentapolis. And Atha- 
 nafius [m] fpeaking of Dionyfius, who was Bifhop 
 of Alexandria above 60 Years before this Coun- 
 cil, lays, he alfo enjoyed this Power, having the 
 Care of the Churches of Pentapolis and Libya, 
 when Sabellius broached his Herefie, and that he 
 wrote Letters of Admonition to feveral Bifhops 
 of thofe Parts, who began to be infected with 
 his Herefie. Thefe are undeniable Evidences 
 that the Bifhops of Alexandria were not firft in- 
 verted with Metropolitical Power by the Coun- 
 cil of Nice, but only confirmed in thofe Rights 
 which by ancient Cuftom and Prefcription they 
 had long enjoyed. And this was alfo the Cafe 
 of other Churches. 
 
 [z] Con. Carth. f . Can. 8. Placuit, ut nulli Interceflbri lici- 
 tum fit, Cathedram cui Interceflbr datus eft, quibuflibet Populo- 
 rum ftudiis, vel Seditionibus ret. ; nere: Sed dare operam, ut intra 
 annum eifdem Epifcopum provideat. Quod fi neglexerit, anno ex- 
 pleto, Interventor alius tribuatur. [a] Ufier. de Orig. Epifc. 8c 
 
 Metrop. [b] Bevereg. Cod. Can. Vind. Lib. i. c. f . n. i*. 
 
 t«3 Ham. Prxf, to Titus. It. Difleit. 4. com. Blondel. c. f . 
 
 [</] Eufeb. H. E. Lib. 3. c. 4. T<SV cm Kp«T«f ottKKtiriuv 
 arnio-KOTrriv Hhwyjivat. [e] Chryf. Horn, t; in Tit. vrtTov 
 
 [/] Id. Horn. if. in 1 Tim. [g] Con. Ephef. Ac*. 7. 
 [h] Marca de Concord. Lib. 6. c. i.n. 9. [»] Cave.Ch.Gov, 
 p. 91. [£] Con. Nicen. can. 6. [/] Epiphan. Hser. 68. n. 1. 
 5c Hsr.69. n. 3. [>].. Athan. dc Sentcnt, Dionyf. T. i.p. ffi. 
 
 " The 
 
60 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 The Council of Eliberis in Spain [n~\, fpeaks 
 of a Prima Cathedra Epifcopus, a Primate or Bi- 
 Ihop of the firft See : And thofe called the A- 
 poftles Canons, (which were the Canons of the 
 Greek Church in the 3d Century) mention, a 
 TTgwror, or chief Bifhop in every Province, whom 
 the reft were to look upon as their Head [o~], 
 and do nothing without him. And it appears from 
 feveral of Cyprian's Epiftles [/>], that the Bi- 
 fhop of C^r^gtf had aPrelidency over all the]other 
 African Bifhops, and Power to fend his Mandates 
 among them. And St. Auflin fpeaks of the Pri- 
 mate of Numidia, as well as the Primate of Car- 
 thage^ before the Schifm of the Donatifis : and 
 fays, They gave that for one Reafon of their 
 Schifm [_q], that the Primate of Numidia was 
 not called to cleft and confecrate the Primate of 
 Carthage. And therefore, as both the fame St. 
 Auflin [f] and Optatus [.?] take notice, the Do- 
 natifis pretending that the Ordination of Cacilian 
 Bifhop of Carthage was not valid, becaufe not 
 performed by a Primate, fent for Secundus Tigifi- 
 tanus, who was then Primate of Numidia, to or- 
 dain Majorinus in his room. Now as all this was 
 tranfa&ed feveral Years before the Council of 
 Nice, fo it proves that Primates were in Africk 
 antecedent to the Eftablifhment of that Council. 
 
 SECT. iv. I f we afcend higher yet, and 
 Proofs of Metro- ] 00 fc mto t h e 2( j Century, there 
 
 m the zd are r ° me F ° ot - fte P s ° f the fame 
 
 Power, though not fo evident as 
 the former. Lyons in France was a Metropolis in 
 the Civil Account, and Ircnaus who was Bifhop 
 of it, is faid to have the Superintendency of the 
 -'Hallican Paroecia, or Diocefes, as Eufcbius [f] 
 words it. Philip Bifhop of Gortyna in Crete, is 
 ftiled by Dionyfius [u~] of Corinth, Bifhop of all 
 the Cretian Churches. Polycrates Bifhop of Ephe- 
 fus prefided [w] in Council over all the Bifhops 
 of jifia-j P almas Bifhop of Amaftris over the 
 Bifhops of Pontus, and 'Theophilus [x~] of Cafarea 
 with Narcijfus of Jerufalem, over the reft of the 
 Bifhops of Palefline. 
 
 Thefe are the common Proofs, which are or- 
 dinarily alledged in this Cafe. Yet I fhall freely 
 own, that the three laft of them do not cogent- 
 ly prove the thing in Difpute. For prefiding in 
 Council does not neceflarily infer Metropolitical 
 Power j becaufe they might prefide as Senior 
 Bifhops, as Eufebius fays exprefly one of them 
 did, viz. P almas Bifhop of Amaftris, <as dp%ou6Tal(& 3 
 7rpsTj-m>uo, He prefided as the moft ancient Bi- 
 fhop among them. Which feems to be noted by 
 Eujebius not without good Reafon j for Heraclea, 
 and not Amaftris, was the Civil Metropolis of 
 Pontus. Blondel from this PafTage concludes, 
 
 That at this time the Senior Bifhops in all Places 
 were the Metropolitans. But this does not fuf- 
 ficiently appear to have been the Cuftom any 
 where elfe but in the African Churches, of which 
 I fhall prefently give an Account : For the other 
 Inftances that have been given, feem rather to 
 make it evident, that the Bifhops of the Civil 
 Metropoles were generally the Primates or Me- 
 tropolitans in the Church alfo. 
 
 'Tis true indeed, none of sect. v. 
 thefe are exprefly called Metropo- By what Names 
 litans : For that Name fcarcely Metropolitans were 
 occurs in any ancient Record be- ancientl y calk<l - 
 fore the Council of Nice : But they were at firft 
 termed x^outoi, and xEpaXou, chief Bifhops, and 
 Heads of the Province, as the Apoftolical Ca- 
 non [jy] ftiles them. After-Ages gave them o- 
 ther Names, as that of Archbifhops, at Alexan- 
 dria [z] and other Places, till that Name became 
 appropriate to the Patriarchs. The Council of 
 Sardica [a] ftiles them "E'<*a°%oi l-na.^'ia? y 
 Exarchs of the Province. St. Auflin fometimss 
 calls them Principes [_b], Princes: And Pope Hi- 
 lary [c~] Monarchs. But thefe being Titles of Se- 
 cular Grandeur, and favouring too much of ab- 
 folute Sovereignty and Dominion, were exprefly 
 prohibited by the 3d Council of Carthage, which 
 ordered, that no Superior Bifhop fhould be cal- 
 led [d~] High-Prieft, or Prince of the Priefts, but 
 only Prima fedis Epifcopus, Primate, or Senior 
 Bifhop. Hence it was that thofe Bifhops, who 
 in other parts of the World were called Metro- 
 politans, in Africk had commonly the Name of 
 Primates j though we fometimes meet with the 
 Name Metropolitan [<?] in the African Councils 
 alfo. 
 
 But thefe Primates in Africk SECT. vi. 
 are frequently called Patres and Primates in Africk 
 Senes. As in the African Code ^MB^was 
 Xantippus Primate of Numidia, is V 
 
 rjr , . r- n >• 1 „ ' alto ays Metropolitan. 
 
 once and again [/J ftiled Senes 
 Xantippus. And St. Auflin writing to him, in- 
 fcribes his Epiftle [g] Patri & Confacerdoti Seni 
 Xantippo. And thus in many other Epiftles [_h~] 
 writing to the Primates, or fpeaking of them, 
 h<° gives them the Name of Senes. And there 
 was a peculiar Reafon for giving them this Name 
 in Africk. For here the Primacy was not fixed, 
 as in other Places, to the Civil Metropolis, but 
 always went along with the oldeft Bifhop of the 
 Province, who fucceeded to this Dignity by 
 vertue of his Seniority, whatever Place he lived 
 in. In other Parts of the World the Bifhop of 
 the Civil ^Metropolis was commonly Metropoli- 
 tan in thfe'Church alfo. And fo it was ordered 
 
 [»] Con. Eliber. an. 305-. can. $-8. [0] Can. Apoft. c. if. 
 [p] Cypr. Ep- 4 1 - ac * Cornel. Per Provinciam noftram hsec eadem 
 Collegis fingulis in notitiam perferentes, ab his quoque Fratres no- 
 flros cum Literis dirigendos effe mandavimus. See alfo Ep. 40. ad 
 Pleb. Carthag. Ep. 45-. ad Cornel. [q] Aug. Brevic. Collar, 
 tert. die, c. 16. [/•] Aug. cont. Parmen. Lib. i.e. 3. Venien- 
 tcs cum Primate fuo tunc Secundo Tigifitano, &c. [j] Optat. 
 Lib. 1. p. 41-. [/] Eufeb. H.E. Lib. f. c.23. Tuv 
 
 'lAA.S«r Tt&tKtuv, a? F.'jp»i'«Jo< o/jnffx-o-TH. [»] Dionyf. 
 
 £p„ap, Eufeb. Lib. 4. c. 3. [w] 'Eufeb. bib. f.c. 14. [*] Eufeb. 
 
 Lib. f. c. 23. [y] Canon. Apoft. c. 3 f . [z.] Epiphan. User. 
 68, 8c 69. [a] Con. Sard. can. 6. [£] Aug. Brevic. Collat. 
 tert. die, c. 16. Non exfpe&avit Caecilianus, ut Princeps a Principe 
 ordinaretur. \c] Hilar. Ep. ad Leont. Arelatenf. ap. Baron, an. 
 462. In Provincia quae ad Monarchiam tuam fpe&at, <&c. 
 [d] Con. Cartb. 3. can. 26. Ut prima: fedis Epifcopus non appel- 
 latur Princeps Sacerdotum, aut fummus Sacerdos, aut aliquid hu- 
 jufmodi, fed tantum prima: ledis Epifcopus. [e] Con. Car. 3. 
 can. 39. Carth. 4. can. 1. [/] Cod. can. Eccl. Afr. c. 91, & 
 101. [g] Aug. Ep. 236. \_h) Aug. Ep. 149, IC2, 235-, 2-61, 
 
 to 
 
Chap. XVI. Christian Church. 
 
 61 
 
 to be by feveral Canons both by the Eaftern and 
 IVeftern Churches. The Council of Antioch [/'] 
 bids all Bifhops obferve, that the BilTiop of the 
 Metropolis has the Care of the whole Province, 
 becaufe all Men that have Bufinefs or Contro- 
 verfics to be decided, refort from all Parts to the 
 Metropolis. And the Council of Turin [£] upon 
 this foot determined a Difpute about Primacy 
 betwixt the Two Bifhops of Aries and Vienna 
 Decreeing that he that could prove his City to 
 be the Metropolis, mould be the Primate of the 
 whole Province. The Council of Chalccclon has 
 Two Canons [/] appointing thofe Cities to be 
 Metropoles in the Church, which were fo in 
 the Civil Divifion of the Empire. And the 
 Council of Trullo [ni] has one to the fame pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 But in the African Churches it was otherwife : 
 For they were governed by Rules and Canons of 
 their own j and their Rule was, to let the Pri- 
 macy remove from City to City, and ftill go a- 
 long with the Senior Bifhop, without any re- 
 gard to the Civil Metropolis, except only at 
 Carthage, where the Bifhop was a fixt and Hand- 
 ing Metropolitan for the Province of Africa 
 properly fo called. But in Numidia and Maurita- 
 nia this Honour was moveable; as may appear 
 from this one Inftance. Conftantina was the 
 Civil Metropolis of Numidia, as we learn both 
 from the ancient Notitia of the Empire, and one 
 of the Canons [»] of the African Code, which 
 exprefly ftiles it fo : Yet the Primacy was fo far 
 from being fettled here, that we never fo much 
 as find that the Bifhop of Conflantina was at any 
 time the Primate ; but in ConJlantine , s time Se- 
 cundus Tigifitanus [0] was Primate of Numidia j 
 in St. Auftin's time Megalius Bifhop of Calama 
 was Primate, who by vertue of his Office \_p~\ 
 ordained St. Auftin Bifhop j afterwards Xantippus 
 of Tagafta \jf) fucceeded by vertue of his Senio- 
 rity, whence he is always fliled in St. Auftin [r~\, 
 and the African Councils [/], Scnex Xantippus. 
 This is fufficient to fhew that the Primacy in 
 Africk was not confined to the Civil Metropolis, 
 but was always conferred upon the Senior Bifhop, 
 v/hofe Seniority was reckoned from the time ot 
 his Confecration. Some there are who pretend 
 to fay, that thefe African Primates notwithstand- 
 ing this, were fubjeel; to the Bifhops of Civil 
 Metropoles, who were properly the Metropoli- 
 tans. But there is no ground for this Opinion, 
 and it is juftly exploded by de Marca [t~\ and 
 others, who have occasionally touched upon this 
 Subje£t. 
 
 'Tis true indeed, by the Afri- sect. VII. 
 can Difcipline a Bifhop might How African ei ■ 
 lofc his Primogeniture, and fo P>°P s ™<gbt forfeit 
 forfeit his Title to the Primacy jas their T " le t0 the 
 is evident from a Paffage in St. Fnmac y- 
 Auftin [«], who fpeaks of fuch a Punifhment in- 
 flicled upon one Prifcus a Mauritanian Bifhop, 
 who for fome Mifdemeanor was denied this Pri- 
 vilege, though he It ill kept his Bifhoprick : But 
 in fuch Cafes the Primacy did not devolve to the 
 Bifhop of the Civil Metropolis, but to the next 
 in order, who could prove himfclf Senior by 
 Confecration. 
 
 And becaufe Difputes fome- SECT. VIII. 
 times arofe about Seniority ; to a Regijltr of Ordi- 
 prevent thefe, feveral good Or- "T^ 
 ders were made by the African AndMBt(hop t0 
 Fathers relating to this Matter, take place by sento- 
 As firft, that a Matricula, or Ar- rity, &c. 
 chivus, as they called it, fhould 
 be kept both in the Primate's Church Qzy], and 
 in the Metropolis of the Province, for Bifhops 
 to prove the time of their Ordination by. 
 
 Then idly. Every Bifhop was to have his Let- 
 ters of Ordination fubferibed by his Ordainers, 
 and dated with the Year and Day of his Confe- 
 cration [#]. Thirdly, all Bifhops were to take 
 place according to Seniority, and fo fit and vote, 
 and have their Names fubferibed in Council j 
 which was a Rule not only in Africk [jy], but 
 in all other Churches, being enafted by feveral 
 [z] Councils, and inferted into the Civil Law* 
 M by Juftinian the Emperor. But they were 
 the more nice in obferving this in Africk, where 
 the Primacy went by Seniority, left the neglect 
 of it fhould have bred Confufion among them. 
 Infomuch that St. Auftin [_b~\ blames Vic~lorinus y 
 (who pretended to be Primate of Numidia) 
 only becaufe in his Trattoria, or Letter of Sum- 
 mons to a Provincial Council, he wrote the 
 Names of the Numidian Bifhops in a confufed 
 Order, and put Auftin's Name before many of 
 his Seniors: Which was a thing, hefays, equally 
 Injurious to them, and Invidious to himfelf. So 
 cautious was he of doing any thing that might 
 feem to entrench upon this Rule, for fear of 
 breeding Confufion in the Government of their 
 Churches. 
 
 1 muft here take notice far- SECT. ix. 
 
 ther, that befides the Primacy of if** 
 
 Power, there was in moft Pro- ZSlT!"', 
 
 . Jtdes the Prtmate m 
 
 vinces alio a Primacy of Honour j p wer. 
 
 [i] Con. Antioch. can. 9. [/?] Con. Taurin. can. 2. Qui ex 
 iis comprobaverit fuam Civitatem effe Metropolim, is totius Pro- 
 vincial honorem Primatus obtineat. [/] Con. Chalced. can. 12, 
 & 16. \m\ Con. Trull, can. 38. [sj Con. can. Eccl. Afr. 
 c. 86. [0] Aug. cont. Parmen. lib. 1. c. 3. Ep. 68. ad Januar. 
 [/>] Poffid. Vit. Aug. c. 8. Adveniente ad Ecclefiam Hipponenfem 
 tunc Primate Numidia; Megalio Calamenfi Epifcopo. [9] Con. 
 Milev. 1. in Cod. Afr. can. 84.. Xantippus Prims Sedis Numidia: 
 Epifcopos. Aug. Ep. 217. Collega nofter Xantippus, Tagaftenfis 
 dicir, quod eum Primatus ipfe contingat, &c. [r] Aug. Ep. 
 ij6. [j] Cod. can. Afr. c. 91, 101. [<] Marca Diflert. de 
 Primat. n. 3. Albafpin. Not. in Optat. Lib. i.p. 111. Stillingfleet 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Hift.o/ Separ. Par. 3. §, 9. p. 25-3. Fell Not. in Con. Carth. ap. 
 Cypr. p. 230. [«] Aug. Ep. 261. [w] Con. Milev. ia 
 Cod. Can. Afr. c. 86. [*] Con. Milev. can. 14. Placuit 8c 
 
 quicunque ab Epifcopus ordinantur, Literas accipiant ab Ordinato- 
 ribus fuis, manu eorum fubferiptas, continentes Confulem & Diem, 
 ut nulla altercatio de Pofterioribus vel Anterioribus oriatur. 
 [y] Con. Milev. c. i3.Pofteriores Anterioribus deferant, &c . Vit. 
 Ful<.entii cap. 20. Inter Epifcopos, tempore Ordinationis inferior, 
 ultimus fedebat. [z] Con. Bracar. 1. can. 24. Con. Tolet. 4. 
 can. 3. Secundum Ordinationis fua: tempora refideant. [a\ Cod. 
 Juftin. Lib. 1. Tit. 4. c. 29. Epifcopi tempore Ordinationis prselati» 
 &c. [b] Aug. Ep. 117. ad Vi&orin. 
 
 R whence 
 
62 
 
 The A nt i qjj it ies of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 whence fome Bifhops had the Name and Ti- 
 tle of Primates, who had not the Jurifdiction. 
 
 i Primates yEvo ^ nc * l ^ e ^ e were or * three forts: 
 i . The Primate jEvo, the oldeft. 
 Bifhop in each Province next to the Metropolitan. 
 Thefe had no Power above others, except when 
 the Metropolitan was fomeway difabled, or un- 
 qualified for difcharging his Office, by Irregula- 
 rity or Sufpenfion : Then his Power of courfe 
 dcvolv'd to the Senior Bifhop of the Province. 
 And this, I conceive, was the reafon why the 
 Bifhop of Amaftris [c] prefided in Council over 
 the Bifhops of Pontus, when yet Heracka, and 
 not Amafiris, was the Metropolis of the Pro- 
 vince. 
 
 SECT. X. The id fort of Honorary 
 
 2. Tnular Metro- p r jm a r.es were the Titular Me- 
 poluans. tropolitans, which were the Bi- 
 
 fhops of fuch Cities as had the Name and Title 
 of Civil Metropoles bellowed on them by fome 
 Emperor, without the Power and Privileges, 
 which were ftill retained to the ancient Metro- 
 polis of the Province. Thus Marcian the Em- 
 peror dignified the City Chakedon with the Ti- 
 tle of a Metropolis, and the Honour was con- 
 firmed to the Bifhop by the Council of Chake- 
 don \_d~] it felf, only with a Salvo Jure to the 
 Rights of Nicomedia the old Metropolis: From 
 that time therefore the Bifhop of Chakedon fti- 
 led himfelf Metropolitan of Bithynia, as may be 
 feen in the Acts [<?] of the 6th General Council. 
 The fame Honour was done to the City and Bi- 
 fhop of Nice, in the Council of Chakedon [/] 
 likewife. So that here were three Metropoli- 
 tans in one Province, but one only had the Pow- 
 er i the Privileges of the other two were only 
 Honorary, to Sit and Vote in Council next to 
 their Metropolitan. Yet this gave fuch Bifhops 
 an Opportunity to exalt themfelves, and fome- 
 times they fo far encroached upon the Rights of 
 the firfl Metropolitan, as to draw off his Suffra- 
 gans, and divide the Province with him. Thus 
 it was with the Bifhop of Nice, who before the 
 time of the 6th General Council had got a Sy- 
 nod of Suffragans under him. For fo Photius 
 fubferibed himfelf in that Council [g] Bifhop of 
 Nice, and Metropolitan of Bithynia for himfelf, 
 and the Synod that was under him. 
 
 SECT. XT. Besides thefe there were a 
 
 3. The Bifiops third fort of Primates, who 
 
 of fome Mother- though they were neither Bi- 
 
 chunhes, which fhops of Titular Metropoles, nor 
 
 » m h Z Uf n d h the oldeft Bifhops of the Pro- 
 Ancient Cuftom. . . r , r . 
 
 vince, yet took place or all the 
 reft, by a general Deference that was paid to 
 them, out of regard to the Eminency of their 
 
 See, being fome Mother-Church, or particular- 
 ly honoured by ancient Prefcription. This was 
 the Cafe of the Bifhop of Jerufakm. That Ci- 
 ty was no Metropolis of the Empire, but fubjed 
 to Cafarea the Metropolis of Pal<eftine : Yet in 
 regard that it was the Mother-Church of the 
 World, this peculiar Honour was paid to it, 
 That the Bifhop thereof was always next in Dig- 
 nity to the Metropolitan of Cafarea, and took 
 place of all the other Bifhops of the Province: 
 and this Privilege was confirmed to him by the 
 Nicene Council \J>], which made a Canon to this 
 purpofe: That whereas by ancient Cuftom and 
 Tradition, the Bifhop of yElia had a particular 
 Honour paid him, the fame fhould be continued 
 to him, ftill referving to the Metropolis the 
 Dignity and Privilege which belonged to it. 
 Some fondly imagine [f] that this Canon gave 
 the Bifhop of Jerufakm Patriarchal Power ; 
 whereas it does not fo much as make him a Me- 
 tropolitan, but leaves him fubject to the Metro- 
 polis of Palceftine, which was Ccefarea, as St. Je- 
 rom [k~\ informs us, whofe Words clear theSenfe 
 of this Canon, and prove that the Bifhop of 
 Jerufakm was no Metropolitan, nor Independent 
 of his Metropolitan, as Valefius [f] imagines, but 
 had only the fecond place of Honour affigned 
 him next to his Metropolitan, which was that 
 Honorary Primacy which the Bifhops of Jeru- 
 fakm had always enjoyed, becaufe, as the Coun- 
 cil of Confiantinople words it [m~], Jerufakm was 
 the Mother of all other Churches, 
 
 But leaving thefe Honorary sect. Xir. . 
 
 Primates, who had little more The offices of Me- 
 
 than a Name, I am here to fhew k°$° UtaBS - «• To 
 what were the Offices and Privi- 
 
 1 r l /• l. S* n Bifhops. 
 
 leges or thole who were proper- 
 ly Metropolitans, and they were thefe that fol- 
 low. Firft, they were to regulate Elections of 
 all their Provincial Bifhops, and either ordain, 
 or authorize the Ordination of them. No Bi- 
 fhop was to be elected or ordained without their 
 Confent and Approbation: Otherwife the Ca- 
 nons pronounce both the Election and the Ordi- 
 nation null. The Ku^r, or Ratification of all 
 that is done, fays the Council of Nice [n], be- 
 longs to the Metropolitan in every Province. 
 And again, if any Bifhop is made without the 
 Confent of the Metropolitan, this great Synod 
 [0] pronounces fuch an one to be no Bifhop. 
 The fame Rule is repeated in the Councils of 
 Antioch Laodicea [f], Arks [f], Turin [s~], 
 
 Sardica [t~], Ephefus [u], and Chakedon [w]. And 
 whereas fome pretend that the African Primates 
 had not this Power, the contrary appears evi- 
 dently from feveral Canons of their Councils. 
 The fecond Council of Carthage [x~] fays. No 
 
 [c] Eufeb. l.f. c. i%. fays he prefided as tit Senior Bifhop, at 
 ttpXM'oTXT©- tv^t'itx/Io. TV] Con. Chalced. A6V. 6. T. 2 • 
 f.6n. OJ Con. 6. Gen. Aft. 18. [/] Con. Chalced. 
 A&. 13. p. 716. [g~] Con. 6. Gen. Aft. r8. p. 1080. 
 [A] Con. Nic. can. 7. \y}.Tu> r cLKofod-iitv T/junf, th Mn- 
 tpot6a« ffv^o/ufyv n oiKeix aPtau&TQ-. ' [»] Sylvius Ad- 
 dit. ad Caranz. fumm. Concil. [£] jerom. Ep. 61. ad Pam- 
 jmach. Hoc ibi decernitur ut Palseftinw Metropolis Csefarea fit. 
 
 [/] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. 5-. 23. [w] Con. Cbnftant. Ep. Sy- 
 nod, ad Damaf. [»] Con. Nic. can. 4. [0] Ibid. can. 6, 
 [f] Con. Antioch. can. 19. [of] Con. Laodic. can. 12. 
 [r] Con. Arelat. 2. can. f, 8c 6. [j] Con. Taurin. can. r. 
 [f] Con. Sardic. can. 6. [«] Con. Ephef. Decret. de Epifc. Cypr. 
 [n>] Con. Chalced. A£t. 12. It. can. if. [*] Con. Carth. 2. c. 
 12. Inconfulto Primate cujullibet Provinciae nemo praefumat, Jicct 
 cum multis Epifcopis, fine ejus Praxepto -Epifcopum ordicare. 
 
 one 
 
Chap. XVI. Christian Church. 
 
 63 
 
 one fhall prefume to ordain a Bifhop without 
 confuting the Primate of the Province, and ta- 
 king his Precept, though many other Bifhops 
 fhould join with him. The third Council of 
 Carthage requires but three Bifhops to the Ordi- 
 nation of a Bifhop, but then [>] they mult be 
 fuch as are exprefly Authorized by the Metropo- 
 litan. And the fourth Council [z] requires ei- 
 ther his Prcfence, or at leaft his Authority and 
 Commiffion. Here a Primate and a Metropoli- 
 tan are the fame thing, viz. the Senior Bifhop 
 of the Province, who ufually went to the Church, 
 where the new Bifhop was to be placed, and Con- 
 fecrated him with his own Hands, as St. Aufiin 
 and Poffidius [a] teftifle, who are good Witncf- 
 fes of their Practice. 
 
 SECT. XIII. Nor was this Power at all in- 
 This Power contl- fringed by fetting up of Patriarchs 
 mud to them after a bove them. For though the Me- 
 
 th lrtnbf "* ° f tnfoKW* wcrc thc " t0 be 0r " 
 dained by the Patriarchs, and ob- 
 liged to attend on them for it, who before were 
 ordained by their own Provincial Synod j yet 
 ftill the Right of Ordaining their own Suffra- 
 gans, was all along preferved to them, and ex- 
 prefly confirmed by the Council [/;] of Chalce- 
 don i nor do we ever find any Patriarch affuming 
 this Power, except the Bifhop of Alexandria, 
 for a particular Reafon, of which I fhall give an 
 Account in the following Chapter, §. I!. 
 
 SECT. xiv. But here I muft obfervc, that 
 Yet this Tower not this Power of Metropolitans was 
 Arbitrary, but de- not Arbitrary : For though noBi- 
 
 ZTofvote ot\ fh °P WaS t0 be ele6ted ° r 01 ' dain ' 
 
 TrZluid synod. * cd without their Confent , yet 
 they had no Negative Voice in 
 the Matter, but were to be determined and con- 
 cluded by the major Part of a Provincial Synod. 
 For fo the Council of Aries [c] decreed, That if 
 there arofe any Doubt or Hefitation betwixt the 
 Parties, the Metropolitan fhould fide with the 
 greater Number. And the Council of Nice \jf] 
 to the fame purpofe : If two or three out of a 
 contentious Humour fhall oppofe thc common 
 Election, duly and regularly made according to 
 the Canons of the Church, in this cafe let the 
 Majority of Voices prevail. 
 
 SECT. XV. And the fame Rule was to be 
 Metropolitans to be obferved in the Ordination of 
 chofen and ordamed Metropolitans themfclves, who 
 
 vinctlsZd ^ Were t0 be Ch ° fen ConfeCra " 
 
 ted by their own Provincial Bi- 
 fhops } who were not obliged to fend for a Me- 
 
 tropolitan out of another Province to do it, but 
 they had Power to do it in their own Provincial 
 Synod among themfelves. This St. Auftin fays 
 was the Cuflom of the Catholick Church, both 
 in Africk and at Rome. And therefore when the 
 Donaiijls objected againlt Cacilian Primate of 
 Carthage, that his Ordination was uncanonical, 
 becaufe he had not fent for the Neighbouring 
 Primate of Numidia to come and Ordain him : 
 His Anfwer was [e] That Cacilian had no need 
 of this j fince the Cuflom of the Catholick 
 Church was othcrwife, which was not to have 
 the Numidian Bifhops to ordain the Bifhop of 
 Carthage, but the Neighbouring Bifhops of the 
 Province of Carthage: As it was not the Cu- 
 flom at Rome to fend for a Metropolitan out of 
 another Province, to ordain the Bifhop of Rome, 
 but he was always ordained by the Bifhop of Ofiia, 
 a Neighbouring Bifhop of the fame Province. 
 
 'Tis true there is a Canon in the Council [/] 
 of Sardica, which orders the Bifhops of the next 
 Province, as fome interpret it, to be called in to 
 the Ordination of a Metropolitan, th; ihro £ -rrXn- 
 cno^cocs irra.f>%la.s em&xhTrtf?. But this perhaps 
 may as well be render'd, The Neighbouring [_g] 
 Biihops of the fame Province j and fince Cuflom 
 and the Practice of the Church, which is the 
 bell Interpreter of doubtful Canons, does mani- 
 fcflly favour this Senfe, there is fome reafon fo 
 to underfland it. But however it be, here is no 
 mention of one Metropolitan having a Right to 
 ordain another. From which it appears that in 
 thefe times no Metropolitan was obliged to go 
 or fend out of his own Province, much lefs to 
 Rome, for his Ordination j but all was to be 
 done by his Suffragans in his own Church. Nor 
 was any Bifhop obliged to go for Ordination to 
 his Metropolitan's Church, but ordinarily the 
 Metropolitan and the reft of the Bifhops met 
 Synodically in the vacant Church, and there e- 
 lected and confecrated a new Bifhop in the pre- 
 fence of the People, for whom they ordained 
 him. This was the firft part of the Metropoli- 
 tan's Office. 
 
 Their next Office was to sect xvi 
 
 prefide over their Provincial Bi- The id office of Me- 
 
 fhops, and if any Controverfies tropolitans, to decide 
 
 arofe among them, to interpofe Controverfies anfing 
 
 their Authority to end and decide T@Vt** Trovm ' 
 
 them : As alfo to hear the Accu- ^&WM^ e 
 
 r ■ r , , 1 • j Appeals from them. 
 
 lations or others, who complained 
 of Injury done them by their own Bifhops, from 
 whom there was Liberty always to appeal to their 
 Metropolitan. Thus in Africk it was ordained 
 [p~\ by the Council of Milevis, That if Two 
 
 [y] Con. Carth. 3. c. 39. Non minus quam fres fufficiant, 
 qui fuerint a Metropolitano dire&i ad ordinandum Epifcopum. 
 [z] Con. Carth. 4. c. 1. Conventu totius Provincise Epifcopo- 
 rum, maximeque Metropolitani vel Prsefentia, vel Au&oritate or- 
 dineCur Epifcopus. [<»] Aug. Ep. 261. Po.ffid.Vit. Aug. c. 8. 
 \j>] Con. Chalced. AS. 16. in fin. [c] Co". Arelat. i. ean. f. 
 Si inter Partes aliqua nata fuerit dubitatio, majori nutnero Metro- 
 politanus in Eledtione conlentiat. [«/] Con. Nic. can. 6. 
 [<?] Aug. Brevic. Collat. tert. die, c. 16. Non exfpedtayit Caecilia- 
 nus ut Princeps a Principe ordinaretur; cum aiiud habeat Ecclefise 
 
 Catholicae Confuetudo, ut non Numidiae, fed propinquiores Epif- 
 copi Epifcopum Ecclefiae Carthaginis ordinent.- Sicut nec Romanas 
 Ecclefix ordinat aliquis Epifcopus Metropolitanus, fed de proximo 
 Oftienfis Epifcopus. [/] Con. Sard. can. 6. [g] Harmeno- 
 pulus fo underflood it : For in his Epitome he thus words it; Oj 
 ot'oyjoyoi <f iTrctp-y'ictf <wctpi,<?oo£. Vid. Harmen. Epit. Canon, 
 ap. Leunclav. Jur. Gr. Rom. T. 1. p. 1. [h] Con. Milev. Can. 
 21. Per Epifcopos Judices, Caula finiatur, five quos eis Primates 
 dederint, five quos ipfi vicirios ex confultu Priraatis delegerint. 
 
 Bifhops 
 
64 
 
 The Antiqjuities of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Bifliops difputed about the Bounds of their 
 Diocefes, the Metropolitan fliould appoint a 
 Committee of Bifliops to hear and determine 
 their Controverfy. If a Presbyter or Deacon 
 was Excommunicated by his own Bifliop, the 
 Council of Sardka [/'] allows him liberty to Ap- 
 peal to the Metropolitan of his Province j or if 
 he were abfent, to the Metropolitan of the next 
 Province, to defire a new hearing of his Caufe. 
 In fuch cafes as thefe the Metropolitan had three 
 ways of proceeding: Either ill he was to ap- 
 point a felect Number of Bifliops to be Judges j 
 which was the Practice of Africk, where fticli 
 Judges were therefore called [£] Judices Elecli, 
 and their Number affignedto be Twelve [/], if a 
 Bifliop's Caufe was to be tried before them. Or 
 idly, he was to refer the Matter to a Provincial 
 Synod, which feems to have been the general 
 Practice, when thofe called the Apoftolical Ca- 
 nons were made : One of which orders [#z], 
 That when a Bifliop is accufed, he fliall be con- 
 vened before a Synod of Bifliops. Another fays 
 (V), The Primate fliall do nothing without the 
 confent of all the other Bifliops - y fo Concord 
 will be preferved, and God will be glorified. 
 And another, Twice a Year let there be a Synod 
 of Bifliops [0] to examine Doctrines of Religion, 
 and terminate all Ecclefiaftical Controverfies that 
 may happen. But }dly, by Jujliniari's Law [/>] 
 the Metropolitan has Power to hear Caufes upon 
 Appeal to himfelf without a Synod: Yet whe- 
 ther he could proceed fo far as to depofea Bifliop 
 by his fole Authority, is queftioned: Spalatenfis 
 M gi ves fome Inftances of Bifliops that were 
 depofed by their Metropolitans, but for ought 
 that appears it was done in Synod : But whether 
 it was, or was not, matters not much j 
 for ftill in all Cafes, by the fame Law of Jufti- 
 nian [r~\ and the Canons, there lay an Appeal 
 from the Metropolitan to a Provincial Synod, of 
 which he was only the Prefident, or Moderator 
 and Director of Bufinefs in it. 
 
 sect. xvii. 3. And this leads us to a 
 
 Their y( office to third Office of the Metropolitans, 
 
 call Provincial Sy- wn ich was to call Provincial 
 
 mis, vhchalisuf. s d an a prefide in them. For 
 
 fragms were ob- r J , ^ ' r . ' , 
 
 liged to attend. » nce the Canons \j\ appointed 
 two Synods to be held ordinarily 
 every Year in each Province (befides fuch as 
 might be called upon extraordinary Occafions) it 
 was neceflary fome one fliould be appointed to 
 give notice of the Time and Place, and have 
 Authority both toconvocate and prefide in them. 
 All things therefore relating to this Matter, were 
 by common Confent put into the Primate's 
 Power, whofe Circular Letters (which fome- 
 times are called Synodic^ and Trattoria [Y], as 
 
 the Emperor's were called Sacra) were a legal 
 Summons, which no Bifliop of the Province 
 might difobey under pain of Sufpenfion, or fome 
 fuch Canonical Cenfure, which is left to the 
 Difcretion [»] of the Metropolitan and the 
 Council. 
 
 4. It belonged to Metropo- sect, xviir. 
 litans to publifli and difperfefuch 4- Metropolitans 
 Imperial Laws and Canons, as 10 fUfi ituperiai 
 were either by Councils or Em- L * Wi ff r Cmms ' 
 
 1 c , vipt Diocefes, and 
 
 perors made for the common C o rrea A Lfes. 
 Good of the Church. This they 
 are required to do by feveral Laws both of 
 the Church and State, the better to diffufe the 
 Knowledge, and enforce the Practice of them. 
 Nor were they only to difperfe the Canons that 
 were made, but to fee that they were obferved : 
 Which gave them Right to Vifit and Enquire 
 into Neglects, Abufes, and Diforders committed 
 by any Bifliop throughout the whole Province. 
 The Metropolitan in this refpect is faid to have 
 the Care of the whole Province, by the Coun- 
 cil [x] of Antioch. Not that this gave him 
 Power to Officiate in any other Bifliop's Church, 
 or perform fuch Acts as the Bifliop himfelf might 
 perform alone, fuch as the Ordaining of Presby- 
 ters and Deacons, and the like \ which are Spe- 
 cialities of every Bifliop, referved to them by 
 the fame Council : But in cafe of Omiffion or 
 fcandalous Neglect, the Bifliop of the Metro- 
 polis was to manifeft his Care with the Advice 
 of the reft of his Brethren. 
 
 f. In Africk all Bifliops paid SECT. XIX. 
 a peculiar Deference to the Pri- jr. Bijhops not t» 
 mate in taking his Licence to ***** tht 
 
 Travel, whenever they were cal- Jjgjf theirMs ' 
 led into a Foreign Country upon ro ^° ' m ' 
 extraordinary Occafions. This was exprefly 
 provided by a Canon of the 3d Council of Car- 
 thage Qy], That no Bifliop fliould go beyond 
 the Sea without confulting his Primate, and 
 taking his Formata^ or Letters of Commenda- 
 tion. Nor was this fo peculiar to Africk 9 but 
 that we may meet with the fame Rule and Pra- 
 ctice in other Places, even as low as the time of 
 Gregory the Great, who in one of his Epiftles 
 [z], gives the fame Direction to fome Bifliops in 
 reference to their Metropolitan, That they fliould 
 not travel upon urgent Occafion, without his 
 Letters of Conceflion. 
 
 6. It belonged to Metropoli- SECT. XX. 
 
 tans to take care of all vacant 6. Metropolitans to 
 
 Sees within their Province j to take care °J '™ c " nt 
 adminifter the Affairs of the 
 Church during the Vacancy, to 
 
 [i] Con. Sard. can. 14. [*] Con. Carth. 3. can. 7. 
 [/] Con. Carth. i. can. u. Epifcopus a duodecim Confacerdoti- 
 bus audiatur. [m] Can. Apoft. c. 74. Con. Conftant. 1. Gen. 
 can. 6. [»] Ibid. c. 3$-. Con. Antioch. can. 9. [0] Ibid. c. 
 38. [/>] Cod. Juft. lib. 1. Tit. 4. c. 19. [q] Spalat.de 
 Repub. Eccl. par. 1. 1. 3. c. 7. n. 19. . [r] Cod. Juft. ibid. 
 Is] Con. Nic. can. /. Antioch. c. 10. Agathen. c. }f. Arelat. 2. c. 
 
 18. Can. Apoft. c. 38. [/] Aug. Ep. 317. ad. Vi&orin. Tra- 
 ttoria ad me quinto Idus Novembris venit, &c. [«] Con. 
 Chalced. can. 19. Con. Carth. 4. can. 11. Theodoret. Ep. 81. 
 [»] Juftin. Novel. 6, 8c 42. [*] Con. Antioch. can. 9. Tmk 
 q>pov}'i<P& dvaS'rf^iSK i «ret<rt)t tmj eT<if [y~\ Con. Carth. 
 3. can. 18. Ut Epifcopi trans mare non profi/cantur, niii confulto 
 Prims Sedis Epifcopo, ^>c. [*.] Greg. M. Ep. 8. lib. 7. 
 
 fecurc 
 
Chap. XVL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 fecure the Revenues of the Biihoprick, and pro- 
 cure a fpecdy Election of a new Biihop. Tn A- 
 frick the Primate commonly appointed one of the 
 Neighbouring Biihops to be his Vicegerent in 
 fuch a Cafe, whom therefore the Canons (as has 
 been obferved before) call an Intervcntor [a]. 
 The Council of Riez [b~] in France in like man- 
 ner puts the Adminiflration of a vacant See into 
 the hands of a Neighbouring Biihop, under the 
 Inflection of the Metropolitan. And the Council 
 of Valentia [c] in Spain authorizes the Metro- 
 politan to puniih Purloiners of the Revenues in 
 the Vacancy, and to fend an Adminiftrator till a 
 new Biihop is chofen. By a Canon of the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon [/], the Care of the Revenues 
 of the Church is committed to the Steward of 
 the Church, the Occanomus, but the Care of 
 fupplying the vacant See with a new Bifliop 
 within Three Months, is the Bufxncfsof the Me- 
 tropolitan. 
 
 SECT. XXI. 7. It belonged to the Metro- 
 7 . Metropolitans to politan yearly to review the Cal- 
 calmlate the time cu l a tion of the time of Eajler, 
 of Ea(ter. anc j g- ve not i ce to Suffragans 
 
 of it. The Care of Compofing the Cycle in- 
 deed was by the Nicene Fathers particularly com- 
 mitted [e] to the Bifhop of Alexandria, as Pope 
 Leo and others inform us : And he was to give 
 notice to other Churches: But due Care was not 
 always taken in this matter, and therefore the 
 Metropolitan in every Province was concerned to 
 fettle the time, and acquaint the whole Province 
 with it. As we find St. Ambrofe [/] did for the 
 Province of Milan ; and the Bifliop of Carthage 
 [_g~] for the Province of Africk: And the Spa- 
 nip Councils [h~] order their Metropolitans firft 
 to concert the matter among themfelves, and 
 then communicate it to their Comprovincials. 
 
 sect. XXIT. Some later Canons [/] make 
 How the Tower of it the Privilege of Metropoli- 
 Metropoliuns gn w tans to Confecrate all Churches 
 m After-A^. throughout the Province. But I 
 have fhewed before that this was Originally the 
 Privilege of every Bifhop in his own Diocefe > 
 and being a private A£t, which only concerned 
 his own Church, and not the whole Province, 
 the Metropolitan was to have no hand in it, no 
 more than in the Confecration of Presbyters and 
 Deacons, by the pth Canon of the Council of 
 Antioch. Other Canons [k] bind the whole 
 Province to follow the Forms and Rites of Di- 
 vine Service us'd in the Metropolitan Church : 
 But I have obferved before, that anciently every 
 Biihop had Liberty to prefcribe for his own Dio- 
 
 ccfe,and was under no Limitation as to this Matter 
 unltfs it were the Order of a Provincial Council'. 
 
 By thiswc fee that the Power sect, xxiir. 
 of Metropolitans in fome Places T ^ Vrimate of 
 exceeded others. And I muft Al '- >andri 'a had the 
 here obferve, that the Primate of f^f/ awer of 
 Alexandria was the "rcateit Me- er ' 
 tropolitan in the World, both for the Abfolute- 
 nefs of his Power, and the Extent of his Jurif- 
 di£tion. For he was not Metropolitan of a fingle 
 Province, but of all the Provinces of Egypt, 
 Libya, ,and Pentapolis, in which there were at 
 leaf! Six large Provinces, out of which fome- 
 times above an Hundred Bifhops were called to 
 a Provincial Council. Alexander fummon'd near 
 that Number to the Condemnation of Arius [f\ 
 before the Council of Nice. And Athanafius [m] 
 fpeaks of the fame Number meeting at other 
 times: Particularly the Council of Alexandria, 
 Ann. 539, which heard and ju ft i fled the Caufeof 
 Athanafius after his Return from his Banifhment, 
 had almoft an Hundred Bifliops in it j which 
 was above 30 more than the Biihop of Rome''*, Libra, 
 which was but Sixty nine. Nor was the Primate of 
 Alexandria's Power lefs than the Extent of his 
 Jurifdi&ion : For he not only ordained all his 
 Suffragan Biihops, but had Liberty to ordain 
 Presbyters and Deacons in all Churches throughout 
 the whole DiftricT:. Mr. Bafnage [n] and Launoy 
 will have it that he had the fole Power of Or- 
 daining, and that not fo much as a Presbyter or 
 Deacon could be Ordained without it. Valefius 
 [0] thinks his Privilege was rather that he might 
 Ordain, if he pleafed , but not that he had the 
 fole Power of Ordaining Presbyters and Deacons. 
 But cither way it was a great Privilege, and pe- 
 culiar to the Biihop of Alexandria: For no other 
 Metropolitan pretended to the like Power befides 
 himfelf. 
 
 I have but one thing more SECT. XXIV. 
 to obferve concerning Metropo- All Metropolitans 
 litans, which is, that they were calleJ Apoftolici , 
 anciently all dignified with the a ^jJ ees Sedes 
 Name Apoflolici ; which was then po x ' 
 no peculiar Title of the Biihop of Rome. For 
 Pope Siricius himfelf gives all Primates [/>] this 
 Appellation : And it continued to be their Title 
 to the Days of Alcuin, who fpeaking of the E- 
 ledtion of Biihops, lays [f], when the Clergy 
 and People have chofen one, they draw up an In- 
 ftrument, and go with their Ek£t to the Apofto- 
 licus : By whom he means not the Pope, but 
 the Primate or Metropolitan of every Province 
 who had the Right and Power of Confecration. 
 
 [a] Con. Carth. 5-. can. 8. [b] Con. Reienf. can. 5-, Sc 6. 
 [c] Con. Valent. can. 2. [J] Con. Chalced. c. if. 
 [e] Leo. Ep. 61. al. 70. ad Mercian. Imper. [f] Ambrof. Ep. 
 83. ad Epifc. per ./Emyliam. [g~\ Con. Carth. 3. can. t, & 41. 
 [/;] Con. Bracar. 2. can. 9. Con. To'et. 4. can. 4.. [»] Gelaf. 
 Ep. 1. c. 4. iMontan. To!ec. Ep. ad Palentinos ap. Blondei. Apol. 
 p. i)-o. [&] Conci!. Gerundenf. can. 1. Con. Epaun. can. 27. 
 Con. Tolet. 11. can. 3. [/] Alexand. Ep. Encycl. ap. Socrat. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 lib. 1. c. 6. [w] Athan. Apol. 2. p. 720. Con. Alexandr. Ep. 
 Encycl. Con. T. 2. p. f 33. [»] Bafnag. Exerc. in Baron, p.307. 
 & Launoy, Ibid. [0] Valef. obferv. in Socrat. lib. 3. [/>] Siric. 
 Ep. 4. c. 1. Ut extra confeientiam fedis Apoftolicae, id eft, Primatis, 
 nemo audeat ordinare. [q] Alcuin. de Div. Offic. c. 36. Cui 
 
 Epifcopus Civitatis fuerit defun&us, eligitur alius a Clero feu Po- 
 pulo, fitque Decretum ab illis, 8c veniunt ad Apoftolicum cum fuo 
 Elefto. /v.'f 1 
 
 S CHAR 
 
66 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i b s of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 chap. xvir. 
 
 Of Patriarchs. 
 
 SECT. I. XI EXT in order to theMetro- 
 Tatrianb ancient- \\ politans or Primates, were 
 4 ' Med Archbi - the Patriarchs; or, as they 
 were at firft called, Archbifhops 
 and Exarchs of the Diocefe. For though now 
 an Archbifhop and a Metropolitan be generally 
 taken for the fame, to wit, the Primate of a fin- 
 gle Province ; yet anciently the Name Archbi- 
 fhop was a more extenfive Title, and fcarce gi- 
 ven to any but thofe whofe Jurifdiction extended 
 over a whole Imperial Diocefe, as the Bifhops 
 of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, &c. That this 
 was fo, appears evidently from one of Jujlmian's 
 Novels, where erecting the Bifhoprick of Ju- 
 fiiniana Prima into a Patriarchal See, he fays, 
 Our Plcafure is, that the Bifhop of Juftiniana 
 fhall not only be a Metropolitan [r] , but an 
 Archbifhop. Here the Names are clearly diftin- 
 guifhed, and an Archbifhop reckoned Superior 
 to a Metropolitan. And hence it was, that af- 
 ter the fetting up of Patriarchal Power, the 
 Name Archbifhop was appropriated to the Pa- 
 triarchs. Liberatus [i] gives all the Patriarchs 
 this Title of Archbifhops. So does the Council 
 of Chalcedon frequently, fpeaking of the Patri- 
 archs of Rome and Conjlantinople [f], under the 
 Name of Archbifhops alfo. 
 
 sect. II. These were otherwife called 
 
 AndTLxxrcbs ef "Etapyot rfc c/'lolXflW, Exarchs 
 the D.oce/e. Qf tjfc j)^^ tQ diftinguifh 
 
 them from the "Ef ap^ei rfo Ixrt^'a^the Exarchs 
 of a fingle Province, which were only Metropo- 
 litans. Thus Domnus Bifhop of Antioch is ftiled 
 Exarch of the Eaftcrn [«] Diocefe, by the 
 Councils of Antioch and Chalcedon. And in the 
 Subfcriptions of the 6"th General Council at Con- 
 jlantinople, 'Theodore Bifhop of Ephefus fubfcribes 
 himfclf both Metropolitan of Ephefus [w], and 
 Exarch of the AJiatick Diocefe : As alfo Philale- 
 thes Bifhop of Cafarea in Cappadocia ftiles him- 
 felf Exarch of the Pontick Diocefe. Which 
 fhews, that as the Exarch of a Province is a Me- 
 tropolitan, fo the Exarch of a Diocefe is a Pa- 
 triarch, in the ancient Language of the Church. 
 And by this we underftand the meaning of the 
 oth and 17th Canons of the Council of Chalce- 
 don, which allow of Appeals from the Metropo- 
 litan to the Exarch of the Diocefe. 
 
 SECT. III. As to the Name Patriarch, 
 Salmafius'j mi- there is fomc Difpute among 
 
 Learned Men, when firft it be- ft^e about the firft 
 gan to be ufed as an Appropriate "feoftbeNameP*- 
 Title of any Chriftian Bifhops. triarch - 
 Salmajius [x] and fome others are of Opinion, 
 that the Bifhop of Alexandria had this Title 
 from the time of the Emperor Hadrian, which 
 was in the beginning of the 2d Century. Their 
 Reafon is, becaufe that Emperor in an Epiftle 
 mentioned by Vopifcus, fpeaks of a Patriarch at 
 Alexandria. But the Patriarch there fpoken of 
 was not any Chriftian, but a Jewijh Patriarch j 
 as may appear from Hadrian's Words, and the 
 Character which he gives [_y] of him. For 
 he fays, he was one who was compelled to wor- 
 fhip both Chrift and Seraph: Which agrees ve- 
 ry well to the Character of a Jewijh Patriarch, 
 who neither acknowledged the Heathen, nor 
 the Chriftian Religion, and therefore needed as 
 much Compulfion to bring him to worfhip 
 Chrift, as Serapis \ but it does not at all agree to 
 the Character of a Chriftian Bifhop, who, how- 
 ever he might need force to compel him to wor- 
 fhip Serapis, yet muft be fuppofed willing of his 
 own accord to worfhip Chrift. Befides, the Pa- 
 triarch which the Emperor fpeaks of was one 
 who came only Occafionally into Egypt out of 
 another Country ; which cannot be faid of the 
 Bifhop of Alexandria, who had his fixed and 
 continual Refidence there: But it fuits exactly 
 the State and Condition of the Jewijh Patriarch, 
 who refided at Tiberias in PaUJline, and came bun 
 accidentally, or at fome certain times, into E~ 
 gypt. Thefe and the like Reafons make others 
 conclude againft Salmajius, that whoever is meant, 
 it is not any Chriftian Patriarch that is here fpo- 
 ken of. Baronius [z] fancies it was the Heathen 
 Pontifex, or High-Prieft of Egypt: But the 
 fame Reafons will hold againft his Opinion as a- 
 gainft the other : For the High-Prieft of Egypt 
 lived in Egypt, and needed no Compulfion to 
 worfhip Serapis, as this Patriarch did. So that 
 it muft be the Jewijh Patriarch, and no other, 
 which Hadrian fpeaks of, as Mr. Bafnage [a~\ and 
 Bifhop Pearfon, with fome others have obferved. 
 
 These Jewijh Patriarchs, from SECT. IV. 
 
 whom, as is generally agreed, of the Jcvrifa ?&- 
 the Chriftian Patriarchs borrow- their firji 
 
 ed their Names, were a fort of R '^: D J iratm > arJ 
 
 1 tv r Extinction. 
 
 Governors among the Jews let 
 
 up upon the Deltruction of Jerufakm; one of 
 
 which had his Refidence at Tiberias, and ano- 
 
 [r] Juftin. Novel, u. Volumus ut non folum Metropolitans, 
 fed etiam Archiepifcopus fiat. [j] Liberat. Breviar. c. 17. 
 jV] Con. Chalced. Aft. 16. It. Aft. 4. 8c Can. 20. [»] Con. 
 Antioch. in Aft. 14. Con. Chalced. [w] Con. 6. Gen. Aft. 
 18. Con. Tom. 6. p. 1077, &1080. [*] Salmaf. de Primat. 
 c. 4. p. 44. It. not. in Vopifcum. fj] Hadrian. Epift. ap. Vo- 
 pifcum Vit. Saturnin. Mi qui Serapin coliint, Chriftiani funt. Et 
 devoti funt Scrapi, qui fe Chrifti Epifcopos dicunt. Nemo illic 
 
 Archifynagogus Jud.i:orum, nemo Samarites, nemo Chriftianorum 
 Presbyter, non Mathematics, non Arufpex, non Aliptes. Hie ipfe 
 Patriarcha, quum ./Egypmm venerit, ab aliis Serapidem adonre, ab 
 aliis ccgitur Chriftum. [z] Baron. Annal. Tom. 2. an. 112. 
 [a] Bafnag. Exercit. Hiftor. p. 284. Pearfon. Vindic. Ignat. Par. 
 2. c. 11. p. 328. Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. Verbo <ara7e<«.'pX." ? ' 
 Cave, Anc. Chur. Gov. p. 15-2.. 
 
 ther 
 
67 
 
 ther at Babylon, who, were the Heads of the 
 Jeivs difperied throughout the Roman and the 
 Pcrfian Empire. OF thefe there is frequent 
 mention made in the ancient Writers ot the 
 Church, [f\ Origcn, [>] Epiphanius, [d] Cyril of 
 Jerufalem, f>] Theodoret, and many others. They 
 continued in great Power and Dignity till the 
 latter end of the 4th Century, about which time 
 their Order ceafed. For theodoret fays exprefly, 
 that long before his time their Government was 
 wholly abolifhed : And one of the Laws of the 
 younger Fheodofms, An. 419, fpeaks [/] of them 
 as then extincl:. 
 
 SECT. v. Much about the fame time 
 
 of the Patriarchs t ^ c Montanifts , or Cataphrygian 
 *mong the Monta- Herct j c i< Sj i ia d an Order of Men 
 among them, which they called 
 Patriarchs, and another which they called Ceno- 
 nes, both which were Superior to their Bifhops, 
 and as it mould feem, Diftinct Orders from them : 
 For St. Jerom [g] charges it on them as aCrime, 
 that they thruft down the Order of Bifhops, 
 who were the Apoftles Succeflbrs, and fet up an 
 Order of Patriarchs, and an Order of Cenones a- 
 mong them. Which makes fome Learned [ZTj 
 Men think, that when St. Jerom wrote that a- 
 gainft the Montanifts, the Name Patriarch was 
 not as yet adopted into the Church, though the 
 Power was, under another Name. 
 
 SECT. VI. Indeed the firft time we 
 The Name Tatri- meet with the Name Patriarch 
 areh firft ufed by „{ ven t0 a ny Bifhop by any Pub- 
 
 ^Sof& lick Authorit y of the Church > is 
 
 don"" aCC " i° * ne Council of Chakedon 9 
 which mentions [f\ the moft Ho- 
 ly Patriarchs of every Diocefe, and particularly 
 Leo Patriarch [£] of Great Rome. Richerius, 
 who has written accurately about the Councils, 
 can trace the Name no higher [/]. Among Pri- 
 vate Authors the firft that mentions Patriarchs by 
 Name is Socrates [m], who wrote his Hiftory a- 
 bout the Year 440, Eleven Years before the 
 Council of Chalcedon. By what he fays, it ap- 
 pears that during the Interval between the Ge- 
 neral Council of Con/lantineple, Ann. 381 , and 
 that of Chalcedon, the Name Patriarch began to 
 be an appropriate Title of fome eminent Bifhops 
 in the Church. For fpeaking of the Fathers at 
 Confiantinople, he fays, They conftituted Patri- 
 archs, dividing the Provinces among them. Va- 
 lejius [»] and Dr. Cave [0] think Socrates fpeaks 
 
 not of true and proper Patriarchs, but only of 
 extraordinary Legates, or Pro-tempore Commif- 
 fioners, appointed by the Council to judge who 
 were fit to be received toCatholick Communion 
 in the feveral Diocefes that were allotted them. 
 But all others underftand him in the proper 
 Senfe, becaufe by this time Patriarchal Power 
 was fettled in all the Diocefes of the RomanEm- 
 pire. 
 
 But though the Name of Pa- sect. vil. 
 triarchs came not into the Church Four different opi- 
 till about the time of Socrates, yet nions concerning the 
 the Power it felf, as is agreed °f Patri ' 
 
 n 1 1 7 , D , . arcbal Power. 
 
 on all hands, was much earlier j 
 though where precifely to fix the Epocha, and 
 date its Rife, is not fo eafy to determine. Some 
 carry it as high as the Apoftles, and derive it, as 
 they do the Pope's Supremacy, from St. Peter. 
 So [/>] Baronius, who is followed by the moft 
 eminent Writers of his own Communion, de 
 Marca, Valefius, Richerius, Pagius, and Schcl- 
 ftrate. Others juftly reject this, as founded up- 
 on no good Authority, nor evidenced by any Ge- 
 nuine Records of the ancient Church, but only 
 the Spurious Epiftles of the firft Popes > and 
 reckon the firft rife of Patriarchs to have been 
 after the Apoftolical Age, and fome time before 
 the Council of Nice. This is the Opinion of 
 Spalatenfts [_q~], and Mr. Breretvood. The 3d O- 
 pinion is that of Balzamon [f] and other Modern 
 Greeks, that Patriarchs were firft inftituted by the 
 Council of Nice : And this feems to be favoured 
 by St. Jerom : For in his Epiftle to Pamachius, 
 writing againft the Errors of John of Jerufalem, 
 he fays it was decreed in the Council of Nice, 
 [s~\ that Cafarea fhould be the Metropolis of Pa- 
 laftine, and Antioch the Metropolis of the whole 
 Eaft. Therefore the Bifhop of Jerufalem muft 
 cither Appeal to the Bifhop of Cafarea, as his 
 Immediate Metropolitan, or to the Bifhop of 
 Antioch, as Metropolitan of the Eaft. But if I 
 rightly underftand St. Jerom, he does not mean 
 (as fome miftake him) that Patriarchs were firft 
 fet up by the Council of Nice: For then Me- 
 tropolitans muft be fo tooj fince he fays the fame 
 of them, which yet every one knows were in 
 the Church long before the Council of Nice. 
 His meaning then muft be, that both Metropo- 
 litans of Provinces, and Metropolitans of Dio- 
 cefes were in being before the Council of Nice, 
 and only received Confirmation, or a Canonical 
 Eftablifhment from it. And indeed it is evident, 
 
 [6] Grig. T-.pi appear, 1. 4. c. 1. [«] Epiphan. Hot. 50. 
 (d) Cyr. Catech. 12. n. 7. [<■] Theodor. Dial. 1. [/] Cod. 
 Theod. lib. 16. Tie 8. de Jud.l. 29. [g] Jerom. Ep. 54. ad 
 Marcel, adv. Montan. T. 2. p. 128. Apud nos Apoftolorum lo- 
 cum Epifcopi renenr; apud eos Epifcopus tertius eft. Habent e- 
 nim primos de Pepuza Phrygian Patriarchas: Secundos quos ap- 
 pellant Cenones: Atque ita in tertium, id eft, pene ultimum lo- 
 cum, Epifcopi devolvunrur. \h) Bafnag. Exercit. Hiftor. p. 
 285-. Hinc colligi poftit, prifcis temporibus nondum Epifcopis 
 inlignioribus affixum fuifle Nomen Patriarchs. [j] Con. Chal- 
 ced. Aft. 2. p. 328. ovicot&ioi <zrtt7et*PX eu J"'oiKriffia)(\ iKO.- 
 rtK. [Jfj Aft. 3. p. 39f. [/] Rich. Hift. Concil. Tom. 1. 
 c. i. n. tii. Nomen Patriarcharum primum quod fciam ufurpa- 
 
 tum in Synodo Chalcedonenfi. [m~] Socrat. H. E. 1. f . c. 8. 
 [w] Valef. Annot. in Socrat. [0] Anc. Ch. Gov. p. 147. 
 
 [/>] Baron. Annal. Tom. i.an. 29. n. 16. Pet. de Marca de Con- 
 cord. T. 1 . lib. 1. c. 3. n. f. Valef. Obferv. Ecclef. lib. 3. Richer. 
 Hift. Concil. Tom. 1 . c. 1 . n. 14. Ant. Pag. Critic, an. 37. n. 9. 
 [9] Spalat. de Repub. Par. 1. 1. 3. c. 12. n. 21. Brerewood of 
 Patriar. Gov. Q. 1. [r] Balzam. in Can. 6. Con. Nic. [/] Hie- 
 ron. Ep. 61. Tom. 2. p. 1 78. Ad Alexandrinum Epifcopum Palae- 
 ftina quid pertinet? Ni fallor, hoc ibi decernitur, ut Palsftina? Me- 
 tropolis Carfarea fit totius Oriefltis Antiochia. Aut igitur ad Gsfari- 
 
 entem Epifcopum referre debueras; Aut fi procul expetendum 
 
 Judicium erat, Amioduam potius Literae dirigendx. 
 
 that 
 
68 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II, 
 
 that the Nicene Fathers made no Alteration in 
 thefe Matters, but only confirmed the ancient 
 Rights of the Bifhops of Principal Cities, as 
 they found them authorized by Cuftom before. 
 For the words [t] they ufe are, rd d^aia. 
 xg^aVaj, " Let ancient Cuftom ftill take place * 
 c * fo as in Egypt Libya and Pentapolis, the Bi- 
 tc fhop of Alexandria fhall have Power over all j 
 cc becaufe fuch alfo is the Cuftom of the Bifhop 
 " of Rome. And accordingly in Antioch^ and in 
 16 other Provinces,let the Privileges be preferved 
 " to the Churches. 
 
 Here it is plain, that no new Power is given 
 to any Bifhops, but only what ancient Cuftom 
 and Practice had aftigned them. So that either 
 Patriarchs were fet up by Cuftom before the (Vj 
 Council of Nice, and confirmed by the Council, 
 as St. Jerom thinks, or elfe not introduced till 
 afterwards. This laft Opinion (notwithftanding 
 what St. Jerom fays) is embraced by the famous 
 Mr. Launoy [w], Mr. Bafnage, [x~], Dr. Bcvercge 
 \_y~\, and Dr. Cave [z], who think that Patriar- 
 chal Power was not confirmed by the Nicene 
 Canon, nor known in the Church till about the 
 time of the id General Council of Conflantinople, 
 Ann. 381. 
 
 SECT. VIII. In a Matter foobfcure, and fo 
 The opinion of 'Spa- varioufly controverted among 
 ktenfis and St. je- Learned Men, it is not eafy to 
 rom preferred. determine where the Right lies. 
 Patriarchal Power was not fet up at one and the 
 fame time in all Places. Alexandria and Antioch 
 were as early as any, and the Bifhop of Alexan-* 
 dria before the Council of Nice had all Egypt, 
 Libya and Pentapolis under his Jurifdi&ion, as ap- 
 pears from the Nicene Canons. This was the 
 Dicccefis JEgyptiaca, which confifted of fix large 
 Provinces, four in Egypt, viz. Thebais, Arcadia, 
 Auguftanica, and Mgyptus properly fo called, 
 Libya Inferior, and Libya Superior, which is 
 Pentapolis. As all thefe were fubject to the Pra- 
 fetlus Auguflalus of Egypt, fo they were likewife 
 under the Jurifdi&ion of the Bifhop of Alexan- 
 dria. So that he was not only a Metropolitan 
 of a fingle Province, but of fix Provinces joined 
 in one Diocefe. But now the Queftion is, whe- 
 ther at this time he had any Metropolitans un- 
 der him ? For if he had, then he was properly a 
 Patriarch at the time of the Nicene Council. As 
 to this I can only fay, that Epiphanius and Syne- 
 fius do exprefly mention Archbifhops and Metro- 
 politans under the Archbifhop of Alexandria, in 
 the time of Athanafius and Alexandria his Prede- 
 ceflbr, who were both prefent in the Council of 
 Nice. But whether they mean Metropolitans in 
 the proper Senfe, or only Coadjutors to the 
 Archbifhop of Alexandria, I cannot yet deter- 
 
 mine. I will recite the PafTages, and leave the 
 Curious and the Learned to make farther En- 
 quiry. Syneftus fays, The Great Athanafius feeing 
 the Church of Ptolemais had need of a Bifhop 
 that was able to cherifh and augment the fmall 
 Sparks of true Religion, which was then in a 
 dwindling Condition there ; and finding Siderius 
 Bifhop of Palabifca a Man fit for great Bufinefs •, 
 he commanded him to remove [a] thence to 
 Ptolemais, to govern the Metropolitan Church 
 there. And Epiphanius [b~] fpcaking of Meletius, 
 the Author of the Meletian Schifm before the 
 Council of Nice, fays exprefly, " He was an 
 " Archbifhop in Egypt, under Alexander Arch- 
 " bifhop of Alexandria^ to whom he gave the 
 " firft Information againft Arms. This agrees 
 with what he fays of him in another place [>], 
 " That he was Chief of the Egyptian BifliopsJ 
 " and next in Order to Peter in the Archbi- 
 " fhoprick, being his Affiftant, and adminiftring 
 " Ecclefiaftical Affairs under him. For there the 
 " Cuftom is, for the Archbifhop of Alexandria 
 " to have the ordering of Ecclefiaftical Matters 
 " throughout all Egypt, Thebais, Mareotes, 
 " Libya, Ammoniaca, Mareotis, and Pentapolis'. 
 So that as the Bifhop of Alexandria had fix Pro- 
 vinces under him, he feems alfo to have had 
 Subordinate Metropolitans or Archbifhops under 
 him likewife, as the Archbifhop of Lycopolis in 
 Thebais, the Metropolitan of Ptolemais in Penta- 
 polis. And if thefe were properly Metropolitans, 
 He muft be a Patriarch, under the Name of Me- 
 tropolitan of the whole Egyptian Diocefe, as 
 they were Metropolitans of their refpe&ive Pro- 
 vinces 1 Which is the thing that St. Jerom a£ 
 ferts in reference to Ctefarea and Antioch, that 
 the one was the Metropolis of Pakjline, and the 
 other the Metropolis of the Oriental Diocefe j 
 and this from ancient Cuftom, ratified and con- 
 firmed by the Council of Nice. 
 
 But however this be (for I sect. IX. 
 determine nothing pofitively in Patriarchal Tower 
 this Matter) the next Age affords e ft*Mfh'd in three 
 us very pregnant Proofs of the Ce " era ! Cmncils f uc - 
 EftabliiWnt and Growth of Pa- gg' T' e^- 
 triarchal Power. The General fus> 3 P cklJL~ 
 Council of Constantinople [d,'] An. 
 381, has a Canon to fix the Limits of the feveral 
 Diocefes : So that the Bifhop of Alexandria 
 fhouldonly adminifter the Affairs of the Egyptian 
 Diocefe: The Bifhops of the Eaft, the Eaftern 
 Diocefe, referving the Privileges granted by the 
 Council of Nice to the Church of Antioch: The 
 Bifhops of the Afiatick Diocefe, the Afiatich 
 Churches only : Thofe of the Pontick Diocefe, 
 the Pontick Churches: And thofe of the Thrarian 
 Diocefe, the Thracian Churches only. 
 
 \t\ Con. Nic. can. 6. {«] So Du Pin Bibliothec. vol. i.p.ifi. 
 It. dc Anriq. Eccl. Difciplin. Diflcrt. i.Sect. n, p. 35-. 
 [w] Launoy, de Re<3. Interpr^ Can. 6. Con. Nic. 
 [*] Bafnag. Exercit. Hiftor. p. 307. t [jy] Bevereg. Not. in 
 Can. 2. Con. Conftant. [z.] Cayenne. Ch. Gov. c. 2, 8c 4. 
 [*] Synef. Ep. 67. ad Theoph. pi 2jiCv V\a.y.^<iyay 'Adctvaaiov 
 
 <sov}o. [6] Epiphan. Uxv. 69. n. 3. 'O '^?y ■m-Triffno'TrQ- 
 M«Ai)T/©- xji ri)v * Atyw7r}ov, w yj*(y- 'AAS^ae/p*. 
 fc] Hxr. 68. Meletian. n. 1. 'o M?AiW©- xj 1 tTic "'Ai-yvT. 
 tc!/ Trfomav, >y i~djii^cov -mS n£-TP&>, \T fne 'Apyji-Triaxo- 
 
 Can. 2. 
 
 Theodont 
 
Chap. XVII. Christian Church. 
 
 69 
 
 Theodoret [e] fpcaking of this Council, fays, 
 They divided the Diocefes, and affigned every 
 Diocefe its proper Limits and Jurifdiftion. And 
 Socrates [/] more exprefly, " That they con- 
 " ftituted. Patriarchs, and diflributed the Pro- 
 w vinces, fo that no Bifhops fhould meddle with 
 " the Affairs of another Diocefe, as was ufed 
 *< to be done in times of Perfecution. Necla- 
 " rim was allotted Conflantinople and Thrace; 
 " Helladius, St. BafiPs SuccefTbr, the Pontick 
 " Diocefe, &c. 
 
 About Fifty Years after this, An. 431, the 3d 
 General Council was held at Ephefus, where we 
 find the Bifhop of Antioch laying claim to the 
 Power of Ordinations in the Province of Cyprus: 
 But this proving to be an unjuft Claim, the 
 Council made a Decree in favour of the Cyprian 
 Bifhops, exempting them from the Jurifdiftion 
 of Antioch } becaufe by ancient Cuflom they al- 
 ways were exempt: And it is added [g] " That 
 " the fame Rule fhould be obferved in all Dio- 
 " cefes and Provinces, That no Bifhop fhould 
 46 feize upon any Province, which did not an- 
 46 ciently belong to his Jurifdiftion. This plainly 
 implies, that the Bifhop of Antioch had then fe- 
 veral Provinces, or a whole Diocefe, under his 
 Power i which was confirmed to him by the 
 Council, and he was only denied Jurifdiftion over 
 the Province of Cyprus, becaufe of ancient Right 
 it did not belong to him. 
 
 About 18 Years after this, Theodofius Junior, 
 and Valentinian called the id Council of Ephefus, 
 An. 44P. And in the Letter of Summons to 
 Diofcorus Bifhop of Alexandria, they give him 
 Orders to bring ten Metropolitans \_h~\ of his 
 Diocefe with him. This is noted by Liberatus 
 in his Breviary, and the Letter is Hill extant [2] 
 in the Council of Chalcedon f by which it appears, 
 that at this time the Archbifhop of Alexandria 
 had a great number of Metropolitans, within the 
 Egyptian Diocefe, under his Jurifdiftion. So 
 that though there be fome Difpute concerning 
 the firfl Rife and Original of Patriarchal Power ; 
 Yet there remains no manner of Doubt, but that 
 it was come to its full Height and Eflablifhment 
 in the time of the General Councils of Ephefus 
 and Chalcedon. 
 
 sect. x. Therefore the next En- 
 The Power of Pa- quiry is into the Rights and Pri- 
 trianhs not exaaiy vileges of thefe Patriarchs. And 
 
 cL(ir " M here ic is to be nicd y ° brerved » 
 
 that the Power of Patriarchs was 
 not one and the fame precifely in all Churches, 
 but differed according to the different Cuftoms 
 of Places and Countries, or according as it was 
 the Pleafure of Kings and Councils to beftow 
 The Patriarch of greater Privileges on them. The 
 Conflantinople W Patriarch of Conflantinople, when 
 fome peculiar Privi- he was firfl advane'd by the zd 
 ltges - General Council, had only the 
 
 finglc Diocefe of Thrace affigned him [k] for the 
 exercife of his Jurifdiftion : But in the next Age 
 he was grown to be a fort of Patriarch over the 
 Patriarchs of Ephefus and Caefarea in the Afiatick 
 and Pontick Diocefes, by the voluntary Confent 
 of thole two Exarchs (no doubt) at firfl paying 
 a Deference to the Exarch of the Royal City ; 
 which advancing into a Cuflom, was afterwards 
 confirmed by Canon in the Council of Chalcedon. 
 In the 1 6th Seflion of that Council there is a 
 long Debate about this Matter, the Pope's Le- 
 gates warmly flickling againfl it: But all the 
 Metropolitans of the two Diocefes of AJia and 
 Pontus then in Council, together with ThalaJJius 
 Bifhop of Cafarea, and Exarch of the Pontick 
 Diocefe, with one Voice declaring that the Bi- 
 fhop of Conflantinople had by long Cuflom and 
 Prefcription enjoyed the Privilege of Ordaining 
 Metropolitans in thofe two Diocefes, as well as 
 that of Thrace - t it was decreed, that this Privi- 
 lege fhould be continued to him, notwithliand- 
 ing the Bifhop of Rome's Interceffion againfl it 
 [/J. Alfo by two Canons of that Council he is 
 allowed to receive Appeals [m~] from the Exarchs 
 of thofe Diocefes, becaufe his Throne was in 
 the Royal City. And in fuch parts of thofe 
 Diocefes, as were chiefly in the hands of Barba- 
 rians, he is authorized by another Canon [n] to 
 ordain all the Bifhops, which in other Parts was 
 the folc Privilege of the Metropolitans. Theodo- 
 ret [0] obferves even of Chryfoftom himfelf be- 
 fore the Council of Chalcedon, that he exercifed 
 this Power over all the three Diocefes. For he 
 fays, " His Care extended not only over Con- 
 " ftantinople and Thrace, which confifled of fix 
 " Provinces, but over Afia and Pontus, each of 
 " which had Eleven Civil Praetors in them. We 
 are not therefore to take an Ellimate of Pa- 
 triarchal Power from the growing Greatnefs of 
 Conflantinople, but to diflinguifli the peculiar- 
 Privileges of fome Patriarchs above others, which 
 is the only way to underfland the Power cf 
 each. 
 
 For the Patriarch of Alex- sect. XL 
 andria had alfo fome Prerogatives, The Patriarch of 
 which no other Patriarch befides Alexandria**/^ 
 himfelf enjoyed. Such was the l^S§" f " uliar t0 
 Right of Confecrating and Ap- J ' m J € f- 
 proving every fingle Bifhop throughout all the 
 Provinces of his Diocefe. This Privilege was 
 not allowed even to the Patriarch of Conflanti- 
 nople : For the Council of Chalcedon, in the very 
 fame place where they give him Power to confe- 
 crate the Metropolitans of three whole Diocefes, 
 deny him the Privilege of Confecrating the Suf- 
 fragan Bifhops of thofe Metropolitans j and re- 
 ferve it as an ancient Right of each Metropoli- 
 tan, with a Synod of his Provincial Bifhops, to 
 confecrate all the Bifhops within his Province, 
 the Archbifhops of Conflantinople neither being 
 
 [e] Theod. Ep. 86. ad Flav. T. 3. p. 963. [/] Socrat. 
 
 H. E. lib. f. c. 8. 7Tct]eia!p^a.{ x.etl*irr,f y , &c. [^] Con. E- 
 phef. 1. A£t. 7. Decret. de Epif. Cypr. [h] Liberat. Breviar.c. 12. 
 Imperator dirigens Sacram Diofcoro in Alexandnam, praecepit, ut 
 cum decern Metropolitanis Epifcopis, quos voluiflet, ipfe eligeret, 5c 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 veniret Ephefum. [i] Con. Chalced. Adt. 1. C. T. 4. p. 100. 
 [k] Con. Conft. 1. Can. 2. A [/J Con. Chalced. Can. 28. & Ad. 
 16. per Tor. [>»] Ibid. Can. 9,8c 17. [»] Con. Chal. 
 Can. 28. [0] Theod. Hift. Eccl. lib. s . c. 28. 
 
 T confulted. 
 
70 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book II 
 
 confulted, nor having \_p~\ any hand in thofe 
 Ordinations. But it was otherwife at Alexan- 
 dria. For the Bifliop of Alexandria, whilft he 
 was only a Metropolitan, had the Ordination of 
 all the Bifhops of the fix Provinces of the E- 
 gyptian Diocefe, being the fole and only Metro- 
 politan in all thofe Provinces : And having but 
 the fame Diocefe when he came to be a Patri- 
 arch, he continued his ancient Cuftom of Or- 
 daining all the Bifhops throughout the fix Pro- 
 vinces, notwith (landing that new Metropolitans 
 were fet up in them. And in this the Patriarch 
 of Alexandria differed from all others : For in all 
 other Diocefes the Metropolitans had the Right 
 of Ordaining their Suffragan Bifhops, which 
 here the Patriarch retained to himfelf, as an an- 
 cient Branch of his Metropolitical Power. I 
 know indeed a very Learned [ef] Perfon is of a 
 different Opinion : He fays, " The Bifhop of 
 " Alexandria was rather a lofer by being made a 
 " Patriarch : For now according to the Confli- 
 " tution of Church- Policy, the Ordination of 
 u Suffragan Bifhops, which before belonged en- 
 " tirely to him, was devolved upon the feveral 
 " Metropolitans under him. But this Affertion 
 proceeds upon a Supposition, That Patriarchal 
 Rights were exactly the fame in all Places ; 
 Which from the Inftance I have given of Con- 
 stantinople appears to be otherwife j for the Pa- 
 triarchs of Ephefus and Cafarea had not the Or- 
 dination of their own Metropolitans, but they 
 "were all fubject to trie Bifhop of Constantinople. 
 And as to the Cafe of Alexandria, it appears 
 from Synefius, who was himfelf Metropolitan of 
 Ptolcmais, that the Ordination not only of the 
 Metropolitans, but of all the Suffragan Bifhops 
 throughout the whole DiftricT: of Egypt, Libya 
 and Pentapolis, belonged ftill to the Patriarch of 
 Alexandria. For in a Letter to 'Theophilus, ac- 
 quainting him how He and two other Bifhops 
 had met at Olbiae to make choice of a Bi- 
 fhop, and that one Antonius was unanimously 
 chofen by the People j he adds [r~], That yet 
 there was one thing wanting, which was more 
 neceffary than all, viz. His Sacred Hand to con- 
 fecrate him. Which fhews, that the Bifhop of 
 Alexandria ftill retained his ancient Right of 
 Confecrating all the Bifhops of the Egyptian 
 Diocefe. 
 
 SECT. XII. 
 
 The iji Privilege 
 of Patriarchs was 
 to Ordain all the 
 Metropolitans of the 
 Diocefe, and receive 
 his own Ordination 
 from a Diocefan 
 Synod. 
 
 In other Diocefes the Patri- 
 archs Power was chiefly feen in 
 the Ordination or Confirmation 
 of all the Metropolitans that were 
 under him. This appears from 
 the fore-cited Canons [f\ of the 
 Council of Chalcedon, and feve- 
 ral of Jufiinian's Novels j one of 
 
 which [f] takes notice of the Bifhop of Ccnjlan- 
 tinople's Ordaining all the Metropolitans under 
 him} and another gives the fame Power to the 
 Patriarch of Jufliniana Prima [u~], then newly 
 advanced to Patriarchal Dignity by Juftinian, be- 
 caufe it was the place of his Nativity. And 
 that this was a peculiar Privilege of Patriarchs, 
 appears farther from one of the Arabick Canons 
 publifhed by Turrian, under the Name of the 
 Nicene Canons, which were invented after the 
 Name of Patriarchs was known in the Church. 
 The 36th of thefe Canons fpeaking of the Ca- 
 tholick of Ethiopia [w], who was no Patriarch, 
 but fubjedt to the Patriarch of Alexandria, fays. 
 He fhall not have Power to ordain Archbifhops, 
 as Patriarchs have; becaufe he hath not the 
 Power or Honour of a Patriarch. 
 
 It was therefore the Prerogative of Patriarchs, 
 (thofe of Ephefus and Cafarea only excepted) to 
 ordain the Metropolitans under them : But they 
 themfelves were to be ordained by a Diocefan 
 Synod, as Jtijlinian's forecited Novel [_x~] informs 
 us. And this was called the Canonical Ordina- 
 tion of a Patriarch. For fo the Council of Con- 
 flantinople, in their Synodical Epiftle to the We- 
 flern Bifhops, prove the Ordination of Flavian 
 Bifhop of Antioch (who prefided over all zhe Ea- 
 flern Diocefe \_y\, as T'heodoret fays) to be Cano- 
 nical, becaufe he was ordained not only by the 
 Bifhops of the Province, but r rf? 'AvarcXiw; <Pia- 
 xflVfojr, the Bifhops of the whole Eajiern Diocefe 
 [z] Synodically met together. 
 
 2. The next Privilege of Pa- sect. Xin. 
 triarchs was the Power of Conve- ^ ^ privilege 
 ning their Metropolitans and all WM " f ali ^ ioce ' 
 the Provincial Bifhops to a Dio- %Ztem *~ 
 cefan Synod} which Privilege 
 was founded upon the fame Canons that granted 
 Metropolitans Authority to fummon Provincial 
 Synods, and prefide in them. For by juft Ana- 
 logy the Patriarch was to have the fame Power 
 over the Metropolitans, that they had over their 
 Provincial Bifhops. And therefore I'heodoret [VJ 
 fpeaking of his own Attendance at the Synods of 
 his Patriarch at Antioch, fays, he did it in Obe- 
 dience to his Ecclefiaflical Canons, which make 
 him a Criminal that is fummoned to a Synod, 
 and refufes to pay his Attendance at it. 
 
 3. Another Privilege of SECT. xiv. 
 
 Patriarchs, was the Power of re- A id Privilege to 
 
 ceiving Appeals from Mcrropo- reaivejppealsfrem 
 
 litans and Provincial Synods, and ** ltr T Ut ™ ™* 
 
 „ - . . p. J . f « Provincial Svwas. 
 
 Reverting their Decrees, it they 
 were found faulty. If any Bifhop or Clergy- 
 man have a Controverfy with the Metropolitan 
 of his Province, let him have Recourfe to the 
 
 [f] Con. Chalced. A£t. 16. in fin. Etiam nihil communicante 
 in illorum Ordinationibus Archiepifcopo Regise Conftantinopolis. 
 [9] Dr. Cave Anc. Ch. Gov. c. 4. p. 1 jo. [r] Synef. Ep. 76. 
 ad Theoph. ivls st/ /h, oS Kveiotdr^s jj-iv to/, 7»k o"k 
 y&l<)<. \j] Con Chalc can. 28, 8c Aft. 16. [t] Juftin. 
 Novel. 7. [«] Juftin. Nov. 131. c. 3. Per tempus Beatiflitnum 
 Juftinianse Prima: Patriae noftrae Archiepifcopum habere femper fub 
 fua Jurifdidtione Epifcopos Provinciarum'.Daciae Mediterranean, & 
 
 Dacia; Ripenfis, 8c Privalis (al. Triballiae) 8c Dardanise, & Myfiar 
 fuperioris, 8c Pannonia:: Et ab eo hos ordinari, ipfum vero a 
 proprio ordinari Concilio. [w] Con. Nicen. Arab. c. 36. Non 
 tamen jus habeat conftituendi Archiepifcopos, ut habeat Patriar- 
 chs i ficjuidem non habet Patriarchs honorem £c poteitatem. 
 [x] Novel. 131. Ipfum vero (Patriarcham) a proprio ordinari Con- 
 cilio. [y~] Theod. H. E. lib. f. c. 23. [z.] Con. Cotiltant. 
 Ep. ad Occident, ap. Theod. H.E. lib./.c. 9. (V| Theod. Ep. 81. 
 
 Exarch 
 
Chap.XVII. Christian Church. 
 
 71 
 
 Exarch of the Diocefe, fays the Council of 
 Chakedon [>], in one Canon: And in another 
 [r], If any Man is injured by his own Bifhop, 
 or Metropolitan, let him bring his Caufe before 
 the Exarch of the Diocefe, or the Throne of 
 Conjlantinople. Thefe Canons are adopted into 
 the Civil Law, and confirmed by Imperial E- 
 difts. For by one of Juftinian' s Constitutions 
 \jf\ the Patriarch is to receive Appeals from a 
 Provincial Synod, and give a final Determination 
 to all Caufes that are regularly brought before 
 him : And the regular way of proceeding is there 
 ipecified, which is, That no Man lhall bring his 
 Caufe first before the Patriarch, but firft before 
 his own Bifhop, then before the Metropolitan, 
 after that before a Provincial Synod, and laft of 
 all before the Patriarch, from whole Judgment 
 there lay no Appeal. The fame is repeated and 
 confirmed by other Laws [e] of that Emperor, 
 which need not here be recited. 
 
 sect xv 4. A s Patriarchs might receive 
 
 a Privilege to Appeals from Metropolitans, fo 
 
 ccnfnre Metropolis they had Power to enquire into 
 
 tans, and alfo their t heir Administration, and correct 
 
 Snfragans, when ^ ccn f ure t h em , in Cafe of He- 
 
 Metropoluans were f Mi fdemeanour, or any 
 
 remtfs in centering V ~J ' . . *. » , j 
 
 them. Male- Adminiftration,which made 
 
 them liable by the Canons to Ec- 
 clesiastical Cenfure. Juftinian made an exprefs 
 Law to this purpofe, [/] That if any Clergy- 
 man was accufed in point of Faith or Morals, 
 or Tranfgreffion of the facred Canons j if he was 
 a Bifhop, he fhould be examined before his Me- 
 tropolitan j but if he was a Metropolitan, then 
 before the Archbifhop, that is, the Patriarch to 
 whom he was fubject. By virtue of this Power 
 Chryfoftom depofed Gerontius \_g] Metropolitan of 
 Nicomedia: And Atticus decided a Controverfy 
 between T'heodoftus and Agapetus \_h~], who con- 
 tended about the Throne of Synada the Metro- 
 polis of Phrygia Pacatiana : And it were eafy to 
 add many other Instances of the like Nature out 
 of the ancient Councils, which concurred with 
 the Patriarchs in the exercife of this Power. 
 
 Nor did this Power extend only over Metro- 
 politans, but over their Suffragan Bifhops alfo. 
 For though every Provincial Bifhop was to be 
 tried by his own Metropolitan and a Provincial 
 Synod; yet in cafe they were negligent and remifs 
 in executing the Canons againft Delinquents, the 
 Patriarch had Power to take the Matter into his 
 own Cognizance, and cenfure any Bifhop within 
 the Limits of his Jurifdiclion. Thus Sozomen 
 [f] obferves of Chryfoftom, that at one Vifitation 
 at Ephefus he depofed thirteen Bifhops of Afia, 
 Lycia and Phrygia for Simony, and fuch other 
 corrupt Practices. This was done in a Synod of 
 70 Bifhops held at Ephefus, An. 401, as Valefius 
 
 [£] and Du Pin obferve out of Palladius, who 
 mentions the fame thing, though he fpeaks bur, 
 of fix Bifhops then depofed. 
 
 f. The Patriarch had Power sect. xvi. 
 
 to delegate, or fend a Metropo- Aph Privilege . va- 
 
 litan into any part of his Dio- trianhs might make 
 
 cefe, as his Commiffioncr, to hear Metropolitans their 
 
 1 j • t? 1 r /x 1 r> CommiJJioners, &c. 
 
 and determine Ecclefialtical Cau- 
 fes in his Name. At leafl it was fo in the Dio- 
 cefe of Egypt where Synefius was Bifhop. For 
 in one of his Epiftles [/] writing to Theophilas 
 Patriarch of Alexandria, he tells him what a dif- 
 ficult Task he had put upon him, when he fent 
 him through an Enemy's Country, to Hydrax 
 and Palabifca, two Villages in the Confines of 
 Libya, to determine a Difpute that was rifen 
 there about erefting of thofe Places into Bifhops 
 Sees : But, fays he, there lies a Neceflity upon 
 me, vc[xcv n r y«<%, to take every thing for a Law 
 that is enjoyn'd me by the Throne of Alexan- 
 dria. 
 
 6. And as the Metropolitans SECT. xvn. 
 did every thing that was Canoni- a 6th Privilege. 
 cally enjoined them by the Pa- The Patriarch to be 
 triarch: So they did nothing of cen f ulted h hisMe - 
 any great Moment without him : y ol, T ! m m ^ 
 
 J . & , -rx r ters °f ati y & reat 
 
 paying the lame Deference to Moment. 
 him, that the Canons obliged 
 their Suffragans to pay to them. This at leafl 
 was the Cuftom of Egypt, as appears from a no- 
 ted PafTage related in the Ads of the Council of 
 Chakedon [m~\, where we find, that when Pope 
 Leo's Epiftle againft Eutyches was fubferibed by 
 all the Bifhops in Council, the Egyptian Bifhops 
 then prefent refufed to do it, becaufe they had 
 then no Patriarch, and it was not lawful for 
 them to do it without the confent of a Patriarch, 
 by the Rule of the Council of Nice, which or- 
 ders all the Bifhops of the Egyptian Diocefe to 
 follow the Archbifhop of Alexandria, and do no- 
 thing without him. This they pleaded in Coun- 
 cil, and their Plea was accepted, and a Decree [»] 
 palled in their favour upon it, That fince this 
 was the Cuftom of the Egyptian Diocefe to do 
 nothing of this Nature without the Confent and 
 Authority of their Archbifhop j they fhould not 
 be compelled to fubferibe, till a new Archbifhop 
 was chofen. 
 
 7. It was the Patriarch's Of- sect, xviil. 
 
 fice to publifll both Ecclefiaftical 7- Patriarchs to 
 
 and Civil Laws, which concern- communicate to the 
 
 ed the Church, and to take care f^^ZJ't 
 
 for the Difperfion and Publica- £L™ ed ^ 
 
 tion of them in all Churches of church, &c 
 their Diocefe. The Method is 
 prefcribed by Juftinian in the Epilogue to the 
 
 [£] Con. Chalced. can. 9. [c] Ibid. can. 17. \d] Cod. 
 Juft.lib. 1. Tit. 4. c. 29. [e] Juft. Novel. 123. c. 22. Phot. 
 Nomocan, Tit. 9. c. i. [/] Novel. 137. c. f. Quoties qui- 
 dam facerdotum accufabuntur vel de Fide, aut turpi Vita, aut ob 
 aliquid aliud contra facros Canones admiiTum ; ft quidem Epifco- 
 pus eft is qui accufatus eft, ejus Metropolitaaus examinet ea quas 
 
 dicta funt : Si vero Metropolitanus fit, ejus Beatiffimus Archiepif- 
 copus fub quo degit. [g] Sozom. H. E. lib. 1. c. 6. [h] So- 
 crat. H. E. lib. 7. c. 3. . [i] Sozom. H. E. lib. 8. c. 6. [*] Va- 
 lef Not. in Loc. Du Pin.vBiblioth. Vol. 3. Vit. Chryfoft. [/] Sy- 
 nef. Ep. 67. p. 221. Cone. Chalced. Act. 4. p. 5-12, 513. 
 
 0] Con. Chalc. can. 30. ex A&. 4. 
 
 6th 
 
72 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II, 
 
 6th Novel : " The Patriarchs of every Diocefe 
 " fhall publifh thefe our Laws in their refpective 
 <c Churches, and notify them to the Metropoli- 
 " tans under them. The Metropolitans like* 
 " wife fhall publifh them in their Metropolitical 
 <c Churches, and make them known to the Bi- 
 " fhops under them : That fo they may publifh. 
 " them in their refpective Churches, and no one 
 " be left ignorant in our whole Empire, of what 
 " we have enacted for the glory of the Great 
 " God, and our Saviour Jefus Chrift." See alio 
 Novel 42, directed to Menas Patriarch of Con- 
 fiantinople, concluding in the fame Tenor. 
 
 sect. XIX. 8. Synefius obferves another Pri- 
 The Sth Friulene. vilege in the Diocefe of Alexan- 
 
 Great Criminals re- w hich Was, That ill the 
 
 fervefto tbepatri- Exercifc of Difcipline upon great 
 
 arch s Abfo bit ton. „ . , j r j 1 r-irc 
 
 Criminals and lcandalous Often- 
 ders, a peculiar Deference was paid to the Pa- 
 triarch, by referving their Abfolution to his Wif- 
 dom and Difcretion. As he gives an Inftance in 
 one Lamponianus a Presbyter, whom he had Ex- 
 communicated for abufing Jafon his Fellow-Pres- 
 byter. Though, fays he [o~\, " He expreffed 
 " his Repentance with Tears, and the People 
 " interceded for him 5 yet I refufed to abfolve 
 " him, but remitted him over for that to the 
 " facred See: Onlyalfuming this to my felf, that 
 tc if the Man fhould happen to be in manifeft 
 " danger of Death, any Presbyter that was pre- 
 " fent fhould receive him into Communion by 
 " my Order. For no Man fhall go Excommu- 
 " nicate out of the World by me. But in cafe 
 " he recovered, he fhould ftill be liable to the 
 " former Penalty, and expect the Ratification 
 " of his Pardon from your Divine and Courte- 
 " ous Soul." But whether this Refpect was 
 paid by all Metropolitans to their Patriarch in e- 
 very Diocefe, I have not yet obferved. 
 
 SECT. XX. p. THElaft Privilege of Pa- 
 
 The greater Patri- triarchs was, that they were ori- 
 arcbs Abfoiute and gj na lly all Co-ordinate and Inde- 
 
 Independmt of one endcnt Q £ Qne anotner . I fpeak 
 another. 1 r .u 
 
 now ot them, as they were at 
 their firft Inftitution : For after-Ages and Coun- 
 cils, and Emperors, made great Alteration in this 
 Matter. At firft Learned Men \_p~\ reckon there 
 were about 13 or 14 Patriarchs in the Church, 
 that is, one in every Capital City of each Dio- 
 cefe of the Roman Empire j The Patriarch of A- 
 lexandria over the Egyptian Diocefe, The Pa- 
 triarch of Antioch over the Eaftern Diocefe, The 
 Patriarch of Ephefus over the Afiatick Diocefe, 
 The Patriarch of Cafarea in Cappadocia over the 
 Pontick Diocefe ; Theffalonica in Macedon or 
 Illyricum Orientate, Sirmium in Illyricum Occiden- 
 tal, Rome in the Roman Pr<efeblure, Milan in the 
 Italick Diocefe, Carthage in Africk, Lyons in 
 France, 'Toledo in Spain, and York in the Diocefe 
 
 of Britain. The greateft part of thefe, if not 
 all, were real Patriarchs, and independent of one 
 another, till Rome by Encroachment, and Con- 
 ftantinople by Law, got themfelves made Superior 
 to fome of their Neighbours, who became fub- 
 ordinate and fubject unro them. The ancient 
 Liberties of the Britannick Churches, as alfo the 
 African and Italick Diocefe, and their long Con- 
 tefts with Rome, before they could be brought 
 to yield Obedience to her, are largely fet forth 
 by feveral of our Learned Writers \j] in parti- 
 cular Difcourfes on this Subject. I only here 
 note that the Eaftern Patriarchs, Alexandria, An- 
 tioch, Ephefus, Cafarea and Confiantinople, were 
 never fubject to Rome, but maintained the an- 
 cient Liberty which the Canons gave them. For 
 though Cafarea and Ephefus were made fubordi- 
 nate to the Patriarch of Confiantinople, and any 
 one might appeal from them to him, yet the 
 Appeal was to be carried no farther, [f] unlels 
 it were to a General Council. Which mews the 
 Independency of the greater Patriarchs one of 
 another. 
 
 The Patriarch of Confianti- sect XXI 
 nople had alfo the honourable Ti- The Patriarch of 
 tie of Oecumenical, or Univerfal Conftantinople dig- 
 Patriarch given him } probably ni fi ed tke Tltle 
 in regard of the great Extent of c {f^W?S^ 
 his Jurifdiction. Thus Juftinian churches 
 ftiles Menas, Epiphanius, and An- 
 thcmius, Archbifhops and Oecumenical Patriarchs 
 in feveral of his Refcripts [s] ; and Leo gives the 
 fame Title to Stephen, Archbifhop and Univerfal 
 Patriarch, in Ten Laws [/] one after another. 
 So that it was no fuch new thing as Pope Gre- 
 gory made it, for the Patriarch of Confiantinople 
 to be ftiled Oecumenical Bifhop 5 for that Title 
 was given him by Law many Years before, even 
 from the Time of Juftinian \ and it is a Vulgar 
 Error in Hiftory to date the Original of that 
 Title from the Time of Gregory I. which was in 
 ufe at leaft a whole Century before. But Jufti- 
 nian in another Refcript goes a little farther, 
 and [u] fays exprefly, That Confiantinople was 
 the Head of all Churches. Which is as much 
 as ever any Council allowed to Rome, that is, a 
 Supremacy in its own Diocefe, and a Precedency 
 of Honour in regard that it was the Capital City 
 of the Empire. Equal Privileges are granted to 
 Confiantinople upon the fame ground, becaufe it 
 was New Rome, and the Royal Seat, as the 
 Councils of Confiantinople and Chalcedon, with 
 fome others, word it. So that they had Privi- 
 leges of Honour, and Privileges of Power 5 the 
 firft of which were peculiar to thofe two Sees: 
 the other in a great meafure common to them 
 and all other Patriarchal Churches, except thofe 
 of Ephefus and Cafarea, which, as I have often 
 obferved, were legally made fubordinate to that 
 of Confiantinople. 
 
 [0] Syncf. Ep. 67. p. 2f 1. [/>] '.Brerewood Patriarch. Gov. 
 O 1. [q] Brerewood Patr. Gov. Qu. 2. 8c 3. Cav.Anc. Ch. 
 Gov. c. f. [r] See the Authorities cited before, §.14. [s] See 
 Juftin. Novel. 7, 16, 42. . [/] Leo Imp. Conftit. Novel. 2, 3, 
 
 4 
 
 & c - M Juft. Cod. lib. 1. Tit. 3. c. 24. Conftantinopolitana 
 Ecclefia omnium aliarum eft Caput. [w] Con. Conft. Can. 3. 
 Con. Chalced. Can, 28. Con. Trull. Can. 36. Juftin, Novel. 131. 
 
 Some 
 
Chap. X VIII. Christian Church. 
 
 73 
 
 SECT. XXII. Some here may be defirous 
 
 Of fubordinate Pa- to know, what Authority thole 
 
 tmrchs, whit Ft- Patriarchs had in the Church af- 
 
 gure they much m ter their Subordination to the o- 
 
 iheChHrch*ndth*t There are who tell us that 
 
 they were not mere 1 - , . , 
 
 Ttlukr patriarchs, they were funk down to the 
 Condition of Metropolitans a- 
 gain by the Council of Chalcedon: But that is a 
 Miftake : For, ift, they retained the Name of 
 Exarchs of the Diocefe Mill, and fo fubferibed 
 themfelves in all Councils. As in the 6th Gene- 
 ral Council, Theodora fubferibes himfelf Metro- 
 politan of Ephefus, and Exarch of the Afiatick 
 Diocefe [*] •, and Philalethes, Metropolitan of 
 Cafarea, and Exarch of the Pontick Diocefe. 
 zdly, They always fat and voted in General 
 Councils, next immediately after the five great 
 
 Patriarchs, Rome, Conftantinople, Alexandria, An- 
 tioch, and Jerufalem, who by the Canons [y~] 
 had Precedence of all the relt. Next to thefe, 
 before all the Metropolitans, the Biihops of E- 
 phefus and Cafarea took place, as may be feen in 
 the Subfcriptions of the 4th and 6th General 
 [z] Councils. }dly, They had Power to receive 
 Appeals from Metropolitans, which is evident 
 from the fame Canons of Chalcedon, which give 
 [a] the Patriarch of Conftantinople Power to take 
 Appeals from them. So that they were not mere 
 Titular Patriarchs, as fome in After-Ages, but 
 had the Power as well as the Name ; the Right 
 of Ordaining Metropolitans, and receiving ulti- 
 mate Appeals only excepted. But how long they 
 or any others retained their Power, is not my 
 Bulintfs here any farther to enquire. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the ' 'AvroKiCpahoi. 
 
 SECT. r. 
 
 All Metropolitans 
 anciently Jiiled'Av 
 
 TOJtipaAO/. 
 
 M O N G other Titles 
 
 A which were anciently given 
 to fome certain Biihops, we fre- 
 quently meet with the Name 
 'AuroHsCpaXof, abfolute and independent Biihops : 
 which was not the Name of any one fort of Bi- 
 ihops, but given to feveral upon different Reafons. 
 For firft, before the fetting up of Patriarchs, all 
 Metropolitans were 'Autom $ahoi, ordering the Af- 
 fairs of their own Province with their Provincial 
 Biihops, and being accountable to no Superior 
 but a Synod, and that in cafe of Herefie, or 
 fome great Crime committed againft Religion 
 and the Rules of the Church. 
 
 sect. it. And even after the Advance- 
 some Metropolitans me nt Q f Patriarchs, feveral Me- 
 Itft^'u olZ tro P olitans continued thus Inde- 
 \ZTafplZr, a \ pendent > receiving their Ordina- 
 thofe of Cyprus, tion riom their own Provincial 
 Iberia, Armenia, Synod, and not from any Patri- 
 and the church of arch } terminating all Controver- 
 Britain - fies in their own Synods, from 
 
 which there was no Appeal to any Superior, ex- 
 cept a General Council. Balfamon reckons among 
 this fort of 'Au-roxs^aXc, the Metropolitans of 
 Bulgaria, [b~\ Cyprus and Iberia. And his Obfer- 
 vation is certainly true of the two laft, who were 
 only Metropolitans, yet Independent of any Pa- 
 triarchal or Superior Power. For though the 
 Biihop of Antioch laid claim to the Ordination 
 of the Cyprian Biihops in the Council of Ephe- 
 fus, yet the Council upon hearing the Cafe, de- 
 termined againft him, making a Decree, (Vj 
 That whereas it never had been the Cuftom for 
 the Biihop of Antioch to ordain Biihops in Cy- 
 
 prus, the Cyprian Biihops mould retain their 
 Rights inviolable, and according to Canon and 
 ancient Cuftom ordain Biihops among them- 
 felves. And this was again repeated and con- 
 firmed by the Council of Trullo, [d~] even after 
 the Cypriots were driven into another Country 
 by the Incurfions of the Barbarians. 
 
 Others [e~\ obferve the fame Privilege in the 
 Iberian Churches, now commonly called Geor- 
 gians - y that they never were fubjeel: either to the 
 Patriarch of Conftantinople, or any other ; but all 
 their Biihops, being Eighteen in Number, pro-* 
 fefs abfolute Obedience to their own Metropoli- 
 tan, without any other higher Dependance or 
 Relation. 
 
 And this was the Cafe of the Armenian 
 Churches in the time of Photius, as appears from 
 an ancient Greek Notitia Epifcopatum, cited by 
 Peter de Marca, [/] which fays it was an 'Au- 
 ToxspaX©', and not fubjeel: to the Throne of Con- 
 ftantinople, but honoured with Independency, in re- 
 flect to St. Gregory of Armenia their firft Apoftle. 
 
 And this was alfo the ancient Liberty of the 
 Britannick Church, before the coming of Auftin 
 the Monk, when the Seven Britift) Biihops, 
 which were all that were then remaining, paid 
 Obedience to the Archbilhop of Caer-Leon, and 
 acknowledged no Superior in Spirituals above 
 him. As Dinothus the Learned Abbot of Bangor 
 told Auftin [_g~] in the Name of all the Britan- 
 nick Churches, That they owed no other Obe- 
 dience to the Pope of Rome, than they did to 
 every Godly Chrillian, to love every one in his 
 Degree in perfect Charity : Other Obedience 
 than this, they knew none due to him whom he 
 named Pope, But they were under the Go- 
 
 [*] Con. 6. Gen. Ad. 18. [j] See Cone. Trull. Can. 36. & 
 Jufttn. Novel. 131. c. 2. (Vj Con. Chalced. Aft. 1, 8c 3. Con. 
 6. Gen. Aft. 18. [«] Con. Chalc. Can. 9, & i 7 . [i] Bal- 
 fam. in Con. Conftan. 1. Can. 2. [c] Con. Ephef. Act. 7. 
 
 V-OL. I. 
 
 Decret. de Cypr. Epif. jV] Con. Trull. Can. 39. [>] Brere- 
 wood Enquir. c. 17. ChytFSps de Statu Ecclef. &c. [/] Marca 
 de Primat. n. 27. p. I22v": ' [^J Spelman. Con. Brit. an. 601. 
 T. I. p. 108. 
 
 U vernment 
 
74 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 vernment of the Bifhop of Caer-Leon upon Uske, 
 who was their Overfeer under God. 
 
 SECT. in. Besides all thefe there was 
 
 A id fort of A'. - yet a Third fort of 'AuroKEfpaXor, 
 
 -roKwahoi fuehBi. w hich were fuch Bifhops as 
 
 fhops *s were fubjeH were fub j ea to no Metropolitan, 
 
 to no Metropolitan , j- i j u t* 
 
 but only to tL pa- but immediately under the Pa- 
 trizrcboftheVwcefe. tnarch of the Diocefe, who was 
 to them inftead of a Metropoli- 
 tan. Thus for Inftance in the Patriarchate or 
 large Diocefe of Conftantinople^ the ancient No- 
 titia, publifhed by Leunclavius [ZT], reckons 30 
 fuch Bifhops throughout the feveral Provinces : 
 That publifhed by Dr. Beverege [f] counts them 
 Forty one, and the Notitia in Carolus a Sanclo 
 Paulo [k~] augments the Number to Forty fix. 
 The Bifhop of Jerufalem is faid [/] to have had 
 Twenty five fuch Bifhopricks in his Patriarchate, 
 and the Bifhop of Antioch Sixteen, as Nllus 
 DoxopatritiS) a Writer of the Eleventh Century, 
 in his Book of the Patriarchal Sees informs us. 
 But what time this fort of Independent Bi- 
 fhopricks were firfl fet up in the Church, is not 
 certain . For the earlieft Account we have of 
 them, is in the Notitia of the Emperor Leo Sa- 
 piens, written in the pth Century, where they 
 are called Archbifhopricks, as in fome other 
 Notitia's they are called Metropolitical Sees } 
 though both thefe Names were but Titular, for 
 they had no fuffragan Bifhops under them. 
 
 V olefins mentions another fort sect. iv. 
 
 of 'Auroxs^aXoi, which were fuch A Fourth fort of 
 
 Bifhops as were wholly Indepen- ,A ' J T^h^o/. 
 dent of all others. As they had no Suffragans 
 under them, fo neither did they acknowledge a- 
 ny Superior above them, whether Metropolitan 
 or Patriarch, or any other whatfoever. Of this 
 fort he reckons the Bifhops \m~] of Jerufalem^ 
 before they were advanced to Patriarchal Digni- 
 ty: But in this Initance he plainly miflakes, and 
 contradicts St. Jerom, who fays exprefly, that 
 the Bifhop of Jerufalem was fubjecl: to the Bi- 
 fhop of Cafarea, as the Metropolitan of all Pa~ 
 leftine, and to the Bifhop of Antioch as Metropo- 
 litan of the whole Eait, as has been noted in the 
 laft Chapter. If there were any fuch Bifhops as 
 he fpeaks of, they muft be fuch as the Bifhop of 
 Tomis in Scythia, who, as Sozomen [»] notes, 
 was the only Bifhop of all the Cities of that 
 Province: So that he could neither have any 
 Suffragans under him, nor Metropolitan above 
 him. But fuch Inflances are very rare, and we 
 fcarce meet with fuch another Example in all 
 the Hiltory of the Church. I have now corn- 
 pleated the Account of Primitive Bifhops, and 
 fhewed the Diftindtions which were among 
 them in the external Polity of the Church : I 
 proceed in the next place therefore to confider 
 the fecond Order of the Clergy, which is that 
 of Presbyters. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of Presbyters. 
 
 SECT. 1. qpHE Name, n e s<rCuTs^i, 
 ihemeanmgof the X Presbyters, or Elders, is a 
 
 Name Presbyter. Wor( j borrowe J f rom the Q reek 
 
 Tranflation of the Old Teftament, where it 
 commonly fignifies Rulers and Governors, being 
 (as St. Jerom [a] notes) a Name of Office and 
 Dignity, and not a mere Indication of Men's 
 Age : For Elders were chofen, not by their Age, 
 but by their Merits and Wifdom. So that as a 
 Senator among the Romans^ and an Alderman in 
 our own Language, fignifies a Perfon of fuch an 
 Order and Station, without any regard to his 
 Age, in like manner a Presbyter or Elder in the 
 Chriftian Church is one who is ordained to a 
 certain Office, and authorized by his Quality, 
 not by his Age, to difcharge the feveral Duties 
 of that Office and Station, wherein he is placed. 
 
 A n d in this large extenfive SECT. ir. 
 Senfe, 'tis readily granted by all, ^P'fl 1 " w Bi M* 
 that Bifhops are fometimes called culleJ 
 Presbyters in the New Tefta- 
 ment: For the Apoflles themfeives do not refufe 
 the Title. On the other hand, 'tis the Opinion 
 of many Learned Men, both [f] Ancient and 
 [c~] Modern, that Presbyters were fometimes cal- 
 led Bifhops, whilft the Bifhops that were pro- 
 perly fuch, were diftinguifhed by other Titles, 
 as that of Chief Priefb and Apoftles, &c. of 
 which I have given a particular Account in one 
 of the preceding Chapters, and there evinced that 
 they who maintained this Identity of Names, 
 did not thence infer an Identity of Offices, but 
 always efteemed Bifhops and Presbyters to be di- 
 ftinct Orders. 
 
 [h~] Leunclav. Jus Gr. Rom. T. 1. Lib. 2. p. 88. [<] Beve- [b] Chryfjftom. Horn, i. in Phil. 1. Ir. Horn. tt. in iTim. 3. 
 
 seg. Pandedt. T. 2. Not. in Can. 26. Concil. Trull. [*] Car. Theodoret. Com. in Phil. 1. 1. It. in Phil. 2. 27. 8c in 1 Tim. 2.. 
 
 a S. Paulo Append, ad Geogr. Sacfj p, 10. [/] Nilus Doxopatr. 1. Ambrofiafter in Eph. 4.11. Hieron. Com. in Tit. 2. Ep. 82. 
 
 ap. le Moyne Varia Sacra. T. 1. [m] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. ad Ocean. & 8f. ad Evagr. [c] Uifer. Dificrt. in Ignat. c. 18. 
 
 Lib. f. c. 23. See Chap. 17. § 7. [»] Sozom. Lib. 6. c. 21. p. 22 1. ft. Orig. of Biih. &. Metrop.p. jj - . Coteler. Not. in Ignat, 
 
 Lib. 7. c. 19. [«] Hieron. in Elai. 3. T. 7. p. 16. in Scriptu- Ep. ad Magnef. n. 1. 
 ris San&is Presbyteros Merito 8c Sapientia eligi, non aetate. , 
 
 Here 
 
Chap. X*X. Christian Church. 
 
 75 
 
 sect. III. Here then, taking Presbyters 
 TkeOrigmnlofPres- j n t ^ c itri6teil Senfe,for thofc only 
 tnpity (° of the fecond Order, we muft 
 fj- firft enquire into their Original. 
 
 The Learned Dr. Hammond [cf] advances an O- 
 pinion about this Matter, which is fomcthing 
 lingular. He afferts that in Scripture-times the 
 Name of Presbyters belonged principally, if not 
 alone, to Bifhops ; and that there is no Evidence 
 that any of this fecond Order were then inftituted, 
 tho' foon after, he thinks, before the writing of 
 fgnatws's Epiftles, there were fuch inftituted in 
 all Churches. The Authorities he builds upon 
 are Clemens Romanus, and Epiphanins, who fay, 
 that in fome Churches at firft there were Bifhops 
 and Deacons, without any Presbyters. But I 
 conceive it will not hence follow, that it was fo 
 in all Churches: Nor does Epiphani us maintain 
 that, but the contrary, That as in fome Churches 
 [/] there were only Bifhops and Deacons, fo in 
 others there were only Presbyters and Deacons j 
 and that in large and populous Churches the A- 
 poftle fettled both Bifhops, Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons ; as at EphcftiS) where 'Timothy was Bifhop, 
 and had Presbyters fubjecl: to him; which Epi- 
 phanius proves from Scripture: That a Bifhop 
 and Presbyter, fays he, are not the fame, the A- 
 poftle informs us, when writing to Timothy, who 
 was a Bifhop, he bids him not rebuke an Elder, 
 but intreat him as a Father. How comes the 
 Bifhop to be concerned not to rebuke an Elder, 
 if he had no Power over an Elder ? In like 
 manner the Apoftle fays, Againft an Elder re- 
 ceive not an Accufition, but before two or 
 three Witneffes : But he never faid to any Pres- 
 byter, Receive not an Accufation againft a Bi- 
 fhop-, nor did he ever write to any Presbyter, 
 not to rebuke a Bifhop. This plainly implies, 
 that in all fuch large and populous Churches as 
 that of Ephefus, according to Epiphanius, all the 
 three Orders of Bifhops, Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons, were fettled by the Apodles* though the 
 fmaller Churches were differently fupplied at 
 firft, fome only with Presbyters and Deacons, 
 before Bifhops were conftituted in them, and o- 
 thers only with Bifliops and Deacons, without 
 any Presbyters. For all Churches had not imme- 
 diately all the fame Church-Officers upon their 
 firft Foundation, but Time was required to 
 compleat their Conftitution , as Bifhop Pearfon 
 [/] i/as obferved on this very Paflage of Epi- 
 phanius. 
 
 sect. iv. Admitting then that Pres- 
 ide vower and pri- byters, as well as Bifhops, were 
 
 vdegesofPresbyters. original ] y fctded in the Church 
 
 by the Apoftles, we are next to enquire into the 
 Power and Privileges that were proper to their 
 Order. And here I fhall have occaflon to fay 
 the lefs, having already fhewed * what Offices 
 
 they might perform by virtue of their ordinary 
 Power, only acting in Dependance on, and Sub- 
 ordination to their Bifliop, as the Supreme Mi- 
 nifter of the Church: They might Baptize, 
 Preach, Confecrate and Adminifter the Eucharift, 
 Sec. in the Bifhop's Abfence, or in his Prefence, 
 if he authorized and deputed them, as has been 
 noted before: They might alfo reconcile Peni- 
 tents, and grant them Absolution in the Bifhop's 
 Abfence ! And fome think they had Power like- 
 wife to Confirm in Cafes of Neceffiy, by fpecial 
 Licenfe and Delegation. But thefe two things 
 will be confidered and difcufled more particular- 
 ly hereafter, when we come to treat of Difci- 
 pline and Confirmation. What is farther to be 
 noted in this Place, is the Honour and Refpe£t 
 that was paid to them, acting in Conjunction, 
 with their Bifhop, who fcarce did any thing in 
 the Adminiftration and Government of the 
 Church, without the Advice, Confent, and a- 
 micablc Concurrence of his Presbyters. 
 
 Hence it was that Presby- SECT. v. 
 
 tei'S Were allowed to fit together Presbyters allowed 
 
 with the Bifhop in the Church t0 f !t w ' ,h the Bi " 
 (which Privilege was never al- ft&J""-* 
 lowed to Deacons;: And their 
 Seats were dignified with the Name of Thrones 
 as the Bifhop's was, only with this difference, 
 that his was the High Throne, and theirs the 
 Second Thrones. In Allufion to this, Gregory 
 Nazianzen [_g] fpeaking of his own Ordination 
 to the Degree of Presbyter, fays, His Father 
 who ordained him, brought him by Violence to 
 the Second Thrones. And in his Vifion con- 
 cerning the Church of Anaftafia he thus re- 
 prefents the feveral Orders of the Church : Me- 
 thought I faw my felf (the Bifliop) fitting on 
 the High Throne, and the Presbyters, that is, 
 the Guides of the Chriftian Flock, fitting on 
 both fides by me on lower Thrones, and the 
 Deacons (landing by them. By this we may 
 underlland what Conftantine meant in his Letter 
 [f\ to Chreftus Bifhop of Syracufe-, when giving 
 him a Summons to the Council of Aries, he bids 
 him alio bring with him two of the Second 
 Throne, that is, two Presbyters : And what Ew 
 febius means by thofe Words in his Panegyrick 
 \_k~] upon the Temple of Paulinus, where he 
 (ays, he Beautified and Adorned the Structure 
 with Thrones fet up on high, for the Honour 
 of the Prefidents or Rulers. By which it is 
 plain he means the Thrones of the Presbyters, 
 as well as the Bifhop : For they were both exal- 
 ted above the Seats of the Common People. 
 Nay, both the Name and Thing was then fo u- 
 fual, that Aerius drew it into an Argument [/], 
 to prove the Identity and Parity of Bifhops and 
 Presbyters : A Bifhop fits upon a Throne, and 
 fo does a Presbyter likewife. Which though it 
 
 [d~\ Ham. Annot. on A£ts li. 30. [«] Epiph. Haer. Ae- 
 rian. n. 5-. [/] Pearfon. Vind. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 13. p. 4.12. In 
 aliquibus Ecclefiis ab origine fuifle Presbyteros, nondum conftitutis 
 Epifcopis; in aliquibus Epifcopos, nondum conftitutis Presbyteris. 
 * See before Chap. 3. [g] Naz. Carm. de Vita, nd^.'/li Qm~ 
 
 <a< (hV fdiTipvs G>£?V*<. ' ~fj6] Id Somn. de Ecclefia Anaftafiar. 
 Orat. 20. de Laud. Bafih- p. 310 J" <£'t«££ x.a.d-i.^(^(. [»] Ap. 
 Eufeb. lib. 10. c. f. <fvo y'vrivdu <ryf in <nj Jd/rip* Q^yts. 
 lit] Eufeb. lib. iq. c. 4. •• [1} Epiphan. Hxr. jf. Aerian. 
 
 be 
 
76 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book II 
 
 be but a very lame and foolifh Argument to 
 prove what he intended, yet it is a plain Intima- 
 tion of what has here been noted, to have been 
 the then known Cuftom and Practice of the 
 Church : And little regard is to be had to Mo- 
 dern Authors, who pretend to fay, that Presby- 
 ters had not Power to fit in the Prefence of their 
 Bifhopsj which is confuted by the Acts and Ca- 
 nons [m~] almoft of every Council, and the Wri- 
 tings of every ancient Author, in which nothing 
 more commonly occurs than the Phrafes, Con- 
 fejfus Presbyterorum^ and federe in Presbyteri^ im- 
 porting the Cuftom and Privilege whereof we 
 are now fpeaking. 
 
 SECT. VI. There is one thing farther 
 The form of their to be noted, concerning the Man- 
 fitting in a Semidr- ner c f their Sitting, which was 
 
 cje: Whence they ^ fa fa d of he 3^ m 
 were called Corona , r r r „ r ? . 
 
 Presbyterii. tnc rorrn or figure or a bemicir- 
 
 clej which is defcribed by the 
 Author (Vj of the Conftitutions under the Name 
 of Clemens Romanus^ and Gregory Nazianzen, and 
 others. Whence as the Bifhop's Throne is cal- 
 led the Middle Throne, or the Middle Seat by 
 Theodoret [o~] and the Conftitutions : So for the 
 fame Reafon Ignatius [/>] and the Conftitutions 
 [V] term the Presbyters the Spiritual Crown or 
 Circle of the Presbytery, and the Crown of the 
 Church ; Unlefs we will take this for a Meta- 
 phorical Expreffion, to denote only that Presby- 
 ters united with their Bifhop, were the Glory 
 of the Church. 
 
 SECT vil. This Honour was done them 
 Tresbytert the ec- in regard to their Authority in the 
 clefiaflkal Senate, Church, wherein they were con- 
 or council of the fidered as a fort of Ecclefiaftical 
 church, whom the Senate, or Council to the Bifhop, 
 TVwIth who fcarce did any thing of great 
 ttpoit all occafms. Weight and Moment without 
 asking their Advice, and taking 
 their Confent, to give the greater Force and 
 Authority to all publick Afts done in the Name 
 of the Church. Upon which Account, St. Cbry- 
 foftom [r~] and Synefius [i] ftile them the Court 
 or Sanhedrim of the Presbyters j and Cyprian [t] 
 the Sacred and Venerable Bench of the Clergy j 
 St. Jerom [u] and others [w], the Churches Se- 
 nate, and the Senate of Chrift j Origen [x] and 
 
 the Author of the \_y~] Conftitutions, The Bi- 
 fhop's Counfellors, and the Council of the 
 Church : Becaufe though the Bifhop was Prince 
 and Head of this Ecclefiaftical Senate, and 
 nothing could regularly be done without him \ 
 yet neither did he ordinarily do any publick Acl, 
 relating to Government and Difcipline of the 
 Church without their Advice and Ailiftance. 
 
 The firft Ages afford the sect. vill. 
 molt pregnant Proofs of this Di- Son>! Evi ^ 72ces 0!lt 
 vine Harmony between the Bi- "/Ig^^Cy- 
 
 n j 1 • i> 1 t-> pnan.or the Power 
 
 {hop and his Presbyters. For any l ndv / eroga!hes of 
 one that ever looked into the presbyters in con- 
 Writings of Cyprian^ muft ac- jitaSion with the 
 knowledge, that at Rome and Car- Bi fl J0 P- 
 thage, the two great Churches of the Wcft^ all 
 things were thus tranfa&ed by joint Confent : 
 The Bifhop with his Clergy did communi Confilio 
 [z] ponderare, weigh things by common Advice 
 and Deliberation whether it was in the Ordi- 
 nations of the Clergy 5 (for Cyprian would not 
 fo much as ordain a Subdeacon or a Reader 
 without their Confent j) or whether it was in 
 the Exercife of Difcipline and Reconciliation of 
 Penitents, Cyprian declares [a] his Refolution to 
 do all by common Confent. And fo Cornelius at 
 the fame time acted at Rome : For when Maximus 
 and the reft of the ConfefTors, who had fided 
 with Novatian, came afterward and made Con- 
 feflion of their Error, and defired to be admitted 
 again into the Communion of the Church, Cor- 
 nelius would do nothing in it, till he had firft 
 called a Presbytery, and taken both their Advice 
 and Confent [f\ in the Affair, that he might 
 proceed according to their unanimous Refolution. 
 Cyprian in feveral other of his Epiltles [Y], {peaks 
 of the fame Deference paid to his Presbytery, 
 and in one Place he more particularly tells them, 
 that it was a Law and a Rule \jf] that he had 
 laid down to himfelf, from the firft entrance on 
 his Bifhoprick, that he would do nothing with- 
 out their Advice, and the Confent of the Peo- 
 ple. Epiphanius obferves the fame Practice at E- 
 phefus in the Condemnation of Noetus : For firft 
 he fays, he was convened before the Presbytery 
 [>], and then again upon a Relapfe by them ex- 
 pelled the Church. Which at leaft muft mean, 
 that the Bifhop and his Presbyters joined toge- 
 ther in this Ecclefiaftical Cenfure. In like man- 
 
 [w] Con. Carthag. 4. c. 3;, 36. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 20. Origen. 
 Horn. 1. in Cantic. Con. Laodic. c. ff. Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 
 57. Con. Ancyr. c. 18. [»] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. f 7 . 
 K«<&» i*icr& to iaini** 0f>©-. See. [0] Theod. 
 Hift. lib. f. 'O ftAff©- 0**©-. ^ [/>] Ignat. Ep. ad Mag- 
 nef. n. 13. ^v<d/fjL<tTiKov ritpavov ™ tr^aCvTie^ [9] Con- 
 ftitut. lib. 2.c. 28. riyttvov innKixrictf. [r] Chryf. de Sacer- 
 dot. lib. 3. c. if. to rcoy tsoiaCvr'-.^v cvvifeiov. [s ] Sy- 
 nef Ep. 67. ad Theoph. [<] Cypr. Ep. 57. al. j- 9 . ad Cornel. 
 Cleri Sacrum venerandumque Confeflum. Concil. Cartb. 4. c. 3f. 
 Epifcopus in Confeflu Presbyterorum fublimior fedcat, &c. 
 [«] Hieron. in Efai. 3. Tom. f. p. 17. Et nos habemus in Ec- 
 clefia fenatum noftrum, Coetum Presbyterorum. [w~\ Pius Ep. 
 2. ad. Juft. Vien. Salutat te fenatus -pauper Chrifti apud Romam 
 conftitutus. [*] Orig. Com. in Mat. QvKyi iuKhno-'icti;. Pear- 
 fon. Vind. Ignat. par. i.e. 11. p. 311. Hiautem Gvk&toa Chri- 
 
 ftiani fane fuerunt Presbyteri. [y ] Conft. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 28. 
 
 ffvuCxKot its c/mffKOTTts, aw'cS'eiov ^ £>sh>) <f i)i>thno~id.f. 
 
 [z] Cypr. Ep. 33. al. 38. ad Cler. In Ordinationibus Clericis fo- 
 
 lemus vos ante confulere, 8c mores ac merita lingulorum communi 
 
 confilio ponderare. [<?] Id. Ep. 6.al. 14. ad Cler. Ut ea qux 
 
 circa EcclefiEe Gubernaculum utilitas communis expofcit, tractare 
 
 fimul, 8c plurimorum Confilio examinata limare poflemus. 
 
 [b] Cornel. Ep. 46. al. 49. ad Cypr. p. 92. Omni a£tu ad me pcr- 
 
 kto, placuit contrahi Presbytcrium ut hrmato conlilio, quid 
 
 circa Perfonam eorum obfervari deberer, Confenlu omnium ftatue- 
 retur. [c] Cypr. Ep. 24. al. 29. ad Cler. Ep. 32. ad Cler. [d] Cypr. 
 Ep. 6. al. 14. Quando a Primordio Epitcopatus mei ftatuerim, nihil 
 fine Confilio voftro, 8t fine Confenfu Piebis, mea pvivata Scntcntia 
 
 gerere; Sed cum ad vos per Dei gratiam venero in commune 
 
 tradtabimus. [e] Epiph. Ha:r. 5-7. n. i; irpio G JTie<* cly'o- 
 f#fi&. ibid, cl oixiTQi tryi'TGvT'-Zpt S^S^% &t/li» 4 lx y.K^'iAf. 
 
 ner, 
 
^ 
 
 Chap. XIX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 77 
 
 ner, fpeaking of the firft Condemnation of dri»f\ 
 he fays, Alexander Bilhop of Alexandria [/] cal- 
 led a Presbytery againft him, before whom, and 
 fome Bilhops then prefent, he examined him, 
 and expelled him. Cotelerius in his Notes upon 
 the Conftitutions, has publilhed, from an ancient 
 Manufcript, one of the Forms of Anus's Depo- 
 fition [g], which may give fome Light to this 
 Matter. For thereby it appears, that when A- 
 lexander fent forth his Circular Letters to all o- 
 ther Bilhops againft Arms, he firft fummoned all 
 the Presbyters and Deacons of Alexandria, and 
 Region of Mareotes, not only to hear what he 
 had written, but alfo to teftify their Confent to 
 it, and declare that they agreed with him in the 
 Condemnation of Arius. From whence we 
 learn, that though the Depofition was properly 
 the Bifhop's Act, yet to have it done with the 
 greater Solemnity, the Confent both of the 
 Presbyters and Deacons was required to it. And 
 thus it was alfo in the Condemnation of Origen : 
 The Council of Alexandria, which expelled him 
 the City, was compofed both of Bilhops and 
 Presbyters, who decreed that he fhould remove 
 from Alexandria, and neither teach nor inhabit 
 there, as Pamphilus [b~\ relates in the fecond Book 
 of his Apology for Origen, fome Fragments of 
 which are preierved in Photius. The Council of 
 Rome, that was gathered againft Novatian, con- 
 firmed of fixty Bilhops, and many more [f] Pres- 
 byters and Deacons. The firft Council of An- 
 tioch, that was held againft Paulus Samofatenfis, 
 had alfo [£] Presbyters and Deacons in it ; The 
 Name of one of them, Malchion a Presbyter of 
 Jntioch, is ftill remaining in the Synodical E- 
 piftle among the Bilhops in the Infcription. 
 
 From all which it appears, that this was an 
 ancient Privilege of Presbyters to fit and delibe- 
 rate with Bilhops, both in their Confiftorial and 
 Provincial Councils. And if we afcend yet 
 higher, we fhall find Matters always thus tranf- 
 a&ed in the Church ab Origine •> as appears from 
 Ignatius, whofe Writings (as a Learned Man 
 obferves) [/] fpeak as much for the Honour of 
 the Presbytery, as they do for the Superiority of 
 Epifcopacy : No ancient Author having given fo 
 many great and noble Characters of the Presby- 
 tery, as he does. For which reafon it concerns 
 thofe, who are molt zealous for the Honour and 
 Authority of Presbyters, to look upon Ignatius 
 as one of the beft Alferters and Defenders of 
 their Power and Reputation. For he always joins 
 the Bilhops and Presbyters together, as prefiding 
 
 over the Church, the one in the Place of God 
 and Jcfus Chrift, and the other as the great 
 Council of God in the room of the Apoftles. 
 Thus in his Epiftle \rn\ to the Ephefians, he bids 
 them be fubject to the Bilhop and the Presby- 
 tery : And in his Epiftle to the Magnefians [»], 
 he commends Sotion the Deacon, becaufe he was 
 fubject to the Bilhop as the Gift of God, and to 
 the Presbytery, as the Law of Chrift. And a lit- 
 tle after in the fame Epiftle, he fpeaks of the 
 Bilhop as prefiding [o] in the place of God, and 
 the Presbyters in the place of the Council of the 
 Apoftles. So in his Epiftle to the Irallians [/>], he 
 bids them be fubjecl: to the Presbytery, as to the 
 Apoftles of Jefus Chrift. And again, Reverence 
 the[?] Pre5byters,as the Council of God, and the 
 united Company of Apoftles: Without which no 
 Church is called a Church. Several other Pafla- 
 ges of the fame Importance may be feen in his 
 Epiftles to Polycarp and the Church of [f] Smyrna. 
 
 And indeed all his Epiftles sect. IX. 
 
 are fo full of great Elogium's of The Power of Pres- 
 
 the Presbytery, as acting in the by ttrs thought by 
 Nature of an Ecclefiaftical Se- f ome t0 be * little 
 nate together with the Bilhop, 4 T^ U the 
 that our late Learned Defender m 
 of thofe Epiftles thence concludes, That the 
 Power and Privileges of Presbyteries was greater 
 in the 2d Century, when Ignatius lived, than in 
 the 4th Age of the Church, when he thinks the 
 Powers and Authority of Presbyteries was a little 
 funk and dimilhed over all the World, and even 
 at Alexandria it felf, where it had moft of all 
 flourilhed. And this he makes an Argument of 
 the Antiquity of thofe Epiftles, that they were 
 the Genuine Product of Ignatius, becaufe no one 
 of the 4th Age would have given fuch Enco- 
 miums of the Presbytery, or armed [s] them 
 with fo great Authority and Power. I fhall not 
 difpute this Matter, nor enter upon any nice 
 Comparifon of the different Powers of Presby- 
 ters in thefe two Ages, but only reprefent to the 
 Reader what Privileges ftill remained to them in 
 the 4th Century. 
 
 And here it cannot be de- 
 nied, but that in this Age, in the 
 Ordination of a Presbyter, all the 
 Presbyters that were prefent were 
 allowed, nay even required to 
 join with the Bilhop in Impofi- 
 tion of Hands upon the Party to 
 
 sect. x. 
 
 I'et ftill they were 
 admitted to join 
 with the Bifljops in 
 the Impofition of 
 Hands in the Ordi- 
 nation of Presbyters. 
 
 [/] Ep'ph- Haer. 69. Arian. n. 3. o-vyr.a.K^ to Tp'-trCv- 
 
 Ti°XW, <*AAk< TtV<&$ crmo~KOTrxt TctgPfT*? , &c. [g\ De- 
 
 pofuio Ari. ap. Cotelcr. Not. in Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 28. "Iva. 
 K) 7dt cue yey.v'o/tdfJx. yvvTi, ttzIv ts'to/< <rv^.<suv\av tavrav 
 
 yim&l. [h] Paniphil." Apol. ap. Phot. Cod. 118. p. 298. 2w':- 
 
 <PQ- «9*?l??^) SUWItSw & TlVtoV np'.O-CvTkffV K*T ileiy'iVxf* 
 
 [1] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 4$. [*] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 28. [/] Pearfon. 
 Vind. Ignat.Par. 2. e. 16. p. 4.28. Si quid ego in hac re intelligo, 
 quicunque Presbyterali Dignitati Au&oritatique maxime ftudent, 
 non habent fuse Exiftimationis firmius aut folidius Fundamentum , 
 quam Epiftolas Sanfti Ignatii noftri : Neque enim in ullo vere 
 antiquo Scriptores extra has Epiftolas tot ac tanta Presbyteratus 
 Prasconia invenieut, neque illius Ordinis hoaorem fine Epifcopatus 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 Prarogativa ullibi conftitutum reperient. [m] Ignat. Ep. 
 
 ad Ephef. n. 2. tLnrTaasopfyoi t&> hrmoKo'Trw ^pitrCuneiu- 
 [n] Ep. ad Magnef. n. 2. [0] Ep. ad Magnef. n. 6. ripox.*- 
 
 dfl/U$jJiS iTTISKO'TriS tif 70TT0V ©i?> KM tZv "7t p i O&VTipw (rii T0- 
 
 irw o-iwiex* tuv 'AToroAeur. [p] Ep. ad Trail, n. 2. Tt- 
 
 Iq] Ibid. n. 
 
 3. 'flj ffuue/etoc OsS", Kai as OMiiS'icy.ov 'A-7rsr6A*c X»etf 
 viruv kxKKw'id. £ nab* 7 ). [r] Ep. ad Polycarp. n. 7. Ep. 
 ad Smyrn. n. 8. (V) Pearfon. Vindic. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 16. 
 
 p. 428. Nemo tam feris Ecclefia? remporibus Presbyterium 
 
 tot laudibus cumulaflet, tanta iauitoritare armaflet, cujus poteftate 
 a Tempeftate, etiam Alexandria.-, nibi maxime floruerat, tanto- 
 pere imminuta eft. ■ 
 
 X be 
 
78 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 be ordained. That it was fo in the African 
 Churches is beyond all Difpute : For in the 4th 
 Council of Carthage [t], there is a Canon ex- 
 prefly enjoining it : When a Presbyter is or- 
 dained, while the Bifhop pronounces the Bene- 
 diction, and lays his Hand upon his Head, all 
 the Presbyters that are prefent fhall lay their 
 Hands by the Bifhop's Hand upon his Head 
 alfo. And this in all likelihood was the Univer- 
 fal Practice of the Church. For in the Confti- 
 tutions of the Church of Alexandria there 
 is a Rule to the fame purpofe. In the Latin 
 Church the Decree of the Council of Carthage 
 ieems alfo to have prevailed, becaufe it is inferted 
 into their Canon Law by Gratian [w] and other 
 Collectors, from whence it became the common 
 Practice of our own Church, which is continued 
 to this Day. Some ancient Canons [x~] indeed 
 fay, That one Bifhop alone fhall ordain a Pres- 
 byter : But that is not faid to exclude Presbyters 
 from afllfting, but only to put a difference be- 
 tween the Ordination of a Bifhop and a Presby- 
 ter : For the Ordination of a Bifhop could not 
 regularly be performed without the concur- 
 rence of three Bifhops with the Metropolitan 5 
 but a Presbyter might be ordained by a fingle 
 Bifhop, without any other Affiftance, fave that 
 of his Presbytery joining with him. And this 
 plainly appears to have been the Practice of the 
 4th Century. 
 
 SECT. XI. It is farther evident from the 
 
 And allowed to fit Records of the fame Age, that 
 to confiflory with p resD yters had ftill the Privilege 
 their BiJInps. of fltting in Conflftory with 
 
 their Bifhops. For Pope Siricius in the latter end 
 of this Century acted as Cornelius had done be- 
 fore him. When he went about to condemn 
 the Errors of Jovinian, he firft called \_y~] a 
 Presbytery, and with their Advice cenfured j his 
 Doctrines, and then with the Confent of the 
 Deacons alfo, and the reft of the Clergy, ex- 
 pelled him the Church. And fo likewife Synefius 
 Bifhop of Ptolemais proceeded againft Andronicus 
 the Impious and Blafpheming Prefect of Penta- 
 polis : He firft laid open his horrible Crimes be- 
 fore the Conflftory of his Church, and then 
 with their Confent pronounced the Sentence of 
 Excommunication againft him - y which he there- 
 fore calls the Act of the Conflftory [z] or San- 
 hedrim of Ptolemais, in the Circular Letters 
 which he wrote to give notice of his Excommu- 
 nication to other Churches. Baronius indeed 
 and the common Editors of the Councils reckon 
 
 this by miftake among the Provincial Synods: 
 But it appears evidently from Synefius, that it 
 was only the private Conflftory of the Church 
 of Ptolemais : For he fays exprefly [a], the 
 Church of Ptolemais gave notice of this Ex- 
 communication to all her Sifter- Churches 
 throughout the World, requiring them to hold 
 Andronicus Excommunicated, and not to defpife 
 her Aft, as being only a poor Church in a fmall 
 City. Which agrees very well with the State of 
 a private Conflftory, but is not fpoken in the Stile 
 of a Provincial Council. 
 
 Yet this is not faid with any sect. XII. 
 defign to deny that Presbyters As al f° m f™™- 
 were allowed to fit in Provincial cml Cottncil '- 
 Synods: For there are undeniable Evidences of 
 their enjoying this Privilege within the compafs 
 of the fourth Century, and After-Ages alfo. In 
 the Council of Eliberis, which was held in the 
 beginning of the 4th Age, there were no lefs 
 than 36 Presbyters \_b~] fitting together with the 
 Bifhops, as is exprefly faid in the Acts of the 
 Council. The firft Council of Aries, called by 
 Conftantine, had alfo feveral Presbyters in it, the 
 Names of many of which are loft, as are alfo 
 the Names of moft of the Bifhops, who were 
 two Hundred, yet the Names of Fifteen Presby- 
 ters [c~] are ftill remaining. And it is obfervable, 
 that in Confiantine''s "Trattoria, or Letters of Sum- 
 mons, the Presbyters as well as Bifhops were 
 called by Imperial Edict to attend at that Coun- 
 cil j if we may judge of all the reft by that one 
 Example which remains upon Record in Eufe- 
 bius : For there in the Letter fent to fummon 
 Chreftus Bifhop of Syracufe , Orders are given 
 him [_d~] to bring along with him two of the fe- 
 cond Throne j which Phrafe, as has been obfer- 
 ved before, denotes two Presbyters. So that 
 from hence it is clear, that Presbyters were then 
 privileged to fit in Council with their Bifhops, 
 and that by Imperial Edict. In Jujlellus's Biblio- 
 theca Juris Canonici, there are three or four Ro- 
 man Councils, where the Presbyters are particu- 
 larly mentioned as Sitting, and fometimes Voting 
 with the Bifhops. In the Council under Hilarius, 
 An. 401, the Presbyters of Rome all fat [<?] to- 
 gether with the Bifhops, and the Deacons ftood 
 by them. So again in the Council under Felix, 
 An. 487, [/] the Names of Seventy fix Pres- 
 byters are mentioned that fat together with the 
 Bifhops in Council, the Deacons as before ftand- 
 ing by them. And in the Council under Sym- 
 machus, An. 4pp, Sixty feven Presbyters and fix 
 
 [t] Con. Carth. 4. c. 3. Presbyter cum ordinatur, Epifcopo 
 eum benedicente, 8c manum fuper caput ejus teneme, etiam ormes 
 Presbyteri, qui prasfentes funt, manus fuas juxta manum Epifcopi 
 fuper caput illius teneant. [a] Eccl. Alex. Conftit. c. 6. ap. 
 Bevereg. Not. in Canon. Apoft. c. 2. Cum vulr Epifcopus ordiaare 
 Presbyterum, manum fuamcapiti ejus imponat, iimulque orenes 
 Presbyteri iftud tangant. [w] Grat. Dift. 2;. c. 8. lvo Part. 6. r. ix. 
 [*] Can. Apoft. c. 2. Con. Carrh. j^c' +f. [y] Siric. Ep. 2. 
 ad Ecclef. Mediolan. Fa%> Prcsbytcriorcoiiftitir Do%ina» noftrx, 
 
 id eft, Chrifti'imeLegi edc connaria Unde ornnium no'>rorum 
 
 tam Presbyteroium & Diaconorum, quam toiius Cieri unam fcito- 
 
 te fuifle fententiam, ut Jovinianus, Auxentius, <&c. perpetuum 
 damnati, extra Eccleiiam remanerent. [&] Synef Ep. fj. p. 
 
 I90. NlUlt 5 Off TO 'toy fJ^TYlhSi Tt,V 'Al'ePpOI'IttK (AttVl- 
 
 o-v O.KKO-O.T 1 -. [a] Id. Ep. f8. p. 199. [i>] Con. Eliber. 
 Procem. Reiidentibus etiam 36. aL 26. Presbyteris, adftantibus Dia- 
 conibus 8c omni Plebe. [c] Con. Arelat. 1. in Catalogo eorum 
 qui Concilio interfuerunt. In Edit. Crab, male vocat Secundum. 
 [d] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. f. 'S.v^di'tet! gwutv <Puo y'i tiva< ffl 
 Th SsL-Ticx -3-o'ov*. [e] Con. Rom. ap. Juitel. Tom. 1. p. 
 
 o. Refidentibus etiam univerfis Presbyteris, adftantibus quoque 
 
 • onis, &c. [/] Ibid. p. iff. 
 
 Deacons 
 
Chap. XIX. Christian Church 
 
 79 
 
 Deacons fubfcribed in the very fame [g] Form 
 of Words as the Bifhops did. In another Coun- 
 cil under the fame Symmachus, An. foz, Thirty 
 fix Presbyters [h~] are named, who fat therein. 
 And in the Council under Gregory the lid. An. 
 71 f, the Bifhops, Presbyters and Deacons all 
 fubfcribe in the [f] fame Form to the Decrees 
 then publifhed by them all together. 
 
 The like Inftances may be feen in the firft 
 Councils [k~] of Toledo, and Bracara [/], where 
 we may alfo obferve the difference made between 
 Presbyters and Deacons That the Presbyters are 
 always reprefented as fitting together with their 
 Bifhops, but the Deacons only ftanding by to 
 attend them. All which notwithstanding, Cel- 
 lotius the Jefuit, and fome others of that Strain, 
 have the Confidence to affert, that Presbyters 
 were never allowed to fit with Bifhops in their 
 Councils. Bellarmin [m~] does not go fo far, but 
 only denies them a Decifive Voice there: In 
 which AfTertion he is oppofed, not only by the 
 generality of Proteftant [n\ Writers, but alfo by 
 Habertus [0] and other Learned Defenders [_p] 
 of the Galilean Liberties in his own Communion. 
 So that it is agreed on all hands by unprejudiced 
 Writers, and curious Searchers of Antiquity, 
 that Presbyters had liberty to fit and deliberate 
 with Bifhops in Provincial Councils. 
 
 SECT. XIII. But to General or Univerfal 
 And in General Councils, there are fome Prote- 
 coma's likewife. ft an t Writers, who feem to make 
 it a Difpute, whether Presbyters anciently were 
 allowed to fit in them. A Learned Pcrfon [cf] 
 of our own Church fays, It was never before 
 heard of, that Priefts did fit in Oecumenical 
 Councils, meaning before the Council of Lateran 
 under Calliftus the Second, An. 1 123, where 600 
 Abbots were prefent. But I fee no reafon why 
 we may not reckon the firft Council of Aries a 
 General Council, if a Multitude or Bifhops from 
 all Quarters can make it fo : For there were 2.00 
 Bifhops prefent j and as I noted before, feveral 
 Presbyters were ordered to come along with 
 them. However the Council of Conftantinople, 
 An. 381, is reckoned by all a General Council 
 (though there were but ifo Bifhops in it) : And 
 there we find three Presbyters together \f\ fub- 
 fcribing among the Bifhops alfo. The Learned 
 Habertus [s] gives feveral other Inftances out of 
 
 the Council of Chalcedon, the Second Council of 
 Nice, the Eighth Council called againft Photius, 
 and others. From all which, and what has here 
 been alledged, it mull be concluded, that Pres- 
 byters had anciently the Privilege of Sitting and 
 Voting alfo in General Councils. 
 
 These Prerogatives of Pres- sect. XI v. 
 
 byters, being thus allowed info of the Tales of Ho- 
 
 many Cafes to a<5t in Conjunction »w given to Tres- 
 
 with their Bifhops, advanced their tyten,as wellasBi- 
 
 Charafter and Reputation very M-'^ndwhatMf- 
 
 h. 1 1 1 1 r J terence there was 
 
 igh, and made them of great J letwen themasat 
 
 Eilcem in the Church : Infomuch plied to both. 
 that many of the fame Titles of 
 Honour, which were given to Bifhops, were 
 with a little Variation given to Presbyters alfo. 
 Hence they are called n^sJ^t, by Synefius \t\ 
 and Eufebius; n^srwrsf by Nazianzen [ti] and 
 Baft I ; n^s-a'^), by Cbryfofiom [w] and Nazian- 
 zen likewife: which Names anfwer to the Titles 
 Prapofiti and Antiftites in Latin, and fignifie 
 Prefidents, or Rulers and Governors of the Peo- 
 ple. I know indeed fome Learned Perfons [x] 
 are of Opinion, that the Name Antiftes is never 
 given to any Presbyter by any ancient Writer. 
 But this AfTertion muft be underftood with a 
 little Qualification: Otherwife it will not be 
 exactly true: For Hilarius Sardus \_y~\ fpeaking 
 of Presbyters, againft whom a Bifhop is not to 
 receive an Accufation, but before two or three 
 WitnefTes, gives exprefly the Title of Antiftites 
 Dei. So does alfo the Author [z] of the Que- 
 ftions upon the Old and New Teftament, under 
 the Name of St. Auftin. And though Prcepofiti 
 in Cyprian's Epiftles commonly fignifies Bifhops, 
 yet it does not always fo : For the Presbyters of 
 Rome writing [a] to the Clergy of Carthage, ftile 
 themfelves Prapofiti, and Celerinus [b~\ in his E- 
 piftle to Lucian gives them the fame Title. But 
 Sidonius Apollinaris \_c~\ fets this Matter right, 
 when he teacheth us to diftinguifh between an 
 Antiftes of the firft Order, and an Antiftes of the 
 fecondj which DittincYion, whenever Presbyters 
 are called Antiftites, if it be not exprcfTed, is al- 
 ways to be underftood. Therefore Blondel ar- 
 gues very loofely, when he would infer from 
 this Community of Names and Titles, that Bi- 
 fhops and Presbyters were but one and the fame 
 Order. Which might as well be inferred from 
 
 [g] Ibid. p. 25-9. Subfcripferunt Presbyteri numero 67. Cce- 
 lius Laurentius Archipresbyter Tituli Praxedis hie fubfcripfi St con- 
 cenfi Synodalibus Conftitutis, atque in hac me profiteor manere 
 Sententia, &c. [/;] Ibid. p. 261. Refidentibus etiam Presbyte- 
 ris, Projectitio, Martino, <&c. Adftantibus quoque Diaconis. 
 [/] Ibid. p. 274.. Sifinnius Presbyter huic Conftituto, a nobis pro- 
 mulgate), fubfcripfi. Petrus Archidiaconus huic Conftituto, a nobis 
 promulgato fublcripft. [/;] Con. Tolet. 1. Convenientibus E- 
 pifcopis in Ecclefia Conlidentibus Presbyteris, adftantibus Dia- 
 conis, &c. [/] Con. Bracar. r. Confidcntibus fimul Epifcopis, 
 prsefentibus quoque Presbyteris, adftantibufque Miniftris, vel univer- 
 fo Clero. [rri] Bellarm. de Concil. lib. 1. c. iy. [»] Mor- 
 ton. Apol. Cathol. Part. 2. lib. 4. c. 8. Whitaker de Concil. Quxft. 
 3. [0] Habertus Not. in lib. Pontif. Grsegor. p. 17 f. [/>] Ran- 
 chin'i Review of the Council of Trent, lib. 1. c. 8. \q J Bijhop 
 Burnet'i Vindication of the Ordination, 8cc. Pref. p. 32. [r] Con. 
 Conftantin. Tom. i. p. 957. Tyrannus Presbyter Amorii, Auxa- 
 
 non Presbyter Apamea; Helladius Presbyter Commanenfis. 
 [si Habert. Not. in Pontif. p. 175-. [t] Synef. Ep. 12. Eufeb. 
 lib. 10. c. 4. [«] Naz. Orat. 1. Bafil. Reg. Moral. 71, 
 
 [w] Chryf. Horn. 1 1. in 1 Tim. 4. i. Naz. Orat. 1. p. 37. 
 [#] Bevereg. Not. in Cone. Ancyr. c. 13. Neque enim Presbyter 
 unquam Antiftes dicitur. [_y] Ambrof. al. Hilar. Com. in 
 1 Tim. f. Hujus Ordinis fublimis honor eft; hujufmodi enim Vi- 
 carii funt Chrifti : Idcirco non facile de hac Perfona Accufatio de- 
 bet admitti. Incredibile enim debet videri, iftum qui Dei Antiftes 
 eft, criminofe verfatum. [*.] Aug. Quseft. Vet. 8c Nov. Teft. 
 c. 101. Propter quod Antiftites Dei funt, in Domo Dei 8c in ho- 
 nore Chrifti cum dignitate confiftunt. [0] Ep. 3. al. 8. ap. 
 Cyprian. Cum incumbat nobis qui videmur Prxpciiti efie, 8c vice 
 Pafioris cuftodire Gregem. ... \b~] Celerin. Ep. 2 1. ap. Cypr. Prse- 
 ceperunt has Praepoffti tantifper fic effe, donee Epifcopus conftirua- 
 tur. [c] Sidon. lib. 4. Ep. 1 1. Antiftes fuit ordine in fecundo s 
 Fratrem fafce levans Epifcop ali. 
 
 the 
 
 1 
 
go The Antiquities of the Book II 
 
 the Name Sacerdotes, Priefts, which fo frequently 
 occurs in the ancient Writers ; and as Cyprian 
 obferves, [d~] denotes an Honour common both 
 to Bifhops and Presbyters: Though when there 
 was occafion to fpeak more accurately and di- 
 ftinftly of Bifliops, their Appropriate Title was 
 that of Summi Sacerdotes, Chief Priefts, to di- 
 ftinguifli them from thofe of the Inferior Order, 
 as 1 have fliewed before in fpeaking of the Ti- 
 tles of Bifliops j to which I fhall only add here 
 the Teftimony of Optatus, who [e] gives both 
 Bifliops, Priefts and Deacons, the Name of 
 Priefts, and their Office the Name of Priefthood i 
 but with this difference, that the Deacons were 
 only in the third Degree of Priefthood, and the 
 Presbyters in the fecond, but the Bifhops were 
 the Heads and Chief of all. From whence it is 
 plain, that if a bare Community of Names ar- 
 gued an Identity of Offices, one might as well 
 infer, that Bifliops and Deacons, or Presbyters 
 and Deacons were but one and the fame Order, 
 becaufe they fhare in the fame common Titles of 
 ]Prieft and Priefthood. 
 
 sect. xv. If here it be enquired, as it is 
 in what fenfe Bi- very natural to ask the Queftion, 
 
 Jhops, Presbyters ^hy Optatus gives all the three 
 
 7rtih7o\ltuf ° rders of Bi fr°P s > Presbyters, 
 nejs y pta us. ^ Deacons, the Title of Prieft- 
 hood? The Anfwer is plain and obvious: Be- 
 caufe according to him every Order had itsfliare, 
 though in different Degrees, in the Chriftian 
 Priefthood. Which is not, as fome imagine, a 
 Power to offer Chrift's Body and Blood really 
 upon the Altar as a Propitiatory Sacrifice for the 
 Quick and Dead} (which is fuch a Notion of 
 the Chriftian Priefthood, as no ancient Author 
 or Ritual ever mentions) : But it confifts in a 
 Power and Authority to minifter publickly ac- 
 cording to God's Appointment in Holy Things, 
 or Things pertaining to God. And there are ie- 
 veral Parts of this Power, according to the dif- 
 ferent Participation of which, in the Opinion of 
 Optatus, Bifliops, Presbyters, and Deacons had 
 each their refpeftive Share in the Priefthood. 
 Thus it was one Aft of the Prieft's Office to 
 offer up the Sacrifice of the Peoples Prayers, 
 Praifes, and Thankfgivings to God, as their 
 Mouth and Orator, and to make Interceffion to 
 God for them ; another part of the Office was in 
 God's Name to blefs the People, particularly by 
 admitting them to the Benefit and Privilege of 
 Remiflion of Sins by Spiritual Regeneration or 
 Baptifm. And thus far Deacons were anciently 
 allowed to minifter in Holy Things, as Medi- 
 ators between God and the People. Upon 
 which Account a late Learned Writer [/] joins 
 entirely with Optatus, in declaring Deacons to 
 
 be Sharers in this loweft Degree of the Chriftian 
 Priefthood. Above this was the Power of of- 
 fering up to God the Peoples Sacrifices at the 
 Altar ; that is, as Mr. Mede [g] and others ex- 
 plain them, firft the Euchariftical Oblations of 
 Bread and Wine, to agnize or acknowledge God 
 to be the Lord of the Creatures } then the Sacri- 
 fice of Prayer and Thankfgiving in Commemo- 
 ration of Chrift's Bloody Sacrifice upon the 
 Crofs, Myftically reprefented in the Creatures of 
 Bread and Wine} which whole facred Action 
 was commonly called the Chriftian's Reafonable 
 and Unbloody Sacrifice, or the Sacrifice of the 
 Altar. Now the Deacons (as we fhall fee in the 
 next Chapter) were never allowed to offer thefe 
 Oblations at the Altar, but it was always a pe- 
 culiar Act of the Presbyters Office, which was 
 therefore reckoned a fuperior Degree of the 
 Priefthood. Another Aft of the Prieftly Office 
 was to interpret the Mind and Will of God to 
 the People j as alfo to blefs them folemnly in his 
 Name, and upon Confeffion and Repentance 
 grant them Minifterial Abfolution: And thefe 
 being alfo the ordinary Offices of Presbyters, 
 they gave them a farther Title to the Priefthood. 
 All thefe Offices, and fome more, the * Bifliops 
 could perform, fuch as the folemn Confecration 
 or Benediction of Perfons fet apart for the Mini- 
 ftry, &c. which together with their Spiritual 
 Jurifdiftion, or Power of Ruling and Governing 
 the Church, as Vicars of Chrift, gave them a 
 Title to a yet higher Degree of the Chriftian 
 Priefthood } whence as I noted before, they 
 were called Chief Priefts, Primi Sacerdotes, Sum- 
 mi Sacerdotes, Principe s Sacer datum, and Pontifices 
 Maximi. I know indeed, Jlbafpini and feveral 
 others of the Roman [b~] Communion make a 
 Diftinftion between the Prelatical and Sacerdo- 
 tal Office in a Bifliop, which is invented to ferve 
 fome peculiar Hypothefes of their own; as ift, 
 That a Bifliop differs nothing from a Presbyter 
 as he is a Prieft > 2dly, That Bifliop and Presby- 
 ter are but one Sacerdotal Order j and ^dly, 
 That the proper Notion, and Specifick Chara- 
 cter of the Sacerdotal Order, is a Power to offer 
 Chrift's Body and Blood, as a Propitiatory Sa- 
 crifice for the Quick and Dead: All which are 
 contrary to the plain Senfe of Antiquity, which 
 knew no fuch Specifick Character of the Sacer- 
 dotal Order, nor never dreamt of Bifliops and 
 Presbyters being but one Order in reference to 
 the Priefthood} but always fpake of them as 
 diftinft Orders, and placed their Diftinftion in 
 their enjoying different Powers of the Prieft- 
 hood, making Presbyters only the fecond Order, 
 and fecond Priefthood, Secundus Ordo cjf Secun- 
 dum Sacerdotium, and Bifliops the firft} and af- 
 ferting that the Juridical Afts of a Bifliop, were 
 
 [d] Cypr. Ep. f8. al. 61. ad Lucium, p. 14?. Presbyteri cum 
 Epifcopo facerdotali Honore conjun&i. [*] Optat. lib. i. p. 35-. 
 Quid commemorem Diaconos in tertio ? Quid Presbyteros in l'e- 
 cundo Sacerdotio conftitutos? Ipfi Apices 8c. Principes omnium 
 
 aliqui Epifcopi illis temporibus Inftrumenta- Divinae Legis in- 
 
 cipie tradidcrunt. Confer. Hieron. Epift. 27. Where he calls Presby- 
 
 ters Secundi Ordinis Sacerdotes. [/] Dr. Hicks'* Difcourfe of 
 the Chriftian Priefthood, c. 2. § f. p. 33. [g] Mede Chrift. 
 Sacrif. c. 2. p. 35-6. Hicks ibid. 49. with many others cited by him. 
 'lipney&iv to rAictyy't*to,> Epiphanius calls it. Haer. 79, n. 3. 
 * See before Chap. 2. Se£t. 6. [h] Btliarm. de Cleric, lib. i.e. ij. 
 Canifius Catech. de Sacram. Ord. Sedl. 4, 
 
 alfo 
 
Chap XIX 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 alfo Sacerdotal, or afts of a Superior Degree of 
 the Chriftian Prieilood peculiar to his Order. St. 
 Cyprian [t] fcruplcs not to call fuch Acts, Sa- 
 cerdotii Fi*or, the Vigor and Power of the E- 
 pifcopal Priefthood, fpcaking of the Power and 
 Jurifdiftion which he had as the Prieft of God, 
 to punifli Presbyters and Deacons that were un- 
 der him j which he had improperly called the 
 Power of his Priefthood, had hisjurifdiction and 
 Priefthood been two different Powers in him. 
 This may ferve at once to caution the Reader a- 
 painft that fubtle Diftinction of the Romanics, 
 and give him a fhort Account both of the Na- 
 ture, and different Degrees of the Chriftian 
 Priefthood. 
 
 sect. xvl. There is another Name frc- 
 why rnejis called quently occurring in the Greek 
 
 Mediators betr"- 
 Cod and Men. 
 
 Mediators between Writers, when "they fpeak of 
 
 Chriftian Priefts, which will de- 
 fervc to be explained : That is the Name 
 Mediators between God and Men, a Title given 
 them by the Author of the Conftitutions [£], 
 as alfo by Origen, Chryfoftom, Baft I, Ijidore of Pe- 
 lufium, and many others, whofe Authorities are 
 collected by [/] Cotekrius. The Latin Writers 
 are more fparing in the ufe of this Term : For 
 except St. Jerom, Cotekrius could find none that 
 ufed it. St. Aufiin is fo far from ufing it, that he 
 condemns it [m~] as intolerable in Parmenian the 
 Donatifl, who had faid, That the Bifhop was 
 Mediator between God and the People. And 
 indeed there is a fenfe in which it is intolerable 
 to fay, There is any other Mediator befides one, 
 the Man Chrift Jefus. But the Greek Fathers 
 ufed the Word in a qualified Senfe, not for an 
 Authentick Mediator, or Mediator of Redemp- 
 tion, who pleads his own Merits before God in 
 the behalf of others •, but only for a Me- 
 diator of Miniftcrial Interceffion, in which 
 fenfe fomc [«] of the Ancients think Mufes is 
 called a Mediator by St. Paul, Gal. ip. bc- 
 caufe he was the Internuncius to relate the Mind 
 of God to the People, and the Peoples Requefts 
 and Refolutions to God again. And in this qua- 
 lified fenfe 'tis generally [o~] owned that Chrifti- 
 an Priefts may be called Mediators alfo, as thofe 
 that are appointed to convey the Peoples Devo- 
 tions to God, and the Will and Blefling of God 
 to the People. 
 
 SECT. XVII. 
 The ancient Form 
 
 Having thus far fpoken of 
 the feveral Offices and Titles of 
 
 and Manner of Or- r» i • -i. J t • 
 
 ... D ,{ Presbyters, it remains that I give 
 
 dxmtng Presbyters. - J > r , „, o 
 
 a fhort Account or the tormand 
 Alanner of their Ordination, by which they 
 were inveiled with their Power, and authorized 
 to perform the feveral Duties of their Function. 
 
 Now as to this it is plain, the ancient Form was 
 only Impofition of Hands and a Confecration- 
 Praycr. Thus it is defcribed in the Canon [/>] 
 of the Council of Carthage, which has been ci- 
 ted before, and in the Author under the Name 
 of [ef] Dionyfius, who reprefents it in this man- 
 ner : He fays,The Perfon to be ordained kneeled 
 before the Bifhop at the Altar, and he laying his 
 Hand upon his Head, did confecrate him with 
 an Holy Prayer, and then figned him with the 
 Sign of the Crofs ; after which the Bifhop and 
 the reft of the Clergy that were prefent, gave 
 him the Kifs of Peace. The Author of the Con- 
 ftitutions [r~] fpeaks alfo of Impofition of Hands 
 and Prayer, but no more. From which we may 
 reafonably conclude, that the Words which the 
 Roman Church makes to be the moft neceflary 
 and eflential part of a Prieft's Ordination, viz. 
 Receive thou Power to offer Sacrifice to God, and 
 to celebrate Mafs both for the Living and the Dead 9 
 were not in any of the ancient Forms of Confe- 
 cration. One of their own [/] Writers, Morinus 
 after the moft diligent fearch he could make into 
 thefe Matters, could find no Form for poo years 
 together, that made any mention of them. And 
 for their other Ceremonies fuperadded to the old 
 ones, other Learned Writers of that Church do 
 as ingenuouily confefs the Novelty of them. Ha- 
 bertus [f\ proves againft Catumfiritus that mate- 
 rial Unction is a new thing, and not to be met 
 with in any ancient Ordination j as neither is it 
 in ufe in the Greek Church at this Day. So that 
 when Gregory JVazianzen [t~] and others fpeak of 
 an Unftion, they are to be underftood as fpeak- 
 ing Myftically of the Spiritual Unction of the 
 Holy Ghoft. CabaJJuiius [u~\ obferves the fame 
 of the Cuftom of delivering the Sacred VefTels 
 into the Hands of the Perfon that was Ordained, 
 that however fome plead very flifly for its Anti- 
 quity, yet it is really but a modern Cuftom : And 
 he cites Morinus for the fame Opinion. So that 
 I need not ftand to fhew the Novelty of thefe 
 things, which is fo evidently proved, as well by 
 the Confeftion of thefe Learned Men, as the Si- 
 lence of all ancient Rituals. But there is one 
 thing the Reader may be defirous to know farther, 
 viz, what Form of Words the Confecration Prayer 
 was conceived in? To which I muft anfwer, as I 
 have done before about Bifhops, that there 
 was no fuch general Form then extant but 
 every Bifhop having Liberty to frame his own 
 Liturgy, he ufed fuch a Form as he thought 
 convenient in his own Church: It being a thing 
 indifferent, as a Learned Perfon [_w] obferves, 
 fo the Subftance of the Blefling were preferved. 
 The only Form now remaining is that which is 
 extant in the Conftitutions, which becaufe it 
 will fhew the Reader what was then the Sub- 
 
 [i] Cypr. Ep. if. al. 20. p. 4,2. cd. Ox. 
 lib. 2.c. 2$-. [/] Coreler. Not. ibid. 
 Parmen. lib. 2. c. 8. Si Johannes dicerit 
 
 [_k] Conftit. Apoft. 
 [w] Aug. contr. 
 Mediatorem me 
 
 habetis apud Patrem, 8c ego exoro pro peccatis veftris (ficut Par- 
 menianus quodam loco poluit Epifcopum Mediatorem inter Popu- 
 lism 8c Deum) quis eum ferret bonorum atque fidelium Chriftia- 
 norum ? [»] Bafil. de Spir. Saner, c. 14. .Theodor. Com.'^in Gal. 
 3. 19. [0] See Dr. Eotter, Ch. Gov. c. r. p. zri. Coteler. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Not. in Conftit. lib. 2. c. if. [/>] Con. Carth. 4. c. 2. cited 
 before §. 10. [q] Dionyf. de Ecclef. Hierarch. c. f. part. 2. p. 
 364. [r] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 16. [/"] See Bi/bop Burnet of 
 Ordination, p. 24. who cites Morinus. [j] Habert. Obierv. in Pon- 
 tif.Grxc. p. 386. (Y] Naz. Orat. f. p. 136. [«] Cabafiur, 
 Notit. Concil, c. 43. . [»>] Bifiop Burnett Vindication of th* 
 Ordination, 8cc. p. 
 
 Y V fiance 
 
82 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Boor II, 
 
 ftance of the Benediction, I will here infert the 
 Words of it, which are thefe: Look, O Lord) 
 upon this thy Servant, who is chofen into the Pres- 
 bytery by the Suffrage and Judgment of all the Cler- 
 gy, and fill him with the Spirit of Grace and Coun- 
 fel, that he may help and govern thy People with a 
 pure Heart : In like manner as thou hadfi refpecl to 
 thy chofen People, commanding Mofes to make choice 
 of Elders, whom thou didfi replenifh with thy Spi- 
 rit. And now, Lord, do the fame thing, preferring 
 in us the never-failing Spirit of thy Grace : That he 
 being full of healing Powers and inftruclive Dif- 
 courfe, may with Meeknefs teach thy People, and 
 ferve thee fincerely with a pure Mind, and willing 
 Soul, and unblameably perform the facred [x] Ser- 
 vices for thy People, through Chrift, See. Where 
 we may obferve, that it was not then thought 
 r.eceflary to exprefs all or any of the Offices of a 
 Presbyter in particular, but only in general to 
 pray for Grace to be given to the Prieft then or- 
 dained, whereby he might be enabled to perform 
 them. And this with a folemn Impofition of 
 Hands was reckoned a fufficient Form of Confe- 
 cration. Which I note for the Inftrudtion of 
 thofe, who may be apt to think that Modern 
 Forms of Ordination are in every Circumftance 
 like the Primitive ones* whereas if Morinus fay 
 true, the Words which are now moft in ufe, viz. 
 Receive the Holy Ghoft, were not in the Ro- 
 man Pontifical above 400 Years ago. Which 
 makes good the Obfervation of a Learned [y] 
 Perfon, That the Church Catholick did never 
 agree on one Uniform Ritual, or Book of Or- 
 dination, but that was ftill left to the Freedom 
 of particular Churches 3 and fo the Church' of 
 England had as much Power to make or alter 
 Rituals, as any other had. 
 
 sect, xvlii. * I mould here have ended this 
 0/ the Archipref- Chapter about Presbyters, but 
 h y tm - that it is necefTary to give fome 
 
 Account of the Archipresbyteri, and Seniores Ec- 
 clefia, which are fometimes mentioned in ancient 
 Writers. The A rchi presbyters are fpoken of by 
 St. Jerom, who feems [z] to lay there was one, 
 and but one in every Church j and perhaps he is 
 the firft Author that mentions them. After him 
 Socrates [a] fpeaks of one Peter Protopresbyter 
 of Alexandria, whom Sozomen [b] calls Archi- 
 presbyter. And Liberatus [c] mentions one Pro- 
 terius Archipresbyter in the fame Church. From 
 whom we alfo learn in fome meafure what was 
 the Office and Quality of the Arch presbyter. 
 He was not always the Senior Presbyter of the 
 Church, as fome are apt to imagine, but one 
 chofen out of the College of Presbyters at the 
 pleafare of the Bifhop. For Liberatus fays ex- 
 prefly, that Diofcorus the Bifhop made Proterius 
 Archpresbyter of the Church: Which implies 
 
 that he did not come to the Office by vertue of 
 his Seniority, but by the Bifhop's Appointment. 
 As to his Office, it is plain from Liberatus, that 
 it was to prcfide over the Church next under the 
 Bifhop, as chief of the College of Presbyters, 
 and to take care of all things relating to the 
 Church in the Bifhop's Abfence j as Proterius is 
 faid to have done, while Diofcorus went to the 
 Council of Chalcedon. And therefore fome [d] 
 not without reafon think thefe Archipresbyteri 
 were much of the fame nature with our Deans 
 in Cathedral Churches, as the College of Pres- 
 byters were the Chapter. But they wholly mi- 
 flake the Matter, who [e] confound thefe Archi- 
 presbyteri with the Cardinales Presbyteri. For that 
 is a Name of much later Date, hot to be found 
 in any Genuine Writer till the time of Gregory 
 the Great : For the Council of Rome, which is 
 the only Authority that Bellarmin [/] alledges 
 to prove it more ancient, is a mere Fiction. Be- 
 fides that the Cardinal Presbyters were many in 
 the fame Church or City, but the Archpresbyter 
 was but one. So that whatever was the firft O- 
 riginal of Cardinal Presbyters 5 ( whether they 
 were fo called from their being fixed in fome 
 principal Churches, where Baptifm might be 
 Adminiflred, which were therefore called Eccle- 
 fia vel Tituli Cardinales, as Bellarmin thinks j Or 
 whether, as others [g] imagine, when the Num- 
 ber of Presbyters was grown fo great in large 
 and populous Cities, that they could not conve- 
 niently meer, and join with the Bifhop, for or- 
 dering the Government of the Church, there 
 were fome as the chief of them chofen out from 
 the reft, to be as the Bifhop's Council, who were 
 therefore called Cardinales Presbyteri; a Difpute 
 that does not concern me any farther to enquire 
 into or determine:) I fay, whatever was their 
 Rife, or the Reafon of their Name, it is certain 
 they were not the fame with the Archipresbyteri 
 of the Primitive Church. 
 
 As to the Seniores Ecclefne, sect. XIX. 
 
 they were a fort of Elders, who of the Seniort* 
 
 were not of the Clergy, yet had Ecckfiaftici. That 
 
 fome concern in the Care of the Zf vere L mt L f y ' 
 
 r^, , r~r\ t \t r Elders m the Modern 
 
 Church. The Name often oc- ^ cceptatio „. 
 curs in Optatus and St. Auftin, 
 from whom we may eafily learn the Nature of 
 their Office. Optatus fays [hi], when Menfurius 
 Bifhop of Carthage was forced to leave his 
 Church in the time of the Diocletian Perfecution, 
 he committed the Ornaments and Utenfils of 
 the Church to fuch of the Elders as he could 
 truft, Fidelibus Senioribus commendavit. Upon 
 which Albafpiny [i] notes, that befides the Cler- 
 gy there were then fome Lay-Elders, who were 
 entrufted to take care of the Goods of the 
 Church. At the end of Optatus there is a Tract 
 
 [x] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 16. rds <th Act? h?xpyia.i 
 afiuyLZf [y] Bifhop Burnet'* Vind. of the Ord'm. p. 35-. 
 
 [2,] Hieron. Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Singuli Ecckfiarum Epifcopi, fin- 
 guli Archipresbyteri, fmguli Archidiaconi. [a] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 9. 
 nir? ©- tk TpoTOTpstrft/Vep©-. [£] Sozom. lib. 8. c. 12. 
 [c] Liberat. Breviar. c. 14. Prorerio Diofcorus commendavit Ec- 
 clefiam, qui Si eum Archipresbyterum fecerat. In Edit. Crab male 
 
 legitur Archiepifcopum. [d~] Stillingfl. Irenic. part. 2. c. 7. p. 
 3f 8. [e] Onuphr. Interpret. Vocum Ecclefiaft. Salmaf. de Pri- 
 mat. c. i= p. 10. [/] Bellar. de Cleric, lib. 1. c. 16. [g] Stil- 
 lingfl. ibid, [h'] Optat. lib. 1. p. 41. [»] Albafpin. Not. in 
 Optat. p. 125. Procter Ecckfiafticos 8c Clericcs cjuidam ex Plcbe Se- 
 niores St probatse vits res Eccklise curabant. 
 
 called 
 
Chap. XX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 called, The Purgation of Felix and Chilian, 
 wherein there are feveral Epiftlesthat make men- 
 tion of the fame Name, as that of Fortis [k~] and 
 Pupurius, and another namelefs Author. St. Au- 
 fiin inferibes one of his Epiftles [/] to his own 
 Church of Hippo in this manner, Clero, Semon- 
 bus, fc? universe Plebi, To the Clergy, the El- 
 ders, and all the People: And in feveral other 
 places [*] has occafion to mention thefe Seniores 
 in other Churches. 
 
 From whence fome [»] have concluded, that 
 thefe were Ruling Lay-Elders, according to the 
 new Model and modern Acceptation. Whereas, 
 as the Ingenious Author [o] of the Humble Re- 
 monftrance rightly obferves in his Reply, thofe 
 Seniores of the Primitive Church were quite a- 
 nother thing. Some of them were the Opti- 
 mates, the chief Men or Magiftrates of the Place, 
 fuch as we Hill call Aldermen, from the ancient 
 Appellation of Seniores. Thefe are thofe which 
 the Cabarfieftitan Council of Donatifts in St. Au- 
 fiin call'd [/>] Seniores Nobiliffimi; and one of the 
 Councils [q] of Carthage more exprefly, Magi- 
 ftratus Del Seniores locorum, The Magiftrates or 
 Elders of every City ; whom the Bifhops were 
 to take with them to give the Donatifts sl Meet- 
 
 ing. In this Senfe Dr. Hammond [>] obferves 
 from Sir Henry Spelman, and fome of our Saxon 
 Writings, that anciently our Saxon Kings had 
 the fame Title of Elders, Alclcrmanni, Presby- 
 teri^ and Seniores. As in the Saxon Tranflation 
 of the Bible, the Word, Princes, is commonly 
 render'd Aldermen. And of this fort were fome 
 of thofe Seniores Ecclejia, that have been men- 
 tioned, whofe Advice and Afliftance alfo, no 
 doubt, the Bifhops took in many weighty Affairs 
 of the Church. The other fort, which were 
 more properly called Seniores Ecclefiajlici , were 
 fuch as were fometimcs truftcd with the Uten- 
 lils, Treafure, and outward Affairs of the Church 5 
 and may be compared to our Church-Wardens, 
 Veftry-men, Stewards, who have fome Care of 
 the Affairs of the Church, but are not concerned 
 as Ruling - Elders in the Government or Difci- 
 pline thereof. Now Lay-Elders are a Degree a- 
 bove the Deacons > but the Seniores Ecclefia were 
 below them: Which is a farther Evidence, that 
 they were not Lay-Elders in the Modern Ac- 
 ceptation. But of this enough. I now proceed 
 to confider the third Order of the Clergy in the 
 Primitive Church, which is that of Deacons. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Of Deacons* 
 
 sect. I. '"TpHE Name zWxovot, which 
 Deacons always rec- ^ j 3 t j ie Original Word for 
 koned one of the Deacons, j s fometimes ufed in 
 
 three Sacred Orders , , r ' —> a c 
 
 of the church. t he A&w ^ftament for any one 
 that Minifters in the Service or 
 God: In which large Senfe we fometimes find 
 Bifhops and Presbyters ftiled Deacons, not only 
 in the [a] New 'Teflament, but in Ecclefiaftical 
 Writers [f\ alfo. But here we take it in a more 
 ilri& Senfe for the Name of the Third Order 
 of the Clergy of the Primitive Church. In 
 treating of which it will be neceffary in the firft 
 place to fhew the Senfe of Antiquity concerning 
 their Original. The Council of ffrullo advances 
 a very lingular Notion about this Matter, affert- 
 ing, that the feven Deacons fpoken of in the 
 AcJs, are not to be underftood of fuch as mini- 
 ftred [c] in Divine Service or the Sacred Myfte- 
 ries, but only of fuch as ferved Tables and at- 
 tended the Poor. But the whole Current of An- 
 
 tiquity runs againft this : Ignatius [d] ftiles them 
 exprefly Minifters of the Myfteries of Chrift, 
 adding, That they are not Minifters of Meats 
 and Drinks, but of the Church of God. In a- 
 nother [e] place he fpeaks of them as Minifters 
 of Jefus Chrift, and gives them a fort of Prefl- 
 dency over the People, together with the Bifliop 
 and Presbyters: Study to do all things, fays he, 
 in Divine Concord, under your Bifliop prefiding 
 in the Place of God, and the Presbyters in the 
 Place of the Apoftolical Senate, and the Dea- 
 cons moft dear to me, as thofe to whom is com- 
 mitted the Miniftry of Jefus Chrift. And in 
 many other [/] places he requires the People to 
 be fubjec~b to them, and reverence them as Jefus 
 Chrift, that is, as his Minifters attending on his 
 Service. Cyprian fpeaks of them in the fame 
 Stile, calling them [g] Minifters of Epifcopacy 
 and the Church j withal referring their Original 
 to the place in the Acls of the Apoftles, which 
 
 [*] Gefta Purgat. Caecil. 8c Fel. p. 268. ex Epift. Fortis : Om- 
 nes vos Epifcopi , Presbyteri , Diacones , Seniores , Scitis , &c. 
 Ibid, ex Epift. Purpurii: Adhibite Conclericos, 8c feniores Plebis, 
 Ecdefiafticos Viros, 8c inquirant diligenter, quse funt ifta: Diflen- 
 tiones. Ibid. Clericis 8c lenioribus Cirthenfium in Domine seter- 
 nam falutem. [/] Aug. Ep. 137. [w] Id. cont. Crefcon. 
 Kb. 3. c. 29. 8c 5-6. Concio 2. in Pfal. 36. p. 120. [»] Sme- 
 4tymn. Anfmer to the Remonftrance, p. 74. [0] Hamon 1'E- 
 ftrange Defence of the Remonftrance. [/>] Aug. Cone. 2. in 
 Pfal. 36. p. 120. [q] Con. Carthag. an. 403. in Con. Afri- 
 can, c. y8. 8c in Cod. Can. Eccl. Afr. c. 91. Debere unumquemque 
 rsoftrum in Civitate fua per fe convenire Ponatiftarum Prgepofitos, 
 
 aut adjungere fibi vicinum Collegam, ut pariter eos in fingulisqui- 
 bufque Civitatibus vel Locis, per Magiftratus vel Seniores Loco- 
 rum conveniant. ' fr] Ham. Difiert. 4. cont. Blondel. c. 19. n. 1. 
 [a] Act. 1. 2f. 2 Cor. 6. 4. 2 Tim. 4. f. 1 Cor. 3. f. Eph. 3. 7. 
 \b] Athan. cont. Gent. Chryfoft. Horn. 1. in Phil. 1. 1. 
 [c] Cone. Trull, c. 16. 'Et7* A/socom fJ-ri ew» <ffi role //urn- 
 eirif ftcLKovvfidpav x*tJ.Ga.viSx. [d] Ignat. Ep. ad Trail, 
 
 n. 2= [e] Epift. ad Magnef.n. 6. [f] Epift. ad Polycarp. n. 
 6. Ep. ad Trail, n. 3. -Cypr. Ep. 6j. al. 3. ad Rogatian. 
 
 Diaconos poft afcer.furh Domini in ccelos Apoftoli fibi conftituerunt 
 Epifcopatus fui & Eccle'fias Miniftros, 
 
 the 
 
8+ 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the B o o k II 
 
 the Council of Trullo difputes about, at the fame 
 time that he afferts [h~] they were called ad Alta- 
 ris Minifterium, to the Miniftry and Service of 
 the Altar. Tertullian [f] was fo far from think- 
 ing them only Minifters of Meats and Drinks, 
 that he joins them with Bifhops and Presbyters in 
 the honourable Titles of Guides and Leaders to 
 the Laity, and makes them in their Degree Pa- 
 llors and Overfeers of the Flock of Chrift. And 
 fo St. Jerom, though he fometimes in an angry 
 Humour fpeaks a little contemptuoufly of them, 
 filling them [£] Minifters of Widows and Ta- 
 bles ; yet in other places [/] he treats them with 
 greater Refpec5t, giving them the fame honoura- 
 ble Title as 'Tertullian does, and ranking them a- 
 mong the Guides of the People. I fhewed be- 
 fore in the laft Chapter, that Opiatus [m~] had fo 
 great an Opinion of them, as to reckon their 
 Office a lower Degree of the Priefthood. And 
 St. 'Aujlin feems to have had the firne Senti- 
 ments : For in one of his Epiftles \n\ he gives 
 Prajidius the Title of Confacerdos, his Fellow- 
 Prieft, whom yet St. Jerom in the next Epiftle 
 [0] calls a Deacon. 
 
 SECT. II. Yet here that I may not 
 ret not generally f e em to impofe upon my Rea- 
 caikd priefi, but derSj j muft bf er ve that the 
 
 Mmfttrs and Le- Name f p r j efts . 
 vites o 
 
 rally given to the Deacons, by 
 thofe that efteemed them a Sacred Order; but 
 they are commonly diftiguifhed from Priefts by 
 the Names of Minifters and Levites. Thus St. 
 Jerom j diftinguifhes them from the Priefts 
 of the fecond Order, that is, from the Presby- 
 ters, by the Title of Levites. The Author of 
 the Queftions \_q] upon the Old and New Tefta- 
 ment under the Name of St. Auftin, and Hilarius 
 Sardus [f\ under the Name of St. Amhrofe, arc 
 more pofitive and exprefs in denying them the 
 Name of Priefts. And Salvian [i] though he ac- 
 knowledges their Miniftration and Function to 
 be about Holy Things, yet he gives them but 
 the fame Title of Levites, and that in Contra- 
 diftin&ion to the Priefts. And fo frequently in 
 the Councils [f\ the Names, Sacerdos and Levita, 
 are ufed as the peculiar diftinguifhing Titles of 
 Presbyters and Deacons. The Fourth Council 
 of Carthage [u] fpeaks more exprefly, That 
 Deacons are not ordained to the Priefthood, but 
 only to the Minirtring Office, or Inferior Ser- 
 
 vice. And hence the Canons fometimes give 
 them the Name of 'T^ty and Miniftri, the 
 Minifters and Servants, not only of the Church, 
 but of the Bifhops and Presbyters, as may be 
 feen in the Councils [w~] of Nice, and Carthage 
 [x~\, and many others. Whence fome Learned 
 Men conclude againft Optatus and St. Auflin, 
 that Deacons were in no fenfe allowed to be 
 Priefts; whilft others [z] with Optatus, diftin- 
 guifh the feveral Degrees of the Priefthood, and 
 reckon that though Deacons were not abfolutely 
 called Priefts, becaufe that was the appropriate 
 Title of Bifhops and Presbyters, whofe Minifters 
 and Attendants they were; yet Deacons fome- 
 times performed fuch Offices, as did entitle to a 
 lower Degree of the Priefthood. Having thus 
 fairly ftated and reprefented the Matter on both 
 fides, I muft leave the Judicious Reader to de- 
 termine for himfelf which Opinion has the 
 ftrongeft Reafons, whilft I proceed to give an 
 Account of the Ordination of Deacons, and their 
 feveral Offices, and fuch Laws and Rules as con- 
 cerned their Order. 
 
 The Ordination of a Deacon sect. III. 
 
 differed from that of a Presbyter, For this Reafon the 
 
 both in the Form and Manner Bi fi°P not tied 
 
 of it, and alfo in the Gifts and t0 J Mve the *W mce 
 
 Powers that were conferred •/ " 
 
 , , r> • 1 1 ■ • ordain them. 
 
 thereby. For m the Ordination 
 of a Presbyter, as has been noted before, the 
 Presbyters who were prefent were required to 
 join in the Impofition of Hands with the Bifhop.- 
 But the Ordination of a Deacon might be per- 
 formed by the Bifhop alone, becaufe, as the 
 Council of Carthage \a\ words it, he was or- 
 dained not to the Priefthood, but to the Inferior 
 Services of the Church. Thefe Services are not 
 particularly mentioned in the Form of Ordina- 
 tion now remaining in the Conftitutions ; but 
 there the Bifhop only prays in general, That 
 God would \f\ make his Face to fliine upon 
 that his Servant, who was then chofen to the 
 Office of a Deacon, and fill him with his 
 Holy Spirit and Power, as he did Stephen the 
 Martyr ; rhat he behaving himfelf acceptably 
 and uniformly and unblameably in his Office, 
 might be thought worthy of an higher Degree, 
 &c. What therefore were the particular Offices 
 of the Deacons, we are to learn not from the 
 Forms of the Church, but from other Writers. 
 
 f>] Id. Ep. 68. al. 67. ad Pleb. Legion. 8c Aftur.p. 17*. 
 Tert. de Fuga, c. 11. Quum ipli Autores, id eft, ipfi Diaconi, 
 Presbyteri 8c Epifcopi fugiunt, quomodo Laicus intelligere poterit, 
 8cc. Cum Duces fugiunt, quis de gregario numero fuftinebir? 
 [k] Hieron. Ep. 85-. ad Evagr. 8c Com. in Ezek. c. 48. Menfa- 
 rum 8c Viduarum Miniftri. [/] Id. Com. in Mich. 7. Nolite 
 credere in Ducibus, non in Epifcopo, non in Presbytero, non in 
 Diacono. [m] Optat. Lib. 1. [»] Aug. Ep. 16. [0] Hieron. 
 Ep. 17. inter Epift. Aug. [/>] Hieron. Ep. 17. Epifcopi, 8c Sa- 
 cerdotum inferioris gradus, ac Levitarum innumerabilis multitudo. 
 [q] Aug. Quxft. Vet. 8c N. Ted. T. 4. Q. 46. Nunquid Diaconus 
 poteft vicem gerere Sacerdotis— — Sacerdotis vicem agere non 
 poteft, qui non eft Sacerdos. [r] Hilar. Com. in Ephef. 4. E- 
 v angeliftjc Diaconi funt, ficut fuit PhiJippus, quamvis non fint Sa- 
 
 cerdotes. [/] Salvian. ad Ecclef. Cathol. Lib. 2. p. 294. Levitis 
 ac Sacerdotibus tanta divinarum rerum adininiftratione fungentibus. 
 [<] Con. Turon. 1. can. 2. [w] Con. Carth. 4. c. 4. Diaconus 
 non ad Sacerdotium, fed ad Minifterium confecratur. (V] Con. 
 Nice. 18. T« (6*2? amo'>t'o'7r>s wfoiit'tj &c'v . [#] Con. Carrh. 
 4. c. 37. Diaconus ita fe Presbyteri, ut Epifcopi, Miniftrum die 
 cognofcat. Vid. Con. Eliber. in Titulis can. 18 8c 32. Con.Tuion. 
 1. c. 1 [7] Bp. Fell. Not. in Cypr. Ep. 18. Habert. Nor. in 
 Pontihc. p. iif. [z.] Rigalt. Not. in Cypr. Ep. 13. Dr. Hicks'/ 
 Difcourfe concerning Fneflhood, p. 33. fa] Con. Carth. 4. c. 4. 
 Diaconus quum ordinatur, folus Epifcopus qui eum beredicit, raa- 
 num fuper caput illius ponat. Quia non Sacerdotium, fed ad Mi- 
 nifterium confecratur. [6] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 3. c. t8. 
 
 Where 
 
Chap. XX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 sect. iv. Where wc find firft, that 
 The Deacons of.ce the moft ordinary and common 
 to take we of the Qflfice of the Deacons was to be 
 Ucenfils of the Altar. f u 5f er v j e nt and afliftant to the 
 Bifliop and Presbyters in the Service of the Al- 
 tar. It belonged to them to take care of the 
 Holy Table, and all the Ornaments and Utenfils 
 appertaining thereto. The Author under the 
 Name of St. Auftin [f] takes notice of this as 
 the common Office o«f Deacons in all Churches, 
 except in fuch great Churches as the Church of 
 Rome, where there being a Multitude of Inferior 
 Clergy, this Office was devolved on fome of 
 them: But in other Churches it was the Deacons 
 Office, where the Inferior Clergy, Subdeacons, 
 were prohibited by Canon to come into the 
 Sanctuary, or touch any of the Sacred Veflels in 
 the time of Divine Service, as may be feen in 
 feveral Canons \_d] of the ancient Councils. 
 
 sect. v. Another part of the Dea- 
 
 dly, To receive con's Office was to veceive the 
 the oblations of the Peoples Offerings, and prefent 
 
 Teople, and prefent them tQ the who pre f ent . 
 
 them to theFneJl, ^ Q d ^ A1 
 
 and recite the Names , ■ , . Vn 
 
 of thofethat offered. After which the Deacon repeat- 
 ed the Names of thofe that of- 
 fered, publickly •> And this Rehearfal was com- 
 monly called, Offerre nomina, as may be feen in 
 Cyprian, who [/] fpeaks of it as part of the Com- 
 munion-Service of thofe Times - y which is alfo 
 noted by Rigaltius \_f~] and others j of which 
 Cuftom 1 ihall fay more hereafter, when we 
 come to treat of the ancient Service of the 
 Church : At prefent I only obferve, that this 
 Recital of the Names of fuch as made their 
 Oblations, was part of the Deacon's Office, as is 
 evident from St. Jerom, who tells us [g] that 
 Extortioners and Oppreffors made their Oblati- 
 ons out oftheir ill-gotten Goods, that they might 
 glory in their Wickedncfs, while the Deacon 
 in the Church publickly recites the Names of 
 thofe that offered : Such an one offers fo much, 
 fuch an one has promifed fo much : And fo they 
 pleafe themfelves with the Applaufe of the Peo- 
 ple, while their Confcience fecretly lames and 
 torments them. Some indeed deny that there 
 was any fuch Cuftom as this publick and parti- 
 cular Rehearfal of Mens Names that offered in 
 the Church, and by confequence that this was 
 any part of the Deacon's Office : But I think St. 
 Jeromes Teftimony is undeniable Proof, and can- 
 not otherwife be expounded, to make any tole- 
 
 rable Senfe of his Words : For which Reafon 
 I have made this one part of the Deacon's Office, 
 though contrary to the Judgment of fome Learn- 
 ed Men. 
 
 ylly, In fome Churches, but sect, vi 
 not in all, the Deacons read jdly, To read the 
 the Gofpel both in the Commu- G°fpel in fom» 
 nion-Servicc, and before it alfo. caches. 
 The Author of the Conftitutions affigns all o- 
 thcr Parts of Scripture to the Readers, but the 
 Gofpel is to be read \h~\ only by a Presbyter or 
 a Deacon. St. Jerom iiKimates [/'] that it was 
 part of the Deacon's Function j and fo it is faid 
 by the Council of Vaifon, which authorizes 
 Deacons to read the Homilies of the ancient Fa- 
 thers in the abfence of a Presbyter, aligning this 
 Reafon for it : If the Deacons be worthy to 
 read [£] the Difcourfes of Chrift in the Gofpel, 
 why mould they not be thought worthy to read 
 the Expositions of the Holy Fathers ? This im- 
 plies that in the Weftern Churches it was the 
 ordinary Office of the Deacons to read the Gof- 
 pels. But in other Churches the Cuftom varied : 
 For as Sozomen obferves, it was cuftomary at 
 Alexandria for the Archdeacon only to read the 
 Gofpels, in other Churches the Deacons, in o- 
 thers the Priefts only, and in fome Churches on 
 high Feftivals the Bifliop himfclf read, as at 
 Conftantinopk on Eafier-Day. In the African 
 Churches, in the time of Cyprian, the Readers 
 were allowed to read the Gofpels as well as o- 
 ther parts of Scripture, as appears from one of 
 Cyprian's Epiftles, where fpeaking of Celerinus 
 the Confeflbr, whom he had ordained a Reader, 
 he fays, It was fitting he fliould be advanced to 
 the Pulpit [/] or Tribunal of the Church (as 
 they then called the Reading-desk) that he might 
 thence read the Precepts and Gofpels of his Lord, 
 which he himfelf like a courageous Confeflbr 
 had followed and obferved. So that we are not 
 to look upon this to have been the Deacon's pe- 
 culiar Office, but only in fome Churches and 
 fome Ages. 
 
 But it was fomething more sect. vir. 
 appropriate to them to aflift the 4th'y, To Mimfler 
 Bifliop or Presbyters in the ^d- *M confeemted Ele- 
 miniftration of the Eucharili : ments °f ' Bread and 
 Where their Bufinefs was to di- W 'Z " f F ^ le 
 ltnbute the Elements to the Peo- 
 ple that were prefent, and carry them to thofe 
 that were abfent alfo, as Juftin Martyr [m~] ac- 
 
 M Aug. Quaeft. Vet. 8c Nov. Teftament. Tom. 4. c. 101. Ut 
 autem tion omnia minifteria obfequiorum per ordinem agant, 
 mukitudo facie Clericorum. Nam utique 8c Altare portarent, 8c 
 vafa ejus, 8c aquam in manus funderent Sacerdoti, ficut videmus 
 per omnes Ecclefias. [</] Con. Agathen. c. 66. Non oportet in 
 facratos Miniftros licentiam habere, in Secretarium (quod Graeci 
 Diaconicon appellant) ingredi 8c contingere Vafa Dominica. Con. 
 Laodic. c. 21. cum Notis Balfamon. 8c Zonar. in loc. [e] Cypr. 
 Ep. 10. al. 16. p. 37. Ad communicationem admittuntur, 8c 
 offertur Nomen eorum, &c. [/] Rigalt. Not. in Cypr. Ep. 60. 
 Bona Rer. Liturg. Lib. 2. c. 8. n. 7. [g] Hieron. Com. in 
 Efcek. 18. p. 5-37. Multos confpicimus qui opprimunt per poten- 
 tiam, vel furta committunt, ut de mulcis parva pauperibus tribuanf, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 8c in fuis fceleribus gloriantur, publiceque Diaconus in Ecclefia 
 recitet offerennum Nomina: Tantum ofrert ille, tantum ille polli- 
 citus eft, placentque libi ad Plaufum populi, torquente Confcientia. 
 [h] Conttit. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 57. [/'] Hieron. Ep. 5-7. ad Sabin. 
 Evangelium Chrifti quaii Diaconus ledtirabas. [6] Con, Va- 
 lenf. 2. c. 2. Si digni funt Diaconi, qax Chriftus in Evangeiio 
 locutus eft legere, quare indigni judicentur Sanctorum Patrum Ex- 
 pofitionis publice recitare ? [i] Cypr. Ep. 34. al. 39. Quid aliud 
 quam fuper Pulpitum, id eft, fuper Tribunal Ecclelise oportebac 
 
 imponi, ut loci altioris, celiitate. .fubnixus 'legat Prscepta 2c 
 
 Evangelia Domini, qqse former ic" fideliter fequitur, [m] Juft. 
 M. Apol. 2. p. 97. ' ■ * 
 
 Z ^uaints 
 
86 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 quaints us in his id Apology. The Author of 
 the Conftitutions \n~) likewife deicribing the 
 Manner of" the ancient Service, divides the whole 
 Action between the Bifhop and the Deacon j 
 appointing the Bifhop to deliver the Bread to 
 every Communicant fingly, faying, The Body 
 of Chrift : And the Deacon in like manner to 
 deliver the Cup, faying, The Blood of Chrift, 
 the Cup of Life. This the Author under the 
 Name of St. Aujlin [o~] calls the proper Office 
 of the Deacons Order. Yet it was not fo proper 
 to their Order, but that they were to depend 
 upon the Will and Licenfe of the Bifhop and 
 the Presbyters, if they were prefent, as is ex- 
 prefly provided in fome of the ancient [_p~\ 
 Councils, which forbid the Deacon to give the 
 Eucharift in the prefence of a Presbyter, except 
 Neceffity require, and he have his leave to do it. 
 And therefore it was looked upon as a great Ab- 
 furdity for a Presbyter to lit by and receive the 
 Sacrament from the Hands of a Deacon, as was 
 fometimes praftifed , but the Council of Nice 
 \_q] made a fevere Canon againft it. So that 
 what was allowed to Deacons, was not to Con- 
 fecrate the Eucharift, but only to diftribute it, 
 and that not to the Bifhop or Presbyters, but 
 only to the People. Yet this A&ion of theirs 
 is fometimes called Oblation or Offering, as in 
 Cyprian [f], and the Council of Ancyra (Yj 
 which forbids fome Deacons that were under 
 Cenfure, apron w -noT^iov ava<p{g«v, to offer either 
 the Bread or Wine, as Deacons otherwife were 
 allowed to do. 
 
 sect. vm. Some Learned [f\ Perfons, I 
 But not allowed to j cnow put a different Senfe upon 
 
 Thflulr " the W ° rds ° f this C ° Uncil : The 7 
 
 underftand by Offering, Confe- 
 cration, and thence conclude, That Deacons an- 
 ciently were inverted with the ordinary Power 
 of Confecrating the Eucharift in the abfence of 
 the Presbyters. But this is more than can fairly 
 be deduced from the Words, which are capable 
 of two more reafonable Conftru&ions : Ei- 
 ther they may fignifie the Deacons offering the 
 Peoples Oblations to the Prieft, which was a 
 part of their Office, as I fhewed before : And fo 
 Petavius [u] and Habertus underftand them : Or 
 elfe they may be interpreted by Cyprian's Words, 
 who expreffes himfelf more fully, calling it of- 
 fering the Confecrated Bread and Wine to the 
 Peoplej which feems to be the moft natural 
 Senfe ; and is preferred to all others by fome late 
 
 Learned Writers. Whatever it be, there is 
 no reafon to believe it means that Deacons were 
 allowed the ordinary Power of Confecratiorf. 
 For the Council of Nice, which was not long 
 after the Council of Ancyra, fays exprefly [Vj, 
 that Deacons had not Power to offer •, that is, 
 in the Senfe in which Offering fignifies Con- 
 fecration : For in that Senfe it was the proper 
 Office of Presbyters. Some Deacons indeed did 
 about this time take upon them thus to offer, but 
 the Council of Aries, which was held in the 
 fame Year with that of Ancyra, reckons it a Pre- 
 fumption and Tranfgreffion of their Rule, and 
 therefore made a new \_y\ Canon to reftrainthem. 
 St. Hilary is a good Witnefs of the Practice of 
 the Church in his own time, and he affures us 
 there could be no Sacrifice, or Confecration of 
 the Eucharift, without a Presbyter [z]. And 
 St. Jerom fays the fame [_a~] , That Presbyters 
 were the only Perfons , whofe Prayers confecra- 
 ted Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of 
 Chrift. For which reafon fpeaking of one Hi- 
 lary a Deacon, he fays, he could not confecrate 
 the Eucharift [b~\, becaufe he was only a Deacon. 
 The Reafon of this was, becaufe the Holy Eu^ 
 charift was look'd upon as the prime Chriftian 
 Sacrifice, and one of the higheft Offices of the 
 Chriftian Priefthood: And Deacons being gene- 
 rally reckoned no Priefts, or but in the loweft 
 Degree, they were therefore forbidden to Offer 
 or Confecrate this Sacrifice at the Altar. This 
 Reafon is affigned by the Author [c] of the Con- 
 ftitutions, and the Author under the Name of 
 St. Auftin, and feveral others. 
 
 But there is a Paffage in St. Ambrofe, which 
 feems to intimate that in the Third Century the 
 Deacons at Rome had Power to Confecrate the 
 Eucharift: For fpeaking of Laurentius the Dea- 
 con, he brings him in thus addreffing himfelf to 
 Sixtus his Bifhop, as he was going to his Mar- 
 tyrdom : Whither go you, Holy Prieft, without 
 your Deacon ? You did not ufe to offer Sacri- 
 fice without your Minifter. Why are you then 
 now difpleafed :with me? Why may I not be 
 Partner with you in fhedding my Blood, who 
 was ufed to Confecrate [ft] the Blood of Chrift 
 by your Commiffion, and be your Partner in 
 Confummating the Holy Myfteries ? Baronius 
 was fo perplex'd with this Difficulty, that he re- 
 folves it to be a Corruption of the Text, and that 
 inftead of Confecrationem, it fhould be read [_e~\ 
 Difpenfationem : And fome fhamelefs Editors have, 
 without any grounds, make bold to foift this 
 
 [»] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 13. [o] Aug. Qua:ft. Vet. & 
 Nov. Teft. c. 101. Diaconi Ordo eft accipere a Sacerdote, 8c fic 
 dare Plehi. [f] Con. Carth. 4 ,c. 38. Diaconus, praefente Pres- 
 bytero, Euchariftiam Corporis Chrifti populo fi necefiitas cogat, 
 jufliis eroget. Vid. Con. Arelat. 2. c. if. [<j] Con. Nic. can. 18. 
 W Cypr. de Lapfis, p. 132. folemnibus ad impletis Calicem Dia- 
 conus ofFerre prsefentibus ccepit. [*] Cone. Ancyr. c. 2. 
 [/] Hofpin. Hift. Sacram. lib. 2. c. 1. p. 23. [«] Petav. Dia- 
 trib. de Poteft. Confecr. c. 3. T. 4. p. 21 1. Habert. in Pontifical. 
 Par. 9. Obfcrv. 2. p. 190. [n>] Suicer. Thefaur. Tom. 1. p.871. 
 (V) Con. Nic. c. 18. 7»\j 3£,xtrta.y \yj>x\d& T£?<r<p%p#i', 8cc. 
 [y] Con. Arelat. i.e. if. De Diaconibus, . quos cognovimus multis 
 tocis ofFerre, placuit minime fieri debere. [*] Hilar, Fragm. p. 
 
 129. Sacrificii opus fine Presbytero efle non potuit. [a] Hie- 
 ron. Ep. 85-. ad Euagr. Quid patitur Menfarum & Viduarum Mi- 
 nifter, ut fupra eos tumidus fe efFerat, ad quorum Preces Chrifti 
 corpus 8c fanguis conficitur? [£] Id. Dial. cont. Lucif. p. 145-. 
 Hilarius cum Diaconus de Ecclefia receflerit, folufque uc putat tur- 
 ba fit Mundi ; Neque Euchariftiam conficere poteft, Epifcopos 8c 
 Presbyteros non habens, &c. [c] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 28. Aug. 
 Quxft. Vet. 8c Nov. Teft. Q. 46. [d] Ambrof. de Offic. lib. 1. 
 c. 41. Quo Sacerdos fancle fine Diacono properas? Nunquam 
 facrificium fine Miniftro ofFerre confueveras. Quid in me ergo dif- 
 plicuit Cater ? Cui commififti Dominici fanguinis Confecra- 
 tionem, cui confummandorum Confortium Sacramenrorum, huic 
 Confortium tui fanguinis negas? [e] Baron, an. 261. n. 7. 
 
 Cor- 
 
Chap. XX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 87 
 
 Corre&ion into the Text : Which Bona [/] and 
 Habertus ingenuoufly condemn, as done againft 
 the Authority of all the MSS. as well as former 
 Editions, and that without any reafon for it from 
 the Difficulty of the Expreffion. For the Word, 
 Confecration, in this place does not fignify the 
 Sacramental Confecration of the Elements by 
 Prayer at the Altar, which was performed by the 
 Bifliop himfelf, as appears evidently from the 
 Context, where it is faid, The Bifhop was ne- 
 ver ufed to offer Sacrifice without his Minifter 
 or Deacon : Therefore the Confecration which 
 was committed to the Deacon, mull be of ano- 
 ther fort : For he could not offer or confecrate 
 the Elements on the Altar in the Bifhop's Pre- 
 fence, and at the fame time that the Bifhop him- 
 felf Confecrated ; but he might affift him, or 
 bear a part with him, as it is there worded, in 
 -Confummating the Holy Myfteriesj that is, in 
 giving the Cup with the ufual Form of Words 
 to the People j which in the Language of thofe 
 Times, was called a Ministerial Confecration, or 
 Confummation of the Sacrament j forafmuch as 
 the Receivers were hereby Confecrated with the 
 Blood of Chrift, and alfo confummated or made 
 perfect: Partakers of the Sacrament in both kinds, 
 having received the Bread from the Hands of the 
 Bifliop, and the Cup from the Hands of the 
 Deacon. This is plainly the Confecration here 
 fpoken of, which refers only to the Deacon's 
 miniltring of the Cup to the People, which was 
 their ufual Office, and fo cannot be made an Ar- 
 gument, as Hofpinian and Grotius [_g~] would 
 have it, that Deacons were allowed to confecrate 
 the Eucharifi at the Altar. 
 
 SECT. IX. But for the other Sacrament 
 S- v eacons * l,t>wed of Baptifm, it is more evident, 
 
 TllT^ " ^ that the y were Permitted in fome 
 Cafes to adminifter it folely. For 
 though the Author [b~] of the Conftitutions fays, 
 that the Deacons did neither Baptize, nor Offer : 
 And Epiphanius (T) affirms univerfally, that the 
 Deacons were not entrufted with the fole Admi- 
 niftration of any Sacrament : Yet it appears from 
 other Writers, that they had this Power, at lealt 
 in fome places, ordinarily conferr'd upon them. 
 Tertullian [k~\ invefls them with the fame Right 
 as Presbyters, that is, to Baptize by the Bifhop's 
 Leave. And St. Jerom [/] entitles them to the 
 very fame Privilege. The Council of Eliberis 
 [m] as plainly afferts this Right, when it fays, If 
 a Deacon, that takes care of a People without 
 either Bifhop or Presbyter, baptizes any, the Bi- 
 fhop fhall confummate them by his Benediction. 
 This plainly fuppofes, that Deacons had the or- 
 dinary Right of Baptizing in fuch Churches o- 
 
 vcr which they prefided. So when Cyril [»] di- 
 rects his Catechumens, how they fhould behave 
 themfclves at the time of Baptifm, when they 
 came cither before a Bifhop, or Presbyter, or 
 Deacon, in City or in Village: This may be 
 prefumed a fair Intimation, that then Deacons 
 were ordinarily allowed to minifter Baptifm in 
 Country Places. I fpeak only now of their or- 
 dinary Power. For as to extraordinary Cafes, 
 not only Deacons, but the Inferior Clergy, and 
 Lay-men alfo were admitted to Baptize in the 
 Primitive Church, as will be fhewed in its pro- 
 per place. 
 
 Another Office of the SECT. X. 
 Deacons was to be a fort of Mo- 6 - Dm *"/» bU 
 nitors and Direftors to the Peo- F f«£ theCon ^ 
 
 file in the Exercife of their Pub- 
 ick Devotions in the Church. To which pur- 
 pofe they were wont to ufe certain known Forms 
 of Words, to give notice when each part of the 
 Service began, and to excite the People to join 
 attentively therein j alfo to give notice to the 
 Catechuments, Penitents, Energumens, when to 
 come up and make their Prayers, and when to 
 depart ; and in feveral Prayers they repeated the 
 Words before them, to teach them what they 
 were to pray for. All this was called by the ge- 
 neral Name of kijpt/rW, among the Greeks, and 
 Pradicare among the Latins ; which does not or- 
 dinarily fignifie Preaching, as fome miilake it, 
 but performing the Office of a Kv|gu£, or Praco 
 in the AfTembly : Whence Synefius [0] and fome 
 others call the Deacons U^mpvY^s, The Holy 
 Cryers of the Church, as thofe that gave notice 
 to the Congregation, how all things were regu- 
 larly to be performed. Thus the word Knpu^cu 
 frequently occurs in the ancient Rituals or Ca- 
 nons: As in the Apoftolical Conftitutions, as 
 foon as the Bifhop has ended his Sermon, the 
 Deacon is to cry, Let the Hearers [/»] and Un- 
 believers depart. Then he is to bid the Cate- 
 chumens pray, and to call upon the Faithful alfo 
 to pray for them, repeating a Form of Bidding 
 Prayer, to inltrucl: the People after what manner 
 they were to pray for them. Which Form may 
 be feen both in the Conftitutions [f], and in [r\ 
 St. Chryfoftom. After this the Deacon was to 
 call in like manner upon the Energumens, the 
 Competentes, and the Penitents in their feveral 
 Orders, ufing the folemn Words of Exhortation 
 both to them and the People to pray for them, 
 oHTsvar Jir.&wfjfyj , Let us ardently pray for 
 them. Then again when the Deacon had diC- 
 mifTed all thefe by a folemn Cry, SttoXusS-e -et^- 
 sX^sts, or he, Mi/fa eft: He called upon the 
 Faithful to pray again for themfelves, and the 
 
 [/] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 1%. n. 4. Habere Not. in Ponti- 
 fical. Graec. p. 191. [g] Vid. Grot, de Coena Adminiftratione 
 Paftores non funt. Cited and Confuted by Petavius. [h] Conftit. 
 Apoft. lib. 8. c. 28. [i] Epiphan. Hxr. 79. Collyrid. n. 4.. 
 [k] Tertul. de Bapt. c. 17. Dandi quidem habet jus fummus Sa- 
 cerdos, qui ell Epifcopus; dehinc Presbyteri 8c Diaconi, non ta- 
 men fine Epifcopi auctoritate, &c . Hieron. Dial. cont. Lu- 
 
 cif. c. 4.. p. 1:9. Inde venit, ut line jufiione Epifcopi neque Pres- 
 
 byter neque Diaconus jus habeant Baptizandi. [m] Concil. Eliber, 
 c. 77. Si quis Diaconus, regens Plebem fine Epifcopo vel Presby- 
 tero, aiiquos baptizaverit, Epifcopus eos per Benedictionem perfi- 
 cere debabit. [»] Cyril. Catech. 17. n. 17. [0] Synef. Ep 
 67. p. 224.. Chryfoft. Hom.^7. in Heb. 9. Ki'ipv? ot&v ra. 
 tLyiet toT( dyUif.: ... [>] Conft. Apoft. lib. 8. C. f. KJipi/7* 
 
 T6T<y, y.fi TIC vf'f ctK-^^^fJ^V [/.{] Tt( TUV <&rfl<?4iV. [^J Ibid- 
 
 c. 6. [r] Chryf. Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. 
 
 whplc. 
 
88 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book II 
 
 whole State of Chrift's Church, repeating [/] 
 another Form of Bidding Prayer before them. 
 And this is there called the Deacon's -sr^-^ww;, 
 or Exhortation to pray, todiftinguifh it from the 
 Bifhop's (WXyjo-ir, which was a direct Form of 
 Addrefs to God, whereas the Deacon's Addrefs was 
 to the People : For which reafon it was called w^ja- 
 (p&Wts, andx*] ? u£ttf, Bidding the People pray, or a 
 Call and Exhortation to pray,with Directions what 
 they mould pray for in particular. This theZ,#- 
 tins called both Oratio, and Pradicatio, as may be 
 feen in one of the Councils [f] of Toledo, which 
 explains the word Orare, by Pradicare, making 
 them both to fignifie this Office of the Deacon. 
 And hence one of the Deacon's Ornaments (that 
 I may note this by the way) is called by the fame 
 Council his Orarium, becaufe he ufed it fome- 
 times as a private Signal to give notice of the 
 Prayers to his Brethren of the Clergy. By all 
 this we may underftand what Socrates means, 
 when he fays Athanafius [u~] commanded his Dea- 
 con xyi^oul co^riv to Bid Prayer j and how we are 
 to interpret that controverted Canon of the 
 Council of Ancyra, which fpeaking of fome 
 Deacons that had lapfed into Idolatry, and de- 
 grading them, fays, They fhould [w] no longer 
 xnpu'arev: Which fome interpret Preaching, but 
 others [x] more truly underftand it of this part 
 of the Deacon's Office, which was to be the 
 xn'pu£ or Praco, the Sacred Cryer of the Congre- 
 gation. 
 
 SECT. XT. If it be enquired, Whether 
 
 7. Beacons allowed Deacons had anyPowerto preach 
 to Preach by the p U blickly in the Congregation ? 
 Bifhop's Authority. The An f/ wer mu fl- b e t h e fame, 
 
 as in the Cafe of Baptifm : They had Power to 
 preach by Licenfe and Authority from the Bi- 
 Ihop, but not without it. The Author under 
 the Name of [y] St. Ambrofe fays pofkively, 
 that Deacons did not preach in his time j 
 though he thinks originally all Deacons were E- 
 vangelifts, as Philip and Stephen were. I have 
 fhewed before, that Presbyters themfelves in ma- 
 ny places were not allowed to preach in the Bi- 
 fhop's Prefence, but by his fpecial Leave, and 
 therefore it is much more reafonable to conclude 
 the fame of Deacons. Blondel [z] and Earonius 
 think that St. Chryfoftom preached thofe elegant 
 Difcourfes, de Incomprehenfibili Dei Natura, de 
 jtnathemate, &c. while he was but a Deacon. 
 But others think [_a~] more probably, that thofe 
 were not Sermons which he preach'd in the 
 Church, but only Difcourfes that he compofed 
 
 upon other Occafionsj and that his firft Sermon 
 was that which he preached when he was or- 
 dained Presbyter, now extant in his 4th Vol. p. 
 Pf 3. But if he ever preached while he was Dea- 
 con, there is no queftion to be made but that he 
 had the Authority of his Bifhop Meletius for do- 
 ing it : As Philoftorgius [b~] fays, Leontius the 
 Arian Bifhop of Antioch permitted Aetius his 
 Deacon to preach publickly in the Church. 
 Ephrem Syrus perhaps was another fuch Inftance ; 
 For he was never more than a Deacon of the 
 Church of Edeffa; yet Photius [_c] fays he com- 
 pofed feveral Homilies or Sermons, which were 
 fo excellent in their kind, that after his Death 
 they were tranflated into other Languages, and 
 allowed to be read in many Churches immediately 
 after the reading of the Scriptures, as St. Jerotr [d] 
 acquaints us. In fome Places, as in the French 
 Churches, Deacons were authorized by Ca- 
 non to read fome fuch Homilies in the Church 
 inftead of a Sermon, when the Presbyter hap- 
 pened to be fick, and could not preach, as ap- 
 pears from the Order made in the Council of 
 Vaifon [<?] upon this Occafion. But here was 
 Neceffity, and Permiffion too : So that the Cafe 
 of Deacons preaching in thofe Ages of the Church 
 feems to have been (according to the Refolution 
 which Vigilius [/]' afterward gave of it) Al- 
 lowable, if authorized by the Bifhop; but a 
 Preemption both againft Cuftom and Canon, if 
 done without his Permiffion. 
 
 And thus the Cafe flood likewife SECT, x II. 
 with Deacons in reference to the 8 - ^ l f° to reconcile 
 Power of Reconciling Penitents, cafes of 
 
 and granting them Abfolution. exmme 
 This was ordinarily the Bifhop's fole Preroga- 
 tive, as the fupremc Minifter of the Church j 
 and therefore rarely committed to Presbyters, 
 but never to Deacons, except in Cafes of extreme 
 Neceffity, when neither Bifhop nor Presbyter 
 were ready at hand to do it : In this cafe Dea- 
 cons were fometimes authorized, as the Bifhop's 
 fpecial Delegates, to give Men the folemn Impo- 
 fition of Hands, which was the Sign of Recon- 
 ciliation. Thus we find it in Cyprian, in the 
 cafe of thofe Penitents, whom the Martyrs by 
 their Letters recommended to the favour of the 
 Church : If, fays he, they [g] are feized by any 
 dangerous Diftemper, they need not expect my 
 Return, but may have Recourfe to any Presby- 
 ter that is prefent - t or if a Presbyter cannot be 
 found, they may make their Confeffion before a 
 Deacon i that fo they may receive Impofition of 
 
 [V] Conft. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 10. [*] Con. Toler. 4. c. 39. 
 Unum Orarium oportet Levitam geftare in finiftro humero, propter 
 quod orat,id eft praedicat. [«] Socrat. lib. 2. c. 11. 
 [w] Con.^Ancyr. c. 2. [x] Habert. Pontifical, p. 203. Bevereg. 
 Not. in Con. Ancyr. c. 2. Suicer. Thefiur. Ecclef. T. 2. p. 99. 
 [y] Ambrof. Com. in Eph. 4. Nunc neque Diaconi in Populo 
 predicant, neque Clerici vel Laici baptizant. [2.] Blondel. Apol. 
 p. 77. Baron, an. 386. p. 5-32. [a] Cave Hill. Liter. Vol. 1. 
 p. 25-3. [£] Philoftorg. lib. 3.C 17. S-i^tLom-r-v ai iKKhnaict 
 cmrpiTC*. [«] Phot. Cod. 196. A'oyoi Iv/iet Ti<aa.^.^v\a. 
 [d] Hieron. de Scriptor.c. uj-. [e] Con. Vafenf. 1. c. 2. Si 
 Presbyter, aliqua infirmitate prohibente, per feipfum non potuerit 
 
 prxdicare, San&orum Patrum Homilia? a Diaconibus recitentur. 
 [/] v 'g'l- E P- ad Ruftic. 8c Sebaftian. Con. Tom. p. 5-5-4. 
 Adjeciftis etiam execranda fuperbia, qua: nec leguntur, nec fine 
 fui Pontificis juflione aliquando Ordinis veftri homines pradump- 
 ferunt, audloritatem vobis Prxdicationis contra omnem Confueiu- 
 dinem vel Canones vindicare. [g] Cypr. Ep. 13. al. 18. ad 
 Cler. Si incommodo aliquo 8c infirmitatis periculo occupati fuerir.t, 
 non expeclata prxfentia noftra, apud Presbyterum quemcunque prse- 
 fentem, vel fi Presbyter repertus non fuerit, 8c urgeie exirus cce- 
 perit, apud Diaconum quoque Exomologefin faccre delicti fui 
 pofTint; ut manu eis in pcenitentia iuipofita veDi3n: ad Dominum 
 cum Pace. 
 
 Hands, 
 
Chap. XX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 89 
 
 Hands, and go to the Lord in Peace. Here it is 
 obfervable, that none below a Deacon are com- 
 miffioned to perform this Office > nor were the 
 Deacons authorized to do it, but as the Bifliop's 
 Delegates, and that in Cafes of extreme Necef- 
 fity, when no Presbyter could be found to re- 
 concile the Penitent at the Point of Death. 
 Am <o fufpmd the In the like Cafe, that is, in the 
 inferior clergy in Cafe of abfolute Neceffity, it 
 fome extraordinary fecms very probable, that in fome 
 Ca f es - of the Greek Churches they had 
 
 Power to fufpend the Inferior Clergy, when 
 need fo required, and neither Bifhop nor Pref- 
 byter was prefent to do it. Which may be col- 
 lected from thofe Words of the Author of the 
 Conltitutions [/'], where he fays, a Deacon Ex- 
 communicates a Subdeacon, a Reader, a Singer, 
 a Deaconnefs, if there be occafion, and thePref- 
 byter be not at hand to do it. But a Subdeacon 
 ftiall have no Power to Excommunicate any, either 
 Clergy or Laity: For Subdeacons are only Mi- 
 nisters of the Deacons. This was a Power then 
 committed to Deacons in extraordinary Cafes, 
 and a peculiar Privilege which none of the Infe- 
 rior Clergy might enjoy. 
 
 sect. XIII. I T ma y be reckoned alfo a- 
 9. Beacons to at- mong their extraordinary Offices, 
 tend upon their b<- that they were fometimes de- 
 Jhops,andfometimes p Utec j by t heir Bifliops to be their 
 
 reprefent them in Reprefentatives an d Proxies in 
 General Councils. ^ r , ~, ., r^,, • j- 
 
 General Councils. Their ordi- 
 nary Office there was only to attend upon their 
 Bifliops, and perform the Duties of Scribes, and 
 Difputants, Isc. according as they were directed 
 by them i In which Station we commonly find 
 them employed in the ancient Councils : But 
 then there were two Things in which they were 
 treated as Inferior to Presbyters: i. In that 
 Presbyters are ufually reprefented as fitting toge- 
 ther with their Bifliops, while the Deacons flood 
 with all the People, z. Presbyters were fome- 
 times allowed to Vote, as has been fliewed be- 
 fore j but there are no Inftances that I know of, 
 to evidence the fame Privilege to belong to Dea- 
 cons. Only when Bifliops could not attend in 
 Perfon, they many times fent their Deacons to 
 reprefent them : And then they fat and Voted, 
 not as Deacons, but as Proxies, in the Room and 
 Place of thofe that fent them. Of which there 
 are fo many Inftances in the Acts of the Coun- 
 cils, that it is needlefs to refer the Reader to any 
 of them. Yet they that deflre to fee Examples, 
 may confult Chriftianus Lupus in his Notes upon 
 the 7th Canon of the Council of Trullo, where 
 he obferves fome difference in the Sitting and 
 Voting of Deacons in the Eaftern and Wefiem 
 Councils : In the Eaftern Councils, if a Deacon 
 reprefented a Metropolitan or a Patriarch, he fat 
 and fubferibed in the Place that the Metropolitan 
 
 or Patriarch himfelf would have done, had he been 
 prefent j but in the M r eftern Councils it was o- 
 therwife : There the Deacons Voted after all the 
 Bifliops, and not in the Place of thofe whofe 
 Proxies they were. 
 
 Thus it was in General Councils. But in Pro- 
 vincial and Confiftorial Synods the Deacons were 
 fometimes allowed to give their Voice, as well 
 as the Presbyters, in their own Name. Of which 
 the Reader may fee feveral Inftances in the Ro- 
 man Councils under Symmachus and Gregory II. 
 publiflied by Juftdlus [k~] in his Bibliotheca Juris 
 Canonici, and in the 4th Tome of the Councils, 
 where fir ft the Bifliops, then the Presbyters, and 
 then the Deacons, fubferibe every one in their own 
 Name in particular. And thofe that are Curious 
 about this Matter, may furnifli themfelves with 
 many other fuch Examples. 
 
 There are two Things more sect. xiv. 
 to 'be obferved concerning the IO - DeMons em - 
 Office of Deacons in Church- Af- f°T ed " reb f e 
 
 <• !)• n-«i 1 ana correct Men that 
 
 fembhes. 1. That as they were behjtved themfelves 
 the Regulators and Directors of irregularly in the 
 Men's Behaviour in Divine Ser- church. 
 viccj fo they had Power to re- 
 buke the Irregular, and chaftife them for any 
 indecent and unfeemly Deportment. The Con- 
 ftitutions often mention fuch Acts as thefe be- 
 longing to the Deacon's Office. If any one be 
 found fitting out of his Place, let the Deacon 
 rebuke him [/], and transfer him to his proper 
 Station, as the Pilot or Steerf-man of the 
 Church. And again a little after, Let the Dea- 
 con [m] overlook and fuperintend the People, 
 that no one Talk, or Sleep, or Laugh, but give 
 ear to the Word of God. This is evident alfo 
 from St. Chryfoftom^ who fpeaking of the irre- 
 verent Behaviour of fome in the Church, bids 
 their Neighbours fir ft rebuke them, and if they 
 would not bear it, to call the Deacon [*] to do 
 his Office toward them. Agreeable to this Opta- 
 tus tells us a very remarkable Story of Cacilian 
 Archdeacon of Carthage^ that obferving one Lu- 
 cilla a rich Woman commit an indecent A6t in 
 the time of Receiving the Holy Communion 5 
 (for before ftie received the Bread and Wine, flie 
 was ufed to kifs the Relicks of fome pretended 
 Martyr) > He rebuked her [#] for it by vertue 
 of his Office > Which flie fo highly refented, 
 that afterward when he was chofen Bifliop, flie 
 fadtioufly withdrew her felf with fome others 
 from his Communion ; and pretending his Or- 
 dination to be illegal, flie by her Power got 
 Majorinus ordained againft him : And this was 
 one of the Principal Caufes of the Schifm of the 
 Donatifts, as Optatus there obferves : It had its 
 Rife from the Implacable Malice of a Proud 
 and Angry Woman, who could never forgive 
 the Deacon that rebuked her in the Church. 
 
 [i] Conft. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 18. Aiakov©- 
 kww, &c. 0] See before Chap. 19. Se£t. 12. [/] Conft. 
 Ap. 1. 2. c. $7. vmThvastgicd vjjtbtS J^idnov^s, cot nrqwp'iw*; , &c. 
 O] Ibid. p. 264. c o <T/*w©- c7n?no7r<HTco r Kctov. &c. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Confer, lib. 8. c. 11. [*] Chryf, Horn. 24. in A£t. [»] Optat. 
 lib. 1. p. 40. Cum correptionem .Archidiacont Cseciliani ferre not* 
 poflet, quae ante fpiritaleni dbtirn 5c potum, os nefcio cujus Mar- 
 tyris, fi tamen Martyris, Kbare dicebatur, &c. 
 
 A a Some 
 
90 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Some may perhaps imagine, that what Cacilian 
 did was by vertue of a Superior Office, and that 
 as Archdeacon he was of an higher Order, as 
 now commonly Archdeacons are. But I fliall 
 fhew in the next Chapter, that anciently Arch- 
 deacons were always of the Order of Deacons, 
 and of no other Degree : And it appears from 
 what has here been already difcourfed, that this 
 Act of Cacilian was not from any peculiar Power 
 that he enjoyed as Archdeacon, but from that 
 ordinary Power to rebuke Offenders, which he 
 had in common with all the other Deacons of 
 the Church. 
 
 SECT. xv. The other thing I would 
 ii. Deacons and- farther Remark concerning the 
 ently performed the office of Deacons, is this, That 
 
 toftll/orZs*} before tHe InftitUtion of> the In " 
 
 the church. ^ ferior Orders of the Church 
 (which were not fet up in all 
 Churches at once, nor perhaps in any Church 
 for the two fir ft Ages, as fhall be Ihewed here- 
 after) the Deacons were employed to perform all 
 fuch Offices, as were in after-Ages committed to 
 thofe Orders } fuch as the Offices of Readers, 
 Subdeacons, Exorcifts or Catechifts, Door- 
 keepers, and the like. Thus Epiphanius [o] ob- 
 ferves, that originally all Offices of the Church 
 were performed by Bifhops, Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons, and therefore no Church was without a 
 Deacon. This was certainly the Practice in the 
 time of Ignatius, who never fpeaks of any Or- 
 der below that of Deacons : But without them, 
 he fays, no Church was [/>] called a Church. 
 So that all the Inferior Offices muft then be per- 
 formed by Deacons. And even in after-Ages we 
 find that feveral of the Inferior Offices were ma- 
 ny times put upon the fame Man, perhaps to avoid 
 the Charge of maintaining an over - numerous 
 Clergy in lefTer Churches. Thus Eufebius tells us, 
 that Romanus the Martyr \_q] was both Deacon 
 and Exorcift in the Church of Ccefarea. And 
 Procopius the Martyr had three Offices in the 
 Church of Scythopolis. He was at once Reader, 
 Interpreter, and Exorcift } as we learn from the 
 Acts of his Martyrdom \j] publifhed by Falefius. 
 Now both thefe were Martyred in the begin- 
 ning of the 4th Century, in the time of the 
 Diocletian Perfecution. And we find a whole 
 Age after this, if the Author under the Name 
 of St. Auflin [/] may be credited, that except 
 in fuch great and rich Churches as the Church 
 of Rome, where there was a numerous Clergy, 
 all the Inferior Services were ftill performed by 
 the Deacons. In the Greek Church they were 
 always the ttuXw^I, or Door-keepers, in the time 
 of the Oblation and Celebration of the Eucha- 
 rift, as may be feen in the Apoftolicat [t] Con- 
 ftitutions, where the Deacons arc commanded to 
 Hand at the Men's Gate, and the Subdeacons at 
 
 the Women's, to fee that no one fhould go out 
 or go in, during the time of the Oblation. Thefe 
 were anciently the Deacons principal Employ- 
 ments in the AfTemblies of the Church. 
 
 But befides thefe we are to sect. xvi. 
 take notice of two or three other lz - Deaco » s tf * 
 Offices, in which they were com- B n ff s Sld ^ lm °- 
 monly employ'd by the Bifhop 
 out of the Church. One of thefe was to be his 
 Sub-Almoner, to take care of the Neceffitous, 
 fuch as Orphans, Widows, Virgins, Martyrs in 
 Prifon, and all the Poor and Sick who had any 
 Title to be maintained out of the Publick Reve- 
 nues of the Church. The Deacons were parti- 
 cularly to enquire into the Neceffities and Wants 
 of all thefe, and make Relation thereof to the 
 Bifhop, and then diftribute to them fuch Chari- 
 ties as they received from him towards their Re- 
 lief and Affiftance. The Archdeacon indeed was 
 as it were the Bifhop's Treafurer, but all the Dea- 
 cons were his Difpenfers, or Minifters of the 
 Church's Chanty to the Indigent. Which ap- 
 pears from feveral Paffages in [u] Cyprian, Dio- 
 nyfius [_w] of Alexandria, and the Author [_x~] of 
 the Conftitutions, who fpeak indifferently of this 
 Office, as common to all the Deacons. Particu- 
 larly in the Conftitutions the Duty of the Dea- 
 con is thus defcribed, That he fhould inform his 
 Bifhop, when he knows any one to be in Di- 
 ftrefs, and then diftribute to their Neceffities by 
 the Directions of the Bifhop ; but to do nothing 
 clancularly without his Confent, left that might 
 feem to accufe him of neglecting the Diftreffed, 
 and fo turn to his Reproach, and raife a Mur- 
 muring againft him. 
 
 Another Office of the Dea- sect. xvir. 
 cons in this refpect was to make 13. Deacons to in* 
 Enquiry into the Morals and Con- f orm the Bi M °f 
 verfation of the People} and fuch 'l^^T™'" 
 Evils as he could not redrefs him- e e ' 
 felf, by the ordinary Power which was entrufted 
 in his Hands, of thofe he was to give Informa- 
 tion to the Bifhop, that he by his Supreme Au- 
 thority might redrefs them. Let the Deacon, 
 fays the Book [jy] of Conftitutions, refer all 
 things to the Bifhop, as Chrift did to the Fa- 
 ther: Such things as he is able, let him rectify, 
 by the Power which he has from the Bifhop j 
 but the weightier Caufes let the Bifhop judge. 
 
 Upon this account the Deacons sect. XVUF. 
 
 Were ufually ftiled the Bifhop's Hence Deacons com- 
 
 Eyes and his Ears, his Mouth , monl y called the 
 his Right-hand, and his Heart} B 'f ,0 { s 9"' f w 
 
 1 r % 1 • » * • • n 1 Mouth , An°els , 
 
 becaufe by their Miniftry he o- Pnfhtttt &c ; 
 ver-looked his Charge, and by 
 them took cognizance of Men's Actions, as much 
 as if he himfelf had feen them with his own Eves, 
 
 [0] Epiphan. Hsr. 7f . Aerian. [/>] Ignat Ep. ad Tral. n. 3. 
 [q] Eufeb. dc Martyr. Palxftin. c. 2. (V) Acta Procop. ap.Va- 
 Ief. Not. in Eufeb. de Martyr. Pakeft. c. 1. Ibi Ecclefiae tria Mini- 
 ftcria pntbebat: Unum in Lege/nii Officio, alterum in Syri Inter- 
 pretatione Sermonis, Sc tertium adverfus Dsemones manus Impoli- 
 
 tione confummans. [j] Aug. Qua.>ft. Vet. 8c Nov. Teft. c. 101. 
 cited before, § 4. [*] Conft. Apod. lib. 8. c. 11. [h] Cypr. 
 Ep. 49. al. 5-2. ad Cornel. [w] Dionyf. ap. Eufeb. Lib. 7. cap. 
 11. [x] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 31, 8c 32. Lib. 3. c. 19. 
 [y] Conft. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 44. 
 
 or 
 
Chap. XX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 9i 
 
 SECT. XIX. 
 Deacons to he mul- 
 tiplied according to 
 the NeceJJities of the 
 Church. 
 
 or heard them with his own Ears : By them he 
 fent Directions and Orders to his Flock, in which 
 rcfpcft they were his Mouth and his Heart } by 
 them he diftributed to the Neceffities of the In- 
 digent, and fo they were his Right-hand. Thefe 
 Titles are frequently to be met with in the Con- 
 flitutions 0] and the Author of the Epiflle [a] 
 to St. James. And lfidore of Pelufium in Allu- 
 fion to them, writing to Lucius [£] an Archdea- 
 con, he tells him in the Phrafe of the Church, 
 that he ought to be all Eye, forafmuch as Dea- 
 cons were the Eyes of the Bifhop. The Author 
 of the Conllitutions [<r] terms them likewife the 
 Bifhop's Angels and Prophets, becaufe they were 
 the Perfons whom he chiefly employed in Mef- 
 fages, either to his own People, or foreign 
 Churches. For then Bifliops did nothing but by 
 the Mouth or Hands of one of their Clergy. . 
 
 For this Rcafon, there being 
 fuch a Multitude and Variety of 
 Bufinefs commonly attending the 
 Deacon's Office, it was ufual to 
 have feveral Deacons in the fame 
 Church. In fome Churches they were very pre- 
 cife to the Number Seven, in imitation of the 
 firft Church of Jerufalem. The Council of Neo- 
 cafarea [_d~] enacted it into a Canon, That there 
 ought to be but Seven Deacons in any City, 
 though it was never fo great, becaufe this was 
 according to the Rule fuggefted in the Acts of 
 the Apojlles. And the Church of Rome, both 
 before and after this Council, .feems to have 
 looked upon that as a binding Rule alfo. For it 
 is evident from the EpifHes of Cornelius, [e] writ- 
 ten in the Middle of the Third Century, that 
 there were then but Seven Deacons in the Church 
 of Rome, though there were Forty fix Presby- 
 ters at the fame time. And Prudent ius intimates 
 that it was fo in the time of Sixtus alfo, An. z6i. 
 For fpeaking of Laurentius the Deacon, he terms 
 him [/] the Chief of thofe feven Men, who 
 had their Station near the Altar, meaning the 
 Seven Deacons of the Church. Nay, in the 
 Fourth and Fifth Centuries the Cufbom there 
 continued the fame, as we learn both from So- 
 zomen [g], and Hilarius Sardus \_h~\ the Roman 
 Deacon who wrote under the Name of St. Am- 
 brofe. But Sozomen fays, this Rule was not ob- 
 ferved in other Churches, but the Number of 
 Deacons was indifferent, as the Bufinefs of every 
 Church required. And it is certain it was fo at 
 Alexandria and Conftantinople. For though one 
 
 of the Writers of the Life of St. Mark, cited 
 [t] by Biihop \Pearfon, fays St. Mark ordained 
 but feven Deacons at Alexandria , yet in after- 
 
 Ages there were more : For Alexander in one of 
 his Circular Letters [£] names nine Deacons, 
 whom he depofed with Arius for their Heretical 
 Opinions} and it is propable there were feveral 
 others, who continued Orthodox : For in the 
 Form of Arius his Condemnation, publifhed [f] 
 by Cotelerius, the Catholick Deacons of Alexan- 
 dria and Mareotes are mentioned, as joining with 
 their Biihop in condemning him. And for the 
 Church of Conftantinople, the Number of Dea- 
 cons was there fo great, that in one of Jufliniari's 
 Novels [m] we find them limited to an Hundred 
 for the Service of the Great Church, and three 
 others only. So that it is evident the Number 
 of Deacons ufually increafed with the Neceffi- 
 ties of the Church, and the Church of Rome 
 was lingular in the contrary Practice. 
 
 I fpeak nothing here of the SECT. XX. 
 Qualifications required in Dea- of thereat which 
 cons, becaufe they were general- ^°J mg hihor ' 
 ly the fame that were required in 
 Bifhops and Presbyters, and will be fpoken or 
 hereafter: Only in their Age there was fome 
 Difference, which is here to be obferved. Bi- 
 fhops and Presbyters, as has been noted above, 
 might not ordinarily be ordained before Thirty, 
 but Deacons were allowed to be ordained at 
 Twenty five, and not before. This is the Term 
 fixed both by the Civil and Canon Law, as may 
 be feen in Jujliniari's [n~] Novels, the Councils 
 [0] of Agde, Carthage, Trullo, and many others. 
 And it was a Rule very nicely obferved : For 
 though we meet with fome Bifhops that were 
 ordained before this Age 5 yet thofe (as I have 
 fhewed before) were never Deacons, but ordain- 
 ed immediately Bilhops from Laymen: But a- 
 mong thofe that were ordained Deacons, we 
 fcarce meet with an Inftance of any one that was 
 ordained before the Age of Twenty five in all 
 the Hiftory of the Church. 
 
 The laft thing which I fhall sect. XXT. 
 obferve of Deacons, is the great of the Refpeti 
 
 Deference and Refped they were wh,ch De/U0>2s P" 
 
 obliged to pay to Presbyters, as "JlZffrZ The 
 
 well as to the Biihop. Jt has inferior Orders. 
 
 been proved before, that the 
 Presbyters had their Thrones in the Church, 
 whereon they fat together with their Bifhop: 
 But the Deacons had no fuch Privilege, but are 
 always reprefented as ftanding by them. So the 
 Author [/>] of the Conftitutions, and Gregory 
 [tf] Nazianzen place them in this Order, viz. 
 The Biihop fitting on the middle Throne, the 
 Presbyters fitting on each Hand of him, and the 
 
 [z.] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 44. Lib. 3. c. 19. [«] Clem. Ep. 
 ad Jacob, c. 12. [b~\ Ifidor. Lib. 1. Ep. 29. [c] Conft. 
 Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 20. [d] Cone. Neocaefar. c. if. (V) Cor- 
 nel. Ep. ad Fabi. ap. Eufeb. Lib. 6.c. 43. [/J Prudent. Hymn, 
 de S. Laurent. Hie primus e ieptem viris qui ftant ad aram proxi- 
 mi. [g~] Sozom. Lib. 7. c. 19. A/*K9<'o/ mey. P^fxa'toif 
 e.v'iTi vw> i TrKeiisf &o~iv i7r]a,. [h~\ Ambrof. Com. in 1 Tim. 
 3. p. 995-. Nunc autem feptem Diaconos efle oportet, aliquantos 
 Prcsbyteros, ut bini lint per Ecclefias, 8c unus in Civitate Epifco- 
 pus. [»] Vit. S. Marci ap. Pearfon. Vind. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 11. 
 
 p. 329. B. Marcus Anizanum Alexandria; ordinavit Epifcopum, 8c 
 tres Presbyteros, 8c feptem Diaconos. [*■] Alex. Ep. Encycl. 
 ap. TheoJor. Lib. 1. c. 4.. [/] Coteler. Not. in Conft. Apoft. 
 Lib. 8. c. 28. \m] Juftin. Novel. 3. c. 1. [»] Juft. 
 
 Novel. 123. c. 14. Presbyterum minorem triginta annorum fieri 
 non permittimus. Sed neque Diaconum aut Subdiaconum viginti 
 quinque. [0] Cone. Agathenf. c. 16. Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 4. 
 Cone, Trull, c. 14. Cone. Tolet. 4. c. 19. [/>] Conftit. Apoft. 
 Lib. 2. c. 5-7. [q] Greg; Naz. Somn. de Eccl. Anaftaf. 
 
 Dea- 
 
92 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book II 
 
 Deacons {landing by. The Council of Nice ex- 
 prefly {/] forbids Deacons to fit among the Pref- 
 byters in the Church. And it is evident from 
 St. Jerom [j], and the Author under the Name 
 of jY] St. Auftin, that though the Roman Dea- 
 cons were grown the mo ft elated of any others, 
 yet they did not prefume to fit in the Church. 
 Nay, fome Canons go farther, and forbid [#] 
 Deacons to fit any where in the Prefence of a 
 Presbyter, except by his Permiffion. 
 
 The like Refpect they were to pay to Presby- 
 ters in feveral other Inftances, being obliged to 
 minifter to them, as well as to the Bifhop, in 
 the Performance of all Divine Offices } none of 
 which might be performed by a Deacon in the 
 Prefence of a Presbyter, without fome fpecial 
 Reafon for it, as has been noted before. Nay, 
 a Deacon was not allowed fo much as to blefs a 
 common Feaft, if a Presbyter was prefent at it : 
 As we may fee in St. Jerom' s [x] Epiftie to E- 
 vagrius, where he cenfures the Roman Deacons 
 fomewhat fharply for prefuming to do fo. 
 
 But then as the Canons oblig'd Deacons to 
 pay this Refpect to Presbyters 5 fo to diftinguifh 
 
 them from the LcfTer Clergy, all the Inferior 
 Orders were required to pay the fame Refpect to 
 them. The Council of Laodicea, in the fame Ca- 
 non that fays, a Deacon fhall not fit in the Pre- 
 fence of a Presbyter, without his Leave, adds 
 immediately after, That in like manner the Dea- 
 con fhall be honoured by the Sub-deacons, and 
 all the other Clergy. And the Council of Agde 
 \_y~] repeats the Canon in the fame Words. I 
 fhall here alfo remind the Reader of what I have 
 obferved before, That Deacons in fome Chur- 
 ches had Power to cenfure the Inferior Clergy 
 in the abfence of the Presbyters. St. Jerom [z] 
 feems alfo to fay, that their Revenues were ra- 
 ther greater than thofe of the Presbyters, which 
 made them fometimes troublefome and affuming. 
 Befide all this,the Order of Deacons was of great 
 Repute, becaufe the Archdeacon was always then 
 one of this Order, and He was commonly a Man 
 of great Intereft and Authority in the Church ; 
 of whofe Powers and Privileges, becaufe it is 
 neceffary to difcourfe a little more particularly, 
 I fhall treat diftinctly of them in the following 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XXL 
 Of ARCHDEACONS. 
 
 SECT. I. >np HOUGH Archdeacons in 
 Arcbdeacom and- 1 thefe laft Ages of the Church 
 T 1 ! ° f f have ufually been of the Order 
 
 Order with Deit' r . J . . 
 
 anu of Presbyters, yet anciently they 
 
 were no more than Deacons : 
 which appears evidently from thofe Writers, 
 who give us the firfi Account of them. St. Je- 
 rom [a] fays the Archdeacon was chofen out of 
 the Deacons, and was the Princial Deacon in 
 every Church, as the Archpresbyter was the 
 Principal Presbyter j and that there was but one 
 of each in every Church. Optatus calls Cacilian 
 [b~\ Archdeacon of Carthage, yet he was never 
 more than a Deacon, till he was ordained Bifhop, 
 as has been fhewed before : And that made C<e- 
 cilian himfelf fay, That if he was not rightly 
 ordained Bifhop, as the Domtifis pretended, he 
 [c~] was to be treated only as a Deacon. It is 
 certain alfo St. Lazvrence, Archdeacon of Rome, 
 was no more than the Chief of the Deacons, or 
 the Principal [ef] Man of the Seven, who flood 
 
 and waited at the Altar, as Prudentius words it. 
 From thefe Teftimonies it is very plain, that in 
 thofe Times the Archdeacon was always one of 
 the Order of Deacons. 
 
 But how the Archdeacon sect. 11. 
 came by his Honour, and after EUlieJ h the Bi ~ 
 what Manner he was inverted f^™*™ mads 
 with his Office, is a Matter of y eT " crtty - 
 fome Difpute among Learned Men. Salmajius 
 [e~\ and fome others are of Opinion, that origi- 
 nally He was no more than the Senior Deacon, 
 though they own that in procefs of Time the 
 Office became Elective. Habertus [/] thinks it 
 was always Elective, and that it was at the Bi- 
 fhop's Liberty and Difcretion to nominate which 
 of the Deacons he thought fit to the Office. 
 That it was fo in the Cafe of Athanafius, feems 
 pretty evident from what 'Theodoret [_g~] fays of 
 him, That though he was very young, yet he 
 was made Chief of the Order of Deacons. For 
 
 [r] Con. Nic. c. 18. [j] Hieron. Ep. 85-. ad Evagr. Ia 
 Ecclefia Romae Presbyteri fedent, 8c ftant Diaconi. [t] Aug. 
 Quxft. Vet. 8c Nov. Teft. c. 10 1. Quanquam Romans: Ecclefiae 
 Diaconi modice invericundiores videantur, fedenti tamen dignita- 
 tem in ecclefia non prsefumunt. [«] Concil Laodic. c. 20. Car- 
 thag. 4. c. 39. [x] Hieron. Ep. 8^. ad Evagr. Licet increbref- 
 centibus vitiis, inter Presbyteros abfente Epifcopo federe Diaconum 
 viderim: Et in domefticis Conviviis, Benedictiones Presbyteris 
 dare, al. Benediftiones coram Presbyteris dare. [y] Cone. 
 
 Agathenf. c. 6$. Non oportet Diaconum federe prEefente Presbytero, 
 fed ex ju(Tione Presbyteri fedeat. Similiter autem honorificetur 
 Diaconus a Miniftris inferioribus 8c omnibus Clericis. 
 [r] Hieron. Ep. 8f . ad Evagr. Presbyter noverit fe Lucris mino- 
 rem, Sacerdotio efie majorem. Id. Com. in Ezek. c. 48. Ultra 
 
 Sacerdotes, hoc eft, Presbyteros intumefcunt: 8c Dignicatem ncn 
 merito fed Divitiis a:ftimant. [a] Hieron. Ep. 87. ad Evagr. 
 Aut Diaconi eligant de fe, quern induftrium noverint, 8c Archi- 
 diaconum vocenr. Id. Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Singuli Ecclefiarum E- 
 pifcopi, linguli Archipresbyteri, linguli Archidiaconi. 
 [£] Optat. Lib. 1. p. 40. Cum correptionem Archidiaconi Caeci- 
 liani ferre non poiTet, 8cc. [c~] Optat. Ibid. p. 41. Iterum a 
 Ca;ciliano mandatum eft, ut li Felix in fe, ficut iili arbitrabantur, 
 nihil contulifiet, if ii tanquam sdhuc Diaconum ordinarent Ca;cilia- 
 num. [d] Prudent. Hymn, de S. Steph. Hie Primus e feptem 
 viris, cjui ftant ad aram proximi. [e] Salmaf. de Primat. p. 8. 
 Suicer. Thefaur. Eccl. T. 1. p. 5-3 1 . [/] Habert. Pontifical. Obf. 
 6. p. ao6. [g] Theod. Lib. 1. c. 26. N<©- /trf/) aLv r rihiKictv, 
 
 f this 
 
Chap. XXI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 93 
 
 this implies, as Valejius there obferves, that he 
 was chofen by the Bifhop, and preferred before 
 his Seniors. St. Jerom in the forecited Paflage as 
 plainly aflerts that the Office went not by Seniori- 
 ty, but Elcaion: Only hefeems to put the Power 
 of Elefting in the Deacons: But if they had any 
 Hand in it, it muft be underftood to be under the 
 Direction of the Bifliop, who is required byfome 
 Canons to chufe his own Archdeacon, and or- 
 dinarily to give Preference to the Senior, if he 
 was duly qualified : But if not, to make choice 
 of any other, whom he thought molt fit to dif- 
 charge the Offices of the Church [&] and the 
 Trull that was repofed in him. 
 
 sect. nr. The Office of the Arch- 
 
 Commonty Perfom deacon was always a Place of 
 
 of fuch interefl in g rca t Honour and Reputation: 
 
 the church, that hc wflS the gj^op's conftant 
 
 IFiE ftr Attendant and Affiftant } and next 
 
 the Bifhop s Succef- . 3 
 
 j- orj _ to the Bifhop the Eyes of the 
 
 whole Church were fixed upon 
 him. By which means he commonly gained fuch 
 an Intereft, as to get himfelf chofen the Bifhop's 
 Succeflbr before the Presbyters. Of which it 
 were eafy to give feveral Inftances, as Athanafius, 
 Cacilian, and many others. And this, I pre- 
 fume, was the Reafon why St. Jerom fays, That 
 an Archdeacon thought himfelf [/'] injured, if he 
 was ordained a Presbyter : Probably becaufe he 
 thereby loft his Intereft in the Church, and was 
 difappointed of his Preferment. We might cer- 
 tainly conclude it was thus in the Church of 
 Borne, if what Euhgius a Greek Writer in Photius 
 fays, might be depended on as true : That it 
 was a Law \_k~] at Rome to chufe the Archdeacon 
 the Bifhop's Succeflbr, and that therefore Corne- 
 lius ordained Novatian Presbyter, to deprive him 
 of the Privilege and Hopes of fucceeding. But I 
 confefs there is no fmall Reafon to queftion the 
 Truth of this Relation, both becaufe we read of 
 no fuch Law in any Writer of the Latin Church j 
 and becaufe this Author palpably miftakes, in 
 faying, that Cornelius ordained Novatian Presby- 
 ter, who was Presbyter long before j and pro- 
 bably never was Archdeacon, nor Deacon, but 
 ordained Presbyter immediately from a Layman, 
 as may be collected from the Letters of Cyprian 
 [f] and Cornelius \m~] which tacitly reflect: upon 
 him for it. Yet if by Law Euhgius meant no 
 more than a Cuftom j perhaps it might be culto- 
 mary at Rome, as at fome other Places, to make 
 the Archdeacons the Bifliop's Succeflbrs : Their 
 Power and Privileges, as I obferved, commonly 
 gaining them a confiderable Intereft both among 
 the Clergy and the People. 
 
 As tothe Archdeacon's Office, sect. iv. 
 He was always the Bifhop's im- ^ office of the 
 mediate Minifter and Attendant ; Archd ™ c ™- </> » 
 
 a i . n • rr at t end t hi Bifjjob at 
 
 A latere Pontijicis non rccej/it, to t h e Altar & c 
 ufc St. Jerom's Phrafe, He was 
 always by his Side, ready to aflift him. Particu- 
 larly at the Altar, when the Bifhop miniftred, 
 he performed the ufual Offices of a Deacon, that 
 have been mentioned in the laft Chapter. The 
 Author of the Conftitutions calls him the 'O 
 7rap-<rw; tzS 'Ao^s^et, the Deacon that Hood by the 
 Bilhop, and proclaimed, when the Communion- 
 Service began, Let no one approach in fVratb 
 againfi his Brother, Let no one come in Hypocrijy. 
 To him it belonged to miniller the Cup to the 
 People, when the Bifhop celebrated the Eucha- 
 rift, and had adminiftred the Bread before him, 
 as we learn from the Account which St. Ambrofe 
 [o~] gives of Laurentius Archdeacon of Rome. It 
 was his Bufinefs alfo, as the Bifhop's Subftitute, 
 to order all Things relating to the Inferior 
 Clergy, and their Miniftrations and Services in 
 the Church : As what Deacon fhould read the 
 Gofpel, who fhould bid the Prayers, which of 
 them fhould keep the Doors, which walk about 
 the Church to obferve the Behaviour of the Peo- 
 ple > which of the Readers, Acolythifts, Sub- 
 deacons, fhould perform their Service at fuch a 
 Time, or in what Poll and Station : For thefe 
 Things were not precifely determined, but at 
 the Bifhop's Liberty to ordain and appoint them j 
 which he commonly did by bis Archdeacon : 
 Whofe Orders and Directions therefore are 
 fometimes called Ordinationes, and Ordinatio \_p\ 
 Ecclefi<e, in fome of the ancient Councils. 
 Whence 1 prefume came the Name, Ordinary, 
 which is a Title given to Archdeacons in after- 
 Ages. 
 
 SECT. v. 
 
 2. To aJJIfi him 
 
 2. He afTifted the Bifhop in 
 managing and difpenfing the 
 Church's Revenues, having the m f m ^ the 
 
 u- c r> ri rt l. Church s Revenues. 
 
 chief Care of the Poor, Orphans, 
 Widows, &c. under the Bifhop, whofe Porti- 
 ons were affigned by him, and fent by the 
 Hands of the other Deacons that were under 
 him. The Fourth Council \jf\ of Carthage 
 makes mention of this part of his Office, when 
 it requires the Bifhop not to concern him- 
 felf Perfonally in the Care and Government of 
 the Widows, Orphans, Strangers, but to com- 
 mit this to his Archpresbyter or Archdeacon. 
 Upon this Account Prudentius defcribing [r] the 
 Offices of St. Laurence, whom he makes to be 
 Archdeacon of Rome, among other Things af- 
 figns him the Keys of the Church's Treafure, 
 
 [h] Cone. Agathenf. c. 22. Si Officium Archidiaconatus, prop- 
 ter iimpliciorem Naturam implere aut cxpedire nequiverit, ille 
 loci fui nomen tenear, 8c ordinationi Ecclefise, quem Epifcopus 
 elegerir, praeponatur. [j] Bieron. Com. in Ez,ek. c.48. Certe 
 qui primus fuerit Miniftrorum, quia per fingula concionatur in 
 Populos, 8c a Pontificis Larere non recedir, injuriam putat, 11 
 Presbyter ordinetur. [*] Eulog. ap. Phot. Cod. 182. Tov 
 
 clf^iJ^tetKOVov iveviptro <PiaiJoyj>v <ri d^t»oa]d!.ov\@- KA^'i* 
 r«<9^. [/] Cypr. Ep. yi, al. ff. ad Antomm. p. 102. 
 
 Vol. I 
 
 Cornel. Ep. ad Fabian, ap. Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 43. [»] Con- 
 ftir. Apoil. Lib. 2. c. 57. [0] Ambrof. de Offic. Lib. 1. c. 41. 
 [/>] Vid. Concil. Agathenf e. 23. Ifidor, Hifpal. Ep, ad Ludifrcd. 
 ap. Gratian. Dill. if. a t; [q] Cone, Canh. 4. c. 17. Uc 
 Epifcopus gubernationem Viduarum, Pupilloium ac Peregrinorum, 
 non per feipfum, fed per Archipresbyterum, aut per Archidiaconum 
 agat. [r] Prudent. Hymn, de S. Laur. Levita fublimis gradu, 
 8c caeteris praftantior, Clauftris facrorum prxerat, Cceleftis arcanum 
 Domus fidis gubernans cla?ibus, votafque difpeufans Opes. 
 
 B b and 
 
94 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 and the Care of difpenfing the Oblations of the 
 People. And for the fame Reafon both he and 
 St. /bnbrofe, [/] and all other Writers of his 
 Paflion, bring in the Heathen Perfecutor de- 
 manding of him thofe Treafures, which he had 
 in his keeping : Which he promiiing to do, in a 
 lhort time after brought before him the Poor, 
 the Lame, the Blind, the Infirm, telling him, 
 thofe were the Riches which he had in his Cu- 
 ftody > for on them he had expended the 
 Church's Treafure. St. Auflin fays this was his 
 Office, as he was Archdeacon of the Church. 
 Paulinus [f\ therefore calls the Archdeacon, 
 Area Cuftodcm, the Keeper of the Cheft : Be- 
 caufe though the other Deacons were the Dif- 
 penfers and Conveyers, yet he was the chief Ma- 
 nager and Director of them, and from him they 
 took their Orders, as from the Guardian of the 
 Church's Treafure. It was upon this Account 
 that the Donatijh charged Cacilian among other 
 things, that he had prohibited the Deacons from 
 carrying any Provilion to the Martyrs in 
 Prifon, Which Objection muft be grounded 
 upon this, that he was obliged by his Office, as 
 he was Archdeacon, to fee that the Martyrs were 
 provided of Suftenance j which they pretended 
 he had not only neglected, but abufed his Autho- 
 rity, in forbidding thofe that were under his 
 Commands, to minifter unto them. 
 
 sect. vi. 3. Another part of his 
 
 ?• In Preaching. Office was to affift the Bifhop in 
 Preaching. For as any Deacon was authorized to 
 preach by the Bifhop's Leave, fo the Archdea- 
 con being the moft eminent of the Deacons, was 
 more frequently pitched upon to difcharge 
 this Office, if we may fo underftand thofe words 
 of St. Jerom, which have been cited before in 
 the 3d Section, Primus Minifirorum per fingula 
 conciomtur in populos. The chief Minifter or 
 Archdeacon, is many Times, and in many Places 
 employed in Preaching to the People. For the 
 word, Singula, may relate both to Times and 
 Places. But if any one thinks, that Concionari 
 here fignifies no more than Pradicare, and 
 x^uarov, doing the Office of an Holy Cryer in 
 the AfTembly, I fhall not contend about it j but 
 only fay, that St. Jerom fpeaking of fomething that 
 then made the Archdeacons popular, feems rather 
 to mean the Office of Preaching, than any other. 
 
 SECT. VII. 4. The Archdeacon ufually 
 
 4. In ordaining the b ore a p art w j t h t \^ e Bifhop ill 
 
 inferior clergy. £he Ordinations of the Inferior 
 Clergy, Subdeacons, Acolythifts, His Of- 
 
 fice in this matter is particularly defcribed in fe- 
 veral Canons [w] of the 4th Council of Car- 
 
 thage, which relate the manner how the Inferior 
 Clergy were to be ordained j viz. not by Impo- 
 fition of Hands, which belonged only to the 
 Superior Orders, but by receiving fome VefTels 
 or Utenfils of the Church partly from the Hands 
 of the Bifhop, and partly from the Hands of 
 the Archdeacon. As to give only one Inftance in 
 the Ordination of an Acolythift, the Canon fays, 
 The Bifhop was to inform him what his Duty 
 was, and then the Archdeacon was to give him 
 a Taper into his Hand, that he might know that 
 he ;was appointed to light the Candles of the 
 Church. 
 
 f. The Archdeacon was in- sect. vin. 
 veiled alfo with a Power of Cen- 5 The Archdeacon 
 faring the other Deacons, and all had Power 10 cen ' 
 the Inferior Clergy of the Church. W 
 
 mi • a 1 n '" r the inferior Clerey, 
 
 That it was fo, at leaft m fome butn l tVresbjter Z 
 Churches, is very evident from a 
 PafTage in the Acts of the Council of Chaleedon, 
 where Ibas Bifhop of EdeJJa fpeaking of Maras 
 one of the Deacons of his Church, fays, he was 
 not Excommunicated by himfelf, but by his 
 Archdeacon, who \x~\ for a Crime committed a- 
 gainft a Presbyter, lufpended him from the Com- 
 munion. 
 
 But whether the Archdeacon had any Power 
 over Presbyters, is a matter of difpute among 
 Learned Men. Salmafius [jy], and the Learned 
 Suicerus [z] after him, fcruple not to affert, that 
 even the Archpresbyter himfelf in the Roman 
 Church was fubject to him. Cujacius and fome 
 others, who are cited by [_a] Baluzim, go one 
 ftep farther, and fay it was fo in all Churches. 
 Yet there is not the leaft Footftep of any fuch 
 Power to be met with in any ancient Writer or 
 Council : But the Original of all the Mi flake is 
 owing to a Corruption in Grat tan's Decree, and 
 Gregory the Ninth's Decretals, who cite the 
 Words alledged [f] in the Margin, the one as 
 from Ifidore of Se a AL> and the other from the 
 Council of 'Toledo, pretending that the Arch- 
 presbyter is to be fubject to the Archdeacon: 
 W hen yet, as both Baluzius and the Roman Cor- 
 rectors confefs, there are no fuch Words to be 
 found in Ifidore's Epiftle f nor will Garjias Loaifa 
 own them to be the Genuine Decree of any 
 Council of Toledo. So than the whole credit of 
 this Matter refts upon Gratian and the Compilers 
 of the Decretals, whofe Authority is of little 
 Efteem in things relating to Antiquity, when 
 there is no better Proof than their bare AfTer- 
 tion. Yet T mall not deny, but that in Gratiarfs 
 Time it might be as he reprefents it : For pro- 
 bably by this time the Archdeacons were chofen 
 out of the Order of Presbyters : Though when 
 
 |Y] Ambrof. dc Offic. L. 2. c. 28. Aug. Serm. u.i. de Diver- 
 ts. San&us Laurentius Archidiaconus fuit : Opes Ecclelix ab illo 
 Perfecutore quaerebantur. Id. de Diverf. Serm. 123. [/] Pau- 
 So. de Mirac. S. Martin. Lib. 4. Bibl. Patr. T. 8. p. 86y. 
 
 Protinus adftanti Diacono, quem more prioruna 
 
 Antiftes Sandlse Cuftodem legerat Areas, 
 
 Imperat, &c. 
 
 [a] Aug. Brevic. Collat. 3. c. 14. [w] Concil Carth. 4. c. f, 
 
 6, 9. [*] Con. Chalced. A£t. 10. p. 65-3. *A»o/i'«'i'»T©- S?7 
 tu\ Wiu\\ ? yi^icKova>. &c. [y] SalmaC de Primat. c. 1. 
 p! 9. O] Suicer. Thefaur. T. 1. p. 5-33. |>] Baluz, Not. 
 ad Gratian. Dift. 25-. c. 1. p. 45-5-. 0] Grat. Dift. 25-. c. 1. ex 
 Epift. Iiidor. Hifpal. ad Ludifred. Archipresbyter vero ie cfle fub 
 Archidiacono, ejufque prasceptis iicut Epifcopi fui, Sciat obedire. 
 Ia Gregory Decretal, Lib. 1. Tit. 24. de Officio Archipresb. c. 1. 
 the far* Words are cited ex Concilia Toletano. 
 
 fhlf 
 
Chap. XXL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 95 
 
 fir II they began to be fo, is not very eafy to de- 
 rertnifte. Only we are certain that fome Centu- 
 ries before the time of Gratim the Cuftom was 
 altered. For Archdeacons in the pth Century, 
 c fome of them at leall of the Order of Pref- 
 bytersj as appears from H'mcmars Capitula \j] 
 directed to Guntbarius and Odelhardus^ two of his 
 Archdeacons, whom he itiles, Presbyter- Arch- 
 deacons. And there is reafon enough to think it 
 was fo in the time of Gratian; The Archdeacons 
 were then generally of the Order of Presbyters, 
 as they have been ever fince: Which makes it 
 no wonder that in Gratiatis time they fhould 
 have Power over the Arcbipresbyteri, which m 
 the Language of that Age often fignifies no 
 more than Rural Deans, over which the Arch- 
 deacons have ufually Power at this Day. But by 
 this the Reader may judge how little fuch Wri- 
 ters are to be depended on, who take their E- 
 ltimxatc of former Ages from the Practice of their 
 own, and reckon every thing ancient, that is a- 
 greeable to the Rules and Cuftoms of the Times 
 they live in. 
 
 SECT. rx. But to return to the Arch- 
 of the Name ATTov- deacons of the Primitive Church : 
 t/t-iW, ctrcumlu- There is one thing more mayad- 
 
 ^XkTc^bul mit of fomC Di % ute > Whether the 
 y*c ceacmu ja a- Archdeacon's Power anciently ex- 
 
 nj Fewer over the ^ J 
 
 whole Diocefr. tended over the whole Diocele, or 
 was confined to the City or Mo- 
 ther-Church. Pn the middle Ages of the Church, 
 Ehere is no queftion but they had Power over the 
 whole Diocefe. For Ifidorus Hifpalenfis, who 
 lived in the beginning of the 7th Century, in 
 the Account which he gives of the Archdeacon's 
 Office, fays, The Parochial Clergy were under 
 his Care, that is, the Deacons and Inferior Cler- 
 gy > and that it belonged to him [d] to order 
 Matters, and end Controverfies among them* 
 to give the Bifhop a-n Account what Churches 
 Hood in need of Repairing-, to make enquiry by 
 the Bifhop's Order into the State of every Parifh, 
 and to fee what Condition the Ornaments and 
 Goods of the Church were in, and whether the 
 Ecclefiaftical Liberties were maintained. Haber- 
 :as thinks, [e~] the Archdeacons were inverted 
 with the {arue Power Come Ages before 5 and for 
 Proof cites a Paflage out of the Council of Chal- 
 oedon^ where in. an Inflxument [/] prefented by 
 the Presbyters of Edejja- againii Ibas their Bi- 
 fhop, one Abr-amiu& a D-eacon of that Church, 
 in all the Latin, Tranflations is called Diaconus 
 Apantita^ which Hhbertus takes to be a general 
 Iafpe£tor of the Church. But there are two e- 
 vident Reafons againft this* which it is a wonder 
 fo obferving a Perfon as Habertws fhould not fee : 
 1. That Abramius was not an Archdeacon, but 
 
 qnly a private Deacon of the Church : For in 
 the fame place there is mention made of another 
 Archdeacon, who when /bas was about to have 
 had Abramius ordained Bifhop of Batena, inter- 
 pofed and hindered him from doing it, becaufe 
 he had been cenfured for the Practice of Magick, 
 and never given any Satisfaction to the Church. 
 And though it is faid, that Ibas took occaflon to 
 remove that Archdeacon from his Office, yet ic 
 is not once intimated that he put Abramius in his 
 room j which if he had done, it would doubt- 
 lefs have been made another Article of Accufa- 
 tion againft. him before the Council. 2. The 
 Original Greek in Lebbe's Edition is not Jidy.ov<& 
 aVavTiTrir, as Habertus reads it, but only c/Wkov©-' 
 air avir\g t 1 nV- s Ts^r cxxXncr/as 1 , a Deacon of that 
 our Church of Edeffa: And though dita-Pwrrs be 
 put into the Margin, yet it is not owned to be 
 any various Reading, but only the Editor's Con- 
 jecture, which I think is not fufficient to build 
 iu.cn an Affertion upon, when no other Proof or 
 Authority is pretended. Therefore I determine 
 nothing concerning this Power of the Arch- 
 deacons in ancient Times, but leave it to farther 
 Enquiry, and the Determination of every Judi- 
 cious Reader. 
 
 Valefius takes notice of another sect. X. 
 Name, which he thinks was fome- of the Name^ Cor- 
 times given to the Archdeacons, pi cop ' ' r w '^ gl ~ 
 
 , . ° , tvt „ ven to Archdeacons, 
 
 that is, the Name Cor- bpi/copi j 
 for which he cites the Words of one Joannes Ab- 
 bas [g], in a Book written about the Tranflation 
 of the Relicks of St. Goldejindis. This at firft 
 may look like a Corruption only of the Name 
 Chorepifcopus, becaufe in latter Ages the Power 
 of the ancient Chorepifcopi dwindled into that of 
 the Archdeacons: But when it is confidered, 
 that all the Deacons anciently were called the 
 Bifhops Eyes, and his Ears, his Mouth, and his 
 Heart, as has been noted in the laft Chapter, § 
 18, it will appear very probable that the Arch- 
 deacon fhould be peculiarly dignified with thofc 
 Titles > and. therefore be called Cor-Epifcopi, the 
 Bifhop's Heart, becaufe he was ufed to fignify 
 his Mind and Will to the People: As he is cal- 
 led Oculus Epifcepi, not only in ancient Authors 
 but in the Decretals [/'], and the Council of 
 Trent becaufe he was the Bifhop's Eye to in- 
 fpedt the Diocele under him. 
 
 Some may perhaps be defirous SECT. XT. 
 to know farther the firll Rife and The Qpiniom ef 
 
 Original of the Name and Office Learned Men cen- 
 
 of Archdeacons in the Church: m j f e J r ^°' 
 
 But this is a Matter involved in Z" office' of TZ 
 
 fo great Obfcunty, that it can- deacon. 
 not ealily be determined. Haber- 
 
 [c] Hincmar. Capitula Archidiaconibus Presbytcris data. Condi. 
 Tom. 8. p. 5-91. [//•] Ilidor. Ep. ad' Ludifred. 8c ap. Gratian. 
 Dift. 15-. c. 1. Sollicitudo quoque- Parochitanorum (ai. Farochiarum) 
 8c oidinatio, 80 jurgia ad ejus pertinent curanr: Pro reparandis 
 Dioecefanis Bafilicis ipfefuggerit Sacerdoti: I'pfe inquirit Parochias 
 cum jufiione F.pifcopi, 2c Omamenta, vel res Bafilicarum ?arochi- 
 unorum (al. ParochiarumJ 8c Libertatum Ecclefnfticarum Epifco- 
 
 po idem refert. [e] Habert. in Pontifical. Par. 9. Obfer. d. 
 [/] Concil. Chalccd: Adt. 10. p. 6,-0. [g] Joh. Abbas sp. 
 Valef. Not. in Theodorit. lib. 1. c. 26. Ad hoc infpiciendum fa- 
 crorum Miniilros cum Archidiacono majore, quern Cor-Epifco- 
 pi dicunt, Pdmifex direxit., [h\ Ifidor. Peluf lib. 1. Ep. 20. 
 [i] Decretal, lib. 1. Tit. 23.' c. 7. [£] Con. Trid. Se'fll 24. 
 Cap. 12. de Reform..-. 
 
 tus 
 
95 
 
 The A n t i q^u i t i e s of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 tus and fome others [/] of the Roman Commu- 
 nion reckon this Office as ancient as that of 
 Deacons themfelves, deriving both from Apofto- 
 lical Conftitution, and making Stephen the firft 
 Archdeacon of the Church But others with 
 greater Reafon [m~], deduce it only from the 3d 
 Century, and leave it as a Matter under Debate 
 and Enquiry, whether there were any fuch thing 
 as the Archdeacon's Office in the time of Corne- 
 lius Bifhop of Rome, which was in the middle of 
 the 3d Century. This is certain, that Cornelius 
 in his Epiftle to Fabius, wkere he gives a Cata- 
 logue [»] of the Roman Clergy, though he 
 fpeaks of Deacons and Subdeacons, Acolythifts, 
 Exorcifts, Readers, and Door-keepers, makes no 
 particular mention of the Archdeacon ; Nor does 
 Cyprian ever fo much as once ufe the Name: 
 Yet before the end of this Century Cacilian is 
 fuppofed to have had the Title, as well as the 
 Office of Archdeacon of Carthage, becaufe Op- 
 tatus calls him fo, and the Name often occurs in 
 St. Jerom and other Writers of the 4th Age, in 
 which St. Jerom lived: Baronius indeed urges 
 Sr. jiuftin's Authority, to prove that Stephen was 
 properly an Archdeacon : For he fays St. Juftin 
 calls him Primicerius Diaconorum; but he that 
 will look into St. Auftin, will quickly find his 
 Miftake: For his Words are not Primicerius Dia- 
 conorum, but Primicerius [0] Martyrum, the Pro- 
 tomartyr, as we commonly call him, becaufe he 
 was the firft that fuffered for the Name of Chrift. 
 And hence the Reader may obferve by the way, 
 that the Words Primicerius and Primus do not 
 always denote Principality, or Priority of Power 
 and Jurifdiclion, but only Priority of Time, or 
 Precedency of Honour and Dignity, in refpecl: 
 of Place or outward Order. In which Senfe the 
 fame St. Auflin \_p~] fays in another place, that 
 
 Stephen is named firft among the Deacons, as Pe- 
 ter was among the Apoftles. Which is a Pri- 
 macy that may be allowed to them both, with- 
 out any Pretence of Jurifdi&ion. Habertus urges 
 farther the Authority of the Greek Menologion, 
 which gives Stephen the Title of Archdeacon: 
 But fuch Books are not fufficient Evidence, be- 
 ing they are of a modern Date, and fpeak of an- 
 cient Things in the Language andPhrafe of their 
 own Times j for which Reafon they are not 
 much to be depended on, except when they are 
 backed with the concurrent Teftimony of fome 
 ancient Authors, of which there are none in this 
 Cafe to yield any Collateral Evidence to this Ai- 
 fertion. Yet on the other hand the Opinion of 
 Salmafius is equally to be difcarded, who [_q] af- 
 ferts that the Office of Archdeacon was not in 
 the Church in the time of St. Jerom, though 
 St. Jerom [r~\ himfelf fays in molt exprels Words, 
 that the Cuftom then was to have one Biihop, 
 one Archpresbyter , one Archdeacon in every 
 Church. But this is the ufual way of that Au- 
 thor in his Book de Primatu, to advance Para- 
 doxes of his own Fancy for ancient Hiftory, and 
 lay down pofitive AfTertions upon the moft (len- 
 der Conjectures, yea, many times againft the 
 plaineft Evidence of Primitive Records, as in 
 the Cafe before us, and many others which I 
 have had occafion to take notice of in this Dif- 
 courfe. It were to be wifhed, that that Author, 
 who wrote upon an ufeftSl Defign, had been a 
 little more accurate in his Accounts of the 
 State of the Clergy of the Primitive Church j 
 and whilft he was demolifhing the Pope's Su- 
 premacy, had not confufedly treated of fome o- 
 ther Orders and Offices, which were of greater 
 Antiquity in the Church. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of DEACONESSES. 
 
 TJ A V I N G fpoken of Dea- 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The ancient mm JT Jl cons and Archdeacons, it 
 ofDMconefes^iA- remains that I fay fomething in 
 
 jr'vkksf Mi- this Place of Deacondres > be " 
 ' caufe their Office and Service 
 
 was of great ufe in the Primi- 
 tive Church. There is fome mention made of 
 them in Scripture, by which it appears that 
 their Office was as ancient as the Apoftolical 
 Age. St. Paul calls Phabe a Servant of the 
 Church of Cenchrea, Rom. 16. 1. The Origi- 
 
 nal Word is Aiaxov©% a Deaconefs, anfwerable* 
 to the Latin word Miniftra, which is the Name 
 that is given them in Pliny's Epiftle [j] which 
 fpeaks about the Chriftians. 'fertullian [t~\ and 
 fome others call them Vidute, Widows, and their 
 Office Fiduatus, becaufe they were commonly 
 chofen out of the Widows of the Church. For 
 the fame reafon Epiphanius [u] and the Council 
 of Laodicea call them IlpscrCuTjo/W, elderly 
 Widows, becaufe none but fuch were ordinarily 
 taken into this Office. 
 
 [/] Habere Not. in Pontifical, p. 207. Baron, an. 34. n. 285-. 
 [m] Bp. Fell Not. in Cypr. Ep. j-2. al. 49. ad Cornel. [n] Cor- 
 nel. Ep. ad Fab. ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 43. [0] Aug. Ser. 1. de 
 Sanctis. Tom. 10. Hodie eclebramus Natalem, quod Primicerius 
 Martyrum migravit ex mundo. [/>] Aug. Ser. 94. de Diverlis. 
 Inter Diaconos illos nominatus Primus, licut inter Apoftolos Pe- 
 trus. [q~\ Saltnaf. de Primat. c. 1 . p. 8. [r] Hieron. Ep.4. 
 
 ad Ruftic. cited before, § 1. Plin. lib. 10. Ep. 97. Qui* 
 
 magis necefiarium credidi, ex duabus Ancillis, quae Miuiftrx d'ice- 
 bantur, quid eflet veri 8c per tormenta quasrere. [/] Tertul. 
 lib. 1. ad Uxor. c. 7. Id. de Veland. Virg. c. 9. Epiph. Hscr. 79. n. 
 4. Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. n. j;. [»] Epiphan. Hxv. 79. Colly- 
 rid, n. 4. [w] Con. Laodic. c. u. 
 
 For 
 
Chap. XXII. Christian Church. 
 
 97 
 
 SECT. II. For indeed by fome ancient 
 DeacoHfjfes to be L aws thefe four Qualifications 
 Wfom by fome werc rC q U i re d in every one, that 
 L<nvs - was to be taken into this Or- 
 
 der, i ft That flic fliould be a Widow. z. That 
 fhe fliould be a Widow that had born Children. 
 2. A Widow that was but once Married. 4. One 
 of a confidcrablc Age, Forty, Fifty, or Sixty 
 Years Old. Though all thcie Rules admitted 
 of Exceptions. In Tertullian's time the Dea- 
 conefles were fo commonly chofen out of the 
 Widows, that when a certain young Virgin 
 was made a Deaconcfs, he (peaks of it [*] as a 
 Miracle or Monllrous thing.in the Church. Yet 
 fome Learned Men are of Opinion, that Vir- 
 gins were fometimes made Deaconefles even in 
 the time of Ignatius: Becaufe Ignatius in his 
 Epftile to the°Church of Smyrna [y], falutes 
 the Virgins that were called Widows, that is, 
 Deaconefles, as Cotelerius and Vojjius truly ex- 
 pound it. For Virgins could not be called Wi- 
 dows congruoufly in any other Senfe. Some 
 fufpect that the Word Virgins is a Corruption 
 crept into the Text: But there is no reafon 
 for this Conjecture, for Ignatius is not the only 
 Author that fpeaks of Virgin-Deaconefles. Epi- 
 fbanius [z] fays, in his time they were fome 
 Virgins, and fome Widows that had been once 
 Married. The Author of the Conftitutions [a] 
 fays the fame, that the Deaconefs was either to 
 be a chaft Virgin, or a Widow that had been 
 the Wife of one Man. And one of Juflinian's 
 Novels [If] enacted it into a Law, that the Dea- 
 conefles fliould be chofen out of one of thefe 
 Orders. Accordingly we find in the Practice of 
 the Church, Virgins as well as Widows admit- 
 ted to this Office. Gregory Nyjfen [c] fays his 
 own Sifter Macrina, who was a Virgin, was 
 a Deaconefs, and fo was Lampadia janother 
 Virgin. And Sozomen [d] relates, how that 
 Chryfoftom would have ordained Nicarete a fa- 
 mous Virgin to this Office, but fhe refufed it 
 for the love flie had to a Private and Philofo- 
 phick Life. 
 
 SECT. III. Yet by fome Laws they 
 
 And fuch Widows were required not only to be 
 
 as had Children. Widows ? but fuch Widows as 
 
 had Children alfo. Tertullian [e] feems to in- 
 timate that this was the Cuftom of the Age he 
 lived in, to put none into this Office but fuch as 
 
 were Mothers, and had had the Education of 
 Children, in the Training up of whom they 
 had learnt to be Tender and Companionate in 
 their Affections, and fo were qualified to affift 
 others both by their Counfel and Comfort. So- 
 zomen alfo mentions a Law [/J made by Thcodo- 
 fins to this purpofe, That no Women fliould 
 be admitted to the Office, except they had 
 Children, and were above Sixty Years old , ac- 
 cording to the exprefs Rule of St. Paul. The 
 Law is ftill extant in the Theodofian Code [g], 
 in the fame Words as Sozomen cites it : But 
 he fpeaks of it as a new Law that was then 
 made upon a particular Occafion, by reafon 
 of fome Scandal that had happened in the 
 Church : Which is a plain Intimation that 
 from the time of 'Tertullian, to the making 
 of this Law, the Church had varied in her 
 Practice. 
 
 A n d fo flie had likewife with sect. iv. 
 refpect to the Age of Deacon- to be ordamed 
 eflbs. For though the foremen- ™der sixty Tears of 
 tioned Law of Theodoftus require ^>h the ™fl»"-. 
 
 , , „, v r >. aent Canons. 
 
 them to be Sixty Years or Age 
 Compleatj and Tertullian [h] and St. Bafil [f] 
 fpeak of the fame Agej yet Juftinian in one of 
 his Novels [k~] requires but Fifty, and in ano- 
 ther [/] but Forty, which is all that was infifted 
 on before by the great [m~] Council of Chalce- 
 don r . whofe Words are, No Woman fliall be 
 ordained a Deaconefs before flie is Forty Years 
 old. And it is probable in fome Cafes that 
 Term was not ftrictly required : For Sozomen 
 [n] fays, Neclarius Bifhop of Conjlantinople or- 
 dained Olympias a Deaconefs, though fliew as but 
 a young Widow, becaufe fhe was a Perfon of 
 extraordinary Virtue. By which we may judge, 
 that as the Church varied in her Rule about this 
 Matter, fo Bifliops took a Liberty to ordain 
 Deaconefles at what Age they thought fit, pro- 
 vided they could be aflured of their Probity and 
 Virtue. 
 
 But there was another Qua- sect. v. 
 lification, which they were more To be fuch as had. 
 ftrid in exading, which was that bem on b the Wives 
 the Deaconefles fliould be fuch °f one Man ' 
 Widows as had been only the Wives of one 
 Man, according to the Apoftle's Prefcription, 
 1 Tim. f . p. Which Rule they generally under- 
 
 [x] Tertul. de Veland. Virgin, c. 9. Scio alicubi Virginem in 
 Viduatu ab annis nondum vigintj collocatam. Cui Ci quid refrige- 
 iii debuerat Epifcopus, aliter utique falvo refpectu Difciplinse, prse- 
 ftare potuilTet, ne tale nunc Miraculum, ne dixerim monftrum, in 
 Ecclefia denotaretur. [y~\ Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. n. 13. 'A<r- 
 <7ri.^ofjLcu Tct? TctpS-'iVKf rds K'-youivas p^i'ifa*. Coteler. in 
 Loc. Vidux vocabantur, quia in Gradu Viduali feu Diaconico e- 
 rant conftitutas. [z] Epiph. Expof. Fid. n. 21. » yj\y& <j a.o~ ajt 
 5»r? fj.ovcyctiJ.ic.<:^ 11 d^i^'-vot itrcu. [a] Conft. Apoft. lib. 
 6 c. 17. [b] Juft. Novel. 6. c. 6. Aut Virgines conftitutas, 
 aut unius viri quae fuerant Uxores. [c] Nyflen. Vit. Macrin, 
 Tom. 2. p. 181, 8c 197. [d] Sozom. lib. 8. c. 23. 
 
 [f] Tertul. de Vel. Virg. c. 9. Ad quam Sedem praeter annos 
 Sexa^inta non tantum Univira;, id eft nuptse, aliquatido eliguntur, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 led 8c Matres Sc quidem Educatrices filiorum: Scilicet ut experi- 
 mentis omnium affedtuum ftru&ae, facile norint cseteras 8c confilio 
 8c folatio juvare. [/] Sozom. lib. 7. c. 16. Ei (jly\ reu^af 
 ?X.o/s><, 8cc. [g] Cod. Theod.lib. 16. Tit. 2.de Epif. Sc Cler. 
 Leg. 27. Nulla nifi emenfis Sexaginta annis, cui votiva domi Pro- 
 les fit, fecundum prseceptum Apoftoli ad DiaconifTarum confortium 
 transferatur. [h~\ Tertul. ibid. [<] Bafil. Ep. Canonic, 
 c. 24. [k~\ Juft. Novel. 6. c. 6. Super mediam conftitutas ae- 
 tatem, 8c circa Quinquaginta annos. [7] Novel. 122. c. 15. 
 Diaconifla in fan&a Ecckfia non ordinatur, quae minor Quadragin- 
 ta annis fit. [m] Con. Chalced. c. 14. al. if. ^iakovsv jt/ii 
 y etpQTov&Sj^ yvvcuy.u, nr?9 5T«c Ttaja.peiy.ov1 a. Vid. Concil. 
 Trullan. c. 14. 8c 40. [»] Sozom. lib. 8. c. 9. Keu mio victv 
 yy\&.v yzvi^ftw — Si'Ihovov hy^&poiivfiGi* 
 
 C c Jftood 
 
 4 
 
9 8 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 flood as a Prohibition of electing any to be Dea- 
 conefTes, who had been twice Married, though 
 lawfully and fucceffively to two Husbands, one 
 after another. In this Senfe Tertullian [o] fays 
 the Apoftle requires them to be Univirce, the 
 Wives of one Man ; which Epiphanius jj>] calls 
 Xvp&j-aa-ai im> povoyafxias, Widows that have 
 been once Married. So the Author of the Con- 
 ftitutions, and Juftiniaris Novels [?], which 
 have been cited before. 
 
 But theodoret gives a different Senfe of the A- 
 poftle's Words : For he fuppofes the Apoftle not 
 to forbid the chufing of Widows that had been 
 twice Married, but only fuch [r] as had Mar- 
 ried again after they had divorced themfelves 
 from a former Husband ; which was fuch a fcan- 
 dalous A6t, as juftly excluded them from the 
 Church's Service. And this Senfe is embraced 
 as the mod probable and rational, by the Learn- 
 ed Juftellus [Y], Dr. Hammond [f], Sukerus [Vj, 
 and fevcral others, of which I mall have occa- 
 iion to give a farther Account, when I come to 
 (peak of that Apoftolical Rule as it concerned 
 all the Clergy. Thus much will fuffice to be 
 fpoken at prefent concerning the Qualifications 
 of DeaconelTes before they were ordained. 
 
 SECT. VI. The next Enquiry is con- 
 
 whet her Bcaconejfes ccming their Ordination itfelf, 
 were anciently or- Whether it was always perform- 
 
 ti™ 4 nds lmp0fltm Cd ^ Im P ofltion of Hands • And 
 °* here Learned Men are very much 
 
 divided in their Sentiments. Baronius [w] thinks 
 they had no Impofition of Hands at the time 
 of the Council of Nice, and he grounds his Af- 
 fertion upon one of the Canons of that Council, 
 which, as he expounds ir, denies that DeaconefTes 
 were ordained by Impofition of Hands, and 
 therefore makes no other account of them than as 
 mere Lay-Perfons. Valcfius [x] gives the fame 
 Expofition of the Canon; though he owns that 
 Balfamon and Zonaras, the ancient Expofitors, 
 were of a contrary Judgment, viz. That the 
 Canon fpeaks not of the DeaconefTes of the 
 Church, but of fuch as returned to the Catho- 
 lick Church from the Paulianifts or Samofatenian 
 Hereticks, among whom they had received no 
 Impofition of Hands, and therefore were to be 
 treated as mere Laicks. And in this Senfe Sui- 
 cerus [y~], and Albafpiny [z], Chriftianus Lupus, 
 Fabrotus, and other modern Criticks and Expo- 
 fitors of the Canon explain it alfo. To make 
 the Reader himfelf judge in the Matter, I mud 
 here recite the Words of the Canon, which are 
 
 thefe: Concerning the Paulianifts which return 
 to the Catholick Church, it is decreed, that they 
 fliall be by all means Re-baptized. And if any 
 of them were heretofore reckoned among the 
 Clergy, if they appear to be blamelefs, and with- 
 out Rebuke, let them befirft Baptized, and then 
 ordained by the Bifhop of the Catholick Church: 
 But if upon Examination they be found unfit, 
 let them be depofed. The fame Rule fhall be 
 obferved concerning DeaconefTes, and all others 
 who are reckoned among their Clergy. And we 
 particularly take notice [a] of DeaconefTes, 
 which appear in that Habit or Dignity, that 
 having never had any Impofition of Hands, they 
 are to reckoned only among the Laity. Thefe 
 laft Words about DeaconefTes Teem to refer to 
 what goes before ; and then they muft be 
 interpreted of DeaconefTes among the Paulianifis, 
 who took upon them the Habit of DeaconefTes 
 without any Confecration. Or if we underftand 
 them as fpoken of DeaconefTes already in the 
 Church, they may mean that there were fome 
 DeaconefTes which had crept into the Office 
 without Impofition of Hands; and fuch the 
 Council accounts no more than Lay Perfons. 
 That which will incline a Man to interpret this 
 Canon to fome fuch Senfe as this, is, That all 
 other Councils and Writers fpeak of ordaining 
 DeaconefTes by Impofition of Hands. Valefius 
 himfelf owns that it was fo in the time of the 
 Council of Chalcedon ; for in one of the Canons 
 of that Council their Ordination is exprefly 
 called both %&(>jlov(a and ^po^a'a^ Ordination 
 by Impofition of Hands. And the Author of 
 the Conftitutions [c] fpeaking of their Ordina- 
 tion, requires the Bifhop to ufe Impofition of 
 Hands, with a Form of Prayer, which is there 
 recited. And thus it was both in the Greek and 
 Latin Church, fo long as the Order it felf con- 
 tinued to be in ufe. The Council of I'rullo, An. 
 602, fpeaks of their Ordination in two Canons 
 \jf\ under the Name of ^agolcv/a. And Sozomen 
 [/] ufes the fame Word in fpeaking of the Or- 
 dination of Olympias. And though there be not 
 fo many Examples of this Practice to be met 
 with in the Latin Church, becaufe the Order 
 was there much fooner laid afide : Yet Cotek- 
 rius [/] has furnifhed us with fome out of For- 
 tunatus and the Council of Worms, both which 
 exprefly fay, the Ordination of DeaconefTes was 
 performed by Impofition of Hands. In the 
 Council of Worms the ifth Canon of the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon is repeated. And Fortunatus his 
 words are, Manu fuperpofita [g] confecravit Dia- 
 
 [ o] Tertul. ad Uxor. lib. 4.. c. 7. Viduam allegi in Ordinatio- 
 nem nifi Univiram non concedit. It. de Virg. veland. c. 9. 
 If] Epiph. Exp! Fid. n. 21. Juftin. Novel. 6. c. 6. 
 
 Conftit. Apoft. lib. 6. c. 17. [r] Theod. Com. in 1 Tim. ?. 9. 
 [s~\ Juftel. Not. ad Can. 1. Concil. Laodic. [f] Ham. Annot. 
 on 1 Tim. 3. 2. [«] Suicer. Thefaur. Tom. 1. p. 899. 
 fw] Baron, an. 34. n. 23. It. Cabaffut. Notit. Concil. c. 5-6. p. 242. 
 (V] Valef. Not. in Sozomen. lib. 8. c. 9. fy] Suicer. The- 
 faur. Tom. 1. p. 867. [z.] Albafp. Not. in Can. 19. Concil. 
 Nicen. Lupus Tom. 1. Schol. in eund. Can. Fabrot. Not. ad BaJj 
 
 famon. CollecT:. Conftitut. p. 14,17. [aj Con. Nic. c. 10. 
 
 AtuKolt dv7cti ^Tii^fR^. Con. Chalced. c. iy. 
 
 [r] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 19. » cm awn, amSturtif iuiA 
 
 t«V X*&K' &c - M Con - Tru ^- c - '4- & 4°- M Sozom. 
 lib. 8. c. 9. [/] Coteler. Not. in Court. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 19. 
 Con. Wormatienf. c. 73. ex Concil. Chalced. c. \ f. For- 
 tun. Vit. Radegundis ap, Surium. Aug. 
 
 conam^ 
 
Chap. XXII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 99 
 
 coram, fpeaking of one of whom Medardus the 
 Billion confecratcd a Deaconefs, by laying his 
 Hands upon her. All which fhews, that it was 
 the conftant Praftice of the Church to ordain 
 Deaconcfles by Impofition of Hands : And that 
 makes it very probable, that the Nicene Canon 
 is to be undcrflood in that Senfe, which is mod 
 agreeable to the Church's Practice. 
 °But the Learned Jujlellus \Jf] ftill raifes ano- 
 ther Scruple about their Ordination: He thinks 
 this Impofition of Hands was not properly an 
 Ordination, but only a Benediction : For he 
 diftinguifhes betwixt thofe two things, and fays, 
 every folemn Impofition of Hands is not an Or- 
 dination j which is very true} for then the Im- 
 /polition of Hands upon the Catechumens, or up- 
 ^ on the Baptized in Confirmation, or upon the 
 Penitents in order to reconcile them, or upon 
 the Sick in order to their Cure, or upon any 
 Pcrfons whatfoever to give them a common Be- 
 nediction, would be an Ordination: But then 
 that Learned Perfon feems not to have conft- 
 dercd, that the Impofition, of Hands upon the 
 Deaconcfles was fomething more than all thefe : 
 For it was a Confccration of them to a certain 
 Office in the Church, which fort of Impofition 
 of Hands joined with a Prayer of Benediction 
 for Grace to difcharge that Office aright, is 
 what the Church has always meant and called 
 particularly by the Name of Ordination. 
 
 sect vir. Yet we are not to imagine, 
 Wot confecrated to that this Confecration gave them 
 any office of the any Power to execute any part of 
 TriefihooJ. t l ie Sacerdotal Office, or do the 
 
 Duties of the facrcd Function. Women were al- 
 ways forbidden to perform any fuch Offices as 
 thofe. Therefore the Author of the Constitu- 
 tions calls it a Heathenifh Practice to ordain Wo- 
 men-Priefts, hpda; %eipoTovav : For the Chriftian 
 [f\ Law allowed no fuch Cuftom. Some Here- 
 ticks indeed, as [k] Tertullian obferves, allowed 
 Women to Teach, and Exorcife, and adminifter 
 Baptifm ; but all this, he fays, was againft the 
 Rule [/] of the Apoftle. Epiphanius brings the 
 Charge particularly againft the Pepuzians^ which 
 were a Branch of the Montanifis, that they [m~] 
 made Women-Bifliops and Women-Presbyters, 
 abufing that Paflage of the Apoftle, In Chrift 
 Jefus there is neither Male nor Female, to put 
 fome Colour upon their Practice. He charges it 
 alfo upon the Collyridians [»], that they did 
 Upxpyeiv cPia. yuvotxalv, ufe Women to Sacrifice to 
 the Virgin Mary. Where it is obferved that the 
 Charge is double, I. That they gave Divine 
 Worfhip to the Holy Virgin, and z. That they 
 ufed Women-Priefts in their Service. Againft 
 thefe he has a particular Diflertation, wherein 
 
 he fhews at large that no Woman from the 
 Foundation of the World was ever ordained to 
 offer Sacrifice, or perform any folemn Service 
 [0] of the Church : Which if it had been al- 
 lowed to any, would certainly have been granted 
 to the Virgin Mary hcrfelf, who was fo highly 
 favoured of God. But neither fhe nor any other 
 Woman had ever the Prieft's Office committed 
 to them. There is indeed, fays he, an Order of 
 Deaconcfles in the Church, but their bufinefs 
 [/>] is not to Sacrifice, or perform any part of 
 the Sacerdotal Office, or any of the facred My- 
 fterics, but to be a decent Help to the Female 
 Sex in the time of their Baptifm, Sickneft, 
 Affliction, or the like : And therefore he denies, 
 that the Church made them either PresbyterefTes 
 or Priefteffes, H tsrpso-CuTs^'c/W, r\ h^josa;. Where 
 the Reader is to obferve, that Epiphanius put a 
 Diftinction betwixt the Names xeso-Cfu-nc/W and 
 x^crCim^/JW, becaufc the former only denotes 
 Elderly Women, fuch as the DeaconeTes com- 
 monly were j but the latter he ufes to fignify 
 Perfons ordained to the Office of Presbyters or 
 Pricfts, which he abfolutely denies any Women 
 in the Chriftian Church to be. 
 
 And from hence it is plain sect. vilf. 
 the Offices of the Deaconefles ^r offices. \. To 
 were only to perform fome Infe- a Matth e B* t tifm 
 rior Services of the Church, and °* M ' omm - 
 thofe chiefly relating to the Women, for whole 
 fake they were ordained. One part of their 
 Office was to aflift the Miniftcr at the 
 Baptizing of Women, where for Decency's lake 
 they were employed to diveft them (the Cuftom 
 then being to baptize all Adult Pcrfons by Im- 
 mcrfion) and fo to order the Matter, that the 
 whole Ceremony might be performed with all 
 the Decency becoming fo facred an Action. This 
 is evident from Epiphanius both in the forecited 
 PafTage, and other [a] Places. And it is taken 
 notice of alfo by Juftinian[b~\ and the Author [c~] 
 of theConftitutions, who adds, that the Deaco- 
 nefles were ufed to anoint the Women in Bap- 
 tifm with the Holy Oil, as the Cuftom of the 
 Greek Church then was, not only for the Bi- 
 fliops, Presbyters and Deacons, but alfo for the 
 Deaconefles to ufe this Ceremony of Unction 
 before Baptifm of which Cotelerius in his 
 Notes [d~\ gives feveral Inftances out of the 
 ancient Writers, but thefe belong to another 
 place. 
 
 z. Another Part of their sect. IX. 
 Office was to be a fort of Private 2 - To be * fort of 
 Catechifts to the Women-Cate- ^ ate c a tech;ft it0 
 
 1 u • t!oe Women - Cute- 
 
 chumens, who were preparing chHmmjt 
 for Baptifm. For though they 
 
 \b] Juflel. Bibl. Jur. Canon. T. i. p. 77. Nor. in Con. Nic. c. 19. 
 [i] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 3. c. 9. [k] Tertul.de Prsdcript. c. 41. 
 Ipfe muiieres hxreticse quam procaces, quae audcant docere, con- 
 tendere, Exorcifmos agere, curariones repromittere, forlitan 8c 
 rngerc. [/] Id. c. 17. de Baptifmo. [w] Epiph. Hser. 49. 
 Pepuzian. n. 2. iTno-noiroi wctf ttvrsK yvvttii&s. lb irf SfffiV- 
 yvvdixsi. [»] Id. Hxr. 78. Antidicomarianit. h. 13. 
 
 [0] Id. Hser. 79. Coll y rid. n. 2. E} \'-ca.-T&av yvvcu^.f 0«£ 
 
 'TTg/KTzTicaOVTO, » K&VWIX.0V Tl ifyd^it^ CV OUKktldlCt, i^&i 
 
 [p] Ibid. &tcMoviaJc!>t> rdyiJ.A Ir/y #f riiv cuxAHti'ictv, «AA* 
 
 [a] Epipb. Expof Fid . 2. 1 . [6] Juftin. Novel. 6. c. 6. 
 jVj Hieron. Apoft. Lib. 3 . c. 1 [</] Coreler. in Loc. 
 
 were 
 
100 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book II. 
 
 were not allowed to teach Publickly in the 
 Church, yet they might privately inftru£t and 
 teach thofe, how to make the proper Anfwers 
 that -were required of all Perfons at their Bap- 
 tifm. The Author of the fhort Notes on the E- 
 pi files [_e~] under the Name of St. Jerom, calls 
 this, Private Miniftery of the Word, which the 
 DeaconefTes performed in the Eaftern Churches 
 in his Time. And it was fo ufual and ordinary a 
 Part of their Office in the African Churches, 
 that the Fathers of the Fourth Council of Car- 
 thage [/] require it as a necefTary Qualification 
 in DeaconefTes when they are ordained, that they 
 lhall be Perfons of fuch good Underflanding, as 
 to be able to inftrucl: the Ignorant and Ruftick 
 Women, how to make Relponfes to the Inter- 
 rogatories, which the Minifter puts to them in 
 Bapti'm, and how they were to order their Con- 
 verfation afterward. 
 
 • SECT. X. 3. Another Part of their 
 
 3. To vifit and at- Employment was to vifit and at- 
 tend mmen that ten dWomen that were fick,which 
 jnfickandindi- is note dby [^] and the 
 
 Author of the Constitutions, 
 who [h~\ fays they were employed like wife in 
 delivering the Bimop's MefTages and Directions 
 to Women that were in Health, whom the 
 Deacons could not vifit becaufe of Unbelievers : 
 That is, becaufe of the Scandal and Reproach 
 which the Heathens were ready to call upon 
 them. 
 
 sect. XI. 4. In Times of Danger and 
 
 4. To minifter to Perfecution they were employed 
 the Martyrs and } n Miniftring to the Martyrs in 
 
 Confejfomn Prifon. becaufe they could more 
 
 eafily gain Accefs to them, and go with lefs 
 Sufpicion, and lefs Danger and Hazard of their 
 Lives from the Heathen, than the Deacons or 
 any other Miniflers of the Church could do. Co- 
 telerius [f\ and Gothofrecl collecl: this from fome 
 PafTages in Lucian and Libanus, which feem 
 plainly to refer to this Part of the DeaconefTes 
 Miniftry. For Lucian in one of his Dialogues 
 fpeaking of Peregrine the Philofopher, how he 
 was careffed by the Chriftians, whilft he was in 
 Prifon for the Profeffion of their Religion, fays, 
 In the Morning one might obferve the old Wo- 
 men the Widows waiting at the Prifon Gate [k~\ 
 with fome of the Orphans Children > Where by 
 the Widows he doubtlefs means the DeaconefTes 
 of the Chriftians. And there is little Queftion 
 but Libanius [f] means the fame, when he fays, 
 that the Mother or Miftrefs of the old Women, 
 
 when {he finds any one bound in Prifon, runs 
 about, and begs and makes a Collection for him. 
 This plainly refers to the great Charity and Li- 
 berality of the Chriftians coward their Martyrs, 
 which was collected and fcnt to them by the 
 Hand of thefe DeaconefTes. 
 
 f. In the Greek Churches the sect. xir. 
 DeaconefTes had alfo the Charge S- To *ttmd the 
 of the Doors of the Church, Womm >-Gate in the 
 which Part of their Office is Church ' 
 mentioned by the Author [m] of the Conftitu- 
 tions, and the Author under the Name of Ig- 
 natius, who [»] ftiles them (tyspsr ^ ayiw 
 tuKwvwv, the Keepers of the Holy Gates. But 
 probably, this was only in fuch Churches as 
 made a Diftinction betwixt the Mens Gate and 
 the Womens Gate : For Bp. UJber obferves, [0] 
 that no ancient Writer befides thefe two make 
 any mention of this, as part of the Office of 
 DeaconefTes : And in another place of the Con- 
 ftitutions [_p~] this Diftindtion is plainly expref- 
 fed : Let the Door-keepers ftand at the Gate of 
 the Men, and the DeaconefTes at the Gate of 
 the Women. 
 
 Lastly, they were to affign sect. Xllf. 
 all Women their Places, and re- 6 To P re fa» over 
 gulate their [?] Behaviour in the th *mdm>s, &c. 
 Church i to prefide over the reft of the Wi- 
 dows j [r~] whence in fome Canons they are ftiled 
 n^xa&vijJpou, GovernefTes j as Balfamon and 
 Zonaras note upon the Council \j] of Laodicea : 
 and if any Woman had any Suit to prefer to a 
 Deacon or a Bifhop, a Deaconefs [/] was to in- 
 troduce her. Thefe were the Offices of the Dea- 
 conefTes in the Primitive Church, which I have 
 been a little more particular in defcribing, be- 
 caufe they are not now fo commonly known ; 
 the Order ir felf having been for fome Ages 
 wholly laid afide. 
 
 If it be enquired, How long sect. xiv. 
 this Order continued in the H ™ lo "S th ». 0r ; 
 
 /-it 1 1 1 • • der cor/timed in the 
 
 Church, and what time it was c ^ Mrc h 
 totally abolifhed? I anfwer, It 
 was not laid afide every where at once, but con- 
 tinued in the Greek Church longer than in the 
 Latin, and in fome of the Latin Churches longer 
 than in others. In the Greek Church they con- 
 tinued to the Time of Balfamon, that is, to the 
 latter end of the Twelfth Century > for he fpeaks 
 of them [u] as then Miniftring in the Church 
 of Conftantinople: Though it appears from fome 
 other PafTages of the fame Author that in other 
 
 [e] Hieron. Com. in Rom. iff, 1. Sicut etiam nunc in Orien- 
 talibus DiaconifTae muliercs, in fuo Sexu miniftrate videntur in 
 Baptifmo, five in Minifterio Verbi, quia privatim docuiffe Fce- 
 minas invenimus, 8cc. [/] Con. Carthag. 4. c. 12. Viduas vcl 
 Santtimoniales, quae ad miniftarium baptizandarum mulierum 
 eliguntur, tarn inftru£fce fint ad Officium, ut poflint apto 8c fano 
 Sermone docere imperitas & rufticas mulieres, tempore quo bapti- 
 zandae funt, qualiter Baptizatori interrogatae refpondeant, 8c qualiter 
 accepto baptifmate, vivant. [g] Epiph. Hxr. 79. n. 3. Expof. 
 Fid. n. 11. [h~\ Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 3. c. if. 8c 19. Hieron. 
 Ep. 2. ad Nepot. Multas Anus alit Ecclelia quae Officium a-grotanti 
 
 praeftant, 8tc. [ij Coteler. Not. in Conft. Lib. 3. c. if. Go;ho- 
 
 f red. Com. in Cod. Theodof. Lib. 16". Tit. 2. Leg. 27. 
 
 [&] Lucian. Peregrin. T\ttea. tt$ jW//0THet6> <zfeif&jy."rtL 
 
 yf^iJ^ia, yrifxt Ttva.c.&.c. [/] Liban. Orat. 16. in Teftamen. 
 
 It. Orat. de Vinttis, cited by GothofreJ. [>] Conftit. Apoft. 
 
 Lib. 8. c. 28. [«] Pfeudo-Ignat. Ep. ad Antioch. n. 12. 
 
 [oj Ufter. Difiert. 17. in Ignat. p. 224.. [p ] Conftit. Apoft. 
 
 Lib. 2. c. 5-7. [q] Conftit. Lib. 2. c. 5-8. [r] Ibid. Lib. 3. c. 7. 
 
 [j] Con. Laodic. c. 11. [*] Conftit. Lib. 2. c. 26. [«] Bai- 
 
 fam. Refp. ad Interrog. Marci. c. 3>. ap. Lcunclav. Jus Gr. Rom. 
 
 T. 1. p. 381, 
 
 Churches 
 
Chap. XXII. Christian Church. 
 
 ioi 
 
 Churches [*] they were generally laid afide. 
 In the latin Church there were fome Decrees 
 made againft their Ordination long before. For 
 the Firft Council of Orange, An. 441, forbids 
 f y] any more Deaconefles to be ordained. And 
 the Council of Epone [_z] An. f 17, has a Canon 
 to the fame purpofe, wholly abrogating their 
 Confecration. Not long after which the Second 
 Council of Orleans, An.ffa renewed the De- 
 cree [a] againft them. And before any of thefe, 
 the Council of Laodicea in the Eaflern Church 
 had forbidden them under the Name of ancient 
 Widows or GovernefTes, decreeing [by that no 
 fuch for the future fnould be conftituted in the 
 Church. But thefe Decrees had no Effect at 
 all in the Eaft, nor did they univerfally take Ef- 
 fect in the Well till many Ages after. The Au- 
 thor indeed under the Name of St. Ambrofe, 
 would lead an unwary Reader into a great Mi- 
 ftake : For he makes as if the Order of Deaco- 
 nefles was no where ufed [c] but among the 
 Montanifis ; ignorantly confounding the Presby*- 
 terefles of the Montanifis with the Deaconefles of 
 the Church. And the Author under the Name of 
 St. Jerom is not much more to be regarded, 
 when he fcems to intimate that in his Time the 
 Order of DeaconefTes was wholly laid afide in 
 the JVefij and only retained [d~\ in the Oriental 
 Churches. For I have already fhewed (§. 6.) 
 From VenaMius Fortunatus, who lived An. f<$d, 
 and the Council of IVcr/vs, which was held in 
 the pch Century, that Deaconefles Were Hill re- 
 tained in fome parts of the H^eflern Church $ 
 Which may be evinced alfo from the Ordo Roma- 
 mis [>], and other Rituals in ufe about that time, 
 where among other Forms we meet with an 
 Ordo ad Diaconam faciendam, An Order or Form 
 'to confecrate a Deaconefs. But in an Age or two 
 after, that is, in the Tench or Eleventh '"entury, 
 Bona [/] thinks the whole Order was quite ex- 
 tinct. 
 
 SECT, xv. Before I make an end of 
 Another Notion f this Subject, I cannot but ac- 
 the Name Diaco- int the Rea( W tna r. there is 
 
 I LZf'it' *" other Notion of the Name 
 
 a Deacons Wife. , _ . , 
 
 Diacomffa, lometimes to be met 
 with in the Writers of the middle Ages of the 
 Church, who ufe it to fignify not a Deaconefs, 
 but a Deacon's Wife, in the fame Senfe as Pref- 
 
 bytera fignifics the Wife of a Presbyter, and 
 Epifcopa the Wife of a Bifhop. The Word E- 
 pifcopa is thus ufed in the id Council of Tours 9 
 where it is faid, That if a Bifhop have not a 
 Wife [g], there mall no train of Women fol- 
 low him. So alfo the Words Presbyter a, Dia- 
 conijja, and Subdiaconiffa [Z?], for the Wives of a 
 Presbyter, a Deacon, and a Subdeacon, occur a 
 little after in the fame Council. And fo in the 
 Council of Auxerre [f] and fome other Places. 
 From which a Learned and Ingenious Examiner 
 [k] of the Council of Trent concludes, that Bi- 
 fhops in thofe times were not as yet obliged by 
 the Law of Ccelibacy, not to cohabit with their 
 Wives, in the Gallican Church. But I mall 
 freely own, I take this to be a Miftake} For 
 from the Time of Pope Siricius the Ccelibacy of 
 the Clergy began to be prefled in the IVefiern 
 Church, and thefe very Canons do enforce it: 
 Therefore I lay no greater Strefs upon them 
 than they will bear: For as for ; the Caufe of the 
 Married Clergy, it needs not be defended by 
 fuch Arguments, having the Rule and Practice 
 of the Whole Catholick Church, for fome of 
 the purelt. Ages, to abet and fupport it j of 
 which I fhull give a jufl; account hereafter, 
 when I come to confider the general Qualifica- 
 tions that were neceflarily required of the Clergy 
 of the Primitive Church, among which the 
 Vow of Coclibacy will be found to have no 
 Place. What therefore thefe Canons mean by 
 Epifcopa and Presbytera, is no more than the Wife 
 of a Bifhop or Presbyter, which they had be- 
 fore they were ordained, but in thofe declining 
 Ages of the Church were not allowed to coha- 
 bit with them after Ordination. This Explica- 
 tion agrees both with the Scope of thofe Ca- 
 nons, and the Practice of the Times they were 
 made in j and we have no Difpute with Antonius 
 Augufiinus [/], or any candid Writer of the Ro- 
 mijb Communion, who carry this Notion no 
 higher than the Ages in which it was broached : 
 But when Baronius [_m~] and others transfer it to 
 the Primitive Ages, and make the Practice of 
 the Weflern Church in the fixth Age to be the 
 Practice of the Univerfal Church in all Ages, 
 they manifeftly Prevaricate, and put a Fallacy 
 upon their Readers, which it may be fufficienc 
 to have hinted here, and {hall be more fully 
 made out in its proper Place. 
 
 [*] Id. Com. in Concil. Chalced. c. i$\ [y] Cone. Araufic. 
 s. c. 26. Diaconiflae omnimod^ non ordinandi, &c. [«.] Cone. 
 Epaunef. c. 21. Viduarum confecrationem, quas Diaroniflas vo- 
 cant, ab orcni religione noitra penitus abrogsmus. [a] Cone. 
 Aurel. i.e. 17. Placuit ut nulli poftmodum Fceminx Diaconalis 
 Benedidio pro conditionis hujus fragilitate credatur. [b] Cone. 
 Lnodic. c. 11. Fhei th mh <f^v ^'ifCvrtfu »ro: <*«mm4NI* 
 hi &KK\n<rid. KA$'tr&fy. \c] Ambrof. Com. in 1 Tim. 
 X. I*. [d] Hieron, Com. in Rom. 16. 1. and m 1 Tim. 3. 11. 
 
 [e] Ordo Roman, p. 16 r. in Bibl Patr. Tom. 9. Par. 1624. 
 [/] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. e. 27. n.if. [g] Con.Turon. 
 i.e. 14. Epifcopum Epifcopam non hibentem, nulla fequatur 
 turba Mulierum. [b] Ibid. c. 20. Si inventus fuerit Presbyter 
 cum fua Presbyrera, aut Diaconus cum fua Diaconifla, aut Sub- 
 diaconus cum fua Subdiaconifla, annum integrum excommunica- 
 tus habeatur. [;] Con. Antiffidor. c. 21. [k] Gentillet. Exam. 
 Concil. Trid. lib." 4. p. zpg. [/] Anton. Aug. de Emendat. 
 
 Gratiani lib. 1. Dial. 20. p. 226. [m] Baron, an. $-8. n. 18. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
0R1GINES ECCLESIASTICS: 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
To the Right Honourable 
 
 And Right Reverend Father in God, 
 
 JONATHAN. 
 
 Lord Bifhop of Winchester, 
 
 And Prelate of the Mofi Noble Order of the Garter. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 taa^sdBEgsareg K S the kind Entertainment, which Your Lordship and the World 
 have been pleafed to give the Firft Part of this Work, has encoura- 
 ged me to go on, in hopes of doing Publick Service to the Church: 
 So the Nature of the Subjeft contained in this Second Volume, being 
 but a Continuation of the former Account of the Primitive Clergy, 
 obliges me again with all Submiflion to Prefent this Second Part to 
 Your Lordship, in hopes of no lefs kind Acceptance and Appro- 
 bation. The Matters here treated of are, many of them things of the 
 greatefl Importance, which when plainly fet in Order and prefented to Publick View, 
 may perhaps excite the Zeal of many in the Prefent Age, to Copy out thofe NecefTary 
 Duties, by the Practice of which the Primitive Church attained to great Perfection and 
 Glory ; and as I may fay, Hill Provokes and Calls us to the fame Attainments by fo many 
 Excellent Rules and Noble Examples. In the Fourth and Sixth of thefe Books I have 
 endeavoured to draw up fomething of the General Character of the Primitive Clergy, 
 by mewing what Qualifications were required in them before their Ordination, and what 
 Sort of Laws they were to be governed by afterwards, refpecting both their Lives and 
 Labours, in the continual Exercife of the Duties of their Function. Many of them, I 
 muft own, have been very Affecting to myfelf in the Confideration of them : And I was 
 willing to hope they might prove fo to fuch others as would be at the Pains to read them. 
 For here are both Directions and Provocations of the befl Sort, to excite our Induflry, 
 and inflame our Zeal, and to make us eager and reftlefs in Copying out the Pattern fet 
 before us. If any mail think I have collected thefe things together to reflect upon any 
 Perfons in the Prefent Age: I mall only fay with one of the Ancients [*] in a like Cafe, 
 They miflake my Defign ; which was not to Reproach any Man's Perfon, who bears 
 
 [*] Hieron. Ep. 83. ad Ocean. Tom. 2. p. 32,3. Ne quis me in Sugillationem iftius temporis Sacerdotum fcripfifle, 
 qux fcripfi, exiftimet, fed in Ecclefise Utilitatem. Ut enim Oratores & Philofophi, defcribentes qualem velint effe 
 perfe&um Oratorem & Philofophum, non faciunt injuriam Demoftheni & Platoni, fed res ipfas abfque Perfonis deft- 
 niunt : Sic in defcriptione Epifcopi, & in eorum Expofitione quae fcripta funt, quafi fpeculum Sacerdotii proponitur. 
 Jam in Poteftate & Confcientia fingulorum eft, quales fe ibi afpiciant . Ut vel dolefe ad Deformitatem, vel gaudere 
 ad Pulchritudinem poflint. 
 
 Vol. I. E e the 
 
The DEDICATION. 
 
 the Sacred Character of a Pricft, but to write what might be for the Publick Bene- 
 fit of the Church: For as when Orators and Philoiophers defcribe the Qualities, 
 which are required to make a compleat Orator or Philofopher, they do no Injury to De- 
 mofihenes or c Plato, but only defcribe things nakedly in themfelves, without any Perfonal 
 Applications: fo in the Defcription of a Bifliop or Prieft, and Explication of ancient 
 Rules, nothing more is intended but to propofe a Mirror of the Prielthood ; in which it 
 will be in every Man's Power and Confcience to take a View of himfelf, fo as either to 
 grieve at the fight of his own Deformity, or rejoice when he beholds his own Beauty 
 in the Glafs. 
 
 Nothing is here propofed but Rules and Examples of the nobleft Virtues; Probity 
 and Integrity of Life ; Studies and Labours becoming the Clerical Function ; Piety and 
 Devotion in our constant Addrefles to God ; Fidelity, Diligence and Prudence in preach- 
 ing his Word to Men; Carefulnefs and Exactnefs, joined with Difcretion and Charity, 
 in the Administration of Publick and Private Discipline; Candor and Ingenuity in compo- 
 fmg needlefs Difputes among Good Men; and Zeal in oppofmg and confronting the 
 Powerful and Wily Defigns of Hereticks and Wicked Men; together with Refolution 
 and Patience in Suffering Perfecutions, Calumnies, and Reproaches both from profefTed 
 Enemies, and pretended Friends; with many other Inftances of the like commendable 
 Virtues, which fhined in the Lives, and adorned the Profeilion of the Primitive Clergy : 
 Whofe Rules and Actions, I almoft promife my felf, Your Lordship and all good 
 Men will read with Pleafure, becaufe they will but fee their own Beauty reprefented in 
 the Glafs ; and they that fall lhort of the Character here given, will find it a gentle Ad- 
 monition and Spur to fet in Order the Things that are wanting in their Conduct, and 
 to Labour with more Zeal to bring themfelves a little nearer to the Primitive Stan- 
 dard. 
 
 Your Lordship is enabled by your High Station and Calling to revive the Exer- 
 cife of Ancient Discipline among Your Clergy in a more Powerful Way: And You have 
 given us already fome Convincing Proofs, that it is Your fettled Refolution and Intention 
 fo to do : As the Thoughts of This is a real Pleafure to the Diligent and Virtuous, fo it 
 is to be hoped it will prove a juft Terror to thofe of the contrary Character ; and by in- 
 troducing a Strict Difcipline among the Clergy, make way for the eafier Introduction of 
 it among the Laity alfo ; the Revival of which has long been defired, though but flow 
 Steps are made toward the Reftauration of it. In the mean time it becomes every Man 
 according to his Ability, though in a lower Station, to contribute his Endeavours toward 
 the promoting thefe good Ends : To which Purpofe I have collected and digelted thefe 
 Obfervations upon the Laws and Difcipline of the Ancient Clergy, that fuch as are wil- 
 ling to be influenced by their Practice, may have Great and Good Examples fet before 
 them ; whilll thev, whom Examples cannot move, may be influenced another way, by 
 the Authority which Your Lordship and Others in the fame Station are inverted with, 
 for the Benefit and Edification of the Church: The Promoting of which is, and ever 
 will be, the hearty Endeavour of him who is, 
 
 My LORD, 
 
 Tour Lordjhifs moft Dutiful 
 
 and Obedient Servant, 
 
 JOSEPH BINGHAM. 
 
BOOK III 
 
 Of thc Inferior Orders of the Clergy in the 
 
 Primitive Church. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the fir ft Original of the Inferior Orders, and the Number and Ufe of them : 
 and how they differed from the Superior Orders of Bi/hops, Presbyters, and 
 Deacons. 
 
 S S»C T. I. 
 The Inferior Or- 
 ders not of A- 
 poftoiic.tl, but 
 only Ecckfiafti- 
 cal Iujlitutton , 
 proved agaffljl 
 Baronius , and 
 ibe Council of 
 Trent. 
 
 AVING in the laft 
 Book difcourfed of the 
 Superior Orders of the 
 Clergy in the Primitive 
 Church, I come now to 
 treat of thofe which are commonly 
 call'd thc Inferior Orders. And here 
 our firft Enquiry mud be concern- 
 ing the Original and Number of 
 them. The two great Oracles of the Romijh 
 Church, Baronius [a] and the Council [b~] of 
 Trent, are very Dogmatical and Pofitive in their 
 AfTertions both about their Rife and Number ; 
 that they are prccifely five, viz, Subdeacons, 
 Acolythifts, Exorcifts, Readers, and Door- 
 keepers; and that they are all of Apoftolical 
 Inftitution : And herein they are follow'd not 
 only by Bellarminc [_c~], and the common Wri- 
 ters of that Side, but alfo by Schelftrate [V], a 
 Perfon who lived in greater Light, and might 
 have feen through the Mills that were cift be- 
 fore the Eyes of others. Cardinal Bona [/] di- 
 ftinguifhes between Subdeacons and thc reft. He 
 fairly owns, that Acolythifts, Exorcifts, Rea- 
 ders and Doorkeepers are not of Apoftolical In- 
 ftitution, as the modern School-men pretend : 
 But as to Subdeacons, he joins with them en- 
 tirely, and fays [/], that though the Scripture 
 makesnoexprefs Vlentionof them, yet their Infti- 
 tution muftbe referr'd either to Chrift, or atleaft 
 to his Apoftles. The French Writers are not ge- 
 nerally fo tenacious of this Opinion, as having 
 never fworn to receive the Decrees of the Tri- 
 dentine Fathers with an Implicite Faith ; but 
 
 many of them ingenuoufly confefs the Rife of 
 the Inferior Orders to be owing only to Eccle- 
 fiaftical Inftitution. Morinus [gj undertakes to 
 prove that there was no fuch Order as that of 
 Acolythifts, or Exorcifts, or Door-keepers a- 
 mong thc Greeks in the Age next to the Apoftles j 
 nor does Schelftrate difprove his Arguments, 
 though he makes a Shew of refuting him. Dua~ 
 renus [/?] fays there were no fuch Orders origi- 
 nally in the firft and Primitive Church. Cotele- 
 rius [f] confefles their Original is involved 
 wholly in Obfcurity j that there is no mention 
 made of any of them in Ignatius, or any other 
 ancient Writer before Cyprian and Tertullian. And 
 therefore Habertus \_k~] is clearly of Opinion, that 
 it would be more advifeable for their Church to 
 expunge all the Inferior Orders out of the Num- 
 ber and Catalogue of Sacraments, and refer them 
 only to Ecclefiaftical Inftitution, as the ancient 
 Divines were ufed to do. By the ancient Di- 
 vines he means the School-men, who were ge- 
 nerally of this Opinion heretofore. But Peter 
 Lombard, who is fet at the Head of them, de- 
 clares [/] that the Primitive Church had no 
 Orders below thofe of Presbyters and Deacons ; 
 nor did the Apoftle give Command about any 
 other, but the Church in fucceeding Ages inftitu- 
 ted Subdeacons and Acolythifts herfelf. And 
 this is the Opinion of Aquinas [m~], and Amala- 
 rius Fortunatus [n~\ and many others. Schelftrate 
 himfelf [o] owns, that it was the Opinion of 
 two Popes, Urban the Second, and Innocent the 
 Third, that the Order of Subdeacons was not 
 reckoned among the facred Orders of the Primi- 
 
 [3] Baron, an. 44. 78. [£] Cone. Trid. SeiT. 23. c. 2. It- 
 Catechifm. ad Parochos tit. de facramento Ordinis p. 222. 
 [c] Bel'arm.de Clericis Lib. 1. c. 11. [</] Schelftrat. Conci!. 
 
 Antiochen. Reftitut. Dlfiert. 4. c. 17. art. 2. p. $-20. [e] Bona 
 Rer. Liturg. Lib. 1. c. 2$\ n. 17. Acolythos, Exorciftas, Leftores, 
 8c Oftiarios, ab Apoftolis, vel ab immediatis eorum fuccefibribus 
 inftitutos, Doctores Scholaftici aflerunt, fed non probant. 
 [/"] Bona ibid. n. 16. Subdiaconorum licet exprefla mentio in fa- 
 cris Literis non reperiatur, eorum tamen inftitutiovel ad Chriftum, 
 ut recentiores Scholaftici exiftimant, vel ad Apoftolos referenda eft. 
 [g] Morin. de ordinat. exercit. 14. cap. 1. \h~] Duaren.de 
 Minifter. 8c Beneficiis Eccl. Lib. 1. c. 14. [i] Cotder. not. in 
 
 Conftitut. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. if. [k] Habert. Archieratic. Par. f. 
 Obferv. i.p. 48. Confultius meo quidem judicio, Ordines Hiera- 
 chicis inferiores, ipfumque adeo Hypodiaconi, 8c a Sacramentorum 
 Cenfu expungere, 8c ad Inftitutionem duntaxat Ecclefiafticam cum. 
 amiquis Theologis referre. [/] Lombard. Sent. Lib. 4. Dift. 24. 
 p. ij8. Hos folos Primitiva Ecclefia legitur habuifle, 8c de his 
 folis Praeceptum Apoltoli habemus. Subdiaconos vero 8c Acolythos 
 proccdente tempore Ecclefia fibi conftituit. [m] Aquin. fup- 
 plement. Par. 3. Q. 37. Art. 2. R.efp. ad fecundum. [»] A- 
 malar. de Offic. Eccl. Lib. 2. c. 6. [0] Schelftrat. de Concil. 
 Antioch. p. fif. 
 
 tive 
 
( 
 
 108 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 tivc Church: It was indeed an Inferior Order 
 in the 3d Century, but not dignified with the 
 Title of a Sacred or Superior Order till the 
 Twelfth Age of the Church 5 when, as Menar- 
 dus informs us out of a MS. Book of Petrus 
 Cantor [/>] a Writer of that Age, it was then 
 but juft newly dignified with that Character : 
 That is, in an Age when Bifhops and Presbyters 
 began to be reckoned but one Order, in Com- 
 pliance with an Hypothcfis peculiar to the Ro- 
 mijh Church, then the Order of Subdeacons 
 ftept up to be a fuperior Order ; and whereas 
 the Primitive Church was ufed to reckon the 
 three fuperior Orders to be thofe of Bifhops, 
 Presbyters, and Deacons, the Romijh Church 
 110 w began to fpeak in a different Stile, and 
 count the three fuperior Orders, thofe of Priefts, 
 Deacons, and Subdeacons : So that this laft be- 
 came a Superior Order 5 which for fome Ages 
 before had been only an Inferior Order, and at 
 firft was no Order at all. For the Teltimonies 
 all edged by Schelflrate after Bellarmine and Baro- 
 nius, to prove the Inferior Orders of Apoftolical 
 Inftitution, are of no Authority or Weight in 
 this Cafe. The Epiflle under the Name of Ig- 
 natius ad Antiochenos, and the Conftitutions under 
 the Name of Clemens Romanus, which are the 
 only Authorities pretended in this Matter, are 
 now vulgarly known to be none of their Genuine 
 Writings, but the Works of fome Authors of 
 much later Date. So that till fome better Proofs 
 be given, there will be reafon to conclude, that 
 thefe Inferior Orders were not of Apoftolical, 
 but only of Ecclefiaftical Conftitution. 
 
 SECT. 11. And this may be argued far* 
 
 No certain tutm- t h er? not on jy f rom tne Silence 
 
 her of then, m the q£ ^ moft ^ Writers but 
 Primitive Church. . r r . . r \ r 
 
 alio from the Accounts of thole 
 who fpeak of them prefently after their Inftitu- 
 tion. For tho' the Romim Church determines 
 them to be precifely Five in Number, yet in the 
 ancient Church there was no fuch Rule j but 
 fome Accounts fpeak of more than Five, and o- 
 thers not of fo many > which argues that they 
 were not of Apoftolical Inftitution. The Author 
 under the Name of \jf\ Ignatius reckons Six 
 without Acolythifts, viz, Subdeacons, Readers, 
 Singers, Door-keepers, Copiata, and Exorcifts. 
 The Author of the Conftitutions under the 
 Name of Clemens Romanus [r~\ counts but Four 
 of thefe Orders, viz, Subdeacons, Readers, 
 Singers, and Doorkeepers. For he makes no 
 mention of the Copiata, or of Acolythifts: And 
 tdough he fpeaks of Exorcifts, yet he fays \f\ 
 exprefly it was no Church-Order. The Apofto- 
 lical Canons [/], as they are commonly called, 
 Name only Three, Subdeacons, Readers, and 
 Singers. And though the Author under the 
 
 Name of St. Jerom [«] mentions Four, yet he 
 brings the Copiata or Fojjarii into the Account, 
 and makes them the firft Order of the Clergy, 
 leaving cut Acolythifts and Exorcifts. Epiphanius 
 [x] makes no mention of Acolythifts, but in- 
 ftead of them puts in the Copiat.e, and Interpre- 
 ters. Others add the Parabolani alfo j and except 
 Cornelius \_y~\ there is fcarce any other ancient 
 Writer, who isfo precife to the Number of Five 
 Inferior Orders, as now computed in the Church 
 of Rome. 
 
 The Reafon of which Diffe- sect. III. 
 rencc muft needs be this, That Kot u.fliiHted m nil 
 there was no certain Rule left ?£^£ th 
 Originally about any fuch Orders i ' me ' 
 but every Church inllituted them for herfelf, at 
 fuch Times and in ftich Numbers as her own 
 Neceflities feemed to require. For at firft moft 
 of the Offices of thefe Inferior Orders were per- 
 formed by the Deacons, as I have had occafion 
 to fhew in another [_z~] Place: But as the Num- 
 ber of Converts increafed in large Churches, 
 fuch as that of Rome, which confined her felf 
 to the number of Seven Deacons, the Duties of 
 the Deacons Office quickly became too great and 
 heavy for them: Whereupon a fort of Affiftants 
 to them were appointed, firft in thofe great 
 Churches, under the Names of thefe Inferior 
 Orders, to take off from the Deacons fome of 
 the heavy Burden that lay upon them. And that 
 is the Reafon why we meet with the Inferior 
 Orders in fuch great and populous Churches as 
 Rome and Carthage in the beginning of the 3d 
 Century j whereas in many of the lefTer Churches 
 all the Offices were ftill performed by Deacons, 
 even in the 4th and fth Centuries: Which may 
 be concluded from the words of the Author un- 
 der the Name [a~] of St. Auftin, where fpeaking 
 of the Deacons of Rome, he fays, the Reafon 
 why they did not perform all the Inferior Ser- 
 vices of the Church, was, that there was a Mul- 
 titude of the lcfTcr Clergy under them ; whereas 
 otherwife they muft have taken care of the Al- 
 tar and its Utenfils, &c. as it was in other 
 Churches at that Time. Which feems evident- 
 ly to imply, that thefe Inferior Orders were not 
 taken into all Churches when that Author made 
 this Obfervation. 
 
 But fuch Churches as admit- sect. IV. 
 
 ted them, made them fubfervient The Principal ufe 
 
 to divers good Ends and Purpo- °f them m tbe Fr '- 
 
 fes. For befides that of Relic- f^;<*P* t, 
 
 1 r r be a fort of Nur- 
 
 vmg the Deacons in fome part of f J, J Hierar . 
 
 their Office, they were alfo a e ty. 
 
 fort of Nurfery for the Sacred 
 
 Hierarchy, or Superior Orders of the Church. 
 
 For in thofe days fuch Churches as had thefe Or- 
 
 [/>] Pet. Cantor de Verbo Mirifico, ap. Menard. Not. in Sa- 
 cramental Gregor. p. 280. De Novo inftitutum eft, Subdiaconatum 
 efle facrum ordinem. [^] Ep. ad Antioch. n. 12. [r] Con- 
 ftit. Apoft. Lib. 2. c. 11. [s] Ibid. Lib. 8. c. 16. [tj Can. 
 Apoft. c. 69. [«J Jerom. de 7. Ordin. Eccl. T. 4. p. 8. 
 [*] Epiphan. Expof. Fid. n. 2,1. [y~] Cornel. Ep. ad Fab. ap. 
 
 Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 43. [z] Book 2. Chap. 20. Seft. if. 
 
 OJ Aug. Qua ft. Vet. 8c Nov.Teft. T. 4. c 101. Ut autem non 
 
 onnnia minifteria oblequiorum per ordinem agant, multitudo facie 
 
 Clericorum. Nam utique 5c Alrare porraren;, & vafa ejus, 8c 
 
 aquam in manus funderent Sacerdoti, licut videmus per omncs 
 
 Ecclefias. 
 
 ders 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 109 
 
 dcrs fettled in them, commonly chofe their Su- 
 perior Mini Iters, Bifhops, Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons, out of them j and the Clergy of thefe letter 
 Orders were a fort of Candidates under Tryal 
 and Probation for the greater. For the Church 
 not having the advantage of Chriftian Academies 
 at that Time, took this Method to train up fie 
 Perfons for the Miniftry, firft exercifing them in 
 fome of the lower Offices, that they might be 
 the better difciplin'd and qualified for the Duties 
 of the Superior Functions. And by this means 
 every Bifliop knew perfectly both the Abilities 
 and Morals of all the Clergy of his Diocefej 
 for they were bred up under his Eye, and go- 
 verned by his Care .and Infpection. In fome 
 places they lived all in one Houfe, and eat all at 
 one Table: As Pojfidius \b~] particularly notes of 
 St. Juftins Church at Hippo, and Sezomen [c] of 
 the Church of Rinocurura in the Confines of Pa- 
 le fiine and Egypt, that they had Houfe and Tabic 
 and every thing in Common. Hence it became 
 a Cuftom in Spain, in the Time of the Gothick 
 Kings, about the End of the f th Century, for 
 Parents to dedicate their Children very young to 
 the Service of the Church : In which cafe they 
 were taken into the Bifhop's Family, and educa- 
 ted under him by fome difcreet and grave Pref- 
 byter, whom the Bifhop deputed for that pur- 
 pofe, and fet over them by the Name of Prapo- 
 Jitus, &? Magifter Difcipline, The Superinten- 
 dent, or Mailer of Difcipline, becaufe his chief 
 Bufinefs was to infpect their Behaviour, and in- 
 ftruct them in the Rules and Difcipline of the 
 Church. As we may fee in the zd and 4th 
 Councils \d~] of Toledo, which give Directions a- 
 bout this Affair. 
 
 SECT. v. And upon this Account thefe 
 Not allowed to for- Inferior Clergy were tied as well 
 fake their Service, as ot h e rs to the perpetual Service 
 
 fecZ U nfe°aZ re of the Qwirdi, when once they 
 r ye again. ^ a( j devoted and dedicated them- 
 
 felves to it : They might not then forfake their 
 Station, and r\urn to a mere Secular Life again 
 at their own Pleafure. The Council of Chalce- 
 don [e~\ has a peremptory Canon to this purpofe : 
 That if any Perfon ordained among the Clergy 
 betake himfelf to any Military or Civil Employ- 
 ment, and does not repent and return to the Of- 
 fice he had fir It chofen for God's Sake, he 
 Ihould be anathematized. Which is repeated in 
 
 the Council of Tours [/], and Tribur [g], and 
 fome others, where 'tis interpreted fo, as to in- 
 clude the Inferior Orders as well as the Superior. 
 
 But though they agreed in sect. vi. 
 
 this, yet in other Refpects they How they differed 
 
 differed very much from one a- f rom the Sli P er,or 
 
 nother. As lit in Name: The orders, in lu^.n 
 
 „ , „ . y 1 Office, and Manner 
 
 Clergy ot the Superior Orders cf 0rJlll , twn _ 
 arc commonly called the ItfoifjJyto^ 
 Holy [li] and Sacred, as in Socrates and others : 
 Whence the Name, Hierarchy, is ufed by the 
 Author under the Name of Dionyjitts [/'] the A- 
 reopagite, to fignify peculiarly the Orders of Bi- 
 fhops, Presbyters and Deacons j As Hallier a fa- 
 mous Sorbonne Doctor has abundantly proved a- 
 gainft Cellotius the Jcfuit in his Learned and Ela- 
 borate Defence [k] of the Hierarchy of the 
 Church. But on the other hand the Inferior Or- 
 ders in the ancient Canons have only theName of 
 fnfacrati, Unconfecratcd j as in the Council [/] of 
 Agde, where the Infacrati Miniftri are forbidden to 
 touch thefacred Veffels,or to enter into the Diaco- 
 nicon or San6tuary, it is plain there muft be meant 
 the Inferior Orders. 2. Another Difference, 
 which gave Rife to the former Diftinction, was 
 the different Ceremonies obferved in the Man- 
 ner of their Ordination. The one were always 
 ordained at the Altar : The others not fo : The 
 one with the folemn Rite of Impofition of 
 Hands j the other commonly without it. Whence 
 St. Bafil \jn\ calls the one BaO/xos-, a Degree 5 
 but the other a^^ToyyjT^ uVn^cr/a, an Infe- 
 rior Miniftry, which had no Impofition of 
 Hands. 2. The main Difference was in the 
 Excrcife of their Office and Function. The one 
 were ordained to minifter before God as Priefts, 
 to celebrate his Sacraments, expound his Word 
 publickly in the Church, &c. Tn which refpects 
 the three fuperior Orders of Bifhops, Presbyters, 
 and Deacons are faid by Optatus, and others, to 
 have each their Share and Degree in the Chri- 
 ftian Prieithood, as has been noted [»] in the for- 
 mer Book : But the Inferior Orders were not ap- 
 pointed to any fuch Miniftry, but only to attend 
 the Minifters in Divine Service, and perform 
 fome lower and ordinary Offices, which any 
 Chriftian by the Bifhop's Appointment was quali- 
 fied to perform. What thefe Offices were fhall 
 be fhewed by a particular Account of them in 
 the following Chapters. 
 
 [6] Poflid. Vit. Aug. c. 25-. Cum ipfo femper Clerici, una e- 
 tiam Domo ac Menfa, Sumptibufque communibus alebantur 8c 
 veftiebantur. [c] Sozom. Lib. 6. c. 31. Ko/|/« <Pt oii rolf 
 
 [</] Cone. Tolet. 2. c. 1. De his quos voluntas Parentum a pri- 
 mis InFantias annis in Clericatus Officio vel Monachali pofuit, Sta- 
 
 tuimus ut in Domo Ecclefiae fub Epifcopali prsefentia a Prsepo- 
 
 fito fibi debeant erudiri. It. Tolet. 4. c. 23. Si qui in Clero Pu- 
 beres aut Adolefcentes exiftunt, omnes in uno Conclavi Atrii com- 
 morentur, ut in Difciplinis Eccleiiafticis agant, deputato probatiffi- 
 mo feniore, quern 8c Magi drum Difciplinae 8c teftem vitx habe- 
 ant. [t] Cone. Chalced. c. j-. m* cv K^funra. {Ai- 
 
 v\s(, ae'iccLvfy, fjinr? Imi Tfetrdctv, /Are cm etPittv k.ot;j.ok.\)V 
 'ipyj-g^, See. [/] Si quis Clericus relicto Officii fui Ordine, 
 Laicam voluerit agere vitam, vel fe militia: tradiderit, excommu- 
 nicationis poena feriatur. [^] Cone. Triburienf. c. 27. 
 [£] Socrat. Lib. 1. c. 10. 8c 15". [i] Dionyf. de Hierar. 
 Ecclef. c. 5-. n. 2. [&] Hallier Defenfio Hierarch. Ecclef. Lib. 
 i.e. 3. Lib. 3. Se£t. 2. c. t. 8c 2. [/] Cone. Agathen. c. 66. 
 Non licet Iniacratos Miniftros licentiam habere, in Secretarium, 
 quod Graeci Diaconicon appellant, ingredi, 8c contingcre vafa Do- 
 minica. [/»] Balil. Ep. Canon, c. 5-1 \n\ See Bock 2. Chap . 
 if. Se3. if. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 C H A P. 
 
HO 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 CHAP. II, 
 Of SUED E A CONS. 
 
 sect. T. TTHE firft Notice we have of 
 nc Mention of Sub- .1 this Order in any ancient 
 deacons, nil the 3W Writers is in the middle of the 
 CeKtHt y- 3d Century, when Cyprian and 
 
 Cornelius lived, who both fpeak of Subdeacons as 
 fettled in the Church in their Time. Cyprian 
 [a] mentions them at lead ten times in his Epi- 
 itles-, and Ccr.v.'Hns in his famous Epiftle [_b~] to 
 Fahius Liilhop of An j ': r J .\ where he gives a Ca- 
 talogue of the Clergy then belonging to the 
 Church of Rome, reckons feven Subdeacons a- 
 mong them. But fome think they were not 
 quite fo early in the Greek Church: For Haber- 
 tus \_c~\ fays, no Greek Wriur fpeaks of them 
 before Athdnafius \_d~\, who lived in the 4th 
 Century. 
 
 SECT. IT. The Author of the Conflitu- 
 
 x'-'ir ordination tions indeed refers them to an 
 ptrform'd mthmt Apoitohcal Original, and in 
 of hands Compliance with that Hypothecs 
 
 in the L \t in Church. . . r . _,, . . / 
 
 brings m Thomas the Apoitle giv- 
 ing Direction to Bifliops to ordain them with 
 lmpofition [e] of Hands and Prayer, as he does 
 for all the reft of the Inferior Orders. But that 
 Author is Singular in rhis: For it does not ap- 
 pear to have been the Practice of the Greek 
 Church, whofe Cuftoms he chiefly reprefents : 
 St. Bafil, a more Credible Witnefs, fays of this 
 and all the other Inferior Orders that they [/] 
 were dyja^rovn^ci, ordained without lmpofition 
 of Hands. And for the Latin Church it is evi- 
 dent from a Canon of the 4th Council of Car- 
 thage, where we have the Form and Manner of 
 their Ordination thus exprcft: When [g] a Sub- 
 deacon is ordained, feeing he has no lmpofition 
 of Hands, let him receive an empty Patin and an 
 empty Cup from the hands of the Bifhop, and 
 an Ewer and Towel from the Archdeacon. 
 Which Form wholly excluding lmpofition of 
 Hands, is a good Collateral Evidence (as Haber- 
 tus \F\ confelles ingenuoufly) to prove that this 
 Order was not inftituted by the Apoftles: For 
 they did not ufe to omit this Ceremony in any of 
 their Ordinations. 
 
 SECT. nr. As to the Office of Subdea- 
 
 A brief Account of conSj we ma y m fome mcaflire 
 
 * btir °fi ces ' learn what it was from the fore- 
 
 mentioned Canon, viz. That it was to fit and 
 prepare the Sacred VefTels and Utenfils of the 
 Altar, and deliver them to the Deacons in time 
 of Divine Service. But they were not allowed 
 to Minifter as Deacons at the Altar j No not fo 
 much as to come within the Rails of it, to fet a 
 Patin or Cup or the Oblations of the People 
 thereon: As appears from a Canon [/] of the 
 Council of Laodicea, which, forbids the u^npE^), 
 by which is meant Subdeacons, to have any 
 place within the Diaconicon, or Sanctuary, nor 
 to touch the Holy VefTels, meaning at the Com- 
 munion-Table. Though this is now their Office 
 in the Church of Rome; and in that, Bona \JT\ 
 owns they differ from thofe of the ancient 
 Church. Another of their Offices was to at- 
 tend the Doors of the Church during the Com- 
 munion-Service. This is mentioned by the 
 Council of Laodicea^ in a Canon [/] which fixes 
 them to that Station. And Faleftus thinks Eu- 
 feoius meant them, when defcribing the Temple 
 of Paulinas, he fpeaks \m\ of fome, whofe Of- 
 fice it was Sru^v/^m yy -aroJlnym TSi aVtovlar, to 
 attend the Doors, and conduct thofe that came 
 in, to their proper Places. The Author of the 
 Conftitutions [ti] divides this Office between the 
 Deacons and Subdeacons, ordering the Deacons 
 to ftand at the Mens Gate, and the Subdeacons 
 at the Womensj that no one might go forth, 
 nor the Doors be opened in the Time of the 
 Oblation. Befides thefe Offices in the Church, 
 they had another Office out of the Church, 
 which was to go on the B'ifhop's Embaflies, with 
 his Letters or MefTagcs to Foreign Churches. 
 For in thofe days, by reafon of the Perfecurions, 
 a Bifhop did not fo much as fend a Letter to a 
 Foreign Church, but by the hands of one of his 
 Clergy : Whence Cyprian [o~] gives fuch Letters 
 the Name of Liter* Clericce : And the Subdeacons 
 were the Men that were commonly employed in 
 this Office; As appears from every one of thofe 
 Epiftles in Cyprian, which fpeak of Subdeacons. 
 Particularly in that which he wrote to the Cler- 
 gy of Carthage in his Retirement, where he \_p~] 
 tells them, that having occafion to write to the 
 Church of Rome, and needing fome of the Cler- 
 gy to convey his Letter by, he was obliged to 
 ordain a new Subdeacon for this purpofe, be- 
 caufe the Church could not fpare him one at 
 
 [a] Cypr. Ep. 8. 20. 19. 34. 3$". 4f. 78. 79. ed. Oxon. 
 [b] ap. Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 43. [c] Habert. Archierattc. p. 49. 
 [</] Achat:. Ep. ad Solitar. Vit. agent. [e] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 
 8. c. 21. [/] Bafil. Ep. Canon, c. j-i. [g] Cone. Carth. 
 4. c. 5-. Subdiaconus quum ordinatur, quia manus Impolitionera 
 non accipit, Pacinam de Epifcopi manu accipiat vacuam, 8c Cali- 
 cem vacuum. De manu vero Archidiaconi, urceolum cum aqua, 
 8c mantile, 8c manutergium. [A] Habert. Archieratic. p. 48. 
 [i] Cone. Laodic. c. 21. [/.'] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. if. 
 a. 16. Olim nec Calicem ncc Patinam nec Oblationes in akari po- 
 
 nebant. [/] Cone. Laodic. c. 22. k JVi' t/WpifrW rat ■$ 
 pc?.i iyKd.Ta.Ai/j.T'iy&i!'. [?»] Eufeb. Hift. lib. 10. c. 4. 
 [ n ] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 1 1. \o\ Cypr. Ep. 4. al. 9. Grave 
 eft ft Epiftolx Clerical Veritas mendacio aliquo 8c fraude corrupts 
 eft. [/>] Cypr. Ep. 24. aJ. 29. Quoniam oportuit me per Cle- 
 ricos fcribere; Scio autem noftros plurimos abfentes efle, paucos ve- 
 ro, qui illic funt, vix ad miniftcrium quotidiani open's fufficere: 
 necefle fuit novos aliquos conftituere, qui mitterentur: Fecifie me 
 autem fciatis Leitorem Saturum, 8c Hypodiaconum Optacum Con- 
 felTorem. 
 
 that 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 that time, having fcarce enough left to perform 
 her own daily Services. Thefe were anciently 
 the chief of the Subdeacons Office, at their firft 
 Inilkution. 
 
 SECT. IV. And great care was taken that 
 what offices they t } ie y fhould not exceed their 
 migftt not perform, ftourxfc, or encroach too much 
 upon the Deacon's Office. They might not take 
 upon them to Minifter the Bread \_q] or the Cup 
 to the People at the Lord's Table j They might 
 not bid the Prayers, or do any part of that Ser- 
 vice which the Deacons did, as they were the 
 tfitims or Holy Crycrs of the Church. This is 
 the meaning of the Canon [r] of the Council of 
 Laodicea, which prohibits the Subdeacons from 
 wearing an Horarium in time of Divine Service : 
 Which was an Habit of Deacons, that they 
 made ufe of as a fignal to give notice of the 
 Prayers, and other Services of the Church, to 
 the Catechumens, Penitents, who were to 
 obferve their Directions: This Habit therefore 
 the Subdeacons might not wear, becaufe it was 
 a Diftinguifhing Habit of a Superior Order. 
 And farther, to fhew the fame Subjection and 
 
 Deference to Deacons, as Deacons did to Pref- 
 byters, they are forbidden by another Canon \j\ 
 of that Council to fit in the Prefencc of a Dea- 
 con without his Leave. 
 
 There is but one thing sect. v. 
 
 more 1 mall note concerning this The singularity 
 
 Order, which is the Singularity 4 the &»*b °f 
 
 of the Church of Rome in keep- ^ ome » kafhgto 
 ing to the Number of feven Sub- 
 
 ,*? „ . , r .,„ r of feven Suodeacons. 
 
 deacons, ror in the Epiltle or 
 Cornelius [/], which gives us the Catalogue of the 
 Romifh Clergy, we find but feven Deacons, and 
 feven Subdeacons, though there were forty 
 four Presbyters, and forty two Acolythifts , and 
 of Exorcifts, Readers, and Door-keepers no 
 lefs than fifty .wo. But other Churches did not 
 tie themfelves to follow this Example. For in 
 the great Church of Conjlantinoplc , and three 
 lefler that belonged to it, there were ftfnety 
 Subdeacons, as may be fecn in one of Jufii- 
 nian's Novels where he gives a Catalogue 
 
 of the Clergy, and fixes the Number of every 
 Order, amounting to above five hundred in the 
 whole. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of AC0LTTH1STS. 
 
 sect. I. XT EXT to the Subdeacons 
 jicolytbifls an Order Jl\ the Latin Writers common- 
 peculnrtothe Latin ] v p Ut Acolythifts, which was an 
 
 Church, and never q^. pecu y m . to the Latin 
 mentioned by any 1 t? r i 
 
 Greek WrL, for Church : For there was no fuch 
 four centuries. Order in the Greek Church for 
 above four hundred Years; nor 
 is it ever fo much as mentioned among the Or- 
 ders of the Church by any Greek Writer all that 
 time, as CabaJJutius [V], and Schelftrate [f\ con- 
 fefs. And though it occurs fometimes in the 
 later Greek Rituals, yet Schelftrate fays, it is there 
 only another Name for the Order of Subdeacons. 
 But in the Latin Church thefe two were diftin- 
 guifhed : For Cornelius in his Catalogue makes a 
 plain Difference between them, in faying there 
 were forty two Acolythifts, and but feven Sub- 
 deacons in the Church of Rome. Cyprian alfo 
 fpeaks of chem [c] frequently in his Epiftles, as 
 diftin6t from the Order of Subdeacons j though 
 wherein their Offices differed, is not very eafy to 
 determine from either of thofe Authors. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Their Ordination 
 and Office. 
 
 But in the 4th Council of 
 Carthage there is a Canon which 
 gives a little Light in the Mat- 
 
 ter. For there we have the Form of their Or- 
 dination, and fome Intimation of their Office 
 alfo. The Canon [//] is to this Effe&: When 
 any Acoly thill: is ordained, the Bifhop fhali in- 
 form him how he is to behave himfelf in his Of- 
 fice: And he fhali receive a Candleftick with a 
 Taper in it, from the Archdeacon, that he may 
 underftand that he is appointed to light the Can- 
 dles of the Church. He fhall alfo receive an' 
 empty Pitcher to furnifh Wine for the Eucharift 
 of the Blood of Chrift. So that the Acolythifts 
 Office feems at that Time to have confifted 
 chiefly in thefe two things, Lighting the Can- 
 dles of the Church, and Attending the Minifters 
 with Wine for the Eucharift: The Defignation 
 to which Office needed no Impofition of Hands, 
 but only the Bifhop's x^ppointment, as is plain 
 from the Words of the Canon now cited. 
 
 Some think [e] they had a- sect. III. 
 nother Office, which was to ac- The origination of 
 company and attend the Bifhop the mm - 
 whitherfoever he went; and that they were cal- 
 led Acolythifts upon this account: Or perhaps 
 becaufe they were obliged to attend at Funerals 
 in the Company of the Canonicce & A 'fcei 'rice , 
 
 [3] Cone. Laodic. c. iy. « A? C-rnfWa.$ i'pTop £i£'ov<u, 
 i£i iter neii'J Ivhoyei". [r] Ibid. c. 22. g J^J j7rn°iTvii' &>ra- 
 exov ®?PriV> &c. [j] Cone. Laodic. c. 20. [t] Ap. Eu- 
 feb. Lib. 6. c. 4}. [«] Juftin. Novel. 3. [a] Cabaflur. 
 Notit. Concil. c. +i.p. 249. \b"] Schelftrat.de Concil. Antio- 
 cheno DifFert. 4. c. 17. p. fz6. [c] Cypr. Ep. 7. 34. 5-9. 
 77. 78. 79. id. Oxon. [//] Cone. Carthag. 4. c. 6. Acoly- 
 
 thus quum ordinatur, ab Epifcopo quidem doce.itur qualiter in 
 Officio fuo agere debeat: Sed ab Arcliidiacono accipiat Cetcvferari- 
 um cum Cereo, ut fciat (e ad accendenda EcclefuT luminaria man- 
 cipari. Accipiat 8c Urrrolum vacuum ad ftiggeieiidum vinum in 
 Euchaiiftiam fanguini.. Chrifti. [.e] Duarcn. de Miniller. Sc 
 Benehc. Lib. i.e. 14. 
 
 with 
 
112 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book III. 
 
 with whom they are joined in one of 'Jufiinian's 
 [f] Novels. The Original Word, , A*6Xa&©', 
 as Hefychius [g] explains it, fignifies a young 
 Servant, or an Attendant who waits continually 
 upon another. And the Name feems to be gi- 
 ven them from this. But the Inference which 
 a Learned Perfon [_h~\ makes from hence, that 
 the Order of Acolythilts was fir 11 in the Greek 
 Church, becaufe the Name is of Greek Original, 
 feems not to be fo certain: Becaufe it can hard- 
 ly be imagined, that it ffiould be an Order of 
 the Greek Church, and yet no Greek Writer be- 
 fore Jufiinian's time make any Mention of it. 
 
 SECT. IV. I know indeed St. Jerom [f] 
 
 Whether Acoiythfs ic was a Cuftom in the O- 
 
 be the fame ^ththe Churches tQ u H ht d 
 
 Deputati 8c Cerofe- „ , , „ £ P 
 
 rarii of 'later Ages. T *P ers when the G ° r P e] ™S 
 
 read, as a Token and Demon- 
 ftration of their Joy : But he does not fo much 
 as once intimate, that they had a peculiar Order 
 of Acolythifts for this purpofe : Nor does it 
 appear that this was any part of their Office in 
 
 the Latin Church : For that which the Council 
 or Carthage fpeaks of, is probably no more than 
 Lighting the Candles at Night, when the Church 
 was to meet for their Luccrnalis Gratio, or E- 
 vening Prayer. This Office of Acolythifts, as 
 much as the Romanifts contend for the Apofto- 
 lical Inftitution of it, is now no longer in being 
 in the Church of Rome, but changed into that 
 of the Ceroferarii, or Taper-bearers, whole 
 Office is only to walk before the Deacons, &c. 
 with a lighted Taper in their Hands. Which is 
 fo different from the Office of the ancient Aco- 
 lythifts, that Duarenus [k~] cannot but exprefs 
 his Wonder, how the one came to be changed 
 into the other, and why their Doctors mould 
 call him an Acolythift of the ancient Church, 
 who is no more than a Taper-bearer of the pre- 
 fent. Cardinal Bona [/] carries the Reflexion a 
 little farther, and with fome Refentment com- 
 plains, that the Inferior Orders of the Romijh 
 Church bear no Refemblance to thofe of the 
 Primitive Church, and that for five hundred 
 Years the ancient Difcipline has been loft. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 Of EXORCISTS. 
 
 SECT. I. 'T'HERE is nothing more 
 Exorajls at firft no ± certain than that in the A- 
 peculmr order of the p ftolical Age, and the next fol- 
 cler &y- lowing, the Power of Exorci- 
 
 zing, or carting out Devils, was a miraculous 
 Gift of the Holy Ghoft, not confined to the 
 Clergy, much lefs to any fingle Order among 
 them, but given to other Chriftians alfo, as 
 many other extraordinary Spiritual Gifts then 
 were. Origen [a] fays Private Chriftians, that is 
 Laymen, did by their Prayers and Adjurations 
 difpoffefs Devils. And Socrates \b~] obferves par- 
 ticularly of Gregory c thaumaturgus, that whilft he 
 was a Layman, he wrought many Miracles, 
 healing the Sick, andcafting out Devils by fend- 
 ing Letters to the poffeffed Party only. And 
 that this Power was common to all Orders of 
 Chriftians, appears farther from the Challenges 
 of the ancient Apologifts, T'ertullian [c], and o- 
 thers, to the Heathens, wherein they undertake, 
 that if they would bring any Perlon poffeffed 
 with a Devil into open Court before the Magi- 
 
 ftrate, any Ordinary Chriflian fhould make him 
 confefs that he was a Devil, and not a God. 
 Minucius \d~\ fpeaks of this Power among Chri- 
 ftians, but he does not afcribe it to any particu- 
 lar Order of Men : As neither does Juftin [<?] 
 Martyr, nor Irenceus [/], nor Cyprian [g], nor 
 Arnobius [h~], though they frequently fpeak of 
 fuch Power in the Church. 
 
 But as this Gift was common SECT. n. 
 to all orders of Men, fo it is rea- Bifiops and Pref- 
 fonable to believe, that it was in h' ers f or 'he three 
 a more efpecial manner confer- f' r fi Centuries the 
 red upon the Bifhops and Pref- £f "''M'** 
 byters of the Church, who, 
 when there was any occaficn to ufe any Exor- 
 cifm in the Church, were the Ordinary Mini- 
 fters of it. Thus Cardinal Bona [z] underftands 
 that famous Paffage of c tertullian, where fpeak- 
 ing [£] of a Chriflian Woman, who went to 
 the Theatre, and returned poffeffed with a De- 
 vil, he fays, the unclean Spirit was rebuked in 
 
 [/] Juftin. Novel. yo. {g\ Hefych. 'A^oAk9©-, w.eiri- 
 p©- t<*/< -3-5fct;r6>t', to o-uifxa. [h~] Bp. Fell. Not. in 
 Cypr. Ep. 7. ['] Hieron. cont. Vigilant. T. 2. p. 123. Per 
 totas Onentis Eccleiias, quando legendum eft Evangelium, accen- 
 duntur Lumina, Sec. [k] Duaren. dc Minifter. 8c Benefit - . Lib. 
 1. c. 14. p. 74. Nefcio quomodo tandem factum eft, ut hoc 
 munus in luminariorum curam poftea converfum fit, 8c Doctores 
 tioftri paflim Acolythos Ceroferarios interpretentur. [/] Bona 
 Rcr. Liturg. Lib. 1. c. if. n. 18. Defierunt quoque minorum Or- 
 dinum Ofticia, quae plerumque a pueris, 8c hominibus mercede 
 conduclis, nullifque ordinibus initiatis exercentur, 8cc. 
 [0] Grig. cont. Celf. Lib. 7. p. 334. Ivyjj ly bp>cd>7i<riv \£tuf) 
 ro toiZtov updajtsffi, 8cc. [£] Socrat. Lib.4. c. 27. Ast/jtij 
 uv TtohAai any.&a tTroinfft voevflai -Is^Tr^W, ^ ^aJ^oyai 
 
 <P) c7T7coA<yV tpvycifAjuv. [c] Tertul. Apol. c. 23. Edatur 
 hie aliquis fub Tribunalibus veftris, quem Dxmone agi conftet. 
 Juffus a quolibet Chriftiano loqui Spiritus ille, tarn fe Dxmoncm 
 confitebitur de vero, quam alibi Deum de falfo. [</] Minuc. 
 Odtav. p. 83. Ipfos Darmonas de femetiplis confiteri, quoties a 
 nobis Tprmentis verborum 8c Orationis incendiis de corporibus exi- 
 guntur. [e] Juflin. Apol. 1. p. 45-. [/] Iren. Lib. 2. c.j-6\ 
 & ft* [%] Cypr. ad Donat. p. 4. [h] Arnob. cent. Gent. 
 Lib. 1. [<] Bona Rer. Liturg, Lib. 1. c. zj. n. 17. [k] Ter- 
 tul. de Spcclac. c. 26. Theatrum atiiit, 8c inde cum Dxmonio ie- 
 diit. Itaque in Exorcifmo cum oner2retur iromundus Spirituf, 
 quod aufus eftet fidelem aggredi: Conftanter 8c Juftiffirne quidem 
 (inquit) feci, in meo cnim inveni. 
 
 Exor- 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Exorcifm for prefumingto make fuch an Attempt 
 upon a Believer : To which the Spirit replied, 
 that he had a Right to her, bccaufe he found 
 her upon his own Ground. This Exorcifm, I 
 fay, Bona fuppofes to be performed by fome 
 Presbyter of the Church endowed with that 
 Miraculous Gift. And the like may be faid of 
 thofe Exorcills in Cyprian [/], who caft out De- 
 vils by a Divine Power : And of thofe alfo who 
 are mentioned by Firmilian [m~], as Perfons in- 
 fpired by Divine Grace to difcern evil Spirits 
 and detect them : As one of them did a Woman 
 of Cappadocia, who pretended to be infpired, and 
 to work Miracles, and to Baptize, and Confe- 
 crate the Eucharilt by Divine Direction. Thcfe 
 Exorcifms were plainly Miraculous, and prove 
 nothing more than that fome Perfons had fuch a 
 Gift, who probably were fome eminent Presby- 
 ters of the Church : At leaft they do not prove 
 that Exorcifts were as yet become any diftinct 
 Order among the Clergy in the Church. 
 
 sect. III. Some think the Order was as 
 
 In what fen/e every Q \d as Tertullian, becaufe Ulpian, 
 
 Man his own Exor- ^ L awyer> w h Q lived in 
 
 ' Tertullian's Time, in one of his 
 
 Books [»] fpeaks of Exorcizing, as a thing ufed 
 by Impoftors, by whom probably he means the 
 Chriftians. Gothofred thinks he means thejewifh 
 Exorcifts, who were commonly Impoftors in- 
 deed: But admitting that he means Chriftians j 
 (which is more probable, confidering what 
 Latlantius [o~] fays of him, That he publifhed a 
 Collection of the Penal Laws that had been made 
 againft them) yet it proves no more than what 
 every one owns, That Exorcifing was a thing 
 then commonly known and pradtifed among the 
 Chriftians. Others urge the Authority of 7er- 
 tullian himfelf in his Book de Corona Militis^ 
 where yet he is fo far from owning any particu- 
 lar Order of Exorcifts, that he rather fcems to 
 make every Man his own Exorcift. For there a- 
 mong other Arguments, which he urges to 
 diffuade Chriftians from the Military Life under 
 Heathen Emperors, he makes ufe of this \_p~\-, 
 That they would be put to guard the Idol-Tem- 
 ples, and then they muft defend thofe Devils by 
 Night, whom they had put to flight by Day by 
 their Exorcifms } by which he means their 
 Prayers, as Junius rightly underftands him. And 
 fo in another place diffuading Chriftians from 
 felling fuch things as would contribute toward 
 upholding of Idolatry, or the Worfhip of De- 
 vils, he argues thus , That otherwife the Devils 
 would be their Alumni', that is, might be faid to 
 be foftered and maintained by them, fo long as 
 
 they furnifhed out Materials to carry on their 
 Service: And with what Confidence, fays he 
 can any Man Exorcifc his own Alumni ^ 
 thofe Devils, whole Service he makes his own 
 Houfe an Armoury to maintain? Ficecomes [f] 
 and Bona [s~] by miftake underftood this as 
 fpoken of Exorcifm before Baptifm, taking the 
 word Alumni to fignify the Catechumens of 
 the Church : Whereas indeed it Minifies Devils 
 in this place, who are fo called by Tertullian in 
 refpect of thofe who contribute to uphold their 
 Worfhip: For fuch Men are a fort of Fofter- 
 Fathcrs to them. So that this PafTage, when 
 rightly underftood, makes nothing for the Anti- 
 quity of Exorcifts, as a peculiar Order of the 
 Clergy, but only fhews in what Senfe every 
 Chriftian is to be his own Exorcift, viz. By his 
 Prayers, refilling the Devil, that he may fly from 
 him. 
 
 Setting afide then both sect. iv. 
 that Extraordinary Power of Ex- ixorcijls rinjlhuttd 
 orcifing, which was Miraculous, '*"> an 0rder m 
 and "this Ordinary way alfo, in ^11™?°^° 
 which every Man was his own 
 Exorcift : It remains to be enquired, when the 
 Order of the Exorcifts was hrft fettled in the 
 Church. And here I take Bona's Opinion to be 
 the trueft, That it came in upon the withdraw- 
 ing [/] of that Extraordinary and Miraculous 
 Power j which probably was by Degrees, and 
 not at the fame time in all Places. Cornelius [u~\ 
 who lived in the third Century, reckons Exor- 
 cifts among the Inferior Orders of the Church 
 of Rome : Yet the Author of the Conftitutions, 
 who lived after him, fays [x] it was no certain 
 Order, but God bellowed the Gift of Exorci- 
 zing as a free Grace upon whom he pleafed : 
 And therefore confonant to that Hypothefis, 
 there is no Rule among thofe Conftitutions for 
 giving any Ordination to Exorcifts, as being ap- 
 pointed by God only, and not by the Church. 
 But the Credit of the Conftitutions is not to be 
 relied upon in this Matter : For it is certain by 
 this time Exorcifts were fettled as an Order in 
 moll parts of the Greek Church as well as the 
 Latin: Which is evident from the Council of 
 Antioch, an. 341, in one of whofe Canons \_y~\ 
 leave is given to the Chorepifcopi to promote 
 Subdeacon?, Readers, and Exorcifts ; which 
 argues, that thofe were then all Handing Orders 
 of the Church. After this Exorcifts are fre- 
 quently mentioned among the Inferior Orders 
 by the Writers of the fourth Century, as in the 
 Council [z~] of Laodicea, Epiphanius [V], Pauli- 
 nus Sulpicius Severus [j\ and the Refcripts 
 
 [/] Cypr. Ep. 76. al. 69. ad Magnum, p. 187. Quod hodie e- 
 tiam geritur, ut per Exorciftas, voce humana 8c potelbte divina, 
 flagelletur, 8c uratur, £c torqueatur Diabolus. [m] Firmil. Ep. 
 7f. ap. Cypr. p. 223. Unus de Exorciftis — infpiratus Dei gratia 
 former reftitit, & efle ilium nequifiimum Spiritum, qui prius San- 
 &us putabatur, oftendit. [»] Ulpian. Lib. 8. de Tribunal, in 
 Digeft. Lib. fo. Tit. 13. Leg. 1. Si incantavit, fi imprecatus eft, 
 fi (ut vulgari verbo Impoftorum utar) exorcifavit. [0] Lact. 
 Inftit. Lib. f. c. 11. [f] Tcrtul. de Coron. Milit. c. 11. 
 
 Quos interdiu Exorcifmis fugavit> noclibus defenfabit. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 M Tertul. de Idol. c. 11. Qua ccnfhnria exorcizabit Alumnos 
 fuos, quibus domum £uam Cellaiiam praflat? [r] Vicecom. 
 
 de Ritib. Bapt. Lib. 2. c. 29 p. 162. [ Bona Rer. Liturg. 
 Lib. i.e. 25-. n. 17. [*] Bona ibid. Poilea fubtracla hac Pote- 
 ftate, conftituit Ecclefia Ordinem, qui Dasmonia expellerct. 
 [«] ap. Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 43. [*] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 8. c. i6\ 
 \ y~\ Cone. Antioch. c. 10. [z~\ Cone. Laodic. c. 24. 8c 26. 
 [a] Epiphan. Expof. Fid. n. 21. [b] Paulin. Natal. 4. S. Fc- 
 licis. [c] Sulpic. Vit. S. Martin, c. 4. 
 
 Gg 
 
 of 
 
ii4 The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 of c fheodof,us [/], and Graiian [e~] in the T'beodo- 
 fian Code, where thofe £mperors grant them 
 the fame Immunity from Civil Offices, as they 
 do to the other Orders of the Clergy. 
 
 SECT. v. Their Ordination and Office 
 
 Their ordmation - ls t j, us defcribed by the 4th Coun- 
 
 andOfcc. ci j of Carihage When a „ 
 
 Exorcift is ordained, he fhall receive at the 
 hands of the Bifhop a Book, wherein the Forms 
 of Exorcizing are written, the Bifhop faying: 
 Receive thou thefe and commit them to Memo- 
 ry, and have thou Power to lay hands upon the 
 Energumens, whether they be Baptized or only 
 Catechumens. Thefe Forms were certain Pray- 
 ers, together with Adjurations in the Name of 
 Chrift, commanding the unclean Spirit to depart 
 out of the poffefled Perfon : Which may be col- 
 lected from the Words of Paulinas concerning 
 the Promotion of St. Felix to this Office, where 
 he fays [g], from a Reader he arofe to that De- 
 gree, whofe Office was to Adjure evil Spirits, 
 and to drive them out by certain Ftoly Words. 
 It does not appear that they were ordained to 
 this Office by any Impofition of hands either in 
 the Greek or Latin Church: But yet no one 
 might pretend to exercife it either Publickly or 
 Privately, in the Church or in any Houfe, 
 without the Appointment of the Bifhop, as 
 the Council of Laodicea [h~] direcisj or at leaft 
 the Licenfe of a Chorepifcopus , who in that 
 Cafe was authorized [/'] by the Bifhop's Deputa- 
 tion. 
 
 SECT. vi. As to the Energumens, for 
 A fort Account whofe fake this Office was ap- 
 ef the Energumens, pointed, they were fo called from 
 
 thetr Names and tfa Q k WQrd & ^ which 
 Station m the . . , n n . . L' r .' 
 
 church. m lts I ar g e It Signification denotes 
 
 Perfons who are under the Mo- 
 tion and Operation of any Spirit, whether Good 
 or Bad > but in a more retrained Senfe it is ufed 
 by Eccleflaftical Writers for Perfons whofe Bo- 
 dies are feized or pofTefTed with an Evil Spirit. 
 Upon which Account they are otherwife called 
 JV./jtovi^ojL^ot, DamoniackS) and xaTs^o/xsvoj, Pof- 
 fefled. And becaufe this was frequently atten- 
 ded with great Commotions and Vexations and 
 Difturbances of the Body, occafioning fome- 
 times Phrenzy and Madnefs, fometimes Epilep- 
 tick Fits, and other violent Toffings and Con- 
 tortions > fuch Perfons are often upon that ac- 
 count ftiled ^«jua^o/jLjvof, by the Greek, and Hye- 
 mantes by the Latin Writers, that is, Tofled as 
 in a Winter- Storm or Tempefl. Thus the Au- 
 
 thor of the Conftitutions in fome places [k~] ftiles 
 them fimply yay.alpixi\)oi , by which that he 
 means the Energumens is evident, becaufe in a- 
 nother place [/] he ftiles them ^a/jta^cjuuvot -6so 
 -re aXXorg/y, fuch as were under the Commo- 
 tions and Vexations of Satan ; and tells us that 
 Prayer was made for them under that Character, 
 in the Oblation at the Altar for all States and 
 Conditions of Men, that God would deliver 
 them from that violent Energy or Agitation of 
 the Wicked one. And thus moft Learned Men, 
 except Albafpinaus , underftand that Phrafe in 
 the Canon of the Council of Ancyra \vn\ which 
 orders fome certain Notorious Sinners, a? toj 
 ^eijua^ojuuvsr to Pray in Loco Hyemantium^ 
 
 in that part of the Church where the Daemoni- 
 acks flood, which was a Place feparate from all 
 the reft. And fome alfo think [n~\ the Name, 
 xXu^wk£ousvoi was given to the Energumens 
 upon the fame Account, becaufe it fignifles Per- 
 fons agitated by a Spirit, as a Wave in a Tem- 
 peft. 
 
 Now thefe Energumens, or sect. vir. 
 Daemoniacks, or whatever other The ^ xorci P chi tfy 
 Name they were called by, were thL 
 the Perfons about whom the Ex- 
 orcifts were chiefly concerned. For befides the 
 Prayers which were offered for them in all Pub- 
 lick AfTemblies, by the Deacons and Bifhops, 
 and the whole Congregation (fome Forms of 
 which Prayers may be feen in the Author [o~] of 
 the Conftitutions) the Exorcifts were obliged to 
 Pray over them at other Times [_p] when there 
 was no Affembly in the Church •> And to keep 
 them employed in fome innocent Bufinefs, as in 
 fweeping \_q] the Church and the like, to pre- 
 vent more violent Agitations of Satan, left Idle- 
 nefs ihould tempt the Tempter 5 And to fee 
 them provided of daily [r] Food and Sufte- 
 nance, while they abode in the Church, which 
 it feems was the chief place of their Refidence 
 and Habitation. 
 
 This was the Exorcift's Of- sec T. vm. 
 flee in reference to the Energu- The Duty of Exor- 
 mensi to which Valeftm [,] and f '* ' r f ram u 
 
 ^ j r i r -1 j j i_ "v^zr- the Catechumens. 
 
 Gothofred [tj add another Office, 
 viz. That of Exorcizing the Catechumens be- 
 fore Baptifm. Which is a matter that will ad- 
 mit of fome Difpute. For it does not appear 
 always to have been the Exorcift's Office, fave 
 only in one of thefe two Cafes: Either firft 
 when a Catechumen was alfo an Energumen, 
 which was a Cafe that very often happened : 
 
 Id] Cod.Theod. Lib. 12. Tit. 1. de Decurion. Leg. 121. 
 [e] Ibid. Lib. \6. Tit. 2. de Epifc. Leg. 2+. [/] Cone. 
 Carth. 4. c. 7. Exorcifta quum ordinatur, accipiat de manu Epif- 
 copi Libellum, in quo fcripti funt Exorcifmi, dicente fibi Epifco- 
 po : Accipe 8c commenda memorise, 8c babeto poteftatem impo- 
 nendi manus fuper Energumenum, five Baptizatum, five Catechu- 
 menum. [g] Paulin. Natal. 4. Felic. Primis ledtor fervivit in an- 
 nis, Inde gradum cepit, cui munus voce fideli Adjurare malos, 8c 
 lacris pellere verbis. [h~\ Cone. Laod. c. 26. [i] Concii. 
 Antioch. c. 10. [k] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. $f. 8c 37. 
 ■JTj Conftit. lib. 8. c. 12. v»f(UM?Vf/u9t} vs tuv 
 
 fdyoov \zfo its ttAAore/s — — oTUf Kctd-eteitryif ht, ^_ ovspyeiat 
 <ns <&omp*. [m] Cone. Ancyr. c. 17. [n] Vid. Dodwel. 
 DilTert. 1. in Cypr. n. 17. [ 0] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 6. 
 & 7> Lf] Cone. Carthag. 4. c. 90. Omni die Exorcifta: E- 
 nergumenis manus imponant. [<j] Ibid.c. 91. Pavimenta Do- 
 morum Dei Energurneni verrant. [r] Ibid. c. 92. Energume- 
 nis in Domo Dei aflldentibus viclus quotidianus per Exorciftas 
 opportuno tempore miniftretur. [_s] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. de 
 Martyr. Pateftin. c. 2. [f] Gothofred. Not. in Cod. Th. 
 lib. 1 6. tit. 2. leg. 24. 
 
 And 
 
Ch A P. V- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 And then he was to be committed to the Care 
 of the Exorcifts, whofe Office was to Exorcife 
 all Energumensy whether they were Baptized, 
 or only Catechumens, as is evident from the Ca- 
 non already alledged Se&. f . out of the Coun- 
 cil of Carthage. Or fecondly it might happen 
 that the Exorcift was only made the Catechift, 
 and in that cafe there can be no Queftion but 
 that his Office was as well to Exorcize, as to in- 
 ftruct the Catechumens. But then the Cate- 
 
 chol's Office was many times feparate from that 
 of the Exorcift's : (though fome Modern Wri- 
 ters confound them together:) fometimes a 
 Presbyter, or a Deacon, or a Reader was the 
 Catechift: And in that cafe it feems more 
 probable that the Exorcifm of the Catechumens 
 was performed by the Catechift, than by the 
 Exorcift i And for that reafon I fhall treat of 
 the Office of Catechift diftinclly in its proper 
 Place. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of LeBors or Readers. 
 
 SECT. I. TT is the Opinion now of 
 The order of Rett- mo fl. Learned Men , even in 
 
 ntJ&Sm- the Romifh Church » that there 
 
 ' e 3 Centur y- was no f uc h Order as that of 
 Readers diftinct from others for at leaft two 
 Ages in the Primitive Church. Bona owns [a] 
 it to be one of the four Orders, which he 
 thinks only of Ecclefiaftical Inftitution. And 
 Cotekrius [f\ fays there is no mention made of it 
 before the time of Tertullian^ who is the firft 
 Author that fpeaks of it as a (landing Order in 
 the Church. For writing againft the Hereticks 
 [c], he objefts to them, that their Orders were 
 Defultory and Inconftant: A Man was a Dea- 
 con among them one day, and a Reader the 
 next. Which implies, that it was otherwife in 
 the Church , and that Readers then were as 
 much a fettled Order as Deacons, or any other. 
 Cyprian^ who lived not long after T'ertullian, fre- 
 quently fpeaks of them as an Order of the Cler- 
 gy. In one [d~] place he fays he had made one 
 Saturus a Reader ) and in another place he men- 
 tions one Aurelius, a ConfefTor, whom he had 
 ordained a Reader for his Angular Merits, and 
 Conftancy in time of Perfecution JY] : And for 
 the fame Reafon he made Celerinus, another Con- 
 fefTor, one of the fame Order among the 
 Clergy. So that it was then reckoned not only 
 a Clerical Office, but an honourable Office, to 
 be a Reader in the Church, and fuch a one as a 
 ConfefTor needed not to be afhamed of. Some- 
 times Perfons of the greateft Dignity were 
 ordained to this Office, as Julian is faid to have 
 been in the Church of Nicomedia \_g] while he 
 profefled himfelf a Chriftian. Sozomen [h~] fays 
 exprelly, that both he and his Brother G alius 
 were reckoned among the Clergy, and read the 
 Scriptures publickly to the People. And there 
 is no Writer of that Age, but always fpeaks of 
 
 Readers as a diftincl: Order of the Clergy in the 
 Church. 
 
 But fince the Order of Rea- sect. II. 
 ders, though frequently fpoken By whom theScrip- 
 of in the 2d and 4th Ages, are tur " ^re read m 
 never once mentioned in the two '? 
 
 r,. M ' . ^ ... i the Inftitution or 
 
 Fir ft, it will be proper to en- thM J rder 
 quire, By whom the Scriptures 
 were Read in the Church for thofe two Centu- 
 ries? Mr. Bafnage [f] is of Opinion, that the 
 Chriftian Church at firft followed the Example 
 of the Jewifh Church, and in this matter took 
 her Model from the Synagogue 5 where, as he 
 obferves out of Dr. Lightfoot the Cu- 
 
 ftom was on every Sabbath-day to have Seven 
 Readers, firft a Prieft, then a Levite, and after 
 them Five Ifraelites, fuch as the Minifter of the 
 Congregation, (whom they called the Bifhop 
 or Infpeftor and Angel of the Church) thought 
 fit to call forth and nominate for that purpofe: 
 He thinks it was much after the fame manner in 
 the Chriftian Church j The Office was not per- 
 petually affigned to any particular Man, but 
 chiefly performed by Presbyters and Deacons, 
 yet fo as that any other might do it by the Bi- 
 fhop's Appointment. But indeed the matter is 
 involved in fo great Obfcurity, that no certain 
 Conjecture can be made from the Writings of 
 the two firft Ages j but all that we can argue is 
 from the feeming Remains of the ancient Cu~ 
 ftoms in the following Ages. For fince we find 
 that Deacons in many Churches continued to 
 read the Gofpel, even after the Order of Rea- 
 ders was fet up> as I have had occafion to fhew 
 [_kk] in another place from the Author [/] of 
 the Conftitutions, and St. Jerom [pi], and the 
 Council (V) of Vaifon-., We may thence reafo- 
 nably conclude, that this was part of their Of- 
 
 [«] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. i. cay. n. 17. [£] Coreler. 
 Not. in Conftitut. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 25-. [c] Tertul. de PrSe- 
 fcript. c. 41. Hodie Diaconus, qui era? Leftor. [</] Cypr. 
 Ep. 24. al. 29. Feriflc me fciatis Leftorem Saturum. [e] Id. 
 Ep. 33. al. 38. Merebatar AureliaS Cleridfe Ordinationis ulte- 
 riorcs gndus — — Sed interim pkcuit ut ab Officio Leftionis 
 incipiat, &c. [/] Id. Ep. 34. al. 39. Referimus ad vos, Ce- 
 lerinum — — Clero noftro non humana fuffragatione, fed Divina 
 
 Dignatione conjundium, &c. [ g] Socrat. lib. 3. c. 1. Na- 
 
 z.ian. Inve£tiv. 1. T. 1. p. j-8. [h] Sozom, lib. f. c. 2. Ug 
 
 K) xAi'ipw \yy.o.7etKiy nvcu , Cir&va.yivKQK&v -rui Ka.co Ta,( 
 
 ly.x.^»iria.rix.ct( ['] Bafnag. Exercit. in Baron, p.623. 
 
 [*] Lightfoot Harm. p. 479. [kk] Book 2. Chap. 20. Sea. 6. 
 
 [/] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 5-7. [m] Hieron. Ep. f j. ad Sa- 
 bin. [«] Cone. Vafenf. 2. c. 2. 
 
116 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 fice before: And fince Presbyters and Bifriops in 
 other Churches did the fame, as Sozomen [o] in- 
 forms usj it may as rationally be inferr'd, that 
 this was their Cuftom in former Ages. But 
 whether Laymen performed this Office at any 
 time by the Bifhop's particular Direction, as the 
 Ifraelites did in the Jewifh Church, cannot be fo 
 certainly determined i Only we find that in after- 
 Ages in the moil celebrated Church of Alexan- 
 dria^ even the Catechumens as well as Believers 
 [_p~] were admitted to do the Office of Readers: 
 And that may incline a Man to think that this 
 Office was not wholly confined to the Clergy in 
 the two firft Ages. But this being peculiar to 
 the Church of Alexandria, nothing can be 
 argued from it concerning the Practice of the 
 Univerfal Church : and therefore till Ibme better 
 Light is afforded, I leave this matter undeter- 
 mined. 
 
 SECT. III. It is more certain that after 
 The Manner of or- t h e Order of Readers was fet 
 
 doming Reader:. up? ^ genera jl y com p Ute d a- 
 
 mong the Orders of the Clergy j except perhaps 
 at Alexandria, where that Angular Cuftom pre- 
 vailed of putting Catechumens into the Office: 
 For it can hardly be fuppofed, that they reckon- 
 ed Perfons that were Unbaptized, and not yet 
 allowed to partake of the Holy Myfteries, into 
 the Number of their Clergy. But in all other 
 Places it was reputed a Clerical Order, and Per- 
 fons deputed to the Office were ordained to it 
 with the ufual Solemnities and Ceremonies of 
 the other Inferior Orders. In the Greek Church 
 Habertus [_q] thinks they were ordained with Im- 
 pofition of Hands, but among the Latins with- 
 out it. The Author of the Ccnftitutions pre- 
 fcribes a Form of Prayer to be ufed with Impo- 
 fition of Hands ; but whether that was the Pra- 
 ctice of all the Greek Church, is very much que- 
 ftioned. In the Latin Church it was certainly 
 otherwife. The Council of Carthage [r] fpeaks 
 of no other Ceremony, but the Bifhop's putting 
 the Bible into his Hands in the Prefence of the 
 People, with thefe Words : Take this Book, 
 and be thou a Reader of the Word of God, 
 which Office if thou fulfil Faithfully and Profi- 
 tably, thou fhalt have Part with thofe that Mi- 
 nifter in the Word of God. And in Cyprian's 
 time they feem not to have had fo much as 
 this Ceremony of delivering the Bible to them, 
 but they were made Readers by the Bifhop's 
 Commiffion and Deputation only to fuch a Sta- 
 tion in the Church. 
 
 This was the Pulpit urn, or sect. rv. 
 Tribunal Et 'define , as it is com- Tbetr 
 monly called in Cyprian, The °$ cemth ' church. 
 Reading- Desk in the Body of the Church 
 which was diftinguifhed from the Bema or Tri- 
 bunal of the Sanclaary. For the Reader's Of- 
 fice was not to Read the Scriptures at the Altar, 
 but in the Reading- Desk only. Whence, fuper 
 Pulpitum imponi, & ad Pulpitum venire, are 
 Phrafes in Cyprian [j] to denote the Ordination 
 of a Reader. In this Place, in Cyprians time, 
 they read the Gofpels, as well as other parts of 
 Scripture} Which is clear from one of Cyprian's 
 [/] Epiftles, where fpeaking of Celerinus the 
 Confeffor, whom he had ordained a Reader, he 
 fays, It was fitting he friould be advanced to the 
 Pulpit or Tribunal of, the Church, that having 
 the advantage of an higher Station, he might 
 thence read the Precepts and Gofpels of his 
 Lord, which he himfelf as a couragious Confef- 
 for had followed and obferved. Albafpinteus [u~\ 
 fays, they alfo read the Epiflles and Gofpels in 
 the Communion-Service : But he friould firft have 
 proved, that thofe were anciently any part of 
 the Communion-Service: For they do not ap- 
 pear to have been fo from the mo ft ancient Li- 
 turgies, but were only Read in the MiJJa-Cate- 
 chumenorum, or as we now call it, The firft Ser- 
 vice, at which the Catechumens were prefent. 
 And wherefoever they were taken into the Com- 
 munion-Service, it was the Office of Deacons, 
 and not the Readers, to rehearfe them. But of 
 this more when we come to the Liturgy and 
 Service of the ancient Church. 
 
 There is but one thing more sect. v. 
 to be noted concerning this Or- rhe A z e at 
 der, which is the Age at which fj r J ight be ° r ' 
 Readers might be Ordained. ' 
 That is fixt by one of Juftinian's Novels \_x\ 
 precifely forbidding any one to be ordained Rea- 
 der before he was compleatly Eighteen years Old. 
 But before this Law was made it was cuftomary 
 to ordain them much younger : For Ennodius 
 Bifhop of Ticinum fays of Epiphanius his Pre- 
 decefTor [jy] that he was ordained Reader at 
 Eight years Old: As Cafarius Arelatenfts [z] is 
 faid to have been at Seven. And this leads us to 
 underftand what Sidonius Apollinaris means, when 
 fpeaking of John Bifhop of Chalons, he fays, he 
 was a Reader [a] from his Infancy. Which is 
 alfo faid of St. Felix by [f] Paulinus, that he 
 ferved in the Office of a Reader from his tender 
 Years. So Victor Uticenfis defcribing the Barba- 
 
 ra ] Sozom. lib. 7. c. 19. [/>] Socrat. lib. 5-. c. iz. & 74 
 
 KctT»yJ^ 01 ^° v > >* Ti ™'S' ' 1 - M Habere Archieratic. Par. 
 4. Obf. 1. p. 41. [r] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 8. Lcftor cum or- 
 dinatur, faciat de illo verbum Epifcopus ad Plebem, indicans ejus 
 Fidem, Vitam, 8c Ingenium. Poft hxc fpectante Plebe tradat ei 
 Codicem, de quo le&urus eft, dicens, Accipe 8c efto Lector Verbi 
 Dei, habiturus, fi fideliter 8c utiliter impleveris Officium, partem 
 cum eis qui Verbum Dei miniftraverunt. [j] Cypr. Ep. 38. 8c 
 59. ed. Oxon. [t] Cypr. Ep. 3$-. al. 39. Quid aliud quam 
 fuper Pulpitum, id eft, fuper Tribunal Eccleiiac oportebat imponi.. 
 
 ut loci altioris celfitate fubnixus legat Praccepta 8c EvangeNi 
 
 Domini, quae fortiter ac fideliter fequitui? [«] Albaipin. Nor. 
 in Condi. Carthag. 3. can. 4. [#] Juftin. Novel. 123. c. 5-4. 
 [7] Ennod. Vit. Epiphan. Bibl. Patr. Tom. 1/. p. 29$-. Anr.o- 
 rum ferme oeto Lectoris Eccleliaflici fulcipit officium. 
 [«.] Vit. Carfar. ap. Sur. 27. Aug. Clero adfcriptum inter ipfa 
 Infantia: rudirr.enta, poft exactum Ectatis feptennium. [a J Si- 
 don, lib. 4. Ep. 2j\ Lector hie primum , lie Minifter Altaris, 
 idque ab Infantia. [£] Paulin. Natal. 4. Felic, Prirois Lector 
 leivivic in amiis, 
 
 rity 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 117 
 
 rity of the Vandalick Perfecution in Africk, he 
 aggravates their Cruelty with this Circumftance, 
 that they had Murdered or Famiflied all the 
 Clergy of Carthage, Five Hundred or more, a- 
 mong whom [c] there were many Infant-Rea- 
 ders. Now the Reafon. why Perfons were Or- 
 dained fo young to this Office, was what I have 
 
 intimated before, That Parents fometimes Dedi- 
 cated their Children to the Service of God from 
 their Infancy, and then they were trained up and 
 difciplined in fome Inferior Offices, that they 
 might be qualified and rendered more Expert for 
 the greater Service of the Church. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Oftiarii or Door-keepers. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 No mention of this 
 Order till the 3*/ or 
 tfh Century. 
 
 '"JpHIS is the laft of thofe 
 
 Five Orders, which are pre- 
 tended by the Prefent Church of 
 Rome to be of Apoftolical Infti- 
 tution : But for three whole Centuries, we ne- 
 ver fo much as meet with the Name of it in any 
 ancient Writer, except in the Epiftle of Corne- 
 lius [a] Bifhop of Rome, where the ttumo^j or 
 Door-keepers are mention'd with the reft. In 
 Cyprian and 'Tertullian there is no mention of 
 them : The firft and loweft Order with them 
 is that of Readers, as it is now in the Greek 
 Church, among whom the Order of Door- 
 Iceepers has been laid afide from the time of the 
 Council of tfrullo, an. 691, as Schelflrate [b~] 
 fcruples not to confefs ; though he blames Mori- 
 nus for being a little too Frank and Liberal in 
 extending this Conccflion to the Apoftolical 
 Ages ; and in order to confute him alledges the 
 Authority of Ignatius and Clemens Romanus [_c] 
 for the Antiquity of this Order. But he refers 
 us only to fpurious Treatifes under their Names, 
 not known till the 4th Century, about which 
 Time 'tis owned this Order began to be fpoken 
 of by fome few Greek Writers. For Epiphanius 
 [d~] and the Council of Laodicea [e~] put the 
 ©uga;^!, that is, Door-keepers, among the other 
 Orders of the Clergy. And Juftinian alfo in one 
 of his Novels [/] fpeaks of them as fettled in 
 the great Church of Constantinople, where he 
 limits their Number to One Hundred, for the 
 nfe of that and three other Churches. This 
 proves that they were fettled in fome parts of 
 the Greek Church, though as Habertus [g] ob- 
 ferves, they continued not many Ages, nor ever 
 univerfally obtained an Eftablilhment in all 
 Churches. 
 
 SECT. II. What fort of Ordination 
 
 The manner of their the ha( j j n the Q nek Church we 
 Ordination in the j J ^ c j ..l. ' a 
 
 Latin church. d ,° not find : For there is no Au- 
 thor that fpeaks or it. In the 
 Latin Church it was no more but the Bifhop's 
 
 Commiffion, with the Ceremony of Delivering 
 the Keys of the Church into their Hands, and 
 faying, Behave thy felf as one that mult give an 
 Account to God of the things that are kept lock- 
 ed under thefe Keys* as the Form is [h~\ in the 
 4th Council of Carthage, and the Ordo Roma- 
 nus [/], and Gratian [k~] who have it from that 
 Council. 
 
 Their Office is commonly sect. III. 
 faid to confift in taking care of Their °ffi ce and 
 the Doors of the Church in 
 Time of Divine Service, and in making a Di- 
 ftinction betwixt the Faithful and the Cate- 
 chumens, and Excommunicated Perfons, and 
 fiieh others as were to be excluded from the 
 Church. But I confefs this is more than can 
 be made out from ancient Hiftory, or leaft in 
 reference to the State and Difcipline of many 
 Churches. For in the African Church particu- 
 larly, as I mall have occafion to fhew in ano- 
 ther Place, a Liberty was given not only to 
 Catechumens and Penitents, but alfo to Here- 
 ticks, Jews, and Heathens, to come to the firffc 
 Part of the Church's Service, call'd the Mijfa 
 Catechumenorum, that is, to hear the Scripture 
 Read, and the Homily or Sermon that was 
 made upon it : becaufe thefe were inftructive, 
 and might be Means of their Converfion, fo 
 that there was no need of making any Diftin- 
 6tion here. Then as to the other part of the 
 Service, called MiJ]a Fidelium, or the Commu- 
 nion-Service, the Diftindtion that was made in 
 that, was done by the Deacons or Subdeacons, 
 and DeaconefTes, as I have fhewed before in 
 fpeaking of thofe Orders. So that all that the 
 Door-keepers could have to do in this matter 
 was only to open and fhut the Doors as Offi- 
 cers and Servants under the other, and to be 
 governed wholly by their Direction. It be- 
 longed to them likewife to give Notice of the 
 Times of Prayer and Church - AfTcmblies j 
 which in time of Perfecution required a Pri- 
 
 [c] Yi&or. de Perfec. Vandal, lib. 3. Bibl. Patr. T. 7. p.61 5. Oftiarii. [g] Habere Archieratic. Par. j. Obf. 1. p. 47. 
 
 Fere quingenti vel amplius, inter quos quamplurimi erant Le- [&] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 9. Oftiarius cum ordinatur ad iug- 
 
 dtores Infantuli, 8cc. [4] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 43. geftionem Archidiaconi tradat ei Epifcopus claves Ecclefix, di- 
 
 [b~\ Schelftrat. Cone. Antioch. DilTert. 4. c. 17. p. 5-20. [c] Ig- cens, Sic age quafi redditurus Deo rationcm de his rebus qu» 
 
 nar. Ep. ad Antioch. Sc Clement. Conftit. lib. 3. c. 11. [</] Epiph. his davibus recluduntur. [i] Ordo Roman. Part, 2. p. 08. 
 
 Expof. Fid. n. 11. [ e ] Cone. Laodic. c. 24. [/] Juft. [k] Grat.Dift. 23. c. 19. 
 Novel. 3. c. r. Infuper centum exiftentibus iis, qui vocantur 
 
 V ol. I. H h vate 
 
us The Antiqjjities of the Book IIL 
 
 vate Signal for fear of Difcovcry : And that However it be, their Office and Station feems 
 
 perhaps was the firft Reafon of inftituting this to have been little more than that of Clerks and 
 
 Order in the Church of Rome, whofe Example Sextons in our Modern Churches, 
 by Degrees was followed by other Churches. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Pfalmifke or Singers, 
 
 J£ Have hitherto given an Ac- 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Smgen a Di- X count of thofe Five Inferior 
 ftinci order from oders, which the Church of 
 
 Readers m the an- Rom ^ Hneled OUt from the 
 cent Church. ^ ^ without ^ Reafon 
 
 ftampt them with the Authority and Character 
 of Apoftolical Inftitution j whilft yet fhe takes 
 no Notice of ibme others, which have as good 
 Pretence to Antiquity, and to be ftiled diftinct 
 Clerical Orders, as mod of the former. Among 
 thefe I reckon the Pfalmifta, the Copiata, and 
 the Parabolani of the Primitive Church. Ha- 
 bertus [a] and Bellarmin [b~] and others, who are 
 concerned to maintain the Credit of the Romijh 
 Church in making but Five Inferior Orders, 
 pretend that Singers and Readers are only one 
 and the fame Order. But as the Canonifts of 
 their own Church generally reckon them Two, 
 fo nothing can be more evident than that they 
 were always accounted fo in the Primitive Church 
 from their firft Inftitution. For they are diftin- 
 guifhed as much as any other Orders, by all the 
 Writers that mention them, as the Reader that 
 is curious in this Matter, may faitsfy himfelf by 
 confulting the Places of Ephrem Syrus [c~], the 
 Council of [d] Laodicea, and thole call'd the 
 Apoftolical Canons [e] , and Conftitutions [/], 
 the Author [g] of St. Mark's Liturgy, the E- 
 piftle under the Name [£] of Ignatius, Jufti- 
 nian [t], and the Council of Trullo [£], referred 
 to in the Margin. Particularly Juftiniarfs Novel 
 does fo diftinguifh them, as to inform us that 
 there were Twenty Five Singers, and One Hun- 
 dred and Ten Readers in the Greek Church of 
 Conftantinople. Which is a convincing Evidence 
 that they were of different Orders. 
 
 SECT. II. The firft Rife and Inftitution 
 
 Their inftttutwn and Q f thefe Singers, as an Order of 
 office. tne Clergy, feems to have been 
 
 about the beginning of the 4th Century. For 
 the Council of Laodicea is the firft that mentions 
 them, unlefs any one thinks perhaps the Apofto- 
 lical Canons to be a little more ancient. The 
 Reafon of Inftituting them feems to have been 
 to Regulate and Encourage the ancient Pfalmody 
 of the Church. For from the firft and Apofto- 
 
 lical Age Singing was always a Part of Divine 
 Service, in which the whole Body of the 
 Church joined together: Which is a thing fo 
 evident, that though CabaJJutius [/] denies it, 
 and in his fpite to the Reformed Churches, 
 where it is generally pradtifed, calls it only a 
 Proteftant-Whim j yet Cardinal Bona has more 
 than once \_m~\ not only confefTed , but folidly 
 proved it to have been the Primitive Practice. 
 Of which therefore I {hall fay no more at pre- 
 fent, but only obferve, that it was the Decay of 
 this that firft brought the Order of Singers into 
 the Church. For when it was found by Experi- 
 ence, that the Negligence and Unskilfulnefs of 
 the People rendered them unfit to perform this 
 Service without fome more Curious and Skilful 
 to guide and affift them - y then a peculiar Order 
 of Men were appointed, and fet over this Bufi- 
 nefs, with a Defign to retrieve and improve the 
 ancient Pfalmody, and not to abolifh or deftroy 
 it. And from this Time thefe were called aavovi- 
 x.01 4/aXTai, The Canonical Singers, that is, fuch 
 as were entered into the Canon or Catalogue of 
 the Clergy, which diftinguifhed them from the 
 Body of the Church. In fome Places it was 
 thought fit for fome time to prohibit all others 
 from Singing but only thefe } with defign, no 
 doubt, to reftore the Confent of the ancient Ec- 
 clefiaftical Harmony, which othcrwife could not 
 well have been done, but by obliging the reft 
 for fome time to be Silent, and learn of thofe 
 who were more Skilful in the Art of Mufick. 
 Thus I underftand that Canon of the Council 
 \_n~] of Laodicea, which forbids all others to Sing 
 in the Church, except only the Canonical Sing- 
 ers, who went up into the Ambo or Singing- 
 Desk, and Sung out of a Book. This was a 
 Temporary Provifion, defigned only to reftore 
 and revive the ancient Pfalmody, by reducing it 
 to its Primitive Harmony and Perfection. That 
 which the rather inclines me to put this Senfe 
 upon the Canon, and look upon it only as a 
 Prohibition for a time, is, that in after-Ages we 
 find the People enjoyed their ancient Privilege 
 of Singing all together 5 which is frequently 
 mentioned by St. Auftin, Ambrofe, Chryfoftom, 
 Bafil, and many others, who give an Account 
 
 O] Habert. Archierat. Par. 4. Obf. 4. p. 44. [6] Bellarm. 
 dc Clericis lib. 1. c. u. [c] Ephrem. 93 Serm. de fecundo 
 Dom. Advent. [d] Cone. Laodic. can. 24. [e] Can. Apoft. 
 c. 69. 8c 43. [/] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 3. c. 1 1. [g] Liturg. 
 Marci. Bib). Patr. Gr. Lat. T. 2. p. 2j\ [b~\ Epift. ad Antio- 
 chen. [i] Juftin. Novel. 3. c. 1. [£] Concil. Trull, c. 4. 
 
 [/] Cabaflut. Notir. Concil. c. 38. p. 201. [wa] Bona Rer. Li- 
 turg. lib. 1. cap. if. n. 19. /t. de Divin. Pialmod. c. 17. 
 [»] Cone. Laodic. c. if. S^r.v -Tkioy 
 
 tcov <t%j' cmi <r ''A/v.C covet. dvctficu'-'lilKy K) ~&nt J ' ipvigac; ^ah- 
 
 of 
 
Chap. VIII. Christian Church. 
 
 119 
 
 of the Pfalmody and Service of the Church in 
 their own Ages, of which I mall fpeak more 
 hereafter in its proper Place. 
 
 SECT. III. Here I muft Note that thefe 
 why called <mSo- Canonical Singers were alfo cal- 
 ^ etfm led CoX«r, Monitors, or Sug- 
 
 geftors, from their Office, which was to be a 
 fort of Prxcentors to the People : For the Cu- 
 stom in fome Places was for the Singers or 
 Pfalmift to begin a Pfalmor Hymn, and fing half 
 a Verfe by himfelf, and then the People anfwer- 
 ed in the latter Claufei And from this they were 
 faid uTfl^eiv, or Succinere, to fing after him, by 
 way of Antiphona or Rcfponfal. In this Senfe 
 Epiphanius Scholajlicus understands the Name <m>- 
 Cehms in Socrates [0], for he Tranflates it, Pfal- 
 mi Pronunciatores : And fo both Valefius [/>], and 
 Cotelerius [?], explain it. But Habertus is of" the 
 contrary mind : He thinks [r] the Name, xxsnCc- 
 Xas-, denotes not Singers but Readers j 'And that 
 they were fo called, becaufe they fuggefted to 
 the Preachers a Portion of Scripture to difcourfe 
 upon : For then their Homilies were frequently 
 
 upon fuch Parts of Scripture, as the Reader had 
 juft before repeated. The Controverfy is nice 
 betwixt thefe Learned Men, and I fhall no far- 
 ther enquire into the Merits of it, but leave it 
 to every Judicious Reader to determine. 
 
 There is but one thing more SECT. IV. 
 that needs be Noted, concerning mat f ort f Ordim 
 this Order, which is the Manner 
 of their Designation to this Office: Which in 
 this agreed with all the other Inferior Orders, 
 that it required no Imposition of Hands, or So- 
 lemn Confecration : But in one thing it differed 
 from them j That whereas the reft were ufually 
 conferred by the Bifhop or a Chorepifcopus, 
 this might be conferred by a Presbyter, ufing 
 this Form of Words, as it is in the Canon of 
 the 4th Council [f] of Carthage: See that thou 
 believe in thy Heart what thou Singeft with thy 
 Mouth, and approve in thy Works what thou 
 believeft in thy Heart. And this is ail the Cere- 
 mony we find any where ufed about their De- 
 signation. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Copiatas or Foflarii. 
 
 ANOTHER Order of the 
 Ir 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Copiatje or JHL Inferior Clergy in the Pri- 
 Foflarii reckoned a- m itive Church were thofe, whofe 
 
 m t ng thl he native Bufinefs was to take care of Fu " 
 "church Tnmt>ve nerals, and provide for the de- 
 cent Interment of the Dead. 
 Thefe in ancient Writers are commonly termed 
 Copiatce , which is the Name that Conftantine 
 gives them in two Refcripts [a~\ in the Fheodo- 
 fian Code. Epiphanius fpeaks of them [b~\ under 
 the fame Name, Ailing them Koirid^), and the 
 Author [c~] under the Name of Ignatius, Kotti- 
 wvlsr. Gothofred [d~\ deduces it from the Greek 
 word K07ra'£«v, which signifies Resting j Others 
 from xoTrs-rff, Mourning > but generally the Name 
 is thought to be given them from hot©* and ko- 
 TnaSfca, which signifies Labouring ; whence they 
 are by fome called Laborantes. The Author un- 
 der the Name of St. Jerom [e~] stiles them FoJJa- 
 rii, from Digging of Graves : And in Jufiinian\ 
 Novels [/] they are called Letlicarii, from carry- 
 ing the Corps or Bier at Funerals. Gothofred 
 
 thinks it improper to reckon thefe among the 
 Clerici [g] of the ancient Church : But when 
 we are fpeaking of Things and Customs of the 
 ancient Church, I know not how we mall fpeak 
 more properly than in the Language of the An- 
 cients, who themfelves call them fo. For not 
 only the Author [h~\ under the Name of St. Je- 
 rom, calls them the First Order of the Clerici, as 
 they are in his Account : but St. Jerom himfelf 
 alfo gives them the fame Title, fpeaking of one 
 that was to be interred : The Clerici, fays he, 
 whofe Office [fj it was, wound up the Body, 
 digged the Earth, builded a Vault, and fo ac- 
 cording to Custom made ready the Grave. This 
 is the Reafon why Epiphanius [k~] and the Coun- 
 terfeit Ignatius reckon them among the Inferior 
 Orders. And Gothofred had no need to make E- 
 mendations upon thofe Imperial [/] Laws in the 
 Theodofian Code, which give the Copiatce the 
 Name of Clerici, and entitle them to fome Im- 
 munities and Privileges upon that Account : 
 For this, as appears, was only to fpeak in the 
 
 [0] Socrat. lib. j\ c. 22. [/>} Valef. in Socrat. ibid, [q] Co- 
 teler. Not. in Conftit. Apoft. lib. 3. c. $7. [r] Habert. Ar- 
 chierat. par. 4. obf. 1. p. 39. [j] Cone. Carthag. 4. c. 10. 
 Pfalmifta, id eft, Cantor poteft abfque Scientia Epifcopi, fola julli- 
 one Presbyteri, Officium fufcipere cantandi, dicente fibi Presbytero : 
 Vide ut quod ore cantas, corde credas: 8c quod corde credis, operi- 
 bus comprobes. [a] Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 1. de Luftrali Col- 
 lat. leg. t. It. lib. 16. t. 2. de Epifc. leg. if. [£] Epiphan. 
 Expof Fid. n. 21. [c] Epift. ad Antioch. n. 12. [d] Go- 
 thofred. Com. in Cod. Th. lib. 1 3. tit. 1. leg. 1. [e j Hieron. 
 de 7 Ordin. Ecclef. t. 4. p. 81. [/] Juftin. Novel. 43. 8c ^9. 
 [jff| Gothofred. Not. in Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. leg. if. 
 
 [k~] De 7 Ordin. Ecclef. Primus in Clericis Foflariorum Ordo eft, 
 8cc. [»'] Hieron. Ep. ad Innocent, de Muliere fepties icta„ 
 T. 1. p. 23$-. Clerici, quibus id Officii erat, cruentum linteo 
 Cadaver abvolvunt, 8c foffam humum lapidibus conftruentes, ex 
 more tumulum parant. [k] Epiphan. 8c Ignat. ubi fupra. 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 7. tit. 20. de Veteranis leg. 12. Dum fe qui- 
 dam Vocabulo Clericorum, 2c infauftis defundiorum obfequiis oc- 
 
 cupatos defendunt, 8cc. Ibid. lib. 1 3. tit. 1. de Luftrali Col- 
 
 lat. leg. 1. Clericos excipi tantum , qui Copiatae appellantur, Sec. 
 Ibid. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. if. Clerici vero, vel hi quos 
 Copiatas recens ufus inftituit nuncupari, &c. 
 
 Language 
 
120 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Language and Stile of other Ecclefiaftical Wri- 
 ters. 
 
 sect. U. This Order feems to have 
 
 tUTmflTc* 1 - bcCn firft Inftituted in the Time 
 fta'ritine g °"" °^ Confiantine : For Conftantius 
 his Son, in one of thofe Laws 
 juft now referr'd to, fpeaks of it as a late In- 
 ititution ; and there is no Writer of the three 
 firft Ages that ever mentions it, but all that 
 time the Care of Interring the Dead was only 
 a Charitable Office, which every Chriftian 
 thought himfelf obliged to perform as occafion 
 required. And that is the Reaibn why we 
 meet with fo many noble Encomiums of this 
 fort of Charity in the Writers of thofe Ages, 
 but never once mention of any Order Inftituted 
 for that Purpofe. But when Conftantim came 
 to the Throne, and was quietly fettled in his 
 new Seat at Confiantinople , he incorporated a 
 Body of Men to the Number of Eleven Hun- 
 dred in that City, under the Name of Copia- 
 ta , for that particular Service: And fo they 
 continued to the time of Honorius and theo- 
 dofius Junior, who reduced them \_m~~] to 
 Nine Hundred and Fifty : But ylnaftatius 
 augmented them again to the firft number, 
 which Jufiinian confirmed by two Novels [n~] 
 publifhed for that purpofe. And I fuppofe 
 from this Example of the Conftantinopolitan 
 Church they took their Rife in other Populous 
 Churches. 
 
 SECT. III. But probably there might 
 
 why called Decani be fome little difference be- 
 «*/ Collegian. twe£n thofc m the Church of 
 
 Confiantinople , and others in the lefTcr Churches. 
 For at Confiantinople they were Incorporated 
 into a fort of Civil Society, in the Roman 
 Language called, Collegium, a College, whence 
 the Law fometimes called them Collegiati, and 
 Decani, Collegiates, and Deans. As in the 
 forementioned Laws of Honorius and 1'heodojius 
 "Junior, and Jufiinian, and another of 'Theodofius 
 the Great [o~] in the Jufiinian Code, where he 
 grants them an Exemption from fome other 
 Civil Offices, provided they did not act upon 
 a feigned and pretended Title, but were real- 
 ly Employed in the Service of the Church. 
 
 But why they were called Decani, is not very 
 eafy to conjecture. Probably it might be, be- 
 caufe they refembled the Palatine Deans, who 
 were a fort of Military Officers belonging to 
 the Emperor's Palace, and are ftiled alio Cor- 
 pus Decanorum in both the Codes \_p~] mentio- 
 ned by St. Chryfoftom [qj and other Greek 
 Writers under the Name of Jwavol qu to7? (iuai- 
 X«W, Deans of the Palace, to diftinguifh them 
 from thofe other Deans of the Church, which 
 fome unwarily confounded together. But I am 
 not very confident that this was the Reafon of 
 the Name, and therefore I only propofe it as a 
 Conjecture, till fome one affigns a better Reafon 
 for it. 
 
 Their Office was to take SECT. I v. 
 the whole Care of Funerals up- TheirOffice andpri- 
 on themfelves, and to fee that v,le i ei - 
 all Perfons had a Decent and Honourable In- 
 terment. Efpecially they were obliged to per- 
 form this laft Office to the Poorer fort, with- 
 out Exacting any thing of their Relations 
 upon that Account. That it was fo at Con- 
 fiantinople, appears from one of Jufiinian 's [r] 
 Novels, which acquaints us how Anafiafius the 
 Emperor fettled certain Revenues of Land up- 
 on this Society, and ordered a certain Num- 
 ber of Shops or Work-houfes in the City to 
 be freed from all manner of Tribute, and to 
 be Appropriated to this Ufej out of whofe 
 Income and Annual Rents of the Lands, the 
 Defenfors and Stewards of the Church, who 
 had the chief Care and Overfight of the mat- 
 ter, were to pay thefe Deans, and fee the Ex- 
 pences of fuch Funerals defrayed. Jufiinian not 
 only confirmed that Settlement ; but a Com- 
 plaint being made of an Abufe, that notwith- 
 ftanding the Laws of Anafiafius, Pay was Exa- 
 cted for Funerals, he publifhed that his Novel 
 on purpofe to correct it. But we do not find 
 that fuch Settlements were made in all other 
 Churches, but it is more probable that the Co- 
 piatte were maintained partly out of the com- 
 mon Stock of the Church, and partly out 
 of their own Labour and Traffick, which for 
 their Encouragement was generally exempted 
 from paying Cuftom or Tribute, as we lhall fee 
 hereafter. 
 
 Cod. Juft. lib. i. tit. 2. de SS. Ecclef. leg. 4. Non plu- 
 res quam Nongenti Quinquaginta Decani depurentur Ecclelia:, 
 &c. [»] Juftin. Novel. 43, & 5-9. [0] Cod. Juft. it. 
 tit. 17. de Collegians leg. unica. Qui fub prsetextu Decanorum 
 feu Collegiatorum , cum id munus non impleant, aliis fe mu- 
 
 neribus connatur liibtrahere, eorum fraudibus credimus efle ob- 
 viandum. [/>] Vid. Cod. Theod. lib. 6. tit. 33. de Decanis. 
 
 leg. 1. It. Cod. Juft. lib. 12. tit. 27. leg. 1. & 2. [9] Chryf. 
 Horn. 13. in Hebr. p. 1840. [r] Juftin. Novel. 5-9. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. IX. Christian Church. 121 
 
 C H A 
 
 Of the Par 
 
 sect. 1. A NOTHER Order of Men, 
 The Parabolani j\. which by fome are reckon- 
 
 reckmeJ 6y fomea- e( j amon g triC Clerici of the an- 
 mong the Cleric. were thofe 
 
 whom 
 
 they called Parabolani. Thcodofius Junior, in one 
 of his Laws relating to them in the 1'heodofian 
 Code [a] puts them among the Clerici, and evi- 
 dently includes them under that common Title, 
 as Gothofred rightly obferves in his Exposition of 
 the Place. Baronius himfelf does not deny that 
 they were of the Clergy, but he would perfuade 
 his Reader that they were not a Diftinct Order, 
 but chofen out of the Inferior Orders of the 
 Clergy of which there is nothing faid in 
 
 that Law, but rather the contrary, that they 
 were to be chofen out of the Poor of Alex- 
 andria, 
 
 SECT. TI. Their Office is defcribed in 
 Their ivjlitutien and t ] ie next Law, where they are 
 °ffi ce - faid to be deputed to attend upon 
 
 the Sick, and to take care of their Bodies in 
 time of their Weaknefs. [c~] At Alexandria they 
 were Incorporated into a Society to the number 
 of Five or Six Hundred, to be chofen at the 
 Difcretion of the Bifliop of the Place, out of 
 any fort of Men except the Honorati and Curia- 
 les, who were tied to ferve in the Civil Offices 
 of their Countiy, and therefore were not allow- 
 ed to enter themfelves into any Ecclefiaftical 
 Service. They were to be under the Government 
 and Direction of the Bifliop, as appears from 
 the fame Law, which is a Correction of the for- 
 mer Law j for by it they were put under the 
 Government of the Prafetlus Auguflalis, (as the 
 chief Civil Magiftrate was called at Alexandria) \ 
 but by this Law e theodoJius revoked his former 
 Decree, and fubje&ed them entirely to the Care 
 and Difpofition of the Bifliop j or, as the Greek 
 Collector of the Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions out 
 of the Civil Law [<a?] ftiles him, The Pope j 
 meaning, not the Pope of Rome, as fome igno- 
 rantly miftake, but the Pope or Bifliop of Alex- 
 andria. For then it was Cuftomary to give e- 
 very Bifliop the Name of Papa, as has been 
 mewed in another Place [dd~\. What time this 
 Order began, we cannot certainly determine: 
 The firft notice we have of it is in thefe Laws 
 of Theodo/ius Junior, An. 41 f. Yet it is not 
 there fpoken of as newly Inftituted, but as fet- 
 tled in the Church before. And probably it 
 
 P. IX. 
 
 ABOLANI. 
 
 might be inftituted about the fame Time as the 
 Copiatte were under Conftantine, when fome cha- 
 ritable Offices, which were only Voluntarily 
 pra&ifed by Chriftians before, as every ones Pie- 
 ty inclined him, were now turned into Handing 
 Offices, and fettled upon a certain Order of Men 
 particularly devoted to fuch Services. That it 
 was not any Order peculiar to the Church of 
 Alexandria, is evident, becaufe there is mention 
 made of the Parabalani being at Ephefus in the 
 Time of the 2d Council that was held there, 
 An. 449. For Bajilius Seleucienfis, who fubferibed 
 there to the Condemnation of Flavian, and the 
 Abfolution of Eutyches the Heretick, being 
 brought to a Recantation in the Council of 
 Chalcedon, makes this Apology for himfelf, that 
 he was terrified into that Subfcription, by the 
 Soldiers that came armed into the Church, toge- 
 ther with Barfumas and his Monks, and the [e~\ 
 Parabalani , and a great Multitude of others. 
 The Original Word is 'a^SaXavaV, which the 
 old Tranflater rightly renders Parabalani, which 
 is the fame with Parabolani, for it is written both 
 ways in ancient Authors : But Binius in his Greek. 
 Edition of the Councils, not underftanding the 
 Word, explains it, it qui circa Balnea verfantur^ 
 as if the Parabalani had been Perfons attending 
 atthePublick Baths j whereas now all Men know 
 their Office was of a different Nature, and their 
 Names given them for a Reafon very different 
 from that of giving Attendance at the Baths. 
 
 A s to the Reafon of their SECT. III. 
 Name, to omit the fanciful In- ^ Reet f m °f th « 
 terpretations of Alciat and Accur- m " 7t ^ rabolani - 
 fius, which are fufficiently expofed by Gothofred, 
 the Opinion of Duarenus [/"] and Gothofred 
 feems to be the trueft, that they were called Pa- 
 rabolani from their undertaking i^Cc\ov spyov, 
 a molt dangerous and hazardous Office, in atten- 
 ding the Sick, efpecially in Infectious and Pefti- 
 lential Difeafes. The Greeks were ufed to call 
 thofe o§Qf€c\ci who hired themfelves out to 
 fight with wild Beafts in the Ampitheatre. . And 
 fo Socrates the Hiftorian [ g ] ufes the Word, 
 fpeaking of Theodofius his exhibiting one of the 
 Publick Games to the People at Conjlantinopk, 
 he fays, The People cried out to him that he 
 ftioulu fuffer one of the bold r$$gc\ci to fight 
 with the wild Beafts. Thefe were thofe whom 
 the Romans called Befiiarii, and fometimes Para- 
 
 na'} Cod. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. a. de Epifc. Leg. 41. Placet 
 noftrae Clementiae, ut nihil commune Clerici cum Publicis A- 
 ftibus vel ad Curiam pertinentibus habeant. Gothofr. Not. in 
 Loc. Sane Clericorum eos numero f uifle , turn hujus Legis ini- 
 tium , turn utraque bxc Lex & ftquens oftendunt. [£] Ba- 
 ron, an. 416. Tom. 4. p. 400. Futile hos minoris Ordinis Cle- 
 ricos alledtos, exordium dati hoc anno Refcripti infinuare vi- 
 detur. [c] Cod. Th. Ibid. Leg. 43. Parabalani qui ad curan- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 da debiliurtf xgra corpora deputantur , quingentos efle ante prse- 
 cepimus : fed quia hos minus fufficere in praefenti cognovimus, 
 pro quingentis Sexcentos conftitui praecipimus , &c. [</] Col- 
 led. Conftit. Ecclef. lib. 1. tit. 5. c. 18. [4d] Book 2. Chap. 2. 
 Seft. 7. [e] Concil. Chalced. A£t. 1. Tom. 4. p. zfz. 
 [/] Duaren. de Minift. & Benefic. lib. 1. c. 19. [g~\ Socrar. 
 lib. 7. c. li. KATiCod, JW» %b)e/a> iv«f. 7uv Ivavtov 
 
 I i Mi 
 
122 
 
 boli and Parabolarii, from the Greek Word^CaK- 
 which fignifies expofing a Man's Life to 
 Danger, as they that fought with wild Beads 
 did. In this Senfe I have had occafion to fhew 
 \_gg] before, the Chriftians were generally cal- 
 led Parabolarii by the Heathens, becaufe they 
 were fo ready to expofe their Lives to Martyr- 
 dom. And it is the Opinion of Gothofred [h] 
 and fome other [f] Learned Criticks, that the 
 ancient Reading of the Greek Copies of St. PauPs 
 Epiftle to the Philippians, Chap. z. ver. 30, was 
 /%(?oX<W/ji^©' rn 4 U ^^ expofing his Life to 
 Danger, as an old Latin Interpreter of Puteanus's 
 renders it, Parabolatus de anima fua. In the 
 fame Senfe thefe Parabolani of the Primitive 
 Church we are now fpeaking of, had their Name 
 from their bold expofing of their Lives to dan- 
 ger in Attendance upon the Sick in all Infectious 
 and Peftilential Diftempers. 
 
 SECT. IV. I fhall onlyobferve farther of 
 some Laws and them, that being commonly, ac- 
 
 Rules concerning C0R J ing tQ their Name Men of 
 their Behaviour. i i j j j o • • _ i 
 
 a bold and daring Spirit, they 
 were ready upon all Occafions to ingage in any 
 Quarrel that fhould happen in Church or State : 
 As they feem to have done in the Difpute be- 
 tween Cyril the Bifhop, and Orejles the Gover- 
 
 nour of Alexandria : Which was the Reafon 
 why Theodofius by his firft Law funk their Num- 
 ber to five hundred, and put them under the 
 Infpe&ion of the Prafeclus Auguftalis, and ftridt- 
 ly prohibited them from appearing at any Pub- 
 lick Shews, or in the Common Council of the 
 City, or in the Judges Court, unlefs any of thera 
 had a Caufe of his own, or of the whole Body, 
 as their Syndick, to profecute there j and then 
 he muft appear fingly without any of his Order 
 or AfTociates to abett him. And though he not 
 long after revoked this Law as to the former 
 Part, allowing them to be fix hundred, and the 
 Bifhop to have the Choice and Cognizance of 
 them } yet in all other Refpecls he ordered it to 
 iland in its full Force, ftill prohibiting them to 
 appear in a Body upon any of the forefaid [XJ 
 Occafions: And Juftinian made this Law per- 
 petual byinferting it into his own Code. Which 
 fhews that the Civil Government always looked 
 upon thefe Parabolani as a formidable Body of 
 Men, and accordingly kept a watchful Eye and 
 ftricl: Hand over them : That whilft they were 
 ferving the Church, they might not do any 
 DilTervice to the State, but keep within the 
 Bounds of that Office whereto they were ap- 
 pointed. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the CAT EC HIS TS. 
 
 SECT. T. T Have hitherto difcourfed of tifm, into the Baptiftery of the Church, and 
 CatechiftnoDiftmn JL fuch particular Orders of the there rehearfed the Creed to them. This was 
 Order of thedergy, Ecclefiafticks in the Primitive on Palm-Sunday, when it was cuftomary for the 
 h m ther order ° f Cnurch ' as were deftinated pre- Bifhop himfelf to Catechize fuch of the Catechu- 
 any ot er r er. c \{ e \y to fome particular Office mens, as were to be Baptized on Eajler-Eve. Theo- 
 and Function : But there were fome Offices dorus Leclor [b~\ takes notice of the fame Cuftom in 
 which did not require a Man to be of any di- the Eaftern Churches, when he tells us, that be- 
 flincT: Order, but might be performed by Perfons fore the Time of 'Timothy Bifhop of Conftantino- 
 of any Order } and it will be neceffary I fhould pie the Nicene Creed was never ufed to be repea- 
 give fome Account of thefe alfo, whilft I am ted Publickly in that Church, except only once 
 treating of the Clergy of the Church. The a Year, on the great Day of Preparation, the 
 firft of thefe I fhall fpeak of is the Catechift, Day of our Lord's Paffion, when the Bifhop 
 ■whofe Office it was to inftrucl: the Catechumens was wont to Catechize. At other times Pref- 
 in the firft Principles of Religion, and thereby byters and Deacons were theCatechifts. St. Chry- 
 prepare them for the Reception of Baptifm. fojlom perform'd this Office when he was Presby- 
 This Office was fometimes done by the Bifhop ter of Antioch, as appears from one of his Ho- 
 himfelf, as is evident from that PafTage in St. milies [Y], which is inferibed, Karo^o-i? tf^s 
 Ambrofe, where he fays [a] upon a certain Lord's tv? /us\\o/]a? <p&m'£?cih«, A Catechifm or Inftru- 
 Day after the reading the Scriptures and theSer- £Hon for the Candidates of Baptifm. Deogra- 
 mon, when the Catechumens were difmifTed, he tias was Catechift when he was Deacon of Car- 
 took the Competentes, or Candidates for Bap- tbage, as we learn from St. Auftitfs Book [d~] d$ 
 
 [gg~\ Book 1. Chap. i. Setl. 9. |>] Gothofr. Not. in Cod. 
 Tli. 1 6. 2. 42. [«] Vid. Grot. Hammond. Capel. in Philip. 2. 10. 
 [*] Cod. Juft. lib. 1. tit. 3. de Epifc. leg. 18. Hi fexcenti Viri 
 reverendiflimi Sacerdotis Praeceptis ac Difpofitionibus obfecundent : 
 Reliquis, qua: dudum lata: Legis forma comple&itur fuper his 
 Parabohnis, vel de Spe&aculis, vel de Judiciis, cxterifque (ficut 
 jam ftatutum eft) cuftodiendis. [a] Ambrof. Ep. 32. Poll 
 Le<3iones atque Tra&atum, dimiffis Catechumenis , fymbolum 
 
 aliquibus Competentibus in Baptifteriis tradebam Bafilicas.' 
 
 [b~] Theodor. Le£tor. Colle&an. lib. 2. p. $6%. to avpGoKov tt» 
 
 Tct£ n 'icTKf tey'ovfyov tt&ti&v iv T>T dyitt Tetpct^zvn 1* 
 
 TA'fllSf , T&S" KCLtpeo TUV yiVOfjtytOV <T8 C/mffHOTIS JCfitTW- 
 
 yjo-tvv. [c] Chryi". Horn. 21. ad Popul. Antiochen. [d] Aug. 
 de Catechizand. Rudibus. c. u t. 4. p. 29 f . Dixifti quod faepe a- 
 pud Carthaginem, ubi Diaconus es, ad te adducantur, qui fid* 
 Chriftiana imbuendi funt, &c. 
 
 Catechi- 
 
Chap. X. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 125 
 
 Catechizandis Rudibus, which he wrote at his 
 Rcqueft, to give him fome Affiftance in perform- 
 ing his Duty. 
 
 sect. II. Nor was it only the Superior 
 Readers fometimes Orders that performed this Of- 
 made catechifls. £ ce ^ ^ ut fometimes Perfons were 
 chofen out of the Inferior Orders to do it. Op- 
 tatus was but a Reader in the Church of Car- 
 thage^ and yet Cyprian made him Catechift, or 
 as it is in his Phrafe [<?], The Doclor Audientium y 
 The Matter of the Hearers, or loweft Rank of 
 Catechumens. Origen feems to have had no high- 
 er Degree in the Church when he was firft made 
 Catechift at Alexandria. For both Eufebius [/] 
 and St. Jerom \_g] fay, He was but Eighteen 
 years Old when he was deputed to that Office j 
 which was at leaft feven Years before he could 
 be Ordained Deacon by the Canons 6£ the 
 Church. 
 
 sect. III. The Author under the Name 
 Why called vauro- c f Clemens Romanus feems to have 
 
 *$*h f°™ had regard to this, when COm- 
 Greek Writers. . & , ' c , . , 
 
 paring the Church to a bhip, and 
 the Clergy to the Officers in it, he plainly di- 
 ilinguifhes the Catechifts from the Bifhop, Pref- 
 byters and Deacons, faying, The Bifhop \h~] is 
 to refemble the t^&js or Pilot j The Presbyters 
 the vo£^), or Mariners j The Deacons the roi^ap- 
 %ot, or Chief Rowers ; The Catechifts, the vcw- 
 Tohoyot, or thofe whofe Office it was to admit 
 Paffengers into the Ship, and contract with them 
 for the Fare of their PafTage. This was proper- 
 ly the Catechift's Duty, to fhew the Catechu- 
 mens the Contract they were to make, and the 
 Conditions they were to perform, viz. Repen- 
 tance, Faith, and New Obedience, in order to 
 their Admittance into the Chriftian Ship, the 
 Church, in which they were to pafs through 
 this World to the Kingdom of Heaven. Upon 
 this account the Catechifts were termed vowroXo- 
 yct 9 and as fuch diftinguifhed from Bifhops, 
 Presbyters, and Deacons. Cotelerius [/'] fays he 
 found a Greek Manufcript in one of the French 
 King's Libraries, where the fame Comparifon is 
 made, and cited out of the Conftitutions, in 
 thefe Words : The Church is like a Ship > Chrift 
 is the Governour^ The Bifhop, the Pilot} The 
 Presbyters, the Mariners} The Deacons, the 
 Chief Rowers } The Catechifts, or Nautologi, 
 the Orders of Subdeacons and Readers. So that 
 it is evident the Catechifts were fometimes cho- 
 fen out of the Inferior Orders, when any of 
 them were found duly qualified to difcharge the 
 Duties of that Function. And this will be the 
 
 lefs wondered at by any one that confiders, that 
 the Deaconnefles, whilft their Order was in be- 
 ing, were required to be a fort of Private Cate- 
 chifts to the more Ignorant and Ruftick Wo- 
 men-Catechumen : Which I need not ftand 
 to evidence here, becaufe I have done it here- 
 tofore in fpeaking of the Offices which be- 
 longed to that Order. See Book 2. Chap, zz. 
 Seel. 9. 
 
 But in all thefe Cafes there sect. iv. 
 is one thing to be diligently No- c*tt- 
 ted, That this fort of Catechifts ffi>t*»&pWck- 
 
 11 , • n /-l 1 • ly m the Church. 
 
 were not allowed to inftruct their J 
 Catechumens publickly in the Church, but only 
 in Private Auditories appointed particularly for 
 that Purpofe. Valefius [k~] obferves this in the 
 Cafe of Origen , and rightly concludes it from 
 the Invective of Demetrius Bifhop of Alexandria 
 againft Alexander Bifhop of Jerufalem, and Theo- 
 clifius Bifhop of Cafarea^ who had authorized 
 Origen to preach publickly in the Church, when 
 as yet he was no Presbyter. This Accufation 
 had been ridiculous, had he himfelf given Origen 
 the fame Power before, when he was Catechift: 
 at eighteen Years of Age at Alexandria. Ruffin 
 indeed in his Tranflation of Eujebius fays posi- 
 tively that Demetrius gave him Authority to Ca- 
 techize and Teach publickly in the Church [/], 
 But that is an Interpolation and falfe Paraphrafe 
 of Eufebius his Words, who fays no fuch thing, 
 but only [_m~\ that Demetrius Bifhop of the 
 Church had committed to his Care the Office of 
 Catechizing, or as we may render it, the Cate- 
 chetick School, where probably for fome time 
 he alfo taught Grammar and other human Learn- 
 ing. That there were fuch fort of Catechetick 
 Schools adjoyning to the Church in many Places, 
 is evident from a Novel [»] of the Emperor Leo 9 
 who calls them naryiy^Sixiva, and fays they were 
 a fort of Buildings belonging to the Church. 
 It might be the Baptiftery, as St. Ambrofe calls 
 it , or any other Places fet apart for that Pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 Such a School as this we may sect. v. 
 fuppofe that to have been, where- . °/ the Succ f m 
 
 ■ r\ • j r A. C tn the Catechetick 
 
 in Origen and fo many other fa- M M Akxan _ 
 mous Men read Catechetick Le- dria 
 ctures at Alexandria. Eufebius fays 
 Pantanus taught [0] in this School An. 181, and 
 that it was a School of facred Learning from 
 ancient Cuftom long before, and that it conti- 
 nued fo to be to his own Time. St. Jerom de* 
 duces its Original from St. Mark the firft Foun- 
 der of the Church of Alexandria , telling us$ 
 
 M CyP r - Ep. 24. al. 29. Optatum inter Leftores Dodtorem 
 Audientium conftituimus. [/] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 3. 
 [g] Hieron. de Scriptor. in Origine. Decimo oftavo aetatis fuse 
 anno Kctrn^no-icov opus aggreflus, 8cc. [h~\ Clem. Ep. ad Ja- 
 cob, n. 14. [*'] Coteler. Not. in Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. $7. 
 p. 263. hiKiv « IfcuKwritt vm fxtv yvdfvnrns 5£iV y_ei- 
 
 7B^«,'p^o/» of J^icIkovoi, el vauTox'oyot, to tuv dvd.yvcd?uv 
 vimtsTuv ri.yy.ct. [J&] Valef. Not. in Eiifeb. lib. 6. c. 19. 
 It. Hallier. de Hierarch. Ecclef. lib. 1. c. 7. p 66. [/] Ruffin. 
 
 lib. 6. c. 3. Demetrius —— Catechizandi ei, id eft, docendi Ma-* 
 gifterium in Ecclefia tribuit. [»?] Eufeb. Lib. 6. c. 3. a.und 
 fjLOva J <rS netTtiyjuv <Pictrei£ »f vara Am^/hte/h ^ k>iKh»o~'ict{ 
 ir(>9z<?uT@- cmtlir^.fji.f^ivni. [n~\ Leo Novel. 73. In Ec- 
 clefiarum Ccenaculis, quae promifcuum vulgus K<t7v\-)(i(AivA vo- 
 care folet. Vid. Concil. Trull, c. 97. 8c Balfamon 8c Zonar. in Loc„ 
 [<?] Eufeb. lib. f . c. 10. ny&To imiKoZTa, ^ rwv tsiruv «uto- 
 •97 £ia.Tei6ns Udvjcuv©-' '^<t?ya}.x \§*s <Pt<Pa.o-x,a.\&is tuv /«- 
 $uv K'oywv T«ep' avTois Ciw«r«7©-; ^ «j tipa.( TraiftiTdvi^ 
 
 that 
 
124 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book III. 
 
 that Pantanus [/>] taught Chriftian Philofpphy 
 at Alexandria, where it had been the Cullom of 
 old always to have Ecclefiaftical Doftors from 
 the Time of St. Mark. Where by Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Doctors he does not mean the Bifhop and 
 Presbyters of the Church (which were original- 
 ly in all Churches as well as Alexandria) but the 
 Dodtors of Chriftian Philofophy in the Cateche- 
 tick School, whereof there had been a Succef- 
 fion from the flrft Foundation of the Church. 
 And the Succeffion was continued for fome Ages 
 after: For Clemens \jf\ Alexandrinus fucceeded 
 Pant anus; and Origen [r~], Clemens; Heraclas 
 Origen; and Dionyfius [/], Heraclas. After whom 
 
 fome [u] add Athenodorus, Malchion, Athanafius 
 and Didymus. And the Author of the Greek Sy- 
 nodicon publifhed by Pappus , fays \_w~] Arius 
 taught in the fame School before he broached 
 his Herefy. It were eafy to recount many other 
 fuch Schools at Rome, Cafarea, Antioch, &c. 
 but I mall have another Occafion to fpeak of 
 thefe, when I come to confider the Encourage- 
 ment that Chriftian Emperors gave to Schools 
 of Learning and the ProfeiTors of Liberal Arts 
 and Sciences: What has here been fuggefted 
 upon this Head, may fuffice at prefent to mew 
 what was the Office of the Catechift, and what 
 the Ufe of Catechetical Schools in the Church. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Ecclefiecdici and Defenfores, or Syndicks of the Church, 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Five forts of De- 
 fenfores noted, two 
 ■whereof only belong- 
 ed to the Church. 
 
 ANOTHER Office which 
 will deferve to be fpoken of 
 in this Place , bccaufe it was 
 fometimes, though not always, 
 managed by the Hands of the 
 Clergy, is that of the Defenfores. For the under- 
 ftanding of which it will be necelTary in the 
 flrft Place to diftinguifti between the Civil and 
 Ecclefiaftical Defenfors. For Gothofred thinks 
 there were in all, four forts of them, viz. The De- 
 fenfores Senatus, Defenfores Urbium, Defenfores Ec- 
 cleftarumy and Defenfores Pauperum. But he might 
 have added one more which Ulpian [a] calls De- 
 fenfores Rerum publicarum, whofe Office was to 
 be a fort of Pro&ors or Syndicks in managing of 
 the publick Caufes of that Corporation or Com- 
 pany of Tradefmen to which they belonged: 
 Which fort of Defenfors were flrft inftituted by 
 Alexander Sever us, as Lampridius [b~] tells us in 
 his Life. The Defenfores Civitatum, or as they 
 are otherwife called, Defenfores Plebis, were a 
 fort of Tribunes of the People, one of their 
 chief Offices being to defend the poor Plebeians 
 againft the Infults and Oppreffions of the great 
 and wealthy Citizens. Now in Imitation of 
 thefe, I prefume, the Ecclefiaftical Defenfors 
 were inftituted, as both their Name and Office 
 feems plainly to imply. 
 
 SECT. II. The Defenfors of the Poor 
 
 of the Defenfores fad muc h the fame Employment 
 Pauperum. tne Church, as the Defenfores 
 
 Plebis had in the State : For if any of the Poor, 
 or Virgins, or Widows belonging to the Church, 
 were injured or oppreffed by the Rich, it was 
 the Bufinefs of thefe Defenfors, as their Proftors 
 
 or Advocates, to fee them righted, and to folli- 
 cit the Magiftrate that they might have Juftice 
 done them. This is evident from the Decree 
 made in the fth Council of Carthage, An. 401, 
 which is alfo inferted into the African Code, 
 and is to this purpofe: That [t] forafmuch 
 as the Church was inceflantly wearied with 
 the Complaints and Afflictions of the Poor, 
 it was unanimoufly agreed upon by them in 
 Council, that the Emperors fhould be peti- 
 tioned to allow Defenfors to-be chofen for them 
 by the Procurement and Approbation of the Bi- 
 fhops, that they might defend them from the 
 Power and Tyranny of the Rich. 
 
 A s to the other fort of Defen- sect. III. 
 fors, called Defenfores Ecclefi<e, °f tht Defenfores 
 (whom I fpeak of feparately, be- f cIdl f; ,he f r °f' 
 
 r n c j 1 A-n.- fice and Function. 
 
 caule Gothofred makes a Diitin- 
 ftion between them, though others take them 
 to be the fame) their Office did as plainly re- 
 femble that of the other fort of Civil Defen- 
 fors, called Defenfores Rerum publicarum. For 
 as thofe were the Pro6tors and Syndicks of 
 their refpe&ive Companies, to manage the 
 publick Concerns of their Societies at Law 
 upon all emergent Occafions: So thefe did 
 the fame for the Church, whofe Syndicks 
 they were, being employed to follicit the 
 Caufe of the Church , or any fingle Eccle- 
 fiaftick, when they were injured or opprefTed, 
 and had Occafion for Redrefs in a Civil 
 Court j or if they were not remedied there, 
 they were to addrefs the Emperors themfelves 
 in the Name of the Church, to procure a par- 
 ticular Precept in her Favour. Thus Poffi- 
 
 [/>] Hieron. de Scriptor. c. 3 6. Pantarnus Stoics feilse Phi- 
 lofophus, juxta quandam Veterum in Alexandria confuetudinem , 
 ubi a Marco Evangelifta femper Ecclefiaftici fuere Doclores 
 Docuit fub Severo Principe, &c. [q] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 6. 
 {>] Id. lib. 6. c. 19. [i] Hieron. de Scriptor. in Origine. Eu- 
 feb. Jib. 6. c. z6. [/] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 29. [«] Hjfpin. dc 
 Templis, lib. 3. c. f. Synodicon Concil. Tom. 2. p. 1494. 
 
 [a] Digeft. lib. 49. tit. 4. leg. 1. [*] Lamprid. vit. Ale- 
 
 xand. Corpora omnium conftituit, Vinariorum , Lupinariorum 
 Caligariorum , & omnino omnium artium: hilque ex fefe Defen- 
 fores dedit. [c] Cone. Carth. f. c. 9. Ab Imperatoribus uni- 
 tferfis vifum eft pofiulandum, propter affli&ionem pauperum, quo- 
 rum moleftiis fine intermiflione fatigatur Ecclefia , ut Defenfores 
 eis, adverfus potentias divirum, cum Epifcoporum provifione dele- 
 gentur. Vid. Cod. Ecclef. Afr. Can. jf . 
 
 dias 
 
Chap.XI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 dim [_d~\ tells us in the Life of Sc. Au(lin, That 
 when the Circumcellions in their mad Zeal had 
 plundered and {lain fome of the Catholick Cler- 
 gy, the Defenfor of the Church profecuted 
 them at Law for the Fact, that the Peace of the 
 Church might no more be disturbed or impeded. 
 In like manner we read in the ill Council [e] of 
 Carthage, that it being a thing againft the Impe- 
 rial Laws for any Layman to impofe a fecular 
 Office upon a Clergyman ; if any fuch Injury 
 was offered to the Church, 'tis faid, the Affront 
 might be redreffed, if the Defenfors of the 
 Church did not fail in their Duty. Which plain- 
 ly implies, that it was the Bufinefs of the De- 
 fenfors to fee the Rights of the Church that 
 were fettled upon her by Law, truly maintain- 
 ed j and if any Encroachments were made upon 
 them, they were to profecutc the Aggreffors 
 and Invaders before the Magistrates, and execute 
 the Sentence which they gave in Favour of the 
 Church. It is farther obfcrvable from a Law of 
 Arcadius and Honorius, recited in the next Para- 
 graph, that in cafe of Neceffity they were like- 
 wife to make Application to the Emperors, and 
 bring their Mandate to the Inferior Judges, when 
 they could not otherwile have Juftice done them. 
 By a Canon of the Council of Chalcedon Defen- 
 fors are alfo empowered to admonifh fuch Monks 
 and Clerks as reforted to the Royal City Conflan-- 
 tinople, without any Licenfe or Commiffion from 
 their Bifhopj and if after Admonition they con- 
 tinued (till to loiter thcre^ the fame Defenfors 
 ■were to expel them [/] thence by Force, and 
 caufe them to return to their own Habitation. 
 It appears alfo from Juftiniari's Laws [g], that 
 the Defenfors together with the Oeconomi were 
 made a fort of Superintendents over the Copiat<? 9 
 or great Body of Deans, whofe Bufinefs was to 
 attend at Funerals, as has been fhewed before : 
 The Defenfors were charged with the Care of 
 thefe, both in reference to their Revenues and 
 Perfons. They were likewife to make Enquiry, 
 whether every Clerk belonging to the Church, 
 carefully attended the Celebration of Morning 
 and Evening Service in the Church, and to in- 
 form the Biihop of fuch as neglected, that they 
 might be proceeded againft \_h~] with Ecckfiafti- 
 cal Cenfures. Thefe were the chief, if not the 
 only Offices of the Defenfors in the Primitive 
 Church : For as to any Spiritual Power or Ju- 
 rifdi&ion over the Clergy, they had none: Nor 
 were they as yet admitted to hear Criminal Cau- 
 
 fes, great or little, in the Biffiop's Name; but 
 thefe things were devolv'd upon them in latter 
 Ages, as Morinus fhews at large in a long 
 Diffcrtation upon this Subjecl, to which I refer 
 the Inquifitive Reader, concerning my felf to 
 give fuch an Account of the Defenfor's Office 
 and Power, as I find it to have been in the Ages 
 next after their Institution. 
 
 The next Enquiry mult be SECT. iv. 
 into their Quality : Whether °f thtir 
 they were of the Clergy or Lai- ctl'^ulTZ 
 ty? For Learned Men are not m ® ° r 
 agreed about this. Petavius \JT\ 
 fays they were always Lay-Men, but Morinus [/] 
 and Gotbofred \ni\ with much better Reafon af- 
 fert the contrary, that at firft they were gene- 
 rally chofen out of the Clergy, till for fome 
 particular Reafons it was thought molt proper 
 to have Advocates at Law to diicharge this Of- 
 fice in the African Churches. This Change was 
 made about the Year 407, when the African Fa- 
 thers in the Council of Carthage [»] petitioned 
 the Emperor Honorius, that he would give them 
 leave to chufe their Defenfors out of the Scho- 
 laflici , or Advocates at Law, who were actually 
 concerned in Pleading of CaUiesj that fo they 
 who took upon them the Defence of the 
 Churches, might have the fame Libertv a^ the 
 Provincial Priefts were ufed to have, to go upon 
 neceffary occafion into the Judges Confiltory, or 
 Council -Chamber behind the Veil, and there 
 Suggeft what they thought neceffary to promote 
 their own Caufe, or obviate the Plots of their 
 Adverfaries. In anfwer to this Petition Honorius 
 fhortly after publifhed a Law, wherein he gran- 
 ted them Liberty to make ufe of fuch Advo- 
 cates for their Defenfors as they defired: For 
 he decreed [0], That whatever Privileges were 
 fpecially obtained of the Emperor, relating to 
 the Church, fhould be intimated to the Judges, 
 and executed, non per Coronatos, not by Clergy- 
 Men, as Gotbofred rightly explains it, but by Ad- 
 vocates at Law. So that now it was no longer 
 neceffary that the Defenfors fhould be of the 
 Clergy, but the Office was frequently intrufted 
 in the hands of Lay- Men. Which is farther e- 
 vident from an Epiftle of Pope Zofimus, who li- 
 ved about the fame Time : For he fays \_p~]> 
 The Defenfors of the Church were chofen out 
 of the Laity, and might afterward, if rhey were 
 deferving, be ordained among the Clergy. Yet 
 
 [d] Poflid. Vit. Aug. c. 12. De qua re, ne pacis Ecclefise am- 
 plius impediretur profe6tus, Defenfor Ecclefiae inter Leges non fi- 
 luit, &c. [e] Cone. Carthag. 1 . c. 9. Ipfis non liceat Cleri- 
 cos noftros eligere Apothecarios vel Ratiocinatores Quod li in- 
 juria Conftitutionis Imperatoriae Clericos inquitandos putaverint, 11 
 Defcnfio Ecclefiaftica nos non deridet, pudor publicus vindicabitur. 
 [/] Cone. Chalced. c. 23. a.Kov]ct$ clvt&j JW ts etwii 't •x.fi- 
 
 XK itlC cLKhicd^, 750J i/Jsf X.eLTO.hd.p.£cLv&V TOTHf. [#] Ju- 
 
 ftin. Novel. 5-9. [/>] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 3. de Epifc. leg. 
 41. n. 10. [/] Morin. de Ordinat. Ecclef. Par. 3. Exercit. 16. 
 c. 7. [fc] Petav. Not. in Epiphan. Haer. 72. n. 10. [/] Mo- 
 rin. ibid. Exerc. 16. c. 6. n. 16. [w] Gothofred. Not. in Cod. 
 Theod. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 38. [»] Concil. African, 
 vulgo di&um Can. 64. Placuit ut petant Legate a Gloiioliflimis 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Imperatoribus, ut dent facultatem Defenfores conftituendi Schola- 
 fticos, qui in a£tu funt, vel in munere Defeniionis Caufarum, ut 
 more facerdotum Provincial iidem ipfi qui Defenfionem Ecclelia- 
 rum fufceperint, habeant facultatem pro negotiis Eccleiiarum, quo- 
 ties neceflitas flagitaverit, vel ad obfiftendum obrepentibus, vel ad 
 necelTaria fuggerenda, ingredi Judicum Secretaria. Vid. Cod. Can. 
 Afr. Gr. Lat. c.97. 8c Concil. Milevitan. c. 16. to the fame purpofe. 
 [0] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 38. Ut quxcunque dc 
 nobis ad Ecclefiam tantum pertinentia, fpecialiter fuerint impetrata, 
 non per Coronatos, fed ab Advocatis, eorum arbitratu, 8c Judicibus 
 innotefcant, 8c fortiantur Effedtum, &c. [/>] Zofim. Ep. 1. 
 c. 3 . Defenfores Ecclefiae, qui ex Laicis fiunt fupradi&a oblervati- 
 one teneantur, fi meruerint efle in Ordine Clericatus, 
 
 K k after 
 
126 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 after this we find the Defenfors in Tome places 
 continued ftill to be of the Clergy. For Mori- 
 nus {hews, that in the firft Seffion of the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon there is frequent mention made 
 of one John a Presbyter and \j\ Defenfor} As 
 alfo in many Epiftles of Gregory the Great the 
 Defenfors of the Roman Church are faid to be 
 of the Clergy : To which I mall add a Frag- 
 ment of Theodoras Lector taken out of Damafcen 
 [V], which fpeaks of one John as both Deacon 
 and Defenfor of the Church of St. Stephen at 
 Conftantinople in the Time of Anaftafius the Em- 
 peror, which was in the beginning of the 6th 
 Century. From all which it is very evident a- 
 gainft Petavius, that the Defenfors were fome- 
 times chofen out of the Clergy, and not always 
 made of Advocates or Lay-Men. 
 
 SECT. v. I muft not omit to acquaint 
 
 The "EtfiKot and the Reader, that what the Latins 
 'fKx.h>iTii^t>tr,t ca ll Dcfenfores, the Greek Church 
 among the Greeks common j y ca H s " E ^ci and 'Ex- 
 the fame -with the , « i • i_ r -c -u 
 
 Defenfors of the W r hich fi g n,fi £ 
 
 Latin ckunh. frn?e as Defenfors; though Go- 
 thofred [f] without any jult Rea- 
 fon makes a Difference between them : For not 
 only their Offices and Powers are defcribed to 
 be the fame, but alfo whenever the Greeks have 
 any Occafion to fpeak of the Latin Defenfors, 
 they give them the Name of "Exc/Wi, as may be 
 feen either in the Code of the African [t] Church 
 publifhed by Juftellus, or that which the Greeks 
 commonly call the Council of Carthage, publifh- 
 ed by Ehinger [#], and Dr. Beverege [x] in the 
 Pandects. But whether U^drns be another 
 Greek Name for a Defenfor, is not fo certain. 
 The Word is only found once ufed by Epipha- 
 nius [jy], who fpeaking of one Cyriacus, itiles 
 him Kvyaxbs -ar^s-amr, which Petavius renders, 
 Cyriacus Defenfor. He feems indeed to have had 
 fome Office in the Church, becaufe he is joined in 
 the Subfcription of a Letter with the Clergy, 
 Presbyters, Deacons, Subdeacons, and Readers: 
 but whether that be a fufficient Reafon to make 
 him a Defenfor, I muft leave the Judicious Rea- 
 der to determine. 
 
 sect. vi. There is one thing more 
 
 chancellors andDe- m uft be refolved before I difmifs 
 
 fenfors not the fame thjs Subied ; that is, whether 
 tn the Vrimttive /->• n J , t-» r r 
 
 church Chancellors and Defenfors were 
 
 the fame in the Primitive Church ? 
 In anfwer to which I fay, it is very plain they 
 were not : becaufe the firft Time we find any 
 mention of the Office of Chancellors in the 
 Church, they are exprefly diftinguifhed from the 
 "Ey.Jmoi or Defenfors ; And that is in the Novel 
 of Heraclius made in the beginning of the 7th 
 Century, where determining the Number of 
 
 Ecclefiaftical Officers that were to be allowed in 
 the great Church of Conftantinople , he fays, 
 there fhould be Two Syncelli, Twelve Chancel- 
 lors [z], Ten Defenfors, Twelve Referendaries, 
 Forty Notaries , and Twelve Sceuophylaces, 
 whereof Four to be Presbyters, Sis Deacons, 
 and Two Readers. It is not very eafy to deter- 
 mine what the Office of thefe Chancellors was 
 at that time j but it is very evident however 
 from this that they were not the fame with the 
 Defenfors. They who are acquainted with the 
 Civil Law, know that the Cancellarii in the Ci- 
 vil Courts were not Judges, but Officers attend- 
 ing the Judge in an Inferior Station : Which 
 appears evidently from a Title in both the Thee- 
 dofian and Juftinian [a] Code, De Adfeffbribus & 
 Domefticis fe? Cancellarii s Judicum. Hot toman and 
 Accurfius take them for Actuaries or Notaries 5 
 but Gothofred in his Learned Notes [f] upon the 
 I'heodofian Code, proves at large out of Caffiodore 
 and Agathias, that they were the Cuftodes Secre- 
 tarii, the Guards of the Judge's Confiftory, and 
 called Cancellarii becaufe they flood ad Cancellos y 
 at the Rails or Barriers which feparated the Se- 
 cretum from the reft of the Court. So that their 
 Office then was not to fit as Judges or Afleflors, 
 but Only to attend the Judge, and keep Peace 
 and good Order under him. And if this was 
 the Condition of the Cancellarii in the State, it 
 is probable they had fome fuch Office in the 
 Church in the Time of Heraclius, who firft 
 mentions them j but what that Office was I am 
 not able to determine any farther, fave only that 
 it was not the fame with that of the Defenfors of 
 the Church. 
 
 It may be asked then, Whe- SECT. VII. 
 ther the Office of our Modern whether the Defe?t- 
 Chancellors has any Relation or f or ' s °ffi ce was tix 
 Refemblance to that of Defen- f ame w,th that , 'f 
 fors in the ancient Church ? J^Jf*" ° 
 There are fome Learned Men, 
 who make them altogether the fame. Bifhop 
 Beverege derives the Authority of them both 
 from the fame Fountain. For he fays [c] the 
 Defenfors heard and determined Caufes in the 
 Bifhop's Namej and thofe not only that related 
 to the Poor, who fought the Patronage of the 
 Church ; but alfo when Presbyters and Deacons 
 had any Controverfy with any other, whether 
 of the Clergy or Laity, they might bring their 
 Action before the •urpaJT^tx©-- or Defenfor. 
 Whence he concludes, that Chancellors of later 
 Ages are the very fame Ecclefiaftical Officials, 
 as the Defenfors of the Primitive Church. It 
 were to be wiftied that that Learned Perfon had 
 given us Ancient Records for that Power which 
 he afcribes to the old Defenfors: For then they 
 would have looked more like Chancellors under 
 
 [q} Concil. Chalced. A£t. 1. [r] Vid. Damafcen. Orat. 3. 
 de Imagin. p. 799. 8c Fragment. Theodor. Le&or. edit, a Valef. 
 p. 5*85 . Hcaoivi'v: £ii-Mv@- >y I'.sP/fc©- "re d>cty~< o'ikv 2t«- 
 Sec. [jJ Gothofred. Not. in Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. i. 
 leg. 33. [f] Cod. Can. Ecclef. Afr. c. 75-. &: 97. [»J Con- 
 di. Carthag. Gr. ap. Ehinger. c. 76. & 99. ["*] Conr. Carth. 
 
 ap. Bevcreg. c. 78. 8c 100. [y] Epiph. Hot. jz. Marcel, n. 10. 
 [z] Heracl. Novel. 2. ap. Leunclav. Jus. Gr. Rom. Tom 1. p. 79. 
 KcwttKcteixf t ei; iC. sx.J\ijcK? e>V /. [a] Cod. Th. lib. t. 
 tit. 12. Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. fi. [£] Gothofred. Cpm. iff 
 Cod. Th. lib. 1. tit. 12. de AdlciTorib. leg. 3. fc] Bevereg. 
 Not. in Can. 23. Concil. Chalced. 
 
 another 
 
Chap. XII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 127 
 
 another Name: But indeed the Authorities he 
 alledges, arc all Modern, fuch asPapias's GkJ/ary, 
 and Balfamon's Meditata, and the Catalogues of 
 Officials in the Church of Conftantinople, which 
 were written feveral Ages after the firft Inltitu- 
 lion of Defenfors, and in times when the Pro- 
 tecdicus among the Greeks was become an Officer 
 of greac Authority and Power. So that tho' 
 the Power of Chancellors might be much the 
 lame as that of the sx.e/Wi among the Modern 
 Greeks y yet that it was altogether the fame with 
 the ancient Defenfors, feems not hitherto to be 
 folidly proved : Since the Bufinefs of the ancient 
 
 Defenfors was not to do the Office of Judges, 
 but of Advocates at Law, to defend the Rights 
 of the Poor, and the Liberties of the Church, 
 againfl all AggrcfTors and Invaders. But if any 
 can fhew from ancient Records, that the Defen- 
 fors had a larger Power, he will very much o- 
 blige the World with fuch a Difcovery : In 
 the mean time the Reader will pardon me for 
 not afcribing to them greater Powers than I had 
 Authority to do. The Matter is curious, and 
 may exercife the Pens of Learned Men, and 
 be the Subject of farther Difquifition and En- 
 quiry. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 Of the ECO NO Ml 
 
 SECT. I. 
 The Oeconorai /'»- 
 Jlituted in the qth 
 Century. The Rea- 
 fons of their Infti- 
 t at ion. 
 
 IN the Writings of the 4th 
 and fth Centuries we fre- 
 
 quently meet with an Officer in 
 the Church, fliled by the Greeks 
 _a~] ciKcvoju©', and by the Latins 
 b~] Oeconomns, or Prapofttus Do- 
 thus as it is in St. Auftin [c]. His Office was to 
 manage the Revenues of the whole Diocefe un- 
 der the Inflection of the Bifhop. For ancient- 
 ly, as I have fhewed elfewhere [cc], the whole 
 Revenue of the Church was entrufted in the 
 Hands of the Bifhop to be divided among the 
 Clergy and Poor of the Church by his Direction 
 and Appointment: And in managing this Affair 
 he commonly made Ufe of his Arch-deacon, as 
 a proper Affiflant to eafe himfelf of the great 
 Burthen and Incumbrance of it. But upon the 
 general Converfion of Heathens, and the confe- 
 quent Augmentation of every Diocefe, and 
 Church-Revenues, both the Bifhop and his Arch- 
 deacon had Bufinefs enough of another Nature 
 to take up the greateft Part of their Time : And 
 then it was found neceffary to inftitute Officers 
 on purpofe, and fet them over this Affair, under 
 the Name of Oeconomi, or Stewards of the 
 Church. Morinus \d~\ thinks they were inftitu- 
 ted to avoid Sufpicionj and in fome Churches 
 there is no queflion but it was fo : For in the re- 
 maining Fragments of the Council of Tyre, An. 
 448 , which are inferted into the Acts of the 
 Council of Chalceden [<?], we find that Ibas Bi- 
 fhop of Edejfa being accufed by fome of his 
 Clergy for Embezelling the Revenues of the 
 Church, is obliged to promife, that for the fu- 
 ture the Revenues fhould be managed by Oecono- 
 mi, or Stewards, chofen out of the Clergy, af- 
 ter the Manner of the great Church of Aniioch. 
 And it is not improbable, but the like Accufa- 
 tion being brought againfl Diofcorus Bifhop of 
 
 Alexandria, in the Council of Cbalcedon, was the 
 Reafon that moved that Council to make a ge- 
 neral Decree in this Matter, That forafmuch as 
 they were informed, that in fome Churches the 
 Bifhops alone adminiftred the Ecclefiaftical Re- 
 venues without any Stewards, they now ordain- 
 ed, that every Church having a Bifhop, fhouid 
 alfo have [/] a Steward of her own Clergy, to 
 manage the Revenues of the Church by the Di- 
 rection of the Bifhop : That fo there might be 
 WitnefTes of the right Adminiflration of them ; 
 and by that means neither the Church's Goods 
 be embezelled, nor any Scandal or Reproach 
 brought upon the Priefthood. But then I can- 
 not think this was the Cafe of all Churches, 
 For thefe Canons were made plainly againfl fuch 
 Bifhops as managed the Revenues of the Church, 
 a/jta'jTu^t, as the Canon words it, without ei- 
 ther Arch-deacon or Occonomus to atteft the Fi- 
 delity of their Management : But in fuch 
 Churches where Bifhops took the Affiftance of 
 their Arch-deacon, this could not be the Rea- 
 fon for fetting up the Office of the Oeconomus y 
 becaufe Sufpicion of Mifmanagement was provi- 
 ded againfl as well by the Teftimony of an 
 Arch-deacon, as any other Officer that could 
 be appointed. And therefore I have affigned 
 a more general, and as I take it, a truer Rea- 
 fon for the Inflitution of this Office in the 
 Church. 
 
 And that which farther con- SECT. ir. 
 firms my Opinion, is, That the Awys to bt d»fi» 
 Oecowmi, as well as the Arch- out of the cler ®' 
 deacons, were always to be chofen out of the 
 Clergy. For fo thofe Canons of the Councils 
 of Tyre and Cbalcedon already cited, plainly di- 
 rect. And for any thing that appears to the 
 contrary, this was the conftant Practice of the 
 
 0] Vid. Cone. Chalced. c. 2. if. 16. [&] Liberat. Bre- 
 viar. ft 16. [c] Poffid. Vit. Aug. c. 24.. [cc] Book i.Chap. 4. 
 SeSl. 6. \d] Morin. de Ordinat. Eccl. Par. 5. Exere. 16. c. f . 
 n. 3. 0] Concil. Chalced. Ad*. 9. [/] Cone. Chalced, 
 
 C. 26. S<Po£iV T£t<TetV ixHfalO-'lAr omffKOTOV 'iyjitfctv, j£ o\kov'g~ 
 Kovoixiav <f iKKhn7ia.<, &c. 
 
 Church- 
 
128 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 Church. We find in the A&s of the Council of 
 Ephefus [g], which are inferted alfo into the 
 Council of Chalcedon, one Charifius fliled both 
 Presbyter and Oeconomus of the Church of Phi- 
 ladelphia. And Liberatus [h~] fpeaks of one John, 
 who was Oeconomus of Alexandria, and Presbyter 
 of Tabennefus, a Region belonging to Alexan- 
 dria. Poffidius tells us in the Life of St. Auflin 
 [T), that he always made one of his Clergy the 
 Prapofitus Domus, as he calls him, whofe Office 
 was to take Care of the Church-Revenues, and 
 give an Account of what he received and ex- 
 pended, when it was demanded of him. And 
 to the fame purpofe Socrates [k] fays of T'heophi- 
 lus Bifhop of Alexandria, that having advanced 
 two Monks to the Honour of the Clergy, he 
 made them the Oeconomi of the Church. So 
 that it was both the Rule and Practice of the 
 Church to take the Oeconomi out of fome of the 
 Clergy, and we never meet with any Inflance or 
 Order to the contrary. Which argues plainly, 
 that the true Reafon for devolving this Office 
 upon them, which formerly belonged to the 
 Arch-deacons, was no other than that becaufe 
 of a Multiplicity of Bufinefs the Arch-deacons 
 now could not fo well attend it. 
 
 SECT. III. What the Office it felf was, 
 Thar office to take appears from what has already 
 
 care of the Revenues k een fold I To which I fliall on- 
 ^■tTttevJanc ^ add " e thi "§ 1 That ^ the 
 
 "f t y b% t ppruk Cy Authority of the Council of Chal- 
 cedon [/] the Oeconomus was to 
 
 continue in his Office during the Vacancy of 
 the Bifhoprick, and to look after the Income of 
 the Church, that it might be preferved fafe for 
 the fuccceding Bifhop. Which Canon fome not 
 improbably think was deiigned to prevent De- 
 lays in filling of vacant Sees ; that no Metropo- 
 litan, or Interventor, under whofe care the va- 
 cant Church was, might lie under any Tempta- 
 tion to defer the Election of a new Bifhop, in 
 hopes of enriching himfelf from the Revenues 
 of the Church j but whether this was the Rea- 
 fon or nor, it certainly argues that thefe Men 
 were generally Perfons of extraordinary Credit 
 and Worth, fince the Church could fecurely 
 repofe fo great a Confidence in them. 
 
 And indeed all imaginable sect. iv. 
 care was taken in their Election, The Co "f mt °f th * 
 that they mould be Perfons of c ': tr % re ^ ed , * 
 
 r i a. t> . . . the Choice of them. 
 
 iuch a Character. lo which 
 purpofe fome Canons required, that they fhould 
 be chofen by all the Clergy > as particularly The- 
 ophilus Bifhop of Alexandria [m] in his Canoni- 
 cal Epiftle gives a Direction in that cafe. Which 
 Provifion was but reafonable : For fince all the 
 Clergy had a common Concern in the Revenues 
 of the Church, which were their Livelihood 
 and Subfiftance, it was fit the Oeconomus, to 
 whofe care the Revenues were committed, 
 fhould be chofen by common Confent, that he 
 might be a Perfon without Exception, and no 
 one have Reafon to complain, that he was 
 injured or defrauded of his Dividend or Portion. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 A brief Account of fome other Inferior Officers in the Church. 
 
 SECT. I. T5ESIDE the Officers alrea- 
 of the Wnecin- J3 dy mentioned, there were in 
 vdwi, or Manfio- ^ ^ ^ ^ Centm - y f ome 
 
 few others, whofe Names are 
 not commonly met with, and therefore I fhall 
 but juft hint the Signification of them, and not 
 fpend time in any curious Enquiries about their 
 Offices and Employments. The fame Canon [a] 
 of the Council of Chalcedon, which fpeaks of 
 the Oeconomus and Defenfor, mentions alfo ano- 
 ther Officer belonging to the Church, who is 
 ftiled Ua^ixovd^}^ in the Language of the 
 Council. But the Tranflators and Criticks are 
 not agreed upon the meaning of the Word. 
 The ancient Tranflation of Dionyfius Exiguus 
 renders it Manfionarius, and explains that in a 
 
 Marginal Reading by Ofiiarius, or Door-keeper 
 of the Church. And indeed this was the Office 
 of the Manfionarius of the Roman Church about 
 the time when Dionyfius Exiguus lived : For 
 Gregory the Great not long after, in one of his 
 Dialogues [b~] fpeaking of Abundius Manfionarius, 
 gives him alfo the Title of Cuflos Ecclefia; and 
 in another Dialogue he makes it the Office of 
 the Manfionarius [c~] to light the Lamps or Can- 
 dles of the Church. Yet notwithftanding this, 
 the befl Learned of the Modern Criticks give a- 
 nother Senfe of the Greek Name <$$- ; xovd.(>}(&. 
 Juftellus [d~] explains it by Villicus, a Bailiff, of 
 Steward, of the Lands. Bifhop Beverege [e~] fines 
 him Rerum Ecclefiafiicarum Adminifirator, which 
 is the fame. And their Opinion is confirmed by 
 
 [g] Cone. Ephef. in A£t i. Cone. Chalced. t. 4. p. 291. Cha- 
 rifius Presbyter 8c Oeconomus Philadelphia;. [ h ] Liberat. Bre- 
 viar. c. 16. Johannes ex Oeconomo fadtus Presbyter Tabennefio- 
 
 tes. Fa&ulque eft iterura Oeconomus, habens Caufas omnium 
 
 Ecclefiarum. [i] Poffid. Vir. Aug. c. 24.. Domus Ecclefiae 
 curam, omuemque £ubftantiam ad vices valentioribus Clericis dele- 
 gabat 8c crcdebat: Nunquam clavem, nunquam annulum in manu 
 habens, fed ab eifdem Domus Prxpoliti* cuudta 8c accepta 8c ero- 
 
 gata notabantur. [k] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 7. rh> oikovo/Aav sx- 
 KMa\et( civrolf h-yfitwiv- ['] Concil. Chalced. c. xj. 
 \m\ Theophil. Can. 9. ap. Bevereg. Pandect, t. 2. p. 172. yvaf/y 
 <7?cLv\oi ii£$>.7ei>s o\kov'oij.ov IwpsJVf^iira/, 8cc. [«] ConciL 
 
 Chalced. c. 2. [6] Greg. M. Dial. lib. 3. c. 25-. [ej lb. Dial, 
 lib. 1. c. f. Conftantius Manfionarius omnes Lampades Ecclefix 
 implevit aqua, 8cc. [d~\ Juftel. Bibliothec. Jur. Canon, t. t. 
 p. 91. [e] Bevereg. Not. in Cone. Chalced. c. 2. 
 
 Gotho- 
 
Chap. XIII 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 129 
 
 Gothofred, Cujacius, Suicerus, Vofftus, and many 
 others, whofe Judgment in the cafe may be 
 fufficicnt to decide the Controversy, till the 
 Reader fees better Rcafon otherwifc to deter- 
 mine him. 
 
 SECT II The Civil Law t£llccs Notice 
 
 of the Cuftodes of another fort of Officers, who 
 Ecclefiarum, and are called Cuftodes Ecclcfiarum , 
 Cuftodes Locorum anc j Cuftodes Locorum fantlorum: 
 fmaorum: And y/h'\ch though fome Writers 
 h r th t ft confound together, yet Gotho- 
 
 from each other. ,> n- cl- l 
 
 fred makes a Diftmthon between 
 them. The Cuftodes Ecclefiarum were either the 
 fame with the Oftiarii, or Order of Door-keepers } 
 or elfe with thofc called Seniores Ecclefia, which, 
 as I have fhewed [ee] in another Place, were 
 much of the fame Nature with our Church- 
 Wardens and Veftry-men. But the Cuftodes Lo- 
 corum fantlorum were the Keepers of thofe par- 
 ticular Places in Pakftine, which, if Gothofred 
 judge right, had more peculiarly the Title of 
 Loca fancla, Holy Places, became they were a 
 fort of Memorials of our Saviour ; fuch as Beth- 
 lehem^ the Place of his Nativity j and Mount 
 Golgotha, the Place of his Crucifixion •, and his 
 Grave or Monument, which was the Place of 
 his Refurrection ; and Mount Olivet, the Place 
 of his Afcenfion. Thefe Places were frequently 
 vifited by Chriftiaris in thofe Ages, as appears 
 from Eufebius, Gregory Nyffen, St. Jerom and fe- 
 veral others, whom the Reader, that is curious 
 in this Matter, may find quoted by Gothofred 
 [/], who maintains, that upon that very Ac- 
 count thofe Places had a fort of Guardians or 
 Keepers affign'd them, under the Title of Cufto- 
 des Locorum Sanclorum. But however this mat- 
 ter be, it is certain they had fuch an Employ- 
 ment in the Church, as in the Eye of the Law 
 was reputed a Religious Service; and according- 
 ly they were entitled to the fame Privilege [g] 
 as the Ecclefiafticks had, to be exempt from 
 Perfonal Tribute, in regard to this their Em- 
 ployment : As appears from a Law of Theodofius 
 the Great, by whom this Immunity was granted 
 them. 
 
 SECT. nr. Next to thefe, for the Si- 
 0/ the Sceuophy- m iii tu d e of the Name and Office 
 
 SSe ° f C ~ 1 mention the Sceuophylaces, or, 
 as they were otherwife called, 
 Ka/jinXiW (pa'XaKer, Keepers of the Ka.unXf'a, that 
 is, the Sacred VefTels, Utenfils, and fuch preci- 
 ous Things as were laid up in the Sacred Repo- 
 fitory of the Church. This was commonly 
 fome Presbyter: For 'Theodoras Let! or \h~\ fays 
 Macedonius was both Presbyter and Sceuophy lax of 
 
 the Church of Conflantinople ; and Sozomen [f\ 
 before him fpeaking of the famous Theodore 
 Presbyter of Antioch, who fuflfered Martyrdom 
 in the Days of Julian, ftiles him (puXaxa. ^ yM . 
 /anXfwv, Keeper of the facred Utenfils ; and fays, 
 he was put to Death becaufe he would not deli- 
 ver up what he had under his Cuftody, to the 
 Perfecutors. It will not be improper to give 
 this Officer alfo the Name of Chartophylax & 
 Cuftos Archivorum, becaufe the Rolls and Ar- 
 chives arc reckoned part of the facred Repofito- 
 ry of the Church. Whence Suicerus [_k~] ob- 
 ferves, that in Photius the Names Sceuophy lax and 
 Chartophylax are given to the fame Pcrfon. But 
 I muft Note, that the Modern Greeks have a lit- 
 tle changed this Office, and added a Power to it, 
 which did not belong to it in the Primitive 
 Church. For now, as Balfamon [/] informs us, 
 the Chartophylax a£ts as the Patriarch's Subfti- 
 tutc, Excommunicating, Cenfuring, and Licen- 
 fing the Ordinations of Presbyters and Deacons, 
 and fits as f, lpreme Ecclcfiaftical Judge under the 
 Patriarch in many other Cafes relating to the 
 Church; which are things we do not find be- 
 longing to the Office of a Sceuophylax in the Pri- 
 mitive Ages. 
 
 Epiphanius takes Notice of a- SECT. iv. 
 nothcr fort of Officers in the °f the Hermeneu-: 
 Church, to whom he gives the tx ' or 
 Name [m~] of 'Ep/jc?v<&rou, Interpreters, and fays 
 their Office was to render one Language into a- 
 nother, as there was occafion, both in Reading 
 the Scriptures, and in the Homilies that were 
 made to the People. That there was fuch an 
 Office in the Church appears farther from the 
 Paffion of Procopius the Martyr, publifhed by 
 Valeftus [ri], where 'tis faid, that Procopius had 
 three Offices in the Church of Scythopolis ; he 
 was Reader, Exorcift, and Interpreter of the 
 Syriack Tongue. I conceive the Office was 
 chiefly in fuch Churches where the People fpake 
 different Languages; as in the Churches of Pa- 
 leftinc, where probably fome fpake Syriack, and 
 others Greek; and in the Churches of Africk, 
 where fome fpake Latin, and others Punick. In 
 fuch Churches there was Occafion for an Inter- 
 preter, that thofe who underftood not the Lan- 
 guage in which the Scriptures were read, or the 
 Homilies preached, might receive Edification 
 by having them immediately rendered into a 
 Tongue which they did underfland. So far was 
 the Primitive Church from encouraging Igno- 
 rance, by locking up the Scriptures in an un- 
 known Tongue, that lhe not only Tranflated 
 them into all Languages, but alfo appointed a 
 Handing Office of Interpreters, who were viva 
 
 [ee] Book 2. Chap. 19. Seel. 19. [f] Gothofred. Not. in 
 Cod. Th. lib. 16. tir. 2. leg. 26. [g] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. 
 de Epif. leg. 26. Univeifos quos conftiterit Cuftodes Ecclefiarum 
 efle, vel Sanftorum Locorum, ac Religioiis Obfequiis defervire, 
 nullius adtentationis moleftiam fuftinere decernimus. Quis enim 
 eos Capfte cenfos patiatur efle devinftos, quos neceflario intelligit 
 fupra memorato obfequio mancipatos? [h] Theodor. Lector, 
 lib. 2. [i] Sozom. lib. r. c. 8, [It] Suicer. Thefaur. Tom. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 2. p. 971. [/] Balfam. Not. ad Can. 9. Concil. Nic. 2. \m~\ E- 
 piph. Expof. Fid. n. 21. kyy-wdiTal y\c-'asn( e>V yhuujavt n iv 
 T«/V <*•' ttyvcuffeotv, m cf toa< <npicouiA !<a/<. [n\ Acta Pro- 
 cop, ap. Valef. Not. in Eufeb. de Marryr. Pakeftin. c. 1. Ibi Eccle- 
 fia: tria Minifteria prxbebat : Unum in Legendi Officio, alteram 
 in Syri Interpretatione fermonis, 8c tcrtium adverfus Dxmones ma- 
 nus Impofitione confummans. 
 
 L 1 voce 
 
ISO The Antiquities of the Book III. 
 
 voce to make Men underftand what was read , 
 and not fuffer them to be Barbarians in the Ser- 
 vice of God i which is a Tyranny that was un- 
 known to former Ages ! 
 
 SECTV Another Office, that muft 
 
 of the Notarii. not wholly be paft over whilfl 
 we are upon this Head, is that 
 of the Notarii^ or Exceptores^ as the Latins called 
 them 3 who are the lame that the Greeks call o%u- 
 yp&ya, and Ta^uy^oi , from their writing 
 Short-hand by Characters, which was neceflary 
 in the Service they were chiefly imployed in. 
 For the Firft Ufe of them was to take in Wri- 
 ting the whole Procefs of the Heathen Judges 
 againfl the Chriftian Martyrs, and minutely to 
 defcribe the feveral Circum fiances of their Ex- 
 amination and Paflion j what Queftions were put 
 to them ; what Anfwers they made j and whate- 
 ver paffed during the time of their Tryal and 
 Suffering. Whence fuch Defcriptions were cal- 
 led Gejia Martyrum, the Acts and Monuments 
 of the Martyrs j which were the Original Ac- 
 counts which every Church preferved of her 
 own Martyrs. The firft Inftitution of thefe 
 Notarii into a {landing Office at Rome, Bifhop 
 Pear fori [_o~] and fome other Learned Perfons 
 think, was under Fabian in the time of the De- 
 cian Perfecutiori. For in one of the moft an- 
 cient Catalogues [/f] of the Bifhops of Rome , 
 Fa'oian is fiid to have appointed feven Sub-dea- 
 cons to Lnfpec-fc the feven Notaries, and fee that 
 they faithfully collected the A£ls of the Mar- 
 tyrs. But though it was no {landing Office be- 
 fore, yet the thing it felf was always done by 
 fome Perfons fitly qualified for the Work ; as 
 appears from the ancient Acis of Ignatius and Po~ 
 lycarp, and feveral others, which were written 
 before Fabian is faid to have inflituted Publick 
 and Handing Notaries at Rome. In after-Ages 
 thefe Notaries were alfo employed in writing the 
 A6ls of the Councils, and taking Speeches and 
 Difputations and whatever elfe pafTed in Synod. 
 Thus Eufebius [_q] notes that Malchion's Difpute 
 with Paulus Samofatenfs in the Council of An- 
 tioch was recorded as it was fpoken, by the No- 
 taries who took it from their Mouths: And So- 
 crates fays the fame [r] of the Difputation be- 
 tween Bafilius Ancyranus and Photinus in the 
 Council of Sirmium. We read alfo of a fort of 
 Notaries in Councils, whofe Office was to re- 
 cite all Inllruments, Allegations, Petitions, or 
 whatever elfe of the like Nature was to be of- 
 fered or read in Council. And thefe were com- 
 monly Deacons, and fometimes a Presbyter was 
 the chief of them, and thereupon flilcd Primice- 
 
 rius Notariorum; as in the Acts of the general 
 Councils of Ephefus and Chalcedon [f] there is 
 frequent mention of Aetins Deacon and Notary, 
 and Peter Presbyter of Alexandria and chief of 
 the Notaries, Primicerius Notariorum. There 
 were alfo Notaries that were employed to take 
 the Difcourfes of famous and eloquent Preach- 
 ers from their Mouths: By which means, So- 
 crates [f] obferves, many of St. Chryfojiom's Ser- 
 mons were preferved, and fome of Atticus his 
 SucceMbr. Bifhops alfo had their private xxm- 
 ypj^H 1 ;, which fome call Notaries : But Valefius 
 reckons them in the Quality of Readers. 
 Whatfoever they were, Athanafms ferved in 
 this Office, as <imypjJ§&<;, under Alexander , and 
 Proclus under Atticus , as Socrates informs 
 us. 
 
 The curious Reader perhaps SECT. vi. 
 will find feveral other of thefe °f ,he Apocrifirii, 
 lefler Officers, which he will think or Ref P onfales - 
 might come into this Catalogue : But that I 
 may not feem too minute in fmall Matters, I 
 will only add one Office more, which is that of 
 the Apocrifirii or Refponfales. Thefe were a 
 fort of Refidents in the Imperial City in the 
 Name of Foreign Churches and Bifhops, whole 
 Office was to negotiate as Proclors at the Em- 
 peror's Court, in all Ecclefiaflical Caufes where- 
 in their Principals might be concerned. The 
 Inftitution of the Office feems to have been in 
 the Time of Conftantinc, or not long after, when 
 the Emperors being become Chriftians, Foreign 
 Churches had more occafion to promote their 
 Suits at the Imperial Court than formerly : 
 However we find it eftablifhed by Law in the 
 Time of Juflinian: For in one of his No\els 
 [_x~] it is ordered, that forafmuch as no Bifhop 
 was to be long abfent from his Church without 
 fpecial Command from the Emperor j if there- 
 fore any one had occafion to Negotiate any Ec- 
 clefiaflical Caufe at Court, he fiiould prefer 
 his Petition either by the Apocrifarius of his 
 Church, whofe Bufinefs was to a£t in behalf of 
 the Church, and profecute her Affairs; or elfe 
 by the Oeconomus^ or fome other of his Clergy 
 fent on purpofe to fignifie his Requeft. It does 
 not indeed appear from that Law, that thefe A- 
 pocrifarii were of the ( dergy , but from other 
 Writers we may eafily collect it. For Liber a- 
 tus [_y~] fays, Anatolius a Deacon of Alexandria 
 was Apocrifarius or Refident for Diofcorus his 
 Bifhop at Conflantinople , by which means he 
 gained a favourable Opportunity of being chofen 
 Bifhop of Conflantinople upon the Death of Fla- 
 vian. And Evagrius fz] obferves the fame of 
 
 [e] Pearfon de Succeflion. Epifc. Rom. Diflert. i. c. 4. n. 3. 
 Fell. Nor. in Cypr. Ep. 12. [/>] Catalog. Rom. Pontif. in Fa- 
 bian. Hie fc.it fox vel feptem Subdiaconos, qui feptem Nota- 
 riis imminerent, ut Gefia Martyrum fideliter colligerent. 
 \_(\\ F.ufeb. lib. 7. c. 29. cmtrvtutixfrffjcov TcLyt-y c jy.<pav. 
 [r] Socrat.lib. 2. c. 50. l^vypo.swv rat <puvet( d''ffi ypi^'ov- 
 tw- [*] Concil. Ephef. Aft. 1. in Actione 1. Concil. Chalced. 
 Tom. 4. p r 292. [t] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 4. It. lib. 7. c. 2. 
 [»] Valef. Not. in Socr. lib. f. c. 22. [w] Socrat. lib. 7. c. 17. 
 
 8c 41. [#] Juftin. Novel. 6. c. 2. Sancimus, fi quando prop- 
 ter Ecclefiafticam occationem incident neceilitas, hanc aut per eos 
 qui res agunt fanclarum Ecclefiarum (quos Apocrifarios vocant) aut 
 per aliquos Clericos hue defHnatos, aut Oeconomos fuos notam Im- 
 perio f'acere, &c. [y] Liberat. Breviar. c. 12. Ordinatus eft 
 pro eo (Flaviano) Anatolius Diaconus, qui fuit Confiantinopoli A- 
 pocrifarius Diofcori. [2.] Evagr. lib. 4. c. 38. 7<Ui ^KKeiunTW 
 'Ay.ct(r&a,i qiuk'ottv (PinHoyeiro, Sec. 
 
 4 Euty* 
 
Chap. XIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 131 
 
 Eutycbius, that from being Jpocrifarius to the 
 Bifhop of Amafia he was immediately advanced 
 to be Bifhop of the Royal City after Mennas. 
 Which feems plainly to imply, that he was one 
 of the Clergy before, fince it does not appear 
 that he was promoted per faltum. I muft far- 
 ther obferve, that in imitation of thefe Apocri- 
 farii in the Church, almoft every Monaftery had 
 their Apocrifarii likewife, whofe bufinefs was not 
 to Refide in the Royal City, as the former did, 
 but to Aft as Proftors for their Monaftery or 
 any Member of it, when they had occafion to 
 give any appearance at Law before the Bifliop 
 under whofe Jurifdiftion they were. This is 
 clear from another of J liftman's Novels, which 
 \_a~\ requires the Afceticks in fuch Cafes to an- 
 fwer by their Apocrifarii or Refponfaks. And 
 
 thefe were fometimes alfo of the Clergy, as ap- 
 pears from the Afts of the f th General Coun- 
 cil, where one 'Theonas [p~\ ftiles himfelf Pref- 
 byter. and Apocrifarius of the Monaftery of 
 Mount Sinai. The Latin Tranflator calls him 
 Ambafiator, which is not fo very proper, yet in 
 fome meafure expreffes the thing : For as Suice- 
 rus [c] obferves, in Procefs of Time the Em- 
 perors alfo gave the Name of Apocrifarii to their 
 own Ambafladors, and it became the common 
 Title of every Legate whatfocver. Which I 
 the rather Note, that the Reader may diftin- 
 guifh thefe things, and not confound the Civil 
 and Ecclefiaftical Senfe of the Name Apocrifa- 
 rius together. And thus much of the Inferior 
 Orders and Offices of the Clergy in the Primi- 
 tive Church. 
 
 [a] Juftin. Novel. 79. c. 1. [£] Concil. f. General. Act. 1. 
 in Libello Monechor. Syria: Secundae. Torn. f. p. 116. &-coya,{ 
 
 cer. Thefaur. Tom. 1. p. 45-6. 
 
 BOOK 
 
B O O K IV 
 
 Of the Elections and Ordinations of the 
 Clergy, and the particular Qualifications 
 of fuch as were to be Ordained. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the feveral ways of Defigning Perfons to the M'tmftry, in the Apoflolical 
 
 and Primitive Ages of the Church. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Tour feveral ways 
 of Defigning Verfons 
 for the Mtniflry. Of 
 the firjl way by cafi- 
 ing Lots. 
 
 A V I N G thus far gi- 
 ven an Account of all 
 the Orders of the 
 Clergy in the Primi- 
 tive Church, both Su- 
 perior and Inferior, to- 
 gether with the feveral Offices and Functions 
 that were annexed to them, I now proceed to 
 Confider the Rules and Methods that were ob- 
 ferved in fetting apart Fit Perfons for the Mini- 
 Itry, efpecially for the Three Superior Orders, 
 which were always of Principal Concern. And 
 here in the firft Place it will be proper to ob- 
 ferve, that in the Apoftolical and following A- 
 ges there were Four feveral ways of Defigning 
 Perfons for the Miniftry, or Difcovering who 
 were moft Fit to be Ordained: The firft of 
 which was by catting Lots-, The fecond by ma- 
 king Choice of the Firft-Fruits of the Gentile 
 Converts i The third by particular Dire£tion and 
 Infpiration of the Holy Ghoftj And the laft in 
 the Common and Ordinary way of Examination 
 and Election. The firft Method was obferved 
 in the Defignation of Matthias to be an Apoftle, 
 as we read Alls i. 13, z6. where 'tis faid, that 
 the Difciples themfelves firft appointed Two, 
 Jofeph called Bar/abas, and Matthias } and then 
 praying to God, that he would fiiew whether 
 of thole Two he had chofen, they gave forth 
 their Lots, and the Lot fell upon Matthias. 
 St. Chryfofiom [a] fays, they ufed this Method 
 becaule as yet the Holy Ghoft was not Defcen- 
 ded on them, and they had not at this Time the 
 Power of Chufing by Infpiration - t and there- 
 fore they committed the Bufinefs to Prayer, and 
 left the Determination to God. The Author of 
 the Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy under the Name of 
 Bionyfius [b~] fancies, that God anfwered. their 
 Prayer by fome Vifible Token : But if fo, this 
 had not been Chufing by Lot, as the Scripture 
 
 fays it was, but a quite different Method of E- 
 lection. However, Interpreters generally agree, 
 that there was fomething Extraordinary in it: 
 Dr. Lightfoot [c~] thinks Matthias had no other 
 Ordination to his Apoftlefhip; for the Apoftles 
 did not give him any Ordination by Impofition 
 of Hands after this, as they did to Presbyters 
 afterwards - f And that, if true, was Extraordina- 
 ry indeed. Others reckon the Extraordinarinefs 
 of it to confift in the fingular way of Electing 
 and Defigning him to that Office by Lot : For 
 they fay, [d] all Ecclefiaftical Hiftory fcarce af- 
 fords fuch another Inftance : And I confefs there 
 are not very many, but fome few there are, 
 which Ihew that that Method of Electing was 
 not altogether fo fingular as is commonly imagi- 
 ned. For in Spain it was once the common 
 Practice, as may be concluded from a Canon 
 [?] of the Council of Barcelona An. fpp, which 
 orders, that when a vacant Bifhoprick is to be 
 filled, two or three fhall be elected by the Con- 
 fent of the Clergy and People, who fhall pre- 
 fent them to the Metropolitan and his Fellow- 
 Bifhops, and they having firft fafted, fhall caft 
 Lots, leaving the Determination to Chrift the 
 Lord: Then he on whom the Lot fhall fall, 
 fhall be confummated by the Blefiing of Confe- 
 cration. There is nothing different in this from 
 the firft Example, fave only that in this there is 
 exprefs mention of a Confecration afterward, 
 which is not in the Hiftory of Matthias : And 
 yet perhaps there might be a Confecration in his 
 Cafe too, though not exprefly mentioned: But 
 I leave this to farther Enquiry. 
 
 The fecond way of Defigna- 
 tion was by making Choice of 
 the Firft-fruits of the Gentile 
 Converts to be ordained to the 
 Miniftry. For thefe expreffing a 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The fecond way by 
 making Choke of the 
 Ftrjl-fmits of the 
 Gentile Converts. 
 
 [a] Chryf. Horn. f. in i Tim. [&] Dionyf. Eccl. Hier. 
 c- f- P- ? 6 7- t c J Lightfoot in A61. i. 26. [<l] Dodwel. 
 Diflert. r. in Cypr. n. 17. [e] Concil. Barcinon. c. 3. Tom. $•. 
 p. 1606. Duobus aut tribus, quos ante Confenfus Cleri & Plebis 
 
 elegerit, Metropolitani judicio ejufque Coepifcopis pracfentatis, 
 quern fors, praeunte jejunio, Chrifto Domino terminante, mon- 
 ftraverit, Benediflio Confecrationis accumuJet. 
 
 greater 
 
Chat. I. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 133 
 
 greater Zeal than others, by their Readinefs and 
 Forward nefs to embrace the Gofpel, were ge- 
 nerally pitched upon by the Apoftles, as beft 
 qualified for propagating the Chriftian Religion 
 in the World. Clemens Romanus in his Epiftle 
 [f] to the Corinthians fays, the Apoftles in all 
 Countries and Cities where they preached, or- 
 dained their Firft Converts Bifhops and Deacons, 
 for the Converfion of others ; and that they had 
 the Direction of the Spirit for doing this. And 
 hence the Author that perfonates the fame Cle- 
 mens, in his pretended Epiftle to James Bifhop 
 of Jerufalem, giving him an Account of the 
 Reafons that moved St. Peter to ordain him^ 
 fays [g] it was becaufc he was Chief of the 
 Firft-fruits of his Converts among the Gentiles: 
 Some compare this to the Right of Primogeni- 
 ture among the ancient Patriarchs, which enti- 
 tled the Firft-born to the Pricfthood : And I 
 will not deny but there might be fomething of 
 Allufion in it: But then the Parallel will not 
 hold throughout ; lor in the latter Cafe it was 
 not any natural Right, but Perfonal Merit at- 
 tending their Primogeniture, that entitled the 
 full Converts to the Chriftian Priefthood. 
 
 SECT. III. Which will appear farther 
 The third way 6y by confidering , that many of 
 f 7'T'Z ?^Ta th em were ordained by the parti- 
 
 cf the Holy Gho/f. , n . r i t t i 
 
 J cular Direction of the Holy 
 
 Ghoft. For fo the words, &cv.\\j.a.Zpv\\<; t£ vtv&- 
 /utctT(, in Clemens Romanus, may be underftood, to 
 fignifie the Spirit's Pointing out the particular 
 Perfons, whom he would have to be ordained j 
 which I obferved to be the third way of Dcfig- 
 nation of Perfons to the Miniftry, very ufual in 
 thofe Primitive Times of the Church. Thus 
 Timothy was chofen and ordained, according to 
 the Prophecies that went before of him, i fW. 
 i. 1 8. Whence his Ordination is alfo called the 
 Gift that was given him by Prophecy, i Tim. 4. 
 14. In regard to which the ancient Interpre- 
 ters, Chryfoftom [h~\ and Theodore t lay, he had not 
 any human Vocation, but was chofen by Divine 
 Revelation, and ordained by the Direction of 
 the Spirit. Clemens Alexandrinus in his famous 
 Homily, entitled, §)uis Dhes fahetur, obferves 
 the fame of the Clergy of the AJiatick Churches, 
 whom St. John ordained after his Return from 
 the Ifle of Paimos: He fays, they were fuch as 
 ■were fignified or pointed out [/'] to him by the 
 Spirit. I know indeed Combefis puts a diffe- 
 rent Senfe upon thefe Words, and lays, the De- 
 signation here fpoken of, means not any new or 
 
 diftinct Revelation, but I know not what Di- 
 vine Predefti nation of the Perfons-, or elfe their 
 Ordination it felf, which was the Seal or Con- 
 fignation of the Spirit j and that there is no Au- 
 thority for the, common Senfe which Interpre- 
 ters put upon this Paffage. But as he owns his 
 Notion to be lingular, and contrary to the Senfe 
 of all other Learned Men 5 fo it is evidently a- 
 gainft Matter of Face and ancient Hiftory, 
 which affords feveral other Inftances of the like 
 Defignations in the following Ages. I will give 
 an Inftance or two out of many. Eufebius [/] 
 fays, Alexander Billiop of Jerufalem was chofen 
 r$ amy.d)^iv y by Revelation^ and an Oracular 
 Voice, which fignified to fome Afiaticks of the 
 Church, that they fhauld go forth out of the 
 Gates of the City, and, there meet him whom 
 God had appointed to be their Bifhop j which 
 was this Alexander, a Stranger from Cappadocia, 
 coming upon other Bufinefs to Jcrufalem. He 
 was indeed Bifhop of another Place before, bur. 
 his Tranllation to the See of Jerufalem was 
 wholly by Divine Direction, which is the thing 
 I alledge it for. We have another fuch Inftance 
 in the Election of Alexander, Sirnarned Carbona- 
 rius, Bifhop of Comana, mentioned by Gregory 
 Nyjjen in the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus. 
 This Alexander was a Gentile Phtlefopher, and a 
 very learned Man, who upon his Converfion to 
 Chriftianity, that he might avoid obfervation, 
 and follow his Philofophical Studies with the 
 greater Privacy, in his great Humility betook 
 himfelf to the Trade of a Collier, whence he 
 had the Name of Carbonarius. Now it happen- 
 ed upon the Vacancy of the Bifhoprick of Co- 
 mana, that the Citizens fent to Gregory Thauma- 
 turgus to defire him to come and ordain them a 
 Bifhop j but they not agreeing in their Choice, 
 one by way of Jeft and Ridicule propofed Alex- 
 ander the Collier j who being difcovered [m~] by 
 fpecial Revelation to Gregory Thaumaturgus to be 
 a Man of extraordinary Virtues and Worth, 
 who had fubmitted to that contemptible Calling 
 only to avoid being taken notice ofj and being 
 found upon a due Enquiry to be the Man he 
 was reprefented to be, he was thereupon unani- 
 moufly chofen by all the Church to be their Bi- 
 fhop, and immediately ordained by St. Gregory. 
 Cyprian often fpeaks of this Divine Defignation 
 in the Cafe of Celerinus [»], and Aurelius [0], 
 when they were but to be ordained Readers: 
 And he fays alfo, he had a Divine Direction [_p] 
 to tranflate Numidicus from another Church to 
 the Church of Carthage. And Sozomen \jf\ tells 
 
 [/] Clem. Rom. Ep. i. n.42. katu Xv£ctf ^ tsaw? xh- 
 
 fVaxOV^if, Kd&'l(T<tV0V Ttt< d,-J!t^yjii CLv ffi, <pOKtlU.d<£of]if Tit) 
 
 irv^/jutTt eis c/m<r>i'oirxf Kai tPia.x.bvxf r^f /xih^o^cov wtrd/t.':. 
 [g] Pfeudo-Clem. Ep. ad Jacob. 3p. Coteler. t. i. p. 606. tru fi> 
 <T) SjuS" <rco^c/u$i)»v \§vwv « upHil^f ctTstp^tj. [/>] Chryf. 
 
 & Theod. in 1 Tim. 1. iS. [/] Clem. "Alex. ap. Eufeb. lib. 
 3. c. 23. 8c ap. Combefif. Au£hr. NovifT. p. 185-. tmh 
 
 [k] Combefif. Not. in Loc. p. 192. Quos fpiritus defignafiet Di- 
 vina potius Prxdeftinatione , quam nova aliqua & diftmc-ta Re- 
 velatione, quam nec Clemens fignificavit, nec ulla probat auctori- 
 tas, See. [/] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 11. [>] Nyflen. Tom. 4. 
 Vol. II 
 
 p. 5-62. [»] Cypr. Ep. 34. al. 39. ad Cler. Grthag. Referimus 
 
 ad vos Celerinum Fratrem noftrum Clero noflro nc.n huma- 
 
 na Suffragatione, fed Divina Dignatione conjun&um. Qui cum 
 confentire dubitaret, Ecclefix ipfius admonita & hortatu in Vifione 
 per noftem compulfus eft, ne negaret nobis fuadentibus, &c. 
 [0] Id. Ep. 33. al. 38. Exfpe&anda non funt Teftimonia Humana, 
 cum prsecedunt Divina Suffragia. [ />] Id. Ep. 35-. al. 40. Admo- 
 nitos nos 8c inftruftos fciatis Dignatione Divina, ut Numidicus Pres- 
 byter adferibatur Presbyterorum Carthaginieniium numero. [9] So- 
 2,0m. lib. 2. c. 17. AAfc£«tc<Tp©~ £iti£oyj>v dviv x.&TiKnriv Ada.- 
 VajriWt Oticut irgff&ZtJir \t di/tif d^ctyuv t ^(pw, 8cc. 
 
 Mm 
 
134 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IV 
 
 us from Apollinarius, that Alexander Bifhop of 
 Alexandria appointed Athanafius his Succeflbr by 
 Divine Command. For fome time before his 
 Death it was fignified to him by Divine Reve- 
 lation, that no one mould fucceed him but Atha- 
 nafius: And therefore when he lay upon his 
 Death-bed, he called Athanafius by Name, who 
 Was then abfent and fled for fear of being made 
 Bifhop 3 and another of the fame Name, who 
 was prefent, anfwering to the Call, he faid no- 
 thing to him, but called Athanafius again : Which 
 he did feveral Times, whereby it was at laft un- 
 derftood, that he meant the Athanafius that was 
 fled ; to whom, though abfent, he then prophe- 
 tically faid, Thinkeft thou that thou art efcaped, 
 Athanafius? No: Thou art not efcapecl. It were 
 eafy to add many other Inftances of the like Na- 
 ture, but thefe are fufficient to mew againft 
 Combefis, that in thofe early Ages Men were 
 fometimes defigned to the Miniftry by particular 
 Divine Revelation and Prophecy, or elfe the 
 Ancients themfelves were wonderfully deceiv'd. 
 Whilffc I am upon this Head I rauft fuggeft two 
 things farther, Firft, that a Dove's Lighting up- 
 on the Head of any Man at an Election was u- 
 fually taken for a Divine Omenj and commonly 
 the Perfon who had that Sign, was looked upon 
 as pointed out by the Spirit, and accordingly 
 chofen before all others, as having a fort of 
 Emblem of the Holy Ghoft. Eufebius obferves 
 [f] it was this that turned the Election upon 
 Fabian Bifhop of Rome, and gave him the Pre- 
 ference before all others, though he was a 
 Stranger. No one at firft thought of chufing 
 him : But a Dove being obferved bv the People 
 to fettle upon his Head, they took it for an Em- 
 blem of the Holy Ghoft, which heretofore de- 
 fcended upon our Saviour in the Form of a 
 Dovej and thereupon with one Confent, as if 
 they had been moved themfelves by the Holy 
 Ghoft, they cried out "A^icv, he was worthy 5 
 which was the Word then ufed to fignify their 
 Confent} and fo without more ado they took 
 him and fet him upon the Bifhop's Throne. The 
 Election of Severus Bifhop of Ravenna, and that 
 of Evortius Bifhop of Orleans was determined 
 the fame Way, as Blondel [s~] has obferved out 
 of their Lives in Surius; and the Inquifitive 
 Reader may furnifh himfelf with other Inftances 
 from his own Obfervation. The other thing I 
 would fuggeft, is, That fometimes an accidental 
 Circumftance was fo providentially difpofed, as 
 to be taken for an Indication of the Divine 
 Will, and Approbation of an Election. Sulpi- 
 cius Severus makes this Obfervation particularly 
 upon a Circumftance that happened in the Ele- 
 ction of St. Martin Bifhop of 'tours. Some of 
 the provincial Bifhops, who were met at the 
 Place, for very unjuft Reafons oppofed his Ele- 
 ction j and more efpecially one, whofe Name 
 
 was Defenfor, was a violent Stickler againft him. 
 Now it happened, that the Reader who was to 
 have read that Day, not being able to get in 
 due Time to his Place, by reafon of the prefs 
 and crowding of the People 3 and the reft being 
 in a little Confufion upon that Account} one of 
 thofe that flood by, taking up a Book, read the 
 firft Verfe that he lighted upon, which happen- 
 ed to be thofe words of the 8th Pfalm, Out of 
 the Mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou haft perfecled 
 Praife, becaufe of thine Enemies, that thou mighteft 
 deftroy the Enemy and the Defenfor. For fo it 
 feems the Vulgar Galilean Translation then read 
 it, Ut deftruas inimicum & Defenforem. Thefe 
 words were no fooner read, but the People gave 
 a Shout, and the adverfe Party were confoun- 
 ded. And fo, fays our Author [f], it was ge- 
 nerally believed that this Pfalm was read by Di- 
 vine i\.ppointment , that Defenfor the Bifhop 
 might hear his own work Condemned, whilft 
 the Praifes of God were perfected in St. Martin, 
 out of the Mouth of Babes and Sucklings, and the 
 Enemy were at once both difcovered and de- 
 ftroyed. By what has been faid the Reader 
 now will be able to judge of the meaning of the 
 Ancients, when they fpeak of Particular Divine 
 Defignations of Perfons to the Miniftry of the 
 Church. 
 
 The fourth and laft way of SECT. IV. 
 Defignation was by the Ordinary The f ounh w 2 b 
 Courfe of Suffrage and Election ZdE^ J"^ 
 of the Church : The Method of ** " 
 which in general was fo accurate and highly ap- 
 proved, that one of the Roman Emperors, 
 though an Heathen, thought fit to give a great 
 Character and Encomium of it, and propofe it 
 to himfelf as an Example proper to be imitated 
 in the Defignation and Choice of Civil Officers 
 for the Service of the Empire. For fo Lampri- 
 dius [u] reprefents the Practice of Alexander Se- 
 verus: Whenever he was about to conftitute a- 
 ny Governours of Provinces, or Receivers of 
 the Publick Revenues, he firft propofed their 
 Names, defiring the People to make Evidence a- 
 gainft them, if any one could prove them Guil- 
 ty of any Crime : but if they accufed them 
 falfly, it fhould be at the Peril of their own 
 Lives : faying, it was unreafonable, that when 
 the Chriftians and Jews did this in Propounding 
 thofe whom they ordained their Priefts and Mi- 
 nifters, the fame fhould not be done in the Ap- 
 pointment of Governors of Provinces, in whole 
 Hands the Lives and Fortunes of Men were en- 
 trufted. This argues, that all imaginable Care 
 was taken in the Election of Chriftian Minifters, 
 fince their Practice in this refpect has fuch am- 
 ple Teftimony from the Heathens. And indeed 
 all Modern Writers agree upon the Matter in 
 general, that anciently Elections were made with 
 
 fr] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 19. [j] Blondel. Apol. p. 426. Su- 
 rius Vit. Sander. Feb. 1. & Sep. 7. [r] Sever. Vit. S. Mar- 
 tin, c. 7. p. 22f. Ita habitum eft, Divino nutu Pfalmum hunc 
 leftum fuifle, ut teftimonium opens fui Defenfor audiret, quia ex 
 
 ore Infantium atque la&entium in Martino Domini laude perfe- 
 £ta, & oftenfus pariter 8c deftrudtus eft inimicus. [«] Lam- 
 prid, Vit. Alex. Sever, c. 45-. 
 
 a great 
 
Chap. II. Christian Church. 
 
 a great deal of Caution and Exadnefs: But as to 
 the particular Methods that were ufed, Men are 
 ftrangely divided in their Accounts of them ; by 
 which means there is no one Subjed has been 
 rendered more Intricate and Perplext than this 
 of Elections, which has even frighted fome from 
 attempting to give an Account of it: But I 
 muft not wholly difappoint my Readers through 
 
 us 
 
 fuch Fears, and therefore I fhall briefly acquaint 
 them with the different Sentiments of Modern 
 Authors, who have handled this Subject, and 
 then clear what I take to be the true State of 
 the Cafe, from evident Proofs of ancient Hi- 
 ftory, which fhall be the Bufinefs of the next 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 A more particular Account of the ancient Method and Manner of 
 
 EleBions of the Clergy. 
 
 SECT. I. 'Hp HE grand Qiieftion in this 
 The (liferent op'mi- JL Affair, upon which Learn- 
 er of Learned Mm ec j Men are fo much divided, is 
 concerning the Feo- coricern j n g the Perfons who had 
 
 jfa Paver anaent- . . Votc ^ fc EleftionS 
 
 J of the Clergy. Some think the 
 
 People were never allowed any other Power, 
 fave only to give their Teftimonials to the Party 
 Elected, or to make Objections, if they had any 
 juft and reafonable Exceptions, againft him. So 
 Hubert us [a], and Sixtus [b~] Senenfts, and Bellar- 
 min [c~]. Others fay the People were Abfolute 
 and Proper Electors, and that from Apoftolical 
 Right, which they always enjoyed for a Suc- 
 ceffion of many Ages. This Opinion is advan- 
 ced, and with great fhew of Learning afferted 
 by Blonclel [d~] againft San ft a Clara and the reft 
 of the other Opinion. De Marca [e~] takes a 
 middle way between thofe two Extremes. He 
 fays the People had as much Power anciently as 
 any of the Clergy below Bifhops > that is, their 
 Confent was required in the Promotion of a Bi- 
 fhop, as well as their Teftimony; yet he will 
 not allow this to be called Electing: For the 
 Defignation, Election, or Judgment, he fays, 
 ft ill belonged only to the Metropolitan together 
 with the Synod of Provincial Bifhops. And 
 though we read fometimes of their giving their 
 Vote or Suffrage, yet That, he fays, is only to 
 be underftood of Suffrage of Content, not the 
 Suffrage of Election. But Mr. Mafon, in an- 
 fwer to Pamelius, who had advanced fomething 
 of this Notion before de Marca, rejects this as 
 a Deluding Diftinction, and afferts, that the Peo- 
 ple had properly a Voice or Suffrage of Ele- 
 ction, and he quotes [/] Bifhop Andrews [g] 
 for the fame Opinion. Yet he does not carry 
 the Point fo high, as to maintain with Blende/, 
 
 that it was of unalterable Right, but left by- 
 God as a thing indifferent, to be ordered by the 
 Difcrction of the Church, fo all things be done 
 honeftly and in order. And this feems to have 
 been the Opinion of Spalatenjis [h~] , Richerius. 
 [i], Jujlellus [ft], Suicerus, and fome other Learn- 
 ed Men of both Churches. Others there are 
 who diftinguifh between the Times preceding 
 the Council of Nice, and thofe that followed af- 
 ter: for they think, whatever Power was al- 
 lowed the People in the three firft Ages, was 
 taken away by that Council, and the Councils 
 of Antioch and Laodicea, that followed not long 
 after. So Schelfirate [/] in his Differtations up- 
 on the Council of Antioch, where he quotes 
 Chrifiianus Lupus and Sirmond for the fame Opi- 
 nion. But this is exploded as a groundlefs Fi- 
 ction, not only by Spalatenfis [to] and Bifhop 
 Pear [on [n] , but alfo by Richerius [o], Cabaffu- 
 tius [p], Falefius [q], Petavius [rj, de Marca 
 [s], and other Learned Perfons of the Roman 
 Communion, who think the Fathers of the Ni- 
 cene Council made no Alteration in this Matter, 
 but left all things as they found them. Some a- 
 gain diftinguifh between the Election of Bifhops 
 and the other Clergy, and fay, The Peoples 
 Confent was only required in the Election of 
 Bifhops, but not in the Promotion of the Infe- 
 rior Clergy. So Cabajfutius [f] and Bifhop Be- 
 veregc [u], who reckons this fo clear a Point, 
 that there is no Difpute to be made of it. Yet 
 Valefius difputes it, and afferts the contrary [w], 
 that anciently Presbyters were not to be ordain- 
 ed by the Bifhop without the Confent of the 
 Clergy and People. Bifhop StilUngfleet, who is one 
 of the laft that has confidered this matter, gives us 
 his Senfe in thefe following Obfervations, Firft, 
 That the main Ground of the Peoples Intereft [V} 
 
 Hacert. Archieratic. p. 436. [£] Sixt. Biblioth. lib. 5-. 
 Annot. 11S. [«] Bellarm.de Clericis lib. 1. c. 7. [(/] BI011- 
 del. Apol. p. 579, gcc. [e] Marca de Concord, lib. 8. cap. 2. 
 n. 2. [/] Mafon Confecrat. of Bifhops. lib. 4. c. 4. p. 15-9, 
 l£ >°- [g] Andrews Refp. ad Apol. Bell. c. 13. p. 213. Prse- 
 fentia Plebis apud Cyprianum includit tcftimonium de Vita, nec 
 excludit fuffragium de Perfona. [/>] Spalat. de Repub. lib. 2. 
 c. n. 42. [i] Richer. Hift. Con-il. lib. 1. c. 12. n. 18. 
 p. 389. [>] Juftel. Not. in Can. 6. Cone. Chaked. [/] Schelftr. 
 Not. in Can. 1 9. Cone. Antioch. [m] Spalat. -de Repub. lib. 3. 
 
 c. 3. n. 12. [»] Pearfon. Vind. Ignat. Par. i.e. it. p. 224. 1 
 [0] Richer. Hift. Condi. Tom. 1. c. 2. n. 7. [p] Cabaflur. 
 Nctit. Concil. c. 17. p. 83. [q] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. lib. 6. 
 c «43- M Petav. Not. in Synef. p. $-5. [/) Marca de Con- 
 cord, lib. 8. c. 3. n. 4. [;] Cabaflut. Notit. Concil. c. 36". 
 p. 1 96. [a] Bevereg. Not. in Can. 6. Cone. Chalced. Valef. 
 in Euleb. lib. 6. c. 43. Presbyteri olim ab Epifcopo ordinari non 
 poterant fine Confcniu Cleri & Populi. [#] Stiliingfleet. Unrea- 
 fon. of Separat. Par. 3.0. 27. p. 312. 
 
 was 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 was founded Hpon the Apoftles Canon, That a 
 Bimop mull be blamelefs and of good report. 
 And therefore he fays [>], the Peoples Share 
 and Concern in Elections even in Cyprian's Time 
 was not to give their Votes, but only their Te- 
 ftimony concerning the good or ill Behaviour of 
 the Perfon. Secondly, That yet upon this the 
 People affumed the Power of Elections, and 
 thereby caufed great Difturbances and Disorders 
 in the Church. Thirdly, That to prevent thefe, 
 many Bifhops were appointed without their 
 Choice, and Canons made for the better Regula- 
 ting of them. Fourthly, That when there were 
 Chriftian Magiftrates, they did interpofe as they 
 thought fit, notwithstanding the Popular Claim, 
 in a Matter of fo great Confequence to the 
 Peace of Church and State. Fifthly, That up- 
 on the alteration of the Government of Chri- 
 ftendom the Intereft of the People was fecured 
 by their Confent in Parliaments, and that by fuch 
 Confent the Nomination of Bifhops was rclervcd 
 to Princes, and the Patronage of Livings to par- 
 ticular Perfons. In this great variety of Judg- 
 ments and Opinions of Learned Men, it will be 
 no Crime to diffent from any of them, and 
 therefore I fhall take the Liberty to review their 
 Opinions, and exprefs impartially what I take to 
 be agreeable or difigreeable in any of them to 
 ancient Hiftory, and the Rules and Practice of 
 the Church. 
 
 sect.it. And here firfl; of all it will 
 
 The Power of the b e proper to obferve, that there 
 Teople equal to tint was no one Univerfal Unahera- 
 
 ofthelnferiorCler- ^ R { obferved in aU Times 
 XY m the Election , . , . , 
 
 of a Bijhep. ntK J Places about this matter, but 
 
 the Practice varied according to 
 the different Exigencies and Circumftances of 
 the Church As will evidently appear in the Se- 
 quel of this Hiftory. In the mean time 1 con- 
 ceive the Obfervation made by de Marca, thus 
 far to be very true, That whatever Power the 
 Inferior Clergy enjoyed in the Election of their 
 Bilhop, the fame was generally allowed to the 
 People, or wholly Body of the Church, under 
 the Regulation and Conduct of the Metropoli- 
 tan and Synod of Provincial Bifhops. For their 
 Power, whatever it was, is fpoken of in the ve- 
 ry fame Terms, and cxpreft in the fame Words. 
 Some call it Confent, others Suffrage or Vote, 
 ethers Election or Choice j but all agree in this, 
 that it was equally the Confent, Suffrage, Vote, 
 Election, and Choice both of Clergy and Peo- 
 ple. Thus Cyprian obferves [z] of Cornelius, 
 that he was made Bifliop by the Teftimony of 
 the Clergy and Suffrage of- the People. Where it 
 is evident the Words, Teftimony and Suffrage, 
 
 arc equally afcribed both to Clergy and People. So- 
 crates [a] fpeaking of the Election of Chryfoftom, 
 fays he was chofen by the common Vote of all, 
 both Clergy and People. And T'heodoret defcribes 
 the Election of Euftathius Bifhop of Antiocb after 
 the fame manner, when he tells us [b~] he was 
 compelled to take the Bifhoprick by the com- 
 mon Vote of the Bifhops and Clergy and all the 
 People. Siricius [c] ftiles this the Election of 
 the Clergy and People j and Celeftin [d~\ the 
 Confent and Defire of the Clergy and People j 
 and Leo [e] both the Confent, and Election, and 
 Suffrage or Votes of the People j who adds alfo, 
 that in cafe the Parties were divided in their 
 Votes, then the Decifion fhould be referred to 
 the Judgment of the Metropolitan, who mould, 
 chufe him who had mod Votes and greateft Me- 
 rit to recommend him. From all which, and 
 many other Paffages that might be alledged to 
 the fame purpofe, it is very evident, that the 
 Power of the Clergy and People was equal in 
 this Matter, and that nothing was challenged by 
 the one, that was not allowed to the other alfo. 
 
 And hence it appears farther, sect. III. 
 that this conjunctive Power of This Power not ^re- 
 Clergy and People was not bare- b Teftimomd, but 
 ly Teftimonial, but, as Bifhop >^ ld and 
 Andrews and Mr. Mafon affert, a 
 Judicial and Effective Power, by way of proper 
 Suffrage and Election > and that as well in the 
 time of Cyprian, as afterwards: For Cyprian 
 fpeaks both of Teftimony and Suffrage belong- 
 ing to both Clergy and People: And fays far- 
 ther [/] that this is a Juft and Legitimate Or- 
 dination, which is examined by the Judgment 
 and Suffrage of all, both Clergy and People. 
 So that they were then prefent at the Choice of 
 their Bifhop not merely to give Teftimony con- 
 cerning his Life, but as Bifhop Andrews words 
 it, to give their Vote and Suffrage in reference 
 to his Perfon. Which Obfervation will be far- 
 ther evidenced and confirmed, by proceeding 
 with the Account of feveral Rules and Cuftoms 
 generally obferved in thefe Elections. 
 
 One of thefe was, That no 
 Bilhop was to be obtruded on a- 
 ny Orthodox People againft their 
 Confent. I fay, an Orthodox 
 People, for in cafe the Majori- 
 ty of them were Hereticks or 
 Schifmaticks, the Practice was 
 different, as will be fhewed here- 
 after: But where they were all 
 Catholicks, and could agree up- 
 on a Catholick and Deferving 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 Evidences of this 
 Power from fome 
 ancient Rules and 
 Cuftoms of the 
 Church. As firfi, 
 that no Bifhop was 
 to be obtruded on an 
 Orthodox People 
 without their Con- 
 fent. 
 
 fj] Ibid. p. 316, 317. (V] Cypr. Ep. fi. al. ff. ad An- 
 
 tonian. p. 1 o+. Fa&us eft Cornelius Epifcopus Dc Clerico- 
 
 rum pene omnium Teftimonio, de P'ebis quae turn adfuit Suffra- 
 gio. [a] So;r2t. lib. 6. C. l. -\.-a%\ <T[aclti koivco o,u« ^acL^uv^ 
 jtA.4p< 74 kj2 Acl*. [b] Theod. lib. i.e. 7. -^iifw miva x*- 
 
 7tlV 3tfx.cLGttV «'p^/<OH< TS Hat) I'.ptHf KOU cLTttf KiCOC. 
 
 [c] Siric. Ep. i. ad Himerium Tarracon. c. 10. Presbyterio vcl 
 Epifcopatui, fi eum Cleri ac Plebis evocaverit Electio , non im- 
 merito focietur. [</] Celeftin. Ep. i. c. Nullus invitis de- 
 
 4 
 
 tur Epifcopus. Cleri, Plebis, & Ordinis Confenfus 8c Defideri- 
 um rcquiratur. [e] Leo M. Ep. 84. ad Anaftafi c. 7. Cum 
 
 de fummi Sacerdotis Elefhone traclabitur, ille omnibus praepona- 
 tur, quern Cleri Pkbifque Confenfus concorditer poftularit; ita ut 
 fi in aliam forte Perfonam Partium fe Vota divikrint , Metropo- 
 litan! Judicio is akeri priferatur, qui majoribus 8c ftudiis juvatur 
 8c mentis, &c. [/] Cypr. Ep. 68. al. 67. ad Fratr. Hifpan. 
 p. 172. Ordinatio jufta 8c legitima, quae omnium Suffragio 8c ju- 
 dicio fuerit exajninata. 
 
 after : 
 
Chap. IL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 137 
 
 Bifhop, they were ufualty gratified in their 
 Choice, and no Pcrfon was to be put upon 
 them againft their Inclination. Sometimes the 
 Bifliops in Synod propofcd a Pcrfon, and the 
 People accepted him : Sometimes again the Peo- 
 ple propofcd, and the Biihops cohfentedj 
 
 and 
 
 of the People prevailed, and the Bifliops com- 
 plied and ordained him. Philoflorgius gives us 
 fuch another Inftance. Demophilus Bifliop of* 
 Constantinople, with fome other Bifliops fufpeclred 
 of Arianifm, meeting at Cyzicum to ordain a 
 Bifhop there, the People firft made a Protefta- 
 
 where they were unanimous in a worthy Choice, tion againft them, that unlefs they would Ana 
 
 we fcarce ever find they were rejecled. If they 
 were divided, it was the Metropolitan's Care to 
 unite and fix them in their Choice, but not to 
 obtrude upon them an unchofen Pcrfon. This 
 we learn from one of Leo's Epiftles where 
 he gives us at once both the Church's Rule, and 
 Practice, and the Reafons of it. In the Choice 
 of a Bifliop, fays he, Let him be preferred, 
 whom the Clergy and People do unanimoufly a- 
 grce upon and require: If they be divided in 
 their Choice, then let the Metropolitan give 
 Preference to him who has molt Votes and moft 
 Merits: Always provided, that no one be or- 
 dained againft the Will and Defire of the Peo- 
 ple, lelb they contemn or hate their Bifliop, and 
 become irreligious or difrefpectful , when they 
 cannot have him whom they defir'd. The 
 Tranfgreflion of this Rule was objected as a 
 great Crime to Hilarius Arelatenfis by the Empe- 
 ror Valcntinian the 3d, that [If] he ordained Bi- 
 
 thematizc publickly Aetius and Eunomius both in 
 Word and Writing, they fhould ordain no Bi- 
 fliop there : And when they had complied to 
 this, they Mill infifted on their Privilege, That 
 no one fhould be ordained but one [k] of their 
 own Chufing. Which was one, who as foon as 
 he was ordained, Preached the Catholick Do- 
 ctrine of the o.ucaa-tcv, that the Son was of the 
 fame Subftance with the Father. Ancient Hi- 
 ftory will furnifli the Reader with many other 
 Inilanccs of the like nature. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 j.ily, From the man- 
 ner of the Peoples Vo- 
 ting at Eleclions. 
 
 %dly, Another Evidence 
 of the Peoples Power in Ele- 
 ctions is the Manner of their Vo- 
 ting, or the way of giving their 
 Aflent or Diflent to" the Ordination of any Per- 
 fon: Which was threefold: For either Firft they 
 were Unanimous in their Vote for or againft a 
 Man, and then their way was to exprefs their 
 
 fhops in feveral Places againft the Will and Con- Mind by a general Acclamation, crying out with 
 
 fent of the People, whom when they would not 
 admit of, becaufe they had not chofen them, he 
 ufed armed Force to fettle them in their Sees, 
 introducing the Preachers of Peace by the Vio- 
 lence of War. Leo objects [/] the fame thing 
 to him, %ing, That he ought to have procee- 
 ded by another Rule, and firft to have required 
 the Votes of the Citizens, the Teftimonics of 
 
 one Voice, ~"A?i(£^, or 'Ava'fi©', Dignus or Indig- 
 ent, as the Word then was, he is Worthy, or 
 Unworthy. Inftances of which Form the Rea- 
 der may find in St. Ambrofc [/], St. Auflin [m~] y 
 Eufebius [jf], Philoflorgius [0], Photius [/>], the 
 Author \jf] of the Conititutions, and feveral o- 
 thers. Or elfe Secondly they were divided in 
 their Choice, and then they exprefled their Dif- 
 
 the People, the Will of the Gentry, and the E- fent in particular Accufations of the Parties pro- 
 
 leftion of the Clergy: For he that was to pofed, and Sidings, and fometimes outragious 
 
 prefide over all, was to be chofen by all. This Tumults. St. Chryfoflom [r~] reflects upon this 
 
 evidently fliews, that the Suffrage of the People way in his Books of the Priefthood, when he 
 
 was then 
 nial. 
 
 fomething 
 
 more than barely Teltimo- 
 
 tdly, Another Argument 
 is, that in many Cafes the Voices 
 of the People prevailed againft 
 the Bifliops themfelves, when 
 they happened to be divided in 
 their firft Propofals. Thus it 
 happened in the famous Election 
 of St. Martin Bifliop of fours, 
 which has been mentioned in the 
 laft Chapter, Seft. 3. The People were unani- 
 moufly for him j Defenfor with a great Party of 
 Bifliops at firft were againft him: But the Voice 
 
 SECT. v. 
 adly, this farther 
 confirmed from EX' 
 amples of the Bi- 
 fliops Complying 
 with the Voice of 
 the Feople againft 
 their own Inclina- 
 tion. 
 
 tells us, that in thofe Popular Solemnities, which 
 were then cuftomarily held for the Choice of 
 Ecclefiaftical Rulers, one might fee a Bifliop ex- 
 pofed to as many Accufations, as there were 
 Heads among the People. And the Account 
 that is given not only by Ammianus Marcellinus 
 [Y], but by Socrates [f\ and the other Hiitorians, 
 of the Tumult raifed at Rome in the Election of 
 Damafus, fliews that the People were indulged 
 in fomething more than barely giving Teftimo- 
 ny, elfe they had hardly run into fo great a Heat 
 and ungovernable Tumult. There was alfo a 
 third way of Exprefling their Confent, which 
 was by Subfcribing the Decree of Election for 
 greater Security, that no Party might pretend 
 
 [g~] Leo Fp. 84. c. f. Si in aliam forte Perfonam partium 
 le Vota diviferint, Metropolitan! Judicio is alteri praderatur, qui 
 majoribus & Studiis juvatur 8c Meritis : Tantum ut nullus in- 
 vitis 8c non petentibus ordinetur, re Plebs invita Epifcopum non 
 optatum aut contemnat aut oderir, 8c fiat minus religiofa quam 
 convenit, cui non licucrit habere quem voluit. [b] Novel. 24. 
 ad Calcem Cod. Theod. Indecenter alios invitis 8c repugnantibus 
 Civibus ordinavir. Qui quidem , quoniam non facile ab his qui 
 non elegerant, recipiebantur , manum fibi contrahebat arraatam 
 
 Et ad fedem quietis Pacem pra:dicaturos per Bella ducebar. 
 
 [/'] Leo Ep. 89. ad Epif. Vien. Expe^tarentur certe Vota Civi- 
 VOL. I. 
 
 um, Teftimonia Populorum, quxrerctur Honoratorum Arbitrium,' 
 
 Ele&io Cleiicorum. Qui prarfuturus eft omnibus, ab omnibus 
 
 eligatur. [£] Philoftorg. lib. 9. c. 13. ov ttutSp eu ^yiqoi 
 <n ^ofj'tt o.t}ov . [/] Ambr. de Dignit. Sacerd. c. j-. In Ordina- 
 tionibus eorum clamant 8c dicunt, Dignus es, 8c Juftus es. 
 [w] Aug. Ep. 110. Dignus 8c Juflus eft, di&um eft vicies. 
 [»J Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 29. irdt]* AteJV AZtov bmConacu. 
 [0] Philoftorg. lib. 9. c. 10. [ f ] Phot. Cod. 25-6. p. 1414. 
 [cj] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 4. [r] Chryf. de Sacerdot. lib. 5. 
 c. ij\ [i] Ammian. lib. 27. c. 2. [t] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 29. 
 
 N n 
 
 after- 
 
138 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the Book IV. 
 
 afterward that they had not given aflent to it. 
 Thus it was in the Election of Mcktius Bifhop 
 of Antioch) who was chofen by common Confent 
 both of Catholicks and Arians, each Party prefu- 
 rning him to be of their own Opinion. The E- 
 ledHon-Paper was Subfcribed by all, I'heodoret [u] 
 fays, and put into the hands of Eufcbius Samofa- 
 tenfis, which Conflantius^ when Meletius proved 
 a Catholick, demanded to have had it deftroyed, 
 but with all his Menaces he could not extort it 
 from him. St. Aufiin gives the like Account 
 [w] of the Election of Eradius his SuccefTor at 
 Hippos which for fome Reafons he got done in 
 his own Life-time. He firft ordered the Nota- 
 ries of the Church to take the Acclamations of 
 the People in Writing, and then required all 
 that could Write, to Subfcribe the Inftrument 
 themfelves. And this v/as the common way 
 whenever the Metropolitan could not be prefent 
 at the Election j then the Decree of the whole 
 Church was drawn up in Writing, and carried 
 to him for his Confent and Approbation. The 
 Remains of which Cuftom may ftill be feen in 
 the ancient Or do Romanus [at], where there is a 
 Form of a Decree, which the Clergy and Peo- 
 ple were to Sign upon their Choice of a Bifhop, 
 and prefent it to the Metropolitan and the Synod, 
 in order to his Confecration. In which Cafe, if 
 the Metropolitan found him upon Examination to 
 be a Perfon every way qualified, as they repre- 
 fented him, he then confirmed and ratified their 
 Choice, and fo proceeded immediately to his 
 Ordination. All which argues that the Peo- 
 ple had fomething of a Decifive Power in Ele- 
 ctions, and that their Suffrage was not merely 
 Teftimonial. 
 
 SECT. VII. 4tbly, This is farther evident 
 
 4 thly, From the f rQm ^ JJfe anc [ Office of In- 
 Ufe and Office of tervcntors in the La f m Church, 
 Interventors. . 1 * • _ - ' 
 
 whofe Bufinefs was to promote 
 and procure a fpeedy Election of a new Bifhop 
 in any vacant See, as I have had occafion to 
 Ihew [xx~] in another Place. For in the Roman 
 and African Churches, upon the Vacancy of a 
 Bifhoprick, it was ufual for the Metropolitan to 
 grant a Commiffion to fome of his Provincial 
 Bifhops to go to the Vacant Church, and dif- 
 pofe the Clergy and People to be Unanimous in 
 the Choice of a new Bifhop ; and when they 
 were agreed, they petitioned the Metropolitan 
 by the Interventor to confirm their Choice, and 
 
 with a Synod of Provincial Bifhops to come and 
 ordain him whom they had Elected. Or elfe 
 they drew up an Inftrument in Writing, fub- 
 fcribed both by the Interventor and themfelves 
 and prefented the new Elect Bifhop to the Me- 
 tropolitan, who ordained him in his own 
 Church. This was the Practice of the Roman 
 Province in the Time of Symmachus and Gregory 
 the Great, as appears from their Epiftles, which 
 give Directions to the Interventors, or Vifitors 
 as they call them, concerning their Behaviour 
 in the prefent Cafe. Let no one, fays Symma- 
 chus [_y], draw up an Inftrument of Election 
 without the Prefence of the Vifitor, by whofe 
 Teftimony the Agreement of the Clergy and 
 People may be declared. And Gregory writing 
 to Barbaras Bifhop of Bene-venium^ and Vifitor 
 of the Church of Palermo, bids him endeavour 
 to make the Clergy and People Unanimous in 
 their Prefentation of a worthy Perfon to be their 
 Bifhop, who could not [z] be rejected by the 
 Canons j and then drawing up their Petition in 
 Form of a Decree, Signed with all their Hands, 
 and the Letters Teftimonial of the Vifitor, they 
 fhould fend him to Rome for Confecration. No- 
 thing can be plainer, than that here the Clergy 
 and People made the Choice of their Bifhop 
 with the Afliftance of a Vifitor or Interventor, 
 and they prefented him to the Metropolitan, 
 who, if he had no Canonical Exception againfl 
 him, confirmed their Choice, and proceeded to 
 his Ordination. 
 
 ftbly, As a farther Evidence sect. viir. 
 
 of this Power and Privilege in- J" thI y» from the 
 
 dulged to the People, it may be c f om °f the Pe °- 
 
 obferved likewife, that itwasCu- ples , f f mg Fe f ns 
 
 ■ i r t-v r i anii having them 
 
 ftomary in thofe Days for the ordained by Tone. 
 People in many Places to lay vio- 
 lent Hands upon Perfons, and bring them by 
 Force to the Bifhop to be ordained. Thus Pof- 
 fidius [a] tells us it was in the Ordination of St. 
 Auftin^ the People feized him and brought him 
 to the Bifhop, requiring with one Voice that 
 he would ordain him Presbyter, whilft he 
 in the mean time wept abundantly for the 
 Force that was put upon him. Paulinus \_b~] 
 fays the fame of himfelf, that he was ordain- 
 ed Presbyter by Force and the irrefiftable Vio- 
 lence of an inflam'd and zealous People. 
 And there are many other Inftances of the like 
 Nature. 
 
 [«] Theod. lib. 2. c. 31. fw] Aug. Ep. Ho. A No- 
 tariis Ecclefiae, ficut cernitis, excipiuntur quae dicimus, ex- 
 cipiuntur quae dicitis, 8c meus fermo, 8c veftraz Acclamationes 
 
 in terrain non cadunt. Hoc ad ultimum rogo, ut Geftis 
 
 iftis dignemini fubferibere qui poteftis. [ x ] Ordo Rom. 
 
 Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 10. p. 104.. Decretum quod Clerus 8c Po- 
 
 pulus firmare (al. formare) debet de elefto Epifcopo. Ut 
 
 omnium noftrum Vota in hanc Eleftionem con venire nofcatis, 
 huic Decreto Canonico promptifiima voluntate finguli manibus 
 propriis roborantes fubfcripfimus. 2 - Chap. if. 
 
 [y] Symmach. Ep. j. c. 9. Decretum fine Vifitatoris prxfen- 
 tia nemo conficiat, cujus teftimonio Clericorum, ac Civium 
 pofTit Unanimitas declarari. [2,] Greg. lib. 11. ep. 16. Di- 
 
 leCtio tua Clerum Plebemque ejufdem Ecclefiae admonere feftinet 
 ut remoto Audio, uno eodemque Conier.fu talem fibi prxficien- 
 dum expetant facerdotem , qui 8c tanro Minifterio dignus valeat 
 reperiri, 8c venerandis Canonibus nullatenus refpuatur. Qui dum 
 fuerit poftulatus cum Solemnitate Decreti omnium Subfcrjptionibus 
 roborati, 8c Diledionis tax Teftimonio Literarum, ad nos Sacran- 
 dus occurrat. [a] Pofiid. Vit. Aug. c. 4. Eum tenuerunt 8c, 
 ut in talibus confuetum eft, Epifcopo ordinandum intulcrunt, om- 
 nibus id uno Confer.fu 8c Defiderio fieri perficique petentibus, mag- 
 noque ftudio 8c clamore flagitancibus, ubertim eo flente. [6] Pau- 
 lin. Ep. 3f. inter Epift. Auguft. A Lampio apud Barcilnonam in 
 Hifpania, per vim inflammata: fubito Plebis facratus fum. Vid. Pau- 
 lin, ep. 6, ad Severum. p. 101, 
 
 6thl)\ 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 139 
 
 sect. ix. 6ihly, I obferve but one thing 
 
 6th]y, from the Ti- more relating to this Matter, 
 
 tie of Fathers, which which was the Compliment that 
 
 pme Bifhops upon f ornc Bifhops paffed upon their 
 
 this Account by way p cop ] c upon t ] x [ s AcCOUllt, ftyl- 
 
 ISSfSSr m*** Fathcrs > in re s ard » 
 
 the Share and Influence they had 
 in their Delignation and Election. St. Ambrofe 
 himfelf fpeaking to his People, addrcfl'cs himfelf 
 to them in this Style: Te are [c~] my Fathers, who 
 chafe me to be Bijbop : Te I fay, are both my Chil- 
 dren and Fathers ; Children in particular, Fathers 
 all together. In which Words he plainly refers 
 to that providential Confent of the People of 
 Milan, who when they were divided before into 
 feveral Fa&ions, as foon as Ambrofe was named, 
 all unanimouily confpircd together in his Ele- 
 ction. Thefe are fome of thofe Collateral Evi- 
 dences, that may be brought to prove that an- 
 ciently the Clergy and People joined in a com- 
 mon vote in the Election of their Bifhop, and 
 that their Suffrage was fomething more than 
 Testimonial, efpecially in the Fourth and Fifth 
 Ages, in the Latin Church, where, as De Mar- 
 ca owns, the Peoples Rcqueft was chiefly con- 
 lidercd. 
 
 SECT. X. Nor was this Privilege only 
 
 What Foyer the indulged them in the Election of 
 Tuple had in the t \\ tn . Bifhop, but fometimes in 
 Y^anonofFref- the De fignation of Presbyters al- 
 fo. For St. Auftin and Paulinus 
 were but to be ordained Presbyters, when that 
 forcible Confhaint, jufr. now fpoken of, was laid 
 upon them by the People. Befides St. Jerom [_d~\ 
 fays exprefly, that Presbyters and the other Cler- 
 gy were as much chofen by the People, as the 
 Bifhops were. And Poffidius [e] notes this to 
 have been both the Cultom of the Church and 
 St. Aufihis Practice, in the Ordinations of Priefts 
 and Clerks to have regard to the Majority or 
 general Confent of Chriflian People. And Siri- 
 cius, who fpeaks the Senfe and Practice of the 
 Roman Church, fays [/], that when a Deacon 
 was to be ordained either Presbyter or Bifhop , 
 he was firft to be chofen both by the Clergy 
 and People. And therefore I cannot fo readi- 
 ly fubferibe to the AfTertion of thofe Learn- 
 ed Men, who fay that Bifhops before their Or- 
 dination were propounded to the People, but 
 not Presbyters or any other of the Inferior 
 Clergy. 
 
 SECT. XI. 
 Whether the Coun- 
 cil of Nice made 
 any Alteration in 
 thefe Matters. 
 
 As to thofe who afTert, that 
 the People were anciently indul- 
 ged in thefe Matters before the 
 Council of Nice, but that their 
 Power was abridged by a new 
 Decree of that Council j They are evidently un- 
 der a Miflakc: For it is certain the Nicene Fa- 
 thers made no Alteration in this Affair, but left 
 the whole Matter as they found it. For though 
 in one of their Canons [g] it is faid , that 
 the Prcfence, or at lean: the Confent of all the 
 Provincial Bifliops, and the Confirmation or Ra- 
 tification of the Metropolitan fhall be necefTary 
 to the Election and Ordination of a Bifhop ; yet 
 that is not faid to exclude any ancient Privilege 
 that the People enjoyed, but only to eftablifh 
 the Rights of Metropolitans and Provincial Bi- 
 fhops, which Melctius the Schifmatical /Egyptian 
 Bifliop had particularly invaded, by prelum ing 
 to ordain Bifliops without the Authority of his 
 Metropolitan, or Confent of his Fellow-Bifhops 
 in the Provinces of ALgypt. That nothing elfe 
 was defigned by that Canon is evident from this, 
 That the fame Council in the Synodical Epiflle 
 written to the Church of Alexandria exprefly 
 mentions the Choice of the People, and requires 
 it as a Condition of a Canonical Election. For 
 fpeaking of fuch Mcletian Bifhops as would re- 
 turn to the Unity of the Catholick Church, it 
 fays, That when any Catholick Bifhop died, 
 Mcletian Bifhops might fucceed in their Room, 
 provided they were worthy, and that the Peo- 
 ple [h~] chofe them, and the Bifhop of Alexan- 
 dria ratified and confirmed their Choice. Our 
 learned Bifhop Pearfon has rightly obferved, that 
 Athanafms [/] himfelf was thus chofen after the 
 Nicene Council was ended j which is a certain 
 Argument that the Peoples Right was not abro- 
 gated in that Council. The Eufebian Party 
 made it an Objection againft him , that he had 
 not the Choice of the People : But the Bifhops 
 of ALgypt affembled in Synod, in their Snodical 
 Epiflle do with great Earneftnefs maintain the 
 contrary, aflerting, That the whole Multitude 
 of the People of the Catholick Church as 
 if they had been all united in one Soul and Bo- 
 dy, cried out, requiring Athanafius to be or- 
 dained Bifhop. When Gregory Nazianzen [_f\ 
 alfo fays of him, that he was brought to the 
 Throne of St. Mark, to \a.S -sravlos-, by 
 
 the Suffrage of all the People. It were eafy to 
 add many other Inftances and Proofs of the like 
 
 [c] Ambr. Com. in Luc. lib. 8. c. 17. Vos enim mihi e- 
 ftis Parentes , qui Sacerdotium detuliftis : Vos , inquam , Filii 
 vel Parentes, Filii finguli, univerfi Parentes. [d] Hieron. 
 
 Ep 4. ad Ruftic. Cum te ve! Populus vel Pontifex Civitatis 
 in Clerum elegerit, agito quse Clerici funt. Id. in Ez.ek. lib. 10. 
 c. 33. p. 609. Speculator Ecclefiae, vel Epifcopus vel Presby- 
 ter, qui a Populo eleftus eft. [e] Poflid. Vit. Aug. c. 21. 
 In ordiuandis Sacerdotibus 8c Clericis confenfum majoram Chri- 
 ftianorum 8c Confuetudinem Ecclefia; fequendam efle arbitraba- 
 tur. [/] Siric. Ep. 1. ad Himer. Tarracon. c. 10. Exinde 
 jam acceffu temporum, Presbyterium vel Epifcoparum, li eum Cle- 
 ri ac Plebis evocaverit Eledtio, non immerito fbrtietur. 
 [g\ Cone. Nic. can. 4. [6] Cone. Nic. Ep. Synod. ap» 
 
 Theod. lib. 1. c. 9. 8c Socrat. lib. 1. c. 9. « a^lot q>iitvoiv\o^ 
 & h .• di^jlro, Gwjiiri-^Yi'picrov]©- &\mS irm<x(pect.yYCov- 
 t&- ' Am? civ^f Acts bmaKGHrx. [»] Pearfon. Vind. 
 
 Ignat. Par. t. c. 11. p. 324. ed. Antwerp. Eufebiani> qui Crea- 
 tionem Athanafij abrogare voluerunt, defectum Popularis Ele£ti- 
 onis objiciebant , 8c Epifcopi ^Egypti , in Synodo congregati , 
 Epiflola ad omnes Eccleiiae Catholics: Epifcopos fcripta, contrari- 
 
 um magna animi contentione afleruerunt. -Quod neque hi ne- 
 
 que illi feciflent, li Populi Suffragia in eligendo Epifcopo locum 
 nullum habuiflent. [fc] Ep. Synod. Concil. Alex. ap. Athen. A- 
 pol. 2. t. 2. p. 726. -sTrtf Acto< — eLviG'owv, iK£?£ot, c/Jni^a 
 'ASmdffnv Zrm-TKorw* [I] Naz. Orat. 21. Tom. 1. p. 
 377- 
 
 Nature 
 
14© 
 
 7 he A n t i qju i t i e s of the Book IV. 
 
 Nature to the time of the Council of Chalcedony 
 when the People of Alexandria Hill enjoyed their 
 ancient Privilege, as appears from feveral PafFa- 
 ges in Liberatus, who lays of Proterius and fome 
 other of their Bifhops, that they were chofen 
 by the Nobles, and the Decree [m~] and Voice 
 of all the People: But I fhall fay no more upon 
 this Head, but only alledge two Canons of the 
 4th Council of Carthage, which comprize the 
 whole Practice of the Church in relation to this 
 matter : The one decreeing [#], that the Ordi- 
 nation of a Bifhop fhould always be by theCon- 
 fent of Four Parties, the Clergy, the Laity j 
 the Provincial Bifhops, and the Metropolitan, 
 whofe Prefence or Authority was principally ne- 
 ceffary in all fuch Cafes. The other Canon [0] 
 orders, that no Bifhop fhall ordain any Clergy- 
 Men without Confulting with his Clergy, and 
 asking the Confent, Approbation and Teftimo- 
 ny of his People. This feems to have been the 
 molt Common and Ordinary Practice of the 
 Church. 
 
 SECT. XII. But then as all General Rules 
 Some Exceptions to have their Exceptions, fo it can- 
 the General Rule. no t be denied but that this Rule 
 Firft, in czfe the var j e£ j fbmetimes, or at leafl had 
 
 greateftVartofthe ^ Limitations and Reftnctions : 
 Church were Here- . , T n . , . x n . , 
 
 iicksorSchifmaticks. And I ^^11 not do Juftice to the 
 Reader, nor the Subject neither, 
 unlefs I mention thofe alfo. Here therefore we 
 are to obferve in the firft Place, that this Rule 
 did not hold when the greateft Part of any 
 Church were turned Hereticks or Schifmaticks. 
 For in that Cafe, had Elections been made by 
 the general Suffrage of the People, none but 
 Heretical or Schifmatical Bifhops muft have 
 been ordained. And therefore in the Time of 
 the great Prevalency of Arianifm, and the long 
 Schifm of the Donatifts, the Church did not tie 
 her felf always to Act prccifely by this Rule. 
 We find it objected by the Donatifts in the Col- 
 lation of Carthage that the Catholicks made 
 Bifhops in many Places where they had no Peo- 
 ple} that is, no Catholick People, for they 
 were all Donatifts; confequently thofe Bifhops 
 were ordained not only without, but againft the 
 Confent of the People. And this I take to be 
 the Cafe of thofe Bifhops mentioned in the 17th 
 and 1 8th Canons in the Council of Antioch; one 
 of which fays, That if any Bifhop is ordained 
 to prefide over a People, and does not take up- 
 on him his Office, and go to the Church to 
 which he is ordained, he fhall be Excommunica- 
 ted, till he complies, or a Provincial Synod de- 
 
 termines otherwife about him : And the other 
 lays, if fuch a Bifhop abfents from his Diocefe, 
 not by his own Default, but Jid t\w t« \aS -ura- 
 ^atTna-iv, becaufe the People refufe to receive him, 
 in that Cafe he fhall be honoured as a Bifhop, 
 though not admitted to his own Church. Thefe 
 Canons were made at a time when the Arian Fa- 
 ction had raifed great Commotions in the Church, 
 which probably made fome Bifhops unwilling to 
 go to their Churches, and others could not be 
 admitted, becaufe the Faction ftrongly prevailed 
 againft them : And in both of them it is fuppo- 
 fed the Ordinations were made without asking 
 the Peoples Confent} of which Practice we 
 have frequent Inflances in Ecclefiaftical Hiftory 
 in Cafes of the fame nature. 
 
 idly, Another Exception sect. xill. 
 to the Rule was, when Bifhops idly, in c*fe of 
 were to be ordained for very di- opining Bifhops to 
 ftant Countries or Barbarous Na- ^JF^^T 
 tions. When Athanafius ordain- Bar arot " Mm$ ' 
 ed Frumentius Bifhop of the Indies at Alexandria, 
 as the Hiflorians [_q] report, no one can imagine 
 that he had the Formal Confent, though he 
 might have the Preemptive Approbation, of all 
 his People. As neither can we fuppofe the Bi- 
 fhop of e tomi in Scythia to be chofen by his Peo- 
 ple, when he was the only Bifhop [r] in all 
 that Region, and commonly ordained at Conftan- 
 iinople, as by the 28th Canon of the Council of 
 Chalcedon the Bifhops of Barbarous Nations were 
 appointed to be. 
 
 ytty, In Cafe an Interventor, sect XIV 
 
 or Vifitor, who was fent to pro- 3 aiy, in Cafe 'an 
 
 cure a fpeedy Election in any interventor or any 
 
 Vacant See, got himfelf fettled ° th < r s >JI } <>p i»*ru- 
 
 in the See, by the Intereft which ded himfelf into any 
 
 he had gained in the People du- f^f^t^Cm. 
 
 , . D . , . . n . r . lent of a Provincial 
 
 ring his Adminiftration} yet he s ^ no / 
 was not allowed to continue in 
 the Poffeffion of that See, though he had made 
 never fo flrong a Party among the People, or 
 had the Confent of them all. As appears from a 
 Canon of the Fifth Council of Carthage [s] 9 
 which is alfo inferted in the Code of the African 
 Church. The Cafe was the fame with any Va- 
 cant Bifhops, omay-oirci cycxd'^oflis , as the Ca- 
 nons call them, who were ordained to fuch 
 Places as would not receive them : If any of 
 them intruded themfelves into any Vacant Church 
 without the Confent of the Metropolitan and 
 a Provincial Synod, they were to be rejected, 
 though all the People Were unanimous in chufing 
 
 \m~\ Liberat. Breviar. c. 14.. Colle&i funt Nobiles Civitatis, ut 
 
 eutn qui eiTet vita 8c fermone Pontificatu dignus, eligerent- 
 
 Noviflime in Protcrium omnium fententia declinavit. Id. c. if- 
 Scripfu Imperator Leo Duci Alexandria Stiloe, ut pelleret qui- 
 dem ab Epifcopatu modis omnibus Timotheum , in1b.roniz.2ret 
 autem alium Decreto Populi, qui Synodum vindicaret. 
 [«] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 1. Cum Confenfu Clericorum 8c Lai- 
 corum , 8c conventu totius Provincial Epifcoporum , maxime- 
 que Metropolitani vel audtoritate vel prxientia ordinetur Epifco- 
 pus. [0] Ibid. Can. n. Ut Epifcopus. fine Confilio 
 
 Clericorum fuorum Clericos non ordine-t; ita ut Civium Af- 
 
 ienfum , 8c Conniventiam , 8c Tcrtimonium quscrat. 
 
 [p] Collat. Caith. 1. c. 182. Petilianus Epifcopus dixit: Imo 
 
 crebros ubi habes Epifcopos, fane 8c fine Populis habes. 
 
 [3] Ruffin. lib. 7. c. 9. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 19. Thecdoret. lib. r. 
 
 c. 13. [r] Snzom. lib. 7. e. 19. (V) Cone. Carrb. f. c. 8. 
 
 Piacuit, ut nulli Interceded licitum fit, Csthedram cni Interceilbr 
 
 datus eft, quibullibet Populorum fludiis, vel feditionibus retinere, 
 
 Vid. Cod. Can. Eccl. Afr. c. -jj, 
 
 4 them. 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 J41 
 
 them, as the Council of Antioch decreed in exprefs 
 terms [/] againft fuch Invaders: If, % they, a 
 Vacant Bifhop transfers himfelf into a Vacant 
 Church, and feizes the Throne by Health, with- 
 out the Authority of a full Synod of the Pro- 
 vince, he {hall be difcarded, though all the Peo- 
 ple upon whom he thruft himfelf fhould agree 
 in the Choice of him. The fame Council has 
 another Canon [«] which prohibits any Bifhop 
 to remove from one Diocefe to another, either 
 of his own Accord, or by the Compuliion of 
 the People. Which plainly implies, that in all 
 fuch Cafes no Regard was had to the Choice 
 of the People, when they pretended to Act 
 without the Concurrence of a Provincial Sy- 
 nod. 
 
 sect. XV. 4/%, When the People were 
 4thiy, in eft of divided in their Choice, and 
 wagons and Dm- cou \d not unanimoufly agree up- 
 
 forvamongthePco- Qn ^ ^ . then tQ prcvent 
 
 * e ' farther Difputes, and the Mif- 
 
 chievous Confequences of Faction and Divifion, 
 it was ufual for the Metropolitan and the Synod 
 to chufe an indifferent Perfon, whom no Party 
 had named, and prefer him before all the Com- 
 petitors of the People. And this was ufually 
 done with good Succefs : For the People com- 
 monly were afhamcd of their own Choice, and 
 univerfally acquiefced in this. Sidonius Apollina- 
 rius gives us a famous Inftance in the Ordination 
 of John Bifhop of Chalons: a Triumvirate of 
 Competitors, whefc Characters were not extra- 
 ordinary, had by different Interefts drawn the 
 People into three very great Factions j to reme- 
 dy which, the Metropolitan privately confulting 
 with his Fellow Bifhops, but taking none of the 
 People into Council, ordained this John to the 
 furprize of them all: But as our Author [w] 
 obferves, it was managed with that Prudence, 
 that though the Advice of the People was not 
 taken, yet the Holy Man was ordained , to the 
 Aftonilhment of the Factious, and Confufion 
 of the Wicked, with the general Acclamations 
 of the Good, and the Contradidtions and Oppo- 
 fitions of none. And this was a common Me- 
 thod in cafe of Incurable Divifions among the 
 People. 
 
 sect. xvl. fthly, Sometimes the Em - 
 jthly, The Empe- perors interpofed their Authority, 
 rors fometimes m- an j themfelves nominated the 
 terpofed their Au- p er f on wn0 m they would have 
 tZ'LH P th7Z \° be , ordained Bifliop, when they 
 Cafes. found by Experience what dan- 
 
 gerous Tumults thefe Popular E- 
 
 lections railed among the People. Thus it was 
 in the Cafe of Neclarius Bifhop of Conftantinopls, 
 who was nominated by 'Theodofius only. For the 
 People were not fo much as confulted in the 
 matter, but the Emperor ordered the Bifhops to 
 give him in a Catalogue of fit Perfons, referving 
 the Power of Election entirely to himfelf. Nay, 
 when fome of the Bifhops objected againft Ne- 
 clarius, that he was but a Catechumen and Un- 
 baptized, the Emperor notwithstanding perfifted 
 in his Choice, and the Bifhops complied, and 
 immediately Baptized and Ordained him, as So- 
 zomen [x] informs us. Socrates takes notices of 
 the fame Prerogative made ufe of by Thccdofius 
 Junior upon the like occafion , who nominated 
 Ncjlorius to the See of Conflantinople, cPid nh *z- 
 vco-w»^(9ar by reafon of Factions and Vain-glori- 
 ous Perfons [y] in the Church. And for the 
 like reafon, the fame Author [z] tells us, upon 
 another Vacancy to prevent Tumults in the E- 
 lection, he gave his Mandate to the Bifhops to 
 inthrone Proclus in the Church. De Marca [a] 
 will furnifh the Reader with other Inftances, and 
 Ecclefiaftical Hiftory with more to the fame 
 Purpofe. 
 
 Sometimes again we find sect. xvn. 
 the People and Clergy were con- 6thly , The Feople 
 fined in their Choice, to take fometimes retrained 
 one out of Three, that were firfl t0 the . choice °f me 
 nominated by the Bifhops in ot(to f T ^^>f 
 
 ^ ., rr,. J . . V, -were nominated by 
 
 Council. 1 hus it was in trance the Btjhops 
 in the Time of the 2d Council 
 of Aries, An. 4f 2, when that Council made an 
 Order about Elections to this purpofe : That in 
 the Ordination of a Bifhop [If] this Rule fhould 
 be obferved, the Bifhops fhall nominate Three, 
 out of which the Clergy and People fhall have 
 Power to chufe one. Other Laws [c] appoint- 
 ed the Clergy and People to nominate Three, 
 and the Metropolitan and Provincial Bifhops to 
 caff Lots which of the Three fhould be ordain- 
 ed j which was the Rule of the Spanijh Church 
 in the Time of the Council of Barcelona, An. 
 fPP- 
 
 Laftly\ We find alfo in Jufti- SECT. XVIII. 
 ni art's Laws, that a confiderable Ladly, by juftini- 
 Alteration was made in this Af- an ''&nw the eU- 
 fair, where-ever thofe Laws took a,ms , we ' e con ^ 1 
 
 tji T, 1 1 . T e • to the Optimates, 
 
 Place For thereby the Inferior mdtheI S eriorPeo . 
 fort of the Common People were pi e w f, iiy excluded. 
 wholly cut off from having any 
 Concern in thefe Elections, which were now 
 confined to the Clergy, and the Optimates, or 
 Perfons of better Rank and Quality in every 
 
 [*] Cone. Antioch. c. 16. « th cmta-x-CTt©- %o*ai^wv hrn 
 ^QhA^aetv tv.Hhw'ictv iewTov c/mfpi-^Af, v$ap7ra[£ei <r Qg9- 
 
 Kctl<, ov v<peLpTra.tiv, 'ikono ojjtov. [«J Ibid. Can. 21. 'E- 
 
 Ti etV^CUflTUf lrmpp\'7r]Qv}d, ZcLVTOI/, f/.>)Ti KAUV OX.gtct 'C'o- 
 
 z«W. f w] Sidon. lib. 4. ep. if. Strepitu furentis turbae de- 
 fpedto, lan&um Johannem, Stupentibus Fadtiofis, erubefcenti- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 bus Malis, acclamantibus Bonis, reclamantibus nullis, Collegam 
 fibi confecravere. ["*] Soz.om. lib. 7. c. 8. [y] So- 
 
 crat. lib. 7. c. 29. |V] Idem lib. 7. c. 40. [a] Marca de 
 Concord, lib. 8. c. 9. n. 8. [£] Cone. Arelat. 2. c. ^4. Pla- 
 cuit in Ordinatione Epifcopi hunc ordinem cuftodiri, ut Tres ab 
 Epifcopis nominentur, de quibus Clerici vei Cives erga unum ha- 
 beant eligendi poteftatena. [c] Cone. Barcinon. Can. 3. 
 
 Oo 
 
 Church. 
 
142 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IV. 
 
 Church. For fo by two of his Novels [d] it is 
 exprefly provided, that when a Bifhop is to be 
 ordained for any City, the Clergy and Chief 
 Men of the City fhall meet, and nominate three 
 Perfons, drawing up an Inftrument, and irifert- 
 ing therein upon their Oath that they chufe 
 them neither for any Gift, nor Promife, nor 
 Fricndfhip, nor any other Caufe, but becaufe 
 they know them to be of the true Catholick 
 Faith, and of Honell Life, and Good Learning, 
 That out of thefe Three, one that is belt 
 qualified may be chofen by the Difcrction and 
 Judgment of the Ordainer. De Marca thinks 
 the Council of Laodicea long before made a Ca- 
 non to the fame purpofc, forbidding the Ele- 
 ctions of the Clergy to be committed mh o^Xojr, 
 Vili Pkkcute, as de Marca renders it [>], that 
 is, to the Common and Inferior fort of People. 
 But it is not certain the Canon intended the Pro- 
 hibition in that Scnfej Or if it did, it was of 
 no Force, for the People continued their ancient 
 Practice for fome Ages after that Council. 
 However upon the whole matter it appears, 
 that this Power of the People did never fo 
 univerfally obtain, but that it was limited in 
 feveral Cafes by certain Re Unctions, and varied 
 according- to the different State of Times, and 
 Nations. 
 
 SECT. XIX. At laft upon the breaking of 
 
 How and wlnn the Roman Empire, the Gothick 
 Tr'mces and Vtttron) Kings in France and Spain were 
 came to have the g enera Hy complimented with a 
 
 cjnef rower of Z- ^ thefc Elcaions and 
 
 lections. , . ~ r ,2. 
 
 their Conient was as necellary as 
 any other to the Ordination of Bifhops within 
 their Dominions. By which means their Power 
 quickly increafed into a Prerogative of Nomina- 
 ting folely, and all others had little clfe to do 
 but to accept their Nominations. Which the 
 Reader that is Curious in this Matter may find 
 difcourfed at large by de Marca [/] in his Ac- 
 count of the Change that was made in the 
 French and Spanijl) Churches in After -ages, 
 which is none of my Bufinefs here farther to 
 purfue. As to the Power of Nomination in in- 
 ferior Patrons, it is generally agreed by J -earned 
 Men [g], that it came in upon the Divifion of 
 
 Diocefes into diftinct Parimes, and the Founding 
 of Churches in Country Places. For to give 
 greater Encouragement to fuch Pious and Ufeful 
 Works, the Founder of any Church, who fet- 
 tled an Endowment upon it, was allowed to re- 
 tain the Right of Prefentation to himfelf, to 
 Nominate a fit Clerk to the Bifhop for his Ap- 
 probation. That which led the way to this Pra- 
 ctice, was a Decree of the firft Council of O- 
 range, An. 441, wherein this Power and Privi- 
 lege was firlt granted to Bifhops, that if any 
 Bifhop was difpofed to found a Church in the 
 Territory of another Bifhop, the Bifhop of the 
 Diocefe where the Church was built fhould 
 confecrate itj Referving to the Founder [h~\ the 
 Right of Nominating fuch Clerks as he fhould 
 defifte to have in his own Church, whom the Bi- 
 fhop of the Diocefe fhould ordain at his Re- 
 quest j or if they were already ordained, he 
 fhould allow them to continue without any Mo- 
 lefhtion. And this Canon is repeated in the 2d 
 Council of dries [V], in the Editions of Sirmond 
 and Labbe, though it be wanting in fome others. 
 After this by the Laws of ' j 'uftinian, all Founders 
 of Churches and their Heirs are allowed to No- 
 minate their own Clerks, upon the Right of 
 Pat ronage, to thofe Churches. If any iVIan 
 builds an Oratory, fays one [k~\ of his Novels, 
 and either he or his Heirs are minded to have 
 Clerks ordained thereto j if they allow Mainte- 
 nance to them, and they be Worthy Perfons, 
 fuch as they Nominate fhall be Ordained. And 
 the Bifhop has no Power to ordain any other, 
 unlefs thePerfon fo Nominated be unqualified by 
 the Canons. Another Novel [/] allows the Bi- 
 fhop Liberty to examine them, and judge of 
 their Qualifications 5 but if he finds them Wor- 
 thy, he is obliged to ordain them, having in 
 that Cafe no Power to refufe them. They who 
 would fee more of this Matter may confult our 
 Learned Bifhop Stillingfleet^ who gives an Ac- 
 count [m~] of the Progrefs of it in future Ages 5 
 which being foreign to my Subject, I return to 
 the Buunefs of Elections in the ancient Church, 
 and proceed to give an Account of the feveral 
 Qualifications, that were neceffarily required in 
 Perfons to be Elected and Ordained to any Of- 
 fice or Dignity in the Church. 
 
 [d] Juftin. Novel. 123. c. 1. Sancimus, quoties opus fuerit 
 Epiicopum ordinari, Clericos 8c Primates Civitatis, cui Epifcopus 
 ordinandus eft, mox in tribus Perfonis Decrera faccre, propofitis 
 Sacrofan&is Evangcliis, periculo iuarum animarum dicentes in ip- 
 fis Decrctis, quia neque propter aliquam Donationem, neque prop- 
 ter in aliqtnm PromilTionem, aut Amicitiam, aut aliam quamlibet 
 caufam; led Scicntes eos redse 8c Catholics Fidci, 8c honeftx elTe 
 Vita:, 8c Literal nolle, bos elegerunt : Ut ex tribus illis Per- 
 fonis melior ordinetur, Ele&ione 8c Judicio Ordinantis. See alfo 
 Novel. 137. c. 2. 8c Cod. lib. 1. tit. 5. de Epiic. leg. 42. 
 [e] Concil. Laodic. c. 12. Marca de Concod. lib. 8. c. 6. n. 8. 
 [/] Marca de Concord, lib. 8. c. 9. 8c 10. [g] See Stilling- 
 
 fleet Unreaf. of Separ. p. 226. [h] Cone. Araufkan. 1. c. 9. 
 Refervara /Edificatori Epifcopo hac gratia, ut quos defiderat Cleri- 
 cos in re fua videre, ipfos ordinet is in cujus Civitatis Territorio 
 eft; vcl li jam ordinati funt, iplbs habere acquiefcat. [<] Cone. 
 Arelat. 2. an. 45-2. can. 26. [k] Novel. 123. c. 18. Si quis O- 
 ratorii Domum aedirkaverit, 8c voluerit in ea Clericos ordinare aut 
 ipfe, aut ejus Harrcdes: Si expenfas ipfis Clericis miniftrant, 8c dig- 
 nos denominant, denominatos ordinari. Si vero qui ab eis eligun- 
 tur, tanquam indignos prohibent facrx Regular ordinari, tunc Epif- 
 copus quofcunque putaverit meliores, ordinari procuret. [/] No- 
 vel $7. c. 2. [w»] Stillingfl. Unreaf. of Separ. Par. 3. p. 327. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 14? 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Examination and Qualifications of Perfons to be Ordained to any 
 Office of the Clergy in the Primitive Church. And firft of their Faith 
 and Morals. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Three Enquiries 
 
 BEFORE any Perfon could 
 Regularly be Elected or Or- 
 r»»de about Perfons Gained to any Clerical Office in 
 toh crMre. Church, the Electors and 
 
 (petting, 1 ft, Timr . ' . ,. , . 
 
 kith, adly, The>r Ordamers were obliged to make 
 Morals, idly,^**- feveral Enquiries concerning him, 
 outward Quality which I think may be reduced 
 and condition. to t j ie f e Three Heads : The Ex- 
 amination of his Faith, bis Morals, and his Out- 
 ward State and Condition in the World. The 
 two firlt of thefc they were moft Uriel: in Can- 
 vaffing and Examining, becaufe they were more 
 Eflential and NecelTary to the Miniftry: but the 
 Third they did not omit, becaufe the peculiar 
 State of thofe Times did more efpecially require 
 it. For then Men were tied by the Laws of 
 the Empire to bear the Offices of the State, ac- 
 cording to their Quality and Subftance, and 
 thofe Offices were commonly inconfiftent with 
 the Offices of the Church : Which made it ne- 
 ceffiary to enquire, before Men were ordained, 
 Whether they were under any Obligation to the 
 State, or obnoxious to any dillinct Power, for 
 fear the Church mould feem to encroach upon 
 other Men's Rights, or bring Trouble upon her- 
 felf, by having her Clergy recalled to a fccular 
 Life again. 
 
 SECT. II. The Tryal of their Faith and 
 
 ihe Rule and Me- Orthodoxy, under which I alio 
 
 thod of examining 
 their Faith and 
 Learning. 
 
 thod of examinmg ^ ^ j^y thdr Lcarning? was 
 
 made three Ways: Partly by ob- 
 liging the Electors to give in 
 their publick Tellimony of them ; partly by ob- 
 liging the Perfons elected to anfwer to certain 
 Interrogatories or Queitions of Doctrine that 
 were put to them 5 and partly by making them 
 fubferibe a Body of Articles, or Confeffion of 
 Faith at the time of their Ordination. By a 
 Law of Juftiniari's [a] the Electors themfelves 
 were to declare upon Oath in the Inftrument or 
 Decree of Elections, if it were a Bifhop that 
 was chofen, that they knew him to be a Man 
 of the true Catholick Faith, and of a good Life 
 and Converfation, And by the fame Law 
 
 the Bifhop to be ordained was required to give 
 in a Libel, or Form of Confeffion of his Faith, 
 
 fubferibed with his own Hand* and to repeat 
 the Form of Prayer ufed at the Oblation of the 
 Holy Eucbarift, and at Baptifm, with the other 
 Prayers of the Church. Which was an Intima- 
 tion that he allowed and approved the Liturgy 
 or Publick Service of the Church. The 4th 
 Council of Carthage prefcribes a particular Form 
 of Examination by way of Interrogatories to the 
 Bifhop who was to be ordained, which is too 
 long to be here infertedj but it coniiils chiefly 
 of fuch Queitions as relate to the Articles of the 
 Creed, and Doctrines levelled againft the moll 
 noted Herefies [/>], that either then were, or 
 lately had been predominant in the 'Church. Or- 
 ders alfo are there given to examine, whether the 
 Candidate be well inftructcd in the Law of God, 
 and able to expound the Senfe of Scripture, and 
 be throughly exerciled in the Doctrines of the 
 Church. By which we may judge what due 
 Precaution was then taken, to admit none but 
 Perfons rightly qualified, as to their Faith, to 
 the chief Adminilhations of the Church. 
 
 Upon which Confederation it SECT. TIT. 
 
 lus of Alexandria, in ordaining Synefius, at the 
 fame time that he profciTed he could not yet be- 
 lieve the Doctrine of the Refunection, and fome 
 other Articles of the Chriftian Faith. Baronius 
 \c\ and Habertus [</], and our, Learned Bifhop 
 Taylor [Y], reckon he only diiTembled, and ufed 
 this Stratagem to avoid being ordained. But 
 had this been the Cafe, it had ftill been a juft 
 Canonical Exception againft him : For the Ca- 
 nons [/] forbid the Ordination of any one, who 
 accufes himfelf as guilty of any henious Crime, 
 whether his Accufation be true or falfe : For he 
 proves himfelf guilty either by confeffing a 
 Truth, or at leaft by telling a Lye about it. But 
 indeed the Cafe of Synejius was no feigned Cafe, 
 for he fpake the real Senfe of his Soul* as ap- 
 pears not only from what the Hi dorian [_g] fays 
 of it, but from the Account which he himfelf 
 gives in one of his Epiftles [A] to his Brother 
 Euoptius: You know, fays he, that Philofophy 
 
 [4] Juftin. Novel. 137. n. 2. Quemque ipforum jurare fecun- 
 
 clum divina Ebquia , 8c ipiis Piephiimatibus inferibi Quod 
 
 fcientcs ipfos reftae 8c Catholkae Fidei, honeftae virae, ipfos elege- 
 rint. Ibid. Exigi ed;rn ante omnia ab eo qui ordinandus eft, Li- 
 bellum ejus propria fubferiptione compleftentem quae ad re&am e- 
 jus Fidem pertinent. Enunciari etiam ab ipfo 8c fanttam Obla- 
 tionis Formulam, qux in fancta Communione fit, 8c earn quse fit 
 in Baptifmate Precationem, & reliquas Deprecationes. 
 [b] Cone. Carth. 4. c. i. [f] Baron, an. 4.10. Tom. f. 
 
 p. 3 1 r. [</] Habert. Archieratic. p. 700. [c] Taylor 
 Du£t. Dubit. Book 3. c. 2. p. 49^. [/] Cone. Valentin, c. 
 4. Quicunque fub ordinatione vel Diaconatus, vel Presbyterii, 
 vel Epifcopatus , mortali crimine fe dixerint efie po!!utos, a fu- 
 pradiclis ordinatioribus efle fubmovendos , reos fcilicet vel veri 
 Confeffione, vel Mendacio falfitatis. [g~\ Evagr. lib. j. c. if. 
 bT<y tiv h'oyov clvct^aaius Tapa^iyjo/j^oy, &c. [£] Sy- 
 nef. Ep. 10/. p. 397. 
 
 teaches 
 
I 
 
 144 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IV- 
 
 teaches the contrary to many of thofe generally 
 received Doctrines. Therefore I cannot per- 
 fwade my felf, that the Soul is Poftnate to the 
 Body ; I cannot fay that the World and all its 
 Parts mail be diflblved > I look upon the Refur- 
 rection to he U^j-j ti ivn>fyr\rcv, a fort of myfti- 
 cal and ineffable thing, and am far from aflent- 
 
 ing to the vulgar Opinions about it.' And 
 
 now being called to the Prieflhood, I would not 
 diflemble thefe things, but teftify them both be- 
 fore God and Man. This Affeveration feems 
 too folemn and ferious, to be the Speech of one 
 who was only acting a Part, and difTembling his 
 Opinion i and therefore it is more probable that 
 he was in earneft, as Lucas Holfienius [f] more 
 fully fhews in a peculiar Diflertation upon this 
 Subject againft Baronius. Valefius, to vindicate 
 1'heophilus, fays [_k~] Synefius altered his Opinions 
 before he was ordained: But that is more than 
 can be proved. The beft Account of the thing 
 is that which is given by Holfienius, that it was 
 the Man's admirable Virtues, and excellent Qua- 
 lifications in other refpects, and a great Want of 
 fit Men to thofe difficult Times, that encoura- 
 ged 1'heophilus to ordain him, in hopes that God 
 would enlighten his Mind, and not fuffer fo ex- 
 cellent a Perfon long to labour under fuch Er- 
 rors in Religion. But the faireft Colours that 
 can be put upon it, will hardly juflifie a Fact fo 
 contrary to the Rules of the Church. The In- 
 ftance was fingular, and never made a Precedent, 
 or drawn into Imitation j the general Practice of 
 the Church being, as has been mewed, to exa- 
 mine Mens Orthodoxy, and require their AfTent 
 and Subfcriptions to the Rule of Faith before 
 their Ordination. 
 
 SECT. IV. Their next Enquiry was in- 
 
 a flria Enquiry to the Morals of the Perfon to be 
 made into the Mo- ordained. And here the Exami- 
 
 rah ofltichasrvere ^ yery fftrift and accu . 
 
 to be ordained, ^ 11 cl 
 
 rate, for then the Cultom was 
 generally to ordain fuch only as were known to 
 all the People, and of whofe Life and Character 
 they were fatisfied, and could bear Teflimony to 
 them. The Bifhops and Presbyters who preflde 
 over us, fays [f] Tertullian, are advanced to that 
 Honour only by publick Teflimony. The Law 
 is, fays [m] Cyprian, to chufe Bifhops in the 
 Prefence of the People, who have perfect 
 Knowledge of every Man's Life, and are ac- 
 quainted with the Tenour of their Actions by 
 their Converfation. 
 
 SECT. v. 
 
 Upon which Account the 
 Laws forbad the Ordination of For~whuhRe*fo\ 
 Strangers in any Church to which stranger u be or- 
 they did not belong. Optatus dained m a foreign 
 makes it an Objection againft church - 
 the Donatifts, that in the Roman See they never 
 had a Bifhop, who was a Citizen of Rome, but 
 ftill their Succeflion in that City [ti] was fup- 
 plied by Africans and Strangers. Whereas on 
 the contrary he challenges [p] them to mew, 
 whenever the Church at any time brought a 
 French Man or a Spaniard into Africk j or ordain- 
 ed a Stranger to a People that knew nothing of 
 him. In the Civil Law we have a Conftitution 
 of Honorius the Emperor [/»] to this Purpofe, 
 That no Clerks fhould be ordained out of any 
 other PofTeffion or Village, but only that where 
 their Church was. Or if any thinks that De- 
 cree was made rather for Reafons of State, he 
 may read the fame in the Canons of the Church : 
 As in the Council of Eliberis, which \_q] decrees, 
 that no Stranger baptized in a foreign Country, 
 mould be ordained out of the Province where he 
 was baptized, becaufe his Life and Converfation 
 could not be known. And this Rule was gene- 
 rally obferved, except in fome extraordinary 
 Cafes, when either Publick Fame had made a 
 Man eminent and noted over all the World > 
 or there were fome particular Reafons for go- 
 ing againfl the Rule, of which I have given 
 an Account in another Place. See Book z. C. 10. 
 Seel 5. 
 
 The Strictnefs of this Exami- SECT. VI. 
 nation, as to Men's Morals, will Nor an y ° ne who 
 appear farther from this, that the had done f ubbck 
 Commiflion of any fcandalous ^hZ"" * 
 Crime, for which a Man was ob- 
 bliged to do Penance in the Church, did for e- 
 ver after, according to the Rules and Difcipline 
 of thofe Times, render that Perfon irregular and 
 uncapable of Holy Orders. For though they 
 granted Pardon and Abfolution and Lay-Com- 
 munion to all Offenders that fubmitted to the 
 Difcipline of publick Penance j yet they thought 
 it not proper to admit fuch to Clerical Dignities, 
 but excluded them from the Orders and Promo- 
 tions of the Church. Atleaft it was thus in mofl 
 of the Weftern Churches in the 4th and fth 
 Centuries, as appears from the Latin Writers of 
 thofe Ages. The Epiflles of Siricius and Inno- 
 cent mew it to have been the Practice of the Ro- 
 man Church in their Time. For Siricius [f] fays, 
 
 [/] Holften. Diflert. 3. de Synefio, ap. Valef. Not. in Theodor. 
 p. 205. [k] Valef. Not. in Evagr. lib. 1. c. if. It. Petav. 
 Vit. Synef. p. 4. [/] Tertul. Apol. c. 39. Prsefident apud 
 nos probati quique Seniores, Honorem ilium non Pretio, fed 
 Teftimonio adepti. [w] Cypr. Ep. 68. a!. 67. p. 172. E- 
 pifcopus deligatur Plebe praefente. quae fingulorum vitam plenifiime 
 novit, 5c uniufcujufque a£tum de ejus converfatione perfpexit. 
 [»] Optat. lib. 2. p. 48. Quid eft hoc, quod Pars veftra in Urbe 
 Roma Epifcopum Civem habere non potuit? Quid eft quod toti 
 Afri 8c Peregrini in ilia Civitate fibi fucceffifle nofcuntur. 
 [0] Ibid. p. fi. Nunquid nos adduximus Hifpanum aut Galium ? 
 
 Aut nos ordinavimus ignorantibus Peregrinum ? [f] Cod. Tb. 
 lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 2;. Clerici non ex alia Poflefllons 
 vel Vico, fed ex eo ubi Ecclefiam efle conftiterit, ordinentur. 
 [q] Cone. Eliber. c. 24. Omnes qui peregre fuerint baptizati, eo 
 quod eorum minime fit cognita vita, placuit, ad Clerum nor, efle 
 promovendos in alienis Provinciis. [r] Siric. Ep. 1. ad Himer. 
 Tarracon. c. 14. Poft Pcenitudinem 8c Reconciliationem nulli un- 
 quam Laico liceat honorem Clericatus adipifci : Quia quamvis fint 
 omnium peccatorum contagione mundati, nulla tamen debent ge- 
 rendorum Sacramentorum lnftrunienta fufcipere, qui dudum fue- 
 rint Vafa vitiorum. 
 
 4 
 
 no 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 no Layman after publick Penance and Reconci- 
 liation was to be admitted to the Honour of the 
 Clergy : Becaufe though they were cleanfed from 
 the Contagion of all their Sins, yet they ought 
 not to touch the Inftruments of the Sanctuary, 
 who themfelves before had been the Inftruments 
 and Veflels of Sin. The Letters of Innocent [i] 
 are to the fame purpofe. And fo for the French 
 Churches we have the Teftimony of Gennadus 
 [/] and the id Council [u] of Aries, and Agde 
 \_iv~]. And for the Spanijh Churches a Canon of 
 the ill Council [x] of Toledo, which allows not 
 Penitents to be ordained, except in Cafe of Ne- 
 ceflity, and then only to the Offices of the In- 
 ferior Orders, Door-keepers and Readers. The 
 Practice of the African Churches is evident from 
 the 4th Council of Carthage, which decrees \_y] 
 that no Penitent mould be ordained, though he 
 was a good Man at the prefent. And if any 
 fuch was ordained by the Bifhop's Ignorance, not 
 knowing his Character, he fhould be depofed, 
 becaufe he did not declare that he had been a 
 Penitent, at the Time of his Ordination. By 
 this we may underftand what Optatus means, 
 when fpeaking of the Donatijls, who made fome 
 of the Catholick Children do publick Penance 
 in the Church, he fays they thereby gave them 
 a Wound, which was intended [z] to cut them 
 off from the Benefit of Ordination j plainly re- 
 ferring to this Rule in the Church, that he who 
 had done publick Penance, was thereby made 
 uncapable of Ordination. Which feems alfo to 
 be St. Auflin's Meaning, when fpeaking of a 
 Chriftian Aftrologer, who had done Penance for 
 his Fault, he fays, his Converfion perhaps [a] 
 might make fome think he intended to get an 
 Office among the Clergy of the Church : But 
 no, fays he, he is a Penitent-, he feeks nothing 
 more but only a Pardon and Abfolution : Mean- 
 ing that a Perfon in his Circumftances could not 
 pretend to fue for Orders by the Rules and Ca- 
 nons of the Church. But we are to note, that 
 this is always to be underftood of publick Pe- 
 nance, not of private: For the Council of Gi- 
 rone or Gerunda in Catalonia exprefly makes this 
 Diftinction [b~] between publick Penance in the 
 Church, and private Penance in time of Sick- 
 nefs i making the one to incapacitate Men from 
 taking Orders, but not the other. And in all o- 
 ther Canons, where this DiftindHon is not ex- 
 prefled, it is always to be underftood. For it 
 
 was only that Penance which left fome publick 
 Mark of Difgrace upon Men, which unqualified 
 them for the Orders of the Church. But this 
 Rule might be difpenfed with in extraordinary 
 Cafes, and there are fome Learned Men who 
 think, it was not fo generally infilled on in the 
 three firft Ages of the Church. 
 
 As to particular Crimes, there sect. VII. 
 were a great many that unquali- No Murdtnr to be 
 fied Men, whether they had done oMneel > mr M f" 
 
 ri- 1 r» r terer, nor one that 
 
 publick Penance tor them or not. , ,) J, . 
 
 f, , , . had tatfed in Time 
 
 Such as the three great Crimes f verfumxon. 
 of Murder, Adultery, and Lap- 
 fing in Time of Persecution. The Council of 
 Toledo [c~] fers Murder in the Front of thofe Sins 
 which exclude Men from Holy Orders. The 
 Crime of Fornication and Adultery is noted up- 
 on the fame Account by thofe called the Apofto- 
 lical Canons [_d~], the Council of Neo-Cafarea 
 [Y], the Council of Nice [/], Eliberis [g], and 
 feveral others. Nay the Council of Neo-Cafa- 
 rea goes a little farther, and decrees [h~\ that if 
 any Man's Wife commit Adultery whilft he was 
 a Layman, he mould not be admitted to anyEc- 
 clefiaftical Function. Or if fhe committed A- 
 dultery when he was in Office, he mult give her 
 a Bill of Divorce and put her away j otherwife 
 be degraded from his Office. As to the Crime 
 of Lapfing and Sacrificing in time of Perfec- 
 tion, Origen [f] allures us it was the Cuftom of 
 the Church in his Time to exclude fuch as were 
 guilty of it, from all Ecclefiaftical Power 
 and Government. And Athanafius fays the 
 fame, that they were allowed the Privilege of 
 Repentance, but not to have any Place among 
 the Clergy. Or if any were ignorantly ordain- 
 ed, they were to be depofed as foon as they 
 were difcovered, by a Rule [/] of the great 
 Council of Nice. Which was no new Rule, 
 but the ancient Rule of the whole Catholick 
 Church : For Cyprian [m~\ fays it was agreed up- 
 on at Rome, and in Africk, and by the Bifhops 
 of the whole World, that fuch Men might be 
 admitted to Repentance; but mould be kept 
 back from the Ordinations of the Clergy, and 
 the Honour of the Priefthood. Upon this ac- 
 count the Arians themfelves, though they were 
 not much given to acl; by Rules, fometimes 
 thought fit to deny Men Ordination ; As Atha- 
 nafius [»] and Socrates [0] fay they did by Aufle- 
 
 \f\ Innoc. Ep. ii. c. 3. Ubi Pcenitentias remedium necefla- 
 rium eft : illic Ordinationis honorem locum habere non poffe. 
 [/] Gennad. de Eccl. Dogm. c. 73. [a] Cone. Arelat. 2. c. ay. 
 [w] Cone. Agath. c. 43 . De Poenitentibus nullus Clericus ordi- 
 netur. [#] Cone. Tolet. r. c. 2. Pcenitentes non admittantur 
 ad Clerum, nil! tantum neceflitas aut ufus exegerit, 8c tunc inter 
 Oftiarios deputentur, vel inter Le&ores. \_y~\ Cone. Carth. 4. 
 c. 68. Ex Poenitentibus (quamvis fit bonus) Clericus non or- 
 dinetur. Si per ignorantiam Epifcopi fa&um fuerit, deponatur a 
 Clero, quia fe Ordinationis tempore non prodidit fuifie Pceniten- 
 tem. [&] Optat. lib. 2. p. j-o. Inveniftis pueros, de Pceni- 
 tentia fauciaftis , ne aliqui ordinari potuiflent. [a] Aug. Ap- 
 pend. Enarrat. Pfal. 61. Poflet videri, quia fie converfus eft, Cle- 
 ricatum quaerere in Eccleiia. Poenitens eft : Non quxrit nil! fo- 
 lam Mifericordiam. Vid. Aug. Ep. fo. ad Bonifac. p. 87. 
 [£J Cone. Gerundenf. an. 5-17, c. o. Qui aegritudinis languore 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 depreflus, Pcenitenttae Benediftionem, quam Viaticum deputamus, 
 per Communionem acceperit; 8c poftmodum reconvalefcens ca- 
 put Pcenitentix in Eccleiia publice non fubdideritj fit prohibitis 
 vitiis non detinetur obnoxius, admittatur ad Clerum. 
 [t] Cone. Tolet. 1. can. 2. [J] Canon. Apoft. c. 61. 
 [e] Cone. Neo-casf. c. 9. 8c 10. [/] Cone. Nic. c. 2. 
 [g] Cone. Eliber. c. 30. [>] Cone. Neo-Caef. c. 8. [,] Ori- 
 gen. cont. Celf. lib, 3. p. 143. [fc] Athan. Ep. ad Ruffin. 
 Tom. 2. p. 41. [/] Cone. Nic. c. 10. [m] Cypr. Ep. 68. 
 al. 67. p. 174. Cum jampridem nobifcum , 8c cum omnibus 
 omnino Epifcopis in toto mundo conftitutis, etiam Cornelius 
 
 Collega nofter decreverit, ejufinodi homines ad pcenitentiam 
 
 quidem agendam polle admitti; ab ordmatione autem Cleri, atque 
 Sacerdotali honore prohiberi. [»] Athan. de Synod. Arim. 8c 
 Seleuc. Tom. 1. p. 887. [0] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 36. 
 
 P p rim 
 
146 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 rius the Sophift, whom they would not Ordain, 
 becaufe he had Sacrificed in time of Perfecution. 
 But they were far from being conftant to this 
 Rule i for if Philoftorgius [_p] fays true, the Lead- 
 ing Bifhops of the Arian Party, Eufebius of Ni- 
 comedia, Maris of Chalcedony Theognis of Nice, 
 Leontius of Antioch, Antonius of Tarfus, Mano- 
 phantus of Ephefus, Numenius, Eudoxius, Alexan- 
 der and Afierius of Cappadocia, all Sacrificed in 
 the Diocletian Perfecution. But then it mult be 
 owned, that fome of thefe were ordained Bi- 
 fhops in the Church, before the Arian Herefy 
 began to appear: Whence we muft conclude, 
 that either the Bifhops who ordained them, 
 knew nothing of their Lapfingi or elfe that the 
 Church her felf fometimes granted Difpenfarions 
 in this Cafe alfo. Baronius \jf\ and fome others, 
 lay it to the charge of Eufebius the Hiftorian, 
 that he Sacrificed in Time of Perfecution: Pe- 
 iavtus [r], and Huetius [/], and Mr. Pagi [t] 
 bring the fame Charge againft Origen out of Epi- 
 phanius, the firft Reporter of the Story: Whilft 
 Falefius [u] and du Pin [w~] undertake to vindi- 
 cate the Reputation of Origen from fo foul an 
 Afperfionj And Hanckius [x] and Dr. Cave [jy] 
 do the fame for Eufebius. I will not interpofe in 
 thefe Controverfies, but only obferve, that if the 
 Accufations brought againft thofe two Perfons 
 were true, the Confequence muft be, either that 
 Perfons who had lapfed might be ordained, or at 
 leaft continue in their Orders undepofed, when 
 the Church faw fit to difpenfe with her Ordina- 
 ry Rule } which probably was not fo ftrict, but 
 that it might admit of fome Relaxation when 
 proper Occafions and Cafes Extraordinary feem- 
 ed to require it. 
 
 sect. viil. Another Crime which un- 
 No ufurer, orSedi- qualified Men for Orders in thofe 
 thus Ferfon. Times, was Sedition or Rebel- 
 
 lion : For he that flood convicted of Treafona- 
 ble Practices was never to be Ordained. This 
 appears from the fourth Council [z] of Carthage, 
 which joyns the Seditious and Ufurers together, 
 and excludes them both from Ordination. As to 
 the Crime of Ufury, I fhall not here ftand to 
 explain the Nature of it, which will be done in 
 a more convenient Place [zz], but only ob- 
 ferve, that this Crime in the Senfe in which the 
 Ancients condemned it, was of fuch an odious 
 and fcandalous Nature, as to debar Men that had 
 been guilty of it, from the Honour and Privi- 
 lege of Ordination. Whence Gennadius fpeak- 
 ing of the Practice of the Latin Church, and 
 the Qualifications required in Perfons to be or- 
 dained, fays, they muft not be Men convicted of 
 taking Ufury [a]. In the Greek Church, at leaft 
 
 in the Province of Cappadocia,, the Rule feems 
 not to have been altogether fo ftrict: For Sz.Ba- 
 JiPs Canons [£] do not abfolutely exclude fuch 
 horn the Miniftry, but allow them to be Or- 
 dained, provided they firft gave away to the 
 Poor what they had gained by Ufury, and 
 promifed not to excrcifc it for the future. 
 
 Another Crime which sect. ix. 
 made a Man Irregular, and de- one-mho had vo- 
 barred him from the Privilege of ?™> Difme ! n ' 
 
 s-\ j • . i t-x • /" ° • bred h' s own Body. 
 
 Ordination, was the Disfiguring J 
 or Difmembring of his own Body. If any Man 
 indeed happened to be Born an Eunuch, there 
 was no Law againft his Ordination: For Eu- 
 febius [c] fays, Dorotheus Presbyter of Antioch 
 was an Eunuch from his Mother's Womb > And 
 Socrates [_d~] and Sozomen fay of Tigris Presbyter 
 of Conftantinople, that he was made an Eunuch 
 by a Barbarian Mafter. Or if a Man had fufTer- 
 ed the lofs of any Member by the Cruelty of the 
 Perfecutors, as many Confeflbrs in the Dioclefian 
 Perfecution had their right Eyes bored out, and 
 their left Legs infeebled } in that Cafe there was 
 no Prohibition of their Ordination, except they 
 were utterly incapacitated from doing the Office 
 of Minifters, by being made Blind, or Deaf, or 
 Dumbj for fo thofe called the Apoftolical Ca- 
 nons [e] determined : A Man that had loft an 
 Eye, or is maimed in his Leg, may be ordained 
 Bifhop, if he be othervvife Worthy. For it is 
 not any Imperfection of Body that defiles a 
 Man, but the Pollution of his Soul. Yet if a 
 Man is Deaf or Blind, he fhall not be made Bi- 
 fhop > not becaufe he is polluted, but becaufe he 
 will not be able to perform the Duties of his 
 Function. The Council of Nice adds a 3d Cafe, 
 in which it was not lawful to ordain difmembred 
 Perfons, which was when in Cafe of a mortal 
 Diftemper the Phyficians thought it neceflary to 
 cut off one Limb of the Body to fave the 
 whole. All thefe were excepted Cafes, and the 
 Prohibition of the Canon did not extend to 
 them : But the Crime was when any one dif- 
 membred himfelf in Health, as the Nicene Ca- 
 non [/] words it 5 fuch an one was not to be 
 ordained, or if he was ordained when he com- 
 mitted the Fact, he was to be depofed. The 
 Apoftolical Canons [g] give this Reafon for it, 
 becaufe fuch an one is in effect a Self-Murderer, 
 and an Enemy of the Workmanlhip of God. 
 Nor was it any Excufe in this Cafe, that a Man 
 made himfelf an Eunuch out of pretended Piety, 
 or to avoid Fornication. For fuch were liable 
 to the Penalty of the Canon, as well as any o- 
 thers j which is noted by Gennadius \h~~\ and the 
 Council p] of Aries. And indeed the firft Rea- 
 
 [f] Philoftorg. lib. 2. c. 14. [q~] Baron, ad an. 335*. n. 8. 
 [r] Petav. Animadverf. in Epiphan. Hxr. 64. n. 2. [*] Huet. 
 Origenian. lib. 1. c. 4. [/] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. n. 6. 
 [»] Valef. Nor. in Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 39. [>] Du Pin Biblio- 
 tlieque Tom i. p. 444. [x] Hanckius de Scriptor. Byzantin. 
 Par. 1. c. 1. n. ij-8. [y] Cave Hift. Liter. Vol. 1. p. 128. 
 [z] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 67. Seditionarios nunquam ordinandos 
 Clericos, ficut nee Ufuarios. [z,z] Book 6. [a] Gennad. de 
 
 Ecclef. Dogm. c. 73. Neque ilium qui Ufuras accepifle convin- 
 citur. [£] Bafil. Can. 14. ap. Bevereg. Pandect. Tom. 2. 
 [c] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 32. [</] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 15-. Sozom. 
 lib. 8. c. 24. [e] Canon. Apoft. c. 76. 8c 77. [/] Cone. Nic. 
 c.i. [g] Canon. Apoft. c. 21. [£] Ccnnad. de Ecclef. 
 Dogm. c. 73. [/] Cone. Arelat. 2. c. 7. Si qui fe, carnali vi- 
 tio repugnare nefcientes, abfeindunt, ad Clerum pervenire non pof- 
 funt. 
 
 fon 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 147 
 
 fon of making the Canon was to prevent the 
 mistaken Notion of Piety, which had once pof- 
 fcffed Origen [*], who taking thofe Words of 
 our Saviour, 'There are fome that make t hem/elves 
 Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's Sake, in a 
 wrong Senfe, fulfilled them Literally upon him- 
 felf. And the Valefian Hereticks carried the 
 Matter a little farther, afferting, that Men ought 
 to ferve God after that Manner ^ and therefore 
 they both made themfelves Eunuchs, and all that 
 came over to them, as St. Auftin [/] informs us. 
 It was to correct and difcountenance thefe enor- 
 mous Opinions and Practices, that the Church 
 at firft made this Rule* which was fo nicely ob- 
 ferved, that we fcarce meet with two Inftances 
 to the contrary in After-ages. Leontius made 
 himfelf an Eunuch, to avoid Sufpicion in his 
 Converfe with the Virgin Euflolium; but he was 
 depofed from the Office of Presbyter for the Fact, 
 and it gave occasion to the Council of Nice to 
 renew the ancient Canon againft fuch Practices ; 
 fo that when the Arians afterward ordained him 
 Bifhop of Antioch, the Historians \_m~] tell us, 
 the Catholicks generally declaimed againft his 
 Ordination as Uncanonical. The only Inftance 
 that looks like a Difpenfation with this Rule, is 
 what we have in Baronius concerning T'imotheus 
 Bifhop of Alexandria his Ordaining Amnion the 
 Egyptian Monk, 'who to avoid being Ordained 
 had cut off his own right Ear, to make himfelf 
 Irregular j notwithstanding which, Baronius [»] 
 fays, Timotheus ordained him, and justified what 
 he did with this Expression : That this Law in- 
 deed was obferved by the Jews; but for his own 
 part, if they brought to him a Man without a 
 Nofe, that was but of good Morals, he would 
 ordain him Bifhop. But there is fome reafon to 
 question the Truth of this Narration j for not 
 only Palladius, whom Baronius cites, but Socrates 
 and [o] Sozomen in telling the Story, feem rather 
 to intimate that he was not Ordained. However 
 fuppofing it to be true, it is a singular Inftance, 
 and we fhall hardly find fuch another in all the 
 History of the Church. Which fhews how 
 cautious the Ancients were in obferving this 
 Rule, that they might not bring any Disrepute 
 or Scandal upon the Church. 
 
 SECT. X. But in all thefe and the like 
 
 Men only account a- Cafes there is one thing particu- 
 
 bk for Crimes com- larly to be obferved , that the 
 
 muted afur Bap- Crimes which made Men irregu- 
 
 tifm « to "hat , generally underftood to 
 
 concerned Ordina- . * r . *? J . , 
 
 tm be iuch only as were committed 
 
 after Baptifm. For all Crimes 
 committed before Baptifm were fuppofed to be 
 fo purged away in the Waters of Baptifm, as 
 that a perfect Amnefty pafled upon them, and 
 Men notwithstanding them were capable of Or- 
 dination. So that not only the Crimes which 
 Men committed whilft they were Heathens, but 
 
 fuch as they fell into when they were Catechu- 
 mens, were overlooked in this Enquiry, when 
 their Morals came to be examined for Ordina- 
 tion. This is evident not only from the known 
 Cafe of St. Aufiin, whofe Faults were never ob- 
 jected to him at his Ordination, becaufe th 
 were only fuch as preceded his Baptifm ; but al- 
 fo from the Rule made in the Council of Ancy- 
 ra, in the Cafe of fuch as lapfed into Idolatry 
 whilft they were only Catechumens. For the 
 Canon [_p] fays, That fuch as Sacrificed before 
 Baptifm, and were afterward Baptized, might be 
 promoted to Ecclesiastical Dignities, as Perfons 
 that were clcanfed from all Crimes by the San- 
 ctification of Baptifm. 'Tis true, only that one 
 Crime of Sacrificing is here fpecified ; but by 
 Parity of Reafon the Rule must be underftood 
 to extend to all other Cafes of the like Nature: 
 And fo the Practice of the Church has common- 
 ly determined it. 
 
 Yet here again we muft ob- SECT. XI. 
 ferve, that if any great Irregula- Except any great ir- 
 rity happened in Men's Baptifm regularity I opened 
 it felf, fuch Crimes were always m *W r B *tf m * 
 objeaed againft them, to debar 
 them from Ordination. Thus it 
 was frequently with thofe who were Baptized 
 only with Clinick Baptifm, in Time of Sickness 
 or urgent Necessity, when they had carelefly de- 
 ferred their Baptifm to fuch a Critical Moment, 
 and might have had it fooner, had it not been 
 their own Default. This Delaying of Baptifm 
 was always esteemed a very great Crime, and 
 worthy of fome Ecclesiastical Cenfure: And 
 therefore the Church, among other Methods 
 which fhe took to difcountenance the Practice 
 of it, thought fit to punifh Perfons who had. 
 been Guilty of it, and had put themfelves upon 
 the Fatal Necessity of a Clinick Baptifm, by de- 
 nying them Ordination. We have a Canon in 
 the Council of Neo-Cafarea [f], to this pur- 
 pofe: If any Man is Baptized only in Time of 
 Sicknefs, he fhall not be Ordained a Presbyter; 
 becaufe his Faith was not Voluntary, but as in 
 were of Constraint; except his fubfequent Faith 
 and Diligence recommend him, or elfe the fear- 
 city of Men make it neceflary to ordain him. 
 And that this was an old Rule of the Church, 
 appears from the Account which Cornelius [r] 
 gives of the Ordination of Novatian to be Pref- 
 byter. He fays, the Clergy and many of the 
 People objected againft it, alledging, that it was 
 not Lawful to Ordain one who had been Bapti- 
 zed upon his Bed in Time of Sicknefs ; and than 
 the Bifhop was forced to intercede with them, 
 to give way to his Ordination, as a Matter of 
 Grace and Favour. Which fhews, that the Or- 
 dination of fuch was contrary to the common 
 Rule and Practice of the Church. 
 
 [k] Vid. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 8. Epiphan. Haer. 64. n. 3. [/] Aug. 
 de Hseref. c. 37. Valelii 5c feipfos caftrant, 8c hofpites {bos, hoc 
 modo exiftimantes Deo fe debere fervire. [m] Socrat. lib. 2. c. 
 16. Theodor, lib. 2. c. 24. [»] Baron, an. 38J. p. 613. 
 
 [0] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 23. Sozom. lib. 7. c. 30. Pallad. Hift. L3u(iac. 
 c. 12. [/>] Cone. Ancyr. c. 12. [ef\ Cone. Neo-Csef. c. 
 jfe. [r] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 43. 
 
 In 
 
148 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IV. 
 
 sect. XII. I N like manner they who were 
 And Heretical b*$- Baptized by Hereticks, were not 
 *^ m ' ordinarily allowed Clerical Pro- 
 
 motion, wften they returned to the Bofom of 
 the Catholick Church. The Council of Elibe- 
 ris is very peremptory [s] in its Decree, That 
 whatever Herefy they came from, they fhould 
 not be Ordained : Or if any fuch were already 
 Ordained, they fhould be undoubtedly degraded. 
 Pope Innocent [t] teftifies for the fame Practice 
 in the Roman Church, faying, It is the Cuftorn 
 of our Church, to grant only Lay-Communion 
 to thofe that return from Hereticks, by whom 
 they were Baptized, and not to admit any of 
 them to the very lowed Order of the Clergy. 
 But it muft be confeft, that the Council of blue 
 difpenfed with the Novatians [u] in this refpect, 
 allowing their Clergy, though both Baptized 
 and Ordained among them, to be received with 
 Impofition of Hands, and retain their Orders in 
 the Church. And the African Fathers granted 
 the fame Indulgence to the Donatifls, to encou- 
 rage them to return to the Unity of the Catho- 
 lick Church. For in the Council of Carthage, 
 An. 397, which is inferted into the African [w] 
 Code, a Propofal was made, that fuch as had 
 been Baptized among the Donatifis in their In- 
 fancy, by their Parents Fault, without their own 
 Knowledge and Confent, fhould upon their Re- 
 turn to the Church, be allowed the Privilege of 
 Ordination: And in the next Council [#J the 
 Propofal was accepted, and a Decree part ac- 
 cordingly in favour of them. By which we 
 may underftand, that this was a Piece of Difci- 
 pline, that might be infilled on or waved, ac- 
 cording as Church - Governors in Prudence 
 thought moft for the Benefit and Advantage of 
 the Church. But in cafe the Perfons fo return- 
 ing had been baptized by fuch Hereticks, whofe 
 Baptifm was null, and to be reiterated in the 
 Church > as the Baptifm of the Paulia/afis, or 
 Samofatenian Hereticks was* in that Cafe it was 
 determined by the great Council of Nice, that 
 fuch Perfons when they were rebaptized, might 
 be [jy] ordained. For Baptifm, as has been no- 
 ted before, fet Men clear of all Crimes : And 
 their former Baptifm being null, that was reck- 
 oned their only Baptifm, which they received at 
 their Return to the Catholick Church ; and no 
 Crimes committed before that were then to pre- 
 judice their Ordination in the Church. 
 
 SECT. XIII. I cannot here omit to mention 
 No Man to be or- another Qualification required of 
 damed, who had p er f ons t o be ordained, becaufe 
 it was of great Ufe and Service 
 in the Church j which was, That 
 
 Family Catholick 
 Chriftians. 
 
 none fhould be admitted at lean: 
 
 to the Superior Degrees of Bifhops, Presbyters, 
 or Deacons, before they had made all the Mem- 
 bers of their Family Catholick Chriltians. This 
 is a Rule We find in the 3d Council of Carthage 
 fz], which was equally defigned to promote the 
 Conversion of Pagans, Jews, Hereticks, and 
 Schifmaticks, who are all oppofed to Catholick 
 Chriltians: And it was a very proper Rule in 
 that Cafe* fince nothing could be more difad- 
 vantageous or difhonourable to Religion, than to 
 have any Countenance or fecret Encouragement 
 given to its Oppofers, by thofe who were de- 
 figned to ferve at the Altar. Befides that this 
 was but a proper W ay of making Reprifals up- 
 on the Heathen Religion. For Julian had made 
 a like Decree for his Pagan Priefts, in Oppofi- 
 tion to the Chriftians j charging Arfacius, High- 
 Prieft of Galatia, that he fhould admit none [a] 
 to the Prkft's Office, who tolerated either Ser- 
 vants or Children, or Wives that were Galileans $ 
 and did not come with their whole Family and 
 Retinue to the Worfhip of the Gods in the I- 
 dol-Tcmples. It had been a great Omiflion and 
 Oversight in the Governors of the Chriftian 
 Church, had they not been as careful to fecurc 
 the Intere^ ihe true Religion in the Families 
 of the' - Minifters, as that Pagan Prince was to 
 fecure a falfe Religion among his Idol-Priefts : 
 And therefore had there been nothing more than 
 Emulation in the Cafe, yet that had been a 
 iufficicnt Reafon to have laid this Injunction 
 upon all the Candidates of the Chriftian Prieft- 
 hood. 
 
 There is but one Quali- sect. Xiv. 
 fication more I fhall mention Wh* 1 Methods vert 
 under this Head, which was, Mcimtl y taken ta 
 That Men fhould come ho- ^Lm" 
 neftly and legally to their Pre- 
 ferment, and ufe no indirect or finifter Arts 
 to procure themfelves an Ordination. Merit, 
 and not Bribery, was to be their Advocate, 
 and the only thing to be confidered in all E- 
 lections. in the three firft Ages, whilft the 
 Preferments were fmall, and the Perfecutions 
 great, there was no great Danger of ambitious 
 Spirits, nor any great Occaflon to make Laws 
 againft Simoniacal Promotions. For then Mar- 
 tyrdom was as it were a Thing annexed to 
 a Bifhoprickj and the firft Perfons that were 
 commonly aimed and ftruck at, were the Ru- 
 lers and Governors of the Church. But in 
 After -ages, Ambition and Bribery crept in 
 among other Vices, and then fevere Laws 
 were made both in Church and State to check 
 and prevent them. Sulpitius Severus takes no- 
 tice of this Difference betwixt the Ages of 
 Perfecution, and thofe that follow'd, when he 
 
 [s] Cone. Eliber. c. fi. Ex omni Hacrefi qui ad nos Fidelis 
 venerit, minime eft ad Clerum promovendus. Vel fi qui funt in 
 praeteritum ordinati, fine dubio deponentur. [/] Innoc. Ep. 12. 
 Noftrae Lex Eccleiiae eft, venientibus ab Haereticis, qui tamcn illic 
 baptizati funt, per manus Impofitionem Laicam tantum tribuere 
 Communionem, nec ex his aliquem in Clericatus honorem vel 
 exiguum fubrogare. [»] Cone. Nic. c. 8. ^(rigf^m/xfyta 
 
 £tu75Aj [live-v y.tco( hi TTfS ?iXnf6t>. [w] Cod. Can. Afric. c. 48. 
 al. 47. [*] lbi<\ c. f8. al. $7. [ y] Cone. Nic. c. 19. 
 dvet6&7fli&iv]i{ e ~c TWto&vGav . [ z, ] Cone. Carth. 5. c. 
 18. Uc Epifcopi, Presbyteii, & Di co li non ordinentur, priufquam 
 omnes qui funt in domo eoium C t rift ia nos Catholic os fecerint. 
 [a] Julian. Ep. ad Arfac. ap. Sozcr en. lb. f. c. 16. 
 
 7 fays 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 J49 
 
 fays 0], that in the former, Men ftrove who 
 fhould run fafteft to thofe glorious Combats, and 
 more greedily fought for Martyrdom by honour- 
 able Deaths, than in After-times by wicked Am- 
 bitions they fought for the Bifhopricks of the 
 Church. This implies, that in the Age when 
 Sulpitius lived, in the f th Century, fome irregu- 
 lar Arts were ufed by particular Men to advance 
 themfelves to the Preferments of the Church. 
 To correct whofe Ambition and ill Defigns, the 
 Church inflicted very fevere Cenfures upon all 
 fuch as were found guilty of Simony, or as fome 
 then [c] called it, xywjrofaav, the felling of 
 Chrift. The Council of Chalcedon decreed [/], 
 That if any Bifhop gave Ordination, or an Ec- 
 clefiaftical Office or Preferment of any kind for 
 Money, he himfelf fhould lofe his Office, and 
 the Party fo preferred be depofed. And the 
 Reader may find feveral other Conttitutions of 
 the fame Import in thofe called the Apoftolical 
 Canons [<?], the Council of Conftantinople [/] 
 under Gennadius, Ann. dfp, the id Council of 
 Orleans [g], Bracara [h~] and many others. The 
 Imperial Laws alfo were very properly contriv'd 
 to prevent this Abufe. For by one of Juftiniatfs 
 
 Laws [t] it was enacted, That whenever a Bi- 
 fhop was to be chofen, the Electors themfelves 
 fhould take an Oath, and infert it into the Ele- 
 ction-Paper, that they did not chufc him for any 
 Gift, or Promife, or Fricndfhip, or any other 
 Caufe, but only becaufe they knew him to be a 
 Man of the true Catholick Faith, and an un- 
 blameable Life, and good Learning. And in a- 
 nothcr of his Laws, where the fame Injunction 
 is repeated, 'tis farther provided, That the Par- 
 ty elected fhall alfo at the time of his Ordina- 
 tion take an Oath, upon the Holy Gofpels, that 
 he neither gave [_k~] nor promrfed, by himfelf or 
 others, nor hereafter will give to his Ordainer, 
 or to his Electors, or any other Pcrfon^ any 
 thing to procure him an Ordination. And for 
 any Bifhop to ordain another without obferving 
 the Rule prefcribed, is Depofition by the fame 
 Law, both for himfelf and the other whom he 
 ordained. Thefe were fome of thofe ancient 
 Rules to be obferved in the Examination of 
 Men's Lives and Morals, before they were con- 
 fecrated to the facred Function, or admitted to 
 ferve in any of the chief Offices of the Church. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the ^uahficatiom of Perfons to he ordained, refpeBing their outward 
 
 State and Condition in the World. 
 
 SECT. I. \ Third Enquiry was made 
 Ki> Soldier to be or- f\ i nto Men's outward State 
 d * ined - and Condition in the World. 
 
 For there were fome Callings and States of Life, 
 which debarred Men from the Privilege of Or- 
 dination, not becaufe they were elteemed abfo- 
 lutely finful Vocations, but becaufe the Duties 
 attending them were commonly incompatible 
 and inconfiftent with the Offices of the Clergy. 
 Of this Nature were all thofe Callings, which 
 come under the general Name of Militia. Roma- 
 na, which we cannot fo properly englifh, the 
 Military Life, as, the Service of the Empire. 
 For it includes feveral Offices, as well Civil, as 
 Military : The Romans, as Gothofred and other 
 Learned Perfons have obferved, calling all 
 Inferior Offices by the Name of Militia: So 
 there were three forts of it, Militia Palatina, 
 Militia Caftrenfis or Armata, and Militia Prafi* 
 
 dialis or Cohortalis : The ^rft including the Offi- 
 cers of the Emperor's Palace; the fecond, the 
 armed Soldiery of the Camp; and the third, 
 the Apparitors and Officials of Judges and Go- 
 vernors of Provinces; all which were fo tied to 
 their Service, that they could not forfake their 
 Station: And for that Reafon the Laws of the 
 State forbad any of them to be entertained as 
 Ecclefiaffcicks, or ordained among the Clergy. 
 Honorius [b~] the Emperor particularly made a 
 Law to this purpofe, That no one who was o- 
 riginally tied to the Military Life, as fome were 
 even by Birth, fhould either before or after they 
 were entred upon that Life, take upon them any 
 Clerical Office, or think to excufe themfelves 
 from rheir Service under the Notion of beco- 
 ming Ecclcfiaftical Perfons. The Canons of 
 the Church feem to have carried the Matter a 
 little farther : For they forbad the Ordination of 
 
 [£J Sever. Hift. lib. 2. p. 99. Certatim in g'oriofa certamina 
 ruebatur, multoque avidius turn Martyria gloriolis mortibus quxre- 
 bantur, quam nunc Epifcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. 
 [c] Vid. Epift. Alexandri Alexandrini ap. Theodor. lib. 1. c. 4. 
 [</] Cone. Chalced. c. 2. [e] Canon. Apod. c. 29. [/] Cone. 
 CP. Epift. Synod. Con. Tom. 4. p. io2f. [g~\ Cone. Aurel. 2. 
 c. 3. 8c 4. [b] Bracar. 2. c. 3. [/] Juftin Novel. 125. c. 1. 
 Propofitis eis facrofanctis Evangeliis, periculo fuarum animarum 
 dicentes in ipfis Decretis, quia neque proprer aliquam Donationem, 
 nec Promidionem, aut Amicitiam, aut aliam quamlibet caulam, 
 fed fcientes eos re<ftre & Catholics: Fidei, gc honelte eiTe Vita;, &. 
 literas node, hos elegerunt. [k~\ Novel. 137. c. 2. Ju?juran- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 dum lutem fufcipere eum qui ordinafur, per Divinas Scripturas, 
 quod neque per le ipfum neque per aliam Perfonam dedir quid, aut" 
 promifit, neque pofthac dabit, vel Ordinanti ipfum, vel his qui fa- 
 cra pro eo Suffragia fecerunt, vel alii cuiquam Ordinationis de ipfo 
 faciendx nomine, &c. [a] Gothofred. Com. in Cod. Th. lib. 
 1 2. tit. 1. de Decurion. leg. 63. Valef. Not. in Sozomen. lib. 
 c. 4. Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 375-. n. 11. [£] Cod. Th. lib. 7. 
 tir. 20. de Veteranis leg. 1 2. Quoniam plurimos vel ante militiam, 
 vel poft inchoatam, nec peraclam, latere objeclu pis Religionis ag- 
 
 novimus, dum fe quidam vocabulo Clericorum defendunt, 
 
 nulli omnino tali exculari objedtione permittimus, 8cc. 
 
 Q q any 
 
ISO 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IV* 
 
 any who had been Soldiers after Baptifm, be-^ 
 caufe they might perhaps have embrucd their 
 Hands in Blood. This appears from the Letters 
 of Innocent 1. who blames the Spanijh Churches 
 [c~] for admitting fuch Perfons into Orders, al- 
 ledging the Canons of the Church againft it. 
 The firft Council of Toledo forbids any fuch to 
 be ordained Deacons, though they had never 
 been concerned in lhedding of Blood * becaufe 
 [d] though they had not actually fhed Blood, yet 
 by entering upon the Military Life they had 
 obliged themfelves, if Occafion had fo required, 
 to have done it. Which feems to import, that 
 Soldiers might be allowed in the Inferior Ser- 
 vices, but were not to be admitted to the Sacred 
 and Superior Orders of the Church. 
 
 sect. II. Another State of Life, 
 
 Nor any slave or which debarred Men from the 
 WmM without Privilege f Ordination, was that 
 
 pt™ of Slaves or Vaffals in the . Roman 
 
 Empire j who being originally 
 
 tied by Birth or Puuchafe to their Patron's or 
 Mafter's Service, could not legally be ordained, 
 becaufe the Service of the Church was incom- 
 patible with their other Duties} and no Man 
 was to be defrauded of his Right under Pretence 
 of an Ordination. In this Cafe therefore the 
 Patron was always to be confulted, before the 
 Servant was ordained. Thus in one of t'lofe 
 called the Apoftolical [<?] Canons we find a D'- 
 cree, that no Servants mould be admitted among 
 the Clergy without the Confent of their Ma- 
 ilers, to the Grievance of the Owners, and Sub- 
 version of their Families. But if a Servant be 
 found worthy of an Ecclefiaftical Promotion, as 
 Onefimus was, and his Mailer give his Confent, 
 and grant him his Freedom, and let him go 
 forth from his Houfe, he may be ordained. The 
 Council of Toledo [/] has a Canon to the fame 
 Purpofe. And the Council of Eliberis \_g] goes 
 a little farther, and fays, Though a fecular Ma- 
 iler, that is, an Heathen, as Albafyinaus inter- 
 prets it, had made his Servant a Freeman, he 
 ihould not be Ordained. The Reafon of which 
 is conceived to be, that fuch Mailers gave them 
 only a Conditional Freedom, and Hill retained a 
 Right to exa6t certain Services and Manual La- 
 bours of them, which would not conlill with 
 the Service of the Church. The Imperial Laws 
 
 alfo \h~] made Provifion in this Cafe, that no 
 Perfons under fuch Obligations mould be admit- 
 ted to any Office of the Clergy } Or if they 
 were admitted, merely to evade their Obligations 
 their Mailers mould have Power to recall thern 
 to their Service, unlefs they were Bilhops or 
 Presbyters, or had continued thirty Years in 
 fome other Office of the Church. By which it 
 appears, that the Ordination of fuch Perfons was 
 prohibited only upon a Civil Account $ not be- 
 caufe that State of Life was Sinful, or that it 
 was any Undervaluing or Difgrace to the Fun- 
 ction to have fuch Perfons Ordained, but becaufe 
 the Duties of the Civil and Ecclefiaftical State 
 would not well confilt together. 
 
 For the fame Reafon the sect HI 
 Laws forbad the Ordination of Nor any Member of 
 any Perfons, who were incorpo- a civil company or 
 rated into any Society for the Socm y °f T**<le{- 
 Service of the Common- wealth, mm ] who mre tie * 
 unlefs they had firft obtained the '^'ZZ'Jt 
 leave of the Society, and Prince, 
 under whom they ferved. This is the meaning 
 of that Law [z] of Juftinian, which forbids any 
 of thofe called -ara^w^, or Cohortales, that is, 
 the Off ers or Apparitors of Judges, to be Or- 
 dained unlefs they had firft fpent Fifteen Years 
 in a Monaftick Life. And the firft Council of 
 O -leans [k] requires exprelly either the Com- 
 mand of the Prince, or the Confent of the 
 
 T,_ i 
 
 'ge, before any fuch fecular Officer be Or- 
 dained. By the Laws of Theodofius Junior [TJ 
 and Valentinian 3d all Corporation-Men are 
 forbidden to be Ordained; and if any fuch were 
 Ordained among the Inferior Clergy, they were 
 to be reconciled by their Refpe&ive Companies } 
 If among the Superior, Bilhops, Presbyters, or 
 Deacons, they mull provide a proper Subftitute, 
 qualified with their Eftate to ferve in the Com- 
 pany from whence they were taken. The Rea- 
 der that is curious in this matter, may find feve- 
 ral other Laws in the Theodofian Code (V) made 
 by the elder Valentinian and Theodofius the Great, 
 with refpect to particular Civil Societies fo in- 
 corporated for the Ufe of the Publick j no Mem- 
 ber of which might be Ordained , but either 
 they mull quit their Eftates, or be liable to be 
 recalled to the Service which they had unwar- 
 rantably forfaken. 
 
 [c] Innoc. Ep. 24. c. i. Quantos ex Militia, qui cum Potefta- 
 tibus obedierunt, fevera neccflario praecepta funt executi. Ibid, 
 c. 4. Ne quifpiam qui poft Baptifmum militaverit, ad ordinem de- 
 beat Clericatus admitti. Vid. Ep. 2. ad Vi&ricium Rothomagenf. 
 c. 2. Cone. Tolet. 1. c. 8. Si quis poft Baptifmum mili- 
 
 taverit, 8c Chlamydem fumpferit, aut Cingulum ad necandos Fi- 
 deles, etiamfi gravia non admiferit, fi ad Clerum admiflus fuerit, 
 Diaconii non accipiat dignitatem. [e] Canon. Apoft. c. 12. 
 [/] Cone. Tolet. 1. c. 10. Clericos, fi quidem obligati fint vel 
 pro vEquatione, vel de genere alicujus domus non ordirundos, niii 
 probatae vitae fuerint, 8c Patroni confenfus acceflerit. [g\ Cone. 
 Eliber. c. 80. Prohibendum eft, ut Liberti, quorum Patroni in fx- 
 culo fuerint, ad Clerum provehantur. [h] Valent. 3. Novel. 
 12. ad Calcem Cod. Th. Nullus Originarius, Inquilinus, Servus, 
 
 vel Colonus ad Clericale munus accedat ut vinculum debits 
 
 conditionis evadafc — — Originarii fane vel Servi, qui jugum Nata- 
 
 lium declinantes , ad Ecclefiafticum fe Ordinem tranftulcrunt, ex- 
 ceptis Epifcopis 8c Presbyteris, ad Dominorum jura recedant, fi 
 non in eodem Officio annum Tricefimum complerunt. 
 [»'] Juftin. Novel. 122. c. 15-. Sed neque Cohortales, neque De- 
 
 curiones Ckrici fiunto. Dempto fi Monachicam aliquis ex ipfis 
 
 vitam non minus quindecim annis tranfegerit. [fc] Cone. Au- 
 rel. 1. c. 4. Nullus Ssecularium ad Clericatus Officium prafuma- 
 tur, nifi aut cum Regis juffione, aut cum judicis voluntate. 
 [ / ] Theodof. Novel. 26. de Corporatis Urbis Roma;, ad Calcem 
 Cod. Th, [m] Valentin. Novel. 12. ibid. [»] .Cod. Th. 
 lib. 14. tit. 4. de Suariis. Leg. 8. Eos qui ad Clericatus fe Privile- 
 gia contulerunt, aut agnofcere oportet propriam Fun&ionem, aut 
 ei Corpori, quod declinant, proprii Patrimonii facere cefilonem. 
 Vid. Ibid. 1. 14. tit. 3. de Piftoribus leg. u. It. lib. 8. tit. f. de 
 Curfu Publico. Leg. 46. 
 
 Fo R 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 SECT. iv. For Rcafons of the fame Na- 
 
 Kor any of tbeCu- ture, the Canons were precife in 
 
 rialcs, or Decurio- f or bidding the Ordination of any 
 
 wdoftkt Roman f thofe w hoare commonly 
 
 Government. ^ ^ Name Qf 
 
 or Decuriones, in the Government j that 
 
 is fuch as were Members of the Curia, the 
 Court, or Common- Council of every City. 
 Thefe were Men, who by vertue of their E- 
 ftates were tied to bear the Office of their Coun- 
 try } fo that out of their Body were chofen all 
 Civil Officers, the Magiftrates of every City, 
 the Collectors of the Publick Revenue, the O- 
 verfeers of all Publick Works, the Pontifices or 
 Flamens, who exhibited the Publick Games and 
 Shews to the People, with abundance of others, 
 whofe Offices are fpccified by Gothofred [o] to 
 the number of Twenty Two, which I need not 
 here recite. Thefe were always Men of Eftates, 
 whofe fubftance amounted to the Value of Three 
 Hundred Solids ; which is the Sum that is fpc- 
 cified by Theodofius Junior [/>], as qualifying a 
 Man to be a Member of the Curia-, And both 
 they and, their Eftates were fo tied to Civil Offi- 
 ces, that no Member of that Body was to be 
 admitted into any Ecclefiaftical Office, till he 
 had firft difcharged all the Offices of his Coun- 
 try, or elfe provided a proper Subltitute, one of 
 his Relations qualified with his Eftate to bear 
 Offices in his Room : Otherwife the Perfon fo 
 Ordained was liable by the Laws of the Empire 
 (of which I give a more particular Account 
 hereafter [_pp] in the next Book) to be called 
 back by the Curia from an Ecclefiaftical to a fe- 
 cular Life again. Which was fuch an Inconve- 
 nience to the Church, that fhe her felf made 
 Laws to prohibit the Ordination of any of thefe 
 Curiales, to avoid the Trouble and Moleftation, 
 which was commonly the Confequent of their 
 Ordination. St. Ambrofe \_q~\ aflures us, that 
 fometimes Presbyters and Deacons, who were 
 thus Ordained out of the Curiales, were fetch'd 
 back to ferve in Curial Offices, after they had 
 been Thirty Years and more in the Service of 
 the Church. And therefore to prevent this Ca- 
 lamity, the Council of Illyricum, mentioned by 
 Theodorct [r], made a Decree, that Presbyters 
 and Deacons fhould always be chofen out of the 
 Inferior Clergy, and not out of thefe Curiales, 
 or any other Officers of the Civil Government. 
 Innocent Bifhop of Rome frequently refers to this 
 Rule of the Church [f] in his Epiftles, where 
 he gives two Reafons againft their Ordination : 
 Firft, That they were often recalled by the Cu- 
 
 ria to ferve in Civil Offices, which brought fome 
 Tribulation upon the Church. Secondly, Be- 
 caufe many of them had ferved in the Office of 
 Flamens [t] after Baptifm, and were crowned as 
 the Heathen High-Priefts were ufed to be, while 
 they Exhibited the Publick Games and Shews to 
 the People. Which though it was indulged by 
 the Civil Law in Chriftian Magiftrates, yet the 
 Church reckoned it a Crime, for which Men 
 were fometimes obliged to do Publick Penance, 
 as appears from the Canons [u] of the Council 
 of Eliberis'y and confequently fuch a Crime, as 
 made Men irregular and uncapable of Ordina- 
 tion. So that upon both Accounts thefe Curia- 
 les were to be excluded from the Orders of the 
 Church. And though this Rule by the Impor- 
 tunity of Men was fometimes Tranlgrefled, yet 
 the Laws both of Church and State always ftood 
 in force againft fuch Ordinations j and fometimes 
 the Ordainers themfclves were Punifhed with 
 Ecclefiaftical Cenfures. Of which there is a fa- 
 mous Inftance related by Sozomen [w~], who fays 
 the Council of Conftantinople, Ann. 360, depofed 
 Neonas from his Bifhoprick for ordaining fome 
 of thefe Curiales Bifhops. Sozomen indeed calls 
 them TlchiT&Jofjfyja: but that is but another Name 
 for Curiales, whom r he Greeks otherwife term 
 &x\A)tou, Counfellorsj and the Latins, Municipes, 
 Burghers or Corporation- Men j and Minor Sena- 
 tus (Vj, The little Senate of every City, in op- 
 pofition to the Great Senate of Conftantinople and 
 Rome. Thefe Perfons, whatever Denomination 
 they went by, were fo intirely devoted to the 
 Service of the Common-wealth, that till they 
 had fome way or other difcharged that Duty, 
 they might not (as appears) be admitted to ferve 
 in any Office of the Church. 
 
 Indeed it was a General SECT. v. 
 Rule in this matter, as we learn Nor an y Prij£lor or 
 from one of the Councils [>] of ^f^f hk 
 Carthage, That no one was to 
 be Ordained, who was bound to any fecular Ser- 
 vice. And for that Reafon it was decreed by 
 the fame Council, at leaft for the Churches of 
 Africk, that no Agent or Factor in other Men's 
 Bufinefs, nor any Guardian of Orphans fhould 
 be Ordained, till his Office and Adminiftration 
 was perfectly expired^ becaufe the Ordination of 
 fuch [z] would otherwife turn to the Reproach 
 and Defamation of the Church. But if I mi- 
 ftake not, this Prohibition did not extend to the 
 Inferior Orders, but only to thofe whofe Office 
 was to ferve at the Altar. 
 
 V] Gothofred. Paratitl. Cod. Th. lib. 12. tir. 1. de Decuri- 
 onibus t. 4.. p. 339. [f] Theodof. Novel. 38. ad Calcem Cod. 
 Th. [/>/>] See Book Chap. 3. SeB if. [q] Ambr. Ep. 
 29. Per triginta 8c innumcros annos Presbyteri quidam gradu 
 fundi, vel Miniftri Fcclefise retrahuntur a munere facro, 8c Curiae 
 deputantur. [r] Ap. Theodor. lib. 4. c. 9. \k <nj Hg»Tix.v 
 7dlyij.a.T@-> u(j sto aii CKhdjTtte.lv ly <r tartar tune cto^tk. 
 [*] Innoc. Ep.4,. c. 3. De Curialibus manifefta ratio eft, quo- 
 niam etfi inveniantur hujufmodi viri qui debeant Clerici fieri, ta- 
 men quoniam faepius ad Curiam repetunrur, cavendum ab his eft 
 propter tribulationem, quae fxpe de his Ecclefiae provenit. 
 [f] Innoc. Ep. 14. c. 4. Neque de Curialibus aliquem ad ecclell- 
 
 afticum Ordinem venire pofTe, qui poft Baptifmum vel coronati 
 fuerint, vel Sacerdotium, quod dicitur, fuftinuerint, 8c Editiones 
 publicas celebraverint, 8cc. [«] Cone. Eliber. c. 3. [w] So- 
 zom. lib. 4. c. 24. [x] Majorian. Novel. 1. ad Calcem. Cod. 
 Theod. Curiales iervos efle Reipublica* ac vicera Civitatum nul- 
 lus ignorat, quorum ccetum re&e appellavit antiquitas Mino- 
 rem Senatum. [y] Cone. Carth. t. c. 9. Obnoxii alienis 
 negotiis non ordinenrur. [ z. ] Ibid. c. 8. Procuratores 8c 
 Aclores , etiam Tutores Pupillorum fi ante libertatem Ne- 
 
 gotiorum vel Officiorum , ab aliquo fine confidei atione fuerint 
 ordinati, Ecclefia infanutur. 
 
 In 
 
ij2 The Antiqjjitibs of the Book IV. 
 
 SECT. VI. I n fome Churches there feems 
 Tkaders at Law a |f to been an Abfolute 
 
 denied Ordination p rohibition and Ru l c aga i n ft Or- 
 m the Roman , . . . . ™ j 
 
 church. daining Advocates or Pleaders at 
 
 Law, not only whilft they con- 
 tinued in their Profeffion, but for ever after. 
 This feems to have been the Cuftom of the Ro- 
 man and Spanijh Churches. For Innocent Bifhop 
 of Rome in a Letter [a] to the Council of Toledo 
 complains of an Abufe then crept into the Spa- 
 nijh Church, which was. That many who were 
 exercifed in Pleading at the Bar, were called to 
 the Priefthood. To corre£t which Abufe, as he 
 deemed it, he propofed this Rule to them to be 
 obferved, That no one who had pleaded Caufes 
 after Baptifm [£], mould be admitted to any 
 Order of the Clergy. What particular Reafons 
 the Church of Rome might then have for this 
 Prohibition, I cannot fayj but it does not ap- 
 pear, that this was the General Rule of the 
 whole Catholick Church. For the Council of 
 Sardica [c] allows a Lawyer even to be Ordained 
 Bifhop, if he firft went regularly through the 
 Offices of Reader, Deacon, and Presbyter. 
 Which mews, that the Cuftom, as to this 
 
 particular, was not one and the fame in all 
 Churches. 
 
 The Reader may find feveral sect. vii. 
 
 other Cautions given by Gennadi- Al f° Argument, 
 
 us Id] againft Ordaining any who AHor t' Sta i e -P l «r 
 u-J~ u a cl o~ i ers > &c. in all 
 
 had been A&ors or Stage-play- chtirches 
 
 ersi or Energumens, during the 
 Time of their being pofTeftj or fuch as had Mar- 
 ried Concubines, that is, Wives without For- 
 mality of Law, or that had Married Harlots 5 of 
 Wives Divorced from a former Husband. But 
 I need not infift upon thefe, fince the very na- 
 ming them fhews all fuch Perfons to have been 
 in fuch a State of Life, as might reafonably be 
 accounted a juft Impediment of Ordination. It 
 will be more Material to enquire, What the An- 
 cients meant by Digamy, which after the Apoftle 
 they always reckoned an Objection againft a 
 Man's Ordination ? And whether any Vow of 
 Perpetual Celibacy was exacted of the ancient 
 Clergy, when they were admitted to the Orders 
 of the Church? Which becaufe they areQuefti- 
 ons that come properly under this Head, it will 
 not be amifs to refolve them Diftindtly, but briefly, 
 in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the State of Digamy and Celibacy in particular: And of the Laws of the 
 Church about thefe \ in reference to the ancient Clergy. 
 
 ^^S to what concerns Digamy 
 
 sect. 1. 
 
 No Digamift to ft was a p r i m i t ive Apofto- 
 
 be Ordained by the ,j j R , Th gj, or 
 
 Rule of the Ape- > r 
 
 jil^ Deacon mould be one who was 
 
 the Husband of one Wife only: 
 On which Rule all the Laws againft Digamy in 
 the Primitive Church were founded. But then 
 we are to obferve, That the Ancients were not 
 exattly agreed about the Senfe of that Apoftoli- 
 cal Rulej and That occafioned different Noti- 
 ons and different Practices among them in refe- 
 rence to the Ordination of Digamifts. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Three different O- 
 pinions among the 
 Ancients about Di- 
 gamy. Firft, That 
 ail Perfons -were to 
 be refufed Orders 
 as Digamifts, who 
 were twice married 
 after Baptifm. 
 
 One very Common and Pre- 
 vailing Notion was, That all Per- 
 fons were to be refufed Orders, 
 as Digamifts , who were twice 
 married after Baptifm, though 
 Legally and Succefftvely to two 
 Wives one after another. For 
 though they did not condemn fe- 
 cond Marriages as Sinful and Un- 
 
 lawful, with the Novatians and Montanifts : Yet 
 upon Prefumption that the Apoftle had forbid- 
 den Perfons twice married to be Ordained Bi- 
 lhops, they repell'd fuch from the Superior Or- 
 ders of the Church. That this was the Practice 
 of fome Churches in the Time of Origen, may 
 appear from what he fays in his Comments up- 
 on St. Luke, That not only [a] Fornication, but 
 Marriages excluded Men from the Dignities of 
 the Church: For no Digamift could be either 
 Bifhop, or Presbyter, or Deacon, or Deaconnefs 
 in the Church. Tertullian, when he became a 
 Montanift, laid hold of this Argument, and ur- 
 ged it to decry fecond Marriages in all Perfons j 
 pleading that a Layman could not in De- 
 
 cency defire a Licence of the Ecclefiafticks to 
 be married a fecond Time, feeing the Ecclefi- 
 afticks themfelves, Bifhops, Presbyters, and Dea- 
 cons, were but once Married. Which he re- 
 peats frequently [c] in feveral Parts of his Wri- 
 tings. And it cannot be denied, but that many 
 other ancient Writers, St. Ambrofe [d~\, St. Je- 
 
 [«] Innoc. Ep.24. ad Concil. Tolet. c. 2. Qunitos ex ei?, qui 
 poft acceptam Baptifmi Gratiam, in Forenfi Exercitatione veHati 
 funt, 8c obtinendi pertinaciam fufceperunt, accitos ad Sacerdotium 
 efle comperimus? [6] Ibid. c. 4. Ne quifpiam ad Ordinem 
 
 debeat Clericatus admitti, qui Caufas poft acceptu Baptifmum ege- 
 rint. [e] Cone. Sardic. c. 10. teLv tk ^okartK^t &n> J 
 
 ayo'S'-c 'J.^ioIto c.-nio'KOTrQ- yiv-oX, (j.y\ -z&ti^w x.&$ it ss«£j 
 \dv a!i>ctyvcos-<s ^ ^iakovk >y yreiff&'JTip* virz^iQ ittv 4*- 
 
 tsa«s"<!- Gennad. de Ecclef. Dogm. c. 73. 
 
 [«]Oiig. Horn. 17. in Luc p. 228. Ab Ecclefiafticis Dignitatt- 
 bus non folum Fornicatio, fed & nuptia; repellunt : Neque enim 
 EpHcopus, nec Presbyrer, nec Diaconus, nec Vidua, poffunt efle 
 Digarni. [b] Tertul. de Monogam. c. 11. Qualis es id 
 
 matnmonium poftulans, quod eis, a quibus pottu'as, non licet ha- 
 bere? ab Epifcopo Monogamo, a Presbyteris Sc Diatori's ejufdem 
 Sacramenti, gcc. [c] Vid. Tertul. de Pcenitsnt. c. 9. De 
 
 Exhort. Caftitat. c. 7. Ad Uxor. Lib. i.e. 7. [</] Am- 
 
 brof. de OfHc. Lib. 1 . c. jo. 
 
 -7 rom 
 
Chap. V- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 rom [>], Gennadius [/], Epiphanius and the 
 Councils of ^ [>] a nd P uc 
 the fame Senfe upon the Words of the Apoftle. 
 Only Epiphanius puts a Diftin&ion between the 
 Superior and Inferior Orders, making the Rule 
 in this Senfe Obligatory to the former, but not 
 to the latter. 
 
 SECT. ill. Some there are again, who 
 
 2 . others extend- gave the Rule a ftricter Expofi- 
 tdthi Rule to all tion, making it a Prohibition not 
 Perfons twice mar- on j Q f ordaining Perfons twice 
 rkd, »^er be- marr ied after Baptifm, but alfo 
 
 fore or utter Bap- • ju r 
 
 *y. 9 fuch as were twice married before 
 
 it, or once before and once af- 
 ter } as many Gentiles and Catechumens happen- 
 ed to be in thofe Times, when Baptifm was ad- 
 miniftred to Adult Perfons. St. Ambrofe [£] was 
 of Opinion, that even thefe were to be exclu- 
 ded from Ordination: And fo it was decreed by 
 Innocent Bifhop of Rome [/], and the Council 
 of Valentia [m~] in France. But this Opinion 
 was generally rejected by others, as fartheft from 
 the Senfe of the Apoftle. 
 
 SECT. IV. The moll probable Opinion 
 
 3. The mofl pro- is that of thofe ancient Writers, 
 babk opinion of wno interpret the Apoftle's Rule 
 thofe, who thought as a prohibition of ordaining Po- 
 
 theApofile by ^D, , ^ of fuch as had malT i ed 
 eamifts meant Po- -AS / _ T %. , r 
 
 fygamifts.WM m ~* n y WlVeS at ^f/f t,mei 
 as married after and fuch as had caufelefly put a- 
 
 Divorce. way their Wives, and married o- 
 
 thers after Divorcing of the for- 
 mer 5 which were then very common Practices 
 both among Jews and Gentiles, but fcandalous in 
 themfelves, and fuch as the Apoftles would have 
 to be accounted juft Impediments of Ordination. 
 This is the Senfe which Chryfofiom [n~] and c the- 
 odoret [0] propofe and defend, as moft agreeable 
 to the Mind of the Apoftle. And it is certain, 
 that fecond Marriages in any other Senfe were 
 not always an infuperable Objection againft Mens 
 Ordination in the Chriitian Church. For 7cr- 
 tullian owns \_p~] that there were Bifhops among 
 the Catholicks who had been twice married j 
 though in his Stile, that was an Affront to the 
 Apoftle. And it appears from the Letters of Si- 
 ricius \_q~\ and Innocent [>], that the Bifhops of 
 Spain and Greece made no Scruple to ordain fuch 
 generally among the Clergy, for they take upon 
 them to reprove them for it. Theodoret, agree- 
 ably to his own Notion, ordained one Irenaus 
 Bifhop, who was twicemarried : And when fome 
 objected againft the Legality of the Ordination 
 
 upon that Account, he defended it by the com- 
 mon Practice of other Churches: Herein, fays he, 
 jY], I followed the Example of my PrcdecefTors. 
 Alexander Bifhop of the ^poftolical See of An- 
 tioch, with Acacius of Beraa ordained Diogenes a 
 Digamifl> t and Praylius ordained Domninus of C<e~> 
 [area a Digamift likewife. Proclus Bifhop of Con- 
 flantinople received and approved the Ordination 
 of many fuch j and fo do the Bifhops of Pontus 
 and Palefiine, among whom no Controverfy is 
 made about it. From hence it appears, that the 
 Practice of the Church varied in this Matter > 
 and that therefore Bellarmin and other Romanijls 
 very much abufe their Readers, when they pre- 
 tend that the Ordination of Digamifis, meaning 
 Perfons twice lawfully married, is both againft 
 the Rule of the Apoftle, and the univerfal Con- 
 fent and Practice of the Church. 
 
 They ftill more abufe their SECT. v. 
 Readers, in pretending that a No Vow of Celibacy 
 
 Vow of perpetual Celibacy, or reqniredoftheCler- 
 
 Abftinence from Conjugal So- gy "Condition of 
 
 • 1 r «.u their Ordination for 
 
 ciety, was required of the Cler- , £ a . J 
 
 3 1 • • r- « • ^v. »• the -i firft Ages. 
 
 gy, as a Condition of their Ordi- 
 nation, even from the Apoftolical Ages. For 
 the contrary is very evidenr from innumerable 
 Examples of Bifhops and Presbyters, who lived 
 in a State of Matrimony without any Prejudice 
 to their Ordination or Function. 'Tis generally 
 agreed by ancient Writers, that moft of the A- 
 poftles were married. Some fay, all of them ex- 
 cept [/] St. Paul and St. John ': Others fay, St. 
 Paul was married alfo, becaufe he writes to his 
 Yoke-Fellow, whom they interpret his Wifej 
 Phil. 4. This was the Opinion of Clemens [u] 
 Alexandrinus, wherein he feems to be followed 
 by Eufebius [_iv~], and Origen [#], and the Au- 
 thor of the Interpolated Epiftle \_y] to the 
 Church of Philadelphia und^r rh,e Name of Ig- 
 natius; whom fome Modern Rt/nanlfls, miftaking 
 him for the true Ignatius, have molt difingenu- 
 oufly mangled, by Erafing the Name of Paul 
 out of the Text* which foul Dealing Bifhop 
 UJher [z] has expofed, and Cotclerius [#] docs in 
 Effect confefs it, when he owns that the Au- 
 thor himfelf wrore it, and that he therein fal- 
 lowed the Authority of Clemens, Origen, and Eu- 
 febius. But patting by this about St. Paul, (w hich 
 is a Matter of Difpute among Learned Men, rhe 
 major Part inclining to think that he alway- li- 
 ved a fingle Life) it cannot be denied that others 
 of the Apoftles were married : And in the next 
 Ages after them we have Accounts of married 
 Bifhops, Presbyters, and Deacons, without any 
 
 [e] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. Ep. 11. ad Geront. Ep. 8j. ad 
 Ocean. [/] Gennad. de Ecc'ef. Dogm. c. 72. [g] Epi- 
 phan. Expof. Fid. n. 21. [h] Cone. Agathen. c. 1. 
 [»] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 69. [k\ Ambrof. Ep. 82. ad Vcrcellen- 
 fes. [/] Innoc. Ep. 2. c. 6. Ep. 22. c. 2. Ep. 24,. c. 6. 
 \m~\ Cone. Valentin, c. 1. [»] Chryfoft. Horn. io. in t Tim. 
 3.2. Horn. 2. in Tit. 16. [0] Theod. Com. in 1 Tim. 2. 2. 
 [p] Tertul. de Monogam. c. 12. Quot enim & Digami praefi- 
 dent apud vos, infultantes utique Apoltolo? [<j] Siric. Ep. 1. 
 ad Himer. Tarracon. c. 8. [>•] Innoc. Ep. 22. ad 
 
 Epifc. Maced. c. 1. [j] Theod. Ep. 110. ad Domnum. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [f] Ambrof. ad Hilar, in 2 Cor. 1 1. O mnes Apoftoli, exceptis 
 Johanne & Paulo, uxores habuerunr. Vid. Epiphan. Ha?r. 78. An- 
 tidicomarianit. n.io. Coteleiius cite* Eufebius, Balil and fome ci- 
 thers for the fame Opinion. Not. in Ignat. Ep. ad Philadelph. In- 
 te polat. n. 4. [a] Clem. Alex. Strom. 3. p. 448. [jp] Eu- 
 fib. lib. 2. c. 20. IX) Orig. Com. in Rom.i. p. 4.5-9 p a u- 
 lus ergo (ficut quidam tradunt) cum Uxore vocatuselt: de qua 
 dicit, 3d Philippenfes fcribens: Rogo te etiam germana compar, 
 8cc. [/] Pfeudo-Ignat. Ep. ad Philadelph. n. 4. [z,] TJf- 
 fcr. Difiert. in Ignat. c. 17. [«J Cotelcr. Not. in Loc. 
 
 R r Reproef 
 
\ 
 
 154. The Antiquities of the Book IV. 
 
 Reproof or Mark of Difhonour fet upon them. 
 As to Inftance in a few, Valens, Presbyter of 
 Philippe mentioned by Polycarp [£] j Charemon 
 Bifhop of Nilus, an exceeding old Man, who 
 fled with his Wife to Mount Arabion \n time of 
 Pcrfecution, where they both perifhed together, 
 as Eufebius informs us [c]. Novatus was a mar- 
 ried Presbyter of Carthage, as we learn from Cy- 
 prian's [d] Epiitles. Cyprian himfelf was alio 
 a married Man, as Mr. Pagi [e] confefles. And 
 lb was Cacilius [/] the Presbyter that converted 
 him. As alfo Numidicus another Presbyter of 
 Carthage, of whom Cyprian [g] tells us this re- 
 markable Story, That in the Decian Perfecution 
 he faw his own Wife with many other Martyrs 
 burnt by his Sidej whilft he himfelf lying half 
 burnt, and covered with Stones, and left for 
 dead, was found expiring by his own Daughter, 
 who drew him out of the Rubbifh, and brought 
 him to life again. Eufebius alTures us, that Phi- 
 leas [h~\ Bifhop of 'fhmuis, and Philoromus had 
 both Wife and Children: For they were urged 
 with that Argument by the Heathen Magiftrate 
 to deny their Religion in the Diocletian Perfecu- 
 tion } but they generoufly contemned his Argu- 
 ment, and gave Preference to the Laws of Chnft. 
 Epiphanius [f] fays, Marcion the Heretick was 
 the Son of a Bifhop, and that he was excom- 
 municated by his own Father for his Lewdnefs. 
 Domnus alfo Biihop of Antioch [*] is laid to be 
 Son to Demetrian,, who was Bifhop of the fame 
 Place before him. It were eafy to add abun- 
 dance more fuch Inftancesj but thefe are fuffi- 
 cient to fhew, that Men of all States were ad- 
 mitted to be Bifliops and Presbyters in the Pri- 
 mitive i\ges of the Church. 
 
 SECT. vi. The mod Learned Advocates 
 The vanity of the G f tne Roman Communion have 
 
 contrary Pretences. neyer found any Other Reply to 
 
 all this, fave only a groundlefs Pretence of their 
 own Imagination, that all married Perfons when 
 they came to be ordained, promifed to live fe- 
 parate from their Wives by Content, which an- 
 fwered the Vow of Celibacy in other Perfons. 
 This is all that Pagi [/] or Schelftrate [>] have 
 to fay in the Cafe, after all the Writers that 
 have gone before them : Which is faid not only 
 without Proof, but againft the cleared Evidences 
 of ancient Hiftory, which manifeitly prove the 
 contrary. For Novatus Presbyter of Carthage, 
 whofe Cafe Pagi had under Confederation, was 
 certainly allowed to cohabit with his Wife af- 
 ter Ordination: As appears from the Charge 
 that Cyprian brings againll him, That he had 
 ftruck and abufed his Wife [»], and thereby 
 caufed her to mifcarry 5 for which Crime he had 
 
 certainly been thruft out not only from the Pref- 
 bytery, but the Church alfo, had not the Per- 
 fecution coming on fo fuddenly prevented his 
 Tryal and Condemnation. Cyprian does not ac- 
 cufe him for cohabiting with his Wife, or be- 
 getting Children after Ordination j but for mur- 
 dering his Children which he had begotten j 
 which was indeed a Crime that made him lia- 
 ble both to Depofition and Excommunication: 
 But the other was no Crime at all by any Law 
 then in force in the African, or in the univer- 
 fal Church. There feems indeed in fome Places 
 to have been a little Tendency toward introdu- 
 cing fuch a Law by one or two zealous Spirits j 
 but the Motion was no fooner made, but it was 
 quafhed immediately by the Prudence and Au- 
 thority of wifer Men. Thus Eufebius obferves, 
 That Pinytus Bifhop of GnofJ'us in Crete was for 
 laying the Law of Celibacy upon his Brethren: 
 But Dionyfius Bifhop of Corinth wrote to him, 
 that he fhould confider the Weaknefs of Men, 
 and not impofe [0] that heavy Burthen upon 
 them. And thus Matters continued for three 
 Centuries, without any Law that we read of, 
 requiring Celibacy of the Clergy at the Time 
 of their Ordination, 
 
 In the Council of Nice, An. sect vit 
 $2f, the Motion was again re- The ckrgy kft ' tl> 
 newed, That a* Law might pafs their Liberty by the 
 to oblige the Clergy to abflain Nicene council. 
 from all Conjugal Society with 
 their Wives, which they had married before 
 their Ordination. But the Propofal was no 
 fooner made, but Paphnutius a famous ^Egyp- 
 tian Bifhop, and one himfelf never married, 
 vigoroufly declaimed againft it ; faying, So hea- 
 vy a Burthen was not to be laid upon the Cler- 
 gy j that the Marriage-Bed was honourable, and 
 that they fhould not by too great Severity bring 
 Detriment on the Church : For all Men could 
 not bear fo fevere an Exercife, and the Chafti- 
 ty of the Wives fo feparated would be endan- 
 gered alfo. Conjugal Society, he faid, was 
 Chaflityj and it was enough, that fuch of the 
 Clergy as were not married before their Ordina- 
 tion, fhould continue unmarried, according to 
 the ancient Tradition of the Church 5 but it was 
 not proper to feparate any one from his Wife, 
 which he had married whilft he was a Layman. 
 This faid, the whole Council agreed to ftifle the 
 Motion that had been made, and left every Man 
 to his Liberty as before. So Socrates [p] and 
 Sozomen tell the Story. To which all that Va- 
 lefius [^] after Bellarmin has to fay, is, That he 
 fufpects the Truth of the thing, and defires 
 leave to diffent from his Hiftorians. Which is 
 
 [b] Polycarp. Ep. ad Philip, n. n. [c] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. Ecclef. Afric. DiiTcrt. 3. c. ap. Pagi ibid. [ »] Cypr. 
 
 42. [J] Cypr. Ep. 49. al. 5-1. ad Cornel. [e~\ Pagi Crit. Ep. fi. ai.jo. p. 97. Urercs Uxoris cake percuffus, 8c abor- 
 
 in Baron, ad an. 248. n. 4. [/] Pontius Vit. Cyprian. tione properame in parricidium p3rtus exprciTus, 8cc. [0] Dio- 
 
 [<?] Cypr. Ep. 35-. al. 40. Numidicus Presbyter Uxorem adhx- nyf. Ep. ad Pinytum ap. Eufeb. lib. 4. c. 23. «h fiaei! <pcp7i- 
 
 rentem lat«ri iiio, concretnatam fimul cum ca-teris, vel conferva- or ii <afe» &y WaiHtfy&e toT? qf&hQois cmntdiveu. 
 
 lam magis dixerim, laetus afpexit, &c. [h] Eufeb. lib. 8. [/>] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 11. Sozom. lib. 1. c. 23. [q] Valef. 
 
 c. 9. ['] Epiphan. Hasr. 42. [fc ] Eufeb. lib. 7 . c. y. Not. in Socrar. lib. i. c. n. 
 [/I Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 248. n. 4. [m] Schelftrat. 
 
 but 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 MS 
 
 but a poor Evafion in the Judgment of Du Pin 
 himfelf, who thus [f] reflects upon them for it : 
 Some ciueition the Truth of this Story, fays he } 
 but I believe they do it for feat the Story might 
 prejudice the prefent Difcipline, rather than 
 from any folid Proof they have for it. But they 
 ihould coniider, that this Canon is purely a 
 Matrer of Difcipline, and that the Difcipline of 
 the Church may change according to the Times, 
 and that 'tis not neceflary for the Defence of it, 
 to prove that it was always uniform in all Pla- 
 ces. So ihat in the Judgment of that learned 
 Romanifl there is no Queition to be made, but 
 that the Council of Nice decreed in Favour of 
 the married Clergy, as the Hiftorians relate it 
 did i and that then the Practice was different 
 from that of the prefent Church of Rome, which 
 others are fo unwilling to have the World be- 
 lieve. 
 
 sect. VIII. It is as evident from other 
 And other Councils Councils of the fame Age, that 
 of that Age. tlie marr ied Clergy were allowed 
 to continue in the Service of the Church, and 
 no Vow of Abftinence required of them at their 
 Ordination. Socrates obferves that the Council 
 of Gangra anathematized Eujlathius the Here- 
 tick , becaufe he taught Men to feparate [*] 
 from fuch Presbyters as retained their Wives, 
 which they married while they were Laymen, 
 faying, their Communion and Oblations were 
 abominable. The Decree is ftill extant among 
 the Canons of that Council [?], and runs in 
 thefe Words: If any one feparate from a mar- 
 ried Presbyter, as if it were unlawful to partici- 
 pate of the Eucharijl, when fuch an one mini- 
 fters, let him be Anathema. The Council of 
 Ancyra gives Leave to Deacons to marry after 
 Ordination > if they protelted [«] at their Or- 
 dination that they could not continue in an un- 
 married State, they might marry, and yet conti- 
 nue in their Office, having in that Cafe the Bi- 
 fhop's Licenfe and Permiffion to do it. And 
 though the Council of Neo-Ccefarea in one Ca- 
 non forbids [_w] unmarried Presbyters to marry 
 after Ordination j yet fuch as were married be- 
 fore Ordination, are allowed by another Canon 
 to continue [r] without any Cenfure, being on- 
 ly oblig'd to feparate from their Wives in cafe 
 
 of Fornication. The Council of Eliberis [y] 
 indeed, and fome others in this Age, began to be 
 a little more rigorous toward the married Cler- 
 gy: But it does not appear, that their Laws 
 were of any great Force. For Socrates [z] fays, 
 even in his Time in the Eaftern Churches many 
 eminent Bifhops begat Children of their Lawful 
 Wives j and fuch as abftaincd, did it not by Ob- 
 ligation of any Law, but their own voluntary 
 Choice. Only in 1'hcflaly, Macedonia, and Hel- 
 las, the Clergv were obliged to abftain under 
 Pain of Eccleiiaftical Cenfure. Which, he fays, 
 was occafioned by Bifhop Hdiodore's writing 
 his Book called, His Ethiupicks. So that as yec 
 there was no univerfal Decree again il married 
 Bifhops in the Greek Church, much lefs againft: 
 Presbyters and Deacons. But the Council of 
 c trullo, Ann. 601, made a Difference between Bi- 
 fhops and Presbyters^ allowing Presbyters, Dea- 
 cons and all the Inferior Orders to cohabit {_a~\ 
 with their Wives after Ordination j and giving 
 the Roman Church a fmart Rebuke for the con- 
 trary Prohibition: But yet laying an Injunction 
 upon Bifhops [_b~] to live feparate from their 
 Wives, and appointing the Wives [c~] to betake 
 themfelves to a Monafbick Life, or become Dea- 
 connefTes in the Church. And fo the m.itter 
 was altered in the Greek Church, as to Bifhops, 
 but not any others. In the Latin Church alfo 
 the Alteration was made but by flow Steps irr 
 many Places. For in Africk even Bifhops them- 
 felves cohabited with their Wives at the Time 
 of the Council of Trullo, as appears from one 
 of the fore-mentioned [d~] Canons of that Coun- 
 cil. But it is beyond my Defign to carry this 
 Enquiry any farther j what has been already faid, 
 being fufficient to fhew, that the Married Cler- 
 gy were allowed to Officiate in the fhif. and 
 Primitive Agesj and that Celibacy in thofe 
 Times was no necefTary Condition of their Or- 
 dination, as is falfly pretended by the Polemical 
 Writers of the prefent Church of Rome. I have 
 now gone through the feveral Qualifications of 
 the ancient Clergy, concerning which Enquiry 
 was made before their Ordination. I come now 
 in the next place to conflder the Solemnity of 
 the thing it felf, together with the Laws and 
 Cuftoms which were generally obferved at the 
 Time of Ordination. 
 
 [r] Du Pin Bibliotheque Vol. 2. p. 25-5. Edit. Anglic. 
 \s~\ Socrat. lib. 2. c. 43. ^^.aCvTi^ yuucuKa. '^o//©"> hv v'o- 
 KcuKoe uv tiydfiro rlw cvKcyiav rLu) mivuviolv cos v.v- 
 ffQ- Ikka'iv&v lx.i\<Aii. [t] Cone. Gangr. c. 4. el tic £ta.- 
 nexvoiro Txpd TptaCvTifx y-fa.f^»K0T@-, co< y» 'xfivcu Kh- 
 
 [»] Cone. Ancyr. c. 10. « !<x^Ta<?"i/7o iy i<pa.<ra.v XP" M y A ~ 
 
 pJijiTctl, (/.^ i'wio [Xk/Ol VTCOS (OcVtrif i a TO' >*$ TctUTcf. yx,u<T\\clV~ 
 
 T«f \?co7c/.v iv Ti7 vTnipia'm. See. W Cone. Neo-Cxf] c. 1. 
 [*] Ibid. c. 8. [y] Cone. Elib. c. 33. Cone. Arelat. 2. c. 2, 
 [2.] Socrat. lib. 5-. e. 21. [>J Cone. Trull, c. 13. 0] Ibid, 
 c. 12. [>] Ibid. c. 48. [tl] Cone. Trull, c. 12. 
 
 N 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP, 
 
156 The Antiquitibs of the Boor IV. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Ord'mations of the Primitive Clergy, and the Laws and Cufioms 
 
 generally obferved therein. 
 
 sect. I. \ T7HEN the Election of a 
 The canons of the \\ p er f on duly qualified ac- 
 churchtoberead cordin ,, to the forementioned 
 
 to the Clerk, be- —. . ° , , , 
 
 fore the Bifiop or- R" 1 " was made, then it was the 
 damed him. Bifhop's Office, or the Metro- 
 
 politan's, if the Party Ele£t was 
 himfelf a Bifhop, to ordain him. But before 
 they proceeded to Ordination, there were fome 
 other Laws and Rules to be obferved. For not 
 to mention here again the Oath againft Simony, 
 and the Subfcriptions, which I have fhewed be- 
 fore were anciently required of Perfons to 
 be Ordained : I muft. not forget to Note, that in 
 the African Church a Rule was made in the $d 
 Council of [<?] Carthage, and thence transferred 
 into the African [b~] Code, That before any Bi- 
 Ihop, or other Clergy-Man was Ordained, the 
 Ordainers fhould caufe the Canons of the Church 
 to be Read in his Hearing that they might not 
 have caufe to Repent afterward, that they had 
 Tranfgreffed any of them. This Rule was made 
 at the Inftance and Rcqueft of St. Auflin, as 
 Poffidius [c] Notes in his Life, who fays, that 
 becaufc he was Ordained Bifhop of Hippo while 
 Valerius was alive; which was contrary to the 
 Rule of the Council of Nice, which he was Ig- 
 norant of at the Time of his Ordination ; he 
 therefore prevailed with the African Fathers to 
 make a Decree, that the Canons of the Church 
 lhould be Read at every Man's Ordination. This 
 Rule implied a Tacit Promifc, that the Party 
 Ordained would obferve the Canons that were 
 Read to him: But for greater Security it was 
 afterward improved into an Explicit Promife by 
 a Law of Juflinian [d~], which requires every 
 Clerk after the Reading -of the Canons to pro- 
 fefs, that as far as it was poffiblc for Man to do, 
 he would fulfil what was contained in them. 
 Whence, no doubt, came thofe later Forms of 
 Profefling Obedience to the Canons of the feven 
 General Councils, in the Greek Church ; and 
 the Oath to St. Peter taken by the Bifhops of 
 Rome in the Latin Church, that they would 
 obferve the Decrees of the Eight General 
 Councils. The firft of which Forms may be 
 feen at length in Habertus [_e~\, and the other 
 in Baronius \_f~\ , and the Book called , Liber 
 Diurnus, by the Reader, that is Curious to con- 
 fult them. 
 
 idly, Another Rule to be sect. It. 
 obferved in this Cafe was, That No clerk 10 h °>- 
 every Man mould be fixed to " 
 fome Church at his Ordination, 
 and not be left at Liberty to Minifter wherever 
 he would, becaufe of feveral Inconveniences 
 that attended that Practice. r This Rule con- 
 cerned Bifhops, as well as the Inferior Clergy : 
 For the Nullatenenfes of later Ages, as Panormi- 
 tan calls Titular and Utopian Bifhops, were rarely 
 known in the Primitive Church. For though e- 
 very Bilhop was in fome Senfe ordained Bifhop 
 of the Catholick Church, as I have fhewed be- 
 fore; [yet for Order's fake he was always confi- 
 ned to> a certain Diflridt in the Ordinary Exer- 
 cife of his Power. And fo Presbyters and all o- 
 ther Inferior Clergy were confined to the Dio- 
 cefc of their own Bifhop, and might not be Or- 
 dained, unlefs they had fome Place wherein to 
 exercife their Function. This was the ancient 
 Cuftom of the Church, which the Council of 
 Chalcedon confirmed by a Canon, That no Pref- 
 byter, or Deacon, or any other Ecclefiaftick 
 mould be Ordained [g] at large ; but be afligned 
 either to the City-Church, or fome Church or 
 Oratory in the Country, or a Monaftery : O- 
 therwife his Ordination to be Null and Void. 
 This the Latins called, Ordinatio Localis, and the 
 Perfons fo Ordained, Locales, from their being 
 fixed to a certain Place. As in the Council of 
 Valentia [h~] in Spain we find a Canon, that ob- 
 liges every Prieft before his Ordination to give 
 a Promife, that he will be Localis; to the intent 
 that no one fhould be permitted to tranfgrefs the 
 Rules and Difcipline of the Church with Impu- 
 nity; which they might eafily do, if they were 
 allowed to rove about from one place to another. 
 This in the Stile of Leo Bifhop of Rome is, Or- 
 dination [i~] founded upon a Place, or as we 
 would fay now, a Title; without which, he 
 fays, the Ordination was not to be looked upon 
 as Authentick. But it muft be obferved, that a 
 Title then did not always fignifie a Parochial 
 Church, or diftin£t Cure : For this was a Rule 
 before Diocefes were divided in Parifhes: But 
 the Confinement laid upon Men at their Ordina- 
 tion was, that they fhould be fixed to their own 
 Bifhop's Diocefe, and Officiate in the Place where 
 he appointed them. 
 
 [-(-] See Chap. 3. Sell. 2. and 14. [a] Cone. Carth. 3. c. 3. 
 Placuit, ut ordinances Epifcopis vel Clericis priiis ab Ovdinaroribus 
 fuis Decreta Conciliorum auribus eorum inculcentur; ne fe aliquid 
 contra ftatuta Concilii fecifle pceniteat. [6] Cod. Ecclef. Arr. c. 
 10. PofTid. Vit. Aug. c. 8. Quod in feipfo fieri non debuifle, 
 ut vivo fuo Epifcopo ordinaretur , poftea 8c dixit 8c fenpiir, prop- 
 ter Concilii Univerfalis vetitum, quod jam ordinatus didicit: nec 
 quod fibi faftum efle doluit, aliis fieri voluir. Unde etiam fatcgit, 
 ut Conciliis conftitueretur Epifcoporum, ab Ordinatoribus deberi 
 Ordinandis, vel Ordinatis, omnium ftatuta facerdotum in notitiam 
 
 7 
 
 efle deferenda. [d] Juftin. Novel. 6. c. 1. n. 8. [e] Ha- 
 
 bcrt. Archieratic. p. 496. [/] Baron, an. 869. Tom. 10. p. 413. 
 [g~\ Cone. Chalccd. c. 6. i^nJiva. tmjhiXvfj^jus %eiC9 T!> t'£*% 
 
 ft fJ-i) \£t«.i<; iv ix-Khnaiq, t'^^?. h x.cLu\h, « /u5Jim et'« 
 
 » /jovet^veioi crmwfv 'Ic.to. [h] Cone. Valentin, c. 6, Nec 
 ullum Sacerdotem quifpiam ordinet, qui Localem fe futurum pri- 
 mitus non fpoponderir : Ut per hoc nullus a Regula vel Difciplina 
 Ecclefiac deviare permittatur impune. [/] Leo Ep. 92. ad Ru- 
 ftic. c. 1. Vana eft habenda Ordinatio, qua: nec Loco fundata eft, 
 nec Auttoritate munita. 
 
 There 
 
Chap. VI- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 157 
 
 SECT. lit. There were indeed fome 
 
 Exceptions to this f ew Exceptions to this Rule, but 
 Rule vny rare. V ery Rare, and upon Extraordi- 
 nary Occafions. Paulinus and St. Jerom feem to 
 have had the Privilege granted them, of being 
 Ordained without Affixing to any Church. 
 Paulinus fays [f] expreily of himfelf, that he 
 was Ordained Presbyter at Barcelona with this 
 Condition, that he fhould not be confined to 
 that Church, but remain a Prieft at large. And 
 St. Jerom gives the fame Account [kk~\ of his 
 own Ordination at Antioch ' t that he was confe- 
 crated Presbyter with Licenfe to continue a 
 Monk, and return to his Monaftery again. So- 
 zomen [/] relates the like of Barfes and Eulogius^ 
 two Monks of Edefta, that they were both or- 
 dained Bifhops, not of any City, but only Ho- 
 norary Bifhops within their own Monafteries, 
 out of Refpedt to their eminent Virtues. And 
 it was fuch a fort of Ordination that, 'Theodoret 
 [m~] fays, Flavian Bifhop of Antioch gave to Ma- 
 cedonius the famous Syrian Anchoret^ whom he 
 drew from his Cell in the Defart, only to Or- 
 dain him Presbyter, and fo let him return to the 
 Defart again. Thefe are all the Inftances of this 
 kind, which I remember in ancient Hiftory. It 
 \*fas not as yet the Cuftom to ordain Bifhops 
 Partibus Infidelium, that never meant to fee their 
 Bifliopricks. Though After-ages defpifed this 
 Rule, as Zonaras [n] complains of the Greek 
 Church, and Habertus [o~] cannot but lament it 
 in the Latin } yet the ancient Church was more 
 punctual in observing the Laws, fcarce ever Or- 
 daining either Bifhop or Inferior Clerk without 
 fixing them to a certain Diocefe, from which 
 without the Confent of their Superiors they 
 were not to remove to any other. 
 
 SECT. IVi And from hence arofe 
 
 no Bi/hop to ordain a Third Ru i e about Ordinations, 
 
 SStS That «? Bifcop -lhould Ordain, 
 f enu or admit into his Church any 
 
 Clerk belonging to another 
 Church, without the Confent of the Bifhop to 
 whom he formerly belonged. The Councils 
 \_p~] are very peremptory in this Decree j parti- 
 cularly the great Council of Nice [^], and That 
 of Sardica [V], and the fecond of Aries [f\ de- 
 clare all fuch Ordinations null and void. The 
 firft Council of Carthage [t] extends the Prohi- 
 bition even to Laymen belonging to another 
 Diocefe: For it decrees, that as no Clerk fhall 
 be received by another Bifhop without the Let- 
 
 ters DimifTory of his own Bifhop ; fo neither 
 fhall any Bifhop take a Layman out of another 
 People, and ordain him, without the Confent 
 of that Bifhop, out of whofe People he is ta- 
 ken. The Reafon of which Laws was, that e- 
 very Bifhop was fuppofed to have a peculiar 
 Right in all the Clergy and People of his own 
 Diocefe ; and it was very Conducive to the Peace 
 and good Order of the Church to have fuch 
 Rules maintained and obferved. Only in the A- 
 frican Church the Bifhop of Carthage was al- 
 lowed a Privilege in this Cafe, as he was Exarch 
 or Primate of all the African Provinces. For 
 by ancient Cuftom, confirmed by a Canon in 
 the 3d Council of Carthage [V], which is alfo 
 inferted into the African Code [w], the Bifhop 
 of Carthage is allowed to take a Clerk out of a- 
 nother Church, and ordain him for the Service 
 of any Church under his Jurifdi&ion. But an 
 Exception in his particular Cafe confirms the 
 Rule in all the reft. 
 
 4thly, Another Rule for sect. v. 
 the Prefervation of Order in this No Bi fi°P t0 orMn 
 Affair was, that every Bifhop ™ ioc a ™ her Man ' s 
 fhould confine himfelf to his 
 own Church, and not affume to himfelf the 
 Power of Ordaining in the Diocefe of another 
 Man. So the Council of Antioch [x~], and thofe 
 called the Apoftolical Canons determined, 
 that a Bifhop fhould not prefume to ordain out 
 of his own Bounds, in Cities or Countries not 
 Subject to him. St. Aujlin had occafion to in- 
 fift upon this Rule in the Cafe of Pinianus^ 
 when the People of Hippo required him to or- 
 dain him Presbyter againft his Will, and threat- 
 ned that if he would not, they would have ano- 
 ther Bifhop to ordain him : St. Aujlin told [z] 
 them, that no Bifhop could ordain him in his 
 Church without firft asking his Leave and Per- 
 miffion} and that having given him a Promife, 
 that he would not ordain him againft his Will, 
 he could not in Honour confent that any other 
 Bifhop fhould come and ordain him. Socrates 
 [a] fays, Epiphanius took upon him to ordain a 
 Deacon in the Diocefe of Chryfoftom at Conftan- 
 tinople: But Chryfoftom told him, that he a&ed 
 contrary to Canon, in ordaining in Churches 
 that were not under his Jurifdi&ion. Which 
 fhews, that this was an univerfal Law, prevail- 
 ing both in the Eartern and Weftern Churches. 
 And by the fame Rule all Metropolitans with 
 their Provincial Bifhops were confined to their 
 
 [&] Paulin. Ep. 6. ad Sever, p. 101. Ea conditione in Barcino- 
 nenfi Ecclefia confecrari adduclus fum, ut ipli Eccleiiae non alliga- 
 ter; in facerdotium tantum Domini, non in Locum Ecclefise dedi- 
 catus. [kk~\ Hieron. Ep. 61. ad Pammach. Tom. 2. p. 181. 
 [/] Sozom. lib. 6. c. 34. [w] Theod. Hiftor. Relig. c. 13. 
 
 Tom. 3, [n] Zonar. Not. in Cone. Chalced. c. 6. [0] Ha- 
 bert. Archieratic. p. 35-1. [ />] Vid. Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 11. 
 Cone. Chalced. c. 20. Araufican. 1. c. 8, 9. Cone. Nic. c. 
 
 16. clkv^qc v i?co « -yju^rona.. [r] Cone. Sardic. c. tf. 
 [j] Cone. Arelat. 2. c. 13. Si aliquis, invito Epifcopo fuo, in a!i- 
 ena Ecclefia habicans, ab Epifcopo loci Clericus fuerit ordinatus, 
 hujufmodi Ordinatio irrita habeatur. [/] Cone. Carth. 1. c. f. 
 Non licere Clericum alienum ab aliquo fufcipi fine Literis Epifcopi 
 Vol I. 
 
 fui, neque apud fe retinere, nec Laicum ufurpare fibi de Plebe ali- 
 ena, ut cum ofdinet fine Confcientia ejus Epifcopi, de cujus Plebe 
 eft. [«] ConciL Carth. 3. c. 45-. [w] Cod. Can. Afric. 
 C. ff. Tiei Tis^^etrcu tJ amo-K07rw Ka.pxn<MvQ-. o&<hv, 
 exKov x*e9Tov£t>. [x] Cone. Antioch. 22. fj] Canon. 
 Apoft. c. 35". ^ c/m<rx.O'7rov [xn toK^jlcLv V^a iwpt opav yj*- 
 
 &«• M A "g- Ep. 225-. ad Albinam. Dtcebam ego quibusjo- 
 teram, qui ad nos in Abfidem Honoratiores Sc graviorcs afcende- 
 rant, nec a promiffi fide me pofie dimoveri, nec ab alio Epifcopo 
 in Ecclefia mihi tradita, nifi me interrogato ac permittenie, polTe 
 ordinari. [a] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 22. & 14, 
 
 S f 
 
 own 
 
158 
 
 The Ant i qu it ibs of the Book IV 
 
 own Province, and might not ordain any Bifliop 
 in another Province, except they were invited 
 by the Bifliops of that Province to come and 
 give them their Affiftance. Which Rule was 
 made in the general Council [b~] of Conjiantino- 
 ple, and confirmed in the Council of Ephefus [c], 
 upon the Controverfy that arofe between the 
 Churches of Cyprus and the Patriarch of Atttioch, 
 who laid Claim to the Power of Ordinations in 
 thofe Churches, but was rejected in his Claim, 
 becaufe they were out of his DiftricT:, and under 
 another Jurisdiction. But it is to be obferved, 
 that thefe Rules were only made for Ordinary 
 Cafes, to preferve Peace and a good Underftand- 
 ing among the Bifliops of the Church, whilft 
 every one a£ted in his proper Sphere, and kept 
 to thofe Bounds and Limits which the Laws ap- 
 pointed. For otherwife, as I have {hewed here- 
 tofore [cc], every Bifliop was a Bifhop of the 
 whole Catholick Church, and in that Capacity 
 authorized to ordain, or perform any other Acls 
 of the Epifcopal Office in any part of the World 
 upon urgent Neceffity and Extraordinary Occa- 
 fions. As Athanajius and Eufebius Samofatenjis 
 did in the Times of the great Prevalency of the 
 Avian Herefy, ordaining Bifhops and Presbyters in 
 any Province or Diocefe (though contrary to the 
 Letter of this Law) in order to preferve the Ca- 
 tholick Faith, and a Succeffion of Orthodox 
 Men in the Service of the Church. So that this 
 was only a Rule for Common and Ordinary 
 Cafes. And in Cyprus, Epiphanius [d~] fays, they 
 did not infill upon the Rule at all one among a- 
 nother, but any Bifliop ordained in any other 
 Man's Diocefe, as Occafion required, without 
 Breach of Charity > for they gave a fort of ge- 
 neral Leave to one another, as finding it moft 
 expedient for the Church in that Province to 
 ufe fuch a Liberty among themfelvesj though 
 they flifly maintained their Privilege againft the 
 Encroachments of all foreign Sees, and more es- 
 pecially that of Antioch. 
 
 sect. vi. The next things to be noted 
 ihe original of the in t |, is Affair, are fuch as con- 
 
 Tour folemn Times fc Time and p j of Q 
 
 of Ordination. ki r < * . ^ ■ , _,. 
 
 dination. Concerning the Time 
 there may feveral Enquiries be made, i . Whe- 
 ther they had originally any fet and conftant 
 Times of Ordination, as the Church now has 
 Four times a Year? z. Whether Sunday was al- 
 ways the Day of Ordination? x. Whether Or- 
 dinations were always confined to Morning- 
 Service? As to the firfb Enquiry, it does not 
 certainly appear, that the Church had any con- 
 ftant annual Times of Ordination before the 4th 
 Century. For Habertus truly obferves [e~], that 
 then it was more ufual to ordain Men fingly, as 
 
 the prefent Occafions of every Church required 
 Pope Leo indeed [/] derives the Jejunia quatuor 
 temporum, the Falls of the Four Seafons of the 
 Year, which are now commonly called Ember- 
 Weeks, from Apoftolical Tradition. But as Mr 
 Pagi [g] and guefnel |>] in their Cenfures of 
 that Author obferve, there is nothing more ufual 
 with him, than to call every thing an Apoftoli- 
 cal Law, which he found either in the Practice 
 of his own Church, or decreed in the Archives 
 of his Predeceffors Damafus and Siricius. So 
 that all other Authors before Leo being filent 
 upon this Matter, we can lay no great Strefs 
 upon his Authority for it. Befide, he does not 
 fo much as once intimate, that thefe Falls were 
 appointed upon the Account of any let and fo- 
 lemn Times of Ordinations, but upon other 
 more general Rcafons. So that it is not certain, 
 that the Church had any fL t Times of Ordina- 
 tion when Leo wrote, Ann. 4fo. And in the 
 Ages before it is more evident fhe had not. For 
 as to Bifliops, it is certain the Church never 
 confined herfelf to any fet Times for the Ordi- 
 nation of them } but as foon as any Bifliop was 
 dead, another was chofen and ordained in his 
 Room with all convenient Speed ; and in fome 
 Places this was done within a Day or two after 
 his Deceafe, as has been fliewed in a former [fj 
 Book. As to Presbyters and Deacons, and others 
 below them, it is evident alfo, that for the three 
 firft Ages they were ordained at all Times, as 
 the Occafions of the Church required. Cyprian 
 ordained Aurelius a Reader upon the iftof De- 
 cember, as Bifliop Pear/on [z] computes by the 
 Critical Rules of Calculation ; and he ordained 
 Saturus a Reader, and Optatus a Subdeacon in 
 the Month of Augufi [*] j neither of which 
 were folemn Times of Ordination. Paulinus, 
 who lived in the 4th Century, was ordained on 
 Chrifimas-Day, as he himfelf [/] informs us: Yet 
 neither was that one of the four Days, which 
 afterwards became the ftated Times of Ordina- 
 tion. The Roman Pontifical under the Name of 
 Damafus, in the Life of almofl every Bifliop, 
 takes Notice of the Ordinations which they 
 made, in the Roman Province, of Bifliops, Pref- 
 byters, and Deacons, during their whole Life* 
 and always the Ordinations are faid to be made 
 in the Month of December. Which, if that 
 Book were of any great Authority, would 
 prove, that there was one fixt Time of Or- 
 dination at Rome ; but not four. But I con- 
 fefs, the Credit of that Book cannot much 
 be depended upon for the Hiftory of the Pri- 
 mitive Ages one way or other ; it being of much 
 later Date than the Title pretends 5 and perhaps 
 the Author only fpake of ancient things accord- 
 ing to the Cuftom of his own Times, when one 
 
 O] Cone. Conftant. c. 2. [c] Cone. Ephef. Aft. 7. De- 
 cree de Epif. Cypr. [cc] Book 2. Chap. f. [</] Epiphan. 
 Ep. ad Johan. Hierofolym. t. 2. p. 313. Multi Epifcopi communi- 
 onis noftrae Presbyteros in noftra ordinaverunt Provincia, &c. 
 [e] Habere Archieratic. Par. 8. Oblerv. 4. p. 130. Tunc finguli, & 
 cjuidem rari, non vero tam multi ac hodie ordinabantur. 
 [/] Leo Serm. 2. de Jejun. Pentecoft. p. 77. It. S«rm. o. de Jejun. 
 
 7. Menfis, five de Jejunio quatuor Temporum. p. 83. It. Serm. j. 
 
 is) Pa g> Critic, in Baron, an. 67. n. 15-. [h] Quefnel ap. Pagi. 
 
 ibid. [f] Book 2. Chap. 11. SeB.%* [«] Pearfon. Annal. 
 
 Cypr. an. 25-0. n. 20. p. zf. [k] Pearfon. ibid. n. iy. 
 
 [/] Paulin. Ep. 6. ad Sever, p. 101. Die Domini, quo nafci carne 
 
 dignatus eft, repentina vi multitudinU Hs — Presbyteratu initiatus 
 
 fum. 
 
 of 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 159 
 
 of thefe four Times might be brought into Ufe: 
 Which feems to have been before the Time of 
 Simplicius, an. 467. For the Pontifical in his 
 Life [m] adds February to December 5 as it does 
 alfo in the Life of Gelafius. And in one of 
 the Decrees of Gelafius [»J there are no lefs 
 than five Hated Times of Ordination appointed, 
 viz. June, September, December, the beginning 
 of Lent, and the Middle of Lent, and Saturday 
 in the Evening in all thefe Times to be the prc- 
 cife Time of Ordination. Amalarius Fortunatus 
 [0] takes notice of the Change that was made 
 in the Time of Simplicius-, telling us, that all 
 the Bifhops of Rome before Simplicius made their 
 Ordinations always in the Month of December, 
 and that he was the firft that ordained in Fe- 
 bruary. Which no doubt he had from the fore- 
 mentioned Parages of the Pontifical, which in 
 fome Places fpeaks of one, and in others of two 
 folemn Times of Ordination, but never of four : 
 Which argues, that thefe four were not as yet 
 determined^ when that Book was written, which 
 with the Interpolations that it has now was not 
 till after the Time of Juftinian, as learned Men 
 generally agree. So that I leave it to farther 
 Enquiry, whether there were any fuch fixed 
 Times of Ordination in the Church of Rome, as 
 thefe Authors mention, for four or five of the 
 firft Centuries. In other Churches we read of 
 none, but the Inftances that have been produced 
 rather prove the contrary. The Inquifitive Rea- 
 der will be able to furnifh himfelf with many 
 other fuch Inftances, from which it may be con- 
 cluded, that the Times of Ordination were not 
 fixt for four of the firft Centuries, fince no an- 
 cient Writer within that Space makes any men- 
 tion of them. And therefore there is no Necef- 
 fity, with Baronius [/>] and Bellarmine to 
 make the Jejunia quatuor temporum an Apoftolical 
 Tradition, but it is fufficient to fpeak of them 
 as an ufeful Order of the Church, founded upon 
 Ecclefiaftical Inftitution, fome Ages after. 
 
 SECT. VII. The fame muft be faid in an- 
 
 ord'mations indtfe- f wer to tne zd Queftion, Whe- 
 
 rently given on any ther Sunday was always the Day 
 
 TLirtuT, of Ordination? It is evident, 
 
 for three Centuries. ■ ^ 
 
 J that for the three firft Centuries 
 
 it was not. For Mr. Pagi has unanfwerably 
 proved [f] againft Papebrochius, from the moft 
 certain Rules of Chronology, that before the 
 Time of Conftantine the Ordinations of the Bi- 
 fhops of Rome themfelves were performed in- 
 differently upon any Day of the Week, and that 
 the affixing them to the Lord's Day and other 
 folemn Feitivals was the Bufinefs of the 4th 
 
 Century. So that when Pope Leo [s] fays, that 
 fuch Ordinations as were made upon other Days 
 than Sundays, were againft the Canons and the 
 Tradition of the Fathers, he is to be underftood 
 as before, to mean only the Cuftom of his own 
 Times ; if yet it were the Cuftom when Leo 
 lived : For there is fome reafon to doubt of the 
 Authority either of Leo's Epiftle, or that of Ge- 
 lafius, who lived not long after. For Gelafms 
 fays \t\ the Ordinations of Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons were to be made on Saturday in the Even- 
 ing. So that either one of thefe Epiftles is fpu- 
 rious, or elfe the Cuftom varied in the fame 
 Century in the Church of Rome. 
 
 I confefs Gelafius is lingular in SECT. vill. 
 that Part of his Decree, which ceremony «- 
 
 fixes Ordinations to Evening- f»*"y prform'j in 
 Service. For though the Anci- 
 
 .0 . r Oblnuon at Mom- 
 
 ents were not always precne to mg-servke. 
 a certain Day of the Year, or a 
 certain Day of the Week j yet they more pun- 
 ctually obferved the Time of the Day, to give 
 Ordinations at Morning-Service. This was a 
 very ancient Rule of the Church, as we may 
 learn from the Objection that was made againft 
 Novatian, that among his other Irregularites he 
 was ordained at an uncanonical Hour, eaoa. ^xaTij, 
 at ten a Clock, or four in the Afternoon, as 
 Cornelius [u] in his Epiftle to Fabian lays the 
 Charge againft him. The Council of Laodicea 
 is ftill more punctual to the Time, that Ordina- 
 tions fhould not be given while the Hearers or 
 Catechumens [w] were prefent, but at the 
 Time of the Oblation. The reafon of which 
 was, that the Perfon ordained might either con- 
 fecrate, or at leaft participate of the Eucharifi at 
 the T'ime of his Ordination. Whence T'heodoret 
 fpeakiiig of the Ordination of Macedonius the 
 Anchoret, fays it was done [x], t 1 iavsims Upvpyicts 
 -ar^xefp^ynr, in the Time of the Myftical, that 
 is the Communion-Service. And fo Epiphanius 
 \_y~\ reprefents the Ordination of Paulinianus, 
 St. "Jeromes Brother, whom he ordained Presby- 
 ter, whilft he miniftred in the Holy Sacrifice of 
 the Altar. But this is to be underftood chiefly, 
 if not only, of the three Superior Orders of Bi- 
 ftiops, Presbyters and Deacons : For as to the 
 reft, it was indifferent what Time they were 
 ordained, fo long as it was in the Church in any 
 Part of Divine Service. 
 
 But out of the Church no sect. ix. 
 
 Ordination could be regularly The church the only 
 
 performed. Though there was lJ d tZj kce ° f 
 this Difference between the Su- 
 
 [m] Pontifical. Vit. Gelaf. Hie. fecit Ordinationes in Urbe Ro- 
 ma tres, per VIenfem Decembrem 8c Februarium. [»] Gelaf. 
 Ep. 9. ad Epilc. Lucanix. c. 11. al. 13. Ordinationes etiam Pref- 
 byterorum 8c Diaconorum nifi certis temporibus & diebus exerceri 
 non debent, id eft, Quarti Menfis Jejunio, Septimi, 8c Decimi, 
 fed 5c etiam Quadragefimalis initii, ac Mediana Quad ragefimse die, 
 Sabbati Jejunio circa Vefperam noverint celebrandas. [0] Ama- 
 lar. de Offic. Eccl. Lib. 2. c. 1. Primi Apoftolici femper in De- 
 cern brio Menfe Confecrationes miniftrabant ufque ad Simplicium, 
 qui fuk a B. Petro Quadragefimus monus. Ipfe primus (acravit in 
 
 Februario. ] Baron, an. 57. n. 209. Bellarm. de 
 
 Verbi Dei non fcripto. Lib. 4. c. 3. p. 206. [r] Pagi Critic, 
 in Baron, an. 67. n. 14. 8c 16. [*] Leo Ep. 91. ad Diofcorum 
 c. 1. [t] Gelaf. Ep.9. ad Epifc. Lucan. c. 11. Ordinationis 
 Sabbati Jejunio circa Vefperiarn noverint celebrandas. [«] Ap. 
 Euftb. Lib. 6. c. 43. [w] Cone. Laodic. c. 4. <sfe> <nJ ^ 
 <P~iv Ti( ^e.fflor'icK c/777 'Trtifno-'iA aK^oapL'txeov y'lV'.SS^. 
 [*] Theod. Hift. Relig. c. 13. [y] Epiphan. Ep. ad Johan. 
 Hierofol. Cum miniftraret in fanftis facrificiis, ordinavimus Presby- 
 terura, 
 
 perior 
 
i6o The Antiquities of the Book IV. 
 
 perior and Inferior Orders^ that the one were 
 conferred within the Sanctuary, or Altar-Part, 
 and the other without * yet they both agreed in 
 this, that the Church was Still the proper Place 
 to give Birth to all fuch Orders, as were to be 
 employed in any Ecclefiaftical Service. And 
 therefore Gregory Nazianzen [z] juftly upbraids 
 Maximus the Cynick, who intruded himfelf into 
 his See of Conflantinople, that being excluded 
 from the Church, he was ordained in theHoufe 
 of a Minftrel. Which was alfo objected to 
 XJrfmus, who was Competitor with Damafus for 
 the See of Rome, that he was not ordained [a] 
 in a Church, but in an obfeure Corner of the 
 Hall called Sicona. 
 
 SECT. X. 
 Ordination received 
 kneeling at the Al- 
 tar. 
 
 As to the Ceremonies ufed in 
 the Act of Ordination it felf, 
 befide what has been noted be- 
 fore in fpeaking of each particu- 
 lar Order, it will be proper to obferve fome 
 things of them in general. As Firft, That the 
 Ordinations of Bilhops, Presbyters, and Dea- 
 cons were always received Kneeling before 
 the Altar. So the A,uthor under the Name 
 of Dionyfws [b~] reprefents the Matter in his 
 Rationale upon the Church's Service. And 
 Itheodoret mentions it [c] as the Cuftomary Rite, 
 when fpeaking of the Ordination of a Bifhop, 
 he fays, they brought him to the Holy Table, 
 and made him kneel on his Knees by Force. 
 
 SECT. XI. Secondly, The Solemnity itfelf 
 Chen by imfofi- in giving t he Superior Orders 
 Zyer.^^ was Always performed by Impo- 
 fition of Hands and Prayer. 
 Which is evident from St. Jerom, who fays, that 
 Imposition of Hands was therefore added to 
 compleat the Ordinations [d] of the Clergy, 
 left any one by a filent and folitary Prayer Should 
 be ordained without his Knowledge. Gregory 
 Nyjfen [e] indeed tells us a very ftrange Story of 
 the Ordination of Gregory Thaumaturgus, how 
 Phadimus Bifhop of Amafea ordained him only 
 by Prayer without Impofition of Hands: For 
 he was abfent, being fled to the Wildernefs, to 
 avoid Ordination : Notwithstanding which 
 Phadimus confecrated him to the Bifhoprick of 
 Neo-&efarea, which he afterwards accepted. But 
 as a learned Man [/] Conjectures, it is moft 
 likely that he had another Ordination j or if not, 
 this Act muft pafs for a Angular Inftance, con- 
 trary to the common Rule and eftablifhed Order 
 of the Church. The Greeks call this Impofition 
 of Hands both ^«^yiov/a, and ^et^S-str/a, as 
 may be feen in the Canons of the Council of 
 
 Nice [g] and Chalcedon. Yet fometimes thofe 
 Words are diftinguifhed, as in the Author of the 
 Constitutions, where [b~] he fays, wpso-^UTsp©- 
 & ^si£cf]ov«, a Presbyter gives Impofi- 
 tion of Hands, but does not ordain. Where 
 it is plain, that Impofition of Hands means not 
 Ordination, but fomc other Benediction of the 
 Church, wherein Impofition of Hands was ufed, 
 as well as in Ordination. Neither does xet^flovia 
 always fignify Ordination in ancient Writers j 
 though it does molt commonly fo, as Front o 
 Ductus p] and other learned Pcrfons have 
 Shewed : But fometimes it denotes no more than 
 Defignation or Election ; as vvhen Ignatius ufes 
 the Phrafe, ^^anona-ax Or-oTc^uW [£], only 
 to fignify the Election or Appointment of a 
 Meffenger to go upon an Errand of the Church. 
 Which I note, to caution the Reader againft 
 Miftakes committed by fome Authors, who con- 
 found Ordinations with Elections, for want of 
 distinguishing the critical Senfes of Words, as 
 the Subject Matter requires. 
 
 I muft farther obferve, that as sect. XII. 
 the Sign of the Crpfs was ufed The s 'i n °f tht 
 upon many Occafions by the Pri- Crofs "f ed m ° rii ~ 
 mitive Christians, fo particularly mtm ' 
 in their Ordinations. Which we learn from, 
 Chryfoftom, who more than once mentions it 
 upon this occafion. If, fays he, we are to be re- 
 generated, the Crofs is ufed, viz. in Baptifm } or 
 if we [/] are to eat the Myftical Food, the Eu- 
 charift * or to receive an Ordination, we are 
 figned with the Sign of the Crofs. Upon this 
 Account, Suicerus \m\ notes out of the Author 
 under the Name of Dionyfius, that the Impofi- 
 tion of Hands in Ordination was called <rf> (ycyiV, 
 Consignation, and smi^efcfyj? c-tp^y!?, Consigna- 
 tion in Form of a Crofs [»], becaufe the Sign 
 of the Crofs was made on the Head of him that 
 was ordained. 
 
 A s to the Ceremony of Unction sect. XIII. 
 
 I have already had occafion to But 710 ^<Sw», or 
 
 Shew its Novelty [*] in another "f* Ceremor> y°f Je ' 
 Place , together with the Cuftom 
 
 Ot delivering lome of the Holy 6 }(e rs and Deacons. 
 
 Veffelsinto the Hands of the Per- 
 fon ordained. Which Habertus fays was never 
 ufed in giving any of the Superior Orders, but 
 only the Inferior, by the Rule of the 4th Coun- 
 cil of Carthage, which makes that the chief Part 
 of their Ordination. Though Habertus [0] and 
 fome others queftion the Authority of that very 
 Council, and reckon all its Canons fpurious. But 
 that only by the way. 
 
 [c] Naz. Cai rn, de Vita p. if. $ ysgp.vto wnr^" o)- 
 KUrnetov, kvvcuv tutSV/ <r netnt^ov Toi/Awa.. [a J Socrat. 
 Jib. 4. c. 29. [£] Dionyf. de Hierarch. Eccl. c. f. Contempl. 3. 
 n. 7. & 8. 0] Theod. lib. 4. c. if. W Hieron. lib. 16. 
 in Ifoi. c. f8. p. i6f. ye.^ov'ia., id eft, Ordinatio Clericorum 
 non folum ad imprecationem vocis, fed ad Impofitionem impletur 
 manus: Nc fcilicet vocis imprecatio clandeftina Clericos ordinet 
 nclcientes. [e] NyflTen. Vit. Greg. Thaum. Tom. 3. p. 5-44. 
 [/] CaveHift. Literar. Vol. 1. p. 04. [g] Cone. Nice. 19. 
 
 Chalced. c. if. [h~\ Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 8. c. it. \i] Fron- 
 to Ducas. Nor. in Chryfoit. Horn. i. ad Pop. Amioch. p. 1. 
 (T) Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. n. 1 1. It. Ep. ad Philadelph. n. io. Ep. 
 ad Polycarp. n. 7. [/] Chryf. Horn. 57. in Matth. ko.v dvtt- 
 yzvvndtivau <Pt», ^aijp)i Tetfc/.y'ivi^)' y.etv Tfaavrcu '4 fj.v^iKnv 
 iK&vw TfvQiiv' kav y^poTowSnva/, 8cc. \m~] Suirer. The- 
 iaur. Voce oq>£o.yis, Tom. 2. p. U99. [«] Dionyf. de Hie- 
 rarch. Eccl. c. y. p. 31 1. 8c 2 14. [*] Book z. Chap. 19. Seel. 
 •7- [p\ Habcrt. Arcnieratic. p. 323. 
 
 When 
 
Chap. VII 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 SECT. Xiv. When the Ceremony of 
 ordinations condu- Confecration was ended, it was 
 Jed with the Ki/s of u ty a i f or tn e Clergy then prefent 
 Tme - to falute the Perfon newly or- 
 
 dained, with the Kifs of Peace [/>]. And fo be- 
 ing condufted to his proper Station belonging to 
 his Office, if he was a Bifhop or a Presbyter, 
 he made his firft Sermon to the People. But 
 of this, as it relates to Bifhaps, I have gi- 
 ven an Account before ; as it relates to Pref- 
 byters in the Greek Church, where it was 
 more ufual for Presbyters to preach, the Reader 
 may find Examples of fuch Sermons among 
 thofe of Chryfofiom [?], and Gregory Nyffen [r], 
 which they preached upon the Day of their Or- 
 dination. 
 
 SECT. XV. I cannot omit to mention one 
 The Anniverfary tn ing more, whirh mould have 
 Day of * Bifiofs bcen ment i one d j n another Place, 
 
 Tei'hT * becaufe 1C was an Honour P ecu " 
 liarly paid to the Order or Bi- 
 
 fhopsj which was, That in many Places the 
 
 Day of their Ordination was Solemnly kept a- 
 
 raong the Anniverfary Feftivals of the Church. 
 
 On thefe Days they had Church-AfTemblies, and 
 
 Sermons, and all the other Solemnities of a 
 
 Feftival. Which appears from St. Auftin's Ser- 
 
 mons, two of which [f] were Preached upon 
 the Ann-verfary of his own Ordination. And in 
 another [t] Publifhed by Sirwondus, he alfo men- 
 tions the Day under the fame Title of his own 
 Anniverfary. In a fourth he fpeaks alfo of the 
 Anniverfary of Aurclius [u~] Bifhop of Carthage, 
 inviting the People to come and keep the Fefti- 
 val in Bafilica FauJIi, which was a noted Church 
 in Carthage. Among the Homilies alfo of Leo 
 Bifhop of Rome the three firft are upon the An- 
 niverfary Day of his AfTumption to the Pontifi- 
 cate. And a late Learned Critick [w] has ob- 
 ferved, that in St. Jerom's, and fome other an- 
 cient Martyrologies, there fometimes occur fuch 
 Feftivals under the Titles of Ordinatio Epifcopi, 
 Natale Epif.opatus N. that is, the Ordination 
 or Birth-Day of fuch or fuch a Bifhop. Which 
 doubt lefs at firft were the Anniverfaries of their 
 Ordination, which they themfelves kept in their 
 Life-timej and which were continued in Me- 
 mory of them after Death: By which means 
 they came to be inferted into the Martyrologies 
 as Standing Feftivals, denoting there neither the 
 Day of their Natural Birth, nor their Death (as 
 fome mi flake) but the Day of their Ordination, 
 or Advancement to the Epifcopal Throne. But 
 of this more when we come to (peak of the Fe- 
 ftivals of the Church. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Cafe of forced Ordinations and Re-ordinations conftderecL 
 
 OR the Clofe of this Book I 
 
 fhall add fomething concern- 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Forced Ordinations 
 
 very (recent m the in „ forced Ordinations", and Re- 
 
 Vrtmitive Church. P . , . . * . . 
 
 ordinations, which were things 
 that very often happened in the Primitive Church. 
 For anciently, while Popular Elections were in- 
 dulged, there was nothing more common than 
 for the People to take Men by Force, and have 
 them ordained even againft their Wills. For 
 though, as Sulpicius Severus complains, many 
 Men were too Ambitious in Courting the Pre- 
 ferments of the Church j yet there were fome, 
 who ran as eagerly from them as others ran to 
 them i and nothing but Force could bring fuch 
 Men to fubmit to an Ordination. We have feen 
 an Inftance or two of this already in the Cafes of 
 St. Aufiin [f] and Paulinus: And Ecclefiaftical 
 Hiftory affords us many others- For not to 
 mention fuch as only fled or abfeonded to avoid 
 Ordination > fuch as Cyprian [a] 9 and Gregory 
 
 thaumaturgus [£], and Athanafius [c], and Eva- 
 grius \_d~\) and St. Ambrofe [e] : There were lome 
 who were plainly ordained againft their Wills: 
 As Nepotiav, of whom St. Jerom fays, that when 
 his Uncle Heliodore ordained him Presbyter, he 
 wept [/] and lamented his Condition, and could 
 not forbear expreffing his Anger againft his Or- 
 dainer, though that was the only Time he ever 
 had occafion to do it. St. Martin Bifhop of 
 'tours was fo averfe from taking the Bifhoprick 
 that he was fore'd to be drawn out of his Cell 
 by Craft, and carried under a Guard to his Or- 
 dination, as the Sacred [g] Hiftorian informs us. 
 And the Ordination of Macedonius the Anchoret 
 by Flavian Bifhop of Antioch was fo much a- 
 gainft his Will, that they durlt not let him 
 know what they were about, till the Ceremony 
 was over; and when he came to underftand that 
 he was ordained Presbyter, he broke forth into 
 a Rage againft Flavian, and all that were concern- 
 
 [/>] Dionyf. Hierarch. Eccl. c. p. 2^7. Conftitut. Apoft. lib. 
 8. c. f. [q~\ Cbryf. Homil. cum Presbyter eflet delignatus. 
 Tom. 4. p. 9^5. [r] Nyflen. Horn, in fuam Ordinat. Tom. 2. 
 [j] Aug. Homil. 24, 8c 2f. ex Quinquagmta. [/] Horn. 
 39. edit, a Sirmond. Tom. 10. p. 841. [»] Horn. 22. 
 de Verb. Dni. Dies Anniverfarius Ordinationis Domini Senis Au- 
 relii craftinus iilucefcit, Rogat 8c admonet per humil'tatem meam 
 Charitatem veftram , ut ad Baiilicam Faufti devotiflime venire 
 dignemini. [w] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 67. n. 14. 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [f] See before Chap. 2. SeB. 8. [<?] Pontius Vit. Cypr. 
 \_b] Greg. Nyflen. Vita Greg. Thaumaturg. [c] Sozomen, lib. 
 2. c. 17. [d] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 23. [e] Paulin. Vit. Am- 
 bro£ [f] Hieron. Ep. 2. Epitaph. Nepotian. Presbyter ordi- 
 natur. Jefu bone, qui gemitus, qui ejulatus, quae cibi interdi&io, 
 quae fuga oculorum omnium? Tunc primum 8c folum Avunculo 
 iratus eft [g] Sulp. Sever. Vit. St. Msrtin. lib. 1. p. 224. Di£ 
 politis in itinere Civium turbis, fub quadam Cuftodia ad Civitatem 
 ufque deducitur, 8cc. 
 
 Tt ed 
 
162 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IV. 
 
 cd in the Action, as thinking that his Ordina- 
 tion would have obliged him to another fort of 
 Life, and deprived him of his Retirement and 
 Return to the Mountains. So fheodoret in his 
 Lives of the Eaftern Anchorets \h~\ relates the 
 Story. And that this was a very common Pra- 
 ctice in thofe Times, appears from what Epipha- 
 nius jTj fays of the Cuftom in Cyprus, That it 
 was ufual in that Province , for Perfons that fled 
 to avoid Ordination by their own Bifhop, to be 
 feized by any other Bifhop, and to be ordained 
 by them, and then be returned to the Bifhop 
 from whom they were fled. Which argues, 
 that forced Ordinations in thofe Times were both 
 practifed and allowed. 
 
 sect. II. Nor was it any kind of Re- 
 
 No Excufe admit- monftrance or Solicitation what- 
 
 ted 'm that cafe, ex- foever, which the Party could 
 
 cept a Man protefled ma l ce , that would prevent his 
 
 upm ,? at ^ j Ordination in fuch Cafes, except 
 
 would not be ordam- , , , /l o i 1 
 
 e j he chanced to protelt Solemnly 
 
 upon Oath againft Ordination. 
 For in that Cafe he was to be fet at Liberty, and 
 not to be ordained againft fo Solemn a Protefta- 
 tion. This is evident from one of the Canons 
 of St. Bafil, which fays, That they who Swear 
 they will not [k~] be ordained, are not to be 
 compelled to forfwear themfelves by being or- 
 dained. And this, I think, alfo may be collect- 
 ed from the Account which Epiphanius gives of 
 his own Tranfaction with Paulinianus, St. Je- 
 rom's Brother, upon fuch an Occafion. Paulini- 
 anus 9 he fays, was one of thofe who fled from 
 the Bifhop for fear of Ordination 5 but Provi- 
 dentially coming [/] where Epiphanius was, he 
 caufed him to be feized by his Deacons, not 
 dreaming or fufpecting any thing of Ordination; 
 and when he came to it, he caufed them to hold 
 his Mouth, for fear he fhould have adjured him 
 by the Name of Chrift to fet him free. Thus 
 he ordained him Deacon flrft, and Presbyter 
 fome time after in the very fame manner. Which 
 feems to imply, that if he had fuffered him to 
 have made his Proteftation in the Name of Chrift, 
 he could not have proceeded to his Ordination. 
 But it feems nothing elfe but fuch an Adjuration 
 was available to fet him free : And that is a far- 
 ther Argument, that in thofe Times Men might 
 be Ordained againft their Wills, and yet their 
 Ordination ftand good, and be accounted as Va- 
 lid as any others. 
 
 But in the next Age this Pra- sect. hi. 
 dice was prohibited, becaufe of This mak* tfter- 
 feveral Inconveniences that were warei prohibited 6y 
 found to attend it. The Em- the Im P erial ***** 
 perors Leo and Majorian made a S^ST" of the 
 Law with Sanctions and Penalties 
 to prevent it. For they decreed, that no one 
 fhould be ordained [»] againft his Will. And 
 whereas fome Bifhops did impofe the Burden of 
 Orders upon Men againft their Confent, they 
 granted Liberty in that Cafe, either to the Par- 
 ty himfelf, or any other Accufer to bring an 
 Adion at Law againft the Archdeacon, who was 
 liable to be fined Ten Pounds of Gold, to be 
 paid to the injured Party, or to the Informers, 
 or to the States of the City : The Bifhop alfo 
 was to be cenfured by his Superiors, and the Par- 
 ty ordained to be fet at Liberty, as if he had ne- 
 ver been ordained. Purfuant to this Law, John 
 Bifhop of Ravenna for a Tranfgreflion of this 
 kind was threatned to be deprived of the Power 
 of Ordination by Simplicius [»] Bifhop of Rome, 
 Ann. 48Z. And the 3d Council of Orleans [0] 
 Ann. f 38, made a Decree for the French Churches, 
 That if any Bifhop ordained a Clerk againft his 
 Will, he fhould do Penance for the Fact a whole 
 Year, and remain fufpended from his Office till 
 that Term was expired. So great an Alteration 
 was there made in one Age in the Rules and Pra- 
 ctice of the Church, from what they had been 
 in the former. 
 
 But I muft Note, that after SECT. I v. 
 this Correction was made, there Yet a, Bifiop ordain- 
 was ftill fome Difference to be ed a z*™ft fj ' s Will, 
 obferv'd between the forced Or- badnotthePnvtkge 
 dination of a Bifhop, and that of tQ Relm ^- 
 an Inferior Clerk, Presbyter, Deacon, or any 
 other. For though the forementioned Imperial 
 Law gave Liberty to all Inferiors fo Ordained, 
 to relinquifh their Office that was forced upon 
 them, if they pleafed, and betake themfelves to 
 a feculs.r Life again; yet it peremptorily denied 
 [/>] this Privilege to Bifhops, decreeing that 
 their Ordination fhould ftand good ; and that no 
 Action brought againft their Ordainers fhould 
 be of force to evacuate or difanul their Confe- 
 cration. Which feetfis to be grounded upon 
 that ancient Rule of the Church, mentioned in 
 the Council of Antioch [^], and confirmed in 
 the Council of Chalcedon [r], That if any Bi- 
 fhop was ordained to a Church, to which he 
 
 [h~] Theod. Hift. Relig. c. 13. [i] Epiph. Ep. ad Johan. 
 Hicrofol. Multi Epifcoporum Communionis noftrse 8c Presbyte- 
 ros in noftra ordinaverunt Provincia, quos nos compreher.dere 
 non poteramus, 8c miferunt ad nos Diaconos 8c Hypodiaconos, 
 quos fufcepimus; cum Gratia. [k] Bafil. Ep. Canon, ad Arn- 
 philoch. c. io. oi ouvvovji( /xri kut a.^i , ^iuX ) thf \&tpQTov'<.a.v, 
 j/£of/.nJ,uVo< (*t) d.va,fKet£i&M<rctv vmop>t£r. [I] Epiphan. Ibid. 
 Jgnorantem cum, 8c nullam penitus habentem Sufpicionem, per 
 rnultos Diaconos apprehendi juffimus, & reneri os ejus, ne forte 
 liberari fe cupiens, adjuraret nos per nomen Chrifti, &c. 
 [m] Leo. Novel. 2. in Append. Cod. Theod. Nonnullorum per- 
 fuafio facerdotum reludrantibus onus iftud imponit, 8cc. Eo 
 ergo licentiam hujus Praeiumpticnis excludimus , ut fi quifpiam 
 probatus fueric vi coa&us fub contumelia publica Claicatus Offi- 
 
 ciis ftccemfle, fpontaneis accufatoribus, vel fi ipfe voluerit alle- 
 gare perpeflam licentiam, commodemus apud Judices Competen- 
 tes hujufmodi admifla damnare, ut fi inter Leges obje&a conftite- 
 rint, decern Libras auri Archidiaconus cogatur inferre ei qui perra- 
 lerit exfolvendas : dehir.c li i!le defiftit, accufatoris cenfibus 8c Civi- 
 tatis Ordini profuturas : IJIo fua: reddito voluntari, qui coadrus non. 
 potuit confcerari, 8cc. [»] Simplic. Ep. 2. ad Johan. Raven- 
 natenf [0] Con. Aurelian. 2. c. 7. Epifcopus qui invitum 
 vel reelamantem prarfumpferic ordinare, annusli Pamitentis fubditus: 
 Miflas facere non prxfuma*. [/>] Leo. Novel. 2. Ibid. Si qui 
 fane Epifcopus invitus fuerit ordin itus, hanc Confecrationem nulla 
 violari accufatione permittimus. [3] Cone. Antioch. c. 17. 
 [rj Cone. Chalced. Aft. n. 
 
 7 . 
 
 refufed 
 
Chap. VII- Christian Church 
 
 refufed to go, he fhould be Excommunicated 
 till he complied, or fomcthing were determi- 
 ned in his Cafe by a Provincial Synod. Which 
 feems to authorize the Ufing a fort of Vio- 
 lence in compelling Men to undergo the Bur- 
 den of the Epifcopal Function ; agreeable to 
 that other Law of Leo and Anthemius in the 
 Jufiinian Code [*], which puts this among o- 
 ther Qualifications of a Bifhop, that he ihall 
 be fo far from Ambition, as to be one rather 
 that muft be fought for and compelled to take 
 a Bifhoprick. Such were anciently the Laws 
 of Church and State relating to forced Ordi- 
 nations. 
 
 SECT. V. As to Re-ordinations, before 
 
 Re-ordinations gene- we C£m an fwer tO the Queftion 
 rally condemned. about themj we mu fl- diftinguifll 
 
 between the Orders that were given Regularly 
 and Canonically by Perfons rightly qualified in 
 the Church, and fuch as were given irregularly 
 by Perfons unqualified, or by Hereticks and 
 Schifmaticks out of the Church. As to fuch 
 Orders as were given Regularly in the Church, 
 they were fuppofed, like Baptilm, to imprefs a 
 fort of Indelible Character, fo as that there was 
 no Neceflity upon any Occafion to repeat them j 
 but on the contrary it was deemed a Criminal 
 Act fo to do. The 3d Council of Carthage, fol- 
 lowing the Steps of the Plenary Council of Ca- 
 pua, or Cap/a, decreed, That it was equally un- 
 lawful [f] to Re-baptize and Re-ordain. And 
 thole called the Apoftolical [«] Canons made it 
 Depofition both for the Ordainer and Ordain- 
 ed to give or receive a fecond Ordination. 
 St. Auftin [w] fays, it was not the Cuftom of 
 the Catholick Church to repeat either Orders 
 or Baptifm. For Men did not lofe their Or- 
 ders [x], as to the Internal Character and 
 Virtue, though they were fufpended from the 
 Execution of their Office for fome Mifdemea- 
 nour. Optatus \_y~] teftifies the fame, telling 
 us, that Donatus was condemned in the Coun- 
 cil of Rome under Melchiades, for Re - ordaining 
 fuch Bifhops as had lapfed in Time of Perfecu- 
 tion ; which was contrary to the Cuftom of the 
 Catholick Church. And others [z] accuie the 
 Ariam upon the fame account, for Re-ordaining 
 fuch of the Catholick Clergy as went over to 
 their Party. 
 
 sect. vr. There is indeed a Paflage 
 The propofal made in Optaius concerning Cacilian 
 
 Bifhop of Carthage , which at h CxciHan to ttk 
 firft View feems to import as if Donatifts, exami- 
 Cacilian had been willing to have ned ' 
 fubmitted to a Re-ordination. For Optatus [a] 
 fays, Cacilian fent this Meffage to the Donatijt 
 Bifhops, That if Felix had given him no true 
 Ordination, as they pretended, they fhould or- 
 dain him again, as if he were ftill only a Dea- 
 con. But St. Aujlin, who perhaps beft under- 
 ftood Cacilian's meaning, fays [b~] he only fpoke 
 this Ironically to deride them, not that he in- 
 tended to fubmit to a fecond Ordination, but 
 becaufc he was certain that Felix and the reft of 
 his Ordainers were no Traditors, as they accu- 
 fed them. So that we have no Inftances of Re- 
 ordaining fuch, as were regularly ordained, in 
 the Catholick Church: It being eftecmed un- 
 lawful, as Theodoret [c~] words it, to give any 
 Man the fame Ordination twice. Whence nei- 
 ther in the Tranflation of Bifhops from one 
 Church to another do we ever Read of a new 
 Ordination, but only of an Inthronization or In- 
 ftalment* as of a new Matriculation of Presby- 
 ters and Deacons, when they were taken out of 
 one Church to be fettled in another. Cyprian 
 fpeaking of his Admiffion of Numidicus into his 
 own Church from another, where he was Pref- 
 byter before, does not fay, he gave him a new 
 Ordination, but only [_d~] a Name and a Seat a- 
 mong the Presbyters of Carthage. And this 
 was the conftant Practice of the. Church in all 
 fuch Cafes, for any thing that appears to the 
 contrary. 
 
 As to fuch as were ordained sect. vir. 
 out of the Church by Schifma- Sch'fmafch fame- 
 tical or Heretical Bifhops, the tmes 
 Cafe was a little different. For the Church did 
 not always allow of their Ordinations, but 
 fometimes for Difcipline's fake, and to put a 
 Mark of Infamy upon their Errors, made them 
 take a new Ordination. This was decreed by 
 the great Council of Nice in the Cafe of thofe 
 Bifhops and Presbyters, whom Meletius the 
 Schifmatick ordained in Egypt, after he had 
 been depofed by his Metropolitan of Alexandria. 
 They were not to be admitted to ferve in the 
 Catholick Church, till they were firft Authori- 
 zed by a more facred [e~] Ordination, as that 
 Council words it in her Synodical Epiftle or 
 Directions to the Church of Alexandria. In 
 purfuance of this Decree, Theodore Bifhop of 
 Oxyrmchus Re-ordained the Meletian Presbyters 
 
 [j] Cod. Juftin. lib. i. tit. 3. de Epifc. leg. 31. Tan turn 
 ab ambitu debet efTe fepofitus, ut quxratur ccgendus, 8cc. 
 [/] Cone. Carth. 3. c. 38. In Capfenfi Plenaria Synodo ftatu- 
 tum , cjuod non liceat fieri Rebaptizationes , 8c Reordinationes, 
 vel Tranflationes Epifcoporum. [«] Canon. Apofr. c. 67. 
 [n>] Aug. cont. Parmen. lib. 2. c. 13. In Catholica utrumque 
 non licet iterari. [x~\ Id.de Bona Conjugal, c. 24. Tom. 6. 
 Manet in illis ordinatis Sacranientum Ordinarionis ; 8c fi aliqua cul- 
 pa quifquam ab Officio removeatur, Sacramento Domini femel im- 
 poiitio non carebit, 8cc. [y] Optat. lib. 1. p. 44. In Dona- 
 tum funt hx fententise latx : Quod confefius fit fe rebaptizafle, 
 8c Epifcopis lapiis manum impofuifle: quod ab Ecclefia alienum 
 eft. lz] Vid. Valef. Not. in Sozom. lib. 6. c. 16. ex Marcel- 
 
 Iin. Libel. Precum. [*] Optat. Lib. i. p. 41. A Caxriliano 
 mandatum eft, ut fi Felix in fe, ficut illi arbitrabantur, nihil con- 
 tuliflet, ipii tanquam adhuc Diaconum ordinarent Qecilianum. 
 [t>] Aug. Brevic. Collat. Die 3. c. 16. Quod quidem fi di£rum eft,' 
 ideo dici potuit .ad illos deridendos, quibus hoc mandafle perhibe- 
 tur, quoniam certus erat Ordinatores ftios non efle Traditores. 
 [c] Theod. Hiftor. Relig. c. 13. * ^vvatov <f~U T«e oUtm cott- 
 rzd-eit cu y ei^prov'iav. [d] Cypr. Ep. 3^. al. 40. Admonitos 
 nos 8c inftructos fciatis Dignatione Divina, ut Numidicus Pref- 
 byter adferibatur Presbyterorum Carthaginienfium numero 8c no- 
 bifcum fedeat in Clero. [e] Ep. Synod, ap. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 9. 
 8c Theodor. lib. 1. c. 9. /uyr/»r£j>$Jt y^?o7ovi& $i€<uu$'w- 
 T«o 2cc. 
 
 upon 
 
164 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 upon their return to the Church j as V ilefius 
 [/] fhews out of Marcellinus and Fauftinus's Pe- 
 tition to the Emperor Theodofius : And other 
 Learned Men [g] are of the fame Opinion. 
 Yet in fome Cafes the Church confented to re- 
 ceive Schifmatical Bifhops and Presbyters with- 
 out obliging them to take a new Ordination. As 
 in Africk, St. Auftin [_h~] affures us, it was the 
 Cuftom to allow of the Ordinations of the Do- 
 natifts, and to admit them to Officiate in what- 
 ever Station they ferved before their Return to 
 the Unity of the Church, without Repeating 
 their Ordination any more than their Baptifm. 
 He repeats this in feveral Places of his Writings. 
 And that it was fo, appears both from the Ca- 
 nons of the African [f\ Councils, and the Con- 
 ceflions made [_k~] in the Collation of Carthage, 
 where the Propofal was, that the Donatift Bi- 
 fhops mould enjoy their Honours and Dignities, 
 if they would return to the Unity of the Ca- 
 tholick Church. This had before been deter- 
 mined in the Roman Council under Malchiades, 
 where the Donatifts had their firft Hearing. 
 For there, as St. Auftin informs us [/] , it was 
 alfo decreed, that only Donatus the Author of 
 the Schifm mould be camiered j but for all the 
 reft, though they were ordained out of the 
 Church, they mould be received upon their 
 Repentance, in the very fame Offices and 
 Quality , which they enjoyed before. So that 
 the Rigour of Church- Difcipline was quicken- 
 ed or abated 'in this Refpeft, according as the 
 Benefit or Neceflities of the Church feemed to 
 require. 
 
 sect. VIII. And the Treatment of Per- 
 
 And Hereticks afo fons ordained by Hereticks was 
 upon their Retum to Q f tn e fame nature. Some 
 
 theChurcK mfome Q mQm require aU f uch without 
 
 Exception to be re-ordained. It 
 was fo in the Greek Church, at the Time when 
 thofe called the Apoftolical Canons were made. 
 For the fame Canon [m] that condemns Re-or- 
 dinations in the Church, makes an Exception 
 in the Cafe of fuch as were ordained by Here- 
 ticks > pronouncing their Ordination void, and 
 requiring them to be ordained again. And this 
 was generally the Practice of all thofe Churches 
 in the 3d Century, which denied the Validity of 
 Heretical Baptifm : For by much ftronger Rea- 
 fon they denied their Ordinations. Therefore 
 
 Fermilian, who was of this Opinion, tells us al- 
 fo, that the Council [»] of Iconium Ann. Zf6, 
 decreed, that Hereticks had no Power to Mini- 
 fter either Baptifm, or Confimation, or Ordina- 
 tion. Nay, ibme of thofe who allowed the 
 Baptifm of Hereticks, yet ft ill continued to 
 condemn their Ordinations. As Innocent Bifhop 
 of Rome, who determines againft fuch as [0] 
 were ordained by the Arians and fuch other He- 
 reticks, that they were not to be admitted with 
 their Honours in the Catholick Church j though 
 their Baptifm might ftand good being admini- 
 llred in the Name of the Father, and of the 
 Son, and of the Holy Ghoft. In another Place 
 \_p] he fays, it was the ancient Rule of the 
 Church of Rome to cancel and difanuj all fuch 
 Ordinations > though in fome Places^ he owns, 
 they were allowed : For Anijius Bifhop of Thef- 
 falonica with a Council of his 1-rovincial Bi- 
 fhops, agreed to receive thofe whom Bonofus, an 
 Heretical Bifhop of Macedonia, had ordained 5 
 that they might not continue to ftrengthen his 
 Party, and thereby bring no fmall Damage up- 
 on the Church. Liberius not only admitted the 
 Macedonian Bifhops to Communion, but alfo al- 
 lowed them to continue in their Office, upon 
 their Subfcription to the Nicene Creed, and Ab- 
 juration of their former Herefy $ as Socrates [ef], 
 and Sozomen [_r~], and St. Bajil [f\ 9 and others 
 teftify. In France the Cuftom was in the Time 
 of Clodoveus to give a new Impofition of Hands 
 to the Arian Clergy, that returned to the Ca- 
 tholick Faith ; as appears from the firft Council 
 of Orleans, which made a Decree [t~\ about it: 
 But that perhaps does not mean a new Ordina- 
 tion, but only fuch a Reconciliatory Impofition 
 of Hands, as was ufed to be given to Penitents 
 in Abfolution. But if otherwife, it proves that 
 the Church had different Methods of Proceeding 
 in this Cafe, as fhe judged it moil Expedient 
 and Beneficial for her Service j fometimes re- 
 verfing and difannulling the Ordinations of He- 
 reticks for Difcipiine's lake, and to fhew her 
 Refentments of their Errors ; and fometimes al- 
 lowing them to ftand good for her own fake, to 
 prevent greater Scandals, and to encourage the 
 Unity of the Catholick Faith. Upon which 
 account the General Council of Ephefus [#] 
 made an Order concerning the MaJJalian Here- 
 ticks, otherwife called Euchites and Enthuafts, 
 that if any of their Clergy would return to the 
 
 [/] Valef. Not. in Socrat. lib. 1. c.9. [ g~\ Du Pin Bibli- 
 oth. Cent. 4. p. ifi. O] Aug. cont. Parmen. lib. 2. c. 13. 
 Si vilum eft opus efle, ut eadem Officia gererent quae gerebant, 
 non funt rurfus ordinati, fed licut Baptifmus in eis, ita Ordinatio 
 manfit Integra, 8cc. Vid. cont. Crefcon. lib. 2. c. n. It. Ep. fo. 
 p. 87. Ep. 162. p. 279. [«] Cod. Can. Afric. c. 69. 8c 70. 
 [*] Collat. Carth. Die 1. c. 16. [ / ] Aug. Ep. jo. ad Bonifac. 
 p. 87. Damnato uno quodam Donato, qui Author Schifmatis fa- 
 ille manifeftatus eft, casteros corre&os, etiamfi extra Ecclefiam orr 
 dinati cfTent, in luis honoribus recipiendos efle cenfuerunt. 
 [»»] Canon. Apoft. c. 67. [»] Firmil. Ep. 7?. ap. Cyprian p. 
 22 1. Hseretico iicut Ordinare non licet, nec manum imponerc, ita 
 nec Baptizare. [0] Innoc. Ep. 18. ad Alexand. c. 2. Non vi- 
 detur Clericos eorum cum Sacerdotii aut Minifterii cujufpiam fufci- 
 pi debere Dignitatis quoniam iis folum Baptifrna ratum efle per- 
 
 mittimus, 8cc. [p] Id. Ep. 22. ad Epifc. Macedon. c. f. Anifii 
 quondam fratris noftri, aliorumque Coniacerdotum fumm3 delibe- 
 rate haec fuit, ut quos Bonofus ordinaverat, ne cum eodem rema- 
 narent ac ne lieret mediocre Scandalum, ordinati reciperentur.— 
 Jam ergo quod pro Remedio ac neccflitate temporis ftatutum eft, 
 cenftat prirnitus non fuifle. [ q] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 1 2. 
 [>] Sozom. lib. 6. c. 10. fs] Bafil. Ep. 74. ad Epifcopos Occi- 
 dent. [?] Cone. Aurel. 1. c. 12. DeHacreticis Clericis, qui ad 
 Fidem Catbolicnm plena fide 8c voluntate vem.rint, id ceniuimus 
 
 obfervari. ut Officium, quo cos Epifcopus dignos efle ceniue- 
 
 rit, cum impolite manus Bcnedi£l:or.e fufcipiant. [«] Cone. 
 Ephef, ACt. 7. Decret. cont. Meflalian. Tom. 2 p. 809. Si Clerici 
 
 fuerint, maneant Cleiici. Quod fi renuerint anathematizare, fi 
 
 Presbyteri vcl Diaconi fuerint, ve! in alio quopiam Gradu Ecclefix, 
 excidant 8c a Clero 8c a Gradu 8c a Comrcunione. 
 
 Church, 
 
 1 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 16% 
 
 Church, and in Writing Anathematize their 
 former Errors, they mould continue in the fame 
 Station they were in before h otherwife they 
 ihould be degraded, and enjoy neither Clerical 
 Promotion nor Communion in the Church. The 
 Council of Nice is thought to have made the 
 like Decree [_w] in favour of the Novatian Cler- 
 gy, only giving them a Reconciliatory Impofi- 
 tion of Hands by way of Abfolution, not Rc-or- 
 dination. And there is nothing more certain 
 than that the African Fathers fo treated the Do- 
 natifts ; particularly St. Aufiin in all his Writings 
 pleads as much for the Validity of Heretical 
 Ordinations, as Heretical Baptifm j and lays far- 
 ther, that when the Church [x] judged it ex- 
 pedient not to fuffer the Donatifi Bifliops to 
 Officiate upon their Return to the Church, 
 
 fhe did not thereby intend to deny the Reali- 
 ty or Validity of their Ordination, but fuppo- 
 fed that to remain ftill perfect and entire in 
 them. And this is what St. Aufiin meant by 
 the Sacrament of Ordination, as he words it, 
 or the Indelible Character which was thereby 
 imprinted } that though a Man turned Apoftate, 
 ot was fufpended or deprived for any Crime, 
 yet if upon his Repentance and Satisfaction 
 the Church thought fit to admit him to Offi- 
 ciate again, there was no neceffity of giving 
 him a new Ordination, no more than a new 
 Baptifm > for the Character of both remained 
 entire. This was the Doctrine and Practice of 
 the African Church, and moil others, in the 
 Time of St. Aufiin. 
 
 [»] Cone. Nic. c. 8. [x] Aug. cont. Parmen. lib. a. flrentj non eis tamen ipft Ordinationis Sacramenta detrahimtur 
 c. 1 3. Cum expedire hoc judicatur Ecclcfia:, ut Prsepofiti eorum fed manent fupcr cos. 
 venientes ad Catholicam Societatem, Honores fuos ibi non admini- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 u 
 
 BOOK 
 
166 The Antiquities of the Book V. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Of the Privileges, Immunities, and Revenues 
 of the Clergy, in the Primitive Church. 
 
 CHAP, l 
 
 Some Inflames of Re/peel which the Clergy paid mutually to one another., 
 
 far 
 
 AVING thus 
 difcourfed of the ne- 
 cefflary Qualifications 
 of the Clergy, and 
 the feveral j Cuftoms 
 obferved in the De- 
 the Minifterial Office : 
 the next Place to fpeak 
 that was ge- 
 Account of 
 Under which Head I fhall corn- 
 whatever relates to the Privileges, Ex- 
 
 Honour, 
 upon the 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Clergy obliged 
 to give Entertain- 
 ment to their Bre- 
 thren , travelling 
 upon necejfary Oc- 
 cafions. 
 
 fignation of them to 
 It will be proper in 
 of the Refpect and 
 nerally paid them 
 their Office, 
 prize 
 
 emptions, Immunities, and Revenues of the 
 ancient Clergy. Some particular Marks of 
 Honour, as they were peculiar to this or 
 that Order, have already been mentioned in 
 fpeaking of thofe Orders : But now I fhall treat 
 of thofe which were more Univerfal, and com- 
 mon to all Orders. And here it will not be a- 
 mifs in the firft Place to fay fomething of that 
 courteous Treatment and Friendfhip, wherewith 
 the Clergy of the ancient Church were obliged to 
 receive and embrace one another. Two or three 
 Inftances of which it will be fufficient to ob- 
 ferve at prefent. ifi, That where-ever they 
 travelled upon necefTary Occafions, they were 
 to be entertained by their Brethren of the Cler- 
 gy in all Places out of the Publick Revenues of 
 the Church : And it was a fort of Crime for a 
 Bifhop or other Clerk, to refufe the Hofpitality 
 of the Church, and take it from any other. 
 The Hiftorians Socrates and Sozomen [a] tacitly 
 reflect, upon Epiphanius for an A6tion of this 
 Nature, That when he came to Confiantinople, 
 where Chryfoftom fhewed him all imaginable Re- 
 fpecT: and Honour, fending his Clergy out to 
 meet him, and inviting him to an Apartment 
 according to Cuftom in his Houfe, he refufed 
 the Civility, and took up his Habitation in a 
 feparate Manfion. This was interpreted the 
 fame thing as breaking Catholick Communion 
 with him, as it proved in Effect - y for he came 
 on purpofe, by the Inftigation of Theophilus Bi- 
 lhop of Alexandria, to form an Accufation a- 
 gainft him. On the other Hand, to deny any 
 
 of the Clergy the Hofpitality of the Church up- 
 on fuch Occafions was a more unpardonable 
 Crime, and looked upon as the rudeft Way of 
 denying Communion. Therefore Eirmilian [f\ 
 fmartly reproves the Behaviour of Pope Stephen, 
 both as Infolent and Unchriftian, towards the 
 African Bifhops 4 who were fent as Legates from 
 their Churches to him, That he neither admit- 
 ted them to Audience himfelf, nor fuffered any 
 of the Brethren to receive them to his Houfe; 
 fo not only denying them the Peace and Com- 
 munion of the Church, but the Civility of 
 Chriftian Entertainment alfo. Which was fo 
 much the greater Defpite and Affront to them, 
 becaufe every private Chriftian travelling with 
 Letters of Credence from his own Church, 
 might have challenged that Privilege upon the 
 ContefTeration of Hofpitality, as Tertullian [r] 
 words it j and much more the Bifhops and Cler- 
 gy from one another. By the Laws of the A- 
 frican Church, every Bifhop that went as a Le- 
 gate of a Provincial Synod to that which they 
 called a General and Plenary Synod, was to be 
 provided of all things necefTary in his Travels 
 from this Liberality of the Church : As appears 
 from a Canon in the 3d Council of Carthage, 
 which orders [i], that no Province fhould 
 fend above two or three Legates ; that fo they 
 might appear with lefs Pomp and Envy, and 
 be lefs Charge to their Entertainers. This im- 
 plies that every Church was obliged, by Cu- 
 ftom at leaft, to give them Entertainment in 
 their PafTage. 
 
 Another Inftance of cu- SECT. 11. 
 ftomary Refpect , which the And 10 them 
 
 Clergy were obliged to fhew to the Honorary Vrivi- 
 
 one another, was that when a- £*&g*l 
 ny Bifhop or Presbyter came to t h e church. 
 a foreign Church, they were to 
 be complimented with the Honorary Privilege 
 of performing Divine Offices, and confecrating 
 the Eucharifi in the Church. This was a very 
 ancient Cuftom, as appears from what Irenam 
 fays of Anicetus Bifhop of Rome, that when Po- 
 
 [a] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 12. Sozom. lib. 8. c. 14. [6 ] Firrail. Prxfcript. c. 20. [J] Cone. Carth. 3. c. 2. Ut 8c minus in- 
 Ep. 7f . ap. Cypr. p. 228. Ut venientibus non folum Pax 8c Com- vidioii , minufquc Hofpitibus fumptuofi exiftant. 
 munio, fed 8c Tectum 8c Holpitium negaretur. [c] Tertul.de 
 
 7 lycarp 
 
Chap. L 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 167 
 
 Jycarp came to fettle the Pafchal Controverfy with 
 him, wap^oipuw t h>x°QV«* f no\u*ar;ru W, 
 which does not barely i^^ n hc g ave f h l m * c 
 Eusbarift, as the firft Tranflators of Eufehus 
 render it > but, he gave Place to him, or Liber- 
 ty to confecrate the Eucbartft in his Church,. 
 The Council of Aries, which turned this Cu- 
 ilom into a Law, ufes the very fame Exprefficm 
 about it, That in every Church they fhould give 
 Place [/] to the Bilhop that was a Stranger to 
 offer the Oblation or Sacrifice. And the 4th 
 Council of Carthage more plainly, That a Bifhop 
 or Presbyter [g] vifiting another Church, fhall 
 be received each in their own Degree, and be 
 invited to Preach, and Confecrate the Oblation. 
 So they were to be admitted to all the Honours 
 which the Church could fhew them } the Bifhop 
 was to feat his Fellow-Bilhop in the fame Throne 
 with himfelf, and the Presbyters to do the fame 
 by their Fellow-Presbyter. For that the Canon 
 means by receiving them in their own Degree. 
 Which Cuftom is referr'd to by the Catholick 
 Bifhops in the Collation [h~] of Carthage, where 
 they promife the Donatifi Bifhops, that if they 
 would return to the Church, they fhould be 
 treated by them as Fellow-Bifhops, and fit upon 
 the fame Thrones with them, as Strangers were 
 ufed to do. The Author of the Conflitutions 
 joyns all thefe things together, faying, Let the 
 "Bifhop that is a Stranger fit with the Bifhop, 
 and be invited to preach } Let him alfo be per- 
 mitted to offer the Eucharift; or if m Modefly 
 he refufes it, let him at leaft be conftrained to 
 give the BlefTing to the People. 
 
 SECT. III. But then it is to be obferved, 
 The ufe of the Li- t h at thefe Honours were not to 
 terse Formats, or ^ flawed t o Strangers, as mere 
 
 Commendatory Let- g but as the could fome . 
 
 ters, tnthts Refpect. wv • o. ' r r 'u ■ A' 1 
 
 ways give Proof or their Ortho- 
 doxy and Catholicifm to the Church to which 
 they came. And in this RefpecT: the Liter* Sy- 
 ftatica, or Commendatory Letters, as they called 
 them, were of great Ufe and Service in the 
 Church. For no flrange Clergy-man was to be 
 admitted fo much as to communicate, much lefs 
 to officiate, without thefe Letters of his Bifhop, 
 in any Church where he was a perfect Stranger, 
 for fear of furreptitious, or paffive Communion, 
 as the Canons [i] call it. And Bifhops were un- 
 der the fame Obligations to take the Letters of 
 their Metropolitan, if they had occafion to tra- 
 vel into a foreign Country, where they could 
 not otherwife be known. The }d Council of 
 Carthage has a Canon [k~] to this purpofe, That 
 no Bifhop fhould go beyond Sea without con- 
 futing the Primate of his Province, that he 
 
 might have his Format* , or Letters of Com" 
 mendation. And that the fame Difciplinc wa s , 
 obferved in all Churches, fcems clear from one o^ 
 thofe Canons of the Greek Church, among thofc 
 which go by the Name of Apoftolical, which 
 fays, no ftrange Bifhops, [/] Presbyters, or Dea- 
 cons fliall be received ujSj crus-a-nxcm/, unlefs they 
 bring Commendatory Letters with them: But 
 without them they fhall only be provided of Ne- 
 cefTaries, and not be admitted to communicate, 
 becaufe many things are furreptitioufly obtained. 
 The Tranflation of Dionyjius Exiguus indeed de- 
 nies them Neceflaries alfo : But that is a manifeft 
 Corruption of the Greek Text, which allows 
 them to communicate in outward good things, 
 but not in the Communion of the Church. 
 And this is what fome think the Ancients meant 
 by Communio Pcregrina, the Communion of 
 Strangers, when fuch as travelled without Let- 
 ters of Credence, were hofpitably entertained, and 
 provided of Suftenance, but not admitted to par- 
 ticipate of the Eucharift, becaufe they had no 
 Teftimonials of their Life and Convcrfation. 
 But others give a different Account of this, 
 which I fhall more nicely examine, when I 
 come to fpeak of the Difcipline of the Church, 
 under which Head the Communio Peregrina will 
 come to be confidered, as a Species of Ecclefla- 
 cal Cenfure. 
 
 A Third Inftance of Refpecl sect. iv. 
 
 which the Clergy fhewed to one The clergy obliged 
 
 another, was, That if any Con- to end all their own 
 
 troverfies happened among them- Controvert among 
 
 r i i 1 'r 1 r ° i themfelves. 
 
 lelves, they freely confented to 
 have them determined by their Bifhops and 
 Councils, without having Recourfe to the Secu- 
 lar Magiflrate for Juflice. Bifhops, as I have 
 had occafion to fhew [*] before, were ancientlv 
 authorized by the Imperial Laws to hear and 
 determine Secular Pecuniary Caufes even among 
 Lay-men, when both the Litigants would agree 
 upon Compromife to take them for Arbitrators : 
 But among the Clergy there needed no fuch par- 
 ticular Compromife, but by the Rules and Ca- 
 nons of the Church they were brought under a 
 general Obligation not to moleft one another 
 before a Secular Magiltrate, but to end all their 
 Controversies under the Cognizance of an Ec- 
 clefkftical Tribunal. The Cafe was fome- 
 what different when a Layman and a Cler- 
 gyman had occafion to go to Law together: 
 For then the Layman was at Liberty to 
 chufe his Court, and was not obliged to re- 
 fer his Caufe to any Ecclefiaflical Judge, un- 
 lefs by Compromife he brought himfelf under 
 fuch an Obligation. For fo the Imperial Laws 
 
 [e] Iren. Ep. ad Vi&or. ap. Eufeb. lib. j. c. 24. [/] Cone. 
 Arelat. 1. c. 20. Ut Peregrino Epifcopo Locus facrificandi dctur. 
 [g] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 33. Ut Epifcopi vel Presbyteri, fi caufa 
 vifendae Ecclefise altcrius Epifcopi,' ad Ecclefiam venerint, & in 
 Gradu fuo fufcipiantur, & tarn ad Verbum faciendum, quam ad 
 Oblationem confecrandam invitentur. [h] Collat. Carthag. Die 
 1. c. 16. Sicut Peregrino Epifcopo juxta confidente Collega. 
 '[<] Cone. Carthag, 1. c. 7. Clericus vej Laicus non coramunicet 
 
 in aliena Plebe fine Literis Epifcopi fut. Nifi hoc obfervatum fu- 
 erit, Communio fiet Paffiva. Vid. Cone. Laodicen. c. 41. Cone, 
 Antioch. c. 7. Agathenf. c. 38. Chalcedon. c. ri. [i] Cone. 
 Carth. 3. c. 28. Ut Epifcopi trans mare non proficifcantur, nifi 
 confulto Primae Scdis Epifcopo , ut ab Epifcopo prxcipue ( leg. 
 prarcipuo ) poffint fumere Formatam vel Commendationem. 
 [/] Canon. Apoft. c. 1 r. [*] Beok 2. Chap. 7. 
 
 [mj ia 
 
1mm 
 
 168 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 Lw] in this Cafe had provided. Though in 
 France in the Time of the Gothick Kings it was 
 otherwife : For Laymen there were not to fue 
 a Clerk in a Secular Court without the Bilhop's 
 Permiflion j as appears from a Canon of the 
 Council [»] of Agde, made under Alaritk Ann. 
 f 06, which equally forbids a Clergyman to fue 
 a Layman in a Secular Court, or to anfwer to a- 
 ny Action brought againft him there, without 
 the Bifhop's Permiflion. But whatever Diffe- 
 rence there was betwixt the Roman and Gothick 
 Laws in this particular, it is evident, that as to 
 any Controverfies arifing among the Clergy 
 themfelves, they were to be determined before 
 Ecclefiaftical Judges j as appears from a Canon 
 of the Council of Chalcedony which is in thefe 
 Words, If any Clergyman hath a Controverfy 
 with another, he fhall not leave his own Bifhop, 
 and betake himfelf [0] to any Secular Court, 
 but firft have a Hearing before his own Bifhop, 
 or fuch Arbitrators as both Parties {hould chufe 
 with the Bifhop's Approbation. Otherwife he 
 (hould be liable to Canonical Cenfure. Which 
 Cenfure in the African Church Was the Lofs of 
 his Place, whether he were Bifhop, Presbyter, 
 or Deacon, or any other Inferior Clerk, that de- 
 clined the Sentence of an Ecclefiaftical Court, 
 either in a civil or criminal Caufe, and betook 
 himfelf to a Secular Court for Juftice : Though 
 he carried his Caufe, and Sentence was given 
 on his fide, in a criminal Action, yet he was to 
 be depofed ; or if it was a civil Caufe, he muft 
 lofe whatever Advantage he gained by the A- 
 ction, as the zd Council of Carthage [_p\ in this 
 cafe determined, becaufe he defpifed the whole 
 Church, in that he could not confide in any Ec- 
 clefiaftical •Perfons to be his Judges. Many o- 
 ther Councils determined the fame thing, as that 
 of Vannes [gj 9 Chalons [r], and Ma/con [/]. 
 And the Council of Milevis [t] decreed, That 
 no one fhould petition the Emperor to aflign 
 him Secular Judges, but only Ecclefiaftical [»], 
 under Pain of Deprivation. So great Confidence 
 did the Clergy generally place in one another, 
 and pay fuch a Deference to the Wifdom, Inte- 
 grity, and Judgment of their Brethren, that it 
 was then thought they had no need to have Re- 
 courfe to Secular Courts for Juftice, but they 
 were willing to determine all Controverfies of 
 their own among themfelves : And as the Impe- 
 rial Laws did not hinder this, but encourage it 3 
 fo we feldom find any Ecclefiafticks inclined to 
 oppofe it, but either fome Factious and Turbu- 
 
 lent Men, or fuch whofe Crimes had made them 
 fo obnoxious, that they had Reafon to dread an 
 Ecclefiaftical Cenfure. 
 
 I (hall but obferve one thing SECT. v. 
 more upon this Head, which is, wk*t c<*r« t*~ 
 the great Care the Clergy had of M in receiving 
 the Reputation and Character of c »ff™>*zfifl*l* 
 oneanother; which being a fa- 
 cred and necefTary thing in Per- 
 fons of their Function, they did not think fit to 
 let it be expofed to the malicious Calumnies and 
 Slanders of every bafe and falfe Accufer. But 
 firft in all Accufations, efpecially againft Bifhops, 
 the Teftimony of two or three WitnefTes was 
 required, according to the Rule of the .Apoftle. 
 Therefore when the Synod of Antioch proceeded 
 to condemn Euflathius Bifhop of Antioch upon a 
 fingle Teftimony, the Hiftorian cenfures it [w] 
 as an arbitrary Proceeding in them againft that 
 Apoftolical Canon, Receive not an Accufation a- 
 gainft an Elder, but before two or three Witnejfes. 
 2dly, The Character of the WitnefTes was to be 
 examined, before their Teftimony was to be al- 
 lowed of. An Heretick was not to give Evi- 
 dence againft a Bifhop, as may be collected from 
 thofe Canons which bear the Name of the Apo- 
 ftles, one of which joins thefe two things toge- 
 ther : Receive [x~] not an Heretick to teftify againft 
 a Bifhop y Nor a ftngle IVitnefs, though he be one 
 of the Faithful: For the Law faith, In the Mouth 
 of two or three JVitneJfes Jhall every Word be ejla- 
 blijhed. Athanafius pleaded the Privilege of this 
 Law, when he was accufed for fuffering Maca- 
 rius his Presbyter to break the Communion-Cup $ 
 he urged [jfj, that his Accufers were Meletians % 
 who ought not to be credited, being Schifma- 
 ticks, and Enemies of the Church. By the zd 
 Council of Carthage not only Hereticks, but a- 
 ny others that were known to be guilty [z] of 
 fcandalous Crimes, Were to be rejected from giv- 
 ing Teftimony againft any Elder of the Church. 
 The 1 ft general Council of Conftantinople di- 
 ftinguifhes the Caufes, upon which an Accufa- 
 tion might be brought againft a Bifhop : For a 
 Man might have a private Caufe of Complaint 
 againft him, as that he was defrauded in his Pro- 
 perty, or in any the like Cafe injured by him : 
 In which Cafe his Accufation was to be heard, 
 without confidering at all the Quality of the 
 Perfon or his Religion. For a Bifhop was to 
 keep a good Conscience, and any Man that 
 complained of being injured by him, was to 
 
 [wj] Valentin. Novel, 12. ad Calcem Cod. Th. In Clerico Peti- 
 tore confequens crit, ut fecundum lege Pulfati Forum fequatur, fi 
 adverfarius fuus ad Epifcopi vel Presbyteri Audientiam non praeftat 
 adfenfum. [»] Cone. Agathenf. c. 31. Clericus nec quen- 
 quam pracfumat apud faecularem Judicem, Epifcopo non pgrmit- 
 tente, palfare. Sed fi pulfatus fuerit, non refpondeat, nec propo- 
 nat, nec audeat criminale negotium in Judicio feculari proponere. 
 [#] Cone. Chalced. c. 9. « ri? KMetn'of n^s Kh»exx.ov it^.y- 
 
 (JLO. tJ^P-t ifKetTAAiUTAV 4T» T OtKHOV C//77 CT KOTTOV . )t) cm 
 
 KofffJLiKet S-iK&s-heiA x.ATa.T^'xkru, 8cc. [ p ] Cone. Carth. 
 3. c. 9. Quifquis Epifcoporum, Presbyterorum, & Diaconorum 
 feu Clericorum, cum in Ecclefia ei crimen fuerit intentatum, vel 
 Civilis Caufa fuerit commota, fi dereli&o Ecclefiaftico Judicio 
 
 Publicis Judiciis purgari voluerit, etiamfi pro ipfo prolata fuerit fen- 
 tentia, Locum fuum amittat, & hoc in Criminali A&ione. Ia 
 Civili vero perdat quod evicerit, fi Locum fuum obtinere maluerit, 
 &c. [q\ Cone. Venetic. c. 9. [r] Cone. CabiUon. c. 11. 
 fi] Cone. Matifcon. c. j- . [*] Cone. Milev. c. 19. 
 [u] Cone. Milev. c. 19. Quicunque ab Imperatorc Cognitionem 
 Judiciorum Publicorum petierit, Honore proprio privetur : Si au- 
 tem Epifcopale Judicium ab Imperatore poftulaverit, nihil ei obfit. 
 [w] Theod. Hift. lib. 1. c. 20. [>] Canon. Apoft. c. jf. 
 [jc] Athan. Apol. ad Conftant. T. 1. p. 731. [2.] Cone. 
 Carth. 2. c. 6. Qui aliquibus fceleribus irretitus eft, vocem adver- 
 fus Majores Natu non habeat accuiandi. Vid. Cod. Can. Afric. c. ;. 
 
 have 
 
Chap. II 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 169 
 
 have Juftice done him, whatever Religion he 
 was of. But if the Crime was purely Ecclefia- 
 ftical, that was alledged againft him} then the 
 Perfonal Qualities of the Accufers were to be ex- 
 amined > fo that no Hereticks fhould be allowed 
 to accufe [r] Orthodox Bifhops in Caufes Eccle- 
 fiaftical } nor any Excommunicate Perfons, be- 
 fore they had firft made Satisfaction for their 
 own Crimes} nor any who were impeached of 
 Crimes, of which they had not proved them- 
 felves Innocent. The Council of Chalcedon [i] 
 adds, that no Clergyman or Layman fhould be 
 admitted to impeach a Bifhop or a Clerk, till 
 his own Reputation and Character were firft en- 
 quired into and fully examined. So careful were 
 they in this Matter not to expofe the Credit of 
 the Clergy to the malicious Defigns or wicked 
 Confpiracies of any profligate Wretches, whom 
 Malice and Bribery might induce to accufe 
 them. $dly, In cafe of falfe Accufation, whe- 
 ther publick or private, the Penalty againft the 
 Offender was very fevere. If any Clergyman, 
 fays one [/] of the Apoftolical Canons, unjuftly 
 reproach a Bifhop, he fhall be depofed : For it is 
 written, 'thou Jhalt not [peak Evil of the Ruler 
 
 of thy People. And by a Canon [u] of the 
 Council of EliberiS) for any Man to charge a 
 Bifhop, Presbyter, or Deacon with a falfe Crime, 
 which he could not make good againft them, 
 was Excommunication without Hopes of Re- 
 conciliation at the Hour of Death. Which was 
 the ufual Penalty that was inflicted by that Coun- 
 cil upon very great and notorious Offenders > for 
 which fome have cenfured the SpaniJI) Church 
 as guilty of Novatianifm 1 but without Reafon, 
 as 1 fhall fhew when I come to difcourfc of the 
 Difcipline of the Church. Here it may be fuf- 
 ficient to obferve, that they thought this Crime 
 one of the firft Magnitude, fince they refufed to 
 give the external Peace of the Church to fuch 
 Offenders, even at their laft Hour. Many other 
 Inftances of the like Refpect might here be ad- 
 ded, but by thefe few the Reader will be able 
 to judge, with what Candor and Civility the 
 Clergy of the Primitive Church were obliged 
 to receive and treat one another. And it would 
 have been happy for all Ages, had they walked 
 in the fame Steps, and copied after fo good an 
 Example. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Inftances of RefpeB Jhewed to the Clergy by the Civil Government. Where 
 particularly of their Exemption from the Cognizance of the Secular Courts 
 in Eccleflaftical Caufes, 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Hifhops not to be 
 called into any fe- 
 cular Court to give 
 their Teftimony. 
 
 NEXT to the Refpect which 
 the Clergy fhewed to one 
 another, it will be proper to fpeak 
 of the Honours which were done 
 them by the Civil Magistrates, 
 which were more or lefs, according as either the 
 Inclination and Piety of the Emperors led them, 
 or as the State of the Times required. Thefe 
 Honours chiefly confifted in Exempting them 
 from fome fort of Obligations to which others 
 were liable, and in granting them certain Privi- 
 leges and Immunities which others did not enjoy. 
 Of this kind was that Inftance of Refpect, 
 which by the Laws of Juftinian was granted to 
 all Bifhops, that no fecular Judge fhould com- 
 pel [a] them to appear in a Publick Court to 
 give their Teftimony before him, but he fhould 
 fend one of his Officers to take it from their 
 Mouth in Private. This Law is alfo repeated in 
 
 the Juftinian [b~\ Code, and there faid to be en- 
 acted firft by "Theodofius the Great, a Law of 
 whofe is ftill extant in the fame Words in the 
 e £heodofian Code [c~]. But Gothofred will have it, 
 that this Law as firft enacted by Theodojius, 
 meant no more than to exempt the Clergy from 
 being bound to give an Account to the Civil 
 Magistrates, of what Judgments or Sentences 
 they paffed upon any fecular Caufes, that were 
 referred to their Arbitration. And indeed it is 
 evident, that the Law-Terms, ad 'Teftimonium 
 devocari, and «j ixa^Tu^jav omxaheicbax, are taken 
 in this Senfe by the African Fathers in the fifth 
 Council of Carthage, where it was agreed [d~] to 
 Petition the Emperors, to make a Decree, that if 
 any Perfons referred a Civil Caufe to the Arbi- 
 tration of the Church, and one of the Parties 
 chanced to be difpleafed with the Decifion or 
 Sentence that was given againft him } it fhould 
 
 [r] Cone. Conftant. Gen. i. c. 6. [*] Cone. Chal- 
 ced. c. 2i. [f] Canon. Apoft. c. 47. [«J Cone. Eliber. 
 c. 7f. Si quis Epifcopum , Presbyterum , vel Diaconum fallis 
 Criminibus appetierit, 8c probare non potuerit, nee in fine dan- 
 dam ei Communionem. [»] Juftin. Novel. 122. c. 7. Nul- 
 Ii Judicum licebit Deo amabiles Epifcopos cogere ad Judicium 
 venire pro exhibendo Teftimonio; led Judex mittat ad eos quof- 
 dam ex Perfenis Miniftrantium fibi, &c. [6] Cod. Juft. 
 lib. 1. Tit. 5. de Epifc. Leg. 7. Imperator Theodofius dixit, 
 Nec Honore nec Legibus Epifcopus ad Teftimonium decendum 
 
 Vol. I, 
 
 flagitctur. [c] Cod. Th. lib. 11. Tit. 39. de Fide Tcftium 
 Leg. 8. [</] Cone. Carth. f. c. 1. It. Cod. Can. Afr. c. 
 $•9. Et Cone, vulgo did. Africanum. c. z6. Peteodum ut fta- 
 tuere dignentur, ut fi qui forte in Ecclefia quamlibet Caufam, 
 jure Apoftolico Ecclefiis impofito, agere voluerint, & fortafie 
 Decifio Clericorum uni parti difplicuerit; non liceat Clericum in 
 judicium ad Teftimonium devocari cum, qui cognitor vel prse- 
 fens ( forfan Prarfcs ) fuerit. Et nulla ad Teftimonium dicendum 
 Ecclefiaftici cujuflibet Perfona pulfetur. 
 
 X x not 
 
170 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 not be lawful to draw the Clergyman, who 
 was Judge in the Caufe, into any fecular Court, 
 to make him give any Teftimony or Account of 
 his Determination. This was not intended to ex- 
 empt Clergymen in general from being called 
 to be WitnefTes in a fecular Court, but only to 
 free them from the Profecutions of Vexatious 
 and Troublefome Men, who when they had 
 chofen them for their Arbitrators, would not 
 ftand to their Arbitration, but Profecuted them 
 in the Civil Courts, as if they had given a Par- 
 tial Sentence againft them : And though it was 
 contrary to the Law to give them any fuch 
 Trouble} becaufe, as I have Ihewed [*] in a- 
 nother Place, all fuch Determinations were to be 
 abfolutely Decifive and Final without Appeal} 
 yet 'tis probable fome fecular Judges in Africk 
 might give Encouragement to fuch Profecu- 
 tions: Which made the African Fathers com- 
 plain of the Grievance, but defire to have it re- 
 drefs'd, in the forementioned Canon, to which 
 Gothofred thinks the Law of Theodofius refers. 
 But whether the Law of lloeodofius be thus to 
 be limited, is a matter that may admit of farther 
 Enquiry. Gothofred himfelf confefTes that Jufii- 
 nian took it in a larger Senfe } and that is enough 
 for me to found this Privilege of Bifhops upon, 
 that they were not to be called into a fecular 
 Court, to give their Teftitnony there in any 
 Cafe whatfoever. 
 
 sect. n. Another Privilege of this 
 Nor obliged to give kind , which alfo argued great 
 
 their Teftimony upon R e fpe& paid tO Bifliops, Was, 
 
 oath by the Laws That hen fa j Teftimony was 
 
 of Tuftiman. ... - 3 
 
 i taken in private, they were not 
 
 obliged to give it upon Oath, as other Wit- 
 nefTes were, but only upon their Word, as be- 
 came the Priefts of God, laying the Holy Gof- 
 pels before them. For the fame Law of Jufti- 
 nian [e] which grants them the former Privi- 
 lege, enadted this in their Favour and Behalf 
 alfo. And in purfuance of that Law proba- 
 bly the Council of Tribur fome Ages after [/] 
 decreed, that no Presbyter fhould be quefti- 
 oned upon Oath, but inftead of that only be 
 Interrogated upon his Confecration } becaufe 
 it did not become a Prieft to Swear upon a 
 light Caufe. But it does not appear, that this 
 Indulgence was granted to Bifhops before the 
 Time of Jufiinian. For the Council of Chalce- 
 don {_g\ exacted an Oath in a certain Cafe of the 
 Egyptian Bifhops } and the Council of 'tyre [h~\ 
 required the fame of Ibas Bifhop of Edeffa. 
 And there are many other Inftances of the like 
 Nature. 
 
 Confiantine the Great granted sect. III. 
 
 many Privileges to the Clergy } whether the fingk 
 
 but there are fome that go under °f° ne 
 
 his Name, which were certainly M™z^i*L*» 
 
 ' j i i • * , ' againft the TcCtimo- 
 
 never granted by him: As his J^wfe; 
 famed Donation to the Bifhops 
 of Rome, which Baronius [f] himfelf gives up for 
 a Forgery, and De Marca [_k~] and Pagi [/] prove 
 it to be a fpurious Fiction of the pth Century, 
 invented molt probably by the fame Ifidore Mer- 
 cator, who forged the Decretal Epiftles of the 
 ancient Bifhops of Rome. There are other Pri- 
 vileges fathered upon Confiantine, which though 
 not fuch manifeft Forgeries as the former, are 
 yet by Learned Men reputed of a doubtful Na- 
 ture} fuch as that which is comprized in a Law 
 under the Name of Confiantine [m~], at the end 
 of the Theodofian Code, where all Judges are 
 commanded to take the flngle Evidence of one 
 Bifhop as good in Law, againft all others what- 
 foever. Gothofred is of Opinion, that this whole 
 Title in the Theodofian Code is fpurious } and for 
 this Law in Particular, there are two Argu- 
 ments that feem to prove it not Genuine. Firfi+ 
 Becaufe Confiantine himfelf in another Law jV} 
 fays, The Teftimony of a fingle Witnels fhuli 
 not be heard in any Cafe, no not though the 
 Witnefs be a Senator. Secondly, Becaufe the Ec- 
 clefiaflical Laws, as well as i-he Civil, require 
 two WitnefTes, as has been Noted in the ht& 
 Chapter. Which, I think, are fufficient Argu- 
 ments to prove, that no fuch Extravagant Privi- 
 lege could be granted to Bifhops by Confian- 
 tine : But I leave the Reader to Judge for 
 himfelf, if he can find better Arguments to the 
 contrary. 
 
 We have better Proof for a- sect. IV. 
 nother Privilege that we find Presbyters prhik- 
 granted to Presbyters, which & ed a Z ain ft 6e '"2 
 was, That if any of them were gl«fl imed h T °" 
 
 ii i • rr>.ft- ■ ture, as other Wtt- 
 
 called to give Teftimony in a ne fc swere , 
 publick Court, they fhould not 
 be examined by Scourging or Torture, as the 
 Law directed in other Cafes. For by the Ro- 
 man Laws WitnefTes might be examined upon 
 the Rack in fome Cafes, to make them declare 
 the whole Truth : As we learn not only from 
 the Laws [o] themfelves, but from St. Auflin 
 [/>], and Synefius \_f], who mentions feveral new 
 forts of Torture, which Andronicus the Tyran- 
 nical Prefect of Ptolemais invented beyond what 
 the Law directed. But now nothing of this 
 kind could be impofed upon any Presbyter of 
 the Church : For they were exempted from it 
 by a Law of Theodofius the Great, which is ftill 
 
 [*] Book 2. Chap. 7. Se£l. i. 8c 4. [e] Juflin. Novel. 
 123. c. 7. Propofitis SS. Evangeliis, lecundum quod decet Sa- 
 cerdotes, dicant quod noverint, non tamen jurent. [/] Cone. 
 Tribur. c. 21. Presbyter vice Juramenti per fanctam Conlecra- 
 tionem interrogetur; quia facerdotes ex Ievi caufa jurare non de- 
 bent, 8cc. [g] Cone. Cbalced. Aft. 4. Tom. 4. p. f 18. 
 [6] Cone. Tyr. in Aft. 9. Concil. Chalced. p, 619. [»] Baron, 
 an. 524. n. 1 18. [fc] Marca de Concord, lib. 6. c. 6. n. 6. 
 [/] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 314. u. 13. [»>] Cod. Th. 
 lib. 16. tit. 1 2. de Epifc. Audient. Leg. 1. Testimonium etiam 
 
 ab uno licet Epifcopo perhibitum, omnes Judices indubitanter 
 accipiant, nec alius audiatur, cum Teftimonium Epifcopi a qua- 
 libet parte fuerit repromifium. [»] Cod. Th. lib. 11. tit. 
 31. de Fide Teftium. Leg. 3. Sancimus, ut unius omnino Tc- 
 ftis Relponfio non audiatur, etiamfi praeclare Curia; honore prae- 
 fulgeat. [0] Vid. Cod. Juftin. lib. 9. tit. 41. de Quzftioni- 
 bus. It. Cod. Theod fian. lib. 13. tit. 9. de Naufragiis Leg. 2. 
 [/>] Aug. Serm. 49. de Divcrf. Tom. 10. p. fio. [^] Sy- 
 nef. Ep. j8. 
 
 extant 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 171 
 
 extant in both the Codes [>], by which it alfo 
 appears that it was a peculiar Privilege gran- 
 ted to Bifhops and Presbyters, but to none be- 
 low them: For the reft of the Clergy are ex- 
 cepted, and left to the common way of Exami- 
 nation, which in other Cafes the Law directed 
 to be ufed. 
 
 sect. v. But the next Privilege I am 
 Tie clergy exempt to mention, was a more Univer- 
 
 from the Ordinary ^ that exten( Jed to all the 
 
 j&S&S Clergy > which was their Exemp- 
 Ecckfiafticalcaufe*. tion from the Ordinary Cogni- 
 zance of the fecular Courts in 
 federal forts of Caufes. To underftand this 
 Matter aright, we muft carefully diftinguifh two 
 things. Firft, The different Kinds of Caufes in 
 which the Clergy might be concerned ; and Se- 
 condly, the different Powers of the Inferior 
 Courts from that of the fupreme Magiftrate, 
 who was inverted with a peculiar Prerogative- 
 Power above them. The want of attending to 
 which Diftin&ions is the thing that has bred fo 
 much Confufion in Modern Authors upon this 
 Subject, and efpecially in the Romijb Writers, 
 many of which are intolerably Partial in their 
 Accounts; and highly injurious to the Civil Ma- 
 gi ftrates, under Pretence of afferting and main- 
 taining the Rights and Liberties of the Church. 
 In the firft Place therefore, to have a right Un- 
 derftanding in this Matter, we muft diftinguifh 
 the feveral forts of Caufes in which Ecclefiaftical 
 Perfons might be concerned. Now thefe were 
 of four kinds. Firft, Such as related to Matters 
 purely Ecclefiaftical, as Crimes committed a- 
 gainft the Faith, or Canons and Difcipline and 
 good Order of the Church, which were to be 
 Punifhcd with Ecclefiaftical Cenfures. Secondly, 
 Such as related to mere Civil and Pecuniary 
 Matters between a Clergyman and a Layman. 
 Thirdly, Such as related to Political Matters, as 
 Grofs and Scandalous Crimes committed againft 
 the Laws, and to the Detriment of the Com- 
 mon-Wealth, as Treafon, Rebellion, Robbery, 
 Murder, and the like, which in the Laws are 
 called, Atrocia Delicla. Fourthly, Such as related 
 to lefTer Crimes of the fame Nature, which the 
 Law calls Levia Delicla, fmall or petty Offences . 
 Now according to this Diftin&ion of Caufes the 
 Clergy were, or were not, Exempt from the 
 Cognizance of the Civil Courts, by the Laws 
 of the Roman Empire. In all Matters, that 
 were purely Ecclefiaftical they were abfolutely 
 Exempt, as Gothofred [i] the great Civilian fcru- 
 
 ples not to own. For all Caufes of that Na- 
 ture were referved to the Hearing of Bifhops 
 and their Councils, not only by the Canons of 
 the Church, but the Laws of the State alfo. 
 
 This may be Evidenced from sect. vi. 
 the Refcripts of feveral Empe- Th,s Evidenced from 
 
 r W" 1 r- n# Laws of Cott- 
 
 rors lucceflively one after ano- flantius . 1 
 ther, moft of which are extant 
 in both the Codes. Conftantius, Ann. $f f, Pub- 
 lifhed a Law [t], wherein he prohibited any 
 Accufation to be brought againft a Bifhop be- 
 fore a fecular Magiftrate; but if any one had a- 
 ny Complaint againft him, his Caufe fhould be 
 heard and tryed by a Synod of Bifhops. This 
 at leaft muft fignify in Ecclefiaftical Caufes ; 
 though Gothofred and fome others fay, it exten- 
 ded alfo to Civil and Criminal Caufes ; and that 
 though it looked like a Privilege, yet it was in- 
 tended as a Snare to the Catholick Bifhops, to 
 opprefs them by his Arian Synods in thofe 
 Times, when the Majority of Bifhops in any 
 Synod were commonly fuch as favoured the A- 
 rian Party; and a Catholick Bifhop might ex- 
 pect more Favour and Juftice from a fecular 
 Court, than from them. But whether this Law 
 extended to all Civil and Criminal Caufes, is not 
 very eafy to determine: Thus much is certain, 
 that if it did, it was not long after in that Part 
 revoked, whilft in the other Part it flood good, 
 and was confirmed by the Laws of the fucceed- 
 ing Emperors. 
 
 For Valentinian granted the sect. vn. 
 Clergy the fame Immunity in all f ni tho f e °f Va " 
 Ecclefiaftical Caufes. As appears entiman md Gra " 
 from what St. Ambroje writes to 
 the younger Valentinian concerning his Father, 
 faying, Your Father of Auguft Memory [«] 
 did not only fay it in Words, but enacted it in- 
 to a Law, that in Maters of Faith and Ecclefi- 
 aftical Order, they ought to judge, who were 
 qualified by their Office, and of the fame Order. 
 For thofe are the Words of his Refcript. That 
 is, he would have Priefts to judge of Priefts. 
 This Law is not now extant in the Code, but 
 there is another of Valentinian and Gratian to 
 the fame Purpofe; wherein it is decreed 
 that the fame Cuftom fhould be obferved in Ec- 
 clefiaftical Bufinefs, as was in Civil Caufes : 
 That if there arofe any Controverfics about Mat- 
 ters of Religion, either from the DifTentions of 
 Men, or other fmall Offences, they fhould be 
 heard and determined in the Places where they 
 
 [r] Cod. Th. lib. vi. Tit. 39. dc Fide Teftium. Leg. 10. Pref- 
 byteri cirra injuriam Quxftionis Teftimonium dicant; ita tamen ut 
 falfa non (imulent. Cseteri vero Clerici, qui eorum Gradum vel 
 Ordinem fubfequuntur, fi ad Teftimonium dicendum petiti fuerint, 
 prout Leges prxcipiunt , audiantur. Vid. Cod. Juftin. lib. 1 . Tit. 
 3. Leg. 8. [j] Gothofr. Comment, in Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. 
 2. Leg. 23. 0] Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc. Leg. 12. 
 Manfuetudinis noftne Lege prohibemus in Judiciis Epifcopos ac- 
 
 cufari. Si quid eft igitur quaerelarum, quod quifpiam defert, 
 
 apud alios potiflimum Epifcopos convenit explorari , &c. 
 
 [»] Ambrof. Ep. 32. Auguftx Memorice Pater tuus non folura 
 
 fermone refpondit, fed etiam Legibus fuis fanxit , in Caufa Fidet, 
 vel Ecclefiaftici alicujus Ordinis eum judicare debere, qui nec Mu- 
 nere impar, nec jure difiimilis. Hsec enim verba Refcripti funt. 
 Hoc eft, Sacerdotes de Sacerdotibus voluit judicare. [w] Cod. 
 Th. lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc. Leg. 23. Qui mos eft Caufaium Ci- 
 vilium, iidem in Negotiis Ecclefiafticis obtinendi funt: Ut fiqua 
 funt ex quibufdam Diffenfionibus, levibufque Deli&is, ad Rejigio- 
 nis obfervantiam pertinentia, locis fuis, & a fuse Diceceftos Synodis 
 audiantur: Exceptis quse Actio Criminals ab Ordinariis Extrao;di- 
 nariifque Judicibus, aut iniuftribus Poteftatibus audientia (leg, audi- 
 enda) conftituit. 
 
 arofe 3 
 
172 The Antiquities of the Book V. 
 
 arofe, or in the Synod of the whole Diocefe: 
 Except only fuch Criminal A&ions, as were re- 
 ferved to the Hearing of the Ordinary judges, 
 the Proconfuls and Prefe&s of every Province, 
 or the Extraordinary Judges of the Emperor's 
 own appointing, or the Illullrious Powers, viz. 
 the PrafecluS-Pratorio of the Diocefe. Here it 
 is plain, that though Criminal Aftions againft 
 the State-Laws are excepted, yet all Matters Ec- 
 clefiaftical were to be heard by Ecclefiaftical 
 Judges, and no other. 
 
 SECT. viil. I N the laft Title of the ¥heo~ 
 And Theodofius dofian Code there is a Law under 
 
 the Great: ^ Namg Q f ^ Mo fi us t h c Great 
 
 to the fame Purpofe, wherein it is decreed, That 
 no Bifhop [#] or any other Minifter of the 
 Church fhall be drawn into the Civil Courts of 
 any Ordinary or Extraordinary Judges, about 
 Matters or Caufes of an Ecclefiaftical Nature j 
 becaufe they have Judges of their own, and 
 Laws diftinft from thofe of the State. This 
 Law is cited in Gratian's Decree, but the Words, 
 Quantum ad Caufas Eccleftaflicas tamen pertinet^ 
 are there [_y] fraudulently left out, to ferve the 
 Current Do&rine and Hypothefis of his own 
 Times, and make the Reader believe, that the 
 Clergy anciently enjoyed an Exemption not only 
 in Ecclefiaftical Caufes, but all others. I the ra- 
 ther mention this Corruption, becaufe none of 
 the Correctors of Gratian have taken any No- 
 tice of it. The Roman Cenfors filently pafs it 
 over, and it has efcaped the Diligence of Anto- 
 Tiius Augufiinus and Baluzius alfo. Gothofred in- 
 deed queftions the Authority of the Law itfelf j 
 but I fhall not ftand to difpute that, fince there 
 is nothing in it contrary to the preceding Laws, 
 or thofe that followed after. 
 
 SECT. IX. For Arcadius and Honorius 
 And Arcadius and continued the fame Privilege to 
 Honanus: tJbc Clergy, confirming the an- 
 
 cient Laws, that whenever any Caufe relating 
 to Religion was debated, the Bifhops [%] were 
 to be Judges > but other Caufes belonging to the 
 Cognizance of the Ordinary Judges, and the 
 Ufe of the Common Laws, were to be heard by 
 them only. 
 
 V SECT. x. Theodofius Junior and Valenti- 
 And Valentinian n - ian 3d refer to this Law of Ho- 
 ld, and Juft.nian. ^ the ftanding J_ aw then 
 
 in force concerning the Immunities and Liberties 
 of the Clergy, faying in one of their Decrees, 
 That [a] Biihops and Presbyters had no Court 
 of Secular Laws, nor any Power to judge of 
 other Caufes except fuch as related to Religion, 
 according to the Conftitutions of Arcadius and 
 Honorius inferted in the Theodoftan Code. So 
 that all the fame Laws that denied them Power 
 in Secular Caufes, allowed them the Privilege of 
 judging in Ecclefiaftical Caufes > and the very 
 excepting of other Caufes is a manifeft Proof; 
 that there was no Conteft made about thefe to 
 the Time of Juftinian, who confirmed the Pri- 
 vilege which fo many of his Predecefibrs had 
 granted before him. For in one of his Novels 
 [b~\ we find it enaftred, That all Ecclefiaftical 
 Crimes, which were to be puniftied with Eccle- 
 fiaftical Penalties and Cenfures, fhould be judged 
 by the Bifhop j the Provincial Judges not 
 intermeddling with them. For, faith he, it is 
 our Pleafure that fuch Matters fhall not be heard 
 by the Civil judges. 
 
 Gothofred is alfo of Opinion [c], SECT. xi. 
 that fome of the lefier Criminal The cUr Z> al f° 
 Caufes of Ecclefiafticks were to ^ m J£ rCrimi " 
 be determined by the Biihops and Cm J es - 
 their Synods likewife. For in the forementioned 
 Law of Gratian {See before Seel. 7.) the Levist 
 Delicla, or lefier Crimes, are referved to the 
 Hearing of Biihops. And St. Ambrofe having 
 fpoken of thc Decree of Valentinian, that orders 
 all Ecclefiaftical Caufes to be judged by Biihops 
 only, adds alfo, That if in other Refpefts a Bi- 
 fhop was to be cenfured, and his Morals \_d~\ 
 came under Examination, fuch Caufes as thofe 
 likewife fhould appertain to the Epifcopal Judg- 
 ment. Which feems to put fome Diftinft ion be- 
 tween Ecclefiaftical and Civil criminal Caufes, 
 and referve both to the Hearing of Biihops and 
 their Synods. But then, as Gothofred rightly 
 obferves, this muft only be underftood of lefier 
 criminal Caufes: For in greater criminal Aftions 
 the Clergy were liable to the Cognizance of the 
 Secular Judges, as well as all others. Which is 
 freely owned by de Marca, and fome other inge- 
 nuous Writers of the Romifh Church. For de 
 Marca [e] quits the Pofitions of Baronius and 
 the Canonifts, and confeftes, that as it appears 
 from the Theodofian Code, that the Ecclefiaftical 
 Crimes, and lefier Civil Crimes of the Clergy 
 were left to the Hearing of Biihops, and the 
 
 [at] Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. 12. de Epif. Judicio. Leg. 3. Con- 
 tinue Lege fancimus, ut nullus Epifcoporum, vel eorum qui Ec- 
 clefise neceffitatibus ferviunt, ad Judicia five Ordinariorum five Ex- 
 traordinariorum Judicum (quantum tamen ad Caufas Ecclefiafticas 
 pertinet) pertrah2tur, 8cc. [y] Gratian. Cauf. 11. Quaeft. 1. 
 c. f. [xj Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. 1 1. de Religione Leg. 1. Quo- 
 tiens de Religione agitur, Epifcopos convenit judicare : Caneras 
 vero Caufas, quae ad Ordinarios Cognitores, vel ad ufum Publici 
 juris pertinent, Legibus oportet audiri. [a] Valentin. Novel. 12. 
 ad Calcem. Cod. Theod. Conftat Epifcopos 8c Presbyteros Forum 
 Legibus non habere: Nec de aliis Caufis, fecundum Arcadii 8c Ho- 
 norii Divalia Conftituta, quae Theodofianum Corpus oftendit, pra- 
 ter Religionem pofle cognofcere. [b~\ Juftin. Novel. 83. Si 
 vero Ecckfiafticum fit delictum, egens Caftigatione Ecclefiaftica 8c 
 
 7 
 
 multa, Deo amabilis Epifcopus hoc difcernat, nihil communican- 
 tibus clariflimis Provincial Judicibus. Neque enim volumus talis 
 negotia omnino fcire Civiles Judices. [c] Gothofred. Com. in 
 Cod. Th. lib. 1 6. Tit. 2. Leg. 23. [</] Ambr. Ep. 33. Quine- 
 tiam fi alias quoque arguretur Epifcopus, ad Morum eflet exami- 
 nanda Caufa, etiam banc voluit ad Epifcopale Judicium pertinere. 
 [f] Marca Diflert. in Cap. Clericus ad Calcem Antonii Auguftini 
 de Emendar. Gratianip. 5-77. In Codice Theodoiiano Controver- 
 fiae quae ad Religionem pertinent, in quibus funt Crimina Ecclefia- 
 ftica, &c Minora Delidta e Civilium numero, Epifcopis 8c cujufque 
 Dioecefeos five Provincial Synodis relinquuntur. Servata Judiciis 
 Publicis Atrocium Criminum, quo numero quinque, adverfus Cle- 
 ricos Cognitione : ut docent Leges aliquot edita: cum Sirmondi in 
 Appendice Codicis Theodofiani. 
 
 Synods 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 173 
 
 Synods of every Diocefe or Province: So the 
 greater Civil Crimes of the Clergy, which he 
 reckons five in Number, were referved to the 
 Hearing of the Publick Courts and Civil Judges } 
 which, he fays, appears from the Laws pub- 
 limed by Sirmondus in his Appendix to the tbto- 
 dofian Code. 
 
 SECT. xir. Some reckon thofe Laws to 
 But not in greater b e f no very great Authority, 
 criminal caufes. and therefore I mall rather chufe 
 to confirm this Pofition from the undoubted 
 Laws which occur in the Body of the 'theodofian 
 Code. Such as that of fheodoftus and Gratia^ 
 which particularly excepts thefe greater [/] cri- 
 minal Actions, and referves them to the Hearing 
 of the ordinary or extraordinary Judges, or the 
 Prafeclus-Pratorio of the Diocefe. And thofe 
 other Laws of Thcodofius, and Arcadius, and Ho- 
 xorius, and Valentinian }d, which have been ci- 
 ted in the foregoing Sections [*'], and need not 
 here be repeated. To which we may add that 
 Law of the Elder Valentinian, which orders [g] 
 all fuch Ecclefiafticks to be profecuted in the 
 Civil Courts, that were found guilty of creep- 
 ing into the Houfes of Widows and Orphans, 
 and fo infinuating into their Affections, as to 
 prevail upon them to difinherit their Relations, 
 and make them their Heirs. And that other 
 Law of the Emperor Marcian, which in crimi- 
 nal Caufes exempts the Clergy of Conftantinople 
 [h~] from the Cognizance of all Inferior Courts, 
 but not from the High Court of the Prafeclus- 
 Pretorio of the Royal City. Which appears al- 
 fo to have been the Practice at Rome. For So- 
 crates [t] obferves, that when in the Conflict 
 which happened at the Election of Pope Dama- 
 fus, fome Perfons were (lain, many both of the 
 Laity and Clergy upon that Account were pu- 
 niihed by Maximinus, who was then Prafeclus- 
 Pratorio at -Rome. It appears farther from the 
 Novels [k~] of Valentinian 3d, that in fuch cri- 
 minal Actions as thofe of Murder, Robbing of 
 Graves, or the like, Bifhops as well as any other 
 Clerks, were bound to anfwer before the Civil 
 Magi Urate by their Proctors. But Juftinian a 
 little inlarged the Privilege with refpect to Bi- 
 fhops, making [/] a Decree, That no one mould 
 draw a Bifhop in any Pecuniary or Criminal 
 Caufe before a Secular Magistrate againft his 
 Will, unlefs the Emperor gave particular Order 
 to do it. This was the plain State of the Mat- 
 ter, as to what concerned the Exemption of the 
 
 Clegy in this fort of criminal Caufes, notwith- 
 Handing what Baronius or any others of that 
 Strain have faid to the contrary. Nay, fome 
 Ages after, fuch Crimes as Murder, Theft and 
 Witchcraft were brought before the Secular 
 Judges in France, as appears from the Council of 
 [ni] Ma/con, Ann. f8i. 
 
 The Cafe was much the fame SECT. XIII. 
 in all Civil Pecuniary Controver- Nor m ^mniary 
 
 fies Which the .Clergy had with CaufesmthLaymen. 
 
 Laymen. For though they might end all fuch 
 Caufes which they had one with another, in 
 their own Courts, or before a Synod of Bifhops j 
 and the Canons obliged them fo to do, as has 
 been noted in the laft [*] Chapter j yet if their 
 Controverfy happened to be with a Layman, the 
 Layman was not bound to refer the Hearing of 
 his Caufe to an Ecclefiaftical Court, unlefs he 
 voluntarily confented by way of Compromife to 
 take fome Ecclefiaftical Perfons for his Arbitra- 
 tors. This is evident from one of the Conftitu- 
 tions of Valentinian 3d, which fays, That if the 
 Plaintiff was a Layman, he might compel any 
 Clergyman, with whom he had a Civil Con- 
 teft, to anfwer in a Civil Court, if he [n~] ra- 
 ther chofe it. And the Council of Epone [0], 
 according to the Reading of Sirmond's Edition, 
 fays the fame, that the Clergy, if they were fued 
 in a Secular Court, mould make no Scruple to 
 follow the Plaintiff thither. But Juftinian at the 
 Inftance of Mennas Patriarch of Conftantinople 
 granted the Clergy of the Royal City a peculiar 
 Privilege, that in all Pecuniary Matters [/>] 
 their Caufe fhould firft be brought before the 
 Bifhop j and if the Nature of the Caufe hap- 
 pened to be fuch that he could not determine it, 
 then Recourfe might be had to the Civil Judges, 
 but not otherwife. From all which it appears, 
 that anciently Exemptions of this Nature were 
 not challenged as Matters of Divine Right, but 
 depended wholly upon the Will and Pleafure of 
 Chriftian Princes, however After-ages came to 
 put another kind of Glofs upon them. 
 
 Nay, it muft be obferved , 
 that even in Ecclefiaftical Caufes, 
 a great Difference was always 
 obferved between the Power of 
 the Prince or Supreme Magiftrate, 
 and that of the Subordinate and 
 Inferior Judges. For though the 
 Ordinary Judges were bound by the Laws not 
 
 SECT. XIV. 
 Of thenecejfary Di- 
 flmclion between the 
 Supreme and Subor- 
 dinate Magistrates 
 in this Bufincfs of 
 Exemptions. 
 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. z.de Epifc. Leg. 23. Exceptis quae 
 Adlio Criminalius ab Ordinariis Extraordinariifque Judicibus aut 
 Inluftribus Poteftatibus audienda conftituit. [*] See Seel. 8, 9, 10. 
 
 \g] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. leg. 20. Ecclefiaftici Viduarum 
 
 ac Pupillarum domos non adeant: Sed publicis exterminentur Ju- 
 diciis, fi pofthac eos affines earum vel propinqui putaverint defe- 
 rendos. [h~\ Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit.-j. de Epii*. leg. 25-. Aftor. ia 
 nullo alio Foro, vel apud quenquam alterum Judicem eofdem Cle- 
 ricos Litibus irretire, &r, Civilibus vel Ctiminalibus Negotiis tentent 
 inne£tere. [/] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 29. S~ia. <nno noXhif Acujtsf 76 
 
 Jt} KhV\ZlKti \£570 -Tils iTcrpyx 1 l\JW>Y\$n\vaj. 
 
 [/„•] Vafent. Novel. 5-. de fepulcr. violat. ad Calcem Cod. Theod. It. 
 Novel. 12. Quam for mam etiam circa Epifcoporum Perfonam ob- 
 fervari oportere cenfemus. Ut li in hujufmodi ordinis hominis A- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ftionem Pervafionis & Atrocium Injuriarum dirigi necefie fuerir, 
 per Procuratorem folemnitur ordinatum, apud Judicem Publicum 
 inter Leges 8c Jura confligant. [/] Juftin. Novel. 122. n. 8. Sed 
 neque ut Epifcopus pro Pecuniaria aliqua aut Criminali Caufa ad 
 Civilem Militaremve Magiftratum invitus perducatur, (iftaturve fine 
 Imperiali Juffione concedimus. [m] Cone. Matifcon. 1. Can. 7. 
 [*] Chap. 1. Seel. 4. [«] Valent. Novel. 1 2. Petitor Laicus, feu 
 in Civili feu in Criminali Caula, cujuflibet loci Clericum adverfa- 
 rium fuum, fi id magis eligat, per autloritatem legitimam in pub- 
 lico Judicio refpondere compellat. [0] Cone. Epaunenf. c. 11. 
 Si pulfati fuerint, fequi ad feculare Judicium non morentur. Xtt 
 Note that other Editions, as that of Crab and Binius, read it to (t 
 contrary Senfe, Sequi ad feculare Judicium non praefumant. 
 [/>] Juftin. Novel. 83. 
 
 Y y co 
 
174 The Antiquities of the Book V. 
 
 to intermeddle with Ecclefiaftical Caufes ; yet in 
 fome Cafes the Prince himfelf interpofed and ap- 
 pointed Extraordinary Judges, and fometimes 
 heard and decided the Caufes himfelf, or rever- 
 fed the Decifions of Ecclefiafticks by his Sove- 
 
 reign Power, which no Ordinary Judges were 
 qualified to do. But this belongs to another 
 Subject, that will have a more proper Place in 
 this Work, when we come to fpeak of the 
 Power of Chriftian Princes. 
 
 G H A P. III. 
 
 Of the Immunities of the Clergy in reference to Taxes and Civil Offices and 
 other burdenfome Employments in the Roman Empire. 
 
 JL NOTHER Privilege 
 
 SECT, h 
 
 No Divine Right J7\. which the Clergy enjoyed 
 pleaded by the *n- by tne Favour of Chriftian 
 
 dent Clergy to ex- p r j nce was That in fome cer . 
 emit them/elves . „ I. 1 .. i t-> • 
 
 from Taxes' tam Cafes 5 according to the Exi- 
 
 gency of Times and Places, they 
 were exempt from fome of the Taxes that were 
 laid upon the reft of the Roman Empire. But 
 whatever they enjoyed of this kind, they did 
 not pretend to as matter of Divine Right, but 
 freely acknowledged it to be owing to the Pious 
 Munificence and Favour of Chriftian Emperors. 
 Therefore [a] Baronius does them great Inju- 
 ftice, and is Guilty of very great Prevarication, 
 in pretending that they claimed a Freedom from 
 Tribute by the Law of Chriftj and that no Em- 
 peror ever impofed any Tax upon them, except 
 only Julian the Apoftate, and Valens the Arian^ 
 and the younger Valentinian, who was wholly 
 governed by his Mother Juftina an Avian Em- 
 prefs ; that when St. Amhrofe paid Tribute un- 
 der this Valentinian, he did it only out of his 
 Chriftian Mceknefs, not that he was otherwife 
 under any Obligation to have done it. How 
 true this Representation is, the Reader may 
 judge in part from the Words of St. Ambrofe, 
 which are thefe If the Emperor demands 
 
 Tribute of us, we do not deny it: The Lands 
 of the Church pay Tribute. We pay to Cafar 
 the things that are Cafar's, and to GOD the 
 things that are G O D's. Tribute is Ctefar's, 
 and therefore we do not refufe to pay it. This 
 is fo far from challenging any Exemption by Di- 
 vine Right, that it plainly afTerts the contrary. 
 As in another Place he argues, that all Men are 
 under an Obligation to pay Tribute, becaufe [/] 
 the Son of GOD himfelf paid it, Mat. 17. 23. 
 And yet Baronius cites [cf\ that very Paflage of 
 the Evangelift to prove that the Clergy are 
 Jure Divino exempt, becaufe our Saviour fays, 
 Then are the Children free. For if, fays he, 
 the Children be free* much more fo are the Fa- 
 thers, that is, the Paftors, under whofe Care 
 
 Princes are. Bellarmin is much more ingenuous 
 in handling this Queftionj for he aflerts [e] a- 
 gainft the Canonifts (whofe Opinion Baronius la- 
 bours to maintain) rhat the Exemption of the 
 Clergy in Political Matters, whether relating to 
 their Perfons, or their Goods, was introduced by 
 Human Right only, and not Divine: And that 
 in Fa6t they were neve r Exempted from any o- 
 ther but Perfonal Tribute rill the Time of Ju- 
 ftinian, when they were freed from Taxes upon 
 their Eftates and Poffrmons alfo So little A- 
 greement is there betwixt thefe two great Cardi- 
 nals of the Romijh Church in their Accounts of 
 this Matter, either as to Fact or Right, that in 
 every thing their Affertions are point blank con- 
 trary to one another. 
 
 To fet the Matter in a clear sect, it 
 Light, it will be necefiary for Tet generally ex- 
 me to give the Reader a diftinct cu f ed f"™ ^f™* 3 - 
 Account of the feveral forts of " Head ' 
 
 Tribute that were impofed upon mne ^' 
 Subje&s in the Roman Empire, and to fhewhow 
 far the Clergy were concerned in each of them j 
 which will be beft done by having Recourfe 
 to the 1'heodofian Code, where molt of the 
 Laws relating to this Affair are ftill extant. And 
 this I lhall the rather do, becaufe Baronius 
 makes ufe of the fame Authority, but with great 
 Partiality, diflembling every Thing that would 
 not ferve the Hypothejis he had undertaken to 
 maintain. 
 
 Now the firft fort of Tribute I {hall take no- 
 tice of, is that which is commonly called Ccnfus 
 Capitum, or Perfonal Tribute, to diftinguifh. it 
 from the Cenfus Agrorum, or Tribute arifing 
 from Men's Eftates and PofTeftions. That the 
 Clergy were generally freed from this fort of 
 Tribute is agreed on all Hands, only Gothofred 
 has a very lingular Notion about it. For he af- 
 ferts [/] that under the Chriftian Emperors 
 there was no fuch Tribute as this paid by any 
 Men j fo that the Exemption of the Clergy in 
 
 [a] Baron, an. 387. Tom. 4. p. ^38. [£] Ambr. Orat. cont. 
 Auxent. dc iradent. Bafilicis port. Ep. 32. Si tributum petit Im- 
 
 perator, non negamus; Agri Ecclefia: folvunt tributum. Sol- 
 
 vimus qua: fuut Cxfaris Caelari, 5c qua; funt Dei Deo. Tributum 
 CSefaris eft, non negatur. fe] Ambr. lib. 4. in Luc. 5". 8c ap. 
 Gratian. Cauf. n. Q. i.e. 21. Si cenfum Filius Dei folvit, quis 
 su taritus es, qui non putcs efle folvendum? [</] Baron, an. 
 
 387. p. 5-38. 0] Bellarm. de Clericis lib. 1. c. 28. Excepti'o 
 Clericorum in rebus Politicis, tam quoad Perfonas, quam quoad 
 Bona, jure Humano introdu&a eft, non Divino. Hecc Propofitio 
 eft contra Canoniftas. [/] Gothofred. Com. in Cod. Th. lib. 
 11. tit. 1. de Annon. 8c TribVt. leg. if. It. Com. in lib. 1 j. tit. io. 
 de Cenfu. leg. 4. 
 
 » this 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 J75 
 
 this Cafe was no peculiar Privilege belonging to 
 them, but only what they enjoyed in common 
 with all other Subjects of the Roman Empire. 
 But in this that Learned Man feems evidently to 
 be miltaken. For fir 11, he owns there was l'uch 
 a Tribute under the Heathen Emperors, from 
 which, as Utpian [g] relates, none were excufed 
 fave only Minors under Fourteen, and Perfons 
 Superannuated, that is, above Sixty-five: Nor 
 does he produce any Law to fhew when or^ by 
 whom that Tribute was ordered to be laid afide. 
 Secondly, fheodoftus Junior, the Author of the 
 tfheodofian Code, makes exprefs mention of ic, 
 when in one of his Novels \h~] he diltinguifhes 
 betwixt the Cenfus Capitum, and Ccnfus Jgrorum. 
 Thirdly, there are fcvcral Laws in the T'heodoftan 
 Code, exempting the Orgy from Tribute, 
 which cannot be fairly underitood of any other 
 Tribute but this fort of Capitation. As when 
 Conftantius grants the Clergy the fame Immunity 
 from Tribute us Minors had, he plainly refers to 
 the old Law about Minors mentioned by Ulpian, 
 and puts the Clergy upon the fame Foot with 
 them, granting them this Privilege, That not 
 only they thcmfelves, but [f\ their Wives and 
 Children, their Men- Servants and 1 their Maid-Ser- 
 vants fhould all be free from Tribute j meaning 
 Perfonal Tribute, or that fort of Capitation 
 called Capitis Cenfus. After the lame manner we 
 are to underftand thofe two Laws of Valentinian 
 where he grants to Devoted Virgins, and 
 Widows, and Orphans under twenty Years of 
 Age, the fame Immunity from Tribute, or as it 
 is there balled, The Capitation of the Vulgar. 
 As alfo ihat other Law \J\ of his, where he 
 grants the like Privilege to Painters, together 
 with their Wives and Children. From all 
 which We may very reafonably conclude, that 
 this Exemption from Perfonal Taxes was not a 
 thing then common to all, but a peculiar Privi- 
 lege of fome certain 4 rts and Profeffions, among 
 which the molt Honourable was that of the 
 
 Cler gy- .;: . 
 
 This may be farther confirmed from an Ob- 
 fervation or two out of Gregory Nazianzen and 
 Bafil. Nazianzen in one of his Epi files [m~\ to 
 jlmphilochius complains, that the Officers of the 
 Government had made an illegal Attempt upon 
 one Euthalius a Deacon, to oblige him to pay 
 Taxes: Therefore he dc fires Amphilochius hot to 
 permit this Injury to be done him^ fince other- 
 
 wife [«] he would Suffer an Hardfhip above o- 
 ther Men, not being allowed to enjoy the Fa- 
 vour of the Times, and the Honour which the 
 Emperors had granted to the Clergy. Here he 
 plainly refers to fome Immunity from Tribute, 
 which the Imperial Laws granted particularly to 
 the Clergy j which could not be any Exemption 
 of their Eflates from Tribute, for there was no 
 Inch Law then in Force to be appealed to : It 
 mull therefore mean their Exemption from Per- 
 fonal Taxes, from which they were freed by the 
 Laws of Valentinian and Conftantius already men- 
 tioned. This will ftill receive greater Light and. 
 Confirmation from the Teftimony of St. Bafil, 
 who had occafion to make a like Complaint to 
 Mode ft us (who was Prafettus-Pratorio Orient is 
 under Valens) of fome who had infringed the 
 Privilege of the Clergy in exacting Tribute of 
 them againft the Laws. The ancient way of 
 Taxing, fays he, excufed fuch as were confecra- 
 ted to GOD [o], Presbyters and Deacons, from 
 paying Tribute: But now they who are fee over 
 this Affair, pretending to have no Warrant from 
 your Emincncy to excufe them, have taxed them 
 all, except fuch as could claim a Privilege from 
 their Age. Therefore his Requeft to him was, 
 6TUV£$pi)$Haai to-j waXcuiv ybftov «f eru(mX«af tvs 
 hpj.rSo-'1a-, That the Glerg) roighjc be exempt: 
 from Tribute according to the ancient Laws. 
 
 Baftl in this Paflage refers to two forts of 
 Laws exempting Periods from Tribute j The 
 one, thofe ancient Laws of the Heathen Empe- 
 rors, which only excufed Minors and Superan- 
 nuates from Perfonal Tribute-, The other, thofe 
 Laws of Conftantius and Falemi.'uan, which ex- 
 empted the Clergy alfo, granting them that Im- 
 munity which oi.lv Minors enjoyed before. And 
 this is the thing he com-kms < ,\ that the Cler- 
 gy were not allowed the Benefit of the Chri- 
 ftian Laws, but only thofe Laws of the Hea- 
 then Emperors, whereby if they chanced to be 
 Minors or Superannuated, that is, under Twen- 
 ty or above Sixty-five, they were excufed, but 
 not otherwife. From all which it evidently ap- 
 pears, that the Clergy might claim a peculiar 
 Privilege by the Laws to be exempted from 
 Perfonal Tribute, and that this was not com- 
 mon to all the Subjects of the Empire, whatever 
 Gothofred and Pagi\_p~] from him have Suggefted 
 to the contrary. 
 
 [g] Digeft. lib. 5-0. tit. if. de Cenfibus leg. 3. Quibuf- 
 dam aftas tribuit , ne Tributo onerentur. Vcluii in Syriis a 
 Quatuordecim annis Mafculi, a Duodecim Foeminx ulque ad Sex- 
 agelimum Qjuintum annum Tributo Cipitis onerentur. 
 [b] Theodof. Novel, 21. [j] Cod. Th. lib. \6. tit. 
 
 2. de Epifc. 8c Cler. leg. 10. 8c 14. Clericis ac Juvenibus 
 
 prcebeatur Immunitas. Quod 8c Corijugibus 8c Liberis eo- 
 
 lum 8c Minifteriis majoribus psriter ac Fceminis indulgemusj 
 cjuos a cenfibus etiam jubemus petieverare immunes. 
 [fe] Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 10. de Cenfu leg. 4. In virgini- 
 tate perpetua viventes , 8c earn Viduam de qua ipfa maturitas 
 pollicetur setatis nulli \jam earn efie nupturam , \ Plebeias Capi- 
 tationis injuria vindicandas efie deccrnimus: Item Pupillos in vi- 
 ri!i fexu ufque ad viginti annos ab iftiufmodi funftione immu- 
 res efie debere, mulieres autem donee virum unaquxque forti- 
 
 tur. Ibid. leg. 6. Nulla Vidua, nemo Pupillus exadionem Plebis 
 agnofcat, 8cc. [/] Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 4. de Excufar 
 Artifk. leg. 4. Pifturae Profefibres, li modo ingenui funt, pla- 
 cuit, neque fui Capitis Cenfione, neque Uxorum, aut etiam 
 Liberorum nomine, Tributis efie munificos. [ m ] Naz. 
 Ep. 1 5-9. fi*y&Tt : v wnyc-fst -yjvcav ol rv( nytuouinvt 
 T«'§««f- [»] Ibid^ eTftcoTetT* £v <na$ot ftbiQ- avAaeS,- 
 
 <7TUV (AH Tllp/dvUV THf KMpay <pt^Ciy$(<i>fi'lctf , ^ 7y { 
 
 fifo^'m role Ufcf.Tix.oii ira.$aL r/f &&qi}£w t 
 [ ] Bafil. Ep. 279. ad Modefi. T j 0;w jffs^Kffi srps.o 
 
 CiTiom £ fiaKuvvf rro^cuof KHi'tiQ- are At~? aQnitsv. ei jj 
 \vv 'Smyff.-^tft.iHtt c»c * h&{oov\ic wo.?* tmj uVsppuS^ <r« 
 &i«rta{ *ffciy^jmf&&dtf\oi iff Aiiy & ^\ tk nvl? d>.- 
 nyjv yzn rr\s viKiKias tm a^ieiy. [ P^i Crir.- 
 in Baron, an. 373. n. 10. 
 
 The 
 
176 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 SECT. III. The next fort of Tribute was 
 But not excufed for t i iat w hich was exacted of Men 
 
 iZns a> ' dS * ndPOf ' for theil ' Lands a " d PofreffionS » 
 
 jeffms. which goes by feveral Names in 
 
 the Civil Law and ancient W riters. Sometimes 
 it is called Kavm, as by Athanafius [q] where he 
 complains how he was unjuftly accufed of impo- 
 fingaTax upon Egypt for the Ufe of the Church 
 of Alexandria. So in the Theodofian Code [r] 
 there is a whole Title, De Canone Frumentario 
 Urbis Roma, which fignifies the Tribute of Corn 
 that was exacted of the African Provinces for 
 the Ufe of the City of Rome. It is otherwife 
 called Jugatio from Juga, which as Gothofred 
 notes [i] fignifies as much Land as a Yoke of 
 Oxen could Plough in a Year: And becaufe the 
 Taxation was made according to that Rate, it 
 had therefore the Name of Jugatio and Juga. 
 It has alfo frequently the Name of Gapitatio and 
 Capita: And becaufe Men's Servants and Cattle 
 were reckoned into their Taxable Pofleflions as 
 well as their Lands, therefore in fome Laws [f\ 
 the one is called Capitatio terrena^ and the other 
 Capitatio Humana & Animalium, or Animarum 
 Defcriptio. Thefe Taxes vere ulually paid three 
 times a Year, once every four Months j whence 
 Sidonius Apollinaris ltiles them Tria Capita, 
 or the Monller with three Heads, which he de- 
 fired the Emperor Majorianus to free him from, 
 that he might live and fubfift the better: For 
 thus he addrefles himfelf to him in his Poetical 
 Way: 
 
 Geryones nos ejfe put a, Monfirumque 'Tributum : 
 Hie Capita, ut vivam, Tu mihi tolle Tria. 
 
 In which Words, which none of the Commen- 
 tators rightly underftood, he refers to a Law [w] 
 of Falentinian's, and feveral others in the Iheo- 
 dofian Code, where this fort of Tribute is re- 
 quired to be paid by three certain Portions in a 
 Year, or once in four Months, which in his 
 Phrafe is the Tria Capita, or Monfter with three 
 Heads. The Collectors of this Tax were alfo 
 hence called Cephaleota, Collectors of the Capi- 
 tation [x] in fome Laws of the Theodofian Code. 
 And becaufe this Tribute was commonly paid in 
 Specie, as in Corn, Wine, Oyl, Iron, Brafs, 
 &c. for the Emperor's Service, therefore it is 
 often called Specicrum Collatio. And being the 
 ordinary ftanding Tax of the Empire, it is no 
 
 lefs frequently [_y~] fbiled Inditlio Canonica, in Op- 
 pofition to the Superindicla & Extraordinaria, 
 that is, fuch Taxes as were levied upon extraor- 
 dinary Occafions. I have noted thefe Things 
 here all together, that I may not be put to ex- 
 plain the Terms at every turn hereafter, as I 
 have occafion to make ufe of them, which are 
 indeed a little uncommon, and not eafily under- 
 ftood, but by fuch as are converfant in the Civil 
 Law. 
 
 Now to the Queftion in hand, Whether 
 the Clergy in general were exempt from this 
 ordinary Canonical Tribute laid upon Men's 
 Goods and PofTefllons? I anfwer in the Ne- 
 gative againft Baronius, who aflerts the con- 
 trary. Some particular Churches indeed had 
 fpecial Favours granted them by indulgent 
 Princes, to exempt them from all Tribute of 
 this kind: But thofe very Exceptions prove, 
 that what was Matter of Grace to fome par- 
 ticular Churches, could not be the common 
 Privilege of all Churches. Theodofius Junior 
 granted a fpecial Exemption to the Church 
 of Thejfalonica , that fhe mould pay no Capi- 
 tation for her own Eftate, provided me 
 did not take other Lands into her Protection, 
 to the Detriment of the Commonwealth un- 
 der the Pretence of an Ecclefiaftical Title. 
 He alfo allowed the Churches of Conftantina- 
 ple and Alexandria the fame Privilege \_a~\ up- 
 on the like Condition, That they mould not 
 take any Villages, great or fmall, into their 
 Patronage, to excufe them from paying their 
 ancient Capitation. Gothofred is alfo of Opi- 
 nion, That in the beginning of Confiantine'% 
 Reign, while the Church was poor, and her 
 ftanding Revenues but fmall, her Eftates and 
 PofTeflions were univerfally excufed from Tri- 
 bute : For there is a Law in the Theodofian 
 Code which may be interpreted to this pur- 
 pofe: Though the Words are fo obfeure 
 that without the help of fo wife an Interpre- 
 ter one would hardly find out the Senfe of 
 them. However admitting them to fignify 
 fuch a Privilege, it is certain it lafted not ma- 
 ny Years: For in the next Reign under Con- 
 fiantius, when the Church was grown pretty 
 Wealthy, all the Clergy that were pofTefTed of 
 Lands, were obliged to pay Tribute, in the 
 fame manner as all others did: As appears from 
 a Law of Confiantius directed to Taurus Pra- 
 
 [^] Athan. Apol. 2. p. 778. Kf lux kav'ovo. to7< h\yvir- 
 rloif bmCtlKXw'l©', 8cc. [r] Cod. Th. lib. 14. Tit. ij. 
 [ j] Gothofred. Com. in Cod. Theod. lib. 13. tit. 10. de Cenfu leg. 
 2. p. 118. Ego juga putem di£h Terrs modum, cui colendo per 
 annum jugo bonum opus eft. [<] Cod. Th. lib. 1 1. tit. 20. de 
 Conlat. Donat. leg. 6. [«] Sidon. Carm. 13. ad Majorian. 
 [w] Cod. Th. lib. 11. tit. 1. de Annona 8c Tribut. leg. if. 
 Unufquifque annonarias Species, pro modo Capitationis 8c for- 
 tium, prsebiturus, per Quaternus Menfes anni curriculo diftri- 
 buto, Tribus vicibus fummam conlationis implebit. 
 [#] Cod. Th. lib. 11. tit. 24. de Patrocin. Vicor. leg. f. 
 [y] Cod. Th. lib. 6. tit. 26. de Proximis Comitib. 8cc. leg. 14. 
 [z.] Cod. Th. lib. 11. tit. 1. de Annona 8c Tribut. leg. 33. 
 Sacrofan6ta Theflalonicenfis Ecclefia Civitatis excepta: Ita ta- 
 
 men ut aperfe fciat, propria: tanrummodo Capitationis modum 
 beneficio mei Numififs fublevandum : Nec externorum gravami- 
 ne Tributorum Rcmpublicam Ecclellaftici nominis abufione Ix- 
 dendam. [a] Cod. Th. lib. 1 1. tit. 24. de Patrocin. Vicorum, 
 leg. f . Qiiicquid Ecclefix venerabiles, (id eft, Conftantinopolirana 
 8c Alexandria) pofiedifle deteguntur, id pro intuitu Religionis ab 
 his prsecipimus firmiter retineri: Sub ea videlicet forte, ut in fu- 
 turum fundliones omnes qua; Metrocomiae debent, 8c publici vici 
 pro antiqux Capitationis profcffione debent, fciant fubeundas. 
 [£] Cod. Th. lib. 11. tit. 1. de Annon. 8c Tribut. leg. 1. Procter 
 privatas Res noftras, 8c Eccleiias Catholicas, 8c domum clarilTimse 
 memoriae Eufebii Ex-confule, 8c Arfacis Regis Armenium, nemo 
 ex noftra juffione prscipuis emolumentis Familiaris juvetur fub- 
 ftantise. 
 
 feclus- 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 177 
 
 feclus-PrrCtorio, which is (till extant [c] in both 
 the Codes. This is farther evident from the Te- 
 itimony of Falentinian, who in an EpiiHe to the 
 Bifhops of Afia, recorded by Theodoret [</], lays, 
 all good Biihops thought themielves obliged to 
 pay" Tribute, and did not refill: the Imperial 
 Power. And thus matters continued to the Time 
 of flonorius and Theodofius Junior, in one of 
 whofe Laws [e~] the Church Lands are ftiil made 
 liable to this Ordinary or Canonical Tribute, as 
 it is there worded, though excufed from all o- 
 ther. So little reafon had Baronius to alfert with 
 that Confidence, That no Prince except Julian 
 the Apollate, and Valcns the Arian, and the 
 younger Valcnt'mian, who was under the Con- 
 duel: of an Arian Woman, ever exacted any Tri- 
 bute of the Clergy: When as it appears that e- 
 very Emperor after Conftantine did exact it, and 
 Baronitis could not be ignorant of this, having 
 viewed and perufed the Theodofian Code, where 
 thefe things are recorded. 
 
 SECT. TV. I f in any thing of this Tri- 
 
 of the Tribute call- hute they were exempt, it muff, 
 td, Aurum Tironi- be frnm t ] ie Obligation Iome Pro- 
 fcum EquiCanoni- . , to furniih the 
 
 ' ' Emperors with new Soldiers, 
 
 called Tirones, and Frefh Horfes for the Wars> 
 which becaufc they were exhibited by way of 
 Tribute, they are called in the Law Equi Cano- 
 nhi, from the Civil-Law Term Canon, and Ca- 
 nonical which, as I obferved before, {ignifics the 
 Tribute that was laid upon Men's Lands and Pof- 
 feffions. Sometimes this Tribute was exacted in 
 Money inllead of Horfes, and then it was called 
 C/] Equorum Canoriicorum Adaratio, Horfe-mo- 
 ncy: In like manner as the Sum that was paid 
 inllead of the Tirones, was calied Aurum Tironi- 
 cum, £5? Stratioticum, Soldiers-money, which we 
 find mentioned in Synefius, where ipeaking [g] 
 of Andronicus Governor of Ptolemais, he lays, 
 He fet one Thoas to collect this Aurum, Tironicum j 
 which the Editor by Millake fays was fo called, 
 quia folvcbatur Tironibus^ becaufc it was paid to 
 the Tirones; whereas indeed it was the Money 
 that was paid inllead of the Tirones by way of 
 Tribute into the Treafury of the Empire. Now 
 that fome Bifhops, at le.ifl in Africk, were ex- 
 cufed from this Tribute, is concluded by fome 
 learned Men from a Law of 'Theodofius Ju- 
 nior, which excufes certain Perfons from it un- 
 der the Title of Sacerdotales in the Proconfular 
 Africk^nd that becaufe they were otherwife oblig'd 
 
 to be at great Expences in that Province. But 
 now the Queftion is, who are meant by the 
 Name, Sacerdotales. The learned Petit [f\ fays 
 it denotes Chrillian Biihops: And if fo, the Cafe 
 would be clear as to their Exemption: But Go- 
 thofred rather inclines [k~] to think it means the 
 High Priells among the Heathens, who were flill 
 in being, and obliged by their Office to be at 
 great Expences in exhibiting the Ludi Sacerdo- 
 tales to the People. I will not venture to decide 
 fo nice a Difpute betwixt two fuch learned Men, 
 but think however I may fafely infer even 
 from Gothofred's Notion, That if the Chrillian 
 Emperors were fo liberal to the Heathen 
 High Priefts, they would at lead be as liberal 
 to their own Bifhops, and grant them the fame 
 Immunity. But 1 leave this Matter to farther 
 Enquiry. 
 
 One thing is more certain, SECT. v. 
 That whatever Burthens any T ^ e chunk obliged 
 Lands were originally encumber- *° f" ch Bunhens as 
 
 i -i ■;■ i i i Lands were tied to 
 
 ed with, they were liable to the , f Z 
 
 r ' I , : before their Doaa- 
 
 lame even alter their Donation t \ m . 
 to the Church, unlefs difcharged 
 of them by fome particular Grant and Favour 
 of the Emperors. This we learn from a me- 
 morable Inllance in a particular Cafe wherein 
 St. Aufiin was concerned, the Account of which 
 we have from his own Relation For the right: 
 underllanding of which I mull fir ft acquaint the 
 Reader, that by the Laws of the Roman Polity 
 many times a Company of Tradefmen were fo 
 incorporated into a Society for the Service of 
 the Empire, that their Ellates were tied to that 
 Office and Duty, fo that whoever had the Pro- 
 priety of them, he was bound to the Duty an- 
 nexed to them. Thus it was particularly with 
 the Incorporated Company of the Navicularii of 
 Africk and Egypt^ who were concerned in tranf- 
 porting the yearly Tribute of Corn from thofe 
 Provinces to Rome and Conjlantinople. Their E- 
 ftates were tied to the Performance of this Ser- 
 vice, as appears from a Title in the Theodofian 
 Code [/], which is de Pradiis Naviculariorum : 
 And they were fo tied, that if anv Ship chanced 
 to be loft in the Paffiige, the whole Body was 
 obliged to make good the Effects to the Empe- 
 peror's Coffers j and the Mailer of the Ship 
 was obliged [m~] to give up his Men that efca- 
 ped the Shipwreck, to be examined by Torture 
 afterwards; otherwife he mull have born the 
 whole Burthen himfeif alone, on Prefumption 
 
 0] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. a. de Epifc. 8c Cler. leg. 17. De 
 his fane Clericis qui Prsedia poffident , fublimis au£toritas tua 
 non lolum eos aliena juga nequaquam ftatuet excufare, fed etiam 
 his quae ipfi poffident eofdem ad penlitanda Fifoilia perurgeri : U- 
 niverfos namque Clericos Pofleflbres duntaxat Provinciates Penlita- 
 riones recognofcere jubemus. Vid. Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 3. 
 [</] Theod. lib. 4,. c. 8. to. fnp'oo-ia. y(p v'o/Mif eio x ouiC&v 
 timet, id, x'x. av\tKiyy,o-t th ra JtgaTKi/7©- $fc*a\(t. [«] Cod. 
 Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc Sc Cier. leg. 40. Nihil prxter Ca- 
 
 nonicam Inlationem ejus Funclionibus adferibatur. 
 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 11. t. 17 de Equor. Conlat. leg. 3. Equos 
 Canonicos militari Dixcefeos Africans — — — juflimus adxrari, 
 &c. [g] Svnef. Ep. 79. ad Anaftaf. p. 293. t«/s ato/tii- 
 
 Vol. r. 
 
 <r;<r/t' %Tet£e th <rfa.TicoTtx.x ypva'ir. to Kctx* pfy < Tipcovtx.~. 
 \fi\ Cod. Th. lib. 7. tit. 13. de Tironibus leg. 22. Prxcipimus 
 Proconfularis Provincix non eandem Saccrdotalium, qua: eft de cse- 
 teris, in prxbendis Tironibus habendum eflerationem: Non inique 
 fiquidem ea potiftimum ab hoc officio Provincia videtur excepta, 
 qua; omnium intra Afiicam Provinciarum obtinet Principatum, cu- 
 jul'que majoribus fatigantur expenfis. [/] Petit. Variar. Ledtion. 
 lib. 3. c. 1. p. 28. \k~\ Gothofred. Com. in Cod. Th. 7. 13. 22. 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 6. O] Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 9. de 
 Naufragiis leg. 2. Si quando Caufatio eft de impetu procellarum, 
 medium ex eis nautis numerum Navicularius exhibeat Quaeftioni 
 Quo eorum tormentis plenior Veritas pofllt irjquiri. 
 
 Z z that 
 
178 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 OOK V« 
 
 that he was guilty of fome Fraud in the Matter 
 againft the reft of his Society. Now it happen- 
 ed while St. Aufiin was Bifhop of Hippo, that 
 one of thefe Navicularii, Boniface a Mafter of a 
 Ship, left his whole Eftate to the Church; which 
 yet St. Aufiin refufed to receive, becaufe of thefe 
 Burthens that lay upon it. For, fays he (Vj, I 
 was not willing to have the Church of Chrifl 
 concerned in the Bufinefs of Tranfportation. 
 'Tis true indeed there are many who get Eftates 
 by Shipping: Yet there is one Temptation in it, 
 if a Ship fhould chance to go and be loft, then 
 we fhould be required to give up our Men to 
 the Rack, to be examined by Torture according 
 to Law about the drowning of the Ship ; and 
 the poor Wretches that had efcaped the Waves 
 muft undergo a new Severity from the Hands of 
 the Judge : But we could not thus deliver them 
 up ; for it would not become the Church fo to 
 do. Therefore fhe muft anfwer the whole Debt 
 to the Exchequer. But whence fhould fhe do 
 this ? For our Circumftances do not allow us to 
 keep a Treafury. A Bifhop ought not to lay 
 up Gold in Bank, and mean while refufe to re- 
 lieve the Poor. Thefe Words of St. Aufiin do 
 plainly evince what has been obferved, that the 
 Donation of an Eftate to the Church did not or- 
 dinarily free it from the Tribute or Duty, that 
 the Publick otherwife demanded of it j but if 
 the Church would receive it, fhe muft take it 
 with the ufual Burthens that lay upon it. 1 con- 
 fefs indeed the Senfe of the PafTage, as it lies in 
 St. Aufiin without a Comment, is not very eafy 
 to be underftood ; nor have any of his Editors, 
 no not the laft Benediblins, thought fit to expound 
 it ; but for that Reafon, as well as to make good 
 my own Obfcrvation, I have recited it in this 
 Place, and explained it from thofe Laws and 
 Cuftoms of the Empire, to which it manifeftly 
 refers. And fuch a Digreffion, if it were a Di- 
 greffion, I prefume would not be unacceptable to 
 the Curious Reader. 
 
 sect. vi. But now to proceed. Ano- 
 0/ the Chryfargy- ther fort of Tribute, in which 
 mm, or Luftral t fe Clergy had fome Concern, 
 Tax was t he Tax upon Trade and 
 
 gy from it. Commerce. 1 his in ancient 
 
 Writers [0] is known by the 
 Name of ^pviapyv^v, Chryfargyrum, The Silver 
 
 and Gold Tax, becaufe it was paid in thofe Coins. 
 Zofimus [/>] indeed makes the Chryfargyrum ano- 
 ther thing, viz. A Scandalous Tax exacted of 
 lewd Men and Women; and in his fpfoe toChri- 
 ftianity he reprefents Confiantine as the Author of 
 it; in which his groundlefs Calumny he is abun- 
 dantly refuted by Baronius \jf], and more efpeci- 
 ally by the Learned [r] Gothofred, and Pagi, 
 whom the curious Reader may confult. Here I 
 take the Chryfargyrum in the common notion on- 
 ly for the Tax upon Lawful Trade and Com- 
 merce, which St. Bafil calls [>] ^y.uarimxov 
 apuov'ov, Commerce-Money. In the Civil Law 
 it is known by the Name of Luftralis Collatio, 
 The Lufiral Tax, becaufe it was exa&ed at the 
 return of every Lufirum, or four Years end. Ic 
 was indeed a very grievous Tax, efpecially upon 
 the Poor ; for not the meaneft Tradefman was 
 exempted from it. Evagrius [t] fays it was exa- 
 cted even of thofe who made Begging their 
 Trade, l^cv» tjj» r^nv wc^acri. Whence 
 Libanius [«] calls it the Intolerable Tax of Sil- 
 ver and Gold, that made Men dread the terrible 
 Pentaeteris, or Return of every Fifth Year. And 
 for the fame Reafon, as the Author under the 
 Name of St. Aufiin [w] takes Notice, it was 
 commonly called, Aurum Pannofum, The Poor- 
 man's Tax, or a,s fome Editions read it, Aurum 
 Pcenefum, The Cruel Tax, becaufe it was exact- 
 ed of the Poor. But now a particular Refpect 
 was paid to the Church in this Matter; for when 
 her Revenues were fcanty, and not fufficient to 
 give all the Clergy a Decent Maintenance, the 
 Inferior Orders, the Clerici, were allowed to 
 Traffick to fupport themfelves, without paying 
 any Tribute of this Nature. This Indulgence 
 was firft granted by Conftantius without any Re- 
 ftri&ion, That if any of them [#] was minded 
 to follow a Calling to maintain themfelves, they 
 ihould be freed from Cuftom. But that none of 
 them might abufe this Privilege to Covetouf- 
 nefs, they were confined afterwards by feveral 
 Laws to Trade within a certain Sum, which if 
 they exceeded, they were to pay Cuftom for it. 
 This appears from a fecond Law of the fame 
 [jy] Conftantius, and another of Gr at tart's Fxl, 
 where the Italian and Illyrican Clerici are confi- 
 ned to the Sum of Ten Solids, and the Gallican 
 to Fifteen. Yet if any would Trade farther, 
 only with a Charitable Defign, to raife Funds 
 
 [»] Aug. Serm. 49. de Diverfis. Tom. 10. p. 5-20. Bonifacii 
 hxreditatem fufcipere nolui; non mifericordia, fed timore. Na- 
 viculariam nolui efte Eccleliam Chrifti. Multi funt quidem qui e- 
 tiam de navibus acquirunt : Tamen una tentatio eft, ii iret navis 
 8c naufragarct, homines ad Tormenta daturi eramus, 8c de fubmer- 
 lione navis fecundum confuetudinem quaereretur : 8c torqucrentur a 
 Judice qui eflcnt a fluctibus liberati: Sed non eos daremus: Nullo 
 enim pacto hoc facere deceret Ecclefiam Onus ergo Fifcale perfol- 
 veret. Sed unde perlblveret? En thecam nobis habere non licet, 
 8cc. [0] Evagr. Hid. Ecclef. lib. 3. c. 39. [ />] Zofim. 
 Jib. 2. [9] Baron, an. 320. n. 36. [r] Gothofred. Com. 
 in Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. r. de Luftrali Collatione leg. 1. Pagi Critic, 
 in Baron, an. 330. n. 6. [*] Bafil. Ep. 243. [t] Evagr. 
 lib. 3. c. 39. [«] Liban. Orat. 14. cont. Florent. T. 2. p. 427. 
 
 Tnnav Tctf JWctf T«i'7sTtfei/af. [»>] Aug. Quaelt Vet. 8c 
 Nov. Teft. c. 7/. Didrachma Capitum vel Tnbuti exaftio intel- 
 
 ligitur; quod nunc Pannofum Aurum appellator, quia 8c pauperes 
 exiguntur. _ [*] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. 8c Cler. 
 leg. 8. Si qui de vobis Alimoniae caula negotiationem exercere 
 volunt, Immunitate potientur. It. Cod. lib. 13. tit. 1. de Lu- 
 ftrali Collatione leg. 1. Negotiatores omnes protinus convenit 
 aurum argentumque praebere : Clericos excipi tantum, (8c) qui 
 CopiatoE appellantur, nec alium quenquam efle immunem. 
 [j] Ibid. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. if. Clerici vero, vel hi 
 quos Copiatas recens ufus inftituit nuncupari, ira a Sordidis Mu- 
 neribus debent immunes atque a Conlatione prarftari, Si exiguis ad- 
 modum mercimoniis tenuem fibi vi&um veftitumque conquirent. 
 [z.] Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 1. de Luftrali Collat. leg. 11. Et(i om- 
 nes Mercatores fpeclat Luftralis auri depenfio, Clerici tamen intra 
 Illyricum 8c Italiam in denis Solidis; intra Galliam in Qiiinis denis 
 Solidis immunem ufum Converfationis exerceant. Quicquid autem 
 fupra hunc modum negotiations verfabitur, id oportet ad Fun&io- 
 nem Aurariam devocari. 
 
 and 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 179 
 
 and Monte-Pitt's for the Ufe of the Poor, they 
 were allowed by two [a] other Laws of Con- 
 ftantius to employ what Sums they pleafed, and 
 pay none of this Tribute for them. It is to be 
 noted farther, that this Immunity was granted 
 by Honorius to the Catholick [*] Clergy only, 
 and to no others. And the Privilege was c- 
 ftcemed fo great, that fome Covetous Tradef- 
 men would ufe Means to get themfelvcs admit- 
 ted to a Titular Office among the Inferior Cler- 
 gy of the Church, with no other Defign but to 
 enjoy this Immunity, and to follow their Trade 
 without paying the Lufiral Duty. Againft 
 whofe Fraudulency and Corruptions the Empe- 
 ror Arcadius made a fevere [c] Law, command- 
 ing all fuch, if they followed their Merchandize, 
 to be deprived of this Immunity of the Clergy > 
 or if they would devote themfelves to the facred 
 Service, then they fliould abftain from all fuch 
 fraudulent and crafty ways of Gain : For, faith 
 he, the Wages of Religion and Craft are very 
 different from one another. And for this Rea- 
 fon probably when the Revenues of the Church 
 were become Sufficient to maintain all the Cler- 
 gy, Valentinian the third \_d~\ enacted a Law, 
 that none of the Clergy fliould Negotiate as 
 formerly } otherwife they fliould come under the 
 Cognizance of the fecular Judges, and not enjoy 
 the Privilege of the Clergy. Evagrius [e] adds, 
 that the Emperor Anaftatius quite abolifhed the 
 Chryfargyrum or Luftral Tax itfelfj and that is 
 the Reafon why there is no mention at all made 
 of it afterward in the Juftinian Code. 
 
 sect. vil. Another fort of Duty in- 
 of the Metatum. cumbent on the Subjects of the 
 What mem there- Emp j re was tne Burden and 
 
 by, and the Exem- ^ r ■ • t-« . 
 
 /J t a i-i^u Charee ot giving Entertainment 
 
 ft ion of the Clergy 5 t> & 
 
 j rom tt to the Emperor s Court and Re- 
 
 tinue, when they had occafion 
 to Travel j or to the Judges, or Soldiers as they 
 paffed from one Place to another. This the Ci- 
 vil Law [/] calls Metatum, and the Greeks Mrtwt- 
 tov, from the word Metatores, which fignifies 
 the Emperor's Harbingers or Fore-runners, which 
 were fent before to provide Lodging and Enter- 
 tainment for them. In allufion to which, Cy- 
 prian [g~] fpcaking of Rogatian an eminent Pref- 
 oyter of Carthage, who was the firft Martyr that 
 was fent to Prilon in theDmVz/zPerfecution, fays, 
 
 he was Metator to the reft, their Harbinger, that 
 went before them to prepare a Place in Prifon 
 for them. And in the fame Senfe Lucian the 
 Martyr in Cyprian, elegantly ftiles Decius himfelf 
 \_h~] Metatorem Antichrifti, the Harbinger of An- 
 tichrift, who by that terrible Perfecution made 
 Preparation for his Coming into the World. 
 From this Notion of the Word Metator, that 
 Duty of yielding Entertainment to the Empe- 
 rour's Retinue, &c. has the Name of Metatum 
 in the two Codes of the Civil Law. But the 
 Clergy were excufed from this by a Law [z] of 
 Conftantius, where he fays they fhould not be ob- 
 liged to entertain Strangers j by which he can- 
 not be fuppofed to excufe them from the Chri- 
 ftian Duty of Hofpitality to the Indigent, but 
 from this Civil Duty of the Roman State, to 
 which other Subjects were obliged. Whence 
 Gothofred [_k~] very truly obferves, that the Cler- 
 gy in this refpecr. hath equal Privileges with Se- 
 nators Houfes, andjewifh Synagogues, and Chri- 
 ftian Churches > all which were exempt from 
 this Duty of Entertaining. And if the Greek 
 Collector of the Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions out 
 of the Code, publifhed by Fabrottus, miftake not, 
 this Immunity extended to their Servants alfo. 
 For he fays [/], neither the Clergy nor their 
 Servants were fubject to any new Impofitions or 
 to this Burden called the Metatum. 
 
 And hence it appears farther, sect. viit. 
 that they were freed from all Ex- °f the Supmndi- 
 adions that went by the Name f^^^f" 
 of Super indicia, and Extraordina- l ]^e%t fZf'Zm. 
 ria, that is, fuch Impofitions as 
 the Emperors thought neceffary to lay upon the 
 Empire, or any part of it, beyond the Ordinary 
 Canonical Taxes, upon great Exigencies and 
 Extraordinary Occafions. For as the Ordinary 
 Taxes were called Indictions, fo thefe Extraordi- 
 nary were called [/»] Superindictions. From 
 thefe the Clergy were univerfally exempted by 
 feveral Laws of Christian Emperors. As by that 
 of Conftantius [»] in the 'theodofian Code, where 
 he refers to a Preceding Law to the fame pur- 
 pofe. According to the Decree, fays he, which, 
 you are faid to have obtained heretofore, no one 
 fhall impofe any New Taxes upon you or your 
 Servants, but you fhall enjoy a perfect Immunity 
 in that refpect. Gothofred upon the Place fays, 
 
 [a] Cod. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc. 8c Cler. Leg. io. Ne- 
 gotiatorum difpendiis minime obligentur (Clerici), cum certum lit, 
 quasftus quos ex Tabernaeulis (leg. Tabernis) atque Ergafteriis col- 
 ligunt, Pauperibus profuturos. Ibid. Leg. 14. Si quid Mercatura 
 congeflerint, in ufum Pauperum atcjue egentium miniftrari opor- 
 tet, Sec. 0] Cod. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 2. Leg. 26. Catholicas Re- 
 Kgionis Clerici - - - - ab Auraria Penfione hibeantur immunes. 
 [c] Ibid. Lib. 12. Tit. 1. de Luftralis Collat. Leg. 16. Omnes 
 Corporatos - - - praecipimus conveniri, ut aut commoda negotia- 
 torum lequentes, a Clericorum excufatione difcedant: aut Sacra- 
 tiiTimo Numini Servientes, verfutis quseftibus abftineant; diitinfta 
 enim Stipendia funt Religionis 8c Calliditatis. [d] Valentin. No- 
 vel. 12. ad Calcem Cod. Theod. Jubemus ut Clerici nihil prorfus 
 negotiationis exerceant. Si velint negotiari, Sciant fe Judicibus 
 fubitos, Clericorum Privilegio non muniti. [e] Evagr. Lib. 3.59. 
 [/] Cod. Th. Lib. 7. Tit. 8. de Onere Metati. Cod. Jufttn. Lib. 
 12. Tit. 41. de Metatis. [g] Cypr. Ep. 81. al. 6. Edit. Oxon. 
 
 Primum Hofpitium vobis in carcere prxparavit, 8c Metator quo- 
 dammodo vefter nunc quoque vos antecedit. [h~\ Lucian ap. 
 Cypr.Ep.20.al.22. [/'] Cod. Th. Lib. 16. tit 2. de Epifc. Leg.8. Pra:- 
 terea neque hofpires fufcipietis. [k~] Gothofred. Paratitlon ad CoJ. 
 Th. Lib. 7. Tit. 8. de Onere Metati. Tom. 2. p. 264. Immunes 
 erant a Metato Clerici, Senatorum Domus, Synagogux Judax>rum, 
 8c Religionum Loca. [/] Colledr. Conftit. Ecclef. ex Cod. Lib. 1. 
 Tit. 3. Seel. 1. oj xA.M£tJtoi >y to, a.V(P?a.-7ro£ct. ojjrfif iy xc&ox.tri\- 
 tcu Kcuvaut ejffip5£#7« 11 ///t*to/<. [w] Vid. Cod. Theod. Lib. 
 11. Tit. 6. de Supcrindifto, 8c Cod. JulHn. Lib. 10. Tit. 18. de eo- 
 dem. 0] Cod. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc. 8c Cler. Leg. 8. 
 Juxta Sandionem quam dudum meruiife perhibemini, 8c vos 8c 
 mancipia veftra nullus. Novis Collationibus obligavit (id eft, obli- 
 gabit), fed vacatione gaudebitis. Gothofred. in Loc. Ab extraor- 
 dinariis Collationibus immunes fafti fuerunt, at nondum ab Ordina- 
 riis, 8c Canonicis. 
 
 4 
 
 by 
 
1 80 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 by this Law they were freed from all extraordi- 
 nary Tribute, and only bound to the Ordinary 
 and Canonical Taxes. And fo it was in the Time 
 of Honorius and Theodojius Junior, an. 412, when 
 by a Law granting many other Privileges to the 
 Church relating to her Pofleflions, they infert 
 this among the reft, that no Extraordinary Tri- 
 bute or Superindi&ion , but oniy the common 
 [0] Canonical Tax mould be required of her. 
 Which was finally Confirmed by Jujiinbn [_p~], 
 and made the flanding Law of the Roman Empire. 
 
 SECT. IX. As to fome other Duties and 
 
 The clergy fome- Burdens, the Laws a little va- 
 
 times exempt from rie( j . p or fometimes the Clergy 
 
 contributing to the were exemp . ;cd and f orri enmes 
 
 Reparation of High- • i i i r 
 
 Jys and Bridges. not* as particularly in tbeC iie 
 
 of contributing to the Mainte- 
 nance and Reparation of Publick Ways and 
 Bridges. By the forementioned Law of honorius, 
 an. 412.5 all Church-Lands are excufed \_q~\ from 
 thofe Duties, and it is called an Injury to bind 
 them to any Contribution toward them. Yet not 
 long after, an. 415, Theodojius Junior made a Law 
 for the Eaflcrn Empire, which excepts no Or- 
 der of Men from bearing a lhare in this matter, 
 but obliges as well his own Pofleflions, (called 
 Domus Divin/e in the Stile and Language of thole 
 Times) as Churches [r] to take their Proporti- 
 on in it. And about the fame time Falentinian the 
 third made a Law \_s~] to the fame Effect in the 
 Wefi. Juftinian confirmed the Law of Theodojius 
 by inferting it [t] into his Code, and added another 
 Law of his own among his Novels, where \_u~\ 
 though he grants the Clergy an Immunity from 
 extraordinary Taxes, yet he adds, That if there 
 was Occafion to make a Way, or build or re- 
 pair a Bridge, then Churches as well as other 
 Pofleflbrs fhould contribute to thofe Works, if 
 they had Pofleflions in any City where fuch 
 Works were to be done. 
 
 SECT. X. The Laws varied like wife in 
 
 As alfi from the anotherlnftance or Duty required 
 
 * uty "fijsr. ° f the sub J ca:s > wnich was to 
 
 vix' &c aia ° Sa furnifh out Horfes and Carriages 
 for Conveying of Corn for the 
 
 Soldiers, and fuch other Things as belonged to 
 the Emperor's Exchequer. This Duty in the 
 Civil Law [to] goes by the Name of Curfus 
 Publicus, and Angaria, and Parangaria, and Tran- 
 Jlatio, and Eveclio, and the Horfes ufed in this 
 Service are particularly called Paraveredi, and 
 Equi Curfuaks. Now the Clergy at firft were 
 exempt from this Service by two Laws of Con- 
 Jiantius [#] made in the former Part of his 
 Reign, which exprefly excufe both their Perfons 
 and their Eftates from the Duty of the Paran- 
 gari<e. But by another Law made in the laffc 
 Year of his Reign, An. 360, he revoked this 
 Privilege, obliging the Clergy to the Duty of 
 Tranflation, as it is there worded [jy], by which 
 he means the Duty of furnifhing Horfes and 
 Carriages for the Emperor's Service. And this 
 he did, notwithstanding that the Council of Ari- 
 minum had Petitioned for an Immunity, being at 
 a Time when Conjtantius was difpleafed with 
 them. However this Law continued in force, 
 not only under Julian, but under Valentinian and 
 Theodojius, till by a contrary [z] Law about 
 twenty Years after, An. 282, they reftored the 
 Clergy to their ancient Privilege. Which was 
 farther confirmed to them by Honorius, An. 412, 
 whofe Law is ftill extant [a] in both the Codes. 
 Yet Theodojius Junior and Valentinian the third, 
 an. 440, took away their Privilege again, and by 
 two Laws [£] made Church-Lands liable to 
 thefe Burdens of the Angaria, Parangaria, &c. 
 (whenever the Emperor fhould be upon any 
 March or Expedition) as well as all others. From 
 all which it appears, that there was no certain 
 Rule obferved in .this Matter, but the Clergy had, 
 or had not this Privilege, according as the State 
 of Affairs would bear, or the Emperors were 
 inclined to grant it. 
 
 Besides thefe publick Taxes 
 and Duties, there was alfo one 
 private Tax, from which all Lands 
 given to the Church, or to any 
 Charitable Ufe, were exempt by 
 the Laws of the Empire. This 
 in the Civil Law is called De- 
 narifmus, or Unci a, and Defer iptio Lucrativorum. 
 
 SECT. XT. 
 Of the Tribute call- 
 ed, Denarifmus , 
 Uncise, and Defcri- 
 ptio Lucrativorum, 
 And the Church's 
 Exemption from it. 
 
 [0] Cod. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc. 8c Cler. Leg. 40. Ni- 
 hil Extraordinarium ab hac Superindi&iumve flagitetur. Nihil 
 
 prxter Canonicam Inlationem ejus funclionibus afcribatur. 
 [/>] Juftin. Novel, iji. c. f. Sancimus omnium Sanftarum Ec- 
 clefiarum PofleCfiones, neque fordidas Funcliones, neque extraordi- 
 narias Defer iptioncs fuftincie. [q~] Cod. Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de 
 Epifc. 8c Cler. Leg. 40. Nullam Jugationem, qua: talium Privile- 
 
 giorum forte gratuhtur, muniendi itineris conftringat injuria. 
 
 Nulla Pontium inftauratio: Nulla Tianflationum follicitudo gigna- 
 tur. [rj Cod. Th. Lib. 15-. Tit. 3. De Itin. muniendo. Leg. 6. 
 Ai Inftrucliones Reparationefque Itinerura Pontiumque nullum ge- 
 nus hominum - - - - cefiare oportet. Domos etiam Divinas, ac 
 venerandas Ecclelias tam laudabili Titulo libenter adferibimus. 
 j>] Valentin. Novel. 21. ad Calcem Cod. Th. [r] Cod. Juft. 
 Lib. 1. Tit. 2. Leg. 7. [«] Juft. Novel. 1 2 1. c. 5-. Si tamen Itine- 
 ra fternendi aut Pontium xdificii vel reparations opus fuerir, ad 
 inftar aliorum Pofleflbrum, hujufmodi opus 8c Santtas Ecclelias 8c 
 venerabiles domos eomplere, dum fub ilia poflident Civitaie, fub 
 qua tale fit opus, [w] Cod. Th. Lib. 8. Tit. de Curfu Publico, 
 Angariis, 2c Parangariis. Cod. Juftin. Lib. 12. Tit. 0. [x] Cod. 
 Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc, & Cler. Leg. 10. Parangariarum 
 
 quoque parili modo (a Clericis,) ccflet Exactio. Ibid. Leg. 14. Ad 
 Parangariarum quoque Praeftationem non vocentur, nec eorundem 
 Facultates atque Subftantix. [y] Cod. Th. Ibid. Leg. 15-. Ut 
 praeterea ad univerfa munia fuftinenda, Tranflationefque faciendas, 
 omnes Clerici debeant adrineri. [x.] Cod. Theod. Lib. 11. Tit. 16. 
 de Extraord. 8c Sordidis Muner. Leg. if. Circa Ecclelias, Rheto- 
 res, atque Grammaticos eruditionis utriufque, vetufto more du- 
 rante. Ne Paraveredorum hujufmodi viris aut Parangariarum 
 
 praebitio mandetur, 8cc. [a] Cod. Th. Lib. 1 6. Tit. 2. de Epifc. 
 8c Cler. Leg. 40. Nulla Tranflationum Sollicitudo gignatur, Sec. 
 al. Signatur, as it is in the Juftin. Code. Lib. 1. Tit. 2. de Sacro- 
 fancl:. Eccl. Leg. ?. [b] Cod. Juftin. Lib. 1. Tit. 2. Leg. 1 1. Ne- 
 minem ab Angariis, vel Parangariis, vel Plauftris, vel quolibet mu- 
 nere excufari pra:cipimus, cum ad feliciffimam Expeditionem no- 
 ftri Numinis, omnium Provincialium per Ioca, qua iter arripimus, 
 debeant fblita nobis minifteria exhiberi ; licet ad Sacrofanclas Ec- 
 clelias PofTcifiones pertineant. It. Lib. 12. Tit. fl. de Curfu Pub- 
 lico. Leg. 2 1. Nullus penitus cujuflibet Ordinis feu Dignitatis, vel 
 Sacrolancta Ecclelia, vel domus Regia tempore Expeditionis excu- 
 fationem Angariarum feu Parangariarum habeat. 
 
 The 
 
Chap. Hi. Christian Church. iSi 
 
 The Rcafon of which Names will be undcr- 
 ftood by explaining the Nature of the Tribute. 
 It was a fort of Tax paid, not to the Emperors, 
 but to the Curia or Curiales of every City, that 
 is, to that Body of Men who were obliged by 
 vcrtue of their Eibites to be Members of the 
 Court or Common-Council, and bear the Offices 
 of their Country. Now it fometimes happened, 
 that one of thefe Curiales left his Eftate to ano- 
 ther that was not of the Curia-, and an Eftate 
 fo defcending was faid to come to him ex Caufa 
 Lucrativa, which being oppofed to Caufa Onero- 
 fa, is when a Man enjoys an Eftate by Gift or 
 Legacy, and not by Purchafc. But now left in 
 this cafe the Giving away an Eftate from the 
 Curia might have brought a greater Burden up- 
 on the remaining Part of the Curiales, the Per- 
 fon fo enjoying it was obliged to pay an Annual 
 Tribute to the Curia of the City, which from 
 the nature of his Tenure was called Defcriptio 
 Lucrativorum, the Lucrative Tax. And becaufe 
 every Head of Land, every Jugum or Caput, as 
 the Law terms it, was obliged to pay annually 
 a Denarius, or Ounce of Silver, therefore the 
 Tax it felf was called Uncia, and Denarifmus : 
 As in the Laws [c~] of Thcodofius M. cited in the 
 Margin. Theodofius Junior and Valentinian the 
 third made this Tax double, laying [i] Four 
 Siliqua, which is Two Ounces of Silver, upon 
 every Head of Land. According to which Rate, 
 every Pofleflor who held any Eftate by the a- 
 forefaid Tenure, was obliged to pay Tribute 
 out of it to the Curia of the City, to which it 
 belonged. But if any fuch Eftate was given to 
 the Church, it was exempt from this Tribute, 
 if not before, yet at leaft in the Time of Jufti- 
 nian. For. there are two Laws of his to this 
 purpofe, [e] the one in his Code, the other in 
 his Novels, in both which fuch Lands as any of 
 the Curiales gave to a Church, or a Monaftery, 
 or Hofpital of any kind, are particularly excep- 
 ted from this Lucrative Tax> and that, Pictatis 
 intuitu, as it is there worded, in Regard to Reli- 
 gion, and becaufe it was fit to put fome diffe- 
 rence between Things Humane and Divine. But 
 whether the Church enjoyed this Immunity un- 
 der any other Prince before Jujlinian, is what I 
 leave the Curious to make the Subject of a far- 
 ther Enquiry whilft I proceed to confider ano- 
 ther fort of Immunity of the Clergy, which was 
 
 their Exemption from Civil Offices in the Roman 
 Empire. 
 
 I O f thefe Offices fomc were sect, xit 
 Perfonal, and other Predial, that The clergy exempt 
 is, fuch as were tied to Mens E- f rom allQvil in- 
 flates and PofleiTions: Some a- f°»d offices. 
 gain were called Honores, Honourable Offices; 
 and others, Munera fordida, Mean and Sordid 
 Offices. Now from all thefe, as well Patrimo- 
 nial as Perfonal, Honourable as well as Sordid, 
 by the firft Laws of Conflantinc the Clergy were 
 univerfally and entirely exempt. But Aker-ap;es 
 made a little Diftinction as to fuch of the Cler- 
 gy, who enjoyed Patrimonial Secular Mates of 
 their own, diftinc~b from thofe of the Church: 
 For fuch of the Clergy were fometimes forced 
 to leave their Ecclefiaftical Employment, and 
 bear the Civil Offices of the Empire j of which 
 more by and by. But as to Offices which were 
 purely Perfonal, the Clergy were entirely ex- 
 empt from them j as appears from a Law of Va- 
 lentinian and Gratian [/"] ftill extant in both the 
 Codes, where every Order of the Clergy, not 
 only Presbyters and Deacons, but Subdeacons, 
 Exorcifts, Readers, Door-keepers and Acoly- 
 thifts, are fpecified as exempt from Perfonal Of- 
 fices. And that is the meaning of that Law of 
 Conftantius, mentioned both by Athanafius \_g\, 
 and Socrates \_b~], and Sozomen [/], where they 
 fay, he granted the Clergy of JEgypt dXarscyn- 
 cr/av, and a.i'i\Ha.v XftTs^Tj/aa'ra/;, Exemption from 
 fuch Offices, as had been forced upon them in 
 the Arian Perfecution. 
 
 Again, for thofe called Sor- sect. Xlli. 
 did Offices, not only the Perfons -And from Sorid 
 of the Clergy, but the Eftates °ffi ces bo ' h pt/uJ 
 of the Church were difcharged md ?er i onal 
 of all Burthens of that nature. Confiantius 
 made two Laws [£] to this purpofe, which Va- 
 lentinian and 'Theodofius confirmed, granting the 
 Clergy, and fome other Orders of Men, the 
 fame Immunity in this refpeft, as they did to the 
 chief Officers and Dignitaries of the Empire: 
 And they intimate [/] alfo, that this was no 
 new Privilege, but what by ancient Cuftom 
 they had always enjoyed. The fame is faid by 
 Honorius, that this was an ancient Privilege of 
 the Church, conferred upon her by his Royal 
 
 [e] Cod. Th. lib. 12. tit. 1. de Decurionibus, ieg. 107. Quin- 
 
 cunque Hseres Curiali vel fi quern liberalitas locupletaverit forte 
 
 viventis, quos a Curiae nexu conditio folet dirimere, Sciant, Pe- 
 
 cuniariis Defcriptionibus ad Denarifmum five Uncias , fefe 
 
 Au&oris fui nomini retinendum. It. leg. 123. Ibid. 
 [</] Cod. Th. lib. ij. tit. 4. de Imponenda Lucrativis Defcrip- 
 tione Leg. unic. Hi qui ex Lucrativa Caufa Poflefliones derinent, 
 quae aliquando Curialium fuerint, pro fingulis earum Jugis 8c Capi- 
 tibus Quaternas Si'liquas annuae ("leg. annuas) Ordinibus nomine De- 
 fcriptionis exfolvant. [e] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 2. de facro- 
 
 fanct. Ecclef. leg. 22. Sancimus res ad venerabilis Ecclelias, vel 
 Xenones, vel Monafteria, vel Orphanotrophia, vel Gerontocomia, 
 vel Ptochotrophia, 8cc. defcendentes ex qualicunque Curiali Libe- 
 ralitate — a Lucrativorum Infcriptionibus liberas immunefque 
 efle. - — Cur enim non faciamus difcrimen inter res Divinas 8c 
 Humanas? Id. Novel. 131. c. j". Si quae vero res ex Curialium 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 fubftantiis ad quamlibet Sacrolanc"hm Ecclefiam, aut aliam vene- 
 rabilem domum fecundum Leges venerunr, aut poftea venerinr, 
 liberas eas efle fancimes Defcriptione Lucrativorum. 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. 8c Cler. leg. 24. Pref- 
 byteros, Diaconos, Subdiaconos, Exorciftas, Lectores, Oltiarios c- 
 tiam, 8c omnes perinde qui primi funt, Perfonalium Munerum ex- 
 pertes efle praecipimus. The Jujlinian Code, lib. 1. tit. 3. leg. 6. 
 has the fame, only injlead of the Words, Omnes qui Primi funt, it 
 reads Acolythos. [g] Athan. Apol. 2. t. 1. p. 772. 
 [A] Socrat. lib. 2. c. 23. [»] Sozom. lib. 3. c. 21. 
 
 [£J Cod. Th. lib. 16. tic. 2. de Epifc. leg. io, 8c 14. Repella- 
 tur ab his exafirio munerum Sordklorum. [/] Ibid. lib. 11. 
 tit. 16. ;de Extraord. 8c Sordid. Muner. leg. 1 ?. Maximarum 
 
 Culmina Dignitatum ab omnibus lbrdidis muueribus vindicen- 
 
 tur Circa Ecclefias, Rhetores, atque Grarsmaticos eiudkionis 
 
 utriufque verulto more durante, Sec 
 
 A a a An- 
 
i82 The Ant i qjj it ies of the Book V 
 
 Anceftors, and that it ought not to be diminifh- 
 ed : Therefore he made two Laws particularly 
 in Behalf [m] of the Bifhop of Rome, That no 
 Extraordinary Office or Sordid Function fhould 
 be impofed upon him. Nor do we ever find the 
 Clergy called to bear any fuch Office in the Em- 
 pire. For though Gothofred in his Notes upon 
 the forementioned Law [»] of Theodoftus, where 
 feveral of thefe Offices are fpecified, reckons the 
 Angaria, and Building and Repairing of Ways 
 and Bridges, among Sordid Offices j yet I have 
 fhewed before, that what was exacted of the 
 Clergy in reference to thofe two Things, was 
 under the Notion of a Tribute, and not an Of- 
 fice : And the Laws which require the Clergy 
 to contribute toward them fay cxprefly [o] 
 that they are not to be looked upon as Sordid 
 Offices, nor any Duty to be exacted under that 
 Notion. 
 
 sect. xiv. As to the other fort of Offices, 
 Alfo from Cttr'ml called Honores, Honourable or 
 or Municipal offices. Municipal Offices, which are o- 
 therwife termed Curial Offices, becaufe they 
 who bare them were called Curiales & Decurio- 
 nes, Men of the Court or Curia of every City : 
 All the Clergy who had no Lands of their own, 
 but lived upon the Revenues and PofTeffions of 
 the Church, were entirely exempt from them j 
 becaufe the Duties of the Church and State were 
 not thought well confiftent in one and the fame 
 Perfon > and it was deemed unreafonable to bur- 
 den the Lands of the Chnrch with the Civil 
 Duties of the Empire. When Conftantine was 
 firft quietly fettled in his Government, immedi- 
 ately after the great Decennial, commonly call- 
 ed the Diocletian Perfecution, he feems to have 
 granted a full and unlimited Immunity in this re- 
 fpect to all the Clergy, as well thofe who had 
 Lands or Patrimony of their own, as thofe who 
 lived wholly upon the Revenues of the Church. 
 For thus he expreffies himfelf in a Law directed 
 to Anulinus Proconful of Africk, recorded by Eu- 
 fehius, which bears Date An. 31*, or 313. Our 
 Pleafure is, That all thofe in your Province, who 
 minifter in the Catholick Church, over which 
 Ctfcilian prefides, who are commonly called the 
 Clergy, be exempted [p] from all Publick Offi- 
 ces whatfoever, that they may not be let or 
 hindered in the Performance of Divine Service 
 
 by any Sacrilegious Diffraction. Anulinus has alfo 
 an Epiftle Hill extant in Sz.Auftin \j] written to 
 Conftantine not long after, wherein he mentions 
 this Grant as fent to him, to be intimated to 
 Cacilian and the Catholick Clergy, viz. That by 
 the kind Indulgence of his Majcity that were 
 exempt from all manner of Offices, that they 
 might with due Reverence attend Divine Ser- 
 vice. And this Epiftle of Anulinus is alfo related, 
 but not fo correctly, in the Collation [>] of Car- 
 thage. In this Grant it is very obfervable, that 
 this Privilege was only allowed to the Catholick 
 Clergy : Which made the Donatifts very unealy, 
 beeaufe they could not enjoy the fame Favour : 
 And upon this they became tumultuous and 
 troublefome to the Catholicks, procuring the 
 Clergy in fome Places to be nominated to pub- 
 lick Offices, and to be made Receivers of the 
 publick Revenues, &t. But Complaint hereof 
 being made to Conftantine, it occafioned the Pub- 
 liming of a new Order in A/rick, purfuant to the 
 former, That whereas he was given to under- 
 ftand, that the Clergy of the Catholick Church 
 [/] were molefted by the Heretical Faction, and 
 by their Procurement nominated to publick Of- 
 fices, and made Sufceptors or Receivers of Tri- 
 bute in Derogation of the Privileges which he 
 had formerly granted them : He now fignified 
 his Pleafure again, That if the Magistrates found 
 any Perfons fo aggrieved, they fhould fubftitute 
 another in his room, and take care for the fu- 
 ture that no fuch Injuries fhould be offered to 
 the Men of that ProfefTion. This Law was pub- 
 lifhed^tf. 313, and it is the firft of this kind that 
 is extant in the I'heodofian Code. About fix Years 
 after, An. 319. he put forth another, upon a like 
 Complaint made in Italy, that the Ciergy were 
 called away from their proper Function to ferve 
 in publick Offices : And in this he grants them 
 the fame [t~\ general Immunity as before. So a- 
 gain An. 330, a Complaint being made againft the 
 Donatifts in Numidia, that when they could not 
 have their Will upon the Superior Clergy by 
 reafon of the former Immunity that was granted 
 them, they notwithftanding forced the Inferior 
 Clergy to bear Offices in Curia, upon Pretence 
 that the Exemption did not extend to them ; 
 Conftantine, to cut off all Difpute, publifhed ano- 
 ther Law, wherein [»] he particularly exempts 
 the Inferior Clergy, Readers, Subdeacons, and 
 
 \m~\ Ibid. Leg. zi, 8c n. Privilegia venerabilis Ecclefiae, quae 
 Divi Principes contulerunt, imminui non oportet; Proinde etiam 
 qua: circa Urbis Roma: Epifcopum, obfervatio intemerata cufto- 
 diet: Ita ut nihil Extraordinarii muneris vel Sordidae Fundrionis 
 agnofcat. [»] Gothofred. in Cod. Th. lib. 1 1 . tit. 1 6. leg. 1 f. 
 [0] Cod. Th. lib. 15-. tit. 2. de Itin. muniendo. leg. 6. Honor. 8c 
 Theodof. Jun. Abfit ut nos inftru&ionem via: publicaz, 8c Ponti- 
 
 um, ftratarumque operam. inter fordida munera numere- 
 
 mus, 8cc. Vid. Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 2. de SS. Ecclef.leg. 7. Ejuf- 
 dem Honorii 8c Theodof. [/>] Conft. Ep. ad Anulin. ap. Eufeb. 
 lib. 10. c. 7. 8CZ7«p KMeiK.if iiroyo/xctiZeiV e.uScLGiv, &b 'ttclv- 
 Tiov aiTct^atTAfcf T Keiixtryuv $iho\j.ax ci\ei}»}>y»TVf <Pi*<pv- 
 ^.tfxpw*"- &c - W Anulin. Ep. ad Conftant. ap. Aug. 
 
 Ep. 68. Scripta cceleftia Majeftatis veftrae accepta atque 2dorata, 
 Caeciliano 8c his qui fub eodem agunt, quique Clerici appellantur, 
 devotio Parvitatis meae infinuare curavit, eofdemque hortata eft, 
 ut Unitate confenfu omnium facta, cum omni omrimo Munere in- 
 
 dulgentia Majeftatis veftrae liberati efle videantur Catholici, cufto- 
 dita fanftitate Legis, debita reverentia Divinis rebus inferviant. 
 |>] Collat. Carth. Die. 3. c.2i6", 8c 220. [j] Cod. Th. lib. 16. 
 tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. i. Haereticorum Fa&ione comperimus Ecclefiae 
 Catholicae Clericos ita vexari, ut nominationibus feu fufceptionibus 
 aliquibus, quas publicus mos expofcit, contra indulta fibi Privilegia, 
 praegraventur. Ideoque placet, fi quem tua Gravitas invenerit ita 
 vexatum, eidem alium fubrogari, 8c deinceps a fupradifrae Religic- 
 nis hominibus hujufmodi injurias prohiberi. [t] Cod. Th. 
 
 ibid. leg. 2. Qui divino cultui minifteria Religionis impendunt, id 
 eft, hi qui Clerici appellantur, ab omnibus omnino Muncribus ex- 
 cufentur: Ne facrilego livore quorundam a divinis obfcquiis avo- 
 centur. [«] Cod. Th. lib. 1 6. tir. 2. leg. 7. Le&ores Di- 
 
 vinorum Apicum, 8c Hypodiaconi, caeterique Clerici, qui per inju- 
 riam Haereticorum ad Curiam devocati funt, abfolvancur: &c de 
 caecero ad fimiiitudinem Orientis minime ad Curias devocentur, fed 
 immunitate pleniflima potiantur. 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 the reft: from bearing Offices in Curia-, and or- 
 ders, that they fliould enjoy in Africk the fame 
 pel-fed Immunity as they did in the Oriental 
 Churches. 
 
 SECT. xv. Now this Immunity was fo 
 But this lajl > rri- great a Privilege, that it not on- 
 viiege confined to jy became th e Envy of Here- 
 
 fuch of the Clergy, ^ ^ Q provokc d f ome 
 
 as had no mates „, 7 . . , T ' , 
 
 tut »h*t belngd Cathohck Laymen, (who were 
 to the church, by poffefs'd of Eftates qualifying 
 the Lam of Con- them to bear the Offices of their 
 ftantine. Country) to get a fort of Titular 
 
 Ordination to fome of the Inferior Offices of 
 the Church, on Purpofe to enjoy this Immu- 
 nity j when yet they neither deligned to do the 
 Duty of that Office, nor to arifc to any higher 
 Order in the Chureh. Which being interpre- 
 ted a mere fraudulent Collufion to deprive the 
 State of fit Men to ferve the Commonwealth, 
 and no ways benefit the Church, it was prefent- 
 ly refented by Conftantine as an Abufe* and vari- 
 ous Laws were made both by him and his Suc- 
 ceffors, as Occafion required, to reftrain and 
 corrccl it. Conftantine at firft, as I obferved be- 
 fore, granted this Immunity indifferently to all 
 the Clergy, as well Poffeffors, as not Poffeffors 
 of private Eftates, whom he found actually en- 
 gaged in the Service of the Church, when he 
 came to the quiet Poffeflion of the Empire: 
 Nor did he for fome Years after perhaps re- 
 train any forts of Men from taking Orders in 
 the Church : But when he found this Indul- 
 gence to the Church, by the Artifice of 
 cunning Men, only turned to the Detriment 
 of the State j and that rich Men flickered them- 
 felves under an Ecclefiaftical Title only to a- 
 void the Offices of their Country 5 he then made 
 a Law, that no rich Plebeian, who was quali- 
 fied by his Eflate to ferve in Curia, and bear Ci- 
 vil Offices in any City, fliould become an Ec- 
 clefiaftic ; or if he did, he fliould be liable from 
 the Time that Law was made, to be fetch'd 
 back and returned in Curiam, to bear the Offices 
 of his Country as a Layman. What Year that 
 Law was made, is not very certain, fave only 
 that it was before An. 32.0, when a fecond Law 
 was made upon the fame Subject, referring to 
 the firft. And from this we learn what was the 
 Import of both That it was Conftantine'^ De- 
 fign to put a Diftindtion betwixt fuch of the 
 Clergy as were ordained before that firft Law, 
 and fuch as were ordained afterward j the for- 
 mer he exempted from Civil Offices, though 
 they were pofleffed of Eftates, but not the lat- 
 ter: Which plainly appears from the Words of 
 
 the fecond Law, which are thefe [V] : Whereas 
 by a former Law we ordained, that from thence- 
 forward no Counfellour or Counfellour's Son, or 
 any one who by his Eftate was fufficiently qua- 
 lified to bear publick Offices, fliould take upon 
 him the Name or Fun&ion of the Clergy > but 
 only fuch whofe Fortune is fmall, and they not 
 tied to any Civil Offices : We are now given to 
 underftand, that fuch of the Clergy who were 
 ordained before the Promulgation of that Law, 
 are molefted upon that Account : Wherefore our 
 Command is, That thofebe difcharged of all fur- 
 ther Trouble} and that fuch only as entered 
 themfelves among the Clergy fince the Law was 
 made, with Intention to decline Publick Offices, 
 fliall be returned to the Curia and States of their 
 City, to ferve in the Civil Offices of their Coun- 
 try. There is another Law of Conftantine^ pub- 
 liflied after this 0] An. 1,16, a Year after the 
 Council of Nice, which fpeaks to the fame Ef- 
 fect, and fhews that this was the {landing Rule 
 of the latter Part of Conftantine's Reign, to ex- 
 empt none among the Clergy, who were qualifi- 
 ed by Eftates of their own, from bearing perfo- 
 nally the publick Offices of the Empire. 
 
 But however this might be sect. xvr. 
 well defigned at firft by him to Confhntine'iLawf 
 prevent fome Abufes, yet in pro- a l,ttle ^'ered by 
 cefs of Time it became very the f Mceed H Em ~ 
 prejudicial to the Chureh For 
 by this means fometimes Presby- 
 ters and Deacons, after they had been Twen- 
 ty or Thirty Years in the Church's Service, 
 were called upon by Litigious Men to bear Ci- 
 vil Offices inconfiftent with the Spiritual, and 
 thereupon they were forced to forfake their Ec- 
 clefiaftical Function. This was fo great an In- 
 convenience, that it well became the Wifdom 
 of the following Emperours to find out fome 
 fuitable Remedy for it : Which they did by new 
 modifying Conftantine's Law, and abating fome- 
 thing of the Rigour of it. For they did not 
 lay the Burden of Civil Offices upon the Perfons 
 of the Clergy, but only upon their Patrimonial 
 Eftates, not belonging to the Church, and in 
 fome Cafes they excufed thofe alfo. Conftantius 
 acquitted all Bifliops of this Burden both as to 
 their Eftates and Perfons } for by his [_y~\ Laws 
 they might keep their Eftates to themfelves, and 
 neither be obliged to bear Civil Offices in Per- 
 fon, nor fubftitute any other in their Room. 
 And he allowed the fame Privilege to Presbyters 
 and Deacons and all others, provided they were 
 ordained by the Confent of the Civil Court or 
 Curia, and the general Requeft of the People. 
 
 [w] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 3. Cum conftitutio 
 emifla ptaecipiat, nullum deinceps Decurionem, vel ex Decurione 
 progenitum, vel eriam inftrudrum idoneis facultatibus, atque obe- 
 undis publicis Muneribus opportunum, ad clericorum nomen oble- 
 quiumque confugere > led eos qui fortuna tenues, neque Mu- 
 neribus Civilibus teneantur obftrutti : Cognovimus illos etiam in- 
 quietari, qui ante Legis promulgationem Clericorum fe confortio 
 fociaverint •. Ideoque praecipimus, hisab omni moleftia liberatis, illos 
 qui poll legem latam obfequia publica declinantes, ad Clericorum 
 numerum contugerunt, Curiae Ordinbufque reftitui, 8c Civilibus 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 oblequiis infervire. [#] Ibid. leg. 6. Si inter Civitatem 8c 
 
 Clericos fuper alicujus nomine dubitetur, li eum sequitas ad publica 
 trahat Munera, & progenie Municeps, vel Patrimonio idoneus dig- 
 nofcetur exemptus Clericis Civitati tradatur : Opulentos enim Sx- 
 culi fubire neceffitas oportet, Pauperes Eccleliarum divitiis fuften- 
 tari. [jj Cod. Th. lib. 12. tit. 1. de Decurion. leg. 49. E- 
 pifcopum facultates fuas Curiae, licut ante fuerat conftitutum, nul- 
 lus adigat mancipare, fed Antilles maneat, nec faciat Subftantiae 
 ceffionem, 8c c. 
 
 A a a z But 
 
T84 
 
 The A n t i clu i t i b s of the 
 
 Boor V- 
 
 But if they were not fo ordained, all that they 
 were obliged to do was only to part with two 
 Thirds of their Eftate to their Children or next 
 Relations, and fubftitute them in their room: 
 Or in DefecT: of fuch Relations, to give up two 
 Parts of their Eftate to the Curia, and retain the 
 third to themfelves. Valentinian in the firft Year 
 of his Reign, An. 364, made the Law a little 
 ftri&er, That fuch Perfons [z] when they were 
 ordained, fhould give all their Eftate to one of 
 their Relations, and fubftitute him as a Curialis 
 in their room, or elfe give it up to the Curia 
 itfelf : Otherwife they fhould be liable to be cal- 
 led back to ferve in Civil Offices as Lay-men. 
 But he extended this Obligation no farther than 
 to the Beginning of his own Reign > for by a- 
 nother Law made feven Years after, An. 371, he 
 exempted all fuch as were in the Service of the 
 Church \_a~\ when he came to the Crown, 
 though they had Eftates of their own qualifying 
 them to bear Civil Offices. Valem exempted all 
 fuch as had been ten Years [b~] in the Church's 
 Service} fo that if they were not called upon 
 by the Civil Courts within that Term, they 
 were for ever after to be excufed. Valentinian 
 the fecond exempted them [c] , provided they 
 put a Subftitute in their Room. c theodofius ex- 
 empted all that were ordained [_d~] before the 
 Year 588, which was the tenth Year of his 
 Reign : And of thofe that were ordained after- 
 ward he only required [e~] the aforefaid Condi- 
 tions, that they fhould either provide a proper 
 Subftitute, or give up their Eftates to the 
 Court at their Ordination. Which is alfo ta- 
 ken Notice of by St. Ambrofe in his Anfwer to 
 Symmachus, where he fhews [/"] how unreafona- 
 ble it was for him to plead for the Exemption 
 of the Heathen Priefts in this refpect, when 
 the Laws did not grant it to the Chriftian Cler- 
 gy but upon fuch Conditions. Arcadius indeed 
 by the Inftigation of Eutropius, An. 398, can- 
 celled all thefe favourable Laws, and brought 
 the Clergy again to the hard Rule of Conftantine, 
 That if any [_g] of the Curiales were ordained 
 in the Church, they fhould by Force be return- 
 ed to the Civil Courts again in Perfon, and not 
 enjoy the Benefit of thofe Laws, which allow- 
 ed them to take Orders, provided they difpofed 
 of their Eftates to proper Subftitutes, who might 
 bear Offices in their Stead. But this Law was 
 
 but very fhort-lived } for Chryfoftom and fome o- 
 thers very juftly declaiming againft it, Arcadius 
 difannulled it the Year following by a new Law, 
 wherein \h~] he granted fuch of the Clergy as 
 were taken and ordained out of the Body of the 
 Curiales, the fame Privilege that they had under 
 his Father Theodofius, which was, That all that 
 were ordained before the fecond Confulfhip of 
 'Theodofius, An. 388, fhould enjoy a perfect Immu- 
 nity without any Moleftation : And fuch as were 
 ordained after that Term, if they were of the 
 Superior Clergy, Bifhops, Presbyters or Dea- 
 cons, they might continue in the Church's Ser- 
 vice, either providing a Subftitute to bear the 
 Offices of the Curia for them, or giving up their 
 Eftates to the Curia, as former Laws in that cafe 
 had directed. Only it was required that the In- 
 ferior Clergy, Readers, Subdeacons, fhould 
 be returned to the Curia again, and obliged to 
 bear Offices in Perfon. And the fame was de- 
 termined by Theodofius [f\ Junior, and Valenti- 
 nian the third [_k~], and Majorian [/] whofeLaws 
 are extant at the end of the Theodofian Code. 
 Jufiinian alfo has a Novel to the fame purpofe, 
 wherein [m~] he orders fuch of the Inferior Cler- 
 gy, as were taken out of any Curia, to be re- 
 turned thither again, unlefs they had lived fif- 
 teen Years a Monaftick Life} and then they 
 were to give three parts of their Patrimony to 
 the Curia, and retain one to themfelves : But he 
 allowed Bifhops to put in a Subftitute, and be 
 free from bearing Civil Offices in Perfon, as Jt- 
 lianus Antecefior [_n~] in his Epitome of the Au~ 
 thenticks underftands him : Though I confers 
 there is fomething to incline a Man to think 
 'Jufiinian at firft was a little more fevere to fuch 
 Bifhops, becaufe he revived that Antiquated Law 
 of Arcadius [0] in his Code. But however this 
 be, upon the whole matter it appears, that the 
 Chriftian Princes from firft to laft always made 
 a wide difference between the Publick Patrimo- 
 ny of the Church, which was properly Ecclefi- 
 aftical, and the Private Eftates of fuch of the 
 Clergy as had Lands of a Civil or fecular Te- 
 nure : For the one the Clergy were obliged to 
 no Duty or Burden of civil Offices, but for the 
 other they were, and could not be excufed from 
 them, but either by parting with fome portion 
 of their Eftates, or providing proper Subftitutes 
 to Officiate for them. The Reafon of which 
 
 [z] Cod. Th. lib. 12. tit. 1. de Decurion. leg. j-o. Qui 
 partes eligit Ecclefiae, aut in Propinquum bona propria conferendo 
 eum pro fe faciet Curialem, aut facultatibus Curiae cedat, quam 
 reliquit ; ex neceflitate revocando eo qui neutrum fecit, cum Cleri- 
 cus efle ccepiflet, 8cc. 0] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. 
 leg. 2 1. Qui Ecclefiae juge obfequium deputarunt, Curiis habean- 
 tur immunes, fi tamen ante otrum Imperii noftri ad cultum fe Le- 
 gi's noftrae contulifle conftiterit. [b~] Cod. Th. lib. 1 6. tit. 2. 
 leg. 1 9. Si in confortio Clericatus Decennium quietis impleverit, 
 cum Patrimonio fuo habeatur immunis : Si vero intra finitos annos 
 fuerit a Curia revocatus, cum Subftantia fua Fundtionibus fubja- 
 ceat Civitatis. [c] Cod. Th. lib. 12. tit. 1. de Decurion. 
 
 kg- 99- M Jbid. leg. 121, 8c 123. [e] Ibid. lib. 104, 
 & lif. [/] Ambrof. cont. Symmach. [g] Cod. Th. 
 
 lib. 9. tit. 4j\ de his qui ad Ecclef. confug. leg. 5. Decuriones 
 manu mox injedta revocentur: Quibus ulterius Legem prodefle 
 bob patirmir, quae ceflione Patrimonii fubfecuta, Decuriones efle 
 
 Clericos non vetabat. [A] Cod. Th. Jib. 12. tit. x« de Decu- 
 rion. leg. 162. Si qui ex fecundo Divi Patris noftri Confulatu Cu- 
 riam reliquentes, Clericorum fe confortio manciparunt, fi jam E- 
 pifcopi, vel Presbyteri, vel Diaconi efle meruerunt, in Sacris qui- 
 dem & Secretoribus Dei Myfteriis perfeverent, fed aut Subftitutum 
 pro fe Curias ofterre cogantur, aut juxta Legem dudum latum tra- 
 dant Curiae facultates. Refidui omnes, Ledtores, Subdiaconi vel hi 
 Clerici quibus Clericorum Privilegia non debentur, debitis mox Pa- 
 triae Muneribus praefcntentur. [/] Theod. Novel. 26, & 58. 
 [k] Valentin. Novel. 12. [/] Majorian. Novel. 1. [tri] Ju- 
 ftin. Novel. 122. c. if. Ex. Epitom. Julian. Antecefs. [«] Vid. 
 Julian. Epit. Novel. 1 23. c. 4. poft leg. 38. Cod. de Epifc. Epif- 
 copalis Ordo liberat a fortuna fervili, fed non a Curiali five Ofli- 
 ciali; nam & poft ordinationem durat; ita ut per fubje&am vel 
 interpofitam Perfonam Ofncium ad impleatur, &c. [0] Cod. 
 Juft. lib. 1. tit. 3. de Epifc. leg. 12. 
 
 7 was, 
 
Ch a p. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 18$ 
 
 was, that fuch of the Clergy were looked upon 
 as irregularly promoted: It being as much a- 
 gainft the Rules of the Church, as the Laws of 
 the State, to admit any of the Curiales to an 
 Ecclcfiaftical Function, without firft. giving Sa- 
 tisfaction to the Curia whence they were taken, 
 as has been mewed in another place. I have 
 been the more curious in fearching to the bot- 
 tom this Bufinefs about Tribute and Civil Offi- 
 
 ces, and given a particular and diftind Account 
 of them from the grounds of the Civil Law, 
 becaufe but few Men have recourfe to thofe 
 Fountains, whence this matter is to be cleared ; 
 and the Reader will fcarce find this Subject 
 handled, but either very Imperfectly, or with 
 fome Partiality, or fome Confufion, in Modern 
 Authors. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Revenues of the ancient Clergy. 
 
 SECT. I. hpHE next thing that comes 
 Severalwaysofpro- J[ in order to be confidered is 
 •aiding a Fund for ^ Maintenance of the ancient 
 
 the Maintenance of Q wher£ . m be 
 
 the Clergy, i ft, by . . r 
 
 oblations, some of V ev firft to enquire into the Ways 
 ■which were Weekly, and Methods that were taken 
 for raifing of Funds for their 
 Subfiftence. And here to fet afide a little the 
 Confederation of Tithes, which will be fpoken 
 of in the next Chapter, we find other ways, by 
 which in ancient Times a decent Provifion was 
 made for them. As 17?, by the voluntary Obla- 
 tions of the People, of which fome Learned 
 Perfons think there were two Sorts; 1/?, The 
 W eekly or Daily Oblations that were made at 
 the Altar: idly, The Monthly Oblations that 
 were call: into the Treafury of the Church. The 
 ftrft fort of Oblations were fuch as every rich 
 and able Communicant made at his coming to 
 partake of the Eucbarift; where they offered 
 not only Bread and Wine, out of which the 
 Eucbariji was taken, but alfo other Neceffaries, 
 and fometimes Sums of Money for the Mainte- 
 nance of the Church and Relief of the Poor. 
 As is evident from thofe words of St. Jerom 
 in his Comments upon Ezekiel [a] , where he 
 tells us, that Thieves and Oppreffors made their 
 Oblations among others, out of their ill-gotten 
 Goods, that they might glory in their Wicked- 
 nefs, while the Deacon in the Church publickly 
 recited the Names of thofe that offered : Such 
 an one offers fo much, fuch an one hath promi- 
 sed fo much : And fo they pleafe themfelves with 
 the Applaufe of the People, while their own 
 Confcience lafh.es and torments them. Thofe 
 called the Apoftolical Canons [£] fpeak alfo of 
 the Oblation of Fruits and Fowls and Beafts, 
 but order fuch to be fent home to the Bifhop 
 and Presbyters, who were to divide them with 
 the Deacons and the reft of the Clergy. 
 
 Another fort of Oblations sect. n. 
 were made Monthly, when it was -And others Monthly. 
 ufual for Perfons that were able and willing, to 
 give as they thought fit fomething to the Ark 
 or Treafury of the Church. Which fort of 
 Collation is particularly taken notice of by < Ter- 
 tullian [c] who fays, it was made Menfirua die 9 
 once a Month, or when every one pleafed, and 
 as they pleafed; for no Man was compelled to 
 it: It was not any ftated Sum, but a voluntary- 
 Oblation. Baronius \jf] thinks this Ark or Trea- 
 fury was called the Corban of the Church, be- 
 caufe Cyprian \_e] ufes that word when he fpeaks 
 of the Offerings of the People; rebuking a rich 
 and wealthy Matron for coming to celebrate the 
 Eucbarift without any Regard to the Corban, and 
 partaking of the Lord's- Supper without any Sa- 
 crifice of her own. Others [/] conceive, that 
 Corban is not a Name for the Treafury, but fig- 
 nifies the Gift or Oblation it felf; and that Cy- 
 prian fo ufes it, making it the fame with the Sa- 
 crifices or Offerings of the People. But the 
 Evangelift, Mat. if. 6. feems rather to favour 
 the Opinion of Baronius: For when he fays, the 
 Chief Priefts did not think it lawful to put Ju- 
 das's Money etr rov xogCovav, it is evident, he 
 there by Corban^ means the Treafury, as moft 
 Translators render it. 
 
 But however this be, it is SECT. IIS - , 
 very probable, that hence came Whence c*tne the 
 the Cuftom of Dividing thefe Cu fl om <f * Mmth ' 
 Oblations once a Month among f^*f * * mmg 
 the Clergy. For as Tertullian * gy ' 
 fpeaks of a Monthly Collation, fo Cyprian fre- 
 quently mentions [_g] a Monthly Divifion, in 
 which the Presbyters had their Shares by equal. 
 Portions, and other Orders after the fame man- 
 ner. Whence the Clergy are alfo ftiled in his 
 Language [Jo] Sportulantes Eratres, Partakers of 
 
 [a] Hieron. Com. in Ezek. 18. p. 5-37. Multos confpicimus, 
 qui opprimunt per Potentiam, vel furta committunt, ut de multis 
 parva paupcribus tribuant, 8c in fuis Iceleribus glorientur, publiceque 
 Diaconus in Ecclelia recitet Offerentium Nomina: Tantum offert 
 ille, tantum ille pollicitus eft: placentque libi ad Plaufum populi, 
 torquente Confcientia. Canon. Apoft. c. 3, 4,, 5-. 
 
 [c] Tertul. Apol. c. 39. Si quod Area: genus eft, non de Ordina- 
 ria Summa, quafi redemptse Religionis congregatur .- Modicam u- 
 nufquifque ftipem Menftrua die, vel quum velit, 8c ft modo velit, 
 5c li modo poftit, apponit: Nam nemo compellitur, fed fponrs 
 
 confert. [d] Baron, an. 44.. n. 69. [e] Cypr. de Oper. 
 
 8c Eleemof. p. 105. Locuples 8c Dives es, 8c Dominicum celebrare 
 te credis, qua: Corbonam omnino non refpicis; qua; in Domini- 
 cum fine facrificio venis; quae partem de facrificio, quod pauper 
 obtulit, fumis? [/] Bafnag. Exercit. in Baron, p. 5-97. 
 [g] Cypr. Ep. 34. al. 39. Ut 8c fportulis iifdem cum Presbytcris 
 honoreutur, 8c Divifiones Menfurnas aequatis quantitatibus partian- 
 tur. \h] Id. Ep. 66. al. 1. Sportulantes Fratres, ranquam De s 
 cimas ex fru&ibus accipientes. 
 
 the 
 
186 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 the Diftributionj and what we now call, Suf- 
 
 penfio aBeneJicio, is in his Stile [f] Sufpenfto aDivi- 
 fione Menfurna, Sufpenfion from the Monthly Di- 
 vifion. Which plainly implies, that this fort of 
 Church-Revenues was ufually divided once a 
 Month among the Clergy. And perhaps in Con- 
 formity to this Cuftom it was, that the Theodo- 
 tian Hereticks having perfwaded one Natalias a 
 ConfefTor to be ordained a Bifhop among them, 
 promifed him a Monthly Salary of one hundred 
 and fifty Denarii, ^via^a Jlwdpia Ixarov vnvlrpLovla, 
 as Eufebius [Jz] words it, referring to the ufual 
 way of Diftribution once a Month among the 
 Clergy. 
 
 sect. IV. Another fort of Revenues 
 idly, other Reve- which the Clergy enjoyed, were 
 
 nuts arifing from fa c h as aro f e annually f rom tne 
 
 tfoZuh&hlt Lands and PolTeffions which were 
 jeponsoft e c . gj ven tQ ^ Church. Thefe in- 
 deed at firft were but fmall, by reafon of the 
 continual Vexations and Perfecutions which the 
 Church underwent for the three firft Ages, when 
 immoveable Goods were always mod expofed to 
 Danger. It was the Cuftom of the Church of 
 Rome therefore never to keep any Immoveable 
 PofTeffions, no not for many Ages, if we may 
 credit [7] Theodorus Letlor, who fpeaks of it as 
 Cuftomary in his own Time, An. $*zo. But if any 
 fuch were given to the Church, they immedi- 
 ately fold them, and divided the Price into three 
 Parts, giving one to the Church, another to the 
 Bifhop, and the third to the reft of the Clergy. 
 And Valefius finds no Exception to this till near 
 the Time of Gregory the Great. But if this was 
 the Cuftom of the Church of Rome, it was a 
 very lingular one. For other Churches had their 
 Immoveables, both Houfes and Lands, even in 
 the times of Perfecution : As appears from the 
 Edicts of Maximinus, wherein he revoked his 
 former Decrees that had raifed the Perfecution, 
 and in thefe latter Edicts granted the Chriftians 
 Liberty not only to rebuild their Churches, but 
 alfo ordered, that if any Houfes or Lands be- 
 longing to them had been confifcated, or fold, 
 or given away \ni\, they fhould be reftored to 
 them again. That this was meant of Houfes and 
 Lands belonging to the Church, as well as pri- 
 vate Chriftians, is evident from the Decree of 
 Conjiantine and Licinius publifh'd the fame Year, 
 An. 313, wherein they give Orders, that where- 
 as the Chriftians were known to have not only 
 Places of AfTembly, but alfo other Places be- 
 longing not to any private Man, but to the 
 whole Body, all fuch Places (Vj fhould be re- 
 ftored to the Body and to every particular A.f- 
 
 fembly among them. Which is repeated again 
 in Conjlantine's Letter to Anulinus [0], and other 
 publick Acts of his recorded by Eufebius \_f\ in 
 his Life, where he makes mention of Houfes 
 Gardens, Lands, and other PofTeflions belonging 
 to the Church, of which fhe had been plunder- 
 ed and defpoiled in the late Perfecutions. Thefe 
 are undeniable Evidences, that fome Part of the 
 Ecclefiaftical Revenues were anciently raifed 
 from Houfes and Lands fettled upon the Church, 
 even before any Chriftian Emperors could give 
 Encouragement to them. 
 
 But when Conjiantine was qui- s E C t v 
 etly fettled Upon the Throne, Thefe very much 
 the Church - Revenues received augmented by the 
 great Augmentations in this kind. L * ws °f Conftan- 
 For he enacted a Law at Rome, tme " 
 which is ft ill extant in both the Codes 
 That any one whatfoever fhould have Li- 
 berty at his Death to bequeath by Will what 
 Part of his Goods he pleafed to the Holy Catho- 
 lick Church. By which means the Liberality 
 of pious Perfons was very much encouraged, and 
 great Additions were made to the ftanding Re- 
 venues of the Church. Therefore Baronius is 
 very injurious j>] to the Memory of Conjiantine, 
 and juftly corrected by Got bof red [j] and Mr. Pagi 
 [t] for it, in that he infinuates as if Conjiantine 
 had relapfed toward Heathenifm at this very 
 time, An. 521, when he publifhed this Law fo 
 much in favour of the Church. 
 
 Others are no lefs injuri- sect. vi. 
 
 OUS to fome of his Succeffbrs, Whofe Lands wen 
 
 when they reprefent them as in- confirmed, anA not 
 iurious to the Church, in for- revoked by the fuc- 
 bidding Widows and Orphans to c f mg ?f w ' " 
 
 , ° T . . . fome mijlake. 
 
 leave any Legacies to the Church. 
 Baronius cannot help complaining alfo upon this 
 Point, though he contradicts himfelf about it. 
 For in one Place [u] he fays, the forefaid Law 
 of Conjiantine did fo augment the Church's 
 Wealth, that the following Emperors began to 
 dread the Confequences of it, that it would turn 
 to the Detriment and Poverty of the Common- 
 wealth, and therefore they made Laws to reftrain 
 the Faithful from being fo profufe in their Do- 
 nations to the Church. Yet when he comes to 
 fpeak particularly of thofe Laws, he owns, they 
 were not defigned [w] againft the Church, but 
 only to correct the fcandalous Practices of fome 
 fordid Monks and Ecclefiafticks, who being of 
 an Avaricious and Parafitical Temper, made a 
 Gain of Godlinefs, and under Pretence of Reli- 
 gion fo fcrued themfelves into the Favour and 
 
 [/] Id. Ep. 28. al. 34.. Interim fe a Divifione Menfurna tantum 
 contineant, 8cc. [k~\ Eufeb. lib. f, c. 28. [/] Theodor. 
 Left. Colled an. lib. 2. p. 5-67 . idof th vmlAyht'icl f 'PcZ(j.yis ci- 
 Mvnra. <P'iKcua, 8cc. [m] Eufeb. lib. 9. c. 10. 
 
 [»] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 10. c. j-. [0] Conftant. Ep. ad Anulin. ap. 
 Eufeb. ibid. [p] Eufeb. Vit. Conft. lib. 2. c. 37, 8c 39. 
 
 [q] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 4,. It. Cod. Juft. lib. 1. 
 tit. 2. de facrofanct. Ecclef. leg. 1. Habeat unufquifque Licenti- 
 ara faudiifllmo Catholico venerabilique Concilio, decedens Bono- 
 
 rum quod optaverit relinquere. [r] Baron, an. 321. n. iS. 
 [jj Gothofred Com. in Cod. Th. lib. 26. tit. 1 o. de Paganis leg. r. 
 W f* a g' Critic, in Baron, an. 321. n.4, 8c f. [«] Baron, 
 
 an. 321. n. 17. [w] Baron, an. 370. Tom. 4. p. 270. Qua 
 
 quidem fanftione nequaquam prohibentur Eccleliae haireditates ac- 
 cipere vel Legata, fed Eccleliafticae Perfbnse five Cltrici, five Mo- 
 
 nachi Ut plane inteliigas hofce Nebulones, tanquam Harpy ias 
 
 quafdam inhiantes Matron3rum divitiis, 8cc. 
 
 Affections 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 187 
 
 Affections of fome rich Widows and Orphans, 
 that they prevailed upon them to leave them 
 great Legacies, and fomctimes their whole fi- 
 liates, to the Prejudice, of the right Heirs and 
 next Relations. 1 Which was fo difhoneft and un- 
 becoming a Practice in fuch Perfons, that Valen- 
 tinian made a Law to prevent it j decreeing, that 
 [x] no Ecclefiafticks, or any that profefied the 
 Monaftick Life fhould frequent the Houfes of 
 Widows or Orphans j nor be qualified to 
 receive any Gift or Legacy from the Donation 
 or laft Will of any fuch Perfons. Which Law, 
 as Gothofred \_y~] rightly obferves, did not pro- 
 hibit them from leaving any thing to the Church j 
 though fome Learned Men fo milundci Hand it 5, 
 but only tended to corredr. this unworthy Pra- 
 ctice of fome particular Perfons, which is equal- 
 ly complained of by the ancient Writers of the 
 Church. St. Ambrofe and St. Jerom, and others 
 mention this Law, but they do not at all in • 
 veigh againft it, but againft thofe Vices that 
 occafloned it. I do not complain of the Law, 
 fays St. Jerom [z], but am grieved that we 
 fhould deferve fuch ! a Law* that when Idol- 
 Priefts, and Stage-Players, and Carters, and 
 Harlots may inherit, only Clerks and Monks are 
 prohibited > and that not by perfecuting Empe- 
 rors, but Chriftian Princes. He adds, That it 
 was a very prudent Caution in the Law, but yet 
 it did not reftrain the Avarice of fuch Perfons, 
 who found out an Artifice to elude the Law, 
 per Fidei-commiffa, by getting others to receive 
 in Truft for them. Which fhews us the Senfe 
 St. Jerom had of this Matter, that he did not 
 think the Emperors were injurious to the 
 Church in making fuch a Law, but thofe Per- 
 fons were only to be blamed, whofe Avarice and. 
 Sordid Flatteries compelled them to make it. 
 And any one that will confult St. Ambrofe [a], 
 or the Author under his Name [b~] , will find 
 that they give the fame Account of it. Theodo- 
 fius indeed fome Years after made a Law, rela- 
 ting particularly to fuch DeconnelTes of the 
 Church as were of Noble Families, That they 
 fhould not [c] difpofe of their Jewels, or Plate, 
 or Furniture, or any other fuch Things as were 
 the ancient Marks of Honour in their Families, 
 under Pretence of Religion, while they lived $ 
 nor make any Church, or Clerk, or Poor their 
 Heirs when they died. But as this Law was 
 made upon fome particular Reafons of State j foit 
 did no Harm to the Church : For within two 
 
 Months the fame Emperor recalled [d] it by a 
 contrary Law, which granted Liberty to fuch Dea- 
 connefles to difpofe of their Goods in their Life- 
 time to any Church or Clerk whatfoever. And 
 Mar clan made the Law a little more extenfive, 
 allowing [<?] Deaconneffes and all other Religi- 
 ous Women, to difpofe of any Part of their fi- 
 liate, by Will, or Codicill, to any Church or 
 Oratory, or Clerk, or Monk, or Poor whatfo- 
 ever. Which Law Jufiinian alfo confirmed, and 
 inferted it [/] into his Code. So that Confian- 
 tine's Law continued always in its full Force, and 
 the fuccceding Princes did not derogate from 
 the Privilege which he had granted the Church 
 in this rcfpecT:, for Fear (as Baronius pretends) 
 left the Liberality of the Subjects to the Church 
 fhould impoverifh the Commonwealth. Men 
 were very Liberal indeed in their Gifts and Do- 
 nations to the Church in this Age, but yet not 
 fo profufe as to need Statutes of Mortmain to re- 
 ftrain them. 
 
 For befides the Liberality of SECT. VII. 
 the Subjects, the Emperors in jelly. Another vm 
 
 thofe Ages found it necelTary tO of Church-Revenues 
 
 make the Clergy an Allowance 
 
 out of the Publick Revenues of "^/^^ror's 
 
 it- - l- u 1- Exchequer. 
 
 the Empire j which was another 
 way of providing a Maintenance for them. Con- 
 ftantine both gave the Clergy particular Largeffes, 
 as their Occafions required, and alfo fettled upon 
 them a ftanding Allowance out of the Exche- 
 quer. In one of his Epiftles to Cacilian Bifliop 
 of Carthage, recorded by Eufebius [g] , he ac- 
 quaints Ccecilian with his Orders which he had 
 given to Urfus, his General Receiver in Africk, to 
 pay him Three Thoufand Polles, rg^x/sr q>6x- 
 X«r, to be divided at his Difcretion among the 
 Clergy of the Provinces of Africa, Numidia, and 
 the two Mauritania's. And if this Sum would 
 not anfwer all their prefent Neceflities, he gave 
 him farther Orders to demand of his Procurator 
 Heraclides, whatever he defired more. I need not 
 ftand here to enquire critically what this Sum of 
 Three Thoufand Polles was (though it may be 
 computed above Twenty Thoufand Pounds) fince 
 Conflantine gave the Bifliop unlimited Orders, to 
 demand as much as the Needs of the Clergy 
 fhould require. But he not only fupplied their 
 prefent Neceflities, but alfo gave Orders for a 
 ftanding Allowance to be made them out of 
 the Publick Treafury. For 'theodoret [h~] , and 
 
 [x] Cod. Th.lib. i(S. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 20. Ecclefiaftici, vel 
 qui Continentium fe volunt nomine nuncupari, Viduarum aut Pu- 
 
 pillarum domos non adeant Cenfemus etiam, ut memorati 
 
 nihil de ejus mulieris Liberalitate quacunque vel extremo Judicio 
 pofllnt adipifci. [y ] Gothofred in Loc. [&] Hieron. 
 
 Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. Sacerdotes, dicere pudet, Idolorum, Mimi, 8c 
 Auriga;, 8c Scorta haeredkates capiunt; folis Clericis 8c Monachis 
 prohibetur : Et prohibetur non a Perfecutoribus, fed a Principibus 
 Chriftianis. Nec de Lege conqueror, fed doleo cur meruimus 
 hanc Legem, 8cc. [<*] Ambrof. Ep. 31. ad Valentin, p. 14.?. 
 
 [6] Idem. Homil. 7. [c] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. 
 
 leg. 27. Nihil de Monilibus 8c fupelle&ili, nihil de Auro, Argen- 
 to, caeterifque Claras Domus Infignibus, fub Religionis defenfione 
 confumat. Ac fi quando diem obierit, nullam Ecclefiam, nul- 
 lum Clericum, nullum Pauperem fcribat hsredes, 8cc, [<•/] Ibid, 
 
 leg. 28. Legem, qua: Diaconiffis vel Viduis nuper eft promulgata, 
 ne quis videlicet Clcricus, neve fub Ecclefia; nomine, Mancipia, 
 praedam, velut infirmi fexus defpoliator, 8c remotis Adfinibus 8c 
 Propinquis, ipfe fub pmextu Catholics; Difciplina; fe ageret viven- 
 tis haeredem, eatenus animadvertat efle revocatam. [*] Mar- 
 cian. Novel. f, ad calcem Cod. Th. Generali Lege fancimus, five 
 Vidua, five Diaconifla, five Virgo Deo dicata, vel San£timonialis 
 mulier, five quocunque alio nomine religiofi honoris vel dignitatis 
 
 foemina nuncupetur, Teftamento vel Codicillo fuo Ecclefia?, 
 
 vel Martyrio, vel Clerico, vel Monacho, vel Pauperibus aliquid vel 
 ex integro vel ex parte, in quacunque Re vel Specie crcdidit relia- 
 quendum, id modis omnibus ratum firmumque conftet. 
 [/"] Cod.Juftin. lib. i. tit. z. de facrofanft. Eccl. leg. 13. [g\ Eu- 
 fcb. lib, 10. c. 6. [hi] Theod. lib. 1. c. 11. 
 
 Sozomen 
 
188 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sozomen [i] fay, he made a Law, requiring the 
 Chief Magiftrates in every Province to give the 
 Clergy, and Virgins, and Widows of the Church, 
 an Annual Allowance of Corn, lri,'Jia aimfaia, 
 out of the yearly Tribute of every City. And 
 thus it continued to the Time of Julian, who 
 withdrew the whole Allowance. But Jovian re- 
 ftored it again in fome meafure, granting them 
 a Third Part of the former Allowance only, be- 
 caufe at that Tune the Pubick Income was very 
 low, by reafon of a fevere Famine ; but he pro- 
 mifed them the whole, fo foon as the Famine 
 was ended, and the Publick Store-houfcs were 
 better replenifhed. But either Jovian's Death 
 prevented his Defign, or the Neceffities of the 
 Clergy did not afterward require it. For tho' 
 Sozomen feems to fay, the whole was reftored > 
 yet Theodurct, who is more Accurate, affirms, 
 that it was only, r^jrmc^ov, a Third Part, 
 and that fo it continued to his own Times. In 
 this Senfe therefore we are to underftand that 
 Law of the Emperor Martian, which Jufiinian 
 [_k] has inferted into his Code, decreeing, that 
 the Salaries which had been always given to the 
 Churches in diverfe Sorts of Grain out of the 
 Publick Treafures, fhould be allowed them, 
 without any Diminution. This did not entitle them 
 to the whole Allowance firft made them by Con- 
 fiantine (as fome may be apt to imagine from the 
 general Words of the Law) but only to the 
 Third Part, which had been the Cuftomary Al- 
 lowance from the Time of Jovian. 
 
 SECT. viii. Another Way by which 
 
 4thly, The Eftates fome fmall Addition was made 
 
 cf Martyr, and con- t0 t ^ e Revenues of the Church, 
 
 fejfors dying mth- was from a Law of C onftantine 
 
 out Heirs fett led up- , , r r i ■ rn ■ l- 
 
 on the chunk by mentioned by Eufehus [/] in his 
 Conftantine. Life, where he tells us, That as 
 
 he ordered all the Eftates of Mar- 
 tyrs and ConfcfTors, and whoever had fuffered in 
 Time of Perfecution, to be reftored to their next 
 Relations j fo if any of them died without Re- 
 lations, the Church mould become their Heir, 
 and in every Place where they lived, fucceeded 
 to their Inheritance. 
 
 sect. IX. Theodofius Junior and Valenti- 
 
 5-thly, The Ejlates n ian the 3d made fuch another 
 
 of clergy-Men dy- Law in reference to the Tempo- 
 
 '"iZ^rJr «1 Poffeffions of the Clergy: 
 
 and Will, fettled m . r _ . r -, *=> J 
 
 Be manner. That lf an y Presbyter [jw], or 
 
 Deacon, or Deaconnefs, or Sub- 
 deacon, or other Clerk, or any Man or Woman 
 profeffing a Monaftick Life, died without Will 
 and without Heirs, the Eftates and Goods they 
 were poffefs'd of mould fall to the Church or 
 
 Monaftery to which they belonged, unlefs they 
 were antecedently tied to fome Civil Service. 
 This implies that the Clergy were at Liberty to 
 difpofe of their own Temporal Eftates as they 
 pleafed; and they fell to the Church only in 
 cafe they died Inteftate. But the Council of 
 Agde in France under Alarick the Goth, An. f 06, 
 went a little farther, and decreed, That [ri] eve- 
 ry Bifhop, who had no Children or Nephews, 
 fnould make the Church his Heir, and no other : 
 As Caranza's Edition and Gratian and fome o- 
 thers read it. And the Council of Sevil [0] made 
 a like Decree for the Spanijh Churches j upon 
 which Caranza |j>] makes this Remark, That 
 the Canon was fit to be renewed in Council, 
 that the Church fhould be the Bifhop's Heir, 
 and not the Pope. And that it was againft the 
 Mind of thofe Fathers, that Bifhops mould fee 
 up Primogenitures, or enrich their Kindred out 
 of the Revenues of the Church. Which Re- 
 flection among other things might perhaps con- 
 tribute toward his being brought into the Spa- 
 nijh Inquifition, though he was Archbifhop of 
 'Toledo; after which he underwent a Ten Years 
 Imprifonment at Rome, and had fome of his 
 Books prohibited in the Roman Index, of which 
 Spondanus \j] in his Annals will give the Rea- 
 der a farther Account. But I return to the Pri- 
 mitive Church, 
 
 Where we may obferve an- SECT. X. 
 
 other Addition made to the Re- <SthIy, Heathen 
 
 venues of the Clergy, by the Tem P les anJ their 
 
 Donation of Heathen Temples R^"«'f ~/ 
 
 , r • in 1 given to th:C;urch* 
 
 and fometimes the Revenues that 
 were fettled upon them. For though the great- 
 eft Part of thefe went commonly to the Empe- 
 ror's Coffers, or to Favourites that begged 
 them, upon the Demolifhing of the Temples ; 
 as appears from the Laws of Honorius [r] and 
 Gratian, and feveral others in the Theodoftan Code; 
 yet fome of them were given to the Church : 
 For Honorius [s~\ takes notice of feveral Orders 
 and Decrees of his own, whereby fuch Settle- 
 ments had been made upon the Church, which 
 were to continue the Church's Property and Pa- 
 trimony for ever. And 'tis probable fome other 
 Emperors might convert the Revenues of the 
 Temples to the fame Ufe. At leaft the Fabricks 
 themfelves, and the Silver and Golden Statues 
 that were in them, were fometimes fo difpofed 
 of. For Sozomen [f\ fays, the M/S-gjov, or Tem- 
 ple of the Sun at Alexandria, was given to the 
 Church by Conftantius. And we learn from So- 
 crates \_u], that in the Time of Theodofius the 
 Statues of Serapis, and many other Idols at A- 
 lexandria were melted down for the Ufe of the 
 
 [i] Sozomen. lib. f. c. $\ [*] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 2. 
 
 de SS. Ecclef. leg. 12. Salaria quae Sacrofandtis Ecclefiis in diverfis 
 fpeciebus de Publico haclenus miniftrata funt, jubemus nunc quo- 
 que inconcufla, 8c a nullo prorfus imminuta praeftari. [/] Eu- 
 feb. Vit. Conft. lib. 2. c. 36. [m~] Cod. Th. lib. f. tit. 3. 
 
 de Bonis Clericor. leg. 1. Cod, Juft. lib. 1. tit. 3. deEpifc. leg. 20. 
 [»] Cone. Agathen. c. 24,. al. 32. ap. Gratian. Cau£ 12. Q. 2. c. 
 34. Epifcopus qui Filios aut Nepotes non habuerit, aliurn quam 
 Ecclefiam non relinquat Hajcdem. [0] Cone. Hiipalenf. 1. c. 
 
 6 
 
 [/>] Caranz. in Loc. Hie Canon erat reoovandus in Concilio, ut 
 haeres defundli Epifcopi eflet Ecclefia, non tamen Papa. Secundo 
 alienum eft a Sententia horum Patrum licere Epifcopo inftituere 
 Primogenituras, vel locupletare Comanguineos. [<j] Spondan. 
 Annal. Eccl. an. 1 $70. n. 29. (V] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 10. 
 
 de Paganis, leg. 19, 8c 20. [s] Ibid. leg. 20. Ea autera 
 
 quae multiplicibus Conftitutis ad venerabilem Ecclefiam voluimus 
 pertinere, Chriftiana fibi merito Religio vindicavit, id eft, vindica- 
 te, [rj Sozom. lib. f. c. 7. [«] Socrat. lib. y. c. 16. 
 
 Church j 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 189 
 
 Church j the Emperor giving Orders that the 
 Gods fhould help to maintain the Poor. 
 
 SECT. XI. Honorius made a like Decree, 
 7 thly, As alfo An. 41 2, in reference to all the 
 Heretical convtnu- Revenues belonging to Heretical 
 dts and their Re- Conventicles , that both the 
 -» emes > Churches or Conventicles them- 
 
 felves, and all the Lands j>] that were fettled 
 upon them fhould be forfeited, and become the 
 PoSTeflion and Property of the Catholiclc Church, 
 as by former Decrees "he had appointed. And I 
 fuppofe, it was by vertuc of thele Laws, that Cy- 
 ril Bifhop of Alexandria fhut up all the Novatian 
 Churches, and feifed upon all their Revenues, 
 and deprived Theonas their Bifhop of his Sub- 
 Stance-, though Socrates [x] in telling the Story 
 reprefents the matter a little more invidioufly, as 
 if Cyril had done all this by his own Private U- 
 furped Authority and Arbitrary Power: Which 
 will hardly gain Credit with any one that confl- 
 ders, that thofe Laws of Honorius were Published 
 before Cyril came to the Epifcopal Throne, 
 which was not till the Year 41 2, when thofe 
 Laws were reinforced by the Imperial Power. 
 
 SECT. XII. While I am upon this 
 
 8thly, Jhe Eftates Head, it will not be improper to 
 
 of ckrks deferring obferve farther, that by Juftini- 
 
 the Church, to be ^ Laws r^j any Qcrgy- 
 
 Church t0 men ° r Monks > Wh ° WCrC P° f ' 
 
 felt of Temporal Eftates, foribok 
 their Church or Monaftery, and turned Seculars a- 
 gain, all their Subftance was forfeited to the Church 
 or Monaftery to which they belonged. Thefe 
 were the feveral Methods that were anciently 
 taken for Augmenting and Improving the Reve- 
 nues of the Church, befides thofe of Firft-fruits 
 and Tithes, of which more hereafter. 
 
 sect. xill. Rut I mu ft obferve, that as 
 No Afreputable thefe Methods were generally re- 
 svays of Augment- p Ute d Legal and Allowable, fo 
 
 ir.g Ckurcb-Reve. there were f()me Qther ^ _ 
 nues encouraged.ta- ,. j-rii j j j j 
 
 thersnotto d^.he- rally difallowed and condemned. 
 tit their children Particularly we find in St. Au- 
 to make thechurch fin's time, that it was become a 
 their Heirs. Rule in the African Church, to 
 
 receive no Eftates that were gi- 
 ven to the Church to the great Detriment and 
 Prejudice of the common Rights of any others. 
 As if a Father disinherited his Children to make 
 the Church his Heir, in that cafe no Bifhop 
 would receive his Donation. Poffidius tells [z] 
 us St. Auftin refufed fome Eftates fo given, be- 
 caufe he thought it more juft and equal, that 
 
 they fhould be poflefled by the Children, or Pa- 
 rents, or next Kindred of the Deceafed Perfons. 
 And that he did fo, is evident from his own 
 Words in his Difcourfc de Vita Clericorum [a], 
 where he fays, he had returned an Eftate to a 
 Son, which an angry Father at his Death had 
 taken from him : And he thought he did well 
 in it} profefling for his own Part, that if any 
 disinherited his Son, to make the Church his 
 Heir, he Should Seek fome one elfe to receive his 
 Donation, and not Auftin; and he hoped by the 
 Grace of God there would be none that would 
 receive it. He adds in the fame Place a very re- 
 markable and laudable Inftance of great Gene- 
 rofity and Equity in Aurelius Bifhop of Carthage, 
 in a cafe of the like nature. A certain Man [f] 
 having no Children, nor Hopes of any, gave a- 
 way his whole Eftate to the Church, only re-. 
 Serving to himfelf the Ufe of it for Life. Now 
 it happened afterwards, that he had Children 
 born to him 3 upon which the Bifhop generoufty 
 returned him his Eftate, when he did not at all 
 expect it. The Bifhop indeed, fays St. Auftin, had 
 it in his Power to have kept it, fed jure Fori, 
 non jure Poll, only by the Laws of Man, but not 
 by the Laws of Heaven. And therefore he thought 
 himfelf obliged in Confcicnce to return it. This 
 fhews how tender they were of augmenting the 
 Revenues of the Church by any Methods, that 
 might be thought Unequitable, or fuch as were 
 not Reputable, Honeft, or of good Report } 
 herein obferving the Apoftle's Rule, to let their 
 Moderation, to Gflrieote?, their Equity, be known 
 to all Menj not doing any Haid Thing for Lu- 
 cre's Sake, nor taking Advantages by Rigour of 
 Law, when Confcience and Charity were againft 
 them. 
 
 To avoid Scandal alfo, and to sect. XIV. 
 provide Things honeft in the Nothing tobede- 
 flght of all Men, they forbad f«r admi- 
 
 any Thing to be demanded for "'fi^Z J h * 
 
 1 • ■ n • t o r tnentsoftheChurcb, 
 
 ad mi mitring the Sacraments of ' rj^„ r ■ „ 
 
 . ^, V r P , n C nor for Confc crating 
 
 the Church. The Council of churches, norlnter- 
 
 Eliberis feems to intimate, that ment of the Dead. 
 it was cuftomary with fome Per- 
 fons at their Baptifm to caft Money into a Bafon 
 by way of Gratuity to the Minifter} but even 
 this is there forbidden by a Canon, left the Pried 
 [c] Should feem to fell what he freely receiv'd. 
 Whence we may conclude, that if the People 
 might not offer, the Prieft might much lefs ex- 
 act or demand any thing for adminiftring the 
 Sacrament of Baptifm. In other Churches a Vo- 
 luntary Oblation was allowed of, from Perfons 
 that were able and willing to make itj but all 
 
 [w] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. f. de Haeret. leg. $-2. Ecclefiis eorum 
 vel Conventiculis, Prsdiifque, fiqua in eorum Ecclelias Hseretico- 
 rum largitas prava contulit, Proprietati Poteftatique Catholics;, fi- 
 cut jamdudum Statuimus, vindicatis. [#] Socrat. lib. 7. c. 7. 
 
 [y"] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. dr. 3. de Epifc. leg. ff. Si illi Monafte- 
 ria aut Ecclelias relinquant, atque mundani fiant; omne ipfbrum 
 Jus ad Monafterium aut Eccleliam pertinet. Vid. Novel. 5-. c. 4. 
 & 6. It. Novel. 123. c. 42. [z,] PolTid. Vit. Aug. c. 44. 
 [<i] Aug. Serm. 42. de Direrfis. Tom.i o. p. ^o. Quando dona- 
 vi filio, Quod iratus Pater moriens abfiulit, bene feci. — Quid plura, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Fratres mei ? Quicunque vult exh* redato filio hseredem facere Ec- 
 cleliam, quaerat airerum qui fjfeipiar, non Auguftinum ; imo Deo 
 propirio r.eminem inveniar. [b] Id. ibid. Quidam cum filios 
 
 non haberet, neque fperarer, res fuas omnes, retento iibi Ufu fru£tu, 
 donavit Ecclefia?. Nati lunt illi rilii. 5c reddidit Epifcopus nec opi- 
 nanti qux ille donaverat. In poteftate habebat Epifcopus non red- 
 dere, led jure Fori, non jure Poli. [c] Cone. El'ber. c. 48. 
 
 Emendari placuit, ut hi qui biptiiantur (ut fieri fblcbatj Nummcs 
 in Concham non mittain; ne lacerdos, quod gratis accepit, prstio 
 diftrahete videarur. 
 
 B b b Exactions 
 
T90 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book V* 
 
 Exactions of chat nature from the Poor were 
 ftill prohibited, for fear of difcouraging them 
 from offering themfelvcs or their Children to 
 Baptifm. Thus it was in the Roman Church in 
 the time of Gelafius, as we learn from [_d~] his 
 Epiftlesj and in the Greek Church in the time 
 of Gregory Na&anzen, who takes occafion to an- 
 fvver this Objection [e] which Poor Men made 
 againft coming immediately to Baptifm, becaufe 
 they had not wherewith to make the ufual Pre- 
 fent that was then to be offered, or to purchafe 
 the fplendid Robe that was then to be worn, or 
 to provide a Treat for the Minifter that bapti- 
 zed them. He tells them, no fuch things would 
 be expected or exacted of them : They need on- 
 ly make a Prefent of themfelves to Chrift, and 
 entertain their Minifter with their own Good 
 Life and Converfation, which would be more 
 Acceptable to him than any other Offerings. 
 This implies, a Voluntary Caution at their Bap- 
 tifm j but not the Cuftom for Minifters to de- 
 mand it, as a matter of Right, for fear of giving 
 Scandal. Some Editions of Gratian [/], and 
 Vicecomes [g] alledge a Canon of the 3d or 4th 
 Council of Carthage to the fame purpofe j which 
 if the Allegation were true, would prove that 
 the fame Cuftom obtained in the African Church. 
 But, as Antonius \]o~\ Auguftinus, and the Roman 
 [2] Correctors of Gratian have obferved, there 
 is no fuch Canon to be found in any African 
 Council ; but it is a Canon of the id Council of 
 Bracara in Spain, which finding a corrupt Pra- 
 ctice crept in among the Clergy (not with Hand- 
 ing the former Prohibition of the Eliberitan Coun- 
 cil) that Minifters did exact Pledges of the Poor, 
 who had not Ability to make any Offering ; en- 
 deavoured to redrefs this Corruption, by pafling 
 a New Order, That though [k] Voluntary Ob- 
 lations might be received j yet no Pledge fhould 
 be extorted from the Poor, who were not able 
 to offer j becaufe many of the Poor for fear of 
 this kept back their Children from Baptifm. The 
 fame Council of Bracara made a Decree, That no 
 Bifhop mould exact [/] any thing as a Due of 
 any Founders of Churches for their Confccraci- 
 onj but if any thing was voluntarily offered, he 
 might receive it. And fo in like manner for Con- 
 firmation \rn\ and adminiftring the Eucbarift 
 [»], all Bifhops and Presbyters are ftrictly in- 
 joyned not to exact any thing of the Receivers, 
 becaufe the Grace of GOD was not to be fet to 
 Sale, nor the Sanctiflcation of the Spirit to be 
 imparted for Money. St. Jerom affures us far- 
 ther, that it was not very honourable in his time 
 
 to exact any thing for the Burying-places of the 
 Dead : For he cenfmes thofe that practifed it, as 
 falling fhort [0] of the Merit of Ephron the Hi$~ 
 tite, whom Abraham forced to receive Money 
 for the Byrying-place which he bought of him r 
 But now, fays he, there are fome who fell Bury- 
 ing-places, and take Money for them, not by 
 Compulfion, as Ephron did, but by Extortion ra- 
 ther from thofe that were unwilling to pay. By 
 which we may underftand, that in his time it 
 was hardly allowable to demand any thing for the 
 Ufe of a publick or private Cemetery : Nor was 
 this any part of the Church-Revenues in thofe 
 Days, when as yet the Cuftom of Burying in 
 Churches was not generally brought in, but was 
 the Practice of later Ages> of which more when 
 we come to fpeak of the Funeral Rites of the 
 Church. 
 
 I f any one is defirous to know, sect. xy. 
 what Part of the Church-Reve- The obUuom <f 
 nues was anciently moll fervice- Feo P le anciently 
 able and beneficial to the Church, m Q f tbe mo ^ ™- 
 he may be informed from St. tf\ T" af 
 
 r>i i a j o a a- i Church- Revenues* 
 
 Chryjojlom and Sc. Aufim, who 
 give che greaceft Commendations to the Offer- 
 ings and Oblations of the People, and feem to 
 fay, that the Church was never better provided, 
 than when her Maintenance was raifed chiefly 
 from them. For then Mens Zeal prompted therm 
 to be very Liberal in their daily Offerings : But 
 as Lands and Poffeffions were fettled upon the 
 Church, this Zeal fenfibly abated} and fo the 
 Church came to be worfe provided for, under 
 the Notion of growing Richer. Which is the 
 thing that St. Chryfoftom complains of in his own 
 Times, when the ancient Revenue arifing from 
 Oblations was in a great meafure funk, and the 
 Church with all her Lands left in a worfe Con- 
 dition than fhe was before. For now her Mini- 
 fters were forced to fubmit to Secular Cares, to 
 the Management of Lands, and Houfes, and the 
 Bufinefs of Buying and Selling, for fear the Or- 
 phans, and Virgins, and Widows of the Church 
 fhould ftarve. He exhorts the People therefore 
 to return to their ancient Liberality of Oblati- 
 ons } which would at once eafe the Miniftry 
 of all fuch Cares, and make a good Provifion 
 for the Poor, and take off all the little Scoffs 
 and Objections that fome were fo ready to make 
 and caft upon the Clergy, that they were too 
 much given to Secular Cares and Employments - 9 
 when indeed it was not Choice, but Necefficy 
 that forced chem to it. There are, fays he, in 
 
 [</] Gelaf. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad Epifc. Lucaniae. c. 7. Baptizandis 
 coniignandifque Fidelibus pretia nulla Presbyteri prxfigant, nec Illa- 
 tionibus quibufdam impofitis exagitare cupiant renafcentes; quoniam 
 quod gratis accipimus, gratis dare mandamur. Et ideo nihil a prae- 
 didtis exigere moliantur, quo vel paupertate cogente deterriti, vel 
 Indignatione revocati, Redemptionis fuse caufas adire deipiciant. 
 [e] Naz. Orat. 4.5.. de Bapt. t. 1. p. 65-7. [/] Gratian. Cauf. 1. 
 Q. 1. c. 103. [g] Vicecom. de Ritib. Bapt. lib. 4. c. 2. 
 
 [h] Anton. Aug. de Emend. Gratiani lib. 1. Dial. 14. [i] Gra- 
 tian. Ibid. Edit. Rom. an. 15-82.. [6] Cone. Bracar. 2. c. 7. 
 edit. Crab. al. 3 . Bracar. Ed. Labbe. Qui infantes fuos ad Baptif- 
 ssum offerunt, 11 quid voluntarie pro fuo ofterunt voto, fufcipiatur 
 
 ab eis; fi vero per neceffitatem Paupertatis aliquid non habent quod 
 offerant, nullum illis pignus violenter tollatur a Clericis. Nam 
 multi Pauperes hoc timentes, filios fuos a Baptifmo retrahunt. 
 [/] Ibid. can. j\ Gelaf. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad Epifc. Lucan. c. 7. 
 
 [»] Cone. Trul. c. 23. [0] Hicron. Quaeft. Hebraic, in Gen. 
 
 23. Tom. 3. p. 214. Poftquam prctio viclus eft, ut fepulcrum 
 venderet, &c. appellatus eft Ephran: Significance fcriptura, non 
 cum fuiffe confummata: perfefta;que virtutis, qui potuerit Memo- 
 rias vendere morruorum. Sciant igitur qui fepulcra venditant, 8c 
 non coguntur ut accipiant pretium, fed a nolentibus etiam extor/- 
 quent, immutari nomen fuum, Sc perire quid demeritoeoTum, &c. 
 
 7 this 
 
Chap. V- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 191 
 
 this place (at Antioch he means) by the Grace of 
 God an hundred thoufand Perfons that come to 
 Church. Now if every one [/>] of thefe would 
 but give one J. oaf of Bread daily to the Poor, 
 the Poor would live in plenty. If every one 
 would contribute but one Half-penny, no Man 
 would want> neither fhould we undergo fo ma- 
 ny Reproaches and Deri lions, as if we were too 
 intent upon our Pofleflions. By tkis Difcourfe 
 of Chryfoftom's it plainly appears, that he thought 
 the Oblations of the People in Populous Cities, 
 when Men were acted with their Primitive Zeal, 
 was a better Provifion for the Clergy, than even 
 the Lands and Pofleflions of the Church. And 
 St. Auftin feems to have had the fame Senfe of 
 this Matter. For PoJJidius (q) tells us in his Life, 
 that when he found the Pofleflions of the Church 
 were become a little invidious, he was ufed to 
 tell the Laity, that he had rather live upon the 
 
 Oblations of the People of GOD, than under- 
 go the care and trouble of thofe Pofleflions j and 
 that he was ready to part with them, provided 
 all the Servants and Minifters of GOD might 
 live as they did under the Old Teftament, when, 
 as we read, they that ferved at the Altar, were 
 made Partakers of the Altar. But though he 
 made this Propofal to the People, they would 
 never accept of it. Which is an Argument, 
 that the People alfo thought, that the reducing 
 the Clergy's Maintenance to the precife Model 
 of the Old Ttftament, would have been a more 
 chargeable way to them than the other : fince 
 the Oblations of the Old Teftament included 
 Tithes and Firft-fruits ; concerning the State and 
 Original of which, as to what concerns the 
 Chriftian Church, 1 come now to make a more 
 particular Enquiry. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of Tithes and Fir ft- fruits zn particular. 
 
 sect. I. ONCERNING Tithes, 
 
 Tithes anciently rec- f Q f ar as relates to the All- 
 
 hned to be due by cicnt Church , it will be pro- 
 
 Drvme Rwht, , ' « j- 1 - 
 
 * per to make three Lnquines. 
 
 I/?, Whether the Primitive Fathers efteemed 
 them to be due by Divine Right? zdly, If they 
 did, why they were not always ftrictly deman- 
 ded ? ylly, In what Age they were fir ft gene- 
 rally fettled upon the Church ? As to the firft 
 Enquiry, it is generally agreed by Learned Men, 
 That the Ancients accounted Tithes to be due 
 by Divine Right. Bellarmin indeed and 
 Rivet and Mr. Selden [c~] place them upon 
 another Foot : But our Learned Bifhop Andrews 
 [d~] and Bilhop Carleton [e] who wrote before 
 Mr. Selden^ and Biftiop Mountague [/^ and 7/7- 
 kjly [g], who wrote in Anfwer to him (not to 
 mention many others who have written fince,) 
 have clearly proved, that the Ancients believed 
 the Law about Tithes not to be merely a Cere- 
 monial or Political Command, but of Moral and 
 Perpetual Obligation. It will be fufficient for 
 me in this Place to prefent the Reader with two 
 
 [ p ] Chryf. Horn. 86. in Matth. [ q~\ . Poffid. Vit. Aug. 
 c. 2 Dum forte (ut adfolet) de Pofleflionibus iplis invidia Cleri- 
 cis fieret, alloquebatur Plebem Dei, malle fs ex Collationibus Ple- 
 bis Dei vivere, quam illarum Pofleflionum curam vel gubernatio- 
 nem pati ; 8c paratum fe illis cedere, ut eo modo omnes Dei lervi 
 2c Miniltri viverent, quo in Vcteri Teftamento leguntur Altari de 
 iervientes de eodem comparticipari. Sed nunquam id Laid fufci- 
 pere voluerunt. 
 
 [«] Bellarmin. de Clericis. lib. r. c. 25-. [£] Rivet. Exerc. 
 80. in Gen. 14. p. 386. [c] Selden. Hift. of Tithes, c. 4. 
 
 [</] Andrew dc Decimis, inter Opufcula. [e] Carleton Di- 
 
 vine Right of Tuhes, c. 4. [/J Montague Diatribx, 8tc. 
 [g~\ Tdkfly Anfwer to Selden. \h~\ Orig. Horn. 11. in Num. 
 18. torn. 1. p. 210. Quomodo ergo abundat Juftitia noftra pluf- 
 quam Scribarum 8c Pharifseorum, li i Hi de fructibus terra: fuse gu- 
 iiare non audent. priufquam Primitias fuas facerdotibus offerant, 8c 
 Levitis Decimse l'epare nur ? Et ego nihil horum faciens, frudtibus 
 terra; ita abutar, ut Sacerdos nefciat, Levites ignoret, Divinum 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 or three of their Allegations. Origen in one of 
 his Homilies [If] on Number s 9 thus delivers his 
 Opinion about it : How does our Righteoufnefs 
 exceed the Righteoufnefs of the Scribes and Pha- 
 rifees^ if they dare not tafte of the Fruits of the 
 Earth, before they offer the Firft-fruits to the 
 Priefts, and feparate the Tithes for the Levites? 
 Whilft I do nothing of this, but only fo abule 
 the Fruits of the Earth, that neither the Prieft, 
 nor the Levite, nor the Altar of GO D fhall fee 
 any of them ? St. Jerom [/'] fays exprefly, that 
 the Law about Tithes and Firft-fruits was to be 
 underftood to continue in its full force in the 
 Chriftian Church, where Men were commanded 
 not only to give Tithes, but to fell all that they 
 had, and give to the Poor. But, fays he, if we 
 will not proceed fo far, let us at leaft imitate the 
 Jeivijlj Practice, and give Part of the Whole to 
 the Poor, and the Honour that is due to the 
 Priefts and Levites. Which he that does not, 
 defrauds GOD, and makes himfelf liable to a 
 Curie. St. Auflin as plainly favours the fame O- 
 pinion, telling Men [£], that they ought to fe- 
 
 Altare non fentiat? [/] Hieron. Com. in Mai. 2. Quod de 
 Decimis Primiciilque diximus, quae olim dabantur a Populo iacer- 
 dotibus ac Levitis, in Ecclefioe quoque Popul;s intelligite : Quibus 
 prxceptum eft, non folum Decimas dare 8c Primitias, fed 8c ven- 
 dere omniaque habent Sc dare pauperibus, 8c fequi Dominum fal- 
 vatoiem. Quod fi facere nolumus faltem Judxorum imitemur ex- 
 ordia, ut pauperibus partem demus ex toto, 8c lacerdotibus 8c Le- 
 vitis honorem debitum deferamus. Quod qui non fecerit, Deum 
 fraudare 8c fupplantare convincitur, 8cc. [k] Aug. Com. in 
 Pfal. 146. torn. 8. p. 698. Praecidite ergo aliquid, 8c deputate ali- 
 quid fixum vel ex annuis frudtibus, vel ex quotidianis Qusertibus 
 
 veftris Decimas vis? Decimas exime, quanquam parum fit. 
 
 Di&um efl: enim, quia Pharifxi Decimas dabant, 8cc. Et quid 
 ait Dominus? Nifi abundaverit Juftitia veftra plufquam Scribarum 
 8c Pharifxorum, non intrabitis in regnum coelorum. Et ille, fu- 
 per quern debet abundare Juftitia tua, Decimas dat : Tu autem nec 
 Milleiimam das. Quomodo fuperabis eum, cui non arquaris? 
 
 Bbb 2 parate 
 
192 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 parate fomething out of their yearly Fruits, or 
 daily Income j and that a Tenth to a Chriftian 
 was but a fmall Proportion. Becaufe it is faid, 
 the Pbarifees gave Tithes: / faft twice in the 
 Week, I give Tithe f of all that I pojfefs. And 
 our Lord faith, Except your Righteoufnefs exceed 
 the Righteoufnefs of the Scribes and Pharifees, ye 
 Jhall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. But 
 if he, whofe Righteoufnefs ye are to exceed, 
 give Tithes j and you give not a thoufandth 
 t>artj how can you be faid to exceed him, 
 whom you do not fo much as equal? By thefe 
 few Allegations the Reader may be able to 
 judge, what Notion the Ancients had of 
 Tithes, as due by Divine Right under the 
 Gofpel, as well as under the Lawj and that 
 the Precept concerning them was not a meer 
 Ceremonial or Political Command given to the 
 Jews only. 
 
 SECT. II. But why then, ic may be 
 
 why not exacledin faid, were not Tithes exacted by 
 the Apoftclual Age tne Apoftles at firft, or by the 
 and thofe that ,m- Falhers in the Ages immediately 
 
 mediate N followed. c ^ v ■ n 
 
 J J following: tor it is generally 
 
 believ'd, that Tithes were not the Original 
 Maintenance of Minifters under the Gofpel. 
 To this Bifhop Carleton \_f] has returned feveral 
 very fatisfactory Anfwers, which the Reader may 
 take in his own Words, ift, That Tithes were 
 paid to the Priefts and Levites in the time or 
 Chrift and his Apoftles: Now the Synagogue 
 muft firft be buried, before thefe Things could 
 be orderly brought into ufe in the Church. 
 idly, In the Times of the New Teftament, and 
 fomewhat after, there was an extraordinary 
 Maintenance by a Community of all Things, 
 which fupplied the want of Tithes : But this 
 Community was extraordinary, and not to laft 
 always. $dly, The ufe of paying Tithes, as the 
 Church then ftood, was fo incommodious and 
 cumt)erfome, that it could not well be practifed. 
 And therefore as Circumcifion was laid afide for 
 a Time, whilft Ifrael travelled through the Wil- 
 dernefs, not becaufe the People of right ought 
 not then alfo to have uled it, but becaufe it was 
 fo incommodious for that Eftate and Time of 
 the Church, that it could not without great 
 trouble be practifed : Even fo the ufe of Tithes 
 in the time of Chrift and his Apoftles was laid 
 afide, not becaufe it ought not, but becaufe it 
 could not without great incumbrance be done. 
 And as Circumcifion was relumed, as foon as the 
 Eftate of the Church could bear it : So Tithes 
 were re-eftablifhed, as foon as the Condition of 
 the Church could fuffer it. For Tithes cannot 
 well be paid, but where fome whole State or 
 Kingdom receiveth Chriftianity, and where the 
 Magiftrate doth favour the Church, which was 
 
 not in the time of the Apoftles. To thefe Rea- 
 fons fome other learned Perfons [m~] have added 
 a fourth, which is alfo worth noting, That the 
 Tithes of Fruits were not fo early paid to Chri- 
 ftian Priefts, becaufe the Inhabitants of the 
 Country were the lateft Converts ; whence alfo 
 the Name Pagans ftuck by the Heathens, be- 
 caufe the greateft Relicks of them were in Coun- 
 try Villages. ; 
 
 As to the laft Enquiry, When sect. III. 
 Tithes began firft to be general- in what Age they 
 
 ly fettled Upon the Church? were firfl generally 
 
 The common Opinion is, That f'f^ u t on the 
 it was in the 4th Century, when ur ' 
 Magiftrates began to favour the Church, and 
 the World was generally converted from Hea- 
 thenifm. Some think \_n~] Gonflantine fettled 
 them by Law upon the Church : So Allied, who 
 cites Hermannus Gigas for the fame Opinion. 
 But there is no Law of ConJlantine , s now extant 
 that makes exprefs mention of any fuch thing. 
 That which comes the neareft to it, feems to 
 be the Law about an annual Allowance of Corn 
 to the Clergy in all Cities out of the Publick 
 Treafuries, which has been fpoken of in the laft 
 Chapter : But this was not fo much as a Tenth 
 of the yearly Product} for the whole Tribute 
 it felf feems to have been no more : For in fome 
 Laws of the Theodoftan Code [0] the Emperor's 
 Tribute is called Decima, Tithes } and the Pub- 
 licans, who collected it, are upon that Account 
 by Tully \_p~\ called Dectimani; and in Hefychius 
 the Word e/WarAj'siv, to Tithe, is explained by 
 TfXaJven/ & c^xaVnv £la-7r^Tlsc8j, to pay Tribute 
 or pay their Tithes to the Collectors of the 
 Tribute. Unlefs therefore we can fuppofe, 
 that Conftantine fettled the whole Tribute of 
 the Empire upon the Church ( which it is e- 
 vident he did not) we cannot take that Law 
 for a Settlement of Tithes upon the Clergy. 
 Yet it might be a Step towards it: For be- 
 fore the end of the 4th Century, as Mr. Selden 
 \jf] himfelf not only confefTes, but proves out 
 of Ca[fian, Eugippius, and others, Tithes were 
 paid to the Church. St. Auflin lived in this 
 Age, and he fays, Tithes were paid before his 
 time, and much better than they were in his 
 own time, for he makes a great Complaint of 
 the Non-payment of them. Our Forefathers, 
 fays he [r], abounded in all things, becaufe 
 they gave Tithes to GOD, and Tribute to 
 Cafar. But now becaufe our Devotion to 
 GOD is funk, the Taxes of the State are 
 raifed upon us. We would not give GOD his 
 Part in the Tithes, and therefore the whole 
 is taken away from us. The Exchequer de- 
 vours what we would not give to Chrift. St. 
 Chryfojlom [s~] and the Author of the Opus Im- 
 
 [/] Carleton Div. B.ight cf Tithes, cap. 4. p. 21. 
 [m] Bifhop Fell Not. in Cypr. Ep. 66. al. 1. [»] Al- 
 
 fred. Supplement. Chamier de Membris Ecclef. c. 10. 
 [0] Cod. Th. lib. 10. tit. 19. de Metallis. leg. 10, 8c 11. 
 [ p] Vid. Cicer. Orat. 3. in Ver. n. 21, 8c 22. [3] Sel- 
 
 den H'tft. of Tith. c. f. p. 47, &c. [r] Aug. Horn. 48. 
 
 ex 5*0. torn. 10. p. 201. Majores noftri ideo copiis omnibus a- 
 bundabant , qui a Deo Decimas dabant , 8c C$fari cenfum rcdde- 
 bant. Modo autem quia decellit Devotio Dei, acceflit Indiftio Fif- 
 ci.Nolumus partiri cum Deo Decimas, modo totum tollitur. Hoc 
 tollit Fifcus, quod non accipit Chriftus. [<J Chryf. Horn. 4. 
 in Ephef. p. 10 j 8. 
 
 perfeclum 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 193 
 
 perfeStum [/] on St. Matthew, that goes under 
 his Name, teftify for the practice of other 
 Churches about the fame time. And it were 
 eafy to add a Lift of many other Fathers and 
 Councils of the next Age, which fpeak of 
 Tithes [u] as then actually fettled upon the 
 Church: But fince they who difputc moft a- 
 gainft the Divine Right of them, do not deny 
 this as to Fact, it is ncedlefs to profecute this 
 matter any farther ; which they that pleafe may 
 fee Hillorically deduced through many Centuries 
 by Mr. Selden [w]. 
 
 SECT. iv. There is one Part more of 
 
 The or\gmal\ of Church-Revenues, whole Origi- 
 Firjl-fniits, and the m \ remains to be enquired into, 
 
 manner of Offering an( j ^ j s Firft-fruitS, which 
 
 are frequently mentioned in the 
 primitive Writers. For not only thofe called the 
 Apoftolical Canons [x] and Conftitutions [y] 
 fpeak of them, as Part of the Maintenance of the 
 Clergy 5 but Writers more ancient and more au- 
 thentick, as Origen and Irenaus, mention them 
 alio as Oblations made to GOD. Celfus, lays 
 Origen [z], would have us dedicate Firft-fruits 
 to Damons ^ but we dedicate them to him, who 
 faid, Let the Earth bring forth Grafs, the Herb 
 yielding Seed and the Fruit-tree yielding Fruit after 
 his Kind. To whom we give our Firft-fruits, 
 to him alfo we fend up our Prayers, having a 
 great High-Prieft that is entered into Heaven, 
 (3c In like manner Irenaus [a] fays, Chrift 
 taught his Difciples to offer the Firft-fruits of 
 the Creatures to GOD, and that this was the 
 Church's continual Oblation with Thankfgiving 
 for the Enjoyment of all the reft. Which im- 
 
 plies, either that they had a particular Form of 
 Thankfgiving, as there is in both the Greek and 
 Latin Rituals j or el lb that thefe Firft-fruits were 
 offered with other Oblations at the time of the 
 Eucharift. However this be, it is evident, that 
 as they were principally defigned for agnizing the 
 Creator, fothey were fecondarily intended for the 
 Ufe of his Servants And therefore we find the Eu- 
 fiathiun Hereticks cenfured by the Synod of Gan- 
 gra, An. 324, for that they took the Firft-fruits, 
 which were anciently given to the Church, and 
 divided them among the Saints of their own 
 Party [b] j in oppofition to which Practice there 
 are two Canons [c] made by that Council, for- 
 bidding any one to receive or diftribute fuch 
 Oblations out of the Church, othersvife than by 
 the Directions of the Bilhop, under pain of Ex- 
 communication. Some other Rules are alfo gi- 
 ven by one of the Councils [d] of Carthage, in- 
 ferted into the African Code, concerning thefe 
 Firft-fruits, that they fhould be only of Grapes 
 and Corn j which fhews that it was alfo the 
 Practice of the African Church. Nazianzen like- 
 wife mentions the Firft-fruits of the Wine-prefs 
 and the Floor, which were to be dedicated [e] 
 to GOD. And the Author of the Conftituti- 
 ons has a Form of Prayet [/], sTuXxicns-lTrl axap- 
 ^tov, an Invocation upon the Firft-fruits, to oe 
 ufed at their Dedication. So that it fetms very 
 clear, that the Offering of Firft-fruits was a 
 very ancient and general Cuftom in the Chriftian 
 Church, and that this alfo contributed fomething 
 toward the Maintenance of the Clergy j whofe 
 Revenues I have now confidered fo far as con- 
 cerns the feveral Kinds and firft Original of 
 them. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Management and the Diflr'ihution of the Revenues of the Ancient Clergy. 
 
 SECT. I. Hp HE next thing to be con- 
 The Revenues of the JL lidered is the ancient way 
 whole Diocefe ami- c f Managing and Diftributing 
 
 ently in the hands thefe Revenues amon „ the Q er _ 
 of the Bifliop. , r , . D ^ 
 
 1 J f gy, and lucn others as were De- 
 
 pendants upon the Church. Which being a lit- 
 tle different from the Ways of later Ages, fince 
 Settlements were made upon Parochial Churches - y 
 for the right underftanding of it we are in the 
 firft place to obferve, that anciently the Reve- 
 nues of the whole Diocefe were all in the hands of 
 the Bifliop j who with the Advice and Confent of 
 his Senate of Presbyters diftributed them as the 
 Occafions of the Church required. This will 
 appear evident to anyone that will confider thefe 
 
 two things (which will hereafter be proved, 
 when we come to fpeak of Parochial Churches 
 and their Original) firft, that there were anci- 
 ently no Presbyters or other Clergy fixt upon 
 particular Churches or Congregations in the fame 
 City or Diocefe j but they were ferved indiffe- 
 rently by any Presbyter from the Ecclefia Ma- 
 trix, the Mother or Cathedral Church, to which 
 all the Clergy of the City or Diocefe belonged, 
 and not to any particular Congregation, idly, That 
 when Presbyters were fixt to particular Churches 
 or Aflemblies in fome Cities, yet ftill thofe 
 Churches had no feparate Revenues > but the 
 Maintenance of the Clergy officiating in them was 
 from the common Stock of the Mother-Church, 
 
 [/] Opus Imperf. in Mat. Horn. 44. Si Populus Decimas non 
 obtulerit, murmurant omnes : At ft peccantem Populum viderint, 
 nemo murmurat contra eum. [«] Con. Aurelian. i.an. 
 
 fit. can. 17. Cone. Matifcon. 2. an. 5-88. c. f. [»>] Selden 
 
 Hifi. of Tithes, c.f.&c. [x] Canon. Apoft. c. 4. [y~] Con- 
 ftit. lib. z. c. if. lib. 8. c. 30. [z.] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 8. 
 
 p. 400. [a] Iren. lib. 4. c. 32. Sed <k fuis Difcipulis dans 
 
 confilium Primitias Deo offcrre ex fuis Creaturis, &c. Ibid. c. 34. 
 Offerre igitur oportet Deo Primitias ejus creature, ckc. [6] Cone, 
 Gagr. in Prxfat. HcifisQozuts n t*s c4ix.A»:r/ar/jiss? rdc d/i- 
 
 cty'ivts, Tcii (Pia.S'uo'&s Toft/A'o'. [/] Ibid. can. 7, 8c 8. 
 
 [</] Cod. Can. Afr. 37. al. 40. Cone. African, c. 4. . [e] Njz. 
 Ep. 80. [/] Conftit. lib. 8. c. 40. 
 
 into 
 
194 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 into which all the Oblations of particular Churches 
 were put, as into a common Fund, that from 
 thence there might be made a general Diftribu- 
 tion. That thus it was at Conftantinople till the 
 middle of the fifth Century, is evident from 
 what we find in Thcodorus Leclor, who fays 
 that Marcian the Oeconomus or Guardian of that 
 Church under Gcnnadius, An. 460, was the fir ft 
 that ordered the Clergy of every particular 
 Church to receive the Offerings of their own 
 Church, whereas before the great Church re- 
 ceived them all. 
 
 SF.CT. II. Now this being the ancient 
 
 And by h\s care d\- Cuftom, it gives us a clear Ac- 
 finbuted among the count how all the Revenues of 
 cltr zy- the Church came to be in the 
 
 hands of the Bifhop, and how it was made one 
 Part of his Office and Duty by the Canons to 
 concern himfelf in the Care and Diftribution of 
 them. Of which becaufe I have already \b~\ 
 fpoken elfewhere, I {hall fay no more in this 
 Place, fave only that the Biihop himfelf, to a- 
 void Sufpicion and prevent Mifmanagement, was 
 obliged to give an account of his Adminiftration 
 in a Provincial [c~] Synod ; as alfo at his Election 
 to exhibit a Lilt of his own Goods and FJtate, 
 that fuch things as belonged to him [_d~\ might 
 be diftinguifhed from thole that belonged to 
 GOD and the Church. And for the fame Rea- 
 fbn the great Council of Chalcedon [<?] ordered, 
 that every Biihop fhould have an Oeconnmus, or 
 Guardian of the Church, and he to be chofen by 
 the Vote of all the Clergy, as has been noted 
 in another Place. See Book 3. Chap. 11. Sett. 4. 
 
 sect. III. As to the Diftribution it felf, 
 
 Rules about the in the moft Primitive Ages we 
 Div'tJ- on of church- fl n( j no certain Rules about itj 
 Revenues. ^ ut as j t was j n the Apoftles days, 
 
 fo it contiuued for fome time after: What was 
 collected, was ufually depofited with the Biihop, 
 and Diftribution was made to every Man accord- 
 ing as he had need. But the following Ages 
 brought the matter to fome certain Rules, and 
 then the Revenues were divided into certain Por- 
 tions, monthly or yearly, according as occafion 
 required, and thefe proportioned to the State or 
 Nceds of every Order. In the Weftern Church 
 theDivifion was ufually into three or four Parts ; 
 whereof one fell to the Biihop; a fecond to the 
 reft of the Clergy; a third to the Poor; and the 
 fourth was applied to the Maintenance of the 
 Fabrick and other neceffary Ufes of the Church. 
 
 The Council of Bracara [/] makes but three 
 Parts, one for the Biihop, another for the Cler- 
 gy, and the third for the Fabrick and Lights of 
 the Church. But then it was fuppofed that the 
 Bifhop'sHofpitality fhould out of fuch a Propor- 
 tion provide for the Nccellities of the Poor. By 
 other Rules, the Poor, that is all diftrefled 
 People, the Virgins and Widows of the Church, 
 together with the Martyrs and ConfefTors in Pri- 
 fon, the Sick and Strangers, have one fourth [_g] 
 in the Dividend exprefly allotted them. For all 
 thefe had Relief (though not a perfect Mainte- 
 nance) from the Charity of the Church. At Rome 
 there were fifteen hundred fuch Perfons befides 
 the Clergy \_h~\ provided for this way in the 
 Time of Cornelius; and above three thoufand at 
 Antioch [i] in the Time of Chryfofiom : By which 
 we may make an Eltimate of the Revenues and 
 Charities of thofe populous Churches. 
 
 In fome Churches they made sect. iv. 
 no fuch Divifion, but lived all in ft fome churches 
 common, the Clergy with the the clergy lived nil 
 Bifhop, as it were in one Man- m common - 
 lion, and at one Table. But this they did not 
 by any general Canon, but only upon Choice, or 
 particular Combination and Agreement in fome 
 particular Churches. As Sozomen [_k~\ notes it 
 to have been the Cuftom at Rinocorura in Egypt, 
 and Pofidius affirms [/] the fame of the Church 
 of St. Auflin. What was the Practice of St. Au- 
 flin and his Clergy we cannot better learn than 
 from St.Auftin himfelf, who tells us, that all his 
 Clergy [m~\ laid themfelves voluntarily under an 
 Obligation to have all things in common; and 
 therefore none of them could have any Property, 
 or any thing to difpofe of bv Will; or if they 
 had, they were liable to be turned out, and have 
 their Names expunged out of the Roll of the 
 Clergy: which he refolved to do, though they 
 appealed to Rome, or to a thoufand Councils a- 
 gainft him; by the help of GOD they fhould 
 not be Clerks where he was Bifhop. For his 
 own part, he tells us, he was fo punctual to this 
 Rule, that if any one prefented him with a Robe 
 finer than ordinary, he was ufed to fell it; that 
 lince his Clergy could not wear the fame in kind, 
 they might at lcaft partake of the Benefit, 
 when it was fold and made common. But as this 
 way of Living would not comport with the 
 State of all Churches, fo there were but few 
 that embraced it; and thofe that did, were not 
 compelled to it by any general Law, but only 
 by local Statutes of their own appointment. 
 
 0] Theod. Left. lib. j. p. 575. [£] Book 2. Chap. 4. Seel. 6. 
 [c] Cone. Antioch. c. if. [d] Canon. Apoft. c. 39. al. 40. 
 
 [e] Cone. Chalced. c. tf. [/] Cone. Bracar. 1. c. if. Placuit, 
 ut de Rebus Eccleliafticis riant tres xqus: Portiones, id eft, una E- 
 pifcopi, alia Clericorum, tenia in reparatione vel in Luminariis Ec- 
 cjefise. [g] Gelaf. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad Epifc. Lucanix. c. 29. Quatuor 
 
 (am de Rcdditu quam de Oblatione Fidelium convenit fieri 
 
 Portiones : Quarum fit una Pontificis, altera Clericorum, Tertia 
 Pauperum, Quarta fabriciis applicanda. Vid. Simplici Ep. 2. ad 
 Florent. Gregor. Magn. lib. 3. Ep. it. [h] Cornel. Ep. ad 
 
 Fab. ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 43. [/'] Chryf Horn. 67. in Mattli. 
 
 0] Sozom. lib. 6. c. 3 1. [I] Poffid. Vit. Aug. c. 2f. 
 
 [m] Aug. Ser. fo. de Divcrfis five de Corr.muni Vita Clericorum. 
 Tom. 10. p. 5-23. Quia placuit iilis Socialis hxc vita, quifquis cum 
 hypocrili vixerit, quifquis inventus fuerit habens proprium, non 
 illi pcrmitto ut inde faciat Teftamentum, fed delcbo eum de Tabula 
 Clericorum. Interpellet contra me mille Concilia, naviget contra 
 me quo voluerit, fit certe ubi potuerir, adjuvabit me Deus, ut ubi 
 ego Epifcopus fujn, illic Clericus e(Te non pofiit. [»] Ibid. Si 
 
 quis meliorem dederir, vendo, quod 8c facere foleo, ut quando non 
 poteft veftis eflc communis, Pretium veftis lit commune. 
 
 4 
 
 Yet 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 i r li ' 
 
 195 
 
 SECT. v. Y e t in one of thefe two ways 
 
 Mirations made the Clergy were commonly pro- 
 in theft matters by vided for out of the Revenues 
 
 the Endowment of Q £ t j ie g reat Church , till ftich 
 
 Famhial churches. tjmes as £ n( j owments a nd Settle- 
 ments began to be made upon Parochial Churches} 
 which was not done in all Places at the fame 
 time, nor in one and the fame way: But it 
 fecms to have had its Rife from particular Foun- 
 ders of Churches, who fettled Manfc and Glebe 
 upon the Churches which they builded, and up- 
 on that fcore were allowed a Right of Patro- 
 nage, to prefent their own Cleric, and invert him 
 with the Revenues of the Church, wherewith 
 they had endowed it. This Practice was begun 
 in the Time of Jujliman, An. f oo, if not before, 
 for there are two of his Laws which [0] autho- 
 rize and confirm it. About the fame time a Set- 
 tlement of other Revenues, as Oblations, &c. 
 was alfo made in fome Places upon Parochial 
 Churches, as has been obferved before out of 
 ftheodorus Leclor's Accounts of the Churches of 
 Cenftantinople. Yet the Change is thought by 
 fome [/>] to be much latter in England: For they 
 collect out of Bede [f], that the ancient courfe 
 of the Clergy's officiating only pro tempore in Pa- 
 rochial Churches, whilft they received Mainte- 
 nance from the Cathedral Church, continued in 
 England more than an hundred Years after the co- 
 ming of Attftin into England, that is, till about 
 the Year 700. For Bede plainly intimates, that 
 at that time the Bifhop and his Clergy lived to- 
 gether, and had a'l Things common, as they had in 
 the Primitive Church in the Days of the Apoftles. 
 
 SECT. vl. I have but one thing more to 
 Ho Alienations to obferve upon this Head, which 
 it m»deof chunk- j Sj That fuch Goods or Revenues 
 
 Revenues or Goods, aJ WCfC once gj ven tQ the Church, 
 
 ha upon Extraor- j efteemed Devoted to 
 
 dmary Occakons. .J . r . 
 
 God j and theretore were only to 
 be employed in his Service, and not to be divert- 
 ed to any other Ufe, except fome Extraordinary 
 cafe of Charity abfolutely required it. As if it 
 was to redeem Captives, or relieve the Poor in 
 time of Famine, when no other Succours could 
 be afforded them : In that cafe it was ufual to 
 fell even the Sacred Veflels and Utenfils of the 
 Church, to make Provifion for the Living Tem- 
 ples of God, which were to be preferred before 
 the Ornaments of the Material Buildings. Thus 
 St. Ambrofe melted down the Communion-Plate 
 of the Church of Milan to redeem fome Cap- 
 tives, which otherwife mull have continued in 
 Slavery : And when the Arians objected this to 
 him invidioufly as a Crime, he wrote a moft Ele- 
 gant Apology and Vindication for himfclf, where 
 among other things worthy the Reader's perufal, 
 
 he pleads his own Caufe after this manner: Is it 
 not better that the Billiop [r] mould melt the 
 Plate to fuftain the Poor, when other Suftcmncc 
 cannot be had, than that fome Sacrilegious Ene- 
 my mould carry it off by Spoil and Plunder? 
 Will not our LORD expoftulate with us upon 
 this Account? Why did you fufferfo manyhelp- 
 lefs Peifons to die with Famine, when you have 
 Gold to provide them Suftenance? Why were 
 fo many Captives carried away and fold without 
 Redemption? Why were fo many fuffercd to be 
 Slain by the Enemy ? It had been better to have 
 preferved the Veflels of Living Men, than Lifelefs 
 Metals. What Anfwer can be returned to this? 
 For what mall a Man fay, I was afraid left the 
 Temple of GOD Ihould want its Ornaments. 
 But Chrift will anfwer: My Sacraments do not 
 require Gold, nor pleafe me the more for being 
 miniftrcd in Gold, which are not bought with 
 Gold. The Ornament of my Sacraments is the 
 Redemption of Captives: And thofe are truly 
 Precious Veflels, which redeem Souls from Death. 
 Thus that holy Father goes on to juftify the Fact, 
 which the Arians called Sacrilege, but he by a 
 truer Name, Charity and Mercy > for the fake of 
 which he concludes it was no Crime for a Man 
 to break, to melt, to fell the Myftical Veflels of 
 the Church, though it were a very great Offence 
 for any Man to convert them to his own private 
 Ufe. After the fame Example we find \j] St. 
 Auflin difpofed of the Plate of the Church for 
 the Redemption of Captives. Acacius Bifhop of 
 Amida did the fame for the Redemption of feven 
 thoufand Per/tan Slaves from the Hands of the 
 Roman Soldiers, as Socrates [t] informs us. From 
 whence we alfo learn, that in fuch cafes they did 
 not confider what Religion Men were of, but 
 only whether they were Indigent and Neceflitous 
 Men, and fuch as flood in need of their Aflift- 
 ance. ; We have the like Inftances in the Pra- 
 ctice of Cyril of Jerufalem, mentioned by I'heo- 
 doret [u] and Sozomen, and in Deogratias Bifhop 
 of Carthage, whofe Charity is extolled by Victor 
 Uticenfis [w] upon the fame Occafion. For he 
 fold the Communion-Plate to redeem the Roman 
 Soldiers, that were taken Captives in their Wars 
 with the Vandals. This was fo far from being 
 efteemed Sacrilege or unjuft Alienation, that the 
 Law againft Sacrilege excepted this cafe, though 
 they did no other whatfoever. As may be feen in 
 the Law of Juflinian, which [x~] forbids the Selling 
 or Pawning the Church Plate, or Veftments, or 
 any other Gifts, except in cafe of Captivity or 
 Famine, to redeem Slaves, or relieve the Poor; 
 becaufe in fuch cafes the Lives or Souls of Men 
 were to be preferred before any Veffels or Veft- 
 ments whatfoever. The Poverty of the Clergy 
 was a pitiable cafe of the fame Nature : And 
 
 [0] Juftin. Novel. $7. c. a. Novel. 113. c. 18. [p] Caw- 
 irty Di/c of Patronage, c a. p. 8. Selden of Tithes, c. 9. p. zff. 
 [q] Bede Hift. Gentis Anglor. Lib. 4. c. 17. [r] Ambrof.de 
 OrEc. lib. a. c a8. fc] Pofiid.Vir. Aug. c. a4- [f] Socrat. lib. 
 7.C.11. [«] Theorl. lib. a. c. ij. Sozom. lib. 4. c. a/, [w] Vi&or. 
 de Perfec. Vandal, lib. 1. Bibl. Patr. Tom. 7. p yo«. [*] Cod. 
 Juft. lib. 1. tit. a. de facrofanct. Ecclef. leg. ar. Sancimus, ne- 
 mini licere facratiffima atque arcana Vafa, vel Veftes, casteraquc Do- 
 
 naria, qua: ad Divinam Religionem neceflaria funt— -vel ad Ven- 
 
 ditionem vel ad Hypothecam vel ad Pignus trahere Excepta 
 
 caufa Captivitatis 6c Famis in locis quibus hoc contigerit. Nam ii 
 necelTitas fuerit in Redemptione Captivorum, tunc 8c Venditionera 
 prsefatarum rerum divinarum, 8c Hyporhecam 5c Pignorariones fi- 
 eri coricedimus, quoniam non ablurdum eft, animas hominum 
 quibufcunquc Vafis vel Vcftimentis prxferri. 
 
 therefore 
 
196 The A n t i qu it ie s of the Book V, 
 
 fells, or commutes any Goods of the Church, 
 without theConfent and Subscription of his Cler- 
 gy. And the f th Council of Carthage [a] re- 
 quires him to intimate the Cafe and Neceffity of 
 his Church fir ft to the Primate of the Province, 
 that he with a certain Number of Bifhops may 
 Judge, whether it be fitting to be done. The 
 Council of Agde \b~] fays, He fhould firft con- 
 fult two or three of his Neighbouring Bifhops, 
 and take their Approbation. Thus ltood the 
 Laws of the Church, fo long as the Bifhop and 
 his Clergy had a common Right in the Dividend 
 of Ecclefiaftical Revenues: Nothing could be a- 
 lienated without the Confent of both Parties, 
 and the Cognizance and Ratification of the Me- 
 tropolitan or Provincial Synod. So that the 
 utmoft Precaution was taken in this Affair, lelt 
 under the Pretence of Neceffity or Charity, any 
 Spoil or Devaftation fhould be made of the Goods 
 and Revenues of the Church. 
 
 [_y] Cone. Carthag. j. c. 4. Cone. Agathen. c. 7. fius, ut cum ftatuto numero Epifcoporum, utrum faciendum fit, 
 
 [z,] Cone. Carth. 4.. c. 31. Irrita erit Donatio Epifcoporum, vel arbitretur. [6] Cone. Agathen. c. 7. Apud duos vel tres 
 
 Venditio vel Commutatio rei Ecclefiafticse, abfque Conniventia & Comprovinciales vel Vicinos Epifcopos, cauia qua neccfie fit vendi s 
 
 fubferiptione Clericorum. [*] Cone. Carth. c. 4. Si primitus comprobetur. 
 
 aliqua neceffitas cogit, hanc inlinuandam efTe Primati Provincial ip- 
 
 therefore if the Annual Income of the Church 
 would not maintain them, and there was no o- 
 ther Way to provide them of Neceflaries ; in 
 that cafe fome Canons [jy] allowed the Bifhop 
 to Alienate or Sell certain Goods of the Church, 
 to raife a prefent Maintenance. 
 
 SECT. vii. But that no Fraud might be 
 And that with the committed in any fuch cafes, the 
 joynt confent of tkt f ame Canons did fpecially pro- 
 *M™db»cltr~ vide? that w henany urgent Ne- 
 pobZLo'fLZ- celTity compelled the Bifhop to 
 tropolitan or fome take this extraordinary Courfe, 
 -provincial Bifiops. he fhould firlt confult his Clergy, 
 and alfo the Metropolitan, and 
 others his comprovincial Bifhops, that they might 
 judge of the Neceffity ^ and whether it were a 
 Reafonable Ground for fuch a Proceeding. The 
 4th Council of Carthage [z~] difanuls all fuch A£ts 
 of the Bifhop, whereby he either gives away, or 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK VI. 
 
 An Account of fevcral Laws and Rules, relating to the 
 Employment, Life and Conversation 
 of the Primitive Clergy. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the Excellency of thefe Rules in general, and the Exemplarinefs of the 
 
 Clergy in Conforming to them. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Excellency of 
 the Chriflltii Rules 
 attefted and envied 
 by the Heathens. 
 
 Have in the two fore- 
 going Books given an 
 Account of the great 
 Care of the Primitive 
 Church in Providing 
 and Training up fit Perfons for the Miniftry, 
 and of the great Encouragements that were gi- 
 ven them by the State, as well to honour and 
 diftinguifh their Calling, as to excite and pro- 
 voke them to he fedulous in the Difcharge of 
 their feveral Offices and Functions. There is 
 one Thing more remains, which is, to give an 
 Account alfo of the Church's Care in making 
 Neceflary Laws and Canons, obliging every 
 Member of the Ecclcfiaftick Body to live con- 
 formable to his Profeflion, and exercife himfelf 
 in the Duties of his Station and Calling. Thefe 
 Rules were many of them fo excellent in their 
 own Nature, and fo ftrictly and carefully obfer- 
 ved by thofe who had a Concern in them, that 
 fome of the chief Adverfaries of the Chriftian 
 Religion could not but take notice of them, and 
 with a fort of Envy and Emulation bear Tefti- 
 mony to them. Among the Works of Julian 
 there is a famous Epiftle of his to Arfacius High 
 Prieft of Galatia, (which is recorded alfo [a] by 
 Sozomen) wherein he takes occaflon to tell him, 
 that it was very vifible that the Caufes of the 
 great Increafe of Chriftianity were chiefly their 
 profefs'd Hofpitality toward Strangers, and their 
 great Care in Burying the Dead, joyned with a 
 pretended Santtity and Holinefs of Life. There- 
 fore he bids him, as High Prieft of Galatia, to 
 take care, that all the Priefts of that Region 
 that were under him, fhould be made to anfwer 
 the fame Character j and that he fhould either 
 by his Threatnings or Perfuafions bring them to 
 be diligent and fober Men, or elle remove them 
 from the Office of Priefthood : That he fhould 
 admonilh. the Prieft, neither to appear at the 
 Theatre, nor frequent the Tavern, nor follow 
 any Calling or Employment that was difhonour- 
 
 able and fcandalous ; and fuch as were obfervant 
 of his Directions he fhould honour and promote 
 them, but difcard and expel the Refractory and 
 Contumacious. This is plainly to fay (and it is 
 fo much the more remarkable for its coming 
 from the Mouth of an Adverfary) that the Chri- 
 ftian Clergy of thofe Times were Men that lived 
 by excellent Rules, diligent in their Employ- 
 ment, grave and fober in their Deportment, 
 charitable to the Indigent, and cautious and re- 
 ferved in their whole Conversion and Beha- 
 viour toward all Men. Which as it tended 
 mightily to propagate and advance Chriftianity 
 in the World : So it was what Julian upon that 
 Account could not but look upon with an en- 
 vious Eye, and defire that his Idol-Pricfts might 
 gain the fame Character j thereby to eclipfe the 
 envied Reputation of the other, and refledt Ho- 
 nour and Luftre upon his beloved Heathen Reli- 
 gion. We have the likeTeftimonies mJmmianus 
 Marcellinus [b~\ and others, concerning the Fruga- 
 lity, Temperance, Modefly and Humility of Chri- 
 flian Bifhops in their own Times j which com- 
 ing from the Pens of profeft Heathens, and fuch 
 as did neither fpare the Emperors themfelves , 
 nor the Bifhops of Rome, who lived in greater 
 State and Affluence, may well be thought 
 Authentick Relations, and juft Accounts of 
 thofe Holy Men, whofe Commendations and 
 Characters fo ample nothing but Truth could 
 have extorted from the Adverfaries of their Re- 
 ligion. 
 
 This being fo, we may the sect. it. 
 more eaflly give credit to thofe The charter of 
 noble Panegy ricks and Enco- the cler &y f rom 
 miums, wh.ch fome ancient chr,fiun Wr>Urs - 
 Chriftian Writers make upon the Clergy, and 
 their Virtues and Difcipline in general. Origen 
 fays [f], it was the Buflnefs of their Life to 
 traverfe every corner of the World, and make 
 Converts and Profelytes to Godlinefs both in Ci- 
 
 [<*) So7.om. lib. f. c. 16, [6] Ammian. Marcel, lib. 27. [c] Origen. cont. Celf. lib, 3. p. 116. 
 
 Vol. I. C c c 
 
198 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VL 
 
 ties and Villages: And they were fo far from ma- 
 king a Gain hereof, that many of them took no- 
 thing for their Service ; and thofe that did, took 
 only what was neceffary for their prefent Sub- 
 fiftence, though there wanted not Perfons e- 
 nough, who in their Liberality were ready to 
 have communicated much more to them. St.Au- 
 fiin [_d] gives the like good Character of the Bi- 
 fhops and Presbyters of his own Time, making 
 them the chief Ornament of the Catholick 
 Church, and extolling their Virtues above thofe 
 of a Monaftick Life, becaufe their Province was 
 more difficult, having to converfe with all forts 
 of Men, and being forced to bear with their Di- 
 ftempers in order to cure them. He that would 
 fee more of this general Character, mult confult 
 the ancient Apologifts, where he will find it in- 
 terwoven with the Character of Chriftians in ge- 
 neral • whofe Innocence, and Patience, and Cha- 
 rity, and univerfal Goodnefs, was owing partly 
 to the Institutions, and partly to the provoking 
 Examples of their Guides and Leaders; who li- 
 ved as they fpake, and firft trod the Path them- 
 felves, which they required others to walk in. 
 Which was the thing that let the Chriftian 
 Teachers fo much above "the Philofophers of the 
 Gentiles. For the Philofophers indeed difcourfed 
 and wrote very finely about Virtue in the Theo- 
 ry, but they undid all they faid in their own 
 Practice. Their Difcourfes, as Minucius [e] ob- 
 ferves, were only eloquent Harangues againft 
 their own Vices; whereas the Chriftian Philofo- 
 phers exprelTed their Profeflion not in their 
 Words or Habit, but in the real Virtues of the 
 Soul: They did not talk great, but live wellj 
 and fo attained to that Glory, which the Philo- 
 fophers pretended always to be offering at, but 
 could never happily arrive to. Laclantius \_f~\ 
 triumphs over the Gentile Philofophers upon the 
 fame Topick : And fo Gregory Nazianzen [g], Ter- 
 tullian \h~]-) Cyprian [T], and many others, whofe 
 Arguments had been eafily retorted, had not the 
 Chriftian Teachers been generally Men of a bet- 
 ter Character, and free from thofe Imputations 
 which they caft upon the adverfe Party. 
 
 sect. ill. Some few Inftances indeed, 
 Tankuhr Except- it cannot be denied, are to be 
 ens no Derogation to found of Perfons, who in thefe 
 
 t cbLa?r ral g °° d beft A § es were Scandals . and Re- 
 proaches to their Profeflion. The 
 
 Complaints that are made by good Men will not 
 fuffer us to believe otherwife. Cyprian \JC\ and 
 Eufebius [l~\ lament the Vices of fome among the 
 Clergy, as well as Laity, and reckon them a- 
 mong the Caufes that moved the Divine Provi- 
 dence to fend thofe two great fiery Tryals upon 
 the Church, the Decian and the Diocletian Perfec- 
 
 tions; thereby to purge the Tares from the 
 Wheat, and correct thofe Enormities and Abufes, 
 which the ordinary Remedy of Ecclefiafticat 
 Difcipline through the Iniquity of the Times 
 was not able to redrefs. The like Complaints 
 are made by Chryfoflom [»], Gregory Nazianzen 
 [»], and St. Jerom [o], of fome Ecclefiafticks in 
 their own Times, whofe Practices were corrupt, 
 and dilhonourable to their Profeflion. And in- 
 deed it were a Wonder if all Ages ftiould not af- 
 ford fome fuch Inftances of unfound Members in 
 fo great a Body of Men, fince there was a Judas 
 even among the Apoftles. But then it is to be 
 confidered, that a few fuch Exceptions did not 
 derogate from the good Character, which the 
 Primitive Clergy did generally deferve : And the 
 Faults of thofe very Men were the Occafion of 
 many good Laws and Rules of Difcipline, which 
 the Provincial Synods of thofe Times enacted 5 
 out of which I have chiefly collected the follow- 
 ing Account, which concerns the Lives and La- 
 bours of the ancient Clergy. 
 
 T o thefe the Reader may joyn sect. IV. 
 thofe excellent Tracts of the An- An Account offomt 
 cients, which purpofely handle Writers 
 this Subject; fuch as St. Chryfo- ™ hlch trestt °f the 
 fiom\ fix Books de Sacerdotio ; D ^ s "f Clergy. 
 St. Jerome's fecond Epiftle to Ncpotian, which is 
 called, De Vita Clericorum ; and Gregory Nazian- 
 zen's Apology for his flying from the Prieft- 
 hood ; in which all the Duties of the Clergy are 
 excellently defcribed. Or if any one defires ra- 
 ther to fee them exemplified in fome living In- 
 ftances and great Patterns of Perfection, which 
 commonly make deeper Tmpreflions than bare 
 Rules, he muft confult thofe excellent Chara- 
 cters of the moft eminent primitive Bifliops, 
 which are drawn to the Life by the belt Pens of 
 the Age; fuch as the Life of Ignatius by Chryfo- 
 ftom-, the Life of St.Bafil and Athanafius by Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen; the Life of St. Auftin by PoJJidi* 
 us i the Life of Gregory e fhaumaturgus and Meletius- 
 by Gregory Nyjffen; in all which the true Chara- 
 cter and Idea of a Chriftian Bifliop is fet forth 
 and defcribed with this Advantage, That a Man 
 does not barely read of Rules, but fees them as it 
 were exemplified in Practice. The chief of thefe 
 Difcourfes in both kinds are already tranflated 
 into our own Language by other [/>] Pens, and 
 they are too prolix to be inferted into aDifcourle 
 of this nature, which proceeds in a different 
 Method from them. I fliall therefore only ex- 
 tract fuch Obfervations from them, as fall in with 
 the publick and general Laws of the Church (of 
 which I give an Account in the following Chap- 
 ters) and leave the reft to the curious Diligence 
 of the Inquifitive Reader. 
 
 [Jt/] Aug. de Moribus Ecclef. Cathol. c. 32. 1. 1. p. 330. 
 [e] Minuc. O&av. p. no. [/] La£t. lib. 4. c. 23. lib. 3. c. 15-. 
 [jj] Naz.. Inveft. 1. in Julian. [£] Tertul. Apol. c. 46. 
 
 C'J Cyprian, de Bono Patient, p. 210. [fc] Cypr.de Lapfis 
 
 p. 124. [/] Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 1. \m~\ Chryf.Hom. 30. in A<2s 
 [»] Naz. Carm. Cygn. de Epifcopis. Tom. 2. [0] Hieron. 
 
 Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. [p] See Bifiop Burnet'j Paftoral Care. c. 4. 
 And Seller'* Remarks on the Lives of the Primitive Fathers. 
 
 CHAP 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 199 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of Laws relating to the Life and Converfation of the Primitive Clergy. 
 
 sect. I. HP HE Laws of the Church 
 
 Exemplary Purity A which concerned the Cler- 
 
 required intheCkr- gy I fhall for Diftinction's fake 
 
 gy above other Men. con f lt j ei . un der three Heads} 
 
 Reafonsforu. f pea king, T/?, Of fuch LaWS as 
 
 concerned their Life and Converfation. zdly, Of 
 fuch as more particularly related to the Exercife 
 of the feveral Offices and Duties of their Functi- 
 on, zdly, Of fuch as were a fort of Out-guards 
 or Fences to both the former. The Laws which 
 related to their Life and Converfation, were fuch 
 as tended to create in them a Sublimity of Vir- 
 tue above other Men } forafmuch as they were 
 to be Examples and Patterns to them j which if 
 good, would be both a Light and a Spur to o- 
 thersj but if Bad, the very Pefts and Banes of 
 the Church. It is Gregory Nazianzeri's Reflecti- 
 on [a] upon the different forts of Guides which 
 he had obferved then in the Church. Some, he 
 complains, did with unwarned Hands and pro- 
 phane Minds prefs to handle the holy Myfteries, 
 and affect to be at the Altar, before they were 
 fit to be initiated to any facred Service. They 
 looked upon the holy Order and Function, not 
 as defigned for an Example of Virtue, but only 
 as a way of fubfifting themfelves} not as a Truft, 
 of which they were to give an Account, but a 
 State of abfolute Authority and Exemption. And 
 thefe Mens Examples corrupted the Peoples Mo- 
 rals, fader than any Cloth can imbibe a Colour, 
 or a Plague infect the Air > fince Men were more 
 difpofed to receive the Tincture of Vice than 
 Virtue from the Example of their Rulers. In 
 oppofition to fuch he lays down this as the firft 
 thing to be aimed at by all fpiritual Phyficians, 
 that they fhould draw the Picture of all manner 
 of Virtues in their own Lives, and fet themfelves 
 as Examples to the People-, that it might not be 
 proverbially faid of them, That they fet about 
 curing others, while they themfelves were full of 
 Sores and Ulcers. Nor were they to draw this 
 Image of Virtue flightly and to a faint degree, 
 but accurately and to the higheft Perfection: 
 Since nothing lefs than fuch Degrees and Mea- 
 fures of Virtue were expected by G O D from 
 the Rulers and Governours of his People : And 
 then there would be hopes, that fuch Heights 
 and Eminencies would draw the Multitude at 
 leafl to a Mediocrity in Virtue, and atTure them 
 to embrace that voluntarily by gentle Perfuafi- 
 ons, which they would not be brought to fo 
 effectually and laftingly by Force and Compul- 
 fion. He urges farther [_£] the Neceffity of fuch 
 a Purity from the Consideration of the Sacred- 
 nefs and Majefty of the Function itfelf. A Mi- 
 nister's Office fets him in the fame Rank and 
 Order with Angels themfelves j he celebrates 
 
 GOD with Archangels} tranfmits the Church's 
 Sacrifices to the Altar in Heaven, and performs 
 the Prieft's Office with Chrift himfelf- he re- 
 forms the work of GOD's hands, and prefents 
 the Image to his Maker} his Workmanfhip is 
 for the World above : And therefore he fhould 
 be exalted to a divine and heavenly Nature, 
 whofe Bufinefs is to be as a G O D himfelf, and 
 make others GOD's alfo. St. Chryfofiom \_c~\ 
 makes ufe of the fame Argument, That the 
 Priefthood, though it be exercifed upon Earth, 
 is occupied wholly about heavenly Things ; that 
 it is the Miniftcry of Angels put by the Holy 
 Ghoft into the Hands of mortal Men} and there- 
 fore a Prieft ought to be pure and holy, as be- 
 ing placed in Heaven it felf in the midft of thofe 
 heavenly Powers. He prefTes likewife the Dan- 
 ger and Prevalency of a bad Example [d~\. Sub- 
 jects commonly form their Manners by the Pat- 
 tern of their Princes. How then fhould a proud 
 Man be able to affwage the fvvelling Tumors of 
 others? Or an angry Ruler hope to make his 
 People in Love with Moderation and Meeknefs ? 
 Bifhops are expofed, like Combatants in the 
 Theatre, to the View and Obfervation of all 
 Men } and their Faults, tho' never fo fmall, can- 
 not be hid : And therefore as their virtuous 
 Actions profit many, by provoking them to the 
 like Zeal} fo their Vices will render others unfit 
 to attempt or profecute any thing that is Noble 
 and Good : For which Reafon their Souls ought 
 to mine all over with the pureft Brightnefs, that 
 they may both Enlighten and Extimulate the 
 Souls of others, who have their Eyes upon them. 
 A Prieft fhould arm himfelf all over with Purity 
 of Life, as with Adamantine Armor: For if he 
 leave any part naked and unguarded, he is fur- 
 rounded both with open Enemies and pretended 
 Friends, who will be ready to wound and fup- 
 plant him. So long as his Life is all of a Piece, 
 he needs not fear their AfTaults: But if he be o- 
 verfeen in a Fault, though but a fmall one, it 
 will be laid hold of and improved to the Preju- 
 dice of all his former Virtues. For all Men are 
 raoft fevere Judges in his cafe, and treat him not 
 with any allowance for being encompaffed with 
 Flefh, or as having an Humane Nature} but ex- 
 pect he mould be an Angel, and free from all 
 Infirmities. He cannot indeed (as the fame 
 Father argues [e] in another placej with any 
 tolerable Decency and Freedom difcharge his 
 Office in punifhing and reproving others, unlefs 
 he himfelf be blamelefs and without Rebuke. 
 The Prieft's Office is a more difficult Province 
 [/] than that of leading an Army, or governing 
 a Kingdom, and requires an angelical Virtue. 
 His Soul ought to be purer than the Rays of the 
 
 O] Naz. Orat. r. Apologct. de Fuga. Tom. i. p. ?. [i>~\ Naz. lib. 3. c. 14. 0] Chryf. de facerd, lib. 7. c. 3. [/] Chryf, 
 Ibid. p. 31. [c] Chryf. de facerdot. lib. 3. c. 4.. [</] Ibid. Ibid. lib. 6. c. 2. 
 
 Vol. I. C c c 2 Sun, 
 
200 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VI 
 
 Sun, that the Holy Spirit may never leave him 
 defolatej but that he may be always able to fay, 
 / live, yet not I, but Chrifi that Uvetb in me. He 
 there goes on to draw the Comparifon [g] at 
 large between the Clerical and the Monaftick 
 Life, and Ihews how much more difficult it is 
 to take care of a multitude of Men immerfed in 
 fecularBufinefs, than of a {ingle Perfon, that lives 
 retired and free from Temptation. And upon the 
 whole matter he concludes that as God re- 
 quires greater Purity in thole that ferve at his 
 Altar, fo he will exact a more ample Account of 
 them, and more feverely puniih their Offences. 
 By thefe and many other fuch like Arguments 
 did thofe Holy Fathers try to raife both in them- 
 felves and others a juft Senfe of that univerfal 
 Purity, which becomes the facred Function. 
 
 Sect. II. And to the Strength of thefc 
 
 chunk- cenfures Arguments the Church added the 
 mon fever e *gmnfl Authority of her Sanctions in- 
 
 ttZs ^ fli & in g levercr Penalties upon 
 Offending Clergy-Men than any 
 others. For whereas all other Offenders were 
 allowed, by the Benefit of Publick Penance, to 
 regain the Privileges of their Order: this Favour 
 was commonly denied by the Church to fuch of 
 her Sons among the Clergy, as were Notorious 
 for any fcandalotis Crimes, whereby they became 
 a Reproach to their Profeflion. For fuch De- 
 linquents were ufually Depofcd from their Office, 
 and fometimes Excommunicated alio, and obliged 
 to do Penance among the Laymen j but with this 
 Difference, that though Repentance would re- 
 store them to the Peace of the Church, yet it 
 would not qualify them to act in their Office 
 and Station again ; but they rauft be content 
 thenceforth to communicate only as Laymen. 
 Some Canons indeed did not oblige them to do 
 Publick Penance in the Church, becaufe they 
 thought it Punifhment enough to Degrade them: 
 Others required them to fubmit to that Part of 
 Difcipline alfo. But itill the Refult and Confe- 
 quence of both was the fame, that fuch Perfons 
 for ever after were only to be treated in the qua- 
 lity of Laymen. Thofe called the Apoflolical 
 Canons are fometimes for the former way $ for 
 one of them [z] fays, If a Bilfiop, Presbyter, or 
 Deacon is taken in Fornication, Perjury, or 
 Thefr, he {hall be Depofed, but not Excommu- 
 nicated: For the Scripture faith, Thou fhalt not 
 puniih twice for the fame Crime. I do not now 
 ftand to enquire whether there be any fuch Scrip- 
 ture as thefe Canons refer to, but only obferve 
 what was the Practice of the Greek Church when 
 thefe Canons were made ; which is alfo taken no- 
 tice of in St. Bafil's [k~] canons, and thofe of Peter 
 
 of Alexandria [/] and fome others, which fhew 
 it to have been the cuftomary Pradice of their 
 Churches. Yet for Simony [m\ and fome other 
 [»] Crimes, the fame Apoflolical Canons order 
 both Depofition and Excommunication. And in 
 the African Church both Punifhments were in- 
 flicted alfo for one and the fame Crime, in the 
 time of Cyprian, as appears from hisEpirtle [ol to 
 Cornelius, where fpeaking of Novatus, who was 
 guilty of Murder, in caufing his own Wife by a 
 Blow to mifcarry, he fays, For this Crime he 
 was not only to be degraded, or expelled the 
 Presbytery, but to be deprived of the Communi- 
 on of the Church alfo. From whence we may 
 colled the Severity of the ancient Canons againft 
 fuch Crimes of the Clergy in general, as were 
 committed to the flagrant Scandal of the Church. 
 
 Hence alfo we may obferve sect nr 
 in particular, what fort of Crimes what crimes p m i- 
 were thought worthv to be pu- fatt with Degrade- 
 niffifd wi h Degradation, name- viz - r ««/f. 
 
 ly fuch as Theft, Murder, Perju- ^ der ' Fer J ur J>> 
 ry, Fraud, Sacrilege, Fornicati- 
 on and Adultery, and fuch like grofs and fcanda- 
 lous Offences. For in this cafe they diftinguifhed 
 between Peccatum and Crimen, little Faults and 
 Crimes of a more heinous Nature. For St. Auftin 
 obferves [/>], it was not all manner of Failings 
 that hindered Mens Ordination at firfc; for if 
 the Apoflle had required that as a Qualification 
 in Perfons to be ordained, that they fhould be 
 without Sin, all Men muft have been rejected, and 
 none ordained ; fince no Man lives without Sin: 
 But he only requires that they fhould be Blamelefi 
 in refpect to criminal and fcandalous Offences. 
 And this was the Rule the Church obferved in 
 canvaffing the Lives of her Clergy after Ordina- 
 tion, when they were actually engaged in her 
 Service. Tt was not every leffer Failing or Infir- 
 mity that was punifhed with Degradation ; but 
 only Crimes of a deeper Die, fuch as Theft, 
 Murder, Fraud, Perjury, Sacrilege, Fornication 
 and Adultery. Concerning the laft of which 
 there are thefe two things farther obfervable in 
 fome of the ancient Canons, ifi, That if any 
 Clergyman's Wife was convicted of Adultery, 
 he himfelf was obliged to fhew his Refentment 
 and Deteftation of the Fact by putting her a- 
 way, under Pain of Depofition, if he continued 
 to live with her. For fo the Council of Neo- 
 Cafarea \_q] words it : A Man whofe Wife is e- 
 vidently convicted of Adultery while he is a 
 Layman, fhall not be ordained : But if fhe commit 
 Adultery after his Ordination, he ought to put 
 her away j and if he cohabit with her, he may 
 not retain her and his Miniftry together. The 
 
 [g] Ibid. lib. 6. c. 3. O] Ibid. lib. 6. c. 10, & H. 
 
 [i] Canon. Apoft. c. 2,-. [k) Balil. Ep. Canon, c. 3. 32. fi. 
 [/] Pet. Alex. Ep. Canon, c. 10. ap. Bevereg. Pandect. Tom. 2. 
 [arc] Canon. Apoft. c. 29. [»] I: id. c. 30, 8c 5*1. [0] Cypr. 
 Ep. 49. al. fz. p. 97. Propter hoc fe non de Presbyterio tantum, 
 fed 8c Communicatione prohiberi pro certo tenebat,8cc. [/>] Aug. 
 Tract. 41. in Joh. Tom. 9. p. 126. Apoftolus Paulus, quando ele- 
 git ordinandos vel Presbyteios vel Diaconos, 8c quicunque osdi- 
 
 nandus eft ad Prxpofituram Ecclefise, non ait, fi quis fine Peccato 
 eft; hoc enim fi diceret, omnis homo reprobaretur, nullus ordina- 
 retur; fed ait, fi quis fine Crimine eft, ficut eft Homicidium, Adul- 
 terium, aliqua immunditia Fornicationis, Furtum, Fraus, Sacrilegi- 
 um, 8c csetera hujufmodi. Cone. Neo-C . c.8. \a.v iX$ 
 
 T»)c 'X-&e$Tov\a.v ftoiyjvdn o^JiKei d-zcXvecu cLuxm. zolp 'j 
 
 Council 
 
Chap. II. Christian Church. 201 
 
 Council of Eliberis (Yj is ftill more fevere in the their People an ill Example by their Apoftacy in 
 
 Cafe, denying Communion to fuch Perfons even time of Perfecution : It was not thought fit to 
 
 at their laft Hour, who retained Wives guilty of truft them to be Guides and Leaders for the fu- 
 
 Adultery ; becaufe, fays the Canon, they who ture. Though I do not deny, but that fome Ex- 
 
 011 "ht to be Examples of good Converfation to ceptions may be found to this general Rule, ei- 
 
 others, do by this means teach others the Way ther when the Difcipline of the Church was not 
 
 to Sin. idly, The other thing to be obferved is, fo ftrift, or when it was otherwife found more 
 
 That if a Bifhop neglected to inflict the Cen- for the Benefit of the Church to reftore Lapfers 
 
 fures of the Church upon any of his Clergy, to their Honours, than to Degrade and Remove 
 
 who were guilty of Fornication, he made him- them wholly from them. For I have noted be- 
 
 felf liable to be depofed : As Socrates [s] obferves fore, that both Lapfers, and Hereticks, and Schif- 
 
 the Arians themfelves depofed Macedonius Bifhop maticks were fometimes more favourably treated, 
 
 of Conftantinople for this Reafon among others, when the Church thought file might find her 
 
 That he had admitted a Deacon to Communion, Account in fhewing favour to them, 
 who had been taken in Fornication. 
 
 But to proceed with the Laws sect. v. 
 SECT. iv. Another Crime which brought of the Church relating toother AU Vrinkmg 
 Alfo Lapfmg in many Clerks under this kind of Mifdemcanors : as the Life of a anti Gami "£- 
 time of Perfection. Ecclefiaftical Cenfure, was, that Cergyman was a continual Attendance upon the 
 of Lapfing in time of Perfecution. In which Altar, and conftantly to be employed in the Ex- 
 cafe Repentance was allowed to reftore them to ercife of Divine and Heavenly things j fo upon 
 the Peace of the Church as Laymen, if they that Account the utmoft Sobriety was required 
 pleafed, but not to Officiate or Communicate as of him, together with a ftrict care to fpend his 
 Ecclefiafticks any longer. Thus trophimus was Time aright, and lay it out ufefullyj fo as might 
 treated in the time of Cornelius and Cyprian; he beft anfwer the Ends of his Calling, and thofe 
 was admitted [/] to communicate as a Layman, Spiritual Employments he was daily to be enga- 
 but not to retain his Office of Priefthood. And ged in. And for this Reafon Drinking and Ga- 
 this, Cyprian fays [«], was then the Rule ax. Rome ming, thofe two great Confumers of Time, and 
 and over all the World, If Bifhops or any other Enemies of all noble Undertakings and generous 
 Lapfed in time of Perfecution, to admit them to Services, were ftri&ly prohibited the Clergy un- 
 do Penance in the Church, but withal to re- der the fame Penalty of Deprivation. For fo the 
 move them from the Function of the Clergy and Apoftolical Canons [z] word it, a Bifhop, Pref- 
 Honour of the Priefthood: As the African Sy- byter or Deacon, that fpends Time in Drinking 
 nod, in whofe Name he writes to the Spanijh or Playing at Dice, fhall either Reform, or be 
 Churches, determined in the cafe of Baftlidcs and Depofed. Where we may obferve this Diffe- 
 Martial, two SpaniJJ) Bifhops, who when they rence between this and the former Laws, that it 
 had Lapfed, thought to qualify themfeWes by does not make every fingle Ad of thefe Crimes 
 Repentance to retain their Bifhopricks : But this, ipfo fatlo Deprivation, but only Continuance 
 he tells them, was contrary to the Rule and Pra- therein without Reforming. And by Jufiiniari's 
 ctice of the Univerfal Church. He repeats this Law [a] the Penalty for Playing at Tables is 
 in feveral other [iu~] Epiftles, where he has oc- changed from Deprivation to a Triennial Sufpen- 
 cafion to fpeak of Perfons in the fame unhappy fion, and Intrufion into a Monaftery for the Per- 
 Circumftances with them. We find the fame formance of Repentance. Some perhaps will 
 Order in the Canons of Peter [x] Bifhop of Alex- wonder at the Severity of thefe Laws in prohi- 
 andria, and the firft Council (jy] of Aries, where biting the Exercife of Tables under fuch a Pe- 
 not only fuch as fell by facrificing, or open De- nalty : But their Wonder will ceafe, when they 
 nial of their Faith, but alfo all Trad itors are in- are told, that it was equally prohibited to the 
 eluded in the Number of Lapfers, that is, all fuch Laity under Pain of Excommunication. For the 
 as either gave up the Bibles, or the Holy Vef- Council of Eliberis [b~\ orders, That a Chriftian 
 fels of the Church, or the Names of their Bre- playing at Dice or Tables fhall not be admitted 
 thren to the Perfecutors; and all fuch who were to the Holy Communion, but after a Year's Pe- 
 of the Clergy, are for ever excluded from the nance and Abftinence, and his total Amendment. 
 Exercife and Benefit of their Order and Fundi- And there was good Reafon for the Church to 
 on. Such was the Difcipline of the ancient make fuch a Law in thofe Times, becaufe this 
 Church in reference to thofe Guides, who fet kind of Gaming was prohibited both by the old 
 
 [>■] Cone. Eliber. c. 6f. Si cujus Clerici Uxor fuerit mcechata, 
 8c fciat earn Maritus mcechari, 2c earn non ftatim projecerit, nee 
 in fine accipiat Communionem : Ne ab his qui exemplum bona: 
 converfationis efle debenr, videantur Magifteria fcelerum procedere. 
 [s~\ Socrat. lib. 2. c. 42. [t] Cypr. Ep. 7*. al. ff. ad An- 
 
 tonian. p. 106. Sic tamen admuTus eft Trophimus, ut Liicus 
 
 communicet non quafi locum Sacerdotis ufurpet. [«] Id. 
 
 Ep.68. al. 67. ad Pleb. Hifpan. p. 174.. Fruftra tales Epifcopatum 
 fibi ufurpare conantur, 8cc. [w] Cypr. Ep. 57. al. 5-9. ad Cor- 
 nel, p. 133. It. Ep. 64. al. 6j. ad Epi&et. [*] Petr. Alex. 
 
 Ep. Canon, c. 1 o. ots 3 ^w^euffAv, ix. Iti <Pvi/a.v\cu ^«r«p- 
 
 y&v. [7 J Cone. Arelat. 1. c. 13. De his qui Scripturas 
 
 Sanctas tradidifle dicuntur, vel Vafa Dominica, vel Nomina Fratrum 
 
 fuorum, piacuit nobis, ut quicunque eorum ex a£lis Publicis fueric 
 
 dere£tus, non verbis nudis, ab Ordine Cleri amoveatur. 
 
 [z.J Can. Apoft.42. kv€ ok <yt>Xa <T<»e ly/Adtuf, n Tr&va<t£n<>, 
 
 » KttSeup'i&q. W Juftin. Novel. 123. c. 10. 
 
 [b~\ Cone. Eliber. c. 79. Si quis Fidelis alea, id eft, Tabula lufe- 
 
 rit, piacuit eum abftinere : Et fi emendatus ceffaverit, poterit poft 
 
 annum Communione reconciliari. 
 
 and 
 
202 The Antiquities of the BookVI 
 
 and new civil [c] Law among the Rowans, and ma- 
 ny other Nations, of which the Reader may find 
 a particular Account in our Learned Biftiop Tay- 
 lor [d~], together with the Reafons of the Pro- 
 hibition, viz. The Evils that commonly attend- 
 ed this fort of Play, Blafphemies, and Swearing, 
 and Paflion, and Lying, and Curfing, and Co- 
 vetoufnefs, and Fraud, and Quarrels, and In- 
 temperance of all forts, the Confumption of 
 Time, and Ruin of many Families - y which Ex- 
 cefies had made it Infamous and Scandalous a- 
 mong all Nations. So that what was fo univer- 
 fally prohibited at that time by the Laws of all Na- 
 tions, the Church could not but in Decency pro- 
 hibit by her own Laws to the Laity, and more 
 efpecially to the Clergy, to prevent Scandal, and 
 obviate thofe Objections, which might other- 
 wife have juftly been raifed againft her. Not 
 that the Thing was fimply Unlawful in itfelf, 
 when ufed only as an Innocent Recreation j but 
 the many evil Appendages that commonly atten- 
 ded the Ufe of if, had made it Scandalous, 
 and confequently Inexpedient j and the fpend- 
 ing of Time upon it did much alter the Nature 
 of it, and make it fo much the more Unlaw- 
 ful. 
 
 sect. vi. Another Crime for which 
 And Negotiating a Clergyman was liable to be de- 
 upon ufury. The p f e d, was the taking of Ufury $ 
 mture of thh crime oy t h e ancient Canons is 
 
 enured into. fl . equent i y condemned as a Spe- 
 cies of Covetoufnefs and Cruelty, and upon that 
 fcore fo ftridtly prohibited to the Clergy, who 
 were rather toftudy to excel in the Practice of 
 the contrary Virtues, Charity, Mercifulnefs, and 
 Contempt of the World and all filthy Lucre. 
 The Laws condemning this Vice are too many 
 to be here tranferibed : It will be fufficient to re- 
 peat the Canon of the Council of Nice, which 
 contains the Sum, and fpeaks the Senfe of all the 
 reft. Now the Words of that Canon are thefe : 
 Forafmuch \_e] as many Clerks following Cove- 
 toufnefs and filthy Lucre, and forgetting the Ho- 
 ly Scriptures (which fpeak of the Righteous 
 Man as one that hath not given his Money up- 
 on Ufury) have let forth their Money up- 
 on Ufury, and taken the ufual Monthly Increafe : 
 It feem'dgood to this great and holy Synod, that 
 if any one after this Decree {hall be found to 
 take Ufury, or demand the Principal with half 
 the Increafe of the Whole, or mall invent any 
 other fuch Methods for filthy Lucre's fake, he 
 fhall be degraded from his Order, and have his 
 Name ftruck out of the Roll of the Church. 
 
 The Reader will find the fame Practice cenfured 
 by thofe called the Apoftolical Canons [/], the 
 Council of Eliberis [g~\, the firft and fecond of 
 Aries [h], the firft and third of Carthage [/], 
 the Council of Laodicea \k~], and Trullo [/], not 
 to mention private Writers, Cyprian [m~], Siclo- 
 nius Apollinarius [»], St. Jerom [o~\, and many 
 others. Nor need this feem ftrange to any one, 
 that Ufury fhould be fo generally condemned in 
 the Clergy j fince it is apparent that the Practice 
 of it was no lefs difallowed in the Laity: For 
 the firft Council of Carthage \_p~] condemns it in 
 them both, but only makes it a more aggrava- 
 ting Crime in the Clergy. The Councils of E- 
 liberis alfo \j] that orders Clergymen to be de- 
 graded for it, makes it an high Mifdemeanor in 
 Laymen 5 which, if they perfifted in the Pra- 
 ctice of it after Admonition, was to be punifhed 
 with Excommunication. We are here therefore 
 in the next Place to enquire into the Nature of 
 this Practice, and the Grounds and Reafons up- 
 on which it was fo generally condemned both in 
 Clergymen and Laymen. As to the Nature of 
 the thing we are to obferve that among the an- 
 cient Romans there were feveral forts or degrees 
 of Ufury. The moft common was that which 
 they called Centefima : The Council of Nice calls 
 it [r] Ixaros-cy, and the Council of Trullo [/] ufes 
 the fame Word, which fignifies the Hundredth 
 Part of the Principal paid every Month, and an- 
 fwers to Twelve in the Hundred by the Year. 
 For the Romans received Ufury by the Month, 
 that is, at the Kalends or firft Day of every Month. 
 Whence St. Bafil [f] calls the Months the Pa- 
 rents of Ufury. And St. Ambrofe [u~] fays the 
 Greeks gave Ufury the Name of tox©», upon this 
 Account, becaufe the Kalends bring forth one in 
 the Hundred, and every Month begets new U- 
 fury. And hence, as the Poet [w~] acquaints us, 
 it became a Proverb among the Romans, to fay, 
 A Man trembles, like a Debtor when the Kalends 
 are a coming : Becaufe that was the Time of pay- 
 ing Intereft. Now this fort of Ufury is gene- 
 rally profcribed by the Laws of the Church, 
 becaufe it was efteemed great Opprelfion. Tho' 
 the Civil Law allowed the Practice of it : For 
 Conftantine,An. 3 if, the fame Year that the Coun- 
 cil of Nice was held, publifhed a Law, ftating 
 the Rules and Meafures of Ufury, wherein [V] 
 the Creditor is allowed to take this Centefimal 
 Ufury, or one in the Hundred every Month, and 
 no more : For it feems the old Roman Laws 
 granted a greater Liberty. Befide this Regulation 
 of Conftantine j afterward a new Regulation 
 was made, and it was only allowed in fome cer- 
 
 [f] Digeft. lib. 11. tit. f. de Aleator. It. Cod. Juftin. lib. 3. tit. 
 43. dc Aleator. [d] Taylor Dud. Dubitant. lib. 4. c. 1. 
 
 p. 776. [«] Cone. Nice. 17. [/] Can. Apoft. c. 44. 
 
 [g] Cone. Eliber. c. 20. [>] Cone. Arelat. 1. c. 1 2. Arelat. 
 
 2. c. 14. [»'] Cone. Carthag. 1. c. 1 3. Carthag. 3. c. 16. 
 [k] Cone. Laodic. c. 5-. W Cone. Trull, c. 10. 
 
 \m\ Cypr. de Lapfis, p. 124.. [»] Sidon. lib. i. Ep. 8. 
 
 [0] Hieron. in Efcek. cap. 18. [/>] Cone. Carth. 1. c. 13. 
 
 Quod in Laicis reprehenditur, id multo magis in Clericis oportet 
 prxdamnari. [q] Cone. Eliber. c. 20. Si quis etiam Laicus 
 
 accepilli- probatur Ufuras • — fi in ea iniquitate duraverit, ab Eccle- 
 
 4 
 
 fia fciat fc efle projiciendum. Vid. Chryfoft. Horn. $6. in Mat. 
 [r] Cone. Nic. c. 17. [j] Cone. Trull, c. 10. Chryfoft. 
 
 Horn, j-6, in Mat. [t~] Bafil. in Pfalm. 14. T. 3. p. 1 37. 
 
 p<;(frtTrt.e t«V //ncstf «f t'ohcov TctTigxs. [»] Ambr. de To- 
 bia c. 1 2. t!i)cb$ Grseci appellaverunt Ufura?, eo quod dolores par- 
 tus animae Debitoris excitare videantur. Veniunt Kalenda:, parit lbrs 
 Centefiman. Veniunt Menfes finguli, generantur Ufurse. 
 [w] Horat. lib. 1. Sat. 3. Odifti &. fugis, ut Drufonem debitor 
 jeris— quum trifles mifero venere Kalendse. [#] Cod. Th. 
 
 lib. 2. tit. 33. de Ufuris. leg. 1. Pro pecunia ultra fingulas Cente- 
 fimas Creditor vetatur accipere. 
 
 tain 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 203 
 
 tain Cafes, as where the Creditors feemed to 
 run fome Hazard, as appears from the Laws of 
 Juftinian [jy], where he fettles the Bufinefs of 
 Intereft and Ufury in his Code. For in Trajecti- 
 tious Contracts, as the Law terms them, that is, 
 when a Creditor lent Money, fuppofe at Rome, 
 to receive Intereft for it only upon condition of 
 the Debtor's fafe Arrival with it at Conftantino- 
 pk: Becaufe in that cafe the Creditor ran a great 
 hazard, he was allowed to receive a Centefimal 
 Intereft upon that- account, zdly, Another fort 
 off Ufury was that which the Canons call oV-'O" 
 Xr'cu, or Sefcuplum, the whole and half as much 
 more. St. Jerom takes notice [s] of this kind 
 of Ufury, and condemns it. For Men, he fays, 
 were ufed to cxacl: Ufury for the Loan of Corn, 
 Wine, Oyl, Millet, and other Fruits of the 
 Ground ; lending ten Bufliels in Winter, on 
 condition to receive fifteen in Harveft, that is, 
 the whole and half as much more. Which fort 
 of Ufury, being a very grievous Extortion and 
 great Opprcflion, is condemned not only in the 
 Clergy by the Councils of Nice [a] and Laodi- 
 cea [T], under the Name of nV t0 ^-' a < » but alfo in 
 Laymen by the Law of Juftinian [V], which al- 
 lows nothing above Centefimal Intereft to be 
 taken by any Perfon in any Cafe whatfoever. 
 Though Juftinian intimates that formerly the 
 Laws allowed it. And it is evident from the 
 Law of Confiantine Hill extant in the Theodofian 
 Code, which determined, That if any Creditor 
 lent to the Indigent any Fruits [//] of the Earth, 
 whether Wet or Dry, he might demand again 
 the Principal, and half as much more by way of 
 Ufury: As if he lent two Bufhels, he might re- 
 quire three. $dly, Another fort of Ufury is 
 called by the Civil Law, Bejffis Centefim<e, which 
 is two thirds of Centefimal Intereft, and the 
 fame as eight in the hundred. And this the Law 
 allowed Mafters [e] of Work-houfes and other 
 Tradefmen to take in their Negotiations with o- 
 thers. All other Perfons were only allow- 
 
 ed to receive half the Centefimal Intereft by the 
 fame Law of Juftinian [_f~] : which is the fame 
 as fix in the hundred, fthly, Perfons pf Quali- 
 ty were bound to take no more but a> third part 
 of the Centefima [g], which is only' four in the 
 hundred. 6thly, and laftly, Intereft upon Inte- 
 reft was abfolutely forbidden [^''by the Roman 
 Laws to all Perfons in any Cafe,whatfoever, as is 
 
 evident from an Edift of Jvftmian\ which both 
 mentions and confirms the ancient Prohibition of 
 it by the Laws of the Emperors that were be- 
 fore him. So that feveral of thefe kinds of U- 
 fury being prohibited to the Laity in general by 
 ■the Laws of the State, it was no Wonder that 
 they mould be more feverely forbidden to the 
 Clergy by the Laws of the Church. Then for 
 the other forts of Ufury, which the State al- 
 lowed, the Church had two Reafons for dif- 
 couraging the Practice of them in the Clergy. 
 ift, Becaufe Ufury was moft commonly exacted 
 of the Poor, which the Church reckoned an 
 Oppreftion of them, who were rather to be re- 
 lieved by the Charity of Lending without Ufu- 
 ry, as the Gofpel requires. za%/ 9 The Clergy 
 could not take Ufury of the rich and trading 
 part of the World, but that muft needs engage 
 them in fecular Bufinefs and worldly Concerns, 
 more than the Wifdom of the Church in thole 
 times thought fit to allow. And this I take to 
 be the true State of the Cafe, and the Sum of 
 the Reafons for prohibiting the Clergy the Pra- 
 ctice of Ufury in the Primitive Church. Ufury 
 was generally a great Oppreftion to the Poor, as 
 the ancient Writers who fpeak againft it [z] 
 commonly complain: Or elfe it was thought to 
 argue, and proceed from, a covetous and worldly 
 Mnadj which made Men forfake their proper 
 Employment, and betake themfelves to other 
 Bufinefs, which was befide their Calling, and 
 could not then be followed without fome Re- 
 proach and Difhonour to it. Therefore Cyprian 
 fpeak ing of fome Bifhops, who were the Re- 
 proach of his Age, in enumerating their Mif- 
 carriages, joins all thefe things together j That 
 they who ought to have been Examples and En- 
 couragers to the reft, had caft ofF the Care of 
 Divine Service [£] to manage Secular Affairs 5 
 and leaving their Sees, and deferting their Peo- 
 ple, they rambled into other Provinces, to catch 
 at Bufinefs that would bring them in Gain: 
 Mean while the poor Brethren of the Church 
 were fufFered to ftarve without Relief, whilft 
 their Minds were fet upon hoarding up Silver in 
 abundance, and getting Eftatesby fraudulent Arts, 
 and exercifing Ufury to augment their own 
 Treafures. When Ufury was ordinarily atten- 
 ded with fuch Concomitants as thefe, it was no 
 wonder it fhould be utterly profcribed by the 
 
 [y~] Cod. Juft. lib. 4. tit. 32. de Ufuris. leg. 26. In traje- 
 ctitiis autem Contradtibus, vcl fpecierum fcenori dationibus, ufque 
 ad Centefimam tantummodo licere ftipulari, nec earn excedere, li- 
 cet veteribus Legibus hoc erat conceflum. [2. J Hieron. 
 Com. in Ez.ek. 18. p. 5-57. Solent in Agris frumenti 8c Milii, Vi- 
 
 ni 8c Olei, cxterarumque Specierum Ufurx exigi Verbi gratia, 
 
 ut hyemis tempore demus decern modios, 8c in mefle recipiamus 
 quindecim, hoc eft, amplius partem mediam. [«] Cone. 
 Nic. c. 17. [_&] Cone. Laod. c. 6. [e] Cod. Juft. ubi 
 
 fupra It. Novel, 32, 33, 34. [</] Cod. Th. lib. 2. tit. 33. 
 
 leg. 1. Quicunque fruges, aridas vel humidas, indigentibus mu- 
 tuas dederint. Ufurx nomine tertiam partem fuperfluam conle- 
 quantur : Id eft, ut fi fumma crediti in duobus Modiis fuerit, ter- 
 tiutn modium amplius confequantur. [e] Cod. Juft. lib. 4. 
 
 tit. 31. de Ufuris. leg. 26. Uios, qui Ergafteriis prxfunt, vel ali- 
 quam licitara negotiationem gerunt, ufque ad Beflem Centeiima?, 
 
 Ufurarum nomine, in quocunque contractu fuam ftipulationem mo- 
 derari. [/] Cod. Juft. ibid. Catteros omnes homines Dimi- 
 
 diam tantummodo Centeiimae Ufurarum nomine poile ftipulari. 
 [g] Ibid. Jubemus Illuftribus quidem Perlbnis, live eas prxceden- 
 tibus, minime licere ultra Tertiam partem Centefima? in quocun- 
 que contradu ftipulari. [£] Cod. Juft. lib. 4. tit. 32. 
 leg. 28. Ut nullo modo UCutx Ufurarum a Debitoribus exigan- 
 tur, veteribus quidem Legibus conftitutum fuerat, 8cc. 
 [/] Vide Chryfoft. Horn. f6. in Mat. Bafil. Horn, in Pfalm 14. 
 p. 136, 8cc. [&] Cypr.de Lapfis. p. 125. Epifcopi plurimi, 
 quos 8c Hortamento efle oportet ceteris 8c Exemplo, Divina Pro- 
 curatione contempta, Procurators rerum faxularium fieri, derelifla 
 Cathedra, Plebe deferta, per alienas Provincias oberrantes, negotia- 
 tions quseftuofx nundinas aucupari, efurientibus in Eccleiia fratribus 
 non fubvenire, habere Argentum largiter velle, fundos infidiofis 
 fraudibus rapere, Ufuris rnultiplicantibus tcenus augere. 
 
 Holy 
 
204 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VI. 
 
 Holy Fathers of the Church. Befides St. Chry- 
 foftom [f] plainly intimates, that in his time all 
 Senators and Pevfons of Quality were abfolutely 
 forbidden to take Ufury by the Laws of the 
 Common-wealth. And that consideration pro- 
 bably fo much the more inclined the Fathers of. 
 the Church to forbid it to the Clergy, left they 
 fhould feem to be out-done by Men of a fecular 
 Life} and it might be objected to them, that 
 the Laws of the Church in this refpect were 
 more remifs than the Laws of the State. 
 
 sect. vii. Indeed theNeceffitiesof the 
 of the Hofpitality p oor anc j Fatherlefs, and Stran- 
 of the clergy. gers and W idows i n t h f e early 
 
 times, were fo importunate and craving in every 
 Church, that their Revenues would feldom an- 
 fvver all their Demands. The Church, as St. 
 Auflin fays [m], had very rarely any thing to lay 
 up in bank. And then it did not become a Bi- 
 fhop to hoard up Gold, and turn away the Poor 
 empty from him. They had daily fo many 
 Poor Petitioners, fo many in Diftrefs and Want 
 continually applying to them > that they were 
 forced to leave fome in their Sorrows, becaufe 
 they had not wherewith to relieve them all. 
 Now in this cafe, where there was need of grea- 
 ter Charities, than they had Funds or Abilities 
 to bellow, there could be no room for Ufury, 
 but with great Neglect and Uncharitablenefs to 
 the Poor. And therefore inftead of Lending 
 upon Ufury, they were obliged to be exemplary 
 in the Practice of the contrary Virtues, Hofpi- 
 tality and Charity > which the Ancients call 
 Lending upon Divine Ufury, not to receive [ti] 
 One in the Hundred, but an Hundred for One 
 from the hands of GOD. It was then one of 
 the Glories of a Bifhop, St. Jerom tells us [<?], 
 to be a Provedore for the Poor} but a Difgrace 
 to the Holy Function, to feek only to enrich 
 himfelf. And therefore he eives this Direction 
 to Nepotian, among other good Rules which he 
 prefcribes him, That his Table fhould be free 
 to the Poor and Strangers, that with them he 
 might have Chrift for his Gueft. St. Chryfofiom 
 fpeaks nobly \_p~] of his Bifhop Flavian upon the 
 account of this Virtue : He fays, his Houfe was 
 always open to Strangers, and fuch as were for- 
 ced to fly for the fake of Religion j where they 
 were received and entertained with that Free- 
 dom and Humanity, that his Houfe might as 
 properly be called, The Houfe of Strangers, as 
 the Houfe of Flavian. Yea, it was fo much the 
 
 more his own, for being common to Strangers} 
 for whatever we poffefs, is fo much the more 
 our Property for being communicated to our 
 poor Brethren: There being no Place where we 
 may fo fafely lay up our Treafure, as in the 
 Hands and Bellies of the Poor. 
 
 Now the better to qualifie sect. vnr. 
 them to perform this Duty, eve- of their ifttgalitf 
 ry Clergyman was required to *»dcmtemp ofths 
 lead a Frugal Life ■> that is, to a- WorU ; 
 void Profufenefs, as well in their own Private 
 Concerns, as in giving great Entertainments to 
 the Rich} which is but a falfe-narned Hofpitali- 
 ty, and a great Ufurper upon the Rights and 
 Revenues of the Poor. We may judge of the 
 Simplicity of thofe Times by the Character 
 which Ammianus Marcettinus the Heathen Hifto- 
 rian \jf] gives of the Italian Bifhops, as 'tis pro- 
 bable, from his own Obfervation : He fays, Their 
 fpare Diet, and frugal way of Living, their 
 cheap Clothing and grave Deportment, did re- 
 commend them to GOD and his true Worfhip- 
 pers, as Perfons of pure and modeft Souls. This 
 made thofe Country-Bifhops more honourable, in 
 his Opinion, than if they had lived in rhe Riches, 
 and State, and Splendor of the Bifhops of Rome, 
 By a Canon of the 4th Council of Carthage {V} 
 all the African Bifhops were obliged to live after 
 this manner} not to affect rich Furniture, or 
 fumptuous Entertainments, or a fplendid way of 
 living, bur to feek to advance the Dignity and 
 Authority of their Order by their Faith and 
 Holy Living. Some indeed were for that other 
 fort of Hofpitality, for entertaining the rich, 
 and efpecially the Magiftrates, on Pretence that 
 they might keep an Intereft in them, and be a- 
 ble to intercede with them for poor Criminals 
 when they were condemned. But St. Jerom par- 
 ticularly confiders and anfvvers this Pretence in 
 his Inflructions to .Nepotian. You muft avoid, 
 fays he [/], giving great Entertainments to fe- 
 cular Men, and efpecially thofe that are in great 
 Offices. For 'tis not very reputable to have the 
 Lictors and Guards of a Conful ftand waiting at 
 the doors of a Prieft of Chrift, who himfelf was 
 Crucified and Poor} nor that the Judge of a 
 Province fhould dine more fumptuoufly with 
 you, than in the Palace. If it be pretended, 
 that you do this only to be able to interceed 
 with him for poor Criminals } there is no Judge 
 but will pay a greater Deference and Refpect to 
 a frugal Clergyman, than a rich one, and fhew 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. f6. in Mat. 7a\) yZ'v oj a^icjuho-iv ov\ctt, 
 idj eis thv y.oyct'\m> tsaSV]*? (ZvKuv, fo avfuAmov WKxmv, i 
 diuif Totiioit; Kip<P&o-iv K.ctrd'^tji^. Honorius, an. 397, pub- 
 lifhed a Law which implies the fame. Cod. Theod. lib. 2. tit. 23. 
 de Ufuris.leg. 2. though by a following Law, an. 405-, he allowed 
 Senators half the Centefimal Interefi. [m] Aug. Serm. 49. 
 
 de Diverfis, live de Vita Clericor. t. 10. p. $-20. Enthecam nobis 
 habere non licet. Non enim eft Epifcopi fervare aurum , 8c re- 
 vocare a le mendicantis manum. Quotidie tam multi petunt, tam 
 multi gemunt, tam multi nos inopes interpellant ; ut plures triftes 
 relinquamus, quicquod pofTitnus dare omnibus, non habemus. 
 [«] Pet. Chryfolog. Serm. aj. p. 269. Ufura mundi centum ad 
 
 unum, Deus unum accipit ad centum. Vid. Chryfoft. Horn. $6. 
 in Mat. 17. p. 5-07. ed. Commelin. [0] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad 
 
 Nepotian. Gloria Epifcopi eft pauperum opibus providere: Igno- 
 minia omnium facerdotum eft propriis ftudero Divitiis. 
 [/>] Chryf. Serm. 1. in Gen. torn. 2. p. 886. ed. Front. Ducsi. 
 [q] Ammian. lib. 27. p. 45-8. Antiftites quofdam Provinciales te- 
 nuitas edendi potandique parciiTime. Vilitas etiam indumentorum, 
 8c fupercilia humum fpeclantia, perpetuo Numini verifque ejus 
 Cultoribus, ut puros commendant 8c verecundos. [ r ] Cone. 
 Carth. 4. c. 15-. Ut Epilcopus vilem fupelledtilem 8c Menfam ac 
 vi£lum pauperem habeat, 8c Dignitatis fuae auftoritatem Fide 8c 
 Meritis vits quxrat. [s] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. 
 
 7 
 
 greater 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church, 
 
 20$ 
 
 greater Reverence to your San&ity, than your 
 Riches. Or if he be fuch an one, as will not 
 hear a Clergyman's Interceflions but only among 
 his Cuns, I mould freely be without this Bene- 
 fit, and rather befeech Chrift for the Judge him- 
 fclf, who can more fpecdily and powerhilly help 
 than any Judge. St. Jerom in the lame place [i] 
 advifes his Clerk not to be over-free in receiving 
 other Men's Entertainments neither. For the 
 Laity, fays he, mould rather find us to be Com- 
 forters in their Mournings, than Companions in 
 their Feafts. That Clerk will quickly be con- 
 temned, that never refufes any Entertainments, 
 when he is frequently invited to them. Such 
 were the ordinary Rules and Dirc&ions given by 
 the Ancients for regulating the Hofpitahty and 
 Frugality of the Clergy. But many Billiops and 
 others far exceeded thefe Rules in tranlcendent 
 Heights of Abftinence, and Acls of Self-denyal, 
 freely chofen'and impofed upon themfelves, that 
 they might have greater Plenty and Superfluities 
 to ieftow upon others. Gregory Nazianzen [»] 
 gives us this Account of St. Eafil, That his 
 Riches was to pofTcfs nothing j to live content 
 with that little which Nature requires , to de- 
 fpife Delicacies and Pleafures, and fet himlelf a- 
 bove the Slavery of that cruel and fordid Tyrant 
 the Belly : His moft delicious and conftant Food 
 was Bread and Salt and Water; his Clothing 
 but one Coat and one Gown; his Lodging up- 
 on the Ground ; not for want of better Accom- 
 modations} for he was Metropolitan of C<efa- 
 tea, and had confiderable Revenues belonging to 
 his Church j but he fubmitted to this way of 
 Living in imitation of his Saviour, who became 
 Poor for our Sakes, that we through his Pover- 
 ty might be made Rich. And therefore both 
 the fame Author (V), and the Church-Hiftorians 
 alfo [_x] tell us, that when in the time of the 
 Arian Perfecution under Valens he was threatned 
 by one of the Emperor's Agents, That unlefs 
 he would comply, he fhould have all his Goods 
 confifcated ; his Anfwer was, That no fuch Pu- 
 nifliment could reach him, for he was poflefs'd 
 ef nothing, unlefs the Emperor wanted his 
 thread-bare Clothes, or a few Books, which was 
 all the Subftance he was Mafter of. St. Jerom 
 gives the like Character of Exuperius Bifhop of 
 I'holoufe, who made other Men's Wants always 
 his own; and like the Widow of Sarepta, 
 pinch'd and deny'd himfelf to feed the Poor, be- 
 llowing all his Subftance upon the Bowels of 
 Chrift. Nay, fuch was his Frugality, that he 
 miniftred the Body of Chrift in a Basket of O- 
 fiers, and the Blood in a glafs Cup: But no- 
 thing, fays our Author [>-], could be more 
 Rich or Glorious, than fuch a Poverty as this. 
 It were eafy to give a thoufand Inftances of the 
 fame nature in the Cyprians, the Auflins, the 
 
 part with their Tem- 
 poral Pojfejpons. 
 
 Nazianzen' 'x, the Paulinus's, and other fuch like 
 generous Spirits of the Age they lived in ; who 
 contemned the World with greater Pleafure, 
 than others could admire or enjoy it. But as 
 fuch heights of Heroick Virtues exceeded the 
 common Rule, they are not propofed as the 
 ftricl: Mcafures of every Man's Duty, but only 
 to excite the Zeal of the Forward and the Good. 
 It may be faid of this, as our Saviour fays of a 
 parallel Cafe, All Men cannot receive this faying, 
 fave they to whom it is given ; but be that is able to 
 receive it, let him receive it. 
 
 Some indeed would fain turn SECT. IX. 
 this prudential Advice into a Wbtthtr the clergi 
 Law, and attempt to prove that wcre vctentlj obli- 
 anciently the Clergy were under ged Law 19 
 an Obligation to quit their Tem- 
 poral PoflerTions, when they be- 
 took themfelves to the Service of the Church. 
 But this is to out -face the Sun at Noon -day. 
 For as there is no juft ground for this Aflertion, 
 fo there are the plaineft Evidences to the con- 
 trary. Among thofe called the Apoftolical Ca- 
 nons fjz], there is one to this purpofe : Let the 
 Goods of the Bifhop, if he has any of his own, 
 be kept diftin£t from thofe of the Church; that 
 when he dies he may have power to difpofe of 
 them to whom he pleafes, and as he pleafes ; and 
 not receive damage in his private Effe&s upon 
 pretence that they were the Goods of the 
 Church. For perhaps he has a Wife, or Chil- 
 dren, or Relations, or Servants : And it is but 
 juft before GOD and Man, that neither the 
 Church mould fuffer for want of knowing what 
 belonged to the Bilhop, nor the Bifhop's Rela- 
 tions be damaged by the Church, or come into 
 Trouble upon that account, which would be to 
 the Scandal and Reproach of the deceafed Bi- 
 fhop. Many other Canons both of the Greek 
 and Latin Church [a] are to the fame Effect. 
 Nor can it be pretended, that this is to be un- 
 derftood only of fuch Eftates as they got in the 
 Service of the Church. For St. Ambrofe plainly 
 intimates, that the Law left the Clergy in the 
 full pofleflion of their Patrimony, or Temporal 
 Eftates, which they had before. For he brings 
 in fome Male-contents among the Clergy thus 
 complaining: What advantage [f] is it to me 
 to be of the Clergy, to fuffer Injuries, and un- 
 dergo hard Labour, as if my own Eftate would 
 not maintain me? This implies, that Men of 
 Eftates were then among the Clergy. And in- 
 deed there was but one Cafe, in which any 
 Clerk could be compelled to quit his PolTeflions, 
 and that was when his Eftate was originally tied 
 to the Service of the Empire, of which I have 
 given a full Account before. In all other Cafes 
 it was matter of free choice, and left to his li- 
 
 [f] Ibid. Facile contemnitur Clericus, qui faepe vocatus ad pran- 
 dium, ire non recufat. [«] Naz,. Orat. 20. de Laud. Bafil. 
 P- 3f7- [ w l Naz,. Ibid. p. 34-9. [*] Sozom. lib. 6. 
 
 c. 16, [y] Hieron. Ep. ad Rullic. Nihil illo ditius, qui 
 
 Corpus Domini caniftro viminco, fanguinem portat in vitro. 
 [2,] Can. Apolt. c. 40. \<;u tpAviey, t£ i cT/ct Ta vhq-kuttx 
 
 Vol. I, 
 
 'X^^fJcLTA (<rlyt Jt) i<T/cl iyjr) tH-ViC?- Tct KVeictKcL, &'C. 
 
 [a] Cone. Antioch. c. 14." Cone. Agathcn. c. 4S. Cone. 
 Carth. 3. c. 49. [£] Anibr. Ep. 17. Quid tnihi prodeft 
 
 in Ciero manere, fubire injurias, labores perpeti, quaii non poffit 
 ager meus me pafcere. 
 
 D d d 
 
 berty, 
 
206 
 
 The A n t i qjj itibs of the 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 berty, whether he would difpofe of his Eftate 
 to any pious Ufe or not. Only if he did not, it 
 was expected he fhould be more generous in his 
 Charities, and lefs burdenfome to the Church, 
 his needs being fupplied another way. Though 
 neither was this forced upon him by any Law, 
 but only urged upon Reafons of Charity [c] ; 
 leaving him Judge of his own Necefficies, and 
 not forbidding him to have his Dividend in the 
 Church, if in his own Prudence he thought fit 
 to require it. Socrates [d] commends Cryfan- 
 thus a Novatian Bifhop upon this account, that 
 having an Eftate of his own, he never took any 
 thing of the Church, fave two Loaves of the 
 Eulogia, or Offerings on Sunday; though he 
 does not once intimate, that there was any Law 
 to compel him to do fo. As neither does Prof- 
 per^ who fpeaks molt of any other againft rich 
 Men's taking their Portion in the Charities of 
 the Church. He reckons it indeed [e~] a dif- 
 hcnourable Act and a Sin in them, becaufe it 
 was to deprive others of the Church's Charity, 
 who flood more in need of it : And he thinks, 
 though a rich Clergyman might keep his own 
 Eftate without Sin, becaufe there was no Law 
 but the Law of Perfection to oblige him to re- 
 nounce it > yet it rauft be upon condition that 
 he required none of the Maintenance of the 
 Church [/] : But he only delivers this as his- 
 own private Opinion, and does not fignify that 
 there was then any fuch ftanding Law in the 
 Church. In Africk they had a peculiar Law a- 
 gainft Covetoufnefs in the time of St. Auftin^ 
 which was, That if any Bifnop, Presbyter, or 
 Deacon, or any other Clerk, who had no E- 
 itate when they were ordained, did afterward 
 \_g\ purchafe Lands in his own Name, they 
 fhould be impleaded as guilty of invading the 
 Lord's Revenue, uniefs upon Admonition they 
 conferred the fame upon the Church. For 
 in thofe times the Church -Revenues being 
 fmall, no ones Dividend was more than a com- 
 petent Maintenance : And therefore it was pre- 
 sumed, that he who could purchafe Lands in 
 fuch Circumftances, mult have been fome way 
 injurious to the Publick Revenues of the 
 Church. But in the fame Law it was provided, 
 that if any Eftate was left them by Donation 
 or Inheritance, they might difpofe of it as they 
 pleafed themfelves : For the Church made no 
 Rules, but only gave her Advice, in fuch Cafes 
 as thefe; exhorting her wealthy Clergy to 
 
 greater degrees of Liberality, but not demand- 
 ing their Eftates to have them at her own Dif- 
 pofal. On the other hand, when Clergymen, 
 who had not viflble Eftates of their own, and 
 were fingle Men, and had no poor Families to 
 provide for, were bufily intent upon grow- 
 ing rich out of the Revenues of the Church: 
 This was always efteemed a fcandalous Cove- 
 toufnefs, and accordingly profecuted with fharp 
 Invectives by St. Jerom [h~] and others of the 
 ancient Writers. So much of the Laws of Cha- 
 rity, which concerned the ancient Clergy. 
 
 I might here give a Character SECT. X. 
 of their Meeknefs, Modefty, of their great c*re 
 Gravity, Humility, and feveral tobeinoffenfiwvith 
 other Virtues, which Nazian- ths " T °H»". 
 zen defcribes in the Perfon of his own Father: 
 But I (hall but take Notice of two things more 
 which concerned the Conduct of their Lives, 
 and thofe are the Laws relating firft to their 
 Words, and fecondly to their Fame and Repu- 
 tation. For their Words, they who were to 
 teach others the moft difficult part of humane 
 Conduct, the Government of the Tongue, were 
 highly concerned to be Examples to the People, 
 as well in Word as Action. And to this Pur- 
 pofe the Laws were very fevereagainft all manner 
 of licentious Difcourfe in their Converfation. 
 The 4th Council of Carthage has three Canons 
 together upon this Head ; one of which [f] for- 
 bids Scurrility, and Buffoonery, or that foolifh 
 Talking and Jelling with Obfcenity, which the 
 Apoftle calls, BwjuoXo^'a, under the Penalty of 
 Deprivation. Another threatens [£] fuch with 
 Excommunication, as ufe to fwear by the Name 
 of any Creature. And a third Canon jT] mena- 
 ces the fame Puniihment to fuch as fing at any 
 Publick Entertainments. St. Jerom particularly 
 cautions his Clerk againfl Detraction, becaufe of 
 the Temptation he may lie under either to com- 
 mit the Sin himfelf, or give way to it in others, 
 by hearkning to and reporting falfe Suggeftions 
 after them. Which is much the fame thing: 
 For no Slanderer tells his ftory to one \_m~] that 
 is not willing to hear him. An Arrow, fays he, 
 never fixes upon a Stone, but often recoils back, 
 and wounds him that fhoots it. Therefore let 
 the Detracter learn to be lefs forward and bufle, 
 by your Unwillingnefs to hear his Detraction. 
 St. Chryfojiom \jf\ takes notice of this Vice, as 
 moft incident to Inferiors, whom Envy and 
 
 [c] Vide Can. Apoft. c. 41. Cone. Antioch. c. if. 
 [d~\ Socrat. lib. 7. c. 1 2. [f] Profper. de Vit. Contempl. 
 lib. z. c. ii. Noverint efTe deformius, PofTeflbres de Eleemoly- 
 nis pauperum pafci. [/] Ibid. Mi qui tarn infirmi funr, ut 
 Pofleifionibus fuis renunciare non poflinr; fi ea quae accepturi e- 
 rant, Difpenfatori relinquant, nihil habencibus confeienda, fine pec- 
 cato poiTident fua. [g~\ Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 49. Placuit, 
 
 ut Epifcopi, Presbyteri, Diaconi, vel quicunque Clerici, qui nihil 
 habente$ ordinantur, 8c tempore Epifcopatus vel Clericatus fui, a- 
 gros vel qusecunque praedia nomine fuo comparant, tanquam re- 
 rum Divinarum Invafionis crimine teneantur obnoxii, nifi admo- 
 niti Ecclefiae eadem ipfa contulcrint. [h] Hicron. Ep. 2. ad 
 Nepotian. Nonnulli fiint diciorcs Monachi, quam fuerant Saecu- 
 
 lares: Et Clerici qui poffideant opes fub Chrifto paupere, quas 
 fub locuplete 8c fallace Diabolo non habuerant: Ut lufpiret eos 
 Ecclefia Divites, quos mundus tcnuit ante Mendicos. 
 [«] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 60. Clericum Scurrilem, 8c verbis turpi- 
 bus joculatorem, ab Officio detrahendum. \k] Ibid. c. 6 1. 
 
 Clericum per Creaturas jurantem acerrime objurgar.dum. Si per- 
 ftiterit in vitio, excommunicandum. [/J Ibid. c. 62. Cleri- 
 cum inter Epulas cantantem fupradi&ae fententicE feveritate coer- 
 cendum. [m] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepot. Neque vero ilia ju- 
 fta eft Excufado, Referentibus aliis, injuriam facere non pofTum. 
 Nemo invito auditori ltbenter refert, 8cc, [»] Chryf. de 
 
 Sacerd. lib. c. 8. 
 
 7 
 
 Emulation 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 207 
 
 Emulation too often prompt to detract from the 
 Authority and Virtues of their Bifhopj efpccially 
 when they are grown popular and admired for 
 their own eloquent Preaching ; then if they be 
 of a bold and arrogant and vain-glorious Tem- 
 per, their bufinefs is to deride him in private, 
 and detract from his Authority, and make them- 
 felves every thing by leffcning his juft Character 
 and Power. Upon this hint our Author alfo 
 takes occafion to fhew, what an extraordinary 
 Courage and Spirit, and how Divine and Even 
 a. Temper aBifhop ought to have, that by fuch 
 Temptations, and a thoufand others of the like 
 nature, he be not overwhelmed either with An- 
 ger or Envy on the one hand, or infupcrable 
 Sorrow and Deje&ion of Mind on the other. 
 St. Jerom recommends another Virtue of the 
 Tongue to his Clerk, which is of great ufe 
 in Converfation - y and that is the keeping of Se- 
 crets, and knowing when to be filent, efpccially 
 about the Affairs of great Men. Your Office, 
 fays he, requires you to vifit the fick, and there- 
 by you [o] become acquainted with the Families 
 of Matrons and their Children, and are entrufted 
 with the Secrets of noble Men. You ought 
 therefore to keep not only a chafte Eye, but al- 
 fo a chafte Tongue. And as it is not your Bu- 
 finefs to be talking of the Beauties of Women j 
 fo neither to let one Houfe know from you 
 what was done in another. For if Hippocrates 
 adjured his Difciples, before he taught them, 
 and made them take an Oath of Silence } if he 
 formed them in their Difcourfe, their Gate, 
 their Meekncfs and Modefty, their Habit, and 
 their whole Morals j how much more ought 
 we, who have the Care of Souls committed 
 to us, to love the Houfes of all Chriftians 
 as if they were our own? He means, that 
 the Clergy fhould be formed to the Art of 
 Silence, as carefully as Hippocrates taught his 
 Scholars ; that the Peace and Unity of 
 Chriftian Families might not be difturbed 
 or difcompofed by Revealing the Secrets of 
 one to another j which it is certain no one 
 will do, that has the Property which St. Je- 
 rom requires, of Loving every Chriftian Fami- 
 ly as his own. 
 
 SECT. XI. idly, As they were thus taught 
 
 of their can to to k e i no fFenfive both in Word 
 
 guard agamfiSufr- ^ j}^ and thereby fccure a 
 oon of Evil. j j rt 
 
 1 good JName and Reputation a- 
 
 mong Men} which was neceflary for the due 
 Exercife of their Function : So becaufe it was 
 poflible their Credit might be impaired not only 
 by the Commifiion of real Evil, but by the 
 very Appearance and Sufpicion of it 3 the Laws 
 of the Church upon thi9 Account were very ex- 
 act in requiring them to fet a Guard upon their 
 whole Deportment, and avoid all fufpicious A- 
 ctions, that might give the Jeaft Umbrage or 
 Handle to an Adverfary to reproach them. It 
 
 was not enough in this Cafe, that a Man kept a 
 good Confcience in the fight of GOD, but he 
 muft provide or forecaft for honeft things in the 
 fight of Men. And this was the more difficult, 
 becaufe Men are apt to be Querulous againft the 
 Clergy, as St. Chryfoflom oblerves, fome through 
 Weaknefs and Imprudence, others through Ma- 
 lice, eafily railing Complaints and Accufations 
 without any juft ground, and difficultly heark- 
 ning to any Reafons or Apologies that they 
 can offer in their own Defence. But the more 
 querulous and fufpicious Men are, the more 
 watchful it becomes the Clergy to be againft 
 unjuft Surmifes, that they may cut off Oc- 
 cafion from them that defire Occafion to ac- 
 cufe or reproach them. To this End they 
 are to ufe the utmoft Diligence and Precaution 
 to guard againft the ill Opinions of Men, by 
 avoiding all Actions that are of a doubtful 
 or fufpicious nature. For, fays St. Chryfoftom 
 [/>], if the Holy Apoftle St. Paul was afraid left 
 he fhould have been fufpe&ed of Theft by the 
 Corinthians; and upon that Account took others 
 into the Adminiftration of their Charity with 
 himfelf, that no one might have the leaft Pre- 
 tence to blame him ; how much more careful 
 fnould we be to cut off all Occafions of finifter 
 Opinions and Sufpicions, however falfe or unrea- 
 fonable they may be, or difagreeable to our Cha- 
 racter? For none of us can be fo far removed 
 from any Sin, as St. Paul was from Theft: Yec 
 he did not think fit to contemn the Sufpicions 
 of the vulgar : He did not truft to the Reputati- 
 on, which both his Miracles and the Integrity 
 of his Life had generally gained him : But on 
 the contrary he imagined fuch Sufpicions and 
 Jealoufies might arife in the Hearts of fome Men, 
 and therefore he took care to prevent them j not 
 fuffering them to arife at all, but timely fore- 
 feeing, and prudently foreftalling them : provi- 
 ding, as he fays, for honeft things not only in 
 the fight of GOD, but alfo in the fight of 
 Men. The fame Care and much greater fhould 
 we take, not only to diflipate and deftroy the ill 
 Opinions Men may have entertained of us, but 
 to forefee afar off from what Caufes they may 
 fpring, and to cut off beforehand the very Occa- 
 fions and Pretences from whence they may grow: 
 Which is much eafier to be done, than to ex- 
 tinguifh. them when they are rifen, which will 
 then be very difficult, perhaps impoflible : Be- 
 fides that their being raifed will give great Scan- 
 dal and Offence, and wound the Confciences of 
 many. Thus that holy Father argues upon this 
 Point, according to his wonted manner, nervouf- 
 ly and ftrenuoufly, to fhew the Clergy their Ob- 
 ligations to ufe their utmoft Prudence to forefee 
 and prevent Scandal, by avoiding all Actions of 
 a doubtful and fufpicious Nature. St. Jerom [_q~] 
 gives his Clerk the fame Inftmctions, to guard a- 
 gainft Sufpicions, and take Care beforehand to 
 minifter no probable Grounds for raifing any 
 
 [0] Hieron. Ep. 
 cerd. lib. 6. c. 9. 
 
 ad Nepotian. 
 [9] Hieron. 
 
 [ p ] Chryf. de Sa- 
 Ep. 2, ad Nepot. Ca- 
 
 veto omnes fufpiciones 8c quicquid probabilitcr fingi poteft, ne fin- 
 gatur, ante devita, 8cc. 
 
 Dddz 
 
 feigned 
 
208 The A nt i qjj i t i b s of the Book 
 
 feigned Stories concerning him. If his Office re- 
 quired him to vifit the Widows or Virgins of 
 the Church, he fhould never go to them alone, 
 but always take fome other Perfons of known 
 Probity and Gravity with him, from whofe Com- 
 pany he would receive no Defamation. 
 
 sect. XII. Nor was this only the pri- 
 L.tws relating to V ate Direction of St. Jerom, but 
 this Matter. a pu blj c k Rule of the Church. 
 
 For in the third Council of Carthage this Canon 
 was enacted, That neither Bifhop [r] nor Pref- 
 byter, nor any other Clerk fhould vifit the Wi- 
 dows and Virgins alone, bun in the Company 
 and Prefence of fome other of .the Clergy, or 
 fome grave Chriftians. And in the i ft Council 
 of Carthage [j] and the Council of Epone [f\ 
 there are Canons to the fame Purpofe. 
 
 SECT. XIII. The great Council of Nice 
 
 An Account of the made another Order upon the 
 
 Agapetx and ov f ame Grounds, to prevent all fi- 
 
 r«V**V, and the nifter Opinions, that none of the 
 
 Laws of the Church - j /~>i t»-/i_ -or 
 
 madelgamfithem. unmarried Clergy, Bifhop, Pref- 
 byter, Deacon, or any other [u] 
 fhould have any Woman that was a Stranger, and 
 not one of their Kindred, to dwell with themj 
 fave only a Mother, a Sifter or an Aunt, or fome 
 fuch Perfons, with whom they might live with- 
 out Sul'picion. They who hence conclude, that 
 the Clergy were forbidden to cohabit with their 
 Wives, which they had married before Ordina- 
 tion, are fufficiently expofed by Gothofred [w], 
 as Ignorant of the true import of the original 
 Word, <ruuu«07XK]©-, which never denotes a Wife, 
 but always a Stranger, in oppofition to thofe of 
 ones Kindred : And it is evident, the Canon was 
 made not upon the account of the married Cler- 
 gy, but the unmarried, to prevent Sufpicion and 
 evil Reports, that might eafily arife from their 
 familiar Converfation with Women that were 
 not of their Kindred or near Relations. We may 
 be fatisfied of this from a Law of Honorius and 
 Theodofius Junior, which was made in pufuance 
 of the Nicene Canon, and is ftill extant in both 
 the Codes [#], where firft having forbidden the 
 Clergy to cohabit with any ftrange Women, who 
 by fome were taken in under the Title and Ap- 
 pellation of Sifters j and having named whatPer- 
 ons they might lawfully entertain in their 
 Houfes, viz. Mothers, Daughters, and Sifters, 
 becaufe natural Confanguinity would prevent all 
 
 Sufpicion of thefe : Left the not excepting of 
 Wives, might feem to exclude them alfo, a par- 
 ticular Claufe is added concerning them, That fuch 
 as were married before their Husbands were Or- 
 dained, fhould not be relinquifhed upon Pretence 
 of Chaftity, but rather be retained upon that 
 Account j it being but reafonable that they fhould 
 be joyned to their Husbands, who by their Con- 
 verfation made their Husbands worthy of the 
 Prieftood. The aovaa-a-Zlci then, or Strangers, 
 who in thefe Laws are forbidden to Cohabit with 
 the Clergy, are not their lawful Wives, but o- 
 thers who were taken in under the Name of Si- 
 fters, as that Law of Honorius, and other anci- 
 ent Writers [_y~] intimate they were called by 
 thofe that entertained them. St. Jerom [z] and 
 Epiphanius [_a] tell us, they were alfo known by 
 the Name of Jgapeta, dya7rrf}?u, that is, Belo- 
 ved. So that all thefe feveral Names fignifie but 
 that one fort of Perfons, moft commonly called 
 Strangers, Extranet, and criwajaxHot) whofe Con- 
 verfation was fufpicious, and therefore fo often 
 prohibited by the Laws of the Church. They 
 were commonly fome of the Virgins belonging 
 to the Church, whom they that entertained pre- 
 tended only to love as Sifters with a chaft Love. 
 But their manner of converfing was fometimes fo 
 very fcandalous, that it juftly gave great Offence 
 to all fober and modeft Perfons 5 and had not 
 the Church always interpofed with her feverefb 
 Cenfures, it muft have made her liable to as 
 great Reproach. For it appears from the Com- 
 plaints of St. Cyprian [£], St. Jcrom [c] and o- 
 thers, that the Practice of fome was very intole- 
 rable: For they not only dwelt together in the 
 fame Houfe, but lodged in the fame Room, and 
 fometimes in the fame Bedj and yet would be- 
 thought Innocent, and called others uncharitable 
 and fufpicious, that entertained any hard thoughts 
 of them. But the Church did not regard vain 
 Words, but treated them as they juftly defer- 
 ved, as Perfons that ufed a fcandalous and inde- 
 cent Liberty, and who were the very Pelts and 
 Plagues of the Church. Cyprian [_d~\ commends 
 Pomponius for excommunicating a Deacon, who 
 had been found Guilty in this kind. And the 
 Council of Antioch {V| alledged this among o- 
 ther Reafons for their depofing Paulus Samofa- 
 tenfts from his Bifhoprick. In the following 
 Ages, befides the Councils of Nice and Ancyra 
 already mentioned, we meet with many other 
 Canons made upon this Account, as in the fe- 
 
 [>] Cone. Carth. 3. c. if. Nee Epifcopi aut Presbyteri foli ha- 
 beant acceflum ad hujufmodi foeminas, nil! aut Clerici praefentes 
 finr, aut graves aliqui Chriftiani. [j] Cone. Carth. i. c. 3. 
 
 [t] Cone. Epaunenf. c. 20. [»] Cone. Nicen. c. 3. f*}> 
 
 r\ Sei&v, See. [w] Gothofred. 'Not. in Cod. Tkeodof. lib. 16. 
 
 tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 44. [*] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de 
 
 Epifc. leg.44. It. Cod. Juft. lib. 1. tit. 3. leg. 19. Eum qui pro- 
 babilem feculo Difciplinam agit, decolorari confortio fororix appel- 
 lations non decet. Quicunque igitur cujufcunque gradus Sacerdo- 
 tio fulciuntur, vel Clericatus honore cenfentur, Extranearum fibi 
 mulierum interdidta confortio cognofcant; has eis tantum facul- 
 tate concefla, ut Matres, Filias, atque Germanas intra domorum 
 ftiarum fepta contineant. In his enim nihil fcevi Criminis exifti- 
 
 mari Fcedus naturale permittit. Mas etiam non relinqui caftiratis 
 hortatur affe&io, qua: ante facerdotium maritorum legitimum me- 
 ruerc Conjugium. Neque enim Clericis incompetenter adjunct 
 funt, quae dignos Sacerdotio viros fua Converfatione fecerunt. 
 [y~\ Vid. Cone. Ancyr. c. 19. [z] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Eu- 
 
 fioch. p. 138. [«] Epiphan. Hxr. 63. Origen. n. 2. 
 
 [£] Cypr. Ep. 6. al. 14. Ep. 7. al. 13. Ep. 62. al. 4. [c] Hie- 
 ron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. de Virgin. Servand. Unde in Ecclclias A- 
 gapetarum Peftis introiit? Unde fine nuptiis aliud nomen uxorum? 
 Imo unde novum Concubinarum genus ? Plus inferam : Unde 
 Meretrices Univirx? Quae eadem domo, uno Cubiculo, faepe uno 
 tenentur & Leclulo; 8c fufpiciofos nos voeant, fi aliquid exifti- 
 mamus. [d~] Cypr. Ep. 6i. al. 4. ad Pompon. [e] Epift. 
 Syuod. ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 30. 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 209 
 
 cond Council of Aries [/] the firft, third and 
 fourth Councils of Carthage [g], the Council of 
 Eliberh [Jo], and Lerida [i], and many others, 
 prohibiting the Clergy to entertain any Women, 
 who were Strangers, and not of their near Rela-^ 
 tions, under Pain of Deprivation. The Intent of 
 all which Canons was to oblige the Clergy not 
 only to live innocently in the fight of GOD, 
 but alfo unblameably, and without Sufpicion and 
 Cenfurc in the light of Men. It being more 
 efpecially neceflary for Men of their Function to 
 maintain not only a good Confcience, but a good 
 Name> the one for their own fake, the other 
 for the fake of their Neighbours [£] : That Men 
 might neither be tempted to Blafpheme the 
 Ways of GOD, by fufpecting the Actions of 
 Holy Men to be impure, when they were not fo; 
 nor be induced to imitate fuch Practices, as they 
 at leaft imagined to be evil: Either of which 
 would turn to the Deftruction of their Souls. So 
 that it was Cruelty and Inhumanity, as St. Au- 
 fiin cc ncludcs, for a Man in fuch Circum fiances 
 to neglect and difregard his own Reputation. 
 
 SECT. Xiv. But it might happen, that a 
 fdaltveleat -.ndUn- Man after the utmoft humane 
 avoidable Sufpicions Caution and Prudence that could 
 
 to be contemned. be ufcdj mjght nQt be aWe tQ a _ 
 
 void the Malevolent Sufpicions of ill-difpofed 
 Men : For our bleffed Lord, whofe Innocence 
 and Conduct were both equally Divine, could 
 not in his Converfe with Men wholly efcape 
 them. Now in this cafe the Church could pre- 
 fcribc no other Rule, but that of Patience and 
 Chriftian Confolation given by our Saviour to his 
 Apoftles. Blejfed are ye 'when Men Jhall revile you 
 and perfecute you, and JJoall fay all manner of evil 
 [*] againfl you falfly for my fake : Rejoice, and be 
 exceeding glad ; for great is your reward in Heaven. 
 When we have done, fays St. Auftin [/], all that 
 in Juftice and Prudence we could to preferve 
 our good Name j if after that fome Men not- 
 withstanding will endeavour to blemifh our Re- 
 putation, and blacken our Character, either by 
 falfe Suggeftions or unreafonable Sufpicions ; lec 
 Confcience be our Comfort , nay plainly our 
 Joy, that great is your Reward in Heaven. 
 For this Reward is the Wages of our Warfare, 
 whilft wc behave ourfelves as good Soldiers of 
 Chrift, by the Armour of Righteoufnefs on the 
 Right Hand and on the Left, by Honour and 
 Difhonour, by evil Report, and good Report. 
 So much of the Laws of the Church, relating 
 to the Life and Converfation of the ancient 
 Clergy. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of Laws more particularly relating to the Exercife of the Duties and Offices 
 
 of their FunBion, 
 
 J Come now to fpeak of fuch 
 
 SECT I. 
 
 The clergy obh S eJ to ± Laws as more immediately re- 
 
 letdaJludwusLtfe. tQ thdr Fun6tionj and the 
 
 feveral Offices and Duties belonging to it. In 
 ipeaking of which, becaufe many of thefe Offices 
 will come more fully to be confldered hereafter, 
 when we treat of the Liturgy and Service of the 
 Church, I fhall here fpeak chiefly of fuch Du- 
 ties as were required of them by way of general 
 Qualification, to enable them the better to go 
 through the particular Duties of their Function. 
 Such was in the firft Place their Obligation to 
 lead a ftudious Life. For fince, as Gregory Na- 
 zianzen [a] obferves, the meaneft Arts could not 
 be obtained without much Time, and Labour 
 and Toil fpent therein ; it were abfurd to think, 
 that the Art of Wifdom, which comprehends 
 the Knowledge of things Human and Divine, 
 and comprizes every thing that is Noble and 
 Excellent, was fo light and vulgar a thing, as 
 that a Man needed no more but a Wifh or a 
 Will to obtain it. Some indeed, he complains 
 were of this fond Opinion, and therefore 
 before they had well pafled the time of their 
 Childhood, or knew the Names of the Books of 
 
 the Old and New Tejlament, or how well to read 
 them, if they had but got two or three pious 
 Words by Heart, or had read a few of the Pfalms 
 of David, and put on a grave Habit, which 
 made fome outward fhew of Piety, they had the 
 Vanity to think, they were qualified for the Go- 
 vernment of the Church. They then talked no- 
 thing but of Samuel's Sanctification from his 
 Cradle, and thought themfelves profound Scribes, 
 and great Rabbies and Teachers, fublime in the 
 Knowledge of divine Things, and were for in- 
 terpreting the Scripture not by the Letter, but 
 after a fpiritual way, propounding their own 
 Dreams and Fancies, inftead of the divine Ora- 
 cles to the People. This, he complains, was 
 for want of that Study and Labour, which ought 
 to be the continual Employment of Pcrfons who 
 take upon them the Offices of the facred Fun- 
 ction. St. Chryfoftom purfues this Matter a little 
 farther, and fhews the Neceffity of continual 
 Labour and Study in a Clergyman, from the 
 Work and Bufinefs he has upon his Hand, each 
 Part of which requires great Sedulity and Appli- 
 cation. For firft he ought to be qualified to mi- 
 nifter fuicable Remedies to the feveral Maladie 
 
 [/] Cone. Arelat. a. c. j. [g] Cone. Carth. i. c. 3. 8c 4. Tom. 4. Nobis neceflariaeft vira noftra, aliis Fama noftra, See. 
 
 Carth. 3. c. 17. Carth. 4, e. 46. [b] Cone. Eliber. c. 27. [*] Mat. v. ir. [/] Aug. ibid, [a] Naz. Orat. 1 . de Fuga. 
 
 ['] Cone. Ilerdenf, c. ij\ [k] Aug.de Bono Viduitat. c. 22. Tom. i.p. 22- \f] Ibid, p, 21. 
 
 6 and 
 
210 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VI 
 
 and Diftempers [c] of Mens Souls > the Cure of 
 which requires greater Skill and Labour, than 
 the Cure of their bodily Diftempers : And this is 
 only to be done by the Doctrine of the Gofpel, 
 which therefore required that he fhould be inti- 
 mately acquainted with every Part of it. Then 
 again he muff, be able to ftop the Mouths of all 
 Gainfayers \_d~], Jews, Gentiles, and Hereticks, 
 who had different Arts, and different Weapons 
 to aflault the Truth by : And unlefs he exactly 
 underflood all their Fallacies and Sophifms, and 
 knew the true Art of making a proper Defence, 
 he would be in Danger not only of fuffering each 
 of them to make Spoil and Devaftation of the 
 Church, but of encouraging one Error, whilft 
 he was oppofing another. For nothing was more 
 common, than for ignorant and unskilful Difpu- 
 tants to run from one Extream to another j as 
 he fhews in the Controverfies which the Church 
 had with the Marcionites and Valentinians on the 
 one hand, and the Jews on the other, about the 
 Law of Mofes ; and the Difpute about the Tri- 
 nity between the Arians and Sabellians. Now un- 
 lefs a Man was well skilled and exercifed in the 
 Word of GOD, and the true Art and Rules of 
 Difputation, which could not be attained with- 
 out continual Study and Labour, he concludes, 
 it would be impoflible for him to maintain his 
 Ground, and the Truth, as he ought, againft fo 
 many fubtle and wily Oppofers. Upon this he 
 inculcates [e] that Direction of St- Paul to 'Timo- 
 thy ^ i Tim. iv. 13. Give Attendance to Reading, to 
 Exhortation, to Dotlrine; Meditate upon thefe 
 things j give thy felf voholly to them, that thy Pro- 
 fiting may appear to all Men. ylly, He fhews [/] 
 how difficult and laborious a Work it was to 
 make continual Homilies and fet Difcourfes to 
 the People, who were become very fevere Judges 
 of the Preacher's Compofures, and would not al- 
 low him to rehearfe any part of another Man's 
 Work, nor fo much as to repeat his own upon a 
 fecond Occafion. Here his Task was fomething 
 the more difficult, becaufe Men had generally 
 nice and delicate Palates, and were inclined to 
 hear Sermons as they heard Plays, more for Plea- 
 iure than Profit: Which added to the Preacher's 
 Study and Labour ; who though he was to con- 
 temn both popular Applaufe and Cenfure, yet 
 was he alfo to have fuch a Regard to his Audi- 
 tory, as that they might hear him with Plea- 
 fure to their Edification and Advantage. And 
 the more famed and eloquent the Preacher was, 
 fo much the more careful [g] and ftudious ought 
 he to be, that he may always artfwer his Cha- 
 racter, and not expofe himfelf to the Cenfures 
 and Accufations of the People. Thefe and the 
 like Arguments does that holy Father urge, to 
 ihew how much it concerns Men of the facred 
 Calling to devote themfelves to a ftudious and 
 laborious Life, that they may be the better qua- 
 lified thereby to anfwer the feveral indifpenfible 
 Duties of their Functions. 
 
 Some indeed, St. Chryfoftom SECT. n. 
 fays, were ready to plead even No pleas allowd as 
 the Apoftles Authority for their j»fl apologies for the 
 Ignorance, and almofl value 
 themfelves for want of Learning, becaufe the 
 Apoftle fays of himfelf, that he was rude in 
 Speech. But to this the Holy Father juftly re- 
 plies, That this was a Mifreprefentation of the 
 great Apoftle, and vainly urged to excufe any 
 Man's Sloth and [h~\ Negligence in not attain- 
 ing to thofe necefTary Parts of Knowlcge which 
 the Clerical Life required. If the ut molt 
 Heights and Perfections of Exotick Eloquence 
 had been rigidly exacted of the Clergy j if they 
 had been to fpeak always with the Smoothnefs of 
 Ifocrates, or the Loftinefs of Dcmoflhenes, or the 
 Majefty of Thucydidesj or the Sublimity of Plato ; 
 then indeed it might be pertinent to alledge this' 
 Teftimony of the Apoftle : But rudenefs of Stile, 
 in comparifon of fuch Eloquence, may be allow- 
 ed > provided Men be othcrwife qualified with 
 Knowledge, and Ability to Preach and Difpute 
 accurately concerning the Doctrines of Faith 
 and Religion ; as St. Paul was, whofe Talents 
 in that kind have made him the Wonder and 
 Admiration of the whole World ; and it would 
 be unjuft to accufe him of rudenefs of Speecb s 
 who by his Difcourfes confounded both Jews and 
 Greeks, and wrought many into the Opinion 
 that he was the Mercury of the Gentiles. Such 
 Proofs of his Power of Perfwafion were fuffi- 
 cient Evidence, that he had fpent fome Pains in 
 this way; and therefore his Authority was fond- 
 ly abufed to patronize Ignorance and Sloth , 
 whofe Example was fo great a Reproach to 
 them. Others again there were, who placed 
 the Whole of a Miniller in a good Life, and 
 that was made another Excufe for the want of 
 Knowledge and Study, and the Art of Preaching 
 and Difputing. But to this St. Chyfoftom p] alfo 
 replies, That both thefe Qualifications were re- 
 quired in a Prieftj he muft not only do, but 
 teach the Commands of Chriftj and guide others 
 by his Word and Doctrine, as well as by his 
 Practice : Each of thefe had their Part in his Of- 
 fice, and were necefTary to affift one another, in 
 order to confummate Mens Edification. For o- 
 therwife, when any Controversy would arife a- 
 bout the Doctrines of Religion, and Scripture 
 was pleaded in behalf of Error j what would a 
 good Life avail in this Cafe? What would it 
 fignify to have been diligent in the Practice of 
 Virtue, if after all, a Man through grofs Igno- 
 rance and Unskilfulnefs in the Word of Truth, 
 fell into Herefy, and cut himfelf off from the 
 Body of the Church? As he knew many that 
 had done fo. But admit a Man fhould ftand firm 
 himfelf, and not be drawn away by the Adverfa- 
 ries; yet when the plain and fimple People, who 
 are under his Care, fhall obferve their Leader to 
 be baffled, and that he has nothing to fay to the 
 Arguments of a fubtle Oppofer, they will be 
 
 \c] Chryf. de Sacerd. lib. 4. c. 3. [</] Ibid. lib. 4. c. 4. lib. f. c. f. [b] Chryf de Sacerd. lib, 4. c. 6. 
 
 [*] Chryf. Ibid. lib. 4. c. 8. [/] Ibid. lib. j. c. if [#] Ibid, de Sacerd. lib 4. c. 8, 8c 9, 
 
 [ij Chryf. 
 ready 
 
Chap. HI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 211 
 
 ready to impute this not fo much to the Weak- 
 neis of the Advocate, as theBadnefs of his Caufe: 
 And fo by one Man's Ignorance a whole People 
 fhall be carried headlong to utter Deftruftionj 
 or at lealt be fo ihaken in their Faith, that they 
 fliall not Hand firm for the future. St. Jerom 
 gives alfo a fmart Rebuke to this Plea, telling 
 [£] his Clerk, That the plain and ruftick Bro- 
 ther fhould not value himfclf upon his Sanctity, 
 and defpife Knowledge > as neither fhould the 
 artful and eloquent Speaker meafure his Holinefs 
 by his Tongue. For though of two Imperfecti- 
 ons it was better to have a holy Ignorance, than 
 a vicious Eloquence j yet to confummate a Prieft 
 both Qualifications were neceflary, and he muft 
 have Knowledge as well as Sanctity to fit him 
 for the feveral Duties of his Function. Thus did 
 thofe Inftructcrs plead againft Ignorance in the 
 Clergy, and urge them with proper Arguments 
 to engage them upon a ftudious Life, which was 
 the only Way to furnifh them with fufficient A- 
 bilities to dilcharge many weighy Duties of their 
 Function. 
 
 SECT. III. But it was not all forts of 
 Thar chief stu- Studies that they equally recom- 
 f ' " bt the , H f mended, but chiefly the Study of 
 
 Scriptures, and the . T T , ' J , . 
 
 proved wmers tlie Holy Scriptures} as being the 
 and cmons of the Fountains of that Learning , 
 church, which was mod proper for their 
 
 Calling, and which upon all Oc- 
 cafions they were to make Ufe of. For as St. 
 Chryfoftom obferves [/], in the way of Admini- 
 ftring fpiritual Phyfick to the Souls of Men, the 
 Word of GOD was inftead of every thing that 
 was ufed in the Cure of Bodily Diftcmpers. It 
 was lnftrument, and Diet, and Air* it was in- 
 ftead of Medicine, and Fire, and Knife; if Cau- 
 fticks or Incifions were neceflary, they were to 
 be done by this/ And if this did not fucceed, it 
 would be in vain to try other Means. This was 
 it that was to raife and comfort the Dejected 
 Soul, and take down and affwage the fvvelling 
 Tumors and Prefumptions of the Confident. By 
 this they were both to cut off what was fuper- 
 fluous, and iupply what was wanting, and do 
 every thing that was neceflary to be clone in the 
 Cure of Souls. By this all Hereticks and Ali- 
 ens were to be convinced, and all the Plots of 
 Satan to be countermined: And therefore it was 
 neceflary that the Minifters of GOD fhould be 
 very diligent in ftudying the Scriptures, that the 
 Word of Chrift might dwell richly in them. 
 This was neceflary to qualify them efpecially for 
 Preaching; fince, as Si. Jerom rightly notes [m], 
 the bell Commendation of a Sermon was to have 
 
 it feafoned well with Scripture rightly applied- 
 Befides, the Cuftom of Expounding the Scripture 
 occafionally many times as it was read, required 
 a Man to be well acquainted with all the Parts 
 of it, and to underftand both the Phrafe and 
 Senfe, and Doctrine, and Myfteries of it, that 
 he might be ready upon all Occaiions to dif- 
 courfe pertinently and ufefully upon them. And 
 to this purpofe lbme Canons [_n\ appointed, that 
 their molt vacant Hours, the Times of Eating 
 and Drinking, fhould not pals without fome 
 Portion of Scripture read to them > partly to ex- 
 clude all other trifling and unnecefTary Difcouife, 
 and partly to afford them proper Themes and 
 Subjects to exercife themfelves upon to Edifica- 
 tion and Advantage. St. Jerom commends his 
 Friend Nepotian for this, that at all Fealts [0] 
 he was ufed to propound fomething out of the 
 Holy Scripture, and entertain the Company with 
 fome ufeful Difquifition upon it. And next to 
 the Scriptures he employed his Time upon the 
 Study of the belt Ecclefiaftical Authors, whom 
 by continual Reading and frequent Meditations 
 he had fo treafured up in the Library of his 
 Heart, that he could repeit their Words upon any 
 proper Occafion, faying,Thus fpake Tertullian, thus 
 Cyprian, fo Laclantius, after this Manner Hillary, 
 fo Minutius Felix, fo ViEiorinus, thefe were the 
 Words of Arnobius, and the like. But among 
 Ecclefiaftical W ritings, the Canons of the Church 
 were always reckoned of greateft Ufe ; as con- 
 taining a fummary Account not only of the 
 Church's Difcipline and Doctrine, and Govern- 
 ment, but alfo Rules of Life and Moral Vir- 
 tues : Upon which account, as fome Laws di- 
 rected that the Canons fhould be read over at e- 
 very Man's Ordination : fo others required the 
 [/>] Clergy afterward to make them part of 
 their conltant Study together with the Holy 
 Scripture. For the Canons were then a fort of 
 Directions for the Paftoral Care, and they had 
 this Advantage of any Private Directions, that: 
 they were the Publick Voice and Rubricks of 
 the Church, and fo much the more carefully to 
 be read upon that Account. In After-ages in 
 the Time of Charles the Great, we find fome 
 Laws obliging the Clergy [_q] to read, together 
 with the Canons, Gregory's Book de Cura Paftorali. 
 
 A s to other Books and Wri- 
 tings, they were more cautious 
 and fparing in the Study and Ufe 
 of them. Some Canons [f] for- 
 bad a Bifliop to read Heathen 
 Authors: Nor would they allow him to read 
 Heretical Books, but only upon Neceflity, that 
 
 SECT. iv. 
 
 How far the St ti- 
 dy of Heathen or 
 Heretical Books was 
 allow V. 
 
 [/?] Hieron. Ep. 1. ad Nepotian. Nec Rufticus 8c tamen fim- 
 plex Fratcr ideo le fandtum putet, fi nihil noverit : Nec peritus 8c 
 eloquens in lingua xftimet fan&itatem. Multoque melius eft e du- 
 obus imperfects Ru (licit atem fanflam habere, quam Eloquentiam 
 peccatricem. [/] Chryf. de Sacerd. lib. 4. c. 3, 8c 4. 
 
 \m~\ Hieron. Ep.i.ad Nepot. Sermo Presbyteri fcripturarum Lefri- 
 one conditus fit. Nolo te Declamatorem efie, 8c Rabulam, garru- 
 lumque fine ratione, fed Myfteriorum peritum, 8cc. [»] Cone. 
 Tolet. 3. c. 7. Quia folent crebro menfis otiofae Fabulse inter- 
 poni, in omni facerdotali Convivio Ledlio fcripturarum Divinarum 
 
 mifceatur : per hoc enim 8c animat xdificantur in bonum, 8c Fabu- 
 lae non neceflarix prohibentur. [0] Hieron. Epitaph. Nepor. 
 
 Ep. 3. ad Heliodor. fermo ejus 8c {leg. per,) omne Convivium dc 
 Scripturis aliquid proponere, 8cc. [p ] Cone. Tolet. 4. c. 24. 
 
 Sciant Sacerdotcs fcripturas fanftas, 8c Canones meditentur ut 
 
 sdificent cun&os tarn Fidei fcientia, quam operum Difeiplina. 
 [<j] Concil. Turon. c. 3. Concil. Cabillon. c. 1. 
 [r] Cone. Carth. 4. c. i 6. Ut Epifcopus Gentilium Libros non 
 Legat j Hareticorum autem pro NecelTitate 8c tempore. 
 
 is, 
 
212 
 
 The Antiquities of the \ Book VI 
 
 is, when there was Occafion to confute them, or 
 to caution others againft thePoifon of them. But 
 the Prohibition of Heathen Learning, though 
 it feem to be more peremptory, was to be un- 
 dcrftood likewife with a little Qualification. For 
 Men might have very differenc Views and De- 
 figns in reading Heathen Authors. Some might 
 read them only for Pleafure, and make Bufinefs 
 of that Pleafure, to the Neglect of Scripture and 
 more ufeful Learning: And all fuch were highly 
 to be condemned. St. Jerom [f] fays of thefe, 
 that when the Priefts of GOD read Plays inftead 
 of the Gofpels, and wanton Bucolicks inftead of 
 the Prophets, and loved to have Virgil in their 
 Hands rather than the Bible: They made a Crime 
 of Pleafure, and turned the Neceffity of Youth- 
 ful Exercife into a voluntary Sin. Others could 
 not relifh the Plain and Unaffected Stile of Scrip- 
 tures, but converfed with Heathen Orators to 
 bring their Language to a more Polite or Attick 
 Dialed. And thefe alfo came under the Cenfures 
 of the Church. It is remarkable what Sozomen 
 [f] tells us of Triphyllius a Cyprian Bifhop, (who 
 was one of the nice and delicate Men, who thought 
 the Stile of Scripture not fo elegant as it 
 might be made) that having occafion in a Dif- 
 courfe before Spiridion, and fome other Cyprian 
 Bifhops, to cite thofe Words of our Saviour, 
 a.^yt o£ to x^CCoHov Kj T%xaTei, 'Take up thy Bed 
 and walk, he would not ufe the word x^CCalov, 
 but inftead of it put o-xitx-ncJa, as being a more 
 Elegant word in his Opinion. To whom Spiri- 
 dion with an holy Indignation and Zeal replied, 
 Art thou better than he that [aid x^CCalov, that 
 thou Jloouldeft be ajhamed to ufe his Words? There- 
 by admonifhing him to be a little more Modeft, 
 and not to give Humane Eloquence the Preference 
 before the Holy Scriptures. Another fort of 
 Men converfed with Heathen Authors rather 
 than the Scriptures, becaufe they thought them 
 more for their turn, to Arm them with Sophijiry 
 to impofe their Errors upon the Simplicity of 
 others. As the Anonymous Author in Eufebius 
 [if] who writes againft the ThcodotianYiexzucks, 
 obferves of the leading Men of that Party, that 
 leaving the Holy Scriptures, they generally fpent 
 their Time in Euclid and Ariftotle, Theophrajius 
 and Galen -j ufing the Quirks and Sophifms of In- 
 fidel Writers to palliate their Herefy, and cor- 
 rupt the Simplicity of the Chriftian Faith. Now 
 in all thefe cafes the Reading of Heathen Au- 
 thors for fuch unworthy Ends, was very difallow- 
 able, becaufe it was always done with a manifeft 
 Neglect and Contempt of the Holy Scriptures, 
 
 and therefore upon fuch Grounds defervedly for- 
 bidden by the Canons of the Church. But then 
 on the other hand there were fome cafes, in 
 which it was very allowable to read Gentile Au- 
 thors, and the Church's Prohibition did not ex- 
 tend to thefe. For fometimes it was neceffary to 
 read them, in order to confute and expofe their 
 Errors, that others might not be infected there- 
 by. Thus St. Jerom obferves of Daniel [w], 
 That he was taught in the Knowledge of the 
 Chaldeans, and Mofes in all the Wifdom of the 
 Egyptians: Which it was no Sin to learn, fo 
 long as they did not learn it to follow it, but to 
 cenfure and refute it. St. Ambrofe [_x] fays, he 
 read fome Books that others might not read 
 them j he read them to know their Errors, and 
 caution others againft them. This was one Rea- 
 fon, why fometimes Heathen Writers might be 
 read by Men of Learning, in order to fet a Mark 
 upon them. Another Reafon was, That many 
 of them were Ufeful and Subfervient to the caufe 
 of Religion, either for Confirming the Truth 
 of the Scriptures, and the Doctrines of Chriftia- 
 nity, or for Expofing and Refuting the Errors 
 and Vanities of the Heathen themfelves. Thus 
 St. Jerom [j] obferves, that both the Greek and 
 Latin Hiftorians, fuch as Diodorus Siculus, Poly- 
 bius, Trogus Pompeius and Livy, are of great ufe 
 as well to explain as confirm the Truth of Da- 
 niel's Prophecies. And St. Aufiin [z] fays the 
 fame of the Writings of Orpheus and the Sibyls, 
 and Hermes, and other Heathen Philofophers, 
 that as they faid many things that were true both 
 concerning GOD, and the Son of GOD, they 
 were in that Refpect very ferviceable in Refu- 
 ting the Vanities of the Gentiles. Upon which 
 Account not only St. Auftin and St. Jerom, but 
 moft of the ancient Writers of the Church were 
 ufually well verfed in the Learning of the Gen- 
 tiles, as every one knows that knows any thing 
 of them. St. Jerom in one fhort Epiltle [a] 
 mentions the greateft Part of thofe that lived be- 
 fore his own Time, both Greeks and Latins, and 
 fays of them all in general, that their Books are 
 fo filled with the Sentences and Opinions of 
 Philofophers, that it is hard to fay which is moft 
 to be admired, their fecular Learning, or their 
 Knowledge in the Scriptures. And herein is 
 comprifed the plain State of this Matter: The 
 Clergy were obliged in the firft Place to be ve- 
 ry diligent in Studying the Scriptures, and after 
 them the Canons, and approved Writers of the 
 Church, according to Mens Abilities, Capacities* 
 and Opportunities : For the fame Meafures could 
 
 [*] Hieron. Ep. 146. ad Damafum de Filio Prodigo. Tom. 3. 
 p. 1 29. Sacerdotes Dei omiffis Evangeliis 8c Prophetis, videmus 
 Comoedia; legere, amatoria Bucolicorum verfeum verba canere, 
 Virgilium tenere; 8c id quod in pueris neccfiitatis eft, crimen in fe 
 facere Voluptatis. [f] Sozom. lib. 1. c. 11. [«] Eufeb. 
 
 lib. 5-. c. 28. [w] Hieron. Com. in Dan. c. 1. Nunquam 
 
 acquiefcerent difcere quod non licebar. Difcunt autem non ut fe- 
 quantur, fed ut judicent atque convincant. [*] Ambrof. Prooem. 
 ttiLuc. Evang. Legimus aliqua, ne legantur; legimus, ne ignoremus; 
 legimus, non ut teneamus, fed ut repudiemus. [_y] Hieron. 
 
 Prolog, in Daniel. Ad intelligendas extremas partes Danielis, 
 multiplex Gra:corum Hiftoria neceflaria eft, Sec. Ec fi quando co- 
 
 gimur Literarum Sxcularium recordari, 8c alique ex his dicere qua: 
 olim omifimus; non noftrx eft voluntatis, fed ut ira dicam, gra- 
 viflimx neceflitatis : Ut probemus ea quae a Sandlis Prophetis ante 
 multa Saxula praedicta funt, tarn Grxcorum quam Latinorum 8c 
 aliarum Gentium Uteris contineri. [z~\ Aug. contr. lib. u. 
 
 c. if. Sibyl \x 8c Orpheus, 8c nefcio quis Hermes, 8c fi qui alii 
 Vates, vel Theologi, vel Sapiences, vel PhilofophiGentium de Filio 
 Dei, aut de Patre Deo vera praedixifie feu dixiite perhibentur; valet 
 quidem aliquid ad Paganorum vanitatem rcvincendam. [a] Hie- 
 ron. Ep. 84. ad Magnum. In tantum philolbphorum Dodtrinis 
 atque fententiis fuos referciunt Libros, ut nefcias quid in illis pri- 
 mum admiraridebeas, Eruditionem fseculi, an fcientiam Scripturarum. 
 
 not 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 213 
 
 not be exuded of all. Beyond this, as there was 
 no Obligation on them to read Human Learn- 
 ing, fo there was no abfohitc Prohibition of it; 
 but where it could be made to minifter as an 
 Handmaid to Divinity, and not ufurp or incroach 
 upon it, there it was not only allowed, but com- 
 mended and encouraged j and it mull be owned, 
 that though the Abufe of fecular Learning does 
 fometimes great harm, yet the Study of it right- 
 ly applied did very great Service to Religion in 
 the Primitive Ages of the Church. 
 
 sect. v. From their Private Studies 
 
 of their pu ty and p a f s W e on next to view them in 
 Devotion in their t j ie j r more p UD li c k Capacities, as 
 muk Adirtfruo the Peop i c . s Orators to GOD, 
 and GOD's Ambafladors to the 
 People : In regard of which Offices and Chara- 
 cter, I have mewed before [*] they were efteem- 
 ed a fort of Mediators in a qualified Scnfc be- 
 tween GOD and Men. In all their Addrefles to 
 GOD as the People's Orators, their great Care 
 was to offer all their Sacrifices and Oblations of 
 Prayer and Thankfgiving in fuch a Rational, De- 
 cent, and becoming Way, as beft fuited the Na- 
 ture of the Action ; that is, with all that Gravi- 
 ty and Serioufncfs, that Humility and Reverence, 
 that Application of Mind and Intenfenefs and 
 Fervency of Devotion, as both became the Grcat- 
 nefs of that Majefty to whom they addefled, and 
 was proper for railing fuitable Affections in the 
 People. This is the true Meaning of that Fa- 
 mous controverted Paffage in Juftin Martyr's 2.d 
 Apology, where defcribing the Service of the 
 Church, and the manner of Celebrating the Eu- 
 charift, he fays, The Bilhop fent up Prayers and 
 Praifes, oan JWa/air, [£], with the utmoft of 
 his Abilities to GOD. Some mifconllrue this 
 Paflage, and interpret the Abilities of the Mini- 
 lter officiating fo as if they meant no more but 
 his Invention, Expreffion, or the like ; making 
 it by fuch a Glofs to become an Argument a- 
 gainft the Antiquity of Publick Liturgies, or fet 
 Forms of Prayer j whereas indeed it fignifies here 
 a quite different thing, viz. that Spiritual Vi- 
 gour, or Intenfenefs and Ardency of Devotion, 
 with which the Minifter offered up the Sa- 
 crifices of the Church to GOD} being fuch 
 Qualifications as are necelTary to make our Pray- 
 ers and Praifes acceptable unto him, who requires 
 them to be prefented with all our Soul and 
 Might j which may be done in fet Forms, as well 
 as any other way : And fo Gregory Nazianzen 
 and J ufl in Martyr himfelf ufc the Phrafe, ojo Jwja- 
 juh-, where they fpeak of fet Forms of Praifing 
 and ferving GODj of which more hereafter in 
 its proper Place. St. Chryfojlom is very carneft 
 [c] in recommending this fame Duty to thePriefts 
 of GOD, under the Name of cans J n and <&\d£eia, 
 Care and Reverence. With what exact Care, 
 lays he, ought he to behave himfelf, who goes 
 
 in the Name of a whole City, nay, in the Name 
 of the whole World, as their Orator and Am- 
 baffador to intercede with GOD for the Sins of* 
 all? But cfpecially when he invocates the Holy 
 Ghoft, and offers up r»\ ygjmf-ssdTw Sw/av, the 
 Tremendous Sacrifice of the Altar: With what 
 Purity, with what Reverence and Piety fhould 
 his Tongue utter forth thofe Words? whilft the 
 Angels ltand by him, and the whole Order of 
 the Heavenly Powers cries aloud, and fills the 
 Sanctuary in Honour of him, who is reprefented 
 as Dead and lying upon the Altar. Thus that 
 Holy Father argues with a Warmth and Zeal 
 fuitable to the Subject, and fuch as is proper to 
 raife our Devotion, and kindle our Affections in- 
 to an Holy Flame, whenever we prefent the Sup- 
 plications of the Church on Earth to the Sacred 
 Majefty of Heaven. 
 
 And this Ardency of Devo- SECT. VI. 
 tion, was continually to be che- Tl3e Ctnfurt of 
 rifh'd and preferved. To which f^hasnegiededthi 
 purpofe the Church had her dai- chLT™' 
 ly Sacrifices, wherever it was 
 poffible to have them ; And on thefe every Cler- 
 gyman was indifpenfibly obliged to attend ; and 
 that under Pain of Sufpenfion and Deprivation, 
 whether it was his Duty to officiate or not. For 
 fo the 1 ft Council of 'Toledo determined for the 
 Spanifo Churches, That if any Presbyter or Dea- 
 con, or other Clerk, fhould be in any City or 
 Country where there was a Church, and did not 
 come to Church to the daily Sacrifice or Service 
 \_d\ he fhould no longer be reputed one of the 
 Sacred Function. The Council of Agde orders fuch 
 to be reduced to the Communion of Strangers 
 [<?], which at leaft implies Sufpenfion from their 
 Office. And the Law of Jujlinian punifhes them 
 with Degradation [/], becaufe of the Scandal 
 they give to the Laity by fuch Neglect or Con- 
 tempt of Divine Service. So careful were the 
 ancient Law-givers of the Church to cut off all 
 Indecencies and Abufes of this Nature, and 
 make the Clergy provoking Examples of Piety 
 to the People. 
 
 Next to their Office in ad- SECT. vir. 
 dreffing GOD as the People's O- Rules about preach- 
 rators, we are to view them as ' m i t0 E Ji fr at ' m - 
 GOD's Ambaffadors, addreffing 
 themfelves in his Name to the People. Which 
 they did by publick Preaching and private Ap- 
 plication > in both which their great Care was to 
 perform the Duty of Watchmen over GOD's 
 Flock, and of good Stewards over his Houfhold. 
 In their Preaching their only Aim was to be, 
 the Edification of the People. To which pur- 
 pofe the great Mafters of Rules in this kind, 
 Gregory Nazianzen, Chryfojlom, and St. Jerom lay 
 down thefe few Directions, ijf, That thePreach- 
 er be careful to make choice of an Ufeful Sub- 
 
 [*] Hook 1. Chip. 19. Sett. i<5. [b] Juflin. Apol. 2. p. 9S. vencrir, Clericus ncm babeatur. [e] Cone. Agathenf. c. »« 
 
 [c] Chryf". de Sacerd. lib. 6. c. 4. [d] Cone. Tolet. 1. c. f. Cleiicis qui* Ecclefiam frequentare vel Ofnrium fuum implerc neg- 
 
 Presbyter, Dinconus, 8cc. qui intra Civitatem fuerit, vel in loco in excrint, Peregrina Communio tribuatur. [/J God. Jtift. Jib. 1. 
 
 quo Ecclelia eit, ii in Eeclefiam ad Sacrificium quotidiain<m non [tit. 3. de Epifc leg. 42. a io. 
 
 Vol. I. E e e ject, 
 
214 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 \edc. Gregory Nazianzen [g] fpecifies the Rule 
 in fome particular Inftances, fuch as the Doctrine 
 of the World's Creation, and the Soul of Man* 
 the Do&rinc of Providence, and the Reftaurati- 
 on of Man j the Two Covenants j the firft and 
 fecond Coming of Chrift, his Incarnation, Suf- 
 ferings and Death > the Refurre&ion, and End 
 of the World, and future Judgment, and diffe- 
 rent Rewards of Heaven and Hell; together 
 with theDoftrine of the Blefled Trinity, which 
 is the Principal Article of the Chriftian Faith. 
 Such Subje&s as thefe are proper for Edificati- 
 on, to build up Men in Faith and Holincfs, and 
 the Praftice of all Piety and Virtue. But then, 
 idly, They mud be treated on in a fuitable way ; 
 not with too much Art or Loftinefs of Stile, but 
 with "reat Condefcention to Mens Capacities, 
 who muft be fed with the Word as they are able 
 to bear it. This is what Gregory Nazianzen fo 
 much commends [h~] in Athanafius, when he fays, 
 He condefcendedand ftoop'd himfelf to the mean 
 Capacities, whilft to the Acute his Notions and 
 Words were more Sublime. St. Jerom alfo ob- 
 ferves [i] upon this Head, that a Preacher's 
 Difcourfe mould always be Plain, Intelligible, 
 and Affe&ing j and rather adapted to excite Mens 
 Groans and Tears by a Senfe of their Sins, than 
 their Admiration and Applaufe, by fpcaking to 
 them what neither they, nor he himfcir perhaps, 
 do truly underftand. For it is ignorant and un- 
 learned Men chiefly, that affed to be admired 
 for their fpeaking above the Capacities of the 
 Vulgar. A bold Forehead often interprets what 
 he himfelf does not underftand j and yet he has 
 no fooner perfuaded others to they know not 
 what, but he aflumes to himfelf the Title of 
 Learning upon it : When yet there is nothing 
 fo eafy as to deceive the Ignorant Multitude, 
 who are always moft prone to admire what they 
 do not underftand. Upon this Account St. Chry- 
 foftom fpends almoft a whole Book in cautioning 
 the Chriftian Orator again ft this Failing > that 
 he mould not be intent on Popular Applaufe, 
 but with a generous Mind [_k] raife himfelf a- 
 bove it-, feeking chiefly to advantage his Hearers, 
 and not barely to Delight and Pleafc them. To 
 this purpofe, he concludes, it would be necefla- 
 ry for him to defpife both the Applaufesand Cen- 
 fures of Men, and all other things that might 
 tempt him rather to Flatter his Hearers, than E- 
 dific them. In a Word, his chief End [/] in all 
 his Compofures mould be to pleafe GOD: And 
 then if he alfo gained the Praife of Men, he 
 might receive it > if not, he needed not to court 
 it,°nor torment himfelf that it was deny'd him. 
 For it would be Confolation enough for all his 
 Labours, that in adapting his Doctrine and Elo- 
 quence he had always fought to pleafe his GOD. 
 \dly y A third Rule given in this Cafe, was, That 
 
 Men fhould apply their Do&rine and Spiritual 
 Medicines according to the emergent and molt 
 urgent Ncceflities of their Hearers. Which was 
 the mod: proper Duty of a Watchman, to per- 
 ceive with a quick Eye where the grcateft Dan- 
 ger lay 3 which was Mens weakeft and moft un- 
 guarded Side j and then apply fuitable Remedies 
 to their Maladies and Diftempers. St. Chryfo- 
 Jlom in fpcaking of this Part of a Miniftcr's Du- 
 ty, fays, He ihould be ^ Jiogjflix.oci 
 Watchful [mj and Perfpicacious, and have a 
 thoufand Eyes about him, as Living not for 
 himfelf alone, but for a Multitude of People. To 
 live retired in a Cell is the Bufinefs of a Monk 
 but the Duty of a Watchman is to converfe a- 
 mong Men of all Degrees and Callings j to take 
 care of the Body of Chrift, the Church, and 
 have regard both to its Health and Beauty j cu- 
 rioufly obferving, left any Spot or Wrinkle or 
 other Defilement fhould fully the Grace and 
 Comlinefs of it. Now this obliged Spiritual Phy- 
 ficians to apply their Medicines, that is, their 
 Doctrines, as the Maladies of their Patients 
 chiefly required •> to be moft earneft and frequent 
 in encountering thofe Errors and Vices which 
 were moft reigning, or which Men were moft 
 in danger of being infected by. And this is the 
 Reafon, why in the Homilies of the Ancients 
 we fo often meet with Difcourfes againlt fuch 
 Herefies, as the World now knows nothing of j 
 fuch as thofe of the Marcionites and Manichees, 
 and many others, which it would be abfurd to 
 combate now in Popular Difcourfes 5 but then ic 
 was neceflary to be done, becaufe they were the 
 Prevailing Herefies of the Age, and Men were 
 in danger of being fubverted by them. And it is 
 farther obfervable, that the moft formidable He- 
 refies, and prevailing Factions, fuch as that of 
 the Brians, when armed with Secular Power, 
 could never either force or court the Catholick. 
 Preachers into Silence, to let the Wolves de- 
 vour the Sheep by fuch a tame and bafe Com- 
 pliance. In this Cafe no worldly Motives could 
 prevail with them, when they faw the Danger, 
 not to give Warning of it. They thought they 
 could not otherwile anfwer the Charafter of 
 Watchmen, and Stewards of the Myfteries of 
 GOD, fince it was required in Stewards that a 
 Man be found Faithful. 
 
 But their Fidelity was not SECT. vill. 
 
 only exprefled in their Publick of Fuirfity, Di- 
 
 Difcourfes, but alfo in their Pri- HgtHcemdPrudmtt 
 
 vate Addrefles and Applications y^'/"'* 
 
 « „ , , , 1 } . (es and Atpucau- 
 
 to Men, who had either cut J ons " 
 themfelves off from the Body of 
 Chrift by Herefies and Schifms, or by their Sins 
 made themfelves unfound Members of the Body, 
 whilft they feemed to continue of it. With what 
 
 [g] Naz.. Orat. 1. de Fuga. T. 1. p. if. M Naz,. Orat. 
 
 it. ic Laud. Athan. T. 1. p. 396. [/] HicW-.Ep. 1. ad 
 
 Nepotian. Docente te in Ecclelia, non ckmor populi, fed ge- 
 mitus fufciteturj Lichrymx Audiroium Laudes tu» fint. — Cele- 
 ritate dicendi apud imperitum vulgus admirationera fui facerc in- 
 
 doctorum hominum ef>. Attrita Frons interpretatur farpe quod 
 nefcit; & cum aliis perfuafert, libi quoque ufurpot Scientiam. 
 [k] Chryf. dc Sacerd. lib. f. c. r. [I] Ibid. c. 7. 
 
 [m] Chryf, ibid. lib. 3. c. n. lib 4. c. ik 3. 
 
 7 Fidelity 
 
Chap. 111. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Fidelity and Meekncfs and Diligence they addref? 
 fed thcmfclves to the former fort, we may learn 
 from the good Effects which their Applications 
 often had upon them, fheodoret tells us [»] of 
 himfelf in one place, that he had Converted a 
 Thoufand Souls from the Herefy of the Marcir 
 unites, and many others from the Hcrefies of A- 
 rius or Eummius in his own Diocefe. And in a- 
 nocher Place [o] he augments the Number of 
 Converted Marciunites to Ten Thoufand, whom 
 with Indefatigable Induftry, in a Diocefe of For- 
 ty Miles in length and breadth, containing Eigh- 
 teen Hundred Churches in it, he had reduced 
 from their Strayings to the Unity of the Catho- 
 lick Church. What Wonders alfo St. Auflin 
 wrought in Africk upon the Donatijis and others 
 the fame way, by Private Letters and Conferen- 
 ces and Collations with them, the Reader may 
 learn from Poffidius [/>] the Author of his Life, 
 who frequently mentions his Labours in this 
 kind, and the great Advantage that accrued to 
 the Church by this means. For he lived to fee 
 the greateft Part of the Manichees, Donatijis, Pe- 
 lagians and Pagans converted to the Catholick 
 Church. They were no lefs careful to apply 
 themfelves in private to Perfons within the 
 Church, as occafion required. And here great 
 Art and Prudence, as well as Fidelity and DUi- 
 
 tence, was neceffary to give Succefs to their En- 
 eavours. For Mankind, as Nazianzen [f\ ob- 
 ferves, is fo various and uncertain a fort or Crea- 
 ture, that it requires the greateft Art and Skill 
 to manage him. For theTempers of Mens Minds 
 differ more than the Features and Lineaments of 
 their Bodies: And as all Meats and Medicines are 
 not proper for all Bodies, fo neither is the fame 
 Treatment and Difcipline proper for all Souls. 
 Some are bell moved by Words, others by Ex- 
 amples; fome are of a dull and heavy Temper, 
 and fo have need of the Spur to extimulate them ; 
 others that are brisk and fiery, have more need 
 of the Curb to reftrain them. Praife works bell 
 upon fome, and Reproof upon others, provided 
 each of them be Miniftred in a fuitable and fea- 
 fonable Way; otherwife they do more harm than 
 good. Some Men are drawn by gentle Exhor- 
 tations to their Duty ; others by Rebukes and 
 hard Words muft be driven to it. And even in 
 the Bufinefs of Reproof, fome are affected moft 
 with open Rebuke, others with Private. For 
 fome Men never regard a fecret Reproof, who 
 yet are eafily corrected, if Chaftifed in publick. 
 Others again cannot bear a publick Difgrace, 
 but grow either Morofe, or Impudent and Im- 
 placable upon it j who perhaps would haveheark- 
 en'd to a fecret Admonition, and repaid their 
 Monitor with their Converfion, as prefuming 
 him to have accofted them out of mcer Pity and 
 Love. Some Men are to be fo nicely watched 
 and obferved, that not the leaft of their Faults 
 are to be difTembled ; becaufe they feek to hide 
 their Sins from Men, and arrogate to themfelves 
 thereupon the Praife of being Politick and Craf- 
 
 ty: In others it is better to wink at fome Faults, 
 fo that feeing we will not fee, and hearing we 
 will not hear, left by too frequent Chiding we 
 bring them to Dcfpair, and fo make them caft 
 off Modefty, and grow bolder in their Sins. To 
 fome Men we muft put on an angry Counte- 
 nance, and fcem to contemn them, and defpair 
 of them as loft and deplorable Wretches, when 
 their Nature fo requires it : Others again muft be 
 treated with Meekncfs and Humility, and be re- 
 covered to a better Hope by more promifing 
 and encouraging Profpects. Some Men muft be 
 always conquered, and never yielded to; whilft 
 to others it will be better fometimes to concede 
 a little. For all Mens Diftempers ate not to be 
 cured the fame Way, but proper Medicines are 
 to be applied, as the Matter itfclf, or Occafion, 
 or the Temper of the Patient will admit of. And 
 this is the moft difficult part of the Paftoral Of- 
 fice, to know how to diftinguifh thefe Things 
 nicely with an exact Judgment, and with as ex- 
 act an Hand to minifter fuitable Remedies to 
 every Diftempcr. It is a Mafter-piece of Art, 
 which is not to be perfectly attained but by good 
 Obfervation, joyned with Experience and Pra- 
 ctice. What our Author thus here at large QiC- 
 couries by way of Rule and Theory, he in ano- 
 ther Place fums up more briefly in the Example 
 of the great Athanafius, whole Pattern he pro- 
 pofes to Mens Imitation, as a living Image of 
 this admirable Prudence and Dexterity in deal- 
 ing with Men according to this great Variety 
 of Tempers ; telling us [r], that his Defign was 
 always one and the fame, but his Methods vari- 
 ous; praifing fome, moderately correcting o- 
 thers; ufing the Spur to fome dull Tempers, and 
 the Reins to others of a more hot and zealous 
 Spirit; in his Converfation Mafter of the great- 
 eft Simplicity, but in his Government Mafter of 
 the greateft Artifice and variety of Skill ; Wife 
 in his Difcourfes, but much wifer in his Under- 
 ftanding, to adapt himfelf according to the dif- 
 ferent Capacities and Tempers of Men. Now 
 the Defign of all this was not to give any Lati- 
 tude or Licence to Sin, but by all Prudent and 
 Honeft Arts to difcourage and deftroy it. It 
 was not to teach the Clergy the bafe and fervile 
 Arts of Flattery and Compliance; to become 
 Time-fervers and Men-plcafers, and footh the 
 Powerful or the Rich in their Errors and Vices; 
 but only to inftruct them in the different Me- 
 thods of oppofing Sin, and how by joining Pru- 
 dence to their Zeal, they might make their own 
 Authority moft Venerable, and moft Effectually 
 promote the true Ends of Religion. St. Chryfo- 
 ftom puts in this Caution, in defcribing this pare 
 of a Bifhop's Character. He ought to be Wife, 
 as well as Holy ; a Man of great Experience, 
 and one that underftands the World : And be- 
 caufe his Bufinefs is with all forts of Men, he 
 fhould be •srcixA©-', one that can appear with 
 different Afpects, and act with great Variety of 
 Skill. But when I fay this, I do not mean, 
 
 [»] Theod. Ep. 113. ad Leon. [0] Id. Ep. 145-. p. ioz6. dc Fuga. p. 14. 0] Naa.Orat. si. de Laud. Athao. p. y)6i 
 
 Jib i c. 18. ip ] Ibid. lib. 3. c. 18. [?]Naz. Orat. 1. 
 
 Vol. I. E e e 4 fays 
 
216 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 fays he, [j] that he mould be a Man of Craft, 
 or fervile Flattery, or a d'uTembling Hypocrite - y 
 but a Man of great Freedom and Boldnefs, who 
 knows notwithstanding how to condefcend and 
 ftoop himfelf for Mens advantage, when Oc- 
 cafion requires, and can be as well mild as 
 auflcre: For all Men are not to be treated in 
 the fame way: No Phyfician ufes the fame 
 Method with all his Patients. The true Mean 
 and Decorum, he thinks, which a Bifhop mould 
 obferve in his Converfe and Applications to 
 Men, is to keep between too much Stiffhcfs 
 and Abjectnefs. He mud be Grave without 
 Pride Awful, but Courteous j Majeftick 
 
 as a Man of Authority and Power, yet Affa- 
 ble and Communicative to all : Of an Integrity 
 that cannot be corrupted, yet Officious and ready 
 to ferve every Manj Humble, but not Servile j 
 Sharp and Refolute, but yet Gentle and Mild. 
 By fuch Prudence he will maintain his Authori- 
 ty, and carry any Point with Men, whilfl he 
 ftudies to do every thing without Hatred or Fa- 
 vour, only for the Benefit and Edification of the 
 Church. We muft reduce to this Head of Pru- 
 dence in making proper Addrefs and Application 
 to Offenders, that Direction given by St. Paul, 
 and repeated in feveral ancient Canons, That a 
 Bifhop be no Smiter, /uuj 7rXyUV, which the 
 twenty-feventh of thofe called the Apoflolical 
 Canons thus Paraphrafes: If any Bilhcp, Presby- 
 ter, or Deacon finite either an offending Chri- 
 llian, or an injurious Heathen, we order him to 
 be depofed. For our LORD did not teach 
 us this Difcipline, but the contrary, for he 
 was fmitten, but did not frnite anyj when he 
 was reviled, he reviled not again when he 
 fuffered, he threatned not. Juftinian forbids [u] 
 the fame in one of his Novels, as a thing unbe- 
 coming the Priefts of G O D, to finite any Man 
 with their own Hands. The Word 7rX/i'<xray 
 fignifies alfo fmiting with the Tongue, by re- 
 proachful, bitter, and contumelious Language, as 
 St. Chryfoftom, St. Jerom, and others underftand 
 it. In which Senfe alfo it was forbidden, as a 
 thing indecent, and unbecoming the Gravity and 
 Prudence of the Chriftian Clergy. 
 
 SECT. IX. St. Chryfoftom enlarges upon 
 
 of Prudence end feveral other Parts of Prudence, 
 
 Candor in compo- which I need not here infift up- 
 
 fmgtmnecejfarycon- becaufe they have [either al- 
 
 cZrt' m rcad y been mentioned, or will 
 
 hereafter be confidered in other 
 Places j fuch as Prudence [w~] in oppofing Hcre- 
 fies : Prudence [_x~] in managing the Virgins and 
 Widows, and the Revenues of the Church j 
 Prudence \_y~] in hearing and determining fecular 
 Caufes* and Prudence [z] in the Exercife of 
 Difcipline and Church-Cenlures, which laft will 
 be fpoken to under another Head. I fhall here 
 therefore only add one Inftance more of their 
 
 Prudence in allaying unnecefiary Difputes, which 
 rofe among Catholicks and Men of the fame O- 
 pinion in the Church. Which indeed was ra- 
 ther a Complication of many noble Virtues, Pru- 
 dence, Candor, Ingenuity, Moderation, Pcace- 
 ablenefs, and Charity, joined together, which 
 like a Conftellation of the brighten: Qualities al- 
 ways fhined with the greateft Luflre. This is 
 what Gregory Nazianzen chiefly admired in the 
 Conduct of AthanafniS) and therefore he gives it 
 the higheft Commendation and Preference be- 
 fore all the other Virtues, as thinking there was 
 no one thing whereby he did greater Service to 
 the Church of GOD. It happened in the time 
 of Athanafius, that the Catholicks were like to 
 be divided about mere Words j a warm Difpute 
 arifing about what Names the three Divine Per- 
 fons were to be called by ^ fome were for calling 
 them only r^ja TF-^<raj7ra, Three Perfons, to avoid 
 Arianifmj others called them Tga? vsros-araf, 
 Three Hypoflafes, to avoid Sabellianifm. Now 
 they all meant the fame thing, but not under- 
 standing each others Terms, they mutually- 
 charged one another with the Herefies of Arius 
 and Sabellius. The one Party in the heat of Dis- 
 putation could underftand nothing by Three 
 Hypoflafes but three Subflances or Effences in 
 the Arian Senfe, for they made no Distinction 
 between Hypoftafis and Eflence, and therefore 
 charged their Oppofites with Arianifm. The 
 other Party were afraid that r^ja 'ar^oiira, 
 fignified no more than Nominal Perfons, in the 
 Senfe of Sabellius (who himfelf had ufed thofe 
 very Terms in an equivocal Senfe to impofe up- 
 on the Vulgar) and therefore they inveighed a- 
 gainft their Adversaries as defigning to promote 
 Sabellianifm. And fb, fays Nazianzen [a], this 
 little Difference in Words making a noife as if 
 there had been difference in Opinion, the love of 
 Quarrelling and Contention fomenting the Di- 
 fpute, the Ends of the Earth were in danger of 
 being divided by a few Syllables. Which when 
 Atbana/ius, the true Man of GOD, and great 
 Guide of Souls, both faw and heard, he could 
 not endure to think of fo abfurd and unreafona- 
 ble a Divifion among the Profeflbrs of the fame 
 Faith, but immediately applyed a Remedy to the 
 Diftemper. And how did he make his Applica- 
 tion? Having convened both Parties with all 
 Meeknefs and Humility, and accurately weighed 
 the Intention and Meaning of the Words on both 
 fides, after he found them agreeing in the things 
 themfelves, and not in the leaft differing in Poinc 
 of Doctrine j he ended their Difpute, allowing 
 the Ufe of both Names, and tying them to Uni- 
 ty of Opinion. This, fays our Author, was a 
 more advantageous Act of Charity to the Church, 
 than all his other daily Labours and Difcourfes : 
 It was more honourable than all his Watchings 
 and Humicubations, and not inferior to his ap- 
 plauded Flights and Exiles. And therefore he 
 
 [*] Chryf.de Sacerd. lib. 6. c. 4. toik'iKov cntTovVt) <Pei, woi- 
 x'iaov cPj hiyu, vTf&Kw, i KohcDia, 4k v7roKenw^ &c. 
 [f] Chryf. de Sacerd. lib. 3. c. 16. [«] Jul*. Novel. 112. 
 
 c. 11. Sed neque propriis manibus liceat Epifcopo quenquam 
 
 percutere : Hoc enim alienum eft a facerdotibus. [a>] Chryf. 
 
 ibid. lib. 4. c. 4,. [*] Ibid. lib. 3. c. 16. Ibid. lib. 3. 
 
 c. 18. [z.] Ibid. lib. 3. c. 18. [a] Naz. Orat. 1 1. de 
 
 Laud. Athan. T. 1. p. 396. 
 
 tells 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 217 
 
 tells his Readers in ufhering in the Difcourfc, that fifcation of thy Goods, Banifhment, Torment, 
 
 he could not omit the Relation without injuring and Death. But thou mult threaten me with 
 
 them, efpecially at a time when Contentions and Something elfe, faid Bafil, if thou canft, for none 
 
 Divifions were in the Church; for this Action of of thefc things can touch me. As for Confifca- 
 
 his would be an Inflruction to them that were then tion of Goods, I am not liable to it; for I have 
 
 alive, and of great advantage, if they would pro- nothing to lofe, unlefs thou wanted thefe tat- 
 
 pound it to their own Imitation; fincc Men ter'd and thread-bare Garments, and a few Books, 
 
 were prone to divide not only from the Impi- which is all the Eftate I am poffels'd of. For 
 
 ous, but from the Orthodox and Pious, and that Banifhment, I know not what it means, for I 
 
 not only about little and contemptible Opinions am tied to no Place; I fhall elteem every Coun- 
 
 (which ought to make no Difference) but about try as much my own, as that where I now 
 
 Words, that tended to one and the fame Senfe. dwell; for the whole Earth is the LORD'S) 
 
 The Caution is of Ufe in all Ages; and had it and I am only a Pilgrim and a Stranger in it. As 
 
 always been llrictly obferved, it would have pre- for Torments, what can they do to him, who 
 
 vented many wild Difputes, and fierce Contenti- has not a Body that can hold out beyond the 
 
 ons about Words in the Chriftian Church. firll Stroke? And as for Death, it will be a 
 
 Kindnefs to me, for it will but fo much the 
 SECT. X. But now we are to obferve fooner fend me unto GOD, to whom I live and 
 of their zeal and on the other hand, that as they do the Duty of my Station; being in a great 
 courage in 'defend- we re eminent for their Candor meafure already Dead, and now of a long Time 
 mgtheTruth. an j p rut | encc j n compofing un- haftning unto him. The Governor was ftrange- 
 neceflary and verbal Difputes ; fo where the ly furprized at this Difcourfe, and (aid, No Man 
 Caufe was weighty, and any material Point of ever talked at this free and bold rate to Modeflus 
 Religion concerned, they were no lefs famous before. Perhaps, faid Bafil, thou didit never 
 for their Zeal and Courage, in (landing up in the meet with a Bifhop before : For if thou hadft, 
 defence of Truth againft all Oppofers. It was he would have talked juft as I do, when he was 
 neither the Artifice and Subtlety, nor the Power put to contend about fuch Matters as thefe. In 
 and Malice of their Enemies could make them other Things we are mild and yielding, and the 
 yield, where they thought the Faith was in dan- humbleft Men on Earth, as our Laws oblige us 
 ger to be deftroyed. In other Cafes, fays Na- to be; we are fo far from fhewing ourfelves fu- 
 zianzen [T], there is nothing fo peaceable, fo mo- percilious or haughty to Magiftrates in Power, 
 derate as ChrifHan Bifhops; but in this Cafe that we do not do it to Perfons of the meaner! 
 they cannot bear the Name of Moderation, to Rank and Condition. But when the Caufe of 
 betray their GOD by Silence and fitting ltill; GOD is concerned, or in danger, then indeed 
 but here they are exceeding eager Warriors, and we efteem all other Things as nothing, and fix 
 fighting Champions, that are not to be over- our Eyes only upon him. Then Fire and Sword, 
 come. He docs not mean, that the Weapons of wild Beafts and Inftruments of Torture to tear 
 their Warfare were carnal; that they tiled any off our Flefh, are fo far from being a Terror, 
 pious Frauds, or plotted Treafons or Rebellions, that they are rather a Pleafure and Recreation to 
 or took up Arms in defence of Religion; but us. Therefore Reproach and Threaten us, do 
 that with an undaunted Courage and brave Re- your Pleafure, ufe your Power to the utmoft, 
 folution they Hood up firm in Defence of Truth, and let the Emperor know all this: Yet you fhall 
 and mattered not what Names they were called never conquer us, or bring us to affent to your 
 by (Contentious, Unpeaceable, Immoderate, Fa- impious Doctrine, though you threaten us ten 
 ctious, Turbulent, Incendiaries, or any thing of thoufand times more than all this. The Governor 
 the like Nature) nor yet what they fuffered in hearing this, and finding him to be a Man of 
 any kind, whilft they contended for that Faith invincible and inflexible Courage, difmiffed him 
 •which was once delivered to the Saints. Church- now not with Threatnings, but with a fort of 
 Hiftory abounds with Inftances of this Nature j Reverence and Submiffion, and went and told 
 but it will be fufficient toexemplifie the Practice the Emperor, that the Bifhop of that Church 
 of this Virtue in a fingle Inflance, which Grego- was too hard for them all; for his Courage was 
 ry Nazianzen \Y\ gives us in the Life of St. Ba- fo great, his Refolution fo firm, that neither 
 fll, where he relates a famous Dialogue that paf- Promifes nor Threatnings could move him from 
 fed between Modeflus the Avian Governor under his Purpofe. Nor was it only open Violence 
 VaUns^ and that holy Man. Modeflus tryed all they thus, bravely refilled , but alfo the more 
 Arts to bring him over to the Party, but finding crafty Attempts of the Enemies of Truth, who 
 all in vain, he at lafl threatned him with Se- many times went artificially to work againft itj 
 verity. What, faid he, dofl thou not fear this partly by blackning the Character of its Cham- 
 Power which I am armed with ? Why fhould I pions and Defenders, and reprefenting them as 
 fear ? faid Bafil, What canft thou do, or what Safe and intolerable Men ; and partly by fmooth- 
 can I fuffer? Whan canft thou fuffer? faid the ing their own Character, and pretending Unity in 
 other; many things that are in my Power : Con- Faith with the Orthodox, and that their De- 
 
 ^ [£] Naz.. Orat. 21. de Laud. Athan. p. 388. Oi n-tv T%xx<t So, «-oMjt*flto$ftjg Mvpuuit Jcj Naz. Orat, zo, de Laud. 
 
 eltrtv fripur/Kol T5 >Cj uirexoi, rkro yz b tpiPHir'V cm& K £< Bafil. p. 3 f9» f 
 
 figns 
 
218 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 figns were only Defigns of Peace, to remove un- 
 fcriptural Words and novel Terms out of the 
 way, that all Men might be of the fame Opini- 
 on. Thefe were the two grand Artifices of the 
 Arian Party, whereby the leading and politick 
 Men among them, Eufebius of Nicomedia, Valens, 
 Urfacius, and others, always laboured to over- 
 throw the Truth. Upon this account Athana- 
 jftus was forced to undergo a thoufand Calumnies 
 and flanderous Reproaches. He was accufed to 
 Conftantine, as one that affumed to himfelf Im- 
 perial Authority to impofe a Tax upon Egypt', 
 as one guilty of Murder in cutting off the Hand 
 of Arfenius a Meletian Bifhop as guilty of Trea- 
 fon in fiding with Philumenus the Rebel, and 
 furnifhing him with Money j as an Enemy to 
 thePublick for attempting to hinder the Tranf- 
 portation of Corn from Egypt to Conftantinople : 
 Which Accufation fo far prevailed upon the Em- 
 peror that he baniihed him to Triers upon it. In 
 the next Reign he was accufed again of repeated 
 Murders j and of Sacrilege in diverting Conftan- 
 tine's Liberality to the Widows of Egypt and 
 Libya, to other ufes* of Treafon, in joining In- 
 tereft with Magnentius the Tyrant j and many o- 
 ther fuch Charges were fpitefully and diabolical- 
 ly levelled againft him. St. Bafil was likewife 
 varioufly accufed both by profeffed Enemies and 
 pretended Friends j who, as is ufual in fuch Cafes, 
 brought Charges againft him directly contrary to 
 one another. Some accufed him of Tritheifm 
 for defending the Doctrine of three Hypoftafes 
 againft the Sabellians-, others, of Semiarianifm, 
 or Heterodoxy in the Article about the Divinity 
 of the Holy Ghoft, becaufe in his Church he 
 fometimes ufed a different Form of Doxology 
 from what was ufed in other Churches. Some 
 again accufed him of Arianifm, becaufe he had 
 received Euftathius of Sebafiia into Communion 
 upon his profefling the Catholick Faith j others 
 faid he communicated with Apollinaris the Here- 
 tick, becaufe upon fome occasions he wrote Let- 
 ters to him. Thus were two of the greateft and 
 beft of Men malicioufly traduced and wounded 
 in their Reputation ; both indeed for the fame 
 Caufe, but with this difference, that the one was 
 profecuted by open Enemies without the Church, 
 the other chiefly by fecret Enemies within j of 
 whom therefore he had reafon to take up the 
 Prophet's complaint, and fay, Thefe are the Wounds, 
 with which I was wounded in the houfe of my 
 Friends. And thefe were fuch Temptations as 
 might have unfettled any weak and wavering 
 Minds, and made them turn their Backs upon 
 Religion : But true Zeal is above Temptation, 
 and can equally defpife the Wounds of the 
 Sword, and the Wounds of the Tongue j ha- 
 ving always the Confolation, which Chrift gives 
 in his Gofpel, ready at hand to fupport it, Blef- 
 fed are ye when Men Jhall revile you, and perfecute 
 you, and Jhall fay all manner of Evil againft you 
 
 falfcly for my Sake: Rejoice, and be exceeding glad j 
 for great is your Reward in Heaven. Such Examples 
 ihew us, that innocency itfelf cannot always 
 exempt Men from Calumny, but fometimes is 
 accidentally the occafion of it: But then it has 
 this advantage, that being joined with a fuitable 
 Zeal, it never finks under the Weight and Pref- 
 fure of its Burden, but always comes off Con- 
 queror at the laft, as we fee in the Inftanccs now 
 before us. 
 
 The other Artifice, which I faid the Arians 
 ufed to deftroy the Faith, was the fpecious Pre- 
 tence of Peace and Unity. The politick and 
 crafty Men among them in the Time of Con- 
 Jlantinc pretended, that they had no Quarrel with 
 the Catholick Doctrine of the Trinity itfelf, but 
 only were aggrieved at the novel and unferiptu- 
 ral Words, fuch as the 6/jtoscriov, Confubftantial, 
 &c. which the Council of Nice had ufed to ex- 
 prefs it by : Thefe, they faid, were Dividing 
 Terms, and the Caufe of all the Quarrel and 
 Combuftion, and therefore they ftill urged the 
 removing thefe Terms, as the great Stumbling- 
 block, out of the way, that the Peace and Uni- 
 ty of the Church might follow upon it. But 
 Athanafius and other wife Catholicks eafily per- 
 ceived whither this fly Stratagem tended j being 
 very fenfible that their Defign was not againlt 
 the bare Terms, but the Faith itfelf, and there- 
 fore they always ftoutly and zealoufly oppofed it. 
 Nor could the Arians ever gain this Point upon 
 the Catholicks, till at laft in the Council of Ari- 
 minum, An. ^fp, by great Importunity, and Cla- 
 mours for Unity and Peace, they were prevailed 
 upon to fink the Word, Confubftantial, and 
 draw up a new Creed without it, yet as they 
 thought, containing the very fame Doctrine, and 
 in as full Terms as could be exprefled, fave that 
 the word Confubftantial was not in it. But here 
 it muft be owned, thefe Catholick Bifhops were 
 wanting in their Zeal, as they themfelves were 
 quickly after convinced. For no fooner was their 
 Conceflion made, but the Arians immediately 
 gave out and boafted over all the World, than 
 the Nicene Faith was condemned, and Arianifm 
 eftablifhed in a general Council, though nothing 
 was lefs intended by the Catholick Bifhops that 
 were prefent at it. But now they were fenfible 
 they had made a falfe Step, by differing them- 
 felves thus to be impofed upon by defigning 
 Men: They now faw that they ought to have 
 ftuck to the Nicene Terms, as well as the Faith, 
 fince the Faith it felffo much depended on them. 
 They now began to complain of the Fraud, and 
 asked Pardon of their Brethren for their want 
 of Forefight, and Caution in a Cafe fo tender 
 and material. St. Jerom, who gives us this Ac* 
 count of the whole Tranfaction, from the Acts 
 of the Synod and other Records extant in his 
 Time, brings them in making this Apology for 
 themfelves : The Bifhops, fays he, [/] who had 
 
 been 
 
 [cl] Hieron. Dial. cont. Lucif. T. z. p. 1 43 . Concurrebant Epi- 
 fcopi, qui Ariminenfibus dolis irretiri, line confeientia Haretici fe- 
 rebantur, conteftantes Corpus Domini, & quicquid in Ecclefia fan- 
 
 ftum eft, fe nihil mali in fua Fide fufpicatos. Putavimus, seibant, 
 fenfum congruere cum verbis; nec in Ecclcliis ubi fimplicitas, ubi 
 pura confeiTio eft, aliud in corde claufum eflc, aliud in labiis pro- 
 
 fcrri 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 219 
 
 been impofed upon by Fraud at Ariminum, and 
 who were reputed Hereticks without being con- 
 fcious to themfclves of any Hcrcfy, went about 
 every where protefting by the Body of Chrift, 
 and all that is facrcd in the Church, that they 
 fufpeclcd no Evil in their Creed : They thought 
 the Senfc had agreed with the Words, and that 
 Men had not meant one thing in their Hearts, 
 and uttered another thing with their Lips. They 
 were deceived by entertaining too good an Opi- 
 nion of bafc and evil Men. They did not fup- 
 pofc the Priefts of Chrift could fo trcacheroufly 
 have fought againft Chrift. In fhort they la- 
 mented their Miftake now with Tears, and of- 
 fer'd to condemn as well their own Subicription, 
 as all the Avian Blafphemies. Any one that reads 
 St. Jerom carefully, will eafily perceive, that 
 thefe Bifhops were no Arians, nor ever intended 
 to fubferibe an Arian Creed; but their Fault was 
 want of Zeal in parting with the Nicene Creed, 
 to take another inftcad of it without the word 
 Confubftantial ; which though they fubferibed 
 in the Simplicity of their Hearts as an Orthodox 
 Creed (and indeed the words, as Jerom defcribes 
 them, in their plain Senfe are Sound and Ortho- 
 dox, as St. Jerom fays in their Excufe) yet the 
 Arians put an equivocal and poifonous Senfe up- 
 on them ; giving out after the Council was end- 
 ed, that they had not only aboliihcd the Word, 
 Confubftantial, but with it condemned the Ni- 
 cene Faith alfo. Which was ftrange furprizing 
 News to the Bifhops that had been at Ariminum. 
 Then, fays St. Jerom, Ingemuit tot us orbis, Ari- 
 anum fe ejje miratus eft, The whole World groan- 
 ed, and was amazed to think fhe fliould be re- 
 puted Arian. That is, the Catholick Bifhops of 
 the whole World, (for there were three hundred 
 of them prefent at that Council) were amazed to 
 find themfelves fo abufed, and reprcfented as A- 
 rians, when they never intended in the leaft to 
 confirm the Arian Do&rine. But now by this 
 the Reader will be able to judge, what kind of 
 Zeal the Catholick Church required then [in her 
 Clergy, 'viz. That they fhould not only contend 
 for the Faith it felf, but alfo for thofe Catholick 
 Forms and Ways of expreffing it, which had 
 been prudently compofed and lettled in general 
 Councils, as a Barrier againft Hereticks, the gi- 
 ving up of which to fubtle and dangerous Ad- 
 verfaries, would always give them Advantage to 
 make fiercer Attacks upon the Faith it felf, and 
 prove deftruttive to the Catholick Caufe; as 
 thofe Bifhops found by woful Experience, who 
 were concerned in the Conceflion made at Ari- 
 minum. 'Tis Candor indeed, when good Catho- 
 licks are divided only about Words, to bring 
 them to a right Underftanding of one another, 
 which will fet them at Peace and Unity again: 
 But 'tis Tamenefs to give the main Bulwarlcs of 
 
 the Faith to fallacious Adverfaries and defignino- 
 Men, whofe Arts and Aims, however difo-uifed^ 
 are always known to ftrike at the Foundation of 
 Religion. And therefore though no Man was 
 ever more candid than Athanajius toward miff a* 
 ken Catholicks, yet neither was any more zea- 
 lous in oppofing the Arts and Stratagems of the 
 Arian Party ; always flicking clofe to the Defi- 
 nition of the Nicene Council, and never yielding 
 that any Tittle or Syllable of that Creed fhould 
 be erafed or altered. 
 
 Whilst I am upon this sect. xr. 
 
 Head, I cannot but take notice of their obligate 
 
 of the Obligations the Clergy lay msi0 mamm the 
 
 under to maintain the Unity of ■V'tyfthchwchi 
 
 the Church, both in Faith and f°f th <cp r »"°f 
 
 tVt • i- j 1 ™ * fuch as fedmtohe- 
 
 Difciphne, and what Penalties refy or Schifm. 
 were infiicled on fuch as made a 
 Breach therein, whether by Falling into Herefy 
 or Schifm themfelves, or giving Encouragement 
 to them in others. I fhall not need to ftate the 
 Nature of Church-Unity and Communion in this 
 Place any farther, than by faying, That to main- 
 tain the Purity of the Catholick Faith, and live 
 under the Difcipline and Government of a Ca- 
 tholick Bifhop, who himfelf lived in Communi- 
 on with the Catholick Church, were then as it 
 were the two Chara&eriftick Notes of any Man's 
 being in the Communion of the Church : And 
 therefore as every Member was obliged to main- 
 tain the Unity of the Church in both thefe 
 Parts i fo much more the Clergy, who were to 
 be the chief Guardians of it : And if they failed 
 in either kind, that is, if they lapfed either into 
 Herefie or Schifm ; by the Laws of the Church 
 they were to be depofed from their Office; and 
 though they repented and returned to the Unity 
 of the Church again, yet they were not to a£t 
 in their former Station, but to be admitted to 
 communicate only in the Quality of Laymen. 
 This was the Rule of the African Church in the 
 time of Cyprian, as appears from the Synodical 
 Epiftle [e~] of the Council of Carthage, to which 
 his Name is prefix'd. For writing to Pope Ste- 
 phen, they tell him, their Cuftom was to treat 
 fuch of the Clergy as were ordained in the Ca- 
 tholick Church, and afterward flood up perfidi- 
 oufly and rebellioufly againft the Church, in the 
 fame manner, as they did thofe that were firft 
 ordained by Hereticks; that is, they admitted 
 them to the Peace of the Church, and allowed them 
 the Communion of Laymen, but did not permit 
 them to officiate again in any Order of the Cler- 
 gy. And this, he fays, they did to put a Mark 
 of Diftin&ion between thofe that always ftood 
 true to the Church, and thofe that deferted it. 
 Yet if any confiderable Advantage accrued to 
 the Church by the Return of fuch an Heretick 
 
 ferri timuimus. Dccepit nos bona de malis exiftimatio. Non fu- modum perfidi ac rebelles contra Eccleiiam fiererint, vcl apud Hs- 
 
 mus arbitrati facerdotes Chrifti adverlus Chriftum pugnare. M jlca- reticosa Pfeudo-Epiicopis !x Antichriftis contra Chrifti Difpcfitio- 
 
 que alia qux brevitatis ftudio pra*tereo, flentes aflerebant, parati £c rem prol 7 3na Ordinatione promoti flint eos quoque hac con- 
 
 fubferiptionem priftinam 2c omnes Arianorum Blafphemias con- ditione fufcipi cum revertuntur, ut communiccnt Laid, cc fat is 
 
 demnare. [e\ Cypr. Ep. 72. p. 197. Si qui Presbyteri aut babeant quod admiuuntur ad Pacem, qui holies Pacis extire- 
 
 Diaconi qui vel in Ecclefia Cathoiica, priiis ordinati ruerint, 2c poil- rint, See. 
 
 or 
 
220 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VI. 
 
 or Schifmatick j as if he brought over any consi- 
 derable part of the deluded People with him y or 
 if he was generally chofen by the Church, or 
 the like j in fuch Cafes the Rule was fo far di- 
 fpenfed with, that the Deferter might be admit- 
 ted to his priftine Dignity, and be allowed to 
 officiate in his own Order again. Upon this Ac- 
 count, Corndlius Bifhop of Rome received Maxi- 
 mum the Presbyter to his former Honour upon 
 his return [/] from the Novatian Schifm. And 
 in After-ages both the Novatians and Meletians 
 were particularly favoured with this Privilege 
 bv the Council of Nice, and the Donatijls by the 
 African Fathers in the time of St. Auflin, as I 
 have had occafion to note [ # ] more than once 
 before. But if they continued obftinate in their 
 Herefy or Schifm, then many times an Anathema 
 was pronounced againft them, as in the fecond 
 Council of Carthage. If a Presbyter, fays the 
 Canon [g], that is reproved or excommunicated 
 by his Bifhop, being puffed up with Pride, fhall 
 prefume to offer the Oblation in a feparate Af- 
 fembly, or fet up another Altar againft him, let 
 him be Anathema. The Council of Antioch [h~], 
 and thofe called the Apoftolical Canons [/'], have 
 feveral Decrees of the like Nature. Yea, fo care- 
 ful were the Clergy to be of the Unity of the 
 Church, that they were not to give any Encou- 
 ragement to Hereticks or Schifmaticks, or ex- 
 communicated Perfons, by communicating with 
 them in Prayer or other holy Offices of the 
 
 Church, or fo much as frequenting their Socie- 
 ty, or feafting with them, or the like. But I 
 do not enlarge upon thefe things here, becaufc 
 being Matters of Difcipline, they will come a- 
 gain to be confidered under that Head in another 
 Place. 
 
 I have now gone through fome of the chief 
 general Duties, which more immediately con- 
 cerned the Office and Function of the Clergy ; 
 and by mixing publick Rules with private Di- 
 rections and great Examples, have made fuch an 
 Effay towards the Idea and Character of a Primi- 
 tive Clerk, as may (I hope) in fome things excite 
 both the Emulation and Curiofity of many of my 
 Readers, who may be concerned to imitate the 
 Pattern I have been defcribing. Tf here it be 
 not drawn fo full, or fo exactly to the Life in 
 all its Beauties as they could wim, they will find 
 their Account in fatisfying their Curiofity, by 
 having Recourfe to the Fountains themfelves, 
 from whence thefe Materials were taken. For 
 many Things, that might here have been added, 
 were purpofely omitted for fear of drawing out 
 this Part of the Difcourfe to a greater length, 
 than would confift with the Defign and Mea- 
 fures of the prefent Undertaking : And I had ra- 
 ther be thought to have faid too little, than too 
 much, upon this Head, that I might not cloy, 
 but leave an Edge upon the Appetite of the Iii- 
 quifitive Reader. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 An Account of fome other Laws and Rules ^ which were a fort of Out-Guards 
 
 and Fences to the former. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 ito Clergy -man al- 
 lowed to Defert or 
 Relinquijk bis Station 
 without jufi Grounds 
 and Leave. 
 
 H 
 
 A V I N G thus far difcour- 
 fed both of fuch Laws as 
 related to the Life and Conver- 
 fation of the Primitive Clergy, 
 and of thofe that more immedi- 
 ately concerned the Duties and 
 Offices of their Function j I come now to fpeak 
 of a Third fort of Laws, which were like the 
 Jews Sepimenta Legis, a fort of By-Laws and 
 Rules, made for the Defence and Guard of the 
 two former. Among thefe we may reckon fuch 
 Laws as were made to fix the Clergy to their 
 proper Bufinefs and Calling:, fuch as that which 
 forbad any Clergy-man to defert or relinquifh his 
 Station, without juft Grounds or Leave granted 
 by his Superiors. In the African Church, as 
 has been fhewed before, [f ] from the time that 
 any Man was made a Reader, or entered in any 
 
 of the lower Orders of the Church, he was pre- 
 fumed to be dedicated to the Service of God, fo 
 as thenceforth not to be at liberty to turn Secu- 
 lar again at his own Pleafure. And much more 
 did this Rule hold for Bi/hops, Presbyters and 
 Deacons. Therefore Cyril of Alexandria, fas he 
 is cited by Harmenopulus [a], fays in one of his 
 Canons, that it was contrary to the Laws of the 
 Church for any Priefb to give in a Libel of Re- 
 fignation: For if he be worthy, he ought to 
 continue in his Miniftryj if he be unworthy, he 
 fhould not have the Privilege of Refigning, but 
 be condemned and ejected. The Council of 
 Chalcedon orders [f\ all fuch to be anathematized, 
 as forfook their Orders to take upon them any 
 military Office or fecular Dignity, unlefs they 
 repented and returned to the Employment, 
 which for God's Sake they had firft chofen. The 
 
 [/] Cornel. Ep. 46. al. 49. ad Cypr. p. 95. Maximum Pref- 
 bytcrum locum fuum agnoi'ecre jummus. See other Injlances in 
 Socrates, lib. 7. c. 3. [•] Book 4. Chap 7. Seel- 7 and 8. 
 
 [g~\ Cone. Cavth. 2. c. 1. Si quis forte Presbyter ab Epifcopo fuo 
 correptus vel Ex<:ommunicatus, tumore vel fupeibia inflatus, pu- 
 taverit feparatini Deo facrificia offerenda, vel aliud erigendum al- 
 tarc — Anathsma fit. [h] Cone. Antio:b. c. 4, 5; f. 
 
 ['] Canon. Apoft. c. 31. [-\~\Book 3. Chap. \.Se8.f. [>]Harme- 
 nOpul. Epitom. Can.ap. Leunclav. Jus Grxc. Rom. Tom. 1. p. ji. 
 
 'Ztyffely&tv rtvetf hf bo^ Sv. 8cc. [£] Cone. Chalced. 
 
 C. 7. 7SfU cirrctt iv Khvpu T'/lctfpfyis;. ynTi 17, t rgfltietv //<J7« 
 
 Council 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 221 
 
 Council of fours [f] in like manner decrees, chat 
 whoever of the Clergy dcfcrt their Order and 
 Office, to follow a tecular Life and Calling a- 
 gain, Avail be punifhed with Excommunication. 
 The Civil Law was alfo very fevere upon fuch 
 Dcferters. By an Order of Arcadius and Hono- 
 rius [d~] they are condemned to ferve in Curia all 
 their Lives, that they might never have the Pri- 
 vilege of refuming the Clerical Life again. And 
 by a Law of J liftman's [<?] both Monks and 
 Clerks fo deferring, were to forfeit whatever E- 
 ltatc they were podelt of, to the Church or 
 Monaftery to which they belonged. 
 
 if, 
 
 " SECT. II. But this Rule as it was m- 
 
 Yet irtfome eyes a tended for the Benefit of the 
 Kefign*tion was al- Church, to keep the Clergy to 
 UwUof. their D ut y. fo when the Benefit 
 
 of the Church, or any other reafonable Caufe re- 
 quired the contrary, might be difpenfed with : 
 And we find many fuch Refignations or Renun- 
 ciations pra&ifed, and fome allowed by general 
 Councils. For not to mention the Cafe of Dis- 
 ability by reafon of Old-age, Sick nefs, or other 
 Infirmity, in which it was ufual for Bifhops to 
 turn over their Bufinefs to a Coadjutor ; of 
 which I have given a full Account in a former 
 Book [*]} there were two other Cafes, which 
 come nearer to the Matter in hand. One was, 
 when a Bilhop through the obitinacy, hatred, 
 or difguft of any People, found himfelf uncapa- 
 ble of doing them any Service j and tlut the 
 Burden was an intolerable Oppreflion to him : In 
 that Caiej if he defired to Renounce, his Rcfig- 
 nation was accepted. Thus Gregory Nazianzen 
 renounced the See of Conflantinople, and betook 
 himfelf to a private Life, becaufe the People 
 grew factious, and murmured at him, as being a 
 Stranger. And this he did with the Confent 
 and Approbation of the general Council of Con- 
 flantinople^ as not only the Hiftorians, Theodoret 
 [/] and Socrates [g], but he himfelf teftifies [h~\ 
 in many Places of his Writings. After the fame 
 manner, Theodoret fays [*'], Meletius the famous 
 Bifhop of Antioch, when he was Bifhop of Scha- 
 uta in Armenia, was fo offended with the rebel- 
 lious Temper and Contumacy of a perverfe and 
 froward People, that he abandoned them, and 
 retired likewife to a private Life. So Thcodorus 
 Leilor tells us [k~] how Martyrius Bifhop of An- 
 tioch being offended at the Fa&ioufnefs of his 
 People and Clergy, upon the Intrufion of Peter 
 Fullo, renounced his Church with thefe Words: 
 A contumacious Clergy, a rebellious People, a pro- 
 phane Church, I bid adieu to them alU referring to 
 my [elf the Dignity of Priefihood. Another Cafe 
 
 was, when in Charity a Bifhop rcfigned, or 
 {hewed himfelf willing to refign, to cure fome 
 inveterate Schifm. Thus Chryfojlom \ I) ro!d his 
 People, that if they had any Suipicion of him, 
 as if he were an Ufurper, he was ready to quit 
 his Government, when they pleafed, if that was 
 necefiary to prcferve the Unity of the Church. 
 And fo Theodoret [ni] tells us, that in the Difpute 
 between Fla-vian and Evagrius the two Bifhops 
 of Antioch, when I'heodo/ius the Emperor fent for 
 Flavian, and ordered him to go and have his 
 Caufe decided at Rome: He bravely anfwered, 
 Great Sir, If any accufe my Faith as errone- 
 u ous, or my Life as unqualifying me for a Bi- 
 " fhoprick, I will freely let my Accufers be my 
 " Judges, and (land to their Sentence whatever 
 " it be: But if the Difpute be only about the 
 " Throne and Government of the Church, Ifhall 
 " not flay for Judgment, nor contend .with any 
 " that has a mind to ir, but freely recede, and 
 " abdicate the Throne of my own accord. And 
 " you, Sir, may commit the See of Antioch to 
 " whom you pleafe." The Emperor looked 
 upon this as a noble and generous Anfwer, and 
 was fo affecled with it, that inflead of obliging 
 him to go to Rome, he fent him home again, 
 and bad him go feed the Church committed to 
 his Care: Nor would he ever after hearken to 
 the Bifhops of Rome, though they often follici- 
 ted him to expel him. There is one In trance 
 more of this Nature, which I cannot omit$ be- 
 caufe it is fuch an Example of Self-Denial, and 
 defpifing of private Intereft for the Publick 
 Good, and Peace, and Unity of the Church, as 
 deferves to be tranfmitted to Pofterity, and to be 
 lpoken of with the higheft Commendations. It 
 was the Propofal which Aurclius Bifhop of Car- 
 thage and St.Auflin, with the reft of the African 
 Bifhops, made to the Donatifts at the opening of 
 the Conference of Carthage - y that to put an End 
 to the Schifm, wherever there was a Catholick 
 and a Donatitt Bifhop in the fame City) they 
 fhould both of them [»] refign, and fuffer a new 
 one to be chofen. For why, fay they, fhould 
 we fcruple to offer the Sacrifice of fuch an Hu- 
 mility to our Redeemer? Did he defcend from 
 Heaven to atfume our Nature, and make us his 
 Members? And {hall we make any Doubt to de- 
 fcend from our Chairs, to prevent his Members 
 being torn to pieces by a cruel Schifm ? We Bi- 
 lhops are ordained for the People of Chrift. 
 What therefore is moll conducive to the Peace 
 of Chriftian People, we ought to do in reference 
 to our Epifcopacy. If we be profitable Servants, 
 why fhould we envy the eternal Gain of our 
 Lord for our own Temporal Honours? OurEpi- 
 
 [c] Cone. Turon. c.f. Si quis Clericus : reli&o Officii fui Or^ 
 dine, Laicam voluerit agere vitam, vel fe Militia? tradiderit, ex- 
 communicationis pcena feriatur. [</] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. i. 
 
 de Epifc. leg. 39. Si qui profefium Sacra; Religionis fponte dere- 
 liquerit, continuo fibi eum Curia vindicet: Ut Liber illi ultra &d> 
 Ecclefiam recurfus efle non poffir. [«] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 
 3. de Epifc. leg. 57. Quod fi illi Monafteria aut Ecclcfias relin- 
 quanr, atque Mundani fiant: Omne ipforum Jus ad Monafterium 
 aut Ecclefiam pertinet. [*] Book z. Chap. 13. Seel. 4. 
 
 if] Theod. lib. f. c. 8. [g] Socrat. lib. f. c. 7. f>] Naz. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Orat. 32. it. Carm. de Vita fua. [/] Theod. lib. A. c. 31. 
 
 [/,•] Theodor. Left. lib. t. p. 5-57. [/] Chryf. Horn. n. in 
 
 Ephef. p. 11 10. iio/fjioi 'xctfw.yjofiaeu ttpX" ( [j.'ovov iKKKuata. 
 ir® iA<t. [tn] Theod. lib. f. c. 13. [»] Collat. Car- 
 
 thag. Die 1. c. 1 6. Utrique de medio fecedamus. Quid emm. 
 
 dubitemus Redemptori noftro facrificium illius humilitatis offerre? 
 An vero ille de ccelis in membra huroana defcendit, ut membra ejus 
 efiemus ? F.t nos, ne ipfa ejus membra crudelt diviiione lanientur, 
 de Catheads defcendere formidamus ? &c 
 
 Fff 
 
 fcopal 
 
222 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VI. 
 
 fcopal Dignity will be fo much the more advan- 
 tageous to us, if by laying it afide we gather to- 
 gether the Flock of Chnft, than if we difperfe 
 his Flock by retaining it. And with what Face 
 can we hope for the Honour which Chrift has 
 promifed us in the World to come, if our Ho- 
 nours in this World hinder the Unity of his 
 Church? By this we fee there were fome Cafes, 
 in which it was lawful for Men to renounce even 
 the Epifcopal Office, and betake themfelves to a 
 private Life : The grand Rule being in thefe and 
 all other Cafes, to do what was moll for the Be- 
 nefit and Edification of the Church, and facrifice 
 private Intereft to the Avantage of the Publick. 
 
 SECT. IN. I N thefe Cafes, a Bifhop after 
 
 AndCanonicalPerf- he had renounced, was not to in- 
 omfmnettmes grant- termeddle with the Affairs of the 
 ed in fuch cafes. Church, to ordain, or perform 
 any Offices of the like Nature, unlefs he was 
 called to affift by fome other Bifhop, or was 
 commiffioned by him as his Delegate: {Yet he 
 was allowed the Title, and Honour, and Com- 
 munion of a Bifhop, as the general Council of 
 Ephefus [o] determined it fhould be, in the Cafe 
 of Euftathius Bifhop of Perga and Metroplitan of 
 Pamphylid) who had renounced his Bifhoprick, 
 being an aged Man, and thinking himfclf unable 
 to difcharge the Duties of it. In fuch Cafes like- 
 wife when any one receded with the Approbati- 
 on of a Council, he was fometimes allowed to 
 receive a moderate Penfion out of the Bifhoprick 
 for his Maintenance. As it was the Cafe otDom- 
 nus Bifhop of Antioch, who having been ejected 
 though unjuftly by Diofcorus in the fecond Sy- 
 nod of Ephefus, yet quietly refigned the Bifhoprick 
 to Maximus : Upon which account Maximus de- 
 fired Leave of the Council of Chalcedony that he 
 might allow him an annual Penfion out of the 
 Revenues of the Church, which the Council of 
 Chalcedon [f] readily complied with. And this, 
 as Richerius \j] ingenuoufly owns, that the anci- 
 ent Defign and Meaning of Canonical Penfions, 
 which were not ufed to be granted but by the 
 Authority or Approbation of a Synod, and only 
 to fuch as having fpent the greateft part of their 
 Life in the Service of the Church, defired to be 
 disburdened of their Office by reafon of their 
 Age. For the referving a Penfion out of a Bi- 
 fhoprick, which a Man only refigns to take a- 
 nother, was a Practice wholly unknown to for- 
 mer Ages. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 No Clergyman to re- 
 move from one Dio- 
 cefe to another ■with- 
 out the Confent and 
 Letters Dimiffory of 
 his own BtJJwp. 
 
 idly, Another Rule, de- 
 figned to keep all Clergymen 
 ftridtly to their Duty, was, That 
 no one fhould remove from his 
 own Church or Diocefe, with- 
 out the Confent of the Bifhop to 
 
 whofe Diocefe he belonged. For as no one at 
 firft could be ordained ^XeXup^uW but muft be 
 fixt to fome Church at his firft Ordination j fo 
 neither, by the Rules and Difcipline of 'the 
 Church then prevailing, might he exchange his 
 Station at pleafure, but muft have his own Bi- 
 fhop's Licence, or Letters DimifTory, to qualify 
 him to remove from one Diocefe to another. 
 For this was the ancient Right, which every 
 Bifhop had in the Clergy of his own Church, 
 that he could not be deprived of them without 
 his own Confent ; but as well the Party that de- 
 ferted him, as the Bifhop that received him, 
 were liable to be cenfured upon fuch a Tranf- 
 greffion. If any Presbyter, Deacon, or other 
 Clerk, fay the Apoftolical Canons [/], forfake 
 his own Diocefe to go to another, and there 
 continue without the Confent of his own Bifhop, 
 We decree,that fuch an one fhall no longerMinifter 
 as a Clerk (efpecially if after Admonition he re- 
 fufe to return) but only be admitted to communi- 
 cate as a Layman. And if the Bifhop, to whom 
 they repair, ftill entertain them in the Quality 
 of Clergymen, he fhall be excommunicated as a 
 Mafter of Diforder. The fame Rule is frequent- 
 ly repeated in the ancient Councils, as that of 
 Antioch [j] , the firft and fecond of Aries [/] , 
 the firft and fourth of Carthage [ti] , the firft of 
 Toledo [w] , and the Council of Tours [x] , and 
 Turin [jy], and the great Council of Nice [z] , 
 to whole Canons it may be fufficient to refer - the 
 Reader. I only obferve, that this was the an- 
 cient Ufe of Letters DimifTory, or as they were 
 then called, iau>\\f\iy^ «pnvixac, a-us-olaou and 
 ConcejforU, which were Letters of Licence grant- 
 ed by a Bifhop, for a Clergyman to remove 
 from his Diocefe to another} though we now 
 take Letters DimifTory in another Senfe : But 
 the old Canons call thofe DimifTory Letters, 
 which were given upon the Occafion that I 
 have mentioned. The Council of Carthage gives 
 them only the Name of the Bifhop's [a] Letters, 
 but the Council of Trullo [b~] ftiles them ex- 
 prefly, DimifTory } when reinforcing all the an- 
 cient Canons, it fays, no Clergyman of whac 
 Degree foever fhall be entertained in another 
 Church, buTOi 4 rS chais cma-y.07ris Wy^tyx i.7n>\v- 
 TiM-yfr, without the DimifTory Letters of his own 
 Bifliop j which he might grant or refufe as he 
 faw proper occafion for it. For there was no 
 Law to compel him to grant it, whatever Arts 
 any Clerk might ufe to gain a Difmiffion any o- 
 ther way. St. Auftin mentions a pretty ftrange 
 Cafe of this Nature, that happened in his own 
 Diocefe. One Timotheus a Subdeacon of his 
 Church, being defirous to leave his Poft under 
 St. Auflin, and go to Severus a neighbouring Bi- 
 fhop, protefts upon Oath to Severus that he 
 would be no longer of St. Auflirfs Church: 
 
 [o] Cone. Ephef. Aft. 7. in Epift. ad Synod. Pamphylia:. Habeat 
 Epifcopi nomen 8c honorem ac Communinonem, lie quidem uc 
 neque ipfe ordinet, neque in Ecclefiam propria auftoritate ordinatu- 
 rus veniat, nifi forte coaflumatur, 8cc. [/>] Cone. Chalced. Aft. 7. 
 al. Aft. 10. edit. Labbe. Tom. 4. p. 681. [q] Richer. Hid. Con- 
 cil. Par. 1. c. 8. n. 30. p. 218. Nihil antiquitus confuetum fieri nil! 
 Synodice comprobatum; hincque jus Penfionum Canonicarum po- 
 teft confirmari; qua: iis tantum tribui confueverant, qui magnam 
 
 vita: partem in Minifterio confumferant, 8c propter xtatem fe exo- 
 nerabant Epifcopatu. [r] Canon. Apoft. c. if, 8c 16. Vid. Cone. 
 Chalced. Can. 20. [s] Cone. Antioch. c. 3. [>] Arelat. 1. c. 22* 
 Are!at. 2. c. 13. [«] Cone. Carth. i. c. j-. Carth. 4. c. 27. 
 [w] Cone. Tolet. 1. c. 12. [xl Cone. Turon. c. 11. [y~\ Cone. 
 Taurin. c. 6. [z] Cone. Nic. c. 16. [a] Cone. Carth. 1. c. f. 
 Non licere Clen'cum alicnum ab aliquo fufcipi fine Literis Epifcopi 
 fui, neque apud Ce retinere. [i>] Cone. Trull, c. 17. 
 
 Upon 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Upon ih'\s Severus pretending a Reverence for his 
 Oath, writes to St. Juflin, and tells him he 
 could not return him his Clerk for fear of making 
 him guilty of Perjury. To which Si.JuJlin re- 
 plied, That this opened a way to Liccntiouf- 
 nefs, and there was an End [_f\ of all Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Order and Difciplinc, if a Bifliop would pre- 
 tend to keep another Man's Clerk upon fuch a 
 Scruple, for fear of being acceflbry to his Per- 
 jury. This evidently implies, that there was no 
 "Law then to compel a Bifhop to grant Letters 
 Dimiflbry to his Clerk 5 for if there had been 
 any fuch, Timotheus needed not to have ufed the 
 Stratagem of an Oath, but might have compel- 
 led St. Auftin to have granted them. But the 
 Church then did not think fit to put it in every 
 Man's Power to remove from one Diocefe to a- 
 nother at his own Pleafure, but left every Bifhop 
 fble Judge in this Cafe, as belt: knowing the Ne- 
 ceflities and Circumftances of his own Church, 
 and whether it were expedient to part with the 
 Clergy which were ordained for her Service. 
 
 SECT. v. The Laws were no lefs fe- 
 
 itms againft the vere againft all wandering Cler- 
 BciKci/jiCoi , or gymen, whom fome of the An- 
 
 mmdnmg Clergy. cients cz \\ Baxa/li^i [d], or Fa- 
 cantivi, by way of Reproach. They were a fort 
 of idle Perfons, who having deferted the Service 
 of their own Church, would fix in no other, 
 but went roving from place to place, as their 
 Fancy and their Humour led them. Now by 
 the Laws of the Church no Bifhop was to per- 
 mit any fuch to officiate in his Diocefe, nor in- 
 deed fo much as to communicate in his Church ; 
 becaufe having neither Letters Dimiflbry, nor 
 Letters Commendatory from their own Bifliop 
 (which every one ought to have that travelled) 
 they were to be fufpefted either as Deferters, or 
 as Perfons guilty of fome Mifdemeanor, who fled 
 from Ecclefiaftical Cenfure. Therefore the Laws 
 forbad the admitting of fuch either to Ecclefia- 
 ftical or Lay-Communion. A Presbyter or Dea- 
 con, fays the Council of Agde [<?], that rambles 
 about without the Letters of his Bifliop, fhall 
 not be admitted to Communion by any other. 
 The Council of Epone [/] Repeats the Decree in 
 the fame words. And the Council of Falentia 
 \_g\ in Spain orders fuch wandering and roving 
 Clerks, as will not fettle to the conftant Perfor- 
 mance and Attendance of Divine Offices in the 
 Church, whereto they were deputed by the Bi- 
 fliop that ordained them, to be deprived both 
 of the Communion and the Honour of their Or- 
 der, if they perfifbed in their Obftinacy and Re- 
 bellion. So Ariel: were the Laws of the ancient 
 
 Church in tying the inferior Clergy to the Ser- 
 vice of that Church, to which they were firfl: 
 appointed, that they might not upon any ac- 
 count move thence, but at the Difcretion of the 
 Bifliop that ordained them. 
 
 Nor were the Bifliops fo sect. vi. 
 
 Arbitrary in this Matter, but that L^ms ugamft the 
 
 they themfelves were under a ^Mjiatwns of Bi- 
 like Regulation, and liable to *T T See 
 
 L r ° , r 3 t-, to another, now to 
 
 aws of the fame nature. For te Umited and m . 
 
 as no Clerk could remove from derftooJ. 
 his own Church without the Li- 
 cence of his Bifhop: So neither might any Bi- 
 fliop pretend to tranflate or move himfelf to a- 
 nother See, without the confent and approbation 
 of a Provincial Council. Some few there were, 
 who thought it ablblutely unlawful for a Bifliop 
 to forfake his firfl: See, and betake himfelf to 
 any other; becaufe they looked upon his Confe- 
 cration to be a fort of Marriage to his Church, 
 from which he could not divorce himfelf, nor 
 take another without incurring the Crime of 
 Spiritual Adultery. To this purpofe they wreft- 
 ed that Paflage of St. Paul, A Bijloop muft be the 
 Husbana 1 of one Wife, taking it in a myltical and 
 figurative Senfe, as St. Jerom [//], informs us. 
 But this was but the private Opinion of one or 
 two Authors, which never prevailed in the Ca- 
 tholick Church ; whofe Prohibition of the Tranf- 
 lation of Bifliops was not founded upon any 
 fuch Reafons, but was only intended as a cau- 
 tionary Provifion to prevent the Ambition of a- 
 fpiring Men, that they might not run from leflef 
 Bifliopricks to greater, without the Authority 
 of a Provincial Synod, which was the proper 
 judge in fuch Cafes. Some Canons indeed feem 
 to forbid it ablblutely, and univerfally, as a 
 thing not to be allowed in any Cafe. The 
 Council of Nice [/'] and Sardica [£] and fome 
 others prohibit it without any Exception or 
 Limitation. But other Canons reilrain it to 
 the Cafe of a Bifliop's intruding himfelf in- 
 to another See by fome finifter Arts, without 
 any legal Authoriy from a Provincial Synod. So 
 thofe called the Apoftolical Canons [/] diftin- 
 guifli upon the Matter: It fhall not be lawful 
 for a Bifliop to leave his Diocefe, and invade a- 
 nother, though many of the People would com- 
 pel him to it : Unlefs there be a reafonable Caufe, 
 as that he may the more advantage the Church 
 by his Preaching: And then he fhall not do it of 
 his own Head, but by the Judgment and En- 
 treaty of many Bifliops, that is, a Provincial Sy- 
 nod. The fourth Council of Carthage diftin- 
 guiflies [ni] much after the fame manner : A Bi- 
 
 [e] Aug. Ep. 24.0. ad Severum. Aditus aperitur ad difiolvendum 
 ordinem Ecclefiafticx Difciplinse, fi alterius Ecclefix Clericus cui- 
 eunque juraverit, quod ab ipfo non fit recefTurus, eum fecum efle 
 permittat ,• ideo fe facere affirmans, ne author fit ejus Perjurii, 8cc. 
 [</] Synef. Ep. 67. [*] Cone. Agathcn. c. f 2. Presbytero 
 
 live Diacono fine Antiftitis fui Epiftolis ambulanti communionem 
 nullus impendat. [/] Cone. Epauuenf. c. 6. [g] Cone. 
 Valentin, c. f. Vagus atque inftabilis Clericus, fi Epifcopi, a quo 
 ordinatus eft, prseceptis non obedierit, ut in delegata fibi Eccleiia 
 officium dependat alViduum, quoufque in vitio permanferit, 2c 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Communione 8c Honore privetur. [h] Hicion. Ep. 83. ad 
 
 Oceanum. Tom. 2. p. 321. Quidam coa£te interpretanrur uxores 
 pro Eccleliis, viros pro Epifcopis debere accipi, &.c. [/'] Cone. 
 Nic. c. if. [*] Cone. Sardic. c. 1, & z r Cone. Antioch. Can. 
 21. Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 38. [/] Canon. Apoft. c. 14. 
 
 [w] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 27. Ut Epifcopus de loco ignobili ad no- 
 
 bilem per ambitionem non tranfcat Sane fi id uriJitas Ecclefia; 
 
 fiendum popofcerit, Decreto pro eo Clericorura & Laicorum Epi- 
 fcopis porreclo, per fententiam Synodi transferatur. 
 
 Fff z 
 
 ihop 
 
224 
 
 The A n t i qjj 1 t i e s of the 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 fhop {hall not remove himfelf from an obfcure to 
 a more honourable Place out of Ambition: But 
 if the Advantage of the Church require it, he 
 may be tranflated by the Order and Decree of a 
 Provincial Synod. Schelftrate [»] and fome o- 
 ther learned Perfons think, that thcfc Canons 
 were a Correction of the former > the one al- 
 lowing what the other had pofitively forbidden. 
 But this is not at all probable: Ic is more rcafon- 
 able to think, that though in the Nicene and 
 Sardican Canons thefe Exceptions are not expref- 
 fed, yet they are to be undcrftood: Becaufe the 
 Council of Nice itfelf tranflated Euftathius Bi- 
 fhop of Bcrea to Antioch, as Mr. Pagi [o] rightly 
 obferves out of Sozomen [/>], and other Hi ftorians 
 of the Church: Which had been to break and 
 affront their own Rule at the very firft, had it 
 meant, that it fhould not be lawful in any cafe 
 to tranflate a Bifhop from one See to another. 
 We mud conclude then, that the Defign of all 
 thefe Canons was the fame, to prevent Covetouf- 
 nefs, Ambition, and love of Pre-eminence in a- 
 fpiring Men, who thruft themfelves into other 
 Sees by irregular Means, by a Faction, or the 
 meer Favour of the People, without flaying for 
 the Choice or Confent of a Synod : Which was 
 the common Practice of the Arian Party in the 
 Time of Confiantinc and Confiantius, and occafio- 
 ned fo many Laws to be made againft it. But 
 when a Synod of Bifhops in their Judgment and 
 Difcretion thought it neceflary to tranflate a Bi- 
 fhop from a leflTer to a greater See, for the Be- 
 nefit and Advantage of the Church, there was 
 no Law to prohibit this, but there are a thou- 
 fand Inftances of fuch Promotions to be met with 
 in ancient Hiftory, as Socrates [_q] has obferved 
 long ago, who has collected a great many In- 
 ftances to this Purpofe. Thofe that pleafe may 
 fee more in Cotelerius [r] and Bilhop Beveridge 
 [f] : For in fo plain a Cafe I do not think it ne- 
 ceflary to be more particular in my Account 
 of them, but proceed with other Laws of the 
 Church, which concerned the Clergy. 
 
 sect. vil. The next Laws of this na- 
 Laws concerning the ture were fuch as concerned the 
 Refidence of the Refidence of the Clergy j the 
 clergy. Defign of which was the fame as 
 
 all the former, to bind them to conftant Atten- 
 dance upon their Duty. And thefe Laws equal- 
 ly concerned Bifhops and all the inferior Clergy. 
 The Council of Sardica has feveral Canons rela- 
 ting to this matter. The feventh decrees, that 
 no Bifhop fhould go «? 9(oaT07rs^ov, to the Em- 
 peror's Court, unlefs the Emperor by Letter 
 called him thither. The next Canon [/] provides, 
 
 that whereas there might be feveral Cafes, which 
 might require a Bifhop to make fome Applicati- 
 on to the Emperor in behalf of the Poor, or 
 Widows, or fuch as fled for Sanctuary to the 
 Church, and condemned Criminals, and the like: 
 In fuch Cafes the Deacons or Subdeacons of the 
 Church were to be employed to go in his Name, 
 that the Bifhop might fall under no Cenfure at 
 Court, as neglecting the Bufinefs of his Church. 
 Jufiinian has a Law of the fame Import with 
 thefe Canons, That no Bifhop lhould appear at 
 Court upon any Bufinefs of his Church without the 
 Command of the Prince: But if any Petition was 
 to be preferred to the Emperor, relating to any 
 civil Conteft, the Bifhop fhould depute his Apo- 
 crifarius, or Refident at Court, to act for him, 
 or fend his OEconomus, or fome other of his 
 Clergy to follicite the Caufe in his Name} than 
 the Church might neither receive Damage by 
 his Abfence, nor be put to unneceflary Expences. 
 Another Canon [w~] of the Counil of Sardica li- 
 mits the Abfence of a Bifhop from his Church 
 to three Weeks, unlefs it were upon fome very 
 weighty and urgent Occafion. And another 
 Canon [x] allows the fame time for a Bifhop, 
 who is poflefs'd of an Eftate in another Diocefs, 
 to go and collect his Revenues, provided he ce- 
 lebrate Divine Service every Lord's Day in the 
 Country-Church, where his Eftate lies. And 
 by two other Canons [j/] of that Council, 
 Presbyters and Deacons are limited to the fame 
 Term of Abfence, and tied to the forementioned 
 Rules in the fame manner that Bifhops were. 
 The Council of Agde [z] made the like Order 
 for the French Churches, decreeing, That a Pres- 
 byter or Deacon, who was abfent from his Church 
 for three Weeks, fhould be three Years fuf- 
 pended from the Communion. In the African 
 Churches upon the account of this Refidence, 
 every Bifhop's Houfe was to be near the Church 
 [a] by a Rule of the fourth Council of Carthage. 
 And in the fifth Council there is another Rule 
 [Z>], that every Bilhop fhallhave his Refidence ac 
 his Principal or Cathedral Church, which he fhall 
 not leave, to betake himfelf to any other Church 
 in his Diocefs ; nor continue upon his private 
 Concerns, to the neglect of his Cure, and hin- 
 derance of his frequenting the Cathedral Church. 
 From this it appears, that the City-Church was 
 to be the chief Place of the Bifhop's Refidence 
 and Cure: And CabaJJutius [c] in his Remarks 
 upon this Canon reflects upon the French Bi- 
 fhops, as tranfgreffing the ancient Rule, in fpend- 
 ing the greateft part of the Year upon their Plea- 
 fure in the Country. Yet there is one thing 
 that feems a Difficulty in this Matter} for Jufii- 
 
 [»] Schelftrat.de Concil. Antioch. On. 21. p. 614. [0] Pagi 
 Critic, in Baron. 324. n. 22. [p] Sozom. lib. 1. c. 2. iq] So- 
 crat. lib. 7. c. 36. [r] Coteler. Not. in Can. Apoft. c. 14. 
 
 [i] Bevereg. Not. in eundem Canon. [/] Cone. Sirdic. c. 8. 
 [«] .Juft. Novel. 6. c. 2. [w] Cone. Sarnie, c. 1 1. [*] Cone. 
 Sardic.c. 12. [7] Cone. Sardic. c. 16, & 17. O] Cone. 
 Agathen. c. 64. Diaconus vel Presbyter, fi per tres Hebdomadas 
 ab Ecclefia fua demerit triennio a Communione iufpendatur. 
 
 [a] Cone. Carthag. 4. c. 14. Ut Epifcopus non longe ab Ecclefia 
 Hofpitiolum habeat. [6] Cone. Carth. j\ c. Placuit ut ne- 
 mini lit facultas, relicta Principali Cathedra, ad aliquam Eccleliam 
 in Dioeceii conftitutam fe conferre: vel intro propria diutius quam 
 opportet conltitutum, curam vel rrequentationem propria; Cathedrae 
 negligere. [c] CabaflTut. Notit. Concil. c. 44. Huic Ca- 
 noni contraveniunt Epifcopi, qui magna parte anni rure vcrfantur 
 6c deliciantur. 
 
 7 
 
 man 
 
Ch A P. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 225 
 
 man [d] fays, No Biihop (hall be abfent from 
 Ins CHurch above a whole Year, unlefs he has 
 the Emperor's Command for it. Which implies 
 that a Biihop might be abfent from hisBifhoprick 
 a Year in ordinary Cafes, and more in extraordi- 
 nary. Cut I conceive, the Meaning of this is, 
 that he might be abfent a Year during his whole 
 Life j not Year after Year; for that would a- 
 mount to a perpetual Abfence, which it was not 
 the Intent of the Law to grant, but to tie them 
 up to the direct contrary, except the Prince up- 
 on fome extrarordinary Affair thought fit to grant 
 them a particular Difpcnfation. 
 
 SECT. VIII. Another Rule, grounded 
 of Pluralities and upon the fame Rcafon with the 
 the Laws made a- f 01 - m er, was the Inhibition of 
 bout them Pluralities > which concerned both 
 
 Eifhops, and the inferior Clergy. As to Bi- 
 Ihops, it appears plainly from St. Ambvofe^ that it 
 was not thought lawful for a Man to have two 
 Churches. For fpeaking of thofe Words of the 
 Apoftle, A Bifhop mult be the Husband of one 
 Wife, he fays, If we look [e] only to the Su- 
 perficies of the Letter, it forbids a Digamift to 
 be ordained Bifhop j but if we penetrate a little 
 deeper to the Profounder Senfe, it prohibits a 
 Bifhop to have two Churches. That is, where- 
 ever there were two Diocefes before, it was not 
 lawful for one Bifhop to ufurp the both, except 
 where the Wifdom of the Church and State 
 thought it moll convenient to join them into 
 one. And it is remarkable, That though there 
 be many Inftances ofBifhops removing from letter 
 Sees to greater > yet there is no Example in all 
 ancient Hiftory, that I remember, of any fuch 
 Bifhops holding both together j no not among 
 the Avians themfelves, who were the leaft con- 
 cerned in obferving Rules of any other. As to 
 the Cafe of the inferior Clergy, we muft diftin- 
 guifh betwixt Diocefan and Parochial Churches, 
 and between the Office and the Benefit in Parochial 
 Churches. The Circumftances and Neceffities 
 of the Church might fometimes require a Pref- 
 byter or Deacon to officiate in more than one 
 Parochial Church, when there was a Scarcity of 
 Miniftersj but the Revenues of fuch Churches 
 did not thereupon belong to him, becaufe they 
 were paid into the Common Stock of the City 
 or Cathedral Church, from whence he had his 
 monthly or yearly Portion in the Divifion of 
 the whole, as has been noted before. And this 
 makes it farther evident, that in thofe early Ages 
 there could be no fuch thing as Plurality of Be- 
 nefices, but only a Plurality of Offices in the 
 fame Diocefe, within fuch a Diftrict, as that a 
 Man might perfonally attend and officiate in two 
 
 Parochial Churches. But then as to different 
 Diocefes, it being ordinarily impoffible that a 
 Man lliould attend a Cure in two Diocefes, the 
 Canons are very exprefs in prohibiting any one 
 from having a Name in two Churches, or par- 
 taking of the Revenues of both. The Council 
 of Chalcedon [/] has a peremptory Canon to this 
 purpofe: It fhall not be lawful for any Clergy- 
 man to have his Name in the Church-Rolf or 
 Catalogue of two Cities at the fame time, that 
 is, in the Church where he was firft ordained, 
 and any other to which he flies out of ambi- 
 tion as to a greater Church ; but all fuch fhall 
 be returned to their own Church, where thev 
 were firft ordained, and only Minifter there. But 
 if any one is regularly removed from one Church 
 to another, he fhall not partake of the Revenues 
 of the former Church, or of any Oratory, Hof- 
 pital or Alms-houfe belonging to it. And fuch 
 as fhall prefume, after this Definition of this 
 great and Oecumenical Council, to tranfgrefs in 
 this matter, are condemned to be degraded by 
 the holy Synod. And that none might pretend 
 under any other Notion to evade this Law, the 
 fame Rule was made for Monafteries, that one 
 Abbot fhould not prefide over two Monasteries 
 at the fame time. Which Provifion is made by 
 the Council of Agde [g] and Epone, and confirm- 
 ed by the Imperial Laws of Juftinian [/?], who 
 inferted it into his Code. Now the Defign of 
 all thefe Laws was to oblige the Clergy to con- 
 usant Attendance upon their Duty in the Church 
 where they were firff. ordained > from which if 
 they once removed, whether with Licence or 
 without, to any other Diocefe, they were no 
 longer to enjoy any Dividend in the Church or 
 Diocefe to which they firft belonged. And 
 this Rule continued for feveral Ages after the 
 Council of Chalcedon^ being renewed in the 
 fecond Council of Nice [;'] and other later 
 Councils. 
 
 In purfance of the fame De- sect. IX. 
 fign, to keep the Clergy ftri6t Lam prohibiting the 
 and conftant to their Duty, Laws cltr &y t0 ta!:e U P°" 
 were alfo made to prohibit them the r m f ecuk ' 
 from following any Secular Em- mfh mA offices ' 
 ployment, which might divert them too much 
 from their proper Bufinefs and Calling. Among 
 thofe called the Apoftolical Canons there are three 
 to this Purpofe. One of which [k] fays, no Bi- 
 fhop, Presbyter, or Deacon fhall take upon him 
 any worldly Cares, under Pain of Degradation. 
 Another fays [/], no Bifhop or Presbyter fhall 
 concern himfelf in any fecular Offices or Admi- 
 niftrations, that he may have more time to at- 
 tend the Needs and Bufinefs of the Church and 
 
 [(/] Juftin. Novel. 6. c. 2. Et illud ctiam definimus, ut nemo 
 Deo amabilium Epifcoporum foris a fua Ecclefia plufquam per to- 
 tum annum abefle audeat, nifi hoc per Imperialem fiat jufiionem. 
 [el Ambrof. de Dignit. Sacerd. c. 4. Si ad fuperficiem tantum 
 Literx refpiciamus, prohibet Bigamum Epifcopum ordinari •. Sivero 
 ad alciorem fenfum confeendimus, inhibec Epifcopum duas ufurpare 
 Ecclefias. [/] Cone. Chalced. c. 10. //» tf^eivcu kms.ikoV 
 
 [g] Cone. Agathen. c. $7. Unum Abbatem duobus Monafteriis 
 jnterdicimus prsfidere. Vid. Cone. Epauncnf. c. 9. [h] Cod. 
 
 Juft. lib. 1. tit. 3. de Epifc. Leg. 40. Non lit vero Abbas duorum 
 Monafteriorum. Cone. Nic. 2. c. if. [&] Can. 
 
 Apod. c. 7. HQffy.tx.!ii <pepvVitP*< //n eLi>&ha,(A€aviTa, «tTs 
 xa.$cupi£(v. [/] Ibid. c. 81. an u» Wigkoitov a 
 
 1Tf.S&\iTl&V Y-A^liVSU to>JT9Y tJf «N//S0"W ^">t¥.)\7tiS, 8cc. 
 
 this 
 
226 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 this under the (lime Penalty of Degradation. The 
 laft \m~\ fays, A Bifhop, Presbyter or Deacon, 
 that bufies himfelf in any fecular Office, and is 
 minded to hold both a Place in the Roman Go- 
 vernment and an Office in the Church, fhall be 
 depofed. For the things of Cafar belong to O- 
 far, and the Things of G O D to GOD. Bal- 
 famon and Zonaras take this Canon to mean only 
 the Prohibition of holding military Offices, be- 
 caufe it ufes the word spj-rna : But I have mewed 
 before out of Gcthofred and others, that the word 
 c^-ra'a and Militia are ufed by the Romans in a 
 larger Signification, to denote all kinds of fecu- 
 lar Offices, as well Civil as Military : And there- 
 fore they more rightly interpret this Canon [»], 
 who underltand it as a Prohibition of holding 
 any fecular Office, Civil as well as Military, with 
 an Ecclefiaftical one, as things incompatible and 
 inconfiftent with one another. Eufebius [o~] in- 
 forms us from the Epiftle of the Council of An- 
 tiocb, that depofed Paulus Samofatenjis, that a- 
 mong other Crimes alleged againft him, this was 
 one, That he took upon him fecular Places, and 
 preferred the Title of Ducenarius before that of 
 Bifhop. The Ducenarii among the Romans were 
 a fort of civil Officers, fo called from their re- 
 ceiving a Salary of two hundred Scftertia from 
 the Emperor, as Valefius obferves [_p] out of Dio. 
 And this makes it plain, that the intent of the 
 Canons was to prohibit the Clergy from med- 
 dling with civil Offices, as well as military. On- 
 ly in fome extraordinary cafes, where the matter 
 was a bufinefs of great Neceffity or Charity, we 
 meet with an Inftance or two of a Bifhop's join- 
 ing an Ecclefiaftical and Civil Office together 
 without any Cenfure. As theodorct \jf] notes of 
 the famous Jacobus Nifibenfis, that he was both 
 Bifhop and Prince or Governor of Nif.bis^ or 
 Antioch in Mygdonia, a City in the Confines of 
 the Perfian and Roman Empires. 1'heodoret re- 
 prefents him as a Man of great fame in his Coun- 
 try for his Miracles, by which he fometimes re- 
 lieved the City when befieged by the Perfians: 
 And 'tis probable, in regard to this, the Empe- 
 rors Conftantine and Confiantius pitched upon him, 
 as the propereft Perfon to take the Government 
 of the City upon him, being a Place in great 
 danger and very much expofed to the Incurfions 
 of the Per/tans. But fuch Inftances are but rare- 
 ly met with in ancient Hiftory. 
 
 SECT. X. In fome Times and Places the 
 
 Laws prohibiting tkt Laws of the Church were fo 
 clergy to be Tu- ftri6t about this matter, that they 
 would not fuffer a Bifhop or 
 Presbyter to be left Truftee to 
 
 tors and Guardians, 
 how far extended, 
 
 any Man's Will, or a Tutor or Guardian in pur- 
 fuance of it: Becaufe it was thought this would 
 be too great an Avocation from his other Bufi- 
 nefs. There is a famous Cafe in Cyprian relating 
 to this matter. He tells us, it had been deter- 
 mined by an African Synod, that no one fhould 
 appoint any of God's Mini Iters a Curator or 
 Guardian by his Will, becaufe they were to give 
 themfelves to Supplications and Prayer, and to 
 attend only upon the Sacrifice and Service of 
 the Altar. And therefore when one Geminius 
 ViHor had made Geminius Faufliyius a Presbyter of 
 the Church of Furni, Guardian or Truftee by his 
 laft Will and Teftament, contrary to the Decree 
 of the forefaid Council, Cyprian [f] wrote to the 
 Church of Furni, that they fhould execute the 
 Sentence of the Council againft Ficlor, which 
 was, That no annual Commemoration fhould be 
 made of him in the Church, nor any Prayer be 
 offered in his Name, (according to the Cuflom 
 of the Church in thofe timesj in the Sacrifice of 
 the Altar. This was a fort of Excommunicati- 
 on after Death, by denying to receive fuch a 
 Perfon's Oblations, and refuting to name him at 
 the Altar among others that made their Offer- 
 ings, and neither honouring him with the Com- 
 mon Prayers or Praifes that were then put up to 
 God for all the Faithful that were dead in the 
 Lord j this was the Punifhment of fuch as tranf- 
 grefTed this Rule in the Days of Cyprian. And 
 in the following Ages the Canon was renewed, 
 but with a little difference. For though Bifhops 
 were abfolutely and univerfally forbidden [i] to 
 take this Office upon them, both by the Eccle- 
 fiaftical and Civil Lawj yet Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons and all the inferior Clergy were allowed to 
 be Tutors and Guardians to fuch Perfons, as by- 
 Right of Kindred [f] might claim this as a Duty 
 from them. But it ill the Prohibition ftood in 
 Force againft their being concerned in that Of- 
 fice for any other, that were not of their Re- 
 lations, as appears from one of Juftiniari's No- 
 vels, which was made to fettle this Matter in the 
 Church. 
 
 By other Laws they were pro- sect. XI. 
 
 hibited from taking upon them Laws againft their 
 
 the Office of Pleaders at the Bar 6ein i sureties, and 
 in any Civil Conteft, though it c ?f s ™ 
 
 J . , . /- i_ the Bar in behalf of 
 
 were in their own Cafe, or the themfehes or ^ 
 Concerns of the Church: Nei- churches. 
 ther might they be Bondfmen or 
 Sureties for any other Man's Appearance in fuch 
 Caufes: Becaufe it was thought, that fuch fort 
 of Incumbrances might bring Detriment to the 
 Church, in diftradting her Minifters from con- 
 
 [»>] Ibid. c. 83. 5-paJei'* %o\d£*>v,lix*-o.dtfo( dainty. na.Ti- 
 yj»v, 'Vu(j.aMnv d.yyjiv £, hptttlKnv J^io'mturiv, jta-Chupse&a. 
 [»] Bevereg. Not. in Can. Apoft. c. 83. [0] Eufeb. lib. 7. 30. 
 Kio-fjLiKci et^icJp.ctra. •usrccT'i/!> ( uV©-, )y Aitttwae'©- //aAAoi- n 
 hm<:x.<ywQr S'iauv [/>] Valefius in Loc. Ducenarii 
 
 dicebantur Procuratores, qui ducenta Seftertia annui Salarii no- 
 mine accipiebant a Principe ex Dione lib. 5-3. [q] Theod. 
 lib. 2. c. 30. [>] Cypr. Ep. 66. al. 1. ad Cler. Furnitan. p. 3. 
 Idee Victor cum contra formam nuper in Concilio a ficerdotibus 
 
 datam, Geminium Fauftinum Presbyterum aufus fit Tutorem con- 
 llituere, non eft quod pro Dormitione ejus apud vos fiat Oblatio, 
 aut Deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclefia frequenretur. 
 [i] Cone. Carthag. 4. c. 1 8. Ut Epifcopus Tuitionem Teftamcnto- 
 rum non fufcipiat. [t] Juft. Novel. 123. c. f. Epifcopos 8c 
 
 Monachos ex nulla lege Tutores aut Curatores cujufcunq; Perfonas 
 fieri concedimus. Presbyteros autem 8c Diaconos 8r. Subdiaconos, 
 fi jure ac lege cognationis ad Tutelam aut Curam vocentur, ejuf- 
 modi munus fufeipere concedimus. Vid. Concil. Chalced. c. 3. 
 
 ftant 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church, 
 
 227 
 
 ftant Attendance upon Divine Service, as appears vice, which either as Caufe or Effect too often 
 both from the forefaid Novel [«] of fuftmn% attended the Clergy's Engagement of themfclves 
 and fome ancient Canons [w], which forbad a in fecular Bufinefs. 
 Clergyman to become a Sponfor in any fuch 
 
 Caufe under the Penalty of Deprivation. \ B u t in fome Cafes it was rea- s ect. xiil 
 
 fonable to prefume, that their what Limitations 
 sect. XII. No w as all thefe Offices and Engagements of this nature were and Exceptions theft 
 Laws againfl their Employments were forbidden the feparate from thefe Vices. For L*m admuteJ of. 
 following fecular Clergy upon the Account of be- in fome Times and Places, where the Revenues 
 Trades and Mer- j n g Confumers of their Time, of the Church were very fmall, and not a com- 
 chandize. anc j Hindrances of Divine Ser- petent Maintenance for all the Clergy, fome of 
 
 vice : So there were fome others prohibited, not them, efpecially among the inferior Orders, were 
 only upon this Account, but alfo upon the No- obliged to divide themfelves between the Ser* 
 tion of their being generally attended with Co- vice of the Church and fome fecular Calling, 
 vetoufnefs and filthy Lucre. Thus in the firft Others who found they had time enough to fpare, 
 Council of Carthage [x] we find feveral Prohibi- negotiated out of Charity, to bellow their Gains 
 tions of Clergymens becoming Stewards or Ac- in the Relief of the Poor, and other pious Ufes. 
 countants to Laymen. The third Council [y] And fome, who before their entrance into Or- 
 forbids both that, and alfo their taking any ders, had been brought up to an Afcetick and 
 Houfes or Lands to Farm, and generally all Bu- Philofophick Life , wherein they wrought at 
 finefs that was difreputable and unbecoming their fome honeft manual Calling with their own 
 Calling. The fecond Council of Aries [z] like- Hands, continued to work in the fame manner, 
 wife forbids their Farming other Men's Eftates, though not in the fame meafure, even after they 
 of following any Trade or Merchandice for fil- were made Presbyters andBifhops in the Church, 
 thy Lucre's fake, under the Penalty of Depriva- for the Exercife of their Humility, or to anfwer 
 tion. The General Council of Chalccdon [a] has fome other End of a Chrillian Life. Now in 
 a Canon to the fame Purpofe, That no Monk all thefe Cafes, the Vices complained of in the 
 or Clergyman (hall rent any Eftate, or take upon forementioned Laws, as the Reafons of the Pro- 
 him the Management of any fecular Bufinefs, hibition, had no Share or Concern : For fuch 
 except the Law called him to be Guardian to Mens Negotiations were neither the Effects of 
 Orphans (in this Cafe that has been fpoken of Covetoufnefs, nor attended properly with any 
 before, as being their next Relation) or elfe the neglect of Divine Service: And confequently not 
 Bilhop made him Steward of the Church-Reve- within the Prohibition and Cenfure of the Laws, 
 nues, or Overfecr of the Widows, Orphans, or For firft, both the Laws of Church and State 
 fuch others as flood in need of the Church's allowed the inferior Clergy to work at an honeft 
 Care and Affiftance. And here the Reafon given Calling in Cafes of Neceffity, to provide them- 
 for making this Canon, is, That fome of the felves of a liberal Maintenance, when the Reve- 
 Clergy were found tq neglect the Service of nues of the Church could not do it. 
 God, and live in Lay-mens Houfes as their Ste- I n the fourth Council of Carthage [c] there 
 wards for Covetoufnefs and filthy Lucre's fake, are three Canons immediately following one ano- 
 Which was an old Complaint made by Cyprian ther to this Purpofe, That they fhould provide 
 [b] in that {harp Invective of his againft fome of themfelves of Food and Raiment at fome honeft 
 the Bifhops of his own Age, who were fo far Trade or Husbandry, without hindering the 
 gone in this Vice of Covetoufnefs, as to neglect Duties of their Office in the Church j And fuch 
 the Service of God to follow worldly Bufinefs ; of them as were able to labour, fhould be taught 
 leaving their Sees, and deferting their People, to fome Trade and Letters together. And the Laws 
 ramble about in queft of gainful Trades in other of the State were fo far from hindering this, that 
 Countries, to the Provocation of the Divine they encouraged fuch of the Clergy to follow an 
 Vengeance, and flagrant Scandal of the Church, honeft Calling, by granting them a fpecial Im- 
 So that thefe being the Reafons of making fuch munity from the Chryfargyrum, or Lufiral Tax, 
 Laws, we are to judge of the Nature of the which was exacted of all other Tradesmen, as I 
 Laws themfelves by the Intent and Defign of have fhewed more at large in an another [#] 
 them j which was to correct fuch manifeft A- Place. idly, It was lawful alfo to fpend their 
 bufes, as Covetoufnefs and neglect of Divine Ser- leifure Hours upon any manual Trade or Calling, 
 
 [«] Juft. Novel. 113. c. 6. Sed neque Procuratorem Litis, aut 
 Fide juflbrem pro talibus caufis Epifcoporum, aut alium Clericum, 
 proprio nomine, aut Ecclefise finimus: Ne per hanc occafionem 
 facra Minifteria impediantur. [w] Canon. Apoft. c. 20. 
 
 KhnptKof ifyvctf J^t^if, KctSajfigrv. Vid. Conftitut. Apoft. 
 lib. 2. c. 6. [#] Cone. Carth. i.e. 6. Qui ferviunt Deo, 
 
 8c annexi funt Clero, non accedant ad Adtus feu Adminiftrationem 
 vei Procurationem domorum. Ibid. c. 9. Laicis non liceat Cleri- 
 cos noftros eligere Apothecarios vel Ratiocinatores. [^] Cone. 
 Carth. 5. c. if. Clerici non lint Condudtores, neque Procuratores, 
 neque ullo turpi vel inhoncfto negotio vidtum quxrant. [2,] Cone. 
 Arelat. 1. al. 2. c. 14. Siquii Clericus conductor aliens: rei ro- 
 
 luerit efle aut turpis lucri gratia aliquod genus negotiationis exer- 
 cuerit, depofitus a Clero, a Communione alienus habeatur. 
 [a] Cone. Chalced. c. 3. [£] Cypr. de Lapfis, p. 123. Epi- 
 
 icopi plurimi Divina Procuratione contempta, Procuratores rerum 
 Ssecularium fieri, derelidta Cathedra, Plebe deferta, per alienas Pro- 
 vinces oberrantes, negotiationis quaeftuofiae nundinas aucupari, 8cc. 
 [c] Cone. Carth. 4.. c. ri. Clericus quantumlibet verbo Dei erudi- 
 tus, artificio viclum qua;rat. Ibid. c. j"2. Clericus vittum 8c ve- 
 ftimentum fibi, artificiolo vel agricultura, abfque Officii fui duntaxat 
 detrimcnto, praeparet. Ibid. c. 5-1. Omnes clerici, qui ad operan- 
 dum validi funt, 8c Artificiola 8c Literas difcant. [ * J Book f. 
 Chap, 3. SeH.6. 
 
 when 
 
228 
 
 The A n t i cuj it i es of the Book VI. 
 
 when it was to anfwer fome good End of Chari- 
 ty thereby : As that they might not be overbur- 
 thenfome to the Church j or might have fome 
 Superfluities to beftow upon the Indigent and 
 Needy j or even that they might fct the Laity a 
 provoking Example of lnduftry and Diligence in 
 their Callings. Which were thofe worthy Ends, 
 which the holy Apoftle St. Paul propofed to 
 himfelf in labouring with his own Hands at the 
 Trade of Tent-making: After whofe Example 
 many eminent Bifhops of the ancient Church 
 were not afhamed to employ their fpare Hours 
 in fome honcft Labour, to promote the fame 
 Ends of Charity, which the Apoftle fo frequent- 
 ly inculcates. Thus Sozomen obferves [cf\ of Zeno 
 Bifhop of Ma'tuma in Paleftine, that he lived to 
 be an hundred Years old, all which time he con- 
 itantly attended both Morning and Evening the 
 Service of the Church, and yet found time to 
 work at the Trade of a Linen-weaver, by which 
 he not only fubfifted himfelf, but relieved o- 
 thers, though he lived in a rich and wealthy 
 Church. Epiphanius makes a more general Ob- 
 fervation againft the Majfalian Hereticks (who 
 were great Encouragers of Idlenefs) that not on- 
 ly thofe of a Monaftick Life, but alfo many of 
 the Priefts of GOD [c] imitating their holy Fa- 
 ther in Chrift, St. Paul, wrought with their own 
 Hands at fome honeft Trade, that was no Difho- 
 nour to their Dignity, and confident with their 
 confhnt Attendance upon their Ecclcfiaftical Du- 
 ties j by which means they had both what was 
 neceflary for their own Subfiftence, and to give 
 to others that ftood in need of their Relief. The 
 Author of the Apoftolica! Conftitutions [/] 
 brings in the Apoftles recommending lnduftry in 
 every Man's Calling from their own Example, 
 that they might have wherewith to fuftain them- 
 felves, and fupply the Needs of others. Which 
 though it be not an exact Reprefentation of the 
 Apoftles Practice (for we do not read of any o- 
 ther Apoftle's labouring with their own Hands, 
 except St. Paul, whilft he preached the Gofpel) 
 yet it ferves to (hew whatSenfe that Author had 
 of this Matter* that he did not think it fimply 
 unlawful for a Clergyman to labour at fome fe- 
 cular Employment, when the End was Charity, 
 and not filthy Lucre- And it is obfervable, that 
 the Imperial Laws for fome time granted the 
 lame Immunity from the Luftral Tax to the in- 
 ferior Clergy, that traded with a charitable De- 
 fign to relieve others j as to thofe that traded out 
 of Neceflity for their own Maintenance ; of both 
 which I have given an Account in another Place. 
 ^dly, We have fome Inftances of very eminent 
 Bifhops, who out of Humility and love of a Phi- 
 lofophical and laborious Life, fpent their vacant 
 Hours in fome honeft Bufinefs, to which they 
 
 had been accuftomed in their former Days. Thus 
 ■Puffin [g] and Socrates [h~\ and Sozomen [f] tell 
 us of Spiridion Bifhop of Trimlthus in Cyprus, one 
 of the moft eminent Bifhops in the Council of 
 Nice, a Man famous for the Gift of Prophecy 
 and Miracles, that having been a Shepherd be- 
 fore, he continued to employ himfelf in that 
 Calling out of his great Humility all his Life, 
 But then he made his Actions and the whole Te- 
 nor of his Life demonftrate, that he did it not out 
 of Covetoufnefs. But Sozomen particularly notes, 
 that whatever his Product was, he either diftri- 
 buted it among the Poor, or lent it without Ufury 
 to fuch as needed to borrow, whom he trufted 
 to take out of his Store-houfe what theypleafed, 
 and return what they pleafed, without ever exa- 
 mining or taking any account of them. 4?%, 
 I obferve, that thofe Laws which were moft fe- 
 vere againft the fuperior Clergy's negotiating 
 in any fecular Bufinefs, in Cafes of Neceflity al- 
 lowed them a Privilege, which was equivalent to 
 it: That is, that they might employ others to 
 Factor for them, fo long as they were not con- 
 cerned in their own Perfons. For fo the Coun- 
 cil of Eliberis [k~] words it : Bifhops, Presbyters, 
 and Deacons fhall not leave their Station to fol- 
 low a fecular Calling, nor rove into other Pro- 
 vinces after Fairs and Markets. But yet to pro- 
 vide themfelves a Livelihood, they may employ 
 a Son, or a Freeman, or an hired Servant, or a 
 Friend, or any other: And if they negotiate, let 
 them negotiate within their own Province. So 
 that all thefe Laws were juftly tempered with 
 great Wifdom and Prudence} that as on the one 
 hand the Service of GOD and the Needs of his 
 Minifters and Servants might be fupplied toge- 
 ther: So on the other, no Encouragement fhould 
 be given to Covetoufnefs in the Clergy, nor any 
 one be countenanced in the Neglect of his pro- 
 per Bufinefs, by a Licence to lead a wandering, 
 bufie, diffracted Life, which did not become 
 thofe that were dedicated to the facred Functi- 
 on: 'Tis againft thefe only, that all the fevere 
 Invectives of St. Jerom [f] and others of the An- 
 cients [*] are levelled, which the Reader muft 
 interpret with the fame Limitations, and Diftincti- 
 011 of Cafes, as we have done the publick Laws: 
 The Defign of both being only to cenfure the 
 Vices of the Rich, who without any juft Reafon 
 or Neceflity immerfed themfelves in the Cares of 
 a fecular Life, contrary to the Rules and Tenor 
 of their Profeffion. 
 
 Another fort of Laws were sect. Xiv. 
 made reflecting their outward Lavi refpeding 
 Behaviour, to guard them equal- the,r outw « r ' i Coa- 
 ly againft Scandal in their Cha- vtr/a,m 
 racter, and Danger in their Converfation. Such 
 
 [</] Sozom. lib. 7. c. 28. [>] Epiphan. Hxr. 80. Mailalian. 
 n. 6. [/] Conftit. Apoft. lib. i. c. 63. [g] Ruffin. lib. 1. 
 c. f. Hie Paftor ovium tciam in Epifcopatu polk us peimaniit. 
 [£] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 12. S'ld S'i &rvy\tty irohKtn. kyou'.v©- f 
 i-r/<TJt077-M< iiroiueuve >t,rei T&Cci'/z. [<] Sozom. lib. 1. 
 
 c. n. [jf] Cone. Eliber. c. 19. Epifropi, Presbyteri, 8t Diacont, 
 ck locis fuis negotiandi caufi non difcedant, nec circumeuntcs Pro- 
 vinces.. OjUxftuoIas Nuodinas fcftcntur. Sane ad vid-lum fibi cou- 
 
 quirendum, aut Filium, aut Libertum, aut Mercenarium, aut Ami- 
 cum, aut quemlibet mittanr: & fi voluerint negotiari, intra Pro- 
 vinciam negotientur. [/] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. Nego- 
 tiatorem Clericum quafi Peftem fuge, &c. [*] Sulpic. Sever. 
 
 Hid. lib. 1. ]? 30. Tanta hoc tempore animos eorum habendi eu- 
 pido veluti tabes incetlit : inhiant poflelTionibus, praedia excolunt, 
 auro iucubant, emunt, venduntque qusedui, per omnia Undent, &c. 
 
 7 
 
 were 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 229 
 
 were the Laws againft Correfponding and Con- 
 verting too familiarly with Jews, and Gentile Phi- 
 lofophers. The Council of Eliberis [*»] forbids 
 them to Eat with the Jews under Pain of Suf- 
 penfion. The Council of Agde [»] has a Canon 
 to the fame purpofe, forbidding them to give, 
 as well as receive an Entertainment from the 
 Jews. And thofe called the Apoftolical Canons 
 [0] not only prohibit them to Faft or Feaft with 
 the Jews, but to receive rfc sep-rffj £svta, any of 
 thofe Portions or Prefents, which they were ufed 
 to fend to one another upon their Feftivals. And 
 the Laws againft Converfing with Gentile Philo- 
 fophcrs were much of the fame Nature. For 
 Sozomen fjT) fays, Theodotus Bifhop of Laodicea in 
 Syria excommunicated the two Apollinarii, Fa- 
 ther and Son, becaufe they went to hear Epipha- 
 nius the Sophift fpeak his Hymn in the Praife of 
 Bacchus-, which was not fo agreeable to their 
 Character, the one being a Presbyter, the other 
 a Deacon in the Chriftian Church. It was in 
 regard to their Character likewife, that other Ca- 
 nons reftrained them from eating or drinking in 
 a Tavern, except they were upon a Journey, or 
 fome fuch neceflary Occafion required them to do 
 it. For among thofe called Apoftolical Canons [^], 
 and the Decrees of the Council of Laodicea jV] 
 and Carthage [s] 9 there are feveral Rules to this 
 Purpofe i the Strictnefs of which is not much to 
 be wondered at, fince Julian required the fame 
 Caution in his Heathen Priefts, that they mould 
 neither appear at the publick Theatres, nor in 
 any Taverns, under Pain of Depofition from their 
 Office ofPriefthood, as may be feen in his Let- 
 ter to Arfacius High-Prieft of Galatia, which 
 Sozomen [/] records, and other Fragments of his 
 Writings. 
 
 sect. xv. To this fort of Laws we may 
 Lavs relating to reduce thofe ancient Rules, which 
 their Habit. concerned the Garb and Habit 
 
 of the ancient Clergy j in which fuch a decent 
 Mean was to be obferved, as might keep them from 
 Obloquy and Cenfure on both Hands, either as 
 too nice and critical, or too flovenly and carelefs 
 in their Drefs. Their Habit being generally to 
 be fuch, as might exprefs the Gravity of their 
 Minds without any fuperftitious Singularities, and 
 their Modefty and Humility without Affectation. 
 In this Matter therefore their Rules were form- 
 ed according to the Cuftoms and Opinions of 
 the Age, which are commonly the Standard and 
 Meafure of Decency and Indecency in things of 
 this Nature. Thus for Inftance, long Hair and 
 Baldnefs by {having the Head or Beard, being 
 then generally reputed Indecencies in contrary 
 Extreams, the Clergy were obliged to obferve a 
 
 becoming Mediocrity between them. This is 
 the Meaning of that controverted Canon in the 
 fourth Council of Carthage, according to its true 
 Reading, That a Clergyman mall neither indulge 
 long Hair, nor {have his Beard. Clericus nec Co- 
 mam nutriat [u~\ nec Barbam radat. The contrary 
 Cuftom being now in vogue in the Church of 
 Rome, Bellarrnin [w~] and many other Writers of 
 that fide, who will have all their Ceremonies to 
 be Apoftolical, and to contain fome great My- 
 ftery in them, pretend, that the word, Radat y 
 mould be left out of that ancient Canon, to 
 make it agreeable to the prefent Practice. But 
 the Learned Savaro [x~] proves the other to be the 
 true Reading, as well from the Vatican, as many 
 other Manutcripts. And even Spondanus himfelf 
 [^] confefles as much, and thereupon takes oc- 
 cafion to correct: Baronius for afTerting, that in 
 the time of Sidonius Apollinaris it was the Cuftom 
 of the French Bifhops to {have their Beards: 
 Whereas the contrary appears from one of Sido- 
 nius his Epiftles [z], that their Cuftom then was 
 to wear lhort Hair and long Beards, as he de- v 
 fcribes his Friend Maximus Palatinus, who of a 
 Secular was become a Clergyman : He fays, his 
 Habit, his Gate, his Modefty, his Countenance, 
 his Difcourfe were all Religious ; and agreeably 
 to thefe, his Hair was {hort, and his Beard long. 
 Cuftom, it feems, had then made it Decent and 
 Becoming ; and upon that ground the Ancients 
 are fometimes pretty fevere againft fuch of the 
 Clergy as tranfgrefled in this Point, as guilty of 
 an Indecency in going contrary to the Rules and 
 Cuftoms of the Church, which were to be ob- 
 ferved, though the thing was otherwife in itfelf 
 of an indifferent Nature. 
 
 The Romanifls are generally SECT. XVI. 
 as much to blame in their Ac- i*>* Tonfure of the 
 counts of the ancient Tonfure of ancienu *«7 J 'f e \ 
 theClergy: Which they defcribe 
 in men a manner, as to make 
 Parallel to that {having of the Crown of the 
 Head by way of myfticalRite, which is now the 
 modern Cuftom. Whereas this was fo far from 
 being required as a matter of Decency among 
 the Ancients, that it was condemned and prohi- 
 bited by them. Which may appear from that 
 Qyeftion, which Optatus puts to the Donatifts^ 
 when he asks them, where they had a Command 
 [a] to fhave the Heads of the Priefts? As they 
 had done by the Catholick Clergy in order to 
 bring them to do publick Penance in the Church. 
 In which Cafe, as Albafpinaus rightly [b~\ notes, 
 it was cuftomary to ufe {having to Baldnefs, and 
 fprinkling the Head with Afh.es, as figns of Sor- 
 row and Repentance. But the Prefts of GOD 
 
 [ot] Cone. Eliber. c. fo. Clericus qui cum Judxis cibum fump- 
 ferit, placuic eum a Communione abftinere, ut debeat emendari. 
 [»] Cone. Agathen. c. 40. Omnes Clerici Judaeorum convivia evi- 
 tent. Nec eos ad convivia quifquam excipiar. [0] Canon. 
 
 Apod. c. 70. [/>] Sozom. lib. 6. c. if. [q] Canon. 
 
 Apoft. c. j-j. [r] Cone. Laodic. c. 24. [j] Cone. Carth. 3. 
 c. 27. [/] Sozom. lib. f. c.16. Via". Julian. Fragment. Epift. 
 p. $47. 0] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 4^, [w] Bellarm. de Mo- 
 VOL. I. 
 
 naeh. lib. 2. c. 40. [*] Savaro. Not. in Sidonium. lib. 4. Ep. 24^ 
 p. 306. [y] Spondan. Epit. Baron, an. f8. an. j8. [z.] Si- 
 don, lib. 4. Ep. 24. Habitus viro, Gradus, Pudor, Color, fermo re» 
 ligiofus: Turn Coma brevis, Barba prolixa, 8tc. [«] Optat. cont. 
 Parmen. lib. 2. p. f8. Docete, ubi vobis mandatum ell radere 
 capita facerdotum, cum e contrario lint tot exempla propofita, fieri 
 
 non debere . Qui parare debebas aures ad audiendum, pa- 
 
 rafti novaculam ad delinquendum. [b] Albafp. in Loc. p. 141. 
 
 G g g » were 
 
230 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookVI. 
 
 were not to be thus treated. Which lhews, that 
 the Ancients then knew nothing of this, as a Ce- 
 remony belonging to the Ordination or Life of 
 the Clergy. Which is ftill more evident from 
 what St. Jerom fays upon thofe words of Eze- 
 kiel 44. zo. Neither pall they pave their Heads, 
 nor fuffer their Locks to grow long, they Jhall only 
 toll their Heads. This, fays he [>], evidently de- 
 monstrates, that we ought neither to have our 
 Heads fhaved, as the Priefts and Votaries of Ifts 
 and Serapis > nor yet to fuffer our Hair to grow 
 long, after the luxurious manner of Barbarians 
 and Soldiers j but that Priefts fhould appear with 
 a venerable and grave Countenance j neither are 
 they to make themfelves bald with a Razor, nor 
 poll their Heads fo clofe, that they may look as 
 if they were ftiaven j but they are to let their 
 Hair grow fo long, that it may cover their Skin. 
 It is impoflible now for any rational Man to ima- 
 gine, that Chriftian Priefts had fhaven Crowns 
 in the time of St. Jerom, when he fo exprefly 
 fays they had not, and that none but the Priefts 
 of Ifts and Serapis had fo. But the Cuftom was 
 to poll their Heads, and cut their Hair to a mo- 
 derate degree } not for any Myftery that was in 
 it, but for the fake of Decency and Gravity} 
 that they might neither affect the Manners of 
 the luxurious Part of the World, which prided 
 itfelf in long Hair j nor fall under Contempt and 
 Obloquy by an indecent Baldnefs } but exprefs a 
 fort of venerable Modefty in their Looks and 
 Afpects, which is the Reafon that St. Jerom af- 
 figns for the ancient Tonfure. 
 
 SECT. XVII. From hence we may farther 
 of the Corona Cle- conclude, that the 'ancient Cler- 
 riealis, and why the gy were not called Coronati from 
 clergy called Coro- ^tiv fhaven Crowns, as fome 
 nati - would have it, fince it is evident 
 
 there was no fuch thing among them: But it 
 feems rather a Name given them, as Gothofred 
 \d~] and Savaro [e] conjecture, from the Form of 
 the ancient tonfure ; which was made in a Circu- 
 lar Figure, by cutting away the Hair a little 
 from the Crown of the Head, and leaving a 
 Round or Circle hanging downwards. This in 
 fome Councils [/] is called Circuit Corona, and 
 ordered to be ufed in oppofition to fome Here- 
 ticks, who it feems prided themfelves in long 
 Hair and the contrary Cuftom. But I am not 
 confident, that this was the Reafon of the Name, 
 Coronati: It might be given the Clergy in gene- 
 ral out of Refpedt to their Office and Character, 
 which was always of great Honour and Eftecm : 
 For Corona fignifies Honour and Dignity in a 
 Figurative Senfe, and it is not improbable but 
 
 that the Word wasfometimes fo ufed in this cafe, 
 as has been noted before [*] in fpeaking of the 
 Form of faluting Bifhops, Per Coronam. 
 
 A s to the Kind or Fafhion of sect, xviii. 
 their Apparel, it does not appear whether the clergy 
 for feveral Ages, that there was were <l<ftingu>fl,ed & 
 any other Diftinction obferved the,r ^ arel f ,vn 
 therein between them and the L% y mtn - 
 Laity, fave that they were more confined to 
 wear that which was modeft and grave, and be- 
 coming their Profeffion, without being tied to 
 any certain Garb or Form of Cloathing. Seve- 
 ral Councils require the Clergy to wear Apparel 
 fuitable to their Profeffion> but they do not ex- 
 prefs any kind, or defcribe it otherwife, than 
 that it fhould not border upon Luxury or any af- 
 fected Neatnefs, but rather keep a Medium be- 
 tween Finery and Slovenlinefs. This was St. Je- 
 romes Direction to Nepotian [g] , That he fhould 
 neither wear Black nor White Cloathing: For 
 Gaity and Slovenlinefs were equally to be avoid- 
 ed} the one favouring of Nicenefs and Delicacy, 
 and the other of Vain-glory. Yet in different 
 Places different Cuftoms feem to have prevailed, 
 as to the Colour of their Cloathing. For at Con- 
 ftantinople, in the time of Chryfoftom and drfacius^ 
 the Clergy commonly went in Black, as the No- 
 vat ians did in White. Which appears from the 
 Difpute which Socrates fpeaks of \h~\ between Si- 
 finnius the Novatian Bifhop, and one of Arfacius's, 
 Clergy : For he fays, Sifinnius going one Day to 
 vifit Arfacius, the Clergyman asked him, Why 
 he wore a Garment which did not become a Bi- 
 fhop? and where it was written, that a Prieft 
 ought to be cloathed in White? To whom he 
 replyed, You firft fhew me, where it is written 
 that a Bifhop ought to be cloathed in Black? 
 From this it is eafy to collect, that by this time 
 it was become the Cuftom at Conftantinople for 
 the Clergy to wear Black, and that perhaps to 
 diftinguifh themfelves from the Novatians, who 
 affected it feems to appear in White. But we do 
 not find thefe Matters as yet fo particularly de- 
 termined or prefcribed in any Councils. For the 
 fourth Council of Carthage [f] requires the Cler- 
 gy to wear fuch Apparel as was fuitable to their* 
 Profeffion, but does not particularize any farther 
 about it, fave that they fhould not affect any 
 Finery or Gaity in their Shooes or Cloathing. 
 And the Council of sigde [£] gives the very fame 
 Direction. Baronius [/] indeed is very earneft to 
 perfuade his Reader, that Bifhops in the time of 
 Cyprian wore the fame Habit that is now worn 
 by the Cardinals in the Church of Rome, and 
 fuch Bifhops as are advanced from a Monaftcry 
 
 [c] Hieron. lib. 1 y in Ezck. cap. 44. p. 668. Quod autem fe- 
 quitur, Capita fua non radent, See. perfpicue demonftratur, nec rafis 
 capitibus, iicut facerdotes, cultorefque Ifidis atque Serapis, nos efle 
 debere; nec ruffum comam demittere, quod propie luxuriofum eft, 
 Barbarorumque 2c Militantium; fed ut honeftus habitus facerdotum 
 facie demonfhetur; nec calvitium novacula efle faciendum, nec ita 
 ad prefliim tondendum caput, ut raforum fimiles efle videamur; 
 fed in tantum capillos efle demittendos, ut operta fit cutis. 
 [d] Gothofred. Com. in Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. z. de Epifc. leg. 
 38. 0] Savaro Not. in Sidon. lib. 6. Ep. 3. [/] Cone. 
 
 Tolet.4. c. io. Omnes Clerici, detonfb fuperius capite toto, infe- 
 rius folam Circuli Coronam relinquanr, Sec. [*J Book 3. chap. 9. 
 Stil. j - . [g~] Hieron. Ep. a. ad Nepot. Veltes pullas aeque do- 
 vita, ut Candidas. Ornatus, ut fbrdes pari modo fugiendse funt ; 
 quia alterum Delicias, alterum Glorism redoler, ike. [h] Socra:.. 
 lib. 6. c. a. [i] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 45-. Clericus Profeffionem 
 fuam 8c in Habitu 8c in inceflu probet : Et ideo nec veftibus nec 
 Calceamentis Decorem quajrat. [JSrJ Cone. Agathen. c. 20. 
 
 Veftimenta vel Calceamenta etiam eis, nili qua: Rcligionem decc- 
 ant, uti aut habere non liceat. [/] Baron, ann, *6 \. n, 44. 
 
 to 
 
Chap. IV- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 *3i 
 
 to the Epifcopal Throne. As if Cyprian had 
 been a Monk or a Cardinal of the Church of 
 Rome. But as the Learned Editor [m\ of Cypri- 
 an's Works obferves, there is fcarce any thing fo 
 abfurd, that a Man who is engaged in a Party- 
 Caufc, cannot perfuade himfclf to believe, and 
 hope to perfuade others alfo. For is it likely 
 that Bifhops and Presbyters fliould make their 
 Appearance in Publick in a diftinct Habit, at a 
 time when Tyrants and Perfecutors made a mod 
 diligent Search after them to put them to Death? 
 Do^the Clergy of the prcfent Church of Rome 
 ufe to appear fo in Counrries, where they live in 
 danger of being difcovered and taken? But what 
 mall we fay to the Writer of Cyprian's Paflion, 
 who mentions Cyprian's [«] Lacerna or Birrus, and 
 after that his Tunica or Dalmatica, and laft of all 
 his Linea in which he fuffered? Of which Baro- 
 nius makes the Linea to be the Bifliop's Rochet j 
 and the Dalmatica or tunica, that which they 
 now call the loofe Tunicle; and the Lacerna or 
 Birrus the Red Silken Veftment that covers the 
 Shoulders. Why? To all this it may be faid, 
 that thefe are only old Names for new Things. 
 For befides the abfurdity of thinking that Cyprian 
 fhould go to his Martyrdom in his Sacred and 
 Pontifical Robes (which were not to be worn out 
 of the Church) it is evident thefe were but the 
 Names of thofe common Garments, which many 
 Chriftians then ufed without Diftin&ion. 
 
 SECT. XIX. As to the Birrus, it is evident 
 
 A particular Ac- that it was no peculiar Habit of 
 
 count of the Birrus Bifhops, no nor yet of the Clergy. 
 
 mi Pallium. That it was nQt pecu l iar t0 B i_ 
 
 fhops, appears from what St. Auftin fays of it, 
 that it was the common Garment which all his 
 Clergy wore as well as himfelf. And therefore if 
 any one prefented him with a richer Birrus than 
 ordinary, he would not wear it. For [o~] tho' 
 it might become another Bifliop, it would not 
 become him, who was a poor Man, and born of 
 poor Parents. He mud have fuch an one, as a 
 Presbyter could have, or a Deacon, or a Subdea- 
 con. If any one gave him a better, he was ufed 
 to fell it 5 that fince the Garment itfelf could not 
 be ufed in common, the Price of it at leaft might 
 be common. This ftiews plainly, that the Birrus 
 was not theBifhop's peculiar Habit,but the com- 
 mon Garment of all St. Auftin's Clergy. And that 
 this was no more than the common Tunica, or Coat 
 worn generally by Chriftians in Africk and other 
 Places, may appear from a Canon of the .Council 
 
 of Gangra, made againft Euftathius the Heretick 
 and his Followers, who condemned the common 
 Habit, [p] and brought in the Ufe of a ftrange 
 Habit in its room. Now this common Habit 
 was the Birrus, or B^p^, as they call it in the 
 Canon made againft them, which runs in thefe 
 Words, If any Man \_q] ufes the Pallium, or Cloak 
 upon the account of an Afcetick Life, and as if there 
 were foine Holinefs in that, condemns thofe that with 
 reverence ufe the Birrus, and other Garments that 
 are commonly worn, let him be Anathema. The 
 Birrus then was the common and ordinary Coat, 
 which the Chriftians of Paphlagonia and thofe 
 Parts generally wore : And though the Afceticks 
 ufed the ■nrtyCcXouicv, the Philofophick Pallium, 
 or Cloak, yet the Clergy of that Country ufed 
 the common Birrus, or Coat. For Sozomen [r] 
 in relating this fame Hiftory, inftead of B'yip(§> 
 ufes the Word ^/tcov, which is a more known 
 Name for the Latin 'Tunica, or Coat: And he 
 alfo adds, that Euftathius himfelf, after the Synod 
 had condemned him, changed his Philofophick 
 Habit, and ufed the fame Garb that the fecular 
 Presbyters wore. Which plainly evinces, that 
 as yet the Clergy in thofe Parts did not diftin- 
 guifli themfelves by their Habit from other Chri- 
 ftians, though the Afceticks generally did. In the 
 French Churches feveral Years after this we find 
 the Clergy ftill ufing the fame fecular Habit with 
 other Chriftians: And when fome endeavoured 
 to alter it, and introduce the Afcetick or Philo- 
 fophick Habit among them > Celeftine Bifliop of 
 Rome wrote a reprimanding Letter to them, 
 asking, Why that Habit the Cloak was ufed 
 {Yj in the French Churches, when it had been 
 theCuftom of fo many Bifhops for fo many Years 
 to ufe the common Habit of the People? from 
 whom the Clergy were to be diftinguifhed by 
 their Do&rine, and not by their Garb j by their 
 Converfation, not their Habit j by the Purity of 
 their Souls, rather than their Drefs. But yet I 
 muft obferve, That in fome Places the Afceticks, 
 when they were taken into the Miniftry of the 
 Church, were allowed to retain their ancient 
 Philofophick Habit without any Cenfure. Thus 
 St. Jerom [/] obferves of his Friend Nepotian, that 
 he kept to his Philofophick Habit, the Pallium, 
 after he was ordained Presbyter, and wore it to 
 the Day of his Death. He fays the fame of He- 
 raclas [u] Presbyter of Alexandria, that he conti- 
 nued to ufe his Philofophick Habit when he was 
 Presbyter. Which is noted alfo by Eufebius out 
 of Origen, who fays, That when Heraclas enter- 
 
 On] Vide cl. Fell. Not. in Vit. Cypr. p. i j. [»] Paftio 
 
 Cypr. p. 1 2. Cyprianus in agrum Sexti produclus eft, 8c ibi fe 
 
 Lacerna Birro expoliavit. Et cum fe Dalmatica (al. Tunica) 
 
 expoli3lTet, 8c Diaconibus tradidiflet, in Linea ftetir, 8c ccepit fpi- 
 culatorem fuftinere. [0] Aug. Serm. j-o. de Diverfis. Tom. 10. 
 p. 5-23. Offeratur mihi Birrum pretiofum, forte decet Epifcopum, 
 quamvis non deceat Auguftinum, id eft, hominem pauperem, dc 
 pauperibus natum.— — Talem debeo habere, qualem poteft habere 
 Presbyter, qualem poteft habere Diacorius 8c Subdiaconus. — — Si 
 quis meliorem dederit, vendo, quod 8c facere foleo, ut quando noo 
 poteft veftis efle communis, pretium veftis (it commune. 
 [p~\ Cone. Gangr. in Praefat. &va. dy.'ita.aixa.TcL \ir\ katxt- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [q] Cone. Gangr. c. 12. el ti< etc/p* 1 ' <^'* vo/y.i^o/udfjtiv cLffw 
 an <7rtoiGokcuu yjfircLi* >y eJf av Iv. tSVk tyiv J^di&ichtijiIu) 
 
 \yjOSV KoClst-^Vp'KTOlTO TCOV (XiT <&K*Ceiti 7KU B»pBf QOpxVTVV, 
 j£ T>7 etAAH KOIVtl KOA cy <JVVY\$-H& K<Tt) i&nTt MX.pnv.tyai; dvd- 
 
 Sni& irco '. [r] Sozom. lib. J. c. 14. [j] Celeftin. 
 
 Ep. 2. ad Epifc. Gall. c. 1. Unde hie Habitus in Ecclefiis Gallica- 
 nis, ut tot annorum, tantorumque Pontificum in altarum habitum 
 confuetudo vertatur? Difcernendi a Plebe vel ceteris fumus Do&ri- 
 na, non Vefte; Converfatione, non Habituj Mentis Puritate, non 
 Cultu. [t] Hieron. Epitaph. Nepotian. [»] Hieron. de 
 
 Scriptor. c. 5*4. Heraclam Presbyterum, qui fub habitu Philofophi 
 perleverabat, 8c c. 
 
 G g g 2 ed 
 
232 
 
 The Ant i quit ies of the Book VI 
 
 ed himfelf in the School of Philofophy under 
 Ammonias, he then laid afide the common Garb, 
 and took the Philofophick [w] Habit, with 
 which he fat in the Presbytery of Alexandria. 
 Upon which Vakfius [x] very rightly obferves, 
 that there was then no peculiar Habit of the 
 Clergy, forafmuch as Heraclas always retained his 
 Philofophick Pallium; which was the known 
 Habit of the Afceticks, but as yet was very rarely 
 ufed among the Clergy, who wore generally the 
 common Habit, except when fome luch Philofo- 
 phers and Jfceticks came among them. For here 
 we fee it was noted as fomething rare and Angu- 
 lar in Heraclas: But in after-Ages, when the 
 Clergy were chiefly chofen out ot the Monks and 
 Afceticks, the Philofophick Habit came in by De- 
 grees with them, and was encouraged, till at laft 
 it became the molt ufual Habit of the Clergy 
 of all forts: But this was not till the fifth or fix th 
 Century, as may be eolle&ed from what has been 
 faid before on this Subject. 
 
 SECT. XX. But fome perhaps may think, 
 of the Collobium, the Clergy had always a diftindt 
 Dalmatica, Caracal- Habit, becaufe fome ancient Au- 
 la, Hemiphorium , thors ^ nQtice Q f the Qollobi- 
 
 *** Lin "- umi as a Garment worn by Bi- 
 
 fhops and Presbyters in the Primitive Ages. For 
 Epiphanias [jy] fpeaking of Arius, while he was 
 Presbyter of Alexandria, fays, he always wore the 
 Collobium or Hemiphorium. And Pius Bifhop of 
 Rome in his Epiftle to Jufius Bifhop of Vienna 
 (which by many is reckoned genuine) fpeaks of 
 Juftus [z] as wearing a Collobium alfo. But this 
 was no more than the Tunica, of which there 
 were two forts, the Dalmatica and Collobium, 
 which differed only in this refpe£fc, that the Col- 
 lobium was the fhort Coat without long Sleeves, 
 fo called from xoXoCor, curtus j but the Dalmatica 
 was the Tunica manicata & talaris, the long Coat 
 with Sleeves. Both which were ufed by the Ro- 
 mans, though the Collobium was the more com- 
 mon, ancient and honourable Garment. As ap- 
 pears from Tally, who derides [a] Cataline's Sol- 
 diers, becaufe they had their Tunica manicata 
 talares; whereas the ancient Romans were ufed 
 to wear the Collobia, or fhort Coats without long 
 Sleeves. As Servius [b~\ and St. Jerom [c] after 
 him obferve from this place of Tally. So that a 
 Bifhop or a Presbyter's wearing a Collobium 
 means no more ('when the hard Name is explain- 
 ed) but their wearing a common Roman Gar- 
 
 ment. Which is evident from one of the Laws 
 of Tbeodofius the Great, made about the Habits 
 which Senators were allowed to ufe within the 
 Walls of Conflantinople, where they are forbidden 
 to wear the Soldier's Coat, the Chalmys, but al- 
 lowed to ufe the Collobium and Penula [i], be- 
 caufe thefe were Civil Habits, and Veftmcnts of 
 Peace. The Dalmatica, or as it was otherwife 
 called, ^^o , ot©', or Tunica Manicata, becaufe 
 it had Sleeves down to the Hands, was feldom 
 ufed among the Romaus: For Lampriclius \e~\ 
 notes it as a lingular thing in the Life of Corn- 
 modus the Emperor, that he wore a Dalmatica in 
 publick, which he alfo {/] cenfures in Helioga'- 
 balus, as Tally had done before in Catiline. And 
 that is a good Argument to prove, that the Cler- 
 gy of this Age did not wear the Dalmatica in 
 publick, fince it was not then the common Gar- 
 ment of the Romans. And the Conjecture of a 
 Learned Man [g] is well grounded, who thinks 
 that in the Life of St. Cyprian, where the anci- 
 ent Copies have Tunic am tulit, fome officious mo- 
 dern Tranfcribers changed the Word, Tunica, in- 
 to Dalmatica, as being more agreeable to the 
 Language and Cuflom of their own Time, when 
 the Dalmatica was reckoned among the Sacred 
 Veftments of the Church, though we never find 
 it mentioned as fuch in any ancient Author. 
 The Caracalla, which fome now call theCaffock, 
 was originally a Gallick Habit, which Antoninus 
 Baffianus, who was born at Lyons in France, firlf. 
 brought into ufe among the Roman People, 
 whence he had the Name of Caracalla, as Aure- 
 lius Viclor [h~] informs us. It was a long Gar- 
 ment, reaching down to the Heels, which Viclor 
 fays, the Roman People put on, when they went 
 to Salute the Emperor: But whether it was alfo 
 a Clerical Habit in thofe Days, may be queftion- 
 ed, fince no ancient Author fpeaks of it as fuch : 
 But if it was, it was not any peculiar Habit of 
 the Clergy i fince Spartian [z], who lived in the 
 Time of Conjlantine, fays, they were then ufed 
 by the common People of Rome, who called 
 them Caracalla Antoniniana from their Author. 
 The n'juiKpo^ov, which Epiphanius joins with the 
 Collobium, was either but another Name for the 
 fame Garment, or one like it : For it fignifies a 
 fhort Cloak or Coat, as Petavius [£] and other 
 Criticks explain it; hpi<rtJpMreiets 9 or Dimidium 
 Pallium, which anfwers to the Defcription of 
 the Collobium given before. As for the Lima 
 mentioned in the .Life of Cyprian, which Baro- 
 
 [n>3 Orig. ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 19. Tg^Tspsp y.otv'X s<&ht/ yju- 
 $0©-, &5j N y5 - ci,«V©" v-oi <pih'o<rotpw dvctXctCuv %7i/j.a. 
 
 £d>?oTi)?ei. [x] Valef. Not. in Loc. Ex his apparet, nul- 
 lum etiam turn peculiarem fuiffe Veftitum Clericorum, quando- 
 quidem Heraclas Philofophicum Pallium femper retinuit, 
 iy] Epiph. Hasr. 69. Arian. n. 3. npitp'opw 3S to/sst©- dei 
 *.ai KoKhiCiaveb wMu<TK.buiv<®-. J>] Pius Ep. 2. ad Juft. 
 
 Vien. Tu vero apud Senatoriam Viennam Collobio Epifcoporum 
 
 veftitus, Sec. {«] Cicero. Orat. 2. in Catalin. n. 22. 
 
 [ij Servius in Virgil. 9. iEneid. verf. 616. Et tunica: manicas, 8c 
 habent redimicula mitrae. [c] Hieron. Quaeft. Hebraic, in 
 
 Genef. 37. 32. Tom. 3. p. 222. Pro varia Tunica Symmachus in- 
 terpretatus eft Tunicam manicatam ; five quod ad tabs ufque de- 
 fcenderet, five quod haberet manicas ; antiqui enim magis Collobiis 
 titebantur. [/] Cod. Theodof. lib. 14. tit. 10. de Habitu quo 
 
 uti oportet intra Urbem. leg. 1. Nullus fenatorum habitum fibi vin- 
 dicet militarem, fed Chlamydis terrore depolito, quieta Colloborurrt 
 ac Penularum induat veftimenta, &c. [*] Lamprid. Vit. Corn- 
 modi, p. 139. Dalmaticatus in publico proceflit. [/] Id. Vit. 
 Heliogab. p. 317. Dalmaticatus in publico pod ccenam fepe vifus 
 eft. [g] Bp. Fell. Not. in Vit. Cypr. p. 13. [>] Vidtor 
 
 Epit. Vit. Caracalla:. Cum e Gallia veftem plurimam devexiflet, ca- 
 larefque Caracallas fecifTet, coegiffetque plebem ad fe falutandum in- 
 dutam talibus introire, de nomine hujus veftis, Caracalla cogno- 
 minatuseft. [/J Spartian. Vit. Caracal, p. 25-1. Ipfe Caracalli 
 nomen accepit a veftimento, quod populo dederat, demiflb ufque 
 ad talos, quod ante non fuerat; unde hodieque Antoninianae di- 
 cuntur Caracalla; hujufmodi, in ufu maxime Romans Plebis fre- 
 quentatx. [£] Petav. Not. in. Epiphan. Hser. 69. n. 3. Suicer. 
 Thefaur. Ecclef. T. 1. p. 1 334. 
 
 nias 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 233 
 
 nius calls the Bifhop's Rochet, it feems to have 
 been no more than lome common Garment made 
 of Linncn , though we know not what other 
 Name to give it. Baronius fays pleafantly, it was 
 not his Shirt, and therefore concludes it muft be 
 h\s Rochet: Which is an Argument to make a 
 Reader (mile, but carries no great Convittion in 
 ic. And yet it is as good as any that he produces 
 to prove, that Bifhops in Cyprian's Time appear- 
 ed in Publick differently habited from other 
 Men. That the Clergy had their particular Ha- 
 bits for Miniftring in Divine Service, at leaft in 
 
 the beginning of the fourth Century, is not de- 
 nied, but will be proved and evidenced in its 
 proper Place : But that any fuch Diftinction was 
 generally obferved extra Sacra in their other Ha- 
 bits in that Age, is what does not appear, but 
 the contrary from what has been difcourfed. It 
 was neceflary for me to give the Reader this 
 Caution, becaufe fome unwarily confound thefe 
 things together, and alledge the Proofs or Dis- 
 proofs of the one for the other, which yet are of 
 very different Confideration. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Some Reflections upon the foregoing Difcourfe y concluding with an Addrefs to the 
 
 Clergy of the prefent Church. 
 
 SECT. I. TT A V I N G thus far gone 
 Repawn lft. All J£\ over, and as it were brought 
 
 tares and Rules of ^ QnQ y- the ch j ef of thofe 
 the ancient Church . T j r» i i_ • i_ 
 
 not necejfary to be ^Cient LaWS and Rules, which 
 
 obferved by the pre- concerned the Elections, Quah- 
 fent church and fications, Duties, and general Of- 
 ckrgy. fices of the Primitive Clergy > Re- 
 
 ferving the Confideration of particular Offices to 
 their proper Places, I fhall clofe this Part of the 
 Difcourfe with a few necefTary Reflections upon 
 it, in reference to the Practice of the Clergy of 
 the prefent Church. And here firft of all it will 
 be proper to obferve, that all the Laws and Rules 
 of the Primitive Church are not obligatory to 
 the prefent Clergy, fave only fo far as they ei- 
 ther contain Matters neceflary in themfelves, or 
 are adopted into the Body of Rules and Canons, 
 which are authorized and received by the pre- 
 fent Church. For fome Laws were made upon 
 particular Reafons, peculiar to the State and Cir- 
 cumftances of the Church in thofe Times : And 
 it would neither be reafonable nor poflible to re- 
 duce Men to the Obfervance of all fuch Laws, 
 when the Reafons of them are ceafed, and the 
 State of Affairs and Circumftances of the Church 
 are fo much altered. Other Laws were made 
 by particular Churches for themfelves only, and 
 thefe never could oblige other Churches, till 
 they were received by their own Confent, or 
 bound upon them by the Authority of a general 
 Council, where they themfelves were reprefent- 
 ed, and their Confent virtually taken: Much 
 lefs can they oblige Abfolute and Independent 
 Churches at the Diftance of fo many Ages j fince 
 every fuch Church has Power to make Laws 
 and Rules about Things of an alterable Nature 
 for herfelf, and is not tied to the Laws of any 
 other. Nor confequently are any of the Mem- 
 bers of fuch a Church bound to obferve thofe 
 Rules, unlefs they be revived and put in force 
 by the Church whereof they are Members. As 
 this is agreeable to the Senfe and Practice of the 
 Catholick Church 5 fo it was neceflary here to 
 
 be obferved, That no one might miftake the De- 
 fign of this Difcourfe, as if it tended to make 
 every Rule, that has been mentioned therein, be- 
 come Neceflary, and Obligatory > ordefigned to 
 reflect upon the prefent Church, becaufe in all 
 things fhe does not conform to the Primitive Pra- 
 ctice : Which it is not poflible to do, without 
 making all Cafes and Circumftances exactly the 
 fame in all Ages. 
 
 But icily, notwithstanding this, SECT. II. 
 
 I may, I prefume, Without Of- Some ancient Rules 
 
 fence take leave to obferve in the would be »f Excellent 
 next Place, That fome ancient ufe, if revived by 
 Rules would be of excellent Ufe, ^ Authm, y- 
 if they were revived by juft Authority in the 
 prefent Church. What if we had a Law agree- 
 able to that of Jufiiniati's in the Civil Law, than 
 every Patron or Elector, who prefents a Clerk, 
 fhould depofe upon Oath, that he chofe him 
 neither for any Gift, or Promife, or Friendfliip, 
 or any other Caufe, but becaufe he knew him 
 to be a Man of the true Catholick Faith, and 
 good Life, and good Learning ? Might not this 
 be a good Addition to the prefent Laws againfl 
 Simoniacal Contracts? What if the Order of the 
 ancient Chorepifcopi were reduced and fettled in 
 large DiocefTes ? and Coadjutors in cafe of In- 
 firmity and Old-Age? Might not thefe be of 
 great Ufe, as for many other Ends, fo particular- 
 ly for the Exercife of Difcipline, and the ealier 
 and conftant Difcharge of that mod excellent 
 Office of Confirmation? The judicious Reader 
 will be able to carry this Reflection through a- 
 bundance of other Inftances, which I need not 
 here fuggeft : And I forbear the rather, becaufe 
 I am only acting the Part of an Hiftorian for the 
 ancient Church 5 leaving others, whofe Province 
 it is, to make Laws for the prefent Church, if 
 any Things are here fuggefted, which their Wif- 
 dom and Prudence may think fit to make the 
 Matter of Laws for the greater Benefit and Ad- 
 vantage of it. 
 
 thirdly, 
 
234 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 sect. III. Thirdly i It may be obferved 
 
 Rcfled. 3. some farther, that there were fome Laws 
 
 ancient Laws may in the ancient Church, which 
 
 be complied with, though they be not eftablifhed 
 
 though not Laws of L f the prefent Church, may 
 
 the pre f cat Church. .* . rj -.u 
 
 t 1 yet innocently be complied with; 
 
 and perhaps it would be for the Honour and Ad- 
 vantage of the Clergy voluntarily to comply with 
 them, fince there is no Law to prohibit that. I 
 will inftance in one Cafe of this Nature. It was 
 a Law in the ancient Church, as I have mewed 
 [*], that the Clergy mould end all their Civil 
 Controverfies, which they had one with another, 
 among themfelves , and not go to Law in a fe- 
 cular Court, unlefs they had a Controverfy with 
 a Layman. Now though there be no fuch Law 
 in the prefent Church, yet there is nothing to 
 hinder Clergymen from chufing Bilhops to be 
 their Arbitrators, and voluntarily referring all 
 their Caufes to them, or any other Judges whom 
 they (hall agree upon among themlelves-, which 
 mull be owned to be the moft Chriftian Way of 
 ending Controverfies: Whence, as I havefhewed, 
 it was many times practifed by the Laity in the 
 Primitive Church, who took Bilhops for their 
 Arbitrators by voluntary Compromife, obliging 
 themfelves to Hand to their Arbitration. And 
 what was fo commendable in the Laity, mult 
 needs be more reputable in the Clergy, and more 
 becoming their Gravity and Character ; not to 
 mention other Advantages, that might arife from 
 this Way of ending Diiputes, rather than any o- 
 ther. From this one Inftance it will be eafy to 
 judge, how far it may be both Lawful and Ho- 
 nourable, for the Clergy to imitate the Practice 
 of the Ancients in other Cafes of the like Na- 
 ture. 
 
 sect. iv. 4. The laft Obfervation I have 
 Refleft, 4. of to make upon the foregoing Dif- 
 tht influence of cour {e, is in reference to fuch 
 lZT m erpetZ d Laws of the ancient Church, as 
 obligation. " mu ^ De owned to be of neceffa- 
 ry and eternal Obligation. Such 
 are moft of thofe that have been mentioned in 
 the fecond and third Chapters of this Book, re- 
 lating to the Life and Duties of the Clergy : In 
 which the Clergy of all Churches will for ever 
 be concerned, the Matter of thofe Laws being 
 in itfelf of abfolute and indifpenfible Obligation. 
 The Practice of the Ancients therefore in com- 
 pliance with fuch Laws will be a continual Ad- 
 monition, and their Examples a noble Provoca- 
 tion to the Clergy of all Ages. There is nothing 
 that commonly moves and affects us more than 
 great and good Examples: They at once both 
 pleafantly inftruct, and powerfully excite us to 
 the practice of our Duty> They ftiew us that 
 Rules are practicable, as having already been ob- 
 ferved by Men of like Paflions with our felves j 
 They are apt to inflame our Courage by an Ho- 
 ly Contagion, and raife us to noble Acts by pro- 
 voking our Emulation} They as it were fhame 
 
 us into laudable Works, by upbraiding and re- 
 proaching our Defects in falling fhort of the Pat- 
 terns fet before us - y They work upon our Mo- 
 defty, and turn it into Zealj They raife our fe- 
 veral ufeful Paflions, and fet us to work by exci- 
 ting thofe inbred Sparks of Emulation, and Prin- 
 ciples of Activity that are lodged within us. And 
 for this Reafon whilft others have done good 
 Service by writing of the Paftoral Office and 
 Care in plain Rules and Directions, I have added 
 the Examples of the Ancients to their Rules; 
 the better to excite us to tread thofe Paths, 
 which are chalked out to us, by the Encourage- 
 ment of fuch inftructive and provoking Exam- 
 ples. Who can read that brave Defence and An- 
 fwer [}] which St. Bafil made the Arian Pre- 
 fect, without being warmed with fomething of 
 his Zeal for Truth upon any the like Occafion? 
 How Refolute and Courageous will it make a 
 Man, even againft the Calumnies of Spite and 
 Malice to contend for the Faith, when he reads 
 [f] what bafe Slanders and Reproaches were can: 
 upon the greateft Luminaries of the Church, and 
 the beft of Men, Athanafius and Bafil, for Hand- 
 ing up in the Caufe of Religion, againft the A- 
 rian Herefie ? Again, how Peaceable, how Can- 
 did, how Ingenuous and Prudent will it make a 
 Man in compofing unneceflary Difputes, that a- 
 rife among Catholicks in the Church, always to 
 have before his Eyes that great Example of 
 Candor and Peaceablenefs, which Nazianzen de-* 
 fcribes in the Perfon of Athanafius, [||] who by 
 his Prudence reconciled two contending Parties, 
 that for a few Syllables and a Difpute about mere 
 Words had like to have torn the Church in Pie- 
 ces ? To inftance but once more, who that reads 
 that great Example of Charity and Self-denial in 
 the African Fathers at the Collation of Carthage^ 
 [ ## ] and confiders with what a brave and pub- 
 lick Spirit they defpifed their own Private In- 
 tereft for the Good, and Peace, and Unity of 
 the Church, will not be infpired with fomething 
 of the fame noble Temper, and ardent Love of 
 Chriftj which will make him willing to do or 
 fuffer any thing for the Benefit of his Church, 
 and facrifice his own private Intereft to the Ad- 
 vantage of the Publickj whilft he perfuadeshim- 
 felf with thofe Holy Fathers, that he was made 
 for the Church of Chrift, and not the Church 
 for him? As it is of the utmoft Confequencc to 
 the Welfare of the Church, to have thefe and 
 the like Virtues and Graces planted in the Hearts 
 of her Clergy : fo among other Means, that may 
 be ufed for the promoting this End, there is 
 none perhaps more likely to take Effect, than 
 the Recommending fuch Virtues by the power- 
 ful Provocation of fuch noble Examples. And 
 he that offers fuch Images of Virtue to publick 
 View, may at leaft be allowed to make the Apo- 
 logy, which Sulpicius Severus [/] makes for his 
 Writing the Life of St. Martin: Etfi ipfi non 
 •vidimus, ut 'aliis exemplo effe pojfimus : dedimus ta- 
 men operant, ne illi laterent, qui ejfent imitandi. 
 
 [*] Book f Chap. 1. Seel. 4. 
 Seel. 10. [f] Hid. Sea. 10. 
 
 See Book 6. Chap. 3. 
 SteCh.ip. 3. Sea. 9. 
 
 [**] Vtd. Chap. 4. Sea. 2. 
 Prologo. 
 
 [/] Sever, de Vita S. Martin, in 
 
 But 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 235 
 
 SECT. v. But whilft I am Co earned 
 
 some particular m rC commending the Examples 
 
 RuUs recommended f t Jj e indents, I Hiuft llOt for- 
 
 toobfervamn , ft, incu lcate fome of their ex- 
 
 JRelatmg to the an- 5.. " , , • T 
 
 cent Method of ccllent Rules. Such as their Laws 
 training up Perfons about training up young Men 
 for-the Minifiry. f or the Miniftry under the Ma- 
 gifter Difcipline whofe Bufinefs was to form 
 their Morals, and inure them to fuch Studies, 
 Exercifes, and Practices, as would beft qualify 
 them for higher Offices and Services in the 
 Church. This Method of Education being now 
 changed into that of Univerfities and Schools of 
 Learning, it highly concerns them on whom this 
 Care is devolved, to fee that the fame Ends how- 
 ever be anfwered, that is, that all young Men 
 who afpire to the facred Profeffion, be rightly 
 formed both in their Studies and Morals, to qua- 
 lifie them for their great Work and the feveral 
 Duties of their Calling. And they are the more 
 concerned to be careful in the Matter, becaufe 
 Bifhops now cannot have that perfonal Know- 
 ledge of the Morals of fuch Perfons, as they had 
 formerly, when they were trained up under their 
 Eyes, and liable to their Infpection: but now as 
 to this part of their Qualification, they muft de- 
 pend firft upon the Care, and then upon the 
 Teftimony of thofe who are intruded with their 
 Education. Befides, a late eminent Writer, [£] 
 who enquires into the Caufes of the prefent Cor- 
 ruption of Chriftians, where he has occafion to 
 fpeak of the Paftoral Office, and the ordinary 
 Methods now ufed for training up Perfons to it, 
 makes a double Complaint of the way of Edu- 
 cation in feveral of the Univerfities of Europe. 
 As to Manners, he complains that young People 
 live there Licentioufly, and are left to their own 
 Conduct, and make publick Profeffion of Diflb- 
 lutenefs : Nay, that they not only live there ir- 
 regularly, but have Privileges, which give them 
 a Right to commit with Impunity, all manner 
 of Infolencies, Brutalities and Scandals, and which 
 exempt them from the Magiftrate's Jurifdiction. 
 Now fuch Univerfities as are concerned in this 
 Accufation (which by the Bleffing of God thofe 
 of our Land are not) have great reafon to confi- 
 der how far they are fallen from the Primitive 
 Standard, and what a Difference there is between 
 the ancient way of educating under the Infpecti- 
 on of a Bifhop, and the Conduct of a Mafter of 
 Difcipline in every Church, and the way of fuch 
 Academies, where, if that learned Perfon fiy true, 
 " The Care of Mafters and Profefibrs does not 
 " extend to the regulating of the Manners of 
 " their Difciples." The other Complaint he makes, 
 is in reference to the Studies, which are purfued 
 at Univerfities, in which he obferves two Faults. 
 One in reference to the Method of Teaching. 
 " Divinity is treated there, and the Holy Scrip- 
 " tures explained altogether in a Scholaftical and 
 " Speculative Manner. Common Places are read, 
 " which are full of School-Terms, and of Que- 
 K ftions not very material : This makes young 
 
 " Men refolve all Religion into Controverfiesj 
 " and gives them intricate and falfe Notions of 
 " Divinity. The other Fault, he thinks, is 
 " more EfTential : Little or no Care is taken, to 
 " teach thofe who dedicate themfelves to the 
 " Service of the Church, feveral Things, the 
 " Knowledge of which would be very neceflary 
 " to them. The Study of Hiftory and of Church- 
 " Antiquity is negleded, Morality is not taught 
 " in Divinity-Schools, but in a Superficial and 
 " Scholartick Manner : And in many Academies 
 " it is not taught at all. They feldom fpeak 
 " there of Difcipline, they give few or no In- 
 " ftructions concerning the Manner of exerci- 
 " fing the Paftoral Care, or of governing the 
 " Church. So that the greater Part of thofe 
 " who are admitted into this Office, enter into 
 " it without knowing wherein it confifts5 all the 
 " Notion they have of it, is, that it is a Profef- 
 " fion which obliges them to preach and to ex- 
 " plain Texts." I cannot think all Univerfities 
 are equally concerned in this Charge, nor fliall 
 I enquire how far any are, but only fay, That 
 the Faults here complained of were rarely to be 
 met with in the Methods of Education in the 
 Primitive Church; where, as I have mewed, the 
 chief Studies of Men devoted to the Service of the 
 Church, both before and after their Ordinati- 
 ons, were fuch as directly tended to inftruct them 
 in the neceflary Duties and Offices of their Fun- 
 ction. The great Care then was to oblige Men 
 carefully to Study the Scriptures in a Practical 
 way, and to acquaint themfelves with the Hifto- 
 ry and Laws and Difcipline of the Church, by 
 the Knowledge and Exercife of which they be- 
 came Expert in all the Arts of curing Souls and 
 making Pious and Holy Men, which is the Bu- 
 finefs of Spiritual Phyficians, and the Whole of 
 the Paftoral Office: In which therefore their 
 Rules and Examples are proper to be propofed to 
 all Churches for their Imitation. 
 
 Another fort of Rules wor- SECT. vi. 
 thy our moft ferious Thoughts idly, Their Rules 
 and Confideration, were thofe f or Examining the 
 which concerned the Examinati- $bwl&«t'ms of 
 on of the Candidates for the Mi- jjjjjg"" for the 
 niftry. For by thefe fuch Me- 7 ' 
 thods were prefcribed, and fuch Caution ufed, 
 that it was fcarce poffible for an Unfit or Immo- 
 ral Man to be admitted to an Ecclefiaftical Of- 
 fice, unlefs a Bifhop and the whole Church com- 
 bined as it were to chufe unworthy Men, which 
 was a Cafe that very rarely happened. It was a 
 peculiar Advantage in the Primitive Church, 
 that by her Laws ordinarily none were to be 
 ordained but in the Church where they were Per- 
 fonally known; fo that their Manners and way 
 of Living might be moft ftrictly canvafTed and 
 examined ; and a vicious Man could not be or- 
 dained, if either the Bifhop or the Church had 
 the Courage to reject him. Now though this 
 Rule cannot be practifed in the prefent State of 
 
 [£] Oftervald'j Caufes of the Corruption of Chriftians. Par, 2. c. 3. p, 333. 
 
 the 
 
236 
 
 The A n t 1 qu 1 t 1 e s of the 
 
 Book VL 
 
 the Church, yet the'main Intent of it isofabfolute 
 Neceflity to be anfwered and provided for fome 
 other wayj elfe the Church muft needs fuffer 
 greatly, and infinitely fall ftiort of the Purity of 
 the Primitive Church, by conferring the moft 
 Sacred of all Characters upon Immoral and un- 
 worthy Men. The only Way which our pre- 
 fent Circumftances will admit of, to anfwer the 
 Caution that was ufed in former Days, is toCer- 
 tifie the Bifhop concerning the Candidates known 
 Probity and Integrity of Life, by fuch Teftimo- 
 nials as he may fafely depend upon. Here there- 
 fore every one fees, without my obferving it to 
 him, that to advance the prefent Church to the 
 Purity and Excellency of the Primitive Church, 
 there is need of the utmoft Caution in this Mat- 
 ter} that Tertimonials in fo weighty an Affair be 
 not promifcuoufly granted unto all} nor to any 
 but upon Reafonable Evidence and Aflurance of 
 the Things teftified therein: Otherwife we par- 
 take in other Mens Sins, and are far from con- 
 futing truly the Glory of GOD and the Good 
 of his Church, whilft we deviate fo much from 
 the Exactnefs and Caution that is {hewed us in 
 the Primitive Pattern. 
 
 The other Part of the Examination of Candi- 
 dates, which related to their Abilities and Ta- 
 lents, was made with no lefs Diligence and Ex- 
 actnefs. The chief Enquiry was, Whether they 
 were well verfed in the Senfe and Knowledge of 
 the Holy Scriptures} whether they rightly un- 
 derftood the Fundamentals of Religion, the ne- 
 ceflary Doctrines of the Gofpel, and the Rules 
 of Morality as delivered in the Law of GOD} 
 Whether they had been converfant in the Hifto- 
 ry of the Church, and underftood her Laws and 
 Difcipline } and were Men of Prudence to go- 
 vern, as well as of Ability to teach the People 
 committed to their Charge. Thefe were Things 
 of great Importance, becaufe moft of them were 
 of daily Ufe in the Exercife of the Miniftry and 
 Paftoral Care} and therefore proper to be infill- 
 ed on in Examinations of this Nature. Thefe 
 were the Qualifications, which joyned with the 
 burning and fhining Light of a Pious Life, rai- 
 fed the Primitive Church and Clergy to that 
 height of Glory, which we all profefs to admire 
 in them : And the very naming that is a Suffici- 
 ent Provocation to fuch as are concerned in this 
 Matter, to exprefs their Zeal for the Welfare 
 and Glory of the prefent Church, by keeping 
 ftrictly to the Meafures, which were fo Succef- 
 fully obferved in the ancient Church} and with- 
 out which the Ends of the Miniftry cannot be 
 fully attained in any Church, whilft Perfons are 
 ordained that want proper Qualifications. 
 
 sect. vil. I lhall not now ftand to incul- 
 3dly, Their Rules cate any other Rules about parti- 
 al Pmate Ad- cu i ar Duties, Studying, Preach- 
 
 drefi and the Ex- ■ Qr h m but - b kave 
 ercife of Private & , , n • J • • rt 
 
 Difcipline. t0 recommend the Primitive Pat- 
 
 tern in two things more. The 
 
 one concerns Private Paftors, the other is hum- 
 bly offered to the Governors of the Church. 
 That which concerns Private Paftors, is the 
 Duty of Private Addrefs, and the Exercife of 
 Private Difcipline toward the People committed 
 to their Charge. Some eminent Perfons [*], 
 who have lately confidered the Duties of the Pa- 
 ftoral Office, reckon this one of the Principal and 
 moft neceffary Functions of it} which confifts 
 in Infpecting the Lives of Private Perfons, in vi- 
 fiting Families, in Exhortations, Warnings, Re- 
 proofs, Inftruclions, Reconciliations, and in all 
 thofe other Cares, which a Paftor ought to take 
 of thofe over whom he is conftituted. £< For, as 
 " they rightly obferve, neither general Exhorta- 
 " tions, nor Publick Difcipline can anfwer all 
 " the Occafions of the Church. There are cer- 
 " tain Diforders, which Paftors neither can, nor 
 n ought to reprefs openly, and which yet ought 
 " to be remedied by them. In fuch Cafes Pri- 
 " vate Admonitions are to be ufed. The Con- 
 " cern of Mens Salvation requires this, and it be- 
 " comes the Paftoral Carefulnefs to feek the 
 " ftraying Sheep, and not to let the Wicked 
 " perifh for want of Warning." But now be- 
 caufe this is a nice and difficult Work, and re- 
 quires not only great Diligence and Application, 
 but alfo great Art and Prudence, with a propor- 
 tionable fhare of Meeknefs, Moderation, and Tem- 
 per, to perform it aright} it is often either 
 wholly neglected, or very ill performed} whilft 
 fome think it enough to admonifh. Sinners from 
 the Pulpit, and others admonifh them indifcrect- 
 ly, which tends more to provoke, than reclaim 
 them. To Remedy both thefe Evils, ir. will be 
 ufeful to reflect upon that Excellent Difcourfe of 
 Gregory Nazianzen, which has been fuggefted in 
 the Third Chapter of this Book [f], where he 
 confiders that great Variety of Tempers that is 
 in Men, and the Nicety of all Matters and Oc- 
 cafions, that a skilful Paftor ought to confider, 
 in order to apply fuitable Remedies to every Di- 
 ftemper. And there the Reader will alio find 
 fome other excellent Cautions and Directions gi- 
 ven by 'Chryfoftom and others upon this Head, 
 with Examples proper to excite him to the per- 
 formance of this neceflary Duty. 
 
 The other thing I would sect. viii. 
 humbly offer to the Confiderati- 4thly, Their Rules 
 on of our Superiors, who are the f or 'xercifing p u 6- 
 Guardians of Publick Difcipline, «;« 
 and Infpectors of the Behaviour Dem 1 ti l !nt ckrp- 
 of Private Paftors, is the Exercife via of w-/mw 
 of Difcipline in the ancient offence. 
 Church. By which I do not now 
 mean that general Difcipline, which was exerci- 
 fed toward all Offenders in the Church} but the 
 particular Difcipline that was ufed among the 
 Clergy} by Vertue of which, every Clerk con- 
 vict of Immorality, or other Scandalous Offence, 
 was liable to be Depofed, and Punifhed with o- 
 ther Ecciefiaftical Cenfures} of which, both 
 
 [*] Oftcrvald'* Cnufes of the Corrupt, of Chriftians. p. 3 18. See alfo B'tflwp Burnet'/ Pajloral Care, c, 8. p. 96. [f] See Sort 
 
 Chap. Seel. 8. 
 
 Crimes 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 237 
 
 Crimes and Punifhmcnts, I have given a particu- 
 lar Account in the three foregoing Chapters of 
 this Book. 'Tis a thing generally acknowledged 
 by all, That the Glory of the ancient Church 
 was her Difcipline: And it is as general- 
 ly a Complaint of the Misfortune of the pre- 
 fent Church, that Corruptions abound for want 
 of Reviving and Rcltoring the ancient Difcipline. 
 Now if there be any Truth in cither of thefe Ob- 
 fervations, it ought to be a quickning Argument 
 to all that lit at the Helm of Government in the 
 Church, to beftir themfelves with their utmoft 
 Zeal, that Difcipline, where it is wanting, may 
 at leaft be reftored among the Clergy; that no 
 Scandals or Offences may be tolerated among 
 them, whofe Lives and Practices ought to be a 
 Light and a Guide to others. As there is no- 
 thing to hinder the free Exercife of it here: So 
 it is but fitting it fhould be exemplified in them ; 
 as for many other Reafons, fo particularly for 
 this: That the Laity may not think, they are 
 to be tied to any Difcipline, which the Clergy 
 have not firft exercifed upon themfelves with 
 greater Severity of Ecclefiaftical Cenfures. And 
 if either Rules or Examples can encourage this, 
 thofe of the Primitive Church are moft provo- 
 king: Her Rules of Difcipline were moft excel- 
 lent and exact in themfelves, and for the moft 
 part as exactly managed by Perfons intruded 
 with the Execution of them. 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Julian'j Dejign 
 to reform the Hea- 
 then Pnejls by the 
 Rules of the Primi- 
 tive Clergy, an Ar- 
 gument to provoke 
 onr Zeal in the [>re- 
 fent Age. 
 
 After thefe Reflections made 
 on the Laws and Practice of the 
 Primitive Clergy, it will be need- 
 lefs to make any long Addrefs co 
 any Orders of the Clergy of the 
 prefent Age. I will therefore on- 
 ly obferve one Thing more, That 
 Julian's Defign to bring the Laws 
 of the Primitive Clergy into ufe 
 among the Heathen Priefts, in order to Reform 
 them, as it was then a plain Teftimony of their 
 Excellency, fo it is now a proper Argument to 
 provoke the Zeal of the prefent Clergy, to be 
 more forward and ambitious in their Imitation. I 
 have already in Part recited Julian's Teftimony 
 and Defign, out of his Letter to Arfacius High- 
 Prieft of Galatia : I fhall here fubjoin a more 
 ample Teftimony from a Fragment of one of his 
 Epiftles [c] printed among his Works, where 
 fpeaking of the Gentile Priefts, he fays, It was 
 reafonable they fhould be honoured, as the Mi- 
 nifters and Servants of the Gods, by whofe Me- 
 diation many Bleffings were derived from Hea- 
 ven upon the World : And fo long as they re- 
 tained this Character, they were to be honoured 
 and refpected by all ; but if Wicked and Vicious, 
 they fhould be depofed from their Office \_d~], as 
 unworthy of their Function. Their Lives were to 
 fo regulated, as that they might be a Copy and 
 Pattern of what they were to Preach to Men. 
 To this Purpofe they fhould be careful in all 
 their AddrefTes to the Gods, to exprefs all ima- 
 ginable Reverence and Piety [e] 9 as being in 
 
 their Prefence and under their Inflection. They 
 fhould neither fpeak a filthy Word, nor hear 
 one; but abftain as well from all impure Dif- 
 courfe, as vile and wicked Actions, and not let 
 a fcurrilous or abufive Jeft come from their 
 Mouths. They fhould read no Books tending 
 this Way, fuch as Archilocus and Hippanax, and 
 the Writers of loofe wanton Comedies ; but ap- 
 ply themfelves to the Study of fuch Philofophers 
 as Pythagoras, Plato, Ariftotle, Chryfippus and Ze- 
 no, whole Writings were moft likely to create 
 Piety in Mens Minds. For all forts of Books 
 were not fit to be read by the Priefts : Even a- 
 mong Philofophers, thofe of Pyrro and Epicurus 
 were wholly to be rejected by them; and inftead 
 of thefe they [/] fhould learn fuch Divine 
 Hymns as were to be fung in Honour of the 
 Gods, to whom they fhould make their Suppli- 
 cations publickly and privately thrice a day, if it 
 might be, however twice at leaft, Morning and 
 Evening. In the Courfe of their publick Mini- 
 ftrations [g] in the Temples, which at Rome 
 commonly held for thirty Days, they were to 
 refide all the Time in the Temple, and give 
 themfelves to Philofophick Thoughts, and nei- 
 ther go to their own Houfes, nor into the Fo- 
 rum, nor fee any Magiftratc but in the Temple. 
 When their Term of Waiting was expired, and 
 they were returned Home, they might not con- 
 verge or feaft Promifcuoufly with all, but only 
 with their Friends and the beft of Men; they 
 were but rarely then to appear in the Forum, and 
 not to vifit the Magiftrates and Rulers, except it 
 were in order to be helpful to fome that needed 
 their Affiflrance. While they Miniftred in the 
 Temple, they were to be arrayed with a Magni- 
 ficent Garment; but out of it, they muft wear 
 common Apparel, and that not very coftly, or 
 in the leaft favouring of Pride and Vain-glory. 
 They were in no Cafe \h~\ to go to fee the ob- 
 fcene and wanton Shews of the Publick Thea- 
 tres, nor to bring them into their own Houfes, 
 nor to converfe familiarly with any Charioteer, 
 or Player, or Dancer belonging to the Theatre. 
 After this he fignifies, out of what fort of Men 
 the Priefts fhould be chofen. They fhould be 
 the beft that could be found in every City, Per- 
 fons that had true Love for GOD and Man, 
 and then it mattered not whether they were Rich 
 or Poor; there being no difference to be made 
 between Noble and Ignoble in the Cafe : No 
 one was to be rejected upon other Accounts, 
 who was endued with thofe two Qualities, Piety 
 to GOD and Humanity to Men. Whereof the 
 former might be evidenced by their Care to make 
 all their Domefticks as Devout as themfelves; 
 and the latter, by their Readinefs to diftribute 
 Liberally to the Poor, out of that little they 
 had, and extending their Charity ro as many as 
 was poffible. And there was the more Reafon 
 to be careful in this Matter, becaufe it was ma- 
 nifeftly the Neglect of this Humanity in the 
 Priefts, which had given occafion to the Impi- 
 ous Galilaans (by whom he means the Chriftians) 
 
 [f] Julian. Fragment. Epift. p. $-42. 
 [&] Ibid. p. f f 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [ rf] Ibid. p. j+i. [«] Ibid. p. 5-47. [/] Ibid. p. j s t. [g] Ibid. p. 773 • 
 
 H h h to 
 
238 
 
 The Antiquities of &c. 
 
 OOK VI. 
 
 to ftrengthen their Party by the Practice of that 
 Humanity, which the others neglected. For as 
 Kidnappers fteal away Children, whom they firft 
 allure with a Cake: So thefe begin firft to work 
 upon honeft-hearted Gentiles with their Love- 
 Feafts, and Entertainments, and Miniftring of 
 Tables, as they call them, till at laft they per- 
 vert them to Atheifm and Impiety againft the 
 Gods. 
 
 Now from this Difcourfe of Julian, I think, 
 it is very Evident, that he had obferved what 
 Laws and Practices had chiefly contributed to 
 the Advancement of the Character and Credit 
 of the Chriftian Clergy, and of the Chriftian Re- 
 ligion by their Means: And therefore he labou- 
 red to introduce the like Rules and Difcipline a- 
 mong the Idol-Priefts, and intended to have 
 made many other Alterations in the Heathen 
 Cuftoms, in Compliance with the envied Rites 
 and Ufages of the Chriftian Religion, as is ob- 
 ferved both by Gregory Nazianzen [zj and So- 
 zomen who give us a particular Account of 
 his intended Emendations. The very mention- 
 ing which, if I miftake not, is a loud Call to us, 
 to be at leaft as zealous as Julian was, in copy- 
 ing out fuch Excellencies of the Primitive Cler- 
 gy, as are proper for our Imitation. It is the 
 Argument which the Apoftle makes ufe of in a 
 like Cafe : / w/7/ provoke you to Jealoufie by them 
 that are no People, by a foolijh Nation will I an- 
 ger you. Rom. 10. ip. I muft needs fay, It will 
 be but a melancholy Confideration for any Man 
 to find hereafter, that the Zeal of an Apoftate 
 Heathen fliall rife up in Judgment againft him 
 and condemn him. 
 
 SECT. X. We all profefs (as it is our 
 
 The condufion by Duty to do) a great Zeal for the 
 •vayofAddrefstothe Honour and Welfare of the pre- 
 chrsyoftktfrtfm r ent Church. Now if indeed we 
 churck have that Zeal which we pro- 
 
 fefs, we mall be careful to demonftrate it in all 
 our Actions ; obferving thofe necefTary Rules and 
 Meafures, which raifed the Primitive Church to 
 its Glory. We are obliged in this refpect firft 
 to be Strict and Exemplary in our Lives ; to fet 
 others a Pattern of Sobriety, Humility, Meeknefs, 
 Charity, Self-denyal and Contempt of the World, 
 and all fuch common Graces, as are required of 
 Chriftians in general, to adorn their Profeffion : 
 And then to add to thefe the peculiar Graces and 
 Ornaments of our Function, Diligence, Prudence, 
 Fidelity, and Piety in the whole Courfe of our 
 Miniftry; imitating thofe Excellencies of the An- 
 cients, which have been defcribed ; confining 
 ourfelves to the proper Bufinefs of our Calling, 
 and not intermeddling or diftracting ourfelves 
 with other Cares; employing our Thoughts and 
 Time in ufeful Studies, and directing them to 
 their proper End, the Edification of the Church; 
 performing all Divine Offices with Afliduity and 
 Conftancy, and in that rational, decent and be- 
 coming Way, as fuits the Nature of the Action ; 
 making our Addrefles to God with a ferious Re- 
 
 verence, and an affecting Fervency of Devotion; 
 and in our Difcourfcs to Men, fpeaking always as 
 the Oracles of GOD, with Scripture Eloquence, 
 which is the molt Perfuafive; in our Doctrine 
 lhewing Uncorruptednefs, Gravity, Sincerity, 
 found Speech that cannot be condemned: In our 
 Reproofs, and the Exercife of publick and pri- 
 vate Difcipline, ufing great Wifdom and Pru- 
 dence, both to difcern the Tempers of Men, and 
 to time the Application to its proper Seafon, 
 mixing Charity and Companion with a juft Seve- 
 rity, and endeavouring to rcftore fall'n Brethren 
 in the Spirit of Meeknefs; mewing Gentlenefs 
 and Patience to them that are in Error, and gi- 
 ving them good Arguments with good Ufage in 
 order to regain them ; avoiding all bitter and 
 contumelious Language, and never bringing a- 
 gainft any Man a railing Accufation; treating 
 thofe of our own Order, whether Superiors, In- 
 feriors, or Equals, with all the Decency and Re- 
 fpect that is due to them, lince nothing is more 
 fcandalous among Clergymen, than the Abufcs 
 and Contempt of one another; endeavouring 
 here, as well as in all other Cafes, to keep the 
 Unity of the Spirit in the Bond of Peace; mew- 
 ing our felves Candid and Ingenuous in modera- 
 ting Difputes among good Catholicks, as well as 
 Refolute and Prudent in oppofing the malicious 
 Defigns of the profeft Enemies of Truth; brief- 
 ly, employing our Thoughts Day and Night upon 
 thefe things, turning our Defigns this way, and al- 
 ways acting with a pure Intention for the Bene- 
 fit and Edification of the Church ; even neglect- 
 ing our own Honours, and defpifing our own In- 
 tereft, when it is needful, for the Advantage of 
 the Publick. Such Actions will proclaim our 
 Zeal indeed, and draw every Eye to take notice 
 of it. Such Qualities joined with Probity and 
 Integrity of Life, will equal our Character to 
 that of the Primitive Saints: and either give 
 happy Succefs to our Labours, or at leaft crown 
 our Endeavours with the Comfort and Satisfacti- 
 on of having difcharged a good Conference in 
 the fight of GOD. The beft Defigns indeed 
 may be fruftrated, and the moft pious and zea- 
 lous Endeavours be difappointe J. it was fo with 
 our Lord and Maftcr himfelf, and no one of his 
 Houftiold then is to think it ft range, if it happen 
 to be his own Cafe. For though he fpake as 
 never Man fpake, though he had done fo many 
 Miracles among the Jews, yet they believ'd not 
 on him. This feems to be written for our Com- 
 fort, that we fhould not be wholly dejected, 
 though our Endeavours fail of Succefs, fince our 
 Lord himfelf was firft plealcd to take his Share 
 in the Difappointment. It will ftill be our Com- 
 fort, that we can be able to fay with the Pro- 
 phet [*] in this Cafe, Though we have laboured in 
 vain, and [pent our Strength for nought, yet furely 
 our Judgment is with the Lord, and our IVork with 
 our God: And then though Ilrael be not gathered, 
 yet JJjall we be glorious in the Eyes of the Lord, and 
 our God fliall be our Strength. 
 
 [/'] Naz. Inved. i. in Julian. [JSr] Sozom, lib. f. c. \6. [•] I/a. xftc. 4, f. 
 
 1 O R I G /- 
 
ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS: 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 H h h 2 
 
To the Right Honourable 
 
 And Right Reverend Father in GOD, 
 
 JONATHAN, 
 
 Lord Biftiop of Winchester 
 
 A^Prelate of the Mofl Noble Order of the Garter; 
 
 This Third Volume of the 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 
 
 Is Humbly Submitted and Infcribed by the Author, 
 
 His Lordship's 
 
 Mofl Dutiful and 
 Obedient Servant, 
 
 Joseph Bingham. 
 
BOOK VII. 
 Of the Asceticks in the Primitive Church. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the Difference between the firfi Afceticks and Monks, and of the firfi Original 
 
 of the Monafiick Life. 
 
 sect. I. ilpliiKf HEY who are con- 
 Afcettcks always in '^^W^M verfant in theWri- 
 the church-. Monks §ppPfcr« tings of the Anci- 
 
 - ents, will very of- 
 ten meet with the 
 Name/Acntrflxi, Af- 
 ceticks, applied to fome Chriftians by way of 
 Diftinftion from others. The generality of Wri- 
 ters in the Romijh Church, where-ever they meet 
 with this Word, lay hold of it as an Argument 
 to prove the Antiquity of Monks in the Church j 
 whereas indeed there was a very wide Difference 
 between them : For tho' in the Writers of the 
 fourth and fifth Ages, when the Monafiick Life 
 was fully eftablifhed, Afceticks and Monks often 
 fignify the fame Perfons; yet for the greatefb 
 Part of the three firft Centuries it was other- 
 wife : For there were always Afceticks in the 
 Chuch, but not always Monks retiring to the 
 Deferts and Mountains, or living in Monafteries 
 and Cells, as in after Ages. 
 
 SECT. II. This Difference is freely con- 
 
 Thh Difference ac- feffed by fome of the more frank 
 knowkJged by feme and j n g enuous Writers of the Ro- 
 leTZTZZ. ™f Church } as Valefius [a] and 
 Mr. Pagi \ b J who correct the 
 Miftakes of Baronius, Chrijlopherfon, and others in 
 this matter. Eufebius fpeaking of Philo Judceus 
 his Defcription of the Egyptian fherapeutce, fays, 
 he therein exactly defcribed the Life of the Chri- 
 ftian Afceticks [/] that lived in thofe Times. 
 Where by Afceticks, Chriftopherfon and Baronius 
 underftand Monks and Religious, as they fpeak 
 in the modern Stile: But Valefius rightly ob- 
 ferves, that there were no Monks in the Time 
 of Philo, but both the Name and Inftitution of 
 them was of much later Date. Afcetick was a 
 more general Name than that of a Monk : For 
 
 though every Monk was an Afcetick, yet every 
 Afcetick was nor a Monk j but anciently every 
 Chriftian that made Profeffion of a more ftri£r. 
 and auftere Life, was dignified with the Name 
 of Afcetick ; which is a name borrowed by the 
 Chriftians from the ancient Philofophers, as Va- 
 lefius fhews out of Avian, Artemidorus, and Philo.-, 
 and fignifies, as the word imports, any one thac 
 exercifes himfelf by the fevere Rules of Abfti- 
 nence and Virtue } of which kind there were 
 always Afceticks, without being Monks, from 
 the firft Foundation of the Church by the Apo- 
 ftles. 
 
 Such were all thofe that in- sect. nr. 
 ured themfelves to greater De- what the vrim'uive 
 grees of Abftinence and Failing -Afceticks were. 
 than other Men. As thofe mentioned by Ovigen [_dj, 
 who abftained from Flefh and living Creatures, as 
 well as the Pythagoreans, but upon very different 
 Principles and Defigns : The Pythagoreans ab- 
 ftain'd upon the fond Imagination of the Tranf- 
 migration of Souls, left a Father fhould kill and 
 eat his own Son in the Body of a living Crea- 
 ture j but the Afceticks, fays he, among us do it 
 only to keep under the Body, and bring it into 
 fubje&ionj to mortify their Members upon Earth, 
 Fornication, Uncleannefs, Lafcivioufnefs, and all 
 inordinate Paffions and Affections. Such Abfti- 
 nence the Apoftolical Canons call ahmr*% [*Jj 
 the Exercife of an Afcetick Life, faying, If any 
 Bifhop, Presbyter, or Deacon, or any other of the 
 Clergy, abftain from Marriage, Flefh, or Wine, 
 s cfya a<T)if]<Tiv, dWoi d\d (ZcPs\v(>}av, not for Exer- 
 cife fake, but as abominating the good Creatures 
 of God, &c. let him either reform himfelf, or be 
 depofed and caft out of the Church. So that all 
 who exercifed themfelves with Abftinence from 
 Flefh, only for Mortification, and not out of an 
 
 [a] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. lib. z. c. 17. M Pagi Critic, in [</] Orig. cont. Celf. iib. j. p. 164. Jgfc # £ta.qoeJ.v n m- 
 
 Baron. an. 61. n. 4. [c] Eufeb. lib. 2. c. 17. or (Ziov rh j \y.-\.vyj<>v ^myj\<;, &p ts Tloftctyoov, jy tZv h» 
 
 <wa.p fiy.lv 'Ahk)\tZv a; %vt (j.ccAira dHptCkrciTO. fco$£!y } 8tc. yi^/av 'A<jm]Tuv* [<"] Canon, Apoft. c. ji. 
 
 Opinion 
 
The Antiquities of the Book VII. 
 
 Opinion of its Unclcannefs (as fome Hereticks 
 did^ were reckoned Afccticks, whether they were 
 of the Laity or Clergy. Some of thefe not only 
 abftained from Flefh, but often continued their 
 Fafts for two or three days together without ta- 
 king any Food at all : Of which there are fre- 
 quent Inftances in Irenceus [/], and Dionyfius of 
 Alexandria [g], and Epiphanius [h~\ and others: 
 And fuch again were called Afceticks p] from 
 the fevere Exercife of Falling, to which they 
 accuftomed themfelves. Secondly, In like man- 
 ner they who were more than ordinary intent 
 upon the Exercife of Prayer, and fpent their 
 Time in Devotion, were juftly thought to de- 
 ferve the Name of Afceticks. Whence Cyril of 
 Jerufalem [k~] fpeaking of Anna the Prophetefs 
 (who departed not from the Temple, but ferved 
 God with Fading and Prayer, night and day) 
 ftiles her 'Affxq'rgja coXa&s-aTu, the Religious Af- 
 cetick, which the common Tranflations, not fo 
 corre&ly, render, Monialis, as if fhe had been 
 confined to a Monaftery or Cloyfter, of which 
 we read nothing in thofe Times in Jerufalem. 
 Thirdly, The Exercife of Charity and Contempt 
 of the World in any extraordinary Degree, as 
 when Men gave up their whole Eftate to the 
 Service of God or Ufe of the Poor, was another 
 Thing that gave Men the Denomination and Ti- 
 tle of Afceticks. In this Refpc£t St. Jerom calls 
 Pierius [/] a wonderful Afcetick, becaufe among 
 other things he embraced a voluntary Poverty, 
 and lived an Auftere and Philofophick Life. And 
 perhaps for the fame Reafon he gives Serapion 
 Bifhop of Antioch the fame Title [«], as having 
 freely given up his whole Eftate to the Service 
 of the Church upon his Ordination ; which was 
 a Practice very common in thole days, as appears 
 from the Examples of Cyprian, Paulinas, Gregory 
 Nazianzen, and many others. Fourthly, The 
 Widows and Virgins of the Church, and all fuch 
 as confined themfelves to a fingle Life, and made 
 themfelves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Hea- 
 ven's fake, were reckoned into the Number of 
 Afceticks, though there was then neither Cloy- 
 fter nor Vow to keep them under this Obligati- 
 on. Thus Epiphanius [»] obferves of Marcion, 
 that before he fell into his Herefy he lived an 
 Afcetick Life, profeffing Celibacy under his Fa- 
 ther, who was Bifhop of Sinope in Pontus, by 
 whom he was excommunicated for corrupting 
 one of the Virgins of the Church. Origen in 
 like manner alludes to this Name, when he fays, 
 the Number of thofe who exercifed themfelves 
 in perpetual [o] Virginity among the Chriftians, 
 was great in comparifon of thofe few who did it 
 among the Gentiles. And hence in After-ages the 
 Word, Afcetri<e, in the Civil Law [/»] is com- 
 monly put to fignify the Widows and Virgins of 
 
 the Church, f. Lafily, All fuch as exercifed 
 themfelves with uncommon Hardfhips orAufteri- 
 ties for the greater Promotion of Piety and Re- 
 ligion, as in frequent Watchings, Humicubations, 
 and the like, had the Name of Afceticks alfo. In 
 allufion to which Athanafius, or whoever is the 
 Author of the Synopfis Scriptura among his Works, 
 ftiles Lucian the Martyr, [Ayav dry.^rbji \_q~\ the 
 great Afcetick, becaufe of the Hardfhips he en- 
 dured in Prifon j being forced to lodge on fliarp 
 Potfherds for twelve Days together, with his 
 Feet and Hands fo bound in the Stocks that he 
 could not move; and being denied all Suftenance, 
 except he would eat Things facrificed to Idols; 
 rather than pollute himfelf with which he chofe 
 to die with Famine, as the Acls of his Martyr- 
 dom relate the Story. Now from this Account 
 that has been given of the Primitive Afceticks, 
 it plainly appears, that originally they were not 
 Monks, but Men of all Orders, that freely chofe 
 fuch a Way of living as ingaged them upon fome 
 Aufterities, without deferting their Station or 
 Bufinefs in the World, whether it were Ecclefi- 
 aftical or Secular, that they were otherwife in- 
 gaged in : And therefore where-ever we read of 
 Afceticks in the Writers of the three firft Ages, 
 we mult not with Baronius dream of Monks and 
 Regulars, but take them for Perfons of another 
 Character, agreeable to this Defcription. Vale- 
 Jius [f] makes this Obfervation upon feveral Paf- 
 fages in Eufebius his Book of the Martyrs of Pa- 
 lefiine, who fuffered in the Beginning of the 
 fourth Century in the Diocletian Perfecution. 
 There he terms one of them Peter the Afcetick 
 (YJ, and another called Seleucus, a Follower of 
 the Religious Afceticks [V], whofe chief Exer- 
 cife was to take care of the Fatherlefs and Wi- 
 dows, and minifter to the Sick and the Poor. 
 Thefe were no Monks, as Valefius rightly ob- 
 ferves: For St. Jerome fays, there were no Monks 
 in Pale/line before Hilarian 9 who brought the 
 Monaftick Life into ufe in that Country, not till 
 about fifty Years after the Death of thofe Mar- 
 tyrs. Cotelerius [ti] makes the like Remark up- 
 on the Author of the Apoftolical Conftitutions, 
 who fpeaks [x] of Afceticks among other Orders 
 of Chriftians, but never of Monks : Whence he 
 concludes, not without fome Probability, that that 
 Author wrote before the Monaftick Life was 
 fettled in the Church; elfe it is hardly to be 
 imagined that he fhould not fomewhere in his 
 Collections have taken notice of Monks as well 
 as others. 
 
 A sce ticks then there were SECT. IV\ 
 always in the Church: But the when the Monaftick 
 Monaftick Life, neither Name Vfefirftitgm. 
 nor Thing, was not known till toward the fourth 
 
 [/] Iren. ap. Eufeb. lib. f. c. 24. [g] Dionyf. Ep. Ca- 
 
 non, ap. Bevereg. Pandeft. Tom. 2. [b] Epiphan. Expof. 
 
 Fid.'n. 12. ['] Antioch. Homil. 7. in Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. 
 
 Tom. 2. p. 1037. 0] Cyril. Catech. 10. n. 9. 
 
 [/] Hieron. de Script. Ecclef. c. 76. Conftat hunc mirx iamatw; 
 appetitorem & voluntaria: Paupertatis. ^ [m] Ibid. c. 4 1. Le- 
 guntur ejus breves Epiftolae, Audtoris fui & vitae congru- 
 
 cntcs. ["] Epiphan. Hser. 42. n. 1, t q tt^uTov «vV» $'m 
 
 Tap9«ei£f!' J'nQty tiaae* /xovd^uy $ t,VJ?ps, Sec. [0] Origen. 
 cont. Celf, lib. 7. p. j6|-. 6WWt£Vi r navjiKn napBrnctv, 8cc. 
 [p] Juftin. Novel. 122. c. 43. [q] Athan. Synop. Tom. 2. 
 
 p. i$7- 0] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. de Martyr. Palaeft. c. 1 1. 
 
 [s] Eufeb. de Mart. Pal. c. 10. [/] Ibid. c. 1 1. [a] Co- 
 teler. Not. in Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 13. fx] Conftit. 
 
 A port. ibid. 
 
 Century- 
 
C HA P. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 245 
 
 Century. Mr. Pagi [jy] fixes its Original to the 
 Time of Conftantine, and he cites Holflenius [z] 
 and Papebrochius [a] for the fame Opinion. "The 
 Rife of it was thus : In the Decian Perfecution, 
 which was about the Middle of the third Cen- 
 tury, many Perfons in Egypt, to avoid the Fury 
 of the Storm, fled to the neighbouring Dcfcrcs 
 and Mountains, where they not only found a fafe 
 Retreat, but alfo more Time and Liberty to ex- 
 ercife themfelves in Afts of Piety and Divine 
 Contemplations ; which fort of Life, though at 
 firft forced upon them by Neccffity, became fo 
 agreeable to fome of them, that when the Perfe- 
 cution was over they would not return to their 
 ancient Habitations again, but chofe rather to 
 continue in thofe Cottages or Cells, which they 
 had made themfelves in the Wildernefs. The 
 firft and molt noted of thefe were Paul and Anto- 
 nius, two famous Egyptians, whom therefore St. 
 Jerome calls \_b~] the Fathers of the Chriftian 
 Hermits. For though Tome deduced them from 
 John the Baptift and Elias, yet they who under- 
 stood the Matter beft, reckon'd Paul the Thebaan 
 the firft Author, and Antony the great Encoura- 
 ger of that way of living among the Chriftians: 
 To which Opinion, as the trueft, St. Jerome him- 
 felf [c] fubferibes. But as yet there were no 
 Bodies or Communities of Men embracing this 
 Life/nor any Monafteries built, or any regular 
 Societies formed into any Method of Govern- 
 ment > but only a few fingle Perfons fcattered 
 here and there in the Deferts of Egypt, till Pa- 
 chomius in the peaceable Reign of Conftantine, 
 when the Perfections were ended, procured 
 fome Monafteries to be built in Thebais in Egypt, 
 from whence the Cuftom of living as Regulars 
 in Societies was followed by degrees in other 
 Parts of the World in the fucceeding Ages. This 
 is evident from what Papebrochius and Pagi [d~\ 
 have obferved out of the ancient Writer of the 
 A6h of Pachomius, where the Author brings in An- 
 tony the Hermit thus comparing the different States 
 of Monachifm together. When I firft became a 
 Monk, fays he, there was as yet no Monaftery 
 [e] in any part of the World, where one Man 
 was obliged to take care of another; but every 
 one of the ancient Monks, when the Perfecution 
 was ended, exercifed a Monaftick Life by him- 
 felf in private. But afterward your Father Pa- 
 chomius (he fpeaks to one of Pachomius's Difci- 
 ples) by the help of God effected this. That is, 
 he brought the Monks to live in Communities, 
 and under Rules, which they had not done be- 
 fore. So that here we fee at once the Rife and 
 Progrcfs of the Monaftick Life. Till the year 
 
 Zfo, there were no Monks, but only Afceticks 
 in the Church : From that Time to the Reign 
 of Conftantine, Monachifm was confined to the 
 Anchorets living in private Cells in the Wilder- 
 nefs : But when Pachomius had erected Monafte- 
 ries in Egypt, other Countries prefently followed 
 the Example, and fo the Monaftick Life came 
 to its full Maturity in the Church. Hilarion, 
 who was Scholar to Antonius, was the firft Monk 
 that ever lived in Paleftine or Syria : For St. Je- 
 rom [/] fays plainly, there was neither Mo- 
 naftery nor Monk before he came there, but he 
 was the Founder and Beginner of that Sort of 
 Life in thofe Provinces. Not long after Eufta- 
 thius Bifhop of Sebaftia brought it into the Re- 
 gions of Armenia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, as So- 
 zomen [g~] informs us: But as yet there were no 
 Monafteries in Thrace, or Illyricum, or amongft 
 the Europeans, as the fame Author teftifies. Ba- 
 ronius \h~\ owns, there were no Monafteries in 
 Italy ox Rome till Athanafius came thither,^. 540, 
 and taught the Anchoress to live in Societies, 
 after the Example of Pachomius and the Egyptian 
 Monks: Which is confirmed by St. Jerom [i], 
 who fays, Marcella was the firft Noble Woman 
 that embraced the Monaftick Life at Rome, and 
 that fhe was inftructed by Athanafius and Peter 
 his Succeffor, who fled to Rome for Shelter a- 
 gainft the Arian Perfecution. It was fome time 
 after this that St. Martin 'iifhop of Tours fixed 
 his Cell in France, and eighty other Monks \]t\ 
 followed his Example : From whence, fome 
 Learned Men [/] think, Pelagius brought the 
 Monaftick Life firft into Britain in the begin- 
 ning of the fifth Century; beyond which Period 
 I think it needlefs to carry the prefent Enquiry. 
 They who would know the Rife and Diltin&ion 
 of the feveral later Orders, may confult Hofpinian, 
 Creccelii, and others, who purfue this Hiftory 
 through all Ages. Vid. Hofpinian. de Origin. Mo- 
 nachor. Creccelii Colkclancea de Origine £5? Fundat. 
 Ordinum Monaftic. &c. 
 
 But it may now be properly SECT. v. 
 enquired, fince Monks are of fo i" wl3at the A f ct ~ 
 much later Date than Afceticks, ticks d 'f md f rom 
 how the ancient Afceticks dif- Monh ' 
 fered from them ? To which it may be replied, 
 chiefly in thefe three Things: i.That the Monks 
 were Men that retired from the Bufinefs and 
 Converfation of the World : For they either li- 
 ved in private Cells fingly by themfelves; or if 
 in Monafteries and Societies, yet thofe were re- 
 mote from Cities in fome far diftant Mountain 
 or a defert Wildernefs : But the firft Afceticks, 
 
 [y] Pagi Criric. in Baron, an. 318. n. n. Initium Monacha- 
 t£u xt.iti Conftantini imputandum. [&] Holftein. Prarf. ad 
 
 Regulas Veter. Monachor. [a] Papebroch. Com. in Acta 
 
 Pachomii, Maii 14. [£] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. c. 16. 
 
 Hujus vi^je auftor Paulus, illuftrator etiam Antonius. [c] Id. 
 Vit.Pauli, Tom. i.p. 237. Affirmant Paulum quendam Thebxum 
 Principern iftius rei fuifle: quod non tam nomine quam opinione 
 nos quoque comprobarnus. [d~] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 
 
 3 1 8. n. 1 1. [e] Atta Pachomii c. 77. ap. Papebroch. die 14. 
 Maii. Quo ego primum tempore Monachum ccepi agere, nullum 
 ulpiam extabat Ccenobium, in quo de aliorum falute cura aut me- 
 
 'Vol. I. 
 
 tus cuiquam erat : Ted quifque antiquorum Monachorum, perfecu- 
 tione jam finita, privatim in vita fefe Monaftica exercebat. Poftea 
 vero Pater vefter (Pachomius) tantum botium, Deo adjuvant*, ef- 
 fect. [/] Hierom. Vit. Hilarion. c. 1 1. Necdum enim tunc 
 Monafteria erant in Palacftina, nec quifquam Monachos ante fan- 
 flum Hilarionem in Syria noverat. Ille Fundator & eruditpr hujus 
 converfationis 8c ftudii in hie Provincia fuit. [^J Sozom 4 
 lib. 3. c. 14. 0] Baron, an. 340. n. 7. [,] Hieron. Ep. 
 16. Epitaph. Marcellae. [*] Sever. Vit. Martin, c, 7. [/] Sut« 
 lif. de Monach. Inftitut. c. 6. 
 
 I'll * $ 
 
X . . — . 
 
 246 The Antiquities of the Book VII. 
 
 as their Names implies, were always Men of an 
 active Life, living in Cities, as other Men, and 
 in nothing differing from them fave only in this, 
 that they were more Intent and Zealous in at- 
 tempting greater Heights and heroical Acts of 
 Chriftian Virtue, t. The Monks by their firft 
 Institution, as we fliall fee hereafter, were to be 
 no more than Laymen: For being confined to 
 the Wildernefs, the Clerical and Monaftick Life 
 were upon that account incompatible States, and 
 for almoft one whole Age they were fcarce ever 
 joined together : But the ancient Afceticks were 
 indifferently Perfons of any Order of Men, Cler- 
 gy as well as Laity, becaufe the Clerical and Af- 
 cetickLife were then confiftent with each other: 
 TheBufinefs of each being to converfe with 
 Men, and exercife themfelves in Acts of Piety 
 and Charity among them. ^.TheMonks, at leaft 
 fuch as lived in Monafteries and Societies, were 
 always brought under certain Private Rules and 
 Laws of Difcipline: But the ancient Afceticks 
 had no Laws but thofe of the Gofpel, and the 
 Church where they lived, to be governed byj 
 
 Their Exercifes were freely chofen, and as free- 
 ly purfued, in what Manner, and to what De- 
 gree they pleafed, without any binding Laws, 
 or Rules of Compulfion. And thefe Things are 
 a farther Proof* that the firft Afceticks were no 
 Monks, however fome Writers unwarily con- 
 found them together. 
 
 The Reader may take notice sect. VI. 
 of one Thing more concerning what other Names 
 the Primitive Afceticks, that they the y were called 6j 
 were fometimes called by other Names. Euje- 
 bius [m~] calls them axrisJouoi, and Epiphanius [n~\ 
 ufes the fame Appellation j meaning Peri'onsmore 
 eminent for their Sanctity, and Diligence in the 
 Exercifes of Fafting, and Prayer, and Almfdeeds, 
 and the like. Clemens Alexandrinus [o] ftiles 
 them £xX?xtuv I^Xs^tots^i, the Elect of the E- 
 lect: For all Chriftians as has been obferved in 
 another Place [/>] were called the Elect, and 
 therefore the Afceticks are termed the Elect of 
 the Elect, becaufe they were the more eminent 
 or choice Part of Chriftian ProfefTors. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the fever al Sorts of Monks, and their Ways of Living in the Church. 
 
 f sect I. TTAving hitherto ftiewed the 
 
 several sorts of JT— Difference between the firft 
 
 Monks dijlingmjlied Afceticks and Monks, I come 
 
 by their different now t0 f pea i c a little more parti- 
 
 WaysofUvmg. cukrly of the Monks alonCj fo 
 
 far as may be neceffary to inform the Reader of 
 the true State of the Monaftick Life, at its firft 
 Appearance and Settlement in the Church. And 
 here we are to obferve that the ancient Monks 
 were not like the Modern, diftinguifhed into 
 Orders, and denominated from the Authors and 
 Founders of them •, but they had their Names 
 either from the Places where they inhabited, as- 
 the Monks of Mount Scethis, Tabennefus, Nitria, 
 Campus in Egypt, &c. or elfe they were diftin- 
 guifhed by their different Ways of Living, fome 
 in Cells, others on Pillars, others in Societies, 
 and others by a Roving and Rambling kind of 
 Lifej which were always reckoned aDifhonour 
 and Reproach to the Church. 
 
 Th e firft Sort were common- 
 ly known by the Name of An- 
 chorets, from their Retiring from 
 Society, and living in private 
 Ceils in the Wildernefs. Such were Paul, and 
 4ntony, and Hilarion, the firft Founders of the 
 Monaftick Life in Egypt and Paleftine-, from 
 whom other Monks took their Model. Some of 
 thefe lived in Caves, ov cnrnXawif, as Chryfoftom 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The fir Ji called An- 
 chorets, a.vctyj i >pn m 
 7cu* 
 
 fays [a] the Monks of Mount Cafius near An- 
 tioch did j and others in little Tents or Cells, ol- 
 mchoi. Evagrius [b~] calls them, and Chryfoftom 
 irxn'vou Tabernacles. When many of thefe were 
 placed together in the fame Wildernefs at fome 
 Diftance from one another, they were all called 
 by one common Name, Laura ; which, as Eva- 
 grius [c~] informs us, differed from a Ccenohium 
 or Community in this, That a Laura was many 
 Cells divided from each other, where every 
 Monk provided for himfelfj but a Ccenobium-wzs 
 but one Habitation, where the Monks lived in 
 Society, and had all things in common. Epipha- 
 nius fays, Laura or Labra was the Name of 
 a Street or Diftrict where a Church flood at A- 
 lexandria j and it is probable, that from thence 
 the Name was taken, to fignify a Multitude of 
 Cells in the Wildernefs, united as it were in a 
 certain Diftrict, yet fo divided as to make up 
 many feparate Habitations} whereas a Ccenobium 
 was more like a fingle Houfe for many Monks 
 to dwell in. 
 
 And hence arofe a fecond fort SECT. III. 
 of Monks, who from their diffe- The fecond, Como- 
 rent Way of Living were com- iitei or synodites. 
 monly called Ccenobita, and their Habitations, 
 Coenobia, Kctvc€ia, becaufe they lived in common. 
 In the T'heodofian Code \e~\ they are alfo called 
 Synodita-y which does not fignify the Attendants 
 
 [ml Eufcb.lib. 6. c. n. [»] Epiphan. Expof. Fid. n. iz. 
 * IV] Clem. Alex. Homil. Quis dives falv. n. 36. ap. Combefis 
 Auaar. Noviffim. p. 181. [/>] Book 1. chap. 1. Sett. 1. 
 
 (VI ChryfofHom. 17. ad Pop. Antioch.p. 21;. [A] Evagr. 
 lib 1 c. ii. [«] Evagr. ibid. [fl Epiph. Hax 6> n. 1. 
 
 [e] Cod. Th. lib. n, Tit. 30. dc Appellat. Leg. 5-7. Addiftos 
 fupplicio, nulli Clericorum vel Monachorum, eorum ctiam quosSy- 
 noditas vocant, per vim atque ufiirpatioriem vindicare liceat, &c. 
 It. Cod. Juftin. 1. Tit. 4. de Epifcopali Audientia Leg. 6, 
 
 * Of 
 
Chap. II 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 247 
 
 of Monks, as fome Civilians (/) by miftake ex- 
 plain the Word, deriving it from <twj and o^/rfc, 
 Viator •> but it denotes the Monks themfelves, 
 who were fo called from their Living ov nu- 
 vb^oir, in Communities or Convents. And in 
 this they differed from Anchorets, as has been 
 noted before. Gennadius [£] applies thefe two 
 Names indifferently to this fecond Sort of 
 Monks, when he fays, Evagrius wrote a Book 
 concerning Coenobites and Synodites, containing 
 Rules and Directions for leading a Life in com- 
 mon. St. Jerom [Jo] fays, the Egyptians called 
 this Sort of Monks, Sauches, in their proper 
 Tongue, which fignifies the fame as Coenobites 
 in the Greek and Latin Church \ and that the 
 Anchorets were of a different Order from them, 
 and had their Name from living in Solitude, or 
 fingly by themfelves in the Wildernefs. 
 
 sect. iv. There was another Sort, 
 The Third, Sara- he fays, whom the Egyptians cal- 
 *> MX - led Rcmboth, who were a Sore 
 
 of Monks that would live as they lifted them- 
 felves, only two or three [i~] together, under 
 110 Rule or Government. Thefe did not refort 
 to the Wildernefs as the others, but lived chiefly 
 in Cities and Callles, where every thing they 
 did might be feen and valued by Men, which 
 was the only End they aimed at. For they turn- 
 ed Religion into an Art, and made a real Gain 
 of pretended Godlinefs. Whatever they fold of 
 the Work of their own Hands, was at an high- 
 er Price than any others. And this made them 
 very turbulent and contentious : For living upon 
 their own Labour, they would be fubject to no 
 Superiors. They failed to an extraordinary de- 
 gree} but then they made that which fhould 
 have been a Private Exercife, Matter of Strife 
 and publick Victory and Triumph. Every Thing 
 about them was affected, loofe Sleeves, wide 
 Stockings, coarfe Clothes, often Sighing, ma- 
 king frequent Vifirs to the Virgins, and always 
 bitterly inveighing againft the Clergy. But if 
 ever there came a Feaft day, they would in- 
 dulge themfelves even to Riot and Excefs. 
 Thefe therefore St. Jerom juftly brands as the 
 Pelts and Banes of the Church. He that would 
 fee more of their Character, may confult Caffi- 
 an [k~] among the ancient Writers, who ex po- 
 les them under the Name of Sarabait£\ and 
 Spalatenfis [/] among the Moderns, who draws 
 the Parallel between them and the Minorites, 
 Dominicans, Carmelites, Servites, and Minims of 
 the Romijh Church. 
 
 Another Sort of Monks sect. v. 
 in the ancient Church (of which of the Stylita 
 there were but a very few) were or Pillarifls. 
 the Stylitce or Pillarifts, fo called from their ta- 
 king up a lingular Way of Living perpetually 
 upon a Pillar. Simeon, furnamed Sty lit es, who 
 lived about the Time of the Council of Chalce- 
 don, was the firft, Evagrius \m~\ fays, that in- 
 troduced this Sort of Life among the Mona- 
 ftick Orders. And Theodorus Leclor [«] obferves 
 that the Novelty of it at firft was fo offenfive 
 to the Egyptian Monks, that they fent anathe- 
 matizing Letters againft him, but upon better 
 Information, coming to underftand the Worth 
 and Conversation of the Man, they afterward 
 communicated with him. The Severity of 
 this Way of living was not very inviting, and 
 therefore it made but few Profelytes. 'Theodoras 
 Lector [0] mentions one Daniel, a Difciple of 
 Simeon's, and Evagrius [/>] fpeaks of another Si- 
 meon in the time of Mauricius, who lived lixty 
 eight years upon a Pillar, and is commonly cal- 
 led Simeon Stylitcs Junior, to diftinguifh him 
 from the former. Johannes Mofchus [q~] gives 
 an Account of two or three more of this way 
 in the fame Age. Surius alfo among his Cata- 
 logue of Saints has the Life of one Alipius 
 Bifhop of Adrianople, who renounced his See to 
 live upon a Pillar; where, if the Story fay true 
 [r~], he continued feventy years j having two 
 Quires of Virgins and one of Monks attending 
 him, with whom he fang Pfalms and Hymns al- 
 ternatively Night and Day. Befide thefe we 
 fcarce meet with any other of this Way in an- 
 cient Hiftory. An Argument that it was not of 
 any great Elteem, when it was firft invented in 
 the Primitive Church. 
 
 BesIde thefe Sorts of Monks, sect. vr. 
 who renounced the World, and of Secular 
 lived in perpetual Celibacy, Spa- Monks, 
 latenfis Q/j thinks there was a- 
 nother Order, which did neither of thofe Things, 
 but lived in a married State and enjoyed their 
 own Property and Poffeflions, only they exerci- 
 fed themfelves in Acts of Aullerity and Religi- 
 on, as the Primitive Afceticks were ufed to do, 
 of whom we have given an Account in the for- 
 mer Chapter. Thus much is certain from the 
 exprefs Words of Athanafius and St. Auftin, that 
 in their time fome went by the Name of Monks, 
 who were married Men, and poffeft of Eftates. 
 For Athanafius writing to Dracontius aMonk^ to 
 perfwade him to accept of a Bifhoprick (to 
 which he was averfe, becaufe he thought it 
 
 [ f] Lexicon J uridic. voce Synodicx. Genev. 
 [jj Gennad. de Scripcor. in Evjgrio, Compofuit de Ccenobitis ac 
 Synoditis Doctrinam aptam vita? communis. \_h~\ Hieron. 
 
 Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. c. if. Tria funt in /Egypto genera Mona- 
 chorum.- Piimum Coenobitse, quod illi Sauches gentili lingua vo- 
 canti Nos, in commune viventes, poflumus appel.are. Secun- 
 dum Anachoritse, quod foli habitant per deferta, Scab eo quod pro- 
 cul ab hominibus recefierint, nuncupantur. Tertium genus eft 
 quod Remboth dicunt, deterrimum atque negledtum. [»] lb. 
 Ki bini vel trini nec multo plures fimul habitant, fuo arbitratu ac 
 
 ditione viventes. Habitant autem quam plurimi in Urbibus 5c 
 
 Caftellis: & quifi Ars fit fan&a, non vita, quicquid vendiderint 
 
 majoris eft pretii. Inter hos fepe funt jurgia, quia fuo viventes 
 cibo, non patiuntur fe alicui effe fubjeclos. Revera folcnt certare 
 Jejuniis, 8c rem fecreti vidtorise faciunt. A pud lios afteitata funt 
 omnia, laxx Manicx, Caliga; folIicanf.es, Veftis craffior, crebra fuf- 
 piria, Vilitatio Virginum, Detraclio Clericorum. Et fi quando 
 dies feftus venerit, faturantur ad vomitum, &c. [k] Caflian. 
 Collat. 18. c. 7. [/] Spalat. de Rep. Eccl. lib. 2. c. 12. n. 77. 
 O] Evagr. lib. 1. c. 12. [»] Theodor. Left. lib. 2. p. 
 
 S6f. [0] Ibid. lib. 1. p. 5-5-4.. [/>] Evagr. lib. 6. c. 22. 
 [q] Mofch. Prat. Spir. c. 36. 57. 129. [r] Surius Tom. 6. 
 Vid. Hr>fpin. de Monach. lib. 1. c. f. p. ^^. [/] Spalat. 
 
 de Rep. lib 2. c. n. n. 22. 
 
 I i i 2, would 
 
248 
 
 The A n t 1 qu 1 t 1 e s of the B o o k VII. 
 
 would not confift with his Afcetick Way of li- 
 ving) ufes this Argument to him: You may ftill, 
 lays he, after you are made a Bifhop [t], hun- 
 ger and thirft with Paul, and abftain from Wine 
 with Timothy, and fail frequently as St. Paul 
 was wont to do. Let not therefore your Coun- 
 fellors throw fuch Objections in your Way. 
 For we know manyBifhops thatfaft, and Monks 
 that eat and drink j we know Biihops that drink 
 no Wine, and Monks that do> we know Bi- 
 fliops that work Miracles, and Monks that work 
 none. Many Bifhops are not married j and on 
 the other hand many Monks are Fathers of 
 Children > You may alfo find Biihops that are 
 Fathers of Children, and Monks that are not 
 foj Clergy that eat and drink, and Monks 
 that fall. For thefe Things are at Liberty, and 
 no Prohibition laid upon them: Every one 
 exercifes himfelf as he pleafesj for it is not 
 Mens Station, but their Actions, for which 
 they lhall be crowned. From thefe Words 
 of Atbanafius it feems plain, that as yet the 
 Rules of the Monaftick Life obliged no 
 Man to renounce either his Pofleffions or a mar- 
 ried State, but he might ufe both if he pleafed, 
 without any Ecclefialtical Cenfure. And tho' 
 the Cafe was a little altered with fome Monks 
 before St. Au/lins time, yet others referved to 
 themfelves their ancient Privilege: For St. Au- 
 . fiin writing againft the Hereticks, who called 
 themfelves Apoftolicks, fays, They [ti] arrogant- 
 ly aflumedto themfelves that Name, becaufethey 
 rejected all from their Communion, who had ei- 
 ther Wives or Eftates, of which fort the Ca- 
 tholick Church had many both Monks and Cler- 
 gy. So that at leaft fome Monks were ftill at 
 liberty to enjoy both a Conjugal State and Pof- 
 feflions of their own, without any Impeachment 
 of Apoftacy or Breach of Vow in the Catho- 
 Jick Church. For which reafon I have given 
 this Sort of Monks the diftinguifhing Name of 
 Seculars. 
 
 sect. vn. Though to avoid Ambigui- 
 All Monks on- ty in Terms, it muftbe obferved, 
 gmally no more t h at ^\\ Monks at firft might pro- 
 thm Uymtn. pedy be caUcd SecularSj as that 
 
 Name is oppofed to Ecclefiafticks. For Monks 
 in their firft Original were generally Laymen, nor 
 could they well be otherwife by their proper 
 Conftitution, and the general Laws of the Ca- 
 tholick Church. For the firft Monks were ge- 
 nerally Hermits, that is, Perfons confined by 
 their own Rules to fome Defert or Wildernefs, 
 where Solitude was thought to help forward 
 the Exercifes of Contemplation and Repent- 
 ance, and they had none to take care of but 
 their own Souls: But the Clerical Life required 
 Men to live in Towns and Cities, where Crowds 
 
 of People afforded them proper Occafions to ex- 
 ercife the Offices of the Clerical Function : And 
 it was againft the Rules of the Catholick Church, 
 as I have fhewed [ # ] in another Place, for any 
 Clerk to be ordained without a proper Cure or 
 Title in fome Church, where he might do the 
 Duties of his Function. For this reafon it was 
 a thing Impracticable in itfelf, as well as againft 
 the Rules of the two different States of the Cle- 
 rical and Monaftick Life, that the Generality of 
 Monks fhould be Clergymen j which, to the 
 Confufion of ancient Rules and Difcipline, has 
 been the unwarrantable Practice of later Ages, 
 efpecially fince the Time of Clement V. An. 1311, 
 who obliged (w) all Monks to take Holy Or- 
 ders, that they might fay Private Mafs for the 
 Honour of God, as he efteemed itj which was 
 in truth a manifeft trampling on the Laws ot 
 the ancient Church, and an Affront to her Pra- 
 ctice. For anciently Monks were put into the 
 fame Clafs with Laymen, as they generally were, 
 and confidered only as fuch. ' St. Jerom gives 
 us at once both the Rule and the Practice, when 
 he fays, the Office of a Monk is not [#] to 
 teach, but to mourn : And that the Cafe of the 
 Monks and Clergy is very different from each o- 
 ther : The Clergy are thofe that feed the Sheep, 
 but the Monks (among whom he reckons him- 
 felf) are thofe that are fed. 'Tis true, St. Je- 
 rom was not only a Monk, but a Presbyter 
 likewife: But being ordained againft his Will, 
 and refolving to continue a Monk, he refufed to 
 officiate as a Presbyter : Which fhews, that he 
 had no great Opinion of joining the Monk and 
 the Clerk together, much lefs of making all 
 Monks in general become Clerks according to 
 the modern Practice. The Council of Choice- 
 don once or twice very exprefly diftinguifhes the 
 Monks from the Clergy, and reckons them with 
 the Laymen. In one Canon (y) it fays, who- 
 ever are inftrumental in getting others ordained 
 or promoted to any Office in the Church for 
 Money or filthy Lucre ; Such Tranfactors, if 
 they be Clergymen, fhall be depofed ; if Lay- 
 men or Monks, excommunicated. And another 
 Canon [z] forbids Monks to meddle with Ec- 
 clefiaftical Affairs. Both which Canons plainly 
 imply, that the Monks then were not of the 
 Clergy, but meerly Laymen. Pope Leo (a) at 
 the fame time fpeaks of them as fuch, telling 
 Maximus Bifhop of Antioch, that he fhould not 
 permit Monks or Laymen, however Learned, to 
 ufurp the Power of Teaching or Preaching, but 
 only the Priefts of the Lord. And therefore 
 when any Monk was to be ordained Presbyter or 
 Bifhop, he was obliged firft to go through all 
 other Orders of the Church, as it was then cu- 
 ftomary for Laymen to do, before the Superior 
 Orders were conferred upon them. This we 
 
 [fj Athan. Ep. ad Dracont. Tom. i. p 95-8. [«] Aug. 
 
 de Hasrcf. c. 40. Apoftolici fe ifto nomine arrogantiflime vocave- 
 runt, co quod in luam Communionem non reciperent utentes con- 
 j ugibus, Sc res pioprias poflidentes ; quales habet Gatholica Eccle- 
 lia St Monachos & Clericos plurimos. ["*] Book iv. chap. 
 
 6. n. 2. ■ [w] Vid. Clementin. lib. 3. Tit. 10. c. 1. 
 [*] Hieron. Ep. f j. ad Ripar. Monachus non docentis, fed plan- 
 
 4 
 
 gentis habet Officium. Id. Ep. 1. ad Heliodor. Alia Monachorum 
 eft Caula, alia Clericorum : Clerici pafcunt oves, ego pafcor. 
 [y] Cone. Chalced. c z. [z] Ibid. c. 4. [al Leo Ep. 
 60. al. 6z. Ulud quoque convenit prxcavere, ut praeter eosqui func 
 Domini Sacerdotes, nullus fibi jus Docendi & Prxdicandi audeat 
 vendicare, five fit ille Monachus, five Lairus, qui alicujus Scien- 
 tiae nomine glorietur. 
 
 learn 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 249 
 
 learn from a Decree of Pope Gelajius [b~], which 
 orders, that if a Monk of good Life and Learn- 
 ing was minded to be ordained a Prieft, hefhould 
 firit be made a Reader or a Notary or a Dcfen- 
 for, and after three Months an Acolythift, after 
 Six Months a Subdeacon, after Nine Months a 
 Deacon, and at the Year's End a Presbyter. So 
 that the Difference between a Monk and any o- 
 ther Layman was only this, that a Monk by 
 vcrtue of his Education in a School of Learning 
 and good Difcipline (fuch as Monafteries then 
 were) was fuppofed to be a better Proficient 
 than other Laymen, and therefore allowed the 
 Benefit of a quicker Paffage through the Inferi- 
 or Orders than other Candidates of the Prieft- 
 hood. All which fhews, that anciently the Ge- 
 nerality of Monks were only Laymen, or at mod 
 but in a middle State betwixt common Laymen 
 and the Clergy ; as the learned Men of the Ro- 
 mijlo Church, Habertns [c~], Lindanus [V], and 
 others, fcruple not to confefs, though they are 
 willing to defend the Modern Practice. Nay 
 even Gratian [f] himfelf, who is mod concerned 
 for the Moderns, owns it to be plain from Ee- 
 cleliaftical Hillory, that to the Time of Pope 
 Siricius and Zofimus the ancient Monks were only 
 funple Monks, and not of the Clergy. 
 
 SECT. VIII. But though Monks did not 
 in what cafes the anciently afpire to be ordained 5 
 clerical and Mow- nor was lt C onfiftent with the 
 
 fiick Life might be Ru]qs of thg Church that all Q f 
 cinjmed together. ^ be foj y£C {q ^ 
 
 ral Cafes the Clerical and Monaftick Life was in 
 fome meafure capable of being conjoined. As, 
 firft, when a Monaftery happened to be at fo 
 great a Diftance from its proper Epifcopal or Pa- 
 rochial Church, that the Monks could not ordi- 
 narily refort thither for Divine Service; which 
 •was the Cafe of the Monafteries in Egypt and o- 
 ther Parts of the Eaft, where the Monks lived 
 in great Deferts fequeftred from the reft of 
 Mankind ; then fome one or more of the Monks 
 were ordained for the Performance of Divine 
 Offices among them. Thus Caffian often fpeaks 
 of the Churches of the Monafteries of Scethis or 
 Scythia in the Deferts of Egypt, one of which 
 had two Presbyters, Paphnutius [/"] and Daniel; 
 ahd three other fingle Presbyters refiding, and 
 performing Divine Offices in them : Thefe were 
 the Abbots or Fathers of the Monafteries, and 
 Presbyters of the Churches together; whom 
 Caffian mentions with this remarkable [g] Cir- 
 cumftance, That all of them, except Paphnutius, 
 being over-run with the Herefy of the Anthropo- 
 morphitcs, when Theophilus Biftiop of Alexandria 
 
 fent one of his Pafchal Letters among them (to give 
 Notice of Eafier according toCuftom) and there- 
 in made fome lriarp Reflections on that abfurd 
 Herefy, they would not fo much as futfer his 
 Epiftle to be read in their Churches. Socmen 
 likewife \Jj] tells us, that Prims the Monk, 
 whom the Avians made Ufe of as their Jlnftru- 
 ment to conceal Arfenius, while they accufed A- 
 thanafius of his Murder, was a Presbyter of one of 
 the Monafteries in the Deferts of Thebais. Where 
 it feems the Monafteries were vaftly great : For 
 CaJJian [f] allures us, that one of them had no 
 lefs than five thoufand Monks in it: And it can- 
 not be thought ftrange, that fuch Monafteries in 
 remote Deferts ffiould have their proper Churches, 
 and Presbyters to officiate in them. But it was 
 not only in the Deferts that Monafteries were al- 
 lowed Presbyters in them, but in fome Places 
 the City-Monafteries (as foon as they began to 
 get Footing there) had the fame Privilege like- 
 wife. For Eutyches the Heretick was not only 
 Archimandrite, but Presbyter alfo of his Monafte- 
 ry at Conjlantinople, as Liberatus [k~] and other 
 ancient Writers ftile him. And that this v/as no 
 unufual Thing, appears from hence, that both 
 the Civil and the Canon Law allows the Pra- 
 ctice. Juftinian in one of his Novels [/] has a 
 Provifo both for fuch Monafteries as had Churches 
 of their own, and fuch as had not: For thofe 
 which had none of their own, 'tis ordered, that 
 the Monks ITiould repair to the Parifh Church 
 with their Abbot, and after Divine Service im- 
 mediately return to their Monaftery again : But 
 fuch Monafteries as had Churches in them, might 
 have four or five of their own Body ordained 
 Presbyters, or Deacons, or of the Inferior Or- 
 ders, as there was Occafion. And before this 
 the Council of Chalcedon [»] fpeaks of Churches 
 in Monafteries, and Clergy belonging to them ; 
 allowing a Deputation to any fuch Church to be 
 a fufficient Title to qualify a Man for Holy Or- 
 ders. So that in thefe Circumftances there is no 
 Queftion to be made but that the Clerical and 
 Monaftick Life were often joined together. 
 
 2. Another Cafe in which the fame Thing 
 was praclifed, was when Monks were taken out 
 of Monafteries by the Bilhops, and ordained 
 for the Service of the Church. Which Thing 
 was frequently done, and not only allowed, but 
 encouraged both by the Imperial and Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Laws; when once Monafteries were become 
 Schools of Learning and pious Education, they 
 were thought the propereft Nurferies for the 
 Church. Therefore Arcadius made it an Inftru- 
 ction to the BifTiops, that if at any time [o~] they 
 needed to augment their Clergy, they fhould do 
 
 [b] Geb.f. Ep. 9. ad Epif. Lucan. c. 3. Si quis de Religiofo Pro- 
 pofno, & Difciplinis Monafterialibus cruditus, ad Clericale Munus 
 acccdat — continuo Le&or vel Notarius, aut certeDefenfor effe&us, 
 po!r rres metifcs exiftat Acolythus : fexto menfe Subdiaconi nomen 
 accipiat ; nono menfe Diaconu.% completoque anno fit Presbyter. 
 [e] i labei t. Archieratic. p. 601. [</] Lindan. Panopl. lib. 4. 
 
 c ' 7f- C e ] Gratian. caul". 16. Q. 1. pod. cap. 39. Mona- 
 
 chos veto ufque ad tempus Eufebii, Zofimi, 8c Siricii Monachos 
 firnpliciter, Sc nan Clericos fuifle, Eccleiiaftica teftatur Hiftoria. 
 [/] Caffian. Collar. c, 1. Collat. 4. c. 1. [g] Collat. 10. 
 
 c. 2. fta efl: hxc Epiftola refutata ab his, qui erant in Eremo 
 Scythi commonntes, ut praeter Abbatem Paphnutium noftne Con- 
 gregationis Presbyterum, nullus earn cxterorum Presbytcrorum, qui 
 in eadem eremo aliis tribus Ecclciiis pneiidebant. nec legi quidem 
 ac recitari in fuis Conventibus prorlus admitterent. [h~\ So- 
 
 2,0m. lib. 2. c. 23. [<] CalTian. de Inftirut. Renuncianr. lib. 
 
 4. c. 1. [k] Liberat. Breviar. c. II-. [/J Juftin. No- 
 
 vel 133. c. 2. 0] Cone. Chalced. c. 6. 8c 8. [0] Cod. Th. 
 lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc. Leg. 32. Si quos forre Epifcopi deefle 
 fibi Clericos arbitrontur, ex Monarhorumnumerorectius ordinabunt. 
 
 it 
 
2$0 
 
 The Antiquities ^ & B o o k VII. 
 
 it out of the Monks. Gothofred in his learned 
 Obfervations on this Law has abundantly Ihewed 
 the Church's Practice from the Teftimonies of 
 Athanafius [/>], St. Jerom St. Auftin [r], E- 
 piphanius [s% Palladia* [>], Sc. B afi 7 [//]$ Marcel- 
 linns Chronkdn, arid the Code of the African [w] 
 Church. To which may be added the Letters 
 [at] of Siricius, Innocent ', and Gelafius alledged by 
 Gratian, and the Councils of Agde and Le- 
 r/Wrf, which allow a Bifhop to take any Monk 
 out of a Monaftery with the Confent and Ap- 
 probation of the Abbot, and ordain him for the 
 Service of the Church. And in this Cafe they 
 ufually continued their ancient Aufteries and Af- 
 cetick way of Living, and fo joined the Clerical 
 and Monaftick Life together. Upon which Ac- 
 count both thefe and the former Sort were by 
 the Greeks ftiled hpojuwva^o?, Clergy-Monks, to 
 diftinguifh them from fuch as were only Lay- 
 men. 
 
 $. It happened fometimes, that a Bifhop and 
 all his Clergy chofe an Afcetick way of Living, 
 by a volunrary Renunciation of all Property, and 
 enjoying all Things in Common, in Imitation 
 of the firft Church under the Apoftles. St. Am- 
 brofe [z] feems to fay that Eufebius Vercellenfis 
 was the firft that brought in this way of Living 
 into the Weftern Church. For before his Time 
 the Monaftick Life was not known in Cities 5 
 but he taught his Clergy to live in the City after 
 the Rules and Inftitution of Monks in the Wil- 
 dernefs. Which muft be underftood chiefly, I 
 conceive, of their Aufteries, and renouncing their 
 Property, and having all Things in common, as 
 the other had. St. Auftin fet up the fame way of 
 Living among the Clergy of Hippo, as we learn 
 from his own Words, who fays [a] he had made 
 the Bi (hop's Houfe a Monaftery of Clergymen, 
 where it was againft the Rule for any Man to 
 enjoy any Property of his own, but they had all 
 Things in common. Which is alfo noted by 
 Pojfidius in his Life, That his Clergy [b~] lived 
 with him in the fame Houfe, and eat at the fame 
 Table, and were fed and cloathed at a common 
 Expence. And fo far as this was an Imitation of 
 the Coenobites way of Living and having all Things 
 common, it might be called a Monaftick as well 
 as Clerical Life, as Pojfidius and St. Auftin call it. 
 But as yet there was no Monaftery in the World, 
 where all the Monks were ordained only to fay 
 private Mafs, without being fixed to any certain 
 Cure, where they might perform the feveral Of- 
 fices of the Clerical Function. The Monaftery 
 of St.^/(/?/'«con{ifted only of fuch as had publick 
 
 Offices andBufinefs in the Church, and were not 
 Men confined to a Cloyftcr. 
 
 Therefore the Hermits of sect. IX. 
 St. Auftin, and many other mo- The origmkl of 
 dern Orders which afiiime his Canbns ReguUr. 
 Name, do but falfely pretend to derive their O- 
 riginal from him j who, it is certain, never was 
 an Hermit himfelf, nor wrote any Rules for 
 them, though a great many Sermons are fathered 
 on him as preached to the Hermits in the Wil- 
 dernefs. They who count the Rife of Canons 
 Regular from him, as Duarenus [c] and others, 
 have Something more of Probability on their 
 Side : Becaufe, as I have fhewed, the Clergy of 
 Hippo were under fome of theExercifes of a Mo- 
 naftick Life, which made them a fort of Canons 
 Regular: And yet Onuphrius [</] and Hofpinian 
 [e], who have enquired very nicely into thefe 
 Matters, make Gelafius the firft Founder of them 
 under that Name in the Later an Church, where 
 they continued to the Time of Boniface VIII. 
 who expelled them thence. How foon the 
 Name or Order came into other Churches, Hof- 
 pinian will inform the curious Reader. 
 
 About the Beginning of the SECT. x. 
 Fifth Century, or, as Baronim of the Mmks call- 
 [/3 thinks, toward the middle ed Acoemetx, or 
 of it, at Conftantinople under Gen- mtch:rs - 
 nadius the Patriarch, one Alexander fet up an Or- 
 der of Monks, whom the Writers of that and 
 the following Ages commonly ftile 'Ax-ci^rcd, 
 that is Watchers: The Reafon of which Name is 
 taken from their manner of performing Divine 
 Offices Day and Night without Intermiffion. 
 For they divided themfelves into Three ClalTes, 
 and fo One fucceeded another at a Mated Hour, 
 and by that Means continued a perpetual Courfe 
 of Divine Service, without any Interval, as well 
 by Night as by Day, whence they had the 
 Name of IVatchers given them. The Piety of 
 this Order procured them great Efteem and Ve- 
 neration, and many Monafteries were builded for 
 their Ufe at Conftantinople. Among others one 
 Studius, a Nobleman of Rome, and a Man of 
 Confular Dignity, renounced the World, and be- 
 came one of their Order j erecting a famous Mo- 
 naftery for them himfelf, which from the Foun- 
 der was \g] called Studium, and the Monks of it 
 Studita. And this perhaps is the firft Time we 
 meet any Monks that took their Denomination 
 from any Founder. But thefe Monks in a little 
 time funk in their Credit, becaufe they were many 
 
 [/>] Athanaf. Ep. ad Dracont. [>] Hieron. Ep. 3. 8c 4. 
 [r] Aug. Ep. 67, 76, 81. [/] Ephiphan. Expof. FiJei. 
 
 [7] Pallad. Hift. Liuliac. c. n. [a] B'afil. Ep. 403. ad Am- 
 philoc. [w] Cod Atric. c. 80. al. 83. [*J Gratian. 
 
 Cauf. 16. Q. 1. c. 20, 22, 28. fy] Cone. Agathen. c. 27. 
 Cone. Herd. c. 3. [z] Ambrof. Ep. 82. ad Ecclef Vercel. 
 
 p. 25-4. Hxc enim primus in Occidentis partibus diverfa inter fe 
 Eufebius finftae memoria: conjunxit, ut 8c in Civitate pofitus in- 
 ftituta Monachorum teneret, 8c ecclefiam regerec jejunii Sobrietate. 
 [a] Aug. Serm. 49. de Diverfis T. 10. p. f 19. Volui habere in 
 ■ fta domo Epifcopi meum Monafterium Clericorum. Ecce quo- 
 
 modo vivimus. Nulli licet in Societate habere aliquid proprium. 
 [6] Poflld. Vit. Aug. c. 2f. Cum ipfo Temper Clerici, una etiam 
 domo ac menfa, fumptibufque cdmmunibus alebanrur 8c veftieban- 
 tur. [c] Duaren. de Minift. Sr Beneflc. lib. f. c. 2 1. 
 [</] Onuphr. Annot. in Platin. Vit. Gelaf. p. 62. Gelalius Cano- 
 nicos, ut vocant, Regularis Ordinis Sti. .Auguftini Laterani primus 
 collocavit, qui ibidem ufque ad Bonifacium VIII. a quo expulfi: 
 funt, permanferunt. Ex Archivis Bafilicse Lateranenfis. 
 [e] Hofpin. de Orig. Monachat. lib. 3. c. 6. p. 72. [/] Ba- 
 ron, an. $-9 ex Adtis Marcelli ap. Surium. Dec. 29. [^] Ni- 
 ceph. Hift, lib. if. c. 23. 
 
 times 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 251 
 
 times found to be Favourers of the Herefy of 
 Neftorius, for which they are frequently reflected 
 on [*] by Ecclefiafttcal Writers. 
 
 SECT. XI. In the Regions of Syria and 
 
 of tbofe c*lUd \\->7- Mesopotamia, Sozomen [/?]] takes 
 koi, or Grazers. Notice of another fort of Monks, 
 who from their peculiar way of Living were 
 commonly called Boa-act, the Grazers. For they 
 lived after the fame manner as Flocks and Herds 
 upon the Mountains, never dwelling in any 
 Houfe, nor eating any Bread or Flefh, nor drink- 
 ing Wine, but continuing inftantly in the Wor- 
 fhip of God, in Prayers and Hymns, according to 
 the Cuftom of the Church, till Eating Time was 
 come> and then every Man went with his Knife 
 in his Hand to provide himfelfFood of the Herbs 
 of the Field, which was their only Diet and con- 
 ftant way of Living. 
 
 sect. XII. I take no Notice here of thofe 
 of the Benedict- called by fome the Monks of 
 ins, and Gyrovagi St. Bafil and St. Jerom : For 'tis 
 m Italy. certain thofe Fathers never fet 
 
 up any diftinct Orders of their own, though both 
 of them were Promoters of the Monaftick Life 
 in General. The Rule, which goes under the 
 Name of St. Jerom, is known to be a Forgery of 
 fome later Writer. And the Afceticks common- 
 ly afcribed to St. Bafil, ai'.e by fome Learned 
 Men [i] rather thought to be the OfF-fpring of 
 Euftathius of Sebaftia. But admitting them to be 
 his, as molt Learned Men do, they do not argue 
 him the Author of any new Order, but only a 
 Director of thofe which were already founded. 
 Therefore palling by thefe, I fhall only take No- 
 tice of two Orders more, the Benediclins in Italy, 
 and the Apoftolicks in Britain. The Benediclins 
 had their Rife from Benedict, a famous Italian 
 Monk, in the Time of Juftinian, about the Year 
 $"$o. His firfb Settlement was at Sublaqueum in 
 the Dioccfs of Tibur in Italy, where he erected 
 twelve Monafteries of twelve Monks apiece in 
 the neighbouring Wildernefsj one of which in 
 after Ages grew fo great, that it was not only 
 exempt from Epifcopal Power, againft all ancient 
 Rules, but, as a modern [£] Writer obferves, 
 had no lefs than fourteen Villages under its own 
 proper Jurifdiction. From this Place he remo- 
 ved to Mount CaJJln, where he erected another 
 Monaftery, from whence he propagated his Or- 
 der into other Countries with fo great Succefs, 
 that for 600 Years after, the greateft Part of the 
 European Monks were Followers of his Rule^ 
 and fo whatever other Names they went by, 
 Carthufians, Cijiercians, Grandimontenfes, Pramon- 
 flratenfes, Cluniacks, &c. they were but different 
 
 Branches of the Benediclins, till about the Year 
 izio the Dominicans and Francifcans took new 
 Rules from their Leaders. Hofpinian [/] reckons 
 up twenty three Orders that fprang from this 
 One, and obferves out of Volateran, That in his 
 Time it was computed that there had been of 
 the Order zoo Cardinals, 1600 Archbifhops, 4000 
 Bifhops, 1 f 700 Abbots, by which it is eafy to 
 judge of the prodigious Increafeof this Order. I 
 fhall not concern my felf to give any farther Ac- 
 count of them, but onlyobferve one Thing out of 
 the Rule of Benedict himfelf, That he never intend- 
 his Monks ftiould be called after his own Name, 
 or reckoned a new Order j much lefs that fo 
 many new Orders fhould be derived from it. For 
 he profeffes only to write in general for the Ufe 
 of the Coenobites and Anchorets of the Primitive 
 Church, which in his Time were the only two 
 Handing Orders that the Churches of Italy al- 
 lowed. He fays indeed there were four Sorts of 
 Monks in all, Coenobites, Anchorets, Sarabait<e and 
 Gyrovagi: But the two laft were only Scandals 
 and Reproaches to the Church. Of the Sarabait a 
 he gives much the fame Account that St. Jerom 
 and Caffian do before him [*]. And the Gyrovagi 
 he thus defcribes : They were a Sort of Ram- 
 bling Monks, that fpent their whole Life [m~] in 
 Running about from one Province to another, 
 and Getting themfelves well entertained for three 
 or four Days together at every Cell they came 
 at, being arrant Slaves to their Bellies, and whol- 
 ly addicted to their Pleafures, and in all Things 
 worfe than the very Sarabaitce themfelves. So 
 that he profefTes to pafs over their miferable 
 Converfation in Silence, and to write only for 
 the Inftruction and Ufe of the Ancient Coenobites 
 of the Church. By which it is plain, that in the 
 Time of St. Benedict, the Monks had not diltin- 
 guifhed themfelves into very many different Or- 
 ders allowed in the Weflern Church. 
 
 About the Year fp<5 the Be- sect. xill. 
 nediclins came with Auftin the Of the Apoflolicks 
 Monk into Britain, and fo all the * Britain and Ir e- 
 Monalleries which the Saxons iand * 
 built, were for Monks of that Order. But 
 the ancient Britain! had long before this enter- 
 tained the Monaftick Life. Some fay Pelagius 
 [»] firft brought it out of the Eaft into Britain: 
 Others make him alfo Abbot of the College of 
 Bangor, and fpeak of 2000 Monks under him: 
 But this is juftly cenfured by Learned Men [0] as 
 a meer Fable of Modern Authors. However, it 
 is certain from Bede, that there was a Monaftery 
 at Bangor (whoever was the firft Founder of it 
 is not very material to enquire) before Auflin 
 and his Monks came into England; and here 
 
 [*] Vid. Nicephor. ibid. [/?] Sozom. lib. 6. c. 33. Vid. 
 
 Evagr. lib. 1. c. 21. Mofchus Prat. Spir. c. 19. [»] Hofpin. 
 
 de Orig. Monach. p. 69. Sutclif. de Monachis c. 7. Vid. Sozomen. 
 lib. 3. c. 14. [6] Baudrand. Lexic. Geograph. Voce, Subla- 
 
 queum. [/] Hofpin.de Monach. lib. 4. c.'f. p. 116. & 132. 
 [*] Vid. Se£t. 4. [m] Benedict. Regul. Monachor. c. v. 
 
 Quartum Genus eft Monachorum, quod nominatur Gyrovagum, 
 15:11 tow vita fua per diverfas Provinces ternis aut quaternis diebus 
 
 per diverforum Cellas hofpitantur; Temper vagi 8c nunquam ftabi- 
 les; propriis voluptatibus & gulx illecebris fervientcs, 8c ner omnia 
 detcriores Sarabaitis: de quorum omnium miferrima Converfatione 
 melius eft filere quam loqui. His ergo omiflis, ad Ccenobitarum 
 fortiffimum genus difponendum, adjuva te Dominoveniamus. 
 [»] Hofpin. de Monach. lib. 4. c. 3. p. ny. [„] Cave Hift. 
 Liter. Vol. t. p. 29 1. 
 
 [/>] was 
 
252 
 
 The Antiqjjitibs of the Book VII. 
 
 [f] was fuch a Number of Monks, that the Mona- 
 stery being divided into Seven Parts, each Part had 
 a Rector and no lefsthan three Hundred Perfons in 
 it : All which were wont to live by the Labour 
 of their own Hands. Hofpinian and Bale give 
 this the Name of the Apoftolick Order-, but whe- 
 ther upon good Grounds I cannot fay. In one 
 Thing it is certain they make a great Miftake, in 
 that they confound this Monaftery of Banochor or 
 Bangor with that of Bencher in Ireland; which 
 was another famous Monaftery founded by Con- 
 gellus about the Year f to. Out of this Mona- 
 ftery fprang many thoufand Monks, and many 
 other Monafteries in Ireland and other Nations 
 alfo. St. Bernard [_q] fays, Luanus one of the 
 Monks of this Congregation, himfelf alone found- 
 ed an hundred Monafteries. And Bifhop UJher 
 hasobferved [r] of Brendanus, one of Congellus his 
 " firft Difciples, that he prefided over three thoufand 
 Monks, who by their own Labours and Handy- 
 work did earn their own Living. Columba was 
 another of his Difciples, who having firft found- 
 ed the Monaftery of Deermach in Ireland, went 
 and converted the Northern Pitts to the Chriftian 
 Faith, An. f6f, and builded a Monaftery in the 
 Ifle of Hy, from whence many other Monafte- 
 ries both in Britain and Ireland, zsBede [/"] ob- 
 ferves, were propagated by his Difciples. Colum- 
 banus and Gallus were alfo Monks under Congel- 
 lus, the latter of which is famous for founding 
 the Monaftery of St. Gall in Helvetia, which is 
 fince become an eminent City i and the other 
 for founding that of Lexovium or Lifieux in Nor- 
 mandy, where the Monks (like the Acoemeta or 
 Watchers of Conftantinople mentioned before) 
 were ufed to divide themfelves into feveral Quires, 
 to fucceed one another, and continue Divine Ser- 
 vice Day and Night without Intermiffion, as Sc. 
 Bernard informs us. I have been the more par- 
 ticular in giving a diftinft Account of thefe two 
 famous Monafteries, Benchor and Bangor, not on- 
 ly becaufe they were the moft ancient in Ireland 
 and Britain, but becaufe they are fo unhappily 
 by Hofpinian and Bale confounded into one. 
 
 sect. XIV. I will fhut up this Chapter 
 of fome uncommon with a few Remarks upon the 
 Names of Monks in different Names which the An- 
 
 tht Ancientchurch. cients gaye w fo m ^ QJ . all Kinds 
 
 of Monks in general. Befide the Names of 
 Monks and Afceticks, we find them frequently 
 ftiled by other Titles, refpe&ing fome particu- 
 lar A£t of their Profeflion. In Regard to their 
 Retirement, and quiet Way of Living, fome 
 are ftiled by Jujlinian [u] in One of his Novels, 
 nVu^aro/ Hefychafta, ^uietifls. Suicerus [w] and 
 
 Habertus [x] take it to be only another Name 
 for Anchorets. But according to Juftmian's Ac- 
 count it fcems rather to mean Peribns who lived 
 among the Coenobites, but for greater Exercife 
 were allowed to retire from the Community, 
 and live (though within the Bounds of a Cosno- 
 bium) in particular Cells by themfelves, and 
 thofe Cells were called nVu^arn'^a upon that 
 account. Otherwilcs Monks are ftiled Conti- 
 nentes, becaufe of their great Abftinence and 
 Continent Life: As in the Third Council of 
 Carthage, which forbids the Clergy and Per- 
 fons [jy] profeffing Continence, to go to 
 the Virgins or Widows without the Leave of 
 the Bifhops or Presbyters. So alfo in a Law 
 of Fakntinian in the Theodofian [z] Code, 
 and other Places. Sometime.', again they are 
 noted by the Names hprp^a^tvoi and Re- 
 nunciantes, Renouncers, from renouncing the 
 World and a Secular Lifej as in Palladia [a] 9 
 and Caffian [£], who particularly entitles one 
 of his Books, De Inftitutis Renunciantium. Some- 
 times they are termed Philofophers, as by Ifi- 
 dore of Pelufium [c], Palladius [d~], Theodoret 
 [<?] and others, becaufe their Way of Living 
 feemed to rcfemble the Philofophick Life more 
 than others. The Author under the Name of 
 Dionyfius the Areopagite feems to give them the 
 Name of [/] Therapeutic, though that was once 
 a common Name of Chriftians in Egypt, if the 
 Accounts of Eufebius and St. Jerom may be truft- 
 ed [*]. Palladius fomctimes ufes the Term <pi- 
 XoS^i'a, for the Monaftick Life [g], becaufe they 
 made a Profeflion of renouncing All for the Love 
 of God : And upon this Account Theodoret [h~\ 
 gives one of his Books the Title of Philotheus y 
 or Religious Hijlory, becaufe it contains the Lives 
 of the moft famous Afceticks of his Time. The 
 Reader will fometimes alio meet with the Name 
 of Silentiarii, given to fome Monks in ancient 
 Hiftory: But this was not a Name of any parti- 
 cular Order, but given to fome few for their 
 profeffing a more than Pythagorean Silence; fuch 
 as Johannes Silentiarins, who was firft Bifhop of 
 Colonia in Armenia, but renounced his Bifhoprick 
 to become a Monk in Paleftine, where he got 
 the Name of Silentiarius, from his extraordinary 
 Silence, as Cyril [/'] of Scythopolis, the Writer 
 of his Life, informs us. Though it muft be no- 
 ted, that the Name Silentiarii, is more com- 
 monly given to another Sort of Men, who were 
 Civil Officers in the Emperor's Palace, and fer- 
 ved both as Apparitors to execute Publick Bu- 
 finefs, and as Guards to keep the Peace about 
 him, whence they had the Name of Silentiarii, 
 under which Title they are fpoken of in the 
 
 [f>] Bede Hift. Anglor. lib. 2. c. 2. In Monafterio Bancor tan- 
 tus fertur fuifte numerus Monachorum, ut cum in Septem poriio- 
 ncs eflec cum Prsepoiitis libi Redtoribus Monafterium divifum, nul- 
 la harum portio minus quam trecentot homines haberet, qui om- 
 nes de labore manuum fuarum vivere folebant. [<j] Bernard. 
 
 Vit. Malachiae, c. f. p. 1934.. [r] Ufher, Relig. of the Anc. 
 
 Irifh, c. 6. p. 46. [/] Bedc, lib. 3. c. 4. [t] Bernard, 
 
 ibid. Vit. Malachia:, c. 5-. [»] Juftin. Novel. f. e. 3. 
 [»] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. roce K<j\jyj,<?r\<;. [x] Habert. 
 
 Archierat. p. f88. [y] Cone. Carth. 3. c. if. Uc Clerici 
 
 vel Continences, ad Viduas vel Virgines, nifi juflii vclpermiflu E- 
 
 pifcoporum & Prcsbyterorum non accedanr. Vid. Cod. Can. Artie* 
 c - 38. al. 41. [z.J Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifcop. 
 
 Leg. 20. Qui Conrinentium Te volunt nomine nuncupari, &c. 
 [a] Pallad. Hift. Lauliac. c. if. [6] Caftan, lib. 4. de 
 
 Inftitut. Renunc. [e] Ifidor. lib. 1. Ep. i, fyj Pal- 
 
 lad. Hift. Laufiac. c. 8. [e] Theodor. lib. f c 24. 
 
 [/J Dionyf. de Hierarcfi. Eccl. c. 6. p. 386. [»] a ee Book 1. 
 chap. 1. Se8. 1. [«] Pallad. Lauliac. c. 1 2 . [/,] Theo- 
 
 dor. p/Ao£;o.-, Tom. 4. ["/'] Apud Papebroch. Afta Sandro- 
 rum Maii 13. Tom. 3. p. 234. 
 
 Theodoftan 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Chr 
 
 ISTI AN 
 
 Chu 
 
 RCH. 
 
 253 
 
 Theodofian [k~] Code, which joins them and the 
 Decuviones together, where in Gothofved's learned 
 Notes the curious Reader may find a farther 
 Account of them. Another Name which the 
 Hiftorians give to fome Egyptian Monks, who 
 were deeply concerned in the Difputes between 
 1'heophilus and Chvyjbjlom, is the Title of fxaK^yi, 
 or Longiy But this was peculiar to four Brethren, 
 Diofcovus, Ammonius, Eufebius, and Euthymius, 
 who were noted by this Name for no other Rea- 
 fon, as Sozomen [/] obferves, but only becaufe 
 they were tall of Stature. In Sidonius Apollina- 
 ris they are fometimcs called Cellulani, from their 
 living in Cells [m], and Infulani, IJlandevs, be- 
 caufe the famous Monaftery in the Me of Levins 
 was the Place where mod of the French Bifhops 
 and Learned Men in thofe Ages had their Edu- 
 
 cation. So this was a peculiar Name for the 
 Monks of Levins. The Monafterics, befide the 
 the common Names of 1j.0va.sny a and fiovod, were 
 alfo fometimes termed ars/mvaa, as Suicevus mews 
 out of Balzamon, and Methodius, and Suidas, 
 though that anciently in Eufebius and Philo fig- 
 nified a Church. They were alfo called nynu^aa 
 and //a've/^t, whence Hegumenus and Avchiman- 
 drita are Names for an Abbot, who is the chief 
 Father of a Monaftery, or Governour of it. And 
 they are fometimes (tiled t^vns-n'gp, Places of 
 Education and Schools of Learning, becaufe, as 
 I mew in the next Chapter, they were ancient- 
 ly made Ufe of to that End, and had their eppav- 
 riTou or Cuvatovs particularly defigned for that 
 Purpofe. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 An Account of fuch Ancient Lanxjs and Rules, as relate to the Monajlick Life, chiefly 
 
 that of the Coenobites. 
 
 SECT. I. TTAVING thus far taken a 
 The Curiales not JL X View of the feveral Sorts 
 Mmti to turn Q f Monks and their feveral Ti- 
 Monh ' ties, I proceed to give a fliort 
 
 Account of the Principal Laws and Rules, made 
 partly by the joint Concurrence of the Civil and 
 Ecclefiaftical Power, and partly by the Autho- 
 rity of Private Superiors, for the Government 
 of the Coenobites, or fuch Monks as lived in Com- 
 munities, which were chiefly regarded in the 
 Church. And here we mud firft look to the 
 Laws relating to their AdmuTion: For all Men 
 were not allowed to turn Monks at Pleafure, be- 
 caufe fuch an indifcriminatePermiflion would have 
 been to the Detriment both of Church and State. 
 Upon this Account the Civil Law forbids any of 
 the Cuviales to become Monks, urtkfs they par- 
 ted with their Eftates to fome Others, that might 
 bear the Offices of their Country in their Stead. 
 To this Purpofe is that Law of Valentinian and 
 Valens in the 1'heodojian [_a] Code, which taking 
 Notice of fome Cuviales, who pretended to aflb- 
 ciate themfelves with the Monks in Egypt, only 
 to avoid bearing the Offices of their Country, 
 orders them to be fetch'd back from the Mona- 
 steries, by Force, and to be compelled to do 
 their Duty in their Civil Station, or elfe to part 
 with their Eftates to' Others that fhould offici- 
 ate for them. This was agreeable to all thofe 
 
 ancient Laws, which forbad any of the Cuviales 
 to be ordained among the Clergy, except upon 
 the fame Condition of quitting their Eftates to 
 others to bear the Offices of their Country in 
 their Stead : And yet Bavonius [b~] is fo offended 
 at this Law, that he reckons it was but the Pva- 
 ludium to a fevere Perfecution, which Valens 
 fhortly after the Death of Valentinian brought 
 upon the Monks in the Eaft, when, as St. Jevom 
 [c] and Oroftus inform us, he by another Law 
 obliged them to turn Soldiers, and ordered fuch 
 as refufed, to be baftinadoed to Death. Gotho~ 
 fved [_d~\ by Miftake reckons this Law the very 
 fame with the former, but Mr. Pagi [/] corrects 
 both him and Bavonius together, and mews them 
 to be diftin6t Laws, and plainly to refer to dif- 
 ferent Times and Things > the one being made 
 while Valentinian was alive, the other by Valens 
 alone after his Death 5 the one a very fevere Law, 
 railing a great Perfecution againft the Monks* 
 the ocher laying no greater Burthen on them, 
 than was always laid upon the Clergy by other 
 Laws, which prohibit the Curiales to be ordain- 
 ed, unlefs they found proper Subftitutes to bear 
 the Offices of their Country in their Room. And 
 the Reafon of thefe Laws, as they referred both 
 to the Monks and Clergy, was one and the fame, 
 That Men, who by their Eftates were tied to 
 the Service of their Country, might not ex- 
 
 fir] Cod. Th. lib. 6. tit. 23. de Decurionibus 8c Silentiariis. 
 [/] Sozom. lib. 7. c. 30. 0/ fj.ctH.eqi 3 Im, <re oru/j.a.T©' uvoua- 
 (oi>7i. [m~\ Sidon. lib. 9. Ep. 3. ad Fauftum. Precum pe- 
 ritus Infulanarum, quas de Senatu Lyrinenfium Cellulanorum in 
 Urbem tranftulifti. So Eucherius ad Salon, lib. 1. Infulani Ty- 
 rones. And Fauftus de Natali S. Maximi Stadium Infulanum. 
 Vid. Savaro. Not. in Loc. Sidonii. 
 
 [a] Cod. Th. lib. 12. tit. 1. de Decurion. leg. 63. Quidam 
 ignaviae Seftatores, defertis Civitatum Muneribus, captant Solitudi- 
 nes ac fecreta, 8c fpecie Religionis cum ccetibus Monazonton 
 congregantur. Hos igitur atque hujufmodi intra jEgyptum depre- 
 henlbs, per Comitera Orientis erui e latebris confulta prseceptione 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 mandavimus, atque ad munia patriarum fubeunda revocari, aut 
 pro tenore noftrac Sandtionis Familiarium rerum carere inlecebris : 
 quas per eos cenfuimus vindicandas, qui publicarum cflent lubituri 
 munera fundtionum. [6] Baron, an. 375-. p. 369. 
 
 [c] Hieron. Chronic, an. 376. Valens Lege data, ut Monachi mi- 
 litarent, nolentes fuftibus jufiit interfici. Orof. Hift. lib. 7. c. 33. 
 Tiibuni 8c milites mifii, qui fanctcs 8c veros Dei milites alio no- 
 mine perfecutionis abftraherent, interfecerunt ibi agmina multa 
 Sanctorum. [</] Gothofred. Not. in Cod Th. lib. 12. tit. r. 
 de Decurion. leg. 63. [<■] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 375*. n. 
 1 2 8c 13. 
 
 K k k empt 
 
254 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VII. 
 
 empt their Eftates from that Service under Pre- 
 tence of entering into a Religious Life. 
 
 s E C T. II. For the fame Reafon the molt 
 
 Nor Servants with- ancient Laws both of Church and 
 out th e ir Mnfter's s'^tc forbid any Servant to be 
 Confent. admitted into any Monaftery 
 
 without his Matter's Leave, becaufe that was to 
 deprive his Mafter of his legal Right of Service, 
 which by the Original State and Condition of 
 his Servants was his Due. To this Purpofe Fa- 
 lentinian III. has a Law at the End of the Theo- 
 dofian Code, which equally forbids Servants to 
 become either Clerks or Monks [/] againft their 
 Mailer's Will, to evade the proper Bonds and 
 Duties of their Station. Baronius [£] has a four 
 Reflection upon this Lawalfo: For he fays, No- 
 thing ever profpered with Valentinian after the 
 making of it: And yet he could not but know, 
 that the fame Thing had been before determined 
 by the Council of Chalcedon [&], and that at the 
 Inftance of the Emperor Marcion, who himfelf 
 drew up the Law, and defired the Fathers in 
 Synod to make a Canon of it, as appears from 
 the Acts [/'] of that Council. The Words of 
 the Canon are, That no one fhall be received 
 into any Monaftery, to continue there as a Monk, 
 without the Confent of his own Mafter. So lit- 
 tle Reafon was there to charge Valentinian with 
 an Innovation in this Matter, when an Emperor 
 and a General Council had determined the fame 
 before him. But Juflinian cancelled all thefe 
 former Laws by a new Edict of his own, which 
 firft fet Servants at Liberty [£] from their Ma- 
 tters, under Pretence of betaking themfelvesto a 
 Monaftick Life. So that what Innovation was 
 made in this Matter, is juftly to be afcribed to 
 him as its proper Author. 
 
 SECT. nr. Another Caution which 
 
 Nor Husbwds and t ] ie Ancients prefcribed to be ob- 
 Wvts fnhout Mti- f ervC( j in this Matter, was, That 
 mdOm/mrft^i, marr ied Perfons mould never be- 
 take themfelves to a Monaftick 
 Life without mutual Confent of both Parties. 
 Thus Ammus and his Wife acted by Confent, as 
 Socrates and Palladius [/] relate the Story. And 
 fo Martinianus and Maxima, mentioned by Viclor 
 [rn]; Paulinas Biftiop of Nola, and "Therafia his 
 Wife, by mutual Confent. But Paulinus in- 
 veighs feverely againft the contrary Practice, bla- 
 ming Celantia and others, who indifcreetly dif- 
 
 folved their Marriage Vow, and thereby expo- 
 fed their Husbands to the Sin of Adultery, ma- 
 king themfelves [»] Partakers in their Guilt, by 
 acting againft the Rule of the Apoftle, which 
 fays, T'he Wife hath not Power of her own Body, 
 but the Husband; and likewife alfo the Husband hath 
 not Power of his own Body, but the Wife. St. Au- 
 flin [p] argues upon the fame ground, Thatfuch 
 Engagements are not to be made but by mutual 
 Confent j and if either Party inconfiderably enter 
 into any fuch Vow, they are rather to repent of 
 their Raihnefs, than perform their Promife. This 
 was his conftant Senfe, as appears from other 
 Places O] of his Writings: And herein St. 
 Jerom St. Bafil [r], and all the Ancients 
 
 agree, except T'heonas in Cajfian [/], who ha- 
 ving forfaken his Wife to turn Monk, is faid to 
 have done it with the Approbation of the Fa- 
 thers in Scethis, though Caffian himfelf dares not 
 undertake to excufe it, as knowing it to have 
 been againft the general Senfe and Practice of 
 the Catholick Church. Juflinian indeed gave 
 fome Encouragement to this unwarrantable Pra- 
 ctice by a Law, wherein he authorizes the De- 
 ferring Party, Man or Woman, to claim [/] 
 their own Fortune again, and not be liable to 
 the leaft Punifhment for their Defertion. But 
 the Church never approved of this Law : And 
 'tis remarked even by Bellarmin himfelf [u] that 
 Gregory the Great wrote againft it. 
 
 It was anciently alfo thought sect. iv. 
 unreafonable to admit Children N °r children with- 
 into the Monaftick Life without 0Ht the confent «f 
 or againft the Confent of their their p * rtnts - 
 Pai *ents. The Council of Gangra \jztf\ (eems to 
 reflect on this Practice, as encouraged by Eufta- 
 thius the Heretick, in a Canon, which decrees, 
 That if any Children under Pretence of Religion 
 forfook their Parents, and did not give them the 
 Honour due to them, they fhould be Anathe- 
 matized. St. BafiPs Directions are conformable 
 to the Rule of that Council, That Children 
 ihould not be received [#] into Monafteries, un- 
 lefs they were offered by their Parents, if their 
 Parents were alive. But Juflinian a little ener- 
 vated the Force of this ancient Rule by a new 
 Qy] Law, forbidding Parents to hinder their 
 Children from becoming Monks or Clerks, and 
 evacuating their Wills, if they prefumed to dis- 
 inherit; them upon that Account. And this 
 feems to have been the firft Step toward the 
 
 [/J v a' ent - 3- Novel, i 2. Nullus Originarius, Inquilinus, Ser- 
 vus. vel Colonus, ad Clericale munus acccdat, ncque Monachis 2c 
 Monafteriis aggregatur, ut vinculum debitae Conditionis cvadat. 
 [g~] Baron, an. 4.5-2. p. 179. [hi] Cone. Chalced. c. 4. pti- 
 
 J'ti'ct Tj-£?!T<rsVs«&S toif uovasHZtoit o-m ii ij.ova.o-at <^<» 
 yvuu.bjj T6 \<Pl* ePstf-TriTK- ['] Cone. Chalced. Aft. 6- 
 
 p. doo. [k] Juftin. Novel. 5-. c. 2. [7] Socrat. lib. 4. 
 
 c. 23. Pallad. Hift. Lauiiac. c. 8. [m] Vitt. Uticenf. de 
 
 Perfec. Vandal, lib. 1. [»] Paulin. Ep. 14. ad Celant. in- 
 
 ter Epift. Hieronymi. Multa jam per hujufmodi ignorantiam 2c 
 audivimus 8c vidimus fcifla Conjugia; quodque recordari piget, 
 occafione Caftitatis Adukerium perpetratum, &c. [0] Aug. Ep. 
 4$\ Armentario 2c Paulina:. Vovenda talia non funt a Conjuga- 
 tis, nili ex confenfu 5c voluntate communi. Et fi prspropere 
 2 
 
 factum fuerir, magis eft corrigenda Temeritas quam perfolvenda 
 Promifiio. [p] Aug. Ep. 199. ad Ecdiciam. [q] Hieron. 
 Ep. 46. ad Rufticum. De non divellendo Matrimonio line utri- 
 ufque confenfu. [r] Bafil. Regul. Major. Q. 1 2. 
 
 [/] Caffian. Collar. 21. c. 9. [*] Cod. Juft. lib. 1. tit. 2. de 
 Epifcop. 2c Cler. Leg. j-j. [«] Bellarm. de Monachis, c. 38. 
 [roj Cone. Gangren. c. 16. « riva, tUvo. yoviuy, y.aM^a, 
 <ui?av, avay^jfi'm -3rpo?aV« ^ioa^H-M, k, /J.ri t»v KetSnx^a-ttv 
 
 Ttfj.\\v 7oli yovdatv a.7rov'i/xoi dvaSiua. \<;u. [*] Bafil. 
 
 Regul. Major. Q. if. [y] Cod. Juftin. lib. r. tit. 3. de 
 
 Epifc. Leg. Ut non liceat Parentibus impedire, quo minus Li- 
 beri eorum volentes Monachi aut Clerici fiant, aut earn ob folam 
 Caufam exharredare, &c 
 
 contrary 
 
I 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 25s 
 
 contrary Practice; which fome Learned Wri- 
 ters [z\ of the Romijb Church have been fo far 
 from approving, that they have with the utmolt 
 Zeal and Vehemence declaimed again ft it, as re- 
 pugnant to the Laws of Reafon and Scripture, 
 and the general Practice of the Primitive Church. 
 
 SECT v. Nor was it only the Parents 
 
 children, though Right that was to be confidered 
 tfferti by their Pa- j n t his Cafe, but alfo the Right 
 
 rents, not to be re- , n r • r i 
 
 HimiMJ** their haC ^ P.^ed to 
 
 own Confent. have ,n himlelf: jbor if a Parent 
 
 offered a Child before he was ca- 
 pable of giving his own Confent, the Aft was of 
 no Force, unlefs the Child confirmed it volunta- 
 rily, when he came to Years of Difcretion : 
 Which the fecond Council of Toledo reckons to 
 be about the Age of Eighteen, decreeing, That 
 all fuch as were entered jn their Infancy by their 
 Parents [a] into the Clerical or Monaflick State, 
 ihould be inftructed in the Bifhop's Houfe till 
 they came to that Age, and then they fliould be 
 interrogated, whether they intended to lead a 
 fingle Life or marry, that accordingly they 
 might now refolve either to continue in their 
 prefent State, or betake themfelves to a Secular 
 Life again j which by the Decree of this Coun- 
 cil they had ftill Liberty to do. And Virgins 
 had the lame Liberty till Forty, by an Edict: of 
 the Emperors Leo and Majorian [£] at the End 
 of the Theodofian Code. But the Fourth Coun- 
 cil of Toledo \j\ was more fevere in this Refpeft: 
 to Infant-Monks : For there it was decreed, An. 
 6$ 3, That whether their Parents Devotion or 
 their own Profeffion made them Monks, both 
 ihould be equally binding, and there fhould be 
 no Permiffion to return to a Secular Life again. 
 This, as Spalatcnfis \_d~\ rightly obferves, was 
 the firft Canon that ever was made to retain 
 Children in Monafteries, who were only offered 
 by their Parents, without requiring their own 
 Confent at Years of Difcretion. 
 
 sect. vf. The Manner of AdmifTionwas 
 of the Ton fare and generally by fome Change of their 
 Habit of Monks. Habit and Drefs, not to fignify 
 any Religious Myftery, but only to exprefs their 
 Gravity and Contempt of the World. And in 
 this the fober Part of them were always careful 
 to obferve a decent Mean betwixt Vanity and 
 Lightnefs on the one hand, and hypocritical 
 Affectations on the other. Long Hair was al- 
 
 ways thought an Indecency in Men, and favou- 
 ring of fccular Vanity : And therefore they pol- 
 led every Monk at his AdmiiTion, to djftinguifh 
 him from the Seculars ; but they never fhaved 
 any, for Fear they fhould look too like the 
 Pnefts of Ifis. This then was the ancient Ton- 
 fure in Oppofition to both thefe Extreams. Long 
 Hair they reckoned an effeminate Drefs, and a- 
 gainft the Rule of the Apoftle: Therefore Epi- 
 phanius [e~] blames the Mefopotamian Monks for 
 wearing long Hair againft the Rule of the Ca- 
 tholick Church: And St. Auftin [/] cenfures 
 fuch under the Name of Criniti Fratres, the long- 
 hair'd Brethren. St. Jerom, according to his Cu- 
 ftom, exprefles himfelf with Satyr and Indigna- 
 tion againft them: For writing to Euftoch'mm [g] 
 he bids her beware of fuch Monks as affected to 
 walk in Chains, and wear long Hair, and Goats 
 Beards, and black Cloaks, and go barefoot in the 
 Mid ft of Winter. For thefe were but Argu- 
 ments and Tokens of a Devil. From which 
 Invective it may be eafily collected, that fuch 
 Sort of Affectations in Habit and Drefs were not 
 approved then by wife Men in the Church. But 
 on the other hand, the ancient Tonfure was not 
 a fhaven Crown: For St. Jerom St. Ambrofe 
 [z], and Others equally inveigh againft this as 
 a Ceremony of the Priefts of Ifis : It was only 
 an Obligation on the Monks and Clergy to 
 wear decent and fhort Hair, as it is evident from 
 all the Canons that appoint it [£]. As to their. 
 Habit and Cloathing, their Rules were the fame, 
 That it fhould be decent arid grave, as became 
 their Profeffion not light and airy, nor floven- 
 ly and affected. The Monks of Tabennefus in The- 
 bais, which lived under the Inftitution of Pacho- 
 mius, feem to have been the only Monks in thofe 
 Days which were confined to any particular Ha- 
 bits : Cajfian [/] has a whole Book among his 
 Inftitutcs to defcribe them > where he fpeaks of 
 their Cingula, Cuculli, Colhbia, Redimicula, Pal- 
 liola or Mafortes, Melotes, their Sheep-Skins, and 
 Callgse, their Sandals-, all which, they that are 
 curious in this Matter may find there particu- 
 larly defcribed. But he owns, thefe Habits were 
 not in Ufe \_m~\ among the Weftern Monks 5 
 and fome of them, particularly the Cowleznd the 
 Sheep-Skins, would have expofed them only to 
 Deriflon, to have worn them. St. Jerom often 
 fpeaks of the Habit of Monks, but he never once 
 intimates that it was any particular Garb diffe- 
 ring from others, five only in this, that it was 
 
 [z.] /Erodius dc Patrio Jure ad Filium, & c - M Cone. 
 
 Tolet. 2. c. 1. Dc his, quo? voluntas Parentum a primis Inlan- 
 ua: annis in Clericatus officio vel Mqnachali poiuir, paritcr ftatui- 
 mus ohfervandum, ut mox cum detonli vel minifterio electorum 
 contraditi fucrint, in domo Ecclelia: iub Epifcopali prarfentia a 
 Fracpolito libi dtbeant erudiri, At ubi oftavum decimum setatis 
 fax complcveiint annum, coram totius Cleri Plebifque confpedtu, 
 voluntas eorum de cxpetendo Ccnjugio ab Epucopo pcrfcrutetur, 
 ej-c [b] Leo Novel. 8. [c] Cone. Tolet. 4. c. 48. Mo- 
 mchum aut Paterna Devotio.aut propria Profeffio facit. Quicquid 
 hoium fuerit alligatum, tenebit. Proinde his ad mundum rever- 
 tendi intercludimus aditum, 6c omnes ad feculum interdicimuis re- 
 greffius. [</] Spalat. de Repub. lib. 2. c. 12. n. 29. 
 
 [e] Epiphan. User. 80. n. 6. [/] Aug. de Oper. Monach. 
 
 Vol I. 
 
 c. 31. Vereor in hoc viiio plura dicere propter quofdam Crinitos 
 Fratres, quorum prauer hoc mulca & pene omnia veneramur. 
 [g] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftochium. c. 12. Viros fuge, quos vi- 
 deris catenatos ; quorum fceminei contra Apoftolum Paulum 
 crines, Hircorum barba, nigrum Pallium, 8c nudi in patientia fri- 
 goris pedes. Hae« omnia Argumenta funt Diaboli. [£] Id, 
 
 Com. in Ezek. c. 44. [<] Ambrof. Ep. 36. ad Sabin. 
 
 [/?] Vid. Cone. Carting. 4. c. 44. Cone. Athag. c. 20. Cone. 
 Tolet. 3. c. f2. Tolet. 4, can. 40. [/] CaiTian. jib. 1. de 
 
 Habitu Monachor. [m] Caflian. ibid. c. 1 r. Nam neque Ca- 
 
 ligis nos neque Collobiis feu una Tunica elTc contentos hyemis 
 permittit afperitas; & parviffimi Cuculli velamen vel Me!otis geftio 
 derimm potius quam aedifkationem ullam videntibus comparable. 
 
 Kkk 1 a 
 
2$6 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VII. 
 
 a cheaper, coarfer, meaner Raiment than o- 
 thers wore, cxprefling their Humility and Con- 
 tempt of the World without any Singularity or 
 Affectation. For as to the affecting of Black 
 Cloaks, and appearing in Chains, we have heard 
 him already exprefs himfelf fevdrely againft them. 
 And he is no lefs Satyrical [o~] againft thofe who 
 wore Cowls and Sackcloth for their outward 
 Garment j becaufe thefe were vain Singularities, 
 Which Religious Perfons ought to avoid, and 
 rather obferve a becoming Mean in their Habit 
 \_p~] between Gaiety and Slovenlinefs, without 
 any notable Diftinction to draw the Eyes of the 
 World upon them. Palladius takes Notice of 
 fome who loved to walk in Chains, but he fays 
 W d polio the famous Egyptian Monk was ufed 
 to inveigh feverely againft them. And Cajjian 
 juftly blames fome others, as having more Zeal 
 than Knowledge, becaufe they litterally inter- 
 preting that Saying of our Saviour, He that ta- 
 keth not up his Crofs, and followeth me, is not wor- 
 thy of me, made themfelves wooden Crefles, and 
 carried them continually about their Necks: 
 Which, as he rightly [r] obferves, was not to 
 edify, but raife the Laughter of all Spectators. 
 Such Affectations were generally condemned by 
 the Ancients, and it was only the Ignorant or 
 Superftitious that approved them. So that upon 
 the whole Matter it appears, That the Weftern 
 Monks ufed only a common Habit, the Philofo- 
 $>hick Pallium, which many other Chriftians in 
 thofe Times did j whence, as I have noted [*] 
 in another Place, the Heathens called Chriftians 
 Greeks and Impofiors: And fometimes the loofer 
 Sort of Chriftians gave Monks the fame Name 
 for the fame Reafon, as St. Jerom [/] feems to 
 intimate, when he fays, If a Man did not wear 
 Silk, he was reckoned a Monk 5 if he did not 
 appear in gay Clothing, he was prefently termed 
 a Greek and Impofior. And Salvian [f] reflects 
 on the African People, and efpecially thofe of 
 Carthage, for the fame Treatment of them : For 
 he fays, They could fcarce ever fee a Man with 
 fhort Hair, and a pale Face, and habited in a 
 Pallium, that is, a Monk, without beftowing 
 fome reviling and reproachful Language on him. 
 Thefe Words of Salvian I take to be an exact 
 Defcription of their ancient Habit and Tonfure. 
 
 SECT. VII. As to any folemn Vow or Pro- 
 Xo folemn v<m or feffion required at their Admiili- 
 
 TroftJJion required OI1) we fi nc j no fo^ Thing ; for 
 
 *f ,htm ' it was not yet the Practice of 
 
 thofe Ages : But whatever was done in that Kind 
 was only a Private Tranfaction between Gad and 
 themfelves. St Bafil [«] fays plainly, That there 
 was no exprefs Promife of Celibacy taken of any, 
 but they feemed only to promife it tacitly by be- 
 coming Monks. He advifes indeed, that a Pro- 
 feffion mould be required of them for the Fu* 
 ture: Bu: that implies, that as yet no fuch Pro- 
 mife had been exacted before. There were fome 
 Monks that lived in a married State, as appears 
 from what has been alledged from Athanafius and 
 St. Aufiin in the foregoing [*] Chapter: And 
 it is certain a Promife of Celibacy cou'd not be 
 exacted of them. And for others that lived in 
 Communities, their way of Admiffion was not 
 upon any explicit Promife, but a Triennial Pro- 
 bation, during which Time they were inured to 
 the Exercifes of theMonaftick Life in the great- 
 eft Severity •> and if after that Term was expi- 
 red, they liked to continue the fame Exercifes, 
 they were then admitted without any farther 
 Ceremony or Solemnity into the Community, 
 to cohabit as proper Members of it. This was 
 the Method prefcribed by the Rule of Pacho- 
 mius, the Father of the Monks of Tabennefus, 
 from which ail others took their Model, as the 
 Reader may find in Palladius [•»]. and Sozomen 
 [*]> where the Rule is at large recited. 
 
 There was as yet no folemrt s EC T. vill. 
 Vow of Poverty required neither j wh»t is meant \ 
 tho' it was euftomary for Men their Renunciation 
 voluntarily to renounce the World °f the Wwli - 
 by difpofing of their own Eftates to charitable 
 Ufes, before they entered into a Community, 
 where they were to enjoy all Things in Com- 
 mon. Thus Hilarion divided all his Subftance 
 between his Brethren and the Poor, referving 
 Nothing to himfelf, as St. Jerom (y) and Sozo- 
 men report of him. And Paulinus, a Rich Se- 
 nator's Son, with his Wife Iherafta, by mutual 
 Confent difpofed of both their Eftates (which 
 were very great) to the Poor, and then betook 
 themfelves to a Monaftick Life at Nola, where 
 Paulinus, after he was made Bilhop of the Place, 
 continu'd the fame voluntary Poverty ftill } in- 
 fomuch that St. Aufiin (z) fays of him, that 
 when the Goths were ravaging and plundering, 
 the Town, he made this Prayer to God, Domi- 
 ne, ne extruder propter aurum & argentum, ubi 
 enim fint omnia mea, tu fcis : Lord, let not the 
 Barbarians torture me for my Silver or Gold, 
 for thou knoweft were all my Treafure is. Such 
 
 [«] Hieron. Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Sordidae Veftes Candida; mentis 
 indicia funt. Vilis tunica contcmptum fzciili prxbet. 
 
 Id. Ep. 13- ad Paulin. Tunicam mutas cum animo, nec 
 fleno marfupio gloriofas lardes appetis, (jfc. Id. Ep. 
 
 tf, ad Marcellam de Laud. Afellae. Tunica fufciorc ioduta 
 1c repente Domino confecravit. [0] Hieron. Ep. 12. 
 
 ad Euftochium, c. i 2. funt qua; Ciliciis veftiuntur 8c Cuculfis fa- 
 brefaclts: Ut ad Infantiam redeant, imitantur noctuas & bubo- 
 nes. [/>] Ibid. Veftis fit nec fatis munda, nec fordida, Sc 
 nulla diverfitate notabilis; ne ad te obviam praetereuntium turba 
 confiftat, aut digito demonftreris. [q] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. 
 c. f'l. in Bib!. Patr. G. Lat. Tom. a. p. o8f. fr] Caflzan. 
 
 Collat. 8. c. 3. Quod* quidam diftri&iflimi monachorum, habentes 
 ,<}uidem Zelum Dei, fed non fecundura Scientiam, firopliciter in- 
 
 telligentes, fecerunt fibi cruces ligneas, ealque jugiter humcris cir- 
 cumferentes, non aedificationem, led rifum cunftis videntibus in- 
 tulcrunt. [*] Book 1. chap. 2. ». 4. [/] Hieron. Ep. 23. ad Mar- 
 cellam. Nos quia Serica vefte non utimur, Monachi judicamur— St 
 Tunica non caflduerit, ftatim illud de Trivio, Impoftor & Graecus eft. 
 [t] Salvian. de Gubern. lib. 8. p. 2pf. Inter Africa: Civitates, 8c 
 maxime intra Carthaginis muros, Palliatum 5c Pallidium, 8c reci- 
 lis comarum fluentium jubis ufque ad cutem tonlum vidcre, tarn 
 infelix ille populus quam infidelis fine convicio atque execratiortc 
 vix poterat. [u] Bafii. Ep. Canon, e. 19. Xp 71 <r/tw«»~ 
 
 fj%iov <PoK*tri Tct&.^iiPiy-yau r ay cellar, 8cc. [*] Set 
 
 chap, i. SecJ. 6. [w] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. 38. fcl So- 
 20m. lib. 3. c. 14. [y] Hieron. Vit. Hilar, c. J. Soiom. lib. 3. 
 c. 14. [z] Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. i. c. 1 o r 
 
 Inftances 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Inftances of voluntary Poverty are every where 
 obvious in ancient Hiftory. But then one Thing 
 they were very careful to avoid in thofe early 
 Times, that is, that when they had once re- 
 nounced their own Eftates, they did not after- 
 ward feek to enrich themfelves, or their Mona- 
 fteries, by begging or accepting the Eftates of 
 Others. 'Twas a remarkable Anfwer to this 
 Purpofe, which Ifaac Syrus Bifhop of Nineve (a) 
 is faid to have given to his Monks, when they 
 defired him to receive fome Lands that were 
 offered him for the Ufe of his Monaftery : He 
 replyed, Monachus qui in terra Poffejfiones qu<erit, 
 Monachus non eft, A Monk that feeks for Poffef- 
 fions on the Earth, is not a Monk. The We- 
 ftern Monks were not always precife to this 
 Rule, as appears from the Complaints of St. Je- 
 rom (£) and CaJJian (c\ and fome Imperial Laws 
 [ti] made to reftrain their Avarice: But the 
 Monks of JEgypt were generally juft to their own 
 Pretentions: Their Monafteries had no Lands 
 or Revenues belonging to them, nor would 
 they have any, nor fuffer any Monk to enjoy 
 more than was neceffary for his daily Subfiflance. 
 For they thought it a Contradiction to their 
 Profeflion, that Men who made a Shew of re- 
 nouncing the World, fhould grow rich in Mo- 
 nafteries, who perhaps were poor before they 
 came thither. And therefore if ever they re- 
 ceived any Donation, it was not for their own 
 Ufcj but the Ufe of the Poor. Nay they would 
 not fuffer any Monk to enjoy any Thing to call 
 it his own; but in a Community they would 
 have all Things in Common. And therefore St. 
 Jcrom [e] tells a remarkable Story of one of the 
 Monks of Nitria in Egypt, how he was puni- 
 fhed for hoarding up but an Hundred Shillings 
 as his own Property, which he had faved out of 
 riis daily Labour. At his Death, when the 
 Thing came to be difcovered, a Council of all 
 the Monks was called, to advife what fhould be 
 done with the Money > and they were about 
 Five Thoufand who met at this Confultation : 
 Some (aid it fhould be diftributed among the 
 Poor: Others, that it fhould be given to the 
 Church and others, that it fhould be remitted 
 to his Parents. But Macarius, and Pambo, and 
 Iftdore, and the Reft of thofe called Fathers a- 
 mong them, decreed that it fhould be buried 
 with him in his Grave, faying, thy Money perijh 
 with thee. So little Regard had thofe ancient 
 Monks for any Thing more than what was ne^ 
 ceffary for their daily Suftenance ! 
 
 sect IX. Some indeed did not thus 
 of the Difference be- renounce all Property, but kept 
 
 their Eftates ill their Own tvoeen the Renouncing 
 
 Hands, and yet enjoyed no and ' the Communicative 
 more of them, than if they L 'f e ' 
 had actually paffed them over to others: For 
 they diftributed their whole yearly Revenue con- 
 ftantly to the Poor, and fuch charitable Ufes as 
 Mens daily Needs required. Of this Sort Palla- 
 dius [/] and Sozomen [g] mention one Apollo- 
 nius, who kept his Eftate in his own Poffeffion, 
 but expended the annual Income in providing 
 Phyfickand other Neceffaries for the fick Monks, 
 as there was Occafion. Palladium alfo [h~] fpeaks 
 of two Brothers, Pacefius and Efaias, Sons of 
 a rich Merchant, who betaking themfelves to a 
 Monaftick Life, difpofed of their Eftates in thefe 
 different Ways* The one gave away his whole 
 Eftate at once to Churches and Prifons, and fuch 
 Monafteries as needed Relief, and then betaking 
 himfelf to a fmall Trade for his own Subfiflance, 
 he fpent the reft of his Life in Labour and 
 Prayer > but the other kept his Eftate in his 
 own Poffeffion, and therewith firft building a 
 Monaftery, and taking to himfelf a few Affoci- 
 ates, he entertain'd all Strangers travelling that 
 Way, took Care of the Sick, entertain'd the 
 Aged, relieved the Poor, and on every Saturda 
 and Lord's-Day fpread three or four Tables fo 
 the Refrefhment of fuch as needed. Palladius calls 
 this rightly xoivwvixcv /3'ov, the Communicatve 
 Life, and the other d-Trora^aixhs /3/ov, the Life 
 of a Renouncer: And adds, That the Queftion 
 being put by fome Brethren to Pambo the famous 
 ^Egyptian, concerning thefe two Brothers, 
 Whether of them took the better Courfe? 
 He replied, They were both equally perfect 
 and acceptable in the Sight of God j the one 
 imitating the Hofpitality of Abraham, and the 
 other the Zeal of Elias. 
 
 Hence it appears that the SECT. X. 
 ancient Monks had no Regard All Monks anciently 
 to Eftates and Poffeffions ; For tn#i#Ah*4 by their 
 one Way or other they dif- oron Labour. 
 charged themfelves of the Burden of them. And 
 then, fince Monafteries had no ftanding Re- 
 venues, all Monks whatever were obliged to ex- 
 ercife themfelves in bodily Labour, partly to 
 maintain themfelves without being burdenfome 
 to others, and partly to keep their Souls well 
 guarded, and as it were out of the Way of Sa- 
 tan's ftrongeft Temptations. For Caffian notes 
 it [t] as a very wife Saying of the old Egyptian 
 Fathers, That a Labouring Monk was but temp- 
 ted with one Devil, but an idle One was ex- 
 pofed to the Devaluation of a Legion. And 
 therefore St. Jerom writing to his Friend Rufti- 
 
 {a] Vid. Cave Hid. Liter. Vol. 2.|p. i8f . [b] Hieron. Ep 4. 
 ad Ruftic. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. [c] CaflTian. Inftit. lib. 4. c. if. 
 [d] Cod. Th. lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epifc Leg. 20. [e] Hieron. 
 
 Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. c. 14. Quod ante non plures annos Nitriae 
 geftum fit, referamus. Quidam ex fratribus parcior magis quam 
 avarior, nefciens triginta argenteis Dominum venditum, Centum 
 folidos, quos lina texendo acquifierat, moriens dereliquit. Initum 
 eft inter Monachos Confilium [nam in eodem loco circiter quinque 
 millia diviiis Ccllulis habitabant] quid hinc tafto opus eflet. Alii 
 
 pauperibus diftribuendos eflc dicebant; alii dandos Ecclefise; 
 nonnulli Parentibus remittendos. Macarius vero & Pam- 
 bo 8c Ifiiorui, &. caeteri quos Parres vocant, finfto in eis 
 loquente Spiritu, decreverunt infodiendos efie cum eodem, dicentes, 
 Pecunia tua tecum fit in Perditionem. [/] Palhd. Hift. Lau- 
 fiac. c 14. [g] Spzom. lib. 6. c. 29. [A] Pallad. ibid, 
 c. }f. [)] Caflian. Inftit. lib. 10. c. 21. Hsec eft apud .iEgyp- 
 tum antiquis Patribus fanfta fententia, Operanrem Monischum uno 
 Dxmone pulftrij otiofum vero innumeris fpiritibus devaftari. 
 
 CUS 
 
2$S 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the B o o k VIL 
 
 cm the Monk, bids him be fure to exercife him- 
 felf in fome [£] honeft Labour, that the Devil 
 might always find him employed. This, he 
 tells him, was the Cuftom of the Egyptian 
 Monafteries, to admit none without working 
 with their own Hands, as well to fupply their 
 Bodily Wants, as to preferve their Souls from 
 Danger. They had then no idle Mendicants 
 among them, as Duarenus himfelf [/] rightly ob- 
 ferves. They looked upon a Monk that did 
 not work, as no better than a covetous De- 
 frauder. For fo Socrates [m~\ tells us the Egyp- 
 tian Fathers were ufed to exprefs themfelves 
 concerning fuch as eat other Mens Bread for 
 Nought. We have already heard out of Bcde 
 [»] how the Monks of Bangor ; two thoufand 
 in Number, maintained themfelves with their 
 own Labour. And Bifhop UJher has collected 
 [V) a great many other Inftances of the fame 
 Nature in relation to the firft Monafteries of 
 Ireland and Britain. It would be endlefs to 
 produce all the Paflages of ancient Writers 
 that relate to this Matter: Therefore I fhall 
 content my felf to refer the Reader to the Pla- 
 ces themfelves cited [/»] in the Margent, and 
 only obferve one Thing farther, That ancient- 
 ly Monks by the Labour of their Hands did 
 not only provide themfelves a fufficient Main- 
 tenance, but had Superfluities alfo to relieve the 
 Neceffities of others. Sozomen fays, Serapion 
 prefided over a Monaftery of ten thoufand 
 Monks, near Arftnoe in Egypt, who all thus la- 
 boured with their own Hands, going to reap 
 in the Fields in the Time of Harveft, fo that 
 they had enough and to fpare for the Ufe of the 
 Poor. Which is confirmed by St. Auflin [r] 
 who fpeaking of the Labour of the Monks of 
 his own Time, allures us, they many Times 
 fent away whole Ships laden with Neceflaries, 
 to fupply the Needs of fuch Countries as were 
 exceeding barren and poor. He means the De- 
 fens of Libya, of which Caffian fpeaks, telling 
 us, That the Fathers in Egypt would never fuf- 
 fer their Monks to receive any Thing by way 
 of Maintenance [/"] from others, but they had 
 fufficient out of their Labour not only to en- 
 tertain Strangers and Travellers that came to 
 vifit them, but alfo to fend Abundance of Provi- 
 lions into the famifiVd Part of Libya, and to 
 fupply the Wants of Men in Prifon in other 
 Places, reckoning that hereby they offered a 
 
 reafonable and true Sacrifice to God of the 
 Fruit of their own Hands by fuch an Oblation. 
 It feems they did not then think that Working 
 was inconfiftent with the other Duties of a 
 Monk, but one necefiary Part of his Office 
 and Station. And St. Auflin wrote a whole 
 Book \_t] to prove this to be their Duty, where- 
 in he takes Occafion to anfwer all the plaufi- 
 ble Objections that have ever been made to the 
 contrary. 
 
 Now the better to promote sect. XL 
 this and all their other Duties, Proper officers ap- 
 the Monafteries were common- f mted '» Mmfterm 
 ly divided into feveral Parts, f"-^&i»fi> »«, 
 
 j r\ai ■ «->ccani, Cenrenarn, 
 
 and proper Officers appointed ?m „ s> ^ f 
 over them. Every Ten Monks 
 were-fubjecl: to One, who was called the Deca- 
 nus or Dean, from his prefiding over Tenj 
 and every Hundred had another Officer called 
 Centenarius, from prefiding over an Hundred. 
 Above thefe were the Patres, or Fathers of the 
 Monafteries, as, St. Jerom and St. Auflin 1 com- 
 monly term them •, which in other Writers are 
 called Abbates, Abbats, from the Greek ACCd^ 
 a Father j and Hegumeni, Prefidentsj and Ar- 
 chimandrites, from Mandra, a Sheepfoldj they 
 being as it were the Keepers or Rulers of thefe 
 facred Folds in the Church. The Bufinefs of 
 the Deans was to exact every Man's daily Task, 
 and bring it to the Oeconomus, or Steward of. 
 the Houfe, who himfelf gave a monthly Ac- 
 count to the Father of them all, as St. Jerom 
 [a] and St. Auflin [w] inform us. 
 
 Th e Fathers were common- sect. xii. 
 
 ly of the Order of Presby- The power of the 
 
 ters, both for the Performance Fathers or A&&ats <ve- 
 
 of Divine Offices, and the '* l ' om ,°f 
 
 t? t c t\ r ■ i- I)i c't.tne over the 
 
 Lxercifc of Difciphne among R ^ r 
 them. And their Power was 
 very confiderabie : For though it was not abfo- 
 lute and unlimited, yet it was feldom or never 
 difputed by their Inferiors: It being, as St. 
 Jerom oblerves [Yj, a prime Part of their Con- 
 federation to obey their Superiors, and do what- 
 ever they commanded them. And in Cafe of 
 wilful Tranlgreffion they had Power to inflict 
 both Spiritual and Corporal Punifhments on 
 them. Their Spiritual Punifhments were the 
 Cenfures of the Church, Sufpenfions from the 
 
 [k] Hieron. Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Fac 8c aliquid open's, ut te Temper 
 
 Diaboius inveniar. occupatum ./E^yptiorum Morufteria hunc 
 
 morem tenenr, ut nullum abfque operis labore fufcipianr, non tarn 
 propter viclus neceffaria, quam propter animse falutem. [I] Du- 
 aren. de Minifter. 8c Penefic. lib. 1. c. 20. Nec ita otio erant de- 
 diti, more Pfeudomonac riorum noftri temporis. [m] Socrat. 
 lib. 4. c. 13. [j.wcl~/o<;, ei (/.h ipyd'onc, sti'stm? tw •3 , a*oi4>ct>i 
 VejLViraj. [»1 Bed. iib. 2. c 2. [0] Ufher. Relig.ofthe an- 
 cient Iriflii c. 6. [/>] Epiphan. Hxr. 80. n. 6. Chryfofl.de Com- 
 punft. Cordis, lib. 1. c. 6. Hieron. Ep. 77. ad Marcum Celeden- 
 iem. Caftan. Inftit. lib. 10. c. 22. Id. Collat. if. c. 4. Juftin. No- 
 vel. 133. c. 6. Id. Cod. lib. 11. Tit. if. de Mendicantibus Validis. 
 Pal'ad. Hiftor. Lauliac. cap. 7,1 o, 20, 18, 30, 39, 76, 89, 96. m. 
 Mofchus Prat. Spir. cap. 22, 114, 160, 161, 183, 194. [q~\ 
 Sozom. lib. 6. c. 20. [Yj Aug de Morib. EccA:f. c. 31. Uf- 
 
 que adeo ut oneratas etiam naves in ea loca mittanr, qua; inopes 
 incolunt, f*c. [/J.Cafiian. Inftit. lib. 10. c. 22. Non folum 
 a nullo quicquam ad ufum viftus fiii acciperc patiuntur, fed etiam 
 de Laboribus fuis non tantum fupcrveniente.: & peregrinos refkiunr, 
 verum etiam per loca Libya:, qu-.e Sterilitate ac fame laborant, nec 
 non etiam per Civitates his qui Squalore carceum contabefcunt, im- 
 manem couferenrcs dirigunt alimonia: vittufque fuftantiam, de fru- 
 clu manuum fuarum rationabiie ac verum Sacrificium Domino ta- 
 li Oblationc fe offerre credente. [/] Aug. de Opere Mbnachor. 
 c 1 7^ & c - [«] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. c. 1 Opus dici 
 (latum eft, quod Decano redditum, fertur ad Oeconomum, qui 8c 
 ipfe per fiugubs me.ifes Patri omnium cum magno trcmore rcd- 
 dit rationem. [>] Aug.de Morib. Ecclef. Cathol. c. 3 1. [x] 
 Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. c. 1 f . Prima apud cos Confcedcratio 
 eft, obedirc Mijoribus, & quicqiitd ju.Terint facere. 
 
 Eucharift, 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 259 
 
 Eucharift, and Excommunication. For thefe 
 Powers were lodg'd in their Hands, as appears 
 from feveral Paflages in CaJJian, who often fpeaks 
 [y] ofthe Abbots carting the Monks out of 
 the Church, and forbidding the Reft to pray 
 with them, till they had done a very fubmif- 
 five Penance proftrate upon the Ground, and 
 had been reconciled and abfolved by the Ab- 
 bat publickly before all the Brethren. He par- 
 ticularly notes of Paphnutius Abbat of Scethis 
 [z~]* that he ftruck a Monk's Name out 
 ofthe Dyptichs ofthe Church, and could fcarce 
 be prevailed with to let him be mentioned in 
 the Oblation for thofc that are at Reft in the 
 Lord, becaufe he had murdered himfelf at the 
 Inftigation of Satan, who appeared to him in 
 the Form of an Angel of Light, perfuading 
 him to throw himfelf into a deep Well, with 
 Confidence that no Harm cou'd befal him for 
 the great Merit of his Labours and Virtues. 
 Socrates [a] fpeaks of the like Power in Arfe- 
 tiius, who ufed it, he fays, with this Difcretion, 
 that he never excommunicated the Junior 
 Monks, but only the Seniors, becaufe the Ju- 
 niors were like to become more refractory by it, 
 and contemn his Difcipline, but the Seniors 
 were quickly amended by it. The Reader may 
 find fome other Inftances in Palladius [b~] to 
 the fame Purpofe. As to their Corporal Pu- 
 nifhments, Cajfian [c] tells us they were thefe 
 Two, Whipping and Expulfionj and he parti- 
 cularly enumerates the Crimes for which they 
 were inflicted. Palladius alfo mentions the Fla- 
 gellum Monachorum : For he lays [cf] in the 
 Church of Mount Nitria, there were three 
 Whips hanged upon three Palm-Trees, one for 
 the offending Monks, another for the correct- 
 ing of Thieves, and a third for the Punifh- 
 ment of Strangers, whom they entertained in 
 an Hofpital adjoining. But as yet we read 
 Nothing of voluntary Whipping of themfelves 
 by way of Exercife: That is a latter Inven- 
 tion of the Modern Monks, whom Spondanus [<?] 
 and Prateolus [/] themfelves cannot forbear 
 ranking among Hereticks, and a late French 
 Writer [gj has more fully expofed them in a 
 Difcourfe on Purpofe, entitled, Hiftoria Flagel- 
 lantium, to which I refer the curious Reader. 
 
 SECT. XIII. The Abbats or Fathers were 
 Allowed alfo fome alfo of great Repute in the 
 peculiar Privileges in Church/ For many Times 
 
 the Church they were called tQ Councils 
 
 and allowed to fit and vote there in the Quali- 
 ty of Presbyters. As Benedict in the Council of 
 
 Rome under Boniface II. An. f ft. Which I re- 
 late upon the Authority of Dr. Cave [£] who 
 has it from Antonius Scipio in his Elogium Abb'a- 
 turn Cajjinenfium. The like Privilege we find 
 allowed in the Council of Conflantinople under 
 Flavian, An. 448, where twenty three Archiman- 
 drites fubferibe with thirty Bifliops to the Con- 
 demnation of Eutyches, as appears from the 
 Fragments of that Council related in the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon [i~]. But it is juftly noted by 
 Learned Men [k] as a new Thing, to find 
 AbbefTes, as well as Abbats, fubferibing in the 
 Council of Becanfield in Kent, An. 694, and that 
 before both Presbyters and Temporal Lords, as 
 the Author of the Saxon Chronicle [/] reports 
 it. For this is the firft Time we meet with any 
 fuch Thing in the Records of the Ancient 
 Church. 
 
 But though fuch Power and sect XIV 
 Privileges were granted to Ab- ret always fuLr- 
 bats, yet neither they nor their dime to the Power 
 Monafteries were as yet exempt */ B 'P }0 P S - 
 from the Jurifdiction of Bifliops. For by the 
 ancient Laws both Ecclefiaftical and Civil, no 
 Monaftery was to be erected in any Place with- 
 out the Leave of the Bifhop of the Diocefe. 
 This was one of thofe Things which the Em- 
 peror Marcian propofed to the Council of Chal- 
 cedon, and at his Requeft it was there enacted in- 
 to a Canon, That no one fhould build [m~] either 
 Monaftery or Oratory without the Confent of 
 the Bifhop of the City or Country where it was 
 to be erected. And by Juftiniarfs Law [»] the 
 Bifhop was to make a Sort of Confecration of 
 the Ground, before they went to Building. It 
 is further provided in the fore-mentioned Canon, 
 that all Monks fhall be fubject to the Bilhop of 
 the Diocefe, and give Attendance to their own 
 proper Duties of Fading and Prayer, not inter- 
 meddling themfelves either in Ecclefiaftical of 
 Secular Affairs, except upon great and urgent 
 Neceflity, and that by the Permiflion of the 
 Bifhop of the City or Diocefe to which they 
 belonged. But I have already had Occafion to 
 fpeak of this Matter more fully in another 
 |>] Place: I fhall therefore here only obferve 
 two or three Mifhkes committed by fome 
 Modern Authors in their Defcants upon the 
 Words of Bede, which are commonly alledged to 
 prove the contrary. In one Place Becle [/>] f peak- 
 ing of the I fie of Huy, and the Monaftery found- 
 ed there by Columba, fays, The Ifland was al- 
 ways governed by a Presbyter Abbat, under whofe 
 Power the whole Province, and the Bifliops 
 
 [y] Caflian. Inftit. lib. 2. c. 16. Si quis pro admiflb quolibet de- 
 licto fuerit ab Oratione fufpenfus, nullus cum eo prorfus orandi ha- 
 bet licentiam, antequam fubmifla in terram Poenitentia, Reconci- 
 llatio ejus 8c admifli venia coram fratribus cundtis publice fuerit 
 ab Abbate concefla. Id. lib. 4. c. 16. Tamdiu proftratus in ter- 
 ram veniam poftulabit, donee Orationum confummetur Solennitas 
 impetraturus earn, cum juflus Fuerit Abbatis judicio de fob fur- 
 gere. Vid. ibid. c. 20. It. Collat. 18. c. if. [&] Caflian. 
 
 Collat. 2. c.if. Vix a Presbytero Abbate Pafnutio potuit obtineri, 
 ut non inter Byothanatos reputatus etiam Memoria £c Oblatione 
 Paufantium judicaretur indignus. [a] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 23. 
 
 [£] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. 40. [r] Caflian. Collat. 2. c. 16. 
 Vel. Plagis emendantur, vel Expullionepurgantur. [d] Pa'lad. 
 
 Hift. Lauf. c. 6. [e] Spondant. an. 1329. n. 6. [f] Pra- 
 
 teol. Blench. H.sret. lib. 6. c. 8. [g] Hiftoria F,agel]an- 
 
 tium, Parif. 1700. 8vo. [h~] Cave Hift. Liter. Vol 1. 
 
 P- 4°*- [*] Cone. Chalccd. Ad. 1. Tom. 4. p. 230. 
 
 [*] Cave. Hift. Liter. Vol. 2. p. 240. [/] chron. SaX* 
 
 on. an. 694. [«,] Cone. Chalced. can. 4. i^o^cv L/.iiJ^'iva. 
 
 (itv (An<P<t fix oiKO<to(/.e)i , unfi awn^S.v is.ovetsuetov n «oj£T«* 
 
 eiOi' clx.01 tp£>y. yvcofj.Yiv 7» CToA?<iif SJj TK. [»] Ju- 
 
 ftin. Novel. s . c. 1. Novel. 131. c. 7. [„] Book 2. chap. 4, 
 
 Sea. 2. [p] Bed. Hift. lib. 3 c. 4. Habere autem folet ipfa Infula 
 Riftorem femper Abbatem Presbyterum, cujus juri & omnisPro- 
 vincia & ipli etiam Epifcopi ordint- inulitato debeanr efle fubjefti, 
 juxta excmplum primi Doftoris illius, qui non Epifcopus.. fedPres- 
 byter extitit & Monachus. 
 
 alfo. 
 
2 60 
 
 Zfe Ant 1 q^u it ibs of the Book VII. 
 
 alfo, were fubjected after an unufuat Manner, 
 purfuant to the Example of the firft Founder, 
 who was not a Bifhop, but only a Presbyter 
 and a Monk. Carolus a fanclo Paulo [_q] un- 
 luckily miftakes this Ifland for Hibernia, and fo 
 makes all the Bifhops of Ireland fubject to one 
 Abbat : Others miftake the Province for 
 all Scotland, and fo make the fame falfe Deduc- 
 tion in Reference to that: Whereas in Truth 
 Bede is fpeaking only of one fmall Part of Scot- 
 land, the Country of the Northern Picls, who 
 were converted by Columba, in the Time of King 
 Bridius, who gave him the Ifle of Huy to build 
 a Monaftery in, whence that Province of the 
 Northern Pi els became fubject to the Abbat of 
 that Monaftery : But that this Subjection was 
 in Spirituals Bede fays not, but it leems to have 
 been an Acknowledgment of fome civil Juris- 
 diction over the Biftiops, which may very well 
 confift with their Superiority in Spirituals, as 
 the learned Bifhop of IVorcefter [r] fhews at 
 large in his Difcourfe of the Culclees among his 
 Antiquities of the Britijh Church. Another Paf- 
 fage in Bede, which has been grofsly miftaken, 
 is where he fpeaks of the Council of Herudford, 
 An. 675. In One of the Canons of this Coun- 
 cil, according to fome corrupt printed Copies 
 of Bede, there is this Decree, That the Bifhops, 
 [/] who are Monks, Ihall not wander from one 
 Monaftery to another without Leave of their Ab- 
 bat, but continue in that Obedience, which they 
 promifedat the Time of their Converfion. But this 
 is Nothing but ameer Miftakeof the firft Editors 
 of Bede, who not minding the Abbreviations of 
 the Manufcript, read Epifcopi Monachi, inftead 
 of Ipji Monachi, as fome later Editions rightly 
 have it. So that there is Nothing faid in this 
 Place either for the Exemption of Monafteries, 
 or in Derogation of the Epifcopal Power, as 
 fome feem wilfully to have miftaken. Yet I 
 deny not but that before this Time there might 
 be fome Monafteries exempt. For Habertus [t~\ 
 is of Opinion, that the third Council of Aries, 
 An. 4f f, granted an Exemption to Fauftus Ab- 
 bat of the Monaftery of Lerim, which he thinks 
 was the firft that was ever granted. But from that 
 Time the Bifhops of Rome took Occalion to ex- 
 empt Monafteries in the Weft, as other Pa- 
 triarchs did in the Eajl, whence fuch Monafte- 
 ries by the later Greeks are called Patriarchal 
 Monafteries, as being exempt from Epifcopal 
 Vifitations, and only fubject to Patriarchal Ju- 
 rifdiction. 
 
 SECT. XV. 
 
 The Spiritual Ex- 
 
 B u t I return to the ancient 
 Monks > and having given an 
 Account of their bodily Exerci- 
 
 ces, I proceed to fpeak ofthofe «■«/« of Monks-. Firft, 
 
 that Were Spiritual. For the Perpetual Repentance. 
 
 Improvement of the Spiritual Life was the thing 
 originally aimed at by Men's retiring from the 
 World. Here they thought they fhould have 
 more Leifure and better Opportunities for the 
 great Bufincfs of Repentance. Upon which Ac* 
 count the Life of a Monk is by St. Jerom [«] 
 and others, fo often ftiled the Life of a Mour- 
 ner. And in Allufion to this, the Ifle of Cano- 
 bus near Alexandria, formerly a Place of great 
 Lewdnefs, was upon the Tranflation and Settle- 
 ment of the Monks of Tabennefus there, called 
 Infula Metanoea, the Ifle of Repentance} as may 
 be collected from St. Jerom, who fpeakf of its 
 changing its Name upon the Building .of a Mo- 
 naftery there [w]: And fo both Valefius and o- 
 thers underftand it [#]. 
 
 sect. xvr. 
 
 Secondly, extraor- 
 dinary Fnftmg, 
 
 T O their extraordinary Re- 
 pentance they ufually join'd ex- 
 traordinary Falling. For the E- 
 gyptian Monks kept every Day a Faft till Nine 
 a-Clock, that is, till Three in the Afternoon, 
 except on Saturdays and the Lord's-Day, and the 
 fifty Days of Pentecoft, or other Days when any 
 Brother came to vifit them. For then they had 
 their Relaxations, as we learn from Caffian and 
 St. Jerom. The fifty Days of Pentecoft they 
 kept always Feftival in Compliance with the Pub- 
 lick Rules and Practice of the Catholick 
 Church, whofe Cuftom was [y], as Tertullian 
 fays, to keep all the Time between Eafter and 
 Whitfuntide Feftival, in Memory of our Saviour's 
 Refurrection. Therefore St. Jerom [%] fpeaking 
 of their daily Fafts, fays, They fafted every Day 
 alike throughout the Year, except in Lent, 
 when their Fafts were a little more ftrict, that 
 is, not only till nine a-Clock, but till Evening; 
 and in Pentecoft, when they turned their Suppers 
 into Dinners, in Compliance with the Cuftom 
 of the Church. Caffian [a] often fpeaks of 
 their daily Fafts till Nine, but then he excepts 
 like wife the Time of Pentecoft [b~], for the fame 
 Reafon aftigned by St. Jerom j and Saturdays and 
 Sundays alfo [cj, becaufe both thefe Days were 
 always Feftivals in the Eaftern Church, being 
 Days of folemn Aflembly, on which they recei- 
 ved the Eucharift at Morning Service. Some 
 indeed exercifed themfelves with great Aufteri- 
 ties, fafting two, three, four or five Days to- 
 gether j but thefe were not generally approved. St. 
 Jerom [d~\ and Caffian [i] both exprefs themfelves 
 againft fuch immoderate Fafts; and Caffian [/] 
 particularly notes it as a wife Saying of Macarius 
 the famous Egyptian, That a Monk fhould fo 
 faft and keep under his Body, as if he were to 
 
 Carol, a Sr. Paulo Geogr. Sacr. lib. 6. p. 1 70. 0] Bp. 
 Lloya'; H'tfioricjil Account of Church Government, chap. 7. p. 180. 
 [/] Bed. Hift. lib. 4. c. f. Uc Epifcopi Monachi non migrent de 
 loco in locum, hoc eft, de Monafterio in Monafterium, nifi per 
 dimiiTionem proprii Abbatis, fed in ea permaneant obedieniia, 
 quam tempore fax converlionis promiferunt. [t] Habert. 
 Archierat. p. 5-95-. [«] Hieron. Ep. 5-3. ad Ripar. Monachus 
 non docentis, fed plangentis habet officium. [w] Hieron. Pro- 
 log, in Regul. Pachomii. In Monafterio Metancear, quod de Ca- 
 nobo in Pcenitentiam felici nominis converfione mutatum eft, &c. 
 Bibl. Patr. Tom. 15. [*] VJef. Not. in Sozomen. lib. 3. c. 14. 
 
 [y] Tend, de Coron. Mil. c. 3. [zj Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Eu- 
 ftoch. c. 15-. Jejunium totius anni aequale eft, excepta Quadrage- 
 fima, in qua fola conrcditur ftrictius vivere. A Pentecofte ccerfe 
 mutantur in prandia, quo 8c Traditioni Eccldiafticx fatisfiat, 8c 
 ventrem cibo non onerent duplicato. [a] Caffian Collat. 2. c. 
 2f, 26. Collat. 19. c. 16. Collat. 21. c. 23. [6] Caffian. Collar. 
 2 r. c. 1 1 8c 20. [c] Caffian. Collat. 3. c. 1. [d] Hieron, 
 Ep. 4. ad Rufticum. Ep. 7. ad Laetam. [<•] Caffian. Inftit. Kb. 
 f. c. 9. [/] Caffian. Inftit. lib. f. c. 41. Ita, inquit debere 
 Monachum jejuniis operam dare, ut centum annis in corpore du- 
 raturum, &c. 
 
 live 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 261 
 
 live an hundred Years; but fo kill and mortify 
 the ArfecStions of his Soul, as if he were to die 
 the next Moment. By which it appears, that 
 they did not think exceflive Abftinence of any 
 Ufe, but rather a Diflcrvice to Religion. And 
 therefore St. Aujlin obferves, that the ancient 
 Rules [g] impofed no abfolute Nccefllty in this 
 Matter upon them, but left it to every Man's 
 Power, and every Man's Will, to faft at Difcre- 
 tion ; no one condemning others, that could 
 not imitate his own Aufterities, but always re- 
 membring that the Scripture had above all Things 
 recommended Charity to Men. The Rule of 
 Pacbomius was faid to be given him by an Angel, 
 and there one of the Angel's Directions to him 
 was, That he fhould permit every Man to eat 
 and drink, and labour according [£] to his 
 Strength, and neither forbid them to fait nor to 
 eat. Accordingly Palladium [*'] tells us, there were 
 among his Monks in 1'abcnnejus fome that eat at 
 Seven a-Clock, others at Nine, others at Ten, 
 others not till Even; fome after two Days, o- 
 thers after three, four, or five Days; but all 
 Was Matter of Choice, not Compulfion. 
 
 sect. xvn. Their Failings were accom- 
 Thirdly, Extra- panied with extraordinary and 
 ordinary Devotions. f re q uen t Returns of Devotion. 
 The Monks of Palefiine had fix or feven Cano- 
 nical Hours of Prayer, fo thofe in Mefopotamia 
 and other Parts of the Eafi. Thefe were Morn- 
 ing-Prayer at the firft Hour of the Day, then 
 the third, fixth, and ninth Hours, and after that 
 the eleventh Hour, which CaJJian \Jf\ calls the 
 Lucernaris Horn, or Evening-Prayer. Befides 
 which they had their conftant Vigils, or No- 
 cturnal Meetings, of which Cajfian gives a par- 
 ticular Account in one whole Book [/] of his 
 Inftitutions. But he fays the Monks of Egypt 
 were not tied to all thefe Canonical Hours, but 
 only met twice a Day for publick Devotion, 
 that is, in their Night Aflemblies, which was 
 their Morning-Prayer : and at Ninea-clock, which 
 was their Evening-Prayer; but then the whole 
 Day was fpent in Devotion notwithstanding: 
 For in their Private Cells [m] whilft they were 
 at Work, they were always repeating thePfalms 
 and other Parts of the Holy Scriptures, and in- 
 termixing Prayers and Supplications continually 
 with their Labour. Which CaJJian prefers be- 
 fore the Obfervation of fo many Canonical Hours, 
 
 as being a more free and voluntary Oblation. 
 Some obferved a Courfe of conftant Devotion 
 without Intermiffion, as has been noted before 
 [*] concerning the Monks of Conjlantinople, and 
 thofe of Lifieux [f ] founded by Columbanus, 
 who were ufed to divide themfelves into feveral 
 Claffes or Quires to fucceed and relieve one a- 
 nother in their continued Stations. And CaJJian 
 tells us that the firft Monks [»] of Egypt were 
 ufed to oblerve fuch a perpetual Watch, to 
 guard themfelves againft the AfTaults and Incur- 
 fions of Midnight Devils: For they durft not all 
 betake themfelves to Sleep at once, but while 
 fome flept, others kept Watch by Turns, and 
 exercifed themfelves in ringing Pfalms, Reading, 
 and Prayer. Whence we may infer, that tho' 
 all Monks then did not obferve precifely the Ca- 
 nonical Hours, yet they were no lefs conftant 
 to their Devotions than thofe that did; and their 
 intermixing Prayers with their Labour, or Wor- 
 fhipping by Turns, was equivalent to fo many 
 Canonical Hours, or rather did exceed it. St. 
 Jerom feems alfo to fay [0] that the Egyptian 
 Monks had a Sermon made by the Abbot every 
 Day after Evening-Prayer: For thus he de- 
 fcribes their Devotions : At Nine a-clock they 
 meet together, then the Pfalms are fung, and 
 the Scriptures are read ; and Prayers being end- 
 ed, they all fit down, and the Father begins to 
 difcourfe to them, whom they hear with the 
 profoundeft Silence and Veneration. His Words 
 make a deep Impreflion on them, their Eyes o- 
 verflow with Tears, and the Speaker's Com- 
 mendation is the Weeping of his Hearers. Yet 
 no one's Grief exprefles it felf in any undecent 
 Strain; but when he comes to difcourfe of the 
 Kingdom of Chrift, and future Happinefs, and 
 the Glory of the World to come, then one may 
 obferve how each of them with a moderate Sigh, 
 and Eyes lift up to Heaven, favs within him- 
 felf, O that I had Wings like a Dove, Jor then 
 would I Jlee away and be at Reji ! This was their 
 continual Exercife of Publick Devotion every 
 Day. Their private Vacancies and Intervals of 
 Labour were alfo fpent in Reading and Prayer; 
 for they daily learned fome Portion of Scripture, 
 and more efpecially made it their Meditation on 
 the Lord's-Day, as St. Jerom [/>] obferves of 
 them in the afore-mentioned Place: Infomuch 
 that many of them became fo expert and well 
 verfed in the Holy Scripture, that they could re- 
 
 [#] Aug.de Morib. Ecclef. Cathol. c. 53. Inter hxc nemo 
 urgetur in afpera, quae ferre non poteft; nulli quod recufat impo- 
 nitur; nec ideo condemnatur a ceteris, quod in eis fe imitandis fa- 
 tetur invalidum, @>c. [6] Pachom. Reg. apud Pallad. Hilt. 
 
 Laufiac. c. 38. [»] Pallad. ibid. c. 39. 0] Cafihn. 
 
 Inftit. lib. 3. c. 3. In his horis etiam Evangelicus ille Paterfami- 
 lias operarios conduxit in Vineam fuam. Ita enim 8c ille primo 
 mane conduxilTe defcribitur, quod tempus defignat Matutinam no- 
 ftram folennitatem : deinde term, inde fexta, poft hxc nona, ad 
 extremum undecima, in qua lucernaris hora iignatur. [i] Caf- 
 fian. Inftit. lib. 2. [m] Caftian. Inftir. lib. 3. c. 2. Apud 
 
 iiloshsec Officia, quae Domino folvere per diftin&iones horarum 8c 
 temporis intervalla cum admonitione Compulforis adigimur, per 
 totum diei fpatium jugiter cum operis adjedione fpontanea cele- 
 
 brantur. Quamobrem exceptis Vefpertinis horis ac Noclurnis 
 
 Congregationibus, nulla apud eos per diem Publica Solennitas abfq; 
 
 Vo L. I. 
 
 die Sabbati vel Dominica celebratur, in quibus hora tenia Sacrae 
 Communionis obtentu conveniunt. [*] Chap. 2. SeS. 10. 
 
 [f] Chap. 2. Seft. 13. [n] Caflian. Collat. 7. c. 23. Ita 
 
 Dsemonum atrocitas graflabatur, 8c frequentes ac vifibiles fentieban- 
 tur aggreflus, ut non auderent omnes pariter no&ibus obdormire, 
 fed vicillim aliis deguftantibus fomnum, alii vigilias celebrantes, 
 Pfalmis 8c Orationibus feu Lectionibus inhserebant. [0] Hie- 
 
 ron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. c. if. Manent feparati, fejun&is Cellu- 
 lis, ufq; ad horam nonam. Poll horam nonam in commune con- 
 curritur, Pfalmi refonant, Scripturse recitantur ex more. Et com- 
 pletis Orationibus, cundifque refidentibus, medius, quern Patrem 
 vocant, incipit difputare, &c. [p~\ Ibid. Dominicis diebus 
 
 Orationi tantum 8c Ledionibus vacant: Quod qu ; dem & omni 
 tempore completis opufculis faciunt. Quotidie aliquid de Scriptu- 
 ris difcitur. 
 
 L 1 1 peat 
 
262 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the Book VII 
 
 peat ic by Heart : Which is particularly noted mutually at Table, all of them taking their 
 of Hilarion by Sozomen and St. Jerom [_q~], and of Weekly Turns: Whence in CaJJian [z] and St. 
 Ammonius, Marcus Junior, Eros, Serapion, Solo- Jerom [a] they are called Hebdomadarii, Weeks- 
 wow, and fome others by Palladius jVJ. And by Men, from their Weekly Service. On the 
 this Means they were qualified to entertain their Lord's-Day they were more intent upon their 
 Souls with Spiritual Exercifes, finging of Da- Devotions, and fpent it wholly upon Reading 
 vid's Pfalms, and repeating other Parts of Scrip- and Prayer. For no other Employment, St. Je- 
 ture, even at their bodily Labours. Whichr rom [b~] fays, was ever allowed among them on 
 Practice is often mentioned with great Commen- that Day. Then every one received the Com- 
 dation by Palladius [A], Cajfian [t~\ and St. Je- munion, unlefs he was under fome Cenfure and 
 rom, who takes Oecafidri upon this Account to Sufpenlion from it. And not only on Sundays, 
 extol the quiet Retirement of Chrift's little Vil- but on Saturdays alfo, it was cuftomary for the 
 lage of Bethlehem above the noify Pomp and am- Egyptian Monks and others of the Eaft to com- 
 bitious Greatnefs of Rome, where fo much Time municate. For the firft and laft Day of the 
 was fpent in feeing and being feen, in receiving Week were fo appointed by Pachomius the Fa- 
 Vifits and paying them, in Praifes and Detrafti- ther of the Egyptian Monks, to be Communion- 
 ons, Things difagreeable to the Life of a Monk: Days among them, as appears from his Rule JY] 
 Whereas at Bethlehem [u~] there was Nothing in Sozomen and Palladius. And CaJJian frequent- 
 to be heard but Pfalms: One could not go into ly \_d~\ fpeaks of it as their conftant Practice, 
 the Field, but he mould hear the Plowman fing- Some were more ftrift, and let no Day pafs with- 
 ing his Hallelujahs, the fweating Mower fola- out receiving the Eucharift: Palladius [e~] fays 
 cing himfelf with Hymns, and the Vinedreffer the Egyptian Monks under Apollo obferved this 
 tuning David's Pfalms. Thus the ancient Monks Rule* for Apollo was ufed to inftill this Notion 
 joined their Bodily and Spiritual Exercife toge- into his Difciples, That a Monk, if he had Op- 
 ther, and made their common Labour become portunity, ought to communicate every Day; 
 A£ts of Devotion to God. Their Times of and accordingly he with his Fraternity commu- 
 Eating and Refrefnment were managed after the nicated every Day at nine, or three a-Clock in 
 fame manner. In fome Places they had the the Afternoon, which was the Time of their 
 Scriptures read at Table; which, Cajfian fays, folemn Affembly, before they went to their or- 
 was firft brought up [w] in the Monasteries of dinary Refrefliment. Palladius [/] mentions 
 Cappadocia, to prevent idle Difcourfe and Con- one Inftance more of their Devotion, which was 
 tendons : But in Egypt they had no Need of that only occafional, viz. their Pfalmody at the Re- 
 Remedy, for they were taught to eat their Meat ception of any Brethren: For that it feems was 
 in Silence. But when Supper was ended, St. Je- the firft Entertainment they gave them, to con- 
 rom [x] fays, They fung an Hymn and fo re- du6t them with finging of Pfalms to their Habi- 
 turncd to their Cells. St. Chryfojlom [.y] alfo tation. Which has no Relation to the Procef- 
 takes Notice of this, and recommends it to Se- fions of Modern Ages, but feems to be done in 
 cular Men, as proper for their Imitation; red- Imitation of our Saviour's Entrance and Recep- 
 ting the Hymn which they ufed, which is in tion into Jerufalem. 
 thefe Words : Blejfed God, that hajl fed me from 
 
 my Tout h, that give Jl Food unto all Flejh, fill our These were the Spiritual sect. XVIII. 
 
 Hearts with Joy and Gladnefs, that ive having al- Exercifes of the Ancient Monks, of Laws excluding 
 
 ways what is fujjicient for us, may abound unto e- whofe Life was a Life of Re- Mu " ks f rom °ffi ces 
 
 very good Work, through J ejus Chrijl our Lord, pentancc, Farting and Devotion, ^ 
 
 to whom with 'Thee and the Holy Ghojl be Glory, which joined with continual Bo- 
 
 Honour ard Power for ever. Amen. Glory be to dily Labour, kept them always virruoufly and 
 
 Thee, O Lord; Glory be to Thee, O Holy; Glory honeftly employed : And their Laws did not al- 
 
 be to Thee, O King, who hajl given us Food for Re- low them either to wander about as Mendicants, 
 
 frejhment: Fill our Hearts with thy Holy Spirit, or to intereft themfelves in Civil or Ecclefiafti- 
 
 that we way be found acceptable in thy Sight, and cal Offices, or any Publick Affairs relating to 
 
 not be afljamed, when thou rcnderejl to every Man Church or State. There are three Canons in 
 
 according to his JVorks. Thus their ordinary Re- the Council of Chalcedon to this Purpofe. One 
 
 frefhment, that is, their Suppers, (for Dinners, indifferently [g] forbids both Clergy-men and 
 
 he fays, they had none) were fan&ified with the Monks to take to Farm any Eftate or Office, or 
 
 Word of God and Prayer. And to exprefs their involve themfelves in Secular Affairs, except 
 
 Humility, and avoid all Contention about Pre- they be unavoidably required by the Law to take 
 
 cedency and Greatnefs, they ferved one another upon them the Guardianfhip of Minors. Ano- 
 
 [q] Sozom. lib. 3. c. 14. Hieron. Vic. Hilarion. c. 7. 
 [rj Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. iz, it, 19, 83, 96. [/] Pal- 
 lad, ibid. c. 39. [<] Caffian. Inftit. lib. 1 1. c. 1 f. 
 [«] Hieron. Ep. 18. ad Mtrcel. In Chrifti villa tuta Rufticitas eft. 
 Extra P/almos filentium eft. Quocunque te veneris, Arator Stivam 
 retinens Alleluia decantat, fudans Meflbr Pfalmis fe advocat, &c. 
 [w] Caffian. Inftit. lib. 4. c. 17. [*] Hieron. Ep. 21. ad 
 Euftoch. c. 1 f . Nullus in cibo Strepitus, nemo comedens loqui- 
 tur. Dehinc confurgunt pariter, Sc Hymno dido, ad Pcsfepia 
 
 redeunt. [y~] Chryfoft. Horn. ?6. in Matth. [>] Caffi- 
 
 an. Inftit. lib. 4. c. 10. [a] Hieron. Prolog, ad Reg. Pa- 
 
 chom. It. Ep. zi. ad Euftoch. c. 15-. [4] £p. 11. ad Eu- 
 
 ftoch. c. 1^. Dominicis diebus Orationi tantum 8c Ledionibus 
 vacant. [e] Sozom. lib. 3. c. 14. Pallad. Hift. Lauiiac. 
 
 c. 38. [J] Caffian. Collat. 18. c. if. Collat. 23. c. u. 
 
 [e] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. fi. p. 98^. [/J Ibid. p. oS + . 
 
 [g~\ Cone. Chalced. can. 3. 
 
 ther 
 
Cha p. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 263 
 
 ther [h] obliges Monks particularly to live in 
 their Retirement, and to give themfelves only to 
 Failing and Prayer, and not to leave their Mona- 
 fteries to ingage themfelves either in Ecclefiafti- 
 cal or Secular Affairs, except the Bifhop of the 
 City upon fome urgent Occafion permit them 
 fo to do. And a third Canon [*] forbids both 
 Monks and Clergy to take upon them any Of- 
 fice, Civil or Military j anathematizing fuch as 
 are guilty, and do not return to their firlt Choice. 
 So that Monks were wholly excluded then from 
 Secular Offices : And though fome were called 
 to Ecclefiaftical Employments, yet then they 
 were obliged to quit their Monaftery, and be- 
 take themfelves wholly to a Clerical Life, only 
 retaining fo much of the former, as would con- 
 fift with the indifpenfable Duties of the facred 
 Function. Of thefe Cafes I have particularly 
 fpoken [*] in the foregoing Chapter. But of 
 Monks continuing in their Cloyfters, and taking 
 upon them at the fame Time the Offices of the 
 Church, which did not concern their own Mo- 
 naftery, we have fcarce any Inftance in ancient 
 Hillory. Pope Pelagius, as he is cited by Gra- 
 tian [£], would not permit a Monk to be a 
 Defenfor, though that was but a low Office in 
 the Church j becaufe it was contrary to the State 
 of a Monaftick Life, which was to be fpent in 
 Retirement, Prayer, and Bodily Labour : where- 
 as the Office of a Defenfor was wholly taken 
 up in Hearing of Caufes, and other Acts of a 
 Publick and Litigious Nature, which were 
 Things inconflftent with one another. 'Till a 
 Monk therefore had firft bid adieu to his Mo- 
 naftery, he was not to be promoted to any fuch 
 Office in the Church. 
 
 sect. XIX. Much lefs were they then 
 
 No Monks ancknt- permitted to encroach upon the 
 
 ly encroached on the Duties, or Rights and Privile- 
 
 Buties or Rights of ges Q f t h e Secular Clergy. For 
 
 theSecnlardergy. w£ fin( j nQ Complaints of ftfc 
 
 Nature in Ancient Hiftory, as too frequently in 
 after Ages. For the Generality of Monks being 
 only Laymen, and refufing any other Subflftance 
 or Revenues but what arofe out of their own 
 Labour [as I have fully proved before] they 
 could have no Temptation then to intermeddle 
 either with the Buflnefs and Duties, or the 
 Maintenance and Revenues of the Clergy. And 
 for fuch of them as were ordained Presbyters or 
 Deacons, they were either only to ferve their 
 own Monaftery, or elfe fuch were taken out of 
 Monafteries by the Bifhops, and thenceforth 
 reckoned among the Secular Clergy of the 
 Church. Valefius indeed is willing to have it 
 thought otherwife : For he fays [/] in the latter 
 End of the fourth Century, it was very ufual 
 for Monks to perform the Offices of the Cler- 
 
 gy, and he allcdges for Proof the Example of 
 Eufcbius Vercdlenjls and the Church of St. Au- 
 Jtipi which I have confidered before [*] and 
 iliewed that they prove no more, but that fome 
 Bifhops and their Clergy took up a Way of Li- 
 ving in Common, in Imitation of the Mona- 
 ftick Life, which is nothing to Monks in Cloy- 
 fters intruding themfelves into Parochial Cures. 
 The only Inftance that looks any thing this 
 Way, is what Sozomen [m~\ relates of the Church 
 built by Ruffinus, the great Statefman under Ar- 
 cadius, at a Place called ^uercus in the Suburbs 
 of Chalcedony where after he had built his 
 Church, he fays, he placed fome Monks near it, 
 whence the Clergy of the Church were fupply- 
 ed. But this may mean no more, but that when 
 there wanted Clergy in that Church, they were 
 to be chofen out of that neighbouring Mona- 
 ftery, which indeed was then no unufual Thing 
 in the Church: But that Monks living in a Mo- 
 naftery fhould perform Divine Offices in other 
 Churches befide that of their own Monaftery, 
 is not agreeable to ancient Rules and Practice. 
 And therefore we meet with no Inftances of 
 that Kind, nor of Tithes being received by 
 Monks, unlefs it was for the Ufe of the Poor- 
 of which there is one Inftance in Cajffian [Vj, 
 and bcfides that I do not remember any other. 
 Their Way of Living upon their own Labour 
 made them not follicitous to receive any Thing 
 from other Men, and therefore fome of them 
 would not receive Maintenance from their own 
 Parents, as Cajfian (YJ relates of Antony, left they 
 fhould feem to live upon any Thing that was 
 not the Work of their own Hands. 
 
 Beside all this, there was a- sect. xx. 
 nother Reafon then why Monks Not allowed at firfi 
 could not ordinarily attend Pa- tn <t*> el1 <» Cities, 
 rochial Cures, had they been o- cm fi ned t0 :he 
 therwife qualified for them. For mderne f s - 
 by the Laws of their firft Inftitution, in all 
 Parts of the Eaft, their Habitation was not to 
 be in Cities or Places of Publick Concourfe, but 
 in Deferts and Private Retirements, where they 
 might be fequeftred from the Noife of the 
 World, and live in Quiet and Solitude, as their 
 Namefeemed to imply. Whence St. Jerom wri- 
 ting to Rufticus the Monk, inveighs againft thofe 
 who were deflrous [/>] to live in Cities, which 
 was contrary to that Singularity they made Pro- 
 feffion of. And giving Inftrudtions to Paulinus, 
 he fays, If you defire to be Really, what you 
 are in Name, that is a Solitary, or One that 
 lives alone, What have you [^] to do in Cities, 
 which are not Habitations for Solitaries, but the 
 Multitude? And it is obferved both by him and 
 Sozomen \r~] of Antonius, That he was ufed to 
 fay, The Wildernefs was as natural to a Monk, 
 
 Ibid. can. 4. [i] Ibid. c. 7. [*] Chap, 2 Sett. 8. [»] Caffian. CoUat. 21. c. 2. [♦] Caflian. Coilat. 24. c. 12. 
 
 [fc] Gratian. Cauf. 16. Quaeft. 1. c. 20. Omnimoda eft illiusHa- [/>] Hieron. Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Quid delideramus Urbium fre- 
 
 bitus 8c iftius Officii diverlitas. Illic enim Quies, Oratio, Labor quentiam, qui de fingularitate cenfemur? [q] Ep. 12. ad 
 
 manuum: At hie Cauforum Cognitio, Conventiones, A&us, Pub- Paulin. Si cupis efle quod diceris, id eft folus : Quid facis in Ur- 
 
 lica Litigia, &c. [/] Valef. Not. in Sozom. lib. 8. c. 17. bibus, qua? utique non funt folorum Habitacula, fed multorum? 
 
 [*] See Chap. 2. StB. 8. [m\ Sozom. lib. 8. c. 17. [»"] Sozom. lib. 1. c. 12. 
 
 Vol. I. L 1 1 z as 
 
264 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the Book VII. 
 
 as Water to a Fifh j and therefore a Monk in a 
 City was quite out of his Element, like a Fifh 
 upon dry Land. By which it appears, that the 
 Monaftick Life in the firft Defign was to ex- 
 clude Men from having any Thing to do in Ci- 
 ties and Places ofPublick Concourfe. And there 
 are Laws in both the Codes to the fame Pur- 
 pofe. Theodoftus enacted, That all that made 
 Profeflion of the Monaftick [/*] Life, fhould 
 be obliged by the Civil Magiftrate to betake 
 themfelves to the Wildernefs and Deferts, as 
 their proper Habitation. Baronius by Miftake 
 reckons [VJ this Law a Punifhment, and next 
 to a Perfecution of the Monks : But Gothofred 
 [u] and Mr. Pagi [w] with better Judgment 
 correct his Error, and obferve with more Truth, 
 
 Ncceffity compells me to take another Courfe 
 for their Safety, that they may not be torn in 
 Pieces by wild Beafts. Were I a Virgin, con- 
 fined to a fingle Room, it would not become 
 me to fit Mill, when I faw my Father's Houfe 
 on Fire, but to run abroad, fetch Water, and 
 extinguifh the Flame. Now this is our Cafe. 
 You, Sir, have fet Fire to the Houfe of our 
 common Father, and we have left our Cells with 
 no fmall Concern, and are come abroad to put 
 it out. Thus bravely did Aphraates anfwer Fa- 
 lens, and apologize for his Appearing in the Ci- 
 ty in the Time of common Danger, when Fa- 
 lens himfelf was the Occafion of it. Nor was it 
 only in Defence of Religion they thus made a 
 Publick Appearance, but fometimes they thought 
 
 that it was fo far from being a Punifliment, that it neceflary to come and interceed with the Em- 
 it was only obliging them to live according to perors and Judges for condemned Criminals. As 
 the Rules of their firft: Inftitution. Leo and An- Sozomen [a] obferves of Antonius, that he was 
 themius [/]■> and after them Juftinian, made Laws frequently compelled by the Complaints and La- 
 to the fame Purpofe, forbidding the Eaftern mentations of the DiftrelTed, to come and inter- 
 Monks to appear in Cities j but if they had any pofe his good Offices with the Princes and Ma- 
 Bufinefs of Concern to be tranfa&ed there, they giftrates ror them, and as foon as he had done 
 fhould do it by their Apochrifarii or Refponfales^ he returned to the Wildernefs again. The Rea- 
 that is, their Pro&ors or Syndicks, which every der may find a more remarkable Inftance of this 
 Monaftery was allowed for that Purpofe. Kind in one of St. Chryfoftorn's Homilies [b~] to 
 
 the People of Antioch, where he relates how 
 
 Not but that in fome extra- the City was delivered from imminent Ruin (be- 
 
 ordinary Cafes they took Liberty ing under the Difpleafure of 'Theodoftus for having 
 
 to difpenfe with this Rule, when demolifhed the Imperial Statues, and commit- 
 
 ajuft Occafion required their Ap- ting other Crimes of a high Nature) by the In- 
 
 pearance. As in Times of common Danger to terceffion of the neighbouring Monks, who left 
 
 the Faith, or great Perfections, or when it their Tabernacles and Caves in the Mountains, 
 
 feemed neceflary for them to interpofe with the and came into the City, (when other Philofo- 
 
 Magiftrate, and intercede for Criminals in fpe- phers for Fear were fled out of it) and interce- 
 
 cial Cafes. Thus St. Jerom [y~] obferves of ding with the Judges, prevailed with them to 
 
 SECT. XXI. 
 
 What Exceptions 
 that Rule admitted 
 of. 
 
 Alexandria at the Re- 
 give Teftimony and 
 
 Antonius, that he came to 
 queft of Athanaftus, to 
 
 Countenance to the Catholick Faith, and to con 
 fute the Arian Herefy. Theedoret makes the like 
 Obfervation [z~] upon the Behaviour of Aphra- 
 ates and Julian, two Syrian Monks, who left 
 their Cells in the Defert to live in Antioch, when 
 their Prefence was thought neceflary to fupport 
 the Catholick Doctrine and its Profeflbrs in the 
 Time of the Arian Perfecution under Valens. 
 And of Aphraates, he tells this remarkable Sto- 
 ry, That Valens once obferving him to pafs the 
 Streets in Hafte, though he was an old Man, 
 asked him, Whither he was going with fo 
 much Speed? To whom he replied, I am going 
 Sir, to pray for your Empire. But, faid Valens, 
 it would more have become you to do that at 
 Home in your Retirement, according to the 
 Laws of your Solitary Life. Yes, Sir, faid A- 
 phraates, you fay very true, I ought fo to do, 
 and I always did fo, as long as my Saviour's 
 Sheep were in Peace : But now that they are 
 difquieted and brought into great Danger, very 
 
 fpare the Criminals j telling them, That the I- 
 mages of the Emperor might eafily be reftored 
 to their Priftine Beauty, and be fet up again $ 
 but if they flew the Images of God, it would 
 be impoflible to raife them up again, fince it was 
 beyond the Art of Man to join Body and Soul 
 together: And if they would not hearken to 
 their Interceflion, they fhould execute them 
 too : For if it muft be fo, they were refolved to 
 die with them. After this Manner they were 
 ufed to intercede with the Judges for Criminals 
 in fome fuch fpecial Cafes, as this before us. And 
 they commonly did it with fuch Prevalency, that 
 they feldom failed in their Petition, the Magi- 
 stracy exprefling a particular Reverence to them 
 upon fuch Occafions. But afterward this Thing 
 grew into Abufe, and they would not be con- 
 tent to petition, but would fometimes come in 
 great Bodies or Troops, per Drungos, and by 
 Force deliver Criminals, after Sentence of Con- 
 demnation was pafled upon them. To reprels 
 which tumultuous Way of Proceeding, Arca- 
 dius the Emperor was forced to publifli a Law 
 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 1$. Tit. 3. dc Monachis, Leg. 1. Qui- 
 cunque fub Profeffione Monachi reperiuntur, deferta Loca 8c va- 
 iftas Solitudines fequi atque habitare jubeantur. [1] Baron, 
 
 an. 390. n. 67. [a] Gothofred, Com. in Cod. Th. lib. 16, 
 tit. 3. leg. 1. [w] Pagi Critic, in Baron. 40. 390. n. to. 
 
 [x] Cod. Juftin. lib. i. tit. 3. de Epifc. leg. zo. It. Novel 113- 
 c. 41. [y] Hieron. Ep. 33. ad Caftruc. [z] Theo- 
 
 dor. Jib. 4. c. z6, & ty. [a] So7,om. lib. 1. c. 13. 
 
 [6] Chryf. Horn. 17. ad Pop. Aiit.uch. p. nr. 
 
 [c] ftriaiy 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 265 
 
 [e] ftri&ly forbidding both the Monks and Cler- 
 gy to attempt any fuch Thing, and command- 
 ing all Bifhops to profecute the Authors of fuch 
 Diforders, if any Monks happened to be fo en- 
 gaged in their Diftri&s, under Pain of his Royal 
 Difpleafure. 
 
 sect. XXII. There remains but one En- 
 Whcther Monb quiry more to be made concern- 
 might betake them- i n g this Order of Men, which 
 /elves to a fecular ^ Whether fuch as made Pro- 
 
 Life again. feffion of the Monaftic I c Life, 
 
 were afterward at Liberty to alter their State 
 as they thought convenient, and turn Seculars a- 
 gain? To which it may be anfwered, That they 
 were under no Publick Vow to the contrary : 
 Many Men embraced the Life, who never in- 
 tended to continue all their Days in it. Julian 
 himfelf was once in the Monaftick Habit, to 
 pleafe his Coufin Confiantius^ who began to fuf- 
 pe£t his Inclination toward the Philofophy of 
 the Gentiles. Socrates fays of him, that he aflu- 
 med [ij the Tonfure, and feigned the Life of 
 a Monk in Publick, whilft he privately refort- 
 ed to the Lectures of Libanius the Sophift. And 
 Orofius obferves the fame [e~] of Conftans the Son 
 of Conjiantine, who ufurped the Empire in Bri- 
 tain in the Time of Honorius, that he was firft 
 a Monk before his Father made him Cafar, and 
 fent him into Spain to promote his Intereft there. 
 Thefe Men had no Need of the Pope's Difpen- 
 fation to fet them at Liberty from their Vow* 
 for it does not appear they were ever under any 
 fuch Obligation. Monafteries were anciently 
 Schools of Learning, and Places of Pious and 
 religious Education of Youth: Which, though 
 Bellarmin [/] thinks fit to deny it, is evident- 
 ly proved from St. ChryCoftoni's third Book [#] 
 againft the Defamers of the Monaftick Life, 
 which is chiefly fpent in advifing Parents to fend 
 their Children to be educated in Monafteries, 
 as the fafeft Places of good Education} not 
 with a Defign to oblige them always to conti- 
 nue in the Monaftick Life, but only to train them 
 up, and fettle them fecurely in the Ways of 
 Virtue. And to the fame Purpofe it is obierved 
 by Palladius, that the Monks of Mount Nitria 
 F£j had a Xenodochiwm or Hofpital, where for a 
 Week they entertained any one that came to 
 them without working} if he continued longer, 
 they fet him either to work at fome Bodily La- 
 bour, or to ftudy } and fo employed he might 
 continue a Year, or two, or three, among them, 
 till he faw his own Time to depart from them. 
 This Palladius \_i~\ calls asmvis y^jKpijtn, the 
 Exercife of Letters, in Oppofition to that of 
 Bodily Labour. So that Men might enter a 
 Monaftery for the fake of Study, and leave it 
 
 again when they pleafed, if they laid upon them- 
 felves no farther Obligation. And they who tied 
 up themfelves ftri&er, and entered the Mona- 
 ftick Life with a Defign to continue in ir, were 
 never under any Vow, unlefs a private Refolu- 
 tion might be efteemed fuch, which might be 
 altered at Pleafure, efpecially if any unforefeen 
 Cafe or Accident feemed to require a Change in 
 their Way of Living. As Cajjian [_k~] tells us 
 of one in Egypt who defpairing to obtain the 
 Gift of Continency, was preparing to enter into 
 a married State, and return to a Secular Life a- 
 gain. The Rule of Pachomius, by which the 
 Egyptian Monks were governed, has nothing of 
 any Vow at their Entrance, nor any Punithment 
 for fuch as deferted their Station afterward : And 
 there was one Piece of Difcipline among the £- 
 gyptianS) which I have mentioned before, that 
 ieems plainly to intimate that they were under 
 no folemn Vow : For one of their Punifhmems 
 was Expulfion out of the Monaftery, which is 
 inconfiftent with a Vow of continuing in a Mo- 
 naftery for ever. So that at firft the Monaftick 
 Life feems to have been a Matter of free Choice, 
 not only at Men's firft Entrance, but in their 
 Progrefs and Continuance alfo : And Men might 
 quit it without any other Punifhment, unlefs 
 it were a Note of Inconftancy fixed upon them. 
 
 However, this is certain, 
 that Monks who betook them- 
 felves to a Married State, were 
 not anciencly obliged by any Law 
 to difTSlve their Marriage, and put away their 
 Wives, under Pretence of any preceding Obli- 
 gation, according to the new Rules of the Coun- 
 cil of Trent which pronounces fuch Mar- 
 riages null and void. In St. Ju/lin's Time fome 
 Virgins and Widows were under the Obligati- 
 on of a VtW} yet if they married after that, 
 he fays, Tney were not to be feparated [m~\ from 
 their Husbands as Adulterefles: For their Mar- 
 riage was true Marriage, and not Adultery, as 
 fomefalfty argued. He fays, They offended high- 
 ly in breaking their Vow, but yet their Marri- 
 age was valid} and in that Cafe to feparatethem 
 from their Husbands, was only to make their 
 Husbands Adulterers in marrying others whilft 
 their Wives were living. By Parity of Reafon 
 then the Marriage of Monks muft be efteemed 
 valid alfo, even fuppofing them under an equal 
 Obligation. And upon this Account we find 
 no Inftances of diffolving Marriage in fuch Ca- 
 fes left upon Record in ancient Hiftory. 
 
 Yet in Procefs of Time, be- sect. xxiv. 
 
 caufe Monks were prefumed to Pumfhme»ts 
 
 be under fome Private Obligati- 'erf*** 
 
 on by aftuming this Way of Li- on e J erters - 
 
 SECT. XXIII. 
 Marriage of Monks 
 anciently not annul- 
 led. 
 
 [c] Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 40. de Poenis. leg. 16. Addi&os 
 fupplicio, nulli Clericorum vcl Monachorum, eorum etiam quos 
 Ccenobitas vocant, per vim atque ufurpationem vindicare liceat 
 ac tenere, &c. [</] Socrat. lib. 3. c. 1. iv yj>u>Tt w 
 
 7Di/ $S f/.ovcf)(cSv dwiyeiviTo Giov. [e] Orof. 
 
 Hift. lib. 7. c. 40. Conftantinus Conftantem Filium fuum, proh 
 
 dolor, ex Monacho Caefarem faftum in Hifpanias mifit. 
 
 [/] Bellarm. de Monachis, lib. 2. c. 6. [g~\ Chryfoft. 
 
 adverf. Vituperatores Vits Monaft. lib. 3. Tom. 4. p. 499. 
 
 [£]Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. 6. [»'] Pallad. ibid. c. 14. 
 
 [k] Caflian. Collat. 1. c. 13. Ut quia Monachus die non pof- 
 fet, nec refbenare ftimulos carnis, 8c impugnationis Retnedia con- 
 fequi prxvaleret, uxorem duceret, ac relicto Monafterio revertetur 
 ad Sseculum. [/] Con. Trident. Seff 1+. can. 9. [»] Aug. 
 de Bono Viduitat. c. vo. Qui dicunt talium nuptias non efTe nup- 
 tias, fed potius Adulteria, non mibi videntur fatis acute ac diligen- 
 ter confiderare quid dicant. Fallit eos qirippe Similitude ventaus, 
 
266 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIL 
 
 ving, fome Punifhments were thought of, as 
 proper to be inflicted on fuch as relinquished 
 their Station and returned to a Secular Life a- 
 gain. By the firft Council of Orleans, a Monk 
 that had entered himfelf [»] in a Monaftery, if 
 he afterwards married a Wife, was for ever af- 
 ter uncapable of Holy Orders, but no other Cen- 
 fure is pafled upon him. St. Auflin was for in- 
 flicting the fame Punifhment on fuch as left their 
 Monaftery without their own Bifhop's Leave, 
 as appears from his Letter to Aurelius [o] Bifhop 
 of Carthage, upon that Subject. The Civil Law 
 likewife excludes Deferters from the Privilege 
 of Ordination: For by a Law of Honorius (>] 
 they were to be delivered up to the Curia, or Ci- 
 vil Court of the City, there to ferve all then- 
 Lives j by which Means they were rendered in- 
 capable of any Office in the Church, becaufe 
 Curial and Clerical Offices were inconfiftent 
 with one another, as has been fhewed at large 
 [*~] in another Place. Jufiinian added another 
 Punifhment, That if they were pofTefTed of any 
 Subftance, it fhould all be forfeited to the Mo- 
 naftery [?] which they deferted, while they 
 themfelves fhould be obliged to ferve perfonally 
 among the Officials of the Judge of the Pro- 
 vince where they lived. For by this Time Mo- 
 nafteries began to have Eftates and Pofleflions in 
 fome Places, though the moft exact Rules of the 
 Egyptian Monks were againft it. The Cenfures 
 of the Church were likewife inflicted on deferting 
 Monks in the fifth Century. Spalatenfis [f] thinks 
 the firft Council that ever decreed Excommu- 
 nication againft them,was the fourth Council of To- 
 ledo If] under Honorius, An. 635. But did not ad- 
 vert to a former Canon of the Council of Chalce- 
 don, made near two hundred Years before, which 
 
 decreed, That neither Virgins confecrated to God, 
 nor Monks fhould marry 5 and fuch asdidfo, 
 fhould be excommunicated : Only the Bifhop of 
 the Place might moderate the Cenfurej that is, 
 if I rightly underftand that Canon, which is by 
 fome miftaken, He might fhorten the Term of 
 their Penance at his Difcretionj which was the 
 only way of granting Indulgencies in the Pri- 
 mitive Church. And from hence again it ap- 
 pears, that when it was thought a Crime for a 
 Monk to marry, yet they did not think it a 
 Nullity when done, or prefume to void it up- 
 on that fcore, but only oblige him to do Penance 
 for fuch a Term as the Bifhop fhould think fit 
 to impofe upon him. And I fuppofe the Ca- 
 nons of St. Bafil [a], and the Council of Tral- 
 lo [w~], which fpeak of a Penance of Seven 
 Years or more, are to be underftood with this 
 Limitation. 
 
 I have now put together all that I could 
 think material to be faid upon this Subject of the 
 Monaftick Life: And fome perhaps will think 
 I have faid too much, and others too little up- 
 on it: But I content my felf to have faid fo 
 much as feemed neceflary to my own Defign, 
 which was to give an Account of ancient Cu- 
 ftoms, and explain feveral Laws and Rules of the 
 Church. They whofe Curiofity leads them far- 
 ther, may eafily have Recourfe to Cajfiari's Infti- 
 tutions and Collations, and Palladius's Hifioria 
 Laufiaca, and Tbeodorefs Philotbeus, or Religious 
 Hiftory, Books written particularly upon this 
 Subject by profeft Admirers of the Monaftick 
 Life. My Method now leads me to fay fome- 
 thing briefly of the Virgins and Widows, that 
 were alfo reckoned among the Afceticks of the 
 Church. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The Cafe and State of V'trgms and Widows tn the Antient Church. 
 
 SECT. I. A S I have fhewed before 
 
 of thi DiftinBion J\ that there were Afceticks 
 bttveen Ecck/iajlicai in the Church long before 
 And Monajlical vir- t j iere W ere any Monks } fo it 
 i ms - rnuft here be noted, that there 
 
 were Virgins who made publick and open Pro- 
 fcflion of Virginity, before the Monaftick Life, 
 or Name was known in the World. This ap- 
 pears from the Writings of Cyprian and Tertul- 
 lian, who fpeak of Virgins Dedicating them- 
 felves to Chrift before there were any Mona- 
 fteries to receive them. Thefe for Dittinftion's 
 fake are fometimes called Ecclefiaftical Virgins by 
 
 the Writers of the following Ages, Sozomen [a] 
 and others, to diftinguifh them from fuch as embra- 
 ced the Monaftick Life, after Monafteries be- 
 gan to multiply in the World. The Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Virgins were commonly enrolled in the 
 Canon or Matricula of the Church, that is, in 
 the Catalogue of Ecclefiafticks, as we learn from 
 Socrates [b~], who fpeaks of them under that Ti- 
 tle : And hence they were fometimes called Ca- 
 nonhte, Canonical Virgins from their being regi- 
 ftred in the Canon or Books of the Church. They 
 differed from the Monaftick Virgins, chiefly in this, 
 that they lived privately in their Fathers Houfes, and 
 
 \n\ Cone Aurel. 1. c. 23. Monachus in Monafterio converfus, 
 fi Pellici poftea vel Uxori fuerit Sociatus, tantse Praevaricationis 
 reus, nunquam Ecclefiaftici gradus Officium fortiatur. [0] Aug. 
 Ep 76. ad Aurel. OrdiniClericorumfit indigniflima injuria, fi De 
 fertores Monaftcriorum ad militiam Clericatus eligantur, &c. 
 [>] Cod Th. lib. 16. Tit. 2. Leg. 39. Si quiProfeflum facrae Re- 
 lieionis fpontedereliquerit, continuo fibi eum Curia vindicet, &c. 
 m Book 4. Chap. 4. Sta. 4. M Juftin. Novel, $■ . c. 6. Si 
 
 rslinquens Monafterium, ad quandam veniat Militiam, aut ad aham 
 
 vita: figuram : Subftantia ejus in Monafterio remanente, ipfe inter 
 Officiales Clariflimi Provincial Judicis ftatuetur, &c. It. Cod. 
 lib. 1. Tit. 3. Leg. f6. [r] Spalat. de Repub. lib. 2. c. it. 
 
 n. 48. [/] Cone. Tolet. 4. c. $4. [/] Cone. Chal- 
 
 ced. can. 16. [«] Bafil. can. 60. [w] Cone. Trull, c. 44 
 
 [«] Sozom. lib. 8. c. 23. •x&obivot kx-KhmtctTiKau. 
 [6] Socrat. lib. i.e. 17. t&< Tap-^w T«f ctydyiy&ppiyeti 
 iv t&J" $f IKKKWltoV Kcti'ivt, &c. 
 
 had 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 267 
 
 had their Maintenance from their Fathers, or in 
 cafes of Neceflity from the Church > but the 
 other lived in Communities and upon their own 
 Labour, as we learn from the third Council of 
 Carthage [c] and the Writings of St. Aujiin [d]. 
 Spalatenfis long ago obferved [e] this Difference, 
 and it is fince acknowledged by Albafpinxus [/'], 
 Valcfim [g], Cotelerius [h], and other learned 
 Men of the Romijb Church. So that it is now 
 out of Difputc, that as the Afceticks for the 
 firft three hundred Years were not Monks, fo 
 neither were the facred Virgins of the Church 
 Monaftical Virgins, or Nuns confined to a Cloy- 
 fter, as in After- Ages. 
 
 SECT. II. I f it be enquired how thefe 
 Whether they were were diftinguifhed from other 
 under any prfeffion Virgins, that were meerly fecular, 
 of perpetual Vtrgi- \ conceive it was by fome Sort 
 m, y- of Profeflion of their Intention 
 
 to continue in that State all their Lives : But 
 whether that was a folemn Vow, or a Ample 
 Profeflion, is not agreed among learned Writers. 
 The Learned Editor [f] of St. Cyprian reckons 
 they were under no Obligation of any Formal 
 Vow in the Age of Cyprian, but yet were 
 fome Way bound by the Refolution and Purpofe 
 of their own Mind, and the Publick Profeflion 
 of Virginity : And in this he feems to fpeak 
 not only the common Senfe of Proteftant Wri- 
 ters, but the Senfe of that ancient Author 
 who fays, They dedicated themfelves to Chrilr, 
 yet fo as that if either they could not, or would 
 not perfevere, it was better for them to marry 
 than to burn, or to be caft into Fire for their 
 Offences, as his Words may literally be tranfla- 
 ted. From whence it may be collected, that 
 then the Profeflion of Virginity was not fo ftri£b 
 as to make marrying after be thought a Crime 
 worthy of Ecclefialtical Cenfure. 
 
 SECT. III. But in the following Ages, the 
 when firft tmde li- Cenfures of the Church were in- 
 MtotheCenfures flj^ed on them. The Council 
 
 of the Church for of A a m d etcrm j ne d uni- 
 ThT'Zfe^ verfally againft all fuch as having 
 
 profefTed Virginity, afterward 
 went againft their Profeflion, that they fhould 
 be fubjedted to the fame Term of Penance, as 
 Digam'ijls were ufed to be 5 that is, a Year or 
 two, as we learn from one of the Canons of St. 
 
 Bafil [ni]. The Council of Chalcedon [»] or- 
 ders them to be excommunicated, if they mar- 
 ried, bur. leaves the Term of their Penance'to 
 the Bilhop's Difcretion. The Council of Va- 
 lence in France is ftill more fevere, forbidding \d\ 
 them to be admitted immediately to Penance- 
 and when they were admitted, unlefs they 
 made full and reafonable Satisfaction to God, 
 their Reftoration to Communion was ftill to be 
 deferred. Now from thefe Canons, to mention 
 no more, it evidently appears. That in the fol- 
 lowing Ages next after the Time of St. Cyprian, 
 that is, in the fourth and fifth Centuries, the 
 Cenfures of the Church were feverer againft the 
 Marriage of profeft Virgins than they were be- 
 fore : And they feem to have rifen in Proporti- 
 on to the Efteem and Value, which Men be- 
 gan to fet upon Celibacy and the Monaftic 
 Life. 
 
 Yet two Things are very ob- 
 fervable amidft all the Severity and C J- Iv f 
 
 Rigour of thofe Ages: Firft, profefty.^Z'Jr 
 That there never was any Church declared null. 
 Decree for Refcinding, or Pro- 
 nouncing Null fuch Marriages. The Empe- 
 ror Jovian indeed, as Sozomen relates, made 
 it a capital Crime by Law for any one to com- 
 mit a Rape upon a Devoted Virgin, or fo much 
 as to folhcit her to forfake her prefent Sate of 
 Life, and forgoe her Refolution and Purpofe : 
 Which Law is ftill extant in both the Codes 
 jj]. But then, as Valefius himfelf rightly ob- 
 ferves, this Law was only made againft Ravi- 
 fhers, and fuch as follicited thofe Virgins to 
 marry againft their own Will : But if a Virgin 
 did voluntarily quit her Purpofe and Station, and 
 then marry after that, there was nothing in this 
 Law [r] to prohibit her, much lefs to punifh 
 her for fo doing. And for the Laws of the 
 Church, though they appointed a Spiritual Pu- 
 niiliment, yet they did not cancel or difanul the 
 Act, but confirmed and ratified fuch Marriages, 
 though done againft the Rules then prevailing 
 in the Church. Of which the Teftimony of St. 
 Auflin [/] alledged before in the laft Chapter, 
 Seel. i$. is abundant Proof: Not to mention 
 the Silence of all ancient Laws in the Cafe, 
 which fpeak of no other Punifhment befide Ex- 
 communication, and Penance as the Confequence 
 of that, in order to be received into the Com- 
 
 {/] Cone. Carthag. 5. can. 35. Ut Virgines Sacrae, fi Pa- 
 rentibus, a quibus cuftodiebantur, privatae fuerinr, Epifcopi pro- 
 videntia vel Presbyteri, fi Epifcopus abfens eft, in Monafterio Vir- 
 ginum gravioribus Foeminis commendentur, &c. [</] Aug. 
 de Morib. Ecclcf. c. 3 1 . Lanificio corpus cxercenr, arque fuftentant, 
 Veftefquc ipfas Fratribus tradunt, ab iisinvicem quod vidtui opus 
 eft refumentes. [e] Spalat. de Repub. lib. 2. c. 11. n. 2$\ 
 
 [/] Albafpin. Not. in Cone. Eliber. can. 1 3. [g] Valef. 
 
 Not in Sozom. lib. 8. c. 23. [h] Coteler. Not. in Confti- 
 tut. Apod. lib. 8. c. 1 3. [/] Fell. Not. in Cypr. Ep. 4 Ani- 
 
 mi propofito 8c publica Virginitatis profefiione, non Voto artridtar. 
 [J5r] Cypr. Ep. 62. al. 4.. ad Pompon. Si ex fide fe Chrifto dica- 
 verunt, pudice & cafte fine uila fabula perfeverent; ita fortes 8c 
 ftabiles premium Virginitatis expedient. Si autem perfeverare no- 
 lunt, vel non poffunt ; melius eft nubant, quam in ignem delidtis 
 fuis cadant. [I] Cone. Ancyr. can. 19. oeoi <7ra.<?d-via.v 
 
 Wa.yytKhoy.ivoi, tZdirxtri r iTa.yyi\ttti; r ffi S'tyeLv.vv 
 oppv kic7r\ti^7co(Ta.y. [>] Balil. Ep Canon, c. 4. [»JConc. 
 Chalced. can. 16. [0] Cone. Valentin, can. 2. De Puellis,' 
 
 quae fe Deo voverunt, fi ad terrenas nuptias fponte traniierint, id 
 cuftodiendum efle decrevimus, ut Pcenitentia his non ftatim detur • 
 Et cum data fuerit, nifi plene fatisfecerint Deo, in quantum ratio 
 popofcerit, earundem Communio dirTeratur. [p] Sozom. 
 
 lib. 6. c. 3. [q] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. Tit. 3. Leg. 5-. Si quis 
 non dicam rapere, fed attentare tantum jungendi caufa Matrimonii 
 Sacratilfimas Virgines aufus fuerit, Capitali Poena feriatur. Vid. 
 Cod. Th. lib. 9. Tit. if. de Raptu Sandtimonialium, W; 2 . 
 [r] Va'ef Not. in Soxom. lib. 6. c. 3. Lex Joviani adverfus Rapto- 
 res Virginum lata eft; fed fi SandHmonialis relidto Propoiito poilea 
 nubere voluilfet, non prohibebatur hac Lege. [yi ft u<y ^ e 
 
 Bono Viduit. c. 8, 9, 10. 
 
 6 muni on 
 
26S The Antiquities of the Book VII. 
 
 munion of the Church again. Epiphanius [f\ is 
 very exprefs and particular in the Cafe, that if 
 any profeffing Virginity fell from their State by 
 Fornication, they had better marry publickly ac- 
 cording to the Laws, and then fubmit themfelves 
 to a Courfe of Penance, in order to obtain the 
 Communion of the Church again, rather than 
 live perpetually expofed to the fecret Darts of 
 the Devil. Which, I think, he would not have 
 faid, had it then been the Cuftom of the 
 Church to difannul the Marriages of profeft 
 Virgins under pretence of any preceding Vow 
 or Obligation. 
 
 SECT. v. The other Thing proper to 
 
 Liberty granted by be confider'd in this Cafe, is, 
 
 fome Lavs to mar- That by the Imperial Laws great 
 
 ry, if they were con- Liberty and Indulgence was 
 
 fecrated before the ^ jj y ■ fc ^ 
 
 Age of Forty. ° _ , , o 
 
 confecrated before the Age or 
 Forty. For though fome Canons [u] allowed 
 them to be confecrated at Twenty five, and 
 others [w] at Sixteen, or Seventeen, which 
 were reckoned to be Years of Difcretionj yet 
 Time quickly fhew'd, that neither of thofe 
 Terms were fo conveniently fix'd as they might 
 be: And therefore other Canons required Vir- 
 gins to be Forty Years old [x] before they 
 were veiled, as may be feen particularly in 
 the French and Spanijh Councils of Agde and 
 Saragoffa. And the Imperial Laws not only re- 
 quired that Age in confecrated Virgins, but far- 
 ther decreed, That if any Virgin was veiled be- 
 fore that Age, either by the Violence or Ha- 
 tred of her Parents (which was a Cafe that 
 often happen'd) fhe mould have Liberty to mar- 
 ry : As appears from the Novel of Leo and Ma- 
 jorian [y~] at the End of the I'heodofian Code, 
 which fays, That no Virgin in fuch Circum- 
 ftances fhould be judged Sacrilegious, who by 
 her honeft Marriage declared, that either me ne- 
 ver intended to take upon her any fuch Vow, 
 or at leaft was not able to fulfil it: Forafmuch 
 as the Doctrine and Inftitutes of the Chriftian 
 Religion have declared, That it is better for a 
 Virgin to marry, than to burn, and forfeit her 
 Virtue by leading an unchaft Life after fhe has 
 made Profeffion of Virginity. Now if thefe two 
 Things be rightly confidered, Firft, That the 
 Confecration of a Virgin was not to be repu- 
 ted valid till me was forty Years of Age : And 
 Secondly, That if (he married after her Confecra- 
 tion at that Age, yet her Marriage was then 
 reputed valid and never difannulled : There will 
 appear a very wide Difference between the Pra- 
 ctice of the Antient Church, and that of the 
 
 Church of Rome in this Matter: For which 
 Reafon I have fpoken diftindtly of this Profef- 
 fion of Virgins, both to explain the Nature of 
 their Vow, and mew the Meafures of its Obli- 
 gation. 
 
 As to their Confecration it SECT. vi. 
 felf, it had fome Things verype- of their Habit, and: 
 
 Culiar in it. For it Was Uflial- Form, and Manner 
 
 ly performed publickly in the ^ <fe 
 Church, and that with fome Solemnity, by the 
 Bifhop himfelf, or at leaft fome Presbyter, par- 
 ticularly deputed by the Bifhop for that Pur- 
 pofe. For by the ancient Canons this Act among 
 others was referved to the Office of the fupream 
 Minifter of the Church, and therefore a Pref- 
 byter without his Commiffion, or Leave, was 
 not to intermeddle in it. The fixth Canon in 
 the African Code [z] feems univerfally to pro- 
 hibit Presbyters thefe three Things, the making 
 of Chriim, the Publick Reconciliation of Peni- 
 tents, and the Confecration of Virgins. But this 
 laft Point is to be interpreted by what is faid in 
 the third Council of Carthage, That a Presby- 
 ter is not to confecrate a Virgin without [a] the 
 Bifhop's Leave. Which implies, That he might 
 do it by his Direction. And fo Ferrandus in his 
 Abbreviation [b~\ underftands it. So that this 
 was one of thofe Things which Bifhops thought 
 fit to referve to themfelves in thofe Times, and 
 did not allow their Presbyters, without fpecial 
 Direction, to perform it. Whence I conclude, 
 it was a Thing efteemed of fome Weight, and 
 the Bifhop's Character was concerned in it, to 
 ufe an exact Caution in the confecrating of Vir- 
 gins, as St. Ambrofe [c] words it, that Nothing 
 might be done ralhly to the Difhonour of the 
 Church. Now when a Virgin had fignified her 
 Purpofe to the Bifhop, and her Defire of the u- 
 fual Confecration, fhe was wont to come and 
 make a Publick Profeffion of her Refolution in 
 the Church > and then the Bifhop, or Presbyter 
 appointed at the Altar, put upon her the accu- 
 flomed Habit of Sacred' Virgins, by which they 
 were known and diftinguifhed from all others. 
 The Matter is thus reprefented by St. Ambrofe, 
 who fpeaking of his Sifter Marcellina, who was 
 confecrated at Rome by Libertus, fays, That on 
 Chriflmas-Day in St. Peter's Church fhe 
 fignify'd the Profeffion of Virginty by the 
 Change of her Habit, Liberius making an Exhor- 
 tation or Difcourfe of her, fuitable to the Occa- 
 fion, containing the Duty of Virgins, which 
 the Reader may find there recorded. This 
 Change of Habit is frequently [<?] mentioned 
 in the Ancient Councils, and the Civil Law alfo 
 
 M Epiphan. Haer. 6r. Apoftolic. [«] Cone. Carthag. 3. 
 
 can. 4. [w] Bafil. Ep. Canon, c. 18. [xl Cone. Aga- 
 
 then. can. 19. Sanctimoniales. quantumlibet Vira earum 8c mo- 
 res probati fine, ante annum astaris fuae Quadragefimum non velen- 
 tur. Cone. Csefarauguft. can. 8. Non velandas efle Virgines,qux 
 le Deo voverunt, nifi Quadraginta p.nnorum probata aetate, eye 
 [y] Leo 8c Majorian, Novel. 8. Neque enim Sacrilega judicanda 
 eft, quae fe hoc ante noluifle aut ccrte non pofle complere ad pe- 
 titi Conjugii honcftate prodiderit; cum Chriftianaj Religionis In- 
 ftituta atque Doftiina meliu; clTe cenfueret Virginem nu'eere, q'.:am 
 impatientiae ardore naturali profeffse pudicitiae non fervare virtutem. 
 
 [z,] Cod. Afric. c. 6. itopcov Kit^tipatrtf u'tio vpurCvtifav fj.h 
 *$6nTcu, 8cc. [«] Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 36. Ut Presbyter 
 inconfulto Epifcopo Virgines non confecret, Chrifma vero nunquam 
 conficiat. [£] Ferrand. Breviat. Canonum, c. 91. [c] Am- 
 
 brof. dc Virgin, lib. 3. p. 1 24. Neque ego abnuo, facerdotalis efle 
 Cautionis debere, ut non temere Puella valetur. [</] Ambrof. 
 
 de Virgin, lib. 3. p. uz. Cum in Salvatoris Natali, ad Apoltolum 
 Petrum, Virginitatis Profeffionem Veftis quoque mutatione lignares, 
 eye. V d. Ambrof. ad Virginem Lapfam, c. f, [ e ] Cone. 
 
 Carthag. 4.. can. 11 2c 104. Cone. Araufic. 1, c. 17. 
 
 takes 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 takes Notice of it, forbidding [/] all Mi- 
 micks and lewd Women the Publick life of 
 fuch Habit, as was worn by Virgins confecrated 
 to God. Which implies plainly, That fuch 
 Virgins were known by fome particular Habit 
 peculiar to themfelves. One Part of this was 
 a Veil, called the Sacrum Velamen, whence the 
 Phrafe, Velar e [g] Virginem, to veil a Virgin, 
 is the fame as Confecrating her to God, in fome 
 antient Writers. Though I muft note, that 
 Tertulllan's Book ck Velandis Virginibus is not fo 
 to be underftoodj for he writes not to devoted 
 Virgins, but to all Virgins in general, pcrfwa- 
 ding them to ufc the grave Habit of Matrons, 
 that is, to go veiled, according to theApoftle's 
 Direction. Whence we mult fay, that the 
 Veil of confecrated Virgins had fome Note of 
 Diftinction from the common Veil of others, 
 and thereupon the Name of Sacred affixed to 
 it, becaufe it was a Token or Indication of their 
 Refolution. Optatus particularly obferves this of 
 another Part of their Habit, which he calls 
 their Purple and Golden Mitre. He fays, They 
 did not ufe it for any Sacrament, or Myftery, 
 but only as a Badge of Distinction, and to figni- 
 fy to whofe Service they belonged, that no one 
 might pretend to ravifh, or fo much as court 
 them. And therefore he blames [if] the Do- 
 natifts for their blind and mad Zeal in making 
 the Virgins of Chrift do Penance, and caft away 
 their Veils, and change their Mitres, which 
 were only innocent Tokens of their Profeffion. 
 Eufebius takes Notice of the fame Habit under 
 the Name of Coronet : For fpeaking of one En- 
 nathas a Virgin of Scythopolis in Paleftine, who 
 fuffered Martyrdom in the Dioclefian Perfecti- 
 on, he fays of her, [/] That fhe was adorned 
 with the Coronet of Virginity ; alluding to what 
 Optatus calls their Golden Ribband, or little 
 Mitre j unlefs he fpeaks metaphorically, and 
 means the Crown of Virginity added to the 
 Crown of Martyrdom in another World > of 
 both which great Things are often faid in the 
 antient Writers. Albafpiny [£] thinks Optatus 
 fpeaks of another Cuftom, which he fays is ftill 
 in Ufe in the Confecration of Virgins, which 
 is untying the Hair, as was cuftomary in Secu- 
 lar Marriages, in Token of the Woman's Sub- 
 jection to her Husband. But Optatus's Words 
 
 [/] feem only to be a bare Allufion to that Se- 
 cular Cuftom: For the Marriage of Virgins to 
 Chrift was only Figurative, or as he words it, 
 Spiritual and Heavenly: And confcquently the 
 Cuftom referred to mult be underftood to 
 be of the fame Nature, that is, not real and 
 proper, but figurative onlyj which feems to be 
 molt agreeable to the Mind of the Author. Ra- 
 ronius [m] and Habertus [n] cxprefs themfelves 
 Patrons of another Cuftom, which began to 
 creep in among fome, but was never allowed or 
 approved by the Catholick Church. Eufiathmi 
 the Heretick was for having all Virgins fhorn, 
 or {haven at their Confecration : But the Coun- 
 cil of Gangra immediately rofe up againft him, 
 and anathematized the Practice, pafling a Decree 
 in thefe Words, If any [o] Woman under 
 Pretence of an Afcetick Life cut off her Hair, 
 which God hath given her for a Memorial of 
 Subjection, let her be Anathema, as one that 
 difannuls the Decree of Subjection. Habertus 
 and Baronius pretend, That this Decree was made 
 only againft married Women and Seculars, and 
 not fuch as betook themfelves to a Monaftick 
 Life: But the Words of the Canon are pofi- 
 tively againft fuch as did it upon Pretence that 
 they were entered upon an Afcetick, or as fome 
 call it, a Religious Life-, and Valefius [/>] in- 
 genuoufly confeffes this to be the true Senle of 
 the Canon, proving hence, That anciently the 
 Sacred Virgins were not fhaven : As neither 
 were they in France to the Time of Carolus Cat- 
 vus, as he fhews from other Canons, citing Hu- 
 go Menardus [_q] for the fame Opinion. But the 
 Council of Gangra was not of fufficient Force 
 to reprefs this Cuftom in all Places : For in St. 
 Jcrom's Time it prevailed in fome Monasteries 
 of Syria and Egypt, though upon another Prin- 
 ciple of Cleanlinefs, not Religion, as appears 
 [r] from his Epiftle againft Sabinian the Dea- 
 con : Yet it did not prevail every where in E- 
 gypt in the Days of Athanafius : For Sozomen [/] 
 giving an Account of the barbarous Ufage 
 which the Holy Virgins met with from the 
 Heathen at Heliopolis, fays, they added this In- 
 dignity above all, that they ftiaved them alfo. 
 Which plainly implies, that it was not then any 
 approved Cuftom of the Church. Nor did in 
 ever prevail by any Law: For Theodof.us the 
 
 [/] Lex Arcadii in Cod. Juftin. lib. i. tit. 4. de Epifc. Audient. 
 leg. 4. Mima: 5c qua: ludibrio corporis fui quasftum faciunt, publi- 
 ce habitu earum Virginum, qua: Deo dicata: funt, non urantur. 
 Vid. Cod. Th. lib. if. tit. 17. leg. 12. [g] Innoc. Ep. 2. 
 
 ad Vi&ric. c. 1 3. Ha; vero qua: necdum Sacro Velamine te&a:, 
 &c. Gelaf. Ep. 9. ad Epifc. Lucania>, c. 14.. [A] Optat. 
 
 cont. Parmen. lib. 6. p. 96. Jam illud quam ftultum, quam va- 
 num, ut virgines Chrlfti agerent Pcenitentiam, ut jamdudum pro- 
 feflse figna voluntatis capitibus, poftea vobis jubentibus, immuta- 
 rent; ut Mitellas aureas projicerent, alias acciperent &c. [i] Eufeb. 
 de Martyr. Palaeft. c. 9. wtLpSivitK rew/i/ctT/ x, twrri xsjcos- 
 IMfAp*. 0] Albafpin.Not. in Optat. lib. 6. p. 15-9. [/] Optat. lib. 
 6. p. 97. Spiritale nubendi hoc genus eft: In nuptias Sponfi jam ve- 
 nerant Voluntate 8c Profemone fua, 8c ut Sxcularibus nuptiis fe re- 
 ounciafle monftrarent, fpiritali fponfo folverant crinem, jam cce- 
 leftes celebraverant nuptias. Quid eft quod eas iterum crines fol- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 vere coegiftis? [w] Baron, an. 57. n.93. [»] Habert. 
 Archieratic. p. 5-98. [0] Con. Gangr. can. 17. £ T if y WJ . 
 
 atKav tf/et t voy.i^oy\vw eieKYicriv a7rox.ri&m 7di{ Koy.cti, 
 
 to •zs-efc'typa, -f xxziTetynf, <iv<L^ijj.A l<rv. [/>] Va- 
 
 lef. Not. in Sozomen. lib. 5-. c. 10. Porro Sciendum eft, facras 
 Virgines olim intonfas fuiffe, ut conftat ex concilio Gangrenfi. 
 Idque etiam in Gallia ufitatum fuit temporibus Caroli Calvi, ut 
 docet Canon. 7. Concilii in Verno Palatio. [q] Menard. 
 
 Not. in Sacramental. Gregor. fr] Hieron. Ep. 48. cont. 
 
 Sabinian. Moris eft in ifigyptiis 8c Syris Monafteriis, ut tarn Virgo 
 quam Vidua, qua: fe Deo devoverint, 8c Saeculo renuncianresom- 
 nes delicias Saeculi conculcarint, mundanum crinem Monafteriorum 
 Matribus offer2nt defecandum, e^c. [/] Sozom. lib. 
 
 C. IO. 70 Tihd.TCUOY liY<iK&£99V ttWTctfa 
 
 M m m Great 
 
27° 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book VII 
 
 Great added a Civil Sanction [/] to confirm the 
 Ecclefiaftical Decree made againft it, command- 
 ing all Women, that under Pretence of their 
 Profeffion cut off their Hair, to be call out of 
 the Church, and not to be allowed to partake 
 of the Holy Myfteries, or make their Supplica- 
 tions at the Altar: And farther, laid the Penalty 
 both of Depofition and Excommunication upon 
 any Bifhop that mould admit fuch Women to 
 Communion. From all which it manifeftly ap- 
 pears, that the pretended Tonfure of Virgins 
 and Widows was anciently no allowed Cuftom 
 of; the Church, but rather an Abufe, which both 
 the Civil and Ecclefiaftical Laws endeavoured 
 to correct and exterminate, however it came to 
 prevail in the contrary Practice of later Ages. 
 The Ordo Romanus has alfo a long Form of 
 Prayer, and the Ceremony of a Ring and a 
 Bracelet at their Confecration: But the antient 
 Liturgies having Nothing of this, their Silence 
 feems to be an Argument againft the Antiquity 
 of them. And lelt any one fhould think the 
 Virgins were ordained to fome fpecial Office in 
 the Church, as the DeaconnefTes were, 'tis par- 
 ticularly remarked by the Author of the Con- 
 ftitutions, [u~] that their Confecration was not 
 an Ordination, and therefore Impofition of Hands, 
 for ought that I can find, was not any antient Ce- 
 remony belonging to it. I mult note, farther, that 
 as the Society of Virgins was of great Efteem in 
 the Church, fo they had fome particular Ho- 
 nours paid to them. 
 
 SECT. VII. Virgins and Widowswere 
 of fame prhi- commonly excufed Capitation- 
 Ugti beflowed en Money, together with the Gler- 
 them - gy, [w] by the Imperial Laws of 
 
 Valentinian and others. Their Perfons were fa- 
 credj and fevere Laws were made againft any 
 that fhould prefume to offer the leaft Violence 
 to them: Banifhment, and Profcription, and 
 Death, were the ordinary Punifhments [#] of 
 fuch Offenders. Conflantine paid them a particu- 
 lar Refpecl by charging his own Coffers and Ex- 
 chequer with their Maintenance. And his Mo- 
 ther Helena [_y] was ufed to entertain them 
 her felf, and wait upon them at her own Ta- 
 ble. The Church gave them alfo a Share in 
 her own Revenues, and affigned them by way 
 of RefpecT: a particular Place or Apartment in the 
 Houfe of God, whither as St. Ambrofe fays, [z] the 
 moft Noble and Religious Matrons were ufed to 
 refort with fome Earneftnefs to receive their Sa- 
 lutations and Embraces. But of this I fhall have 
 Occafion to difcourfe farther in the next Book, 
 
 when I come to treat of Churches, and the 
 diftinc~b Places of every Order in them. 
 
 I have but one Thing more to sect, vih 
 obferve, which relates to an an- of the Name i0 'vU 
 tient Name of thefe Virgins, vovic and Nonnse, w 
 and Nonna, whence I prefume * tS &Hfaft* 
 comes our Englijb Name, Nun. Moniaks, and 
 Afcetria, and Santtimoniales are common Names 
 for them in A ntient Waiters. St. *Jerom once 
 ufes the Name, Nonn<e, and Palladius of Meurfius's 
 Ed ition [a] voviV, but in Fronto-Duc^us's Edition 
 it is y^O'c, an Old Woman. Hofpinian [Z-] fays 
 it is an Egyptian Name, and fignifies a Vir- 
 gin: But St. Jerom [c] feems to extend the Sig- 
 nification a little farther, to denote indifferently 
 Widows profefTing Chaftiry after a firft Marriage, 
 as well as Virgins j for he particularly applies it 
 to Women living in Widowhood after their firfl 
 Husband's Deceafe. The Names Agapete and 
 Sorores I pafs over, as being rather Names of 
 Reproach, and deriving their Original from a 
 fcandalous Abufe and unwarrantable Practice of 
 fome vain and indifcreet Men in the Church, of 
 which I have given a full Account [*] in ano- 
 ther Place. 
 
 Concerning the Widows sect. ix. 
 of the Church we have not ma- some particular 
 ny Things farther to be obferved obfervafwns reU- 
 diftinftly, they being generally tin *, t0 the mdmi 
 under the fame Laws and Rules efthe Churck 
 as the Ecclefiaftical Virgins were, as to what 
 concerned their Habit, Confecration, Profeffion, 
 Maintenance and the like: The Sum of which 
 is thus expreffed in one of the Canons [_d~] of 
 the firft Council of Orange, That a Widow^ha- 
 ving made Profeffion of continuing in her Wi- 
 dowhood before the Bifhop in the Church, and 
 having her Widow's Garment put on by the 
 Presbyter, ought never after to violate her Pro- 
 mife. That which was particular in their Cafe, 
 was, i. That they mull be fuch Widows as had 
 a long. Time ago loft their Husbands, and lived 
 many Years a chaft unblameable Life, ruling 
 their own Houfes well, as the Author [e~\ of 
 the Conftitutions expreffes himfelf almoft in the 
 Words of the Apoftle: But fuch Widows as had 
 but lately buried their Husbands, were not to be 
 trufted for fear their Paflions fhould one time 
 or other prove too ftrong for their Promife. z. 
 It may hence be reafonably concluded that the 
 younger Widows were generally refufed by the 
 Church, and not allowed to make any folemn 
 Profeffion before they were Forty or Fifty 
 
 [*] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Epifc. leg. 27. Foemina: qua: 
 crinem fuum, contra Diviuas Humanafque Leges, inftinftu per- 
 fuafse Profeflionis, abfeiderint, ab Ecclefix foribus arceantur. Non 
 illis fas fit facra adire Myfteria, ncque ullis fupplicationibus me- 
 reantur veneranda omnibus altaria frequentare. Adeo quidem, ut 
 Epifcopus, tonfo capite fceminam fi introire permiferit, dejeftus 
 loco etiam ipfe cum hujufmodi Contuberniis arceatur. 
 [«] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 24. vupdivQ- i yjA^-nv&Ta*, &c. 
 [wj Cod. Th. lib. 13. tit. 10. de Cenfu leg. 46. [x] Cod. 
 
 Th. lib. o. tit. 2j. dc Raptu San&imon. leg. 1 8; 3. [y] So- 
 
 crat. lib. i. c. 17. f>] Ambrof. ad Virgin. Lapfam, r. 6 . 
 0] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. 46. al. 86. [6] Hofpin. de Mo- 
 nach. lib. i.e. 1. p. 3. [c] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. 
 
 c. 6. Maritorum expertes dominatu, Viduitatis praeferunt liberta- 
 tem. Caftae vocantur & Nonnse, & pod ccenam dubiam Apo- 
 ftolos fomniant. [*] Booh 6. Chap. 2. Sea. 13. 
 
 [</] Cone. Araufican. can. 27. Viduitatis fervandae Profeffionem 
 coram Epifcopo in fecretario habitam, tmpofita a Presbytero Veftc 
 Viduali, non efle violandam, [e] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. 
 
 c. If. 
 
 Years 
 
Chap. IV. Christian Church. 271 
 
 Years Old, though this Term be no where pre- 
 cifely fix'd. For fince, as I have fhewed be- 
 fore, Virgins in fome Ages were not allowed to 
 make their ProfefTion before Forty, it is proba- 
 ble the fame Term was generally obferved in the 
 Cafe of Widows, or perhaps Sixty required ac- 
 cording to the Rule of the Apoitle. The Wi- 
 dows that were chofen to be Oeaconefles in the 
 Church, were to be Fifty or Sixty Years of Age, 
 as 1 have fhewed before [ + ] in fpeaking of 
 their Order i who though they were not the 
 Widows we are now fpeaking of, yet being ge- 
 nerally chofen our of them, and thence termed 
 Widows alfo, it may be prefumcd there was no 
 great Difference in point of Age betwixt them. 
 
 Widows were to be fuch only as had been 
 the Wives of one Man, that is, only once mar- 
 ried, as the Ancients generally underftand it, 
 though Theodoret gives a different Senfe of the 
 Words, only excluding fuch as had fcandaloufly 
 married a fecond Time after having divorced 
 themfelves from a former Husband j which feems 
 to be the true Senfe and Meaning of the Apoftle, 
 as learned Men [ # ] now undcrltand it. 4. There 
 
 [f] Book i. Chap. 22. Seel. 4. [ * ] See Book 2. Chap. 22. 
 £ecl. f. [/] Gelaf. Ep. 9. ad Epifc. Lucan. Devotis 
 
 Virginibus, nifi aut in Epiphaniarum die, aut in Aibis Pafchalibus, 
 aut in Apoftolorum Natalities facrum minime Velamen imponatur, 
 <&c. Viduas autem velare Pontificum nullus attentet, quod nec 
 
 was fome Difference between Widows and Vir- 
 gins in the Ceremony of their Confecration, at 
 leaff. in the Church of Rome in the Time of 
 Gelajius. For in one of his Canonical Epiftlcs 
 [/] where he fpeaks of Veiling of Virgins on 
 certain Holidays, and not at other Times, ex- 
 cept in cafe of Sicknefs, he peremptorily for- 
 bids the Veiling of Widows at any Time, as 
 contrary to Cultom and Law, for no Canon had 
 prclcnbed it. Which feems to argue, that this 
 particular Ceremony was not ufed in their Con- 
 fecration. Though it came into Ufe by the 
 Time that the Ordo Romanus was written : For 
 there the Form [g] of Confecrating Widows 
 prefcribes that they fhull be veiled by the Pref- 
 byter, or clle take a Veil confecrated by the 
 Bilhop from the Altar, and veil themfelves. Bat 
 it is no Wonder to find fuch a Change as this 
 in the Roman Church: A diligent Enquirer may 
 find many other that are more confiderable, 
 which 1 fhall no farther purine, but here put 
 an End to the Difcourfe concerning the Afce- 
 ticks of the Anuent Church. 
 
 Authoritas Divina de'egit, nec Canonum forma prxftituit. Ibid. 
 c - 1 S- Vi J Ordo Roman, de Confecr. Vidux, p. 167. Vi- 
 dua, li fciplam vulr Deo dare, debet & a Presbyccro velari, vel 
 etiam confecratum ab Epifcopo ve'amen de altati accipere, 2c ipfa 
 iibi, non Epifcopus, illud debet impon ere. 
 
 Vol. I 
 
 M m m 2 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK VIII. 
 
 An Account of the Ant i en t Churches, and their 
 feveral Parts 5 Utenfils, Confecrations, Immunities, &c. 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 Of the feveral Names and firfi Original of Churches among Chriftians. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Of the Name 
 Ecclefia,0»(TEjc- 
 Khiurtizs-hetov- 
 
 A V I N G hither- 
 to given an Ac- 
 count of the Per- 
 fons, as well Cler- 
 gy as Laity, that 
 made up the great 
 Body of the Chri- 
 ftian Church, I now proceed to fpeak of 
 Churches in another Senfe, Firft, As taken for 
 the Material Buildings, or Places of Aflembly 
 fet apart for Divine Worfhipj and Secondly, 
 As taken for certain Divifions, or Diftri&s of 
 Diocefes, Provinces, Pariflies, &c. into which 
 the Church Catholick was divided. In {peak- 
 ing of the Firft it will be proper to begin with 
 their Names, and make a little Enquiry into 
 the firft Original of Churches among Chrifti- 
 ans. One of the mod common Names of 
 Churches, as taken for the Structures or Build- 
 ings, is that of Ecclefia; which yet among the 
 Antient Greek Writers often fignifies the Aflem- 
 bly or Convocation of People met together, ei- 
 ther upon Sacred or Civil Affairs, and fo it is 
 fometimes ufed in Scripture, Atls xix. 40. Mat. 
 xviii. 17. And fo Ifidore of Pelufium ufes it like- 
 wife, diftinguifhing thus between c^Xricnas-ri'g/ov, 
 and ojtjtXyij/aj the htyChnaiawpjov \_a~] is the 
 Temple or Building made of Wood and Stone, 
 but the (MHhnvia is the Congregation of Souls, 
 or People that meet therein. And in this Senfe, 
 as St. Cyril [b~] obferves, there is a Sort of Phe- 
 ronymy in the Name oKKXncn'a, which is fo cal- 
 led duo t« oJotaXetv, becaufe it is a Convocation 
 of Men folemnly called together. But though 
 
 this be a very antient and common Signification, 
 yet it no lefs ufually occurs in the other Senfe, 
 denoting the Place, or Building it felf, [fj 
 where the Congregation met together 5 and in 
 this Acceptation it is commonly oppofed both 
 to the Synagogues of the Jews, and the Tem- 
 ples of the Gentiles ; as appears from that noted 
 Paflage in the Epiftle of Aurelian \_d~] the Hea- 
 then Emperor, where he chides the Senate for 
 demurring about the Opening of the Sibylline 
 Books, as if they had been upon a Debate in a 
 Chriftian Church, and not in the Temple of all 
 the Gods : And from another Paflage in St. Am- 
 brofe [e] where pleading with 'Theodofius in Be- 
 half of a Chriftian Bifhop, who had caufed a 
 Jewiflj Synagogue to be fet on Fire, he asks 
 him, Whether it was fitting that Chriftians fliou'd 
 be fo feverely animadverted on for burning a 
 Synagogue, when Jews and Heathens had been 
 fpared who had made Havock of the Churches? 
 
 Another 
 
 among the Latins 
 
 SECT. II. 
 Of the Names Do- 
 minicum and Kv- 
 etctyj) 't (whence 
 comes Kyrk and 
 Church) and Do- 
 mus CoIumb;x. 
 
 common Name 
 is Domini' 
 cum, or Domus Dei, God's 
 Houfe, which anfwers to the 
 Greek Ko^axov, whence with a 
 little Variation we have the 
 Saxon Name Kyrik, or Kyrch, 
 and the Scotch and Englijh Kyrk and Church, 
 which are all Words of the fame Import, de- 
 noting a Place fet apart for the Ufe and Ser- 
 vice of God. The Name Dominicum is at leaft 
 as old as Cyprian, but he applies it not only to 
 the Church, but to the Lord's Supper [/], and 
 
 [«] Ifidor. Peluf. lib. 2. Ep. 246. Ixkq 'Qav zx.x.hwr'ni, 
 ahxo znKhwicLTtHHov, 8cc. [6] Cyril. Catech. 18. n. u. 
 
 p. 270. iKKhiaicl Q KetAbt^) (pSpaW/^*?, <^lei 7D TTtivTAf Ik- 
 
 xaA«<S$, £ °l J * CM&y&v- W vide Suicer. Thefaur. 
 
 Ecclef. voce, [</] Apud Vopifcum. Vit. Aure- 
 
 lian. Miror vos, Patres fon&i, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis du- 
 bitafie Libris; perinde quaii inChriftianorum Ecclefia, noninTcm- 
 
 plo Deorum omnium, tractaretis. [e] Ambrof. Ep. 29, ad 
 
 Theodof. Synagoga incenfa eft, pcrfidis Locus. Ecclefia non 
 
 vindicata eft, vindicabitur Synagoga ? [/] Cypr. de Opere 
 
 8c Eleemof. p. 205. Locuples 8c dives es, 8c Dominicum cele- 
 brarc te credis, qua: Corbonam omnino non refpicis? Qua: in Do- 
 minicum fine Sacrificio venis; qua: partem de Sacrificio, quod 
 pauper obtulit, fumis? 
 
 8 perhaps 
 
Chap. I. f& Antiquities, &c. 273 
 
 perhaps the Lord's Day. For as the Learned 
 Editor [g] and others [&] have obferved, the 
 Word Dominicum fignifies three Things in an- 
 cient Writers, i.The Lord's Day. z. The Lord's 
 Supper. 5. The Lord's Houfe. And Cyprian's 
 Words may be conftrucd to either Senfe : For 
 he thus addrefles himfelf to a rich Matron. Do 
 you think you rightly celebrate the Dominicum, 
 the Lord's Day, or the Lord's Supper, who have 
 no Regard to the Corban? Who come into the 
 Lord's Houfe without any Sacrifice, and eat Part 
 of the Sacrifice which the Poor have offered? 
 The fame Name occurs frequently in other La- 
 tin Writers, as in Ruffin, who brings in the 
 Bifhop who converted the Philofopher in the 
 Council of Nice thus addreffing himfelf to his 
 new Convert, " Arife and follow [i] me to 
 " the Dominicum, and there receive the Seal of 
 " your Faith, viz, Baptifm in the Church. 
 And St. Jerom [k~\ tells us, that the famous 
 Church of Antioch, which was begun by Con- 
 ftantine, and finifhed and dedicated by Conftan- 
 tius, had the Name of Dominicum Aureum, the 
 Golden Dome, for its Richnefsand Beauty. The 
 Greek Name KuyaMv is frequently to be met 
 with in the Councils of Ancyra [/], and Ncoca- 
 farea and Laodicea[n~\, and Eufebius, who 
 
 fays [0] the perfecuting Emperor Maximinus re- 
 ftored the Chriftians their Churches under that 
 Appellation in his Edicts. And Confiantine ha- 
 ving built feveral Churches, gave them all the 
 Name of Ku^cwa, as being dedicated not to the 
 Honour \_p~] of any Man, but him who is Lord 
 of the Univerfe. This is a plain Account of 
 the Name: But whether we may hence con- 
 clude with a Learned Man [_q], that the Greeks, 
 and not the Latins, were the firft Planters of 
 Chriftianity in Britain, becaufe of the near Af- 
 finity between the Names Kvyaxov and Kyrk, 
 is what I think not fo plain j but I leave it to 
 every Reader's Judgment to determine. 
 
 7'ertullian once ules the Name of Domus Co- 
 Jumba, the Houfe of the Dove, for a Church. 
 For writing againft the Valcntinian Hereticks, 
 who affected Secrecy in their Doctrines, he 
 compares them to the Eleufinian Myfterics, 
 whofe Temple was fo guarded with Doors and 
 Curtains, that a Man mud be five Years a Can- 
 didate, before he could be admitted to the Ady- 
 tum of the Deity, or Secrets of the Sanctuary. 
 Whereas, fays he, the Houfe of our Dove [r] 
 is plain and fimple, delights in high and open 
 Places, affe&s the Light, loves the Figure of 
 the Holy Ghoft, (that is, Fire and Light, as I 
 think Junius rightly interprets it) and the Ori- 
 ent or Morning Sun, which is the Figure of 
 
 Chrlft. The Houfe of the Dove feems here to 
 be the fame as the Houfe of Chrilt, who is 
 pointed out by the Dove, as fmuMian words it 
 in the fame Place, Chriftum Columba demonftrare 
 folita eft: Or elfe, as Mr. Mede [/] explains it, 
 we may take it for the Houfe of the Dove- 
 like Religion, or the Dove-like Difciples of 
 Chrift. For every Way it will be the Name of 
 a Church, as 'Tertullian plainly intended it. 
 
 There are two other Names sect. nr. 
 of near Affinity with the for- of the DijimcTwn 
 mer, which fome Readers may ^* f w*«*DomusDei, 
 be apt to miftake for Names of ^ omusDiv <na>W 
 Churches, when they are not al- Domus EcckGx - 
 ways foj and therefore I cannot let them pafs in 
 this Place without taking Notice of them. The 
 one is Domus Divina, and the other Domus Ec- 
 clefia. The firft of which is of frequent Uie 
 in the Civil Law, whence it fignifies not.a Church, 
 but the Emperor's Palace, or his Houfe and Fa- 
 mily, according to the Stile of thofe Times, 
 when every Thing belonging to them had the 
 Name of Divine. As Conftitutiones Divina, Di- 
 vale Praccptum, Lex Divalis, Liter* Sacra, Ora- 
 culum Calefte, and fuch other Terms, do not 
 fignify (as one would hailily imagine) the Sacred 
 Infpired Writings, or the Laws and Oracles of 
 God, but the Edicts and Conftitutionsof the Em- 
 perors, who themfelves were called Divi, and 
 thence all Things relating to them ftiled Divine. 
 Agreeably to this Stile, when the Emperor Theo- 
 dofius, Jun. decrees [/], That no one, no not of 
 his own Divine Houfe, fhould receive Corn in 
 Specie out of the publick Store-Houfes, before 
 it was made into Bread by the publick Bakers : 
 It is plain, by his own Divine Houfe he does not 
 mean the Houfe of God, the Church, but his 
 own Family of Palatins, as Gothifred rightly ex- 
 plains it. The other Name, Domus Ecclefia, 7- 
 GKxXncr/ar, The Houfe of the Church, is u- 
 fed by Eufebius in relating theHiftoryof the He- 
 retick Paulus Samofatenfis, who notwithstanding 
 that he was depofed by the Council of An- 
 tioch, would not remove out of the Houfe of the 
 Church [«], and therefore the Fathers appealed 
 to the Emperor Aurelian againft him, who de- 
 termined, That that Party to whom the Biihops 
 of Italy and Rome fhould write, fhould have the 
 Houfe delivered up to themj and fo Paul was 
 turned out of the Church with great Difgrace 
 by the Secular Power. The Queftion here is, 
 What Eufebius means by the Houfe of the 
 Church. Mr. Mede [w] takes it for the Church 
 it felf, and gives a very probable Reafon for it, 
 becaufe Eufebius expounds himfelf, when he fays, 
 
 [?] ty- Fell. m P? c - M ^ ona ^ er Liturg. lib. i.e. 3. 
 
 n. 1. [/'] Ruffin. Hift. lib. 1. c. 3. Si haec ita eflTe credis, 
 
 furge 8c lequere me ad Dominicum, 8c hujus fidei Signaculum 
 fufcipe. [<r] Hieron. Chron. Olymp. 276. an. 3. In An- 
 riochia Dominicum quod appellatur Aureum, xiificari cceptum. 
 [/] Cone. Ancyr. can. if. [*»] Cone. Neocsefar. c. 7. 
 [»] Cone. Laadic. c. 28. [0] Eufeb. lib. 9. c. 1 o. 
 [p] Id. de Laud. Conft. c. 17. [q] Beverege Not. in Can. 
 ij\ Cone. Ancyr. [r] Tertul. contra Valentin, c. 3. No- 
 
 lens Columba* Domus Simplex, etiam in editis 8c apertis, 8c ad lu- 
 cem. Amat figuram Spiritus San£b", Orientem Chrifti figuram, 
 & c - If] Medc D 'f c - ofChur. p. 329. M Cod.Th. 
 
 lib. 14. Tit. 16. de Frumento Urbis Conftantinop. leg. 2. Nulli, 
 ne Divine quidem Domtti noftra?, frumentum de horreis publicis 
 pro annona penitus prasbeatur, fed integer Canon Mancipibus con- 
 fignetur, annonam in pane cocto domibus exhibendo. 
 [«] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 30. [>] Mede'j Difc. of Churches, 
 
 P. 333- 
 
 Paul 
 
The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 Paul was turned out of the Church : And he 
 ufes the fame Expreffion in another Place, where 
 it can fignify Nothing but the Church, or 
 Houfe of Sacred Aflembly. For fpeaking of the 
 Perfecutor Maximinus [_xj, he fays, He neither 
 allowed the Chriftians to hold Affemblies, nor 
 build Houfes of Aflembly > which evidently re- 
 fers to the Building of Churches. But yet in 
 other Places Domus Ecclefa feems to fignify no 
 more than the Bifhop's Houfe, as in the fecond 
 Council [jy] of Toledo, where it is decreed, 
 That fuch Children as were dedicated by their 
 Parents, in their Infancy, to a Clerical, or Mo- 
 naftick Life, fhould be educated and inftru&ed 
 in the Houfe of the Church, under the Bifhop's 
 Eye, by the Provofl, or Governor, that was 
 fet over them. This in other Canons is called 
 Domus Sacerdotalis, the Bifhop's Houfe, to di- 
 ilinguifh it from the Church. 
 
 SECT. IV. But to proceed: AstheTem- 
 
 churcbes called O- pie of God at Jerufalem is fre- 
 
 ratories, or Houfes q uent ] y j n Scripture ftiled the 
 
 of Prayer. Houfe of p rayer . fo Chriftian 
 
 Churches, in Regard that Prayer was one of 
 the principal Offices performed in them, were 
 ufually termed ■ar^ai'jKTri^ja, and omoi oot^/ci, 
 Oratories, or Houfes of Prayer > of which there 
 are innumerable Inftances in Eufebius [z], So- 
 crates [a], Sozomen [b~] and other antient Wri- 
 ters. But in fome Canons the Name, Oratories, 
 feems to be reftrained to private Chapels, or 
 Places of Worfhip fet up for Convenience in 
 private Families, {till depending upon the Paro- 
 chial Churches, and differing from them in this, 
 That they were only Places of Prayer, but not 
 for celebrating the Communion; or if that was 
 at any Time allowed there to private Families, 
 yet at leaft upon the Great and Solemn Feftivals, 
 they were to refort for Communion to the Pa- 
 rifh Churches. Gratian [c] cites a Canon of 
 the Council of Orleans, which allows fuch Ora- 
 tories, but forbids any one to celebrate the Eu- 
 charifl there. The fame Privilege is granted in 
 one of Juftinian's Novels with the fame 
 
 Exception. And fo I think we are to under- 
 ftand that Canon of the Council of Trullo [<?], 
 which allows the Clergy to ufe the publick Of- 
 fices or Liturgy in fuch Oratories, provided they 
 did it with the Confent and Approbation of the 
 Bifhop of the Place. For no Mention is made 
 
 there of adminiftring the Sacraments in thofe 
 Places, though the Latin Translations put in 
 the Word Baptizing, which is not in the Ori- 
 ginal, and is exprefly forbidden in another Ca- 
 non [/] of the fame Council, requiring all 
 Perfons to be baptized in the Catholick, that is, 
 Publick Churches. But the Council of Agde 
 in France allows the Euchrzrifr. to be admini- 
 ftred in Private Oratories, except upon Eaflcr- 
 Day, or Chriflmas, or Epiphkny, or Afcenfion, or 
 Pentecofi, or fuch other of the greater Feftivals, 
 and upon thefe too, if they had the Bifhop's 
 Licence and Permiflion for it. So that in thofc 
 Ages an Oratory and a Catholick Church feem 
 to have differed, as now a Private Chapel and 
 a Parochial Church, though the firft Ages 
 made no Diftinction between them. 
 
 Another common Name sect. v. 
 of Churches is that of Baftlica, My called Baiifi- 
 which we may Englifj Palaces of W*V«»Tog». 
 the Great King. This Name frequently oc- 
 curs in St. Ambrofe \Jo], St. Auftin [i], St. Je- 
 rom Sidonius Apollinaris [/], and other 
 
 Writers of the fourth and fifth Ages, before 
 which Time we fcarce meet with it in any 
 Chriflian Author. For originally the Baftlica a- 
 mong the Romans were the Publick Halls, or 
 Courts of Judicature, where the Princes or Ma- 
 giftrates fat to hear and determine Caufesj and 
 other Buildings of Publick Ufe, fuch as State- 
 houfes, and Exchanges for Merchants, &c. 
 went by the fame Name among them. But 
 upon the Converfion of Conftantine, many of 
 thefe were given to the Church, and turned to 
 another Ufe for Chriftian Affemblies to meet in; 
 as may be collected from that Paflage in Aufonius 
 [m], where fpeaking to the Emperor Gratian^ 
 he tells him, The Baftlica which heretofore were 
 wont to be filled with Men of Bufinefs, were 
 now thronged with Votaries praying for his 
 Safety. By which he muff, needs mean that the 
 Roman Halls or Courts were turned into Chri- 
 ftian Churches. And hence, I conceive, the 
 Name Baftlica came to be a general Name for 
 Churches in After- Ages. Though I know Dh- 
 rantus and Bona [»] have other Reafons befide 
 this for the Appellation, as that it was becaufe 
 Churches were Places where Sacrifice was offered 
 to God the King of all the Earth j or becaufe 
 they were only the more (lately and magnificent 
 
 [*] Eufeb. lib. 9. c. 9. « 5' ffuwoJV hnniK'vriv trot nSx> 
 '<T' o'inxf iH.KMo'iuv htKoS"oi/.eiv, &'.c. See lib. 8. c. i j. 
 fjr] Cone. Tolet. 2. can. 1. De his quos voluntas Parentum a 
 primis infantiae annis in Clericatus Officio vel Monachali pofuit, 
 pariter ftatuimus obfervandum, ut in Domo Eccleiia: fub Epifco- 
 pali prxfentia a Prsepofito fibi debeant erudiri. [z.] Eufeb. 
 
 lib, 10. c. 3. It. de LSud. Conftant. cap. 17. De Vit. Conft. 
 lib. j. c. 48. [«] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 18, 19. [>] So- 
 
 20m. lib. 2. c. f. [c] Gratian. de Confccrat. Dift. i. c. 33. 
 Unicuique Fidelium in domo fiia Oratorium licet habere, & ibi 
 orare: Miflas autem ibi celebrare non licet. [</J Juftin. 
 
 Novel, j-8. [e] Cone. Trull, c. 31. 7Jfu ht to7< ewtTH* 
 
 eloif oiKois tvJ'ov biKiett 'rvyyjLvwi KetTv%yvvTct< KM&tKvi, 
 
 [/] Cone. Trull, c. f8. al. 5-9. /^wJV/awj iv lvKT>ie& oma 
 hfov hintac Tvy/jivwTi ^att} to~y.ee. bmTihti&w, Sec. 
 
 [g] Cone. Agathen. can. 21. Si quis etiam extra Parochias, in 
 quibus legitimus eft ordinariufque Conventus. Oratorium in agro 
 habuerit, reliquis Feftivitatibus ut ibi miflas tcneat propter fatiga- 
 tionem Familia: jufta Ordinatione permittimus: Pafcha vero, Na- 
 tali Domini, Epiphania Domini, Afcenfione Domini, Pentecofte, 
 & Natali S. Johannis Baptiftze, &. ii qui maximi dies in Feftivi- 
 tatibus habentur, non nili in Civitatibus aut in Parochiis teneant, 
 &c. [h~\ Ambrof. Ep. 33. ad Marceilinam de tradendis Ba- 
 lilicis. [/] Aug. de Diverfls Serm. 1 2 & 122. [k] Hicron. 
 Ep. 7. ad Lsetam. Ep. f$. ad Riparium. [I] Sidon. 
 
 lib. f. Ep. 17. Eufeb. in his Panegyrkk, c. 9. ufes the Greek 
 Nsme, 'Av&K70&n [w] Aufon. Gratian. Aclio ad Gratian. 
 
 pro Confulatu, p. 190. Bafilica olim negotiis plena, nunc Votis 
 Votifque p.o tua falute fufceptis. f»] Durant de Ritib. 
 
 Eccl. lib. r. 4. 1. n. 9. Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. t. c. 19. n. 4. 
 
 Churches 
 
Chap. I 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 275 
 
 Churches which had the Tide j which is not 
 true in Fa£t, for ever fince it came firft into 
 Ufe, it appears to have been the common Name 
 of all Churches. 
 
 SECT. VI. The like Obfervation is to be 
 when firft called made upon the Name, Temples, 
 Temples. which for the three firft Ages is 
 
 fcarce ever [o] ufed by any Chri- 
 ftian Writer for a Church, but only for the 
 Heathen Temples, which were Receptacles of 
 Idols, and Cloyfters of their Gods. But when 
 Idolatry was deftroyed, and Statues every where 
 demolilhed, and Temples purged and confecra- 
 ted into Chriftian Churches, then the Writers 
 of the following Ages make no Scruple to give 
 them the Name of Temples. As when St.Am- 
 brofe [/>] fays, He could not deliver up the 
 Temple of God, he certainly means the Church, 
 and not an Idol-Temple. So does alfo Latlan- 
 tius [_q], when he fays, he taught Oratory in 
 Bithynia, when the Temple of God was deftroy- 
 ed i meaning the Church of Nicomedia, which 
 was the firft that was demoliflied in the Diocle- 
 Jian Perfecution. Eufebius fpeaking of the 
 Churches that were rebuilt after that Perfecu- 
 tion was over, gives them [V] the Name of 
 Temples, and particularly the Church built by 
 Paulinus, he calls the Temple of Tyre [_f]. Not 
 to mention other Paflages of Chryfofiom [f\, The- 
 odoret \u~], Prudentius [w], St. Hilary [x~], St.Au- 
 fiin \_y ], and a thoufand more to the fame Pur- 
 pofej which (hew that they had no averfion to 
 the Name Temple, when they could fafely ufe 
 it without Ambiguity, and not be miftaken to 
 mean the Temples of the Heathen. But from 
 the Name Phanum they more religioufly ab- 
 flained, and never ufed it, unlefs it were by 
 way of Contempt, to fignify their Refentments 
 againft fome Conventicle of Hereticks, whom 
 they ufually put into the fame Clafs with Hea- 
 thens. As we may obferve in St. Ambrofe [z], 
 who having occafion to fpeak of a Conventicle 
 of the Valent'mians, will not vouchfafe it the 
 Name of a Temple, or a Church, but a Pha- 
 num \ a Name always appropriated to the Idol- 
 Temples of the Heathens, with whom he pa- 
 rallels the Valentinians, as no better than a Pack 
 of Idolatrous Gentiles met together, for they 
 worfhipped Idols and Images as the Heathen did. 
 
 There is one general Name sect vii 
 
 more for Churches, which I mult Churches fometime: 
 
 not omit, becaufe the Ambigui- c*//<wSynodi,Con- 
 ty of the Expreflion has led fome #* foMiabuty, 
 Learned Men into ftrange Mi- Conven <^- 
 flakes about it. Conflantine in one of his Laws 
 in the Theodofian [0] Code calls the Church 
 Sanclijfimum Catholics Concilium, which Alcia: 
 the great Lawyer by miltake interprets an Ec- 
 clefiaftical Synod j whereas indeed, as Gothofred 
 rightly obferves, it fignifies there the Church, 
 as in many other Places of the antient Writers. 
 For thefe Words, Concilium, Synoclus, Corroaiti- 
 culum, Conciliabulum, and the like, are Words of 
 various Acceptation. For though they com- 
 monly fignify Ecclefiaftical Synods and Coun- 
 cils, yet fometimes they denote other AfTemblies 
 of the Church for Divine Service, and thence 
 the Name was transferred from the AlTembly to 
 denote the Place of the AfTembly, or the Church, 
 as has been obferved before i>pon the Word 
 Ecclefia. Thus when St. Jerom commends Ne- 
 potian for adorning the Conciliabula Martyrum 
 with Flowers and Branches, he cannot mean 
 Councils of Martyrs, but Churches called By 
 the Names of Martyrs [£]. And fo again 
 when he fays, the Perfecutors Rage and Barba- 
 rity was fo exceeding fierce againft us, that 
 they proceeded to deitroy our Conciliabula, it is 
 evident he means the Chriftian Churches [c]. 
 As Gaudentius muft be underftood in one of his 
 Sermons upon the Dedication of a Church \_d~\ 
 which is called Concilium Martyrum. The Church- 
 Aflembly it felr'is often called by the fame Name 
 Concilium. As in the Paffion of Cyprian, written 
 by Pontius his Deacon [<?], the Chriftians are 
 commanded by the Emperor to leave off their 
 Conciliabula, or Meetings and AfTemblies in the 
 Cemiteries for the Worfhip of God. So the 
 Word is ufed by St. Jerom [/*] fpeaking of the 
 Monks meeting in the Church for Divine Ser- 
 vice j and by Tertullian [g] for any Church- Af- 
 fembly, when he fays, the Book of Hermes Pa- 
 fior was reckoned to be Apocryphal by the uni- 
 verfal Confent of every AlTembly of the Chrifti- 
 an Catholick Churches. Now what the Latins 
 call Concilia, the Greeks call Mvpfrpi, and there- 
 fore it is obfervable, that the Stile of the Impe- 
 rial Edicts, which in the Paffion of Cyprian forbids 
 Chriftians Conciliabula facere, is in Eufebius [/;] ctvjj- 
 
 [0] Ignatius, Ep. ad. Magnef. n. 7. once ufes the Name with 
 fome ReflrttTton, calling the Church vnov ■S-sx, the Temple of God. 
 [/>] Ambrof. Ep. 35. ad Marcellin. Refpondi quod erat Ordinis, 
 Templum Dei tradi a Sacerdote non poiTe. [.j] Ladhnt. 
 
 lib. f. c. 2. Cum ego in Bithynia Literas Oratorias accitus doce- 
 rem, contigifletque ut eodem tempore Dei Templum everteretur, 
 &>c. [r] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 2. ti&f, ex. ei< 
 
 #4©" Airtiyw \yei$o/j9pvc. [/] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. Iv 
 &c. [*] Chryfoft. Horn. 4. de Verbis Efaiae. 
 
 Tom. 3. p. 86f. [«] Theodor. Hift. lib, 1. c. 31. 
 
 [w] Prudent. Pafiio Laurentii 8c Hippolyti. [*] Hilar. Com. 
 in Pfalm. 126. [jr] Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib. 8. c. 27. 
 [2,] Ambrof. Ep. 29. ad Theodof. Vindicabitur etiam Valentini- 
 anorum Phanum incenfum ? Quid enim eft riifi Phanum, in quo 
 eft Conventus Gentilium ? [«] Cod. Th. lib. 1 6. tit. z. de 
 
 Epifc. leg. 4. ' [b] Hieron. Ep. 3. Epitaph. Nepotian. Ocod 
 Bafilicas Eccledae & Martyrum Conciliabula diverfis floribus &. r.i- 
 borum comis, vitiumque pampinis adumbrarit, foe. [c] Hi- 
 eron. Com. in Zechar. cap.' 8. In tantam rabiem Perfecuroruir. 
 feritas excitata eft, ut etiam Conciliabula noftra deftruercnt. 
 
 [d] Gaudent. Serm. 17. in Dedicatione Bdilicae Martyrum. 
 
 [e] Pontii Pa(T. Cypr. juflum eft, ut nulla Conciliabula iaciant, 
 neque Ccemiteria ingrediantur. [/] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad 
 Euftoch. c. 15-. Poll hoc Concilium Iblviiur, 5c unaqu.vque De- 
 curia cum fuo Parente pergit ad meniam. \_g j Tenul. de 
 Pudicit. c. 10. Cederem tibi, fi Scriptura Paftoris non ah omni 
 Concilio Eccleliarum etiam veftrarum inter Apocrypha 8c falfo 
 judicaretur. OJ Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 11. Vid, .'ib. 9 c 2 
 8c 9. 
 
276 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 oofev 7rct«c%, which is a Prohibition not of Ec- 
 cleliaftical Synods, but of all Church-AiTem- 
 blies. For Sy nodus and Ecclefta, as Chryfoftom 
 obferves, are Words of the very fame im- 
 port and fignification, and therefore the one 
 may denote a Church, or Church-Aflembly, as 
 well as the other. And becaufe the Latin Name 
 Coni'cnticulum in its Original Notation, fignifies 
 no more than an Aflembly, it is frequently ufed 
 by ancient Writers for a Church : As by Latlan- 
 tius [£], who fpcaking of the Perfecutors in 
 the Time of Dioclefan, fays, They were eager- 
 ly let upon medding Chriftian Blood j for one 
 of them in Phrygia burned a whole People to- 
 gether with their Convent iculum, or Church, 
 where they were met together. And Arnobius 
 [/] exprefTes himfelf in the fame manner, ma- 
 king a like Complaint, " Why did our Bibles 
 *' deferve to be thrown into the Flames? Why 
 w did our Churches, our Conventicula, deferve to 
 " be fo barbaroufly pulled down? By which it 
 appears that the NzmeConventicula was not as yet 
 appropriated to Heretical Meetings, but when 
 the Ancients had Occalion to fpeak of them, 
 they commonly joined the Epithet of Heretical 
 to them, to diftinguim them from the Catho- 
 lick Churches, as may be feen in feveral Laws 
 of Theodofius [m], and Arcadius, and Honor ius 
 in the Thcodofian Code. 
 
 SECT. viii. All thefe were general Names 
 why fime churches of Churches : But there were 
 called Mvtym, Mc- fome which had particular Ap- 
 
 WPro^a''' 3 ' P dlationS § iven thcm U P° n Rea " 
 an rop e eia. w jji cn CQU \c\ not extend to 
 
 all. And it will not be amifs in our Pafiage to 
 take Notice of them alfo. Such as were built 
 over the Grave of any Martyr, or called by his 
 Name to preferve the Memory of him, had u- 
 fually the diftinguiming Title of Martyrium, or 
 ConfeJ/io, or Memoria given them for that parti- 
 cular Reafon. Thus Eufebius [n] obferves of 
 Conftantine, That he adorned his new City of 
 Conflantinople with many Oratories and ample 
 Martyries, by which he at once did Honour to 
 the Memory of the Martyrs, and as it were con- 
 fecrated his City to the God of the Martyrs. 
 And from this Time in all Chriftian Writers of 
 the following Ages, a Martyry is always put to 
 fignify fuch a Church. Socrates fpeaks [o] of 
 the Martyry of Thomas the Apoftle at EdeJJd^ 
 
 and of Peter and Paul [/>] at Rome, and of the 
 Martyry of Euphemia [f] at Chalcedon, where 
 the Body of that Martyr lay buried, which was 
 the Church where the famous Council of Chal- 
 cedon was held, whence in the Acts of that 
 Council it is fo often ftiled juapi-ugsev 'Eup h uia; 
 the Martyry of Euphemia. And upon the fame 
 Reafon, becaufe our Saviour Chrill was the 
 chief Sufferer, and great Martyr of his own Re- 
 ligion, therefore the Church which Confiantine 
 built at Mount Golgotha in Memory of hisPaf- 
 fion and Refurre&ion, is ufally by Eufebius pj 
 and others ft i led Martyrium Salvatoris, the Mar- 
 tyry of our Saviour,- of which the Reader that 
 pleafes may find a more ample Account given by 
 the Learned Valefius in a particular Diflertation 
 [/] about it at the End of Eufebius'?, Ecclefi- 
 aihcal Hiftory, The Latins inftead of Martyri- 
 um commonly ufe the Name of Memoria Marty- 
 rum for fuch kind of Churches. As in that no- 
 ted PafTage of St. Auftin [>], where he fays, 
 We do not build Temples to our Martyrs as 
 Gods, but only Memorials of them, as dead 
 Men, whofe Spirits ftill Jive with God, nor do 
 we ereel: Altars to them in thofe Memorials, or 
 offer Sacrifice thereon to our Martyrs, but to 
 the only God, both theirs and ours. So that 
 when St. Auftin in another Place [«] com- 
 mends Eradius his Presbyter for building a Me- 
 morial of an Holy Martyr at his own Expence, 
 we are to underftand, not a Monument, or a Se- 
 pulchre, but a Church. And fo the Name is 
 ufed by Optatus [w] and feveral others. But 
 if the Perlon, in Memory of whom the Church 
 was built, was either a Prophet, or an Apoftle, 
 then the Church refpeftively took the Name of 
 ' 'Ato; oXeicv or Yl^^nracv. As we may fee in So- 
 zomen [*], who Tpeaks of the Apoft oleum of Pe- 
 ter in Rome; and again of the Apoft oleum of Pe- 
 ter and Paul at Quercus in the Suburbs of Chal- 
 cedony which Rujfin the great States-man under 
 Arcadius built to the Honour of the Apoftles, 
 and called it [y] an Apoft oleum from them. So 
 in the Council of Conflantinople under Mennas 
 there is mention [z] made of the Prophetcum of 
 St. Efaias the Prophet ; as alfo in Theodorus Le- 
 ctor (V), who fays, the Reliques of Samuel the 
 Prophet were laid up & -nS -ar^txaa outs, in 
 his Propheteum, which can mean nothing elfe 
 but Churches called by their Names, as Valefius 
 rightly expounds it. 
 
 [/] Chryfoft. Horn, in Pfal. 149. Tom. 3. p. 632. 'F.jocah- 
 ffia,<7u?{)f/.&T@ m <rwj'o<Px SJiY ot'oua.. [fc] Laftant. lib. 5-. 
 c. 11. Aliqui ad occidendum prxcipjtes exiterunt, licut unus in 
 Phrygia, qui univerfum Populum cum ipfo pariter Conventiculo 
 concremavit. [/] Amob. cont. Gent. lib. 4. p. 1 j-i. Noftra 
 
 quidem Scripta cur ignibus meruerunt dari? Cur immaniter Con- 
 venticula dirui? in quibus fummus oratur Deus, &c. Item Am- 
 brofiafter in Ephef. 4. p. 948. Ubi omnia loca circumplexa eft Ec- 
 clelia, Conventicula conftituta fun:, 8c Rectores 8c cxtera Officia 
 in Ecclefiis ordinata funt. [w] Cod. Th. lib. 16. tit. f. deHse- 
 rcticis. leg. 10. A Conventions fuis Hxreticse Superftitionis turba 
 propulfetur. It. lib. 16. tir. 4. leg. 4. \_n] Eufeb. de Vit. 
 
 Conftant. lib. 3. c. 48. ovx,rtieioif 'ttkuociv, (jlclptv&iois tz 
 (jLtrylraif. [0] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 18. [/>] Socrat. lib. 4. 
 c. 23. [q] Id. lib. 6. c. 6. [r] Eufeb. lib. 4. de 
 
 6 
 
 Vit. Conftant. c. 40. [/] Valefii Epiftola de Anaftafi 8c 
 
 Martyrio Hierofolymitano. [/] Aug. de Civ. Dei lib. 22. 
 
 c. 10. Nos Martyribus noftris non Templa ficat Diis, fed Me- 
 morias ficut hominibus mortuis, quorum apud Deum vivunt Spi- 
 ritus, fabricamus; nec ibi crigimus altaria, in quibus facrificemus 
 Martyribus, fed uni Deo 8c Martyrum 8c noftro. [«] Aug. 
 
 Horn. j-o. de Diverfis. Tom. 10. p. 5-22. De opera ejus 8c expenfa 
 pecunia Memoriam fancti Martyris habemus. [ro] Optat. 
 
 cont. Parmen. lib. 2. p. 1. Prxientes funt ibi duorum Memorise 
 Apoftolorum, &c. [x] Sozom. lib. 9. c. 10. iiyzjz e lf 
 
 10 P&t?k 'ATToroAMU, 8cc. [y] Id. lib. 8. c. 17. 
 
 'A-ro^oheiov & zvt£v avfoaet. Cone. Conftanr. 
 
 fub Menna. Act. 3, Tom. }. p. 67. [a] Thcodor. Lector, 
 
 lib. 2. p. f6$. 
 
 Much 
 
I 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 277 
 
 SECT. IX. Much the like Account 
 
 Why called Coemi- is to be given of two other 
 teria, and Mcni'je, Names, Ccemiterium, and Menfa, 
 and Arex. which we find fometimes ufed to 
 
 fignify Churches. The Chriftians in times of 
 Perfecution were ufed to meet in private Vaults, 
 or Burying-places, and efpecially at the Graves, 
 or Monuments, of their Martyrs > as is evident 
 both from the Canons of the Council of Elibe- 
 ris [b], which was held in the Heat of the Dio- 
 cleftan Perfecution, and often fpeaks of their af- 
 fembling in fuch Places j as alfo from the E- 
 dicts of the Perfecuting Emperors, forbidding 
 Chriftians to hold Aflemblies in their Ccemite- 
 ries, as has has been noted [*] before. Now 
 when the Perfecutions were over, Churches were 
 actually erected over the Graves of the Martyrs, 
 and in the Places where the Ccemiteries were, 
 and fo a Coemitery, or a Grave, of a Martyr 
 came to be ufed for the Name of a Church. 
 Thus in the Writings of St. Aufiin there is fre- 
 quent Mention of a Church called Menfa Cypri- 
 ani, where St. Aufiin preached feveral [ c] of 
 his Sermons. This was the Place where Cyprian 
 fuffered Martyrdom, which being the Altar on 
 which Cyprian was offered a Sacrifice to God, 
 a Church was afterward built there, and an Al- 
 tar, or Communion-Table, erected therein, for 
 the Chriftian Sacrifice to be offered to God : 
 And both thefe being a Memorial of Cyprian's 
 Paflion, they were jointly called by his Name 
 [_d] Menfa Cypriani, Cyprian's Altar, or Cypri- 
 an's Church. For though it primarily fignifies 
 the Altar, yet it is plain it was extended to be 
 the Name of the Church alfo, where St. Auftin 
 preached fo many Sermons on Cyprian's Day to 
 the People of Carthage. The Name Ccemitery 
 continued alfo to be ufed in After-Ages for a 
 Church : As appears from one of the Canons 
 of the Council [e] of Laodicea, which forbids 
 Catholicks to frequent the Ccemiteries or Marty- 
 ries of Hereticks, upon Pretence of Prayer, 
 or Divine Service. St. Chryfofiom often ufes the 
 Word rdyoi /jtaprugwv, Sepulchres of Martyrs, 
 for Churches. As where he fays [/], " One 
 " might fee whole Cities running to the Monu- 
 u ments of the Martyrs. And again [g], " We 
 ec depart not from their Sepulchres} here Kings 
 " lay afide their Crowns, and continue praying 
 
 " for Deliverance from Dangers, and for Victo- 
 " ry over their Enemies. Nay he triumphs in 
 this both over Jews and Gentiles, " That the 
 " Apoftles in their Deaths were more honoura- 
 " ble than the greateft Kings upon Earth : For 
 " even at Rome [hi], the Royal City, Emperors, 
 " and Confuls, and Generals left all, and ran to 
 " the Sepulchres of the Fifherman and Tent- 
 " maker: And at Conjlantinople it was thought 
 " Honour enough by thofe that wore the Dia- 
 " dem, to lie buried not with the Apoftles, but 
 " before their Porches, and Kings themfelves 
 " were the Fifnermens Door-keepers. In all 
 which Places, it is evident, he means Churches 
 by the Sepulchres of the Apoftles. And fo A- 
 thanafius [i], and Socrates, and others take the 
 Word Camitery for a Church. And perhaps St. 
 Jerom intends the fame by the Sepulchres of the 
 Martyrs, when he fays [k] " It was his Cuftom 
 " when he was a Boy at School in Rome, on 
 " Sundays to go about and vifit the Sepulchres 
 " of the Apoftles and Martyrs: But I will not 
 be pofitive of this, becaufe he joins the Cryptce, 
 or Sutenaneous Vaults, with them, which in his 
 Time were not Churches j though they were in 
 Tertullian's Time, who calls them Area [/] 
 Sepulturarum, telling us, That Hilarian the 
 Perfecutor forbad them to hold AfTemblies 
 there : But this was remarkably punifhed by the 
 Providence of God: For they who denied the 
 Chriftians the Liberty of their Area, had their 
 own Area, meaning their Store-houfes, or Barn- 
 Floors (which is another Signification of the 
 Word Area) taken from them: For they had no 
 Harveft that Year by the juft Judgment of 
 God upon them. The Reader will meet with, 
 the Name Area for a Place of Prayer in the Acts 
 of Purgation of Cecilian [m] Bifhop of Car- 
 thage, and other Records of that [n] Age of 
 Perfecutions, when they were forced to fly 
 from their Churches above Ground, to their 
 Vaults underneath, and make a Sort of Tem- 
 porary Churches of them. 
 
 CAS A is another Name in sect x 
 the fame Acts of Purgation of why Cite, Tro- 
 Cecilian and Felix, which I take phxa, and Tituii. 
 to be the Name of a Church al- 
 fo [o]. For though it might be fomething doubt- 
 
 ful Cone. Eliber. c. 34. Cercos in Ccemiteriis per diem pla- 
 cuit non incendi, &c. It. can. j$\ Placuit prohiberi, ne fceminse 
 in Ccemiterio pervigilent, eo quod fxpe fub obtencu Orationis 
 fcelera latentur committant. [*] See Seel. 7. Vid. Onuphri- 
 um de Ccemiteriis, cap. 11. [c] See Serm. 94.8c 237. 
 
 de Diverfis. Serm. 26. ex Editis a Sirmondo. Ser. 38 8c 80. in 
 Pfal. All Preached ad Menfam Cypriani. [ d ] Aug. Ser. 1 1 3. 
 de Diverfis. Sicut noftris, quicunque Carthaginem noftris, in eo- 
 dem loco Menla Deo conftrucla eft, tamen Menfa dicitur Cypri- 
 ani, non quia ibi eft unquam Cyprianus epulatus, fed quia ibi eft 
 immolatus, 8c quia ipfa immolatione fua paravit hanc Menfam, 
 non in qua pafcat five pafcatur, fed in qua Sacrificium Deo, cui 
 8c ipfe oblatus eft, ofteratur. Cone. Laodic can. 9. 
 
 'ofe* m /y.n cvy-)(Uf&v t» Kot^rneea, h m xa tey'ofjfyo, 
 
 •3-€££<sr*j'«tf ivtKa, et7rnvcu. [/] Chryf. Com. in Pfal. 
 
 11 f. Tom. 3. p. 4.04. tru'o'Srei cm T f^ctpTvpuv 7S\j rd- 
 9»< 7ct{ ir'Qh&c <7iw7p£^«(Taf. Isl Id, Horn. 1. in Pfil. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 48. ibid. p. 812. a* i'.'ctyjmpZuv t rettuv ojjtuv, 8cc. 
 [h] Chryf. Demonftr. Quod Chriftus lie Deus, Tom. 5-. p. 839. 
 [/] Athan. Apol. 2. ap. Socrat. lib. 2. c. 28. [fc] Hieron.Com. 
 in Ez.ek. c. 40. Dum eflem Roma; puer, 8c liberalibus ftu- 
 diis erudirer, fblebam cum ceteris ejufdem aeratis & propofiti, die- 
 bus Dominicis Sepulchra Apoftolorum 8c Martyrum circuire, ere- 
 broque Cryptas ingredi, &C [/] Tertul. ad Scapul. c. 3. 
 
 Sicut fub Hilariano Prsefide, cum de Areis Sepulturarum noftra- 
 rum adclamaflent, Arex non fint: Area; ipforum non fuerunt: 
 MefTes enim fuas non egerunt. [m] Gefta Purgat. Ce- 
 
 cilian. ad Calcem Optati, p. 272. Cives in Area Martyrum fue- 
 runt inclufi. Item p. 277. Tollat aliquis de veftris in Aream ubi 
 orationes facitis. [»] Vide A6ia Concilii Cirtenfis ap. Ba- 
 
 ron, an. 303. n. 24. Pafiio Cypriani. Ejus corpus pofitum eft 
 in Areis Macrobii Candidi. [0] Gefta purgat. p. 272. Nun- 
 
 quid Populus Dei ibi fuit? Saturninus dixit, in Cafa majore fuit 
 inclufus. It. p. 274. Prxfens cum populo inclufus in Cafa 
 majore. 
 
 N n n ful 
 
278 
 
 ftil from that Place alone, yet finding it lb ufed 
 in other Authors, I conclude it was one of the 
 antient Names of their Churches. For Beds tells 
 us [/*]» " The Town of St. Martins in Berni- 
 " cia, a Province of Britain, came to be vul- 
 " garly called Candida Cafa, Whitern, or Whit- 
 " church, from the Church of Stone which Bi- 
 " fhop Ninyas built in it. And I leave it as a 
 Query, Whether Cafe Nigr<e in Africk, where 
 Dcnatus was Bifhop, be not beholden to fome 
 fuch Circumitance for its Denomination alfo? 
 But why Churches fhould be called Cafe, is not 
 very eafy to conjecture. 'Till a better Reafon 
 can be found, let us fuppofe it to be from the 
 Pkinnefs and Simplicity of them, of which we 
 fhall have fomething more to fay in the next 
 Chapter. Mr. Mede has obferved another Name 
 for Churches (which is not very common) in 
 Cains Rom anus, an ancient Writer, in Eufebius, 
 who ufes the Term Irophaa Apoftolorum, as 
 Mr. Mede conjectures, to denote two Churches 
 of Sc. Peter and St. Paul in Rome [jf\. But I 
 confeis there is fome Reafon to queihon, whe- 
 ther in that Place it means Churches, and not 
 lather the Monuments or Sepulchres of thofe 
 Apoftles. For Eufebius is only fpeaking of their 
 Bodies being buried at Rome, to confirm which 
 Opinion he quotes that antient Writer in thefe 
 Words 5, " We can yet [f] fhew the Trophies 
 " of the Apoftles j for whether you go to the 
 " Vatican, or the Via Qftienfis, you may there 
 " fee the Trophies of thofe who founded this 
 " Church : Meaning the Church of Rome, which 
 was founded by St. Peter and St. Paul, whofe 
 Sepulchres were then to he feen, the former in 
 the Vatican Hill, and the other in the Way 
 from Ofiia to Rome. However in After-Ages, 
 when Churches were built over their Sepul- 
 chres, then their Trophies became a Name for 
 thofe Churches, as we may learn from thofe 
 Words of St. Jerom [/] to Marcella, who li- 
 ved at Rome : " You have there an Holy Church, 
 " you have there the Trophies of the Apaftles 
 " and Martyrs. For now 'tis certain their Se- 
 pulchres were advanced: into Churches, and 
 both together called Trophies, as being mani- 
 feft Tokens and Evidences of the Victory which 
 they had gained over their Enemies, by Refift- 
 ing unto Blood, and Triumphing after Death. 
 There is yet another Name, of which it is not 
 eafy to give fo exa6t an Account: That is, Why 
 fome Churches had the Name of 1'ituli given 
 them peculiarly in Rome. In the Pontifical, in 
 the Life of Marcellus [/], it is faid of him, 
 That he appointed Twenty Five 1'ituli in Rome, 
 
 for the Convenience of baptizing new Converts. 
 And in the fame Place one Lucina, a Widowj 
 is faid to have dedicated her Houfe [#] to be 
 made a Titulus or Church, where they worfhip- 
 ed Chrift Day and Night with Prayers and 
 Hymns, till Maxentius the Tyrant hearing of 
 it, turned the Church into a Stable, and^for- 
 ced Marcellus to be the Keeper of it. Thcfe 
 are fuppofed to be the fame as Parifh Churches 
 erected for the Convenience of adminiftring Di- 
 vine Offices, as the Multitude of Converts en- 
 creafed in Rome. But why they were called 1i- 
 tuli, is not exactly agreed among learned Men. 
 Baronius [w] will have them to be fo called, be- 
 caufe they had the Sign of theCrofs upon them, 
 by which Sign or Title they were known to 
 belong to Chriit, as Things which belonged to 
 the Emperor's Exchequer were known to be 
 his by an appendant Veil, which had either his 
 Tmage, or his Name, by way of Title, inferi- 
 bed upon it. But it does not appear that the 
 Sign of the Crofs was fo early hVd upon 
 Churches j or if it were, that it was the pecu- 
 liar Diftinction of a Parifh-Church j for no 
 doubt the Cathedral, or Bilhop's Church, had 
 that Sign as foon as any others. Mr. Mede JV} 
 offers two other Reafons, and leaves the Reader 
 to determine, whether they were fo called, be- 
 came by their Dedication the Name of Chrift 
 our Lord was as it were inferibed upon them 
 as the Manner then was to fet the Names or 
 Titles of the Owners upon their Houfes and 
 Poffeffions i and fo it would concur in Notion 
 with thofe other Names of Kvyar.hv and Baftli- 
 ca, the Lord's, and the King's; or whether be- 
 caufe they gave a Title of Care, or Denomina- 
 tion to the Presbyters to whom they were com- 
 mitted. This laft I take to- be the true Reafon 
 of the Name, till one more probable can be 
 thought of. As to the Fancy of Onuphrius, 
 that the Number of thefe 1'ituli [yj was ex- 
 actly the fame with that of Cardinal- Presbyters 
 now, and. never exceeding the Number of 
 Twenty Eight, it is an Imagination without 
 ground: For Optatus fpeaks of above Forty 
 Churches in Rome before the Time of the laft 
 Perfeeution, as I fhall have Occasion to fhew 
 more fully in the next Book. 
 
 There are feveral other lefs sect. Xf. 
 ufual Names of Churches in an- ofTal>irnacles,*nd 
 tient Writers, which I need not Min/lers, and fome 
 Hand upon. Such as Limina Mar- othr W* u f ual 
 tyrum, the Houfes of the Martyrs, Names °f chltrchef - 
 ufed [2] by St. Jerom; cr^x©- and tsjasv©', Words 
 
 [/>] Bed. Hi(h lib* 3. c. 4. Qui locus ad Provincianv Bernici- 
 orum pertinens, vulgo vocatur, Ad Candidam Cafanv, eo quod 
 tbi Ecclefiam de lapide, infolito Britonibus more, fecerit. 
 [3] Mede'* Difcourfe- of Churches, p. 34.8. [f] Eufeb; lib; 2. 
 c. 15-. iyu $ Tdi Tej>-jojf% 4$) 'AT-oroAa-y t^<y <A&$&(4 Sec. 
 [ s ] Hieron. Ep. 181 ad Marcellam. Eft quidem tibi fan6ta 
 Ecclefa, furjt Trophasa Apoftolorum 8c Martyrum. So Gildas de 
 Excid. Britan. 8c Bede Hift. Eccl. lib. 1. c. 8. call them %na Vi- 
 aricia Martyrum. Eufebius de Laud. Cbnft&nr. c. 17. 
 mmrfax* 0] Pontifical. Vit. Marcdli; Hie fecit Gce- 
 
 miterium Via Salaria, 8c viginti quinque Titulos in Urbe Roma 
 conftituit, quafi Dicecefes, propter Baptifmum 8c pcenirenriam 
 multorum, qui convertebantur ex Paganis, 8c propter Sepulturas 
 Martyrum. [«] Pontifical, ibid. Lucina domum fuam 
 
 nomine Tituli beati Marcelli dedicavit. ubi die nofruque' hymnis 
 8c orationibus Domino Jefu Chrifto confitebanTirr, ejrc Vid. Pii 
 Epift. 2. ad Juftum Vien. Presbyter Paftor Titulum condidit. &c. 
 [to] Baron, an. 112. n. 6. [ x ] Mede' s Difc. of Churches, 
 
 p. 328. [y] Onuphr. Interpret. Vocum Ecclefiaftic. p. 01. 
 
 [*] Hieron. Ep. if. ad Marcellam. 
 
 of 
 
Ch A P. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 279 
 
 of the fame Import with Temple, which we 
 fometimes meet with in 'Theodorct [a], Synefius 
 [If], and Evagrius [/]. In Eufebius Domus Syna- 
 xcos [d] fometimes occurs in the Refcripts of 
 Heathen Emperors for Chriftian Churches, which 
 lignifies no more but Houfes of Aflembly. Chry- 
 fojlom (tiles them the Seat of Do&rine [e] from 
 the Exercife of Preaching therein. And many 
 fuch Names are to be met with, which need no 
 Explication. But there are two Names more 
 tiled by Eufebius, which fome Learned Men have 
 greatly miftaken. In one Place, fpeaking of the 
 Therapeutx in Egypt, whom he reckons the firft 
 Chriltians converted by St. Mark, and delcribed 
 covertly by Pbilo-Jud^us, he gives their Churches 
 the Names or* ©«ju.««?a and ixovawyx, which fome 
 miftakc for Monasteries in the Modern Senfe j 
 whereas Eufebius [/] fays exprefly, it was the 
 Name which Philo gave, not to their Habitati- 
 ons, but their Churches. For, fays he, Philo 
 having defcribed their Habitations, afterward 
 fpeaks thus of their Churches in that Region: 
 u In every one of their Dwellings there is a 
 " Sacred Houfe or Chapel, which they call their 
 " Semneum or Monaftery, where they perform 
 " the Religious Myfteries proper to their holy 
 " Life. For hither they bring nothing ever of 
 " Meat, or Drink, or other Bodily NecefTaries, 
 " but only their Laws, and infpired Oracles of 
 " their Prophets, their Hymns, and whatever 
 " elfe tends to augment and confummate a Life 
 " of Piety and Knowledge." This is not the 
 Defcription of a Monaftery in the Modern Senfe, 
 but of a Church, and fo we fee the Name was 
 firft ufed, as it is at this Day among the Germans, 
 who hence call fome of their Churches Mun- 
 fters, as we do Minflers, which were heretofore 
 Collegiate Churches and Schools of Learning, 
 like St. Aufiin's Monaftery-Church, of which I 
 have given an Account in the former Book. This 
 is farther confirmed, becaufe Eufebius joins the 
 Name a-^xveiov to Monaftery to explain it, which 
 by the bell Criticks, antient and modern, Hefy- 
 chius, Budaus, Suicerus and others, is reckoned 
 to fignify a Temple or Place of Divine Service. 
 Eufebius has yet another Name for a Church, 
 which I mention only becaufe it is liable to the 
 fame Mi (take. He gives it the Name of Taber- 
 nacle: Which is only a private Appellation, be- 
 longing peculiarly to moveable, or travelling 
 Churches. F or Eufebius fpeaking of Conjlantine's 
 intended Expedition againft the Perfians, fays, 
 " That among his other Preparations for that 
 w War, he erected himfelf [g~\ a Tent, or Ta- 
 
 " bernacle, in the Form of a Church, in which 
 " he might continually make his Supplications 
 " to God, the Giver of Victory, with the Bi- 
 " ftiops and Clergy that were to attend him in 
 " his Expedition." Socrates [b~] fpeaking of the 
 fame Thing, compares it to the Tabernacle that 
 Mofes fet up in the Wildernefs, and fays, " Con' 
 " ftantine did it, that he might have a decent 
 " and convenient Oratory, cwrn^cv flurprantr/ai- 
 " vov, in the moft defert and barbarous Places 
 " through which he was to travel." And from 
 this Example, as Sozomen [f\ obferves, it became 
 a Cuftom throughout the Roman Army, for eve- 
 ry Legion to have their Tabernacle, and Priefts, 
 and Deacons appointed to attend the Service 
 of it. 
 
 Whilst I am upon this sect. XII. 
 Head, it will not be amifs to °f Diflmaion 
 give the Reader an Account of betmm E "lefia 
 two other Words, which have Ma / nx md Dioe - 
 fome Relation to this Subject, 
 and by their Ambiguity are often miftaken and 
 confounded, that is, Ecclefia Matrix and Dicece- 
 fana, which feem to be Words of the fime Im- 
 portance, but are often very different from one 
 another. Ecclefia Matrix, a Mother-Church, is 
 fometimes taken for an Original Church planted 
 immediately by the Apoftles, whence others 
 were derived and propagated afterward. So Ter- 
 tullian [k~] calls thofe Churches, to which the 
 Apoftles preached either •viva voce, or by their 
 Epiftles, by which all Doctrines are to be judged. 
 And in this Senfe the Church of Jerufalem is 
 called the Mother of all Churches in the World 
 by the fecond general Council of Conjiantinople 
 [/] : And Aries the Mother-Church of France, 
 becaufe fuppofed to be planted [ni] by the Apo- 
 ftles Miffionary, Tropbimus, firft Bifhop of the 
 Place. At other times a Mother^Church de- 
 notes a Metropolis, or the Principal Church of 
 a fingle Province, as in fome of the African [n\ 
 Canons, where Matrix is ufed fometimes for the 
 Primate's See, to which other Bilhops were to 
 have recourfe for Judgment and Decifion of 
 Controversies. But moft commonly it fignifies 
 a Cathedral, or Bifhop's-Church, which was u- 
 fually termed the Great Church, and the Catho- 
 lick Church, and the Principal See, in oppositi- 
 on to the lelTer Tituli, or Parifh Churches com- 
 mitted to fingle Presbyters. Thus in the African 
 Code, the matter is plain, in one Canon every 
 Bifliop is prohibited to alienate, or fell the 
 Goods of the Mother-Church [0] j and Presby- 
 
 [et\ Theodor. fer. de Martyr. [6] Synef. Ep. j-8. [e] Evagr. 
 lib. i. c 14. lib. 6. c. 8. [d] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 8. Vid. Gelta 
 
 Purgationis Cseciliani. [e] Chryfoft. Ham. 2. in Joh. [/] Eu- 
 <eb. lib. 2. c. 1 7. (J(T rJ£,iio Tt&s oi)inuirif dvrSv ottoioj Tint 
 
 ma'iV' iv kv.dsv) 3 oiyAzfistv oim^e. \ieov, kclk&tm ffiu- 
 feiov ^ (J-ov&rneiov. cv a ucvk/j&oi rd, n <r?//t/i< 3/ » /uyrir 
 e/tt nKii^au, &c. [g] Eufeb. de Vit. Conftant. lib. 4. c. f6. 
 
 r-^drct^iv avv >uoKk7\ itiKoTiiMtt ko.7 &fy rt^in . [b~\ So - 
 
 crat. lib. i.e. 18. [f] Sozom. lib. 1. c. 8. [k] Tertul. de 
 Prajfcript. c. 21. Conftat proinde omnem Do&rinam, quse cum 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 illis Ecclefiis Apoftolicis Matricibus & Originalibus fidei confpiret, 
 veritati deputandam. [/] Epift. Synodic, ad Damafum ap. 
 
 Theodoret. lib. ^-. c. 9. ^ y* vv, T f>ot iir&aZv r ' \kkky\<jiu V 
 $ at 'l«po(roAoVo'?. 8cc. [w] Libellus Precum Epifcopor. 
 
 Gallor. ad Leon. ap. Baron, an. 45-0. p. 1 zf Cujus honoris ob- 
 tentu Ecclefiam Arelatenfem omnes Deceflbres, Prajdeceflbreroue 
 noftri vel ut Matrem debito femper honore coluerunr, q>c. 
 [»] Cod. Afric. can. 119. al. 120. /;.,) wpo*p#ft^fo&£ c v ta u&* 
 tp/xh. Non prxjudicetur in Matrice, &c. [0] Cod. Afric. can. 
 33. Non habente neceflltatem, nec Epifcopo liceat Matricis Eccle- 
 fia;, nec Presbytero rem. Tituli fui ufurpare, 
 
 Nnn 2 trr . 
 
28© Jhe Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 ters the Go ds belonging to their Titles. The when Chriftians began to fee »« tk * &rft Centu- 
 
 Gr^^Tranfl.tion of this Canon is here imperfect them a- part for Divine Service? r ^J^ eii by Mr ' 
 
 and corrupt* as Suicerus [p] has rightly obfer- A very fingular Paradox has been e " 
 
 ved, and by it Cujacius and others have been led advanced by fome Learned Men in thefe laft 
 
 into a Miftake to expound Matrix by Matricula, Ages, that for the three Firft Ages the Chrifti- 
 
 the Catalogue or Books of the Church, whereas ans had no fuch diftinct Places of Worfhip; 
 
 it means the Cathedral, or Bifhop's Church. As grounding upon fome miftaken PafTages of Ori- 
 
 alfo in another Canon \jf], which fays, If any gen, Minucius Felix, Arnobius and Laclantius, who 
 
 Bifhop is negligent to deal with Hereticks in the fay, The Chriftians had no Temples; which 
 
 -Mother-Church, he fhall be admonifhed of his they take for a Denial of their having any 
 
 Fault by the Neighbouring Bifhops, that he Churches. Which Opinion, tho' advanced with 
 
 may have no Excufe. The Mother-Church is fome fhew of Learning by Fedelius [b~], Suicerus 
 
 here the Bifhop's-Church, or that which requi- [c], and others, is altogether without ground, 
 
 red both his Care and Refidence, as the Princi- contradicted by the Authors which they allege, 
 
 pal Church of the Diocefe. This by Fulgentius and by themfelves who afTert and maintain it. 
 
 Ferrandus [r~] is plainly oppofed to other inferior Mr. Mede has an Elaborate Difcourfe in confuta- 
 
 Churches in the Diocefe, upon which only tion of this Opinion, wherein he has learnedly 
 
 Presbyters rclided, both when he fays, That the collected the Authorities of the Ancients, which 
 
 Judgment of the Mother-Church fhall be fuffici- for the three Firft Ages prove the Being of 
 
 ent in the Election of a Bifhop: And again, That Chriftian Churches. I fhall briefly, for the fake 
 
 the Bifhop of the Mother-Church fhall not u- of thofe who have not that Author at hand, re- 
 
 furp any Thing that is given to the Churches in late the Subftance of his Proofs, and add fome 
 
 the Diocefe. Thefe Churches in the Diocefe others to his Collections. In the firft Place he 
 
 are the fame as we now call Parifh-Churches ; fhews that the Ancients, St. Auflin [d], St. Bafil 
 
 though they themfelves are fometimes termed [<?], and the Author under the Name of St. Je- 
 
 Diocefes, in the Pontifical [f] and the African rom, St. Chryfoftom, Sedulius, Oecumenius, and 
 
 [/] Canons ; and in fome other Canons [#] Ec- ftheophylacl, in their Comments on that Pafjage 
 
 clefia Dicecefana, Diocefan Churches; as in the of St. Paul, i Cor. xi. iz. Have ye not Houfes to 
 
 Council of T'arraco, which obliges all Bifhops to eat and drink in? or defpife ye the Church of God? 
 
 vifit their Diocefes, once a Year; to fee that no took the Word Church there not for the Aflem- 
 
 Dioccfan Church, that is, no Church within bly, but for the Place fet apart for facred Duties, 
 
 the Diocefe, was out of Repair. So that a Mo- And that the Apoftles always met together in a 
 
 ther-Church and a Diocefan-Church in that an- certain Place for Prayer and Supplication upon 
 
 cient Stile, differ' d as now a Cathedral and a Mount Sion, which was the Hyperoon, or Ccena- 
 
 Pariflv Church with us. The Mother-Church culum, the upper Room fo often mentioned in 
 
 being otherwife called the Principal See [w], the Acts of the Apoftles; where the Apoftles 
 
 Principalis Cathedra, where the Bifhop was ob- were aflemblcd, when the Holy Ghoft came up- 
 
 liged continually to refide : And fometimes the on them, Abls ii. where our Saviour celebrated 
 
 Catholick Church, as Valefius has obierved [x] his laft Supper; where he appeared to his Difci- 
 
 out of Epiphanius [_y~] and Nicephorus [z], in op- pies two Sundays one after another after his Re- 
 
 pofition to the lefler Churches that were fubject furrection, Job. xx. The Place where the Seven 
 
 to it. Though, as I noted before, the Council Deacons were elected and ordained, Acts vi. And 
 
 of Trullo calls every Baptifmal Church a Catho- where the firft Council of Jerufalem was held, 
 
 lick [a] Church, in oppofition to private Ora- Acls xv. Which Place was afterwards enclofed 
 
 tories, where Baptifm was not allowed to be ad- with a goodly Church, called the Church of 
 
 miniftred. It was neceflary for me to be thus Mount Sion, and the upper Church of the Apo- 
 
 particular about the Names of Churches in the ftles in the Time of Cyril [/] Bifhop of Jerufa- 
 
 Entrance upon this Book, becaufe fome of them lent, and St. Jerem [g]. That this was the cFx©», 
 
 are curious, and others ambiguous, that the Rea- or Houfe of AfTembly mentioned Acls ii. 46. 
 
 der might find them explained at once, and not where the Apoftles continued breaking of Bread; 
 
 be at a lofs about Terms upon every Occafion in that is, celebrating the Eucharift after their rc- 
 
 the following Difcourfe. turn from the Temple. For he thinks with ma- 
 ny other Criticks, that the Word 6u oi'xw, is not 
 
 SECT. xill. Our next Enquiry is into the to be tranflated, from Houfe to Houfe, but in the 
 
 Troofs of churches Original of Churches, that is, Houfe, or Place where the AfTembly was ufed to 
 
 lp] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. voce [xdrpiE- [9] Cod. Afr. 
 can. 123. Si in Matricibus Cathredis Epifcopus ncgligens fuerit 
 adverfus Hxreticos, conveniatur a vicinis Epifcopis, &c. [r] Fcr- 
 rand. Breviat. Canon e. "if. Ut ad eligendum Epifcopum fufficiat 
 Matricis arbitriu.n ex Concil Septimunicenil 8c Concil. Macria- 
 nenti. Item c. 38. Ut Epifcopus Matricis non ufurpet quicquid 
 fuerit donatum Ecclefiis, quse in Dice-cefi conftitutas funt. Ex 
 Concil. Hipponiregicnli. [/] Pontifical. Vit. Marcelli. Hie vi- 
 ginti quinque Titulos in Urbe Roma conftituit, quad Dicecefes 
 propter Baptifmum, &c. [f] Cod. Afric. can. 5-3 8c 5-6. 
 
 [«] Cone. Tarracon. can. 8. Reperimus nonnullas Dicecefanas 
 Ecclefias elTc deftitutas. Ob quam rem hac Conftitutione decrevi- 
 
 mus, ut annuis vicibus ab Epifcopo Dicece/es vilitentur. 
 [w] Con. Carrhag. $\ c. Placuit, ut nemini fit facultas relifra 
 Principali Cathedra, ad aliquflm Ecclefiam in Dicecefi conftitutam 
 fe conferre. [x] Valef. Not. in Theodor. Leftor. lib. 1. 
 
 ?'ffl' [y] Epiphan. Haref. 69. n. 1. [z.] Niceph. 
 
 lib. iz. c. if. [«] Cone. Truil. c. 5"8. al, 59. 
 
 [6] Vedel. Exercit. in Ignat. Ep. ad Ephef. c. 4. [c] Suicer. 
 Thefaur. Ecclef. voce petit, p. 388. \d] Aug. Quxft. 5-7, 
 
 in Levitic. [e] Bafil. Rcgul. Major. Q. 30. Regul. Minor. 
 
 Q. 310. [/] Cyril. Catech. 16. Hicron. Ep. 27. 
 
 Epitaph. Paute. 
 
 meet 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 281 
 
 meet together. His next Argument is drawn 
 from what Eufebius [Ij] obferves of the S-e^ttsu- 
 toi in Egypt) whether Ejffens or Chriftians, that 
 they had their as/to/aa^ or Places appropriated for 
 Divine Worfhip, from the Days of St. Mark. 
 And that fuch Places are to be underftood in all 
 thofe Paflages of St. Paul, which falute [i] the 
 Churches in fuch or fuch an Houfe; that is, the 
 Congregations that met in the Houfes of fuch 
 pious Chriftians, as had beftow'd fome part of 
 their Dwellings, to be an Oratory for the 
 Church to aflemble in. Such a Coenaculum is de- 
 fcribed by Lucian, or whoever was the Author 
 of the Dialogue called Philopatris , about the 
 Time of Trajan, where he brings in one Critias 
 telling how the Chriilians carried him into an 
 Hyperoon, the Place of their Affembly, with a 
 Defign to make him a Profelyte to their Religi- 
 on. He argues farther, from the Tradition of 
 the Church derived from the antient Author of 
 the Recognitions under the Name of Clemens 
 Romanus, which [_k~] fays that T'hcophilus, to whom 
 St. Luke is fuppoled to inferibe his Gofpel, at 
 Antioch, did convert his Houfe into a Church. 
 And the like is reported of the Houfe of Pudens, 
 a Roman Senator and Martyr, in the Acla Pu- 
 dentis, that it was turn'd into a Church after his 
 Martyrdom. He concludes this firft Century 
 with the Teftimony of Clemens Romanus, in his 
 genuine Epiftle to the Corinthians, which fays, 
 [/] That God has ordained as well appropriate 
 Places where, as appropriate Times and Seafons 
 when and whereby he would be folemnly ferved, 
 that all Things might be done religioufly, and 
 in order. 
 
 sect, xiv In the next Age he fhews, 
 Troofs in the second That Ignatius in his Epiftle to the 
 Century. Magnejians \m~] exhorts them to 
 
 meet together in one Place, which he calls t 
 vaov ®<i$, the Temple of God •, and in his Epi- 
 ille to the Philitdelphians [«] he fays, there was 
 one Altar to every Church, and one Bifhop with 
 his Presbytery and Deacons. The prefent Greek 
 Copies, indeed, read it a little different from 
 Mr. Mede, leaving out the Word Church, but 
 the mentioning one Altar is fufficient to intimate 
 they had then a ftated Place for their Ecclefiafti- 
 cal AfTembly. In the fame Age Pius Bifhop of 
 Rome wrote two fhort Epiftles to Juftus Bifhop 
 of Vienna in prance ; in the firft of which one 
 Euprepia [0], a pious Matron is faid to have con- 
 figned the Title of her Houfe over to the 
 Church to celebrate Divine Offices in : And in 
 the other, one Paflor a Presbyter, is commend- 
 
 ed for erecting afitulus, that is, a Church, before 
 his Death [_p] Clemens Ale xandrinu* toward the 
 End of this Century ules the Name Ecclefia for 
 the Place of the Aflembly, as well as the Con- 
 gregation. For fpeaking of the Church, he fays, 
 I call not now \jf\ the Place, but the Congre- 
 gation of the Elect, the Church. And fo in his 
 famous Homily, 6)uis dives flilvetur, he brings in 
 the Afian Bifhop, to whom St. John committed 
 the young iVlan to be trained up in the Chriftian 
 Difcipline, complaining, that the Youth was 
 become a Villain and a Robber, and now inflead 
 of the Church [r~] had betaken himfelf to the 
 Mountains, with a Company like himfelf. By 
 this it is plain, that in his Time the Word Ec- 
 clefia was taken for a Place of Sacred Affembly, 
 as well as lor the Affembly it felf. 
 
 In the Third Century theTe- SECT. xv. 
 ftimonies are both more mime- Troofs in the Third 
 rous and plain. 1'ertullian clearly Cemury. 
 intimates they had Churches, when complaining 
 againft Chriftians who followed the Trade of 
 Idol-making for the Gentiles, only excufing them- 
 felves that they did not worfhip them, he fays, 
 " The Zeal of Faith [j] cannot but declaim all 
 " the Day long upon this Point, bewailing that 
 u any Chriftian fhould come from among his 
 " 'dols into the Church, that he fhould come 
 " into the Houfe of God from the Shop of his 
 " Enemy, and lift up thofe Hands to God the 
 " Father, which were the Mothers, or Makers, 
 " of Idols." In another Place [f] he calls the 
 Church Domus Columb<e,x.he Houfe of the Dove, 
 meaning either Chrift, or his Dove-like Religi- 
 on, as I have explain'd it [*] before. And again 
 he exprefly diftinguifhes be> ween the Baptiftery 
 and the Church, which, in thofe Days, were 
 Places feparate one from another, faying, lC When 
 " we are come to the Water [u\ to be bapti- 
 ' zed, we not only there, but alfo fomewhat 
 " before in the Church, under the Hand of the 
 " Minifter, make a publick Declaration, That 
 t{ we renounce the Devil, and his Pomp, and 
 " his Angels." 'Tertullian is followed by Hippo- 
 lytus [w], who defcribing the Signs of the Com- 
 ing of Antichrift, fays, " The Temples of God 
 " fhall be as common Houfes, the Churches 
 " fhall every where be deftroyed." But I lay 
 no Strefs upon this Paflage, becaufe the Work 
 is fpurious, and of later Date than it pretends to 
 be, as Bifhop Ufijer has proved, and Combefis con- 
 feffes as much, who publifhed the genuine Piece 
 of Hippolytus de Chrifto fjf dntichrifio, where no 
 fuch Pafiage is to be found [x]. But we have 
 
 ' [£] Eufeb. lib. 2. c. 1 7. [«] See Rom. 16. 3, f. Colof. 4. if. 
 i Cor. 16. 19. Philem. 1, 2. [k~] Recognit. lib. 10. n. 71. 
 
 [/] Clem. Ep. 1. ad Cor. n. 40. [w] Ignat. Ep. ad Magnef 
 
 n. 7. [»] Epift. ad Philadelph. n. 4. [o] Pii Ep. 1. ad 
 
 Juftum. Soror noftra Euprepia Titulum domus fuse Pauperibus af- 
 iignavit; ubi nunc cum Pauperibus noftris commorantes, MifTas 
 agimus. [/>] Id. Ep. 2. Presbyter Paftor Titulum condidit, &c 
 dicme in Domino obiit. [q] Clem. Alex. Strom. 7. * vwi 
 
 [r] Ap. Eufsb. 1. 3. c. 17. 8c in Bibl. Patrum Comb.-fis. v\w a.vii 
 ? iKKKYtv'ia.', ot@r K*}*MQ'~, &c. [jJ Tertul. de Idol. c. 17- 
 
 Tota die ad hanc partem zclus fidei perorabit, ingemens Chriftia- 
 num ab Idolis in Ecclefiam venire, de adverlaria officina in Do- 
 mum Dei venire, atto!lere ad Deum Patrem manus matres Idolo- 
 rum. [/] Tertui. adv. Valent. c. 2. [*] See before Seel. 2. 
 [«] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. c. 3. Aquam adituri, ibidem, led 8c ali- 
 quanto prius in Ecclefia, fub Antiftitis manu, conteftamur nos re- 
 nunciare Diaboio, 8c Pornpae, & Angelis ejus, &c. f w j r-jjp, 
 polyt. de Confummat. Mundi. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. Tom. 2. p. 346. 
 oi veto] T8 ■3-5B otKot io-o/jaj, jj x.u}a,s fnQai r ix.x.Kwrieov 
 t&v1a%x yivnaov\'M» [*] Vid, Combefis, Au&uar. Noviflim, 
 
 p- n- 
 
282 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 an authentic!?. Teftimony in the fame Age, from 
 an Heathen Author. For Lampridius in the Life 
 of Alexander Severus [y~] reports of him, " That 
 " there happening a Difpute between the Chri- 
 " ftians and the Victuallers, but a certain pub- 
 u lick Place, each Party challenging it as their 
 " own-, the Emperor's Refcript determin'd it 
 " thus in Favour of the Chriftians, That it was 
 " better that God fhould be worfhipped there 
 " after any Manner, than that it fhould be given 
 " up to the Victuallers." About the Middleofthis 
 Age lived the famous Gregory of Neocafarea, fir- 
 named Thaumaturgus, who himfelf built feveral 
 Churches in Neoc<efarea, and the adjacent Parts 
 of Pontus, as Gregory Nyffen [z] reports in his 
 Life j and alfo wrote a Canonical Epiltle, where- 
 in are defcribed the feveral ClalTes, or Stations 
 [a] of Penitents, in the refpective Parts of the 
 Church : But becaufe fome Learned Men quefti- 
 on* whether that Part of his Epiltle be not ra- 
 ther a Comment and Addition by fome other 
 Handj I lay no greater Weight upon it than 
 it will bear, but only obierve, That the 
 lame ClalTes of Penitents may be collected from 
 other Canons in that Epiltle, which are allowed 
 to be Genuine. About the fame Time St. Cy- 
 prian fpeaks of the Place of their AlTembly under 
 the Name of Dominicum [b~], The Lord's Houfe, 
 as has been noted before •> and in another Place 
 oppofes the Church and the Capitol, the Altar 
 of the Lord, and the Altars of Images and Idol- 
 Gods to one another: For fpeaking againft fome 
 that had lapfed, and without due Penance were 
 for intruding themfelves into the Church again; 
 if this were once permitted, fays he, " What 
 " then remains jY] but that the Church fhould 
 " give way to the Capitol, and the Priefts 
 " withdraw, and take away the Altar of the 
 " Lord with them, and let the Images and Idol- 
 " Gods, with their Altars, fucceed and take 
 M Polfellion of the Sanctuary, where the vene- 
 " rable Bench of our Clergy fit?" About this 
 Time alfo Dionyfius, Bifhop of Alexandria, fpeaks 
 of Churches as appropriate to the Service of 
 God, refolving this Queftion, " Whether a Wo- 
 " man in the Time of her Separation might en- 
 " ter [_d~] into the Houfe of God?" It appears 
 farther from the Refcript of Gallienus the Em- 
 peror, recorded by Eufebius [i], where he re- 
 itores the Chriftians their Churches, under the 
 Name of totci ^pna-x<4Jcnjuci, worshipping Places: 
 And from what has been noted before out of the 
 Letter of Aurelian [/], which chides the Se- 
 nate for demurring about opening the Sibyllin 
 Books, as if they had been confulting, not in 
 the Capitol, but in a Chriftian Church : As alfo 
 
 that other Refcript of his in Eufebius \g\ which 
 at the Requeft of the Council of Antioch, orde- 
 red Paulus Samofatenfis to be turned out of the 
 Houfe of the Church. But the Teftimony of 
 Eufebius goes far beyond all others t For fpeak- 
 ing of the peaceable Times, which the Chrifti- 
 ans enjoyed from the Perfection of Valerian to 
 that of Diockfian, heobferves, " That the Num- 
 
 « u °Lc^ imns fo S rew and multiplied in 
 that Fifty Years, that their ancient Churches 
 were not large enough to receive them, and 
 therefore they ereded from the Foundations 
 LAN more ample and fpacious ones in every 
 
 \> L.ity. J 
 
 The °nly Objection againft sect, xvi 
 all this, made with any Colour, The objettwn from 
 is drawn from fome of the anci- k?#ani!us and Ar- 
 ent Apologifts, Origen [*/] Mi- nobius m f tver ' J - 
 nucius Felix Arnobius [*], an d Laclantius 
 
 J/J, who feem to lay, « That the Chriftians in 
 their Time had no Temples, or Altars, nor 
 ought to have any. But, as Mr. Mede "fhews 
 at large, this is only fpoken againft fuch Tem- 
 ples as the Heathens pleaded for, in the Noti- 
 on of Encloiltering the Deity by an Idol. For 
 other wile, the very Authors, from whom the 
 Objedhon is drawn, mult ftrangely contradict 
 themfelves. For Arnobius [>] owns they had 
 their Conventuula, Houfes of Affembly, which 
 he complains were barbaroufty deftroyed in the 
 lalt Perlecution. And LaStantius [»] fays the 
 fame, giving them alfo the Name of the Tem- 
 ples or God, which Dioclefian order'd to be de- 
 mohfh'd, when he taught Oratory in Bithynia. 
 And Origen himfelf fpeaks [o] of adorning the 
 Chriftian Churches and Altars, in one of his Ho- 
 milies upon Jojbua, tranfiated litterally by Ruffin. 
 
 Thus fir Mr. Mede goes in sect. xvii. 
 his Collections, and Anivver to Some Additional 
 this Objection 5 to which I fhall collisions upon this 
 add a few Things which he has Hea ' L 
 not obferved. LaStantius, in another Place of 
 his Inflitutions [/>], fpeaks of one of the Chri- 
 ftian Conventicula, in a Town in Phrygia, which 
 the Heathen burnt, with the whole Affembly in 
 it. And in his Book de Mortibus Perfecutorum, 
 publifh'd fince Mr. Medes Death, he gives a 
 more particular Account of the Dcftructton of 
 Churches throughout the World. For he not 
 only mentions the Demolifhing the {lately Church 
 of Nicomedia \_q], but intimates that the fame 
 Fate attended the Churches over all the World. 
 For even in France, where the mild Conflantius 
 ruled, the Perfecution went fo far as to pull 
 
 [y~\ Lamprid. Vit. Alex. c. 4.9. Cum Chriftiani quendam lo- 
 cum, qui publicus fucrat, occupaflent, contra Popinarii dicerent, 
 iibi cum deberi; refcripiit, Imperaror, Melius efle ut quomodo- 
 cunque illic Deus colatur, quam Popinariis dedatur. [2,] Greg. 
 Ny(T. Vit. Greg. Thaumatur. Tom. 3. p. $6j. [a] Gre- 
 
 gor. Thaumaturg. Epift. Canon, c. 11. [b] Cypr.de Oper. 
 
 Sc Eleemof. See Seel. 2. [«] Cypr. Ep. $ f. al. 5-9. ad Cor- 
 
 nel. Quid fupereft, quam ut Eccleiia Capitolio cedar, 8c rcceden- 
 tibus Sacerdotibus, ac Domini Altare removentibus, in Cleri noflri 
 Sacrum venerandumque Confefium Simulacra atque Idola cum 
 
 aris fills tranfeant? [</] Dionyf. Ep. Canon, c. 2. 
 
 0] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. I 3. [/] Set before Seel. 1. Ex Vopifco 
 
 Vit. Aurelian. [^j Eufeb. Jib. 7. c. 30. ciiedSert. j. 
 
 M Ful " eb - lib. 8. c. 1. [ »/] Origen. com. Cclfum, lib. 8. 
 
 P- 3 8 9- [»] Minuc. Oclav. p. 19. [dfj Aritob. 
 
 adv. Gent. lib. 6. [I] ta^dnri lib. 2. c. 2. [j»] Ar- 
 
 nob. lib. 4. p. 1^2. cited before StiJ. 7. [»] Ladant. lib. c. 
 
 c. 2. cited Sect. 6. [0] Origen. Homil. 10. in |ofhua. 
 
 ft] Laft. 1. c. 11. [q] Laft.de Mo:'t. Perfect, c. 13. 
 
 Illud editiflimum paucis horis fblo ud.vquarunt. 
 
 down 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 2*3 
 
 down the Churches [jr] 4 though the Men, the 
 true Temples of God, were fpared, and flicker- 
 ed under his gentle Government. Laclantius li- 
 ved in France ax. this Time, being Tutor to Crif- 
 pus the Son of Conftantine, and Grand-Ion of 
 Conflantius, and therefore he could not be milta- 
 ken in his Relation. So that we mult inter- 
 pret Eufebius by him, when he [_s~] fays, " Con- 
 " flantius deftroyed no Churches : That is, He 
 gave no pofitive Orders, as the other Empe- 
 rors did, to deftroy them, but he connived at 
 fuch as pulled thein down, in Policy to iatisfy 
 the other Emperors, and make the Walls com- 
 pound for the Lives and Safety of the Perfons. 
 However it was, both Eufebius and LaUantius agree 
 in this, That there were Churches in France before 
 the laft Perfecution. We have the like Account 
 of the C hurchesof Britain, given by Gildas, who 
 fays [/] in general of laft the Perfecution, u That 
 " it occafioned Churches all over the World to 
 " be deftroyed, and particularly in Britain for the 
 " Chriftians built them new again from the 
 " Ground when the Perfecution [«] was over, 
 " and founded others befide them, to be as fo 
 <c many publick Monuments and Trophies of 
 " their Martyrs. Optatus \jw] takes Notice of 
 Forty Churches in Rome before the laft Perfe- 
 cution, which being taken from the Chriftians, 
 were afterward reftored to them, by the Order 
 of Maxentius, as St. Auflin [x] more than once 
 informs us. In Africk we read of fome Churches 
 that were demoliftied in this Perfecution, as at 
 Zama and Furni, mentioned in the Gefta [_y~] 
 Purgationis of Cecilian and Felix. Others were 
 taken away, and in the mean time, 'till they 
 were reftored again, both Councils, and Church- 
 Aflemblies, were held in Private Houfes, as Op- 
 tatus [z] obferves of the Council of Cirta, and 
 St. Auflin after him, who fays, " It was not to 
 " be wonder'd ar, that a few Bifhops fhould 
 " hold a Council [a] in a Private Houfe in the 
 " Heat of Perfecution, when the Martyrs made 
 w no Scruple in the like Cafe to be baptized in 
 " Prifon, and Chriftians met in Prifon, to cele- 
 *' brate the Sacrament with the Martyrs. But 
 not to multiply Inftances of this Nature, the 
 very Tenor of the Imperial Edi&s, which raifed 
 the laft Perfecution, is undeniable Evidence, 
 That the Chriftians in all Parts of the World 
 had then their publick Churches, to which 
 they reforted fo long as they had Opportunity 
 to frequent them. For Eufebius [b~] fays, " The 
 " Edi&s were fent over all the World, com- 
 
 " manding the Churches to be levell'd with the 
 " Ground, and the Bibles to be burnt." Which 
 is alio noted by 'Theodoret [c], St. Jerome \_d~\, 
 and the A6b of Purgation of Cecilian and Felix 
 JY), at the End of Optatus. So that a Mart 
 might as well queftion, Whether the Chriftians 
 had Bibles, as whether they had Churches before 
 the laft Perfecution. The Defenders of the con- 
 trary Opinion here, always give up the Caufe, 
 and contradict themfelves : For when they have 
 urged the Authority of Arnobius and Latlantius, 
 againft Chriftians having any Temples, they are 
 forced to confefs from the aforefaid Evidences, 
 That they had Churches whilft Arnobius and 
 Laclantius lived, that is, within the third Cen- 
 tury > which is to grant and deny the fame 
 Thing, and load both themfelves and thofe an- 
 cient Authors, with a manifeft Contradiction. 
 To the Teftimonies cited by Mr. Mede in the 
 Middle of the third Century, the Reader may 
 add that remarkable Story told by Eufebius, con- 
 cerning the Martyr Marinus, An. 2fp. in the 
 Time of Gallienus. " Marinus being a Candi- 
 " date for a Roman Office at Caefarea, was in- 
 " formed againft as aChriftianby an Antagonift, 
 " who pleaded, That he ought not to have the 
 " Office upon that fcore: The Judge upon Ex- 
 " amination finding it to be fo, gives him three 
 " Hours time to confider, whether he would 
 " quit his Religion, or his Life. During this 
 " Space, Theotecnus, Bifhop of Cafarca, meets 
 " with him, and taking him by the Hand, car- 
 " ries him [/] to the Church, and fets him by 
 " the Holy Table, then offers him a Bible and 
 u a Sword, and bids him take his Choice. He 
 <c readily, without any Demur, lays his Hand 
 " upon the Bible whereupon the Bifhop thus 
 " befpake him : Adhere, fays he, adhere to God, 
 w and in his Strength enjoy 'what thou hafl chofen, 
 " and go in Peace. With this he immediately 
 " returns from the Church to the Judge, makes 
 " his Confeffion, receives his Sentence, and dies 
 " a Martyr." Who that reads this Story, can 
 queftion, whether the Worfhipping Places which 
 Gallienus is faid a little before [g] to have refto- 
 red to the Chriftians, were properly Churches, 
 with Holy Tables or Altars in them ? To the 
 Teftimonies cited from Tertullian, may be added 
 one more, where he plainly diftinguiih.es the 
 Parts of their Churches, as the Difcipline of 
 their Penitents then required. For, fpeaking of 
 the Unnatural Sins of Uncleannefs, he fays, " All 
 " fuch [b~] Monfters were excluded, not only 
 
 [r] Ibid. c. 1 f. Conftantius, ne diflentire videretur a majori- 
 bus Prseceptis, Conventicula, id eft, Parietes, qui reftitui poterant, 
 dirui partus eft, verum autem Dei Templum, quod eft in homini- 
 bus, incolume fervavit. [*]■ Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 13. iAtz 
 
 7K\j otKHi r \juthmtZv KetSiKav. [f] Gildas de Excid. 
 
 Britan. in initio. Ad perfecutionem Diocletiani Tyranni noven- 
 nem, in qua fubverfas per totum mundum funt Ecclcfia?, &c. 
 [«] Ibid. Renovant Ecclefias ad folum u que deftructa , Bafilicas 
 fan&orum Martyrum fundanr, conftruunt, perficiunt, ar veluti vi- 
 dtricia figna pafiim propalant. Vide Bedx Hift. EcCl. lib. 1. c. 6 
 & 8. who [peaks almoft tn the Words of Gildas. [w] Optar. 
 
 lib. i. p. 49. Quadraginta Bafilicas. [#] Aug. Brevic. Col- 
 
 lar.. 3. die. c. 18. It. lib. poll: Collationem c. 13. [y] Gefta 
 Purgat. p. 276. Et Zama 8c Furnis dirui Bafilicas 8t uri Scriptu- 
 ra3 vidi, [z] Optat. lib. t, p. 39. Arud Cirtam Civita- 
 
 tem, quia Bafilicse necdum fuerant reftitutse, in domum Urbani 
 Charifi Confederunt, &c. [a] Aug. Brevic. Collat. Die 2. c. 17. 
 Non efTe intr'edibile, quod in privatam domum pauci illi Epifcopi 
 Perfecutionis tempore convenerunt, ut fervente Perfecutione etiam 
 in carcere doceantur Baptizati Martyrds, 8c illic a Chriftiahis cele- 
 brata Sacramenta, ubi Chriftiani propter eadem Sacramenta tene- 
 bantur inclufi. [£] Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 2. (V] Theodor. 
 
 lib. f. c 39. [</] Hieron. Com. in Zecha. cap. 8. 
 
 [<?] Gefta Purgat. p. 277. Ubi Scripturae inveniuntur, ipla Domus 
 diruitur. [/] Eufeb. lib, 7. c. if. wrf £ iKK^minv 
 
 Tet&y*' ^ a ' u T S ^£.9( ctUTCiS TtlffAf T7<i a.yld<T^.ATI, &CC. 
 
 [g] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 13. [h~\ Reliquas autem Libidinum furias 
 impias, 8c in Corpora & in lexus, ultra jura naturse, non modo 
 Limine, verum omni Ecclefis Tefto fubmovemus> quia non funt 
 de!i&a, fed Mooftra. Tertuli de Fudicit c. 4. 
 
 " from 
 
2&4 The Antiquities of 'the Book VIIL 
 
 " from the Nave^ or Body of the Church, but 
 from every Part of it j they were obliged to 
 w ftand without Door in the open Air, and not 
 " allowed to come under the Roof of it. This 
 Difcipline was in the Church of Antioch, in the 
 Time of Babylas, An. 247, when, according to 
 the Account given by St. Chryfojlom [f] and Eu- 
 febius [k~], Babylas excluded the Emperor Philip 
 from the Church, with all his Guards about him, 
 on Eafter-Eve, and would not fuffer him to pray 
 with the Faithful, 'till he had fet himfelf in the 
 Place of the Penitents, ixiTavc'ias %<^^ Eufebius 
 calls it, and there made Confcffion of his Crimes. 
 I ftand not now critically to enquire into the 
 Truth of this Hiftory, which fome Learned Men 
 [/] queftion, and others defend [_m~\ : It is fuffi- 
 cient to our prefent Purpofe, that both Eufebius 
 and St. Chryfojlom give us fuch an Account of the 
 antient Churches, as neccflarily fuppofes them 
 diftinct from common Habitations, in the Mid- 
 dle of the Third Century. Nay, St.Aufiin [#], 
 and the Author of the Comments, under the 
 Name of St. Ambrofe [0], fay exprefsly, " That 
 " as foon as the Religion of Chrift was planted 
 " in the World, Churches were built) to pray 
 " for Kings, and all that are in Authority, &c. 
 according to the Apoftle's Direction, 1 fim. ii. 1. 
 upon which St. Aufiin founds the Ufe and Build- 
 ing of Churches. I lay no Strefs upon the Mar- 
 tyrologies, nor fuch Writers as Abdias Babylonius, 
 and Anacletus, which fpeak of Churches built in 
 Perfia by Simon and Jude, and at Alexandria by 
 St. Mark, and at Rome by St. Peter, becaufe thefe 
 
 are late and fpurious Writings : But yet, if we 
 may judge of theFirft Converfions, by thofe that 
 happened in the Time of Confiantine, we may 
 conclude, that as foon as any 1-eople were con- 
 verted, they provided themfelves Churches for 
 Divine Service. As when Frumentius had con- 
 verted the Indians, Socrates [/>] fays, " He im- 
 " mediately built Churches among them; which 
 is confirmed by Ruffin, who not only takes No- 
 tice of that, but fays farther, " That before he 
 " had converted them, meeting with fome Roman 
 <c Merchants that wereChriftians, he encouraged 
 " them to build themfelves Oratories in all 
 " Places, whither they might relort for Prayer, 
 *' after the Cuftom of the Romans. Theodoret [r~], 
 and Socrates, and Ruffin obierve the fame in the 
 Converfion of the Nation of the Iberians, by a 
 Captive Woman, who taught them to build 
 Churches after the Roman Form ; which they 
 did, and then fent Ambaffadors to Confiantine [in 
 whole Time both thefe Converfions happenedj 
 to defire him to fend them Prielts, to carry on 
 the Work they had thus begun, and to minifter 
 in their Churches. Now we may reafonably 
 conclude, That fome fuch Thing was obferved 
 in all Converfions from the very firft, allowing 
 for the Difference betwixt Times of Perfecution 
 and Times of Peace. For though they had not 
 fuch publick and ftately Edifices at fome Times, 
 as they had at others; yet they always had Places 
 peculiarly fet apart for Divine Worfhip, before 
 the peaceable Reign of Confiantine, as the Evi- 
 dences, produced above, do undeniably prove. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Difference between Churches tn the Ftrfi Ages, and thofe that followed : 
 And of Heathen Temples and Jewzfh Synagogues converted into Chrifiian 
 Churches, 
 
 ^jp H E only remaining Objecti- 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Firjl church- X on againft what has been 
 es very fimple and advanced in the laft Chapter, is 
 t l<un ' taken from a Paffage or two of 
 
 the Ancients, which feem to imply, that there was 
 a great Difference between the Apoftolical Age 
 and thofe that followed, in Reference to this Bu- 
 finefs of Churches. Ifidore of Pelufium treating of 
 this Matter, fays, " In the Apoltles Days there 
 " were [a] no Churches, that is, Buildings, or 
 " Temples, when Spiritual Gifts abounded, and 
 " an Holy Converfation was the bright Orna- 
 " ment of the Church: But in our Days the 
 <c Buildings are adorned more than is neceflary, 
 " whilft the Church is fain into Difgrace : And 
 
 " therefore, were I at Liberty to chufe, Ifhould 
 " rather have wifhed to have lived in thofe Days, 
 " when there were no fuch beautified Temples, 
 64 but yet the Church was crowned with Divine 
 " and Heavenly Graces ; than in thefe Days, 
 " when Temples are adorn'd with all kinds of 
 " Marble, but the Church isdepriv'dof all thofe 
 " Spiritual Gifts. Thefe Words, if they be taken 
 in the ftricteft Senfe, may feem to import, that in 
 the Age of the Apoftles there were no Churches 
 builded j for beyond the Apoftolical Age he car- 
 ries not the Comparifon: But I rather take him 
 to mean, that the Apoftles had not fuch Churches 
 as they had in his Time, that is, fo ftately and 
 magnificent, fo rich and beautiful as many in 
 
 [i] Chryfoft. cont. Gentil. Tom. 1 . p. 741. t (Zariba, r 
 inK\»ffict< K&Svfav «£«A ctffu &c. Vid.p. 748. 0] Eufcb. 
 lib. 6. c. 34. [/] Cave Prim. Chrift. p. 46. [>] Pagi 
 
 Critic, in Baron, an. 147. n. 6. Huetius Origenian. lib. 1 . c.3.11.12. 
 [»] Aug. cont. Fauft. lib. 12. c. 36. Ex hoc quippe illis credentibus 
 conftrudta funt Domicilia Pacis, Bafilica? Chriftianarum Congrega- 
 tionum. ["] Ambrof. in Ephef. 4. Ubi omnia loca circum- 
 
 plexa eft Ecclefia, Conventicula conftituta funt, &c. [/>] So- 
 crat. lib. 1. c. 19. Ivx-Theta ToAAa iJ^pv&t, 8cc. [q] Ruffin. 
 lib. 1 . c. 9. Monere ccepir, ut Conventicula per loca fingula face- 
 rent, ad qua: Romano Ritu Orationis caufa conflueient. 
 [r] Theod. lib. 1. c. 23. Sonar, lib. 1 . c. 20. Ruffin. lib. 1. 
 c.io. [a] Ilidor. Peluf. lib. 2. Ep. 246. p. t 'Aw 
 
 <> After- 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 28$ 
 
 After-ages. Which is certainly true : For in 
 the firft Converfion of any Nation, the Churches 
 were always anfwerable to the State and Condi- 
 tion the Converts were in, which was commonly 
 a State of Perfecution, when not many Rich, 
 not many Noble were called. Nay, even in 
 thofe Places, where Kings gave Encouragement 
 to the Propagation of the Faith, Churches were 
 another Thing from what they are now, as wc 
 may learn from the Hiftory of our own Nation. 
 " There was a Time, Beck tells us, when there 
 " was not a Stone-Church in all the Land, but 
 " the Cuftom was to build them all of Wood : 
 " And therefore when Bifhop Ninyas built a 
 " Church of Stone, it was fuch [£] a Rarity 
 " and unufual Thing among the Britains, that 
 " they call'd the Place Candida Cafa, Whitern, 
 " or Whitchurch upon it. The lame Author 
 tells us [c], " That Finan, the Second Bifhop of 
 " Lindisfarne, or Holy Ifland, fince call'd the Bi- 
 " fhoprick of Durham, built a Church in the Ifland 
 " fit for a Cathedral See, which yet was not of 
 " Stone, but only Timber fawed, and covered 
 " with Reed •, and fo it continued, 'till Eadbert 
 " the Seventh Bifhop took away the Reed, and 
 " cover'd it all over, both Roof and Sides, with 
 " Sheets of Lead. No one after this will won- 
 der at the Account which Sulpitius Severus [d~\ 
 gives of the Churches of Cyrene, in the Deferts 
 of Libya, when he tells us, " He went with a 
 " Presbyter into one of them, which was made 
 " of fmall Rods interwoven one with another, 
 " and not much more (lately and ambitious than 
 46 his own Houfe, in which a Man could hardly 
 " ftand upright. But the Men who frequented 
 « thefe Churches were Men of the Golden Age 
 " and Pureft Morals j they neither bought or 
 " fold any Thing > they knew not what Fraud 
 « or Theft wasj they neither had, or defir'd to 
 " have Silver or Gold, which other Mortals fet 
 « fuch a Value upon. For, fays he, when I 
 « offer'd the Presbyter Ten Pieces of Gold, he 
 46 refufed them, telling me with fome Greatnefs 
 U of Mind, That the Church was not built with 
 44 Gold, but rather unbuilt by it, Ecclefiam auro 
 tC non Jlrui, fed petius defirui, altiore Conjilio po- 
 44 teftatust Thefe Inftances may ferve to explain 
 Ifidores Meaning when he fays, 44 The Apofto- 
 44 lical Age had no Churches, or not fuch rich 
 44 and noble Structures, as the Peace, and Afflu- 
 44 ence, and Emulation of After-ages commonly 
 44 produced. 
 
 sect. II. Indeed there were many vi- 
 
 Reafons for en- fible Reafons, why the State of 
 
 forging and altering t fo e Structures muft needs alter in 
 
 thestateof Ecdefi*- p roport i on to the Advancement 
 
 (lualStmHures. q£ ^ of Rel ; gion fdf 
 
 For Times of Peace and Perfecution looked with 
 
 a very different Afpcc~r, and bad a very different 
 Influence upon the Affairs of the Church. Per- 
 fecution was always attended with Poverty, Pau- 
 city of Believers, and unfettled Hopes : So that 
 either they needed not ftately and fumptuous 
 Buildings, or they were not able to ere£r. themj 
 or at leaft they had no Invitation and Encourage- 
 ment to do it, whilft they were under daily 
 Apprehenfions of feeing them plundered or de- 
 molifhed aim oft as foon as they had erecled 
 them. But in Times of Peace great Multitudes 
 of Converts forfook the Temples, and came over 
 to the Church, and thofe many times Perfons of 
 Fortune and Quality: And in fome of the Hea- 
 then Reigns the Church enjoyed a more ferene 
 and un-interrupted Gale of Tranquillity, as in 
 that happy Interval of near Fifty Years, be- 
 tween the Death of St. Cyprian and the Lift Per- 
 fecution : And then there was a Neccffity to 
 build more ample and ftately Churches, and they 
 had Ability to do it, and were not without 
 Hopes of continuing to enjoy their Works of 
 Piety in a fettled and lading Peace. So that 
 then, in that promifing Interval, as Eufebius jYJ 
 obferves, when Diockftatis Court and Family 
 were almoft all become Chriftians, and great 
 Multitudes of Believers in all Cities came over 
 daily to the Faith j their antient Fabricks could 
 not contain them, but they built them more am- 
 ple and fpacious Churches in every City from the 
 Foundation. And when many of thefe had been 
 deftroyed in the long Decennial Perfecution, they 
 were again rebuilt from the Ground more lofty 
 and beautiful than they were before, as the fame 
 Eufebius [/] words it, as foon as Conflantine had 
 revived the Chriftians Hopes, by publifliing his 
 Edi6ts in Favour of their Religion. 
 
 But now there were two o- sect. nr. 
 
 ther Reafons concurred, after the Vankularly the 
 
 Emperors were become Chrifti- Munificence of chri- 
 
 ans, which contributed much to- $™ &»P»»' «" " 
 
 i. c , - r trwittea toward thir 
 
 ward the State and Magnificence 
 of Chriftian Churches. Which were, Firfl, The 
 great Liberality and Munificence of the Empe- 
 rors themfelves, who were at great Expence in 
 erecting many Noble Fabricks in feveral Cities 
 to the Honour of Chrift : And, Secondly, Their 
 Orders for converting Heathen Temples into 
 Churches. Conflantine fpared no Charge to erecl, 
 beautify and adorn Churches in all Parts of the 
 Eafi, as at Jerufalem, Antioch, Nicomedia, Mambre, 
 Heliopolis in Phoenicia, and many other Places, of 
 which the Reader, that pleafes, may find a par- 
 ticular Account in Eufebius and [g] Socrates: 
 But efpecially at Confiaminople, where, among 
 others, he built the Beautiful Church called Ec- 
 clejia Conftantiniana, to the Memory of the Twelve 
 Apoftles j which, as Eufebius [h~\ defcribes it, 
 
 [6] Fede, Hid. lib. c. 4. Vulgo vocatur, Ad Candidam Ca- 
 fam, co quod ibi Ecclefiam de Lapide, infolito Britonibus more, 
 feccrir. [c] Bede, lib. 3. c. 25-. Finan in Infula Lindisfarnenfi 
 fecit Ecclefiam Epifcopali Sedi congruam. Quam tamen more 
 Scotorum, non de Lapide, fed de Robore Sefto, totam compofuit 
 
 atque arundine texir. Sed Epifcopus loci illius Eadbert, ablata 
 
 arundine, cam totam, hoc eft, 8c Tectum 8c ipfos quoque Parietes 
 V O L. I. 
 
 ejus plumbi laminis cooperire curavir. [</] Sulpit. Sever 
 
 Dial. 1 . c. 2. Erat vilibus contexta virgultis, non multo ambitiofior 
 quam noftri Hofpitis tabernaculum, in quo nifi incurvus quis non 
 poterat confiftcre, &c. [*] Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 1 . [/] Eufeb. 
 lib. io. c. 2. [g] Eufeb.de Vita Conftant. lib. 3. c. 5-0 8c jr. 
 Socrat. lib. 1. c. 16, 17. 18, \h] Euleb. de Vit. Conft. 
 
 lib. 4. c. ;8. 
 
 O o o 44 was 
 
286 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 u was vaftly high, and yet had all its Walls co- 
 " ver'd with Marble, its Roof overlaid with 
 M Gold, and the Outfide, inftead of Tiles, co- 
 " ver'd with gilded Brafs. He alfo laid the 
 Foundation of the famous Temple calPd Sancla 
 Sophia, and Magna, which was finifhed and dedi- 
 cated Thirty Four Years after by his Son Con- 
 fiantius, An. 360, who joined the Temple of Peace 
 to it ('which was another Church built by Con- 
 ftantine) including them both in one, as Socrates 
 [f] and the Author of the Chronicon [k~] Alexan- 
 drinum inform us. Confiantine's Example was 
 followed by the fucceeding Emperors, but more 
 efpecially by Juflinian, who among many other 
 Works of this nature, rebuilt the Church of 
 St. Sophia, which had been burnt down in the 
 Time of Anaftafius. And now it became the 
 Glory of the World for its Greatnefs, curious 
 Architecture, Richnefs and Beauty ; infomuch 
 that Juftinian himfelf, having finifh'd it, was 
 heard to fay v;v/xnxa crs SoXcjutwy, / have outdone 
 Thee, Solomon. They who are defirous to read 
 the particular Defcription of this Church, may 
 find it briefly delineated in Evagrius [/], Proco- 
 pius [ni] and Agathias [«], but more fully and 
 exadtly by Paulus Silentiarius, and his Learned 
 Commentator Du Frefne, whofe accurate Know- 
 ledge in thefe Matters exceeds all that ever came 
 before him. I have extracted out of him fuch 
 Obfervations as I thought neceflary to my own 
 Defign, but they that pleafe to perufe the whole, 
 may find it at the End of Johannes Cinnamus, 
 among the Byzantine Hiftorians publifh'd at 
 Paris, 1670. 
 
 SECT. iv. The other Reafon, which I 
 jls alfo their or- f a id contributed toward the Mag- 
 dtrs for convert^ n ifi ce nce of Chriftian Churches, 
 
 HeathenTemplesm- ^ fa f f j £ 
 
 to Churches. r T T , 
 
 perors tor converting Heathen 
 Temples into Churches. At firft indeed, whilft 
 the Reformation from Heathenifm was in its In- 
 fancy, no Idol-Temples were made Ufe of as 
 Churches, but they were either permitted to the 
 Heathen for fome Time, or elfe fhut up, or de- 
 molifhed. 'Till the ifth Year of Conflantine, 
 i. e. An. $33, the Temples were in a great mea- 
 fure tolerated j but in that Year he publifh'd his 
 Laws, commanding Temples, Altars and Images 
 to be deftroyed, which Laws are fometimes re- 
 ferr'd to in the Theodofian $\o\ Code. And pur- 
 fuant to thefe Laws a great many Temples were 
 defaced in all Parts of the World, and their Re- 
 
 venues confifcated, as appears not only from the 
 Chriftian Writers, St.Jerm [/>], zndEufebiusffL 
 and others, but alfo from the Complaints of the 
 Heathen Writers, Eunapius [r], Libanius \ s 1 
 and Julian [/]. In fome of the following Reigns 
 alfo the fame Method was taken, to fhut up, ot- 
 to deface the Temples, as is evident from the 
 Account which Ruffin ;[«] gives of the general 
 Deftrudion of them in Egypt, by the Order of 
 Valentwian. But in the next Reign, in the Time 
 or Theodofius, another Method was taken with 
 iome of them. For, as Gothofred obferves M 
 ?c Ut ^,° , he Chronicm Jlexandrinum, An. 270, 
 Theodofius turned the famous Temple of Ilelio- 
 m pohs, called Balanium, into a Chriftian Church, 
 vKwm ourro okyXwcvj xyvavfo. And about 
 the lame Time, Socrates tells us, " That when 
 Fa/ens had banifhed the two Macarii, the 
 Heads of the Egyptian Monks, into a Pagan 
 Illand, they converted all the Inhabitants, and 
 "l rned M their Temple into the Form of a 
 Church The like was done by the famous 
 1 em pie of the Dea Ccelefiis at Carthage, by Au- 
 relius theBimop, intheTimeof/fcwr/w, An. 2p P , 
 which the Author of the Book de PradiElionibus^ 
 under the Name of Pro/per [>], tells with this 
 remarkable Circumftance, « That it had been 
 dedicated before by one Aurelius an Heathen 
 e High-Pneft, with this Infcription, Aurelius 
 Pontifex dedicavit, which our Author fays was 
 " left in the Frontifpiece, to be read by all the 
 cc r^ P , lc ' becaufe by God's Providence it was 
 fulfill'd again m Aurelius the Bifhop, for whom 
 it ferved as well as the former Aurelius when 
 he had once dedicated it to the Ufe and Ser- 
 « vice of the Chriftian Religion, and fet his Chair 
 " m the Place of the Goddefs. Not long after 
 this, Honorius, An. 408, publifh'd two Laws in 
 the Weftern Empire, forbidding the Deftrudion 
 of any more Temples in Cities, becaufe they 
 might ferve for Ornament, or Publick [2] Ufe, 
 being once purg'd of all unlawful Furniture, Idols, 
 and Altars, which he ordered to be deftroyed, 
 where-ever they were found. Thefe Laws, as 
 Gothofred rightly obferves, feem to have been 
 publifhed at the Inftance of the African Fathers, 
 who, as appears from one of the Canons [>] of 
 the African Code, petitioned the Emperor, that 
 fuch Temples as were in the Country only and 
 private Places, not ferving for any Ornament, 
 might be deftroyed. Arcadius publifhed fuch a- 
 nother Law for the Eaftern Empire, which re- 
 lates only to the Deftruftion of Temples in 
 
 [/'] Socrat. lib. 2. c. \6. [fc] Chron. Alex. an. 360. p. 68$-. 
 [1] Evagr. lib. 4. c. 3 t. [m] Procop. de .•Edific. Juftin. 
 
 lib. 1. c.i. [»] Agath. lib. 5-. [0] Cod. Th. lib. 9. 
 
 Tit. 17. de Sepulchris violatis, Leg.2. [/>] Hieron. Chronic, 
 an. 332. [q] Eufeb. de Vit. Conft. lib- 3 . c. 54. [r] Eunap. 
 Vit. JEdeCv. [s] Liban. Orat. pro Templis, p. 9. Et Orat. 
 Apologetic. 26. p. 5-91 . [t] Julian. Orat. 7. p. 424. 
 
 O] Ruffin. lib. 2. c.28. |>] Gothofred. Com. in Cod.Th. 
 
 lib. 16. Tit. 10. de Pagan. Leg. if. [#] Socrat. lib. 4. c. 24. 
 to jj <y5M/Cet t« va.7 'wKhntrtaf tvtov lAiTetTotntrc/JTif, eye 
 [y~] Profper. de Promiffion. lib. 3. c. 38. Antilles Aurelius, cce- 
 leitis jam Patrise civis, Cathedram illic loco Cceleftis 8c habuit, 8c 
 ftdit. Ipfe tunc aderam cum fociis 8c amicis, atquc [ut fc adole- 
 
 fcentium a:ras impatiens circumquaque vertebat] dum curiofi fin- 
 gulaquaspro m3gnitudine infpicimus, mirum quoddam 8c incredibile 
 noftro fe ingeffit afpe&ui, Titulus arneis grandioribufque literis in 
 Frontifpicio Templi conferiptus, Aurelius Pontifex dedicavit. Hunc 
 legentes populi mirabantur. Prxfago tunc Spiritu acta, quse prar- 
 fcius Dei ordo certo ifto fine conclulerar. [*] Cod. Tb. lib. 16. 
 tit. 10. de Pagan, leg. 18. JEdes inlicitis rebus vacuas, ne quis co- 
 netur evertere. Decernimus enim, ut ^dificiorum quidem fit in- 
 teger Status. It. Leg. 1 9. ^Edificia ipla Templorum, qus in Ci- 
 vitatibus vel oppidis, vel extra oppida liinf, ad Ufum publicum vin- 
 dicentur : Ars locis omnibus deftruantur. [a] Cod Afric 
 
 Can. ;8. 
 
 Country- 
 
IcHNOG li A P HI A TE M PL O RUM O RI E NTALU M 
 
 A m b o . 
 
 A S //////? ?r>n //.-<■ 
 L> S Bona. 
 <Z^4/(in~c 
 L) Poritr Sa/li-CizZ 
 E l d/irr///' B&truttut 
 
 V PivHicfus 
 
 HSc/<<, 
 I t \ curt 
 K ^ 4mtru 
 L Poy/ic SfrrriGjcp. 
 
 P Particiu 
 Q Circuitua 
 R f.oa/s RptJhcypi 
 
 csrhn S. Bctiui 
 S f^oriu fritter ncnii m 
 T -Lcra^ Lcrlrnini 
 
 V Pii/pn'lit />/ 
 X $ede4 / w pert <7 /is 
 
 V « Hii/icmfm 
 
 StturtfeiUft. 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 287 
 
 Country-Places, [Z>] and not in Cities, where 
 now there was no fuch Danger of Superftition, 
 fincc they might be converted to a better Ufe. 
 And upon this ground the Author under the 
 Name of Profper [/] commends Honorius for his 
 Piety and Devotion, becaufe he gave all the 
 Temples with their adjacent Places to the Church, 
 only requiring the Idols to be deftroyed. 'Tis 
 true indeed, after this we find a Law of Thcodo- 
 fius Junior, \_d~] commanding all Temples to be 
 deftroyed. But as Gothofred feems rightly to in- 
 terpret it, " The Word Deflroying in that Law 
 M is to be underftood only of Defpoiling them of 
 " their Superftition \ becaufe it follows in the 
 " fame Law, that they were to be expiated by 
 " placing the Sign of the Crofs upon them, 
 " which was a Token of their being turned into 
 " Churches. And his Obfervation may be con- 
 firmed farther from what Evagrius (YJ reports of 
 Theodofeus, " That he turned the Tychaum, or 
 " Temple of Fortune at Antioch, into a Church, 
 " called by the Name of Ignatius. The like 
 was done by a great Temple at Tanis in Egypt, as 
 Valefius [/] has obferved out of the Itinerary of 
 Antoninus the Martyr. Cluver alfo in his De- 
 fcription of Italy, takes notice of a Place in the 
 Jerufalem Itinerary, called Sacraria, betwixt Ful- 
 ginum and Spoletum, near the Head of the River 
 Clitumnus, which he thinks \_g] was originally 
 no other than the Temple of Jupiter Clitumnus - t 
 though another Learned Antiquary [h~] makes it 
 fomething doubtful as to the prefent Church now 
 Handing there. However, wehavefeenlnftances 
 enough of this Practice } and Bede [f] tells us, 
 " That Gregory the Great gave Anftin the M mk 
 « Inftructions of the fame nature, about the 
 " Temples here among the Saxons in Britain, 
 " That if they were well built, they fh mid not 
 " be deftroyed, but only be converted from the 
 " Worfhip of Devils to the Service of the True 
 " God. And fo heobferves it was done at Rome, 
 where not long after Boniface IV. turned the 
 Heathen Temple, called the Pantheon, into the 
 Church of All Saints [£], in the Time of the 
 
 Emperor Phocas. Sometimes the Temples were 
 pulled down, and the Materials were given to the 
 Church, out of which new Edifices were erecl- 
 ed for the Service of Religion, as Sozomen [/I 
 and Puffin [m] particularly obferve of the Tem- 
 ples of Bacchus and Scrapis at Alexandria. I have 
 already {hewed [*] out of Aufonius, that the Ro- 
 man Halls, or Bafilica:, were likewife turned into 
 Churches. The like is reported of fomc Je-wiJJj 
 Synagogues by the Author of the Chronicon Alex- 
 andrinum, who takes notice particularly [rf] of a 
 Synagogue of the Samaritans in a Place called 
 Gargarida, which Zcno the Emperor converted 
 into a large Chriftian Church. 
 
 And tho' it is not agreed by Learned Men, 
 whether the Temples faid to be built by Hadrian, 
 were intended for the Worfhip of himfelf, or 
 the Worfhip of Chrift ; for Cafaubon [0] and 
 Pagi [/>] think he defigned them for himfelf, 
 wlulft Huctius \_q] defends Lampridius his Rela- 
 tion, who fays, " He defign'd them for theHo- 
 " nour of Chrift ; yet it is certain, that after 
 they had been ufed to' other Purpofcs, they were 
 at laft, fome of them, turned into Chriftian 
 Churches. For Epiphanius [r~\ fays, "There was 
 " a great Temple at Tiberias, called the Hadria- 
 " num, which the Jews made ufe of for a Bath, 
 " but Jofcphus Comes, the converted Jew in the 
 " Time of Conflantine, turned it into a Church. 
 And the like was done by another of them by 
 Athanafius at Alexandria, having before been the 
 Hall or Palace of Licinius, as the fame Epipha- 
 nius [ s ] informs us. So that now, partly by 
 the Munificence of the Emperors, building 
 Churches at their own Charge, and partly by 
 their Orders for converting Heathen Temples in- 
 to Churches, and partly by the great Liberality 
 and Zeal of Private Chriftians in Times of Peace, 
 Churches became another Thing from what thev 
 were in former Ages, that is, more noble and 
 ftately Edifices, more rich and beautiful 5 under 
 which Advantage we are next to take a View of 
 them in the following Part of this Book. 
 
 CHAP. in. 
 
 Of the different Forms and Parts of the Anttent Churches : And Ftrfi of the 
 
 Exterior Narthex, or Ante-Temple. 
 
 sect. I. TT may eafily be collected from or Figure. For fince both Heathen Tempies and 
 
 churches antiently JL what has been difcourfed in Publick Halls were turned into Churches, it can 
 
 of different Forms. t h e former Chapter, that antiently hardly be imagined, that all thefe fhould happen 
 
 Churches were not all built precifely inoneForm, to be built exactly in the fame Form. Nor in- 
 
 [6] Cod.Th. lib. 16. tit. 10. de Pagan. Leg. 16. Si qua in 
 agris Templa funt, line turba &. tumultu diruantur. His enim de- 
 jeftis, omnis fuperftitionis materia confumetur. [cj Profper 
 
 de Promiff. lib. 3. c. 38. Honorius Chriftiana Religione ac De- 
 votione praedirus. Templa omnia cum fuis adjacentibus fpatiis, 
 Ecclefiis contulit: Simulque eorum fimulacra confringenda in pote- 
 ftatem dedit. [</] Cod. Th. ibid. Leg. 25-. Cun&a eorum 
 
 Fana, Templa, Delubra, fi qua nunc etiam reftant integra, praecep- 
 to Magiftratuum deftrui, Conlocationeque veneranda: ChriftianseRe- 
 ligionis figni expiari prarcipimus. [e] Evagr. lib. 1. c. 1 6. otv/.bs 
 hjttyri<; t4^o©" liytov TtS 'lyvATiu ri ttaKcu tu-^cuov yi~ 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 yon. [/J Valef. Not. in Sozomen. lib. c. 21. Immenfum 
 
 fait ibi Templum, quod modo eft Ecclefia. [g] Cluver. Itai, 
 Vetus, p. 702. [£] Holften. Annot. in Cluver. p. 1 2+ . 
 [«] Bede lib.i. c.30. 0] Bede lib. 2. c. 4 . [/] Sozomen. 
 lib. 7. c. if. \m] Ruffin.lib. 2. c.17. [*] SeeChap. j. n .f. 
 [»] Chron^Alex. an. 10. Zcnon. p. 7/7. iirohin r am<t.\uy\jSl 
 ajuryJ ', T is&v li k*Ky. /j%iov ytt.^yctej-S'luj, ptJKTttetov oJkov 
 /xiyAv, &c, [o~] Cafaubon. Not. in Lamprid. Vit. Alex. Severi. 
 p. 170. [/>] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 124. n. 4. [q] H a et. 
 Pemonftrat. Evangel. Propof 3. p. 6f. [r] Epiphan. Uxr. 20. 
 Ebionit. n. 1 2. [.<] Epiphan. Hot. 69, Arian. n. 2* 
 
 Oooz deed 
 
•»*e raw** ~ ■» ~ . ' '" 11 " ' ' -— ' " - ■ ■ ■ ■ ..... * ■ i . ■ — -. — 
 
 288 The Antiquities of the BookVIII. 
 
 xuXtvJ^ra, S-cXwra and xuxXo«c/^[, that is, Round, 
 in the Figure of an Arch, or Sphere, or a Cy- 
 lindre, or a Shield, or a Circle, as the Pantheon 
 at Rome was faid to be be. But this, properly 
 fpeaking, was not fomuch the Form of a Church, 
 as the Figure of one Part of fome Churches, as 
 particularly that of Santla Sophia, the Body of 
 which was built in the Form of a Trulla, that is, 
 a great round Arch or Sphere, but yet the whole 
 was Oblong, refembling the Form of other 
 Churches, as the Reader may judge by compa- 
 ring the feveral Figures in the following Table, 
 whereof one is that of Santla Sophia, taken from 
 Du Frefne's Conftantinopolis Chriftiana, another 
 from Dr. Beverege in his Pandecls, a Third from 
 Leo Allatius, and a Fourth from Goar; all which 
 being contracted and put together by Schelfirate 
 in his Concilium Antiochenum, are here reprefent- 
 ed from his Copy, with the proper Names re- 
 ferring to each Part of them. To thefe I have 
 added another Figure reprefenting the (lately 
 Church of Tyre, built by Paulinus, and defcribed 
 by Eufebius [m~] in his Panegyrical Oration upon 
 the Church and the Founder of it, which the curi- 
 ous Reader may fee at large in the Tenth Book 
 of his Ecclefiaftical Hiftory. I fhall here in a 
 great Meafure follow his Defcription, as one of 
 the molt ancient and authentick that we have, only 
 intermixing fuch other Things as are neceffary 
 to explain the Forms and Parts of other Churches, 
 fince,as I have obferved, they were not all alike, 
 but differed in Form, in Site, and in feveral 
 Parts from one another. 
 
 deed was there any Univerfal Rule among Chri- 
 itians about this Matter. The Author of the 
 Conftitutions feems to intimate that they were 
 generally Oblong in the Figure of a Ship [a]. 
 This Figure was otherwife called Dromical, e/\=o- 
 fjtijcov, becaufc as Leo Allatius [b~\ and Suicerus [c~\ 
 after him conjecture, Churches built in this 
 Form had void Spaces for Deambulation. And 
 this is faid to be the Figure of the famous 
 Church of Santla Sophia, at Conftantinople, by 
 Paulus Silentiarius, and other Writers. But this 
 Figure was not fo general but that we meet with 
 Churches in other Forms. For the Church 
 which Conftantine built over our Saviour's Sepul- 
 chre, at Mount Golgotha, was round, as we learn 
 from Eufebius [d~] and Walafridus [e] Strabo. 
 That which he built at Antioch, Eufebius [/] 
 lays, was an Otlagone : And fuch was the Church 
 of Nazianzum, built by Gregory, the Father of 
 Gregory Nazianzen, as we find in the Son's Fu- 
 neral Oration [g] upon his Father, who defcribes 
 it as having eight Sides equal to one another. 
 Other Churches were built in the Form of a 
 Crofs, as that of Simeon Stylites mentioned by E- 
 vagrius [/;]. And the Church of the Apoftles 
 built by Conftantine at Conflantinople, was in this 
 Form likewife, as we learn from Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen in his S omnium Anaflafue, who thus de- 
 fcribes it: Carm, p. Tom. z.p.yy, 
 
 ^iw rote ^ jj^ydXcw-^ov ic/l@> Xg}<;c~o fj-a^rri^, 
 YlXdj^jLt; s"3W£yru7rotf TJT^^a TiiJ.vo\jFpov. 
 
 " Among thefe flood the flately Church of 
 " the Apoftles ofChrifl, dividing it felf into four 
 " Wings in the Form of a Crofs." Thefe were 
 fometimes made fo by the Addition of a Wing 
 of Building on each Side (which Wings the Greeks 
 call Apftdes) as Cedrcnus [z'J and Zonaras obferve 
 in the Life of Juftin, Junior, who added two of 
 thefe Apftdes to the Church of Blacherna, and fo 
 made it refemble the Form of a Crofs. Falefius 
 has alio obferved [f] out of the Itinerary of An- 
 toninus the Martyr, " That the Church which 
 « Conftantine built at Mambre, was in a Qua- 
 " drangular, or Square Figure, with an open 
 " Court in the Middle, fo as one Part of it was 
 u made ufe of by the Jews, and the other by 
 " the Chriflians." Some Churches were alfo 
 called Oclachora, but, as Valefius rightly obferves, 
 thofe were the fame with the Oclagones, as ap- 
 pears from this ancient Infcription in Gruter [/], 
 
 Oclachoriim Santlos T'emplum furrexit in ufus, 
 Oclagonus fons eft munere dignus eo. 
 
 Suicerus and Allatius take notice alfo of another 
 Form of Churches, which they call r^Ward, 
 
 To begin with their Situation, SECT. ir. 
 orPoflure: They were common- And different situ- 
 ly fo placed, as that the Front, *'» n f rom one ano ' 
 or chief Entrances, were toward ' er ' 
 the Weft; and the Sanctuary, or Altar-Part, to- 
 ward the Eaft : Yet in fome Churches it was o- 
 therwife, as is evident from the Obfervation 
 made by Socrates [»] upon the Church of An- 
 tioch, " That it flood in a different Poflure. from 
 " other Churches > for the Altar did not look 
 " toward the Eaft, but toward the Weft. Which 
 Obfervation is alfo made by Paulinus [o] Nolanus 
 upon one of his own Structures. And the Tem- 
 ple of the o:her Paulinus at Tyre feems to have 
 flood the fame Way. For Eufebius defcribes the 
 Entrance to it, and not the Altar- Part, as front- 
 ing the Rifing Sun. So that though the Author 
 of the Conftitutions [/>], among other Rules 
 of this nature, gives Directions for building 
 Churches toward the Eaft, yet it appears from 
 thefe Inftances, that the Practice was not fo uni- 
 verfal, but that it admitted of Exceptions, as 
 Neceflity, or Expediency, required. Which 
 Obfervation has been made not only by Bifhop 
 
 [a] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 57. oik©- \<?u am/xitK^j os7< 
 \oivA vvii. [*] Allatius de Templis Grxcorum. [c] Suicer. 
 Thefaur. Ecclef voce vet'of. W Eufcb. Vit. Conft. lib. 2. c. 38. 
 [e] Strabo dc Rebus Ecclef. c. 4. [/] Eufeb. Vit. Conftant. 
 
 lib. 2. c. j- . h a*r*iJy %W*rt. [g] Naz. Orat. 19. de 
 
 Laud. Patr. p. 213. [h] Evagr. lib. 1. c. 1 4. [/] Cedren. 
 Vit. Tuftin. in Compend. Hid. p. 390. 0] Antonin. ap. 
 
 Valef. Not. in Eufeb. de Vit. Conft. lib. 3. c. ft. Eft ibi Bafilica 
 
 xdificata per Quadrum, 8c Atrium in medio difco-opertum, &c. 
 [/J Gruter. Thefaur. p. 1166. [m] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. 
 [»] Socrat. lib. f. c. 22. ri ^KKhtiTta. dil U&pov iy^ei r Sifftv 
 h tLvecroKiiv to $vo~ia.?>'ip/oi', aAA* ^fi? J^vo-.'f op*. 
 
 [0] Paulin. Ep. 1 2. ad Sever. Profpedtus Baiilicae non, ut ulitatior 
 mos eft, Orientem fpectat, fed ad Domini mei beati Felicis Bafi- 
 licam pertinet, Memoriam ejus afpiciens. [f>~\ Conftit. Apoft. 
 lib. 2. c, 7. 
 
 UJber 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 289 
 
 UJher \jf\ and Cardinal Bona [r], but long before 
 them by JValafridus Strabo, who fays [/], " The 
 u Ancients were not nicely curious which way 
 " their Churches ftood, but yet the mod ufual 
 " Cuftom was for Chriftians to pray toward the 
 " Eafl, and therefore the greateft Part of the 
 " Churches were built with a Refpeft to that 
 u Cuftom. But St. Patrick in Ireland, as Bifhop 
 UJher obferves [f\ out of Jocelin the Writer of 
 his Life, varied from all others: " For he built 
 " a Church in Sabul, hard by Down in Ulfler, 
 " which fronted neither Eafl nor JVeft, but 
 " ftood from North to South, ab Aqmlonali parte 
 " ver/us meridianam plagam. So that Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Hiftory affords us Inftances, if we make a 
 curious Enquiry, of Churches (landing in all Po- 
 ftures. 
 
 SECT. III. Next to confider the feveral 
 commonly divided Parts of the antient Churches, 
 intoThrec Parts, and we are t; obferve, that as in the 
 Sometimes Four or Temple of God at Jerufalem, not 
 only the Holy and the molt Holy 
 were reckoned Parts of the Temple, but alfo the 
 outward Courts, and even the Court of the Gen- 
 tiles, which is exprefly called the Houfe of God 
 and the Houfe of Prayer j fo in Chriftian 
 Churches, which were built with fome Regard 
 to the Jewijh Temple, the whole Ambitus, or 
 Circumference about them was efteemed in a large 
 Senfe as Part of the Church 5 and accordingly 
 when Churches became Afylums, or Places of 
 Refuge under Chriftian Emperors, not only the 
 inner Buildings, but the outer Courts and Boun- 
 daries were reckoned a fufficient San&uary, as 
 we ftiall fee in the latter Part of this Book. 
 Now hencearofea twofold Divifion ofChurches, 
 as taken in a ftricter, or a larger Senfe. In the 
 ftritteft Senfe, including only the Buildings with- 
 in the Walls, they were commonly divided into 
 three Parts, 1 . The Narthex, or Ante-Temple, 
 where the Penitents and Catechumens ftood. 
 2. The Naos, or Temple, where the Communi- 
 cants had their refpective Places. And, 3. The 
 Bema, or Sanctuary, where the Clergy ftood to 
 officiate at the Altar. But in a larger Senfe there 
 was another Ante-Temple, or Narthex, without 
 the Walls, under which was comprized the -n^j- 
 xuXov, or Veflibulum, the outward Porch > then 
 the Atrium, or Area, the Court leading from 
 that to the Temple, furrounded with Portico's, 
 or Cloyfters, as we lhall prefently fee in the 
 Temple of Paulinus. There were alfo feveral 
 Exedra, fuch as the Baptiftery, the Dirconica, 
 the Paftophoria, and other adjacent Buildings, 
 which were reckoned to be either without, or 
 within the Church, according as it was taken in 
 a ftri&er, or a larger Acceptation. 
 
 EUSEBIUS in deferring sf.ct.iv 
 the Church of Paulinus takes it And * hn f* f« bdlvi - 
 in the largeft Senfe, and there- ^T^T' 
 
 r 1 i° . \ • rs. r ■ ■ -the Outward rsar- 
 
 fore he begins his Defcnption thex or Ante-Tem* 
 With the TzrtftCokov, or Wall that pie included firft the 
 enclofed the whole Circumfe- 
 
 is^lnt jKoi , or Ve- 
 
 rence of the Outward Courts, ffiWra. 
 which we may call the Ante-Temple, or Exterior 
 Narthex, to diftinguifh it from the Nar thex with- 
 in the Church. In the Front of this facred En- 
 clofure toward the Eaft, at fome Diftance from 
 the Church, the firft Building that prefented it 
 felf was a great and lofty Porch, which Eufebius 
 and other Greek Writers call the tc-^VuXov /usya, 
 and the Latins Veflibulum Magnum, the Great 
 Porch, to diftinguifh it from the leffer Porches, 
 which joined to the Church. He calls it alfo 
 ■ut^'thv «oWZcv, the Firft Entrance, to diftinguifh 
 it from the Second, which were the Gates of 
 the ChurCh. 
 
 Between this Porch and sect, v, 
 the Church was a large Area, or 2. "ike Atrium, er 
 fquare Plat of Ground which tlie Area - nr Court 
 Eufebius [»] calls <u& e}ov and be f ore tht chwch > 
 Paulus Silentiarius «iuY [w] in ^Jf^*. 
 his Defcription of Sancla Sophia , f urs% ' ° r ^ 
 the Latins term it Atrium and 
 Impluvium, becaufe it was a Court open to the 
 Air without any Covering, fave only on each 
 Side of the Square, which was furrounded with 
 Portico's, or Cloyfters, 900c Eufebius calls them, 
 and thefe built upon Columns, whence as Du 
 Frefne [x] obferves, " This Place is called fome- 
 " times Ts^aVuXov, and Quadriporticus in Modern 
 " Authors." In this Place ftood the firft Clafs of 
 Penitents according to Eufebius, who fays [_y~] 
 exprefly, " It was the Manfion of thole who 
 " were not allowed to enter farther into the 
 " Church." That is, they ftood either in the 
 Porch, or the Portico's, to beg the Prayers of 
 the Faithful as they went into the Church. Or 
 perhaps, if they were more notorious Criminals, 
 they were caft out of thefe alfo, and obliged to 
 wait in the Court, or open Air, and ftand there 
 expofed to the Weather, as Part of their Pe- 
 nance: Which feems to be intimated by Tertul- 
 lian [z], when fpeaking of fome monftrous Sin- 
 ners, he fays, " They were expelled not only 
 " from the Doors of the Church, but from every 
 tc Place that might afford them any Shelter, or 
 " Covering." So that the Atrium was always 
 an open Place, or Court, before the Church : 
 And therefore thofe Authors who confound the 
 Atrium, or Veflibulum, and Porticus into one, 
 wholly miftake the Form of the antient Churches ; 
 for thefe, as I have fhewed, were diftin6t Parts 
 of the Ante-Temple. 
 
 [q] Ufher. Letter. 49. ad Selden. [r] Bona Rer. Liturg. 
 
 lib. 1. c. 20. n. 4. [*] Strabo de Rebus Eccl. c. 4. [f] Ufher'* 
 Letters, Ep. 49. [«] Eufeb. lib. 10. c.4. It. de Vit. Conft. 
 
 lib. 3. c. ; f. [»] Paul. Silent. Par. 1. ver. 174. [*] Du 
 
 Frefne Com. in Paul. Silent, p. ftf. [,?] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. 
 
 TpaJTH ew7» J^tctrptSrl, to7< r ir^cLruv eirayay"? \ti 
 voif, kataKKyiKov t [Aoviw ir & r xyo [z.] Tertul. de 
 Pudicit. c. 4. Reliquas autem Libidinum furias non modo Li- 
 mine, verum omni Ecdefise Tefto fubmovemus, quia non func 
 delifta, fed Monftra 
 
 It 
 
290 
 
 The Antiquities Book VIII- 
 
 SECT. vi. It is farther to be noted, that 
 
 3. in the Middle ef in the Middle of the Atrium there 
 
 ■which flood a Foun- was commonly a Fountain, or a 
 
 tain for mflmg as Qftern of Water, for People to 
 
 tharus W Phiala fore they went into the Church. 
 in fome Authors. Eufebius exprefly mentions this in 
 the Temple of Paulinus. He fays, 
 " In the Court over-againft the Church he pla- 
 " ced Kgn'var, Fountains of Water, as Symbols 
 " of Purification, for fuch to warn, as entered 
 tc into the Church." Paulinus Bifhop of Nolo, 
 takes Notice of the fame Thing, but gives it 
 the Name of Cantharus [a], which fignifies any 
 capacious VefTel that will hold much Water, and 
 fometimes a Statue made to fpout out Water at 
 its Mouth : As Du Frefne has obferved, " That 
 " in fome Places the Fountain was furrounded 
 " with Lions thus fpoutingout Water 5" whence 
 this Place has the Name of Leontarium in fome 
 Modern Greek Writers. It is alfo called by fome 
 Nymphaum, l-^Qdr^ and xoXujuCaov, which all 
 fignify a Fountain. Paulus Silentiarius in his Dc- 
 fcription of Sancla Sophia, gives it the Name of 
 (piaXn, Phiala, which we may Englifh, the Bafin. 
 And Socrates calls it (ppfa^, the Spring. For 
 fpeaking of a Skirmifh that happened between 
 the Catholicks and Macedonian Hereticks in the 
 Church of Acacius at Confiantmople , he fays, 
 " Such a Slaughter was made, that the <wh^ the 
 " Atrium, or Court of the Church, was filled 
 <c with Blood, infomuch that the (ppaap, the 
 " Fountain that flood in it was overflowed [b~\ 
 " therewith, and ran through the adjoining sod, 
 " the Portico, or Cloyfters, even into the Street." 
 St. Chryfoftom [c] alfo fpeaks of thefe Fountains, 
 as of Things of common Ufe in the Atria, or 
 Courts before the Churches. And frequently in 
 his Popular Difcourfes alludes to the Cuflom of 
 warning their Hands before they went into 
 Church [d~\. Which is alfo done by Tertullian 
 [<?], who expofes the Abfurdity of going to 
 Prayers with wafhed Hands, whilft Men retain- 
 ed a filthy Spirit and polluted Soul. In like 
 Manner Synefius [/] fpeaks of the Cifterns or 
 VefTels of Water fet for Warning in their Ante- 
 Temples. 
 
 sect. VII. The Writers of the Church 
 
 whether the Super- of Rome, Baronius [g] and others, 
 ftttwus ufe of Holy- commonly derive and defend the 
 
 Ufe of their Holy- Water from Water ie aconup- 
 this antient Cuftom: But Du (i °yf^is ancient 
 Frefne [h~] feems to fpeak more Ctt ft om - 
 properly, when he fays j " Their Luflral W ater 
 " rather fucceeded in its Room." For the Warn- 
 ing of the Ancients had nothing of Expiation in 
 it, but was only an indifferent Ceremony of Cor- 
 poral Decency, or at moft but an admonifhing 
 Emblem of that Purity of Soul, with which Men 
 ought to enter the Courts of the moft Holy God. 
 And therefore any one that compares thefe Mat- 
 ters nicely together, mufl conclude, That the 
 latter Cuflom is but a fond Imitation, or meer 
 Corruption of the former j if it owe not rather 
 its Original to a worfe Fountain, the T^^tvl^a, 
 or Sprinkling with Holy Water, fo oftenYpoken 
 of among the Heathen. The Things are fo like 
 one another, that fome Modern Tranfcribers of 
 Sozomen have miflaken them for one another. 
 For whereas Sozomen fpeaking of Julian's going 
 into a Temple to Sacrifice in Gaul, with Falen- 
 tinian to attend him, fays, " The Pried fprink- 
 " led them [f] with Water as they went in, ac- 
 " cording to the Heathen Cuflom j" Falefius has 
 obferved, that in fome Copies it is read, accord- 
 ing to Ecclefiaftical Cuflom, inftead of Heathen 
 Cuftom: Which he imputes to fome Modern 
 Tranfcribers, who were minded to make Church- 
 Holy- Water of it j whom he ingenuoufly cha- 
 ftifes for their Ignorance, or Impudence, in cor- 
 rupting good Authors, as they juftly deferved. 
 
 But to return to the Buflnefs sect. VIII. 
 of the antient Churches : Whilft ^ Atrium and. 
 we are fpeaking of the Ante- rmkA in the An. 
 Temple, it will not be improper *S^STf 
 to obferve. That for many Years theDead"' 
 after Burying-Places were allow- 
 ed in Cities, they were flill kept out of that 
 which was ftrictly and properly called the Church, 
 and only allowed in thofe Parts of the Ante- 
 Temple, the Atrium and Portico's, which we 
 have been defcribing: As appears from a Canon 
 of the Council of Nantes, An. f8. which pro- 
 hibits any to be buried [£] in the Church, but 
 allows of it in the Atrium, or Portico's, or Exe- 
 dra of the Church. Which I note, only to fhew 
 what Ufe thefe Parts of the Ante Temple were 
 put to. But of this more when we come to 
 treat of Ccemiteries, and the Funeral Rites of the 
 antient Church. 
 
 [«] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever. Sandta nitens famulis inrerluit 
 Atria Lymphts Cantharus, intrantumque manus lavar amne mini- 
 ftro. [£] Socrat. lib. 2. c. 2S. [c] Chryfoft. Homil. 
 
 57. Tom. f. Edit. Savi!. p. 390. t«s jcpwf** \t) h> 7?lf oitxals 
 tuv Uuflnpfav o'ikcdv vzvb(jiirtu % [«/] Chryf. Horn. yi. in 
 
 Matth. Horn. ft. in Johan. Horn. 3. in Ephef. Horn. 36. ad Popul. 
 Antioch, Horn, in Pfal. 140. [e] Tertul. de Orat. c. 'it. Qua: 
 
 ratio eft, manibus quidem ablutis, Spiritu vero fordente, orationem 
 obire? [/] Synef. Ep. 1 2 1. Anaflafio, T d w to<> 
 
 utv'io-ucriTt y 'iPvtQa., eye. [g] Baron, an. 57. n. s 1 ?. 
 [h] Du Frefne Com. in Paul. Si.'cntiar. p. 5-39. [j] Sozomen. 
 Jib. 6. c. 6. p nvAis y'o(j.u ixhbjjtKZ TSfttypetm tii eiV/ofT^?. 
 [*] Conc - Nannetenf c. 6. In Ecclella nullatenus fepeliantur, fed 
 in Atrio, aut Porticu, aut in Exedris Ecclelise. 
 
 6 
 
 CHAP, 
 
Cha p. IV 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 291 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Interior Narthex, and the Parts and Ufes of it. 
 
 sect. 1. IT AVING taken a View of 
 of the leftr '$• XTjL the Exterior Narthex, or 
 or Ponbes outwarc i Ante-Temple, we are 
 
 before the Doors of 1 j t r> r 1 • • - »u_ t 
 
 tL church. next led b y Eufebius into the In- 
 
 terior Narthex, or Ante-Temple 
 within the Church. For in fuch rtately Stru- 
 ctures as that of Paulinas was, the Narthex, or 
 vr(>yvd(&' t which I Engliftj Ante-Temple, was a 
 Name common to more Parts than one. And in 
 fomc of the moll magnificent Churches, as that 
 of SanEta Sophia, as Du Frefne has obferved out 
 of Procopius and Paulus Silentiarius, there were 
 no lefs than four diftinct Nartheces. The En- 
 trance into the Interior Narthex in the Church 
 of Paulinus, was out of the Portico's, or Cloy- 
 Jlers, before the Church, by three Inner Porches 
 (rd cv^ordrdi IlpoxuXa Eufebius calls them) and as 
 many Gates opening out of them, the middle 
 one being the greatert and higheft of the Three, 
 as we commonly fee in our Modern Cathedrals, 
 only with this Difference, that thofe fronted to the 
 Eaft, and ours to the Weft. It had alfo Portico's 
 adjoining on the North and [a] South, and as 
 many Porches and Doors to enter out of them. 
 Thefe Porches in fuch Churches as had no other 
 Ante-Temple, ferved to receive the firft Clafs 
 of Penitents, called, T'he Mourners, which other- 
 wife were remitted to the Atrium and Portico's 
 before the Church, as I have fhewed already in 
 the Temple of Paulinus. And thefe Things are 
 accurately to be obferved by thofe, who would 
 not miftake the Ancients, when they fcem to 
 fpeak differently of the Place of the Mourners. 
 Du Frefne has alfo obferved out of Paulinus No- 
 lanus \b~], that thefe Porches and Gates are fome- 
 times called Arcus, from the Manner of their 
 Structure, which was Arch-work j and Apfides 
 for the fame Reafon, for Apfis denotes any 
 Thing that is framed in the Figure of an Arch, 
 or a Convex, as the Heavens : And therefore he 
 thinks the 5 id Canon of the third Council of Car- 
 thage\stobz understood of this Place, when it fays, 
 [c] " That fuch Penitents as had committed 
 " very notorious and fcandalous Crimes, known 
 46 to the whole Church, mould have Imposition 
 *' of Hands before the Apfis, that is, before the 
 " Porch, or Doors of the Church." Here it 
 was alfo that the Poor of the Church placed 
 themfelves both before and after Divine Service, 
 to ask Alms of fuch as came from the Altar. 
 Which Cuftom is mentioned by Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen \jf] and St. Chryfoftom [/], who elegantly, 
 after his Manner, upon this Account ftiles the 
 
 Poor, and Aged, and the Lame and the Blind, 
 the Guards of the Royal Palace, meaning the 
 Church. 
 
 Being entered by thefe Gates s r c T - 11 
 into the Church, the Firft Place °f the N f hc f' 
 
 ..i.' \t- . i Pronaos, cr Ferula. 
 
 that occurs to our View, is the 
 w^va©', or Ante-Temple within the Walls. 
 This in the Modern Greek Rituals is always call- 
 ed the Narthex, and is peculiarly allotted to the 
 Monks, or Women, and ufed to perform the 
 Offices of Rogations, and Supplications, and 
 Night- Watches in: Here alfo they place dead 
 Corpfes, whilft their Funeral Rites are perform- 
 ing, as Suicerus [/] fhews at large out of their 
 Triodion, Pentecojlarium and Typicum, and other 
 Authors. Morinus thinks [g] the ancient Churches 
 for above five Hundred Years had no Narthex, but 
 were divided only into two Parts, the SanEluarium 
 and Aula Laicorum, the Place of the Clergy, and 
 the Place of the Laymen, and that the Narthex 
 was firft introduced by the Eaftern Monks in the 
 lixth Century: But in this he is evidently mi- 
 itakenj for though the Name perhaps be not 
 very ancient, yet the Thing it felf is : For this 
 was always a diftinct and feparate Part of the 
 Church, as any one will eafily imagine, that con- 
 fidcrs the ancient Ufe of it. 
 
 For the Church, ever fince sect. nr. 
 fhe firft divided her Catechumens The ufe of u for the 
 and Penitents into diftinct Orders catechumens and 
 and ClafTes, had alfo diftind Pla- the s " 
 
 ces in the Church for them. r er ' 
 
 And this lower Part of the Church was the 
 Place of the Energumens, and fuch of the Ca- 
 techumens and Penitents, as were commonly 
 called axfiywfjfyoi, or Audientes, that is, Hearers, 
 becaufe they were allowed to ftand here, to hear 
 the Pfalms and Scriptures read, and the Sermon 
 made by the Preacher, after which they were 
 difmifTed without any Prayers, or Solemn Bene- 
 diction. As may be feen in the Author of the 
 Constitutions [If], and the Canons of St. Baft I [i~], 
 Gregory Nyjfen [k~\, and feveral others. 
 
 Hither alfo both Jews and sect. IV. 
 Heathens, and Hereticks and Alfo for fews,HeA- 
 Schifmaticks were fometimes al- thens.HereMsmd 
 lowed to come, to hear the Scrip- *° *** 
 
 tures read, and the Sermon preach- '"' 
 ed, becaufe this Part of the Service was for their 
 Edification and Inftruction. The Council of 
 
 [a] See alfo Eufeb. de Vita Conft. lib. 3. c. 37. Of the Church of 
 ]erufalem. [/>] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever. Alma domus tri- 
 
 plici pater ingredieniihus Arcu. [f] Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 32. 
 
 Cujiifcunque Pcenitentis publicum 8c vulgatilTimurn crimen eft, 
 quod univerfa Ecclefia noverit, ante Apfidem manus ei impona- 
 
 tur. [</] Naz. Orat. 16. de Amore Pauperum. Tom. r.' 
 
 p. 246*. [e] Chryfoft. Horn. 10. in 1 Thefs. p. 1484. 
 
 [/] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecdef. voce va.pd»Z. [g] Morin. de 
 
 Pcenit. lib. 6. c. 1 [h] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. f. [/] Bafil. 
 Can. if. [fc] Nyflen. Ep. ad Letoium, c. f. 
 
 Laodtcea 
 
292 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VIII. 
 
 Laodicea indeed [/] prohibits Hereticks to come 
 within the Church. But in Africk and other 
 Places it was allowed. For in the Fourth Coun- 
 cil of Carthage \m\ there is a Canon exprefs to 
 this Purpofe, " That the Bifhop fhall not pro- 
 " hibit any, whether Heathen, Heretick, or 
 " Jew, to come into the Church, and ftay there 
 *' to hear the Word of God, 'till the Time of 
 " the Difmiflfion of the Catechumens. And it ap- 
 pears farther from feveral, both of St. Chryfo- 
 ftom's and St. Auftiris Homilies, that this was 
 the common Pra&ice. Now then it is reafona- 
 ble to fuppofe, that all thefe had their Station 
 together in the lower Part of the Church, cal- 
 led the Narthex, or whatever other Name it 
 went by. 
 
 sect. v. Dr. Beverege,znd fome others, 
 
 This not the place feem here alfo to place the Font, 
 the Font, or Bap- or Baptiftery, as in our Modern 
 tijlery, as in our Churches. But there is nothing 
 
 Modern Churches. mQre certa j n) t [ ian t h at f or man y 
 
 Ages the Baptiftery was a dillin£t Place from the 
 Body of the Church, and reckoned among the 
 Exedrte, or Places adjoyning to the Church. 
 For which Reafon I omit fpeaking any farther of 
 it here, intending to do it more fully in the lat- 
 ter Part of this Book, when I come to the Ex- 
 edr<e of the Church. 
 
 SECT. VI. If it be enquired, Why this 
 iVhycalled Narthex, Part of the Church was called 
 and of the different Narthex, I anfwer, becaufe the 
 
 Figure of it was fuppofed to Sorts of Narfheces 
 referable a Ferula, which was nfevtralchurthesi 
 the Latin Name for it, that is, a Rod, or Staff: 
 For any Oblong Figure, or Dromical, as the 
 Greeks called it, was by them called a Narthex, 
 as Suiccrus and Du Frefne have obferved out of 
 Theodofms Zigomala [V) . And therefore this Pare 
 of the Church being a long, but narrow Part) 
 crofs the Front of the Church, was termed Nar- 
 thex, or Ferula, upon that Account. And it is 
 farther to be obferved, that fome Churches had 
 Three or Four Naitheces, but thofe without 
 the Walls: For the Portico's, or Cloy iters, of 
 fuch Churches as Sancla Sophia, which were 
 built to the North, and IVefl, and South of them, 
 were called Nartheces, as Du Frefne [o] fhews 
 out of Procopius, and Paulus Silentiarius, and the 
 Sixth general Council, becaufe thefe were long 
 narrow Buildings, in Figure, or Shape, of z Nar- 
 thex. And fuch Churches, he thinks, had no o- 
 ther Narthex within the Walls, but thefe Por- 
 tico's were the proper Station of the Penitents, 
 and fuch others as were not allowed to come 
 within the Nave of the Church. But in fuch 
 Churches, as had no Portico's adjoining to them, 
 the Narthex was the lower Part of the Church 
 within the Walls, which was made to anfwer 
 the Ufe of Portico's in other Churches. And 
 this feems to be the true State of the Matter, 
 and the only Way to reconcile the different Ac- 
 counts that are given by Authors of the Antienc 
 Narthex of the Church. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Naos, or Nave of the Church, and its Parts and Ufes. 
 
 SECT. I. A FTER the Narthex fol- 
 of the Beautiful jf\ lowed that Part which was 
 md Royal Gates: properly called vd(&, the 'temple, 
 My fo called. anc j tfavis, the Nave, or Body, 
 of the Church. This was feparated from the 
 Narthex by certain Rails of Wood, as all other 
 Places in the Church were commonly diftinguifh- 
 ed. The Entrance into it from the Narthex 
 was by the Gates, which the Modern Rituals, 
 and Greek Writers, call 7ru\aj d^ficu and fiaaihi- 
 y.cd, the Beautiful and Royal Gates j which feem 
 to be fo named in allufion to the Name Bafilica, 
 as denoting the Royal Palace of God, his Houfe 
 and Temple. Though perhaps another Reafon 
 might be affigned for it among the Modern 
 Greeks, who might call it the Royal Gate, be- 
 caufe here their Kings were ufed to lay down 
 their Crowns, before they proceeded farther in- 
 to the Church. Which is obferved by Leo Gram- 
 maticus, in The Life of Michael j>] the Empe- 
 ror, where he notes it as an Infolent and Inde- 
 cent Thing in him, " That when he came to 
 
 " the Royal Gates, he did not lay afide his 
 " Crown, as Kings were ufed to do. Some 
 Feftivals among them were for a like Reafon 
 called Crown Days, loured S-icsi-jrlcu, Dies Coro- 
 nati, becaufe the Emperors were ufed to go in 
 their Regalia to the great Church of Sancla So- 
 phia, on thofe Days, which were Twelve par- 
 ticular Days in a Year. So that as thefe Days, 
 fo thofe Gates of the Temple might have their 
 Denomination from fome particular Ceremony, 
 ufed by the Imperial Powers at their Entrance 
 by them : But I take the other Reafon to be 
 more probable, and had fcarce mentioned this, 
 had it not been to explain a Cuftom or two, 
 which fall in our Way upon the Mention of it. 
 
 This Part of the Church 
 feems to have been ufually a 
 fquare Building, in the Middle 
 between the San&uary and the 
 Narthex j as we find it defcribed 
 in a Letter of Theodofms and Va- 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The Nave of the 
 Church ufually a 
 Square Building, 
 called by fome. The 
 Oratory of Laymen. 
 
 [/] Cone. Laodic. can. 6. O] Cone. Carth. 4. c. 84. 
 
 Ut Epifcopus nullum prohibeat ingredi Ecclefiam, & audire Ver- 
 bum Dei, five Gentilem, fiv» Hsereu'cum, five Judaeum, ufque ad 
 Miflam Catechumenorum. [»] Zygomal. ap. Crucium 
 
 8 
 
 Turco-Groec. rrav ^qpijikov va.p&»t kaK^tox. [f] Du 
 
 Frefne Com. in Paul. Silentiar. p. 634. O] Leo Grammat. 
 Chronograp. p. 466. 
 
 lentinian, 
 
Chap. V- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 293 
 
 lentinian, at the End of the Council of Ephefus 
 [b~], and infcrted alfo into the Tbcodofian Code 
 hi, where fpcaking of Churches as Places of 
 Refuse, they divide them into thefe three 
 Partst I. The Swias-o'g/ov, the Altar- Part, or 
 Sanctuary, 2.. The cwKm'g/ov •« rtl&yuvcv, 
 the Four-fquared Oratory of the People, and 
 
 Order of Penitents are not without Reafon pla- 
 ced by all Expofitors within the Royal Gates, 
 behind the Ambo of the Church. 
 
 The Ambo it felf was what 
 we now call the Reading-Desk, 
 a Place made on Purpofe for the 
 
 SECT. iv. 
 And tht Ambo, or 
 Reading- Desk. 
 
 The remaining Part from that to the outer Readers and Singers, and fuch of the Clergy a 
 Doors of the Church. Now as this laft is a miniftrcd in the firft Service, called Mi fa Cate- 
 plain Defcription of the Nartbex afore-mention- cbumenorum. It had the Name of Ambo, not as 
 ed though it be not called by that Name, fo is Walafridus Strabo imagines, ab ambiendo, becaufe 
 
 it furrounded them that were in it> but from 
 dvaCodvetV) becaufe it was a Place of Eminency, 
 to which they went up by Degrees, or Steps. 
 For the original Name is "A/aCcov, which as Va- 
 lefius and Habertus have rightly obferved, in old 
 Greek Writers, ALfchylus and Eufiathius, figni- 
 
 the Second a Defcription of the Nave, or Mid 
 die of the Church, called the People's Oratory, 
 becaufe the People chiefly filled this Place, ha- 
 ving their different Stations, or Apartments in 
 it according to the Difference of Age, or Sex, 
 or Quality, or State and Condition j which Di- 
 
 ilin&ions were antiently obferv'd in fome, tho' fies the Afcent or Height of a Mountain, and 
 perhaps not in all Churches. 
 
 SECT, ill- 
 
 Jn tht Inwefi Part of 
 ■which flood r^eSub- 
 ftrati, or Penitents 
 of the Third Order. 
 
 For here firft of all, at the 
 very Entrance of the Royal 
 Gates, in the loweft Station of 
 this Part, behind the Ambo flood 
 the v3OT7ri'xlcvT??, or Subfirati, 
 the Penitents of the Third Order, fo called 
 from the Cuftom of Proftrating themfelves be- 
 fore the Biftiop, or Prieft, as ibon as the Ser- 
 mon was ended, to receive his Benediction with 
 Impofition of Hands, and be made Partakers 
 of thofe Prayers which the Congregation parti- 
 cularly offered to God for them, after which 
 
 thence it comes to fignify this Place of Emi- 
 nency in the Church. Sozomen [g] gives it the 
 Name of Bn'jma upon the lame Account, but to 
 diftinguilh it from the other Bema, which was 
 the Sanctuary, or the Altar, he calls it Bnjuta 
 yvowav, the Reader's Bema, as the other was 
 more properly the Bifhop's and Presbyters. In 
 St. Cyprian it is called Pulpitum, and Tribunal 
 Ecclefite, and the Ufe of it is alfo explained by 
 him to be a Reading-Desk: For here it was the 
 Readers flood to read the Gofpels and Epiftles, 
 as we learn from the Account which he gives 
 of Celerinus and Aurelius, two famous Confef- 
 fors, whom [h~] he ordained Readers, that they 
 
 they were obliged immediately to depart before who had made Confeffionof Chrifl's Gofpel from 
 
 the Communion-Service. This fort of Peni- 
 tents are mentioned in the Council of Nice [d], 
 tho' no particular Place is affigned them: But 
 we may collect from Tertullian and Sozomen, 
 that their Station was in this Part of the Church 
 
 the Rack, might read it alfo from the Pulpit, or 
 Tribunal of the Church. Here it was alfo that 
 the Singers had their Station, as is evident from 
 that Canon of the Council of Laodicea [;] 
 which forbids all others to fing in the Church, 
 
 For 'Tertullian [e] fpeaking of the Roman Difci- befide the Canonical Singers, who went up into 
 
 pline fays, " Pope Zephyrin brought Penitents 
 " into the Church in Sackcloth and Allies, and 
 " proftrated them in the mid ft before the Wi- 
 " dows and Presbyters, to implore their Com- 
 c « migration, and excite their Tears. This mult 
 be a different Station of Penitents from thofe 
 called Mourners, for their Station (as we have 
 feen before) was without the Church-Doors, 
 but thefe before the Widows and Presbyters in 
 the Middle of the Church.. And fo Sozomen (f) 
 plainly reprefents it, when he fays, " The Bi- 
 " (hop fell proftrate with them, and all the 
 " Congregation wept with Tears, and then the 
 " Biftiop rifing up, made the proper Prayers 
 « for them, and difmiffed them." Thefe were 
 Exercifes to be performed in the Church, and 
 not at the Church-Door: And therefore this 
 
 the Ambo, and fung by Book. Here alfo the 
 Diptychs, or Book of Commemoration, were 
 read, as appears from a noted PafTage in the 
 Council of Conjlantinople, under Mennas 
 where the People cry out, ra J'nr%%a nS ay.- 
 Cwvi, Let the Diptycbs be laid upon the Reading- 
 Desk. Bona [/] thinks the Biftiop and Presby- 
 ters here alfo made their Sermons to the Peo- 
 ple. For which he cites Prudentius [_m~\, and 
 Sidonius [ti] Apollinaris, from whofe Words he 
 farther concludes, that the Ambo was fometimes 
 called Ara, or Altar. But this Obfervation feems 
 to be founded on a Miftakc. For the Bifhops 
 anciently did not ufe to preach from the Ambo, 
 but more commonly from the rifing Steps of the 
 Altar, as Valefius (hews [0] that the Cullom 
 continued in France to the Time of King Chil- 
 
 li] Cone. Tom. p. 1136. [e] Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 4$-. 
 
 de his qui ad Ecclef. confugiunt. leg. 4. p. 366. [</] Cone. 
 
 N.icen. can. it. [e] Tertu!. dePudicit. 0.13. Pceniten- 
 
 tiam Mcechi ad exorandam fraternitatem in Ecclefiam inducens, 
 conciliatum 8t concineratum cum dedecore & horrore compofitum 
 profternis in medium ante Viduas, ante Presbyteros, omnium la- 
 chrymas fuadentem, &c. [/] Soz,om. lib. 7. c. 16. 
 
 [g] Sozom. lib. 8. c. f. lib. 9. c. 2. [&] Cyprian. Fp. 
 
 33. Ad Pulpitum poft. Cataftam venire, &c. It. Ep. 34. Quid 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 aliud quam fuper Pulpitum, id eft, Tribunal Eccleiix, oportebat 
 imponi, &c. [»] Cone, l.aodic. c. if. [k~] Cone, 
 
 Conftant. j-. Act. jr. [/] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. c. 6". 
 
 n. 3. [«?] Prudent. Hymn, de Hippolyta. Fronte fub ad- 
 
 veria gradibus iublime tribunal tollitur, Antiftes pra?dicat unde De- 
 um. [»] Sidon. Carm. 16. ad Fauftum. Seu te con- 
 
 fpicuis gradibus venerabilis Arac, Concionatuium plebs fedula cir- 
 cumfiftir. [#] Va!e£ Not. in Secrat, lib, 6, c. v. 
 
 P p P debert. 
 
2 94 
 
 i — - 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the B o o k VIII. 
 
 debert. And therefore both Socrates [/>], and 
 Sozomen, feem to fpeak of Chryfoftom's Preaching 
 in the Ambo as an unufual Thing j but he did 
 it for Conveniency, Socrates fays, that he might 
 be the better heard by the People. We cannot 
 hence therefore conclude, that the Ambo was the 
 ordinary Place of Preaching, but rather the Altar } 
 and that when we read of Bifhops preaching 
 from the Afcent of the Ara^ it is rather to be 
 underftood of the Altar, than the Ambo. Yet 
 in Africk St. Auftin feems to have made his Dif- 
 courfes to the People from the Ambo, which he 
 fometimes calls Exedra and fomctimes Apfis 
 [r~] > which I the rather note, becaufe thefe 
 Words are of various Signification among the 
 Ancients, fometimes denoting the Ambo, per- 
 haps from its Orbicular Form, and at other 
 Times the Crofs Wings, and outer Buildings of 
 the Church. Some take the Apfis for the Am- 
 bo in that Canon of the Third Council of Car- 
 thage^ which fays, " Notorious and fcandalous 
 " Criminals [s~] fhall do Penance before the Ap- 
 " fis. But Du Frefne, as I have noted [*] before, 
 takes it in another Senfe, for the Porch of the 
 Church, and it is not always eafy to determine 
 exactly the Meaning of it. 
 
 SECT. v. But to proceed .' In this Part 
 
 And above this the of the Church, all the Faithful, 
 
 communicants, and or f uc h as were in the Commu- 
 
 Tourth order of ?t- nion of t h e Church, had their 
 
 niienti,call a Con- ~. , , , 
 
 Mentes, had their P lace a%ned them ; and among 
 flaw. them the Fourth Order of Peni- 
 
 tents, whom they called Con- 
 fiftentes, becaufe they were allowed to ftay, and 
 hear the Prayers of the Church, after the Cate- 
 chumens, and other Penitents, were difmiffed, but 
 yet they might not make their Oblation, or par- 
 ticipate of the Sacrifice of the Altar. In which 
 RefpecT: they are faid to (land and communicate 
 with the reft of the People, but in Prayers on- 
 ly, without the Oblation, as the Canons of Nice 
 [/], and St. Bafil [a], word it. Whether they 
 were feparate from other Communicants, in a 
 diftincT: Place by themfelves, I find not in any 
 other Author, fave only Eligius Noviomenfis, 
 who lived about the Year 640. He, in one of 
 his Homilies [w] to the Penitents, tells them, 
 " They were placed on the left Side of the 
 " Church, becaufe the Lord, at the Day of 
 tc Judgment, would place the Sheep, that is, the 
 f* Righteous, on his Right Hand; and the Goats, 
 
 " that is, Sinners, on his Left. But becaufe this 
 is a later Writer, and Learned Men [x] are alfo 
 doubtful about his Homilies, whether they be 
 genuine or not, we can determine nothing from 
 this Paffage, concerning the original Cuftom of 
 the Church. 
 
 Only this is certain from SECT. vi. 
 good Authors, that antiently Men The places of Men 
 and Women had their different <*»<l Women ufualiy 
 Places in this Part of the Church. f e J>*™ te f rom each 
 The Author of the Conftitutions ° er * 
 fpeaks of it as the Cuftom [_y~\ of the Church in 
 his Time, when he gives Directions about it, 
 that Wbmen fhould lit in a feparate Place by 
 themfelves j and accordingly makes it one Part 
 of the Office of DeaconnefTes to attend [z] the 
 WomensGate in the Church j c< Let the Door- 
 " keepers ftand at the Gate of the Men, and 
 " the DeaconnefTes at the Gate of the Women. 
 St. Cyril [ct] alfo takes Notice of this Diftin- 
 £tion, as cuflomary in his own Church at Jeru- 
 salem, faying, " Let a Separation be made, that 
 " Men be with Men, and Women with Wo- 
 " men in the Church." The like Intimation is 
 given us by St. Auftin, that each Sex [b~] had 
 their diftin<5t Places in the Church : And he 
 particularly mentions the Womens Part, as di- 
 ftin£t. alfo in the Baptiftery [c~] of the Church. 
 Paulinus \_d~] takes Notice of the fame in the 
 Life of St. Ambrofe, telling us, u How St.Am- 
 " brofe was once furioufly affaulted in a Church 
 <c by an Arrian Woman, who getting up into 
 " the Tribunal to him, would needs have haled 
 " him by his Garments to the Womens Part, 
 M that they might have beat him* and made him 
 " fly the Church. This Diftin&ion was fo ge- 
 nerally obferved in the Time of Conftantine, that 
 Socrates [e~] fays, " His Mother Helena always 
 " fubmitted to the Difcipline of the Church in 
 " this Refpect, praying with the Women in 
 " the Womens Part. And it was ufually made 
 by Rails, or Wooden Walls, as St. Chryfoftom 
 terms them, who has thefe remarkable Words 
 concerning the Original of this Cuftom : "Men 
 " ought to be feparated [/] from Women, fays 
 " he, by an inward Wall, meaning that of the 
 " Heart: But becaufe they would not, our Fore- 
 " fathers feparated them by thefe wooden Walls 5 
 " for I have heard from our Seniors, that it 
 " was not fo from the Beginning j for in Chrifl 
 " Jefus there is neither Male nor Female. Do 
 
 [p ] Socrat. lib. 6. c. 5-. Sozomcn. lib. 8. c. f. [9] Aug. 
 de Civ. Dei, lib. 21. c. 8. In gradibus Exedrse, in qua de fuperi- 
 ore loquebar loco, feci ft are ambos fratres, cum eorum legere- 
 tur Libellus. [r] Aug. Ep. 22j\ Honoratiores 8c gravio- 
 
 rci in Apfidem afcendentes, cum Epifcopo colloquuntur, &c. It. 
 Ep. 203. In futuro Chrifti Judicio nec Apfides gradata: nec Ca- 
 thedra velatse, &c. [j] Cone. Carth. 3. c. 32. ante Apfi- 
 dem ei minus imponatur. [*] Chap. 4. n. 1. [t] Cone. 
 Nicen. c. 11. [«] Bafil. Ep. Canon, c. $-6. Cone. Ancyr. 
 
 can. 8. [»] Eligius Horn. 8. ad Poenit. Bibl. Patr. torn. 2. 
 
 p. 99. Cur ergo in finiftra parte Ecclefiat pofiti eftit? Non fine 
 caufa ufus Ecclefiat hoc obtinuit, fed quia Dominus in Judicio oves, 
 id eft, juftos, a dextris; hsedos vero, id eft, peccatorcs a finiftris 
 ponet. [*] Vid. Albertin. de Euchar. lib. 3. p. 906. 
 
 [y] Conftit. Apoft. lib 1. c. fi. eu ymaxKif Myjozw (jSJjus 
 
 oZtoj Ka.§i£'i&v<TttY. [z.] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2.c. 57. 
 
 lib. 8. c. 20. 8c 28. [»] Cyril. Prstfat. in Catech. n. 8- 
 
 ywieuKuv. [b~] Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib. 2. c. 28. Po- 
 
 puli confluunt ad Eccleiias carta celebiitate, honefta utriufque fexus 
 clifcretione. [r] lb. lib. 22. c. 8. Admonetur in fom~ 
 
 nis Innocentia, appropinquante Pafcha, ut in Parte Fceminarum, 
 obfervanti ad Baptifterium, quascunque illi baptizata primitus oc- 
 curriflet, eundem locum iigno Chrifti fignaret. [d] Pau- 
 
 lin. Vit. Ambrof p. 3. Tribunal confeendens, apprehenfo vefti- 
 mento Sacerdotis, cum ilium attrahere vellet ad Partem mulierum, 
 &c. [f] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 17. £ cwx£-^eu In 
 
 tuH t ywicuKuv Tctyy.a.Ti. [/] Chryfoft Homil. 74. 
 
 in Matth. 
 
 we 
 
Chap. V- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 295 
 
 wc not read that Men and Women prayed toge- 
 ther in their upper Rooms? Yet Eufebius \_g~\ 
 makes this Diftin&ion as antient as Pbilo Judaeus 
 and St. Mark, and many Learned Men think it 
 came from the JewiJI) Church into the Chriftian 
 not long after the Days of the Apoftles. Some 
 are a little too curious in fixing this Womens 
 Part always pvecifely to the North or Right Side 
 of the Church. For though this might be the 
 Cuftom of the Weftern Churches in later Ages, 
 when Amalarius Furtunatus, and Radulphus Tun- 
 grenfis, and the Authors of the Micrologus and 
 Ordo Romanus lived, which Writers are cited 
 by Dur ant us [_h~] for it j yet it appears to have 
 been orhcrwife antiently in many of the Greek 
 Churches. Nor does that Funeral Infcription, 
 which fome produce out of the Roma Subterra- 
 nean prove the contrary, which fpeaks [/'] of 
 Perfons lying interr'd Siniftra Parte Virorum, on 
 the South or Left Side of the Church, where 
 the Men fat. For not to enquire into the Anti- 
 quity of that Infcription, it proves no more but 
 that the Men fat on the Left Side in the Roman 
 Churches: Which does not hinder the Women 
 from having their Apartment on that Side too, 
 if the fime Cuftom was at Rome which was at 
 Conftantinople and other Greek Churches, which 
 was for the Men to fit below, and the Women 
 in Portico's, or Galleries, above them, on the 
 Left Side of the Church, if not on the Right 
 alfo. For thus Gregory Nazianzcn [k~\ defcribes • 
 his Temple of Anaftafia, making the Men to 
 Hand by the Rails of the Chancel, and the Vir- 
 gins and Matrons to be hearkening from their up- 
 per Galleries above the other. And fo it was in 
 the Church of Sancla Sophia, and many other 
 Churches. 
 
 sect. vil. Upon this Account thefePIa- 
 why thefe places ces of the Women are, by fuch 
 of the w»mm were Q ree j, Writers as fpeak of them, 
 
 called ^thx*'^* termed u?per Rooms, 
 
 as by Evagnus \_i J in his Uelcnp- 
 tion of the Temple of Sanbla Sophia, and more 
 particularly by Paulus Silentiarius [m], who 
 itiles them exprefly S^Ximpwv ■atrepw'ia, the up- 
 per Galleries of the Women. Thefe were alfo 
 called xarn^sju^a, as appears from an Edidt of 
 the Emperor Leo [»], which makes thefe upper 
 Rooms and the Catechumena to be the fame 
 Thing. Suicerus [0] and Hofpinian, and many 
 other Learned Men miftake thefe for the Place 
 where the Catechumens flood, and where the Ca- 
 techetical Books were kept : But Du Frefne [p~\ 
 more truly obferves, " That they were fo called, 
 
 " becaufe they were Places of Hearing, where 
 " the Women fat in their upper Galleries to 
 " hear Divine Service. In one of thefe the Em- 
 prefs commonly had her Apartment, as Du Frefne 
 obferves out of Evagrius. And by that one may 
 eafily underftand what Paulus Diaconus {j] means, 
 when fpeaking of the Emprefs Eirene, he fays, 
 " She went up by the Afcent of the Brazen 
 " Gate into the Catechumenia of the Church, 
 that is, into the Place of Hearing among the 
 Womens Apartments in the Church. Thefe 
 Galleries were fometimes alfo made ufe of for 
 Councils to fit in, as Leo Allatius [r] has obfer- 
 ved of the Council of Conftantinople in the Time 
 of Johannes Comnenus, An. 1 i6f, " That it was 
 " held ci/ roTf o^ipi? xaT»^8ju^y'otr, in the Right- 
 " hand Galleries of the Church of Alexius: And 
 fome others are mentioned [jj as held in the 
 fame Place. 
 
 The Inner Parts of thefe Por- sect. viii. 
 tico's were fometimes divided in- Private cells for 
 to little Cells, or Places of Re- MeAt«,an,R**J,»g, 
 
 , iir it r 1 «»» Prayer on the 
 
 tirement on the Walls of the Ba(k J thefe , 
 Church, and that not only in 
 the Womens Parts, but the Mens alfo, as may- 
 be collected from the Account which Paulinus 
 Nolanus gives of them, who calls them Cubicu- 
 la, little Chambers, and tells us, " The Ufe of 
 " them [f] was for People to retire into, that 
 " were minded to give themfelves to Reading, 
 tc or Meditation, or private Prayer. Thefe were 
 looked upon as Parts of the Catechumenia, and 
 were fometimes abufed to prophane Ufes inftead 
 of pious : For, as we may collect from the De- 
 crees of the Council of Trullo [«] and the Em- 
 peror Leo [w], fome made Ufe of them for 
 Lodgings inftead of Oratories, and cohabited 
 with their Wives there : To correct which A- 
 bufe, it is ordered in both thofe Decrees, that 
 all fuch Perfons fhould be expelled from the Ga~ 
 techumenia of the Church. 
 
 It is to be noted farther, that SECT. IX. 
 not only Men and Women had H>e place of the 
 their diftin£b Places, but alfo Vir- v n ms * nd Wtdom 
 gins and Widows a peculiar A- difimguijhed from 
 partment afligned to them. Which 01 ers ' 
 we learn from St. Ambrofe's Difcourfe to a Lap- 
 fed Virgin, telling her [x], " That fhe ought 
 *' to have remembred that Place in the Church, 
 " railed out from the reft, where fhe was ufed 
 " to ftand, whither the Religious Matrons and 
 " Noble Women came thronging to receive her 
 " Salutation^ which were more holy and bet- 
 
 [£] Eufeb. lib. 1. c. I7. [h] Durant. de Ritib. Eccl. 
 
 lib. i.e. 18. [i] Roma Subterran. lib. 2. c. 10. n. 23. 
 
 [k] Nazian. Somnium de Templo Anaftaf. Tom. 2. p. 78. eu 
 </ N> ap' v^Yihcuv Tiy'iwv iVKOo~(J.ov cix.xtiv dyveu Tct^ivtKai 
 Hhlvov 3,yH \grXiyct.iJLoi<. [/] Evagr. Hift. lib. 4. c. 31. 
 
 [w] Paul. Siientiar. Defer. S. Soph. Part. 1. ver. zf6. 
 [»] Leo Novel. 72. ^ rolf r ix.>iAn<Ti£>v vintage a.ir^ 
 ToAvf etV-9- p«t®- Kcnnyji^ivtt x.d.K(Zv iyve-j. [0] Suicer. 
 Thefaur. Eccl. voce xATfr^K/y-fi'tf. [/>] Du Frefne Com. 
 
 in Paul. Siientiar. p. ffo. [q] Paul. Diacon. Mifcel. lib. 23. 
 
 Afcsndit Imperatrix Eirene per aencx ports afcenfum in Catechu- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 menia EccleGae. [r] Leo Allat. de Confenfu Ecclef. lib. z. 
 
 c. 11. p. 64?. [V] Leo Allat. ibid. c. 12. p. 682. 
 
 [r] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever. Cubicula intra Porticus quaternalon- 
 gis Bafilicae iateribus inferta, fecretis Orantium, vel in Lege Do- 
 mini mediantium, prseterea memoriis Religiolbrum ac familiariura. 
 accommodatos ad pacis xtcrnae requiem locos praibent. 
 [«] Cone. Trullan. can. 97. [n>] Leo Novel. 73. 
 [xj Ambrof. ad Virgin. Lapfam. c. 6. Nonne vel ilium locum 
 Tabulis feparatum, in quo Ecclefia ftabas, recordari debuifti ? Ad 
 quem religiofe Matrons & Nobiles certatim currcbant, tua Of- 
 cula peteates, quae fan&iores St meliores te erant, 
 
 P p p z « ter 
 
296 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 " tcr than her felF. This appears alfo from the 
 Author [jv] of the Confitutions, who fpeaking 
 of the Order in which Perfons were appointed 
 to fit in the Church, firft places the Virgins, 
 Widows and aged Women in the highcftRankj 
 then Married Women below them in a Place 
 by themfeivesj then their Children ; Daughters 
 with their Mothers, and Sons with their Fa- 
 thers, or next behind thcm> and la ft of all 
 young Men according to their Age in different 
 Stations. This was the Order in fuch Churches 
 as had none of thofc Ifpcroa, or Galleries before 
 fpoken of: For othevwife, as has been noted out 
 of Nazianzcu^ the Virgins and Matrons had 
 their diftinci: Places in the Portico's above. I do 
 not here al ledge Origen, after Duranins and Bona, 
 becaufe they plainly miilake the Senfc of their 
 Author, wholpeaks not of the Chriftian Church, 
 but of the Jcwiflo Temple, and that with fuch 
 a formal Story, that it is a wonder any Learned 
 Men could miftake him. He tells us, {i He had 
 U it from an old Tradition, [t; ] that there was 
 " a Place in the Temple peculiar for Virgins to 
 t; worfhip Goo! in, whither no married Wo- 
 w man was allowed to come- B.ut the Virgin 
 55 Mary, after ihc had brought forth our Saviour, 
 5* went and flood to worlhip there: Which 
 when they that knew fne had born a Son, 
 44 would not allow of j Zacharias, the Father of 
 55 St. John Baptift, {food up and faid, She is 
 tc worthy to ftand in the Place of Virgins, for fhe 
 " is yet a Virgin. Upon which they rofe up a- 
 " gainft Zacharias, as a Breaker of the Law, 
 " in permitting a married Woman to ftand in 
 " the Place of Virgins, and flew him between 
 u the Temple and the Altar. I make no farther 
 Reflection on this Paffage at prefent, but leave 
 it, as I find it, to the Judgment of the Reader. 
 As to the Place of Virgins in the Chriftian 
 Church, I have only this one Thing more to 
 remark out of St. Ambrofc, which is, That ufu- 
 ally fome profitable Texts of Scripture [a] were 
 written upon the Walls of the Church in this 
 Place, proper to the Virgin-State, fuch as, that 
 of St. Paul, i Cor. vii. 34. 'there is Difference 
 between a JVife and a Virgin: The unmarried 
 Woman careth for the things of the Lord, that fhe 
 may be Holy both in Body and, in Spirit. W hich 
 LefTon, St. Awbrofe tells the Virgin he writes 
 to, fhe ought to have remembred, becaufe it 
 was written before her Eyes upon the Walls of 
 the Church. 
 
 SECT. X. There is one Place more 
 
 Tbf. vuh&oyor So- to betaken Notice of in fome 
 lea, that is, the Ma- Churches, before we leave this 
 
 gifimtes Throne m p art Q £ the Temple to go into 
 
 chJcT the Sanctuary, which is, what 
 
 Codinus [b~\ and fome other Mo- 
 
 dern Greeks call the s-^Jdc-j, a Place of fome 
 Note in the Church of Sancla Sophia, but not 
 exactly agreed upon by Learned Men, either 
 what or where it was, or what ufe it was put 
 to. Gretfer in his Notes upon Codinus (VI, fan- 
 cies it to be nothing clfc but the Pavement at 
 the Entrance of the Sanctuary, or fome fuch 
 Thing adjoining to it: Morinus [//] and Matins 
 [e] fay it was fome Place between the Bema and 
 the Ambo. Schelflratc is a little more particular 
 [/'], " That it was the Place before the Rails 
 u of the Sanctuary, where the Emperor had his 
 " Seat on the right Hand, and the Readers 
 ^ and Subdeacons on the left. But Suiccrus 
 [g] and Meurjius are more pofitive, "That it 
 " was only the Emperor's Throne, and called 
 " ctwXhov from the Latin Solium. And Dr. Be- 
 vereg? \_h~\ inclines to the fame Opinion. Du 
 Frefne U] allows of this as probable like wife, 
 but he alfo fancies it might fignify the Limim 
 Canceliwum, the Thrcfhoid, or raifed Foundati- 
 on upon which the Rails of the Chancel were 
 erected, and be fo called from Solum, whence 
 comes the French Name Seuil, and the EnglifJ), 
 Sill, or Groundfil. This was ufually adorned 
 and beautified very richly, he thinks, with Gold 
 and precious Stones, and fometimes reverenced 
 with the Kiffes and Salutations of the People ; 
 whence the Phrafes, Exofculciri Llmina, Li- 
 minibus Martyrum affundi, in Sidonius and Pruden- 
 tius, are by him interpreted to this Purpofe. 
 But I conceive the former Opinion moft proba- 
 ble, which takes it for the Emperor's Throne, 
 which was toward the Eaft End of the Church 
 in the Men's Portico, over-againft the Altar, 
 where now the Sultan has his Seat among the 
 Turks. For that Place which Dr. Beverege calls 
 the Embolus, and others the Circuitus, or fide 
 Ifles on both Sides, were in the Temple of San- 
 Eta Sophia Portico's, for Men below, and Wo- 
 men above. And as the Emprefs had her Seat 
 in the upper End of the W omens Apartment, 
 fo the Emperors had theirs in the Mens Apart- 
 ment next to the Chancel, from the Time that 
 Sozomen [k] tells us Theodofius fubmitted to the 
 Reproof of St. Ambrofe, who blamed him for 
 taking his Seat within the Rails of the Sanctu- 
 ary (though it had been cuftomary for the Em- 
 perors fo to do.) After which Admonition both 
 he and his Succeflbrs always took their Place 
 without the Rails, whence that Place feems to 
 be called the Solium, the Royal Seat. Which 
 is confirmed a little by what Suicerus obferres 
 out of Cedrenus and Codinus, " That Jujlinian 
 " made the. Select of Gold and Onyx Stone- 
 which are proper Materials to adorn a Throne, 
 but not fo proper to be laid in the Pavement 
 of a Church. Not far from this Du Frefne 
 [/] obferves in fome Modern Churches, a Place 
 
 \_y~\ Conflit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. fj. <u ird^'ivoi. £ eu, [«] Gretfer. Not. ip Lor. [r/] Morin. de Ordinat. Par. z-. n. gi. 
 
 jy ^fiffCvTt^if, tstfvu Tst<rcov SMVTUft/x, » v K (t&£iJ£affcto. [e] Allat. de Tempi's Graccor. DiiTert. 2. [/] Schelflrat. 
 
 fz] Origea. Kom. 26. in Matth. p. 162. [a] Ambrof. ad Concil. Antiocli. p. 192. [g] Suiccr. Theiaur. 81 Meus 
 
 Virgin. Laplam. c. 6. Nonne vel "ilia Prsecepta, qua: oculis tuts fius in GioiTar. [h] Bevereg. Not. in Cone. Nicen. c. 11. 
 ipfe Scripcus Paries ingerebat, record^ri debuifti? Divi& eft Mulier Du Frefne Not. in Paul. Silentiar.p. f8f. [k] Sozorrx. lib. 7. 
 
 &. Virgo, &c. f>] Codin. Origin. Conftant. lib, 3. c. 1 z. c. f/J Du. Frefne Com. ia Paul-. Silentiar- p. j<Sb. 
 
 called 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 called the Scuatorium, which fomc take to be 
 only another Name for the Seats of the Bifhop 
 and Presbyters, who were the Senate of the 
 Church : But Du Frcfne thinks it was rather 
 
 the Seat of the Magistrates, called Senators, 
 whence their Apartment had the Name of Sena- 
 torium in the Church. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Bema, or Third Part of the Temple, called the Altar and the Sanctu- 
 ary, and the Parts and Ufes of it. 
 
 SECT. T. 
 The Char.cel ar.n 
 tntly ailed rkma 
 cr Tribunal. 
 
 THE Third, and innermoft 
 Part of the antient Churche?, 
 was that which we now call the 
 Chancel ; but originally it was 
 known by many other Names. One of themoft 
 common Names was that of Bfljua, or Tribunal, 
 which, as I have noted before, is a Word of va- 
 rious Signification, denoting fometimes the Ambo, 
 or Reading-Desk, and fometimes the Altar, and 
 ibmctimes the Seats, or Thrones, of the Bifhop 
 and Presbyters, and fometimes the whole Space 
 where thefc Thrones and the Altar flood. In 
 which Senfe I undcrftand that Canon of the 
 Council of Laodicca [a], which forbids Presby- 
 ters to go into the Bema, and fit there before the 
 Bifhop comes. Suicerus has obferved it [b~] fre- 
 quently to be thus ufed in the Liturgies of St. 
 Chryfoftom and St. Bafil. And Chryfofiom [_c], in 
 one of his Homilies, more particularly defcribes 
 it to be the Place whither the Bifhop went by 
 an Afcent into it, to Preach, to Pray, to ftand 
 by the Holy Temple, and offer the tremendous 
 Sacrifice for the People. By which it is eafy to 
 underftand, that he takes it not barely for the 
 Altar alone, or the Bifhop's Throne, but for the 
 whole Place where they Hood, and where thefe 
 feveral Offices were performed. And the Rea- 
 fon of the Name Bema was what Chryfoftom alfo 
 intimates, when he fays, " They went up by an 
 *' Afcent into it. For Bema and Ambo have both 
 the fame Original, from a'vaCaiv&tv, becaufe they 
 were Places exalted above the reft, and like the 
 Tribunals of Judges, had an Afcent by Steps in- 
 to them. Now the Bema was more peculiarly 
 allotted to the Clergy, and upon that Account, 
 as I have noted before in a former Book, 
 the Clergy were fometimes ftiled 61 rS B^aT©-", 
 and Ta'^tr rS B^ar©--, the Order of the Bema, 
 or the Sanctuary. 
 
 is the Term that Eufcbius [J] ufes in defcribing 
 the Temple of Paulinas. In other Places [e~] he 
 calls it " Kyio.v\j.a y which is the Name whereby 
 the Seventy call the Sanctuary in the Old T'eftament. 
 The Latins called it Sacrarium, the Sanctuary. 
 As in the Firft Council of Bracara, which for- 
 bids Laymen [/] to come into the Sanctuary to 
 communicate: And the Council of Vaifon, which 
 [<?] •peaks of the Office of Ordering or Difpo- 
 Bhg the Things of the Sanctuary : And the 
 Fourth Council of Carthage, which forbids the 
 Oblation of fuch as are at Variance one with 
 another, to be received \fo~\ either in the Trea- 
 fury, or the Sanctuary. 
 
 SECT. IT. 
 
 Alfo" hyiwor h- 
 pgrriiov, Sacra- 
 rium, the Holy, or 
 the Sanctuary. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 And <5vcrirts-i\ej.ov, 
 the Altar Part. 
 
 For the Name Sanctuary was 
 alfo appropriated to this Part of 
 the Church. The Greeks pecu- 
 liarly ftiled it "Ayjov, the Holy * 
 and from thence the Altar was 
 called ''Ayiov r Ay lav, the Holy of Holies, which 
 
 The Gmv^alfo termed it §v- 
 c-iawoiov , the Altar Part. For 
 tho' that Word commonly figni- 
 fies the Altar it felf, or the Lord's Table, yet in 
 fome antient Canons, and Ecclefiaftical Writers, 
 as Habertus [/'] and Mr. Mcde [k] have obferved, 
 it is ufed to denote the whole Sanctuary within 
 the Rails, where none but the Clergy were al- 
 lowed. As in the Councils of Laodicea [/] and 
 T'rullo [m], which forbid Women and Laymen 
 to come into the ^rwia-^n^jcv, it muft mean the 
 whole Altar Part, or Chancel. And fo in So- 
 crates [«], and Theodoret [o~], and many others, who 
 fpeak of St. Ambrofe excluding Theodoftus the Em- 
 peror from within the Rails of the Sanctuary. 
 
 S t. Cyprian, in his f f th Epiftle, sect. IV, 
 
 calls it Confejffus Ckri, the Pref- Presbyterium and 
 
 bytery. And Forbefius Qfj, and D'aconicum. 
 fome other Learned Men, think it was alfo called 
 Diaconicum, from the Presbyters fitting, and the 
 Deacons miniftring there. Thus they under* 
 ftand the Council of Laodicea \jf], which forbids 
 Sub-deacons to have any Place in the Diaconi- 
 cum, or to touch the Sacred Veffels- of the Lord's 
 Table. But I muft note, that though the Name 
 Diaconicum \\\ that Canon may fignify the Chan- 
 cel, or Sanctuary, yet it more commonly means the 
 Veftry, or Repository of the Sacred Veffels,. of 
 which we are to give a farther Account, when we 
 come to fpeak of the Exedra of the Church. 
 
 [a] Cone. Laodic. can. f<S. [b~\ Suicer. Thefaur. Eccl. voce 
 [f] Chryfoft. Horn. 36. dePentecoft. Tom.f. p. ^5-3. 
 [*] Book\. Chap. j. Seel. 1 1 . [_d] Eufcb.lib. 1 o. c.4.. p. 381. 
 
 [e] Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 18. [/] Cone. Bracar. 1. c. 31. Ingredi 
 Sacrarium ad communicandum non lkeat Lnicis, nifi tantum Cle- 
 ricis. [g\ Conc.Vafenf. c.3. Cujus OfRcium eft: Sacrarium 
 
 dilponere 8c Sacramenta fufcipere. \jo] Cone. Carth. 4.. can. 93. 
 
 Oblationes diffidentium fratrum, neque in Sacario, neque in G.17.0 
 phylacio rccipiantur. [<] Baberr. Archicrar. p. 663. 
 
 [/>-] Mcde Comment. Apocalyp. p. 4179. [7] Cone. Laodi. 
 
 c. 44. \_m~] Cone. Trull, can. 69. [»] Socrar. lib. 1 
 
 c. 25-. [0] Theodor. lib. 1. c. 1 4. [/>}. Forbef. Irenio; 
 
 lib. 2. c ' 1 . p. 22 1 , [q\ Cone, Laodic. can 2 1 
 6 
 
 In 
 
298 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VIII. 
 
 SECT. v. In fome Canons it feems alfo 
 
 Alfi Chorus, or to have had the Name of Chorus^ 
 £t? ire - whence comes our Englijh Quire. 
 
 As in the Fourth Council of Toledo, which thus 
 appoints [r] the Order and Manner of Mens 
 communicating in the Church, fo as that the 
 Priefts and Deacons fhould communicate before 
 the Altar, the Inferior Clergy in the Quire, and 
 the People without the Quire. Though fome 
 take the Chorus to fignify rather the Place of 
 the Singers and Readers in the other Part of the 
 Church. 
 
 sect. vl. EUSEBLUS, defcribingthis 
 This place fepa- Part of the Temple of Paulinus, 
 rated from the reft « i t was divided from the reft 
 
 by Raits called 'Can- <t . cemjn RaiJs p r of 
 celli, whence comes ,{ T , . n i -r • 
 
 chi/)ce l Wood, cunoully and artinci- 
 
 u ally wrought in the Form of 
 " Net-Work, to make it inacceflible to the 
 " Multitude. Thefe the Latins call Cancelli, 
 whence comes our Englijli Name, Chancel. In 
 other Greek Writers they are termed KtlxXfVW, 
 Whence in Theodoret [f] rd fyJcv r KifxX/dW, 
 the Place within the Ra'ls, is but another Name 
 for the Altar-Part, or Chancel. And to lay hold 
 of the Rails, in the Phrafe of Syneftus is 
 the fame Thing as to take San&uary at the 
 Altar. 
 
 B y thefe Rails, as Eufebius 
 words it, " This whole Altar- 
 
 SEC-T. VII. 
 
 Jlndkept inaccef- words It, 
 
 fbletotheMultitude. « p i ace was ] cept inacceffible to 
 
 Whence it was called « bm ^ C j ergy j„ dme of 
 
 y a ' <c Divine Service. The Council 
 
 of Laodicea has one Canon [w] particularly for- 
 bidding Women to come within the Altar-part. 
 And another in more general Terms, allowing 
 none but the h^nyx) to communicate there [a*]. 
 In which Canon fome take the Word, js^-mci, 
 to mean all the Clergy, Inferior as well as Supe- 
 rior: But Habertus thinks it means only the 
 Superior Clergy, Priefts and Deacons ; and that 
 all the Inferiors, Sub- deacons, Readers, &c. 
 were excluded from this Part as well as the Peo- 
 ple. However, it is agreed on all Hands that 
 the People in that Age had no Place there. For 
 St. Ambrofe would not permit the Emperor The- 
 odofius himfelf to communicate [f ] in this Part, 
 but obliged him to retire, as foon as he had made 
 his Oblation at the Altar. Which Cuftom con- 
 tinued for fome Ages after. As appears from 
 what Theodofius Junior fays of himfelf, in the 
 Acts of the Council of Ephefus [z], " That he 
 « only went up to the Altar, to make his Obla- 
 <c tion, and having done that, retired again to 
 <c the Exterior Court, or Atrium of the People. 
 
 And fo we find it decreed, correfpondent to this 
 Practice, in the Council of Trullo [a], " That 
 " no Layman whatfoever Ihould come into the 
 " Altar-Parr, except only the Emperor, when 
 " he had made his Oblation to the Creator, ac- 
 " cording to antient Cuftom. And hence it was 
 that this Part of the Church was called "ACara 
 and "AJWa, by Theodor et [b], and Eufebius, and 
 other Greek Writers, and Adyta by the Latins, that 
 is, Inacccfrible ; becaufe there was no Place of 
 Accefs here for the People, who were whollv 
 excluded from it. Though I muft note, that 
 according to the Difference of Times and Places, 
 different Cuftoms feem to have prevailed in this 
 Matter. For the molt antient Cuftom was both 
 for Men and Women to come up to the Altar, 
 and communicate there, as it appears to have 
 been in the Third Century, in the Time of Di- 
 onyfius of Alexandria, whofpeaks both of Men (Y) 
 and Women \_d~\ ftanding at the Holy Table, and 
 reaching forth their Hands to receive theEucha- 
 rift there. And fo Valefms underftands it [/]. 
 And the fame Privilege was allowed the People 
 in France, in the fixth Century. For the Second 
 Council of Tours, An. f6j, orders the Holy of 
 Holies [/] to be open both for Men and Wo- 
 men, to pray and communicate in, at the Time 
 of the Oblation j though at other Times, when 
 there was any other Service without the Com- 
 munion, they were not allowed to come within 
 the Chorus of the Singers, or Rails of the Chan- 
 cel. By which alfo we learn what Part of the 
 Church in this Age, in France, was called the 
 Chorus, namely, that which was immediately 
 within the Rails of the Chancel, where the In- 
 ferior Clergy had their Station in the Time of 
 the Oblation. 
 
 The Modern Greeks call the sect. viii. 
 
 Entrance into this Part the The Hd y Gates, 
 
 Holy Gates, becaufe they open m * Ve <b> ° r Hang- 
 
 from the Body of the Church in * s dividm s *fa 
 
 into the Holy of Holies. But ch ™ff™"> </" 
 
 _i • l- 1 • j r reft of the Church. 
 
 there is little mention made of 
 thefe in antient Writers. But they often fpeak 
 of the Ufe of Veils, or Hangings in this Place, 
 to cover the Profpedb of the Altar. Athanafius 
 calls them BnXa t 1 buy.Kna-'ta?, the Hangings of the 
 Church. For fpeaking of the Fury of the Ar- 
 rians, and their ravaging a Church in the Time 
 of Conftantius, he fays, " They took theBiftiop's 
 " Throne, and the Seats of the Presbyters [g], 
 " and the Table which was of Wood, and the 
 tc Veils of the Church, and whatever elfe they 
 " could, and carried them out and burnt them. 
 In Synefius [h~] they are called y.araTrira<rixa juus-ixov, 
 the myftical Veils. And in Chryfoftom and Eva- 
 
 [r] Cone. Tolct. 4. c. 17. Sacerdotes 6c Levitae ante altare 
 communicent, in Choro Clcrus, extra Chorum Populus. Vid. 
 Conc.Turon. 2. can. 4. _ [/] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. p. 381. 
 
 COS IlV «» T07< f !TOXXoif CtCdTCl, dLlTO £VAB rtftli Of Ctrl' eP/>6Tt>'o/f, 
 
 &c. [f] Theodor. lib. f. c. 17. [u] Synefii Cataftafi, 
 
 p, joj. [w] Cone. Laodic. c. 44. on » ymeuncti ci> 
 
 T?>f Suo-ia.<n)!uq> eifipx'-fy' M can ' 1 9- y-j 1 " 3 " $C 0V 
 
 [y] Habert. Archieratic. Par. 10. Obfer.9. p. 268. [f] Vide 
 Theodor. lib. f. c. 17. Sozom. lib. 7. c. 24. [*] Edi&.Theodof. ad 
 
 calcem Cone. Ephef. Tom. 3. p. 1237. 7? dyicoicLTx dvo-tAn'eix 
 £ti u'ovhjj t r d\yp;<5V <7f(sacrq)ce>jy.v i<pct'7rjcfJt-!^ci' [a] Cone. 
 Trull can. 69. [£] Theodor. lib. f. c. 1 7. [f] Dionyf. 
 
 ap. Euftb. lib. 7. c. 9. Tgjwrecjji ^^<r'avTit. &c. \d] Dionyf. 
 Epift. Canon, can. 2. [e] Valef Not. in Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 9, 
 [/] Cone. Turon. 2. can. 4. Ad orandum 8c communicandum La- 
 icis & Fceminis, ficut mos eft, pateant Sandra Sandtorum. 
 [g] Athan. Ep. ad Solitar. Tom, 1. p. 847. [h] Synef Ep.67. 
 ad Theophil. p, 240. 
 
 grius, 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 299 
 
 grius, dixy'Srvf**, from their opening in the mid- 
 dle as folding Doors. Thefe were fometimcs 
 richly adorned with Gold, as that which Eva- 
 grius [/] fays Chofroes gave to the Church of 
 Antioch. The Ufe of them was partly to hide 
 the Profpect of this Part of the Church, from 
 the Catechumens and Unbelievers, and partly to 
 cover the Sacrifice of the Eucharift, in the time 
 of Confecration, as we learn from thefe Words 
 of Chryfoftom, kt When the Sacrifice is brought 
 " forth, when Chrilt the Lamb of God is offer- 
 M ed, when you hear this Signal given, Let us 
 " all join in common Prayer, when you fee the 
 w Veils [k~] withdrawn, then think you fee Hea- 
 " ven opened, and the Angels descending from 
 " above. There were alfo feveral other Veils, 
 to note this by the way, in other Parts of the 
 Church. For Paulinus [/] fpcaks often of Veils 
 before the Doors of the Church. And St. 7^"^ 
 commends Nepotian, for that among other Parts 
 of his Concern for the Decency of the Church, 
 as he took care that the Altar, and the Walls, 
 and the Pavement mould be kept clean, fo alfo 
 that the Doors mould have their Keepets, and 
 the Gates [pt] their Veils. In like manner Epi- 
 phanius [«] fpeaking of the Church of Anablatha 
 in Palefline, lays, " He found a Veil hanging be- 
 " fore the Doors of the Church, which he tore 
 " in Pieces, not becaufe it was a Veil, but be- 
 <c caufe it had the Image of Chrift, or fome Saint 
 " painted on it, which was contrary to the Rules 
 " of the Chriftian Church. He therefore or- 
 dered the Guardians of the Church to bury fome 
 Poor Man in it, and fent them at his own Ex- 
 pence another plain one in its ftead. There were 
 alfo Veils between the Pillars of the Hyperoa, or 
 Womens Galleries, to be drawn in Time of the 
 Oblation, as Du Frefne [o~\ has obferved out of 
 Paulus Silentiarius, and Amphilochius, in the Life 
 of St. Bafil. And fome others of like nature will 
 cafily be obferved by a curious Reader. 
 
 SECT. IX. At the upper Erid of the 
 
 The htgheft Part Chancel was commonly a Semi- 
 
 of the chancel called circular Building, which from 
 
 Apfr, Exedra, «• the pj„ urc anc i p fi t j n of it, IS 
 
 ConchulaBcmat.s. by ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Exedra, and Conchula Bematis. For thefe are 
 Words that fignify any Arched or Spherical 
 Building, like the Canopy of Heaven, to which 
 St. Jerom applies the Name of Apfts [/>]. It 
 was called Concha, becaufe in Figure it refembled 
 fomething the Fafhion of a Shell, as Du Frefne 
 fhews out of Procopius, and Paulus Silentiarius, 
 
 and Paulinus, and other Writers. Du Frefne [jf\ 
 thinks it is alfo called Exedra by St. Aujlin, who 
 fays, " The Conference between theCatholicks, 
 " and Emeritus the Donatift Bifhop, was held 
 " in the Exedra of the Church ; which he in- 
 terprets the Place where the Bifhop and Presby- 
 ters had their ufual Refidence in the upper End 
 of the Bema, beyond the Altar. Cut Valefius [>J, 
 and other Learned Men, take Exedra here in the 
 common Senfe for one of the outer Buildings of 
 the Church. And it is not eafy to determine fo 
 nice a Controverfy between them. 
 
 However, this is certain, sect X. 
 that the Bifhop's Throne, with a»tienti y the 
 
 the Thrones of his Presbyters on pl * c »°f theUrones 
 each Side of it, were always fixt %* h '^° h md 
 in this Part of the Church, in a " res yUrs - 
 Semicircle above the Altar. For antiently the 
 Seats of the Bifhop and Presbyters were joined 
 together, and all called Thrones, as is evident 
 from Eufebius his Defcription of the Temple of 
 Paulinus, who [j] fays, " He adorned it with 
 " Thrones fet on high for the Honour of the 
 <£ Prefidents, or Rulers, of the People, that is, 
 ct the Bifhop and Presbyters together. Hence 
 it is that Nazianzen, fpeaking of the Presbyters 
 [/] as the Rulers of the People, and venerable 
 Senate of the Church, calls their Seats the Se- 
 cond Thrones. Conflantine in his Letter loCbre- 
 Jlus, Bifhop of Syracufe, fummoning him to the 
 Council of Aries, ufes the fame Phrafe, bidding 
 [»] him bring with him Two of the Second 
 Throne, that is, Two Presbyters. I know in- 
 deed Carolus a Sanclo Paulo by thofe of the 
 Second Throne underftands Bifhops, in Oppofi- 
 tion to Primates, or Metropolitans, which he 
 reckons to be thofe of the Firft Throne. But 
 the Ufe of the Phrafe, both in Eufebius and Na- 
 zianzen [x], leads us rather to believe that he 
 meant Presbyters, who fit with their Bifhop in 
 the Church upon Thrones, as they ftile them, of 
 the Second Order. For this, as I have had Oc- 
 cafion to fhew in another £*] Place, was the 
 Difference between them, that the Bifhop's was 
 generally termed the High Throne, and the Pref- 
 byters the Second Throne > or as Athanafius \_y~\ 
 calls them, the Throne, and the Joint-Chairs, 
 or Seats of the Presbyters. The Bifhop's Throne 
 was otherwife called E^a, the Tribunal, as we 
 may fee in Eufebius [z], where he relates the 
 Cenfure of the Council of Antioch, paffed on 
 Paulus Samofatenfis for erecting his Throne, or 
 Tribunal, too ftately, with a Veil, or Secret urn 
 
 ['] Evagr. lib. 6. c. n. [It] Chryfoft. Horn. 3. in Ephef 
 p. ioj-i. otclv 1 Afihu'ofxiva. 7* d(JL®'i$vpc/ ,&c. [/] Paulin. 
 Natal. Felic. 3. Aurea nunc niveis ornantur limina velis. Id. Natal. 6. 
 Pulchra tegendis Vela ferant foribus. [m] Hieron. Epitaph. 
 Nepotian. Erat follicitus, li niteret altarc, fi parietcs abfcjuefuligine, 
 fi pavimenta terfa, ii janitor creber in Porta, Vela Temper inOfliis, 
 &c. [«] Epiphan. Ep. ad Johan.Hierofolym. Inveni ibi Ve- 
 
 lum pendens in foribus ejufdem Ecclefia:, eye. [0] Du Frefne 
 Com. in Paul. Silentiar. p. jfi. [p] Hieron. lib. z. in Ephef. 
 c -4. p.zij. In fummo Cceli fornice, & ut ipfo verbo utar, Apfidc. 
 [S] Aug. de Geftis cum Emerito, Tom. 7. p. ifo. Cum Deuterius 
 
 ifcopus Metropolitanus— — una cum casteris Epifcopii in Exe- 
 
 drarn procefliflent, p: sefentibus Presbyteris 5c Diaconis 2c univerfb 
 Clero, ac frequ e ntifhma Plebe, &c. Vid. Du Frefne Com. in Paul. 
 Silentiar. p j6j. [r] Vaief. Not. in Eufeb. dc Vita Conft, 
 
 lib. 3. c. fo. [.<] Eufeb. lib. 1 o. c.4.. $e):>ois lolf Jvoto.- 
 
 T6> tif ¥ r ixpq'-i.S'yuviiubjj. &c [t] Naz.Carm. Iambic.zj. 
 Tt^COTW ju." 01 Tot f&Tipjt S&yw KihofyiTis A£6» <sr£0~£eyl 
 vzpioCuraj, Giy.vu yiyxc'ia.. [»] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 10. c. f . 
 
 cTJo y'iTivcLs In <ra fJjTip* §p'w*. [w] Carol, a S.Paulo 
 
 Geograph. Sacr. p. 47. (V) Vid. Naz.. Carm. de Vita fua. 
 
 It. Somnium de Templo Anaflaf. [*J Book i. Chap. 9. ». 7, 
 
 Book 2. Chap. 19. n. f. [7] Athan. Ep.ad Soiitar. Tom. 1. p. 847= 
 &e}vQV )£) fvu"k'ikh.t<t . [2.3 Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 30, 
 
 ta 
 
300 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 to it, in Imitation of the Tribunals of Secular 
 Judges, which they did not allow of in the Chri- 
 ftian Church : And hence the whole Chancel 
 was fometimes called the Bema, as 1 have fhewed 
 before. The Latins more commonly ufe the 
 Names of Sedes and Cathedra for a Bifhop's Throne, 
 whence come our Englifli Names of Cathedral 
 and See, for a Church where the Bifhop's Chair, 
 or Seat is fix'd. The manner of their Sitting is 
 noted by Gregory Nazianzen, in his Defcription 
 of the Church of Anafiafta, where he fpeaks of 
 himfef as Bifhop [a] fitting upon the high 
 Throne, and the Presbyters on lower Benches 
 on both Sides about him. And fo it is defcribed 
 by the Author of the Confutations, and 'Theo- 
 doret [f], who calls the Bifhop's Throne the 
 middle Seat upon this Account. And there are 
 fome learned Perfons [d] who fuppofe all this to 
 be done in Imitation of the Jewijh Synagogues, 
 in which, according to Maimonides, at the upper 
 End looking toward the Holy Land, the Law 
 was placed in the Wall, in an Arch, and on each 
 Side the Elders were feated in a Semicircle. The 
 Bifhop's Seat was ufually covered with fome de- 
 cent Covering, fuitable to the Dignity of his 
 Office and Perfon } as we learn from Athanafius 
 in his fecond Apology [e] to Conflantius, where 
 he asks, " How they could have any Concern 
 " for the Throne Epifcopally covered, who 
 " fought to kill the Bifhop that fat thereon." 
 And St. Atiflin [/] feems plainly to allude to 
 this, when he tells Maximinus the Donatift Bi- 
 fhop, " That when Bifhops came to Hand be- 
 " fore the Tribunal of Chrift at the laft Judg- 
 " ment, they themfelves would then have no 
 " Tribunals, no lofty Seats or covered Chairs, 
 " though fuch Honours were exhibited to them 
 " for a Time in this World, for the Benefit and 
 " Advantage of the Church." 
 
 SECT. XV This doubtlefs was the Po- 
 And of 'the Altar, or fture antiently of the Thrones of 
 Communion-Tabu. tne Bifhops and Presbyters in the 
 Chriftian Church, as they are reprefented in the 
 feveral Models of the primitive Structures. From 
 which it will be eafy to obferve farther, That 
 the Place of the Communion-Table, or Altar, 
 was not clofe to the Wall at the upper End, but 
 at fome little Diftance from it 5 fo as that the 
 Bifhop's Throne might be behind it, and room 
 enough left in a void Space to encompafs or fur- 
 round the Altar. This feems pretty plain from 
 an Expreffion in Synefius [g], who fpeaking of 
 his being forced to take Sanctuary, fays, " He 
 " would fly into the Church, and encompafs 
 
 " the Altar." Which implies, That it was fet 
 in fuch manner, as that he might go round it 
 And this is the Meaning of Eufebius, when ha- 
 ving firft fpoken of the Thrones of the Bifhop 
 and Presbyters in the Church of Paulinus, he 
 then adds, " That he fet [h~\ the Holy of Ho- 
 " lies, the Altar, in the middle." Which is not 
 to be interpreted, as fome have mifunderftood it, 
 of the Altar's being placed in the middle of the 
 Nave, or Body of the Church, but in the mid- 
 dle of the Bema, or Sanctuary, at fuch a di- 
 ftance from the upper End, as that the Synthro- 
 nus, the Seats of the Bifhop and Presbyters might 
 be behind it. St. Anflin feems to refer to the 
 fame Thing, when he fays, " The Table of the 
 ct Lord [/] flood in the middle." And in the 
 Council of Conjlantinople, under Mennas [It], it is 
 reprefented in fuch a Pofture, as that it might 
 be encompafled round. For 'tis faid, when the 
 Names of Pope Leo and fome others which had 
 been flruck out of the Diptychs were inferted 
 again, the People for joy at the Time when 
 Diptychs were read, after the repetition of the 
 Creed, ran round about the Altar for to hear them. 
 Dr. Hammond [/] and fome other learned Men, 
 think not improbably, that this Pofture of the 
 Altar in Chriftian Churches, was fomething in 
 Imitation of the Altar in the Jewifl) Temple, to 
 which the Pfalmift alludes, when he fays, I will 
 ivafh my Hands in Innocency, and fo -will I compafs 
 thine Altar, Pfal. xxvi. 6. from whence they fup- 
 pofe the Phrafe to-s^/xuxXSv Swias-i^ov, compaf- 
 fing the Altar, in the antient Rituals to be taken. 
 
 Great Difpute has been sect. XII. 
 raifed in the laft Age about the Both thtfe Names 
 Name of the Communion-Table, Mfca*!? **fed m 
 Whether it was to be called the ^imithechurch. 
 Holy Table, or an Altar. And indeed any 
 Thing will afford Matter of Controverfy to Men 
 in a difputing Age : But we never read of any 
 fuch Difpute in the Primitive Church. For the 
 antient Writers ufed both Names indifferently 5 
 fome calling it Altar ; others the Lord's Table, 
 the Holy Table, the Myftical Table, the Tre- 
 mendous Table, &c. and fometimes both Table 
 and Altar in the fame Sentence together. Mr. 
 Mede thinks it was ufually called Altar for the 
 two firft Ages, and that the Name Table [m] is 
 not to be found in any Author of thofe Ages 
 now remaining. Ignatius ufes only the Name 
 (V) Swiarn'ptov, Altar, in his Genuine Epiftles, three 
 of which are alledged by Mr. Mede, to which the 
 Reader may add another Teftimony out of his 
 Epiftle [0] to the Magneftans, where he ufes 
 
 [a] Nazian. Somn. Anaftaf Tom. 2. p. 78. i^k&aj S'oKiko-Mv 
 t/Ttp^^f©", — ol (toi &u.Qo1i?k)d-iv Cytfptouvjo yi^tft 
 TOtuvnf nyi^'ova, &c. [b] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 57. 
 [c] Theodor. lib. f. c. 3. [</] See B\fliop Hooper Difc. of 
 
 Lent, Par. 1. Chap. 6. p. 249. [e] Athan. Apol. 1. Tom. 1. 
 
 p. 756. nrui ol Sp'ovov "f iroKtff/u&fiov cmo~x,o7rix.£i o^v&pfyoi, 
 <f lv autiS KitStnKSpov hmo~Hoirw &viK&v £nrk(nv. [/] Aug. 
 Ep. 203. In futuro Chrifti Judicio nec Apfidae gradatsc, nec Cathe- 
 drae velatae — qua: pro tempore propter Eccleliae utilitatem honori 
 softro cxhibentur. [g\ Syncf. Cataflalis. p. 303. KvKKwo-opoj, 
 
 7TJ dvo-ittfYieioi', &c. [h~] Eufeb. lib. io. c. 4. ti r iy\uv 
 
 ayiov $vo-ia?nfiov cv [Mica d&t. [<] Aug. Serm. 46. de 
 
 verbis Domini. Tom. 10. p. 68. Chriftus quotidie pafcit. Menfa 
 ipfius eft ilia in medio conftituta. [*] Cone. Conftantinop. 
 
 A£t. f. Cone. Tom. f. p. 185-. n dyln tActSnpa]©- HOLKA 71 
 CwjinSit hi'x§iv\©- koucS r £nr\vy^uv Guu't&'ej.y-W efra.v 7? 
 tAh0©- kukKu d-vo-tcLs-neix. [/] Hamond. cont, Blondel, 
 Diflert. c. 13. n.8. [m] Mede Difc. of Altars, p. 386. [»] fgnat. 
 Ep. ad Ephef. n. f. Ep. ad Trallian. n. 7. Ep. ad Philad, n. 4. 
 [0] Ignat. Ep. ad Magnef n. 7. 
 
 both 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 301 
 
 both the Name Temple and Alrar. Irenaus [/>] 
 and Origen \jf\ ufe the fame Name, when they 
 fpeak of the Communion-table. Tertullian fre- 
 quently applies to it the Name of Ara Dei and 
 Altare. Will not your Station, or Faft, fays he 
 [f], be more folemn, if you ft and at the Altar of 
 God? 'That is, receive the Communion on aFaft-day? 
 So alfo in his Book [s~\ ad Uxor em and de Cafti- 
 tate [f]. But they are led into an Errror by the 
 corrupt Edition of Rhcnanus, who cites his Book de 
 Pcenitentia for the fame thing : For though in that 
 Edition we find mention made [«] of Kneel- 
 ing at the Altar, Aris Dei adgeniculari ; yet better 
 Editions fince teach us to read it more truly, 
 Charis Dei adgeniculari, Kneeling down to the 
 Beloved of God: Alluding to theCuftom of the 
 Penitents falling down at the Church-doors, to 
 beg the Prayers of the Faithful as they went in. 
 Cyprian, theDifciple of Tertullian, fomecimes ufes 
 both Names, Table, and Altar, as when he fays 
 t hole Words of Solomon, Prov. ix. z. fVifdom hath 
 fumifhed her Table, &c. typified theChriftian [w~] 
 Altar. But more commonly he ufes the Name 
 Altar alone [x], which argues that to have 
 been at leaft a very ufual Name in his time in 
 the African and Latin Churches. Mr. Mede cites 
 alfo Zeno Veronenfis as an Author of the third 
 Century, cotemporary with Cyprian, who is in- 
 deed one that fpeaks plain enough both of the 
 Cancelli \_y~\ and the Altar; but now learned 
 Men pjQ are agreed to thruft him down a whole 
 Century lower, fo that he is not a competent 
 Witnefs for the third Age, but he may ferve 
 for the fourth 5 in which Age, one may venture 
 to fay, there is fcarce an Author that fpeaks of 
 the LordVtable, but he alfo calls it Altar. On 
 the other hand it is certain they did not mean 
 by the Altar, what the Jews and Heathens 
 meant, either an Altar dreft up with Images, that 
 is, Idol-gods, as the Heathens commonly had 
 theirs adorn'd; or an Alrar for bloody Sacrifices, 
 which was the Ufe of them both among Jews 
 and Gentiles. 
 
 SECT. xill. In the firft Senfe they always 
 in what fenfe the rejected Altars, both Name and 
 Ancients fay, they Thing. For their Altars had no 
 had no Alurs, Images either above, or about, or 
 upon them, as the Heathen Altars always had. 
 And upon that account the antient Apologifts, 
 Origen [a~], Minutius Felix [b~], Arnobius [c] and 
 LatJantius \_d~\, when the Heathens object to 
 them, that they had no Altars, roundly and free- 
 ly confefs it in the Senfe that the Objection was 
 madej that is, that they had no Altars furnifhed 
 
 with Idol-gods, and fitted for Idol-worfhip, fuch 
 as the Heathen pleaded for. In like manner they 
 denied that they had any Altars in xhtjeivijh Senfe, 
 for offering Bloody Sacrifices upon: But for 
 their own Myftical Unbloody Sacrifice, as they 
 called the Eucharift, they always owned they 
 had an Altar, which they fcrupled not to term 
 indifferently Swias-n'g/ov, Ara, Alt are, and fome- 
 times Bwjutk: For though Mr. Mede thinks they 
 never ufed that Name, yet it appears, that with 
 the Addition of dvcuixay!l© j y they fometimes did; 
 for Synefius [e] fpeaking of the Holy Table, ex- 
 prefly ftiles it dvouixayflov BoSp&f, the Unbloody 
 Altar. 
 
 Yet thefe fame Authors, to SECT. XIV 
 diftinguifh their Notion more of the Names, Ho- 
 exactly, commonly ufe the Name ly ™'' M yft> c * 1 
 Table for the Altar, with the Ad- ™ e ' &c> 
 dition of fome lingular Epithet, implying the 
 peculiar Ufe of it in the Chriftian Church. In 
 Chryfuftom [/] it is mod ufually termed T^inZa. 
 ixvsixri and <pgix7>i, the Myftical and Tremendous 
 Table; fometimes the Spiritual, Divine, Roval, 
 Immortal, Heavenly Table; of which the Rea- 
 der may find Inftances enough collected by Stii* 
 cerus [g] out of that Author. St. Auftin ufually 
 gives it the Name of Men fa Domini, the Lord's 
 Table; whence Menfa Cypriani in that Author 
 fignifies either [J] the Altar, or the Church 
 erected in the Place of St. Cyprian's Martyrdom. 
 It were eafy to add a thoufand other Teitimonies 
 out of ' Athanafius, Sinefius, Socrates, Sozomen, Pauli- 
 nus, and the reft of that Age, where the Altar 
 is called the Holy Table, to fignify to us then- 
 Notion of the Chriftian Sacrifice and Altar at 
 once, that it was Myftical and Spiritual, and had 
 no Relation either to the Bloody Sacrifices of 
 the Jews, or the more abfurd Idolatries of the 
 Gentiles, but ferved only for the Service of the 
 Eucharift and Oblations of the People. 
 
 If any is defirous to know the sect. XV. 
 Matter and Form of the ancient Alters generally 
 Altars, or Tables, St. Auftin v/'\]\ mude °f Wood till 
 inform him, that they were of °f Con- 
 
 Wood in his Time in the African antlnei 
 Churches. For fpeaking of a great Outrage 
 committed by the Donatifts againlt a Catholick 
 Bifhop, whilft he ftood miniftring at the Altar, 
 he fays, " They beat him cruelly with Clubs 
 " and fuch like Weapons, and at laft [k~] with 
 " .the broken Pieces of the Timber of the Altar." 
 This is farther confirmed by the Teftimony of 
 Optatus, who objecting to the Donatifts, their 
 
 [/>] Irense. lib. 4. c. 34. Nos quoque offerre vuk munus fre- 
 quenter ad Altare, &c. [q] Origen. Horn. 10. in Num. T. 1. 
 p. 207. [r] Tertul. de Orat. c. 14. Nonne Solennior erit 
 
 Statio tua, fi 8c ad Aram Dei fteferis. [/] Tertul. ad Uxor, 
 
 lib. 1. c. 7. [f] Tertul. de Exhort. Caftit. c. 10. [«] Tertul. 
 de Poenitent. c. 9. [w] Cypr. Ep. 63. ad Carcil. It. Teftimon. 
 adv. Judaeos lib. 2. c. 2. [#] Vid. Cypr. Ep. 40, 42, 5-5-, 64, 
 
 63, 60, 70. [y~\ 7,eno Serm. 9. ad Neophyt. Ecclefia Sacri 
 
 Altaris foeliciter enutrita Cancellis. [z] Cave Hid. Literar. 
 
 p. 176. [«] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 8. p. 389. ipais it, 
 
 dyd\fJict\a, ^ vs&( icfy v&wt Q'.vyt.y. [6] Minuc. Oftav. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Cur. nullus Aras habent, Templa nulla, nulla nota Simulacra? 
 [c] Arnob. cont. Gentes lib. 6. Non altaria fabricemus, non Aras. 
 [if] Laftant. lib. 2. c. 2. Quid fibi Templa, quid Atx volunt, rye. 
 [e] Synef. Cataftafis, p. 303. [/] Chryfoft. Horn. 21. Quod 
 oportet Hxrefes efie T. f. p. 313. It. Horn. 36. de Pentecoft. 
 p. [g] Suicer. Thefaur. Eccl. voce T^'-rgfot; [h] Aug. 
 
 Ep. f9- ad Paulin. Horn. 26. de Verbis Domini. [,'] Horn. 26. 
 ex editis a Sirmondo, ad Menfam Cypriani. [k] Aug. Ep. j-o. 
 ad Bonifar. p. 84. Stantem ad altare fuftibus 8c hujufmodi telis, 
 lignis denique ejufdem altaris effraclis, immaniter ceciderunt. 
 
 Q. q q facrilegious 
 
302 The Antiquities of rfc Book VIII. 
 
 facrilegious Abufe of the Catholick Altars, fays, 
 " They broke them in [/] pieces in fuch Places, 
 " as would afford them plenty of Wood to make 
 <c new ones ofj but in Places where there was 
 " a fcarcity of Wood, they contented them- 
 " felves with (craping, or (having them by way 
 " of pretended Expiation." Nay, the Work- 
 men, who wrought in this egregious Service, 
 had Wine given them, heated with Fires made 
 of the Fragments of the Altars. Athanafius has 
 likewife Occafion to tell us, their Communi- 
 on-tables were of Wood, in a parallel Story up- 
 on the Avians, who in one of their mad Hu- 
 mours, as he complains, went into a Church, 
 and took the Throne and Seats of the Presby- 
 ters, and the Table, which was of Wood \m\, 
 and the Veils, and whatever other combuftible 
 Matter they could find, and carried them out, 
 and burned them. So that there is no queftion 
 to be made, but that about this Time the Altars 
 were only Tables of Wood in Africk and Egypt, 
 as thefe Teftimonies plainly imply. Bona [»] 
 thinks they had Stone-Altars before, even in 
 Times of Perfecution, but he offers no Proof 
 but his own Opinion. Yet it is generally thought, 
 by Hofpinian [o] and other Learned Men, that 
 they began to come in from the Time of Con- 
 ftantine, together with the Statclinefs and Mag- 
 nificence of Churches. The Pontifical fpeaks of 
 Silver Altars dedicated by Conftantine : And Ger- 
 fon, and others alledged by Hofpinian, make Pope 
 Syhefter, who lived in the Time of Conftantine, 
 to be the Author of a Decree, That all Altars 
 fijould be of Stone: But thefe Authorities are of 
 no Weight, and the Stories contradict one ano- 
 ther. What is certain in the Cafe is this: That 
 about the Time of Gregory Nyffen, Altars in fome 
 Places began to be of Stone j for he in his Dif- 
 courfe of Baptifm fpeaks of a Stone Altar. " This 
 " Altar, fays he, whereat we (land, [p] is by 
 " Nature only common Stone, nothing different 
 " from other Stones, whereof our Walls are 
 " made, and our Pavements adorned j but after 
 w it is confecrated and dedicated to the Service 
 " of God, it becomes an Holy Table, an Imma- 
 4< culate Atar, which may not be promifcuoufly 
 " touch'd by all, but only the Priefts in time 
 " of Divine Service. " In the next Age in 
 France we find a general Decree made in the 
 Council of \jf] Epone, An. fop, " That no Al- 
 " tars (hould be confecrated but fuch as were 
 " made of Stone only. " And this feems to be 
 the firft Publick Aft of this nature, that .we 
 have upon authentick Record in antient Hiftory. 
 And from the time of this Change in the Mat- 
 
 ter of them, the Form, or Faftiion of them, 
 changed likewife. For whereas before they were 
 in the Form of Tables, they now began to be 
 erected more like Altars, either upon a fingle 
 Foot, or Pillar, in the midft, or upon an Edifice 
 erected like a Tomb, as if it were fome Monu- 
 ment of a Martyr, as Bona tells us there are 
 fome fuch now to be feen in the Catacombs of 
 Rome [f], and other Places. 
 
 It will perhaps be fomething SECT. XVI. 
 more material to remark here, But one Altar anei- 
 that antiently there was never ently in a church. 
 above one Altar in a Church. One Biftiop and 
 one Altar [s~\ in a Church, is the known Apho- 
 rifm of Ignatius. And Eufebius is fuppofed upon 
 this account to call the Altar in the Church of 
 Paulinus at Tyre, povcfols Surras-n'^/ov, the fingle 
 Altar, [_f\ as Habertus truly obferves upon it, 
 who ingenuoufly confeffes, that it has ever been 
 the conftant Cuftom of the Greek Churches to 
 have but one Altar in a Temple ; in confirmati- 
 on of which he cites Athanafius, Nazianzen, Sy- 
 nefius, Socrates, Theodoret, Evagrius, and many 
 others. Cardinal Bona [«] alfo owns, he could 
 find no Footfteps of the contrary Practice 'till 
 the Time of Gregory the Great, and then only 
 in the Latin Church. For the Greeks have al- 
 ways kept to the antient Cuftom. He thinks 
 indeed the contrary Cuftom was in the Latin 
 Church of Old, but he only (hews his Willing- 
 nefs to believe it without Proof: And Schelftrate 
 [w] very juftly cenfures him for it, (hewing out 
 of Optatus and St. Auftin, that the Latins, as 
 well as the Greeks, had then but one Altar in a 
 Church. For Optatus [x] fpeaks of the Altar of 
 Cyprian's Church, as one only and no more, both 
 in the Time of Cyprian and afterward, and thence 
 concludes that the Donatifts were Schifmaticks, 
 becaufe they went from Cyprian's Altar, and fet up 
 another Altar againft it. And St. Auftin argues 
 againft them [jy] upon the fame Foundation, 
 that there ought not to be two Epifcopal Altars 
 in one City. This fuppofes then but one Altar in 
 a Church among the Latins, as well as the Greeks - 3 
 and fo Chriftianus Lupus [z~], and Pagi [a], the 
 Learned Corrector of Baronius, affirm it to have 
 been the conftant Practice of the Primitive 
 Church. Though now (to fee what Improve- 
 ment has been made in later Ages) there are no 
 lefs than twenty five Altars, befides the Great 
 Altar, in St. Peter's Church at Rome; and the 
 Great Altar it felf is no lefs than twenty five 
 Foot fquare, with a Crofs of twenty five Inches 
 long upon it, as Dr. Potter obferves out of Onu- 
 
 [/] Optat. lib. 6. p. 94. Alio loco copia Lignorum frangi juflit; 
 alio, ut altaria raderent, lignorum inopia imperavit. — Ibid. Calida 
 de Fragmentis Altarium facia eft. Vid. p. 95- ibid. [m] Athan. 
 Ep. ad Solitar. Vitam agentes. Tom. 1. p. 847. ayxdo-ttvln ta 
 
 HCU Sp'oVov, KOU T T^-7Ti^AV, ^Vh'ivn y$ BP, &> c - 
 
 [n~\ Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. i.eap. 20. n. 1. [6] Hofpin. de 
 
 Templis, lib. 2. cap. 6. p. 34. [p~\ Nyflen. de Baptifmo 
 
 Chrifti. Tom. 3. p. 569. [q] Conc.Epaunenf. can. 26. Al- 
 taria, nifi Lapidea, infufione Chrifmatis non facrentur. [r] Bona 
 Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 20. n. 1. [ s ] Ignat. Ep. ad Philadelph. 
 n. 4. h dveiu.sna.ov ncLvv ix-K^wia, «j &mirK07r®-. 
 I 
 
 Vid. Ep. ad Magnef. n. 7. [t] Habert. Achierat. p. 661. ex 
 
 Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. [«] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 14. n. 3. 
 [w] Schelftrat. Concilium Anfiochen. p. 193. [#] Optar. lib. 1. 
 p. 42. Erat Cathedra Epifcopalis, erat altarc loco fuo, in quo paci- 
 fic! Epifcopi retro temporis obtulerunt, Cypriauus, Luaanus 8c 
 cseteri. Sic exitum eft foras 8c akare contra altare ereclum eft. 
 [y] Aug. Horn. 3. in 1 Johan. Si in unitate fumus, quid faci- 
 unt in hac Civitate duo altaria? [r] Lupus Concil. Tom. 3. 
 
 Refponf. ad Michael. Cerular. [«] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 
 313.11. i^. 
 
 phrius 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 303 
 
 phrius and Angelas Roccha, in his ingenious Book 
 [/>] of the Number fix hundred fixty fix. 
 
 sect. xvii. Some improve this Obferva- 
 
 And fometimes but tion, of one Altar in a Church, 
 
 one in a city, tht> a little farther, and think that 
 
 fevtritl churches, ant i cnt ly there was but one Al- 
 
 accordmg to fame f - a Q Qy D i OC efc, 
 
 Authors. , r» • : 1 
 
 and Country-Region, belonging 
 to a Bifhop; though there might be many leffer 
 Churches, as there were many Synagogues among 
 the Jews, though but one Temple, and one Al- 
 tar. Mr. Meek [c~] is of Opinion, that it was fo 
 when Juftin Alartyr wrote his fecond Apology, 
 becaufe of thofe Words of his, " On Sundays all 
 " that live in the Towns, or in the Country, 
 " meet together in one Place, for the Celcbra- 
 " tion of the Eucharift. And he concludes the 
 fame from feveral of Cyprian's Epiftles [^], 
 where Bifhop and Altar are made Cor-relatives. 
 Chrifiianus Lupus and Pagi feem to think [e] it 
 continued the Cuftom within the Walls of Rome 
 to the Time of Pope Innocent I. For he fcems 
 to fay in one of his Epiftles [/] " That the 
 " Presbyters of the feveral Tituli, or leffer 
 " Churches within the City, had the Sacrament 
 " fent to them every Sunday from the Bifhop's 
 " Altar: But the Presbyters of the Coemiteries^ 
 " or Churches without the Walls, had Liberty 
 " to confecrate the Eucharift in them, becaufe 
 " the Sacraments were not to be carried to 
 " Places at too great a Diftance." But Dr. Mau- 
 rice [g] and other Learned Men think the Ro- 
 man T'ituli had always Communion-tables, and 
 the Communion adminiftred in them from the 
 Beginning, only the confecrated Bread was fent 
 to them from the Oblations made at the Bifhop's 
 Altar. For the Oblations, they think, at fir ft 
 were only made at the Bifhop's Altar, and al- 
 ways bleffed at the Bifhop's Altar, though not 
 always confecrated there. Upon which account 
 the Name of Altar might be appropriated to 
 that of the Bifhop's Church. I fhall not pre- 
 tend to make any judgment, or Decifion in this 
 Difpute, being a Matter involved in great Ob- 
 fcurity, but leave the Reader to judge for him- 
 felf: Dr. Hammond heretofore paffed \_h~] the 
 fame Cenfure on it, thinking it too dark a Point 
 to be over-boldly determined. All I fhall fay 
 farther upon it is only this, That it makes no- 
 thing for the Congregational Way (as fome pre- 
 tend) though it were certain there was but one 
 Altar in a Diocefe at the firft. For there might 
 notwithstanding be many Churches. Or if there 
 was but one Church in a Diocefe, while the 
 
 Number of Believers was very fmall; yet it does 
 not follow that there ought to be no more, 
 when their Number fo encreafed in any City, or 
 Territory, that one Church would not contain 
 them. 
 
 But I return to the Bufinefs sect, xvill. 
 in hand. In fome of the more of the Ciborium, 
 ftately Churches, as that of Sanbla or canopy oftheAl- 
 Sophia, the Altar was overfha- u *' 
 dowed with a fort of Canopy, which from the 
 Fafhion of it is termed by Paulas Sikntiarius [/J 
 ITjpy©', the Turret j by others [£] Umbraculum; 
 but among the Greeks moft commonly y.iCojojov, 
 which Burantas [/], and other Modern Ritua- 
 lists ufually miftake for the Pyxis where the Holt 
 is kept; but Du Frefne fhews [m~] it to have 
 been antiently quite another thing, viz. an or- 
 namental Canopy hanging over the Altar. This 
 was raifed in the form of a little Turret upon 
 four Pillars at each Corner of the Altar. The 
 Heads of the Pillars were adorned with Silver 
 Bowls, which was an ufual Ornament in thofe 
 Days, as is evident from the Defcription which 
 Eufebius \_n\ gives of the twelve Pillars in Con- 
 fiantine's Church at Jerufalem. The Top of it 
 was in the form of a Sphere, adorned with gra- 
 ven Flowers, whence it has fometimes the Name 
 of Sphara^ Lilia, and Malum. Above the Sphere 
 flood the Crofs, as Paulus Sikntiarius [0] repre- 
 fents it. And the feveral Arches below, between 
 the Pillars, were hanged with Veils, or Curtains, 
 called as fome others, a//<p/8u^a, which ferved 
 alfo to cover or conceal the whole Altar. I have 
 been the more particular in defcribing this orna- 
 mental Structure about the Altar, after Du Frefne y 
 becaufe the common Ritualifts fo generally ap- 
 ply the Name Ciborium only to their Pyxe, where- 
 as in the moft antient Writers it fignifies this beau- 
 tiful Fabrick about the Altar. 
 
 I n fome Places, after Images SECT. XIX. 
 and Pictures began to be allowed of the Peritenon,' 
 in Churches, the Holy Ghoft was or Coiumba... 
 reprefented in the Effigies of a filver Dove ho- 
 vering over the Altar ; and their Baptifteries had 
 the fame, as we learn from the Complaint againft 
 Severus Bifhop of Antiocb, in the Council of 
 Conftantinople, under Mennas, An. f $6, where he 
 is accufed for diverting fjp] to his own Ufe, a- 
 mong other Treafures of the Church, the filver 
 and golden Doves that hanged over the Bapti- 
 ftery and the Altar, as Types, or Symbols of the 
 Holy Ghoft. And this, I think, is the firft 
 Time we meet with any Thing of this kind. 
 
 [b] Vid. Synopf. Criticor. in Apocal. 1 3. 18. [c] Mede 
 
 Difc. of Churches, p. 326. [d] Cyprian. Ep. 40, 72, 73. [e] Pagi 
 Crit. in Baron, an. 313. n. 1 f. [/] Innocent. Ep. 1. ad De- 
 cent, c. f . De Fermento, quod Die Dominica per Titulos mitti- 
 mus, fuperflue nos confulere voluifti, cum omnes Eccleiia: noftrz 
 intra Civitatem Hint conftitutx. Quarum Presbyteri, quia die ipfo 
 propter Plebem libi crediram, nobifcum convenire non pofliint, 
 idcirco fermentum a nobis confedrum per Acolythos accipiunt, ut 
 fe a noftra Communione, maxime ilia die, non judicent feparatos. 
 Quod per Parochias fieri debere non puto, quia non longe porranda 
 funt Sacramenta. Nec nos per Ccemiteria diverfa conflitutis Pr ef- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 byteris deftinamus, fed Presbyteri eorum conficiendorum jus ha- 
 bent atque licentiam. [g] Maurice. Diocef. Epifc. p. 38. 
 
 Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 23. n. 9. differs in this, that he thinks 
 every Church had her ovon Oblations, and the Eucharift confecrated out 
 of them. [//] Hamond. DilTert. cont. Blondel. 3. c. 8. n. 
 
 In re incomperta non eft auda&er nimis pronunciandum. [<] Paul. 
 Silent, par. 2. ver. 303. [_k] Ordo Rorr.anus. [/] Durant. de 
 Ritib. Ecci. lib. i.e. 16. [m] Du Frefne Com. in Paul. Silent, 
 p. $-60. 0] Eufeb. de Vit. Conlt. lib. 3. c. 38. [0] Paul. 
 Silent, ibid. v*\.o$t <P ovm T&>jf.b( iyafiynaji. 
 [p] Cone. Conft. A&, j. Tom. f. p. ijo. 
 
 QLq q 2. For 
 
The Antiquities of the B6ok VIII. 
 
 For no Credit is to be given to the Author of 
 the Life of St. Bafil, under the Name of Amphi- 
 lochius, when he fays, St. Bafil was ufed to re- 
 ferve the Eucharift in one of thefe filver Doves j be- 
 caufe he is known to be a fpurious Writer. 
 However, when the Thing came to be in Ufe, 
 the Place over the Altar where it hanged, was 
 called Perificrion, from rcrig/ysg^, the Greek Name 
 for a Dove, as Du Frefne and others have ob- 
 ferved. If it be enquired where the Eucharift 
 was refcrved, according to ancient Cuftom-, I an- 
 fwer, In Times of Perfecution the Priefts feem 
 to have had it in their own private Cu- 
 ftody at home, as may be collected from an 
 Epiltle of Dionyjius in Eufebius, where he re- 
 lates how Serapion had the Eucharift fent him 
 in the Night by a Boy, the Presbyter being 
 flck, and not able to attend upon him. At other 
 Times it was kept in one of the Pafiophoria, 
 which were certainly Places diftinct from the 
 Altar. For fo the Author of the Conftitutions 
 [r~] plainly informs us. In procefs of time it 
 came to be kept at the Altar, either in thofe 
 filver Doves we have been fpeaking of, or in an 
 Ark, or Pyxe, at the foot of the Crofs, which 
 by fome Canons is ordered to be placed upon 
 the Altar. For in the fecond Council of Tours, 
 An. f6y, a Decree was made [f] that the Eu- 
 charift ftiould not be kept in the Armarium, but 
 under the Figure of the Crofs upon the Altar. And 
 fo in procefs of time the Pyxe took the Name 
 of Ciborium, which originally is an Egyptian 
 Name for the husk of a Bean, as Suicerus [f] 
 notes out of Hefychius, and thence ufed by the 
 Greeks to fignifie a large Cup, or Bowl, broad at 
 the Bottom, and narrow at the Top, and from 
 that Refemblance perhaps it came alfo to be the 
 Name of this Turret or Spiral Structure about 
 the Altar. 
 
 sect. XX. From the forementioned Ca- 
 When firjl the Ft- non of the Council of 'Tours it is 
 gun of theCrofs fet p] a i n? tnat in the French Churches 
 upon the Altar. the Fjgure of the Qofs was ano- 
 ther Part of the Ornament of the Altar, fince 
 the Eucharift, or Sacramental Body of Chrift, is 
 ordered to be laid under it. But when Crofles 
 came firft to be fet in Churches is not fo eafy to 
 be determined. That they were not in Ufe for 
 the three firft Ages, feems evident enough from 
 the Silence of all the Writers of thofe Times, 
 and from Eufebius, who has frequent occafion to 
 defcribe minutely the Churches of Confiantine and 
 others, but never once mentions a Crofs erected 
 
 in them, though he fpeaks frequently of CrofTcs 
 fet up in other publick Places, as a learned Wri- 
 ter [«] has judicioufly obferved out of him, who 
 thinks they began not to be fet up in Churches 
 'till after the Year 340. Chryfofiom [w] fpeaks 
 of the Sign of the Crofs as ufed at the Lord's 
 Table, in the Confecration of Priefts, and Cele- 
 bration of the Eucharift j but that feems to be 
 meant of the tranfient Sign made in the Fore- 
 head (which St. Auftin [x] and the Author of 
 the Confiitutions \_y~\ fpeak of likewife) and not 
 of any material Crofs fet upon the Altar. But 
 Sozomen [z] fpeaks of material CrofTes lying upon 
 the Altar, though not in the Time of Confiantine, 
 (as Gretfer [a] miftakes, whofe Error is juftly 1 
 corrected by Valefius) but in his own Time. And 
 after him Evagrius fpeaks of filver CrofTes given 
 by [b~] Chofroes to one of the Churches of Con- 
 fiantinople, to be fixt upon the Altar. So that 
 the Original of this Cuftom is not to be deduced 
 from Confiantine, as many fuppofe, but from the 
 following Ages of the Church. 
 
 But it is more certain that SECT. XXL' 
 the Altars were always covered of fome other or- 
 with fome decent Cloth, ufed for lament $ mduten- 
 Ornament, not for My fiery as in J* °f the Mtar - 
 After-ages. Optatus pleading againft the Dona- 
 tifts, that the Altars could not be polluted by 
 the Catholicks touching them (as the Donatifis 
 vainly pretended) ufes this Argument to confute 
 them, That if any Thing was polluted, it mufi be 
 the Coverings, and not the Tables; for every one 
 knew, that the Tables [c~] were covered with a 
 Linen Cloth in time of Divine Service: So that 
 while the Sacrament was adminiftring, the Co- 
 vering might be touched, but not the Table. 
 And for this Reafon they pretended to wafti the 
 Palls (as he calls them in another Place) in order 
 to give [cf] them an Expiation. Viblor Uticenfis 
 makes a like complaint of one Proculus, an Agent 
 of King Geifericus, who having plundered the 
 Catholick Churches in Zeugitana, made himfelf 
 [e] a Shirt and Breeches of the Palls of the Al- 
 tar. Ifidore of Pelufium takes notice alfo of the 
 Sindon, [/] or fine Linen upon which the Body 
 of Chrift was confecrated j but fometimes they 
 were of richer Materials and more fumptuous. 
 Palladius fpeaks [g] of fome of the Roman La- 
 dies, who renouncing the World, bequeathed 
 their Silks to make Coverings for the Altar. And 
 Theodoret [h~] fays of Confiantine, " That amongft 
 " other Gifts which he beftowed upon his new- 
 " built Church of Jerufalem, he gave BacnXwa 
 
 [q] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 44. [rj Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. c. si- 
 
 lib. 8. c. 13. [*] Cone. Turon. 2. can. 3. Ut corpus Domini 
 in Altari, non in Armario, fed fub Cruris titulo componatur. So it 
 is read in Crab'* Edition. But others inftead of Armario, read it in 
 Imaoinario Ordine, and explain it by Ciborium. See Du Frefne, 
 P- SIT- W Su » cer - Thefaur. voce KtCuexov. [«] Dalla>us 
 de Cultu Relig. lib. f. c. 8. p. 773. [w] Chryfoft. Demonftrat. 
 Quod Chriftus fit Deus, c. 9. Tom. f. p. 840. [*] Aug. 
 
 Horn. 118. in Joh. Quid eft fignum Chrifti nifi Crux Chrifti ? 
 Quod fignum riifi adhibeatur five Frontibus credentium, five ipli 
 aijua: ex qua regenerantur, five oleo quo Chrifmate unguntur, five 
 Sacrifirio quoalunturj nihil riorum rite perficitur. [y] Conftir. 
 
 Apoft. lib. 8. c. 12. [t] Sozom. lib. 2. c. 3. fays of one Pro- 
 
 bianus, that he f»rt> in a Vif.on, rat/fa avfjiGoKov ? ttvAKei^uy 
 Tt§ Suaictmeiu. [«] Gretfer. de Cruce, lib. 2. c. 13. 
 [b] Evagr. lib. 6. c. 21. [c] Optat. lib. 6. p. 95-. Quis Fidelium 
 ncfcit in peragcndis Myfteriis ipfa Ligna Linteamine cooperiri? 
 Inter ipfa Sacramenta Velamtn potuit tangi, non lignum. 
 [d] Optat. ibid. p. 98. Laviftis proculdubio Pallas, &c. [e]Vi<ftor. 
 de Perfec. Vandal, lib. 1. p. 5-93 . De Pal.'is altaris, proh nefas Ca- 
 millas fibi 8c femoralia facicbat. Qui tamen Proculus fruftatim fibi 
 comedens linguam, in brevi turpiffima confumptus eft morte. 
 ["/] Ifidor. Peluf.lib. 1. Ep. 123. \£\ Palhd. Hift. Laufiac. 
 
 c. 119. [£] Theodor. lib. 1. c. 31. 
 
 8 " 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 30$ 
 
 " ^S^Trtraa-ixara. a Royal Pall, or piece of rich 
 " Tapeftry for the Altar." But that may fignify the 
 Curtains, or Hangings, of the Ciborium, as well 
 as the Covering of the Altar ; and fo every Uten- 
 fil, or Ornament about the Altar, may be fup* 
 pofed to be rich and fplendid in fuch Churches 
 :*s were of a Royal Foundation. The Holy Vef- 
 fels which they made ufe of to adminifter the 
 Eucharift in, were another part of the Ornament 
 of the Altar. But the Richncfs of thefe was not 
 always eftimated from the Materials they were 
 made of, but from the Ufe they were put to. 
 For the Materials were fometimes no better than 
 plain Glafs, or Wood. Irenaus [f\ and Epipha- 
 nius [£] after him, fpeaking of Marcus, the Fa- 
 ther of the Marcojian Hereticks, fay, he ufed a 
 Glafs Cup in the Celebration of the Eucharift : 
 Which is not noted as any fingular Thing in 
 him j for both Baronius [/] and Bona \m~] think 
 it was then the common Cuftom of the Church. 
 And it is evident, it continued in fome Places to 
 the Time of St. Jerom. For he fpeaking of Ex- 
 uperius, Bifhop oiTholoufe, and commending his 
 Frugality, tells us [»], " That he miniftred the 
 M Body of Chrift in a Basket of Ofiers, and 
 " the Blood in a Glafs Cup. Baronius and Bo- 
 na will furnifh the Reader with a great many 
 other Inftances to the fame Purpofe. I fhall 
 only add, that in one of our own Synods here 
 in England, the Synod of Calcuth, dn. 787, there 
 is a Canon [0] which forbids the Ufe of Horn 
 Cups in the Celebration of the Eucharift} 
 which feems to imply that they were in ufe be- 
 fore. But yet I rauft note, that it was common- 
 ly Neceffity that drove the Church to ufe Vef- 
 fels of fuch ordinary Materials j either when fhe 
 laboured under extream Poverty, or thought fit 
 to difpofe of her Silver and Gold Plate for the 
 Redemption of Captives, or the Relief of the 
 Poor, of v/hich I have given a great many In- 
 ftances [*] in another Place, which ftiew that 
 the Church had her Veffels of Silver and Gold, 
 elfe fhe could not have melted them down for 
 fuch pious Ufes. Nay even in Times of Perfe- 
 ction, when there was fome Danger of being 
 plundered and defpoiled, the wealthier Churches 
 had their facred Veflels of Silver and Gold. This 
 is evident from what Prudentius obferves in the 
 Roman Church, in the Time of Laurentius the 
 Martyr, who fuftered in the Perfecution of Va- 
 lerian. It was Part of his Crime, that he would 
 not deliver up the Golden Plate [/>], in which 
 they were ufed to celebrate their facred Myfte- 
 ries. And that we may not think he fpake only 
 
 with a Poetical Flourifh, we may fee the fame 
 Thing obferved by Optatus, of the Church of 
 Carthage, in the Dioclcfian Perfecution. For 
 when Menfurius the Bifhop was forced to go to 
 Rome, to have his Tryal there, he was at fome 
 Lofs [f] what to do with the Plate, and other 
 Silver and Gold Ornaments of the Church, 
 which he could neither hide in the Earth, nor 
 carry with him. At laft he comes to this Re- 
 folution, to leave them wich the Elders of the 
 Church, firft taking an Inventory of them, 
 which he gave to a Deaconnefs, with thefe In- 
 flections, that if he never returned, fhe fhould, 
 when Times of Peace returned, give it to the 
 Perfon whom fhe found feated on the Bifhop's 
 Throne. Which fhe did as foon as Caci/ianwas 
 chofen Bifhop, who calling upon the Elders to 
 deliver up their Truft, they having embezelled the 
 Things, denied that ever they had received them, 
 and to be revenged of Cacilian, they joined with 
 his Antagonifts, Botrus and Cekufms, who were 
 Competitors with Chilian for the Bifhoprick, 
 and the firft Authors of the Schifm of the Do- 
 natifts. What this Inventory contain'd we may- 
 judge by another about the fame Time, given 
 up to the Perfecutors by Paul, Bifhop of Cirta, 
 who was one of thofe called Traditors upon that 
 account. There we find two [r] Gold Cups, 
 fix Silver Cups, fix Silver Water-pots, a filver 
 Cucumellum, which I take to be a Flaggon, or 
 Bowl, feven filver Lamps, &c. All which were 
 Veffels, or Utenfils belonging to the Service of 
 the Church and the Altar. For as they had Vef- 
 fels for the Wine, fo they had alfo Veffels for 
 the Water, which in thofe Days was always 
 mingled with the Wine, and was ufed alfo for 
 waihing their Hands in the Time of the Obla- 
 tion > of which Cuftoms it will be more proper 
 to fpeak in another Place. Thefe Veffels we 
 here fee were of Silver in the Church of Cirta, 
 as well as others. Their Candlefticks, or 
 Lamps, were of the like precious Subftance, 
 and fome Golden, as Prudentius [_s~] repre- 
 fents them, when he brings in the Tyrant de- 
 manding of Laurentius the Roman Deacon, the 
 golden Lamps which they ufed in their Night 
 Affemblies. Thefe are frequently mentioned by 
 Athanafius [f], and the Apoftolical Conftituti- 
 ons \_u~\ which allows Oyl to be offered 
 for the Lamps. Paulinus alfo [w] and St. Je- 
 rom [x] fpeak of them, and feem to intimate 
 that in their Time they were lighted by Day as 
 well as by Night : Which was an Innovation 
 upon the old Cuftom : For the firft and primi- 
 
 [»] Irenae. lib. 1. c. 9. [fc] Epiphan. Hser. 34.. num.!. 
 
 [/] Baron, an. 216. [m] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. u c. 2f. 
 
 n. 1. (Vj Hieron. Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Nihil illo ditius, qui 
 
 Corpus Domini caniftro vimineo, fanguinem portat in vitro. 
 [0] Synod. Calchuthenf. c. 10. apud Spelmaa. Cone. Brit. Tom. 
 1. p. 291. [*J Book 7. Chap. 6. Sett. 6. [f] Pru- 
 
 dent. «fet rscxtPftM', Hymn. 2. Hunc efle veftris Orgiis moremq; 
 Scartem proditum eft, Hanc difciplinam foederis, Litent ut auro 
 Antiftites. Argenteis Scyphis ferunt fumare facrum Sanguinem, 
 & c - M Optat. lib. 1. p. 41. Erant Ecclefoe ex auro 8c 
 
 argsnto quamplurima Ornamenta, qua: nee defodere terra;, nec 
 fecum portare poterat. [r] Gefta Purgation. Cjeciliani, ad 
 
 Calcem Optati, p. 266. Calices duo aurei : Item calices fcx ar- 
 gentei : Urceola fcx argentea; Cucumellum argenteum: Lucernac 
 argentea? feptem : Careofala duo, <yc. [s] Prudent, de Co- 
 
 ron. Hymn. 2. Auroque nodturnis facris Adftare fixos cereos. 
 [f] Athanaf. Ep. ad Orthodox. Tom. 1. p. 946. [«] Canon. 
 Apoft. c. 5. [w] Paulin. Natal. 3. S. Felicis. Clara coro- 
 
 nantur denlis altaria lychnis : Lumina ceratis adolentur odora pa- 
 pyris: Nofte dieque micant, &c. [*] Hieron. Ep. 73. 
 
 Ripar. Accenfique ante eorum tumulos Cerei, Idololatrix iafignia 
 funt? &c. Id. cont. Vigilant. Tom. a. p. 123. Aliqui propter 
 
 imperitiam 8c fimpliciratem fxculaiium hominum > hoc pro 
 
 honore Martyrum faciunt, 
 
 tivc 
 
306 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 tive Ufe of them was owing to Neceffity, when 
 Chriftians were forced to meet in nocturnal Af- 
 femblies for fear of Perfecution. At which time 
 they did not allow, or approve of lighting them 
 by Day. Nor does St. Jerom fay, there was any 
 Order of the Church, or fo much as general Cu- 
 Hom to authorize it ; but only it was tolerated 
 in fome Places, to fatisfy the Ignorance, and 
 Wcaknefs, and Simplicity of fome Secular Men: 
 and all he pretends to offer in juftification of it, 
 is only, that there was no Idolatry in it, as Vi- 
 gilantius had heavily laid the Charge upon it. 
 However, there was this difference between the 
 Age of St. Jcrom, and thofe which went before, 
 that the former Ages pofitively condemn it. For 
 not to mention what LaElantius \_y~] and others 
 lay, to expofe the like Cuflom among the Hea- 
 thens, the Council of EHberis exprefly forbids 
 it in a very plain Canon [z~], though the Rea- 
 fon be fomething dark that is given for the Pro- 
 hibition: "Let no one prefume to fet up Lights 
 *' in the Day-time in any Ccemitery, or Church: 
 " for the Spirits of the Saints are not to be mo- 
 " lefted." I lhall not now ftand to enquire in- 
 to the Meaning of this Reafon; it is fufficient 
 that the Thing was then prohibited in plain 
 Terms : From whence it is evident the contrary 
 Cuftom mud be new, though prevailing both 
 in the Eaft and Weft in the Time of Paulinus 
 and St. Jerom. Some alfo plead hard for the An- 
 tiquity of Cenfers and Incenfe, deriving them 
 down from Apoftolical Cuftom and Practice. 
 So Cardinal Bona [a] and others of the Romijb 
 Church. But there are no Footfteps of thefe 
 Things in the three firft Ages of the Church. 
 The Canons under the Name of the Apoftles 
 indeed [b~J mention Incenfe in the Time of the 
 Oblation: But it ftill remains a Queftion, Whe- 
 ther thofe Canons belong to any of the three firft 
 Ages. Hippolytus Portuenjis is another Author 
 produced by a learned Perfon [c] of our own 
 Church in this Caufe. But befides that his Au- 
 thority is as queftionable as the former, all that 
 he fays may be interpreted to a fpiritual or fi- 
 gurative Senfe. For fpeaking of the Times of 
 Antichrift, and the Defolations of the Church 
 in thofe Days, he fays, " The Church fhall 
 " mourn with a very great Mourning, becaufe 
 " her Oblation and Incenfe is not duly \_d~\ 
 u performed. Which may mean no more than 
 that the Liturgy, or Service of the Church will 
 be aboliflied. For the Prayers and Worfhip of 
 the Saints are called the Chriflian Incenfe, Rev. 
 v. 8. And fo I think we are to underftand 
 thofe Words of St. Ambrofe [e] alfo, who fpeak- 
 ing of the Angel's appearing to Zacharias, Hand- 
 ing on the Right-fide of the Altar of Incenfe, 
 
 fays, " I wim the Angel may ftand by .us when 
 " we incenfe the Altar, and offer our Sacrifice. 
 " Yea, doubtlefs the Angel ftands by us, at the 
 " Time that Chrift ftands there and is offered 
 " upon the Altar." Here, I take it, the Sacri- 
 ficing of Chrift, and the Incenfing of the Altar, 
 are both of the fame Nature, that is^ Spiritual 
 and Myftical: And therefore hence nothing can 
 be concluded for the Ufe of Incenfe and Cenfers 
 in the moft ftricTt and literal Senfe as yet in the 
 Chriftian Church. Neither do we find any 
 mention made of Cenfers in any part of the Con- 
 ftitutions under the Name of the Apoftles, which 
 is an Argument, That when the Author of thofe 
 Collections wrote, they were not yet become 
 Utenfils of the Altar, as they were when Eva- 
 grius [/] wrote his Hiftoryj for he mentions 
 golden Cenfers, as well as golden Croffes, given 
 by Chofroes to the Church at ConftantinopJe. By 
 which we may guefs that Croffes and Cenfers ' 
 were the Product of one and the fame Age, and 
 came into the Church together. Images and 
 Relicks upon the Altar are Ufages alfo of later 
 Ages. And fo are many Utenfils of the prefenc 
 Greeks-) as the Lancea, After ifcus, Dicerion, Trice- 
 rion, and Cochlear, which Bona [g] fays were 
 never known in the Latin Church, much lefs in 
 the antient Church. So I fhall not ftand to ex- 
 plain themj nor fay any thing here of the Bi- 
 ble, the Diptychs, and their Ritual Books, 
 which were both Utenfils and O.naments of the 
 Altar, becaufe thefe will be fpoken of in other 
 Places. The Altare Portatile, or moveable Al- 
 tars of the Latins, and the Antimenfia, or confe- 
 crated Cloths of the Greeks, to be ufed in Places 
 which have no Altars, I omit likewife, as be- 
 ing a modern Invention of later Ages. Haber- 
 tus [h~] indeed is very follicitous to have their 
 portable Altars thought as old as St. Baftl, be- 
 caufe St. Bafil in one of his Epiftles fpeaks of 
 (c/Vcu r^-Ki^cu., private Tables, in fome Churches. 
 But he wholly miftakes his Author's Meaning; 
 for he is only fpeaking of the Rudenefs of fome 
 Hereticks, who according to their ufual Cu- 
 ftom, pulled down the Catholick Altars, and fee 
 up their own Altars, or Tables in the Room, 
 So that it is not thofe portable Altars he is dif- 
 courfing of, but heretical Altars fet up in Op- 
 position to the Catholicks, which Habertus 
 would hardly own to be the Altars of the Ro- 
 mijh Church. Durantus [_i~\ and Bona [k~] do~ 
 not pretend to find them in any Author before 
 the Time of Bede and Charles the Great, and 
 therefore we may conclude they were a modern 
 Invention. But the pi-ar/c/Va, or Flabella, are 
 fomewhat more antient, being mentioned by 
 the Author of the Conftitutions [/], who makes 
 
 [v] La&ant. lib. 6. c. 2. Accendunt Lumina, velut in tene- 
 bris agenti Deo, &c [z] Cone. Eliber. c. 34. Ccreos per 
 diem placuit in Coemiterio non incendi. Inquietandi enim Sanfto- 
 rum Spiritus non funt. [a] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. u c. 25-. 
 
 n. 9. \b~\ Canon. Apoft. c. 3. $v(j.'iaua. tt§ kcu^S 4 
 
 uy'icti 'spjs^o^. [c] Bever. Cod. Canon. Vindic. lib. 2. 
 c. 1. n. $•. [</] Hippol. de Confum. Mundi. Bibl. Patr. Gr. 
 
 Lat. Tom. 2. p. 55-7. Note, The Words art not in the genuine 
 Hippolytus publijlnd by Combefis Audtario Novifilmo. 
 
 [«] Ambrof. Com. in Luc. 1. 11. p. 5-99. Urinam nobis quoque 
 adolentibus altaria, facrificium deferentibus, afliftat Angelus, imo 
 prasbeat k videndum. Non enim dubites afliftere Angelum, quan- 
 do Chriflus afliftit, Chriftus immolatur. [/] Evagr. lib. 6. 
 c. 21. [g2 Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 25-. n. 6. 
 
 [h] Habert. Archieratic. p. 664,. Portatilia ilia alteria videntur dici 
 a Bafilio }J"'tou r^.^'Xcu, Ep. 72. [»] Durant. de Ritib. 
 
 Ecd. lib. 1. c. 2f. n. 7. [k] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 20. 
 n. 3. [/JConftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 12. 
 
 it 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 307 
 
 it one Part of the Deacon's Office in the Time 
 of the Oblation, to Hand on each Side of the 
 Altar j and with thefe Inftruments in their 
 Hands, (Brufhes, or Fans, we may Englijb them) 
 to drive away all fuch little Infects as might 
 drop into the Cups, or infeft the Altar. The 
 Author of the Fafti Siculi, or Cbronkum Alexan- 
 drinum [m~], calls them r/'/aia pm'efya, and reck- 
 ons them among the Holy Utenfils of the Al- 
 tar, which were laid up among the reft in the 
 Sceuophylacium, or Veftry of the Church. For 
 which Reafon I thought it not improper to 
 mention them, whilft we are fpeaking of the 
 Utenfils of the Altar. 
 
 SECT. xxii. In many Churches, befides the 
 o/^eoblationa- Communion-table , in one of 
 
 rum, cr Protfae- the Rec ^ Qr QonchcCs of 
 
 the Bema, there was a Place 
 where the Offerings of the People were recei- 
 ved, out of which the Bread and Wine was ta- 
 ken that was confecrated at the Altar. In the 
 Liturgies, under the Names of Chryfofiom [»], 
 and St. James [0], and other modern Greek Wri- 
 ters, this is called w^Ss-ias and i%tT^c7rs^v, the 
 Side-table. In the Ordo Romanus it has the 
 Name of Oblationarium and Prothejis alfo, for 
 the one is made the Explication of the other. 
 And here alfo it is termed Paratorium, becaufe 
 when the Offerings were received, Preparation 
 was made out of them for the Eucharift. There 
 is little queftion to be made but that the anti- 
 ent Churches had fomething anfwerable to this, 
 but it went under other Names j for we never 
 meet with a Prothefis, or Paratorium, or Oblati*- 
 onarium, in exprefs Terms, in any antient Wri- 
 ter. But the Thing it felf we often find. Cy- 
 prian [/>] feems to fpeak of it under the bor- 
 rowed Name of the Corban, rebuking a rich 
 and wealthy Matron for coming to celebrate 
 the Eucharift without any Regard to the Cor- 
 ban, and partaking of the Lord's Supper with- 
 out any Sacrifice of her own, but rather eating 
 of the Oblations which the Poor had brought. 
 In the Fourth Council [_q~] of Carthage, this 
 Place goes by the general Name of the Sacra- 
 rium or Sanctuary, as being that Part of the 
 Sanctuary where the Oblations for the Altai- 
 were received. For they had two Repositories 
 for the Offerings of the People, the one with- 
 out the Church, called the Gazophylacium, or 
 Treafury, and the other within the Church, 
 which was this Sacrarium, or Corban. And 
 therefore it is, that that Council forbids the 
 Offerings of fuch Chriftians as were at Variance 
 one with another, to be received either in theTrea- 
 fury, or the San&uary. Paulinus is more exact 
 
 in defcribing this Place than any other antient 
 Writer, yet he gives it a different Name, cal- 
 ling it one of the Secretarium of the Church. 
 For he tells us [r], " There were two Secreta- 
 " Hums, one on the Right Hand, and the other 
 " on the Left Hand of the Altar. That on the 
 Right Hand was the fame with the Prothefis, or 
 Paratorium we are fpeakrng of, and the Ufe of 
 it he defcribes in thefe Verfes, which were fet 
 over it : 
 
 Hie locus eft veneranda penus qua conditur, & qua 
 Promitur alma facri pompa Minifterii. 
 This is the Place where the Holy Food is repo- 
 fited, and whence we take Provifion and Fur- 
 niture for the Altar. That on the other Side 
 was the fame with the Diaconicum Bematis, the 
 Ufe of which he defcribes in part, in thefe two 
 other Verfes, fet over it alfo : 
 
 Si quern Sancla tenet meditandi in Lege voluntas, 
 Hie poterit refidens fanclis intendere Libris. 
 
 If any one (that is, any of the Priefts, whofe 
 Apartment this was) is minded to meditate in 
 the Law of God, here he has Room to fit and 
 read the Holy Books. A little before ''jl he 
 makes the like Defcription of thefe two fecret 
 Apartments in Profe, telling us, That the one 
 was the Place which prepared the Holt, or 
 Oblation of Joy for the Prieft: (Whence 
 doubtlefs in After-ages, as I noted before, it got 
 the Name of Paratorium :) And the other was a 
 Place, whither the Clergy retired, after the Sa- 
 crifice was ended, and the People were difmif- 
 fed, to make their concluding Prayers in pri- 
 vate. 
 
 This latter Place was a fort sect, xxiii. 
 of Veftry within the Church, of the Sceuophy. 
 whither the Deacons brought kcium, »• Etfaso- 
 the Veftments, and Veffels, and n,cum *9*w, 
 Utenfils belonging to the Altar, out of the great- 
 er Diaconicum, to be in a Readinefs for Divine 
 Service. And in this refpeel: it had alfo the 
 Name of mdioquXaKiov, the Repofitory of the 
 Sacred Utenfils, becaufe hither they were car- 
 ried back immediately by the Deacons, as foon 
 as the Service was ended, or whilft the Poft- 
 Communion-Pfalm was ringing by the People, 
 as the Author of the Chronicon [f] Alexandrinum 
 reprefents it. Here the Priefts alfo put on their 
 Robes they ufed to officiate in: And hither they 
 came again, when the Publick Service was en- 
 ded, to make their private Addreffes to God, 
 as has been noted already out of Paulinus ; and 
 in the Liturgies afcribed to St. James, Sr.. Mark, 
 St. Chryfofiom [«], there are the Forms of 
 
 [w>] Chronic. Alexandr. p. 892. [»] Chryfoft. Liturg. 
 
 Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. Tom. 2. p. 74. [0] MifiTa Jacobi, ib. 
 
 p. 11. [^>] Cyprian, de Opere 8c Eleemof. p. 202. Locu- 
 ples 8c dives es, 8c Dominicum celcbrare te credis, qux Corbonam 
 omnino non refpicis ; quae in Dominicum fine Sacrificio venis ; 
 qua: partem de Sacrificio, quod pauper obtulit, fumis? 
 [q] Cone. Carthag. 4. can. 93. Oblationes dilTidentium fratrum, 
 neque ia Sacrario, neque in Gazophylacio recipiantur. 
 
 [r] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever, p. 15-4. [s] Paulin. ibid, 
 
 p. 15-2. Una earum immolanti hoftias jubilationis patet. Leg. Pa- 
 rar. Altera port Sacerdotem. Leg. poft Sacrificium, capaci finu 
 receptat orantes. (7] Chron. Alexand. p. 892. Vid. Co- 
 
 teler. Not. in Conft. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 12. [«] Liturg. 
 
 Marci, Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. Tom. 2. p. 41. Liturg. Chryfolt. 
 ibid. p. 88. 
 
 Prayer 
 
308 
 
 The Antiquities 0/ rfe Book VIII. 
 
 Prayer appointed to be ufed in this Place, one 
 of which particularly in St. James's Liturgy is 
 ufher'd in with this Title, or Rubrick fV], 
 " The Prayer to be faid in the Sceuophylacium, 
 " after the Difmiffion of the People. The Dea- 
 cons commonly had the Care of this Place, and 
 thence it is often called the Diaconicum, and Be- 
 matis Diaconicum, to diftinguifh it from another 
 Diaconicum, which we fhall find in the next 
 Chapter among the Exedra, or outer Buildings 
 of the Church. Du Frefne [*] thinks alfo, that 
 the Name Diaconicum was fometimes more pecu- 
 
 liarly given to that Part of the Bema, or Chan- 
 cel, which was between the Veils of the Chan- 
 cel, and the Veils of the Ciborium, or Altar j 
 and that the Place within the Veils of the Altai- 
 Was diftinguilhed particularly by the Name of 
 Presbyterium, becaufe it was the Place of the 
 Presbyters, as the other was the Place of the 
 Deacons, alleging for this a Canon of the Coun- 
 cil of Laodicea \_y~\, which others underftand 
 in a different Senfe [*], for the whole Chan- 
 cel, or San&uary of the Church. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Baptiftery, and other Outer Buildings, called the Exedra of the 
 
 Church. 
 
 SECT. I. \li7 ^ ^ ave hitherto taken a 
 
 Baptijlenes mum- VV View of the feveral Parts 
 
 ly Buildings diftinB c f the antient Churches within 
 
 from the church. ^ w a |i s . [ t now remains that 
 
 we confider a little fuch Buildings as were di- 
 ftinct from the main Body, and yet within the 
 Bounds of the Church taken in the large ft Senfe, 
 which Buildings are all comprized under one ge- 
 neral Name of the Exedra of the Church. For 
 Eufebius, fpeaking of the Church of Paulinus at 
 'Tyre, fays, " When that curious Artift had fi- 
 " nifhed his famous Structure within, he then 
 " fet himfelf about the Exedra, or Buildings 
 " [a] that joined one to another by the Sides 
 « of the Church ; " By which Buildings, he 
 tells us, he chiefly meant the Place which was 
 for the Ufe of thofe who needed the Purgati- 
 on, and Sprinkling of Water and the Holy 
 Ghoftj that is, doubtlefs, the Baptiftery of the 
 Church. He defcribes the Church of Antioch 
 built by Conftantine, after the fame manner, tel- 
 ling us, " That it was furrounded with Exedra 
 " M> ' anc * Buildings that had lower and upper 
 " Stories in them." So that, as Valefius and o- 
 ther Criticks have rightly obferved, Exedra is a 
 general Name for any Buildings that ftand round 
 about the Church. And hence it is eafy to con- 
 clude, that the Baptiftery, which Eufebius reck- 
 ons the Chief of the Exedra, was antiently a 
 Building without the Walls of the Church. 
 Which Obfervation, becaufe I find it question- 
 ed by fome, who place the Font, after the mo- 
 dern Way, in the Narthex of the antient Churches, 
 it will not be improper here to confirm by a 
 
 few plain Inftances out of other Authors. Pau~ 
 linus Bifhop of Nola, fetting forth the' great Mu- 
 nificence of his Friend Severus, fays, " He built 
 " two Churches, and a Baptiftery between 
 " them [c~] both. And fo Cyril of Jerufalem 
 defcribes the Baptiftery as a Building by it felf, 
 which had firft [J] its w^qowXiov ofxov, that is, 
 its Porch, or Ante-Room, where the Catechu- 
 mens made their Renunciation of Satan, and 
 Confeffion of Faith j and then its lo-om^v ofnov, 
 its inner Room \e~], where the Ceremony of Bap- 
 tifra was performed. Sidonius Apollinaris alfo 
 fpeaks of it [/] as a diftin£t Building, and St. 
 Auflin feems to intimate [g] that there were 
 diftindt Apartments in it for Men and Women 
 likewife. Which perhaps is the Reafon why 
 St. Ambrofe fpeaks of it in the Plural, ftiling it 
 [h~] the Baptifteries of the Church. In the 
 Time of Jujlin Martyr, and Tertullian, we are 
 not certain that the Church had any of thefe 
 Baptifteries j but this is paft all doubt however 
 from their Authority, that the Place of Baptifm 
 was not in the Church, but fomewhere diftincl: 
 from it. For 1'ertullian fpeaking of the Cere- 
 monies of Baptifm, fays, " It was their Cuftom 
 " to renounce the Devil, and his Pomp, and 
 " his Angels, firft in the Church, and then \_i~] 
 " again when they came to the Water. Which 
 implies, that the Place of Baptifm was without 
 the Church. And fo Juftin Martyr \_k~\ repre- 
 fents it, when he fpeaks of carrying the Catechu- 
 men to the Place where there was Water ; 
 which perhaps was unlimited in thofe Days* it 
 being an indifferent Thing, as Tertullian [/] 
 
 Twl Liture. Tacobi, ibid. p. 23. eVyh Myo/&f!» h t4 ffruv- 
 cvIkLu 4 * [*] ^ Frefne Com. in Paul. 
 
 Silentiar.' p. f 8 1. [7] Cone. Laodic. can. 11. 
 
 [ * ] See before Sett. 4. of this Chapter. 
 
 [a] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. p. 318. 'cm to. tx.rh( <r» r*» t je ' 
 thcV $&f&t 6 o(x.«< ™* tt&'o iKarifcf. fuykxi 4r.iCY.<L>j: 
 £W, &c [£] Eufeb. de Vit. Conftant. lib. 3. c. fo. 
 [<r] Paulin. Ep. 1 2. ad Sever. Tu vero etiam Baptifterium Bafilicis 
 duabus interpofitura condiditti. ■ [</] Cyril. Catech. Myftag. 
 1 n 2 ei7k-i Ti ■vt^Tov 4f r ■Tvesajjhiov r>s jici7ni<n^ix 
 ofc,;, &c. ' W Catech. 2. n. 1. [/] Sidon. 
 
 lib. 4. Ep. if. Baptifterium quod olim fabricabamini, fcribitis jam 
 
 polfe confecrari. [g] Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib. 22. c. 8. 
 
 .'n parte Fsminarum obfervanti ad Eaptifterium, eW. 
 
 [h] Ambrof. Ep. 33. Symbolum aiiouibus Competentibus in Bap- 
 
 tifieriis tradebam Bafilicae. [/] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. 
 
 c. 3. Aquam adiruri, ibidem, fed 8c aliquanto prius in Ecclelia 
 
 fub Anrifhtis manu conteftamur tips renunciare Diabolo&c Pompce 
 
 8c Angelis ejus. [/.•] juftin. Apol. 2. p. 93. 
 
 [/] Tcrtul. de Bapr. c. 4. Nulla diftindtio eft, mari quis an 
 
 Stagno, Flumine an Fonre, Lacu an Alveo diluatur, nec quicquam 
 
 refert inter eos quos Johannes in Jordane, 8c quos Petrus in Ti- 
 
 beri tinxir, 
 
 words 
 
Chap. VII 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 309 
 
 words it, whether a Man was baptized in the 
 Sea, or in a Lake ; in a River, or in a Foun- 
 tain j \n Jordan, or in Itiber^ as St. Pclcr and 
 St. John baptized their Converts. So that the 
 hrft Ages all agreed in this, that whether they 
 had Baptifteries or not, the place of Baptifm was 
 always without the Church. And after this man- 
 ner Baptifteries continued to the Sixth Age, as 
 appears from what Durantus obferves out of Gre- 
 gory \m\ of Tours, That he fpcaks of Bapti- 
 iteries Hill without the Walls of the Church. 
 Though fomc now began to be taken into the 
 Church-porch, as that wherein he fays [n] Re- 
 migius baptized King Clodoveus, and thence they 
 were afterward removed into the Church it 
 fclf. Though now the Baptiftery of St. John 
 Lateran, at Rome, is ftill after the antient Mo- 
 del, if Durantus rightly informs us. 
 
 sect. 11. These Baptifteries were an- 
 Tbefe very capaa- tiently very capacious, becaufc, 
 chs, and why. as Dr ^ truly obferves, 
 the ftated Times of Baptifm returning but fel- 
 dom, there were ufually great Multitudes to be 
 baptized at the fame Time. And then the Man- 
 ner of Baptizing by Immcrfion, or dipping un- 
 der Water, made it neceflary to have a large 
 Font likewife. Whence the Author of the 
 Chronicon Alexandrinum \_p~\ ftiles the Baptiftery, 
 whither Bafilifcus fled to take Sanctuary, \Aya. 
 (pcoTJs-n'gjiov, the great Illuminary, or School of 
 Baptifm. And in Venantius Fortunatus [_q~] it is 
 called Aula Baptifmatis, the large Hall of Bap- 
 tifm. Which was indeed fo capacious, that we 
 ibmetimes read of Councils meeting and fitting 
 therein, as Du Frefne [r~] fhews out of thcA&s 
 of the Council of Chalcedon, and Sukerus has ob- 
 ferved the fame in the Acts of the Council of 
 Carthage [s~], which fpeaks of a Council at Con- 
 fiantinople held in the Baptiftery of the Church. 
 
 sect. in. We may obferve alfo in the 
 
 why culled (fur 1- before-mentioned Authors, how 
 
 ch= ; ., Places of the Baptifteries were commonly 
 lllummauon. p laces of Jgtf, 
 
 mination, that is, Baptifm. For Baptifm it felf 
 in antient Writers is very ufually ftiled <jJwr«r/jtai 
 and hence the Place of Baptifm called (pwns-n'g/ov, 
 from the Adminiftration of Baptifm there, which 
 was always attended with a Divine Illumination 
 of the Soul y whence Perfons baptized were al- 
 fo called, the Illuminate, as has been obferved [*] 
 in another place. But the Baptifteries might al- 
 fo have this Name for another Reafon, becaufe 
 they were the places of an Illumination, or In- 
 ftru&ion, preceding Baptifm. For here the Ca- 
 
 techumens fecm to have been trained up, and in- 
 ftruclcd In the fkft Rudiments of the Chnftian 
 Faith. At leaft they were here" taught the Creed, 
 as is evident from that noted Pafla^e of St. Am- 
 brofe [/], where he fays, - " That after the Lef- 
 " fons and Homily he went into the Baptiftery" 
 " of the Church, to make the Candidates of 
 " Baptifm learn the Creed. Therefore from 
 this Illumination preceding Baptifm, as well as 
 that which was confequent to it, the Baptifte- 
 ries might rcafonably be called' (pwris^a, and 
 as fome think, ^ovTir^^-, Schools of Learning, 
 or the Illuminatories of the Church, 
 
 It will be eafy now for the sect. iv. 
 Reader to obferve, from what of the Deference 
 has been (aid, what difference between a Bytiflery 
 there was anciently between a an ? * Fmt - 
 Baptiftery and a Font, though tf-^lT 
 the JNamcs be fometimes con- c»d-&. 
 founded together. For the Bap- 
 tiftery, properly fpeaking, was the whole Houfe, 
 of Building, in which the Font ftood, and. 
 where all the Ceremonies of Baptifm were per- 
 formed j but the Font was only the Fountain, 
 or Pool of Water, wherein Perfons were immer- 
 fed, or baptized. This in the Greek Writers is 
 commonly^ [»] called KcXu/xCn'S^, and by the 
 Latins [wj Pifcina, and is fometimes expredy 
 diftinguiflied from the Baptiftery, as a Part from 
 the Whole. For Socrates [*] exprefly ftiles it 
 KoXu^nS^v tS (Zonr^isnejis, the Pool of the Bap- 
 tiftery. Which Name Dr. Beverege [y] thinks 
 was given to the Font by way of Allufion to 
 the Pool of Bethefda. But Optatus [z] has a 
 more myftical Reafon for it: He fays, it was 
 called Pifcina in Allufion to our Saviour's Tech- 
 nical Name tgOik, which was an Acroftick com- 
 pofed of the initial Letters of our Saviour's fe- 
 veral Titles, Jefus Chrift, the Son of God our 
 Saviour, of which I have given an Account [*} 
 in another place. But whether either of thefe 
 Reafons be true, or whether the Font was not 
 rather fo called, becaufe Pifcina and KcXu/^n'^ 
 are commonly Names of Fountains and Baths 
 and Pools in Greek and Latin Writers, I leave 
 to the Determination of the judicious Reader. 
 Du Frefne has obferved feveral other Names [a~]± 
 fuch as -am)oix(&, Lavacrum, Natatoria, and Clo- 
 aca, a Term peculiar to Gregory the Great : But 
 thefe are modern Names, and fo I pafs them o- 
 ver, only remarking one Thing out of him, 
 that whereas Procopius in his Hiftoria Arcana gives 
 it the Name of J^jfyv, the Receptacle, Suidas 
 miftakes it for the Communion-table ; which 
 
 \m\ Durant. de Ritib. Eccl. lib. i.e. 19. n.4. Greg. Turon. 
 Hiftor. lib. 6. c. 11. [»] Gregor. Turon. lib. 2. c. 21. 
 
 [0] Cave Primit. Chrift. Par. 1. c. 1 o. p. 2 1 1. [p] Chrcm. 
 Alexandr. in Balilifco, p. 75-2. [<j] Fortunat. de Baprifter. 
 
 Moguntin. Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 8. p. 780. [r] Du Frefne 
 
 Com. in Paul. Silentiar. p. 592. Cone. Chalced. AcT.. 1. 
 [*] Suicer. Thefaur. Eccl. voce quTtrheiov, ex A&is Concilii 
 Carthag. p. 118. iv ttJ p«T/rne<w f fcj 1 KvvrttrTivxiroKiv dyt- 
 it)Ta,T»s Kci$cAi>tris iKV.h)\<j'ia{ K.d.§i£riVTay r iryiai &. :uv 
 amcTK'o7rav. [*] Book 1. Chap. 4. ». 1. [f] Ambrof. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Ep. 2;. ad Marcellin. Poft Lefiiones atque Tra&atum, dimif- 
 fis Catechumenis, Symbolum aliquibus competentibus in Baptiftc- 
 riis tradebam Bafilicse. [«] Vid. Cyril. Catech. Myftag. 2. 
 
 n. 4. Catech. 3. n. 1. Chryfoft. Horn. 64. Tom. j\ p. 970. 
 [w] Optat. 1. 3. p. 6z. [x] Socrat. lib. 7. c. 17. 
 
 [y] Bevereg. Pandect. Not. in Concil. Nicen. c. 11. 
 [z] Optat. lib. 2. p. 62. Hie eft Pifcis qui in baptifmate per in- 
 vocationem fontalibus undis inferitur, ut qua; aqua fuerat, a Pifc'e 
 etiam Pifcina vocitetur. [*] Book 1. Chap. i.SecJ. 2. 
 fa] Du Frefne Com. in Paul. Silentiar. p. jpj, 
 
 R r r I note. 
 
3io The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 I note, only becaufe it is eafy for any one to 
 be led into the like Miftake by the Authority 
 of that celebrated Writer. 
 
 SECT. v. Wh a t Form the antient Bap- 
 
 How Fonts and tifteries were built in, I find no. 
 Baptijieries ancient- w here mentioned in any antient 
 iy adorned. Writer j and almoSt as little of 
 
 their Ornament, that may be depended on as ge- 
 nuine. Durantus indeed has a very formal Story 
 out of the Pontifical, under the Name of Da- 
 mafus, how Confiantine gave a rich Font to the 
 Church, wherein he himfelf was baptized 5 it 
 was made, [b] the Author fays, of Porphyretick 
 Marble, overlaid with Silver j in the middle of 
 it was a Marble Pillar, and on it a Vial of pure 
 Gold, filled with Balfam to burn as in a Lamp. 
 On the Brim of the Font was a Lamp of pure 
 Gold pouring out Water. On the Right-hand 
 of that a filver Image of Chrift, and on the Left- 
 hand a filver Image of St. John Baptifi, holding 
 a Label with this Infcnption, Behold the Lamb 
 of God which taketh away the Sins of the World. 
 Befides all thefe, there were feven filver Harts 
 pouring out Water into the Fountain. But now 
 all this is a mere fabulous Legend, and has juft 
 as much Truth in it, as the Story of Conftan- 
 tine's Leprofy, and his being cured by Pope Silve- 
 jter's baptizing him in this Font at Rome. And 
 I only mention it to Shew what fort of Tales 
 are urged by the Romijh Ritualists many times 
 for antient Hiftory. For every one now knows 
 this Mock-Damafus to be a fpurious Author. 
 Perhaps in the fixth or feventh Century fuch 
 fort of Ornaments might be fet up in the Bap- 
 tisteries of the Church : For in the Adts of the 
 Council of Conftantinople [c] under Menas, An. 
 f $<S, there is mention made of filver and gold 
 Doves* hanging in the Baptiftery, as well as at 
 the Altar. But as no Pictures, or Images, 
 were fet up in Churches in the Time of Confian- 
 tine, fo we cannot fuppofe any Roman Baptiste- 
 ries to be adorned by him according to the a- 
 forefaid pretended Defcription: But if the Gar- 
 ments of the Minifters baptizing, or the white 
 Robes of Perfons newly baptized, which were 
 referved in thefe Baptifteries, as Monuments and 
 Tokens of their Profeflion, or the Veffels of 
 Chrifm ufed for Unftion in Baptifm, may be 
 reckoned Ornaments of thefe Places j the Bapti- 
 fteries had always thefe Things from their firft 
 Erection, as will be {hewed more particularly 
 when we come to treat ot the Rites of Baptifm 
 in its proper Place. 
 
 SECT. vi. All that I havefarther to add 
 Baptifteries an- about Baptisteries here, is an Ob- 
 ittntly more pecnli- fervation made by fome learned 
 
 Men, that antiently there was or to tfo Mother. 
 but one Baptistery in a City, and church. 
 that at the Bifhop's Church. Vicecomes [d] 
 thinks it was fo even at Rome it felf for many 
 Ages. Dr. Maurice [e] fays, " No City had 
 " more, unlefs where the Magnificence of Era- 
 " perors, or Bifnops made, as it were, many 
 " Cathedrals. And therefore when the Aurhor 
 [/] of the Pontifical under the Name of Da~ 
 mafus fays of Pope Marcel/us, " That he made 
 " twenty-five Titles in Rome, as fo many Dio- 
 " cefcs, for Baptifm and Penance j' that learned 
 Perfon thinks it imports, that thofe Services 
 indeed belonged only to a Cathedral •, and there- 
 fore the granting of thofe Privileges to Parifhcs 
 made them feem like Diocefes. Some Remains 
 of this antient Cuftom are yet to be obferved 
 in feveral great Cities of Italy. For both Duran* 
 tus [g] and Vicecomes [b~] tells us, " That at 
 " Pifa, Bononia,Orvieto, Parma, and even at Flo- 
 " rence'xx. felf, they have but one Font, or Baptiftery 
 t£ for a whole City at this Day.' Which is al- 
 fo noted by Onuphrius [/'] and Du Frefne [k\ 
 and by Dr. Maurice out of Leander AJberti, Mer- 
 cator, Lajfels, and fome other modern Writers. 
 I have obferved [*] before, that this Distincti- 
 on was antiently made between a Catholick 
 Church and a private Oratory ; that the one was 
 a Place of publick Baptifm, and the other not* 
 which argues, that every Church had not a 
 distinct Baptiftery, but only fuch as were called 
 Baptifmal Churches. And this is the Reafon why 
 antiently Men commonly reforted for Baptifm to 
 the Bifhop's Church, at the two great Feftivals 
 Eafier and Pentecoft, which were the two So- 
 lemn Times of its Administration. In After-a- 
 ges, Baptisteries were fet up in Country Parishes: 
 For the Council of Auxerre [/] Speaks of Bapti- 
 zing in Villages at Eafier by Allowance* bun 
 this Privilege was not granted to every Place, 
 but only to fuch as the BiShop appointed, ex- 
 cept in Cafes of NeceSfity, as Vicecomes [pi] has 
 obferved out of the Synod [n] of Meaux, and 
 the Council [0] in Verm Palatio. Whence 
 probably thefe got the Name of Mother-Chur- 
 ches alSo, in reSpect of fuch others as depended 
 on them for the Administration of Baptifm, as 
 anciently all Churches did on the Bifhop's 
 Church. Thus much of the Baptisteries of the 
 antient Church. 
 
 Another noted Building, sect. VII. 
 commonly reckoned among the of the Ssereta- 
 Exedra of the Church, was that num ' cr Diaconi- 
 which is ufually called Secreta- cum Ma g™m, th» 
 num, or Diaconicum, concern- J ' 
 ing which learned Men are not exactly agreed. 
 For V zlejius takes it \_p] for a place within the 
 
 [6] Datmf. Pontifical. Vit. Sylveftri. [c] Cone. Con- 
 
 ft»nt. Aft. f. Tom. f. p. 179. [/] Vicecom. de Ritib. 
 
 Bapt. lib. 1. c. 8. [e] Maurice Diocef. Epifc. p. 41. &4?. 
 
 [/] Pontifical Vit. Marcelli. Viginti cjuinque Titulos in Urbe Ro- 
 ma conftituit,* quafi Diocefes, propter Baptifmum 8c Pcenitentiam 
 asaltorum, &c. [g] Durant, de Ritib. Ecclef. lib. 1. c. 19. 
 
 n. M Vice-comes de Ritib. Bapt. lib. 1. c. 8. [f] Onu- 
 
 phr. de Ecclefiis Urb. Romse. [k] Du Frefne Gloflar. voce 
 
 Raptifterium. [*] Book 8. Chap. 1. ». 4. [/] Cone. 
 
 AntifTiodor. an. fjS. can. 18. [/»] Vicecom. ibid. c. 9. 
 
 [»] Concil. Meldenf can. 48. [0] Cone, in Verno Pala- 
 
 tio. c. 7. [/>j Valef. Not. in Philoftorg. lib. 7. c. 
 
 Church j 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 311 
 
 Church j Gothofred [f] and others for a place " 'oim aojrw/.w, in the Saluting Houfe>" which 
 without-, but Du Frefne [f] feems more juftly Scaliger miltakes for the Bifhop's Houfe, where 
 to determine the Controverfy between them, Strangers were entertained } whereas it was a 
 by diltinguifhing the Diaconicum Bematis with- place adjoyning to the Church, where the Bi- 
 rn the Chancel, which we have fpoken of be- fliop and Presbyters fan to receive the Saluta- 
 
 they came to defire 
 confult them about 
 important Bufinefs. As appears from Sulpicius 
 Severus, who fpeaking of St. Martin, lays, " He 
 " fat in one Secretarium, and the Presbyters (a) 
 " in another, receiving the People's Salutes, 
 " and hearing their Caufes. 
 
 Du Frefne thinks thefe Secre- 
 
 of this Philoftorgius is to be underftood, when 
 he fays, the Chriltians of Paneas, or Cefarea 
 Philippe tranflated the Statue of our Saviour, e- 
 recied by the Woman whom he cured of an If- 
 fue of Blood, into the Diaconicum \_s~\ of the 
 Church, that is, into the Vcftry or Repofito- 
 ry of the Church. It was fo named, becaufe all 
 
 Things here repofited were under the care of taria, or at lead fome part of 
 the Deacons, part of whofe Office was to look them, were alfo ufed as Ecclefi- 
 after the Veftments, Veffels, and Utenfils be- aftical Prifons, or places of Con- 
 lorieihg to the Altar, and all Things of value finement fometimes for delinquent Clergy-men - y 
 given ^to the Church j the chief Overfeer of and that then they were called Decaneia^ or De- 
 which feems generally to have been a Presbyter, canica; which is a Term ufed in both the Codes 
 dignified with the Title of Ceimeliarches, or Sceu- and fome Councils, as Gothofred [£] and fome o- 
 ophylax, as I have (hewed before [*] in another thers explain it, for a Prifon belonging to the 
 Place. And hence the Diaconicum, or rather as Church In the Theodofian Code there is a Law 
 Du Frefne [f\ obferves out of an antient Greek of Arcadius, which orders Hereticks to be ex- 
 Writer, the innermoft part of it was the Cei- pelled from all Places which they poffefTed (VJ, 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Of the Decanica, 
 or Prifons of tkt 
 Church. 
 
 meliarchium, or Sceuophylacium of the Church, 
 the Repofitory of the (acred Veflels, and fuch 
 Anathemata, or Prefents, as were reputed among 
 the chiefeft Treafures of the Church. It was 
 otherwife called Secretarium, as Du Frefne [u] 
 conjectures, becaufe the Confiftory, or Tribunal 
 of the Church was here kept j the Secretum, or 
 Secretarium, being a known Name for the Courts 
 of the Civil Magiftrate, whence this perhaps 
 might take its Denomination. The whole 
 
 whether under the Name of Churches, or Di- 
 aconica, or Decanica. Now, that the Decanica 
 here means a place of Cuftody, or Reftraint 
 for Delinquents belonging to the Church, Go- 
 thofred proves from another Law among Juftini- 
 ans Novels [d~] which orders fuch Delinquents 
 to be (hut up in the Decanica of the Church, 
 there to fuffer condign Punifhment. And by 
 this we are led to understand what is meant by 
 the Decanica fpoken of in the Acts of the Coun- 
 
 Building was large and capacious enough to re- cil [<?] of Ephefus, which the Latin TranGator 
 
 ceive, not only a private Confiftory, but a pro 
 vincial, or general Council ; many of which we 
 find have been held in this Apartment of the 
 Church, as the third, fourth, fifth, and fixth 
 Councils of Carthage are faid to be kept in Se- 
 cretario Bafilic* Refiitut<e, with a great many o- 
 thers collected by Du Frefne, who obferves the 
 Seflions of Councils to be called Secretaria upon 
 this account, from the place of their Seflion or 
 Convention. 
 
 by miftake renders Tribunal, whereas it (hould 
 be the Prifon of the Church. Some take it to 
 be no more but another Name for the Diaconi- 
 cum, or a Corruption of it : Others derive it from 
 JWn, and fo make it denote a Tribunal : which 
 are Errors both alike. For it feems to have 
 been a more general Name than the Diaconi- 
 cum, including all fuch Places of the Church, 
 as were made ufe of to put offending Clerks 
 into a more decent Confinement, which was 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 Why called Re- 
 ceptorium, or Sa- 
 natorium. 
 
 It was otherwife called Re- 
 
 not any one Place, but feveral that were made 
 ufe of to that purpofej fuch as the Catechumenia, 
 ceptorium and Salutatorium, as we as well as the Diaconica, or Secretaria, in which 
 find in Sidonius [w~] Apollinaris, refpect they had all the Name of Decanica, or 
 Sulpicius [x] Severus, the firft Carceres, the Prifons of the Church. Which 
 Council of Mafcon [jy], Theodoret, and many feems pretty evident from what Du Frefne has 
 others. Particularly theodoret (z) fpeaking of [/] obferved out of an Epiftle of Pope Gregory 
 Theodofius coming to St. Ambrofe to petition for II. to the Emperor Leo Lfaurus, where he lays, 
 Abfolution, fays, " He found him fitting a, t$ " When any one had offended, the Bimops were 
 
 [q] Gothofred ibid. [r] Du Frefne Com. in Paul. Silent iar. p. 
 5-95. [j] Philoftorg.lib.7. C. 3. [*] Book. 3. Chap. 13. n. 3. 
 It] Pafiio IT. Patrum Sabaitarum ap. Du Frefne Com. in Paulum 
 Silentiar. p. 5^97 . tfuTt&v 3 tk StttKoviKi x.&i/.nhia.^eiw hrot 
 (tkJLoovKclkiov. ' [«] Du Frefne ibid. p. f9+ . ex Geftis de 
 nomine Acacii. [w] Sidon.lib. f. Ep. 17. [x] Sulpic. 
 
 Dialog. 2. c. 1. [j] Concil. Matifcon. 1. can. z. [*.] Theo- 
 dor. lib. f. c. 18. [«] Sulpic. Dial. r. c. 1. Cum in alio 
 
 Secretario Presbyteri federent, vel Salutation ibus vacantes, vel audi- 
 eadis negotiis occupati, &c M Gothofred. Com. in Cod. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Th. lib. 1 6. Tit. f. de Uxv. leg. 30. (Yj Cod. Th. lib. 
 
 16. Tit. f. leg. 30. Cuncri Harretici procu!dub:o noverint, omnia 
 libi loca hujus urbis adimenda efle, live fub Eccleiiarum nomine 
 teneantur, live qux Diaconica appellantur, vel etiam Decanica. 
 [d] Juftin. Novel. 79. c. 3. nu.$etpyi&a>o~etv c* toIs Ka.Kvp%jvott 
 S~sita.viH.oh> noivdi to,( KA^nnio'eti t/'j^acr??. [e] Libel]. 
 Bafilii Diaconi ad Theodof. in Cone. Ephef. Par. r. c. 30. Cone- 
 Tom. 3- P- 4-*7- W ^IKdLVIKU T4 A«s TW7r%^iV'T@- S>ia,- 
 
 (papsyj, &c- [/] Du Trefne Com. in Paul. Silentiar. p. J94.. 
 
 R r r z 
 
 ufed 
 
The A n t i qjj i t i b s of the Book VIII. 
 
 w tiled to confine him as in a Prifon in one of the 
 " [g] Secretariat or Diaconia, or Catechumena of 
 " the Church." Which implies, that all thefe 
 places were made ufe of upon occafion for the 
 Confinement and Punifhment of Delinquents, 
 and then they had peculiarly the Name of De- 
 canica, or Prifons of the Church. 
 
 sf. ct. X. There is another Name for 
 
 of the Mitato- a Place belonging to the Church 
 pu'.n, o>- Mcfatori- j n Theodoras \h~] Letlor, which 
 um - has as much puzzled Interpre- 
 
 ters as the former. That is jun-a-rwoiov, or ixzto- 
 twpiov, as the modern Greeks call it. Goar in 
 his^ Notes upon the Eachologium thinks it fhould 
 be Minfatorium, from /jaW©-- a Difh, or Menfa 
 a Table, and fo he expounds it a place of Re- 
 frefhment for the Singers, where they might 
 have Bread and Wine to recreate them after Ser- 
 vice. Da Frefne [f\ deduces it from Metatum, 
 which is a Term of frequent Ufe in the Civil 
 Law, and fignifies a Station in the Curfus Pub- 
 itomy where Entertainment was given to thofe 
 that travelled upon publick Bufinefs. Saicerus 
 makes it [k~\ to be the fame with the Diaconi- 
 cum, or Sanatorium, the Saluting-Houfe, and 
 thinks with Goar, it fhould be read Minfatorium 
 from Menfa, becaufe here was a Table erected, 
 not for Entertainment, but for receiving fuch 
 Things as were brought and laid upon it. But 
 I like bell; the Conjecture of Mufculus, who ren- 
 ders it Mutatorium, as fuppofing it to be a Cor- 
 ruption of that Latin Word, which fignifies 
 what we call an Jpodyteriam, or Veftry, where 
 the Minifters change their Habit: And fo it 
 is agreed on all hands, that it was a part of the 
 Diaconicum, or but another Name for it, though 
 Men differ fo much in their Sentiments, when 
 they come to account for the Reafon of it. 
 
 SECT. XT. The Author of the Conftitu- 
 of theGzzophy- tions, in his Defcription of the 
 lacium, and Pafto- Church, mentions alfo certain 
 phoria. Places [/] called Paftophoria, 
 
 which according to his Account, were Build- 
 ings on each Side of the Church, toward the 
 Eaft End of it. But what Ufe they were put 
 to we can learn no farther from that Author, 
 Jave only that he tells us in another place, the 
 Deacons [m] were ufed to carry the Remains 
 of the Eucharift thither when all had commu- 
 nicated. Whence Durantas meafuring antient 
 Cuftoms by the Practice of his own Times, 
 abfurdly concludes, that the Paftophoria was 
 the Ark where the Pyxe and Wafer (n) were 
 
 laid 5 as if there was any Similitude betwixt a 
 Pyxe, and a Building on each fide of the Tem- 
 ple. Bona (o) with a little more Reafon thinks 
 the P aftophorium was only another Name for 
 Sceaophylacium, or Diaconicum. But indeed it 
 feems to have been a more general Name, in- 
 cluding not only the Diaconicum, but alfo the 
 Gazophy lacium, or Treafury, and the Habitati- 
 ons of the Minifters, and Cuftod.es Ecclefine, or as 
 fome think they are otherwife called, Paramo- 
 narii, Manfionarii, and Martyrarii, the Manfio- 
 naries, or Keepers of the Church. For the 
 Word Paftophorium is a Name taken from the 
 Septuagint Tranflation of the Old Teftament, 
 Ezek. xl. 17, where it is ufed for the Cham- 
 bers in the outward Court of the Temple. And 
 St. Jerom in his Comment [_p~] upon the Place, 
 obferves, that what the Septuagint call Pafto- 
 phoria, and the Latins from them Cubicula, is, 
 in the Tranflations of Aquila and Symmachus, 
 render'd Gazophylacium and Exedra ; and he tells 
 us they were Chambers of the Treafury, and 
 Habitations for the Priefts and Levites round a- 
 bout that Court of the Temple. Therefore I 
 think there is no queftion to be made, but that 
 the Paftophoria in the Chriftian Church were 
 places put to the fame Ufe as in the JewiJJj 
 Temple, from which the Name is borrowed. 
 For the Church had her Gazophylacia, or Trea- 
 furies, as well as the Temple j which appears 
 from a Canon of the Fourth Council of Car- 
 thage [_q], which forbids the Offerings of Per- 
 fons at Variance one with another to be received 
 either in the Treafury or the Sanctuary. So that 
 the Treafury was a diftindfc place from the Cor- 
 ban in the Sanctuary, and therefore moft proba- 
 bly to be reckoned among the Paftophoria of the 
 Church. Here all fuch Offerings of the People 
 were laid up, as were not thought proper to be 
 brought to the Altar, but rather to be fent to 
 the Bifhop's Houfe, as fome antient Canons 
 give Direction in the cafe. Particularly among 
 thofe called the Canons of the Apoftles we find 
 two to this Purpofe, " That befide Bread and 
 " Wine nothing [r] fhould be brought to the 
 " Altar, fave only new Ears of Corn and Grapes, 
 " and Oyl for the Lamps, and Incenfe for the 
 " Time of the Oblation : But all other Fruits 
 " fhould be fent us cfxov, to the Repofitory, or 
 " Treafury it may be, as Firff. Fruits for the 
 " Bifhop and Presbyters, and not be brought 
 K to the Altar, but be by them divided among 
 " the Deacons and other Clergy." The Paftopho- 
 ria were alfo Habitations for the Bifhop and 
 Clergy, and the Guardians, or Keepers of the 
 
 lil G re g- Ep- 2 * ac * Leon. Ifaur. Concil. Tom. 7. p. 26. Pon- 
 nfircsubi quis peccarit, eum tanquam in Carcerem, in Secretaria, 
 facrorumque vaforum 4Lraria conjiciunt in Ecclefise Diaconia 8c in 
 Catechumena ablegant. O] Theodor. Lector, lib. 2. p. 579. 
 
 [»] Du Frefne Com. in Paul. Silentiar. p. jof. [k] Suicer. 
 
 Thefaur. voce u-.to.tuuov. [/] Conftit Apoft. lib. 2.C.J7- 
 
 t V£ eH-ctTspftiC T fMipuV Tot. TCt?0$'oplcl cLvaVTOKM. 
 [m] Ibid. lib. 8. C. 1J. ?.ct£oVTi( ot S'letX.OVOl Tct tfotasAjOVTcL. 
 
 «3-0sp'*T«a<£ £<; to, Ttfrs®'jp/«. [»] Durant. de Ritib. Ecclef. 
 lib. 1. c. 16. n. 8. [0] R°na Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 24.. n. 2. 
 
 8 
 
 [/>] Hieron. Com. in Ezek. 40. 17. p. 640. Pro Thalamis rri- 
 ginta quos vertere Septuaginta, live Gazophylaciis atque Cellariis, ut 
 interpretatus eft Aquila, Symmachus pofuit ^ScTgar-*— qua habi- 
 tationi Levitarum atque Sacerdotum erant prseparatae. Id. Com. in 
 Ezek. 42. 1. p. 6p. Eductus eft in Gazophylacium, five ut Sym- 
 machus 2c LXX. tranftulerunt Exedram, ve 1 ut Theodotio iras-c- 
 <p'o?tov, quod in Thalamum vertitur. [9] Cone. Carthag 
 
 4. can. 9 j. Oblationesdiflidentium fratrum, neque in Sacrario, neque 
 in Gazophylacio recipiantur, [rj Canon. Apoft, c. 4. 8c f. 
 
 Church, 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 3i3 
 
 Church, as Schelftraie [j] rightly concludes 
 from another Paffagc in St. Jcrom [/], where 
 he explains Pajlophorium to be the Chamber, 
 o-r Habitation, where the Ruler of the Tem- 
 ple dwelt. So that it feems to have been al- 
 moft as general a Name as that of the cmot, or 
 Exedra of the Church. 
 
 SECT. XII. Whether the Libraries be- 
 
 et/ the schools and longing to the Churches were 
 
 Libraries of the an y p ar r. of thefe Paflophoria, is 
 
 church. not ea ry to determine ; but thus 
 
 much we are certain of, that there were fuch 
 Places antiently adjoining to many Churches, 
 from the Time that Churches began to be erect- 
 ed among Chriftians. Alexander Biihop of Jeru- 
 falem, in the third Century built a Library for 
 the Service of that Church, where Eu/ebius tells 
 us [«] he found the bed part of his Materials to 
 compofe his Ecclefiaftical Hiftory. JulitfS Afri- 
 cans founded fuch another Library at Cajfarea 
 in Paleflinc, which Pamphilus and Eu/ebius much 
 augmented. St. Jerom [w] fays, " Pamphilus 
 " wrote out aim oft all OrigenH Works for the 
 " Ufe of this Library, which were referved there 
 " in his Time. And he often mentions [*] his 
 own confulting it upon neceffary Occafions, in 
 his Emendations of the Text of the Holy Scrip- 
 tures ; telling us farther [j], " That there was 
 " a Copy of St. Matthew's Go/pel in the Origi- 
 " nal Hebrew, as it was firft written by him, ex- 
 <c tant in his Time. Another of thefe Libraries 
 we find mentioned in the A£ts of Purgation of 
 Chilian and Felix, belonging to the Church of 
 Cirta Julia, or Conftantina,\n Numidia [2], where 
 Paulus the Biihop is accufed as a Traditor, for 
 delivering up the Goods of the Church, in the 
 Time of the Diode/tan Perfecution. Thefe were 
 all founded before the Church had any fettled 
 Times of Peace. In the following Ages wefind 
 St. Auflin making mention of the Library [a] of 
 the Church of Hippo, and St. Jerom [h~\ com- 
 mending Euzoius the Arian Biihop of Co/area 
 for his Care in repairing the Library of Pamphi- 
 lus, which was fallen to decay. St. Bafil [c] 
 fpeaks of the Roman Libraries, or Archives at 
 leaft. And the Author of the Pontifical [d], if 
 any Credit may be given to him, afcribes the 
 building of two to Pope Hilary, near the Bap- 
 tiftery of the Later an Church. But that which 
 exceeded all the reft, was the famous Library of 
 the Church of St. Sophia, which Hofpinian [e] 
 thinks was firft begun by Confiantine, but was 
 
 afterward vaftly augmented by Theodoftus Junior, 
 who was another Ptolemy, in whofe Time there 
 were no lefs than an hundred thoufand Books in 
 it and an hundred and twenty thoufand in the 
 Reign of Baftlifcus and Zeno, when both the 
 Building and its Furniture were all unhappily 
 confumcd together, by the firing of the City in 
 a popular Tumult. He that would fee a more am- 
 ple Account of thefe Foundations in other Ages, 
 muft confult Lomeiefs. Difcourfe de Biblinthecis, 
 where he purfues the Hiftory of Libraries [/] 
 from firll to laft, as well among Jews and Hea- 
 thens, as every Age of Chriftians. It is fuffici- 
 ent to my prefent purpofe to have hinted here 
 briefly a fuccindl: Account of fuch of them, as 
 were antiently reckoned Parts, or Appendants of 
 the Chriftian Churches. And for the fame Rea- 
 fon I take notice of Schools in this place, be-, 
 caufe we find them fometimes kept in the Churches, 
 or Buildings adjoining to the Church : Which 
 is evident from the Observation which Socrates 
 makes upon the Education of Julian the Ape- 
 llate, " That in his Youth he frequented the 
 " Church [g] where in thofe Days the Schools 
 " were kept. He fpeaks of the Schools of Gram- 
 mar and Rhetorick., which it feems were then 
 taught at Conflantinople in fome Apartment be- 
 longing to the Church. Here alfo it is probable, 
 thole famous Catechctick Schools of Alexandria. 
 and Cafarea were kept. For Demetrius Bifiiop 
 of Alexandria is faid by Puffin [h~\ to have autho- 
 rized Origen to teach as Catechift in the Church. 
 Which, as I have noted in another [*] Place, 
 cannot be underftood of Preaching publickly in 
 the Church j for Origen was then but eighteen 
 Years old, and not in Orders, when he firft en- 
 tered upon the Catechetick School > but it muft 
 mean his private teaching in the School of the 
 Church. Which whether it was in the Catedou- 
 menia within the Church, or in the Baptifleria, or 
 Paflophoria without the Church, is not very eafie 
 nor very material to be determined, fince it ap- 
 pears to have been in fome place belonging to the 
 Church,but not precifely determined by any antient 
 Writers. Whilft I am upon this Head, I can- 
 not but take notice of a Canon attributed to the 
 fixth general Council of Conflantinople, which 
 promotes the fetting up of Charity Schools in 
 all Country Churches. For among thole nine 
 Canons which are afenbed to this Council in 
 fome antient Collections, and pubiiihed by Crab, 
 there is one to this purpofe [f], " That Presbv- 
 " ters in Country-Towns and V illages fhouldhave 
 
 [ s ] Schelftrat. Concil. Antiochen. p. 186. [/] Hieron. Com. 
 in Efai. [«] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 20. [wj Hieron. Catalog. 
 
 Scriptor. Ecclef. c. 7$-. [x] Id. Ep. ad Marcel. Tom. 3. p. 113. 
 It. Com. in Tit. c. 3. [y~\ Hieron. de Scriptor. c. 3. Ipfum He- 
 braicum habetur ufque hodie in Caefarienfi Bibliotheca, quam Pam- 
 phylus Martyr ftudioiifTime confecit. [*] Gefta Purgat. Ca> 
 
 ciliani ad calcem Optati, p. 267. Poftea quam perventum eft in 
 Bibliothecam, inventa funt Armaria inania, &c. [a~] Aug. de 
 
 Hxref. c.80. Audivi de Hxrelibus fcripfifle iandtum Hieronymum, 
 fed ipfum ejus Opufculum in noftra Bibliotheca invenire non po- 
 tuimus. [/>] Hieron. Catal. Scriptor. c. 1 13. Plurimo labore 
 
 corruptam Bibliothecam Origenis 8c Pamphili in membranis inftau- 
 rarc conatus eft. [c] Bafil. Ep. 82. Tom. 3. p. iji. 
 
 jV] Pontifical. Vit. Hilarii. Fecit Oratorium S. Stephani in Baptifte- 
 rio Lateranenli. Fecit autem Sc Bibliothecas duas in ecdem loco, 
 [e] Hofpin. de Templis, lib. 3. c. 7. p. 101. [/] Lomeicr 
 
 de Bibliothecis, Ultrajedri, 16S0. 8vo. [g] Socrat. lib. 3. c. \ 
 
 [_h] Ruffin. lib. 6. Hift. Eufeb. c. 3. Demetrius Catechizandi. ei, 
 
 id eft, Docendi Magifterium in Ecclelia tribuir. 
 
 [*] Boo 
 
 Chap. 10. n. 4. [i] Cone. 6. General, can. ap. Crab, 
 
 Tom. 2. p. 415-. Presbyteri per Villas &. Vicos Scholas habeanr. 
 Et li quis Fidelium fuos Parvulos ad difcendas Literas eis commen- 
 dare vuk, eos non renuant fufcipere, &c. Nihil autem ab eispretii 
 exigant, nee aliquid ab eis accipiant, excepto quod eis Parentes 
 eorurn charitatis ftudio fua volunute obtuierin*. 
 
 <{ Schools 
 
3i+ The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 <c Schools to teach all fuch Children as were fent 
 *' to them, for which they fhould exa6t no Re- 
 <c ward, nor take any thing, except the Parents 
 of the Children thought fit to make them any 
 <c charitable Prelent by way of voluntary Obla- 
 " tion. And another of thofe Canons [k~] fpeaks 
 of Schools in Churches and Monafteries, fubject 
 to the Bifhop's Care and Direction. From which 
 we may conclude, that Schools were antiently 
 very common Appendants both of Cathedral and 
 Country Churches j and therefore it was not im- 
 proper to hint thus much of them here, though 
 a more full Account of other Things relating to 
 them will make a Part in this Work hereafter, in 
 its proper Place. 
 
 sect. XIII. EUS E B I US, inhisDefcrip- 
 
 in what senfe tion of the Church of theTwelve 
 
 Dwelling -hou(e,, Apoftles, built by Conftantine at 
 
 Gardens, and Baths, Qonftantinople, takes notice of fome 
 
 reckoned Parts of she . J „ j m t 
 
 chunk other Buildings and Places be- 
 
 longing to the Church. For that 
 Church, he fays, was furrounded with a large 
 Atrium, or Area, on each Side of which were 
 Portico's, or Cloyfters, and along by them [/] 
 firft ontor j3acn"X,«oi, which Valefius renders Bafili- 
 ca, but I think Mufculus fomething better, Do- 
 wns Bafilica; for they feem not to mean Royal 
 Palaces, but the Houfes of the Clergy adjoining 
 to the Church. Then he adds Xst^, which in 
 this place neither fignifies the Baptiftery, nor 
 the Fountain before the Church, but Baths be- 
 longing to the Church, which in a Law of The- 
 odofius [70], that fpeaks alfo of the feveral parts 
 of the Church, where Men fhould be allowed 
 to take Sanctuary, is called more plainly Balnea, 
 and in the Greek Copy Xst^I, as well in the Code, 
 as in the Acts of the Council of Ephefus, where 
 the fame Law is recited. Eufebius adds to thefe 
 dvaxauTrltfya, which Mufculus tranflates Deam- 
 bulatorii Recejfus, taking them, I prefume, for 
 Walks about the Church : But Valefius more 
 properly renders them Diverforia j for they feem 
 to mean the little Hofpitals, or Houfes of Enter- 
 tainment for the Poor and Strangers ; which are 
 the Cellula, the little Cells, or Lodgings, if I 
 miftake not, fpoken of in the aforefaid Law of 
 the Theodofian Code. And perhaps they might 
 ferve as Lodgings alfo for fuch as fled to take 
 Sandtuary in the Church. For thefe might nei- 
 ther eat nor lodge within the Church, but only 
 in fome of thefe outward Buildings, which upon 
 that account were made as fafe a Retreat, as the 
 very Altar it felf, by the afore-mentioned Law 
 
 of Theodofius. And fo were the y.aray^y.a. as 
 Eufebius calls them, the Habitations of the Por- 
 ters, or Keepers of the Church 5 and likewife 
 the Gardens, and Area, and Cloyfters enjoyed 
 the fame Privilege, being within the Bounds of 
 the t%'CoX©-, or outward Enclofure of the 
 Church. And fo far, as to what concerns the 
 Privilege of yielding Sanctuary, all thefe Places 
 were reckoned as parts of the Church. But of 
 this more in the laft Chapter, which treats par- 
 ticularly of the Laws relating to the Afyla, and 
 the Privilege of taking Sanctuary in the Church. 
 
 I fhould here have put an End sect. xiv. 
 to this Chapter, but that fome when Organs firfi 
 Readers would be apt to reckon came 10 be u f'^ »» 
 it an Omiflion, that I have taken the church - 
 no notice of Organs and Bells, among the Uten- 
 fils of the Church. But the true Reafon is, that 
 there were no fuch Things in Ufe in the antient 
 Churches, for many Ages. Mufick in Churches 
 is as antient as the Apoftles, but Inftrumental 
 Mufick not fo: For 'tis now generally agreed 
 by learned Men, that the Ufe of Organs came 
 into the Church fince the Time of Thomas Aqui- 
 nas, An. izfo. For he in his Summs has thefe 
 Words, " Our Church does [»] not ufe Mufical 
 " Inftruments, as Harps and Pfalteries, to praife 
 " God withal, that fhe may not feem to Judaize. 
 From which our learned Mr. Gregory, in a pe- 
 culiar Diflertation fo] that he has upon this Sub- 
 ject, concludes, That there was no Ecclefiaftical 
 Ufe of Organs in his Time. And the fame Infe- 
 rence is made by Cajetan [/>], and Navarre [a] 
 among the Romijh Writers. Mr. Wharton [r] 
 alfo has obferved, that Marinus Sanutus, who 
 lived about the Year 1190, was the firft that 
 brought the Ufe of Wind Organs into Churches, 
 whence he was firnamed Torcellus, which is the 
 Name for an Organ in the Italian Tongue. And 
 about this Time Durandus, in his Rationale [j], 
 takes notice of them as received in the Church 
 and he is the firft Author, Mr. Gregory thinks' 
 that fo takes notice of them. The Ufe of the 
 Inftrument indeed is much antienter, but not in 
 Church-Service j the not attending to which 
 Diftinction is the Thing that impofes upon many 
 Writers. In the Eafi the Inftrument was always 
 in Ufe in the Emperor's Courts, perhaps from 
 the Time of Julian, who has an Epigram [/] 
 giving an handfome Defcription of it. But in 
 the Weflern Parts the Inftrument was not fomuch 
 as known 'till the Eighth Century. For the firft: 
 Organ that was ever feen in France, was one fent 
 
 [A] Ibid. can. 4. Si quis ex Presbyteris voluerit Nepotem fuum 
 aut aliquem Confanguineum ad Scholas mittere in Ecclefiis Sancto- 
 rum, aut in Ccenobiis, qua: nobis ad regendum commifla funt, 
 licentiam id faciendi concedimus. [/j Eufcb. Vit. Conftant. 
 lib. 4. c. jo. ciKoi n liaatheiot reus soa/<> \-J]^cl. n, ^ civa- 
 
 X-df/.Tr} tie.lt. r 7r<t^lTHViT0 , cLXhcl. 7Z TThiiTCL KcLT &y c!>eX& T0l( 
 
 <rS 7itik z,pve£i<, eye. [/»] Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 47. De his 
 qui ad Ecclefias confugiunt, Leg. 4. Ut inter Templum quod pa- 
 rietum defcripfimus cindhi, & januas primas Ecclefiae, quicquid 
 tuerit interjacens live in Cellulis, five in Domibus, Hortulis, Bal- 
 neis, Areis atquc Porticibus, Confugas interioris Templi vice tuea- 
 tur. 0] Aquin. 2da idx Qucft. 91. Artie. 2. Ecclefia noftra 
 8 
 
 non aflumit Inftrumenta Mufica, ficut Citharas & Pfalteria in Di- 
 vinas laudes, ne videatur judaizare. [ ] Gregory Difcourfe of 
 
 the Smgmg of the Nicese Creed. Inter Opera Pofthuma, p. 5-1. 
 [/>] Cajetan. in Loc. Aquin. 8c in fummula. [q] Navar de 
 
 Orat. & Horis Canonicis, cap. 16. [>] Wharton. Append 
 
 ad Cave Hiftor. Literar. p. 13. Marinus Sanutus, cognomento 
 Torcellus, Germani cujufdam artificis opera ufus, Organa ilia Pneu- 
 matica, qua: hodie ufurpamur, Italice Torcellos dicta, primus cm- 
 nium in Ecclefiam induxit: inde datum ei Torcelli nomen. 
 [ s ] Durand. Rational. lib. 4 . c. 34. lib. f.c.i. [r] Vide Vitam 
 Juliani per Morentinum, p. 11, 
 
 as 
 
Chap. VII. Christian Church. 
 
 3 IS 
 
 as a Prefent to King Pepin, by Conjlantinus Co- 
 pronymus the Greek Emperor, An. 766, as Bona 
 Jiimfelf [«] (hews out of Sigebert [w], and the 
 antient Annals M of Fra»«?, and M. Gngory 
 adds Marianus ScOtus, Martin Polonus, Aventine, 
 Platina, and the Pontifical for the fame Opinion. 
 But now it was only ufed in Princes Courts, and 
 not yet brought into Churches. Nor was it ever 
 received into the Greek Churches, there being 
 no Mention of an Organ in all their Liturgies, 
 antient or modern, if Mr. Gregory's Judgment 
 may be taken. But Durantus however contends 
 for their Antiquity both in the Greek and IVeftem 
 Churches, and offers [7] to prove it, but with 
 ill Succcfs. Firft, From Julianus Halicarnaffenfis, 
 a Greek Writer, An. f 10, whom he makes to fay, 
 " That Organs were ufed in the Church in his 
 " Time. But he miftakes the Scnfe of his Au- 
 thor, who fpeaks not of his own Times, but of 
 the Times of Job and the JetaiJIi Temple. For 
 commenting upon thofe Words of Job xxx. 31. 
 My Harp is turned to Mourning, and my Organ into 
 the voice of them that weep, he fays, " There was 
 " no Prohibition to ufe Mufical Inftruments, or 
 " Organs [z], if it was done with Piety, be- 
 M caufe they were ufed in the Temple. By 
 which it is plain, he fpeaks of the Jewijh Tem- 
 ple in the Singular, and not of Chriftian Tem- 
 ples, or Churches in the Plural, as Durantus mi- 
 Hakes him. Next for the Latin Church he urges 
 the common Opinion, which afcribes the Inven- 
 tion of them to Pope Vitalian, An. 660. But his 
 Authorities for this are no better than Platina 
 and the Pontifical, which are little to be regard- 
 ed againft clear Evidences to the contrary. That 
 which fome urge out of Clemens Alexandrinus [a] 
 I fhall not anfwer as Suicerus does, (who 
 with Hofpinian [c~], and fome others, Wholly 
 decrying the Ufe of Inftrumental Mufick in Chri- 
 ftian Churches, fays, " It is an Interpolation and 
 " Corruption of that antient Author J but only ' 
 obferve that he fpeaks not of what was then in 
 ufe in Chriftian Churches, but of what might 
 lawfully be ufed by any private Chriftians, if 
 they were difpofed to ufe it. Which rather ar- 
 gues, that Inftrumental Mufick, the Lute and 
 Harp, of which he fpeaks, was not in ufe in the 
 publick Churches. The fame may be gathered 
 from the Words of St. Chryfoftom, who lays [d~], 
 " It was only permitted to the Jews as Sacrifice 
 <c was, for the Heavinefs and Groffnefs of their 
 " Souls j God condefcended to the>r Weaknefs, 
 * 4 becaufe they were lately drawn off from Idols. 
 *' But now inftead of Organs [e~] we may ufe 
 4t our own Bodies to praife him withal. 7'heodo- 
 rtt [/] has many the like Expreflions, in his 
 Comments upon the Pfalms, and other Places. 
 But the Author, under the Name of Jujlin Mar- 
 
 tyr, is more exprefs in his Determination, as to 
 Matter of Faft, telling us plainly, " That the 
 " Ufe \g\ of Singing with Inftrumental Mufick 
 " was not received in the Chriftian Churches, 
 " as it was among xhzjews, in their Infant State, 
 " but only the Ufe of plain Song. So that there 
 being no Ufe of Organs 'till the twelfth Centu- 
 ry, 1 could not fpeak of them as Utenlils of the 
 antient Churches. 
 
 For the fame Reafon I reckon s E c T. xv.' 
 not Hells among the antient U- of the original of 
 tenfils, becaufe they are known Bel!s ' and ^ 
 to be a modern Invention. For J^^ffe 
 the firft Three Hundred Years it ThZZm J 
 is certain, the Primitive Chrifti- 
 ans did not meet in their AlTemblies, by the No- 
 tice of any publick Signal : Though Amalarius 
 [h~] fancies they had fome founding Inftruments 
 of Wood for this purpofe. But this is fo abfurd 
 a Fancy, and altogether groundlefs Dream, to 
 imagine, that in an Age of Perfecutioas, when 
 they met privately in the Night, they mould 
 betray themfelves as it were, and provoke their 
 Enemies to deftroy them, that neither Bona [f] 
 nor Baronius [k~] himfelf could digeft it. But 
 Baronius has another Fancy, which is not much 
 better grounded. He fuppofes there was an Or- 
 der of Men, appointed on purpofe to give pri- 
 vate notice to every Member, when and where 
 the Aflembly was to be held 5 and thefe, he 
 fays [/], are called Cur/ores, or &ioJ{jij.ci, Cou- 
 riers, in the antient Language of the Church. 
 His fole Authority for this is Ignatius [ni] in his 
 Epiftle to Polycarp, where he has indeed the 
 Name, but in a quite different Senfe from what 
 Baronius explains it to be. For he fpeaks not of 
 Perfons employed in calling together Religious 
 Affemblies, but of Meffengers to be fent from 
 one Country to another, upon the important Af- 
 fairs of the Church, as any one that looks care- 
 fully into Ignatius will eafily difcern. Thefe he 
 in another Place \_n] calls ncTrpiag-jras, divine 
 Ambaffadors, as all learned Men agree that it 
 ought to be read j and fo the old Latin Tranfla- 
 tion has it, Sacros Legatos and Polycirp [0] ufes 
 the fame Name when he fpeaks of thofe Meften- 
 gers of the Churches. Thefe were commonly 
 fome Deacons, or others of the inferior Clergy, 
 whom the Biftiop thought fit to fend upon the 
 Embafties of the Church. But as to calling 
 of Religious Affemblies, we are not fure how ic 
 was then performed, fave only that it was done 
 in a private way : And perhaps the Deaconneffes 
 were the fitteft Perfons to be employed therein, 
 as being leaft known or fufpecied by the Heathen - y 
 but for want of Light we can determine nothing 
 about it. In the following Ages we find leveral 
 
 [«] BonaRer. Liturg. lib. 1. c.if. n.io. [w] Sigebert. 
 
 an. 766. [x] Annales Metenfes. an. 757. [y] Durant.de 
 Ritib. lib. 1. c. 1 j. n. 2, [*.] Julian. Catena in Job 30. p. 46,-. 
 iS'i. k«^P!j<9^ cpydvotf ATtifHTo, (Air' cvtf'C nctt ytvofj-ivn o'ttk- 
 yi c* -ra ve.u ts'tok iKtyplujTo- [«] Clem. Alex. Px- 
 
 dag. lib. 2. c. 4. [6] Suicer. Thefaur. voce ''Opyetvoi', p. for. 
 [c] Hofpin. de Templis lib. 2, c. 11. p. 74. M Chryibft. in 
 pftl, 149. Tom. 3. p. 634. [«] Id. in Pfal. 144. 
 
 [/] Theod. in Pfal. 32. & 15-0. ^ [g] Juftin. Qusefr. &. Re- 
 fponf. ad Orthodox. 0^107. iv Tttit iKx.Anvta.is irfvcup-roj in. 
 T li&'Aci.TUV II y^pYtai*; T toixtmv bpy&vvv. f AKKon' T Vtl' 
 w'toif ovt&V a.ov.iJ'tav, )Lj -&tdA4Ac-w7 "™ o.toj. cr.-rh~< 
 [b] Amalar. de Officiis lib. 4. c. 21. [1] Bona Rer. -Liturg. 
 
 lib. 1. c. 22. n. 1. [/<] Baron, an. 5-8. n. 108. [/] Ibid.' 
 
 n. 102. [m~] Ignat. Ep. ad Polycarp. n. 7. [«] Ignat. Ep. 
 ad -Smyrn. n. 1 1 , [0] Polycarp. Ep. ad Philip, n. 13. 
 
 other 
 
3i6 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 BOOK V Ill- 
 
 other Inventions before Bells to call Religious 
 AOemblies together. In Egypt they fccm to 
 have ufcd Trumpets after the manner of the Jews. 
 Whence Pacomius the Father of the Egyp- 
 tian Monks makes it one Article of his Rule, 
 That every Monk fhould leave his Cell, as foon 
 as he heard the Sound of the Trumpet calling 
 to Church. And the fame Cuftom is mentioned 
 by Johannes Climachus [_q~], who was Abbot of 
 Mount Sinai in the fixth Century, whence we 
 may conjecture, that the old Ul'age continued 
 'till that Time in Pakftine alfo. But in fome 
 Monaftcrics they took the Office by Turns of 
 gofng about to every one's Cell, and with the 
 Knock of an Hammer calling the Monks to 
 Church - y which Cuftom is often mentioned by 
 CaJJian [r], a'nd Palladium [j], and Mofchus [f], 
 as ufed chiefly for their Night- Aflemblics, whence 
 the Inftrument is termed by them the Night- 
 Signal, and the Wakening-Mallet. In the Mo- 
 naftery of Virgins, which Paula the famous Ro- 
 man Lady fet up and governed at Jerufalem, the 
 Signal was ufed to be given by one going about, 
 and ringing Hallelujah: For that Word was their 
 Call to Church, as St. Jerom [u] informs us. In 
 other Parts of the Eaft they had their founding 
 Inftruments of Wood, as Bona [w] fhews at large 
 out of the Acts of the fecond Council of Nice, 
 and Theodoras Studita, and Nicephorus Blemides, 
 and feveral other Writers. And theUfe of Bells 
 was not known amonc; them, as he obferves out 
 of Baronius [x], 'till the Year 8<5f, when Urfus 
 Patriciacus Duke of Venice made a Prefent of 
 fome to Michael the Greek Emperor, who firft 
 built a Tower to the Church of Sancla Sophia 
 to hang them in. But whether it be that this 
 Cuftom never generally prevailed among the 
 Greeks, or whether it be that the Turks will not 
 permit them to ufe any Bells, fo it is at prefent 
 that they have none, but follow their old Cu- 
 ftom of ufing Wooden Boards, or Iron Plates 
 full of Holes, which they call <rn[Aa-j$a, and 
 ^.^7;\iJ.xv^a, becaufe they hold them in their 
 Hands, and knock them with their Hammer or 
 Mallet, to call the People together to Church, 
 as we are informed by Allatius, and a late learned 
 Writer [y] of our own, who has been an Eye- 
 witnefs of their Cuftoms. Who firft brought 
 Bells into Ufe in the Latin Church, is a Thing 
 yet undetermined - y fome afcribing them to Pope 
 Sabinianus, St. Gregory's Succeflor, An. 6*04, and 
 others to Paulinas Bifhop of Nola, Cotemporary 
 with St. Jerom. This laft is certainly a vulgar 
 Error, and feems to owe its Rife to no other 
 Foundation, but only that he was Bifliop of Nola 
 in Campania, ( where Bells perhaps were firft in- 
 vented, and thence called Nola and Campana) 
 
 and fome bold modern 'Writer thence concluded^ 
 that he was therefore the Author of them. And 
 it might make the btorv look a little more plau- 
 fible, becaufe that he alio founded a Church in 
 Nola. But then it happened unluckily for this 
 Fi6tion, that he himfelf defcribes his Church, 
 and that very minutely, in his twelfth Epiftle to 
 Severus, but takes no notice of Tower, or Bell?, 
 though he is exact in recounting all other lefter 
 Edifices belonging to his Church. Which, as 
 Bona truly obferves, is a ih re vvd Argument, joined 
 with the Silence of all other antient Writers, to 
 prove that he was not the Inventor of them. Yet 
 Bona, after all, would have it thought, that they 
 began to be ufed in the Latin Church, immedi- 
 ately upon the Converfionof Chriftian Empenors, 
 becaufe the Tintinnabula, or lefler fort of Bells, 
 had been ufed before by the Heathens to the like 
 Purpofe. Which is an Argument, I think, that 
 has very little Weight in it, fince there is no an- 
 tient Author that countenances his Conjecture. 
 For he produces none before Audoenus Rothomz- 
 genfis, that mentions the Ufe of the Tintinnabula^ 
 nor any before Bede, that ufes the Name Campa- 
 na : Both which Authors lived in the feventh 
 Century, and that is an Argument that thefe 
 Things were not come into Ufe among Chrifti- 
 ans long before, elfe we might have heard of 
 them in Writers before them, as we frequently 
 do in thofe that follow after. I need not now 
 tell any Reader, that the Popifh Cuftom of con- 
 fccrating, and anointing, and baptizing of Bells, 
 and giving them the Name of fome Saint, is a 
 very modern Invention. Baronius carries it no 
 higher than the Time of John XIII. An. p68, 
 who confecrated the great Bell of the Lateran 
 Church, and gave it the Name of John [z], 
 from whence he thinks the Cuftom was autho- 
 rized in the Church. Menardus [a] and Bona [b~\ 
 would have it thought a little more antient, bur. 
 yet they do not pretend to carry it higher than 
 one Age more, to the Time of Charles the Great y 
 in whofe Time fome Rituals, Menardus fays, had 
 a Form of blefting and anointing Bells, under 
 this Title or Rubrick, Ad Signum Ecclefia bene- 
 dicendum, a Form for bleffing of Bells. And it 
 is not improbable but that fuch a Corruption 
 might creep into the Rituals of thofe Times; 
 becaufe we find among the Capitulars of Charles 
 the Great, a Cenfure and Prohibition of that Pra- 
 ctice, Ut Clocasnonbaptifent [c], That they fhould 
 not baptize Clocks, which is the old German. 
 Name for a Bell. But what was then prohi- 
 bited, has fince been ftifly avowed and practifed, 
 and augmented alfo with fome additional Rites, 
 to make Bells a fort of Charm againft Storms and 
 Thunder, and the Aflaults of Satan, as the Reader 
 
 [/>] Pachom. Regula. c. 2. Bibl. Patr. Tom.rj-. p. 629. Cum 
 audierit vocem Tuba: ad Colledtam vocantis, Statim egrediatur. 
 [c[\ Climac. Scala Paradih, Gradu 19. Bibl. Patr. Tom. 5-. p. 244.. 
 [>J Callian. Inltitut. lib. 2. c. 17. lib. 4. c. 12. [s~\ Pallad. 
 
 Hut. Lauliac. c. 104.. ^vrrviasntiiv ayve'ivo. [/] Mofchus 
 Prat. Spirit. Noflurnuni pulHre lignum, &c. [«] Hieron. 
 
 Ep. 47. Epitaph. Paula:, p. 178. Poll Alleluya cantatum, quo fig- 
 
 no vocabantur ad Colleclam, nulli refidere licitum eiat. 
 [w] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 22. n. 2,. [x] Baron, an. 86,-. 
 Tom. 10. p. 319. [j] Dr. SmithV Account of the Greek 
 
 Church, p. 70. [z,] Baron, an. 968. Tom. 1 o. p. S 1 o. 
 
 [«] Menard. Not. in Sacramental. Gregor. p. 207. [£] Bona 
 
 Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 22. n. 7. [c] Capitular. Caroli Magnt, 
 
 cited hy Durantus de Ritibus, lib. 1. c. 22. n. 2, 
 
 that 
 
Chap. VIII. Christian Church. 
 
 317 
 
 that plcafcs may fee the Ceremony defcribed by anOmiffion, of making too long a Digreffion up- 
 
 SJeidan \jl"] t and Jlojpiman [e], out of the old Pon- on this Subject, and therefore I return to the 
 
 tificals of the RowiJJo Church. But I fear my Bufinefs of Antient Churches. 
 Readers will begin to accufe me now, in (lead of 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 Of the Anathemata, and other Ornaments of the Ant'ient Churches. 
 
 AFTER having taken a di- 
 ftincb Survey of the chief 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Whit the And- 
 
 enu mm by their pnrf ~ ^ Ru jy.^ • , ^ CQm . 
 Anathemata in TT r . ?• t 
 
 churches mon tJtcniils or the ancient 
 
 Churches, it will not be amifs 
 to cad: our Eyes upon the ornamental Parts there- 
 of, and confider a little after what manner the 
 fir ft Chrillians beautify'd their Houfcs of Prayer. 
 The Riclmefs and Splendor of fome of their Fa- 
 bricks, and the Value of their Utenfils belong- 
 ing to the Altar, many of which were of Silver 
 and Gold, I have already taken notice of: What 
 therefore I fliall farther add in this Place, con- 
 cerns only the remaining Ornaments of the 
 Church, fome of which were a little uncom- 
 mon, and but rarely mentioned by modern Wri- 
 ters. The general Name of all forts of Orna- 
 ments in Churches, whether in the Structure it 
 felf, or in the Veflels and Utenfils belonging to 
 it, was antiently Anathemata > which, though it 
 moft commonly fignifies Perfons Devoted, or 
 Accurfed by Excommunication, or Separation 
 from the Church, yet it fometimes alfo denotes 
 Things given to God, and devoted to his Ho- 
 nour and Service. In which Senfe all the facred 
 Veflels, and Utenfils of the Church, and all 
 Gifts and Ornaments belonging to it, were call- 
 ed Anathemata, becaufe they were fet apart from 
 common Ufe, to God's Honour and Service. 
 Some of the Greeks diftinguifh thus between dva* 
 Srn^aTla and dva&tixala, as Suicerus has [a] ob- 
 ferverved out of Clryfofiom [b~], and Hefychius 
 [c~], and Balzamon [cT\, and Zonaras, making the 
 firlt to fignify Ornaments of the Church, or 
 Things devoted to God's Honour j and the o- 
 ther, Things accurfed, or devoted to Deftru&i- 
 on. But others of them do not fo nicely ob- 
 ferve this Difr.in6r.ion, but ufe the fame Word to 
 fignify both, Things devoted to God's Ufe, and 
 Things devoted to Deftru&ion, as Suicerus fhews 
 in the fame place out of Theodoret, Cyril of Alex- 
 andria, the Author of the Queftions^ Orthodoxos, 
 under the Name of Juftin Martyr, and fome o- 
 thers. Here I take both Words only as fignify- 
 ing Gifts or Ornaments of Churches. Jn which 
 Senfe avaHixctia. is ufed by St. Luke, xxi. f . for 
 the Gifts and Ornaments of the Temple. And 
 fo Eufebius, defcribing the Hemifphere, or Altar- 
 
 part of the Church of Jerufalem, and the twelve 
 Pillars which fupported and furrounded it, fays, 
 " The Heads of the Pillars were adorned with 
 " Silver Bowls, which Conjlantine fet up as his 
 " beautiful aWOn^a, that is, his Gift or Offer- 
 v nl S M co h' s Cod." And a little after he fays 
 again, " He adorned it [/] with innumerable 
 *' Gifts of Silver, and Gold, and precious Stones." 
 So that all the rich Veflels, and Utenfils of the 
 Altar, the rich Veflment which the Bifhop put 
 on when he adminiflrcd the Sacrament ofBap- 
 tifm, which was interwoven with Gold, and 
 which, as Ttheodoret [g] and Sozomen [h~\ tell us, 
 was one of Conftantine's Gifts to the Church of 
 Jerufalem, thefe, I fay, and all other fuch like 
 Ornaments belonging to the Church, as well as 
 what contributed to the Beauty and Splendor of 
 the Fabrick it felf, were all reckoned among the 
 Anathemata of the Church. But in a more re- 
 flrained Senfe, the Anathemata fometimes denote 
 more peculiarly thofe Gifts, which were hang- 
 ed upon Pillars, and fet in publick View, as Me- 
 morials of fome great Mercy which Men had 
 received from God. In Allufion to which So- 
 crates [i] thinks the Term Anathema is ufed for 
 Excommunication, becaufe thereby a Man's Con- 
 demnation is publifhed and proclaimed, as if it 
 were hanged up upon a Pillar. St. Jerom alfo 
 had his Eye plainly upon this Cuftom, when he 
 fpeaks of Mens Gifts [k~\ hanging in the ChuFch 
 upon golden Cords, or being fet in golden Sock- 
 ets, or Sconces. For the word Funale fignifies 
 both. And tho' he rather advifes Men to offer 
 their Gifts to the true Temples of Chrifl, mean- 
 ing the Bodies and Souls of the Poor* yet that 
 implies another way of offering their Gifts to be 
 in common Ufe, that is, hanging up their Ana- 
 themata, or Donaria (as he, with other Latin 
 Writers, calls them) in the material Temples. 
 Vide Sidon. Apollinar. lib. 4. Ep. 18. & Paulin. 
 Natali 6. Felicis. 
 
 Among thefe there was one sect, tti 
 
 particular kind of Gifts, which one particular Kind 
 
 they called bifluyrwixara., becaufe of thefe, called U- 
 
 they were a fort of Symbolical IT*j^ T £ 
 
 Memorials, or Hieroglyphical Re- churches* * 
 prefentations of the Kindnefs and 
 
 [</] Sleidan. Commentar. lib. 21. p. 388. [e] Hofpin.de 
 
 Tempiis lib. 4. c. 9. p. i'j'jj. 
 
 [>] Suicer.Thefaur. voce a'uet^fiua. [6] Chryfoft. Horn. 
 16 in Rom. [c] Hefych. Lexicon. [J] Balzamon. 8c Zonnr. 
 in Can. 3. Concil. in Templo Sophia?. [?] Eufeb. de Vita 
 
 Conftant. lib. 3. c. 38. ctvd&nLia. kzkaisov sto/«to iS> 
 avth [f ] Ibid, c. 40. kuLfun J' ahoy dfivynjoit 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 >t«AA?3"< ct'-'avH/watTfeif ^pv<?K> &c. [g~\ Theodor. lib. 2. 
 
 c. 27. [h] Sozom. lib. 4. c. 25-. [/] Socrat. lib. 7. c. 34. 
 [fc] Hieron. Ep. 27. ad Euftoch. in Epitaphio Paula;. Jadrent alii 
 pecunias 8c ia Corbonam Dei aera congefta, funalibufque aureis 
 Dona pendentia, &c. Id. Ep. 1 3. ad Paulin. Verum Chrifti Tem- 
 plum anima credentis eft. Illi offer Donaria. 
 
 S f f 
 
 Favour, 
 
3iS 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the Book VIII 
 
 Favour, which in any kind they had received. 
 When firit they began to be offered and fet up 
 in Churches, is not very eafy to determine: But 
 I think Bocharfs Conjecture [/] is very probable, 
 that it was about the middle of the fifth Age, 
 because T'heodoret is one of the firft Writers that 
 takes notice of them. He tells us, in one of his 
 Tioerapenticks, or Difcourfes to the Gentiles [ni], 
 " That when any one obtained the Benefit of a 
 £{ fignal Cure from God, in any Member of his 
 t* Body, as his Eyes, or Hands, or Feet, &c. he 
 " then brought his hCl-oir^a, the Effigies or 
 t£ Picture of that Part in Silver or Gold, to be 
 ft hanged up in the Church to God, as a Memo- 
 I s - rial of his Favour." This Bochart thinks was 
 done by way of Emulation of the Gentiles, among 
 whom it was cuftomary for fuch, as had efcaped 
 any great Peril or Difafter, to confecrate fome 
 Monument of their by-pafb Evils, to their Gods 
 that delivered them. As they that had efcaped 
 a Shipwrack, dedicated a Tablet to Neptune, or 
 Ifis, reprefenting the manner of their Shipwrack. 
 So Gladiators hanged up their Arms to Hercules j 
 and Slaves and Captives, when they got their Li- 
 berty, and were made free, offered a Chain to the 
 Lares. And fo we read (i Sam. vi. 4.J that the 
 Philifiines fent their golden Emrods and Mice, 
 figures of the Things by which they had fuffer- 
 ed, as an Offering to the God of Ifrael. I fhall 
 make no farther Obfervation upon this Practice, 
 but only remark how far the Romijb Church is 
 degenerate in this Matter from the antient, who 
 offer now to Men more than they do to God, 
 and fill their Churches with Gifts, acknowledg- 
 ing fome Tutelar Saints, as their chief Patrons 
 and Benefactors. 
 
 SECT. III. But to proceed with the an- 
 
 churches aniicndy tient Churches : Another Orna- 
 aJomed with Per- mcnr) w hich ferved for Ufe as 
 
 t,om of Suture ^ as Beaut was thdr CQme ] 
 written upon the , , J J r . J 
 m i ls and pertinent Intcnptions, many 
 
 of which are preferved, and flill 
 to be read in antient Authors. Thefe were of 
 two forts, fome taken out of Scripture j others, 
 ufeful Compofirions of Mens own Inventing. 
 The Walls of the Church feem commonly to 
 have had fome felect Portions of Scripture writ-? 
 ten upon them, containing fome proper Admo- 
 nition and InftrudHon for all in general, or elfe 
 more peculiar to that Order of Perfons who had 
 their Station in fuch a particular Part, or Divi- 
 sion of the Church. Thus I have obferved be- 
 fore [*] out of St. Ambrofe [n], that the Place 
 of the Virgins had that Text of St. Paul Some- 
 times written by it on the Walls, 'There is Diffe- 
 rence between a Wife and a Virgin', the unmarried 
 Woman caret h for the Things of the Lord, how Jloe 
 may pleafe the Lord, &c. And by this one Place 
 we may judge, how other Parts of the Church 
 were cmbelliihed, and adorned with proper In- 
 Itructions out of the Holy Scripture. 
 
 But befides thefe Lcflbns out sect. iv. 
 of the infpired Writings, it was And -with other in- 
 very ufual to have other Infcrip- /captions, of Human 
 tions, of Human Compofure, 
 written on the feveral Parts, and Utenfils of ma- 
 ny Churches. Of which 1 have already given 
 fome Inftances out of Paulinus, fpeaking of the 
 Catechumenia and Secretaria [ # ] of the Church. 
 And the curious Reader may find abundance more 
 of the fame nature, upon the Baptiftery, and 
 the Altar, and the Frontifpiece [0], too long to 
 be here inferted. I fhall only here repeat two fhort: 
 Diltichs, written over the Doors of the Church, 
 one on the Out-fide, exhorting Men to enter 
 the Church with pure and peaceable Hearts, on 
 this wife : 
 
 Pax tibi fit, quicunque Dei Penetralia Chrijti 
 P colore pacifico candidus ingrederis. 
 
 And the other on the Inner- fide of the Doors, re- 
 quiring Men, when they go out of the Church 
 with their Bodies, to leave at leaft their Hearts 
 behind them. 
 
 Quifquis ab ade Dei perfeclis or dine votis 
 Egrederis, remea cor pore, corde mane. 
 
 Many other the like Infcriptions may be feen 
 in Sidonius QfJ Jlpollinaris, and other Writers of 
 that Agej but I will only add one more, which 
 for the Curiofity of it may deferve to be here in- 
 ferted. It is the Infcription which the Emperor 
 Juftinian is faid to have written round about the 
 Altar of the Church of Santla Sophia. The Al- 
 tar it felf, Cedrenus tells us, was a raoft inimita- 
 ble Work : For it was artificially compofed of 
 all forts of Materials that either the Earth, or 
 the Sea could afford 5 Gold, Silver, and all kinds 
 of Stones, Wood, Metals, and other Things: 
 Which being melted, and mixed together, a 
 mod curious Table was framed out of this Uni- 
 verfal Mafsj and about it was this Infcription: 
 We thy Servants \_q~\, Juflinian and Theodora, of- 
 fer unto thee, O Chrift, thy own Gifts out of thy 
 o wn, which we befeech thee favourably to accept, O 
 Son and W nd of God, who waft made Flefh, and 
 crucified for our Sakes Keep us in the true Ortho- 
 dox Faith 5 and this Empire, which thou haft com- 
 mitted to our Truft, augment and pref 'erve it to thy 
 own Glory, 7r^T£etous i 5 dy'ias .S^oroxa, by the Inter- 
 ceffions of the Holy Mother of God, and Virgin 
 Mary. The Reader will not wonder at this 
 Jaft Part of this Infcription, in the fixth Age, 
 when the Prayers of Saints in Heaven were 
 thought available, without directly praying to 
 them. 
 
 Another confiderable Part SECT. v. 
 of the Ornament of Churches, Gilding and Mo- 
 was the Beautifying of the Roof, f aick Work , H f ed , » 
 or Camera, as they then called it. 
 
 [/] Bochart. Hierozoic. Part i. lib. 2. cap. 36. p. 268. 
 [m] Theodor. Serm. 8. de Martyr. Tom. 4. p. 6c6. [*J Book 8. 
 . f . Seel. 9. [»] Ambrof ad Virgin. Lapfum. [*] ChaP.G, 
 
 Seel. 22. [0] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever. [p] Sidon. lib. 4." 
 
 Ep. 18. [<j] Cedren. Hift. Compend. an. 32. Juftin. p. 3S6. 
 
 t« ex. \y. ■ffi ffeuv sot i 7r&e®''i£$ atv 01 S'tho'i sr. y&j&fif &c. 
 
 This 
 
Chap. VIII. Christian Church 
 
 319 
 
 This was done two ways, either by Mofaick 
 Work, which they call Mufivum ; or by Lacu- 
 nary Work, dividing the Roof into feveral Pan- 
 nels, by Architects termed Laquearia, or Lacu- 
 naria, from Lacus, fome of which were round, 
 and fome fquare, (as Valefius obferves [r] out of 
 Ifidore) and divided either with Wood, or Plai- 
 ner, or Colours from each other, and then either 
 gilded, or painted, as Mens Fancies led them. 
 Both thefe were ufed to adorn the antient 
 Churches. The Temple of Santta Sophia was 
 curioufly wrought in Mofaick, or Checquer 
 Work, as Procopius [j] relates \ and Conflantine's 
 Church at Jerusalem was Lacunary : For Eufe- 
 bius [f] fays, " The whole Roof was divided in- 
 " to certain carved Tables, or Pannels, and all 
 u hid over with fhining Gold." And this he 
 calls a little before %aixd^ Xancova^'av, a Lacu- 
 nary Roof adorned with Gold. Some Churches, 
 as that of Paulinus [u] of Nola, were beautified 
 both ways. For Paulinus fays, " The Roof of 
 " his Apfis, or Altar-part, was Mofaick Work ; 
 " but the Body of the Church, and the Galle- 
 " ries on both fides the Church were Lacunary : 
 that is, divided into Pannels, as we fee in many 
 of our modern Churches. The Reader that plea- 
 fes may fee a great deal more of this matter in 
 St. Jerom, who often fpeaks of their Lacunary 
 Golden Roofs, and Walls adorned with 
 Cruft of Marble j and Pillars with their Chapi- 
 ters of fhining Gold } and Gates inlaid with Ivo- 
 ry and Silver j and Altars diftinguiftied and befet 
 with precious Stones and Gold. Though he was 
 no great Admirer of thefe Things himfelf, but a 
 greater Friend to Charity. 
 
 s ect VI. They of the RomiJJj Church, 
 No tiBures, or when they are defcribing the an- 
 jmages, allowed in t j ent Churches, commonly add 
 
 C to C Yent thefirfi t0 thefe 0thCr ° rnaments > that 
 
 300 ears. Q p p^ures an( j l ma g es? accord- 
 
 ing to the modern Cuftom: And nothing will 
 content them, but to have them as antient as 
 Churches themfelves, that is, to be derived from 
 Apoftolical Practice. To this purpofe they have 
 invented an Apoftolical Council atAntioch, where- 
 in not only the Ufe, but the Worfihip of Images 
 
 is pretended to be authorized by the Apoftles. 
 And the Credit of this Council is ftifly defended 
 by Baronius [*], and Turrian, and Binius, and 
 many fuch over-zealous Writers. But Petavius 
 [>], and Pagi [z], and other Writers of Candor 
 and Judgment, give it up as a meer Forgery, and 
 freely confefs it to be a Fiction of the modern 
 Greeks. Petavius alfo [a] owns, that for three 
 or four of the firft iVges there was little or no 
 ufe of Images in Churches. And indeed the E- 
 vidences are fo plain, that none but they who re- 
 folve to wink hard can deny them. The Silence 
 of all antient Authors is good Evidence in this 
 Cafe. The Silence of the Heathen is farther 
 Confirmation: For they never recriminated, or 
 charged the Ufe of Images upon them. Nay, in 
 the laft Perfecution, when they often plundered 
 and pillaged their Churches, we never read of 
 any Images feized in them, though we have fe- 
 veral particular Catalogues, or Inventories, of 
 what they found there, left upon Record by the 
 Heathen. It is a very full one which Baronius 
 jTj firft published, and is fince inferted amoiF 
 the Collections [c] at the End of Optatus. There 
 is a particular Breviat of all Things-, found by 
 the Perfecutors in the Church of Paul, Biihop 
 of Cirta, in Numidia, where we find mention 
 made of Cups, and Flaggons, and Bowls, and 
 Water-pots, and Lamps, and Candlefticks, and 
 Torches, and Coats, and other Clothing for 
 Men and Women, which in thofe Days feem to 
 be laid up in Store, either for the Poor, or the 
 Afceticks of the Church : But of Images, or Pi- 
 ctures there is not a Syllable, which is at leaft a 
 good Negative Argument, that there was no 
 fuch Thing then in their Churches. Nay, there 
 are pofitive Proofs in the fourth Age, that in 
 fome Places they were not then allowed to be fee 
 up in Churches. As in Spain, in the time of the 
 Council of Elihris, An. $of, there was a pofitive 
 Decree againft them. For one of the Canons of 
 that Council runs in thefe Words: c< We de- 
 ' cree [J], that Pictures ought not to be in 
 " Churches, left that which is worihipped and 
 " adored be painted upon the Walls." And it 
 was certainly fo in Cyprus to the End of this Cen- 
 tury, as appears from that famous Epiftle of Epi- 
 
 [r] Ifidor. Origen. lib. 19. Laquearia funt qux Cameram fubte- 
 gunt 8c ornant : Qua: 8c Lacunaria dicuntur, quod Lacus quofdam 
 quadratos vel rotundos, Ligno vel Gypfo vel Coloribus habeant pi- 
 ftos, cum (ignis intermicantibus. \s\ Procop. de ^Edificiis 
 
 Juftin. lib. l. cited by Valefius Not. in Eufeb. de Vit. Conft. lib. 3. 
 c. 36. [t] Eufeb. lib. 3. de Vit. Conft. c. 36. rat q <f £go 
 siynt yhvtpeuf ^atv^^Aiuv airr^Tiaf^ja.^ &c. Vid. c. 32. 
 [»] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever, p. ij-o, 8c ifi. Apfidem iblo 8c 
 
 parietibus marmoratam Camera Mufivo illufa clarificat. Totum 
 
 vero extra Concham Bafilicse Ipatium alto 2c lacunato culmine ge- 
 minis utrinque Porticibus dilatatur. [w] Hieron. lib 2. in Zechar. 
 8. Non folum Laquearia 8c Te&a fulgentia auro, fed Parietes di~ 
 verfi Marmoris cruftis veftiti. Id. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. Marmora ni- 
 tent auro, fplendent Laquearia, Gemmis altare diftinguitur, frc; 
 It. Ep. 30. Epitaph. Fabiolse, c. 4. Sonabant Pfalmi, 8c aurata tem- 
 plorum tecta reboans in fublime quatiebat Alleluya. It. Ep. 8. ad 
 Demetriad. Virgin. Alii xdificent Ecclefias; veftiant parietes mar- 
 morum cruftis; Columnarum moles advehant, earumque deaurent 
 Capita, pretiofum ornatum non fententia; Ebore argentoque val- 
 vas, 8c gemmis aurata diftinguant altaria, Non reprehendo, non 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 abnuo. Unufquifque in fenfu fuo abundet. Meliufque eft hoc fa- 
 cere, quam repofitis opibus incubare. Sed tibi aliud Propofitum 
 eft, Chriftum veftire in Pauperibus, &c. [x] Baron, an. 102. 
 n. 19, 8c 20. Binius Not. in Cone. Antioch. Cone. Tom. 1. p.62. 
 [y] Petav. Dogmar. Theol. de Incarnat. lib. if. c. 1 4.. n. ,-. Oiiod 
 ad ilium canonem Apoftolicum attinet, quern primus edidit in lu- 
 cem Francifcus Turrianus, cum puto fuppolititium eiTe, &c. 
 [z,] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. y 6. n. 3. [a] Petav. ibid, 
 
 c. 13. n. 3. Pagi. ibid. Certum eft, Imagines Chriftj, 8c maxime 
 ftatuas, primis Ecclelia: Saeculis non ruifie fubftitutas loco Idolo- 
 rum, necFidelium venerationi expofitas. \_b~\ Baron, an. 303. 
 
 n. 1 2. [f] Gcfta Purgation. Oecilian. ad calcem Optati, p. 266. 
 In Brevi lie: Calices duo aurei : Item Calices fex argenrei.- Ur- 
 ceola fex argentea ; Cucumellum argenteum : Lucernse argentea: 
 feptem: Cereofala duo: Cande!* breves xnese cum lucernis fuis 
 feptem; Item Lucerne snea: undecim cum catenis fuis. Tunica: 
 muliebres 82: Mafortea 38: Tunicrz viriles 16: Caligse viriles pa- 
 ria 13: Caligos muliebres paria 47: Copke rufticanxi 9. [d] Cone. 
 Eliber. c. 36. Placuit Picturas in Ecclelia effe non debere, ne quod 
 colitur aut adoratur, in parietibus depingatur. 
 
 S f f a phanius 
 
320 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 phanius to John Bifliop of Jerufalem, tran dated 
 by St. Jerom, where fpeaking of his Paflage 
 through Anablatha, a Village of Paleftine, he 
 lays, He found there a Veil hanging before 
 « the Doors of the Church, wherein was paint- 
 " ed [e] the Image of Chrift, or fome Saint j 
 " for he did not well remember whether it was: 
 " But feeing however the Image of a Man hanging 
 " in the Church, againft the Authority of Scrip- 
 " ture, he tore it in pieces, and advifed theGuar- 
 " dians of the Church rather to make a Wind- 
 " ing-fheet of it, to bury fome poor Man in." 
 Some ftorm againft this Paflage as an Interpola- 
 tion of fome modern Greek lconoclaft\ which is 
 the common EvafTon of Bellarmin [/], and Ba- 
 ronius [_g] and the reft that follow them. But 
 Petavius [£], owns it to be genuine, and fays, 
 " Images were not allowed in the time of Epi- 
 " phanius, in the Cyprian Churches : " Which is 
 certainly the Truth of the Matter, when Men 
 have ufed all their Arts and Shifts to perfwade 
 the contrary. The common Writers of the Ro- 
 miflj Church are as uneafy about the Council of 
 Eliberis. Baronius flies to the old Refuge of Im- 
 pofture in that fingle Canon ; others fay, " They 
 et are all of the fame Stamp." Others, who 
 think this a little too crude and bold, {"often 
 the matter by faying, Images were only pro- 
 *' hibited for fear the Gentiles fhould think Chri- 
 '* ftians worfhiped Stocks and Stones or it was 
 " only Images painted upon the Walls that 
 ct were prohibited, becaufe thefe were liable to 
 " be abufed by the Perfecutors, which others, 
 " that might be removed, were not liable to. 
 So Sylvius in his Notes upon this Canon. Others 
 fly to the new Notion of Difciplina Arcani, and 
 tell us, " It was only the Images of God and 
 " the Trinity that are here prohibited (not the 
 " Images of Saints and Martyrs) and that only 
 " for fear the Catechumens and Gentiles fhould 
 " be led into the Secrets of their Religion, and 
 " underftand the Myftery of the Trinity before 
 " their Time. Which pleafant Notion was 
 firft invented by Mendoza [z], approved by 
 Cardinal Bona [&], and highly magnified by 
 Scheljlrate [/], and Pagi [m~\, as a clear So- 
 lution to the Proteftants Argument againft the 
 Worihip of Images, drawn from this Canon. 
 But yet this does not fatisfy cither Alba/piny, or 
 Petavius. For Albafpiny thinks the Images [«] 
 of God and the Trinity were prohibited, for 
 fear the Catechumens, and new Converts fhould 
 entertain wrong Notions, and diflionourable 
 
 Thoughts of the Majefty of God, when they 
 faw him, whom they were firft taught to believe 
 Invifible, and Immaterial, and Incomprehenfi- 
 ble, afterward circumfcribed in viiible Lines and 
 Colours. Which is a Reafon that will always 
 hold againft making Images of the Deity, tho' 
 it does not give the full Senfe of this Canon, 
 which certainly prohibits the Ufe of Images in 
 general, and not only thofe of the Trinity in. 
 Churches. And therefore Petavius [0] gives a 
 more general Reafon for the Prohibition of all 
 Images whatfoever at that Time, becaufe the 
 Remembrance of Idolatry was yet frefh in 
 Mens Minds, and therefore it was not expedi- 
 ent to fet up Images in the Oratories and 
 Temples of Chriftians. So that in fact, now 
 the cafe is clear, that Chriftians for near four 
 hundred Years did not allow of Images in 
 Churches. Tertullian \_p~] indeed once mentions 
 the Picture of a Shepherd bringing home his 
 loft Sheep, upon a Communion-cup, in fome 
 of the Catholick Churches. But as this is a 
 Angular Inftance only of a Symbolical Repre- 
 fentation, or Emblem, fo it is the only In- 
 ftance Petavius pretends to find in all the three 
 firft Ages. In the middle of the fourth Age, 
 the Chriftians of Paneas, or C a/area- Philippic 
 fhewed a little RefpecT: to the Statue of Chrift, 
 which the Syrophoenician Woman, who had been 
 cured of an Iflue of Blood, was fuppofed to have 
 erected in Honour of our Saviour. For when 
 Julian had removed it, to fet his own in the 
 Room, and the Heathen out of Hatred to Chrift 
 had ufed it contumelioufly, and broken it in 
 Pieces by dragging it about the Streets ; Sozomen 
 tells us, " The Chriftians gathered theFrag- 
 " ments together, and laid them up in the 
 " Church, where they were kept to his own 
 " Time. Philofiorgius [r] in telling the fame 
 Story, adds one Circumftance, which well ex- 
 plains Sozomen's Meaning : For he fays, " They 
 " were laid up in the Diaconicum, or Veftry of 
 " the Church, and there carefully kept indeed, 
 " but by no means worfhiped or adored. So 
 that it was not a Statue fet up in a Church, but 
 only the Fragments of it laid up in the Repofi- 
 tory of the Church, and there not to be wor- 
 fhiped, but only to be kept from Violence, and 
 that the Heathen might offer no more fuch bar- 
 barous Indignities to it. Which was fo far a 
 commendable Act, but yet no Proof of Images 
 being fet up publickly in Churches. 
 
 (>] Epiphan. Ep. ad Johan. Hierofol. Inveni ibi velum pendens 
 in t'oribus ejufdem Ecdeiise tin&um atque depiftum, 8c habens 
 Imaginem quaii Chrifti vel fan&i cujufdam- Non enim fatis mc- 
 mini cujus Imago fuerit. Cum ergo hoc vidiflem, in Ecclelia 
 Chrifti coutra autoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere Imagi- 
 nem, Icidi illud, 5c magis dedi confilium Cuftodibus ejufdem Lo- 
 ci, ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent & efferrent. 
 [/] Beilarmin. de Imagin. lib 2. c. 9. [g~\ Baron, an. 
 
 392. p. 668. [h] Petav. de Incarnat. lib. 15-. c. 14. n. 8. 
 
 [ i J Mendoza Not. in Cone. Eliber. c. 36. Cone. Tom. 1. p. 1240. 
 [<•] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 2. [7]Schel- 
 
 ftrat. Difciplina Arcani. c. 6. art. 3. [m] Pagi Critic, in 
 
 Baron, an. ?f. n. 6. [n] Albafpin. Not. in Can. 36. Con- 
 
 di. Eliber. [0] Petav. de Incarnat. lib. 15-. c. 14. n. 8. 
 
 Recentem adhuc Idololatriae memoriam f'uille : Ob idque nondum 
 expedifle Chriftianorum in Oratoriis ac Templis Imagines ftatui. 
 [/>] Tertul. de Pudicit. c. 10. Si forte patrocinabitur Paftor, 
 quern in Calice depingis — At ego ejus Pafloris Scripturam haurio, 
 qui non potefl: frangi. [q] Sozom. lib. 5. c. 2 1. 
 
 [r] Philoftorg. lib. 7. c. 3. <r a,v£&tcivTd. [MTetmea/dfJot ht 
 
 TTjS <f iKY.hiKj'icLi; J'lAKOVIKW, Tct 'Kyi'TrQVTA id IPc/.'n&OV , OiCoV" 
 
 4 
 
 Yet 
 
Chap.VIIL Christian Church. 32I 
 
 SECT. vil. Yet it is not denied, but 
 
 Ttrfi brought in by that in fome Places, about the 
 
 Paulinus, and his latter End of the Fourth Cen- 
 
 cotemporaries, pri- m pi&ures of Saints and Mar- 
 
 vately and by De~ . Q intQ Churches . 
 
 greet, m the latter J & n-n. C \t i 
 
 End of the Fourth PaulinUS, Blfhop of Nola, tO 
 
 century. keep the Country /People em- 
 
 ployed, and prevent their run- 
 ning into Riot and Excefs, when they met to- 
 gether to celebrate the Anniverfary Feftival of 
 the Dedication of the Church of St. Felix, or- 
 dered the Church to be painted with the Ima- 
 ges of Saints and Scripture-Hiftories, fuch as 
 thofc of Efiher, and Job, and Tobit, and Judith, 
 as he himfelf [j] acquaints us in his Writings. 
 And fome Intimations are given of the Begin- 
 nings of the fame Practice in other Places by 
 St. Aufiin, who often fpeaks of the Pictures [/] 
 of Abraham facrificing his Son, and of the 
 Pictures [«] of Peter and Paul, and of fome 
 Worfhippers of Pictures [w] too, but they have 
 not his Approbation. Nor had they the Ap- 
 probation of the Catholick Church : For he 
 fays, " The Church condemned them, as Ig- 
 « norant and Superfluous, and Self-will'd Per- 
 " fons, and daily endeavoured to correct them 
 " as untoward Children. 
 
 SECT. VIII. From which any Rational 
 The piflures of and Unprejudiced Perfon will ea- 
 Kmgs and Bifhops fity conclude, That the firft De- 
 brought into the f of b r i n „i n „ Piftures into 
 
 ?r^w Churches, wSs Snly for Orna- 
 
 fame Time, rr-n j r 
 
 ment, or Hiftory, and not for 
 Worfhip and Adoration, as St. Aufiin and Phi- 
 lofiorgius have declared. And this may be farther 
 confirmed from what Paulinus himfelf and other 
 Writers allure us of, " That at firft the Pi- 
 " ctures of the Living had their Place in the 
 " Church, as well as the Dead, and Bi- 
 <c {hops and Kings were joined with the Saints 
 " and Martyrs. Paulinus his own Picture was 
 fet with St. Martin's, in the Baptiftery of the 
 Church built by Severus, and Paulinus himfelf 
 [x] wrote two Epigrams by way of Infcrip- 
 tion to be fet by them, to teach Men not to 
 woifhip, but to imitate them, the one as a 
 Saint, the other as a Penitent Sinner. Baronius 
 thinks \_y~\ Acacius, Bifhop of Confiantinople, was 
 the firtt that had this Honour done him, Anno 
 488. But Valeftus [z] judicioufly corrects his Er- 
 ror, and obferves it to have been cuftomary 
 long before. And the Inftance I have given in 
 Paulinus fufficiently confirms his Obfervation. 
 Theodorus Letlor [a] fpeaks of the fame Honour 
 done to Macedonius, Bifhop of Confiantinople, in 
 
 the Remark that he makes upon timotheus his 
 Succeflbr, " That whatever Church he went in- 
 " to, he would never begin Divine Service, 'till 
 " the Images of Macedonius were firft pulled 
 " down. Suidas takes notice of the Picture of 
 Qennadius, Patriarch of Confiantinople, being 
 joined with that of Chrift [F], and Chriftfpeak- 
 mg to him in thefe Words, Defiroy this Tem- 
 ple, and in thy Succejfors Days I will raife it up a- 
 gain. Damafcen, a great Advocate for Images 
 [>], pretends to carry this Practice as high as 
 Confiantine, telling us from Socrates, That Con- 
 ftantine ordered his own Images to be fet up 
 in Temples: But as Mr. Spanheim [d] has ob- 
 ferved, there is fomething of Fraud in the Re- 
 lation: For Socrates fpeaks not of Chriftian 
 Churches, but of Heathen [*] Temples, in 
 which having demolifhed their Idols, he caufed 
 his own Images to be placed in their Room 
 But admitting it had been as Damafcen pretends, 
 it makes nothing to the purpofe for which he 
 alledges it, which was to prove the Worfhip of 
 Images in Churches. 
 
 For now I prefume, no one sect. ix. 
 will fufpect, that the Pictures of But neither mures 
 Bifhops and Kings were fet up °f ,he L 'ving or 
 in Churches to be worfliiped, Dead ' tk P&nti for 
 while they were living among mr fi'^ 
 other Men, but only defigned to be an Orna- 
 ment to the Church, or a Civil Honour to the 
 Perfons. And the fame muft be concluded of 
 the Piftures of the Dead, fince the firft Intro- 
 ducers of them intermixed their own Pictures 
 with them. But it muft be owned that this Su- 
 perftition prefently followed upon the fetting up 
 of Pictures in Churches : Yet it was never ap- 
 proved j 'till the Second Council of Nice, An. 
 ■78 j, made a Decree in favour of it. Serenus, 
 Bifhop of Marfeilles, ordered all Images to be 
 defaced, and caft out of all the Churches of his 
 Diocefe : And though Gregory the Great blamed 
 him for this, and defended the Ufe of Pictures 
 in Churches as innocent, and ufeful for Inftru- 
 ftion of the Vulgar [/], yet he equally con- 
 demns the Worfhip and Adoration of them. And 
 when the Council of Nice had eftablifhed it, in 
 Oppofition to the Council of Confiantinople of 
 358 Bifhops, held An. 7^4 who had before 
 condemn'd it, the Decrees of Nice were rejected 
 by all the Weftern World, the Popes of" Rome 
 only excepted. The Council of Frankford in 
 Germany, the Council of Paris in France, and 
 fome other Councils in Britain, agreed unani- 
 moufly to condemn them, and for fome hundred 
 Years after, the Worfhip of Images was not re- 
 
 [s~\ Paulin. Natal. 9. Felicis, p. 615-. Propterea vifum nobis 
 opus utile, totis felicis domibus Pidtura illudere Sancla. Id. Na- 
 tal. 10. p. 617. Martyribus mediam pidlis pia nomina fignant, &c. 
 [«] Aug. cont. Fauft. lib. 22. c. 7;. Tom. 6. [«] Aug. 
 
 de Confenfu Evangel, lib. 1. c. 10. [w] Id. de Morib. Eccl. 
 
 Cathol. lib. 1. c. 34. Novi multos effe Sepulchrorum 8c Piftura- 
 
 rum adoratores quos 8c ipfa Eccleiia condemnat, 8c tanquam 
 
 malos filios corrigere ftudet. [#] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever, 
 p. 142. Adftat perfedbe Martiniss regula vitae : Paulinus veniain 
 quo mereare docet. Hunc Peccatores, ilium fpedtate beati : Ex- 
 
 emplar fan&is ille fit, ifte reis. [y~\ Baron, an. 488. p. 438. 
 Ex Suida. voce Acacius. [2. J Valef. Not. in Theodor. 
 
 Lector, lib. 2. p. 167. [a] Theodor. Lector, lib. 2. p. 
 [b] Suidas Lexicon, voce Acacius. [c] Damafcen. Orat. 3. 
 
 de Imagin. [d] Spanheim. Hiftor. Imagin. Sect. 1, p. 14. 
 
 [f] Socrat. lib. i.e. 19. dx.'ovcif JY; t«V icT<ct<r lv to7? v&ols 
 ehr'tSire. [/] Gregor. lib. 9. Ep. 9. Quia Sanctorum 
 
 Imagines adorari vetuiffes, omnino laudavimus: Fregifle vero re- 
 prehendimus, &c. Vid. lib. 7. Ep. 111. 
 
 ceived 
 
322 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VIII. 
 
 ccived in any of the Three aforefaid Nations. 
 But it is as much beyond my Defign to purfue 
 this Hiftory any farther, as it is needlefs, there 
 being fo many excellent Difcourfes on this par- 
 ticular Subject, efpecially thofe of Mr. Dailk 
 [g], Bifhop Stillingfleet [_h~], and Spanheim [z], 
 who have omitted nothing on this Head that 
 was neceflary to anfwer the Cavils of their Ro- 
 mijl) Antagonifts, or give Satisfaction to a curi- 
 ous Reader. 
 
 SECT. X. All! mall add farther there- 
 to images of God, fore upon this Subject is only 
 or the Trinity, al- two Obfervations, which Peta- 
 lovped m churches, vius n i m f e if. rji has made for us. 
 
 till after the Second r^, r n • L mt , * ■ 
 
 mcLcounai. The is, That the Antients 
 never allowed any Pictures or 
 God the Father, or the Trinity, to be fet up in 
 their Churches. For this he produces the Tefti- 
 monies of Origen [/], St. Ambrofe [m], and St. 
 jluftin [»], who particularly pronounces it to be 
 an impious Thing for any Chriftian to fet up 
 any fuch Image in the Church, and much more 
 to do it in his Heart. Nay, Pope Gregory II. 
 who was otherwife a great Stickler for Images, 
 in that [o] very Epiftle which he wrote to the 
 Emperor Leo, to defend the Worfhip of them, 
 denies it to be lawful to make any Image of the 
 Divine Nature. And the Second Council of 
 Nice it felf was againft it, as is evident from the 
 Epiftles of Germanus,B\{hopo£ Gonjiantinople [_p~], 
 and John, Bifhop of 'Theffalonica, which are re- 
 cited with Approbation in the Acts of that Coun- 
 cil. And Damafcen following the Doctrine of 
 the fame Council, fays, " It is as great Impiety 
 " M as ' c i s Folly, to make any Image of the 
 " Divine Nature, which is Invifible, Incorpo- 
 " real, Incircumfcriptible, and not to be fi- 
 " gur'd by the Art of Man. And therefore in 
 all antient Hiftory, we never meet with anyone 
 Inftance of Picturing God the Father, becaufe 
 it was fuppofed, he never appeared in any vifi- 
 ble Shape, but only by a Voice from Heaven. 
 Upon this Account, Paulinus, where he de- 
 fcribes a Symbolical Reprefentation of the Three 
 Divine Perfons, made in the Painting of a 
 Church, makes a Lamb to be the Symbol of 
 Chrift, and a Dove the Symbol of the Holy 
 Ghoft, but for God the Father [r] nothing 
 but a Voice from Heaven. And this they did 
 in Compliance with that Text in Deuteronomy 
 iv. i z. "The Lord [pake unto you out of the mid ft 
 of the Fire : Te heard the Voice of his Words, but 
 taw no Similitude, only ye heard a Voice. By 
 which we fee how much the prefent Church of 
 
 Rome has out-gone the firft Patrons even of I- 
 mage Worfliip it felf, by allowing Pictures of 
 the Deity commonly in their Temples, which 
 the Ancients reckoned to be Impious and Ab- 
 furd, and is acknowledged to be an Abufe fit to 
 be corrected, by Caffander [/}, though Petavi- 
 us, after all his ConcefTions and Acknowledg- 
 ments of the Novelty of the Thing, and its Con- 
 trariety to antient Cuftom, endeavours to find 
 out fome Colour for the prefent Practice. 
 
 His other Acknowledgment of sect. XI. 
 
 a Difference between the Practice » ufmliy statues^ 
 
 of the antient Church, and that or ma Jfy images, 
 
 of his own at this Day, is, That bHt , onl l Paktm i s 
 
 the Ancients did not approve of 2 P fVr *f 
 
 iv -T a- i /r ' tho e Symbolical r a- 
 
 Many images, or Statues of ther tL any other. 
 Wood, or Metal, or Stone, but 
 only Pictures or Paintings tobeufed in Churches. 
 This he proves from the Teftimonies of Germa- 
 ns, Bilh»p of Gonjiantinople [/], and Stephanus 
 Boftrenfis, both alledged in the Acts of the Se- 
 cond Council of Nice: which mews, that maf- 
 fy Images, or Statues, were thought to look too 
 much like Idols, even by that worft of Councils. 
 But, fome plead the Authority of Gregory Nazian- 
 zen [«] for Statues in Churches, to whom Pe- 
 tavius anfwers, « That he fpeaks not of Statues 
 " in Temples, but of Prophane Statues in other 
 <c places. Which is a very juft and true Ob- 
 fervation. For it is molt certain from the Wri- 
 tings of St. Auftin [w] and Optatus [at], that 
 there were no Statues, in that Age, in their 
 Churches, or upon their Altars, becaufe they 
 reckon both thofe to be meer Heathenifh Cu- 
 lloms. And Caffander obferves [y~\ the fame out 
 of the Writings of Gregory the Great. He alfo 
 notes, that 'till the Time of the Sixth General 
 Council, the Images of Chrift were not ufually 
 in the Effigies, or Figure of a Man, but only 
 Symbolically reprefented under the Type of a 
 Lambi and fo the Holy Ghoft was reprefented 
 under the Type, or Symbol of a Dove: But 
 that Council forbad [z] the Picturing of Chrift 
 any more in the Symbol of a Lamb, and order- 
 ed it only to be drawn in the Effigies of a Man. 
 I prefume, by this time the Worihip of Images 
 was begun, An. 692.. And it was now thought 
 indecent to pay their Devotions to the Picture of 
 a Lamb, and therefore they would no longer 
 endure it to be feen in the Church. I have 
 been the more particular in recounting and ex- 
 plaining thefe Things diftinctly, that the Rea- 
 der might have in one fhort View the Rife and 
 Progrefs of that grand Superftition, which has 
 
 [g] Dallxus de Tmaginibus. [h] StilKngfl. Defence of 
 
 the Difcourfe of Idolatry, 8cc. [ i ] Spanheim Hiftoria Ima- 
 
 ginum. Lugdun. Bat. 1686. 8vo. [k] Petav. de Incarnat. 
 
 lib. if. c. 14. n. 1. [/] Origen. cont. Celf. lib. 6. 
 
 [m] AmbroC in Pfal. 118. Odtonar. 11. [»] Aug. de Fide 
 8c Symbolo, c. 7. Tale Simulachrum nefas eft Chriftiano in Tem- 
 plo collocare, multo magis in corde nefarium eft. [0] Gregor. 
 Ep. ». ad Leon, in Aft. 4.. Cone. Nicen. 2. [p] Ger- 
 
 man. Ep. ad Leon. Act. 4. Cone. Nic. 2. [cf] Damafcen. 
 
 de Fide Orthodox, lib. 4. c. 17. <z£^p#wiujm< a,K£v< >y ctVs- 
 75 %npa,Ti£eiv t£ £«or» &c- Id. Orat. 1. 8c z. de I- 
 
 magin. paflim. [r] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever, p. i f0 . Pieno 
 corulcat Trinitas myfterio; Stat Chriftus agno; Vox Patris cceio 
 tonat : Et per columbam Spiritus fanflus fluit. [j] Cafland". 
 
 Confultat. Seel, de Imagin. p. 1 79. Mud quoque inter a'buius po- 
 nendum eft, quod etiam Divinitati in Trinitatis defbrmatione Si- 
 mulachrum effingitur, quod veteres abfurdum 8c nefarium judi- 
 caflenr. [t] German. Ep. ad Thorn. Claudiopol. in Adt. 4. 
 
 Cone. Nic. 2. Stephan. Boftren. ibid. A£t. 2. [«] Nazian! 
 
 Ep. 49- W Aug. in Pfilm. n 3 . [»] ptat* 
 
 lib. 2. [y] Cafland. Confult. de Imagin. p. itfr 
 
 [*] Cone, Trull, c. 83, 
 
 fo 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Churc h. 
 
 323 
 
 fo overfprcad the Church, and defaced its Wor- 
 mip in the matter of Images, which were in- 
 troduced at firft only for Hiftorical Ufe, to be 
 Laymens Books, and a fort of Ornaments for 
 the Church, though as the Event proved, the 
 moll dangerous of any other. 
 
 SECT. XII. There was one Way more 
 of Adorning the c f Adorning Churches, which I 
 church with Flown fhould not have thought worth 
 and Branches. mentioning, but for its Innoccn- 
 cy and Natural Simplicity, that is, the Caftom 
 of Garnifhing and Decking them with Flowers 
 and Branches. Which was not done at any cer- 
 tain Times for any pretended Myftery, but only 
 to make them more decent and fit for a Body of 
 Men to meet in. St. Jufiin takes notice of the 
 Cuftom, fpeaking of one [a] who carried away 
 with him fome Flowers from off the Altar. And 
 Paulimis in his Poetical way refers to it [£] 
 likewife. But St. Jerom does it the greateft Ho- 
 nour to give it a place in his Panegyric!? upon 
 his Friend Nepotian, making it a part [Y] of his 
 commendable Character, that he took care to 
 have every thing neat and clean about the 
 Church, the Altar bright, the Walls whitcd, 
 the Pavement fwept, the Gates veiled, the Veftry 
 
 clean, and the Vcffcls filming j and fo far did 
 his pious Sollicitudc about thefe matters extend, 
 that he made Flowers, and Leaves, and Branches 
 of Trees contribute to the Beauty and Orna- 
 ment of the Churches. Thefe were but fmal! 
 things in themfelves, St. Jerom fays, but a pi- 
 ous Mind devoted to Chrift is intent upon things 
 great and fmall, and neglects nothing that may 
 deferve the Name of the very meaneft Office in 
 the Church. And it is plain St. Jerom had a 
 greater Value for fuch fort of Natural Beauty 
 and Comelinefs in Churches, than for rich Or- 
 naments of coftly Pictures, and Paintings, and 
 Silver, and Gold, and precious Stones. And 
 therefore, as I obferved before [*], he rather 
 advifed his rich Friends to lay out their Wealth 
 upon the living Temples of God, the Backs and 
 Bellies of the Poor, and commended the rich 
 Lady Paula [_d~] for fo doing, rather than for 
 hanging up nccdlefs and fupcrfluous Gifts, as 
 others did, upon the Pillars of the Temple. And 
 it is no wonder then he fhould commend Ne~ 
 potian's frugal Care, who had diverted himfelf 
 of all his Eftare to relieve the Poor, and left 
 himfelf no Ability to adorn the Church any o- 
 thcr way, but that which was moil to St. Je- 
 rom\ Liking and Approbation. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Confecratton of Churches. 
 
 SECT. I. A Ntiently, when Churches 
 What the Ancunts JlX. were nnifhed and adorned, 
 
 meant by the Confe- j t was tnen u f ua l to proceed to a 
 
 nation of churches, judication, or Confecration of 
 them j which was a Thing that was fometimes 
 performed with a great deal of pious Solemnity, 
 and therefore it will be proper in the next place 
 to make a little Enquiry into the Nature and 
 Circumftances of it. Now I muft obferve firft 
 of all, that by the Confecration of a Church the 
 Ancients always mean the devoting, or fetting it 
 apart peculiarly for Divine Service: But the Man- 
 ner and Ceremony of doing this, was not always 
 exactly one and the fame ; therefore we arc chiefly 
 to regard the Subftance of the Thing, which 
 was the Separation of any Building from com- 
 mon Ufe to a Religious Service. Whatever Ce- 
 remony this was performed with, the firft Act 
 of Initiating and Appropriating it to a Divine 
 Ufe was its Confecration. And therefore in Al- 
 lufion to this, the firft Beginning of any Thing 
 is many times called its Dedication. As when 
 Cyprian, fpeaking of Aurelius the ConfefTor, 
 whom he had ordained a Reader, fays, He dedi- 
 
 cated [a] his Reading, he means no more hue 
 that he performed the firft Act of his Office in 
 the Church, which in his Phrafe was its Dedi- 
 cation. Whether Churches had any other Ce- 
 remony befides this in their Dedication for the 
 three firft Ages, is not certain j though it is 
 highly probable they might have a folemn Thankf- 
 giving and Prayer for a fanctified Ufe of them 
 alfo, over and befides the ufual Liturgy of the 
 Church, becaufe this Was in Ufe among the 
 Jews; who thus dedicated not only their Tem- 
 ple, 1 Kings viii. but alfo their private Houfes, 
 and Walls of their Cities, when they were fi- 
 nifhed, as appears from the Title of the pth Pfalm, 
 which is inferibed, A Pfalm or Song at the Dedi- 
 cation of the Houfe of David ; and from the Ac- 
 count which is given by Nehemiah, xii. zj. of 
 the Dedication of the Walls of Jerufalem. It is 
 farther probable from the conftant Practice of 
 Chriftians, in confecrating their ordinary Mea: 
 by Thankfgiving and Prayer, before they be- 
 gin to ufe it j and from the manner of confe- 
 crating Churches in the following Ages, after 
 the Time of Conftantine : All which make it 
 
 [a] Aug. dc Civ. Dei, lib. 22. c. 8. Abfcedens aliquid de al- 
 tari florum, quod occurrit, tulit, i&c. [£] Paulin. Natal. 3. 
 
 Felicis, p. 5-4 1. Ferte Deo pueri laudem, pia iolvite vota: Spar- 
 gite Flore folum, prxtexite limiaa fertis. [t] Hieron. Ep. 3. 
 Epitaph. Nepoti.in. Erat follicitus fi niteret altare, fi Parietes abfque 
 fuligine, fi Pavimenta terfa, fi Janitor creber in Portis, Vela tem- 
 per in Ofiiis, fi iacrarium mundum, fi Vafa luculenta, 8c in om- 
 
 nes Ccremonias pia follicitudo difpofita. Balilicas Ecdelix £c 
 
 8 
 
 Martyrum Conciliabula dirafis floribus 8c arborum comis, viti- 
 umque pampinis adumbravit. [ * ] See before Seel. f. 
 
 [y] Hieron. Ep. 27. Epitaph. Paulx. Nolebat in his Lapidibus 
 pecuniam effundere, qui cum terra Sc fecuio tfanfituri funt: Sed 
 in vivis Lapidibus, qui volvuntur fuper terram.-^ — 
 
 [a] Cyprian. Ep. 33. a!. 38. ad Cler. Carthag. Dominico le- 
 git interim nobis, id dl ; aufpicatus eft" pacem, dum dedicatLecli- 
 enem. 
 
 highly 
 
324- The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 highly probable, that the Chriftians of the three 
 firii Ages ufed the fame Ceremony of particular 
 Prayers and Thankfgiving to God, in the De- 
 dication of their Churches, But having no ex- 
 prefs Teftimonies for this, I will not pretend 
 pofitively to afTert it. Durantus \_b~] and Bona [c~\ 
 are indeed very confident, it was always fofrom 
 the Time of the Apoftles: But they build upon 
 no better Foundation than the feigned Epillles 
 of Clemens Romanus, Evariftus, and Hyginus^ and 
 the Acts of St. Cecilia in Simeon Metaphrajles^ 
 which are Writings of no Authority, when the 
 Queftion is about Matters of Fad in the Firfl 
 and Apoitolical Ages. 
 
 SECT. II. Therefore leaving this 
 The firfl Autben- Matter, for want of better E- 
 tkk Accounts of this videncc, as a Thing only proba- 
 
 *\. h ^tcmT ble » but noC certain > 1 P roceed 
 t c Foul t century. tQ con flj er j t as p r a£tifed in the 
 
 next Age, when in the peaceable Reign of Con- 
 Jlantine Churches were rebuilt overall the World, 
 and dedicated with great Solemnity. Then it 
 was a dcfirable Sight, as Eufebius \_d] words it, 
 to behold how the Confecrations of the new- 
 built Churches, and the Feafts of the Dedica- 
 tions were folemnized in every City. That 
 which made thefe Solemnities the more auguft 
 and venerable, was, that commonly a whole 
 Synod of the Neighbouring, or Provincial Bi- 
 fhops met at the Dedication. The Church of 
 Jcrufalem, which Conftantine built over our Savi- 
 our's Sepulchre, was confecrated in a full Synod 
 of all the Bifhops of the Eaft^ whom Conftan- 
 tine called firfl: to Tyre, and then to Jerufalem i 
 An. 3 5f, for this very Purpofe, as Eufebius [<?] 
 and all the other Hiftorians inform us. In like 
 Manner Socrates [/] obferves, that the Council 
 of Antiocb, An. 341, was fummoned on purpofe 
 to dedicate the famous Church there, called 
 Dominic um Aureum, which was begun by Con- 
 Jlantine y and finifhed by Conftantius. And there 
 are many Examples of the like nature to' be 
 met with in antient Hiftory. Now the Solem- 
 nity was ufually begun with a Panegyrical Ora- 
 tion, or Sermon, confiding chiefly of Praife and 
 Thankfgiving to God, and fometimes expatiating 
 upon the Commendation of the Founder, or the 
 Glory of the new-built Church. Such as that 
 Oration in Eufebius [g], made at the Dedication 
 of the Church of Paulinus at Tyre^ and others 
 [h~] in Gaudentius and St. Ambrofe^ upon the like 
 Occafion. Sometimes they had more than one 
 Difcourfe upon it: For Eufebius^ fpeaking of 
 the Dedication of Churches in the Time of 
 
 Conftantine, fays, " Every Bifliop that was pre- 
 " fent [/] made a Speech in Praife of the Con- 
 tention; fo that the Panegyrick, which he 
 there records, was but one of many that were 
 fpoken. In another place, defcribing the Dedi- 
 cation of the Church of Jerufalem, he fays, 
 " Some made Speeches by way of Panegyrick 
 " W upon the Emperor, and the Magnificence 
 " of his Building j others handled a common- 
 " place in Divinity adapted to the prefent Oc- 
 " cafion; and others difcourfed upon the LefTons 
 " of Scripture that were read, expounding the 
 " Myflical Senfe of them; and he bore a Part in 
 <c each of thefe himfelf, being prefent at that 
 " Solemnity. When this part of the Ceremony- 
 was over, they then proceeded to the Myflical 
 Service, or the Offering of the Unbloody Sacri- 
 fice, as he there terms it, to God ; Praying for 
 the Peace of the World, the Profperity of the 
 Church, and a Bleffing upon the Emperor and 
 his Children. Among thefe Prayers they feem 
 to have had a particular Prayer for the Church 
 then Dedicated, as fome underftand St. Ambrofe y 
 who is thought [/] to have a Form upon fuch 
 an Occafion; which, becaufe we have not ma- 
 ny fuch in the Writings of the Ancients, I will 
 here infert in his own Words: " I befeech thee 
 " now, O Lord, let thine Eye be continually 
 " upon this Houfe, upon this Altar, which is 
 et now dedicated unto thee, upon thefe fpiritual 
 cc Stones, in every one of which afenfible Tem- 
 " pie is confecrated unto thee: Let the Prayers of 
 " thy Servants, which are poured out in this 
 " Place, be always accepted of thy Divine Mer- 
 " cy. Let every Sacrifice, that is offered in this 
 <c Temple with a pure Faith and a pious Zeal, 
 " be unto thee a fweet-fmelling Savour of Sancli- 
 " fication. And when thou lookeft upon that 
 " Sacrifice of Salvation, which taketh away the 
 " Sins of the World, have Refpe£t to thefe Ob- 
 " lations of Chaftity, and defend them by thy 
 <c continual Help, that they may be fweet and 
 " acceptable Offerings unto thee, and pleafing 
 " unto Chriflthe Lord: Vouchfafe to keep their 
 <e whole Spirit, Soul and Body, without blame 
 " unto the Day of thy Son Jefus Chrift our 
 " Lord. Amen" I do not deny, but that this 
 Prayer in fome Parts of ic may feem to look 
 more like a Confecration of Virgins, than a Con- 
 fecration ofChurches: Perhaps it might ferve for 
 both, the Spiritual and the Material Temples of 
 God together; but if any thinks it means only 
 the former, I will not contend about it, feeing 
 it is already proved out of Eufebius^ that at Ieaffc 
 Panegyrical Orations, and Praifes of God, and 
 
 [£] Durant. de Ritib. Ecdef. lib. 1. c. 24. n. 1. [c] Bona 
 
 Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 20. n. 3. [</] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 3. to 
 
 rrSiaiV CVX.T 3UW 3<i'J.[J.ct, i[x.(UVlUV iO^TCU KCLTd. ToKei( Hj 
 
 ffi acri v-0-za.yav «*&ij<iix,T»e'i<M ttQUPixreis. Vid.Eafeb.de 
 Laud. Conftant. c. 17. [e] Eufeb. lib. 4. de Vit. Conft. c. 
 
 4.3. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 28. Soiomen. lib. 2. c. 26. Theodor. lib. 1. 
 c 10. [/] Socrat. lib. c. 8. [gj Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 4. 
 
 [h] Gnudent. Serm. 1 7. in DeJicat. Bafilicx. Ambrof. Serm. 89. 
 [/] Eufeb. lib. 10. c. 3. [k] Eufeb.de Vit. Conftant. lib. 4. 
 
 c 4f. [I] Ambrof. Exhort, ad Virgines, in fine. Te nunc, 
 
 Domine, precor, ut fupra hanc domum tuam, fupra hxc altaria 
 8 
 
 quae hodie dedicantur, fupra hos Lapides Spirituals, quibus fenfibi- 
 le tibi in fingulis Templum facratur, quotidianus Praeful intendas 
 Orationefque lervorum tuorum, qua? in hoc Loco funduntur, di- 
 vina tua fufcipias mifericordia. Fiat tibi in odorem fanftificatlonis 
 omne Sacrificium, quod in hoc Templo fide integra, pia fedulitate 
 offertur. Et cum ad illam refpicis hoftiam falutarem, per quam 
 peccatum mundi hujus aholetur, refpicias etiam ad has piae hofti.r. 
 caftitatic, 8c diuturno eas tuearis auxilio, ut riant tibi in ordorem 
 fuavitatis hoftiae acceptabiles, Chrillo Domino piacentes, 8c inte- 
 grum fpiritum eorum, animam 8c corpus, fine querela loco ufque 
 in Diem Domini Jefu Chrifti filii tui fervare digneris. Amen. 
 
 Pravers 
 
 4 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 3*5 
 
 Prayers for the Church were always part of the 
 Solemnity and Ceremony of thefe Dedications. 
 And 'till a folcmn Day was appointed for the 
 Performance of thefe, it was not according to 
 Rule for any one to ufe a New-built Church as 
 a Place of Worfhip, unlefs a great Neceffity com- 
 pelled him to it. Which is evident from the 
 Apology that Athanafius makes for himfelf to 
 Conftmtius, for ufing the great Church of Alex- 
 andria on the £^r-Feitival, before it was fi- 
 nifhed and dedicated by the Emperor its Foun- 
 der. He fays [*»], " The Multitude was fo 
 "great, that the lefTer Churches would not 
 '* contain them without Hazard of their Lives, 
 " and therefore they importuned the Bifhop that 
 " they might affcmble in the great Church, 
 " othcrwifc threatning that they would meet in 
 " the open Fields: Upon which he confentedto 
 have Prayers in this Church. But this did not 
 go for its Dedication} for he tells the Emperor, 
 " They ftill expected a Day, when he himfelf 
 " fhould give the Orders for its Encaenia, or Feaft 
 " of Dedication, and then folemnly give his 
 " Thanks to God for the finifhing of it, as had 
 « been done in the Time of his Predeceffor 
 " Alexander, when the Church of Theonas was 
 " building, and as he had feen it done at Triers, 
 " and Aquileia, and other Places, where Church- 
 « es were fometimes ufed for Prayer upon fuch 
 " urgent and preffing Neceffities, before they 
 " were finifhed } but the ufing them for Divine 
 " Service upon fuch Occafions was not their 
 " Dedication ; but that always came after, and 
 " was a proper and folemn Euchariftical Service 
 «* or Thankfgiving to God for the Accomplifh- 
 « c ment of the Holy Structure. So that this evi- 
 dently makes out the Obfervation that has been 
 made out of Eufebius before, " That the Com- 
 « mon Prayers of the Church were not looked 
 " upon as a formal Dedication, without fpecial 
 « Panegyrical Orations, and Forms of Adoration 
 " and Praife more peculiar to that Occafion. 
 And this alfo confutes the Opinion of thofe, who 
 think the fetting up the Sign of a Crofs, or pla- 
 cing a Communion-table in a Church, was its 
 Dedication. For thefe things might be done 
 without any Dedication. Which appears not 
 only from this Difcourfe of Athanafius, but from 
 a Cafe related in Synefius, where fome pretend- 
 ed that a certain Place was confecrated into a 
 Church, becaufe it had been ufed for Prayer and 
 Administration of the Sacrament in a Time of 
 hoftile Invafion againft which Syneftus pofitive- 
 ly determines, [»] " That fuch an Ufe in time 
 «€ of Neceffity was no Confecration : For other- 
 " wife Mountains and Vallies, and private Hou- 
 « fes would be Churches. 
 
 It is evident, from what has sect. HI. 
 been already faid, that thefe Con- The Bifiop in e- 
 fecrations being generally per- w; Diocefe the or- 
 formed in a Synod of Bifhops, dmar y Mimfier of 
 the Bifhops were the Ministers We cmficrttms. 
 always employed in this Service. But it might 
 happen that none but the Bifhop of the Diocefe 
 could be there, and then it was his Bufinefs pe- 
 culiarly to perform the Office of Confecration, 
 which by fome antient Canons is fo fpecially re- 
 ferved to the Office of Bifhops, that Presbyters 
 are not allowed to perform it. The firft Coun- 
 cil of Bracara, An. f6$, makes it Deprivation 
 [o] for any Presbyter to confecrate an Altar, or 
 a Church, and fays, The Canons of Old forbad it 
 likewife. Among our Britijh Councils collected 
 by Sir Henry Spelman, there is one under St. 
 Patrick, An. 4fo, where we have a Canon to this 
 very purpofe, " That a Presbyter [/>], though 
 " he builds a Church, fhall not offer the Obla- 
 u tion in it, before he brings his Bifhop to con- 
 " fecrate it, becaufe this was regular and decent. 
 And antient Hiftory affords no approved Exam- 
 ples to the contrary. 
 
 This will receive a little far- SECT. IV. 
 ther Confirmation from our ob- No church to be 
 ferving two or three other things, built v,tho>it the 
 which have a near relation to B ^' s Leave - 
 this Matter. As firft, that no Church regularly 
 could be builded without theLicenfe or Confenc 
 of the Bifhop in whofe Diocefe it was erected. 
 This is exprefly provided in one of the Canons 
 of the Council of Chalcedon, which fubjects both 
 Monasteries and Churches fo to the Bifhop's 
 Care, that neither of them might [jf] be found- 
 ed without his Confcnt and Approbation. 
 
 And by the Laws of Juftini~ sect. v. 
 
 an, no Church was to be begun, Nor 'nil the Bi- 
 
 before the Bifhop had firft made M had fi r fl made 
 a folemn Prayer, and fix'd the 
 
 . r . A r • i_ t»i the Place were tt 
 
 Sign of the Crofs in the Place n , stobebMM , 
 where a new Church was to be 
 erected. Which we have over and over again 
 repeated in that Emperor's Novels, both with 
 relation to Monasteries and Churches [r~\. And 
 Gothofred. not without Reafon, thinks the fame 
 Cuftom was obferved in Expiating the Temples 
 of the Heathen, when they were to be con- 
 fecrated into Chriftian Churches. For fo he un- 
 derstands that Law [j] of Theodofius, which 
 orders the Temples to be expiated by placing 
 in them the Sign of the Chriftian Religion, 
 that is, the Sign of the Crofs. And where- 
 as fome Monks, and other Orders of Men 
 would fometimes prefume to fet up the 
 Sign of the Crofs in publick Buildings, 
 
 [ot] Athan. Apol. i< ad Conftant. torn. 1. p. 681. & 684.. 
 [ra] Synef. Ep. 67. p. 238. til To.vo.fx.cuet. tZto t'ottov k 
 &e. 0] Cone. Bracar. 1. c. 37. Si quis Presbyter poft 
 hoc interdidtum aufus fuerit Chrifma benedicere, aut Ecclefiam aut 
 Altarium confecrare, a fuo officio deponatur. Nam 8c antiqui 
 Canones hoc vetuerunt. [/>] Cone. Hibernicum. Cone. Tom. 
 1. p. 1480. can. 23. Si quis Presbyterorum Ecclefiam aedificavent, 
 non offerat antequam adducat fuum Pontificem, ut eum eonfecret, 
 quia fic decet. [9] Cone. Chalced. can. 4. ^ofs (AnHvet 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 f/oc oIkov irtt^ yviy.v$ rx 4 w'otevf vmcrx.'o'Tz-x- [r] Juftin 
 Novel. 131. c. 7. Si quis volueric fabricare raierabile Oratorium 
 aut Monafterium, praecipimus non aliter inchoandum fabricim, nifi 
 locorum Epifcopus orationem ibi fecerit 8c venerabilcm fixerit 
 Crucem. Vid. Novel. 67 c.i. Novel. ?. c. 1. [s] Cod. Thcod. 
 lib. 16. Tit. 10. de Paganis. Leg. 15-. Conlocatione veneranda? Chri- 
 ftianae Religionis figni expiari piscipimus. 
 
 T 1 1 and 
 
326 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book VIII. 
 
 and other Places erected for the Divertife- 
 ment of the People j which was in effect 
 a pretending to make them Churches without 
 the Bifhop's Leave - y therefore the Emperor Leo 
 ftj made a Decree, that nothing of this nature 
 fhould be done by Ufurpation for the future, 
 but whether it was to erect a Crofs, or bring 
 the Reliqucs of a Martyr into any Place, both 
 thefe fhould be done by the Direction of the 
 Bifhops, and not other wife. And hence it is 
 probably conjectured both by Suicerus and Meur- 
 fius, that a Bifhop's Diocefe is fometimes cal- 
 led saogyxnyto-jy that is the Difhict wherein he 
 had power to fix the Crofs within his own 
 Bounds for the building of Churches. So the 
 Word will fignify both the Act of making a 
 Crofs, and the Limits wherein he had Power 
 to make it. 
 
 sect. vr. For it is to be obferved far? 
 No Bifiop tocon- ther, that though Bifhops had 
 fecrato * church in ^'i Power of confecrating 
 
 ZltfLeTt- c h« rches > y et thac was limited 
 
 wired it. to their own Diocefe, and they 
 
 might not exceed their own 
 Bounds, unlefs called to aflift another, or to mini- 
 fler in the Vacancy of another Bifhoprick. 
 Which is fo ftrictly infifted on by the Council 
 of Orangey that it forbids a Bifhop, who builds 
 a Church himfelf at his own Expence in another 
 Man's Diocefe, to aflume to himfelf the Confe- 
 cration [u] of it, but to leave that to the Bi- 
 fhop in whofe Territory the Church is erected. 
 The third Council [w] of Orleans, and others 
 have Decrees of the like nature. But in cafe 
 a Church was built in a vacant Diocefe, then 
 any neighbouring Bifhop might be called to con- 
 fecrate it, as Sidonius Apollinaris was called to 
 confecrate the Church of Ruteniy or Rhodez in 
 France, though he was Bifhop of another Dio- 
 cefe: Butthereafon [x] was, as Savaro rightly ob- 
 ferves, becaufe Rhodez at that Time had no Bi- 
 fhop of its own to officiate in the Confecration. 
 Now all thefe Things fhew, that the Bifhop in 
 every Diocefe was the proper Minifter of this 
 Service} for he was to be confulted before the 
 Work was begun, he was to come alfo, and 
 pray at the Place before the Foundation was laid, 
 and when the Building was finifhed he was to 
 be called to confecrate it, or elfe fome other 
 Bifhop in his ftead. But if Presbyters could re- 
 gularly have done it, there had been no need 
 to have fent for a Bifhop out of another Dio- 
 cefe to perform it. But perhaps it will be asked, 
 " What if a Presbyter did take upon him to do 
 " the Thing, did his Act fland good, or did 
 " the Bifhop proceed to a new Confecration ? 
 To which I anfwer, this being a Thing refer- 
 
 ved to Bifhops only by Ecclefiaftical Law and 
 Cuftom (for the Scripture has nothing about it) 
 we do not find any new Confecrations practi- 
 fed in fuch cafes j but becaufe it was a Schif- 
 matical Act in a Presbyter fo to go againft Rule 
 and Canon in contempt of his Bifhop, there- 
 fore he was to be punifhed [>] with Depofition 
 or Degradation, as appears from the forccitcd 
 Canon of the Council of Bracara. And even a 
 Bifhop that pretended to confecrate a Church 
 in another Man's Diocefe, was for his Offence 
 to be fufpended a Year from his Office [z], as 
 a TranfgrefTor of the Canons, in the French 
 Churches. 
 
 Some pretend, that a Bifhop sect, vii 
 in his own Diocefe could not, No Necejpty f * 
 according to antient Canons, con- Licence from the Bi- 
 fecrate a Church without the ^ "/Rome f w * 
 Bifhop of Rome's Licente to au- *f$J° r ™ fecrate 
 thorize him to do it. This is n;ormer Z es - 
 one of Gratian's Doctrines to magnify the Pope's 
 Power [a] in the Canon Law. Which the new 
 Roman Correctors are fo far from altering, or 
 centering, that they bring Socrates in as a farther 
 Evidence to vouch for it. Socrates indeed fpeak- 
 ing of the Council of Antiech, which Conftantius 
 fummoned under pretence of dedicating his new 
 Church there (though the true Defign was to 
 have Athanajius condemned in a general Council) 
 excepts againft it upon this ground, " Becaufe 
 " the Bifhop of Rome was not there, whofe 
 " Confent was necefTary, by the Ecclefiaftical 
 " Canon, to make Laws, or Rules for [b~\ the 
 " Church. Which was a Privilege equally be- 
 longing to all Patriarchs, That no general Coun- 
 cil fhould be held, nor general Rules made for 
 the whole Church, without their Prefence, and 
 Advice firft taken in fuch publick Deliberations. 
 But this has nothing to do with the Confecra- 
 tion of Churches in every private Bifhop's Dio- 
 cefe, of which there is no Inftance in all antient 
 Hiftory, of any Bifhop's being obliged to fend 
 to the Bifhop of Rome, for his Licenfe to confe- 
 crate a Church within his own Diocefe. But 
 that which feems to have impofed upon thefe 
 Cenfors, was their mifunderftanding thofe Greek 
 Words, xavovt^etv rar bx.>0\Yitr'ia?, which does not 
 fignify Dedicating of Churches, (though Muf- 
 culns fo tranflates it, and Floftinian follows him 
 in the fame Error) but the Church's making 
 Laws, or Canons, for her own Government ; 
 In which the Bifhop of Rome was allowed to 
 have a Patriarchal Privilege, but not in the Con- 
 fecration of Churches, though that now be in- 
 fifted on by fome, who would have every thing 
 flow from the immenfe Plenitude of Power in 
 the Bifhops of Rome. 
 
 [*] Cod. Juftin. lib. i. Tit. 3. de Epifc. Leg. 16. Decernimus, 
 ut pofthac neque Monachi, neque quicunque alii in Aides publicas , 
 vei in quascunque loca populi voluptatibus fabricata, venerabilem 
 Crucem 2c San&orum Martyrum reiiquias illicite inferre conentur, 
 vcl occapare audeant ea, quae vel ad publicas Caufas, vel ad populi 
 Oble&amenta conftructa funt, &c. [«] Cone. Arauiican. 
 
 can. 10. Si quis Epifcoporum in alienx Civitatis territorio Ecclefiam 
 xdificarc difponit ■■ ■ permifla Licentia sdificandi, non prefu- 
 
 6 
 
 mat Dedicationem, quse illi omnimodo refeiratur, in cujus terri- 
 torio Eccleiia aflurgit. [w] Cone. Aurelian. 3. c. ij-. [*] Si- 
 don. lib. 4,. Ep. 15-. & Savaro in Locum. [y] Cone. Bracar. 
 1. c. 37. [z] Cone. Aurelian. 3. c. 15-. [«] Gratian. 
 
 de. Confccrat. Dift. 1. c. 6. 8c zj. Edit. Roma: Juflu Gregor. 13. 
 i)-Sz. [>] Socrat. lib. 2. c. 8. ksw'ov©- tKKKitrtasiK* *<- 
 
 xd/tv7^(, /'.w JVIV <3>)£# yyu>[j.\jjj tb Q7nff-/,'w7ris 4 'Pd,(jt,t)f ko.' 
 
 Next 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 327 
 
 sect. vui. Next to the Miniftcr Con- 
 c'mrcbts always (derating, it will be proper to 
 iUk,it ed to God, and ^ f omc thing of the Object to 
 mt to Saints, though ^om Churches were dedicated - y 
 ■fhed by their nLs which ant.ently was fole y to God 
 for » Memml of and his Service. Of which Cu- 
 thtm. ftom St. Auftin is a molt irrefra- 
 
 gable Witnefs, who difputing with Maximinus 
 the Avian Bifhop, ufes this Argument to prove 
 the Divinity of the Holy Ghoft, " That he 
 " muft be God, becaufe Temples were builded 
 . 44 and dedicated to him, which it would be Sa- 
 44 crilege to do to any Creature. If, fays he, 
 44 we lhould make aTemple of Wood and Stone 
 44 to any Holy Angel, though never fo exccl- 
 4; lent, lhould we not be Anathematized by the 
 " Truth of Chrift and the Church of God, for 
 44 exhibiting to the Creature that Service which 
 44 is only due to the Creator ? Since therefore 
 44 we mould be facrilegious in building a Tem- 
 44 pie to any [c] Creature, how can he be other- 
 44 wife than the true God, to whom we not on- 
 44 ly build Temples, but are our (elves his Tem- 
 " pies? In another Place, he rejects with Scorn 
 the falfe Imputation of Fauftus the Manichee, who 
 charged the Catholicks with erecting Temples 
 to their Martyrs, and offering Sacrifice, and other 
 Afts of Woifhip to them therein, To this he 
 replies, 46 That they never offer'd Sacrifice to 
 44 any Martyr, but only to the God of the Mar- 
 44 tyrs, though they erected Altars in the Me- 
 44 morials of the Martyrs [</.] For what Bi- 
 44 mop, when he Hands by the Altar in any Place 
 44 where the Holy Bodies lie, ever fays, IVc offer 
 44 unto thee, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian ? But 
 44 what is offered, is offered unto God ( who 
 " crowns the Martyrs) in the Memorials of the 
 44 Martyrs who are crowned by him. He often 
 repeats it in other [<?] places, 44 That they did 
 4k not fo honour their Martyrs, by erecting Tem- 
 44 pies, or Altars, to them, but only unto God. 
 The fame Place indeed was often a Monument 
 or Memorial of a Martyr, and a Temple of God, 
 becaufe Churches were commonly built over the 
 Sepulchres of the Martyrs, or in the Places 
 where they fuffered, or elfe the Reliques of the 
 Martyrs were tranflated into them : And hence 
 they were called by the Martyrs Name, becaufe 
 they were Memorials of them. The Church 
 and the Altar that was built at Carthage, in the 
 
 Place where St. Cyprian fuffer'd Martyrdom, was 
 upon that account called Menfa Cypriani, Cy* 
 prian's Altar, not becaufe it was built, or dedi- 
 cated to him, or his Worfhip, (for St. Auftin 
 fays [/], It was ere tied only to God and his Service) 
 but becaufe it was a Memorial of his Martyrdom, 
 being built in the Place where Cyprian himfelf 
 was offered a Sacrifice unto God. 
 
 And from hence it is very SECT. ix\ 
 
 plain, that the naming a Church churches (oimtimei 
 
 by the Name of a Saint, or Mar- named f ro>n thetr 
 
 tyr, was far from dedicating it Fomderi n or other 
 
 J 1 ^ n • R/r 11 Circumjlanres ill 
 
 to that Saint, or Martyr, though ^ J hM 
 it Icrvcd tor a Memorial or. him 
 among the Living and fo far was an Honour 
 to his Memory, though dedicated only to God 
 and his Service. And this is farther evident from 
 this Confideration, " That Churches were fome- 
 44 times named from their Founders, who cer- 
 44 tainly did not intend to dedicate Churches to 
 44 themfelves. Thus Sirmond \_g\ has obferved 
 three Churches in Carthage to be fo denominated 
 from their Founders, Baftlica Faufti, Florcntii, 
 and Leontii. And Sozomen \_h~\ tells us, " That 
 44 theTemple of Serapis, when it was turned into 
 44 a Church, was called by the Name of Arcadius. 
 As fome in Rome and Antioch bare the Name of 
 Conftantine and Juftinian. Sometimes they had 
 their Name from a particular Circumftance of 
 Time, or Place, or other Accident in the build- 
 ing of them. The Church of Jerufakm was 
 called Anaftafts and Crux, not becaufe it was de- 
 dicated to any St. Anaftafts, or Crofs, but becaufe 
 it was by Conftantine built in the place of our Sa- 
 viour's Crucifixion and Refurreclion, as Vakfius 
 and others have rightly obferved. So the 
 Church of Anaftafta at Conftantinopk was fo 
 termed, not from any Saint of the fame Name, 
 but becaufe it was the Church where Gregory 
 Nazianzen by his preaching gave a fort of new 
 Life, or Refurrection to the Catholick Doctrine 
 of the Trinity, after it had been long oppreffed 
 by the Arian Faction, as he himfelf [£] accounts 
 for the Reafon of the Name in feveral places of 
 his Writings. And upon the like ground one 
 of the Churches of Carthage was called Baftlica 
 Reftituta, from its being refcuedout of the Hands 
 of the Arians. One of the Churches of Alexan- 
 dria was commonly called Cafarcum [/], which 
 
 [c] Aug. cont. Maximin. lib. 1 . torn. 6. p. 288. Nonne fi tern- 
 plum alicui Sanclo Angelo excellentiflimo de lignis 8c lapidibus, 
 faceremus, anathematiz.aremur a veritare Chrifti 2c ab Ecclefia Dei, 
 quoniam Creaturae exhiberemus earn fervitutem, qua: uni tantum 
 deberetur Deo ? Si ergo Sacrilegi eflfemus faciendo templum cui- 
 cunque Creatura:, quomodo non eft Deus verus, cui non templum 
 facimus, fed nos ipfi templum fumus ? Aug. conr. 
 
 Fault, lib. 20. c. 21. Nulli Martyrum, fed ipfi Deo Martyrum 
 lacrificamus, quamvis in Memoriis Martyrum conftituamus altaria. 
 Quis enim Antiftitum in locis Sanflorum corporum aftiftens altari, 
 aliquando dixit, Offerimus tibi Petre, aut Paule, aut Cypriane; fed 
 quod offertur, offertur Deo, qui Martyres coronavit, apud Memo- 
 rias eorum quos coronavic. [e] Aug. de Vera Relig. c. 57. 
 
 Honoramu ; eo; Charitate, non fcrvitute. Nec eis templa conltrui- 
 mus. Nolunt enim lie fe honorari a nobis, &c. It. de Civ. Dei 
 hb. 22. c. 10. I Hi (Ethnici) talibus Diis fuis 8c Templa sedifkave- 
 
 Vo l. r. 
 
 runt, 5c ftatuerunt aras, 8c facerdotes inftituerunt, 8c facrificia fe- 
 cerunt. Nos autem Martyribus noftris non templa licut Diis, fed 
 Memorias licut hominibus mortuis fabricamu; : Nec ibi erigimus 
 altaria, in quibus facrificemus Martyribus, fed uni Deo 8c Marty- 
 rum 8c noftro. [/] Aug. Ser. 112. de Divcrfis, torn. 1 o. 
 p. £02. Ut menfa ilia qux Dei eft, etiam Cypriani vocetur, hcec 
 caufa eft : Quia ut ilia modo cingitur ab olfequentibus, ibi Cypria- 
 nus cingebatur a perfequentibus, &c. Item. Menfa Deo conftrudta 
 
 eft, tamen Menfa dicitur Cypriani quia ibi eft immolatus, 
 
 8c quia ipfa immolatione fua paravit hanc Mcnfam, non in qua 
 pafcat five pafcatur, fed in qua Sacrificium Deo, cui 8< ipfe oblatus 
 eft, offerarur. [g] Sirmond. Not. in Aug. Serm. 27. a fe Edit, 
 
 torn. 10. p. jf 3. [A] Sozom. lib.7. c. if. [«J Vid. Valef. 
 Epift. de Anaftaf. ad Calcem Eufebii. [k] Naz,. Qrat. 32. ad 
 
 ifo Epifcopos, torn. i. p. fzj. It. carm. o. de Somnio Analtafia;, 
 torn. 2. p .78. [/] Socrat. lib, 7. c. if, L'berat, Breviar. c. 1 8. 
 T t t 2, Fakftus 
 
 \ 
 
328 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII. 
 
 Vdcftus [m] thinks was for no other Reafon but 
 becaufe the Place before had been called Cafa- 
 reum, or the Temple of iheCafars. As a Church 
 of Antloch was called Palaa, becaufe built in that 
 Part of the City which they termed i<Ta}.cuclj, 
 or the old City. So St. Peter's at Rome was an- 
 tiently called TriumphaUs, becaufe it flood in Via 
 Triumphaliy or the Triumphal Way leading to 
 the Capitol. And we are afTured from St. Jerom 
 \n~], that the Lateran Church had its Name from 
 Latcranns the Heathen, who was flain by Nero, 
 becaufe it had formerly been that Nobleman's 
 Palace in Rome. A thoufand Obfervationsof the 
 like nature might be made : But thefe few are 
 fufficient to fhew, that there were different Rea- 
 fons for giving Names to Churches - y and that it 
 was no Argument of Churches being dedicated 
 to Saints, becaufe they bare the Names of Saints 
 it being otherwife apparent, that they were con- 
 fecrated only to God, and not to any Creature. 
 
 sect. X. What has been obferved of 
 
 When Altars firft Churches, is equally true of Al- 
 
 btgan to have a par- tars? t fa t fay were a l wa y S d e . 
 
 ticukr con/ecrtno*, ^ cate d t0 God alone, and not to 
 
 with new Ceremo- , r, . , 
 
 n\ et Sfima from am / other ? ein g whatever, even 
 churches. af tei * they began to have a parti- 
 
 cular Confecration with fome 
 new Ceremonies diftincl: from Churches : Which 
 feems to have begun firft of all in the fixth Cen- 
 tury. For the Council of Agile, An. fo6, is the 
 firft publick Record that we meet with, giving 
 any Account of a diftincl: Confecration of Altars: 
 And there we find the new Ceremony of Chrifm 
 [o~] added to the Sacerdotal Benediction. And 
 not long after we find a like Decree in the Coun- 
 cil of Epone, An. f 17, " That no Altars but 
 <s fuch as were made of Stone, fhould be confe- 
 " crated with \_p~\ the Infufion of Chrifm upon 
 <( them. Which implies, that at leaft fome Al- 
 tars, if not all, had then the Ceremony of Chrifm 
 in their Confecration. But as this Ceremony 
 was new, fo was the Confecration of Altars, as 
 diftincl: from Churches, a new thing alfo j and 
 much more the Confecration of Communion- 
 cloths, and Cups, and Images, and Crofles, and 
 Pafchal Tapers, and Holy Water, and Beads, 
 and Bells, of which the Reader may find a parti- 
 cular Account in Hofpinian \jf\, with all the new 
 Rites of confecrating Churches in the RomiJJj 
 Rituals, which it is none of my Bufinefs here 
 farther to purfue. 
 
 SECT. XI. Concerning the antient 
 No church to be Confecrations we have farther 
 built, or confecrated t0 obferve, That by the Laws 
 
 of Jufiinian, no Man was to be- before tt was en- 
 gin to build a Church, before dewed. 
 he had given Security to the Bifnop of a Main- 
 tenance for the Miniftry [?-], and the Repairs of 
 the Church, and whatever was otherwife necef- 
 fary to uphold Divine Service in it. And by a 
 Rule of one of the Spanifi Councils [s\ a Bifhop 
 was not to confecrate a Church, before the Do- 
 nation of its Maintenance was deliver'd to him 
 in writing, confirm'd by Law. Which were 
 neceffary Rules to preferve Churches from falling 
 to Ruin, and their Miniftry and Service from 
 Contempt and Difgrace. 
 
 But beyond this fuitablePro- SECT. XII. 
 vifion and Settlement for the Ser- &t Bifhopsnot to 
 vice of the Church, the Bifhop demand anything for 
 was not to exact, or demand any Con f ecrMm - 
 thing farther of the Founder ■> but it being part 
 of his ordinary Office to confecrate Churches, 
 he was obliged to do it without requiring any 
 Reward for his Service j unlefs the Founder 
 thought fit to make him any voluntary Oblation, 
 in which cafe he was at Liberty to receive it. 
 So it is determined in the aforefaid Spanijh Coun- 
 cil of Bracara [i], and for the French Churches 
 in the fecond Council of Chalons [u], and others 
 in the time of Charles the Great. 
 
 As to the Time of Confecra- sect. xiii. 
 
 tion, they did not antiently COn- Confecrations per- 
 
 fine themfelves to perform it only formed indifferently 
 upon Sundays, but all Days were "P 09 "V D V- 
 at firft indifferent both for this and the Ordina- 
 tions of the Clergy likewife. Which is an Ob- 
 fervation frequently made by the learned Pagi 
 [w] in his critical Remarks upon the Chrono- 
 logy of the Antient Church. Particularly he 
 obferves, that Conjlantine's famous Dedication of 
 the Church of Jerufalem in a full Synod of Bi- 
 fhops, An. 33f, muft needs have been upon a 
 Saturday : For all Writers agree, that it was up- 
 on the Ides of September, that is, upon the 1 3th 
 Day of September, which according to the exacl: 
 Rules and Method of the Cycle muft fall upon a 
 Saturday that Year. Whence Pagi rightly con- 
 cludes, " That the Cuftom had not yet prevail- 
 " ed, which confined Confecration of Churches 
 " to the Lord's-Day. 
 
 I have nothing farther to re- SECT. Xiv: 
 
 mark upon this Head, fave only The Day ofconfe- 
 
 that the Day of Confecration was craUm H ! uM y ccle ' 
 
 in many Churches folemnly kept br ^ v T ng 
 
 and obferved among their Anni- ^als 
 verfary Feftivals. For Sozomen [x] 
 
 [m] Valef. Not. in Evagr. lib. 2. c. 8. [«] Hieron. Ep. 30. 
 Epitaph. Fabioix. Ut ante diem Pafcha: in Bafilica quondam Late- 
 rani, qui Cxfariano truneatus eft gladio, ftaret in ordine Pceniten- 
 tium. Speaking of Fabiola doing Penance there. [0] Cone. 
 
 Agathen. can. 1 4. Altaria placuit non fblum Unflionc Chrifmatis, 
 fed etiam Sacerdotali Benedidlione facrari. [/>] Cone. Epau- 
 
 nenf. c. 26. Altaria nifi lapidea infulione Chrifmatis non lacrentur. 
 \q] Hofpin. deTemplis lib. 4.. c. 2. &c. [r] Juftin. Novel. 
 
 67. c. 2. Non aliter quempiam Ecclefiam de novo exxdificare, pri- 
 ufquam loquatur ad Deo amabilem Epifcopurn, &. definiat menfu- 
 ram quam deputat ad Luminaria, 8c ad facrum Minifterium, Sc ad 
 
 domus Cuftodiam, & ad alimenta Miniftrantium, &c. 
 
 [s'] Cone. Bracarenf. 2. c. f. Unulquiique Epifcoporum memine- 
 
 rit, ut non prius dedicet Ecclefiam, nifi antea dotcm Bafilicae & ob- 
 
 fequium ipfius per donationem Chartulse confirmatum accipuc 
 
 Vid.Conc. Tolet. 3. c. ij\ [t] Conc.Bracar. 2. c.^. Quotics 
 
 ab aliquo fidelium ad confecrandas Ecclefias Epifcopi invitantur, 
 
 non quafi cx debito munus aliquod a Fundatore requirant ; fed fi 
 
 ip/e quidem aliquid ex fuo Voto obtulerit, non refpuatur. 
 
 [«] Cone. Cabillon. 2. c. 16. [»] Pagi Critic, in Baron. 
 
 an, 33J-. a.f. [x] Soz,om> lib. 2. c. 26. 
 
 gives 
 
Chap. X. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 329 
 
 gives us this Account of the Dedication of the 
 Church of Jerufalem, " That in Memory of it 
 " they held a yearly Feftival, which lafted for 
 u eight Days together •> during which Time 
 " both they of the Church, and all Strangers, 
 " which flocked thither in abundance, held Ec- 
 " clefiaitical Aflemblics, and met together for 
 " Divine Service. To this Gregory the Great 
 feems to have added a new Cuftom here in Eng- 
 land^ which was, " That on the Annual Feaft 
 " of the Dedication, the People might build 
 
 " thcmfelves Booths round about the Church, 
 " and there feaft and entertain themfelves with 
 " eating and drinking, in lieu of their antienc 
 " Sacrifices while they were Heathens. Which 
 is related by Bede [>>], out of Gregory's Letters 
 to Aujlin, and Mcllitus^ the firlt Bilhop of the 
 Saxons. And from this Cultom, it is more than 
 probable, came our Wakes > which are ftill ob- 
 ferved in fome Places, as the Remains of thole 
 Feafts of Dedication of particular Churches. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the RefpeB and Reverence which the Primitive Chr'iftiam paid to 
 
 their Churches. 
 
 NEXT to their Adorning and 
 Confecration of Churches, 
 
 but only Sacred and 
 Keli"io:ti Service. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Churches never put 
 
 toar.y ProphweUfe, lt oe proper to examin what 
 Refpect and Reverence they paid 
 to confecrated Places, after they 
 were once fet apart for Divine Service. They 
 then ufed them only as the Houfes of God, for 
 Acts of Devotion and Religion, and did not al- 
 low of any thing to be done there, that had not 
 fome Tendency towards Piety, or immediate Re- 
 lation to it. They might be ufed for Religious 
 Aflemblies for the Elections of the Bifhops and 
 Clergy, for the fitting of Councils for cateche- 
 tick Schools, for Conferences and Collations a- 
 bout Religion : But not be put to the Ufe of 
 common Houfes, to eat, or drink, or lodge in. 
 And therefore, tho'the Law allow'd Men to take 
 Sanctuary in the Church, as we fhall fee in the 
 next Chapter, yet it did not allow them to have 
 their Meat and Lodging there. When fome a- 
 bufed the Cateehumenia ( which I have (hewed 
 before to be Places within the Church for Men 
 and Women to hear Divine Service in) and 
 turned them into Rooms to lodge in, the Em- 
 peror Leo made a Decree, that all fuch fhould be 
 expell'd from their Habitations in the Church. 
 The cafe was different when Men fpent whole 
 Nights in the Church in Watching and Prayer j 
 as they did frequently both in their publick and 
 private Vigils > fuch Pernoctations in the Church 
 were allow'd, becaufe they were but neceflary 
 Circumftances of divine Service : Only Women 
 were forbidden by the Council of Eliberis [a] to 
 keep private Vigils in the Church, becaufe many 
 times, under pretence of Prayer, fecret Wicked- 
 nefs was committed. And for the like Reafon 
 
 their Agap<e, or Feafts of Charity, which were 
 originally an Apoflolical Practice, and kept in the 
 Church, were afterwards prohibited, or at leaffc 
 difcouraged, for the Excefs and confequent Pro- 
 phanenefs that attended them. The Council of 
 Laodicea \Jf\ peremptorily forbids them under 
 that Name of Charity- Feaft s, and commands that 
 no one fhould eat, or prepare Beds or Tables for 
 that purpofe, in the Houfe of God. And the 
 third Council of Carthage forbids all Feafting in 
 the Church [_c] in general to the Clergy, except 
 in cafe of Neceffity,- when they were upon a 
 Journey, and could not otherwife be entertained } 
 and orders, that the Cuftom fhould be difcoun- 
 tenanced as much as poflible alfo in the Laity : 
 For though they were forced to tolerate it for 
 fome time, yet they did not approve of it, as 
 St. Auftin tells Fauftus \_d~\ the Manichee, but 
 endeavoured to correct both the Excefs that ma- 
 ny ran into upon fuch Occafions, and the very 
 Cuftom itfelf of Feafting in the Church, or at 
 the Graves of the Martyrs, becaufe two Errors 
 crept into the Church by that means, intolera- 
 ble Excefs, and an Heathenifh Superftition there- 
 with : For Men began, as he [V] complains, in 
 thefe Riots to worfhip Pictures and Tomb- ftones, 
 and reckon'd their Feafts a fort of Sacrifice to 
 the Dead, placing even their Voracities and 
 Drunkennefs to the account of Religion } fo 
 that it was high time to lay afide all manner of 
 Banquettings in the Church, that the Houfe of 
 God might not be prophaned with fuch Exceffes 
 of Riot as were not to be endured in private 
 Houfes. And this was their general Rule in all 
 Cafes, to lay afide all Cuftoms that were not ab- 
 folutely necefTary, though innocent and ufeful in 
 
 O] Bede Hift. lib. 1. c. 30. 
 
 [a] Cone. EHber. c 3?. Phcuit prohiberi, ne fceminas in Cce- 
 meterio pervigilent, eo quod fxpe fub obtcntu Religionis fcelera la- 
 tenter committant. [b] Cone. Laodic. c. 28. ot/ i <Pet cm 
 a;J< Kvetax.o7( n &>. t«7; e>t)tAH!ri t*s Kiyofj%a.^ ctya.-7ra.f 
 nroi^v. iv toS" cim rk Qiv i&i<AV ^ o.yACi\cl c-pavvveiv. 
 [c] Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 30. Ut nulli Epifcopi vel Clerici in Ec- 
 clefia conviventur, nifi forte tranfeuntes holpitiorum necefiitate illic 
 Teficiantur. Populi etiam, quantum fieri poteft, ab hujufmodi 
 . Conviviis prohibeantur. Vid. Cod. Afric. Can. 42. [</] Aug. 
 
 8 
 
 cont. Fauft. lib. 20. c. 21. Qui ft in Memoriis Martyrum inebri- 
 anr, quomodo a nobis approbari poflunt, cum eos, etiam fi in do-i 
 mibus fuis id faciant, fana doclrina condemnet? Sed aliudeft quod 
 docemus, aliud quod fuftinemus : Aliud quod praecipere jubemur, 
 aliud quod emendare prajcipimur, 8c donee emendemus, tolerare 
 compeliimur. [e] Aug. de Morib. Ecclef. lib. 1. c. 34. Novi 
 multos efle Sepulchrorum 8c Pi&urarum adoratores : Novi mukos 
 efle, qui luxuriofifiime fupcr mortuos bibant, 8c epulas cadaveribus 
 exhibentcs, fuper fepultos ieipfos fepeliant, 8c voracitates cbrieca- 
 tefque fuas deputent Religioni. 
 
 thei;* 
 
330 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book VIII 
 
 their Original, rather than fuffer the Abufes and 
 Corruptions of them to end in the Prophanation 
 of Churches. 
 
 sect. II. The like Reverence and Re- 
 
 rhe like Caution fpe6t was alfo {hewetl to every 
 
 obferved about the focvzd Veffel and Utenfil belong- 
 
 sacrtdvejfth andu- ■ ro the Adminiftration of the 
 
 tenfdsoftbeCrjurch. ^ ° , x^- • „ c „ 
 
 J J - Sacraments and Divine Service : 
 
 They might not be employed to any other Ufe, 
 but only what was facred, and anfwerable to the 
 Designation and Appointment of them. Upon 
 this account they were kept in the Sceuophylacium 
 of the Church, and never removed thence but 
 when the Service of the Altar required them. 
 This Cuftom was fo nicely obferved, that when 
 Athanafius was accufed for breaking the myfti- 
 cal Cup, he clears himfelf of the Accufation^by 
 faying, that in the Place where it was pretended 
 that he had broken it, there was neither Church, 
 nor Minifter [b~], nor was it the time of cele- 
 brating the Eucharift : Therefore fince the Cup 
 was never in the Cuftody of any but the Mini- 
 sters of the Church, nor ever ufed but in the 
 Church in time of Divine Service, he could not 
 be guilty of the Crime laid againft him, feeing 
 there were none but private Men, in whofe 
 keeping the Cup could not be, in that Place. 
 The Veffels were ufually kept by the Deacon j 
 and the Sub-deacons and other inferior Orders 
 are by the Councils of Laoclicca [c~] and Agde [d~] 
 forbidden to touch them. There was but one 
 Cafe in which it was lawful to put thefe Things 
 to common Ufe, and that was the Cafe of ab- 
 folute Neceflity, when no other Method could 
 be found out to redeem Captives, or relieve the 
 Poor in times of extreme Exigenee: Then it 
 was thought that Mercy was to be preferred be- 
 fore Sacrifice, and that the living and fpiritual 
 Temples of God were to be preferved at the 
 Expence of the material ones, and they never 
 made any fcruple to melt down their Commu- 
 nion-plate, or part with their Ornaments upon 
 fuch Occafionsj of which I have given full Proof 
 heretofore from the Examples of St. Ambrofe, 
 St. Auftin, Cyril of Jerufalem, Acacius Bifhop of 
 Amida, Exuperius of tholoufe, and the Laws [f\ of 
 Juftinian, which need not be repeated in this Place. 
 But excepting this one extraordinary Cafe, it was 
 cfteemed the higheft Prophanation and Sacrilege, 
 to divert any thing to any other Ufe, which was 
 given to God's Service : And there are fome 
 Inftances of very remarkable Judgments that be- 
 fel fuch Prophaners, one or two of which it 
 may not be amifs to mention. Tbeodoret [/] tells 
 lis, Julian the Apoftate fent two of his Officers, 
 Felix and his Uncle Julian, to plunder the Church 
 of Antioch, call'd the Golden Church, and bring 
 
 the rich Veffels, which Confiantine and Conftantiul 
 had dedicated, into his own Coffers. But they 
 were not content barely to commit Sacrilege, 
 unlefs they could vent their Spite alfo in fome 
 unmannerly and prophane Abufes : Therefore 
 Julian pifs'd upon the holy Tabic, and Felix 
 feeing the holy Veffels, broke out into this rude 
 Expreffion, Behold what fine Vcjfeh Mary'; Son 
 is fervid in! But the impious Wretches did not 
 long go unpunifhed : For Julian was immediate- 
 ly feized with an Ulcer, which turned all his 
 Bowels into Putrefaction, and he died voiding 
 his own Excrements at his blafphemous Mouth 
 and Felix by the fame divine Vengeance voided 
 Blood at his Mouth, without Intermiffion, Dav 
 and Night, 'till he died. Victor Uticenjis [gj 
 gives us a like Account of one Proclus, an A went 
 of one of the Kings of the Vandals, who having 
 ravaged and plunder'd the Catholick Churches, 
 made himfelf a Shirt and Breeches of the Palls 
 or Coverings of the Altar. But not long after 
 he fell into a Phrenzy, which made him eat off 
 his own Tongue, piece by piece, and fo he 
 breathed out his laft in a moll ignominious 
 Death. It is no lefs remarkable, what Optatus 
 reports of fome Donatijl Bifhops, who in their 
 mad Zeal againft the Catholicks, ordered the 
 Eucharift which the Catholicks had confecrated, 
 to be thrown to their Dogs ; but not without 
 an immediate Sign of Divine [h~] Vengeance 
 upon them : For the Dogs, inftead of devouring 
 the Elements, fell upon their Mafters, as if they 
 had never known them, and tore them to pieces, 
 as Robbers and Prophaners of the Holy Body of 
 Chrift. Which makes Optatus put them in mind 
 of that Admonition of our Saviour, Mat. 7. 6. 
 Give not that which is Holy unto the Dogs, neither 
 cafi ye your Pearls before Swine, left they trample 
 them under their Feet, and turn again and rend you. 
 Other Inftances might be added of the fame na- 
 ture, but I chufe rather to go on with the Ac- 
 count of their Reverence, than to dwell any 
 longer upon the Punifhment of the Prophaners. 
 
 Let us next then obferve the sect. nr. 
 Difference that was made be- what Difference 
 tween Churches and private made between chur- 
 Houfes. Some Hereticks made and f nvate 
 very light of this Distinction, as Htu f es - 
 the Eujlathians, Majfalians, and others. Againft 
 the Eujlathians we have two Canons made in the 
 Council of Gangra, from which we may learn 
 their Errors, and what were the Catholick Te- 
 nets in Oppofition to them. The firft is, If any 
 one [fj teach, that the Houfe of God, and the 
 Affemblies held therein are to be defpifed, let 
 him be Anathema. And the other, If any one 
 [£] hold Affemblies privately out of the Church, 
 
 [£] Athan. Apol. z. torn. 1. p. 752. [c] Cone. Laodic. 
 
 c. 21. [d] Cone. Agathen. c. 66. [e] Book V. Chaf.vi. 
 
 Sea. 6. [/] Theodor. lib. j. c. it. [g~] Vidor. de 
 
 Perferut. Vandal, lib. r. p. ;o?. [h] Optat. Jib. 2. p. ff . Ut 
 omnia Sacrofancta fupra memorati veftri Epifcopi violarent, jufle- 
 runt Eucrnriftiam canibus fundi : non fine (Igno Divini Judicii. 
 Nam iidem canes accenfi rabie, ipfos Dominos fuos, quail latrones, 
 
 8 
 
 fan&i Corporis reos, dente vindice, tanquam ignotos & inimicos 
 laniavcrunr. ^ [<] Cone. Gangren. c. f. « rn ftfo.cx.oi <?• 
 Cikqv <rs 058 lvnaro.^fjvifjoi/ etvau, ly tuS cf eL'jTUi ffvvd^eif, 
 alvct^i^a. tru. [k] Ibid. c. 6. h tk <j»^ t iy.*.h>i<r'ietv 
 
 fficti z&'ihoi rr^.i^v, (At) o-uvoflQ- 7$ tvpisGvlkps Xj 1 yvsi- 
 
 and 
 
Cha p. X. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 33i 
 
 and defpifing the Church, chufes to perform Ec- 
 clefiaftical Offices, where there is no Presbyter 
 appointed by the Bifhop, let him be Anathema. 
 Thefe Hereticks feem to have contemned both a 
 regular Miniftry and the publick Churches, and 
 to have made no difFcrcnce between the Houfe 
 of God, and other Houfes, but to have taught 
 that Ecclefiartical Offices might as well be per- 
 formed at Home as in the Church. Againft 
 which Errors this Council riling up fo fevcrely, 
 gives us to underftand, that according to the 
 Sentiments of the Catholick Church, the pub- 
 lick Offices of the Church were to be performed 
 in publick, and not in private Houfes, and that 
 it was a Contempt of the Houfe of God to per- 
 form them otherwife. At prefent I do not re- 
 member any one allowed Inltance of the contra- 
 ry Practice in all ancient Hiftory, except in 
 cafes of Neceffity, which are above all Laws. 
 And therefore I could not but reckon this Diffe- 
 rence, which was fo univerfally put between the 
 Houfe of God and private Houfes, amongft the 
 Inftances of Refpe£t and Reverence, which the 
 Ancients paid to their Churches. 
 
 SECT. iv. It will deferve here alfo to be 
 
 How fome cbofe ra- remembred, particularly to the 
 
 tber to die tb.ndel,- p raifc Q f St# ^ m l ro f e ^ how he a&- 
 
 77L jtV° ed with the Courage and Refo- 
 
 bi prophaned by He- r . . • r*. r c 
 
 reticks. tlon °f a Martyr in Defence or 
 
 the Churches, that they might 
 not be delivered up to the Prophanation of the 
 Arians. For when the younger Valentinian had, 
 by the Inftigation of his Mother Juftina, an Arl- 
 an Emprefs, firft publiflied a Law, now extant 
 in the Theodofian [f] Code, allowing the Arians 
 Liberty to hold Alfembliesj and afterwards fent 
 his Commands to Ambrofe to deliver up to them 
 one of the Churches of Milan; he returned him 
 this brave and generous Anfwer: " If the Empe- 
 " ror asks of me any Thing [m] that is my own, 
 " my Eftate, my Money, 1 fhall freely recede 
 " from my Right, though all that I have be- 
 u longs to the Poor. But thofe Things which 
 " .are God's, arc not fubje£t to the Emperor's 
 M Power. If my Patrimony is demanded, you 
 " may invade it} if my Body, I will offer it of 
 " my own accord. Will you carry me into 
 " Prifon, or unto Death ? I will voluntarily fub- 
 " mit to it. I will not guard my felf with an 
 « Army of my People about me, I will not lay 
 81 hold of the Altar, and fupplicate for Life, but 
 " more joyfully be facrificed my felf for the Al- 
 " tar." He thought it abfolutely unlawful for 
 the Emperor to grant to iheArians, the Enemies 
 of Chrift, thofe Temples which had been de- 
 dicated to the Service of Chrift ; and that it 
 did much lefs become a Bifhop, the Minifter of 
 Chrift, to be acceffary to fo foul a Difho- 
 
 nour to his Lord : And therefore he rather re" 
 folved to die at the Altar, if it muft be fo, than 
 give his Confent to fo great a Profanation. By 
 this one Inftance we may eafily judge, what 
 Opinion the Ancients had of the Sacrednefs of 
 Churches, as God's Propriety} and that they 
 would as foon deliver up their Bibles to be burnt 
 by the Heathen, as their Churches to be propha- 
 ned by Heretical Aflemblies, where Impiety 
 would be taught for true Religion, and Blafphe- 
 my offered to God inftead of Adoration. 
 
 As to the Ceremonies of Re- SECT. v. 
 fpect ufed by them when they en- Tbe ceremony of 
 tered into the Church, we find th ™ -Hand* 
 one of pretty general Obfervati- "hn 'hy „ tnt im 
 on, which was the Cuftom of 
 Warning their Hands and their Face, in token 
 of Innocency and Purity, when they went to 
 worfhip God at the holy Altar. Which feems 
 to be taken from that of thePfalmift, I will wafj 
 my Hands in Innocency, and fo will I compafs thy 
 Altar. This Cuftom is frequently mentioned by 
 Chryfojlom, Eufebius, Tertullian, Synefius, Paulinus 
 and others, whofe Teftimonies have been already 
 alledged in the former Part [n] of this Book, 
 where I had alfo occafion to fhew, that Foun- 
 tains and Cifterns of Water were commonly let 
 in the Atrium or Court before the Church for 
 this very purpofe. 
 
 Another Ceremony ufed sect. vi. 
 by fome few (for it was no gene- The ceremony of 
 ral Cuftom) was putting off their t uttin Z °f the,r 
 Shoes, when they went into the f °«>f^J 
 Houie or God. Caffian oblerves C ufiom. 
 of the Egyptian Monks, that they 
 always wore Sandals inftead of Shoes, and thofe 
 they alfo put off whenever they went [o] to 
 celebrate or receive the Holy Myfteries, think- 
 ing themfelves obliged to do fo, by interpreting 
 literally that Intimation of Reverence, which 
 was given to Mofes and Joftiua, Put off thy Shoes 
 from off thy Feet, for the Place whereon thou ftand- 
 eft is Holy Ground. But others did not underftand 
 this as an abfolute Command, obliging all Men 
 precifely to ufe this Ceremony of RefpecT:, but 
 only where the Cuftom of any Nation had made 
 it an Indication of Reverence, as it was among 
 the Eaftern Nations in the time of Mofes and 
 Jofhua. Whence we do not find it mentioned 
 as any general Cuftom prevailing among the Pri- 
 mitive Chriftians : Unlefs perhaps it may be 
 thought to have been fo in the JEthiopian or A- 
 byffin Churches, becaufe, as Mr. Mede has ob- 
 ferved [/>] out of Zaga Zabo's Account of them 
 in Damianus a Goes, the fame Cuftom continues 
 ftill among them at this Day. Which whether 
 it be derived from antient Tradition of their 
 
 [/] Cod. Th. lib. 1 6. Tit. i. de Fid. Cathol. Leg. 4. |>] Am- 
 brof. Ep. 35. ad Marcel, de Tradendis Bafilicis. Si a me peterec 
 quod meum efTet, id eft, fundum meum, argentum mcurri, jus 
 hujufmodi meum ;me non refragaturum, quanquam omnia qua: 
 mea funt effent pauperum. Verum ea qua: Divina, Imperatorige 
 Poteftati non cfle fubjedta, 8cc. [»] Cbap. 3. Seel. 6. 
 
 [0] Cafiian. Inftitur. lib. 1. c. 10. Nequaquam tamen Caligas 
 pedibus inhaerere peimittunt, cum accedunt ad celebranda ve] per- 
 cipienda Sacrofandta Myfteria, illud a:ftimantes etiam fecundum 
 Literam cuftodiri debere, quod dicitur ad Moyfen vel ad Jefum 
 filium Nave: Solve corrigiam calceamenti tui, locus enim in quo 
 ftas terra fancta eft. [/>] Mede Dfc, on Ecel. f. 1. p. 348. 
 
 Churches, 
 
332 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book VIII. 
 
 Churches, or be a Practice lately taken up a- 
 mong them, is not now very eafy to be deter- 
 mined. 
 
 SECT. vil. And I think the fame Refo- 
 wkether the And- lution muft be given to the Que- 
 ens ufed the Cere- ft\ on about Bowing toward the 
 mony of Bowing to- A j tar at fi r ft Entrance into 
 ward the Alt#*t Churc h es . M r . Mede thinks there 
 T£T is - plain Demonftmion of it 
 in the antient Writer.', but lome 
 Probability of fuch a Cuftom derived from the 
 Jews. For he fays, What reverential Guife, Ce- 
 remony or Worfhip [?] they ufed at their In- 
 grefs into God's Houfe in the Ages next to the 
 Apoftles (and fome 1 believe they did) is wholly 
 buried in Silence and Oblivion. The Jews be- 
 fore them, from whom the Chriftian Religion 
 fprung, ufed to bow themfelves down towards 
 the Mercy- Seat. The Chrifiians after them in. 
 the Greek and Oriental Churches, have time 
 out of Mind, and without any known Beginning 
 thereof, ufed to bow in like manner, with their 
 Pofture toward the Altar, or holy Table, faying 
 that of the Publican in the Gofpel, God be merci- 
 ful to me a Sinner; as appears by the Liturgies of 
 St. Chryfoftom and St. Bafil, and as they are ftill 
 known to do at this Day. Which Cuftom of 
 theirs, not being found to have been ordained or 
 eftablifhed by any Decree or Canon of any Coun- 
 cil, and being fo agreeable to the Ufe of God's 
 People of the Old Teftament, may therefore feem 
 to have been derived to them from very remote 
 and antient Tradition. Nothing therefore can 
 be known of the Ufe of thofe firft Ages of the 
 Church, farther than it fhall feem probable they 
 might imitate the Jews. This is fpoken accord- 
 ing to the wonted Ingenuity of that learned 
 Perfon, who never advances a Probability into a 
 Demonftration. I fhall only add one thing out 
 of Chryfoftom, to make his Opinion feem the 
 more probable, which I note from the Obferva- 
 tion of Mr. Aubertin [r], who among fome o- 
 ther Inftances of Reverence paid to God, at the 
 reading of the Gofpel and reception of Baptifm, 
 takes notice of this, that when the Candi- 
 dates of Baptifm came near the Baptiftcry, which 
 in Chryfoftom^ Language (V) is the Bride-cham- 
 ber of the Spirit and the Port of Grace, they 
 were then as Captives to fall down before their 
 King, and all to caft themfelves together upon 
 their Knees. Now if fuch an Act of Reverence 
 was performed to God at their Entrance into 
 the Baptiftcry, it is not improbable but that fome 
 fuch Reverence might alfo be ufed at their En- 
 trance into the Temple. But in Matters which 
 have not a clear Light and Proof, 'tis net pru- 
 dent to be over-bold in our Determination. 
 
 It is tnoft certain, that when sect. viii. 
 Kings and Emperors went into xiags 'Uii tfde 
 the Houfe of God, they paid the,r Cr ™ ns md 
 this Refpeft to the Place, that ^ when they 
 they left not only their Arms oftheKwg ofKwg: . 
 and their Guards, but alio their 
 Crowns behind them j as thinking it indecent to 
 appear in their Regalia in the prefence of the 
 King of Kings, or to feem to want Arms and 
 Guards when they were under the peaceable 
 Roof of the Prince of Peace. St. Chryfoftom of- 
 ten fpends his Eloquence [t~] upon this Cuftom, 
 and ufes it as an Argument to perfuade all Infe- 
 riors to a profound Reverence, Humility and 
 Peace, when they came into the Courts of God, 
 becaufe they had fuch Examples of their Kings 
 before them. The Emperor ^heodofius Junior 
 alfo makes ufe of the fame Topick in one of his 
 Laws [»], which was made to regulate the A- 
 bufes of fome who fled for Sanctuary in the 
 Church with their Arms about them: Which 
 Prophanation was not to be endured in any, fince 
 hehimfelf always left his Arms without Doors, and 
 firft laid afide his Diadem, the Badge of Imperial 
 Majefty, before he went into the Church. Nay 
 Julian himfelf had regard to this Cuftom, as So- 
 zomen truly obferves [x~\ out of his Epiftle to Ar- 
 facius, High Prieft of Galatia, where one of the 
 Things he would have them imitate the Chri- 
 ftians in, was this, That when they went into 
 the Temples of their Gods, no Man of Arms 
 fhould appear among them. And I have already 
 [y~] noted out of Leo Grammattcus, how Michael 
 the Greek Emperor in latter Ages was cenfuredfor 
 prefuming to pafs the Beautiful or Royal Gates 
 crowned, at which Gates it had ever been cu- 
 ftomary for his PredecefTors to lay afide their 
 Crowns, when they went into the Church. 
 
 Another very ufual Piece sect. IX. 
 
 of Refpecr. paid to the Altar and 2*« Doors and vil- 
 
 the Church, was Mens embra- lars °f the ch " ych 
 
 cing, faluting, and killing them, fj-^fm^ 
 
 ° n OI r , , ' fed and embraced m 
 
 or any Part of them, the Doors, J Token of Love and 
 Threfhold, Pillars, in token of R t fp ec ~t to th»n. 
 their great Love and Affection 
 for them. St. Ambrofe takes notice of this in the 
 Account he gives of the great Confternation 
 they were in at Milan, when the Emperor's Or- 
 ders came for delivering up the Churches to the 
 Arians. The Soldiers were the Men who firft 
 brought the welcome News into the Church, 
 that the Emperor had revoked his fatal Sentence: 
 And they ftrove who fhould firft get to the Al- 
 tar [z] and kifs ir, to fignify, that all things 
 now were in Peace and Safety. He alludes, no 
 doubt, to the Ofculum Pads, the Solemn Kifs 
 of Peace, which the Faithful anciently were ufed 
 
 [q] Mede Vifc. on Ffal. 132. 7. p. 397. M ^ lbertin - de 
 
 Euchar. lib. 2. p. 431. [*] Chryfoft. in illud, Simile eft Reg- 
 
 num Cadorum, 8cc. ivei<Pa.v ei<TJ"&.y.n]t r m ct^d^a. f 
 7©-, WtrtfeLv <rM<r'i°v y'm&i f ?o£zeZ< ous £) yoStrtvns 
 xoAuft^ii^-^f, an ajiyjJ.a.Kto'Tot Tpoj'Tri.Vifli to Uttfft^ei, pi4" 
 tt]i TretfTif ouo'iui cot yi?*]<t. [t] Chryfoft. Orat. poft 
 Redit. ab Exilio Tom. 4. p. 971. It. Horn, in Pfal. 48. Tom. 3. 
 
 p. 812. [«] Edict. Theodof. ad cakem Cone. Ephef. & in 
 Cod.Th. lib. 9. tit. 4/. leg. 4. Nos qui legitimis imperii armis tem- 
 per circundamur Dei templum ingrelTuri, foris arma relinqui- 
 
 mus, 8c ipfum etiam Diadema, regiae majeftatis infigne, deponi- 
 mus. [#] Sozom. lib./, 16. [y] See Chap. 3. SecJ.t. 
 [2.] Ambrof. Ep. 33. Certatim hoc nunciare milites, irruentes in 
 Altaria, Ofculis fignificare pads infigne. 
 
 to 
 
Chap. X 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 333 
 
 to give mutually to each other in the Communi- 
 on-Service, as aTeftimony of their cordial Love 
 and Affection for one another. And therefore it 
 cannot be fuppos'd that fuch Salutations of the 
 Church or Altar were intended as Acts of Reli- 
 gious Wormip, but only as civil Indications of 
 their Love and Refpect for them. And by this 
 Rule we are to interpret all other Places of anci- 
 ent Authors, which frequently fpeak of this Cu- 
 ftom, as Sidonius Apollinaris [a], Paulinus [Z>], 
 Prudentius [c], Chryfojlom \_d\ Anthanafius [e% 
 Caffiodore [/], and the Author of the Ecclefiafiical 
 Hierarchy [g], under the Name of Dionyfius the 
 Areopagite, and feveral others, who wrote before 
 the fuperilitious Adoration of Images had gain'd 
 any Credit in the Church : The like Refpect 
 to this having been alio fhewed to the Book of 
 the Gofpels, without any fufpicion of adoring 
 the Materials of it. 
 
 SECT. X. I think it not improper alfo to 
 
 churches md for obfcrvc under this Head, that 
 Private Meditation Churches were many times cho- 
 
 and Prayer, as well fe as h pro pcreft Places for 
 as Publick. . ^ r . r , n 
 
 private Devotion and Prayer up- 
 on extraordinary Occafions. Theodoret [h~\ ob- 
 ferves of 'Theudojius the Emperor, that the Night 
 before he was to engage Eugenius the Tyrant, 
 was by him wholly fpent in an Oratory, which 
 happened to be in the Place where he had pitched 
 his Camp. And in like manner both Athanafius 
 [f] and Socrates [£], and the other Hiftorians, 
 tell us of Alexander Bifhop of Confiantinople, that 
 when the Faction of Eufebius had threatned to 
 oblige him upon a certain Day to receive Arius 
 into Communion, he betook himfelf the Night 
 before to the Church, and there proftrating him- 
 felf before the Altar, continued all Night in 
 Prayer, begging of God, that if the Faith which 
 he held was Truth, and the Opinion of Arius 
 Falfe, he would punifh Arius as his Impiety juft- 
 ly deferved. Which was accordingly fulfilled : 
 For the next Day Arius, as he was going tri- 
 umphantly to Church, having occafion to turn 
 afide to go to Stool, voided his Entrails with 
 his Excrements, and fo periflied by a moft igno- 
 minious Death. I mention thefe things only 
 to mew, that the Ancients paid fuch a Refpect to 
 their Churches, that upon fpecial Occafions they 
 thought them the propereft Place as well for 
 Private Devotion as for Publick. And I have 
 already noted [*] that many of their Churches 
 were fo framed, as to have private Cells or Re- 
 ceffes for Men to retire to, and exercife them- 
 felves at leifure Times in private reading of the 
 Scriptures, and Meditation and Prayer. 
 
 As to their publick Behavi- sect. XI. 
 our in the Churchy it was gene- Their Pubikk Beha- 
 rally fuch as expreffed great Re- -viour in the church 
 verence for it, as the Sancruary °f z reat 
 
 of God, and the Place of his im- Kevere ' tce ' 
 mediate Prefence. They entered it as the Palace 
 of the Great King, where the Angels attended, 
 and Heaven opened it felf, and Chrift fat upon 
 his Throne, and all was filled with Incorporeal 
 Powers, as Chryfojlom words it [/] in fome of 
 his elegant Defcriptions. 'Tis particularly re- 
 marked by Gregory Nazianzen \m~] of his own 
 Mother Noma, that the Zeal of her Devotion 
 was always fo flaming and fervent, that fhe ne- 
 ver fpake a Word in the Church, but what was 
 necetfary to be done in joining in the facred Ser- 
 vice j me never turned her Back upon the Altar, 
 nor ever allowed her felf to fpit upon the Pave- 
 ment of the Church. But I cannot fay thefe 
 were neceflary Laws for all to obferve j for Na- 
 zianzen intimates fhe did fomething above the 
 common pitch, and confequently that it was 
 Choice and Zeal, and not any binding Rules of 
 the Church, that obliged her to it. We might 
 here have confidered farther their reverent Po- 
 Itures of Devotion., Standing, Kneeling, and 
 Proftration : and have expofed the Practice of 
 fitting at Prayers and at the Communion-Service, 
 which Perron and fome others for different Rea- 
 fons contend for, as a Pofture of Devotion ufed 
 in the ancient Church j but I fhall have a more 
 proper Occafion to fpeak of thefe things here- 
 after, when we come to the particular Offices 
 and Services of the Church. 
 
 The Lift Inftance of their sect. XII. 
 
 Reverence for Churches which I churches the faf- 
 
 fhall take notice of, is, That the & R e P"fi'ory for 
 
 Sacrednefs of them made them ^{'/a'Z 1 
 
 i i r r n n r an ' 1 the beft Retreat 
 
 commonly the iarett Repository m Tmes ^ Dt _ 
 for Things of Value, and the beft fl re fs. 
 Security and Retreat in Times 
 of common Calamity and Diftrefs. The Church 
 had not only her own private Archives, her 
 Treafury, and her Cemeliarchium, for prefervi ng 
 her own Writings, her Utenfils and her Trea- 
 fures, but was a Place of common Tuition and 
 Defence, both for Things and Perfons, in many 
 other Cafes. Thus 'tis noted by Ruffin [«] and 
 Socrates [o~] and Sozomen, that the Cubit where- 
 with they were ufed to meafure the Increafe of 
 the Waters of Nile, when it overflowed, having 
 been before ufually kept in the Temple of Sera- 
 pis, was by the Order of Confiantine laid up in 
 the Chriftian Church, where it continued till 
 Julian the Apoilate caufed it to be removed to 
 
 [<i] Sidon. lib. i. Ep. f. Triuraphalibus Apoftolorum Limini- 
 bus affufus, &c. [b~\ Paulin. Natal. 6. Felicis, p. $-69, Ster- 
 
 nitur ante fores, & poftibus ofcula fugit. [c] Prudent. Hymn, 
 ii. in S. Laurent. Apoftolorum ac Martyrum exofculantur La- 
 mina. [*/] Chryfoft. Horn. 29. in 2 Cor. Tpo£u,y. <j/A8,«V 
 rk fci». [<?] Athanaf. Homil. adv. eos qui in homine fpem 
 figunt, Tom. 2. p. 504. <5rf$<r/6t>TSj 7$ aytoy ^■u3■/^*^llf^&•, 
 C$ (P'oSk 3} x*dli aVWfo/xV'* [/] Caffiodor. Hift. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Tripart. lib. 9. c. 30. [^] Dionyf. Eccl. Hier. c. 2. 
 
 [b] Theodor. lib. f. c. 24. [<'] Athsnaf. Rpift. ad Serapion.' 
 
 p. 671. [fc] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 27. Ruffin. lib. 1. c. 12. 
 
 [*] See Chap. f. Sett. 8. [/] Chryfoft. Horn. 3. in Ephef. 
 
 & Horn. i/. in Hebr. [m] Naz. Orat. 19. in Fun. Parris. torn. 1. 
 p. 290. [»] Ruffin. lib. 2. c. 30. [«] Socrat. lib. 1. c. iS. 
 Sozom. lib. 1. c. 8. 
 
 U U U 
 
 the 
 
The A n t i qu i t i e s of the Book VIII. 
 
 the Temple of Seraph again. But PeiTons, as 
 well as Things, found a fafe Retreat and Secu- 
 rity in the Sacrcdnefs of Churches, when many- 
 times in barbarous Invafions no other Place 
 would protect them againfh the Infolcncc and 
 Fury of a conquering Enemy. Nay, the very 
 Heathens themfelves often found their Account 
 in flying to the Chriftian Churches, as St. Au- 
 ftin glories over them, beginning his famous 
 Book againft the Pagans, De Civitate Dei, with 
 this Observation. There he tells them what 
 ungrateful Wretches they were to the Religion 
 of Chrift, to clamour and inveigh fo bitterly a- 
 gainft it, when yet, had it not been for the Pro- 
 tection of their Lives in Places dedicated to 
 Chrift, whither they [p] fled from the Sword 
 of their Enemies, they had never been able at 
 that Day to have moved their Tongues againft 
 it. For when Alarick the Goth took and facked 
 Rome, he gave Orders, That all the Churches 
 fhould be inviolable, and whoever fled thither 
 fhould be fpared> the Sanctity of the Place fhould 
 be their Protection; by which means the Hea- 
 thens efcaped as well as the Chriftians. For the 
 Soldiers inviolably obferved their General's Com- 
 
 mands, and when they had barbaroufly plunder- 
 ed and murdered in all other Places, they did 
 not pretend to meddle with Churches, or offer 
 the leaft Violence to any who betook themfelves 
 thither for Safety and_ Protection. Nay, they 
 carried fome into Churches themfelves, whom 
 they intended to fpare, and fo fecured them 
 from the Violence of others that might have af- 
 faulted them. So great a Veneration had even 
 the barbarous Arian Goths for Churches in the 
 midft of all their Anger and Fury againft the 
 Romans, as not only St. Auftin, but Orofius [f], 
 and St. Jerom, [f] and CaJJiodore [s~\, and Sozo- 
 men [f\, with other ancient Writers relate the 
 Story. And it can hardly be doubted then, but 
 that the Catholicks had the fame Veneration for 
 Churches j efpecially when it is considered alfo, 
 how both by general Cuftom and Law under the 
 Chriflian Emperors, every Church was inverted 
 with the Privilege of an Afylum, or Place of 
 Sanctuary and Refuge in certain Cafes j of the 
 Original of which, and the ancient Laws rela- 
 ting to it (becaufe fome Abufes have been added 
 in After-ages by the Canon Law) I will give a 
 particular Account in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Of the firft Original of Afylums, or Places of SanBuary and Refuge > with the 
 Laws relating to them, in Chriftian Churches. 
 
 ^LL that is necetfary to be 
 
 SECT. T. 
 
 The original of Jf\. known of this Privilege, fo 
 
 this Privikge to be faJ . ^ concerns the Ufe of it ill 
 deduced from the , • 1 » • i 
 
 r,me of Conftan- * he * ncie ™ Church, either re- 
 ,i nc , lates to the Original of the Cu- 
 
 ftom, or the Place it felf where 
 Sanctuary might be had, or the Perfons who 
 were entitled to the Benefit, or laftly, the Con- 
 ditions they were to obferve in order to obtain 
 and enjoy it. And therefore under thefe four 
 Heads we will briefly confider it. As to the Ori- 
 ginal of it, there is no Difpute made by any Author, 
 but that it began to be a Privilege of Churches 
 from the Time of Conftantine, though there are 
 no Laws about it older than Theodofius, either in 
 the Juftinian or T'heodofian Code. But the Law 
 of Theodofius is fufHcient Evidence it felf, that it 
 was the Cuftom or Practice of the Church be- 
 fore ; for his Law was not made to authorize 
 the Thing it felf, but to regulate fome Points 
 relating to U", which fuppofes the Thing to be 
 in Ufe before. But whether Conftantine made 
 any Law to eftablifh it, is very much doubted by 
 learned Men. Baronius [a] affirms it upon the 
 Credit of the Acts of Pope Sylvefter : But thofe 
 are known to be fpurious and forged Writings, 
 no older than the pth or ioth Age, by the Ac- 
 
 knowledgment of Papehrochius and Pagi [b~] who 
 have accurately examined and refuted Baronius's 
 Vindication of them. However, Gothofred al- 
 lows what feems to be the Truth of the Cafe, 
 that Practice and Cuftom eftablifhed this Privi- 
 lege by degrees even from the time of Conftan- 
 tine; for before Theodofius made any Law about 
 it, the Thing was certainly in Ufe in the Church, 
 as appears from the Account which Gregory Na- 
 zianzen gives of it in the Life of Bafil [cj, where 
 he tells us how St. Bafil protected aW T idow, who 
 fled to the Altar, againft the Violence that was 
 offered to her by the Governor of Pontus. The 
 like is reported of St. Ambrofe in his Life [_d] 
 written by Paulinus ; and St. Ambrofe him felf 
 fpeaks of the Cuftom in one of his Epiftles, where 
 in Anfwer to the Emperor Valentinian Junior, 
 who had commanded him to deliver up one of 
 the Churches of Milan to the Arians, he tells 
 him, that was a Thing he could never obey him 
 in; but if he commanded him to be carried to 
 Prifon or to Death, that he would voluntarily 
 fubmit to, and neither ufe Force to defend him- 
 felf, nor fly to the Altar to fupplicate [e] for his 
 Life. Thefe and fome other fuch-like lnftances 
 fliew, that the Churches enjoyed this Privilege 
 by ancient Cuftom, before Theodofius made any 
 
 M Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib. i.e. i. Hodie contra earn Linguas 
 non moverent, nili ferrum lioftile fugientes, in Sacratis ejus Loci's 
 vitam, de qua fuperbiunt, invenirent, &c. [<j] Orof. lib. 7. 
 
 c. 39, [>] Hieron. Epift. 16. ad Principiam. [<] Cafficd r. 
 yariar. lib. 11. cap. 20, [t] Sozom. lib. 9. cap. 10. 
 
 \_a] Baroi. an. 324. n. 61. [b] Papebroch. Conatus Chro- 
 nico-Hiftor. p. 49. Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 31$-. n. 4.. 
 [«] Naz. O-at. 20. de Laud. Bafil. torn, i, p. 35-3. [d] Paulin. 
 Vit. Ambrof. p. 9. [e] Ambrof. Ep. 33. ad Marcel'in. nec 
 
 altaria tenebo vitam obfecrans, Sec, 
 
 8 Law 
 
Chap. XL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 335 
 
 Law about it-, which he did firft, An. 302, not 
 to authorize the Thing, but to explain and re- 
 gulate fpnae things relating to it ; of" which more 
 by and by in their proper place. 
 
 SECT. II. H s re we are next to examine 
 
 At firfl only the what part of the Church was 
 
 Ah. zr and inner F*- more peculiarly alfigued to be 
 
 bnek of the church the place of Sanctuary and Rc- 
 
 ti,ttm«tWm* fugc . Gotbofred thinks, that at 
 
 but afterwards any Of . J . ' 
 
 ouJ BnMngs or ^ only the inner Buildings and 
 ■RrecmHs of the Apartments of the Church, and 
 church mvefied with efpecially the Altar, were the 
 the fame Privilege. pl aC es of Refuge : Whence in 
 Synefius [h~] and other antient 
 Writers the Altar is fo frequently called aVuX©- 
 T C5" r; £ a > tne Table from which no one could be 
 ravifhed ortaken away. But whether this was o- 
 riginally fo or not, it is certain that in the 
 time of "theodofius Junior, thefe Limits for taking 
 Sanctuary were enlarged. For in one of his 
 Laws now extant in both the Codes [f] not on- 
 ly the Altar and the Body of the Church, 
 but all between the Church and outward Walls, 
 that is, Houfes and Lodgings of the Bifliop and 
 Clergy, Gardens, Baths, Courts, Cloy Iters, are 
 appointed to enjoy the fame Privilege of being a 
 Sanctuary to fuch as fled for Refuge, as well as 
 the innermoft part of the Temple. Particularly 
 the Baptifteries, which, as I have fhewed before, 
 were places without the Church, were inverted 
 with this Privilege equally with the Altar: For 
 Proterius Bifliop of Alexandria, as Liberatus [k~] 
 and Evagrius [/] report, took Sanctuary in the 
 Baptiftery of the Church, to avoid the Fury of 
 the Eutycbian Faction headed by Timotbeus Mlu- 
 ruS', and though that was a Place that even the 
 Barbarians themfelves had fome Reverence for, 
 yet as the JEgytian Bifliops [ni] complain in 
 their Letter to the Emperor Leo, the Malice 
 of the Eutycbians purfued him thither, and there 
 flew him, mangled his Body, dragged it about 
 the Streets, and at laft burnt it to Allies, and 
 fcattered his Allies in the Windj for which 
 unparalleled Barbarity committed againft the 
 Laws of Religion, the Emperor Leo depofed 
 'fimotbeusMlurus, and fent him into Banilhment 
 all his Life. There were a great many other 
 Places, which had this privilege of Sanctuary al- 
 fo belide Churches, as the Statues of the Em- 
 perors, of which there is a particular Title 
 \n\ in the 'Theodofian Codej alfo the Em- 
 peror's Standard in the Camp, the Bifliop's 
 Houfe, the Graves and Sepulchres of the Dead, 
 together with the Crofs, Schools, Monafteries 
 and Hofpitals in After-ages ; of which, being all 
 foreign to the bulinefs of Churches, I fay no- 
 thing farther, but refer the curious Reader to 
 the elaborate Treatife of Ritterjbujius [o~\ upon 
 
 this Subject among the London Criticks, where 
 each of thefe and fome other privileged Places 
 are particularly confidered. 
 
 Next to the Places of Re- sect. HI. 
 fuge, we are to confider the Per- What v&fons aL 
 fons to whom this Benefit ex- l9Ved t0 take Sm ~ 
 tended, and in what Cafes they amry ' 
 were allowed to take Sanctuary in their Church- 
 es. For this Privilege antiently was not intend- 
 ed to patronize Wickednefs T or Ihelter Men from 
 the due Execution of Jufticc, or the Force of 
 the Laws in ordinary cafes > but chiefly to be 
 a Refuge for the Innocent, the Injured, and 
 Opprefled: Or in doubtful Caufes, whether Cri- 
 minal or Civil, only to give Men Protection fo 
 long, till they might have an equitable and fiir 
 Hearing of the Judges, and not to be proceed- 
 ed againft barbaroufly and rigoroufly under pre- 
 tence and colour of Juftice* or at molt, only 
 to give Bifliops opportunity to intercedeifor Cri- 
 minals and Delinquents in fuch cafes, as it was 
 both becoming and lawful for Bifliops to turn 
 Interceflbrs. Thefe were the Sanctuaries which 
 Bafil [f] pleaded for, againft the Governor of 
 Pont us, and Synefius \_q] againft Andronicus Go- 
 vernor of Ptolemais, and Chryfoftom againft Eu- 
 tropius, who had prevailed with Arcadius to ab- 
 rogate by Law all Privileges [f] of this Nature 
 belonging to the Church j but by God's Provi- 
 dence, he was the firft Man that wanted this 
 Privilege, being fallen under the Emperor's 
 Difpleafure, and forced to fly to the Altar for 
 that Refuge which he had denied to others. 
 This gave Chryfoftom Occalion to make that elo-. 
 quent and curious Oration upon his Cafe, 
 whereby he artfully wrought the People into 
 a tender Companion for their bittereft Enemy, 
 that they might go and fupplicate the Empe- 
 ror for him, who now lay proftrate at the Al- 
 tar, and by their Supplications they obtained his 
 Life, for the Sentence of Death was mitigated 
 and turned into Confifcation and Banilhment 
 only [/], though afterwards by Treachery he 
 loft his Life. Thefe were chiefly the Cafes 
 which the antient Privilege of Sanctuary re- 
 fpected, and commonly thirty Days Protection 
 was granted to Men in fuch pitiable Circum- 
 ftances, which term was thought fufficient [?] 
 by the Law to end any Controversies that fuch 
 Men might have before the civil Judges. 
 Though the Saxon Law of King Alfred allowed 
 but three Days time for this, as both Ritter- 
 JJjuJius and Gotbofred have obferved out of Lam- 
 bard's Account of our antient fa] Englijh and 
 Saxon Laws. During this Time they were main- 
 tained by the Church if they were poor, out of 
 the Revenues of the Poorj but if they were able 
 to fubfift themfelves, it was fufficient for the 
 
 [h] Synef. Ep. ?8. p. ioj. [/] Cod. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 4.?. 
 de his qui ad Ecclefias confugiunt. Leg. 4.. Inter Templum, quod 
 parietum defctipfimus cin&u, 8c poft loca publica 8c Januas primas 
 Ecclefiae, quicquid fuerit interjacens, five in Cellulis, five in Domi- 
 bus, Hortulis, Balneis, Areis atque Porticibus, confugas interioris 
 Templi vice tueatur, 8cc. Vid.Cod. Juftin. Lib. 1. Tit. 12. Leg. j. 
 [fc] Liberat.Breviar. c. if. [/] Evagr. Lib, i.e. 8. [m] Epift. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Epifcoporum ^Egypt. ad calcem Concil. Chalced. n. 22. p. 89+. 
 [»] Cod. Th. Lib. 9. Tit.44.de his qui ad Statuas Imperatorum 
 confugiunt. [o] Ritterfhufius de Afylis, c. j. [/>] Naz. 
 
 Orat. 20. de Laud. Bafil.' [q] Synef. Ep. f8. f>] Vid. Cod. 
 Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 4.5-. de his qui ad Eccl. confug. Leg 2. [s] Vid 
 Cod. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 40. de Pcenis Leg. 17. [/J Vid. Ju&l 
 
 in. Novel. 17. c. 6. [»] Lambard. de Legibus Anglise, p. 28_ 
 
 U u u 2 Church 
 
336 
 
 The A n t i q^u i t i e s of the Book VIII. 
 
 Church to grant them Her Protection, and that 
 only in the forementioned Cafes, and no other. 
 
 SECT. IV. Therefore, that no one 
 
 what Sort of Per- might prefume upon Indemnity 
 
 fons and Crimes de- by vert ;ue of this Privilege, who 
 »ied this Privilege. ha£ j nQt a -ft and j j X]de tQ k 
 Iirflpiwluk Debtors. r a ■ j r 
 
 f feveral Crimes and Caics were 
 
 fpecified by the Law, as excepted, for which 
 the Church could grant no Protection. As firft, 
 Publick Debtors, who either embezzel'dor kept 
 back by Fraud the Publick Revenues of the 
 State. By a Law of T'heodoftus the Great, now 
 extant in both the Codes, fuch Debtors, though 
 they fled to the Church for Sanctuary, were to 
 reap no Benefit by it, but immediately to be 
 taken [w] thence by force : Or if they were 
 concealed by the Clergy, the Bilhop and Church 
 in that cafe were liable to be called upon, and 
 made to anfwer the Debt to the Publick. And 
 Baronius [x~] is of Opinion, that it was by ver- 
 tue of this Law, that St. Aufiin was obliged to 
 pay the Debt of one Fafiius, who fled to the 
 Church for Refuge, not being able to anfwer 
 the prefling Demands of the publick Exactors j 
 and therefore St. Aufiin made a publick Collec- 
 tion for him in his Church, becaufe he would 
 not deliver him up to be tortured by his Credi- 
 tors, as he himfelf informs us [jy] in one of his 
 Epiflles. This was the Reafon, as I have obferv'd 
 in another place [z], why St. Aufiin refus'd to 
 accept the Donation of a Man's Eftate, which 
 was originally ty'd to certain publick Service in 
 the Corporation of the Navicular}], or thofe 
 who were bound to tranfport the publick Corn 
 from Africa to Rome. For it might happen, that 
 the Men whom the Church was to employ in 
 this Service, might by Mifchance of Shipwreck, 
 or other means, become obnoxious to the Pub- 
 lick : And then the Church muft cither deliver 
 up her Servants to be tortur'd, or elfe pay the 
 Debt j for there was no Refuge or Sanctuary al- 
 lowed in this Cafe but upon that Condition. 
 And therefore St. Aufiin [a] himfelf tells us, 
 he refus'd fuch an Eftate, becaufe one way or 
 other it might have involv'd the Church in 
 great Trouble. In private Cafes Gothofred feems 
 to think, that the benefit of Sanctuary was al- 
 lowed to poor Debtors, that they might have 
 a little Refpite from Torture, and either com- 
 pound with their Creditors, or find fome other 
 Method to difcharge their Debt, whillt they were 
 under the Shelter and Protection of the Church. 
 
 SECT. v. But then even this Benefit 
 
 Secondly, Jews was no t univerfalj for the Jewijb 
 
 Converts were particularly ex- tf}at pretended to 
 cepted from it. For by a Law *" rn only 
 of Arcadius and Honorius, extant a ™ d H m g the « 
 in both , he p*,, it was provi- 
 aed, lnat all Jews, who being for their Crimes 
 either in Debt, or under Profe- 
 cution as Criminals, pretended to unite them- 
 felves to the Chrifiian Religion, that thereby 
 they might have the Privilege of taking Sandu- 
 ary in the Church, and avoid the Punifhment 
 or their \F\ Crimes or Burden of their Debts 
 fhould be rejected, and not receiv'd till they had 
 difcharged their Debts, or proved themfelves 
 innocent of the Crimes laid againft them Yet 
 in other Cafes, the Jews were not den y ; d this 
 Benefit, but had the common Privilege of San- 
 ctuary with other Men, if Gothofred [,] judge 
 right, who cites Julius Clarus and Petrus Sarpus 
 \d J for the lame Opinion. 
 
 Ritterjhufms [e] thinks the cafe sect vi 
 of Hereticks and Apoftates was Thirdly, Hereticks 
 fomething worfe in this refpect, and Reflates. 
 than that of Jews, becaufe they who deferted 
 the Church, were wholly excluded from havine 
 any benefit of Sanctuary in it. Covarruvias and 
 Panormitan and Sarpus colled the fame before 
 him, but not from any exprefs Law about this 
 matter, but only from a general Law of Theo- 
 dofius and V ilentinian, which excludes Apoftates 
 and Hereticks from all Society, and many other 
 common Privileges allow'd [/] to other Men 
 From whence they conclude by parity of Rea- 
 ion, that they could lay no Claim to the Benefit 
 of Sanctuary m any Cafe, becaufe Deferters of 
 Religion, which they had once owned in Bap- 
 tifm, were reckoned worfe than Jews, who had 
 never made Profeftion of it. And therefore by 
 another Law of Theodofius, their Slaves were en- 
 titled to the Favour which the Mafters them- 
 felves were deny'd: For if the Slave of an A- 
 poftate or Heretick [£) fled from his Matter, 
 and took Sanctuary in the Church, he was not 
 only to be protected, but to have his Manumit 
 /ion, or freedom, granted him likewife. There 
 being an equal Defign in the Law to encourage 
 Orthodoxy, and difcourage Herefy and Apofta- 
 cy by refpedive Rewards and Puniihments al- 
 lotted to them. 
 
 This was particularly deter- sect VII 
 mined in the Cafe of the Dona- Fourthly, slaves 
 tifis_ for Re-baptizing their Slaves fed from their 
 to initiate them into their own Ma fl ers - 
 Religion. But in other cafes the Slaves of Or- 
 
 O] Cod. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 4f . de his qui ad Eccief. confug. 
 Leg. 1. Publicos Debitores, fi confugiendum ad Ecclefias credide- 
 rinc ; aut illico extrahi de Iatebris oportebit, aut pro his ipfos, qui 
 eos occultare probantur, Epifcopos exigi, 8cc. [x] Baron, 
 
 an. 292. p. 661. [y] Aug. Ep. 215-. Ne corporalem pate- 
 
 retur iujuriam. ad auxilium Sandtae Ecclefl.T; convolavit, &c. 
 O] Book j\ Chap. 3. SeS. f. [«] Aug. Horn. 49. de Diver- 
 ts. Tom. 10. p. 5-20. Navicularium nolui efie Eccleiiam Chrifti, 
 8cc. [6] Cod. Th. Lib. 9. Tit. 45-. Leg. 2. Cod. Juttin, 
 Lib. 1 , Tit. 12. Leg. 1. Judad, qui reatu aliquo vel debitis fatiga- 
 ti, fimulant fe Chriftianse Legi velle conjungi, ut ad Ecclefias con- 
 
 fugientes evitare pofTint crimina, vel pondera debitorum, arceantur. 
 nec ante fufcipiantur, quam debita univerfa reddiderint. [c] Go- 
 thofred. Tom. 5. p. 3 6r. [d] Sarpus de jure Afyli, c. 5-. p. 
 
 0] Ritterfliufius de Afylis, cap. 6. [/] Cod. 
 
 Th. Lib. 16. Tit. 7. de Apoftat. Leg 4. Hi qui Sandbm fidem 
 prodiderunt, 8c fandum Baptifma hxretica fuperftitione profana- 
 runr, a confortio omnium %regati fmt, 8cc. [^J Cod. Th. 
 
 Lib. 16. Tit. 6. NeSandlum Baptifma iteretur. Leg. 4. His qui 
 forfnan ad rebaptizandum cogentur, refugiendi ad Eccleiiam Ca- 
 tholicam fit facultas, ut ejus praciidio adverfus hujus criminis 
 audtores attribute libertatis prxlidio defendantur. 
 
 thodox 
 
Chap. XI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 337 
 
 thodox Matters had not fo large a Privilege. For 
 by a Law of Arcadius and Honorius, An. $08, 
 Slaves are put in the fame condition with pub- 
 lick Debtors, and the Curiales, and other pub- 
 lick Officers, whom no Privilege of Sanctuary 
 [Y] was to excufe from the proper Duties of 
 their Station. And therefore though any fuch 
 one fled to the Church for Refuge, or was or- 
 dained a Clerk in the Church, there was no le- 
 gal Protection allow'd him, but he might be 
 reclaim'd and fetch'd thence immediately to his 
 proper Servitude or Station again, by the Au- 
 thority of the Civil Judges. I know indeed Go- 
 thofred takes this to be that Law of Arcadius, 
 procured by the Inftigation of Eutropius againlr. 
 the Immunities of the Church, which isfo much 
 reflected on by St. Chryfojlom [b~], and Proffer 
 \c\ and Socrates \_d~\, and Sozomen [e], and 
 lome other antient Writers of the Church, and 
 which Arcadim himfelf thought fit to revoke 
 ■within a Year after, when Eutropius was fallen 
 under his Difpleafure : Which whether it be 
 that very Law or not, is a thing I fhall not 
 now nicely difputej for admitting it be fo, I 
 obferve, that it was never wholly revoked and 
 difannulled, but only in fomc particular Inftan- 
 ces. For that Part about the Illegal Ordination 
 of the Curiales was left in a great meafure in its 
 full Force, as has been clearly demonftrated in 
 another Place [/] : And that Part which con- 
 cerns Slaves taking Sanctuary in the Church, 
 was with a very fmall Variation renewed and 
 reinforced by Ttoeodofius Junior, Son of Arcadius, 
 and Compiler of the 'Theodofian Code. For by 
 one of his Laws [g], which is the laft upon 
 this Head in that Code, No Slave is allowed to 
 have Sanctuary or Entertainment in any Church 
 above one Day, when Notice was to be given 
 to his Matter from whom he fled for fear of 
 Punifhment, that he might reclaim him and car- 
 ry him back to his own Pofleflion, only giving 
 a Promife of Indemnity and Pardon for his Faults, 
 if they were not very great and heinous. And 
 Ritterjhufius \]o] cites a Law of 1'heodorick King 
 of the Goths, and fome others, to the fame Pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 SECT. vill. But in cafe Men were guil- 
 Fifthly, Robbers, ty of Crimes of a more heinous 
 Murderers, Co»fpi- nature, fuch as Theft and Rob- 
 rators, R*viJher,of beryj or Treafon and Confpira- 
 
 cy againfl the Government, or virgins, adulterers, 
 Murther and Bloodflied, or ra- and other criminals 
 vifhing of Virgins, or Adultery, °f the like mture - 
 or any Crimes of the like nature : Then it mat- 
 tered not whether the Criminals were Bond or 
 Free, there was not an Hour's refpite allowed to 
 fuch Men, but they were to be taken immedi- 
 ately by Force of the Civil Magiftrate, if need 
 required, even from the very Altar ; or if they 
 pretended to make any Refiftance with Arms, 
 they might with Indemnity be flain there. This 
 is undeniably evident from the Laws of Juftini- 
 an, which fpecify thefe and all fuch Criminals 
 as excepted univerfally from all benefit of San- 
 ctuary 5 it being [/'] wholly againlt the Intent 
 and Defign of that Privilege to give any Pro- 
 tection to Murderers, Adulterers, Ravifhers of 
 Virgins, or any the like, but rather to the inno- 
 cent and injured Parties, who were expofed to 
 their Violence and Abufes : Temples were ne- 
 ver defigned by Law to give Sanctuary both to 
 the Paffive and the Aggreflbrs : And therefore 
 if any that were guilty of fuch Crimes fled to 
 the Altar for Refuge, they fhould be drawn 
 thence, and punilhed acoording to Law with 
 Punifhments fuitable to their Offences. This 
 one Law of Jujiinian's fhews us plainly the true 
 Intent and Meaning of all other antient Laws 
 relating to this Privilege of Sanctuary, that the 
 Defign of them, as I obferved before, was chiefly 
 to protect the Innocent, the Injur'd and Op- 
 preffed from Violence, and in fome hard or du- 
 bious Cafes to grant a little Refpite, till a fair 
 Hearing might be procured, or fome Interceffi- 
 on made to the Judges, by the Biihop or Cler- 
 gy, for fuch Peifons as might feem to want it. 
 And fo Gothofred [£] upon the whole matter 
 determines, That antiently Legal Refuge was 
 no more but the Clergy's Deprecation or Inter- 
 ceflion for Men in Diftrefs. And fuch as they 
 might laudably and decently intercede for, they 
 might for fome time legally protect from Vio- 
 lence and Torture in the Church j but not ob- 
 ftruct the due Execution of Juftice upon other 
 fort of Criminals, for which it was fcandaLous 
 to intercede. 
 
 In which refpect mod of sect. IX. 
 
 the modern Sanctuaries have been A if Re P^' m 
 
 complained of by confidering J£*jE£ 
 Men, as guilty of great Abufes, 
 
 [a] Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 4$-. leg. 3. Si quis in pofterum fervus, 
 Ancilla, Curialis, Debitor Publicus, Procurator, Murilegulus, quilibet 
 poftremo publicis privatifve rationibus involutus, ad Ecclefiam con- 
 fugiens, vel Clericus ordinatus, vel quocunque modo fuerit a Cle- 
 ricis defenfatus, nec ftatim conventione praemifia priftina Condi- 
 tioni reddatur, Decuriones quidem, 8c omnes, quos folita ad debi- 
 tum munus funftio vocat, vigore 8c Solertia Judicantum ad prifti- 
 nam fortem revocentur. [_b] Chryfoft. Horn, in Eutrop. 
 
 Tom. 4. [c] Profper. de Predict lib. 3. c. 38. [</] So- 
 crat. lib. 6. c. f. [«] Sozom. lib. 8. c. 7. [/] Book 4. 
 Chap. 4. SeB. 4. [g~\ Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 45-. de his 
 
 qui ad Ecclef. confug. leg, f. Si quidem fovus cujufquam Ec- 
 clefiam, Altariave, loci tantum venerationc confifus, fine ullo telo 
 peticrit, is non plus uno die ibidem dimittatur, quin Domino ejus, 
 
 6 
 
 vel cujus metu pcenam imminentem vifus eft declinafle, a Cleri- 
 cis, quorum intereft, nuntietur. Ifque eum, iaspcrtita Indulgen- 
 tia peccatorum, abducat. [6] Ritterfhuf. de Afylis, c. 8.- 
 
 p. 284. [i] Juftin. Novel. 17. c. 7. Neque autem Homi- 
 
 cidis, neque Adulteris, neque Virginum raptoribus, vel talia delin- 
 quentibus, terminorum cuftodies cautelam : Sed etiam inde extrahes, 
 & fupplicium eis inferes. Non enim talia delinquentibus parcere 
 competit, fed hoc patientibus, ut non talia a prsefumptoribus pa- 
 tiantur. Deinde Templorum cautela non nocentibus, fed laefis da~ 
 tur a Lege, 8c non erit poffibile utrumque tueri cautela Sacrorum 
 locorum, & laidentem 8c lacfum. [/.•] Gothofred. Com. 
 
 in Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 45-. leg. f. p. 373. Nihil ad Ecclefiam 
 Perfugium erat, quam Clericorum Deprecatio feu Imercefiio. 
 
 in 
 
 1 
 
33S 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookVIII. 
 
 [>u rie.<, in exemp>- j n giving Protection almofi to 
 ** ^i^mUgd all fons Q p Criminals, and fo en- 
 
 Fumlhmei.t, and e- r> A* c A/":il 
 
 .1 «r cotira&ihs the Practice of Villa- 
 
 nervntmg the Force « ° ° ■ % i r i 
 
 */ca«7 ikrfj; n V> oy exempting Men from le- 
 gal Punilhmcnr, and enervating 
 the Force of Civil Laws. For the Canon- law 
 of Gratian, and the Popes Decretals, grant Pro- 
 tection to all Criminals, except Night-Robbers, 
 and Robbers on the High- way, and fuch as com- 
 mit enormous Crimes in the Church itfelf upon 
 Prefum prion of its Protection. But all other Cri- 
 minals have Liberty of taking Sanctuary, and it 
 is reckoned a Violation of the Immunities of 
 the Church to take them thence, unlefs a Pro- 
 mile or an Oath be firft given, that neither Death 
 [7] nor any other Corporal Punifhment, but only 
 a Pecuniary Mulct fhall be inflicted on them, as 
 Pope Innocent III. determined in one of his Let- 
 ters to the King of Scots, which Gregory IX. 
 inferted into the Body of his Decretals. The 
 Council of Orleans [m~] has fome Canons to the 
 fame Purpofe, which though contrary to all o- 
 ther ancient Laws, Gratian [n~] thought fit to 
 adopt into his own Collections. And fo the 
 modern Canon Law, under Pretence of Eccle- 
 fiaftical Immunities, opened a wide Gap to Li- 
 centioufnefs, by taking offthofeReftraints which 
 the ancient Laws had juftly fet upon this mat- 
 ter, when they granted Refuge to Innocent and 
 Injured Men, but not to notorious Criminals. 
 Which Difference is not only noted and com- 
 plained of by all Proteftant Writers, but alfo by 
 iome of the Romijh Church. Poly dor e Virgil [0] 
 makes no fcruple to condemn them all over 
 the Chriftian World, but more efpecially here 
 in England, where Protection was given, not to 
 the Innocent and Opprefled, but to all forts of 
 Criminals, fuch as were guilty of Treafon and 
 Rebellion not excepted. Whence he thinks it 
 very apparent, that the Thing, as then practi- 
 fed, was not to be derived from Mofes, who al- 
 lowed Refuge to none but fuch as kill'd a Man 
 unawares and againft their Will, but from Ro- 
 mulus: Which was the Caufe that fo many Vil- 
 lains took heart and encouragement to pactife 
 Wickednefs, there being Churches every where 
 ready to receive and protect them } though no- 
 thing was more directly contrary to the Efta- 
 blifhment of Mofes, whofe Law was guarded 
 with this Sanction, Exod. xxi. 14. If a Man 
 come prefumptuoujly upon his Neighbour, to flay him 
 with guile, thou Jhalt take him from my Altar, 
 that he may die. This was the Difference in the 
 
 Opinion of that Author, between the modern 
 Sanctuaries, and thofe of Mofes and the ancient 
 Church. 
 
 There is one Thing more to SECT. x. 
 be obferved concerning the Pri- Conditions and- 
 vilege of Sanctuary in the Laws entI y 10 be °Hm*& 
 of the ancient Church, which is, *J^* S ^ % 
 That fuch Perfons as were allow- wttfy^h^Z 
 ed this Benefit, were obliged to into the chunk 
 obferve certain Conditions in ta- 
 king Refuge, otherwife they forfeited all thein 
 Right and Title to it. As firfr, they were not 
 to fly with Arms into the Church, nor into 
 any Place or Building adjoyning to it, as the 
 Gardens, Houfes, Courts, Cloyfters, to which 
 the Privilege of Sanctuary was annexed. This 
 is particularly fpecify'd and provided by a Law 
 [/>] of Theodojius Junior, which has this Sancti- 
 on added to it, That if any one pretended to 
 act otherwife, and being admonifhed by the 
 Church refufed to lay afide his Arms, that then 
 it fhould be lawful for the Magiflrate, by the 
 Confent of the Bifhop, to fend his Officers with 
 Arms into the Church upon fuch an Exigency, 
 and take him thence by Force : and if the Re- 
 fugee ftUl perfifted in his Oppofition, and chan- 
 ced to be flain in the Engagement, it was to be 
 reckoned purely his own Fault, and no Viola- 
 tion of the Church's Privilege in that cafe, be- 
 caufe he refufed to obferve this necefTary Condi- 
 tion of Safety. The Emperors themfelves laid 
 afide their Arms and Crowns when they enter- 
 ed into the Church, and therefore Theodofius 
 argues [_q], that it was but reafonable all Refu- 
 gees fhould do the fame, and truft only to the 
 Laws and Sacrednefs of the Place for their Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 A Second Condition to be ob- sect. XI. 
 ferved in this Cafe, was, That i<My> Nb one to 
 Men fhould betake themfelves fi- rai f* a M<^ouscln- 
 lently and modeftly to the Church, T'n °" T ! im , ult ' as 
 and not by any rude and indecen? * tbttb "' 
 Clamours endeavour to raife any popular Tu- 
 mult. Learned Men colled this from a Law 
 in the Greek Conftitutions, and the Juflinian Code 
 [r], which forbids Refugees to make any cla- 
 morous Petitions to the Emperor on fuch Fe- 
 flivals as he came to the great Church, but if 
 they had any Requeft to be preferred, they 
 fliould do it privately by the Archbifhop orDe- 
 fenfors of the Church : Otherwife they fhould 
 
 [/] Decretal. Gregor. lib. 3* tit. 49. de Immunit. Ecclef. c. 6. 
 Quantumcunque gravia maleficia perpctraverir, non eft violenter 
 ab Ecclefia extrahendus : Nec inde damnari debet ad mortem vel 
 ad pcenam, fed Re&ores Eccleliarum fibi obtinere debent membra 
 8c vitam. Super hoc tamen quod inique fecit, eft alias legitime 
 puniendus. \m\ Cone. Aurelian. 1. can. 3, 8c 4. 
 
 [»] Gratian. Cauf. 17. Q. 4. c. 36. It. Cauf. 36. Q. 1. c. 3. 
 [0] Polydor. Virgil, de Inventor. Rerum. lib. 3. c. 12. Sunt 
 hodie in orbe noftro Chriftiano, prasfertim apud Anglos, paflnn 
 Afyla, qua: non modo infidias timentibus, fed quibufvis fontibus, 
 etiam Majeftatis reis patent: Quod facit ut manifefte appareat, 
 nos id inftitutum non a Mofe, qui illis duntaxat qui nolentes ho- 
 
 minem occidiflent, Afylum pofuit, fed a Romulo efle mutuatos. 
 Qux nempe res haud dubie in caufa eft, cur bene multi a mafe- 
 ficiis minus abftineant manus, 8cc. [/>] Cod. Th. lib. 9. 
 
 tit. 4f. de his qui ad Ecclef. confug. leg. 4. Si Ecclcfe vocemo- 
 
 niti, noluerint arma reHnquere armatis, fi ita res exegerit, in- 
 
 tromiflis, trahendos fe abftrahendofcue efle cognofcant, £c omnibus 
 cafibus efle fubdendos, &c. [g] Edicl. Theodof. ad calcem 
 
 Concil. Epheiin. cited before, chap. 10. n. 8. [rj Cod. 
 
 Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 12. de his qui ad Ecclef confug. leg. 8. Qui 
 Imperatore ad magnam Ecclefiam in Fefto proeedenre, exclama- 
 tione ufus fcerit, excidet re Sperata, & per Pijefe&urn ejeclus 
 caftigabitur, 8cc. 
 
 forfeit 
 
Chap. XL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 339 
 
 forfeit their Privilege, and be cafl; out of the 
 Church, and be delivered over to the City-Ma- 
 giftrate to be punifhed. 
 
 sect. xtt. Thirdly, Though Refu- 
 
 Thinlly, No one g Ccs m jght fly to the Church, 
 to eat or lodge in ^ cyen tQ the yCr Altar j yet 
 the Church, but to , •. \ . , ' 
 
 i . . i thev were neither to eat nor 
 
 be entertained in J 
 
 fome outward Build- lodge there J but the Clergy 
 ing. were obliged to prohibit them 
 
 from doing either of thefe by an 
 cxprefs Law of 'thcodofius Junior [s\ who to 
 cut off all Pretences for the contrary Practices, 
 
 as if Men could not be fafe but within the 
 Walls of the Church, made not only the Church 
 and the Altar Places of Refuge, but all other 
 Buildings and Places belonging to the Church j 
 giving this Reafon for allowing fuch an ample 
 Space for the Benefit of SancTruary, that Men 
 might not have the Excufe of Fear to make 
 them eat or lodge in the Church, which he 
 thought to be Things not fo decent in their 
 own Nature, nor agreeable to the ftate of Re- 
 ligion, and the RefpecT: and Reverence that was 
 due to Churches, as Places appropriated to God, 
 and fet apart for his Service. 
 
 [j] Cod. Th. lib. 9. tit. 45-. dc his qui ad Ecclef. conbg. leg. 4. 
 Hanc autem Spacii tatitudinem ideo indulgemus, ne in ipfo Dei 
 Templo & facroianftis altaribus confugientium quenquam mane 
 
 vel vefpere cubare vel perno£lare liceat; iplis hoc Clericis Religio- 
 nis caufa vetantibus, &c. 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK IX. 
 
 A Geographical Defcription of the A n t i e n t Church, 
 or an Account of its Divifion into Provinces, Diocefes, 
 and Parifhes : And of the firft Original of thefe. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the State and Divifion of the Roman Empire, and of the Church's Con* 
 forming to that in Modelling Her own External Polity and Government, 
 
 SECT. I. 
 The State of the 
 Roman Empire 
 in the Days of 
 the Apoftles. 
 
 AV I N G thus far 
 fpoken of Churches, 
 as they fignify the 
 Material B u i 1 di ngs , 
 or Places of Con- 
 vention fet a-partfor 
 Chriftian Worfhip, I 
 come now to confider them in another Notion, 
 as they are put to fignify any Number of Chri- 
 ftian People within a certain Diftrict, as in a 
 Parifh, Diocefe, Province, Patriarchate: Which 
 are Names that we frequently meet with in an- 
 cient Writers, though they are not all equally 
 of the fame Antiquity: And therefore I fhall 
 here enquire both into the Nature and Origi- 
 nal of them. Something has already been faid 
 upon this Head, in fpeaking of the feveral Offi- 
 cers of the Church that were placed in thofe 
 Diftricts, as Patriarchs, Metropolitans, Bifhops, 
 and Presbyters, fo far as was neceflary to ex- 
 plain the Powers and Duties of thofe Minifters 
 in the Church : Yet there are many Things to 
 be noted farther, which could not then come 
 under Consideration > for which reafon I now 
 make them the Subject of a peculiar Enquiry. 
 And here to underftand the State and Divifion 
 of the Church aright, it will be proper to take 
 a fiiort View of the State and Divifion of the 
 Roman Empire : For it is generally thought by 
 learned Men, that the Church held fome Con- 
 formity to that in her External Polity and Go- 
 vernment, both at her firft Settlement, and in 
 the Changes and Variations that were made in 
 After-ages. In the Time of the Apoftles every 
 City among the Greeks and Romans was under 
 the immediate Government of certain Magi- 
 ftrates within its own Body, commonly known 
 by the Name of BsX/j or Senatus, its Common- 
 council or Senate, otherwife called Ordo and 
 
 8 
 
 Curia, the States and Court of the City : Among 
 which there was ufually One Chief or Principal 
 above the reft, whom fome call the Dictator, 
 and others, the Defenfor Civitatis ; whofe Power 
 extended not only over the City, but all the ad- 
 jacent Territory, commonly called the w^dseict, 
 the Suburbs, or lefTer Towns, belonging to its 
 Jurifdi&ion. This was a City in the civil Ac- 
 count, a Place where the civil Magiftrate and a 
 fort of lefTer Senate was fixed to order the Af- 
 fairs of that Community, and govern within 
 fuch a Precinct, 
 
 SECT. II. 
 The State of the 
 Church conformable 
 to it. 
 
 Now much after the fame 
 manner, the Apoftles in firft Plant- 
 ing and Eftablifhing the Church, 
 where-ever they found a Civil 
 Magiftracy fettled in any Place, there they endea- 
 ed to fettle an Ecclefiaftical one, confifting of a 
 Senate or Presbytery, a Common-council of 
 Presbyters, and one chief Prefident above the 
 reft, commonly call'd the w^tsus, or the Apo- 
 ftle, or Bifhop, or Angel of the Church j whofe 
 Jurifdiction was not confined to a fingle Congre- 
 gation, but extended to the whole Region or 
 Diftrict belonging to the City, which was the 
 Tfr^aVaa, or -nrayjjt/a, or as we now call it, 
 the Diocefe of the Church. According to this 
 Model moft probably St. Paul directed fit us to 
 ordain Elders in Crete -sroXiv, in every City, 
 that is, to fettle an Ecclefiaftical Senate and Go- 
 vernment in every Place where there was before 
 a Civil one: Which from the fubfequent Hifto- 
 ry of the Church, we learn, was a Biftiop and 
 his Presbytery, who were conjunctly call'd the 
 Elders and Senate of the Church. The Cities 
 of the Empire had alfo their Magiftrates in the 
 Territory or Country round them , but thefe 
 were fubordinate to the Magiftrates of the City, 
 
 and 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 34-1 
 
 and generally chofen by them, as learned Men 
 [/] have obferved out of Frontinus de Limitibus 
 Agrariis, and other Roman Antiquaries. In like 
 manner, every City-Church had Spiritual Offi- 
 cers in all Towns and Villages belonging to the 
 City-Region - y and thefe depending on the Mo- 
 ther-Church both for the Exercife of their 
 Power and their Inftitutionj they being both 
 iubordinate and accountable to the City-Church, 
 as the fubordinate Magiftrates were in the Civil 
 Difpolition. 
 
 SECT. III. Another Divifion of the 
 
 The Diu/ion of the Roman Empire was into Provin- 
 Roman Emphe in- ces and Oiocefes. A Province was 
 
 SJJST"' the Cities of a whole Re § ion 
 
 fubje&ed to the Authority of one 
 
 chief Magiftrate, who refided in the Metropo- 
 lis or chief City of the Province. This was com- 
 monly a Prxtor, or a Proconful, or fomc Ma- 
 giftrate of the like Eminence and Dignity. A 
 Diocefe was Hill a larger Diftrid, containing 
 feveral Provinces within the compafs of it: in 
 the capital City of which Diftrid a more gene- 
 ral Magiftrate had his Refidence, whofe Power 
 extended over the whole Diocefe, to receive 
 Appeals, and determine all Caufes that were re- 
 ferred to him for a new Hearing from any City 
 within the Diftrift. And this Magiftrate was 
 fometimes called an Eparchus, or Vicarius, of the 
 Roman Empire, and particularly a Prafetlus Au- 
 guftalis at Alexandria. When firft this Divifion 
 was made, it is not fo certainly agreed among 
 learned Men* but it is generally owned, that 
 the Divifion of Provinces is more antient than 
 that of Diocefes. For the Divifion into Dio- 
 cefes began only about the Time of Conftantine. 
 But the Cantonizing of the Empire into Pro- 
 vinces was long before} by fome referred to 
 Vefpafian, by others reckoned ft i 11 more antient, 
 and coaeval to the firft Eftablifhment of theChri- 
 ftian Church. 
 
 SECT. IV: However this was, it is 
 
 The f*me Model ver y plain , that the Church 
 
 ^hurch ^ ^ t0 ° k her ' Modd » m fettin g U P 
 
 Metropolitical and Patriarchal 
 Power, from this Plan of the State. For as in 
 every Metropolis, or chief City of each Pro- 
 vince, there was a fuperior Magiftrate above 
 the Magiftrates of every fingle City: So like- 
 wife in the fame Metropolis there was a Bifhop, 
 whofe Power extended over the whole Province, 
 whence he was called the Metropolitan or Pri- 
 mate, as being the principal Bifhop of the Pro- 
 vince. And in all Places therefore the See of 
 the Bifhop was fixed to the civil Metropolis^ ex- 
 cept in Afrkk, where the Primate was com- 
 monly the Senior Bifhop of the Province, as has 
 been fhewed in another place. In like manner, 
 as the State had a Vicarius in every capital City 
 of each civil Diocefe ; fo the Church in procefs 
 of time came to have her Exarchs, or Patri- 
 
 archs in many, if not in all the capital Cities of 
 the Empire. 
 
 This will appear plainly from sect v>- 
 
 the civil Notitia of the Empire, This Evidenced 
 
 when compared with the Eccle- f rom theciviiNo- 
 fiaftical; which, becaufe it not titia °f th * Em ~ 
 only gives light in this Matter, ^' re ' 
 but is of lingular Ufe in many other refpe&s to 
 all that ftudy Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, 1 will here 
 infert it out of the Book called Notitia Imperii, 
 faid to be written about the time of Arcadia* 
 and Honorius, where the whole Empire is divi- 
 ded into Thirteen Diocefes under four Prafecli- 
 Pratorio; and about an hundred and twenty Pro- 
 vinces contained in them, in the Manner and 
 Form following. 
 
 'The Prcefeclus-Prastorio Orientis, and under him 
 five Diocefes, viz. The Oriental, Egyptian, A- 
 fiatick, Pontick, and Thracian Diocefes. 
 
 I. In the Oriental Diocefe are contained Fifteen 
 Provinces, i Palaflina. z Phanice. 5 Syria. 
 4 Cilicia. f Cyprus. 6 Arabia. 7 Ifauria. 8 Pa- 
 laflina Salutaris. p Palaflina Secunda. 10 Pha- 
 nice Libani. 1 1 Euphratenjis . 1 z Syria Salu- 
 taris. 15 Ofrhoena. 14 Mefopotamia. if Ci- 
 licia Secunda. 
 
 If. In the Diocefe of Egypt Six Provinces. 
 1 Libya Superior, z Libya Inferior. $ The- 
 bais. 4 Mgyptas. f Arcadia. 6 Augujlanica. 
 
 III. In the Afiatick Diocefe Ten Provinces. 
 1 Pamphylia. z Hellefpontus. 5 Lydia. 4 Pi- 
 fidia. f Lycaonia. 6. Phrygia Pacatiana. 
 7 Phrygia Salutaris. 8 Lycia. 9 Caria. 10 In- 
 fula Cyclades. 
 
 IV. In the Pontick Diocefe Eleven Provinces. 
 
 1 Galatia. z Bithynia. 3 Honorias. 4 Cap- 
 pzdocia Prima, f . Paphlagonia. 6 Pont us Po- 
 lemoniacus. 7 Hcllenopontus. 8 Armenia Pri- 
 ma, p Armenia Secunda. 10 Galatia Saluta- 
 ris. 1 1 Cappadocia Secunda. 
 
 V. In the Diocefe of Thrace Six Provinces. 
 1 Europa. z Thracia. 3 Hamimontis. 4 Rho- 
 dope. f Mafia Secunda. 6 Scythia. 
 
 The Prasfectus-Pra^torio of Illyricum, and under 
 him Two Diocefes, Macedonia and Dacia. 
 
 VI. In the Diocefe of Macedonia Six Provinces. 
 
 1 Achaia. z Macedonia. 3 Creta. 4 Theffa- 
 lia. f Epirus Fetus. 6 Epirus Nova, and pars 
 Macedonia Salutaris. 
 
 VII. In the Diocefe of Dacia Five Provinces. 
 
 1 Dacia Mediterranea. z Dacia Ripenfis. 3 Ma- 
 fia Prima. 4 Dardania. f Pars Macedonia 
 Salutaris, and Pravalitana. 
 
 [*] See Dr. Maurice ti'wefi Effc. p. 593. 
 
 Vol. I, 
 
 X x 
 
 The 
 
 i 
 
1 ' I 
 
 342 The Antiquities of the Book IX. 
 
 The Prsefe&us-Prsetorio of Italy, and under him 
 three Diocefes, 'viz. Italy or the Italick. Dio- 
 cefe, Illyricum, and Africa. 
 
 VIII. In the italick Diocefe are contained Se- 
 venteen Provinces. I Venetue. z ALmylia. 
 2 Liguria. 4 Flaminia and Picenum Annona- 
 rium. f Tufcia and Umbria. 6 Picenum Sub- 
 urbicarium. 7 Campania. 8 Sicilia. 9 Apu- 
 lia and Calabria. 10 Lucania and Brutii. 
 11 Alpes Cottiee. iz Rhatia Prima. 13 Rha- 
 tia Secunda. 14 Samnium. if Valeria. 16 Sar- 
 dinia. 17 Corfica. 
 
 IX. In the Diocefe of Illyricum Six Provinces. 
 1 Pannonia Secunda. z Savia. 3 Dalmatia. 
 4 Pannonia Prima, f Noricum Mediterraneum. 
 6 Noricum Ripenfa. 
 
 X. In the Diocefe of Africa Six Provinces. 
 1 Byzacium. z Numidia. 3 Mauritania Si- 
 tifenfis. 4 Mauritania C<efarienfis. f Tripolis. 
 
 6 Africa Proconfularis. 
 
 The Pncfectus Praetorio Galliarium,^/ under him 
 Three Diocefes, viz. Hifpania, Gallia, Britannia. 
 
 XI. In the Spanifh Diocefe Seven Provinces 
 1 Beetica. z Lufitania. 3 Gallacia. 4 Tar- 
 raconenfis. f Carthaginenfis. 6 Tingitania. 
 
 7 Baleares. 
 
 XII. In the Gallican Diocefe Seventeen Provin- 
 ces. 1 Viennenfis. z Lugdunenfis Prima. 3 Ger- 
 mania Prima. 4 Germania Secunda. f Bclgi- 
 ca Prima. 6 Belgica Secunda. 7 Alpes Mariti- 
 me. 8 Alpes Pennine & Graice. p. Maxi- 
 ma Sequanorum. 10 Aquitania Prima. 11 A- 
 quitania Secunda. 1 1 Novem populi. 1 3 Nar- 
 bonenfis Prima. 14 Narbonenfis Secunda. 
 if Lugdunenfis Secunda. 16 Lugdunenfis Tertia. 
 17 Lugdunenfis Senonia. 
 
 XIII. In the Britannick Diocefe Five Provin- 
 ces. 1 Maxima C<efarienfis. z Valentia. 
 
 Britannia Prima. 4 Britannia Secunda. 
 
 f Flavia Cefarienfis . 
 the Empive. 
 
 Thus far the Notitia of 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 Compared with 
 the mofi antient 
 Accounts of the 
 Divifion of Vrcrin- 
 iti m the Church. 
 
 Now though we have no No- 
 titia of the Church fo antienc as 
 this: (for that of Leo Sapiens, 
 which is exhibited hereafter, is 
 of later Date:) Yet by compa- 
 ring the broken Fragments that 
 remain in the Acts and Subfcriptions of the an- 
 cient Councils, with this Notitia of the Em- 
 pire, and conferring both with the later Notitia's 
 of the Church, it plainly appears that the Church 
 was divided into Diocefes and Provinces much 
 after the fame manner as the Empire , having an 
 Exarch or Patriarch in almoft every Diocefe, 
 nnd a Metropolitan or Primate in every Pro- 
 vince. The moil probable Account of which, 
 conformed to the forefaid Civil Notitia, is pre- 
 fented in the following Table, according as the 
 
 Divifiori of the Church feems to have flood in 
 the latter End of the IVth Century. 
 
 I. In /^Oriental Diocefe. Patriarch of Antioch. 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 1 Palaftina Prima, 
 
 z P hoe nice. 
 
 3 Syria. 
 
 4 Cilicia Prima. 
 <y Cyprus. 
 
 6 Arabia. 
 
 7 Ifauria. 
 
 8 Palcefiina Salutaris. 
 
 9 Palejlina Secunda. 
 
 10 Phcenice Libani. 
 
 1 1 Euphratenfis. 
 iz Syria Salutaris. 
 
 1 3 Ofrhoene. 
 
 14 Mefopotamia. 
 if Cilicia Secunda. 
 
 II. In the Diocefe of 
 Egypt. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 Libya Superior, 
 
 Libya Inferior. 
 
 Thebais. 
 
 Aigyptus. 
 
 Arcadia. 
 
 Auguflanica. 
 
 i Cafarea. 
 
 z Tyrus. 
 
 3 Ant lochia. 
 
 4 Tarfus. 
 
 % Conftantia. 
 
 6 Boftra. 
 
 7 Seleucia. 
 
 8 Jerufalem or Allia. 
 
 9 Scythopolis. 
 
 10 Emiffa. 
 
 1 1 Hierapolis. 
 iz Apamea. 
 
 13 Edeffa. 
 
 14 Amida. 
 
 if Anazarbm. 
 
 Patriarch of 
 Alexandria. 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 1 Ptolemais. 
 z Dranieon. 
 
 3 Antinoe, or Lycopolis, 
 
 4 Alexandria, 
 f Oxirinchus. 
 6 Pelufium. 
 
 III. In the Diocefe o/Afia. Exarch of Ephefus. 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 1 Pamphylia. 
 
 z Hellefpont. 
 
 3 Lydia. 
 
 4 Pifidia. 
 
 f Lycaonia. 
 
 6 Phrygia Pacatiana. 
 
 7 Phrygia Salutaris. 
 
 8 Lycia. 
 
 9 Caria. 
 
 10 Infula Cyclades. 
 
 1 1 Afia Proconfularis. 
 
 IV. Diocefe e/Pontus. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 1 Galatia. 
 
 z Bithynia. 
 
 3 Cappadocia Prima. 
 
 4 Cappadocia Secunda. 
 f Honorias. 
 
 6 Paphlagonia. 
 
 7 Pontus Polcmoniacus. 
 
 8 Helenopontus. 
 
 9 Armenia Prima. 
 
 1 Perga, or Sida. 
 
 z Cyzicus. 
 
 3 Sardes. 
 
 4 Antiochia. 
 
 5 Iconium. 
 
 6 Laodicea. 
 
 7 Synada. 
 
 8 Myra. 
 
 9 Aphrodifias, or Stau- 
 
 ropolis. 
 
 10 Rhodus. 
 
 1 1 Ephefus. 
 
 Exarch o/Csefarea, 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 1 Ancyra. 
 z Nicomcdia. 
 
 3 Cafarea. 
 
 4 Tyana. 
 
 f Claudiopolis. 
 
 6 Gangra. 
 
 7 Neouefarea. 
 
 8 Amafea. 
 
 9 Sebaflia. 
 
 10 Armenia 
 
C H A P. I. 
 
 Christia 
 
 n Church 
 
 343 
 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 10 Armenia, Secunda. 
 
 1 1 Galatia Salutaris. 
 
 V. Diocefe of Thrace, 
 
 i Europa. 
 
 z Thracia. 
 
 3 H<emi montis. 
 
 4 Rhodope. 
 
 f Mafia Secunda. 
 
 6 Scythia. 
 
 VI. In the Diocefe of 
 Macedonia. 
 
 1 Achaia. 
 
 2 Macedonia, 
 
 3 Creta. 
 
 4 The ff alia. 
 
 f Epirus Vetus. 
 
 6 Epirus Nova. 
 
 VII. Diocefe of Dacia. 
 
 I Dacia Mediterranea. 
 
 Z Dacia Ripenfis. 
 
 3 Mafia Prima. 
 
 4 Dardania. 
 
 f Pravalitana. 
 
 In the Italick Diocefe. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 I Flaminia and Picenum 
 
 Annon. 
 z Venetia and Hiflria. 
 
 3 JEmilia. 
 
 4 Liguria. 
 
 f Alpes Cott'ue. 
 Vol. I. 
 
 10 Me h tine. 
 
 1 1 Peffinus al. Juftinia~ 
 nopolis. 
 
 Exarch of Heraclea firft, 
 afterward Conftanti- 
 nople. 
 
 I Heraclea. 
 z Philippopolis. 
 
 3 Adrianople. 
 
 4 Trajanople. 
 
 f Marcianople'. 
 
 6 Tomi. But theBifhop 
 of 'Tomi is rather to be 
 reckoned an Autoce- 
 phalus than a Metro- 
 politan, becaufe he 
 had no Suffragan Bi- 
 fhops under him. 
 
 The Exarch of Theffa- 
 lonica. 
 
 i Corinthus. 
 z Theffalonica. 
 
 3 Gortyna. 
 
 4 Lariffa. 
 f Nicopolis. 
 
 6 Dyrrachium. 
 
 Exarch perhaps ftrft at 
 Sardica, afterwards at 
 Acrida or Juftiniana 
 Prima, erected by Ju- 
 ftinian. 
 
 i Sardica. 
 z The fame. 
 
 3 The fame. 
 
 4 Scupi. 
 
 f Acrida. 
 
 Exarch of Milan. 
 Metropoles. 
 i Ravenna. 
 
 z Aquileia. 
 
 3 Ravenna. 
 
 4 Mediolanum, Milan, 
 f Milan. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 6 Rhatia Prima. 
 
 7 Rhatia Secunda. 
 
 In the Roman Prefeclure, 
 Provinces. 
 
 1 Picenum Suburbica- 
 
 rium. 
 
 2 Campania. 
 
 3 Tufcia and Umbria. 
 
 4 Apulia and Calabria, 
 f Brutij and Lucania. 
 
 6 Samnium. 
 
 7 Valeria. 
 
 8 Sicilia. 
 
 p Sardinia. 
 io Corfica. 
 
 IX. Z)/o^o/Illyricum 
 Occidentale. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 I Pannonia Prima or 
 
 Superior, 
 z Pannonia Secunda. 
 
 3 Salvia. 
 
 4 Dalmatia. 
 
 f Noricum Mediterra- 
 
 neum. 
 6 Noricum Ripenfe. 
 
 X. Diocefe of Africa. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 i Africa Proconfularis. 
 z Byzacium. 
 
 3 Numidia. 
 
 i • . 
 
 4 Tripolis. 
 
 f Mauritania Sitifenfis. 
 6 Mauritania Ccefari- 
 enfis. 
 
 XI. Diocefe of Spain. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 i Bcetica. 
 z Lufitania. 
 3 Gallicia. 
 
 X X X 2 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 6 Milan. 
 
 7 Milan, others Rhatio- 
 polls, called Augufta 
 Tiberij,now Ratisbone. 
 
 Patriarch of Rome, 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 i Rome. 
 
 z Rome, others Capua. 
 
 3 Rome. 
 
 4 Rome, 
 f Rome. 
 
 6 Rome. 
 
 7 Rome. 
 
 8 Syracufe. 
 p Calaris. 
 
 io Uncertain. Others 
 fay Rome. 
 
 Exarch of Sirmium. 
 
 Metropoles. 
 i Laureacum. 
 
 z Sirmium. 
 
 3 Sirmium. Others 
 
 domana. Vi n - 
 
 4 Salona. 
 
 f Some fay, Saltzburg. 
 
 6 Some fay , Laureacum ; 
 Others leave thefe 
 twq uncertain. 
 
 Exarch of Carthage. 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 I Carthago. 
 
 z Civil Metropolis, A- 
 drumetum. But the 
 Ecclefiaftical follow- 
 ed the See of the Se- 
 nior Biihop. So in all 
 the reft. 
 
 3 Cirta Julia or Con- 
 flantina. 
 
 4 Tripolis. 
 j* Shift. 
 
 6 Caefarea. 
 
 Exarch uncertain. 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 i Hifpalis. 
 
 z Emerita Augufta. 
 
 3 Bracara. 
 
 4 Tar* 
 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 VIII. The Diocefe of Italy is by fome reckoned 
 but one Diocefe, by others divided into two, 
 the Diocefe of Italy, and Prefecture of Rome. 
 
344 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book IX 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 4 Tarraconenfis. 4 
 
 f Carthaginenfis. f 
 
 6 Tingitana. 6 
 
 7 Infula Baleares. 7 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 Tarraco. 
 
 Carthago Hifpanita. 
 See of the jSV/z.Bifhop. 
 Uncertain j fome fay 
 Palma. 
 
 XII. Diccefc of Gallia. Exarch uncertain. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 1 Vknnenfis. 
 
 z 
 
 4 
 f 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 Lugdunenjls. 
 Germania Prima. 
 Germania Secunda. 
 Belgica Prima. 
 Belgka Secunda. 
 Alpes Maritime. 
 Alpes Pennine 
 Graia. 
 p Maxima Seyuanor urn. 
 
 10 Aquitania Prima. 
 
 1 1 Aquitania Secunda. 
 iz Novem Populorum. 
 
 I $ Narbonenfis Prima. 
 14 Narbonenfis Secunda. 
 1 f Lugdunenjis Secunda. 
 
 16 Lugdunenjis Tertia. 
 
 17 Lugdunenjis Senonia. 
 
 Metropoles. 
 
 I Arelate-, others fay, 
 
 Vienna, 
 z Lugdunum. 
 
 3 Trm'ra.SinceAfc/zta. 
 
 4 Treveris. Since CW?;z. 
 f 'Treveris. 
 
 6 Rhemi. 
 
 7 Ebrodunum. 
 £5? 8 Vienna. 
 
 9 Vefontio. Befanfon. 
 
 10 Bituriges. Bourges. 
 
 11 Burdigala. 
 
 12 Elufa, or Augufta 
 Aufciorum. 
 
 1 5 Narbo. 
 
 14 Sextia. Aix. 
 
 1 j* Rothomagus. Rouen. 
 
 16 Tut' ones. Tours. 
 
 17 Senona. Sens. 
 
 XIII. Diocefe 0/Britain. Exarch of York, if any. 
 Provinces. Metropoles. 
 
 f Maxima. Cafarienjis , 1 Eboracum. York. 
 
 which was at the firft 
 
 all from the Thames to 
 
 the Northern Borders. 
 2 FlaviaCafarienfts, ta- 2, Tor/fc. " 
 
 ken out of the former, 
 
 and containing all 
 
 from the Thames to 
 
 the Number. 
 5 Britannia Prima on 3 London. 
 
 the South of Thames. 
 4 Britannia Secunda, or 4 Caerleon. 
 
 all beyond Severn, 
 f Valentia, beyond the y jfar^. 
 
 This in the main was the State and Divifion 
 of the Church into Provinces, and Exarchates, 
 or Metropolitical and Patriarchal Diocefes, in 
 the latter End of the IVth Century : From 
 which it appears, that a very near Correfpon- 
 dence was obferved between the Church and 
 State in this Matter both in the Weftern and 
 Eaftern Empire. 
 
 And this may be evidenced sect vii. 
 farther both from the Rules and This evidenced 
 Canons, and the known Practice father fr om the 
 of the Church in this cafe. For Rttles and Cwor » 
 when any Provinces were di- °f theCh ^- 
 vided in the State, there commonly followed a 
 Divifion in the Church alfo : And when any 
 City was advanced to a greater Dignity in the 
 Civil Account, it ufually obtained a like Promo- 
 tion in the Ecclefiaftical : So when Conrrover- 
 fies arofe about Primacy between two Churches 
 in the fame Province or DiftricT:, the way to 
 end the Difpute was to enquire, which of them 
 was the Metropolis in the State, and order the 
 fame to be the Metropolis in the Church. Of 
 all which there are manifeft Proofs in antient 
 Hiftory. It was by this Rule that the Bifliop 
 of Conftantinopie was advanced to Patriarchal 
 Power in the Church, who before was not fo 
 much as a Metropolitan, but fubjecl: to the Pri- 
 mate of Heraclea in Thrace. And this very Rea- 
 fon is given by two General Councils, whidi 
 confirmed him in the PofTeflion of this new ac- 
 quired Power. The firft of Conftantinopie de- 
 creed (YJj that he mould have the next place of 
 Honour after the Bifhop of Rome, becaufe Con* 
 Jiantinople was New Rome. Which was thus a- 
 gain confirmed and ratified in the Council of 
 Chalcedon, which fays, Forafmuch as we think it 
 proper to follow the Decrees of the holy Fathers, 
 and allow the Canon made by thofe hundred and 
 fifty Bifhops aflembled under the Emperor Theo' 
 dofius in the Royal City Conjlantinople, we our- 
 felves order [b~] and decree the fame concerning 
 the Privileges of the moft holy Church of the 
 faid City, which is New Rome. For our Fore- 
 fathers gave Old Rome her Privileges in regard 
 that Ihe Was the Royal City : And thofe hun- 
 dred and fifty Bifhops were moved with the fame 
 Consideration to grant equal Privileges to the 
 Epifcopal Throne of New Rome; judging it but 
 reafonable, that the City which was honoured 
 with the Royal Seat of the Empire and Senate, 
 and enjoyed the fame Privileges with Old Rome, 
 in all Matters of a Civil Nature, mould alfo be 
 advanced to the fame Dignity in Ecclefiaftical 
 Affairs, and be accounted the fecond in Order 
 after her. Accordingly they determined now, 
 that the three whole Diocefes of AJia, Pontus 
 and Thrace mould be fettled under the Jurifdi- 
 6tion of this new Patriarch of Conftantinopie. 
 Which plainly {hews, they had a particular re- 
 gard to the Model of the State in fettling the 
 Bounds and Limits of Jurifdi&ion in the Church. 
 The Council of Antioch affigns this for the Rea- 
 fon of paying Deference to Metropolitan Bifhops 
 in general, becaufe they were placed in the Me- 
 tropolis of the Province [c] whither the Men 
 that had Bufinefs or Controverfies, had recourfe. 
 And therefore if any Difpute happened, as fome- 
 times there did, between two Bifhops in the 
 
 [*] Concil. Conftant. c. 3. T&y Kav^a.vliv^'joKscx hmav.t- «T/a VP} ejhriv vtav Vco[j,tw. 
 wtv \yjAV t«£ <arps5 , f«« i //5T« 7" P»/u>Jf tfttifxtoToft M Cone. Antioch. c. 9. 
 
 3 
 
 [6] Cone. Chalced. c. a8, 
 
 fame 
 
Chap. L 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 345 
 
 fame Province about Metropolitical Power, each 
 laying a Claim to it: the way to end this Con- 
 troverfy was to enquire, which of their Sees was 
 the true Metropolis in the State? and adjudge 
 the fame to have the true legal Right and Pri- 
 vilege in the Church. By this Rule the Coun- 
 cil or* Turin [i] determined the Controverfy 
 about Prefidency betwixt the two Churches of 
 Arks and Vienna, decreeing, That that Biihop 
 mould be the Primate, who could prove his Ci- 
 ty to be the Metropolis of the Province. It 
 lometimcs happened, that an ambitious Spirit 
 wo,uld petition the Emperor to grant him the 
 Honour and Power of a Metropolitan in the 
 Church, when yet the Province to which he be- 
 longed had but one Metropolis in the State : 
 Which was fo contrary to the forefaid Rule of the 
 Church, that the great Council of Chalcedon [e] 
 made it Depofition for any Biihop to attempt it. 
 But on the other hand, if the Emperor thought 
 fit to divide a Province into two, and erect a 
 new Metropolis in the fecond Part ; then the 
 Church many times allowed the Biihop of the 
 new Metropolis to become a Metropolitan in the 
 Church alio. By this means Tyami in Cappado- 
 cia came to be a Metropolitical See, as well as 
 Ccefarea, becaufe the Province was divided into 
 two by Imperial Edict. And the like happened 
 upon the Divifion of many other Provinces, Ga- 
 latia, Pamphylia, &c. As may be fcen in the 
 Notitia of the Church, which follows in the End 
 of this Book. The Canons of the Church were 
 made to favour this Practice in the Erection of 
 new Bilhopricks alio. For the Council of Chalcedon 
 /] has another Canon which fays, That if the 
 mperial Power made any Innovation in the 
 Precincts or Parim.es belonging to any City, 
 then the State of the Church-precincts might be 
 alter'd in conformity to the Alterations that 
 were made in the Political and Civil State. 
 Which Canon is repeated and confirmed in the 
 Council [g] of Trullo. So that if any Place was 
 advanced to the Privilege of a City, and go- 
 verned by a civil Magiftracy of its own, which 
 was not fo before, it might then alfo be freed 
 from the Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction of its former 
 Biihop, and be governed by one of its own. 
 Thus when Maiuma in Pale/line, a Dependant 
 on Gaza, was advanced by Conflantine to the 
 Privilege of a City, and governed by a Ma- 
 giftracy of its own} that was prefently followed 
 with the Erection of a new Bifliop's See, which 
 continued ever after, notwithftanding that Ju- 
 lian in fpite to Chriftianity disfranchized the 
 City, and annexed it to Gaza again. Sozomen is 
 our Author for this, and he adds farther [_h~\, 
 that in his Time the Biihop of Gaza, upon a 
 Vacancy of Maiuma, laying Claim to it as only 
 
 an Appendage of his own City; and pleading, 
 that one City ought not to have two Bifhops; 
 the Caufe came to an hearing before a Provin- 
 cial Synod, which determined in favour of the 
 Maiumitans, and ordained them another Biihop. 
 For they thought it not proper, that they who 
 for their Piety had obtained the Privilege of be- 
 ing made a City, and were only deprived of 
 their Right by the Envy of a Pagan Prince, 
 mould lofe their other Rights, which concerned 
 the Priefthood and the Church. So it always 
 continued an Epifcopal See, and has its Place 
 among; the reft in the Notitia of the Church. 
 The like may be obferved of Emmaus, which at 
 firft was but a Village belonging to the Diocefe 
 and City of Jerufalem. But being afterward re- 
 built by the Romans, and called Nicopolis, from 
 their great Vi&ories over the Jews, it became a 
 City and a Bifhop's See, under which Character 
 the Reader may alfo find it in the Notitia of 
 the Church. Thcfe are evident Proofs, that in 
 fettling the Limits of Diocefes and other Di- 
 ftricts, and modelling the external Polity of 
 the Church, a great regard was had to the 
 Rules of the State, and many Things ordered 
 in conformity to the Meafure obferved in the 
 Roman Empire. 
 
 Yet thefe being Matters on- SECT. vni. 
 ly of Conveniency and outward Yet the church not 
 Order, the Church did not tye ' tyed predfely to ob- 
 herfelf abfolutely to follow that m Model > 
 
 Model, but only fo far as me *»< "f^'^'y 
 
 • i j • * • , , in varying from it. 
 
 judged it expedient and condu- J 
 cive to the Ends of her own Spiritual Govern- 
 ment and Difcipline. And therefore fhe did not 
 imitate the State-model in all things : She ne- 
 ver had one Univerfal Biihop in Imitation of an 
 Univerfal Emperor ; nor an Eaftern and a We- 
 llern Pontificate, in Imitation of an Eaftern and 
 Weftern Empire; nor four grand Spiritual Ad- 
 miniftrators, anfwering to the four great Mini- 
 fters of State, the Prafecli-Pratorio in the civil 
 Government; not to mention any other Forms 
 ok Minifters of State-afFairs, Multitudes of 
 which may be feen in the Notitia of the Em- 
 pire. Nay in thofe things wherein fhe followed 
 the civil Form, her Liberty feems to have been 
 preferved both by the Laws of Church and 
 State; and nothing of this nature was forced 
 upon her, but as fhe thought fit to order it in 
 her own Wifdom and Difcretion. This may be 
 collected from one of Juftinian's Novels, where 
 having divided the two Armenias into four 
 Provinces, he adds \_i~] That as to what con- 
 cerned the State of the Church, his Intent was 
 to leave every thing in its ancient Form, and 
 make no Alterations in the Rights of the old 
 
 [</] Concil. Taurin. c. i. Illud inter Epifcopos urbium Arela- 
 tenlis 8c Viennenfis, qui de Primatus apud nos honore certabant, a 
 San&a Synodo definitum eft, ut qui ex eis comprobaverit fuam 
 Civitatem efle Metropolim, is totius Provincial honorcm Primatus 
 obtincat, 8c ipfe juxta praeceptum Canonum, Ordinationum habeat 
 poteftatem. [<>] Concil. Chalced. c. 12. [/] Con- 
 
 cil. Chalced. c. 17. « rn ix. ^x<riKtK7n ^Kcr/ct? \^cuv'iSn\ ms'o- 
 
 hl( t 7014 <ZrO\lTtKo7i K) £tiH0a~'l0ll 7V7T0t( Jt} iKX-MO'let^l' 
 
 n£y 'ud-etiKiZi' n rd^if d.KoKK^etTCi>- [g~] Concil. Trul. 
 
 C. 2.8. which inftead of iraejiKiwr, reads, 'srfef^y^.a.Tcov 
 [h] Sozom. lib. f . c. j. [i] Juftin. Novel, m. Quae 
 
 vero ad facerdotia lpe£tant, ea volumus in priftina manere Forma, 
 ut ncque circa Jus Metropolicicum, neque circa Ordinationes quic- 
 quam innovetur. Vid. 28. c. 2. 
 
 Metro- 
 
346 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 Metropolitans, or their Power of ordaining 
 their Suffragans, &c. And this appears farther 
 from the Anfwer of Pope Innocent Bifhop of 
 Rome, or one under his Name, given to Alexan- 
 der of Antioch, who had put the Queftion [£] 
 Whether upon the Divifion of a Province, and 
 the Ere&ion of two civil Metropolis in it by a 
 Royal Decree, there ought alfo to be two Me- 
 tropolitan Bifhops in the Church : To this he 
 anfwers, That there was no Reafon the Church 
 fhould undergo Alterations upon every necefTary 
 Change that was made in the civil State, or 
 have her Honours and Dignitaries multiply'd 
 or divided according to what the Emperor 
 thought fit to do in his own Affairs. This 
 fhews, that the Church was at Liberty in this 
 matter, to follow the Model and Divifions of 
 the civil State or not, as Hie judged moft ex- 
 pedient for her felf : And when any Alterations 
 of this nature were made, they were generally 
 done by the Direction or Confent of a Provinci- 
 al or General Council, or the tacit Confent 
 and Approbation of the Church. 
 
 sect. IX. Whilst we are upon this 
 An Account of the Head relating to the antient 
 Ecclefis Suburbi- Divifionof the Church, it comes 
 
 properly to be enquired, What 
 man church. the Primitive Writers mean by 
 
 the Term Ecclefiae Suburbicariee, 
 Suburbicary Churches, in the DiftricT: of Ro- 
 man Church. Ruffinus in his Tranflation and 
 AbftracT: of the Nicenc Canons, gives us the fixth 
 of them in thefe Words [/]: " The ancient 
 " Cuftom of Alexandria and Rome fhall ftill be 
 " obferved, that the one mail have the Care or 
 " Government of the Egyptian, and the other 
 " of the Suburbicary Churches." A great many 
 Queftions have been rais'd by Learned Men in 
 the laft Age concerning this, which I fhall not 
 clog this Difcourfe with, but only refolve two 
 Queftions, which are moft material for the Rea- 
 der to know. i. What was the Extent of this 
 DiftricT:? z. Whether it was the Limits of his 
 Metropolitical or Patriarchal Power? To know 
 what was the Extent of this DiftricT:, we 
 cannot take a furer way, than to confider 
 what is meant by the Suburbicary Regions 
 in other Places. For this is a Term that of- 
 ten occurs in the Tbeodojian Code [m~\, where 
 Gothofred \_n~\ and our learned Dr. Cave [_o~] 
 and many others take it to fignify the Di- 
 ftricT: of the Prafetlus Urbis, or JurifdicTrion of 
 the Provoft of Rome, which was a Circuit 
 of about an hundred Miles next to Rome as is 
 evident from the ancient Law, which fays, his 
 
 Government extended not only to Rome, but to 
 an hundred Miles \_p~] round it, where the Li- 
 mits of his Jurifdidtion ceafed. Which is noted 
 alfo by CaJJidore \_q], and Dio [r~\, who inftead 
 of Centefimus Lapis, ufes the phrafe of Seven 
 hundred and fifty Stadia, or Furlongs, which is 
 not much fhort of the legal Computation. O- 
 thers reckon the Regiones Suburbicariee to be the 
 fame ten Provinces of the Italick Diocefe which 
 were under the Vicarius Urbicus, who with the 
 other Vicarius of Italy divided the Italick Dio- 
 cefe between them : So that the Roman Vicarius 
 had feven Provinces in Italy (mentioned before 
 in the Notitia) and the three Iflands of Sicily, 
 Sardinia, and Corfica, under his Jurifdi&ion ; 
 which they reckon the Suburbicary Provinces 
 of Rome. So our learned Mr. Brerewood [/], and 
 Sirmond [_t] and Du Pin, and fome others, who 
 extend the Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidtion of the Bi- 
 fhop of Rome to all thofe ten Provinces under 
 the Infpe&ion of the Vicarius Urbis. Either of 
 thefe Opinions may be admitted, as having at 
 leaft their Arguments of Probability to defend 
 them : Whereas they who confine the Suburbi- 
 cary Churches to a fingle Diocefe, or extend 
 them fo far as to include all the Provinces of 
 the Weftern Empire, run into contrary Ex- 
 treams, for which there is no Ground either in 
 the Nicene Canon itfelf, or any other Part of 
 the Hiftory of the Church in that Age. For it 
 is evident the Canon fpeaks of the Power of the 
 three great Bifhops, Rome, Alexandria, and An- 
 tioch, as extending farther than a fingle Diocefe : 
 But that the Authority of the Bifhop of Rome 
 in thofe Days extended over the whole We- 
 ftern Empire, is not once fo much as hinted in 
 the Nicene Canon, but is contrary to all the com- 
 mon Senfes of Suburbicary Churches, and refu- 
 ted by the known Dirtindion between Italick 
 and Roman Churches or Provinces, and the con- 
 ftant Opposition that was made by the African 
 Churches, and thofe of Britain, Milan and o- 
 thers, to the leaft Pretence of Patriarchal Power 
 over them. From which it is rational to con- 
 clude, that the Notion of Suburbicary Churches 
 ought not to be extended beyond the Limits ei- 
 ther of the Prafeclus Urbis, which was an hun- 
 dred Miles about Rome; and, as Dr. Cave and 
 fome others think, was alfo the Limits of the 
 Pope's Metropolitical Power: Or at moft not 
 beyond the Limits of thofe ten Provinces, which 
 were immediately fubjeclred to the civil Difpofi- 
 tion and Jurifdiclrion of the Vicarius Urbis, viz. 
 i Campania, z Tufcia and Umbria. 3 Picenum 
 Suburbicarium. 4 Valeria, f Samnium. 6 Apu- 
 lia and Calabria. 7 Lucania and Brutii. 8 Si- 
 
 lk'} Innocent. Ep. 18. ad Alex. Antioch. Quod fcifcitaris, u- 
 trum divifis Imperiali Judicio Provinciis, ut dux Metropoles fiant, 
 fic duo Metropolitan! Epifcopi debeant nominari : Non vifum eft 
 ad mobilitatem neceffitatum mundanarum Dei Eccleiiam commu- 
 tari, honorefque aut dmfiones perpeti, quas pro fuis caufis facien- 
 das duxerit Imperator. [1} Ruffin. Hift. lib. i. c. 6. Ut 
 
 apud Alexandriam, & in Urbe Roma, vetufta Confuetudo ferve- 
 tur, ut vel ille jEgypti, vel hie Suburbicariarum Ecclefiarum folli- 
 citudinem gerat. [?»] Cod. Th. lib. u. tit. i. de Annona. 
 
 8 
 
 leg. 9. Vid. plura apud Gothofred. in locum. [»] Gotho- 
 
 fred. in Cod. Th. lib. 11. tit. 1. de Annona. leg. 9. 
 [0] Cave Anc. Church Gov. c. 3. p. 115-. [/>] Digeft. 
 
 lib. 1. tit. 1 2. leg. 1. Si quid intra Centefimum Milliarium ad- 
 milTum fic, ad Prxfe&um Urbi pertinet, &c. [5] Cafii- 
 
 odor. Form. lib. 5-. p. 207. [r] Dio lib, fi. p. 5-48. 
 
 [j] Brerewood of Patriarch. Gov. Q. 1 . p. 99. [r j Sir- 
 
 mond. Cenfur, Conjeclur. lib, 1, c. 4. 
 
 cilia. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 347 
 
 cilia. 9 Sardinia. 10 Corfica. Which Dr. Cave 
 [it] fuppofes to have been the exact and proper 
 Limits of the Pope's Patriarchal Power, as he 
 thinks the other were the Bounds of his Metro- 
 political Junfdiction. 
 
 SECT. X. But it matters not much, I 
 
 This mojl probably think, whether we call this Di- 
 
 tfje true ancient Li- ftnct of thefe ten Provinces the 
 
 tnitt of the b>M Bifhop of Rome's Metropolitical 
 
 t K 7n ,°t or Patriarchal Diocefes or Pro- 
 
 Metropolitical ana . 
 
 Patriarchal Junfdi- vinccs. For after all the Diiputes 
 aion. that have been raifed about this 
 
 Matter, thefe feem to have been 
 in a great meafure the true ancient Limits both 
 of his Metropolitical and Patriarchal Power. 
 Many, I know, will take this for a Paradox : 
 But 1 have fhewed it to be true [*] in the 
 cafe of the Bifhop of Alexandria, the Bounds 
 of whofe Jurifdiction were the fame, viz. the 
 Six Provinces of the Egyptian Diocefe, both 
 when he was a Metropolitan and Patriarch : And 
 why then might not the Cafe be the fame with 
 the Bifhop of Rome, whofe Privileges are pre- 
 ferred as a Model for the Bifhop of Alexandria 
 by the Council of Nice, whofe Words [#] are 
 thefe: Let ancient Cuftoms prevail j In Egypt, 
 Libya, and Pentapolis, let the Bifhop of Alexan- 
 dria have Authority over all, becaufe the fame 
 is cuftomary with the Bifhop of Rome : In like 
 manner at Antioch, and in other Provinces, let 
 the Privileges be fecured to the Churches. Some 
 think the Bifhop of Rome was only a Metropo- 
 litan, when this Canon was made, as Launoy, 
 Bifhop Beveridge, Bifhop Stilling fleet, Dr. Cave; 
 according to whofe Sentiments it mult follow, 
 that the Suburbicary Churches were the Diflrict 
 or Subject of his Metropolitical Power. Mr. Bre- 
 rewood \_y~] and Spalatcnfts after St. Jerom think 
 he was properly a Patriarch > And 1 have fhewed 
 elfewhere [f] that there are fome Reafons to 
 countenance their Opinion : But then the Li- 
 mits of his Patriarchal Power were ftill the 
 fame (according as was at Alexandria) and the 
 ten Provinces of the Roman Diocefe were the 
 legal Bounds of his Jurifdiction. And fo Du Pin 
 \z] amonglt the Romanifis makes no fcruple in- 
 gcnuoullyco confefsj exempting Germany* Spain, 
 France, Britain, Africa, Illyricum, and Seven of 
 the Italick Provinces from any Subjection to the 
 Jurisdiction of the Roman Patriarch in thofe fir ft 
 and Primitive Ages. 
 
 sect. XI. This is contrary to the gene- 
 some tvtdtat Bttmfs ra \ Stream and Current of the 
 of this. Rom 'iJJ) Wricers, one of which is 
 
 fo angry with Du Pin upon this Account, that 
 
 he treats him with all the Scorn and Bitternefs 
 imaginable for making fuch a bold Conceffion, 
 and endeavours to anfwer [a] both what he and 
 Bifhop Stilling fleet had advanced againft the Pope's 
 Pretence to Patriarchal Power over the whole 
 Weftern Empire: But with what Succefs, the 
 Reader may eafily judge from thefe few Inftan- 
 ees, which are evident Proofs of the Senfe that 
 has been given of the Extent and Limits of the 
 Pope's Patriarchal Jurifdi&ion. I. Rujfmus, who 
 was an Italian, and Presbyter of Aquilea, and 
 therefore could not be ignorant of the Bounds 
 of the Pope's Patriarchal Power, in interpreting, 
 the fixth Canon of the Council of Nice, confines 
 his Jurifdiction to the [£] Suburbicary Pro- 
 vinces j and other ancient Verfions publifhed by 
 Sirmondus and Jufiellus, agree with his Interpre- 
 tation, z. The other Seven Provinces of Italy, 
 which properly conftituted the Italick Diocefe 
 as diftincTt from the Roman Provinces, with Mi- 
 lan their Metropolis at the Head of them, were 
 not anciently fubject to the Jurifdiction of the 
 Bifhop of Rome. For Milan is frequently ftyltd 
 the Metropolis of Italy by Atbanafius [<r] and 
 fheodoret fV], taking Italy in its ftridr. and pe- 
 culiar Notion, as diftincTb from the Provinces 
 fubject to Rome. The Bifhop of Milan was ne- 
 ver ordained by the Bifhop of Rome (which yet 
 he muft have been, had he been fubject to his 
 Patriarchal Power) but by the Bifhop of Aqui- 
 leia, as the Bifhop of Aquileia and other Places 
 were ordained by Milan, which is evident from 
 the Epiftle of Pope Pelagius [e], and De Marca 
 [/] does not pretend to deny it. The like has 
 been obferved by learned Men concerning Ra- 
 venna, and other Places in Italy, which fre- 
 quently contefled the Point of Superiority and 
 Subjection with the Bifhops of Rome, of which 
 Dr. Cave gives the Reader a particular 
 Hiftorical Account for many Ages fucceffively, 
 too long to be here infertcd.. 3. For the Afri- 
 can Provinces (which are pretended to be part 
 of the Pope's Patriarchal Dominions) they had 
 always an Exarch or Patriarch of their own, 
 the Primate of 'Carthage, who was Abfolute and 
 Independent [h~] of any other, as Juflinian de- 
 clares in one of his Novels. And it is plain, 
 the African Councils always thought fo : For as 
 they never fent to Rome for Ordinations, fo they 
 prohibited all Appeals thither upon any Account 
 whatfoever. Which is evident beyond all Con- 
 tradiction from the Council of Milevis fil f 
 which orders every African Clerk, thac appeals 
 from the Sentence of his own Bifhop, or a Sy- 
 nod of Select Judges, to appeal to none but A- 
 frican Synods, or the Primates of the Provinces. 
 And if any prefumed to appeal beyond Seas, 
 
 [«] Cave Anc. Church Gov. c. f. p. if 6. [*] Bool; 2. 
 
 Chap. 17. Sett. 11. [*"] Cone. Nic. c. 6. 
 
 [y] Brerewood of Patriarchal Power, j§>. t. [f J Book 2. 
 
 Chap. 17. Sell. 8. [>] Du Pin de Difciplin. Ecclef. Dil 1 
 
 fert. 1. n. 14. p. 92. W Schelftnte'i Dijfertation of Me- 
 
 tropolises! aid Patriarchal Power againft Sriilingfleet. Lond. 1688. 
 [i>] Ruffin. Hift. lib. 1. c. 6. See before Sett. 9. [c Atha- 
 naf. Ep. ad folitar. tom. 1. p. 831. [</] Theod. lib. z- c. 1/. 
 
 [e] Pelag. Ep. 17. Cone. tom. 5-. p. 8oj\ [/] Marca de 
 
 Concord. Saceidot. lib. 6. c. 4. n. 7, 3. Cave Anc. 
 
 Church Gov. c. f. [h] Juflin. Novel. 131. c. 4 
 
 [/] Cone. Milevir. c. 22. Quod fi & ab eis appellandum putave- 
 finr, non provoccnt niii ad Africans Cooiilia, vel ad Primates Pro- 
 vinciarum fuarum. Ad Tranfmarina autem qui putaverit appel- 
 landum, a nu!!o intra Africarn in Communione fufcipiatur. 
 
 meaning 
 
1 
 
 34* 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 meaning to Rome, he fhould be excluded from 
 all Communion in the African Churches. This 
 Decree was farther confirmed by feveral Acts 
 of their General Synods, made upon the famous 
 Cafe and Appeal of Apiarius an African Presby- 
 ter, whom Zofimus Bifhop of Rome pretended to 
 reftore to Communion, after he had been depo- 
 fed by an African Council. Zofimus alledged for 
 himfelf a pretended Decree of the Council of 
 Nice, giving him authority to receive Appeals : 
 But this the African Fathers proved to be a For- 
 gery, by fending for Authentick Copies of the 
 Nicene Decrees from Conftantinople, Antioch, and 
 Alexandria, where no fuch thing appeared. 
 Upon this the African Fathers write a very fnarp 
 Letter to Pope Celefiine - y (for Zofimus and Bo- 
 niface his SuccefTor were both dead whilft 
 this Controverfy was depending :) Where among 
 other things they defire him, that he would not 
 for the future give Ear to any that came from 
 Africk, nor admit thofe to Communion, whom 
 they had excommunicated, which he might ea- 
 fily perceive to be prohibited by the Council 
 of Nice, according to whofe Decrees both the 
 inferior Clergy, and the Bifhops themfelves 
 were committed to the Judgment of their own 
 Metropolitans : For the Nicene Fathers very juftly 
 and wifely conceive, that all Controverfies ought 
 to be ended in the Places where they arofe. And 
 it was very unreafonable in itfelf to think, that 
 God fhould enable a fingle Perfon to examine 
 the Juftice of a Caufe, and deny his Grace to a 
 vaft Number of Perfons aflembled in Council. 
 Therefore upon the whole Matter they defire 
 him henceforth to forbear fending any of his 
 Clerks into Africk, to execute his Sentence 
 there, left they fhould feem to introduce the 
 fmoaky Pride of the World into the Church of 
 Chrift. With abundance more to the fame pur- 
 pofe, which the Reader may find at large in- 
 ferred [k~] among the Canons of the African Code. 
 From which it is as plain as the Sun at Noon- 
 day, that in the Time of St. Auflin the Pope 
 could lay no juft Claim to Patriarchal Power 
 over any of the African Churches. 4. Baluzius 
 has farther demonftratedfor the Gallican Churches 
 un his excellent Preface to Antonius Augaftinus's 
 Book De Emendatione Gratiani) that for eight 
 hundred Years the French Synods never allowed 
 of any Appeals from their own Determinations 
 to the Pope. They always ordained their own 
 Metropolitans, as is evident from the fecond Sy- 
 nod of Orleance an 5-535, and many times 
 itoutly refilled the Encroachments of the Popes : 
 for which I refer the Reader to the forefaid Ba- 
 luzius and Dr. Cave [m~], the Particulars being 
 too long to be inferted here, f . Laftly, for the 
 Britamkk Churches, it is evident, that for fix 
 hundred Years they never acknowledged any 
 
 Dependance upon Rome. When Auftin the Monk 
 came into England, and pleaded with the Britifb 
 Bifhops (Seven in number) for Subjection to 
 the Bifhop of Rome, and Conformity to the Ro- 
 man Rites in the Obfervation of Eafter, and fome 
 other Things : He was anfwered pofitively [»]' 
 That they owed no Obedience to the Pope of 
 Rome, but were tinder the Government of the 
 Bifhop of Caerleon upon Uske y who was their 
 Overfcer under God. And for the bufinefs of 
 the Pafchal Controverfy, they were fo far from 
 paying any Deference to the Roman Cuftom, 
 that they continued their ancient Practice of ob- 
 ferving Eafter on a different Sunday from Rome 
 for fome Ages after, notwithstanding all the Ar- 
 guments that the Pope or his Party could urge 
 againft them : For which Reafons they were 
 treated as Schifmaticks by the Agents and E- 
 miflaries of Rome : Which is an evident De- 
 monstration, that they did not then acknow- 
 ledge any thing of the Pope's Patriarchal Power 
 over them. All this is clear from Becle [<?],■■ who 
 repeats it in feveral places. And William of 
 Malmsbury [j>], and Stephen Heddius and 
 Eadmerus [r], and other Writers of the Life of 
 Wilfrid Archbifhop of York, (a great Zealot for 
 the Romifh Caufe againft the Britijh Cuftoms) 
 tell us the very fame Story. For they fay, Wil- 
 frid refufed to receive Ordination from the Scot~ 
 tijh or Britijh Bifhops, or from any ordained by 
 them, becaufe the Apoftolical See had rejected 
 their Communion. So that, as Bifhop Stillingjleei 
 has obfervcd [f] out of thefe Authors, it is plain, 
 the Britijh and Scottijh Churches ftood Ex- 
 communicate at that time by the Church of 
 Rome, becaufe they would not fubmit to her 
 Rites and Cuftoms about Eafter, and her pre- 
 tended Power over them. A great deal more 
 has been alledged by our learned Antiquaries 
 Mr. Brereivood [/], Mr. Wat [on Dr. Cave 
 [w], and Bifhop Stillingjleei [x], to fhew the 
 ancient Liberty and Independency of the Britan- 
 nick Churches, which I fhall not here repeat, 
 but only confider an Exception or two, which 
 are made by Schelftrate in his Diflertaiion con- 
 cerning the Patriarchal Power of the Bifhop 
 of Rome, in Anfwer to Bifhop Stillingfleefs An- 
 tiquities of the Britijh Church. 
 
 He fays \_y~] the Manufcript 
 fet out by Sir H. Spelman, con- 
 taining the Anfwer of Dinothus 
 to Auftin, is fpuriousand forged : 
 For the Style manifeftly difcovers 
 it to be Modern. Which is a 
 weighty Argument indeed from a Perfon, who 
 was fo competent a Judge of the Britifh Style 
 in which that Manufcript was wr' 
 profefTes he did not underftand ev 
 
 SECT. XII 
 The contrary Ex- 
 ceptions of Schei- 
 firate, lelating to 
 the Brirannick 
 Church, cmjidsred. 
 
 itten, that he 
 en the Endifh 
 
 [k] Cod. Can. Afrk. a cap. 135-. ad cap. 1 ;8. [/] Cone. 
 Aurei. 2. c. 7. [m] Cave Anc. Church Gov. c. f. p. 220. 
 
 f»] Spelman. Concii. Britan. an. 601. torn. i. p. 108. 
 [oj Bede Hift. lib. 2. c. 2. 8c 19. lib. 2. c. if. lib. f. c. 16, 
 & 22. [p ] Malmsbur. de Geftis Pontific. Anglor. lib. 3. 
 
 [q] Stcph. Heddius Vit. Wilfrid, c. 12. [r] Eadmer, Vit, 
 
 Wilfrid. [i] Stilling fleet's Anfwer to Crejfy, p. 300. 
 
 [/] Brerewcod of Patriarch. Gov. Q. 2. [»] Watfcn De 
 
 Ecclef. Britan. Antiqua Libcrtate. The!" 2. [w] Cave Anc. 
 
 Church Gov. c. p. 244. [*] Stilling. Origin. Britan. 
 
 c - J"> [y] Schelftrar, DifTert. c. 6. p. 130. 
 
 4 Tongue 
 
Chap. I 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 349 
 
 Tongue without the help of an Interpreter. 
 And how then fhould he be able to judge of a 
 Britijh Writing by its Style, without knowing 
 a Syllable of its Language ? But, he adds, the 
 Matter of it alfo difcovers it to be a Forgery : 
 For it is manifeft there was no Archbifhop of 
 Caerleon upon Usk at that time, as the Writing 
 pretends j but that the Metropolitan Jurifdiction 
 had for above a hundred Years before been trans- 
 ferred to Menevia. As if it was not as manifeft 
 to all the World, that the Archbifhop of Me- 
 nevia or St. David's might retain the Title of 
 Caerleon, though the See was removed, becaufe 
 Caerleon was the original Seat j as well as the 
 Bifhop of the Ifle Man now retains the Title of 
 Epifcopus Sodorenfis, becaufe S odor a and all the 
 Hebrides, or I {lands on the Weft of Scotland, 
 were once part of his Diocefe, though now for 
 many Ages they have been feparated from it. 
 Or to give an inftance nearer Rome, we are 
 told by Geographers [z], that OJlia and Porto 
 ftill give title to two Bifhops, one whereof is 
 always a Senior Cardinal, and the other Dean of 
 the College of Cardinals, though both places are 
 now in fuch Ruins, that there is fcarce an Inha- 
 bitant in either. We fhall fee hereafter in the 
 fth Chapter of this Book, that many times three 
 or four antient Italian Bifhopricks were united 
 into one, as Holftenius [a] has obferved of 
 quina, Cornetum and Gravifca-, in which cafe no 
 Abfurdity is committed, which ever of the Ti- 
 tles the Bifhop of the united Diocefe' was 
 called by. Why then muft it be an Objection 
 againft the Validity of this Teftimony, that it 
 calls the Bifhop of Menevia by the Title of Caer- 
 leon, when that was the original Title? But 
 2dly, he fays, It appears from Bede, that the 
 Queftion was not concerning the Primacy of the 
 Roman Bifhop, but about Auftin's Metropoliti- 
 cal Jurifdiction over them. But how then 
 came the BritiJJj Bifhops to be reckoned Schif- 
 maticks, if the Pope's Authority was no ways 
 concern'dinthedifpute? Would they be Schifma- 
 ticks for rejecting Auftin's Metropolitical Jurif- 
 diction, had he unwarrantably ufurped that 
 power of his own head, and without a legal 
 Commiffion from fome fuperior obtruded him- 
 felf upon them ? It is plain therefore the one was 
 included in the other, and the rejecting Auftin 
 was rejecting the Power that fent him. But 
 they alio contefted the Pope's Supremacy in ano- 
 ther refpect, refufing to comply with the Romijb 
 Rites and Ufages in the obfervation of Eafter, the 
 Adminiftration of Baptifm, St. Peter's Tonfure, 
 and fome other Cuftoms j which was an argu- 
 ment, that as they had no dependence upon the 
 Church of Rome heretofore, nor much Commu- 
 nication with her, but rather with the Eaftern 
 Churches; fo now they intended not to fubmit 
 to her Dictates, but to follow their own an- 
 tient Cuftoms as a free Church, and inde- 
 pendent of her. Can any one fuppofe, that 
 
 had the BritiJJj Bifhops looked upon the Pope 
 as inverted with a legal Supremacy over them 
 they would have fcrupled complying with Dire- 
 ctions in fuch Matters, as the Obfervation of 
 Eafter and the like, when fuch things were but 
 the fmalleftpart of Patriarchal Jurifdiction? Even 
 our Author himfelf, when he comes to confi- 
 der the Matter a little farther, is not fo hardy 
 as to ftand by his own Aflertion, but comes to 
 call them Names at laft with Baronius and others 
 of his own Party, telling us [b~\ that after the 
 Saxons had broken in upon them, they defertcd 
 the Doctrines and Rites of the Catholick Church, 
 and receded as Schifmaticks from the Center 
 of Ecclefiallical Communion: And that it ought 
 to be concluded, that God was willing to fhew 
 the Falfhood of the Schifmatical Church of Bri- 
 tain, by the Miracle which he wrought upon 
 Auftin's Interceflion. This is home to our point, 
 and gives up the Caufe in queflion, which is, 
 Whether the Britijh Church owned the Pope's 
 Supremacy at the "coming of Auftin hither: 
 Which our Author, after fome fmall Bickerings 
 with his learned Adverfary, is forced to deny, 
 and join Iffue with him, and then betakes him- 
 felf to their laft and common Refuge, ill Names 
 and Miracles, which being no Arguments in this 
 cafe, I fhall not ftand to give them any Anfvverj 
 but on'y enquire into one thing more, how it 
 appears that the Britains had deferted any antient 
 Doctrine relating to the Pope's Patriarchal Pow- 
 er, upon the coming of the Saxons'? To evidence 
 this, our Author muft give us very plain Proofs, 
 that before that time the BritiJJj Church always 
 owned the Bifhop of Rome's patriarchal Jurifdi- 
 ction over them. And this indeed is the preten- 
 ded Defign of his whole Differtation : But his 
 Proofs . amount to no more than a few flight 
 Conjectures, by which he would be thought to 
 have demonftrated thefe four things, i. That 
 St. Peter was the Founder of the Britijh Church 
 [c], which any one that reads Bifhop UJher de 
 Primordiis [d~\, will as readily attribute to St. Paul 
 or twenty others : So little reafon is there for 
 grounding the Pope's Patriarchal Power upon 
 the firft Converfion of the BritiJJj Church. 
 2. He argues from antient Tradition, that Pa- 
 triarchal Power is an Apoftolical Inftitution, and 
 that thereby [e~] the Britijh Church was 
 made fubjectto the Roman, whoever was the firft 
 Converter of it. But this Tradition is involv'd 
 in greater Obfcurity, and proceeds upon more 
 precarious Proofs than the former. 3. He fays, 
 The BritiJJj Bifhops in the Council of Aries 
 own'd the Pope's [/] Patriarchal Power over 
 them, and all the Weftern World. 4. And 
 laftly, That this Power, in this full Extent and 
 Latitude, is both acknowledged and confirmed [g] 
 by the fixth Canon of the Council of Nice. How far 
 the Council of Nice allowed or confirmed this Po w- 
 er,has been already fhew'd in difcourfing of the Sub- 
 urbicary Churches. So that the only thing remain- 
 
 [2,] Ferrar. Lexicon. Geogr. voce, Oftia, 8c Portus Augufti. 
 a] Holften. Annot. in Geograph. Carol, a S. Paulo, p. 8. 
 b\ Schelftrat. Diflert. c. 6. p. 106. [c] Schelftrat. DiiTert. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 c. 1, 8c 2. [d] Uflcr. de Antiquit. Ecclef. Brit. c. i. 
 
 [<•] Schelftrat. Difiert. c. 3. [/] Ibid. c. 4. [g] Schel- 
 ftrat. DiiTert. c. j. 
 
 Yyy 
 
 "IS 
 
350 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IX. 
 
 ing is to examine what weight there is in his Argu- 
 ment from the Council of Aries. This Coun- 
 cil was fummon'd by Confiantine, and not by the 
 Pope, againft the Donatifts, An. 314. Here 
 were prefent three Britifj Bifhops, Eborius from 
 York, Reftitutus from London, and Adelphius from 
 Lincoln, (Colonia Lindi) as I lhall fhew hereafter 
 it probably ought to be read. Now in their Sy- 
 nodical Epiftle to Pope Sylvefter there is a Paf- 
 fage (but by all acknowledged to be a very cor- 
 rupt one) which fpeaks fomething of his holding 
 the greater [Jo] Diocefes. Which our Author 
 interprets to mean his having a Patriarchal Pow- 
 er over all the great Diocefes of the Weftern 
 Empire, Macedonia, Dacia, Illyricum, Italy, A- 
 frica, Spain, France and Britain. But one que- 
 ftion may be here asked, which will fpoil all 
 this flouriih of a Comment. Did the African 
 Fathers, many of which were prefent at this 
 Council, fo under ftand the Words, Greater Di- 
 ocefes? If they did, How came it to pafs, that 
 within an Age after they fo ftifly oppofed three 
 Popes fucceffively, and vindicated their own Li- 
 berties in this very point (as we have feen be- 
 fore [*] they did) denying them abfolutely all 
 Power of receiving Appeals from any of the 
 African Churches? Had St. Auftin and all the 
 reft of them forgot what their Forefathers had 
 fo lately fubferibed at Aries, that Africa was 
 one of the Pope's larger Diocefes? Or had they 
 been harrafled out of their Senfes, like the poor 
 Britains, by fome Saxon Invaflon, and were now 
 run into Schifm, as the other are reproachfully 
 and falfly faid to have done? Nothing of all this 
 can be pretended in the prefent cafe: And there- 
 fore that is Demonftration to me, that neither 
 the African Fathers, nor the Britains, nor any 
 others then prefent in Council, took the .Words 
 Greater Diocefes, in the Senle which this Au- 
 thor puts upon them. So that whatever Mean- 
 ing they muft have, it is plain this cannot be 
 their Meaning: And then all the Argument, 
 v/hich our Author has built upon this Suppo- 
 fition, in order to fubject the Britains to the 
 Pope, at once falls to the Ground. I will not 
 now ftand difputing with him, whether the 
 Word Diocefe, was never about this time ta- 
 ken in any Author for one of the great Dio- 
 cefes of the Roman Empire. He fays Conflan- 
 tinc [f] fo ufes it in one place, fpeaking of the 
 Afiatick and Pontick Diocefes : And if that will 
 do him any Service,I can help him to another} 
 for Conftantine alfo fpeaks of a Civil Officer, 
 called KaS-oXixo? ^raixjjgreofcr, or Rationalis of the 
 Diocefe [£], where I agree with Valefius, we 
 are to underftand one of the great Diocefes of the 
 Roman Empire. Nay I have faid before, that 
 I think there were Patriarchs too in the Church 
 at that time, and that they had the great Dio- 
 
 cefes of the Roman Empire divided among them. 
 But does it hence follow, that becaufe the word Di- 
 ocefe, is fome times fo ufed, that therefore it muft 
 needs fignify fo in this Place, when there is plain De- 
 monftration to the contrary ? All the World knows 
 that about the fame time the Name Diocefe was 
 given to fingle Epifcopal Churches alfo, and they 
 too were called greater Diocefes in opposition 
 to the fttuli or Pari flies, which were quafi Dice- 
 cefes, thelefTer Diocefes under them, as the Pon- 
 tifical words it [/] in the Life of Pope Marcel- 
 lus, who was one of Sylvefter's Predecefibrs. So 
 that Sylvefter' $ holding greater Diocefes, may 
 mean no more than his being a Metropolitan, or 
 having feveral Epifcopal Diocefes under his Juris- 
 diction, to whom he was to fignify according 
 to Cuftom the Time of keeping Eaftcr, and o- 
 ther things decreed in the Council. Or if we 
 fuppofe him to have been a Patriarch at that 
 time, then his greater Diocefes may fignify thofe 
 ten Suburbicary Provinces, which were the an- 
 tient Bounds of his Patriarchal Jurifdidtion. But 
 whatever meaning they have, it is certain they 
 cannot be underftood in our Author's Senfe, of 
 the great Diocefes of the Roman Empire: Be- 
 caufe it were abfurd to think, that Africa fhould 
 acknowledge it felf to be one of the Pope's Dio- 
 cefes, which never was reckoned among the Sub- 
 urbicary Provinces, and what is more always re- 
 folutely oppofed the Pope's Pretences to the leaft 
 fhadow of power over it, claiming an abfolute 
 and independent power within it felf in all 
 Matters of Ecclefiaftical Cognizance and Juris- 
 diction. And the cafe of the Britannick Church 
 being the fame with that of Africk, it follows, 
 that it was as independent of Rome as the o- 
 ther was, notwithstanding any pretended Con- 
 fellion of Subjection made by its Bifhops in the 
 Council of Aries, upon which our Author lays 
 the main Strength of his Caufe, though there is 
 nothing in it, when fairly canvafTed and exami- 
 ned, as I doubt not I have made it appear to 
 every unprejudiced Reader. I was the more 
 willing to confider here fome of the chief 
 Exceptions of this celebrated Writer againft the 
 Liberties of the Britannick Church, becaufe I 
 know not whether any one elfe has made a 
 Reply to them j and thefe Strictures will Serve 
 tofuggeft at once to the Reader the true Grounds 
 upon which our antient Liberties were founded, 
 and the contrary pretences, which would fub- 
 ject us to the power of theBifhop of Rome, as 
 Patriarch of the fVejlern Empire, though the 
 Britannick. Diocefe had as juft Title to be in- 
 dependent at that Time as Rome it felf, ox Africk, 
 or any other Diocefe in the Empire. I make no 
 farther Enquiry here into the Bounds of other 
 Patriarchs or Metropolitans, or their Dio- 
 cefes, becaufe no fuch momentous Difputes have 
 
 [h] Cone. Arelat. 1. Epift. Synod. Cone. Tom. 1. p. 1426. 
 Placuit ctiam antequam a te, qui majores Dicecefes tenes, per te 
 potiifimum omnibus iniinuari. Schelftrate and Perron correB it 
 thus-. Placuit etiam hxc juxta antiquam confuetudinem a te, qui 
 niajores Dicecefes tenes, 8c per te potiffimum omnibus infinuari. 
 
 [*] SeeSeB. n. [«'] Conftant.Ep. ad omnes Ecdefias ap. 
 
 Eufeb. de Vic. Conf. Lib. 3. c. 9. [£] Ibid. Lib. 4. c. 36. 
 
 [/] Pontifical. Vit. Marcelli. Viginti quinque Titulos in Urbe Ro- 
 ma conftituit, quafi Diceceles, &c. 
 
 been 
 
u 
 
Ij* e t i4£ft*tya dit an. u m 
 
 *3 
 
 Aisr ti civoRXJJvt Am i c ^ 
 
 JCpiTcopatuum Geo graphic a Hova Defcripti o 
 
 I B X M I^TK^ldRlS PAHS 
 
 J 
 
 30 
 
 3f 
 
 4.0 \ 
 
 4-S 
 
 31 jl n K I NT 
 
 rj^um.Atric u m. 
 
 Quot et 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 been raifcd about them, and they may be eafily 
 learned from the Notitia of the Church here 
 fubjoyned in the latter part of this Book. 
 Therefore I proceed in the next place to examine 
 
 the ordinary Extent of the antient Epifcopal 
 Diocefes, or as we now call them, Diocefan 
 Churches. 
 
 G H A P. II. 
 
 A more particular Account of the Number ; Nature and Extent of Diocefes^ or 
 Epifcopal Churches, in Africa, ./Egypt, and other Eaftern Provinces. 
 
 IT is evident from what has 
 been difcourfed in the lait 
 Chapter, that the mod antient 
 and Apoftolical Divifion of the 
 Church was into Diocefes, or Epifcopal Church- 
 es 5 that is 
 
 SECT. 1. 
 Diocefes antient 
 ly called T<t(yiK\fv 
 Paroccise. 
 
 Bifhops govern'd 
 
 , fuch Precinc-ts or Diftricts, as fingle 
 with the Affittance of their 
 Presbyters. But yet we are to make a little 
 farther Enquiry into the nature 
 thele, becaufe great Errors have 
 ted by fome late Writers about 
 are who pretend, that a Diocefe 
 
 and extent of 
 been commit- 
 them. There 
 for the three 
 
 firft Ages was never more than fuch a number of 
 People as could meet, and ordinarily did meet in a 
 iingle Congregation : Others extend the Limits 
 of antient Diocefes farther than this at firft, to in- 
 clude a City and the whole Region about it : 
 But then they reckon, that upon the general 
 Converfion of Heathens to Chriftianity, fuch 
 Diocefes ought to have been divided into fingle 
 Congregations, and a new Bifhop and Clergy 
 fet over every one. There is no difference be- 
 twixt thefe two Opinions, fave only this, that 
 the one wholly miftakes the Church's firft 
 and primitive Model, and the other quarrels 
 with her Practice. But the truth of the mat- 
 ter was, that the Church in fettling the Bounds 
 of Diocefes went by another Rule, not that of 
 fingle Affemblies or Congregations, but the rule 
 of Government in every City, including not 
 only the City it felf, but the Suburbs, or Re- 
 gion lying round about it within the Verge 
 of its ji udiction. Which feems to be the 
 plain reafon of that great and vifible difference 
 which we find in the extent of Diocefes j fome 
 being ve large, u: u ers very fmall, according 
 as the civil Government of each City happen- 
 ed to have a larger or leffer Jurifdiction. There 
 are two things indeed that commonly impofe up- 
 on unwary Readers in this matter. One is, 
 tVat the ancient name of an Epifcopal Diocefe 
 for three hundred Years is commonly -rra^u'ia, 
 which they mi (take for a Parifh Church, or 
 fingle Congregation : Whereas, as learned Men 
 
 0] have rightly obferved, it fignified then noc 
 the Places or Habitations near a Church, buc 
 the Towns or Villages near a City, which to- 
 gether with the City was the Bifhop's wa^wa, 
 or as we now call it, his Diocefe, the Bounds 
 of his ordinary Care and JurifdicTriori. Th": thus 
 it was, appears evidently from this, that 
 the largeft Diocefes, fuch as thofe of Rome, An* 
 tioch, and Alexandria, which had many particu- 
 lar Churches in them, were called by th" fame 
 Name, as the Reader may find an hundred Paf- 
 fages in Eufebius [b~], where he u(es the word 
 wagyuta, when he fpeaks of thofe large and 
 populous Cities, which had many particular 
 Churches in them. The City of Alexandria in 
 the time of Alexander and Athanafius was divi- 
 ded into feveral Diftridts called Laura, in every 
 one of which there was a Church, with a Pref- 
 byter fix'd upon it : And yet all thefe were but 
 one ■ara^iHta, as Alexander calls it in his Circular 
 Epiftle [c] againft Arius. The Reader may fee 
 the Word fo ufed by Epiphanius [/], St. Jerom 
 [e], the Councils of Antioch [/j, Ancyra \_g\, 
 and many others in After-ages, when it is cer- 
 tain Epifcopal Diocefes were fomething larger 
 than Parifh-Churches, 7 as thofe are taken to fig- 
 nify fingle Congregations. So that nothing can 
 be plainer than the ufe of the Word tsa^yda., for 
 a Diocefe, to the IVth Century. 
 
 And now about this time the 
 name Diocefe began to be u- 
 fed likewife. For the Council 
 of Aries, which was held in the 
 beginning of the IVth Century, writing to the 
 Bifhop of Rome, fays, that he did Majores Dioe- 
 cefes tenere [lo], poffefs greater Diocefes 5 which 
 though Schelftrate and other Romijb Writers in- 
 terpret Patriarchal Diocefes, to aggrandize the 
 Pope's Jurifdi&ionj yet it is more probable, as 
 Dr. Cave [f\ obferves, that it means only fingle 
 Bifhopricks; though I grant Conftantine might 
 have made the divifion of the Empire into ci- 
 vil Diocefes, from whence Patriarchal Diocefes 
 
 SECT. II. 
 When the Name, 
 Diocefe, began firfl 
 to be ufed. 
 
 [a] Brerewood of Patriarch. Gov. Q i. p. 102. [£] Eu- 
 
 feb.lib. 1. c. 1. lib. 2. c. 14.. [c] Alex.Ep. Encyct. ap. Socrat. 
 lib. 1. c. 6. [a] Epiph. Ep. ad Joh. Hierofol. Ad mex 
 
 Parochiae videbantur Eccleliam pertinere, 8cc. [e] Hieron. 
 
 Ep. ad Ripar. Miror San&um Epifcopum, in cujus Parochia 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 effe Presbyter dicitur Vigian tius, acquiefcere furori ejus, &c. 
 [/] Concil. Antioch. c. 9. [g] Concil. Ancyr. c. iS. Au- 
 
 guft. Epift. 261. Bafil. Ep. 264. [h] Concil. Tom. 1. 
 
 p. 1429. [»] Cave'; Arte. ch. Gov. c. 3 p. 130. 
 
 Y 
 
 y v 
 
 took 
 
352 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IX. 
 
 took their name in the following Ages. The 
 Word is ufed frequently for a (ingle Diocefe in 
 the African Councils, as where it is faid [k~], 
 A Bimop mall not leave his principal Seat, and 
 betake himfelf to any other Church in the Dio- 
 cefe: So likewife often in the African Code, 
 and the Collation of Carthage. From which it 
 appears, that the words Parochia and Dioecejis 
 were of the fame import in thofe times, and 
 the calling of a Diocefe by the name of Paro- 
 chia, does not make it a fingle Congregation. 
 
 SECT. III. ANOTHERthingthatimpofes 
 
 what meant by upon Men in this matter is the 
 
 the ir&*x#<?i or Ambiguity of the names, -sTpoareta, 
 
 suburbs of aaty. and Suhlirbia ^ the Suburbs of a 
 
 City> which in the modern acceptation figni- 
 fies no more than the Houfes or Habitations 
 next adjoyning without the walls of a City} 
 but antiently it denoted all the Towns or Villa- 
 ges, which lay round the City in a certain Di- 
 itri£b, which were therefore reckoned as belong- 
 ing to that City, though many times at feveral 
 Miles diftance from it. Thus Canopus was 
 twelve Miles diftant from Alexandria, and yet 
 in the A£ts of the Council of Chalcedon we find 
 it called by one Athanafius [/], the sr^d^etov, 
 or Suburbs of that City. So Sozomen [m~] calls 
 Daphne the Suburbs of Antioch, though it was 
 forty Furlongs or five Miles diftance from it. 
 And Pancirol [n] notes of the famous Suburbs 
 oiConftantinople, called IC^o/aov, or Septimum, that 
 it was fo denominated from its being feven Miles 
 off from the City at firft, though afterward by 
 the ftrange Growth and Increafe of that City 
 it came to be reckon'd a more immediate part 
 of it. So there was in the Suburbs of Carthage, 
 a Place called Decimum, becaufe it was ten 
 Miles diftant from the City, as Procopius [o~] in- 
 forms us. And fome think the Ager Sexti, in 
 which Cyprian fuftered Martyrdom, was fo na- 
 med from its being fix Miles off from the City. 
 For the Roman Martyrology puts Sextum Mittiare 
 inftead of Ager Sexti. Now in all fuch Suburbs 
 as thefe there were particular Affemblies, diftincT: 
 from thofe of the City Churches j as appears 
 from what Eufebius \_p~] obferves out of the E- 
 piftle of Dionyjius of Alexandria, who fays, when 
 he was banifhed to Colluthion, a place in the 
 Region of Mareotes, that he mould ftill hold 
 particular Affemblies, as they were us'd to do in 
 thofe Suburbs that were fomething more remote 
 from the City. So that thefe antient Words, 
 nxa^iy.ia and -ar^aVaa, when taken in their true, 
 antient and primitive Senfe, do not make a Bi- 
 lhop's Diocefe to be only a fingle PariSh in the 
 modern Senfe, but a City with all the Towns 
 or Villages within the Region or DiftricT:, to 
 which the City Magiftrate extended his Jurisdi- 
 ction. For that, Juftellus \_q~] has mewed out of 
 
 good Authors, is the difference between moXts 
 and KojjUfl, a City and a Village: A City is a place 
 that is govern'd by a Magistracy and Laws of its 
 own, and exercifes Authority over the Region 
 or Territory that lies about it ; but a Village is 
 a dependent only on a City, and has no Magi- 
 strates of its own, but fuch as be;. > to the 
 City whereof it is a Dependent. Accoi ~ir:g to 
 which notion an Epifcopal Church was ge- 
 nerally a City and a whole Region, of the very 
 fame Extent with the Power of the Civil Ma- 
 giftrate, whofe Bounds for the moft part were 
 the Bounds of the Bishop's Diocefe j though 
 the Rule was not fo univerfal, but that it ad- 
 mitted of fome particular Exceptions. And 
 from hence it will appear, that though there was 
 great difference in the Extent of Diocefes, as 
 there was in City-Regions and Diftri&s, and 
 many of them were but fmall in comparifon of 
 othersj yet they were generally fo large as to ad- 
 mit both of a Bifhop and a Presbytery in the 
 City Church, and Presbyters and Deacons in the 
 Country Regions. 
 
 To clear this whole Matter sect. iv. 
 
 (which is of great Ufe Upon feve- Diocefes not ge- 
 
 ral Accounts towards underftand- nerall y f° l»gt «* 
 ing rightly the State of the anti- <f the fafi 
 
 ent Church) I will here make a K^'* 
 
 . it/.,.. it- th °f e converted m 
 
 particular Enquiry into the Ex- the Middle Ages of 
 tent both of the largeft and nar- the church. 
 roweft Diocefes, and diftin&ly 
 confider the State of each. For though they 
 differed much in Extent, yet they all agreed in 
 the fame Species of Government} the EfTence of 
 which confifted not in being confined precifely 
 to fuch or fuch Limits} for that was but acci- 
 dental to the Conftitution : The fame Species of 
 Government is ftill preferved in moft Parts of the 
 Church, and yet any one that will allow himfelf 
 the Liberty of making juft Obfervations , may 
 eafily difcern a Difference between fome of the 
 firft Conversions, and thofe that followed in the 
 middle Ages of the Church : For in the former, 
 it is evident, Diocefes were generally more nu- 
 merous, and not fo large as in the latter. The 
 whole Extent of Afia Minor, from the Hellefpont 
 to the River Euphrates, is eftimated by the beft 
 Geographers at 6 50 Miles } the Breadth from Si- 
 nus Ijficus in Cilicia to 'frabezond at lib : Yet 
 there were almoft 400 Diocefes in this Tra£t of 
 Land, as the Reader may Satisfy himfelf from the 
 Notitia of the Church at the End of this Book. 
 But now if we look into any middle Age Con- 
 verfions, we Shall find the Number of Diocefes 
 very fmall in comparifon of thefe, and their Ex- 
 tent very great. For in Germany, which is com- 
 puted about twice as large as Afia Minor (being 
 840 Miles in length, and 740 in breadth) there 
 are but 40 BiShopricks} in all Belgium but 18} 
 
 [fe] Concil. Carthag. f. c. f. Nemini fit facuhas, reli&a Princi- 
 pal! Cathedra, ad aliquam Ecclefiam in Dioecefi conftitutam fe con- 
 rerre. Vid. Cod. Can. Afric. c. 117, 118. 119, 123. [/] Concil. 
 Chaiced. Aft. 3. Tom. 4. p. 4.08. [w»] Sozom. lib. f. c. 10. 
 
 [»] Panctrol. Com. in Notit. Imper. lib. 1. c. 72. [o] Procop. 
 Vandalic lib. 2. [/>] Eufeb, lib. 7. c. u. Jj iv "TTfyctTeion 
 
 ^roPfQTjkf^ K&iuiuoif, (tip©- %<r*vj o-vyxfayxt. [^] Juftel. 
 Not. in Cod. Canon. 8cc. Concil. Antioch. c. 0. 
 
 in 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 353 
 
 in Denmark but if; in Swedeland but 10; in of Subfana, Turns, Ciza, Verbalis, Fundus Strabo- 
 RuJJia 21 } in Poland 305 as Dr. Heylin and other nianenfis, and Gippitanus, as Parts of his Epifco- 
 Geographers have computed them. And our pal Care alfo. In Hippo it felf there were feveral 
 Number in England, being alfo a later Conver- Churches, three of which are occafionally men- 
 fion, bears no Proportion to thofe of Afia Minor, tioned by St. Auftin, one called Ecclefia Pads [a], 
 though the Ifle of Great Britain is not much in- another [b~\ Bafilica Leontii, and a third, Ad vil 
 fcrior to it in Bignefs. I leave the Curious and ginti Martyres, the Church of the twenty Mar- 
 the Learned to enquire into the Reafons of this tyrs [f], whofe Memory was famous at Hippo 
 Difference, while I go on to fliew the different [d], as being in all Probability African Martyrs, 
 Extent of Diocefes in the Primitive Church, and of that particular Church whereof St. Auftin 
 where we fliall meet with fome very large, others was Bifliop. In the other Hippo, called Hippo 
 very narrow, but the fame Species of Epifcopacy Diaretorum for diftindion lake, the African Ca- 
 preferved in all, and none confined abfolutely to nons [e~] fpeak of feveral Churches. And in the 
 a fingle Congregation. Collation of Carthage we often meet with Com- 
 
 plaints of the Catholick Bifliops, that the Dona- 
 SECT. V. I fliall begin with the Diocefes tifts had fet up Anri-bifliops, not only in their 
 
 A particular Ac- of Africk,vfh\ch fome byMiftake Cities, but in other Places [/] of their Diocefes : 
 comt »f the Dio- h ave reckoned the leaft Bifliop- And the Donatift Bifliops return the Charge, tell- 
 cefes of Afnck. r j c j cs m t he World; whereas up- ing the Catholicks particularly, that at Contlantina 
 on a juft Computation they will appear to be far [g] they had not only fet up a Bifliop"^ in the 
 larger than many others. The whole Extent of City, but another in the middle of the Diocefe : 
 Africk (comprehending the fix Roman Provinces, And that at Milcvis they had done the fame 
 tfripolis, Byzacena, Africa Proconfularis, Numidia, making one Bifliop in that, place, another at 
 and the two Mauritanias) is computed by Proco- Tunca, a City in the fame Diocefe, and a third 
 pias [f] to be ninety Days Journey in length : at Ceramuffa. From which it is eafy to conclude. 
 Which, reckoning as he does, that a Day's Jour- that thofe Diocefes were then fo large, as not 
 ney was 2,10 Stadia, or twenty fix Miles and a only to have a Country Region, but lometimes 
 quarter, amounts to above 2360 Miles : The more Cities than one within their Diftriclr. The 
 breadth was in fome places 100, and in others f 00 like may be inferred from that Canon of the 
 Miles: Which makes it by Computation twice African Councils, which fays, [h~] no Bifliop fliall 
 as big as Germany or France. Now there were in leave his principal Cathedral, and refide in any 
 this Compafs, in St. Auftin's Time, about 466 other Church of his Diocefe. That manifeftly 
 Bhfiopricks, as appears both from the Collation implies, that their Diocefes had other Churches 
 of Carthage [i], and the Abftracl of St. Aujlin in the Country, befide the City Cathedral in 
 [f], and the Notitia of the African Church, made them. And indeed Inftances of this kind would 
 about fo Years after St. Aufiin's Death, and pub- arife without number to any one that would 
 iifhed [u] by Sirmondus. The prefent Diocefes make a curious Search into the Hiftory and An- 
 in France, if compared with thefe, will appear tiquities of the African Church. I fliall only add 
 to be as large again, and thofe of Germany much two things more relating to it : 1. That Carthage 
 larger: Yet the African Bifliopricks, as a learn- is well known to have had a great number of 
 ed Man \jw] rightly calculates, might one with Churches belonging to its Diocefe in the IVth 
 another notwithftanding be reckoned to contain Century. Mr. Sirmond [f] in his Notes upon 
 each of them threefcore or fourfcore Towns and St. Auflin\ Sermons gives us the Names of feven 
 Villages. It is certain, at leaft, that many of of them, which were mentioned in the Titles of 
 them were of very large Extent. St. Aujiin's his Sermons, viz. The Cathedral Church, call'd 
 Diocefe of Hippo was above forty Miles long : Bafilica Major 13 Reflituta, Bafilica Faufii, Bafilica 
 For he himfelf tells us f_*], that Fuffala, a Place Leontiana, Bafilica Celerinte, Bafilica Novarum, Ba~ 
 in his Diocefe, which he ere&ed into a new Bi- filica Petri in the third Region, and Bafilica Pauli 
 lhoprick, was forty Miles diftant from him. in the fixth Region. To which Bifliop Stilling- 
 Some other Churches in his Diocefe are alfo fleet [k~] adds two Churches without the City, one 
 mentioned in hisEpiftles [x~] and other Writings, where St. Cyprian differed Martyrdom, and ano- 
 which Bifliop Stillingfeet [jy] has collected to- ther where his Body was buried at a Place called 
 gether : To which the Reader may add other Mappalia, both which are mentioned by Viblor 
 Epiftles [z], where he mentions the Churches Uticenfis. Dr. Maurice [/], who examined a little 
 
 [r] Procop. Vandalic. lib. 1. c. 2. p. 177. [j] Collat. 
 
 Carthag. Die 1. [f] Aug. Brevic. Collat. Die 1. c. 14.. 
 
 [a] Notic. Afric ap. Sirmond. Mifcellan. [w] MauriceV 
 Defence ofBiocef. Epifc. p. [*] Aug. Ep. an. ad Cxleflin. 
 [*] Id. Ep. 74., 20;, 212, 216. It. de Cura pro mortuis, c. i 2. 
 [j] Stillingfleet'j Unreafonablenefs of Separation, Part 3. n. 9. p. 
 2fi. [z] Aug. Ep. 226, 24.0. [«] Aug. Ep. no. 
 
 [b] Ser. 11. de Diverf. [c] Ser. 10. de Diverfis. [d]Ad. 
 de Civ. Dei, lib. 22. c. 8. [e] Cod. Can. Afric. c. 78. 
 [/] Collat. Carth. Die 1. c. 181. Alypius dixit, Scriptum fit iltos 
 omnes in Villij vel in Fundis effe Epifcopos ordinatos, non in ali- 
 quibus Civitatibus. [g] Collat. Carth. ibid. c. 6f . Petilia- 
 
 nus dixit, in Plebe mea, id ed, Civitate Conftantinenfi, adverfari- 
 um habeo Fortunatum. In medio autem Dioereiis mcx nunc in- 
 
 ftitutum habeo, imo ipfi habent nomine Delphinum Etiam in 
 
 Plebe fratris mei Adeodati, id ell in Civitare Milevitana, ica com- 
 mifia res eft, ut unum ibidem habeat adverfarium, alterum in Tun- 
 
 cenfi Civitate, qui ad hujus Plebem antiquitus pertinct. Ter- 
 
 tius vero fit in loco qui dicitur CeramufTa. [h] Cone. Carth. 
 c. j". Nemini fit facultas, relidta Principali Cathedra, ad aliquam 
 Ecclefiam in Diceceli conftitutam fe conferre. [jl Sirmond. 
 
 Not. in Ser. 14. a fe edit. Tom. 10. p. i-jj. [£] Stilh'ngfleet'j 
 Unreafonablenefs of Separation, p. 249. [I] Maurice's Defence of 
 Diocef. Epifc. p. J 1. 
 
 farther, 
 
354 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 BookIX. 
 
 farther, adds ftill to thofe within the City, the which I fhall here fubjoin, as I fhall for all o ther 
 Church called Florentia , and Bafilica Gratiani, Countries as we pafs on, that fuch Readers as 
 and Theodo/iana, and Honoriana, and Tricillarum : pleafe to compare the Names with the Maps of* 
 And doubtlefs there were many others not men- Ecclcfiaftical Geography, which I have caufed 
 tioned, fince Vittor [m~] reckons about five hun- to be publifhed with fome Corrections to attend 
 dred Clergy belonging to the Church of Carthage, this Work, may the better underftand the Ex- 
 The other thing I would note concerning the tent of Diocefes, and the true ancient State and 
 African Church, is, that in Tripolis, one of the Geography of the Church. The Egyptian Pa- 
 fix Provinces of the Roman Africa, there were triarchate was fometimes divided into three Pro-* 
 but five Bifhops, which we learn both from the vinces, fometimes into fix, fometimes into nine, 
 Canons of the African [«] Councils, and the an- but the Limits of the whole were the fame, in- 
 dent Notitia of that Church, which names their eluding Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis : Carolus a 
 Sees, Leptis Magna, OEea, Tacapa, Sabrata, and Sanblo Paulo follows the largeft Divifion, and fo 
 Girberis-, from three of which there were Bi- makes feven Provinces in Egypt, reckoning the 
 fhops in the Council under Cyprian at Carthage: Diocefes in this Order. 
 And the Prefence of no more was required, be- 
 
 caufe of the Paucity of them. But now this was In ^Egyptus Prima, 
 a large Tract of Ground, as Blondel [o~] himfelf i Alexandria, z Hermopolis Parva. 3 Metelis. 
 proves out of Ptolemy, who names many other 4 Coprithis. f Sais. 6 Let us, al. Latopolis. 7 
 Cities, Chuzis, Sumucis, Pifinda, Sydedenis, Azuis, Naucratia. 8 Andromena, or Andropolis. 9 Ni- 
 Gerifa, Ifcina, Amuncla, Butta, and others. So cium. 10 Onuphis. 11 Taua. iz Cleopatris. 15 
 that whether we compare the whole Extent and Mareotis. 14 Schedia and Menclaites. if Phthe- 
 Dimenfions of Africk with the Number of Dio- negus, al. Phthenoti Nomus. 16 Nitria. 
 cefes contained therein, or confider any particu- 
 lar Province or Diocefe by it felf, it plainly ap- In Auguftamnica Prima, 
 pears, that every Bifhop had a City, and a Regi- 1 Pelufium. z Heraclea in Sethrate Nomo. 3 
 on or large Territory for his Diocefe j fome two Tarns. 4 Rhinocurura. 5* Thmuis. 6 Oftracina. 
 Cities or more 5 and none fo fmall a People, as 7 Phacufa. 8 Cajjium. p Aphnaum, which he 
 to deferve the Name that fome have beftowed thinks Antonine's Itinerary calls Daphnis. 10 He- 
 upon them, of Country Parifhes or fingle Con- phaftus. 1 t Pantephyfus. 1 z Gems. 1 5 Thenne~ 
 gregations. /us. 14 Sela. 
 
 SECT. vi. Out of the African Provinces In Auguftamnica Secunda. 
 
 of the Diocefes of let us pafs into thofe of the Egyp- 1 Leontopolis. 1 Atribis. 3 Onium, al. Ilium. 
 
 Egypt, Libya and f im i)j oce f e) as it is called in the 4 Babylon, f Bubaflus. 6 Pharbcethus. 7 HeltO" 
 
 Pentapolis. civil Account of the Roman Em- polls 8 Scena Mandrorum. p Thou. 10 Ant i- 
 
 pire, under which are comprehended all the Re- thou. 
 gions of Libya, Pentapolis, and Egypt from Tri- 
 
 polis to the Red Sea. Thefe Countries all toge- In iEgyptus Secunda. 
 
 ther are juftly computed by a learned Man [/>] i Caba/a. z Phragonea. 3 Pachneumonis. 4 Ele- 
 
 to be three times as great as England'. Yet they archia. f Dio/polis. 6 Sebennythus. 7 Cynopolis In" 
 
 never had above an hundred Bifhops in them all. ferior. 8 Bufiris. p Paralus. 10 Xoes. 1 1 Butus. 
 For Alexander and Athanafius, who were very 
 
 competent Judges, reckon fcarce fo many. Atha- In Arcadia. 
 
 na/ius [_q] fays, there was IJyuj sxaTov, near an 1 Oxyrinchus. z Heraclea Superior. 3 Arfinoe, al. 
 
 hundred in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis j and A- Civitas Crocodilorum. 4 Theado/topolis. f Aphrodi- 
 
 lexander [r] ufes the fame Expreffion in his cir- topolis. 6 Memphis. 7 Cly/ma. 8 Nilopolis. p Pa- 
 
 cular Epiftle againfl Arius, faying, that he and rallus. 10 Thamiate, now called Diamata. 11 Cy- 
 
 the reft of the Bifhops of Egypt and Libya, be- nopolis Superior; which, as Holflenius obferves, is 
 
 ing near an hundred, met together in Council, in the Notitia of Hierocles made the Metropolis 
 
 had condemned Arius and his Followers. And of this Province, 
 after this the Notitia 's of the Church reckon no 
 
 more. That which the Reader will find at the In Thebais Prima. 
 End of this Book, has but ninety feven, exclu- I Antinoe. z Hermopolis Magna, i Cufa. 4 La- 
 ding thofe of Tripoli, which have been fpoken of copolis. f Oafis Magna. 6 Hypfela. 7 Apollinis Ci~ 
 before : And others in Carolus a Sanclo Paulo ne- vitas Parva. 8 Antaum. p Panopolis. 
 ver exceed an hundred and one. So that the num- 
 ber of Diocefes feems to have continued near the In Thebais Secunda. 
 fame without Alteration for feveral Ages. Ca- 1 Ptolemais. z Thinis. 3 Coptus. 4 Tentyra. Hol- 
 rolus a Sanffo Paulo has collected their Names ftenius corrects it Teuchira, from the Greek, f Ma- 
 out of the ancient Writers, and Subfcriptions of ximianopolis. 6 Latopolis. 7 Hcrmetes, al. Her- 
 Councils, and other Monuments of the Church, monthes. 8 Dio/polis Magna, al. Thebais Magna. 
 
 [m] Victor, de Perfec. Vandal, lib. 2. Bib]. Patr. Tom. 7. p.612. [«] Blondel. Apol. p. i8f. ex Ptolem. lib. 4. c. 2. [/>] Mau- 
 
 [»] Cone. Carth. 2. c. 29. In Tripoli, ut afleritur, Epifcopi funt rice'/ Defence of Diocef. Epfc. p. 7 1. [q] Athan. Apol. 2. 
 
 quinque tantummodo. Vid. Cod. Can. Afric. c. 40. al. fo, p. ;88. [r] Alex. Ep. Encycl. ap. Socrat. lib. j. c. 6. 
 
 4 p There~ 
 
f 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 355 
 
 9 Thcrenunthis. 10 PhyU. u Thoi. 12. Ombi. 15 
 Tathyris. 14 Diofpolis Parva. 
 
 In Libya Cyrcnaica, otherwife <r^//^ Pentapolis. 
 
 1 Ptolemais, where Syneftus was Bifhop. z £0- 
 zufa. 3 Lemandus. 4 6>r<?w. f Teuchira. 6 Be- 
 renice. 7 ficelia, al. jP//?/tf. 8 Aptuchi Fanum. 9 
 Erythra. 10 Barca. 11 Hydrax. 11 Difthis. 13 
 .Palabifca. 14 0/£/rt. To which Holjlenius adds 
 
 i?z Libya Marmarica, Libya Secunda. 
 1 Darnis. z Paratonium. 3 Antipyrgus. 4 ./ftf- 
 tiphra. f Marmarica. 6 Zagula. Which Holjleni- 
 us obferves to be fometimes corruptly read Ga* 
 zula. 7 Zygris. 
 
 Befide thefe, Carolus a Santlo Paulo reckons fe- 
 ven others in Egypt of uncertain Pofition. Van- 
 tena, Gauoea, Flagonita, Cotenopolis, Gazula, Elef- 
 ma, and Pfynchus : But Holftenius rightly obferves, 
 that five of thefe are but Corruptions of others 
 named before. Vantena is put for Antinoe- y Fla- 
 gonita for Fragonita ; Elefma for Clyfma ; Gazula 
 for Zagula j and Pfynchus for Oxyrinchus : And I 
 obferve, that Paralus, and perhaps one or two 
 more, feem to be named twice. So that we can- 
 not reckon the whole Number of Diocefes much 
 above an hundred in thefe nine Provinces. Now, 
 to make a tolerable Eftimate of the Largenefs 
 and Extent of thefe Diocefes, wc muft confider 
 a little the State of thefe Countries, together 
 with the Extent of them. And by this means we 
 fhallfind thisObfervation to be true (which I am 
 alfo to make upon Palefiine, Afia Minor, and Italy) 
 that here were fome of the largeft and fome of 
 the fmalleft Diocefes in the World under the 
 fame form of Epifcopal Government. In Libya 
 and Pentapolis the Diocefes feem to have been ve- 
 ry largej for the whole Number in both Pro- 
 vinces was but twenty two : And yet thefe Pro- 
 vinces were of great Extent, as appears from 
 what Pliny [s~] delivers out of Eratojlhenes, that 
 from Alexandria in Egypt to Cyrene in Pentapolis 
 was five hundred twenty five Miles, the greateft 
 part of which muft be divided among thefe Bi- 
 Ihopricksj which is fome ground to conjecture 
 that they were of the largeft Size. Berenice was 
 the moft Weftern Border of Pentapolis, from 
 whence to Arfinoe or 'teuchira, the next neigh- 
 bouring Seat, Pliny [f\ reckons forty three Miles, 
 and from Arfinoe to Ptolemais twenty two. And 
 it is certain feveral others lay at greater Diftance 
 from each other. But fome may fancy perhaps, 
 they were fmall inconfiderable Diocefes for all 
 this, becaufe Syneftus [«] fpeaking of his own 
 City Ptolemais, the Metropolis of Pentapolis, fays, 
 it was but a fmall City. To obviate this, I will 
 note a few things out of Synefius concerning the 
 Cities and Diocefes of this Region. That Ptole- 
 mais, where Synefius was Bifhop, had a Territory 
 and Country Churches in its Diocefe, is evident 
 
 from Synefius himfclf, who writing to his Pref- 
 byters upon his firft ConfecrationJ defires them 
 to pray for him, and enjoin the People both in 
 the City and Country Churches [*] both pub- 
 licity and privately to pray for him likewife. 
 This is evident Proof, that though Ptolemais it 
 fclf might not be a very large City, yet it had a 
 Diocefe of fome Extent, and Village Churches 
 in the Circuit of it. In another Place he com- 
 plains, that all the Churches [f] of Ampelitis, 
 that were under him, were burned down and de- 
 ftroyed. There were two Regions of this Name 
 in Pentapolis, one belonging to Cyrene, the other 
 to Ptolemais: And it is probable there were in 
 both of them Towns and Villages depending re- 
 fpe&ively upon thofe Mother-Churches. Indeed 
 Carolus a Santlo Paulo, out of Synefius, fpeaks of 
 one or two Diocefes in this Province, which 
 feem to be lefs. For Hydrax and PaUbifca were 
 but Villages, once belonging to the Drocefe of 
 Erythros, from which they were feparated in the 
 time of the Emperor Valens, and had a diftincl 
 Bifhop of their own. But there was none before 
 him, nor any after, for it was united by Theophi- 
 lus Bifhop of Alexandria [w~\ to Erythros again. 
 So that it rather proves the Largenefs of the 
 Diocefes, that they were of fuch an Extent as 
 to admit of others being taken out of them. In 
 another Place Synefius [x] fpeaks of the Olbiata, 
 whom he ftyles c^'ju©' w^rrx, a Country Peo- 
 ple, and fays they had a Bifhop. But a learned 
 Man obferves [jy] rightly, that this may fignify 
 a People or Nation living in many Villages, of 
 which fort there were feveral in the Region of 
 Pentapolis and other Parts of Africk, where there 
 were but few Cities : For, as he fhews out of 
 Pomponius Mela and Pliny, thefe Country Peo- 
 ple generally inhabited in great Numbers toge- 
 ther, and were under the Denomination of little 
 Nations, though they dwelt in Cottages, ox Ma- 
 palia, as they called them in the Language of 
 thofe Countries. So that though a Bifhop's Scat 
 was in a Village, he might have a large Region 
 for his Diocefe, as we fhall find in purfuing the 
 Hiftory of other Nations. In the neighbouring 
 Province of Libya, Zygus was a Village, and a 
 Bifhop's Seat : Yet, as the fame learned Perfort 
 [z] obferves out of Ptolemy [a], it was fuch a 
 Village as had a Territory along the Sea-fide; 
 and the whole Sea-coaft of Libya was divided 
 between that and two or three other fuch Vil- 
 lages or Cities, call them which you pleafe. For 
 there were but feven Diocefes in all this Libya, 
 which extended three hundred Miles along the 
 Sea-fhore, fo that the Bifhops Sees were at leaft 
 fifty Miles from each other. And yet perhaps 
 being a defert Country, and inhabited by very 
 barbarous People, the Diocefes might be lefs 
 than many others, if computed by the Number 
 of Chriftians, rather than the Extent of Ground ; 
 as if we compare them with fome in Egypt, their 
 next Neighbours. In Egypt the Diocefes can- 
 
 0] Plin. lib. 5-. c.6. [,] pli n . lib. f. c. f. [it] Synef. Ep. j-8. 
 [*] Syncf. Ep. 11. tJ tj lv cC 1 &Vo/ k«T ciyc£<, S 
 
 KupifJiKcif iKKhmia-i ajjh'i^ovj), &c. [f] Synef. Cataftaf. 
 
 p. 301. [n>] Synef. Ep. 67. [at] Id. Ep. 76. [y~\ MauriceV 
 Defence of Diocef. Efifc, p. 60. [fcj] Maurice, ibid, p. 61. 
 
 [a] Ptolem. lib. 4. 
 
 not 
 
3$6 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 not be reckoned fo large as thofe of Libya and 
 Pentapolis, becaufe here were eighty Bifhopricks ; 
 and yet the Extent of Egypt was not more than 
 the other two, but the Country was infinitely 
 more populous, and fo capable of more Bifhop- 
 ricks in a lefs compafs. Dr. Heylin computes 
 the Length of it to be only five hundred fixty 
 two Miles, and the Breadth one hundred and 
 lixty: Which comes pretty near the Computa- 
 tion of Pliny [b~], who reckons it five hundred 
 eighty fix Miles long, and one hundred and fe- 
 venty broad from Pelujium to Canopus. This di- 
 vided into eighty Diocefes, will allow above 
 thirty Miles length and breadth to every Diocefe 
 which is a competent Space for an Epifcopal 
 Diocefe confiding of many Towns or Parifh.es, 
 but too large for any fingle Congregation. We 
 may judge of the Extent of fome of thefe Dio- 
 cefes by that of Alexandria , which had firft a 
 great many Churches with Presbyters fixed up- 
 on them in the City it felf, in the time of Alex- 
 ander and Athanafius, as Epiphanius [c~] more than 
 once informs us, naming befide the great Church, 
 commonly called Cafarea, thofe of Dionyfius, 
 Itheonas, Pierius, Serapion, Dizyas, Mendidius, An- 
 mantis, Abias and Baucalis, where Arius was Pref- 
 byter. Then again it had the large Region of 
 Mareotes belonging to it. For Athanafius [_d~\ 
 fays, there never had been either Bifhop or Cho- 
 repifcopus in all that Region, but only Presby- 
 ters under the Bifhop of Alexandria; and that 
 they were fourteen in Number, (befides thirteen 
 Deacons) fome of which had two Villages, and 
 others more within their refpective Parifhes. 
 Canopus alfo was once in this Diocefe, being 
 reckoned one of the Suburbs of Alexandria (as 
 has been noted before) though a large Place, and 
 twelve Miles diftant from it. Nicopolis alfo was 
 in this Diocefe, which Strabo equals [e] to a 
 City. So that there mud be particular Aflem- 
 blies in the remoter Suburbs of this Diocefe, 
 which could not poflibly meet with the Mother- 
 Church. We have not fo particular an Account 
 of any other Diocefe in Egypt, but from this we 
 may make fome Eftimate of the reft, fince it ap- 
 pears that a competent Territory of twenty or 
 thirty Miles might be allowed to every Diocefe 
 upon a rational Computation. Nor is it any juft 
 Exception to this, that here were fometimes Bi- 
 fhops Seats in Villages as well as Cities. For 
 many Villages were equal to Cities, and had alfo 
 large Territories belonging to them. As Strabo par- 
 ticularly notes of Schadia, which was but a Vil- 
 lage in his Time [/], yet fuch an one as might 
 compare with a Cityj and in Athanafius's time 
 it feems to have been advanced into a City, or 
 was at leafi: the Head of a Nomus or Region 
 called Menelaites: For Athanafius ftyles Agatho- 
 
 diemon [g~] Bifhop of Schadia and Menelaites toge- 
 ther. So that though we find in the Greek No- 
 titia of this Province feveral Bifhopricks denomi- 
 nated from Villages, as Vicus Pfaneos, and Cotri- 
 deos, Rhicomerium, Pariana, and Anaffa; yet we 
 are not to imagine the Bifhops of thefe Places 
 were Pallors only of a private Village, but that 
 they had each a larger Territory, after the Ex- 
 ample of Schadia, for their Jurifdiction. In the 
 Diocefe of Arfmoe, it is plain, there were Coun- 
 try-Parifhes in the middle of the third Century : For 
 Dionyfius Bifhop of Alexandria fpeaks of them in 
 one of his Epiftles, where he difcourfes of Nepos 
 the Millenary, who was Bifhop of the Place. 
 After his Death, he fays, he went into the Re- 
 gion of Arfmoe, and having called together the 
 Presbyters and Teachers of the Country Villages 
 \h~\, he held a Conference with them for three 
 Days together about Nepos's Opinions, which it 
 feems had infected fome of their Churches, and 
 drawn them into Factions and Schifms The like 
 Obfervation is made by Caffian \T\ upon Pan<e- 
 phyfus in the Province of Auguftamnica Prima y 
 that it had many Towns and Villages under it, 
 till they were fwallowed up with the Inundation 
 of the Sea and an Earthquake. And Carolus & 
 Santlo Paulo rightly obferves out of Athanafius 
 that Phragonea in Mgyptus Secunda had the 
 whole Nomus of Elearchia for its Diocefe. And 
 excepting e thennefus in the Province of Auguflam- 
 nica, which Cajjian [f\ feems to make an Ifland, 
 without any Territory about it, it may be generally 
 affirmed of all the Egyptian Cities, that they had 
 their -ar^aVeia, or Country-Towns and Villages 
 about them, fome more, fome lefs, where, as 
 Dionyfius Bifhop of Alexandria words it [ni], they 
 had their holy Afiemblies diftinct from thofe of 
 the Mother- Churches. 
 
 Yet, not to put a Fallacy upon my Readers, 
 I mull obferve one thing, which will much di- 
 minifh the Largenefs of thofe Diocefes in one 
 Part of Egypt ; that is, that as it was the mofb 
 populous Country in the World in fome Parts of 
 it, fo it was abfolutely defert and uninhabited 
 in others. The Cities were generally placed 
 pretty near the Banks of the Nile, but on both 
 Sides within ten or twenty Miles from them 
 were vaft Mountains and Deferts, where no 
 Mortal dwelt, till, as Orofius obferves [»], the 
 Monks firft took up their Abode there, leaving 
 the Cities, to inhabit thofe van; Tracts of Wil- 
 dernefTes and Sands, which for their Barrennefs 
 and want of Water, and Multitudes of Serpents, 
 had never before feen any thing of human Con- 
 verfation. This Account of the Egyptian De- 
 ferts is confirmed by Jofephus, [o~] where he fpeaks 
 of Mofes making an incredible Expedition with 
 an Army through them, to furprize and come 
 
 [£] Plin. lib. y. c. 9. [c] Epiph. Hser. 68. Melet. n. 4. 
 
 Hxret. 69. Arian. n. 1. [d~\ Athan. Apol. 2. p. 802. [<•] Strabo, 
 lib. 17. [/] Strabo, lib. 17. [g] Athan. Ep. ad 
 
 Antioch. p. j8o. [b] Dionyf. Ep. ap. Eufeb. lib.7. c. 24.. 
 
 "EvfacLKiVcli TVS Tpseff'KpSf JWWjCctAiif <?$ V) T KCafJiVUf 
 
 dfiKQuv. [»] Caffian. Collat. 11. c. 3. [k] Athan. 
 
 Ep. ad Anttochenos. [f] Caffian. Collat. 11. c. 1. Thennefi 
 
 3 
 
 accolae ita vel mari vel ftagnis falfis undique circumluuntur, ut fo- 
 il's, quia terra deed, Negociationibus dcditi, &c. [m] Pionyf. 
 ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. c. n. [»J Orof. Hift. lib. 7. c. 22. Vaftas illas 
 tunc ^Egypti folitudines, arenalque diffufas, quas propter fitim ac 
 fterilitatem, periculofamque ferpentum abundantiam eonverfatio 
 humana non noflet; magna habitantium Monachoium multitudo 
 compleverat. [0] Jofeph, Antiquit. lib. 2. c, f. 
 
 unex- 
 
o 
 
 
 **> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 — * 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 357 
 
 unexpectedly upon the Ethiopians. AndtheChri- 
 ftian Writers, who treat of the Monadick Life, 
 give a more particular Defcription of them. Sul- 
 picius Sever us makes the Entrance on thefe Dc- 
 ferts in Thcbais [/»] to be only twelve Miles from 
 the River Nile. But the Defcrts themfelves 
 •were vaitly greater. For Caffian fpeaking of the 
 Wildernefs of See this, where Paphnutius was Ab- 
 bot, fays, there was one of the Monks who had 
 his Cell \j] eighteen Miles from Church. But 
 the Defevt of Porphyrion, he fays, was abundant- 
 ly larger than this : For a Man might travel fe- 
 ven or eight Days Journey in it [r] without 
 coming near any Houfe or Town, before he 
 came to the Cells of the Monks, which had their 
 Habitation therein. So that by this Account, 
 'tis probable almoft one half of Egypt was cut 
 off in Sands and Deferts, which could not be 
 cultivated, and therefore were not inhabited, till 
 the Monks, who found out a new way of living, 
 left the Cities, to become here and there fcat- 
 tcred Inhabitants of the Wildernefs. And by 
 this means the Diocefes of Egypt, if we fpeak 
 properly of the habitable Part of them, will be 
 reduced to a much narrower Compafs, and fif- 
 teen Miles may perhaps pafs for a general Mea- 
 fure of their Extent in this Senfe one with ano- 
 ther. But as Alexandria and others might be 
 larger, fo it is certain 'Thennefus, and Panephyfus 
 and others were much lefs : Which makes good 
 the Obfervation and Reflection I at firft pafTed 
 upon them, that here were fome of the largeft 
 and fome of the fmalleft Diocefes in the World, 
 under the lame Species and Form of Epifcopal 
 Government, for any thing that we find to the 
 contrary. 
 
 sect. vll. Out of the Patriarchate of 
 
 of the Diocefes of Alexandria we fhould next have 
 Arabia. And why g one into that of Jcrufalem, but 
 
 thefe more frequent- ^ ra yj a com i n g between, We will 
 ly in Ullages wan,n uke a V iew of it here, though 
 ether Places. ■ i_ i j. .ur» - u c 
 
 it belonged to the Patriarch ot 
 Antioch. Carolus a Santlo Paulo calls it by Mi- 
 ftake Arabia Petraa, which, as Hslflenius ob- 
 ferves, was a diftinft Province under the Patri- 
 arch of Jerufalem, and commonly known in an- 
 tient Church-Records by the Name of PaUftina 
 Tenia. But Arabia here is taken only for that 
 Part which was under the Metropolis of Boflra, 
 and fometimes called Philadelphia in antient Wri- 
 ters. In this Province we have Accounts of 
 twenty one antient Diocefes, whereof eighteen 
 are recounted by Carolus a Santlo Paulo, i Boflra. 
 2 Adra. 3 Medaba. 4 Gerafa. f Nibeox Nive. 
 6 Philadelphia, whence in Epiphanius and others 
 the Region is called Arabia Philadelphia. 7 Esbus. 
 8 Neapolis. 9 Philippopolis. 10 Conftantine. 11 Di- 
 onyfias. 12 Maximianopolis. 1 3 Avar a. 14 Ala- 
 na,^. Neela. if Zerabena. 16 Erra. 17 Anitha, 
 
 or, as Ilolflemus reads it, Eutimia. 18 Parembola. 
 To which Holflenius adds three more, Canotha, 
 Phew, and Bacatha, mentioned by Epiphanius 
 and Eufebius. In After-ages, when the Notitia 
 was made which is publimed in the 7th Chapter 
 of this Book, the number of Diocefes was aug- 
 mented to thirty four, whereof twelve are called 
 Villages. And it appears from Sozomen [j] that 
 this was no new thing in this Country} for he 
 takes notice that it was ufual in fome Provinces 
 to confecrate Bifhops in Villages, and he parti- 
 cularly fpecifies Arabia and Cyprus for it. But 
 then we are not to imagine, that thefe Diocefes 
 were confined to a fingle Village, as fome have 
 vainly concluded, to favour the Hypothec's of 
 Congregational Epifcopacy. For thefe Villages 
 were what the Antients commonly called Metro- 
 tomy Mother-Villages, which had many other 
 Villages depending on them } fo that they were 
 the chief Villages of a certain DiftricT:. This is 
 evident from Epiphanius [/], who fpeaking of 
 Bacathus, one of the Village-Bilhopricks, lryks 
 it ixnT^^jj-'tav «£^67ar, a Mother- Village in Ara- 
 bia, which implies, that there were others de- 
 pending on it. So that thefe Diocefes might be 
 as large as any other, having not only that Vil- 
 lage, but whole Tra&s and Regions fometimes 
 depending on them, as may be feen in the forefaid 
 Notitia, where fome of them are called Clima 
 Orientalium, and Clima Occidentalium ; denoting 
 not only a particular Village, but a little People 
 or Nation of fuch a Combination or Diftrift, 
 under a Mother- Village, from which the whole 
 Diocefe or Circuit had its Denomination. The 
 Arabians were a People that chofe rather to live 
 in Villages, and had but few Cities in compari- 
 fon of others : And that feems to be the Reafon 
 why Village-Bimops were allowed in this Coun- 
 try, which otherwife were forbidden by the Ca- 
 nons of the Church, as has been fhew'd in an- 
 other [*] Place. 
 
 Out of Arabia our next Step sect. vin. 
 is into Paleftine, or the Patriar- of the Diocefes 
 chate of Jerufalem, which being Paleftine, or the 
 taken out of the Patriarchate of ^Ikm^'* ° f JC " 
 Antioch, had three Provinces af- ruaem - 
 figned for the Limits of its Jurifdi&ion, which 
 in the antient Monuments of the Church are 
 commonly called PaUftina Prima, Secunda, and 
 Tertia, following the Civil Account of the Ro- 
 man Empire. In thefe three Provinces (com- 
 priz'd within the Borders of the Land of Canaan, 
 and Arabia Petraa) Carolus a Santlo Paulo reck- 
 ons about forty feven antient Diocefes. 
 
 In Palasftina Prima. 
 1 Hierufalem. 1 Cafarea. 3 Dora. 4 Anti- 
 patris. f Diofpolis, in Scripture called Lydda. 
 6 Jamnia. 7 Nicopolis, which is Emmaus. 8 So- 
 
 [p] Sulpic. Dial. 1. c. 7. Ubi prima Eremi ingreflus fum, duo- 
 decim fere a Nilo millibus, See [9] Caffian. lnftit. lib. 5-. c. 40. 
 Decern & o£lo millibus longe ab Ecclefia commanebat. 
 [r] Id. Collar. 24. c. 4. Calami 8c Porphyrionis Eremus longioris 
 iblitudinis intervallo ab univeriis urbibus & habitaculis hominum, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 quam Eremus Scythij dividitur : r eptem fiquidem vel o£ro Manfi- 
 onibus vaftiflimse folitudinis defcrta penetrances, vix ad Cellularum 
 fuarum fecreta perveniunt, &c. Vid. Inftit. lib. 1 o. c. 14. 
 [s] Sozom. lib. 7. c. 1 9. [t] Epiphan. Epitom. Panariji 
 
 [*] Book II. Chap. xii. Seel. 1 . 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 zufa. 9 Maiuma. 10 Joppa. n Afcalon. iz Ga- 
 za. 13 Raphia. 14 Anthedon. if Eleuthcropo- 
 lis, antiently fome Place about Hebron. 16 Nea- 
 polis or Sichem. 17 Elia. 18 Sebafte or Sama- 
 ria. 10 Petra. 20 "Jericho, 21 Libias. zz A- 
 zotus. 2; Zabulon. 24 Araclia, al. Heraclea. 
 25" Bafchat. 26 Archelais. 
 
 In Palaeftina Sccunda. 
 1 Scythopolis. z Pella. 5 Caparcotia, or Ctf- 
 pernaum. 4 Gadara. f Capitolias. 6 Maximi- 
 f.nopolis. 7 Tiberias. 8 Mcnnith. o Hippus. 
 10 Amatlms. 
 
 In Palasftina Tertia. 
 1 Petra. 2 Auguftopolis. 3 Arindela. 4 ^f- 
 ?tz^. f Areopclis. 6 Elufa. 7 Zoara. 8 
 
 p Phenon. 10 P bar an. 11 yf/7#. Holfte- 
 nius in his Corrections upon this Catalogue ftrikes 
 two out of the Number, <y/z. Bafchat, which 
 he reckons to be the fame with Bacatha in ^fra- 
 Philadelphia -> and Phenon, which he affigns 
 to the fame Province. But inftead of thefe two 
 he has found out three more in Palafiina Prima, 
 viz. Sycamazon, Gerara, and another Lydda di- 
 fbincTb from Diofpolis afore-mentioned. So that 
 the whole number of known Diocefes was forty 
 eight. 
 
 Now if we look upon all thefe together, and 
 compare them with the forty Diocefes in Ger- 
 many at this Day, they will appear very fmall in- 
 deed in companion of them. For whereas Ger- 
 many is computed eight hundred and forty Miles 
 in length, and feven hundred and forty in 
 breadth 5 the whole Extent of thefe three Pro- 
 vinces will not amount to a Square of one hun- 
 dred and fixty Miles. For the length of all 
 Pale/line, or the Land of Canaan, taking in part 
 of Phoenicia as far as Tyre and Sidon, which yet 
 is excluded from thefe Provinces, is computed 
 by St. Jerom [#], Cotovicus \jw], Mafius [x] and 
 others, to be but an hundred and fixty Miles j 
 and the breadth from Joppa to Jordan not above 
 fixty: To which if we add about fixty more be- 
 yond Jordan, for the breadth of Palaflina Tertia, 
 to the Borders of Arabia Philadelphia and Boflra, 
 we have then the compleat Dimenfions of the 
 three Provinces together. By which it appears, 
 that two German Diocefes of one hundred Miles 
 length, are as large as all thofe forty eight Dio- 
 cefes put together. Yet there were fome Di- 
 cefes among them of a competent Bignefs. Eleu- 
 thcropolis, a City much fpoken of by St. Jerom, 
 not far from the Place where Hebron flood, in 
 the Borders of Dan and Judah, feems to have 
 had a pretty large Territory. For St. Jerom 
 fpeaks of Villages belonging to it at feventeen 
 Miles [i"] diftance from it, and mentions a great 
 many other Villages in the fame Territory, though 
 he does not fo exactly tell us their diftance from 
 
 the City. Sozomen names fome other?, as Befan- 
 due a [j], where he fays Epiphanius was born: 
 And Ceila, and Berathfatia [z], where the Bones 
 of the Prophets Micah and Habbakuk were found. 
 Near Befanduca Epiphanius built his Monaftery, 
 and the Village had a Church in it, where E- 
 piphanius ordained a Deacon, as he himfelf in- 
 forms us [a~\. From all which it is very evident 
 this City had a large Territory and considerable 
 Diocefe, with many Country-Towns and Churches 
 belonging to them. And there were feveral o- 
 thers, efpecially in Palteftina Secunda and Tertia^ 
 equal in Extent to the Diocefe of Eleutheropolis. 
 But a judicious Reader will eafily conclude from 
 the Largenefs of thefe, that fome others muft 
 needs therefore be very fmall, fince there were 
 fo great a Number in fo ftiort a Compafs. If 
 we caft our Eye upon the Sea-coaft of Paleftine, 
 and reckon Tyre and Sidon and Ptolcmais and Sy- 
 caminum and Porphyria into the Account (as be- 
 ing within the antiemt Bounds of the Land of 
 Canaan, though they now belong to the Pro- 
 vince of Phoenice and the Patriarch of Antioch) wc 
 mall find feventeen or eighteen Cities in a Line 
 of one hundred and fixty Miles, and fome very- 
 near Neighbours to one another. Cotovicus \b\ 
 reckons it but four Miles from Ptolemais to Por- 
 phyria j and Sicaminum and Zabulon were not far- 
 ther removed from it. But Ferrarius reckons it 
 twenty or twenty four > fo that the Pofition of 
 the two firft is a little doubtful, but the other 
 three may be reckoned within five or fix Miles 
 of one another. Baudrand obferves [c] the like 
 of Dora, and Co/area the Metropolis, that they 
 were but five Miles diftant from each other. So 
 Ferrarius computes Antipatris ten Miles from Ca- 
 farea, and Diofpolis ten more from Antipatris. 
 Diofpolis is in the Scripture called Lydda, and laid 
 to be nigh unto Joppa. Baudrand reckons it but 
 fix Miles, correcting Ferrarius, who computes ic 
 ten. Jamnia was alio about ten Miles from Jop- 
 pa, and but twelve from Lydda, as is collected 
 out of Antonine's Itinerary. So that thefe three 
 Cities were not above twelve Miles diftant from 
 each other. But Gaza, Maiuma and Anthedon r 
 were ftill nearer Neighbours, not above twenty 
 Furlongs or three Miles from each other, as So- 
 zomen particularly [<r/] remarks their Diftance. 
 Maiuma, he tells us, was once only a Village be- 
 longing to Gaza, to which it was the Sea-port, 
 feated nearer the Sea upon the River Be for : But 
 when Conftantine, for its Merit in readily embra- 
 cing Chriftianity, had granted it the Privilege of 
 a City, it prefently, according to the antient 
 Rule, became a Biihop's Sear, and continued ever 
 after fo to be, notwithstanding fome Attempts 
 made againft it, of which I have given an Ac- 
 count in the foregoing Chapter. But though 
 thefe Cities lay fo near together, we are not to 
 think, they were of the Congregational way, or 
 
 [«] Hieron. Ep.ad Dardan. [»] Cotovic. Itinerar. Kierofol. 
 lib. 1. c.i . p. 317. [x] Mafius Comment, in Jofhuam xii. 24. 
 [f] Hiceron. de Locis Hebra. voce Duma. Duma vicus grcniis 
 in finibus Eleutheropoleos, decern 8c feptem ab ea milliaribus di- 
 
 ftans. [7] Sozom. lib. 6. c. 32. [*] Sozom. lib. 7. c. 28. 
 [a] Epiphan. Ep. ad Johan. Hiero.ol. Ecdeila Vilk quas eft juxta 
 Monatterium noftrum, &c. [£>] Cctovic. Icin lib. 1. c. ;o. 
 
 [c] Baudrand. Lexic. Geogr. voce Dora, [el] Sozom. lib. c. 9. 
 
 their 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 their Bifliops only Parifli-Paftors. While Maiu- 
 ma was joined to Gaza, the Church was doubt- 
 lefs more than a fingle Congregation. For Eu- 
 febius fpeaking of Silvanus Bifliop of Gaza, who 
 fuffered Martyrdom in the time of the Diocletian 
 Perfecution, ftyleshim [<?] Bifliop of the Churches 
 in and about Gaza: Which implies, that his 
 Diocefe was more than a fingle Congregation. 
 Nay after Maiuma was taken from it, Gaza had 
 ftill many other Villages, and a populous Terri- 
 tory belonging to it. Sozomen [/] mentions 
 three Villages, one called thabaca, where Hila- 
 rion was born > another Sopharconbra, where Am- 
 monius was bornj and a third named Bethelia, 
 which he calls ToXuavS'ganrov xw/uu'iv ya^ouav, amoft 
 populous Village under the Jurifdidtion of Gaza > 
 which was alio famous for the Heathen Pan- 
 theon, befide other Temples that were in it 5 
 whence he conjectures, it had the Name of Be- 
 thelia, which in the Syrian Tongue is the fame 
 as Domicilium Deorum, or the Houfe of the Gods. 
 Now a Village that had feveral Heathen Tem- 
 ples in it, had no doubt upon its Converfion 
 fome Chriftian Churches alfo, where they had 
 Presbyters to celebrate Holy Offices, though in 
 Dcpendancc on the Church of Gaza. And for 
 Maiuma, when it became a diftinct Diocefe, its 
 Bifliop was not a fingle Parifli-Paftor, but he 
 had a Clergy under him, and all other Things 
 that the Epifcopal Church of Gaza had, as So- 
 zomen [g] particularly notes in the cafe, fay- 
 ing, Each City had their own Bifliop and Cler- 
 gy, and their own proper Feftivals for their Mar- 
 tyrs, and Commemorations of the Bifliops and 
 Priefts that had lived among them, and their 
 proper Bounds of the Country lying round a- 
 bout them. And that we may not wonder that 
 there fliould be fuch Villages as thefe, it will 
 not be amifs to obferve what Jofephus reports of 
 two Villages of ldumaa not far from thefe, Be- 
 gabri and Caphartophan, where he fays \Jf\ Vef- 
 pajian flew above ten thoufand People, took a 
 thoufand Captives, and forced many others to 
 fly away. He alfo fays [/'] in another place, 
 there were many Villages in Galilee fo populous, 
 that the leaft of them had above fifteen thoufand 
 Inhabitants in them. Now a few fuch Villages 
 as thefe, united under a Metrocomia, or Mother- 
 Village, might quickly arife into Numbers e- 
 nough to become a Diocefe, and have a Bifliop 
 and Clergy of their own, which it would be ab- 
 furd to miftake for the Paftor of a fingle Con- 
 gregation. And this was evidently the Cafe of 
 the fmalleft Diocefes in this Part of Palefiine, 
 where notwithftanding the Narrownefs of their 
 Limits, they were under the fame fpecies of E- 
 pifcopal Government with other Churches. 
 
 The Inland Diocefes of Palefiine were gene- 
 rally larger i yet fome of them were fmall. For 
 Emmaus was but fixty Furlongs, or feven Miles 
 and a half from Jerufalem, as both the Scrip- 
 ture and Travellers \_k~] inform us: Yet when 
 of a Village it became a City, being rebuilt by 
 the Romans in the time of Adrian, and by them 
 called Nicopolis in Memory of their Victories 
 over Jerufalem, as Sozomen [/] and Eufebius [»] 
 and St. Jerom [»] inform us } it then alfo ad- 
 vanced itlelf to an Epifcopal See, and according 
 to the Rule of the Church had the City- 
 Territory for its Diocefe 5 under which Deno- 
 mination and Quality we find it afterwards in 
 the Notitias of the Church. This perhaps brings 
 the Diocefe of Jerufalem into narrower Bounds 
 oneway than is commonly imagined > but ftill 
 it was of fufficient Extent to have many parti- 
 cular Churches in it. For the Jewifli Antiqua- 
 ries commonly tell us, there were above four 
 hundred Synagogues in the City itfelf. Dr. Eight- 
 foot [0] reckons four hundred and fifty. Others 
 O] four hundred and fixty, and fome fay [a] 
 there were four hundred and eighty for Jews and 
 Strangers there. Optatus fays, there were feven 
 in a very fmall Plain upon the top of Mount 
 Sion, where the Jews [r] were ufed to meet and 
 hear the Law of Mofes read. And Epiphanius \f\ 
 mentions the fame, which he fays were alfo left 
 Handing after the Deftruaion of Jerufalem to 
 the time of Adrian, and one of them to the time 
 of Conjlantine. Now it would be very Arrange, 
 that a City which had fo many Synagogues, 
 fliould not afford above one Church, after it 
 was made Chriftian, and fo many thoufand Con- 
 verts were in it even in the time of the Apoftles. 
 But it had alfo a Territory without the City, 
 and Churches at fome diftancefrom it. For Beth- 
 lehem was in the Diocefe of Jerufalem, fix Miles 
 from the Mother-Churchy upon which account 
 it had a Church and Presbyters of its own, but 
 thofe fubjeft to the Bifliop of Jerufalem, as St. 
 Jerom [/] informs us, who charges John Bifliop 
 of Jerufalem for an extravagant Abufe of his 
 Power, in laying his Injunaions on his Presby- 
 ters at Bethlehem, that they fliould not baptize 
 the Catechumens of the Monaftcry, who ftood 
 Candidates ziEafler, upon which they were fent 
 to Diofpolis, for Baptifm. St. Jerom mentions 
 the Church of Thiria [«] in the fame place 
 where the Bifliop of Jerufalem ordained Presby- 
 ters and Deacons : And there is no doubt but 
 there were many other fuch Pariflies within the 
 Precinas of his Diocefe, acknowledging his Tu- 
 rifdiaion. We cannot give fo particular an Ac- 
 count of all the Diocefes of Palefiine > but thofe 
 which fome have thought the leaft, Lydda and 
 
 {«] Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 1 3. 'EtiVx-ot©- >rW eiyL<pi r Tet^av 
 Ikkkwt/uv. [/] Sozom. lib. 3. c. 14. lib. c. 1 lib, ;<5. 
 JE. 31. [g] Sozom. lib. f. c. 3. [h] Jofeph.de Bello 
 
 Jud. lib. f. c. 4. [ i] Idem de Bell. Jud. lib. 3. c. 1. 
 
 [<r] Cotovic. Itiner. lib. 2. c. 19. [/] Sozom. lib. f.c.n. * 
 [m] Eufeb. Chron. an. 1237. [»] Hieron. de Locis Hebr. vo- ! 
 ce Emmaus. [9] Lightfoot Horae Hebr. in Matth. Prooem. 
 (/>] Ocho Lexic. Rabbin, p. 627. [q] Sigon. de Repub. Hebr. 
 Kb. 2. c. 8. Goodwin. Mof. & Aaron, lib. 2. c. 2. [r] Op- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 tat. lib. 3. p. 62. In cujus vertice eft non magna Planities, in 
 qua fuerant feptem Synagogar, ubi Judxorum populus conveniens, 
 Legem per Moyfem datam difcere potuiflet. [;] Fnj pn 
 
 Menfur. & Ponder. [;] Hieron. Ep. 6t. ad Pammacn. c ,6 
 Tu pottai fcindis Ecclefiam, qui prxcepifti Bethleem Presbyteris 
 tuis, ne competentibus noftris in Pafcha baptifmum traderenr Vid 
 Sulpic. Sever. Dial. i. c. 4. Parochia eft Epifcopi qui Hierofoly- 
 mam tenet. [«] Ibid. Theofobium Tbirisc Eccleiia Diaconum 
 facis Presbyterum, & contra nos armas. 
 
 Z 2 z 2 Jamiia, 
 
360 
 
 The A nt i qjj i ties of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 Jamnia, appear to have been Cities, and to have 
 had their Dependencies in their neighbouring 
 Country round them. So that except Maiuma, 
 which was disfranchifed by Julian, there was no 
 Village in Palefiine that had aBifhop ofits own* 
 but the Villages were all as fo many Pariflies to 
 the neighbouring City in whofe Territory they 
 lay: Which made thefe Diocefan Churches ftill 
 of the fame fpecieswith the reft, that had a large 
 Extent of Jurifdi&ion. Jofephus indeed calls Lyd- 
 da a Village, but he fays, it was a Village 
 not inferior to a Cityj and afterward it was 
 made a City, and called Diofpolis, when it 
 was a Bifhop's See : And though its Diocefe 
 could not extend very far one way, being it was 
 but fix Miles from Joppa toward the Seaj yet 
 other ways it extended farther, for St. Jerom 
 [w] fpeaks of Bethfarijfa a Village belonging to 
 it, though it was near fifteen Miles diftancefrom 
 it, in the Region call'd Regio Tamnitica, which 
 feems to have been the Territory belonging to 
 this City. 
 
 I have been the more particular in defcribing 
 the Diocefes of Paleftine, becaufe here Chriftia- 
 nity was firft planted, and the true Model of an- 
 tient Epifcopacy may beft be collected from 
 them. They who reckon thefe Bifliopricks no 
 larger than Country-Parifhes, are ftrangely mi- 
 ftaken on the one hand ; and they who extend 
 their Bounds as wide as German Diocefes, are no 
 lefs extravagant on the other. To make the right 
 eftimate, the Reader muft remember that there 
 were never quite fifty Bifhops in all the three 
 Paleftines. In the middle of the Vlth Century 
 there were but forty five, who fubferibed in the 
 Council of Jerufalem, An. f 7,6. And we do 
 not find upon the niceft Enquiry they ever ex- 
 ceeded forty eight. So that it were the ab- 
 furdeft thing in the World to fuppofe, as fome 
 have done, that thefe Diocefes were but Parifli 
 Churches, or fingle Congregations. On the 
 other hand, when it is remember'd, that the Ex- 
 tent of the whole Country was not above an 
 hundred and fixty Miles, it is as evident thefe 
 Diocefes could not be of the largeft Size, and if 
 compared with fome others, fcarce be found to 
 have the Proportion of one to twenty, which 
 needs no farther Demonftration. 
 
 SECT. IX. The next Patriarchate is that 
 
 A catalogue of the of Antioch, to which Carolus a 
 Provinces and Dw- Santlo Paulo afligns thefe thirteen 
 cefes mder the Pa- p rov i nces : Syria Prima. Syria 
 trianh of Anuvch Secunda. Theodorias. Cilicia Prima. 
 Cilicia Sccunda. Jfauria. Euphratenfis. Ofrhoe- 
 na. Mefopotamia. Phoenicia Prima. Phoenicia Se- 
 cunda. Arabia, and the I(]e of Cyprus. One of 
 thefe, Arabia Philadelphia, has been already 
 fpoken ofj and three others, Ifauria and Cilicia 
 Prima and Secunda, lying in Afia Minor, fiiall be 
 confidered in the next Chapter among the Pro- 
 vinces of that Country. For the reft I will here, 
 give firft a particular Catalogue of the Diocefes. 
 
 in each Province, and then make a few Re- 
 marks upon them, and fome other Eaftern Pro- 
 vinces not mentioned by that Writer. 
 
 In Syria Prima. 
 I Antiochia. z Seleucia Pieria. 3 Berrcea, by 
 fome called Aleppo. 4 Chalets, f Onofarta, or 
 rather Anafarta. 6 Gabbus. To which Holfte- 
 nius adds another called Paltus, which he thinks 
 wrong placed in Theodorias. 
 
 In Syria Secunda. 
 1 Apamea upon the River Orontes. z Arc 
 thuja. 3 Epiphania. 4 Larijfa. f Mariama, or 
 Mariamne. 6 Raphanaa. 7 Seleucia juxta Belum, 
 al. Seleucobelui. To thefe alfo Holjlenius transfers 
 another, named Balanea, out of the Province of 
 Ihcodorias, where he thinks it was wrong placed \ 
 but he is miftaken. 
 
 In Theodorias. 
 
 I Laodicea. z Gabala. 3 Paltus. 4 Balan<ea; 
 
 In Euphratefia or Comagene. 
 1 Hierapolis. z Cyrus. 3 Samofata. 4 Doliche. 
 f Germanicia. 6 Zeugma. 7 Perre, by fome cor- 
 ruptly read Perga, and Pella, and Peria, as Hol- 
 jlenius obferves. 8 Europus, al. Amphipolis and 
 T'hapfacum. p Urima. 10 Cafarea, otherwife 
 called Neocafarea Euphratenfis. 11 Sergiopolis. 
 iz Sura. 15 Marianopolis, which fome place in 
 Syria Secunda. 
 
 In Ofrhoena, or Mefopotamia Inferior. 
 1 Edejfa. z Carra. 5 Circefium. 4 Nicepho- 
 rium. f Batna. 6 Callinicus, al. Leontopolis. 
 
 7 Marcopolis. 8 Himeria. p Daufara. 
 
 In Mefopotamia Superior. 
 1 Amida, now called Caramit. z Nifibis. 3 Rhe- 
 fma. 4 Martyt -opolis. f Cafchara. To thefe Holfle- 
 nius adds two more, Cepha, and Mnifus oxMiniza. 
 
 In Phoenicia Prima. 
 1 Tyrus. z Sidon. 3 Ptolemais, or Aeon. 4 Bc- 
 rytus. f Byblus. 6 Tripolis. 7 Area. 8 Ortho- 
 fias. p Botrus. 10 Aradus. 11 Antardus. iz Por- 
 phyrium. 13 Pane as, or Cafarea Philippi. 14 Sy- 
 caminum, now called Capo Carmelo. 
 
 In Phoenicia Libani. 
 1 Damafcus. 2 Laodicea Scabiofa. 3 Abyla. 
 4 Heliopolis. 5 Jabruda. 6 Palmyra. 7 Emefa. 
 
 8 Danaba. p Evaria, al. Euroia, al. Juftiniano- 
 polis. 10 Comoara. 11 Corada. iz Saraceno- 
 ram Civitas, which rather belongs to Arabia 
 Holjlenius adds one more called Arlana. 
 
 In Cyprus. 
 
 I Conjlantia. z Citium. 3 Amathus. 4 Cu- 
 rium, f Paphos. 6 Arfinoe. 7 Lapithus. 8 Tha- 
 maffus. p Chytrus. 1 o Tremithus. 1 1 Soli. \z Le- 
 dra. 1 3 'Tiberiopolis . Holjlenius adds, Carteriopo- 
 
 [w] Hieron. Loc. Hebr. voce Bethfarifla. Eft in finibus Diofpoleos villa, quindecim ferme ab ea millibus djftans contra Septentri- 
 onem in regione Tamnitica. 
 
 8 //', 
 
\ 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 361 
 
 lis, and Carpafia, where Philo was Bifhop, who 
 commonly by a vulgar Error is call'd Carpathius, 
 as if he had been Bifliop of Carpathus an Ifland 
 in the Mediterranean-Sen, whereas he was Bi- 
 fhop of this Carpafia in the Ifle of Cyprus, as 
 Holfienius and Dr. Cave have both obferved. 
 
 sf.ct. X. N o w to make fome few 
 
 obfervatbns on R cma rks U p n thefe Dioce- 
 
 theDwafes ofCy fcs di(lln ^ J obferve thaC by 
 
 ™ ' the fame Rcafon that Carolus a 
 
 Santto Paulo places Cyprus under the Patriarch 
 of Antioch, he might have brought Affyria, Per' 
 fia, Babylonia, Adiabenc, India, and the Nation 
 of the Homerites in Arabia Felix, under Antioch 
 alfo. For there were Bifhops in all thefe pla- 
 ces, as I fhall {hew, but independent of any Pa- 
 triarch except their own Metropolitans. And 
 fo Cyprus was declared to be by the Council of 
 Ephefus; whence it was always reckoned an Au- 
 loccphalus, or Independent Province, as has been 
 more fully proved [*] in another place. All I 
 have farther to obferve of it here, is in refe- 
 rence to thofe fifteen Diocefes that we have 
 found there, that they were large ones, if com- 
 pared with thofe of Palefiine : For Cyprus is com- 
 puted by Ferrarius 170 Miles long, and by others 
 200 , which is more than Pale/line. Baudrand 
 reckons it f 00 Miles in compafs ; which, with- 
 out enquiring any farther into the particular di- 
 flance of Places or largenefs of the Cities or Vil- 
 lages, is fufficient to fhew that thofe Diocefes 
 were none of the lead Size, though fhort of 
 fome that we fhall meet with in the Continent, 
 as we take a View of the other Provinces. 
 
 SECT. XI. That which lay next to Cy- 
 
 Trltp^m/lf PT ' US Syr ' a > WHich ancientl y 
 
 Secunda. nma comprehended all the Country 
 
 betwixt the Mediterranean and 
 Euphrates; but the Romans divided it into fix 
 Provinces, Syria Prima and Secunda, Phoenicia 
 Prima and Secunda, e theodorias, and Euphraten- 
 Jis, otherwife called Hagiopolis and Comagene. 
 The fix Provinces together are computed by 
 Geographers to be between three and four hun- 
 dred Miles in length, and two hundred broad 
 from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates. And 
 the whole Number of Diocefes in all the Pro- 
 vinces was about fifty fix, that is, but eight 
 more than we found in Palefiine. By which 
 the Reader may eafily make a general Eftimate 
 of the Largenefs of thefe in comparifon of the 
 other in Palefiine, by confidering the Dimenfi- 
 ons of each Country, and comparing them to- 
 gether. But I will fpeak a little more particu- 
 larly of a few Diocefes in thefe Provinces. Sy- 
 ria Prima had anciently but fix Diocefes, and in 
 the later Notitia's we find only five. The Me- 
 tropolis was Antioch, one of the largcft Cities in 
 the World. Chryfofiom, who may be fuppofed 
 
 to be a competent Judge of its Greatnefs, fpeaks 
 fometimcs of ten or twenty Myriads [#], that is 
 an hundred or two hundred thoufand People in 
 it. And he makes this a Part of his Pancgyrick 
 upon Ignatius, That whereas it is a difficult 
 Matter fometimes to govern an hundred or fifty 
 Men> yet fuch was his Wifdom and Virtue, 
 that St. Peter doubted not to commit to his Care 
 a City, which had two hundred thoufand Peo- 
 ple in it. The Territory without the City was 
 anfwerable to its Greatnefs within : For one way 
 it reached two Days Journey, or fifty Miles, to 
 the Territory of Cyprus, where Theodoret was Bi- 
 fhop: For Strabo [jy] fays, thefe two Territo- 
 ries joined one to another. There were many 
 great Villages like Cities in this compafs j as 
 Daphne in the Suburbs of Antioch ; Gindarus in 
 the Borders of the Diocefe toward Cyprus: In 
 Strabo's time it was a City [z] belonging to 
 Cyprus, or Cyrrhefiica. But 1 muft note, that 
 there feem to have been two Places of that 
 Name, the one a City, the other a Village. For 
 Strabo [*] fpeaks of a Gindarus in the Regio 
 Cyrrefiica, which he calls a City : And we find 
 one Petrus Gindarenfis fubferibing among the Bi- 
 fhops of Syria in the Council of Nice, who was 
 alfo among the Bifhops of the Council of Anti- 
 och which condemned Athanafius, as Holfienius 
 [«] and Schelfirate have obferved out of the Sub- 
 scriptions of thefe Councils. Whence we may 
 conclude, that Gindarus mentioned by Strabo, was 
 probably the fame City, whereof this Peter was 
 Bifhop, and that there was another Gindarus, a 
 Village in the time of Theodoret belonging to 
 Antioch, where Afterius the Monk lived, of 
 whom 'Theodoret [b~] fpeaks in his religious Hi- 
 flory; where he alfo mentions other Villages [c] 
 nea r Mount Amanus in the Territory of Antioch 5 
 which muft be at a great Diftance from Anti- 
 och : For Mount Amanus was the Northern Li- 
 mit of Syria. Berne a and Chalcis were large Ci- 
 ties, 10 Miles from one another. In the fame 
 Province lay Selecia Pieria fixteen Miles from 
 Antioch down the River Orontes, and five Miles 
 from Sea ; which was Compafs enough to make 
 a large Diocefe, though much inferior to the 
 former. 
 
 In Syria Secunda there was anciently feven Bi- 
 fhopricks, and we find the fame Number in the 
 later Notitia's of the Church. Of thefe Apamea- 
 was the Metropolis, a City which Theodoret [d~\ 
 makes to be feventy five Miles from Antioch : And 
 that it had a large Territory and many Villages, 
 we learn from Strabo [e~] and other antient Wri- 
 ters. Larifia in this Province is computed by 
 Ferrarius to be fourteen Miles from Apamea j A- 
 rethufa fixteen from Epiphania ; Epiphania eigh- 
 teen from I,ari()a. So that at leaft twenty Miles 
 will be allotted to every Diocefe in the Pro- 
 vince. 
 
 I*] 00k II. Chap, xviii. Setl. 2. [*] Chryf. Horn. 26. [£] Theod. Hift. Rclig.vit. Julian, p. 777. [V] ibid, vit- 
 
 in Mitth It. Horn. 42. in Ignat. Tom. 1. p. ;6j. [y] Sua- Simeon, c. 6. p. 808. [</] Theod. Ep. 113. 
 
 bo lib. 16. p. 7f 1. [z.] Strabo Ibid. [ * ] Holften. Annotat. [e] Strabo ; lib. 16. 
 Gcograph. p. 106. [a] Schclftrat. de Concil. Antioch, p. 93. 
 
 Ik 
 
362 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 SECT. XII. 
 
 Of the Diocefes 
 of Phoenicia Prima 
 and Secunda. 
 
 I n Phoenicia Prima fome few 
 Cities, as I have obferved before 
 in fpeaking of Paleftine, lay ve- 
 ry near together, as Sycaminum 
 and Porphyrium, whofe Diocefes could not be 
 very large upon that Account. But tyre and Si- 
 don and Berytus were both large Cities and at a 
 greater diftance. For Tyre was twenty five Miles 
 diftant from Sidon on the one fide, and as much 
 or more from Ptolemais on the other fide. Coto- 
 vicus [/] reckons it but twenty, but Ferrarius 
 fays it was two and thirty. And the City itfelf 
 was very large, if we take Strabo's Account, for 
 he fays [g] it filled an Ifland that was nineteen 
 Miles in compafs. Pliny \h~] agrees as to the 
 bignefs of the Ifland, but makes the City only 
 two and twenty Furlongs. Sidon was alfo a large 
 City, and not within twenty five Miles of any 
 other. Baudrand makes it twenty five from tyre, 
 and thirty five from Berytus. Berytus was fa- 
 mous for the Study of the Civil-Law, and reck- 
 oned among the great and flouriftiing Cities of 
 the Eafl, and it had no nearer Neighbours than 
 Sidon on the South, and Byblus on the North, 
 which Ferrarius fets at thirty four Miles diftance 
 from it. The Diocefes in the other Phoenicia 
 toward Mount Libanus, were greater than the 
 former. For here were fome larger Cities 
 and at a greater Diftance from one another. A- 
 mong thefe was the great City Damafcus, once 
 the Metropolis of the Province, the Largenefs 
 of which may be collected from what Jojephus 
 
 SECT. XIII. 
 Of Theodorias. 
 
 I n the Province of theodorias 
 between Syria Prima and Phoeni- 
 cia on the Sea-coaft there were 
 but three Diocefes. Laodicea the Metropolis, 
 Balanea and Gabala, and the fame are mention- 
 ed in Goafs Notitia and others. Now the di- 
 ftance of thefe Places may be feen in Anton'me's 
 Itinerary. Balanea was twenty four Miles from 
 Antaradus in Phoenicia j Gabala twenty feven Miles 
 from Balanea, which Ferrarius calls twenty four 
 according to modern Accounts j and Laodicea 
 the Metropolis was eighteen from Balanea. And 
 their Territories extended farther other ways. 
 
 SECT. XIV. 
 Of Ruphratefia, 
 Coraagene. 
 
 I n the Province of Euphratefia 
 or Comagene there were anciently 
 thirteen Diocefes, and but one 
 more in later Notitia's. Here were feveral large 
 Cities, as Hierapolis the Metropolis of the Pro- 
 vince, and Samofata on the Euphrates, which 
 both Jofephus [/] and Ammianus Marcel linus [ni] 
 defcribe as a great and magnificent City. But 
 the largeft Diocefe for Extent of Territory in 
 thefe Parts was that of Cyrus, where theodoret 
 was Bifhop, who gives a molt particular Ac- 
 count of it. He fays in one place [«] it was 
 forty Miles in length and forty in Breadth > and 
 that there were above fix Myriads, or three- 
 fcore thoufand £uy« or Juga of Land in it. Now 
 a Jugum of Land was not a fingle Acre, as fome 
 learned Men miftake ; but as much Land as a 
 Yoke of Oxen could plough in a Year} and the 
 
 relates [i] how that the Damafcenes flew there ten Roman Taxes were raifed by fuch Proportions of 
 thoufand Jews in one Day. Emijfa, the new 
 Metropolis, is accounted alfo a large City by 
 Ammianus Marcellinus [£], who equals it lotyre, 
 and Sidon, and Berytus. And for their Territo- 
 we mult judge of them by their Diftance 
 
 nes, 
 
 from other Places. Laodicea and Arethufa were 
 the neareft Neighbours to Emijfa, and Ferrarius 
 makes them fixteen Miles diftant from it. And 
 we do not find Damafcus pent up in narrower 
 Bounds : For it was furrounded with Abyla, and 
 Jabruda, and Cafarea Philippi, the laft of which 
 Ferrarius reckons twenty fix Miles from it. A- 
 byla was the Head of a Region, thence called 
 Abylene, which gave the Denomination of a Te- 
 trarch to Lyfanias, as St. Luke informs us: 
 Whence we may collect: there was a confidera- 
 ble Territory belonging to it. Here was alfo the 
 
 Land, whence the ordinary Tax upon Land was 
 ftiled Jugatio in the Civil-Law, as I have had 
 Occafion to note [p] in another Place. So that 
 threefcore thoufand Juga, according to this Ac-^ 
 count, will make a far greater Diocefe, than if 
 we fhould underftand it of fingle Acres only. 
 And that we may not think this was barren and 
 unoccupied Land, theodoret in another Place fpe- 
 cifies what number of Churches and Parifhes he 
 had in his Diocefe, which he fays [/>] were 
 eight hundred : Some of which were over-run 
 with the Herefies of Marcion, Arius, and Euno- 
 mius, when he came to the Diocefe ; but he con- 
 verted above ten thoufand of one Se£t only, viz. 
 Marcionites, \_q~] to the Catholick Faith, and of 
 others fome thoufands more. All which Argu- 
 ments agree to make it one of the largeft Dio- 
 
 great City Palmyra, the Head of another Region, cefes in the Eaft, as Blondel [r~] ingenuoufly con- 
 
 thence called Palmyrene, of which it is reafon 
 able to make the fame Conclufionj though I 
 have nothing more particularly to remark of the 
 Extent of thefe Regions, fave that Abyla is reck- 
 oned thirty two Miles from Heliopolis, another 
 noted City in this Province, and one of its near- 
 eft Neighbours, as Ferrarius out of Antonine's I- 
 tinerary computes their Diftance. Vid. Ferrar. 
 voce Heliopolis. 
 
 fefles it to be, though fome others would fain 
 infinuate the whole Story to be a Fiction, when 
 yet all Circumftances concur to give it the clear- 
 eft Evidences of Truth. They who would 
 fee Objections anfwered, may confult Bifhop 
 Stilling fleet [i] or Dr. Maurice [/], who have 
 particularly confidered the Exceptions that have 
 been raifed againft it. As to the other Cities of 
 this Province, Doliche, Germanicia, Nicopolis 9 
 
 [/] Cotovic. Itinerar. lib. i. c. 20. [g] Strabo lib. 16, 
 [h] Plin. lib. 5-. c. 19. [»] Jofeph. dc Bell. lib. 1. c. if. 
 
 [Jt] Ammian. lib. 24. c. 26. [ I] Jofeph. de Bello. lib. 7. 
 
 c. 27. [m] Ammian. lib. 14. [»] Theodor. Ep. 
 
 42, 8c 47. 0] St$Be$k V. *. in. n. 3. [/>] Thcod. 
 
 Ep. 113. ad Leon, iv ok]cikoo~icU( tKKhiw'iMt iKctyov woi/aoI- 
 vnv. Toffaxjrtti y6 Kvj>p<§t Tza.fjtH.icis eX 6 *' W ^* ^P" 
 14^. p. 1026. Th^t « Mt/etBf, &c. [r] Blondel. Apol. 
 
 p. 18;. [s\ Stillingfleet of Separation, p. 2/8. 
 
 [t] Maurice'; Deftnce of Dioc. Epifc. p. 396. 
 1 Zeugma> 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 363 
 
 Zeugma, Cafarea, Sec. Some of them were but 
 finan Cities, as Doliche, which Theodoret fpeaks 
 of [«] with the diminutive Title of -aroXtxn J.fXt~. 
 Y. P J. a very (mall City: But they might have 
 large Dioccfes, as Cyrus had, which itfelf was 
 neither a great City nor very well inhabited,^ but 
 had a Diocefe larger than many other Cities 
 which were ten times the bignefs of it. 
 
 SECT. xv. I n the Roman Provinces be- 
 0/pfliroena,«»i y 0n J the Euphrates (which fomc 
 Mesopotamia. ca jj by t j )C genem J N ame Q f Me- 
 
 fopotamia, becaufe it lay between the two Ri- 
 vers Tigris and Euphrates ; but the Romans divi- 
 ded it into two Provinces, Ofrhoenaon the Banks 
 of Euphrates, and Mefopotamia toward the Tigris) 
 there are fo few Dioccfes to be found in anti- 
 cnt Records, that to me it feems probable that 
 our Accounts arc very imperfect:: For the whole 
 Number in both Provinces is but fixteen; 
 whereas in the later Notitia's there are fixteen 
 in Ofrhoena alone, and in the other Province 
 thirty five more* which makes it probable that 
 antient Accounts are here defective. Otherwife 
 we mud fay, that thefe Diocefes were extremely 
 large. For Baudrand makes the Country four 
 hundred and twenty Miles long, and two hun- 
 dred and feventy broad. Which divided into fix- 
 teen Diocefes would make them all of great Ex- 
 tent. But the Country feems not to have been 
 all converted, for the Roman Cities were only 
 fuch as lay by the Banks of the Rivers, and 
 chiefly upon the Euphrates. I fhall therefore 
 make no other Eftimare of them, than by the 
 certain Light we have of them in antient Hifto- 
 ry. From which it is clear, that fome of them 
 were at leaft fuch Epifcopal Diocefes as were 
 in all other parts of the World, that is, Cities 
 with Country-Regions, and Village-Churches. 
 This is evident from what Epiphanius obfervesof 
 Chafcara, one of the Cities of Mefopotamia, that 
 befide the Bifhop's See it had Village-Churches, 
 and Presbyters incumbent on them in the Hid 
 Century. For fpeaking [iv] of Manes the He- 
 retick, the firft Founder of the Manichees, he 
 fays, when he had been baffled at a publick Dif- 
 putation by Archelaus Bifhop of Chafcara, and 
 had like to have been {toned by the People, he 
 fled to Diodoris a Village belonging to Chafcara, 
 where oneTryphon was Presbyter, whom he chal- 
 lenged to a new Difputation. And if the lefTer 
 Cities had fuch kind of Diocefes, we may rea- 
 dily conclude the fame of Nifibis the Metropo- 
 lis, which was fo large a City as to be able to 
 defend itfelf fometimes againft all the Power of 
 the Perfian Empire; being, as Sozomen [#] ob- 
 ferves of it, in a manner all Chriftian in the 
 time of the Emperor Julian. Edefja, the Metro- 
 polis of the other Province of Ofrhoena, was al- 
 fo a very large City, and the Royal Seat of Ag- 
 barus, who lived in our Saviour's Time, and by 
 
 whofe Means it is generally thought to be con- 
 verted very early to Chriftianity ; and fo it might 
 perhaps from the very firft have fevcral Churches 
 in it. However, in After-ages we are fine it 
 had: For Sozomen fpeaking of the Perfecution 
 under Falens the Arian Emperor, fays, he took 
 away all the Churches within the City, among 
 which [*] that of St. Thomas was one, fo that 
 the People were forced to afTemblc in Gardens 
 without the City for Divine Service. 
 
 Beside thefe Provinces men- sect. XVI. 
 tioned by Carolus a Sanclo Paulo, 0/ Armenia Per- 
 there were fome other Countries fica ' 
 out of the Bounds of the Roman Empire, which 
 had the fame Form of Epifcopal Government, 
 upon which therefore it will not be amifs to 
 make a few Strictures, whilft we are fpeaking 
 of the Eaftern Provinces. That which we now 
 call Armenia Magna, was anciently called Arme- 
 nia Per/tea, becaufe it belonged not to the Ro- 
 man, but to the Perfian Empire. Here were alfo 
 Bifliops in the time of Theodoret, as appears from 
 fome of his Epiftles. For writing to one Eula- 
 lius a Bifhop, he ftyles him [j] for diftin&ion 
 fake, ■nrsjerDt^ 'Ap/xsv/a?, Bifhop of the Perfian 
 Armenia. And another Epiftle [z] is dire&ed 
 to one Eufebius a Bifhop of the fame Region. 
 By which it is plain there were Bifhops in that 
 Country in Theodorefs time; but how many we 
 cannot learn from him or any other antient Wri- 
 ter. Otho Frifingenfis [a] and Baronius [b~], and 
 fome other modern Writers, talk much of the 
 Catholick of Armenia that fent to fubmit himfelf 
 to the Pope in the Xllth Century, having a 
 thoufand Bifhops under him. But as Mr. Brere- 
 ivood [f] rightly obferves, if the whole Story be 
 not a Fiftion, Otho muft needs miftake Obedi- 
 ence for Communion : For the Catholick of Ar- 
 menia might have a great number of the Jaco- 
 bite Bifhops in his Communion, but there could 
 not be fo many in Armenia under his Jurifdidti- 
 on. For the modern Notitia mentions but nine- 
 teen Bifhops in this Armenia, as the Reader will 
 find in the feventh Chapter of this Book. And it 
 is not probable they;fhould multiply from twenty to 
 a thoufand in an Age or two. However this Sto- 
 ry has no relation to the State of the Church in 
 the Primitive Ages, about which the prefent 
 Enquiry is only concerned. 
 
 We have fome farther Account sect. xvil. 
 of the Churches in other Parts 0/ Aflyria or A- 
 alfo of the Perfian Dominions be- dhbene, and Chal- 
 yond the River Tigris, in Adia- dsra * 
 bene, which is a Region of Affyria, and in Baby- 
 lonia or Chaldtea, in which we find two large 
 Cities, Seleucia and Ctefiphon, under one Bifhop. 
 Thefe were the Royal Seats of the Perfian Kings, 
 and but three Miles from each other, as Pliny 
 [d~\ and Ferrarius after him compute, though 
 
 [«] Theod. lib. f . c. 4,. [w] Epiph. Haer. 66. Mani- 
 
 cha;. n. 13. [#] Sozom. lib. c. 3. [*] Sozom. 
 
 lib. 6. c. 18. [y'\ Theodor. Ep. 77. ad Eulal. 
 
 [z.] Theod. Ep. 7S. 
 [£] Baron, an. 114,$". 
 [</] Plin. lib. 6. c. 16, 
 
 [a] Otho Frifing. lib. 7. c. ;z. 
 [fj Brerewood Enquir. c. 24.. 
 
 others 
 
364 
 
 The A n t 1 qjj itibs of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 ethers place them at a greater diftance. Scleu- 
 cia is by fome faid to be the fame as Moful, the 
 prefent Seat of the Patriarch of the Neftorians. 
 But antiently they were both but one Diocefe, 
 as we learn from Sozomen [e~], who ftyles Simeon 
 Archbifhop of Ctefiphon and Seleucia, under Sapo- 
 res King of Perfia, who lived in the time of 
 Conftantine. There were other Bifhops alfo in 
 thefe pares at the fame time, fome of which 
 fuffered Martyrdom together with Simeon, as the 
 fame Author informs us [/]. He alfo mentions 
 one Acepfimas, a Bifhop in the Region of Adia- 
 bene, and 23 more, whofe Names are there re- 
 corded, as fuffering Martyrdom about the fame 
 time [g] in feveral parts of the Perfian Empire. 
 And what fort of Diocefes they had, we may 
 conjecture from what Sozomen [h] fays of one of 
 them named Bichor^Thxt he fuffered Martyrdom 
 together with Maurcandus his Chorepifcopus, and 
 two hundred and fifty more of the Clergy that 
 were under him. Such a number of Clergy, 
 and a Chorepifcopus among them, feem to befpeak 
 a pretty large Diocefe ; and if the reft were an- 
 fwerable to this, we may conclude the Bifhops 
 were all of the fame Species as we have feen in 
 all the Eaftern Nations. 
 
 SECT. XViir, tfheodorus LebJor [/'] fpeaks of 
 of the Immireni another Nation converted to 
 in Perfia, and Ho- Chriftianity in the time of Ana- 
 it? m Arab ' a fi a fi us the Em P eror > whom ' he 
 names Immireni, and fays, they 
 
 were Subjects of the Perfian Empire, and dwelt 
 in the moft fouthern parts of their Dominions. 
 Whether they had above one Bifhop is not cer- 
 tain j for only one is mentioned as fet over them 
 upon their Converfion. And it might be with 
 them, as it was with fome other barbarous People, 
 Goths , Saracens, &c. that one Bifhop ferved the 
 whole Nation. Valefius confounds this People 
 with the Homerita, whom Bochart and others 
 more truly place in Arabia Felix toward the 
 South-Sea. Baronius [kl fuppofes the Homerites 
 firft converted to the Chriftian Faith about the 
 Year 5 f 4, at the fame time that the Indians or 
 Ethiopians were converted in the Reign of Con- 
 ftantius. But we have no account then of what 
 Bifhops were fettled among them : But in the 
 beginning of the Vlth Age we find the Chri- 
 ftian Religion in a flourifhing Condition there, 
 till one Dunaan an Apoftate Jew, having gotten 
 the Kingdom, raifed a great Perfecution againft 
 the Church, efpecially at Nargan, where one 
 Arethas was a petty King, fubject, as many 
 other fmall Reguli were, to the Kingdom 
 of the Homerites, whom he barbaroufly 
 deftroyed with all his people. But this Cloud 
 quickly blowing over by the Affiftance of Juflin 
 the Roman Emperor, and Eksban King of Ethi- 
 opia, who conquer'd Dunaan [f\, the Govern- 
 
 ment fell again into the Hands of a Chriftian 
 King, in whofe Time Gregentius Archbifhop of 
 Tephra, the Royal City, is faid to have had that 
 famous Difputation with Herbanus the Jew, the 
 refult of which was the Converfion of an in- 
 credible number of Jews in that Region. Here 
 I chiefly obferve that Gregentius is ftyl'd Arch- 
 bifhop of 'Tephra, which implies, that he had 
 Suffragan Bifhops under him; And in the Re- 
 lation of his Death at the end [m~] of the Dif- 
 pute, it is added, that both Bifhop, Priefts and 
 Deacons were gather'd together to attend his 
 Funeral. By which it appears, that the fbite 
 of that Church, fo far as we have any account 
 of it, was conformable to other Churches. 
 
 We have fome few Intimati- sect. xix. 
 ons alfo given us of Churches of Bifhops among 
 planted antiently among the the Sarace[ " '» 
 Saracens in Arabia, which were Arat " a - 
 never under the Roman Empire. Hilar ion is faid 
 by fome [»] to have begun the Converfion of 
 this Nation, but it was not compleated till Mau- 
 via Queen of the Saracens made it a Condition 
 of her making Peace with the Romans in the 
 time of Valentinian, that they fhould fend her 
 one Mofes a famous Monk to be the Bifhop of 
 her Nation j which was accordingly done, and 
 fo he became the firft Bifhop of that Region 
 of the Saracens, as Ruffin [/] and Socrates [/>] 
 and the other Hiftorians inform us. Sozomen al- 
 fo adds, that one Zocomos another Regulus or 
 petty Prince of another Region of the Saracens, 
 being converted by a Monk, brought over 
 all his Subjects to the Chriftian Faith. Theodo- 
 rus Leclor \j] likewife mentions another of thefe 
 Saracen Princes, named Alamundarus, who em- 
 braced the Faith in the Reign of the Emperor 
 Anaftafius, An. fi}. And Cyril ,-df Scythopolis, 
 who wrote the Lives of Euthymius and Sabas 9 
 takes notice alfo of a Plantation of Saracens un- 
 der the Roman Government in Palefiine [>], over 
 whom one Peter, a converted Saracen, who had 
 before been their Captain,was made the firft Bifhop 
 by Juvenal Bifhop of Jerufalem about the middle 
 of the Vth Century. Now we are to obferve, 
 that as thefe Saracens were thus divided into lit-' 
 tie Nations (after the manner of the Arabians) 
 and had each their Regulus or petty Prince: So 
 they feem each to have had their proper Bifhop, 
 one to a Nation, and no more. And therefore 
 in Councils we find them ufually fubferibing them- 
 felves rather by the Title of their Nation, Epif- 
 copus Gentis Saracenorum, than any other way. 
 Which I take to be an Indication, not that all 
 the Saracens in the World had but one Bifhop, 
 but that every petty Nation had a Bifhop of 
 its own, though it is hard to diftinguifh fome- 
 times which Family or Tribe of them is meant 
 by that general Title. In the fecond Council of 
 
 [«] Sozom. lib. 2. c. 8. [/] Ibid. c. 9. [g] Ibid, 
 
 c. 13. [h] Sozom. lib. 2. c. 14. [i] Thcodor. Left. lib. 
 2. p. 5-67. 0] Baron, an. 35-4, Sc f 22. p. 8f . [I] Ada 
 Martyr. Homeritar. ap. Baron. an. 5-22, & 5-23. [m] Gregcnt. Dif- 
 put. cum Herban. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. Tom. 1. p. 272. [»] Ba- 
 
 T 
 
 ron. an. 372. p. 344; [0] Ruffin. lib. 2. c. 6. [/>] So- 
 crar. lib. 4. c. 36. Tbcodor. lib. 4. c. 2. Sozom. lib. 6. c. 38. 
 [9] Theodor. Lector, lib. 2. [r] Cyril, vit. Euthym. ap. Ba- 
 
 ron, an. 420. p. 481. 
 
 Ephefus 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 36$ 
 
 Fpbcfus [s~\ one Aitxilaus is fly led Epifcopus Sa- 
 racenorum Fccderatorum, among the Bifhops of Pa- 
 hjtine, whence it is eafy to donctude, there is 
 meant the fame Saracens that Cyril fpeaks of, 
 who were Confederate with the Romans, or un- 
 der the Roman Government. But in other pla- 
 ces we are left to guefs what Saracens may be 
 meant, fince they were divided into feveral petty 
 Nation 1 -, and more than one Nation of them, as 
 we have ieen, were converted to the Chriftian, 
 Faith. 
 
 s F. c t. XX. There is one Eaftern Coun- 
 mflmpsof ifeAm- try more, famous for its Conver- 
 ges 6t Indians f lon by JEdcfius and Frumentius 
 biyond Egypt. in the time f jthanafius, but 
 yet learned Men are not agreed where to place 
 it. The antient Hiitorians Ruffin [f], Socrates 
 [«], and the reft that relate the Story, common- 
 ly call it India ulterior, the Inner India: Whence 
 Carohts a Santlo Paulo [w] and Earonius [_x~], 
 and many others, take it for granted, that they 
 mean India within Ganges, the other part with- 
 out Ganges having been converted before (as they 
 think) by the ApoftleSt. Bartholomew. But Hol- 
 fienius [jy] and Valefius [z] correft this miitake, 
 and Bifhop Pearfon [a] has more fully proved 
 that the India they fpeak of was no part of the 
 Eafi-Indies, but India beyond Mgypt, which was 
 part of Ethiopia, whereof Axumis was the Me- 
 tropolis. This lay not far from the Mouth of 
 the Red- Sea over-againft the Country of the 
 Homerites in Arabia, whence Conftantius in one of 
 his Laws [b~] joyns thefe two Nations together. 
 From which and many other Authorities, Bifhop 
 Pearfon unanfwerably proves, that this India 
 can be underftood of no other but the Ethiopick 
 India, whereof Axumis was the Metropolis. 
 This the Ancients called India, as well as the o- 
 ther: For Virgil fays, The Nile flowed from the 
 Blackamoor Indians [c~], and Procopius Gazenjis 
 ftyles the Red-Sea, the Indian-Sea, becaufe it 
 bordered upon this India beyond Egypt. Now 
 
 in this Country Frumentius was the firft Bi- 
 fhop that we read of, being ordained Bifhop of 
 Axumis by Athanafius and a Synod of Egyptian 
 Bifhops, and fent thither to convert the Coun- 
 try and fettle Churches among them : Which 
 therefore we need not doubt, were of the fame 
 Species with thofe in Egypt and the reft of the 
 World. For Axumis was not the only Place that 
 had a Bifhop. For Palladius mentions one Mofes 
 [_d~\ Bifhop of Adulis, which was another City of 
 Ethiopia. And in his Life of St. Chryfoflom [e~\ 
 he alfo fpeaks of one of his own Name, Palladius 
 Bifhop of the Blemmyes, which were a People of 
 Ethiopia, adjoining to Egypt, as Strabo and Pliny 
 and other Geographers inform us. Bifhop Pear- 
 fon gives fome other Proofs, out of Cedrenus and 
 the Arabick Canons of the Nicene Council, and 
 their antient Liturgies, that they had Bifhops in 
 that Country ever fince this their firft Converfi- 
 on. But nothing more particular occurring con- 
 cerning their Diocefes, for want of better Light 
 we can give no farther Account of them. And for 
 the fameReafon I muft omit feveral other Eaftern 
 Nations, as the Parthians, and Indians about 
 Ganges, which were converted by St. Thomas the 
 Apoftle i and the Iberians and other Nations ly- 
 ing upon the Cafpian-Sez, which RuJJ'm [/] fays, 
 were converted firft by a Captive Woman in the 
 time of Conflantine. Antient Hiftory affords us 
 but flender Accounts of the Original of thefe 
 Churches, and lefs of the Conrtitution and Set- 
 tlement of them. So that taking our leave of. 
 thefe far diftant Regions, we will come next to 
 a Part of the World which is better known, 
 which is the Patriarchate of Conftantinople, under 
 which were antiently comprehended all the Pro- 
 vinces of Thrace and Afia Minor, except Ifauria. 
 and Cilicia, which alway belonged to the Patri- 
 arch of Antioch. I fhall firft fpeak of Afia Mi- 
 nor, and then proceed to the European Provinces, 
 taking each Country as they lie in their natural 
 Order. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 A Continuation of this Account in the Provinces of Afia Minor. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 O/ the Extent of 
 Afia Minor, and the 
 Number of Diocefes 
 contained therein. 
 
 TO underftand the State of be found in the whole: For by this we may 
 
 Diocefan Churches in Afia make an Eftimate of them in general, allowing 
 
 Minor, it will be proper, before each Diocefe its Proportion upon an equal Di- 
 
 we defcend to Particulars, to ex- ftribution of the Country into fo many Parts as 
 
 amine the Extent of the Coun- there were Diocefes in it. Not that they were 
 
 try in grofs, and fee how many Diocefes are to really fo equally divided : (For in lumming up 
 
 [*] Cone. Ephef. 2. in Aft. 1. Cone Chalcedon. Tom. 4. p. 118. 
 [r] Ruffin. lib. 1 . c. 9. [«] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 19. [w] Carol, 
 a S. Paulo. Geogr. Sacr. p. 268. [x~] Baron. Not. in Martyrol. 
 Die 27. O&ob. [y] Holflen. Not. in Car. a S. Paulo. Geogr. 
 p. 171. jV] Valef. Not. in. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 19. [/i] Pear- 
 ion Vinci. Ignat. Par. 2. c. 11. p. 332. [6] Nullus ad Gentera 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 Auxumitarum 8c Homeritas ire prsceptus, ultra annui temporis 
 fpatia debet Alexandria2 de cxtero commorari. [c] Virgil. 
 
 Georg. 4. ver. 293. Ufque coloratis amnis devexus ab Indis. 
 [</] Pallad. de Gentibus India?, [e] Pallad. vit. Chryfoft. 
 
 [/] Ruffin. lib. 1, c. 10. 
 
 A a a a 
 
 the 
 
366 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 the Particulars we fhall find here were fome of 
 the largeft and fome of the fmalleft Diocefes in 
 the World :) But we may conceive them as equal, 
 in order to make a Diviflon of the whole Coun- 
 try at once among them. Now Dr. Heylin in 
 his Geography [a] reckons the length of Afia 
 minor from the Hellefpont to the River Euphrates 
 to be 630 Miles j and the breadth from Sinus If- 
 ficus in Cilicia to Trabezond in Pont us to be 210 
 Miles. The antient Geographers Strabo [f] and 
 Pliny [c] make it almoft 200 Miles more in 
 length. But then their Accounts are taken from 
 fome antient Periplus or Sea-voyage, which ne- 
 ver proceeds in a direct Line, but takes in the 
 Bendings and Windings of the Sea, which may 
 eafily ftretch 600 to 800 Miles: So that the Ac- 
 counts may be the fame, when Allowance is 
 made for the Excefles of one way of meafuring 
 above the other. As to the breadth, Pliny's Ac- 
 count is rather lefs : For he makes it but bare 
 200 Miles [d~] from Sinus Ifficus to the Euxine 
 Sea. But then he fays, this was the narroweft 
 Part of ir, where the two Seas almoft made it a 
 Peninfula. And it is certain in other Parts it was 
 much broader. For Strabo [e] reckons the breadth 
 of Cappadocia only from Pontus to Mount Taurus 
 1800 Stadia, which is above zoo Miles: And 
 yet Cafaubon [/] fuppofes, that by Pontus he 
 does not mean the Pontus Euxinus, but the Pro- 
 vince of Pontus, which was to be added to the 
 breadth of Afia on one fide of Cappadocia, as Ci- 
 licia was on the other. So that we can hardly 
 fuppofe the breadth of Afia, taking one Part 
 •with another, to be lefs than 500 Miles. Now 
 this was divided by the Romans into two large 
 Civil Diocefes, the Afiatick and Pontick, each of 
 which had ten or eleven Provinces in them, and 
 every Province feveral Cities and Epifcopal Dio- 
 cefes, befide thofe of Ifauria and Cilicia, which 
 are reckoned to the Oriental Diocefe, and were 
 under the Patriarch of Antioch. Chrifiopherfon in 
 his Tranflation of Theodoret, makes a ftrange Mi- 
 Hake concerning thefe Bifhopricks. For whereas 
 Theodoret fays, that Afia or the Afiatick Diocefe was 
 •C57D svc/^xa. aWo/lwv, under eleven Civil Prefects 
 ne wanflates it, undecim Antiftites, as if there 
 had been but eleven Bifhops in all the Afiatick 
 Diocefe \ and only as many in the Pontick Dio- 
 cefe, becaufe Theodoret fays it had ia-aofyxvs nya- 
 (utv8f, the fame number of Governors j whereas 
 Theodoret is not fpeaking of Ecclefiaflical Gover- 
 nors but Civil Governors of Provinces} whereof 
 there was the Number Theodoret fpeaks of in each 
 of thofe Diocefes but Bifhopricks were abun- 
 dantly more numerous: For fome fingle Pro- 
 vinces had above forty, and in the whole Num- 
 ber they were according to Carolus a Santlo Paulo's 
 reckoning 388, viz. In Afia 42. Hellefpont 19. 
 Phrygia Pacatiana Prima 29. Pacatiana altera f . 
 Phrygia Salutaris 20. Lydia 24. Caria if. Pifidia 
 28. Pamphylia prima 12. Pamphylia fecunda 24. 
 
 Pifidia 1 p. Lycaonia 19. Cappadocia prima 6. Cap- 
 padocia fecunda 6. Cappadocia tertia f. Armenia 
 prima f. Armenia fecunda 10. Galatia prima 7. 
 Galatia fecunda 4. Pontus P olemoniacus 6. Eleno- 
 pontus 6. Paphlagonia f. Honor ias f. Bithynia pri- 
 ma 14. Bithynia fecunda 4. Cilicia prima 7. Cilicia 
 fecunda p. Ifauria 25. In the latter Notitia, 
 which the Reader will find at the end of this 
 Book, the Number is a little increafed to 403. 
 For though fome Provinces decreafed, yet others 
 increafed in their Numbers, fo that in the Villch 
 Century we find 1 f Diocefes more than were in 
 former Ages, which is no great Alteration in 
 fuch a multitude, confidering what great Addi- 
 tions have been made in fome other Countries in 
 comparifon of this. Now then, fuppofing 400 
 Diocefes to have been in a Country 600 Miles in 
 length and 300 in breadth, let us examine how 
 much upon an equal Diflribution will tall to eve- 
 ry Diocefe. And it appears upon an exact Com- 
 putation, that fuppofing there had been 4^0 
 Diocefes, there would have been 20 Miles to 
 each Diocefe: And confequently, there being 
 not fo many by fo, every Diocefe muft have fo 
 much the more upon an equal Diflribution. But 
 then it mull be owned, that the Diflribution 
 was generally unequal in this Country : For the 
 Bifhopricks of the Pontick Provinces were for the 
 mofl part very large, and thofe of the Afiatick 
 Provinces confequently the fmaller upon that 
 Account, and abundantly more numerous : So 
 that here the Reader may view the largeft and 
 fmalleft Diocefes in the World together, and 
 yet the fame Species of Epifcopacy maintained 
 in all without Diflinction. 
 
 To begin with the Pontick sect. II. 
 Provinces, Cappadocia was a very of Cappadocia 
 large Country, and had but few and Armenia Mi? 
 Bifhopricks. Strabo [b~] reckons nor - 
 it 3000 Stadia in length, that is 37^ Miles : But 
 then he takes it in a larger Senfe than we do 
 now, as including all from the Provinces of Ly- 
 caonia and Phrygia to the Euphrates ; which takes 
 in Armenia minor as well as Cappadocia : For an- 
 tiently they were all one Kingdom, though af- 
 terwards divided into five Provinces, three Cap- 
 padocia 's, and Armenia prima and fecunda. Bat 
 now in all thefe five Provinces there were noc 
 thirty Diocefes at fir ft, and fome of thofe were 
 new erected in the IVth Century, as Safima 9 
 where Gregory Nazianzen~wasma.de Bifhop, which 
 before belonged either to Cafarea, the Metro- 
 polis of Cappadocia prima, from which it was an 
 100 Miles diftantj or to Tyana the Metropolis 
 of Cappadocia fecunda, from which it lay 32 Miles, 
 [z] as Ferrarius computes. This fhews that thefe 
 Diocefes were of great Extent : But we have Hill 
 more certain Evidence of the thing: For Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen [k~] fays, that St. Bafil, who was 
 Bifhop of Cafarea, had fifty Chorepifcopi under 
 
 [a] Heylin. Cofmogr. lib. 3. p. 3. |>] Strabo, lib. 12. 
 
 p. 5-47, 8c [c] PHn. lib. 6. c. 1. [d] Plin. lib. 6. 
 
 c. 2. [*] Strabo, lib. 12. p. f 39. [/] Cafaub. in Loc. 
 
 [g] Theod. lib. $. c. 28. |>] Strabo, lib. 12. p. 5-39. 
 
 [/] Ferrar. Lexic. Geograph. voce Salima, [k] Naz. Carm. 
 
 de Vita fua. 
 
 y him. 
 
Chap. III. Christian Church. 367 
 
 him j and Bafil himfclf often fpeaks of his Chor- 
 epifcopi [f] and Country Presbyters and Deacons 
 \trf] under them : Which argues his Diocefe to 
 be of great Extent, though we cannot precifely fix 
 the Limits of it. And the Paucity of Diocefes 
 in this Province argues the fame. For by Caro- 
 lus a Sanclo Paulo s Account, befide Cafarea, the 
 Metropolis of the firft Cappadocia, there were 
 but fiveBifliopricks more in that Province, Nyffa, 
 where Gregory Nyffen was Bifhop, Tberm<e Re- 
 nte, Camuliana or Juftinianopolis Nova, Cifciffa, 
 and Theodofiopolis at the time of the fixth Gene- 
 ral Council i which are the fame that are men- 
 tioned in the later Notitia's, only Metbodiopolis is 
 put for Theodofiopolis Armenia, to which Province 
 the Council of Cbalcedon afcribes it. So that 
 there were really never above five Diocefes in 
 this Province, and two of thofe, Camuliana and 
 Cifciffa, erected after the Council of Cbalcedon. 
 For in the Synodical Epiftle of this Province to 
 the Emperor Leo at the end of that Council, 
 there are but two Bifhops iubferibe befide the 
 Metropolitan of Cafarea, viz. the Bifhops of 
 Nyffa and Therma. Sozomen [»] fpeaks of one 
 Prapidius, Governor of St. Bafil's Hofpital (call- 
 ed Bafilias from its Founder) who was likewife a 
 Bifhop that had feveral Villages under his Jurif- 
 diftion. But whether his Diocefe was in this 
 Cappadocia is uncertain. 
 
 The fecond Cappadocia, which was made by a 
 Divifion of the Province in the time of St. Bafil, 
 had according to Carolus a Sanclo Paulo's Ac- 
 count fix Diocefes, Tyana the Metropolis, Safi- 
 via, Juftinianopolis, Afuna, Fauftinopolis, and Cybi- 
 fira. But as Holftenius [o~\ has obferved, two of 
 thefe are miftaken. For there never was any 
 fuch City as Afuna, which is only a corruption 
 in the Latin Editions of the Councils for Safima; 
 it being in the Greek, om<sY.oir(& aaal^v, Bifhop 
 of Safima. And Juftinianopolis was only another 
 Name for Moci jus, which Juftinian _ having ad- 
 vanced to be a Metropolis in the third Cappado- 
 cia, ftiled it by his own Name Juftinianople. So 
 that there were really no more than four Dio- 
 cefes in this Province, and one of them, Safima, 
 but of late Erection. This was alfo but an ob- 
 fcure Village, sevov wixutyov Nazianzen [p\ him- 
 felf calls it. So that the three ancient Diocefes 
 muft be of very large Extent, though we have 
 no farther Account of them, ifave that Pa/a a 
 Village twelve Miles diftant from Tyana, is faid 
 to be in that Diocefe \_q], by one Bupbrantes in 
 the fifth General Council, and Safima was origi- 
 nally part of the fame Diocefe, though thirty 
 two Miles diftant from the Cathedral. Which 
 fufficiently demonftrates the largenefs of Diocefes 
 in this Province. 
 
 The third Cappadocia had never above five Bi- 
 
 fhopricks, Mociffus, Nazianzum, Colonia, Parnaffus, 
 and Doara. Of thefe Mocifjus was the Metro- 
 polis, which owed its Honour to Juftiman, who 
 dignify'd it with the Title of a Metropolis, and 
 as Procopius [f] informs us, gave it his own 
 Name Juftinianople; by which Title Peter Bifhop 
 of the Place fubferibes himfclf [f] in the Council 
 under Mennas. Doara was but a Village, as Hol- 
 ftenius [/] obferves out of St. Bafil, who ft vies it 
 [u~\ KWjutny A&ia^6. And Nazianzus was but a 
 fmall City, as Gregory Nazianzen himfelf [w] 
 ftyles it : But they muft have large Diocefes, clfe 
 the other three muft be fo much the larger for 
 it. For Geographers place them at a coniidcra- 
 ble diftance from one another. Nazianzus had 
 its Cborepifcopi, fometimes mentioned in Gregory 
 Nazianzen's Epiftle [x], which is an Argument 
 that it had a large Country Region. 
 
 In Armenia prima, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo could 
 find but five Bifhopricks, Sebaftea the Metropo- 
 lis, Sebaftopolis, Nicopolis, Satala and Beriffe. And 
 the latter Notitia's add but one more, Colonia, 
 which is alfo reckoned to Cappadocia tertia, un- 
 lefs there were two of the fame Name in thofe 
 Provinces. In the fecond Armenia he augments 
 the Number to Ten, Melitene the Metropolis, 
 Area, Comana, Arabijfus, Cucufus, Ariaratbia, A- 
 ntafa, Zelona, Sophene, Diofpontum. But Holfteni- 
 us in his Animadverfions upon the place [jy] ob- 
 ferves that four of thefe are to be ftruck out of 
 the Account : For Amafa or Amafia belonged 
 to Hellenopontus j and Zelona was no other than 
 Zela in the fame Province j Sophene belonged to 
 Armenia major-, and Diofpontum was not the 
 Name of a Bifhoprick, but only an old Name 
 for the Province of Hellenopontus. And his Con- 
 jecture is confirmed by the later Notitia's, which 
 name the fix firft of thefe Diocefes, but none of 
 thofe four, under the Title of Armenia minor. So 
 that in all thefe five Provinces upon an exact 
 Computation, there were not above twenty four 
 Diocefes in the whole: Some of them therefore 
 muft be very large in aCounrry of three hundred 
 Miles Extent. 
 
 The next Province to thefe sect. III. 
 upon the Euxine Sea, was Pontus of Pontus Pole- 
 Polemoniacus, fo called from Pole- mbniacus. 
 monium a chief City in the Province j befide 
 which, and Neoeajarea the Metropolis, there 
 were but three other Bifhopricks, Trapezus, Ce- 
 rafus, and Comana: All which lay at a great di- 
 ftance from one another. Polemonium, Cerafus 
 and Trapezus, lay in a Line on the Sea-coaft: 
 And by Pliny's reckoning [z] Polemonium and 
 Trapezus were a hundred fifty five Miles diftanc 
 from each other, and Cerafus lay in the middle 
 between them. Neocafarea was a hundred Miles 
 
 [/] Bafil. Ep. i 81 . [»»] Bafil. Ep. 411. [»] Sozom. 
 Kb. 6. cap. 34. [o] Holften. Annot. Geograph. p. 1 77. 
 
 \p] Naz. Carm. de Vita fua. [q] Cone. Gener. f. Collat. f . 
 
 Cone. Tom. f. p. 478. [r] Procop. de /Edific. Juftin. lib. f . 
 
 p. 48. [j] Concil. fub Menna. Aft. i. [f] Holften. 
 
 Annot. Geograph. p. 1/9, [*] Bafil. Ep. 10. [wj Na^. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Orat. 19. de Laud. Patris T. 1. p. 2 1 o. [#] Naz. Ep. 88. 
 [y~] Holften. Annot. Geograph. p. t6t. Id. Annot. in Orteliuiru 
 p. 172. Obferves out of Antonine'j Itinerary, That Sebaftea and 
 Sebaftopolis were thirty fx Miles diftant from each other. [x] Plin. 
 lib. 6. c. 4. 
 
 A a a a z within 
 
368 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book IX 
 
 within Land, and Comana fixty from it. Jufti- 
 nian [*] mentions thefe five Cities in one of his 
 Novels, and fays, there were no more in the 
 Province. For Pitius and Sebafiopolis were not 
 Cities, he fays, but only Caftles: And, as Holfte- 
 nius [-f ] obferves, they were not properly of this 
 Province, but lay in Solo Barbarico, and were 
 only Appendages to this Province, becaufe they 
 could not conftitute a Province of themfelves. 
 So that though Carolus a Santlo Paulo make Pi- 
 tius a fixth Biihoprick of this Province, yet the 
 later Notitia's leave it out of the number, and 
 only retain the five firft. mentioned. Which 
 ihews, that for eight hundred Years there never 
 was any Alteration made in this Province, nor 
 more Epifcopal Diocefes ere£bed,than there were 
 Imperial Cities, though they lay at fo great a 
 diftance from one another. 
 
 sect. iv. The next Province to this on 
 of Helenopon- the Sea-coaft, was Helenopontus, 
 tus - which had only fix Bifliopricks 
 
 at the time of the Council of Chalcedon, Amafea 
 the Metropolis, Amifus, Sinope, Iborea, Zela, and 
 Andrapa, as appears from the Synodical Epiftle 
 of the Bifhop of this Province [a] to the Empe- 
 ror Leo : And there was but one more added in 
 After-ages. Of thefe Amifus and Sinope lay upon 
 the Sea-coaft at a great diftance from one ano- 
 ther. For Pliny fays, Amifus lay in the Way be- 
 tween Polemonium and Sinope, a hundred and 
 twenty Miles from Polemonium [b~], and a hun- 
 dred and thirty from Sinope {/]. Which comes 
 pretty near the Account of Strabo, who reckons 
 it nine hundred Stadia, or a hundred and twelve 
 Miles from Amifus [cT] to Sinope. He alfo fpeaks 
 of Armena a Village of Sinope [e~] fifty Stadia 
 from it. And of Amafea, the Place of his Nati- 
 vity, he gives a more particular Account, telling 
 us, that it had a very large Territory one way, 
 which for Number of Villages in it was called 
 ^rXioxw/jiev WVov [/], the Country of a thou- 
 fand Villages. This was an In-land City, reck- 
 oned by fome a hundred Miles from Sea. Zela 
 was as far from Amafea. So that without all 
 doubt thefe were Diocefes of the largeft Size, 
 fince the Cities lay fo remote from one ano- 
 ther. 
 
 SECT. v. Next to Helenopontus on the 
 
 of Paphlagonia Sea-coaft lay the Province of Pa- 
 Galatia. phlagonia, in which Carolus a 
 
 Santlo Paulo reckons five Bifliopricks, Gangra 
 the Metropolis, Sora, Junopolis, Pompeiopolis, and 
 Amaflris. To which Holftenius has added Dadi- 
 bra, whofe Bifhop Polychronius fubfcribed in the 
 Council of Chalcedon \_g~] by Peter the Metropo- 
 litan of Gangra. In the following Ages the 
 Number decreafedj for there is no mention of 
 Pompeiopolis or Amaflris in the later Notitia's of 
 the Church. Among thefe Gangra is noted by 
 
 St. Bafil [IS] as a Place that had feveral Churches 
 and Altars in it. Amaflris was a large City, 
 which grew out of four others adjoining to it, 
 Sefamus, Cy torus, Cromna and Teius, as Ferrarius 
 obferves, who [f] makes it to be fixty eight 
 Miles from Heraclea in the next Province of Ho- 
 norias. And all the reft feem to have been at as 
 great diftances from each other. 
 
 On the South of Paphlagonia lay Galatia, an 
 In-land Country, having Cappadocia on the Eafl, 
 and Phrygia on the Weft. This by the Romans 
 was divided into two Provinces, Galatia Prima, 
 and Secunda or Salutaris. In the firft there were 
 feven Bifliopricks, Ancyra the Metropolis, Tabia, 
 Heliopolh, or Juliopolis, Afpona, Cinna, Berinopo- 
 lis, and Anaftafiopolis. The laft of which feems 
 to be ere&ed in the latter End of the Vllth 
 Century only; for there is no mention of it till the 
 fixth General Council of Conftantinople, An. 6$ t. 
 The Greek Notitia's add but one more, Mizzi y 
 retaining all the other old Names; which fliews 
 that little Alteration was made in this Province 
 for the fpace of eight Ages in the Church. The 
 other Galatia had originally but four Diocefes, 
 Pijfinus, Orciftus, Petenejfus, and Trochmada or 
 Trochmi: But the number was doubled in After- 
 ages, as appears from the Notitia at the End of 
 this Book, which adds, Eudoxias, Mericium, and 
 1*herma or Germocolonia, and Juftinianopolis, other- 
 wife called Spalea. Now Galatia was a large 
 Country, and the Diocefes (even when thefe four 
 laft mentioned were added) were ftill of great Ex- 
 tent. For Baudrand [£] obferves, that Pefinus 
 was fifty Miles from Ancyra, and thirty from 
 I'herma, by which we may guefs at the diftance 
 of other Places. Carolus a • Santlo Paulo places 
 Cinna pretty near Ancyra; but Baudrand re- 
 moves it to the Southern Borders of Galatia near- 
 er Synada in Phrygia [/]. And Ferrarius com- 
 putes Afpona to be fixty four Miles from Ancy- 
 ra Eaftward. Berinopolis and Juliopolis fcem to 
 have been almoft as much to the Weft. Which 
 leaves room for the Territory of Ancyra to be 
 fufficiently large, though I find no particular 
 Account given of it, nor of fome other' Places 
 in thefe two Provinces of Galatia. 
 
 Next to Paphlagonia on the sect. VI. 
 Sea-coaft lay the Province of of Hononas. 
 Honorias, or Pontus Honorii, fo 
 called by 'Theodojius the Emperor in honour of 
 his Son Honorius. This was divided from Bi- 
 thynia by the River Sangarius, and from Pa- 
 phlagonia by the River Parthenius. Here were an- 
 tiently five Bifliopricks, and the later Notitia's 
 have but fix, Claudiopolis, Heraclea, Prufias, Ti- 
 um, Cratea, Adrianopolis, which laft is not to 
 be met with in the Subscriptions of any antienc 
 Council. Of thefe, Tium and Heraclea lay upon 
 the Euxine Sea, thirty eight Miles diftant from 
 each other, as Pliny [m~\ informs us. Claudiopo- 
 
 [*] Juftin. Novel. 28. in Prxfat. [f] Holften. Annot. 
 
 Geograph. p. 164. [«] Append. Concil. Chalced. c. 5-3. Cone. 
 T. 4. p. 963. [£] Plm. lib. 6. c. 4. M Ibid. c . 2. 
 [rf] Strabo, lib. 12. p. 5-47. [e] Strabo, ibid, p. f^j. 
 
 [/] Ibid. p. 5-6 1. [g] Concil. Chalced. A£t. 6. [h] Mil 
 Ep- 73- C'J Ferrar. voce Amaflris. [k] Baudrand. Lcxic. 
 voce Peflinus. [/] Baudrand, voce Cinna. [m] Plin. 
 
 lib. 6. c. 1. 
 
 lis 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 369 
 
 Us was at as great diftance from them in the 
 middle of the Province j Baudrand [n~] fays, it 
 was above thirty Miles from Heraclea. So that 
 we may judge of Cratia, otherwifc called Flavi- 
 vpolis, and of Prufias, by what we have difco- 
 vered of the former. All thefe Cities are fome- 
 times reckoned to Bithynia, becaufe Honorias was 
 antiently Part of Bithynia, till 'Theodofius made a 
 diftind Province of it. 
 
 SECT. VII. But after the Separation was 
 
 of Bithynia prima mad^ Bithynia was again divided 
 mnd fecunda. intQ tWQ p rov i nccs . I n ^ fi r ft 
 
 of which Carolus a Sanllo Paulo reckons four- 
 teen Diocefes. 1 Nicomedia the Metropolis, 2 
 Chalcedon. 3 Prufa ad Olympum. 4 Pranetum. 
 f Helenopolis. 6 Bafilinopolis. 7 Apollonias. 8 Ha- 
 driana. 9 Cafarea, al. Smyrdiana. 10 Arifia. 
 11 Pat avium. 12 Dablis. 15 Neocafarea. 14 
 Cius. In the other Bithynia only four. 1 Nictea, 
 where the famous Council of Nice was held, 
 the Metropolis of the Province. 2 Apamca. } 
 Linoe. 4 Gordus. And the later Notitia of Leo 
 Sapiens makes but one more in both Provinces, 
 though fome new Names of Places are inferted. 
 Among thefe I obferve the City of Nice had a 
 large Diocefe: For feveral Regions belonging to 
 it are mentioned in the Council of Chalcedon, in 
 a famous Difpute between the Metropolitans of 
 Nicomedia and Nice, both laying Claim to the 
 Diocefe of Bafilinopolis, as one of their Suffra- 
 gans. Anaflafius Bifhop of Nice pleaded, That 
 Bafilinopolis [o~\ was once but a Region belong- 
 ing to Nice, as Tacleus and Doris then were, till 
 Julian or fome other Emperor made it a City, 
 letting up a Curia or Civil Magiftracy therein, 
 upon which it became alfoaBifhop's See, accord- 
 ing to the known Rule and Practice of the 
 Church. So that the Diocefe of Nice was once 
 fo large, as to have another Diocefe taken out 
 of it, and yet there remained feveral Regions be- 
 longing to it. The like may be collected from 
 its diftance from other Places. Pliny [/>] fays, 
 It was twenty five Miles from Prufa, and Fer- 
 rarius reckons forty four Miles from Nicomedia, 
 but fets Helenopolis or Drepanum in the Middle- 
 w'ay [f] between them. Bafilinopolis by miftake 
 is fet by Carolus a Sanclo Paulo at a greater di- 
 ftance from it, between Nicomedia and Chalce- 
 don ; but it muft be nearer, having been once a 
 Part of its Diocefe, as was obferved before. For 
 other Places I find little Account of them in 
 particular, fave only that Strabo makes it three 
 hundred Furlongs or thirty feven Miles from Ni- 
 comedia to the Mouth of the River Sangarius, 
 whereabout Cius flood > and Ferrarius computes 
 fixty from Nicomedia to Chalcedon, in all which 
 Tract there were but thefe three Diocefes, and 
 one more called Pranetum-, fo that if we had a 
 particular Account of Nicomedia and Chalcedon, 
 
 we might perhaps find them to have had Dio- 
 cefes of as great Extent as any other. But Apa- 
 mea and Prufias, Baudrand [r] fays, were but 
 nine Miles diftant from one another. For thefe 
 lay in the Southern Parts of Bithynia, and were 
 fome of the laft in the Pontick Civil Diocefe to- 
 ward the Afiatick Diocefe, where, as I obferved 
 before, the Cities were more numerous and thick- 
 er fet together, and confequently the Epifcopal 
 Diocefes were generally lefs than in the other 
 Provinces, as will appear by taking a diftinct 
 View of them in order as they lay. 
 
 In ihe Afiatick Diocefethe firft sect. VIII. 
 Province next adjoyning to Bi- Provinces in the 
 thynia was Hellefpontus, fo called A fi«i«k Diocefe. 
 from the Straits of the Sea na- HelId > ontus - 
 mcd Hellefpont, which was its weftern Border. 
 It was antiently Part of Myfia and Phrygia mi- 
 nor, bordering on Phrygia major Eaftward, and 
 Afia to the South. In this Province Carolus a 
 Sanclo Paulo has obferved nineteen Diocefes in 
 the antient Councils. 1 Cyzicus the Metropo- 
 lis. 2 Germa. 5 Pamanium. 4 Occa. f Ba- 
 res. 6 Adrianothera. 7 Lampfacus. 8 Abydus. 
 9 Dardanum. 1 o Ilium. 1 1 Troas. 1 1 Melito- 
 polis. i? Adriana. 14 Scepfis. iy Pionia. 15 
 Pneconefus. 17 Ceramus. 18 Parium. 19 Ther- 
 ma Regime. But the laft of them Holftenius thinks 
 is miftaken for Germa by a corrupt Reading of 
 the antient Subfcriptions. The Notitia of Leo 
 Sapiens has but thirteen of thefe, fo that five of 
 them were funk and united to others in the 
 Vlllth Century. The greateft diftance that I 
 can find, of any of thefe Cities, was not above 
 twenty Miles from one another. Which was 
 the diftance between Cyzicus and Parium, and 
 Lampfacus and Abydus. But then Dardanum was 
 but feventy Furlongs or eight Miles from A- 
 bydus-y Ilium but thirteen Miles from Dardanum- 
 'twas but twenty feven Miles from Abydus', 
 though Pionia, Ilium, Bares, and Dardanum lay 
 between them. So Praconefus was but a very 
 fmall Ifland, and Pramanium a Caftle once be- 
 longing to the Territory of Cyzicus, as Ferrarius 
 has noted out of Strabo, Stephanus, and other an- 
 tient Writers. 
 
 The two next Provinces I sect. ix. 
 joyn together, becaufe we fome- A »a Lydiana, 
 times find them under the com- Pro «>nfularis. 
 mon Name of Afia Lydiana, or Proconfularis, un- 
 der which Title Bifhop VJher has a moft accu- 
 rate Differtation [s~] upon them, where he di- 
 ftinguifhes the feveral Acceptations of the Name 
 Afia, either for the greater Afia, or Afia minor, 
 or Afia proprie dicla, which was the Romans firft 
 Conquefts in Afia, containing the Provinces of 
 Phrygia, Myfia, Caria and Lydia; or laftly, for 
 Afia Lydiana or Proconfularis, which was thofe 
 
 [»] Baudrand. voce Claudiopolis. [o] Cone. Chalced. 
 
 Aft. 13. ap. Crab. p. 918. Sicut Tafteus 8c Doris Regiones 
 funt fub Nicaea, lie fuit ante hoc Bafilinopolis, fub Nicoea, 8cc. 
 [p~} Plin. lib. f. c. 31. [3] Ferrar. Lexic. voce Ni- 
 
 casa & Drepanum. [r] Baudrand. Lexic. voce Apamea. 
 
 0] Uffer. Difquificio Geographica de Afia Lydiana live Procon- 
 fulari. 
 
 two 
 
370 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IX 
 
 two Provinces which in Conftantine's divifion are 
 called diftin&ly Afia and Lydia, as we here now 
 take them. In this fenfe we may call the for- 
 mer, Afia maxime proprie dicla, which is bound- 
 ed on the North by the Province of Hellefpontus, 
 on the Eaft by Phrygia and Lydia, on the South 
 by the River Maander, which feparates it from 
 Carta, and on the Weft by the Mgean Sea. In 
 it Carolus a Sanclo Paulo has found forty two an- 
 tient Diocefes. I Ephefus the Metropolis, z Hy- 
 papa. 3 Trallis. 4 Magnafia ad Maandrum. f 
 Elaa. 6 Adramyttium. 7 AJfus. 8 Gargara. 
 9 Maftaura. 10 Brullena, al. Priulla. 11 Pita- 
 ne. 12 Myrrina. 12 Aureliopolis. 14 Nyffa. 
 ir Metropolis. 16 Valentinianopolis. 17 Anine- 
 tum. 18 Pergamus. 19 Anaa. 20 Priene. 21 
 Arcadiopolis. zz Nova Aula, 23 Mgea. 24 An- 
 dera. zy Sion. z6 Fanum Jovis. 27 Colophon. 
 28 Lebcdus. 29 Teos. 30 Erytra. 31 Ant an- 
 drus. 31 Pepere or Perpere. 33 Cuma or Cyme. 
 24 Aulium, al. Come vel Vicus. 35 Afoa/o- 
 
 owj-. 3^ Palaopolis. 37 Phocaa. 38 Bargaza, 
 al. Baretta. 39 Thymbria. 40 Clazomena. 41 
 Magnefia. 42 Smyrna. To thefe Holfienius adds 
 four more, Evaza, Areopolis, Temnus and yfrg/'- 
 And thirty eight of thefe are the fame that 
 are mentioned in the Notitia of Z.<?0 Sapiens in 
 the feventh Chapter of this Book. Now this 
 was but a very fmall Province for fo many Dio- 
 cefes, if we examine either the whole Extent of 
 it, or fome particular Diocefes therein. The Ex- 
 tent of it in length was from AJfus near Troas 
 to the River Maander, or the Cities Bargafa and 
 Sion: Which was antiently the Country of Io- 
 nia, ALolis and part of Myfia, about two hun- 
 dred Miles in length upon the Aegean Sea. But 
 the breadth was nothing anfwerableto its length, 
 being not above fifty Miles, taking one part 
 with another. As to particular diftances of 
 Places, I find fome of them thus noted by Fer- 
 rarius 'and Baudrand. AJfus in the moft northern 
 Border was fifteen Miles from Gargara, and 
 thirty from Antandrus; but Anaa and Andera 
 lay between or near unto them. From Antan- 
 drus to Adramyttium is alfo reckon'd thirty Miles, 
 but then Tremvnothyra in Phrygia and Nova Au- 
 la in this Province come between them. On the 
 fame Shore we find Naulochus and Pitane, and 
 then Elea, Myrina and Cyme, whereof Myrina 
 was but feven or eight Miles from Elea, and Cy- 
 me the fame diftance, fixty Furlongs from Myri- 
 na. Between Pergamus and Cyme is reckon'd 
 twenty fix Miles, but the forementioned Cities 
 Myrina and Elea, with Aminetum and Hierocafa- 
 rea, lay between them. On the South of Cyme 
 lay Phocaa, ten Miles from the Mouth of the 
 River Hermus, and about the fame diftance from 
 Cyme. From Phocaa to Smyrna is computed 
 twenty five Miles, and from Smyrna to Colophon 
 twenty Miles, but Lebedus lay in the middle 
 way between them. Colophon and Metropolis up- 
 on the Cayftrus were each of them twenty Miles 
 from Ephefus, and Ephefus feems not to have 
 had any nearer Neighbour, unlefs it was Priene 
 towards the River Maander , from whence we 
 
 may conclude, that Ephefus was the largeft Di- 
 ocefe in all this Province. And by thefe few 
 Hints we may judge of the general Extent of them. 
 
 In the other Province of Lydia, Carolus a 
 Saclo Paulo reckons twenty fix Diocefes. 1 Sar- 
 dis the Metropolis. 2 Philadelphia. 3 Tripolis. 
 4 'Thy at ir a. f Septe. 6 Gordus. 7 Trallis. 8 
 Silandus. 9 Maonia. 10 Fanum Apollinis. 1 r 
 Moftena. 12 Apollonia. 13 Attalia. 14 Bana. 
 if Balandus. 16 Hierocxfarea. 17 Acraffus. 
 18 Daldus. 19 Stratonicia. 20 Satala. 21 Ga- 
 bala. zz Heraclea. 23 Areopolis. 24 Hellene, 
 if Sena, al. Sett a. z6 Civitas Standi tana. To 
 which Holfienius adds three more, Maftaura, Ce- 
 rafa, and Orcanis or Hircani, which Triftan and 
 Carolus a Sanblo Paulo both miftake for a City 
 fomewhere among the Hircanians, but Holfienius 
 fhews it belonged to Afia minor and this Pro- 
 vince of Lydia. I will not ftand to examine the 
 particular Bounds and Extent of Diocefes 
 throughout this Province j it being fufficient to 
 obferve in general, that both it and Afia put to- 
 gether, were not larger than the Provinces of 
 Pontus Polemoniacus and Helenopontus and yec 
 there were not above ten or eleven Diocefes in 
 thofe two Provinces, whereas we have difcover- 
 ed in thefe above feventy five, which is almoft 
 the Difproportion of eight to one, and fully 
 makes out the Obfervation I at firft made of A- 
 Jia minor, That it had fome of the greateft. and 
 fome of the fmalleft Diocefes, quietly enjoying 
 the fame Form of Government together. 
 
 The next Province on the SECT. x„ 
 South of Afia and Lydia, is Ca- of Caiia. 
 ria, bounded on the Eafi with 
 Lycia y and on the South and Weft with the Ae- 
 gean Sea, having the Rivers Maander and Calbis 
 for its Inland Bounds. Here Carolus a Sanclo 
 Paulo has found twenty five Diocefes. 1 Aphro- 
 difias the Metropolis. 2 Stauropolis. 3 Cybira. 
 4 Heraclea Salbaci. f Apollonias. 6 Heracles 
 Latmi. 7 Taba. 8 Antiochia ad Maandrum. 9 
 Naapolis. 10 Orthofias. 11 Harpafa. 12 Ala- 
 banda. 13 Stratonice. 14 Alinda. if Amyzon. 
 16 Jajfus. 17 Bargyla. 18 Halicarnafifus. 19 
 Larima, al. Halarima. 20 Cnidus. 21 Myndus. 
 zz Ceramus. 23 Anafiafiopolis. 24 Erifa. 2f 
 Miletus. The Notitia of Leo Sapiens increafes 
 the Number to thirty one. Miletus was the 
 Place whither St. Paul called the Elders of E- 
 phefus, which was about forty Miles diftant from 
 it. But feveral Diocefes lay between them, as 
 Heraclea near Mount Lathmus, which Ferrarius 
 computes but twelve Miles from Miletus, fo al- 
 fo Briullium, Sion and Arpafa in the fame Coaft 
 toward Ephefus. On the South of Miletus the 
 other way, we have Jajfus fifteen Miles from 
 it, and Taba placed between them. From Jaf- 
 fus to Halicarnajfus is computed fifty five Miles, 
 but Bargillia and Mundus ftand between them. 
 From Halicarnafifus to Gnidus is thirty Miles, 
 but Ceramus is an intervening Diocefe. And fo 
 the Reader may find all the Diocefes of this Pro- 
 vince fcarce exceeding the Compafs of ten or fif- 
 } teen 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 371 
 
 teen Miles throughout. But this was Territory 
 fufticient to make them exceed fingle Congrega- 
 tions, and we need not queltion but it was true 
 of them all, what Sozomen {Lib. f. c. 2D.) par- 
 ticularly obferves of Miletus, That in the Time 
 of Julian it had feveral Chriftian Oratories in its 
 Neighbourhood. For he fays Julian fent Orders 
 to the Governour of Caria, that whereas there 
 were feveral Oratories or Churches built in Ho- 
 nour of the Martyrs near the Temple of Didi- 
 niceum', (fo the Temple of Apollo was called, that 
 Hood before Miletus-,) he fhould, -if they were 
 covered and had Communion-Tables in them, 
 burn them with Fire: or, if they were half de- 
 cayed of themfelves, he fhould take care utter- 
 ly to demolifli and deftroy them. There were, 
 it feems, Churches then in the Suburbs or 
 Country Regions of Miletus, which Julian, rc- 
 membring what had lately happened to the Tem- 
 ple of Apollo at Daphne in the Suburbs of Anti- 
 echy was fo careful to have deftroy'd, becaufe 
 they were an Annoyance to his God. 
 
 SECT. XL The next Province to Carta, 
 
 o/ Lycia. on the Sea-coaft, is Lycia, where 
 Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons 
 twenty eight Diocefes. i Myra the Metropo- 
 lis. 2 Maftaura. 3 T'clmeffus. 4 Limyra. f A- 
 raxa. 6 PodaUa. 7 Sidyma, al. Diduma. 8 
 Olympus. 9 Zenopolis. 10 Tios. it. Corydalla. 
 12 Caunus, al. Acaleia. 15 Acarajfus. 14 Xan- 
 thus. if Marciana. 16 Choma. 17 Phellus. 
 18 Antiphellus. 19 Phafelis. 20 Aucanda. zi 
 Eudoxias. zz Patara. 23 Nyfa vel Nefus. 24 
 Balbura. zy Oencanda. z6 Bubon, al. Bunum. 
 xj Calinda. 28 Rhodia. The Notitia of Leo 
 Sapiens has mod of the fame Names and eight 
 more for it makes the whole Number of Dio- 
 cefes thirty fix. But the lefler Number in fo fmall 
 a Province is fufficient to mew the narrow Ex- 
 tent of its Diocefes in comparifon of thofe of the 
 Pontick Provinces. For this Province was not 
 above eighty or an hundred Miles fquare, and 
 the Cities therefore, one may eafily conclude, 
 lay pretty clofe together. Phellus is reckoned 
 but fix Miles from Antiphellus one way, and ten 
 from Myra the Metropolis another way. Anti- 
 phellus was nine from Patara, and Telmejfus and 
 Patara fcarce fo much from Xanthus ; for Bau- 
 drand reckons but feventy Furlongs. By which 
 it is eafy to make an Eftimate of the remaining 
 Cities of this Province, which lay about equal 
 Diftances from one another. 
 
 sect. XII. The next Province on the 
 of Pamphylia fame Shore, is Pamphylia, divi- 
 primaWfecun- ded hy ^ Romans into two, 
 called Pamphylia prima and fecun- 
 da. In the fecond of them, which bordered up- 
 on Lycia, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons twenty 
 fix Diocefes. 1 Perga the Metropolis. 2 Ter- 
 meffus. 3 Eudoxias. 4 Maximianopolis. f Pa- 
 
 laopolis. 6 Pentenejfus. 7 Diciozanabrus, al. Ze- 
 nopolis. 8 AriaJJ'us. 9 Pugla. ^o Adriana. 11 
 Attalia. \z Magidis. 13 Olbia. 14 Corba- 
 fa. if Lyjinia. 16 Cordylus. 17 Lagania. 
 18 Pancmoticus. 19 Geone. zo Commachum. 
 21 Silvium. 22 Pifinda, al. Sinda vel Ifinda. 
 23 Talbonda. 24 Unzela. 2f Gilfata. z6 Pel- 
 la. To which Holflenius adds five more, Colo- 
 braffus, Coracefium, Senna, Primopolis, and Seleu- 
 cia. But three of thefe are by Carolus a Sanclo 
 Paulo fet in the other Pamphylia with nine more, 
 in this order. 1 Sida the Metropolis. 2 Af- 
 pendus. 3 Etcne. 4 Erymne. f Caffus. 6 Sem- 
 neam, which is the fame with Henna before men- 
 tioned. 7 Carallus. 8 Coracefium, mentioned be- 
 fore. 9 Syfdra. 10 Lyrba. \\ Colibraffus. 12 
 Selga. To which Holflenius adds C.aana, which 
 makes the whole Number in thefe two Provin- 
 ces forty one. And the Number is fome Evi- 
 dence that they were comparatively bun fmall. 
 Sometimes, as Holflenius has obferved, two of 
 them were united together. For in the Coun- 
 cil of Conflantinople under Flavian, one Sabiana- 
 nus fubferibes himfelf Bifliop of Eudocias, Ter- 
 meflfus, and Jobia [*]. Which we find in the 
 firft Seflion of the Council of Chalcedon. And 
 in the time of Leo Sapiens fome more of them 
 were united together ; for his Notitia has but 
 thirty fix Diocefes in both the Provinces. Yet 
 any of them fingle were of a competent Extent, 
 to confute the Notion of thofe who make Epif- 
 copal Diocefes only Parifh-Churches. 
 
 On the North of Pamphylia, sect. xiii. 
 more within Land, lay the Pro- of Lycaonia. 
 vince of Lycaonia, where we 
 find nineteen Diocefes. 1 Lconium the Metro- 
 polis. 2 Lyflra. 3 Derbe, all mentioned in the 
 Alls of the Apoflles. 4 Onofada, al. Ufada. f Am- 
 blada. 6 Flonomada. 7 Laranda. 8 Baratta. 
 9 Hyda. 10 Sabatra. 11 Canna. 12 Berino- 
 polis. 13 Iliftra. i^Perte. if Arana, al. Barat- 
 ta. 16. Ifaura. 17 Miflhinm. 18 Coma. 19. Pap- 
 pa. To which Holflenius adds another, called 
 Hydmautus, or Gadamautus in the Acls of the 
 Council of Chalcedon. But the Notitia of Leo 
 Sapiens has but fifteen. 
 
 In the next Province of Pifi- sect. XII. 
 dia, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo finds of PiiUis. 
 twenty Diocefes. 1 Antiochia the 
 Metropolis. 2 Sagalaffus. 3 Sozopolis. 4 Apa- 
 mea. f Tityaffus. 6 Baris. 7 Adrian : polis . 8 
 Limenopolis. 9 Laodice-a Combufla. 10 Seleucia. 
 11 Adada. 12 Mallus. 13 Siniandus. 14 Me- 
 tropolis, if Paralaus. 16 Bindam. 17 Philo- 
 meum, which fome place in Phrygia. 18 Profla- 
 ma. 19 Gortena. 20 'Theodofiopolis. The Noti- 
 tia of Leo Sapiens augments the Number to 
 twenty three. I ftand not to make any parti- 
 cular Remarks upon thefe Diocefes, becaufe any 
 Reader that knows thefe two Provinces, will 
 
 [* ] Cone. Chalced, Ad. 1. Tom. 4. p. 230. 
 
 eafily 
 
372 
 
 The A n t i qu it ibs of the 
 
 BookIX 
 
 eafily imagine they are not to be compared with 
 the other Dioceies in the Northern Parts of 
 
 Pont us. 
 
 sect. xv. The laft Provinces in the A- 
 of Phrygia Pa- fiatick Diocefe, are thofe which 
 
 catiana and Sa!u- the Q ^ Gneks and R Qmans ca H e d 
 
 by one common Name Phrygia 
 Major, but the Roman Emperors divided it at 
 firfl into two, and then into three Provinces, 
 one called Phrygia Salutaris from the Medicinal 
 Waters found there, another Phrygia Pacatiana, 
 or as fome Books read it corruptly, Capatiana- y 
 and a third Pacatiana Secunda. In Phrygia Sa- 
 lutaris, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons up twen- 
 ty Diocefes. i Synnada the Metropolis, z Do- 
 ry he urn. 5 Poly hot us. 4 Nacolia. f Midaium. 
 6 Hipfus. 7 Prymnefia. 8 Myrum or rather 
 Merum. 9 Eucarpia. 10 Lyfias. 11 Augufto- 
 polis. 12. Bryfum. 13 Otrum. 14 S tentorium. 
 15 Cinnaboriuin. 16 Amadajfa. 17 Cotyaium. 
 j 8 Prctpenijjus. 19 Docimaum. 20 Amorium. 
 
 In Phrygia Pacatiana prima , he recounts twen- 
 ty nine. 1 Laodicca the Metropolis. 2 Tibe- 
 riopolis. 3 Azana. 4 Itoana, or Bitoana. f An- 
 cyra Ferrea, which Holjlenius obferves tobefome- 
 times attributed to the Province of Z-j^adjoyn- 
 ing. 6 Cidijfus. 7 Egara, which Holjlenius cor- 
 rects into Aliana. 8 Pelte. 9 Apira. 10 Ca- 
 di. 1 1 Tranopolis r oel Trajanopolis. 1 2 Sebajla. 
 13 Eumenia. 14 1'emenothyra. if Aliona. 16 
 Trapezopolis. 17 Silbium. 18 7//^. 19 Nea. 
 20 Charetapa. 21 Coloffa, now called Chone. 
 22 Sinaus. 23 Philippopolis. 24 Themifonium. if 
 Sanis. 16 Acmonia. 27 Theodofiopolis. 28 i?/<?- 
 andrus. 29 Atanajfus. Holjlenius ftrikes out one 
 of the Number, for is but a corruption of 
 the Greek, for Sanaa or Sanans, as he fhews, 
 but he finds out another, call'd Dioclia, to fup- 
 ply its room. 
 
 In Pacatiana fecunda there were but five Dio- 
 cefes, being by much the leaft of all the Pro- 
 vinces. 1 Hierapolis the Metropolis. 2 Diony- 
 fiopolis. 3 Anaftafiopolis. 4 Mofynus. f Attudi. 
 But this Province being of later Erection, thefe 
 Diocefes are more commonly attributed to Phry- 
 gia Pacatiana without any Diftinction. Now I 
 obferve of Phrygia in general, that fome of its 
 Diocefes bordering upon Galatia, were like 
 thofe of Galatia and the other Pontick Pro- 
 vinces, of a larger Extent than the reft about 
 Hierapolis and Laodicea, which two Metro- 
 political Sees were not at very great Di- 
 ftance from one another. Ferrarius in one place 
 fiys, but fix Miles j but it feems to be a Typo- 
 graphical Error, for in another place he makes 
 Coloffa \ to be between Hierapolis and Laodicca 
 upon the Confluence of the Rivers Lycus and 
 Maander, at twenty Miles diftance from them 
 both. So that there muft be a miftake one 
 way or other. Pliny is very exact in defcribing 
 
 the Situation of Laodicea [*J, for he fays, it 
 flood upon the Lycus, and had its Walls wafhed 
 alfo with the Afopus and the Caprus : But yet he 
 does not tell us how far the Confluence of thefe 
 Rivers was from the Confluence of the Lycus 
 with the Meander, where Coloffa flood. But it 
 may be concluded, it was no greater Diftance 
 from it, fince all Authors agree, that Laodicea 
 flood near the Meander; and thefe three Cities, 
 Colo [fa, Hierapolis, and Laodicea, which St. Paul 
 joyns together, are faid by Chryjofiom, Theodoret, 
 and others to be very near each other. They 
 who have Opportunity to confult Antonine's Iti- 
 nerary, which at prefent I have not, may per- 
 haps find them more exactly defcribed, and li- 
 mited with more certain Bounds than I can pre- 
 tend to affign them. If the firft Opinion of Fer- 
 rarius be true, and agreeable to Antonine, That 
 they lay but fix Miles afunder j then it will rea- 
 dily be concluded, that the Diocefes in this part 
 of Phrygia, were comparatively very fmall, fince 
 by Carolus a Sanclo Paulo's Defcription, Itoana, 
 Trapezopolis, Attudi, Mofynws, and Antioch upon 
 the Meander in Carta, feem not to have been at 
 much greater Diftance from one another. 
 
 Beside thefe feveral Provin- sect. xvi. 
 ces of the Afiatick and Pontick of Ifauria and 
 Diocefes in Afia Minor, there Clli c' a - 
 were alfo three Provinces in it which were rec- 
 koned to the Eaftern Diocefe and the Patriar- 
 chate of Antioch, viz. Ifauria, Cilicia Prima, 
 and Cilicia Secunda, which muft be fpoken of 
 in this place. Ifauria was antiently reckoned 
 only a part of Cilicia, but from the time of 
 Confianline both in the Civil and Ecclefiaftical 
 Account it was efteemed a diftinct Province. 
 Carolus a Sanclo Paulo mentions twenty two 
 Diocefes. 1 Seleucia the Metropolis. 2 Celen- 
 deris. 3 Anemurium. 4 Lamus. 5 Antiochiaad 
 Tragum. 6 Selinus, al. Trajanopolis. 7 Jotape. 
 8 Diocafarea. 9 Philadelphia. 10 Domitiopolis. 
 1 1 Titopolis. 1 2 Hierapolis. 1 3 Niphelis. 14 Da- 
 lifandus. if Claudiopolis, al. Ifauria. 16 Germa- 
 nic opolis. 17 Sbide, al. I/is. 18 Ce finis. 19 01- 
 bus. 20 Lybias. 21 Hermopolis. 22 Irenopolis. 
 To which Holjlenius adds two more> Charadra 
 and Lauzada, which is fometimes written cor- 
 ruptly Vafada and Nauzada. 
 
 In Cilicia Prima there were eight Diocefes. 
 1 Tarfus the Metropolis. 2 P ompeiopolis . 3 Se- 
 bafie. 4 Coricus. f Adana. 6 Mallus. 7 Ze- 
 phyrium, and 8 Augufta, added by Holdenius, 
 who fhews it to be a diftant place from Sebafie. 
 
 In the Cilicia there are reckoned nine. 1 Ana- 
 zarbus the Metropolis. 2 Mopfueftia. 3 ALga. 
 4 Epiphania. f Irenopolis. 6 Flaviopolis. 7 Ca- 
 Jlabala. 8 Alexandria, now called Scanderon. 9 
 Rojfus, in the Confines of Syria. The greater!: 
 Part of thefe were large Diocefes, like thofe of 
 Syria, as any one that computes the diftance be- 
 
 [ f ] Ferrar. Lexic. voce Coloflx. 
 •uentibus Afopo 8c Capro. 
 
 [*] Plin. lib. f. c. 20. Celeberrima urbs Laodicea impofita eft Lyco flumini, latcra a!- 
 
 tween 
 
4-4\ 
 
 47 4* 4-9 
 I) 
 
 S4 
 
 4S 
 
 4-3 
 
 39 
 
 38 
 
 37 
 
 SEES! 
 
 'ON TVS 
 
 TIJCINXIS 
 
 j ^tS^P^^ 1 H R A C I A 
 
 IHhiz jtnium ) — '^r* 
 
 ^sgt i G-tronT 
 
 us Stnus 
 
 J) turn 
 
 Paraxial 
 
 -4- 
 
 My 
 
 Lie. sb os 
 Ins jj. 
 
 Mark 
 
 fNicopo 
 k lis. 
 
 , Oreutn 
 .ChalaJ 
 
 r om thiacui 
 
 3lA R ^ 
 
 Cepkaleioii 
 
 An jyp s I <&TV. 
 
 Ckioji 
 
 I &."V". 
 
 1-thaca.I. 
 
 36 
 
 35 
 
 I o jst i u m 
 
 JBJelt'ce. 
 'atj.^ ' y^A Corintlxus* 
 
 i^^^L ***** 
 
 Cuthi 
 
 M G 
 
 ^UlcrS I 3C 
 
 J}£S TnSXT 
 'arojI&."V. 
 
 tsxr. 
 
 Z'/wra.sta. 
 
 #7 
 
 S~3 
 
- 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 373 
 
 tween Epiphama, Alexandria, Rojfus, tec. will 
 cafily imagine. 
 
 sect. XVII. Some reckon Lazica, which 
 of Lazica or Col- was antiently called Colchis, an 
 chis - Appendix to Afia Minor, and 
 
 therefore I mention it in this place. It is all 
 the Country on the Euxine-Sca. from Trebezond 
 in Pontus to Phafis, which Strabo reckons near 
 two hundred Miles. The modern Notitia's fpeak 
 but of five Diocefes, but that of Leo Sapiens in 
 Leunclavius has fifteen. It was firft made a Ro- 
 man Province in the time ofjuftinian, who men- 
 tions the Cities [7] that were in it, Petra and 
 Jufliniana-, with four Caftles, Pitius, Sebajlopo- 
 lis, Archaopolis and Rhodopolis, which had anti- 
 ently been in the Hands of the Romans ' t and four 
 other Caftles, Scandias, Sarapenes, Murifios, and 
 Lufieros, which he had lately taken out of the 
 Hands of the Per/tans. Of thefe one is as anti- 
 ent as the Council of Nice: For Stratophilus Bi- 
 Ihop of Ptyufium or Pitius fubferibes there among 
 the Bifhops of Pontus P olemoniacus , to which 
 Province it was then annexed, as lying in Solo 
 Barbarico, and not conftituting any other Pro- 
 vince. In the fixth General Council there is 
 mention of Petra, and Phafis the Metropolis. And 
 that is all the Account we have of them in the 
 antient Councils. 
 
 sect. XVIII. Another Appendix to Afia 
 of the ife ef Let- Minor, are the lefTer 1 Hands of 
 bos and the Cy- the j? gean s e a, which conftitu- 
 es ' ted a Province by themfelves. 
 
 Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons four Diocefes in 
 Lesbos it felf, Mytelene, Methymna, Tenedos, and 
 Porofelene. But Porofelene and Tenedos were diftindf. 
 Iflands by themfelves, which fometimes had Bi- 
 
 fhops of their own, and fometimes were united 
 to Lesbos: In the Council of Sardica, Diofcorus 
 fubferibes himfclf Bifhop of the Ifle of Tenedos 
 alone : But in the fecond Council of Ephefus, 
 and in the Council of Chalcedon, Florentius fub- 
 feribes himfclf Biihop of Lesbos and Tenedos toge- 
 ther. Now as we muft fay, that Tenedos was but 
 a. fmall Diocefe by it felf, for it was but ten 
 Miles in compafs, as Fcrrdrius computes ; fo 
 when Lesbos was joyned with ir, it was a large 
 one. For Pliny fays, Lesbos alone had nine fa- 
 mous Towns, and Strabo makes it iioo Stadia, 
 or 140 Miles in compais. 
 
 The other I Hands, called Cyclades, were divi- 
 ded into eleven diltincTt Diocefes. 1 Rhodus 
 the Metropolis. 2. Samos. 5 Chios. 4 Coos, 
 f Naxus. 6 Paros. 7 Thera. 8 Delos. 9 Te- 
 nus. 10 Melos. ir Carpathus. Now the largeft 
 of thefe, Rhodes, Samos and Chios, were about 
 100 or 12.0 Miles in compafs, as Pliny [u] informs 
 us. But the lefler fort of them, Tenos and The- 
 ra, were not above fourteen or fifteen Miles 
 long, or forty in compafs. So that among 
 thefe we find Diocefes of different Extent, as 
 in the reft of Afia, but all agreeing in the fame 
 Species of Epifcopal Government; and fome of 
 them, as Lesbos, having their Chorepifcopi, but 
 none fo fmall as to be confined to a fingle Con- 
 gregation. 
 
 And fo we have gone over all the Provinces 
 of the Eafl under the Civil Government of the 
 Prafeclus Pnetorio Orient is, except the fix Pro- 
 vinces of the Thracian Diocefe, which becaufe 
 they are European Provinces, we will confider 
 them as fuch among the Provinces of Europe, 
 and give them the firft place in the following 
 Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 A Continuation of the former Account In the European Provinces. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Of the fix Vro- 
 vinces of Thrace. 
 And firjl of Scythi3 
 
 IN Purfuance of the former 
 Enquiry, we are led out of 
 Afia Minor into the Provinces 
 of Europe, where the fix Pro- 
 vinces of the Thracian Diocefe, Europa, Thracia, 
 Hamimontis, Rhodope, Mcefia fecunda, and Scythia, 
 firft offer themfelves to Consideration. This 
 was all the Country from Macedonia and the Ri- 
 ver Strymon to the Danube, which is now Ro- 
 mania and Bulgaria. A Country extending from 
 Conftantinople to Sardica above three hundred 
 Miles one way, and from the ALgean Sea to 
 the Danube almolt as much the other. In all 
 thefe Provinces the Diocefes were very large. 
 For in Scythia, the moft Northern Province, 
 there was but one Bifhoprick, though there 
 were many Cities. For the Bifhop of Tomi 
 
 was the fole Bifhop of this whole Region, as is 
 noted by Sozomen [a~\ and Theodoret [bj and 
 other antient Writers, by whom he is fometimes 
 called the Bifhop of Tomi, and fometimes the 
 Bifhop of Scythia, as being the only Superinten- 
 dent of all the Churches in that Scythia, which 
 was made a Province of the Roman Empire. 
 
 The Province of Europa had sect. II. 
 alfo large Diocefes. For feveral of Europa. 
 Cities were under one Bifhop. 
 We find in the Acfs of the Council of Ephefus 
 [c] a Petition offered to that Council by the 
 Bifhops of this Province, wherein they pray, that 
 an Immemorial Cuftom of their Country might 
 be continued, whereby the Bifhop of Heraclea 
 had alfo Panium in his Diocefe, the Bifhop of 
 
 0] Juftin. Novel. 18. [«] Plin. lib. f. c. 31. 
 c If- W Concil. Ephcf. Par. 1. Ad. 7. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [»] Sozom. lib. 6. c. 21. lib. 7. c. 19. [6] Theodor. lib. 4. 
 B b b b Bizya 
 
374 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 Bizya had Arcadiopolis, the Bifhop of Coele had 
 Callipolis, the Bifiiop of Subfadia had Aphrodifi- 
 is: To which Petition the Council agreed, and 
 ordered, that no Innovation fliould be made in 
 the matter. Nor was there any Alteration in 
 the time of the Council of Chalcedon: For there 
 we find one Lucian [cl\ ftyled Bifhop of Bizya 
 and Arcadiopolis itill. But in the Council of Con- 
 ftantinople under Mennas [c] we meet with fome 
 Alterations: For there Panium had a diftin£t Bi- 
 ihop from Heraclea, and Callipolis from Coele. And 
 in the Notitia of Leo Sapiens in Leunclavius, Bi- 
 zya and Arcadiopolis are not only diftincl Bifhop- 
 ricks, but both of them advanced to the Ho- 
 nour of Autocephali or Titular Metropolitans in 
 the Church. In this Province flood alfo Byzan- 
 tbmiy once fubjecT: to Heraclea the Metropolis, 
 till it was rebuilt, and advanced to be the royal 
 City by Confiantine, after which it grew fo great 
 and populous, as to equal Old Rome. Sozomen 
 [/] fays, Confianiine adorned it with many no- 
 ble Oratories j and it appears from one of Jufli- 
 man's, Novels [g] that in his time four of thefe 
 Churches had no lefs than five hundred Clergy 
 of all forts belonging to them. The Novatians 
 themfelves, as Socrates [_hj obferves, had three 
 Churches within the City : And in the Suburbs, 
 or Region belonging to the City, the Catholicks 
 had many Pari flies and Churches at a confidera- 
 ble diltance, as Hebdomum, Syc<e, Mariana, His- 
 ron, Elea, Therapea and Heflia, otherwife called 
 Michaelium, which Sozomen [/'] fays, was thirty 
 five Furlongs from the City by Water, and fe- 
 venty by Land. I think it needlefs to Jbe more 
 particular in the Defcription of this Diocefe, 
 fince thefe are fufficient Indications of the large- 
 nefs of it. I fliall only add concerning this 
 Province of Europa, that though Carolus a San- 
 6lo Paulo reckons thirteen Diocefes in it, Hera- 
 clea^ Panium, Coelos, Callipolis, Cyla, Aphrodifias, 
 Theodojiopolis, Cherfonefus, Drufipara, Lyfimachia, 
 Bizya, Selymbria and Arcadiopolis : Yet really 
 there were but nine : For Ccelos and Cyla, as Hol- 
 fienius has obferved [£], were two Names for 
 the fame City, and Callipolis was joyned in the 
 fame Diocefe with it > in like manner as Panium 
 was annexed to Heraclea, and Arcadiopolis to Bi- 
 zya. So that thefe were anciently Diocefes of 
 great Extent. 
 
 sect. III. In the Province of Thracia, 
 o/Thracia. properly fo called, there were 
 but four Diocefes, Philippopolis, 
 Diocletianopolis, Nicopolis and Diofpolis. And the 
 modern Notitia's, that of Leunclavius only ex- 
 cepted, have but three: For Nicopolis is not 
 mentioned in them. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 Of Hxmimontis. 
 
 I n the Province of Htsmimon- 
 tis there were antiently fix Dio- 
 cefes , Adrianopolis , Mefembria, 
 
 Sozopolis, Plutinopolis, Develtus and Anchialus. 
 The latter Notitia's reckon but the four firfr, 
 and Zoida in (lead of the two la ft, which are o- 
 mitted, as being funk or united into one. 
 
 In the Province of Rhodope, sect. v. 
 Carolus a Sanclo Paulo finds fix of Rhodope. 
 Diocefes, I'rajanopolis, Maximix- 
 nopolis, Abdera t Maronia, ALnus, and Cypfela. 
 To which Holfienius adds, Topirus, which the 
 other by miftake places in Macedonia. But thefe 
 were fo far from increafing in later Ages, that 
 they funk into three, Trajanopole, Anaftafopole, 
 and Perus, which are all that the modern Noti- 
 tia's mention. 
 
 In Mcefia inferior, or fecunda, SECT. VI. 
 the laft of the fix Thracian Pro- °f Mcefia fc * 
 vinces, which is now much the cunda- 
 fame with Bulgaria, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reck- 
 ons nine Diocefes, Marcianopolis, Nicopolis, No- 
 va, Abritum, Durofiorum, Dionyfiopolis, Odeffus, 
 Apiaria, Comaa; to which Holfienius adds ano- 
 ther called Trifta, or Prifla, by Socrates, and 
 Nicephorus Califlus a^avldzu^ct. But whether 
 increafed or diminiflied, we know not, for there 
 is no Account of them in the Notitia 's of later 
 Ages. I make no further Remark upon thefe 
 Diocefes, fave that they were generally large 
 ones, as any one that will caft his Eye upon a 
 Map, or examine particular diftances of Cities, 
 will eafily be convinced. And we may make 
 the fame general Obfervation upon moil of the 
 Diocefes of the European Provinces in Macedonia^ 
 Dacia and Illyricum, till we come as far as Italy. 
 For which Reafon, it will be fufficient to give 
 the Reader only a Catalogue of the Names of 
 Diocefes in every Province of thofe Regions, 
 according to the Order and Diftribution of them 
 in the Church, following the Model of the Ci- 
 vil Government, which divided thefe Countries 
 into three great Diocefes, and feventeen or eigh- 
 teen Provinces, under the generaj Name of Illy- 
 ricum Orientate and Occidentale. 
 
 The firft of thefe are the SECT. vn. 
 Provinces of Greece, which by Provinces m the 
 the Romans are all comprehended Clvd Dwce f e °f Ma - 
 under one common Name of the £* >nia \ W"** 1 
 Civil Diocefes of Macedonia, do'Spima W 
 which with the Dioceie of Da- fecunda. 
 cia was antiently the Diftricl: of 
 the Prafeclus Pratorio Illyrici Orientalis. In the 
 Diocefe of Macedonia were antiently fix Provin- 
 ces, or according to Hierocles's Account, feven : 
 Macedonia prima and fecunda, Epirus vetus, and 
 Epirus nova, 'Thcjjdlia, Achaia, and the Ifle of 
 Crete. Carolus a Sanclo Paulo confounds the two 
 Macedonia's together, and reckons feventeen Di- 
 ocefes in both, i T'hejfalonica the Metropolis of 
 the firft Macedonia, z Philippi the Metropolis 
 
 [</] Condi. Chalced. A£t. 16, Tom. 4. p. 800. c. 38. [»] Sozcm. Jib. 2. c. 3. [£] Holfien. An- 
 
 [e] Concil. fub Men. A&. 3. 8c 4. [/] Sozom. lib. 2. not, Geograph. p. 131. 
 
 c. 3. Is] Juftin, Novel. 3. [b] Socrat. lit?. 2. 
 
 of 
 
 8 
 
Cha p. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 37$ 
 
 of the fecond. 5 Stobi the old Metropolis of 
 the fecond Province. 4 Berrhaa. f Dium. 
 6 Particopolis. 7 Dobcrus. 8 Cafjdndria. 9 Nea- 
 polis. 10 Ileraclea Pelagonia. 11 'Torone. 12 Le- 
 te. 13 Topiris. 14 Serre. if Her ac lea Stry 'mo- 
 ms. 16 Hie of thajjus. 17 Hephajlia in the 
 Hie of Lemnos. To which Holjlenius [m~\ adds 
 Primula and Zapara, but rejects T'opiris, as be- 
 longing to Rhodope a Province in the T'hracian 
 Diocele, and obferves of that it was but 
 
 another name for Philippi. 
 
 sect. viil. The next Province upon the 
 of Thcfljlia. JEgaan Sea is T'hejfalia, where 
 Carolus a Sanblo Paulo finds but eight Diocefes. 
 LariJJa the Metropolis, Demetrius, Echinus, Cy- 
 pera, Metropolis, Lamia, Tricca and I'heba Phthi- 
 otica. But Holjlenius [_n\ adds three more, Di- 
 ocafarea, Gomphi and Scarphia, the lad of which 
 Carolus a Santlo Paulo confounds with Echinus. 
 The Notitia in Leunclavius calls this Province 
 Hellas fecunda, and names eleven Diocefes in it, 
 four of which retain their old Names, by which 
 it is reafonable to conjecture, that Hellas fecun- 
 da and TbeJ/alia were but two Names for the 
 fame Province > and the Number of Diocefes 
 agreeing exactly in both Accounts, we may con- 
 clude there never were above eleven Diocefes in 
 all this Province. 
 
 sect. IX. The next Province to Tbef- 
 of Achaia, Pe- faly is Achaia, which was a ve- 
 loponnefus and jy l ar g e Province, including not 
 Euboea - only what the Antients called 
 
 Attica and Achaia, but alfo all Peloponnefus, and 
 the Ifle of Euboea. Here Carolus a Santlo Paulo 
 finds twenty fix Diocefes, four of which were 
 in the Ifle of Euboea. 1 Chalcis, now called Ne- 
 groponte. 2 Ore urn. 3 Porthmus. 4 Cariftus. 
 Nine in Peloponnefus. 1 Corinthus the Metropolis 
 of the whole Province. 2 Argos. 5 Tegea. 4 Me- 
 galopolis, f Laced<emon. 6 Mejfena. 7 Cor one. 
 8 Pctr£. 9 Hellice. Thirteen in the other Part 
 of Achaia. I Athena. 2 Megara. 5 Thefpitf. 
 4 Naupaclus. f Secorus. 6 Elatea. 7 Opus. 
 8 Strategis. 9 Theba. 10 Platea. 11 Tanagra. 
 1 2 Marathon. 1 3 Carfia, al. Corijfia. Holjle- 
 nius adds another Corone or Coronia in Boeotia, 
 befide the Corone that was in Peloponnefus. The 
 Notitia of Z><? Sapiens in Leunclavius and the fe- 
 venth Chapter of this Book, makes three Pro- 
 vinces of this, calling them Hellas prima, and 
 Peloponnefus prima and fecunda, and the num- 
 ber of Diocefes is pretty near the fame, by 
 which we may guefs no great Alteration was 
 made in them for feveral Ages. The Largenefs 
 of thefe Diocefes may eafily be concluded from 
 the Greatnefs of many of the Cities and their 
 large Territories, which the Reader may find 
 already demonftrated by Dr. Maurice in his 
 Difcourfe of Diocefan Epifcopacy, p. 380. con- 
 cerning T'hebes, Athens, Lacedamon, Megalopolis, 
 and other Cities of this Province in particular. 
 
 _ The next Region is Epirus, SECT. X. 
 feparated from Achaia by the of Epirus Vetus 
 River Achelous. This was anti- and E P irus Nov: »- 
 ently one Kingdom, but the Romans divided it 
 into two Provinces, Epirus Vetus and Epirus 
 Nova. In the former, Carolus a Sanblo Paulo 
 reckons ten Diocefes. 1 Nicopolis the Metro- 
 polis. 2 Anchiafmus. } Phoenicia. 4 Dodone. 
 f Adrianopolis. 6 Buthrotum. 7 Euria. 8 Pho- 
 tica. 9 Hie of Cephalenia. 10 Ifle of Corcyra. 
 In the new Epirus only eight. 1 Dyrrachium, 
 or Doracium, the Metropolis, z Scampes. 5 Apoh 
 Ionia. 4 Aulon. f Amantia. 6 Lychnidus. 
 7 Bullidum or Bulls. 8 Prina or Prifna. To 
 which Holjlenius adds Lijlraor Helijlra, but with 
 fome Doubting, whether it do not rather be- 
 long to Lycaonia. Thefe were very large Diocefes, 
 above forty or fifty Miles long: Notwithstanding 
 which, two of them were fometimes united toge- 
 ther: For in the Acts of the Council of Ephefus, 
 as Holjlenius has obferved, one Felix is called 
 [*] Bilhop of Bulls and Apollonia together. In 
 the Greek Notitia of Leo Sapiens, Old Epirus goes 
 by the name of JEtolia, and has the lame num- 
 ber of ten Diocefes only, though not the fame 
 Names. The other Epirus has fixteen, but 
 then the Province of Prevalitana is joyned to 
 it, and moft of its Diocefes taken in to make 
 up the number. Whence I conclude that the 
 Diocefes in thefe Provinces have been of great 
 extent in all Ages* the Ifle of Corcyra it felf 
 being reckoned by fome Geographers forty five 
 Miles long, and by Pliny [0] no lefs than ninety 
 feven. 
 
 In the Ifle of Crete, which SECT. xi. 
 was the laft of the Macedonian of the ijie of 
 Provinces, Carolus a Santlo Paulo Crete - 
 names eleven Diocefes. 1 Gortyna the Metro- 
 polis. 2 Gnoffus. 3 Hierapetra. 4 Lappa. 
 f Sabrita. 6 Eleuthera. 7 Cherronefus. 8 67- 
 donia. 9 Cyfamus. 10 Citium. 11 Cantanum. 
 The Notitia of Leo Sapiens in Leunclavius makes 
 them twelve, but Hierapetra is there by miftake 
 of fome Tranfcriber divided into two, which be- 
 ing corrected reduces them to the fame number. 
 Whence I conclude, this was pretty near the 
 ftanding Number for feveral Ages. Now Crete 
 is reckoned by Ferrarius and others out of Pli- 
 ny and Strabo two hundred and feventy or three 
 hundred Miles long, and fifty broad. Which 
 makes twelve Diocefes equal to the reft of the 
 Macedonian Provinces, all which appear vifibly 
 to be Diocefes of great extent, without defen- 
 ding any farther to give a more particular Ac- 
 count of them, 
 
 The other civil Diocefe of sect. xu. 
 Illyricum Orientale, went by the of the Five p r o- 
 common name of Dacia, confift- vi f™ ™*btDiocefc 
 ing of five Provinces, Pravalitana, y alit ^a °^ Prs " 
 Mcefia fuperior, Dacia Mediterra- 
 nea, Dacia Ripenfis and Dardania. Pravalitanalies 
 
 \m~\ Holften. Annot. Geograph. p. 114. [«] Holften. ibid, p. 1 if. [*] Cone. Ephef. Aft. 1. [c] Plin. lib. 4. c. 12. 
 
 Vol. I. B b b b 2 on 
 
376 
 
 The A nt i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 on the North of Epirus to the Adriatick Sea, be- 
 ing Part of that Country which is now called 
 Albania. Carolus a Santlo Paulo names but two 
 Diocefes in it, Scodra, the old Metropolis of the 
 Province, and Achrida, which was antiently call- 
 ed Prevails, but afterwards Juflinian honoured 
 it with his own Name, Juftiniana prima, and 
 advanced it to Patriarchal Dignity, aligning it 
 all the five Provinces Qf) of the Dacian Dio- 
 cefe, and the two Pannonia's in the Diocefe of 
 Illyricum Occidentale, for the Limits of its Jurifdi- 
 ction. Befides thefe two Bifiiopricks, Holftenius 
 has found out two more in this Province, Rhizi- 
 nium and LiJJus, now called Alejjio on the Adria- 
 tick Seaj Carolus a Sanclo Paulo alfo by Miftake 
 places Scodra in the Province of Dalmatia, making 
 Juftiniana prima a Metropolitan See without any 
 Suffragans under it. 
 
 sect. xiii. On the North of Praevalitana 
 of Media fupe- to the Danube lay Moejia fuperior, 
 nor - between Pannonia on the Weft, 
 
 and Dacia on the Eaft. Carolus a Sanclo Paulo 
 confounds the Epifcopal Diocefes of this Pro- 
 vince and the Dacia's together, making Sardica 
 the Metropolis of them all, and calling them 
 from that by the common Name of Provincia 
 Sardicenfis ; and befide Sardica he finds but three 
 more Diocefes in the three Provinces, Remejftana, 
 Aqua, and Cafirum Martis. But Holftenius is a lit- 
 tle more accurate, and treats diftindtly of them. 
 He afligns to Moefia fuperior, Caftrum Martis, and 
 another called Margus, feated on the Confluence 
 of the River Margus and the Danube. 
 
 SECT. XIV. To Dacia Mediterranea he af- 
 
 o/ Dacia Mediter- figns Sardica the Metropolis, and 
 
 ranea and Dacia Romatiana and Naijfus, which he 
 
 Ripenfu. and p agi make tQ be the Birth . 
 
 place of Conftantine the Great. In the other Da- 
 cia, called Ripen/is from its running along the 
 Banks of the Danube between Moejia prima and 
 fecunda, he places Aqua, which is mentioned in 
 the Council of Sardica in St. Hilarf% Fragments, 
 and Ifcus or Ifcopolis, another City, whofe Bifhop 
 fubferibed out of the fame Province in the a- 
 forefaid Council. In his Annotations alfo upon 
 Ortellius [cf\ he obferves two other Epifcopal 
 Cities in this Province, one called Martis by 
 Hierocles, or Stramartis by Procopius, and another 
 called Budine, now Bodine in Bulgaria upon the 
 Danube: But perhaps thefe are both Modern 
 Sees, for he cites no other Authority but that of 
 the Notitia's for them, and Stramartis i'eems to 
 be a corruption of Caftra Martis. 
 
 SECT. xv. On the South of Dacia, be- 
 o/ Dardania tween it and Macedonia, was the 
 Gothia. Province of Dardania, divided 
 
 from Macedonia by Mount Scardus, and from 
 Ithracia by part of Mount Hamus. It is now part 
 of Servia, and was antiently a part of Moejia, as 
 
 Dacia alfo was, till the Daci paffing over the Da- 
 nube, got themfelves planted in the middle of 
 Moefia, which from that time was call'd Dacia 
 nova, as the other beyond the Danube was call'd 
 Dacia antiqua, and Gothia. In this Province of 
 Dardania, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo finds four Dio- 
 cefes. i Scupi, the Metropolis, z Ulpianum, o- 
 therwife called Juftiniana fecunda. 5 Diocletiana, 
 which at the time of the Council of Sardica was 
 reckon'd a City of Macedonia. 4 Nejfyna or Nef- 
 fus. Holftenius adds another called Pautalia, 
 which Hierocles in his Notitia reckons among the 
 Cities of Dacia Mediterranea, and Stephanus and 
 Ptolemy among the Cities of 'Thracia, as lying in 
 the Confines of thofe Provinces. Befides thefe 
 five Provinces of the Dacian Diocefe on the 
 South- fide of the Danube, there was another on 
 the North-fide out of the Bounds of the Roman 
 Empire, called Dacia Antiqua, and Gothia from 
 the time that the Goths feated themfelves in it. 
 Epiphanius fpeaks of one Sihanus Bifhop of Go- 
 thiabeyond Scythia, taking Scythia for the Roman, 
 Scythia on this fide the Danube, whereof T"omiwas 
 the Metropolis. Whence Holftenius rightly con- 
 cludes that Gothia was the Regionwhich is now cal- 
 led 'Tranftlvania or Walachia. But what Epifcopal 
 Sees they had, or whether they had in all this Re- 
 gion any more than one Bifhop, as the Scythians 
 and Saracens, and fome other fuch barbarous Na- 
 tions, is uncertain. Carolus a Sanclo Paulo thinks, 
 Zarmizegethufa was the Seat of their Bifhop, be- 
 caufe Ptolemy makes it the Royal Seat and Me- 
 tropolis of the Kingdom. And this he fuppofes 
 to be the fame with Gothia mentioned in the No- 
 titia of Leo Sapiens among the Autocephali, or fuch 
 Bifhops as had no Suffragans under them. But 
 thefe being Matters involved in obfeurity, I leave 
 them to farther Enquiry. 
 
 Out of Illyricum Orientale, we sect. xvi. 
 pafs next to the Civil Diocefe of of the six provin- 
 Illyricum Occidentale, which was ces in the Diocefe of 
 under the Government of the Pra- Occiden. 
 feclus Pratorio of Italy. In this f> of Dalma " 
 Diocefe were fix Provinces, Dal- 
 matia, Savia, Pannonia fuperior, Pannonia inferior, 
 Noricum Mediterraneum, and Noricum Ripenfe. In 
 Dalmatia, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons four E- 
 pifcopal Diocefes. 1 Salona the Metropolis, z 
 Jadera, now called Zara. 3 Epidaurus, now Ra- 
 gufa. 4 Scodra or Scutari. But Scodra is wrong 
 placed in Dalmatia, for, as has been noted before, 
 it was rather the Metropolis of Pravalitana. But 
 Holftenius adds two more in the room of it, Do- 
 clea, and Senia, now called Segna, a City upon the 
 Liburnian Shore. 
 
 The next Province to this sect. XVII. 
 was Savia, which feems to be fo o/Savia. 
 nam'd from the River Savus run- 
 ning through the middle of it. It is fometimes 
 called Pannonia Sava, being Part of Pannonia on 
 
 [f] Juftin. Novel. 1 3 1. c. 3. [q] Holften. Annot. in Ortel. p. 116. 
 
 the 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 377 
 
 the Savia, and fometimes Pannonia Sirmienjis and 
 Cibalienfts, from the Cities Sirmium and Cibalis 
 which lay in this Part of it. But here we con- 
 iider it as a diftin£b Province from Pannonia, from 
 which it was fepaiated by the River Dravus, and 
 is what we now call Sclavonia,and Part of Bofnia 
 and Servia. In this Province were fix Epicopal 
 Diocefes. i Sirmium the Metropolis, near the 
 Confluence of the Savus and the Danube, z Sin- 
 gidunum. t Murfa, now called EJfek. 4 Cibalis. 
 f Noviodunum. 6 Sifcia. 
 
 SECT, xviil. Between the River Dravus 
 of Pannonia fupe- and the Danube lay the two Pan- 
 rior and inferior. noma's, fuperior and inferior , which 
 are now the Southern Part of Hungary. In the 
 former of thefe, Carolus a Santlo Paulo out of La- 
 zius fpeaks of four Diocefes : Vindobona ox Vienna, 
 Sabaria, Scarabantia and Celia. To which 
 Holftenius adds Petavia, now called Petow, which 
 the other confounds with Petavia or Batavia 
 Caflra in Noricum, now called Paftaw in Bava- 
 ria: Viclorinus Martyr was Bifliop of this City, 
 though Baronius and many others commonly ftyle 
 him Piclavienfem, as if he had been Bifhop of 
 Poicliers in France whereas he was Bifliop of 
 this City in Pannonia prima, called Petavia or 
 Petow, as is obferved by Spondanus, and Pagi, 
 and Du Pin, in their Critical Remarks upon the 
 Life of that anticnt Writer. In the lower 
 
 Pannonia there were but three Diocefes, Curta, 
 Carpis, and Stridonium, the Birth-place of St. 
 Jerom. 
 
 More Weft ward from Pan- sect. xix. 
 noma was the Province of Nori- °f Nor 'cum Me- 
 cum, confined on the North with R ; er e r T um and 
 the Danube, and on the South 'P ene ' 
 and Weft with Venetia and Rhatia, two Italick 
 Provinces. This the Romans divided into two, 
 Noricum Mediterraneum and Ripcnfe,m both which 
 Lazius mentions but four Diocefes, Laureacum, 
 now called Lork, Juvavia or Saltsburg, Ovilabis 
 and Solva. Carolus a Santlo Paulo by miftake 
 adds a fifth, Petavia, Petow; but that, as was 
 faid before, belongs to another Province. And 
 the reft were not ere&ed till the fixth Century, 
 when that Part of Germany was firft converted, 
 which is now Carniola and Carinthia, with pare 
 of Bavaria, Stiria, Tirol and Auftria. By which 
 it is eafy to judge of what vaft Extent thofe 
 Diocefes antiently were, as they are now at this 
 Day j two of them, as I obferved, being as large 
 -s ten or twenty in fome other Pans of the 
 World, particularly in Paleftine and Afia Minor ; 
 which have been already confideredj and the 
 Obfervation will be more fully verified by taking 
 a particular View of Italy, whofe Epifcopal Dio- 
 cefes come now in Order in the next place to be 
 confidered. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 A Particular Account of the Diocefes of Italy. 
 
 ^TALT, in the Senfe we arc 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 oftheExtentofthe x now to fpeak of it, as it was 
 
 ff&oS taken f ° r the Wh ° le J urifdi<aion 
 
 of the Pr<efeclus Urbis & Vicarius 
 
 Italia tinder the Roman Emperors, was of fome- 
 what larger Extent than now it is: For not on- 
 ly the Iflands of Sicily, Sardinia and Corfica, were 
 taken into the Account, but alfo Rhatia fecunda, 
 which is that part of Germany, that lies from the 
 Alpes to the Danube. In this Extent it was di- 
 vided into two large civil Diocefes, containing 
 feventeen Provinces of the Roman Empire, as has 
 been {hewed before [a] > and in thefe Provinces 
 there were about three huncfred Epifcopal Dio- 
 cefes, the Names of which are ftill remaining, 
 but the Places themfelves many of them demo- 
 liftied or funk into Villages, and other new Bi- 
 fnopricks fet up in their Room. I fhall not con- 
 cern my felf with the Number or Extent of the 
 modern Diocefes, but only thofe that were an- 
 tient, and ere£bed within the firft fix hundred 
 Years, of which I am to make the fame Obfer- 
 vation in general, as I have done upon thofe of 
 Paleftine and Afia minor, that here were fome of 
 
 the largeft, and fome of the fmalleft Diocefes, 
 for extent of Ground, of any in the World, and 
 yet the fame Species of Epifcopacy retained in 
 all without any Variety or Diftin£tion. The Dio- 
 cefes of the Suburbicary Provinces, that lay next 
 to Rome, were generally final), in comparifon of 
 thofe that lay farther to the North and Weft in 
 the Italick Provinces. For about Rome the Coun- 
 try was extreamly populous, and Cities much 
 thicker fpread, which occasioned fo many more 
 Epifcopal Sees to be eredted in thofe Provinces 
 above the other. This will plainly appear by 
 taking a View of each particular Province, and 
 comparing the Diocefes one with another: Of 
 which we fhall be able to give a more exacl Ac- 
 count, becaufe fo much Pains has been taken by 
 learned Men in all Ages, efpecially Cluver and 
 Holftenius, Ferrarius and Baudrand in the laftAge, 
 to defcribe minutely and exactly the feveral Places 
 of this Country, and their diltance from Rome 
 and one other. To begin with Rome it felf: 
 This was a very large Diocefe in one refpect, 
 and very fmall in another. In refpecl: of the City 
 it felf, and the number of People that were 
 
 [a] See Chap. I. of this Book. 
 
 therein, 
 
37 8 
 
 The Anticluitibs of the Book IX. 
 
 therein, it might be called one of greateft Dio- 
 cefes in the World. For Pliny [b~\ fpeaks of it 
 as the mo ft populous City in the Univerfe, in 
 the time of Ve/pafian, when it was but thirteen 
 Miles about. But [c] Lipfius in his Book de 
 Magnitudine Romany and Mr. Mede [ft] and fome 
 others think, that is meant only of the City 
 within the Walls j for otherwile it was but forty 
 two Miles in compafs when Si. John wrote his Re- 
 velations in the time of Domitian. And afterward 
 it received confiderable Additions j for in the 
 Days of Aurelian, the Hiftorian [<?] fpeaks of it 
 as 'no lefs than fifty Miles in Circumference. 
 And before this time the Chriftians made a con- 
 fiderable Figure in it : For Cornelius, who lived 
 in the middle of the third Century, fpeaks of 
 forty fix Presbyters [/], befide Deacons, Sub- 
 Deacons, and other inferior Clergy, belonging 
 to the Church in his time. And within half an 
 Age more we find an Account of above forty 
 Churches in it. For fo many Optatus \_g] fays 
 there were, when Viclor Garbienfis the Donatifi 
 Bifhop was fent from J f rick to be the Antibi- 
 fhop there : Though there were forty Churches 
 and more in the City, yet he could not obtain 
 one of them to make his handful of Sectaries 
 look like a Chriftian Congregation. This, as Ba- 
 ronius and Valefius have rightly obferved, was 
 fpoken by Optatus not of his own Times, but of 
 the time when Victor Garbienjis came to Rome, 
 which was in the beginning of the Diocletian 
 Perfecution. Whence it may be rationally infer- 
 red, that if there were ^bove forty Churches in 
 Rome before the laft Perfecution, there would be 
 abundance more in the following Ages, when 
 the whole City was become Chriftian. But as 
 by the vaft Increafe of this City the Diocefe 
 was very large within, fo for the fame Reafon 
 it became very fmall without. For that which 
 was at firft the Territory of Rome, feems after- 
 ward to have been fwallowed up in the City it 
 felf by the prodigious Increafe of it. Infomuch 
 that fome have thought, that in the time of In- 
 nocent I. the Diocefe of Rome had no Country 
 Pariihes belonging to it, but that they were all 
 within the City : Becaufe in his Epiftle to De- 
 centius Bifhop of Eugubium \_h~] he feems to make 
 this difference between other Diocefes and that 
 of Rome, that in the Roman Diocefe the Cuftom 
 was to fend the Sacrament from the Mother 
 Church to the Presbyters officiating in other 
 Churches, becaufe all their Churches lay within 
 the City j but this was not proper to be done 
 in other Places, which had Country Pariihes p], 
 becaufe the Sacraments were not to be carried 
 to Places at too great a diftancc. But however 
 
 this was (for learned Men are not exaftly agreed 
 upon it, and I conceive it to be a Miftake) this 
 is certain, that the Diocefe of Rome could not 
 extend very far any way into the Country Regi- 
 on j becaufe it was bounded on all Sides with 
 neighbouring Cities, which lay clofe round it. 
 On the North it had Fidena, a Biftiop's See in 
 thofe times, though as Cluver [k~\ and Ferrarius 
 [f] fhew out of Dionyfius Halicarnajfeus, it lay but 
 forty Stadia, or five Miles diftant from it. On 
 the Eafi it was bounded with the Diocefe of Ga- 
 bii, which fome by miftake place feventy Miles 
 from Rome, but Holfienius [m] and Cluver, who 
 are more accurate, tell us, it lay in the middle 
 way between Rome and Pranefte, about twelve 
 or thirteen Miles from each. In the fame Coaft 
 lay Tufculum, but twelve Miles from Rome. A 
 little inclining to the South lay the Diocefe of 
 Subaugufta clofe by Rome. Here Helena the Mo- 
 ther of Conftantine was buried, whence it was 
 called Subaugufta Helena. Holfienius [n] fays, the 
 Remains of it are ft ill vifible at the Place called 
 Turris Pignatara. It was fo near Rome, that the 
 Writers which fpeak of Helena"*, Interment, com- 
 monly fay fhe was bury'd at Rome in the Church 
 of St. Marcelline in Via Lavicana-, which is to 
 be underftood of Marcelline's Church in Subau- 
 gufta, which lay in the Way betwixt Rome and 
 Lavici, whence the Way was called Via Lavica- 
 na. If we look to the South of Rome down the 
 River Tiber toward the Sea, there we find three 
 Diocefes in three Cities, none of them above 
 three Miles from each other, nor above fixteen 
 Miles from Rome. Thefe were Oftia, Portus 
 Augufti, and Sylva Candida. The firft and fecond 
 of which lay within two Miles of each other, 
 Oftia on the Eaft-fide, and Portus on the Weft- 
 fide of the River Tiber', and Sylva Candida a lit- 
 tle more Weft from Portus. The Site and Di- 
 ftancc of Oftia and Portus from Rome we have 
 exaftly delivered both from antient and modern 
 Geographers. In Antonine's Itinerary it is call'd 
 eighteen $ but Holfienius [0] obferves that the an- 
 tient Miles were fhorter than the modern, and 
 therefore both he and Ferrarius, and others, 
 reckon thefe Places precifely but fixteen Miles 
 from Rome. Now thefe being Sea-ports, had 
 probably the chief extent of their Diocefes to- 
 ward Rome, which takes off from the largenefs 
 of the former. On the Weft it was bounded 
 with the Diocefe of Lorium, which lay in Tufcia 
 in the Via Aurelia betwixt Rome and Turres, 
 which Holfienius \_p~\ fays, was but twelve Miles 
 from Rome, and ten from Tunes. And many o- 
 ther Diocefes lay in the fame Circle about Rome, 
 not at much farther diftance. For Nepe in Tufcia 
 
 [£] Plin. 1. 3. f. [c] Lipfius de Magnitud. Roman. 1. 3. 
 c. 2. p. 1 11. [ct] Mede Comnientat. Apocalypt. p. 488. 
 [e] Vopifc. Vit. Aurel. p. 64? . [/] Cornel. Ep. ad Fab. Eu- 
 feb. lib. 6. c. 43. [g] Optat. lib. 2. p. 40. Non enim Grex 
 
 aut Populus appellandi fuerant pauci, qui inter Quadraginta 8c quod 
 excurrit Bafilicas, locum ubi colligerent non habebant. [b] In- 
 nocent. Ep. 1. ad Decent, c. f. De Fermento autem quod die 
 Dominico perTitulos mittimus fuparflue nos confulerc voluifti, 
 
 cum omnes Ecclefia? noftroe intra Civitatem funt conrtitutse, Sec. 
 [»] Ibid. Quod per Parochias fieri debere non puto, quia non longa 
 portanda funt Sacramenta. [k] Cluver. Ital. lib. 2. p. 65-4. 
 
 [/] Ferrar. Lexic. Geogr. voce Fidena:. {m\ Holften. Annot. 
 
 in Ortel. p. 8f . Cluver. Ital. p. oj-f. [n] Holflen. Annot. 
 
 Geogr. in Car. a Sandlo Paulo, p. 1 1. [0] Holllcn. Annot. 
 
 in Cluver. Ital. p. 79. Others reckon but twelve modem Miles. So 
 Lipfius out of Appian. [/>] Holften. in Cluver. Ital. p. 4$. 
 
 was 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 379 
 
 was but twenty Miles from Rome, and Sutrium 
 but four from Nepe. N omentum among the Sa- 
 bines in Valeria, was but twelve Miles from Rome, 
 and Tibur in the fame Tract about fixtccn. La- 
 vici in Campania or Latium was but fifteen, and 
 fres Taberna, according to fomc Accounts, but 
 twenty one, and Velitra fo near that, that Gre- 
 gory the Great united them together. But we 
 ihall fee more of this in fpecifying the Diocefes 
 of each particular Province, and aligning the 
 Bounds of fuch as were moll remarkable for their 
 nearnefs one to another. 
 
 SECT. II. I fhall begin with thofe Pro- 
 
 o/Tufcia^/Um- vinces which arc properly called 
 bn ' 3 - Roman, in Contradiitinftion to 
 
 the reft of the Italick Diocefes j and in each of 
 thefe affign both the Names and Number of the 
 antient Epifcopal Diocefes, that the Reader who 
 is curious in this matter, may exercife his Geo- 
 graphical Knowledge in a more particular Search 
 into the State of them. The firfl of thefe in or- 
 der is Tufcia and Umbria, which the Civil and 
 Ecclefiaflical Account always joins together as 
 one Province, tho' had they diflinct Bounds upon 
 other Occafions. Tufcia was the fame that was 
 antiently called Etruria, bounded with the Tiber 
 on the Eaft, and the River Marca on the Weft, 
 the Apennine Hills on the North, and the Tufcan 
 Sea on the South ; and includes now St. Peter's 
 Patrimony in the Eaftern Part, and the Duke- 
 dom of Florence or Tufcany in the Weft. In this 
 Province Carolus a Santlo Paulo finds thirty five 
 antient Diocefes. i Portus Augufti, now called 
 Porto, z Sylva Candida, now Sancla Ruffina. 3 
 Ncpe, vulgo Nepi. 4 Aqua Viva, al. Carpenatum 
 Urbs. f Phalaris, now Citta Caftellana. 6 Fe- 
 rentium, Ferento. 7 Polymartium, Bomarfo. 8 
 Hortanum, Horti. 9 Bier a, now Bieda. 10 Su- 
 trium. 1 1 Tarquina. 1 z Salpis. But Holftenius 
 thinks this is mjftaken for Sapinum in the Pro- 
 vince of Samnium. 13 Tufcani, Tufcanello. 14 
 Balneum Regis, Bagnarea. 1 f Perufta, now Pe- 
 rugia. 16 Urbs Vctus, Orvieto. 17 Clufium,Chiufa. 
 38 Cortona. 19 Arctium, Arezzo. zo Volfinium, 
 Bolfena. zi CentumcelU, now Civita Vecchia. zz 
 Gravifca, now Mont alto. Z3 Cornetum. Z4 Fo- 
 rum Claudii, now Oriolo. zf Pi/a. z6 Luca. zj 
 Luna. z8 Sena, zp Florentia. 30 Fefulce, now 
 Fiezoli. 3 1 Suana. 3 z Manturanum. 3 3 Rufella, 
 Rofella. 34 Populonia, Porto Bar atto. 2f Vola- 
 terra: To which Holftenius adds Volfc<e, or Civi- 
 tas Bulcentina, Caftrum Valentini and Lorium. 
 Now fome of thefe, as has been already obfer- 
 ved, were very near Neighbours to Rome, and 
 they were yet nearer to one another. Nepi was 
 but four Miles from Sutrium, as Ferrarius \_q~] 
 computes, and fo they were afterwards united 
 together, as the fame Author informs us. Portus 
 
 Augufti was bounded on one Side with Oftia, which 
 was but two Miles from it, as Ferrarius [/] and 
 Cluver inform usj and on the other fide with 
 Sylva Candida, which Carolus a Sanclo Paulo 
 places about the fame diflance from it. Falena 
 or Phalaris is reckoned by Cluver [f] about five 
 or fix Miles from Nepe, and four Miles from 
 Hortanum by Ferrarius [/}], who fays Hortanum 
 lay upon the Tiber oppofice to the Ocriculi in 
 Umbria, and not above four Miles to the Weft of 
 it. Holftenius [/] ihews out of the Jerufalcm Iti- 
 nerary, that Aqua Viva was but twelve Miles 
 from Ocriculi, and Phaleria lay between them. 
 Polymartium was but five Miles Weft from Hor- 
 tanum, as Ferrarius [u~] computes, and Ferentium 
 about the fame dillance from Polymartium; 
 which two Lift were united into one before the 
 Council of Rome under Martin, An. 649, as Ca- 
 rolus a Sanclo Paulo collects from the Subscripti- 
 ons of that Council. Bier a was but nine Miles 
 from Forum Claudii, as Holftenius [w] fhews from 
 the old Itineraries \ and Forum Claudii not above 
 five from Sutrium according to Cluvefs reckon- 
 ing. Lorium was but twelve Miles from Rome 
 in the way to Civita Vecchia } as has been fhew- 
 cd before. Tarquina is reckon'd by Ferrarius \jc~\ 
 about five Miles from Cornetum, and about the 
 fame di fiance from Gravifca, by Cluvefs Tables. 
 Which is the more probable, becaufe Holftenius 
 (jfj obferves, that thefe three Diocefes were at 
 lafl united into one. Centumcella or Civita Vec- 
 chia lay upon the Sea, iz Miles from Gravifca, as 
 appears from the Jerufalcm Itinerary in Holftenius 
 \_z~]. Tufcania and Volfinium, and Urbs Vet us, 
 now called Orvieto, and Balneum Regis, had much 
 about the fame di fiances from one another. And 
 all thefe lay within that little compafs of Land, 
 which is now calPd St. Peter's Patrimony, hem- 
 med in on the Eaft and North with the River 
 Tiber, on the Weft with the River Marta, and. 
 on the South with the Tufcan Sea. A Country 
 " that is not much above fifty Miles fquare, as 
 Cluver rightly defcribes it. For from Rome to 
 Centumcella or Civita Vecchia, which lies but ten 
 Miles from the River Marta, which now divides 
 St. Peter's Patrimony from Caftro Ducato, Cluver 
 and Holftenius [f[~\ out of Antonine's Itinerary, in 
 the direct Courfe of the Via Aurelia, reckon but 
 forty feven Miles, which do not exceed forty 
 Miles according to the prefent Eflimation. So 
 that there being in this compafs twenty Bifhop- 
 ricks, including Rome in the Number j if we 
 will fuppofe all the Diocefes to be equal, each 
 Diocefe will be about ten or iz Miles fquare, 
 which confirms the Account that has been given 
 of the di fiance of the feveral Cities from each o- 
 ther. And hence it appears, that as in fome 
 Parts of the Kingdom of Naples, Diocefes have 
 been multiplied above what they were in former 
 
 [q] Ferrar. Lexic. Geogr. voce Nepe & Sutrium. [r] Ibid, 
 voc. Oftia, 8c Portus. [*] Ciuver. Ital. lib. z. p. 5-5-7. 
 
 [fs] Ferrar. Lexic. voc. Hortanum. [/] Holften. Annot. in 
 
 Cluver. p. 80. [«j Ferrar. voce Polymartium. [w] Holften. 
 in Cluver. p. 47. [*] Ferrar. Lexic. voc-e Tarquina. 
 
 [y] Holften. Annot. in Car. a Sanclo Paulo, p. 8. [z] Holften, 
 in Cluver. p. 80. [f] Holften. in Cluver. p. -;8. Procop.de 
 
 Bell. Goth. lib. 2. p. 4.05-, reckons it two hundred and eighty Stadia,, 
 or thirty five Miles. 
 
 Ages, 
 
380 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the Book iX. 
 
 Ages, fo in this and other Parts of the Pope's 
 Dominions they have as ftrangely decreafed. For 
 now there are not near half the Number, there 
 being fometimes two or three or four united into 
 one. For Ferrarius informs us, that Viterbo was 
 raifed, An. 1074, out of the Ruins of three 
 old ones, Fercntum, e tufcany and Polymartium. So 
 Citta Cafiellana arofe from the decay of Faleria 
 and Hortanum. Sutrium was united to Nepe; 
 Tarquina and Gravifca to Cornetum; not to men- 
 tion any more of this kind, which concern not 
 the prefent Enquirty. As to thofe Diocefes 
 which lay in the Weftern part of Tufcia, now 
 called the Dukedom of Tufcany, they were much 
 larger in Proportion than the former, for except- 
 ing Fefula, which lay but three Miles [a] from 
 Florence, all the other Diocefes were of greater 
 Extent. Of which I need only give this Evi- 
 dence, that this Part of Tufcia is reckoned [b~] a- 
 bove two hundred Miles in length, and near a 
 hundred in breadth, excluding the Pope's Domi- 
 nions. Which being divided among fifteen or 
 fixteen Diocefes, will afford a large Territory to 
 every one : So that it is needlefs to look farther 
 for a particular Account of them. 
 
 But if we return back again into Umbria, nearer 
 Rome, there we mail find Diocefes of the fame Size 
 and as thick as in the Patrimony of St. Peter. For 
 it was but a little Tract of Ground, bounded 
 with the Rivers Nar and Tiber and the Apennine 
 Hills, and only a Part of the Old Umbria, which 
 reach'd beyond the Apennine to the Adriatick Sea. 
 In the prefent Umbria, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo 
 reckons eighteen Biftiopricks. 1 Ocriculum. z 
 Narnia. 3 Tuder, now Tedi. 4 Mevania, now 
 Bevagna. f Tifernum Tiberinum, now Citta di Ca- 
 Jlello. 6 Interamnia, now Terni. 7 Ameria, Amelia. 
 8 Trebia, Trebi. 9 Spoletum, Spoleto. 10 Fulginum, 
 Fulgino. 1 1 Camerinum. 1 1 Hifpellum. 1 3 Af- 
 fijium. 14 Forum novum, now Veficovio. iy Fe- 
 rum- Flaminii, now For-flammo. 16 Vettonium^ 
 Bittona. 17 Nuceria, Nocera. 18 Eugubium, 
 Gubbio. To which Holftenius adds Tadinum [c~\ 
 and Martula. Now five of thefe, Fulginum, Hif- 
 pellum, Afiiftum, Forum- Flaminii , and Mevania, 
 lay fo clofe together, that none of them was a- 
 bove ten Miles diflance from any of the other. 
 Fulginum had on the North towards Nuceria, 
 Forum- Flaminii to bound it, which Ferrarius [7/] 
 fays, was but 3 Miles removed from it. Hifpellum 
 was but the fame diflance in the way to Afiiftum. 
 Trebia on the Eaft was but fix Miles from Fulgi- 
 num, and nine from Spoletum, as Ferrarius alfo 
 informs us [e], who fays alfo it was but fifteen 
 Miles from Fulginum to Spoletum, fo that Trebia 
 rauft lie exactly in the way betwixt them. On 
 the South Fulginum was bounded again with Me- 
 
 vania, which was but fix Miles from it [/"]. 
 On the Weft lay Affifium, famous in modern Sto- 
 ries for the Birth of St. Francis the Father of the 
 Francifcans; and this Ferrarius fays was but ten 
 Miles [g] from Fulginum, and about twelve from 
 Perufia in Tufcia. If we look a little more 
 Northward, from Forum- Flaminii to Nuceria is 
 computed nine Miles [£] by Ferrarius. From 
 Nuceria to Tadinum (the Remains of which, Hol- 
 ftenius [i] fays, are yet to be feen in the Via 
 Flaminia near Gualdo on the top of the Apen- 
 nine) is computed no more than eight Miles by 
 Holftenius [k] and Baudrand. And from Tadinum 
 to Eugubium muft be about thirteen. But here 
 the Diocefes began to inlarge toward the We- 
 ftern Parts of this Province, as was obferv'd be- 
 fore of Tufcia. For Weftward of Eugubium 
 there was no City betwixt it and Tifernum Tibe- 
 rinum, which was twenty Miles from it. Nor 
 had Tifernum Tiberinum any nearer Neighbours 
 than Aretium, which is reckon'd 1 8, and Calli- 
 um zi, and Perufia 24 Miles from it, as Bau- 
 drand ^ f_/] and Ferrarius have computed. But 
 then if we look towards Rome again, and defcend 
 from the Apennine to the Southern Parts of this 
 Province toward the Rivers Nar and Tiber, we 
 there firft meet with Martula on the River Nar, 
 which Holftenius [m] afTures us, was but fix 
 Miles to the Eaft of Spoleto. Down the fame 
 River lay Interamnia about the fame Diftance 
 from Martula. And below that was Narnia, 
 which Cluver [n~] from the Jerufalem Itinerary 
 reckons to be nine Miles from Interamnia-, but 
 Holftenius, who was at the Pains to meafure it, 
 fays [0] it was but five Miles and } from the 
 Gate of the one City to the Gate of the other. 
 A little to the Weft of Narnia lay Ameria, which 
 Ferrarius [j>] fays, was not quite fix Miles from 
 it. And to the South of Narnia, more down 
 the River Nar toward Rome, there was Ocricu- 
 lum, which the Jerufalem Itinerary in Cluver [_q] 
 makes to be twelve Miles from Narnia ; but Fer- 
 rarius from the modern Account reckons but 
 eight, and four from Hortanum in Umbria, as has 
 been noted before in fpeaking of Hortanum. In 
 the middle of this Province upon the Conflu- 
 ence of the Rivers Tinia and Afius, between 
 Mevania and Perufia lay Vettonium, which Fer- 
 rarius [r] accounts fix Miles from Mevania, and 
 eight from Perufia in Tufcia. So that all the 
 Diocefes of this Province, except two or three, 
 were very fmall, and one with another not to 
 be reckon'd above eight or ten Miles in length, 
 fince there was fcarce fo much diftance from one 
 City to another. And upon this account, as 
 the Cities decayed, feveral of thefe Diocefes were 
 united together in After-ages. For Tadinum is 
 
 [a] Cluver. Ital.' lib. 2. p. 45-2. [£] Ferrar. lexic. Geogr. 
 voce Tufcia. [c] Holften. Annot. in Car. a S. Paulo, p. 9. 
 
 8c in Cluver. p. 98. [</] Ferrar. Lexic. voce Forum-Flami- 
 
 nii. [e] Ibid, voce Trebia, 8c Fulginum, 8c Hifpellum. 
 
 [/] Ferrar. voce Mevania. [g'j Ferrar voce Fulginum, 8c 
 
 Perufia. [h] Ibid, voce Nuceria. [1] Holften. An- 
 
 noj:, in Can S. Paulo, p. 9, [fc] Holften. Annot. in Ital. 
 
 S 
 
 Cluver. p. 86. [/] Ferrar. Lexic. voce Tifernum. 
 
 [/»] Holften. Annot. in Ital. Cluver. p. 98. [»] Cluver. Ital. 
 
 p. fi6. [0] Holften. Annot. in Cluver. p. 95-. funt a Nar- 
 
 nienfi porta ad portam Interamnii canns Romanse 3760. qua; func 
 
 f Mil. Pafs. j. [^J Ferrar. Lexic. voce Amelia. 
 
 [q] Cluver. Ital. p. f%6. [r] Ferrar. Lexic. voce Vettonium. 
 
 joyn'd 
 
C H A P. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 38r 
 
 joyn'd to Nuceria, as Holftenius [i] informs us. 
 Hifpellum and Forum- Flaminii are fwallow'd up in 
 Fulgino. So Mevania and Trebia and Mar tula 
 are funk and united to other Diocefes ; and in all 
 this Province, that I can learn, there is not one 
 new See erected. 
 
 SECT. III. Out of Umbria our next Step 
 of the vrovmce of toW ard the Eaft, is into thePro- 
 Valena - vince of Valeria, fo called, Hol- 
 
 ftenius thinks, from the Via Valeria, which ran 
 directly through it: It was bounded on the 
 North with the Apennite, on the Weft with the 
 River Nar, which divided it from Umbria, on 
 the South with the 'Tiber and the Anio, which 
 divided it from Latium, or that which is now 
 call'd Campagna di Roma. On the Eaft it bor- 
 der 1 d upon Samnium, from which it was divided 
 by a Line drawn from 1 the River Aternus to the 
 Head of Anio. It was anciently the Country of 
 the Sabines and Marfi, and Part of Old Latium^ 
 and is now called Sabina in that Part which runs 
 toward Rome, the reit being now Part of the 
 Dukedom of Spoleto and Abruffo. In this Pro- 
 vince Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons eleven Dio- 
 cefes. i Fiden<e, now called Caftel Jubileo. z 
 Nomentum, now Lament ana. $ Tibir, Tivoli. 4 
 Nurfia, Norza. f Mar fi, al. Marr avium, and 
 Valeria. 6 Pranefte, now Paleftrina. 7 Furco- 
 nium, Forconio. 8 Amiternum, now S. Vittorino. 
 9 Reate, Rietl. 10 Cures, Curefe. 11 Lijla. But 
 Holftenius [t] obferves, that the laft of thefe is 
 miftaken for Liffum, or Aleffio, as it is now cul- 
 led, in Pravalitana on the other fide of the A- 
 driatick Sea; and Pranefte belongs to Latium: In- 
 ftead of which he fubftitutes two others, Piti- 
 num and Forum novum, or Sabinum, now Vefco- 
 vio, once a chief City among the Sabines. Now 
 of thefe, Fidena was but five Miles from the 
 Gates of Rome, as has been noted before. Mo- 
 mentum was about eight from Piden<e, and twelve 
 from Rome, as Baudrand [#] fliews out of San- 
 fon and Brietius; though others place it beyond 
 Tibur ten Miles, and twenty fix from Rome. Tibur 
 it felf was but fix teen Miles [w] from Rome, and 
 twelve from Pranefte. But it was a pretty large 
 Diocefe for all that. For Holftenius [#] obferves 
 that Sublaqueum was a Dependent on it, till it be- 
 came a Monaftery exempt from all Epifcopal Ju- 
 rifdictionj and Ferrarius \_y~] fays, that Abbey 
 had fourteen Villages belonging to it. Praneftc 
 was thirteen Miles from Gabii, and fourteen from 
 Anagnia, and not fo much from N omentum. Cu- 
 res, now called St. Antbimo, was only ten Miles 
 from Reate, according to Ferrarius [z], and pro- 
 bably fomething nearer to Nomentum, becaufc 
 Carolus a Sanclo Paulo [a] obferves out of an 
 Epiftle of Gregory [b~] the Great i that it was uni- 
 
 ted in his time to Nomentum. Some confound 
 Cures with gabinum, or Forum novum - y but Hol- 
 ftenius [c\ fllews, that Sativum was a diftinct 
 City, and ftood in the place which is now called 
 Vefcovio, where the Ruins of the Cathedral 
 Church are Mill remaining: Which Baudrand 
 fays [;/], was but three Mfles from Reate, and 
 eleven from Interamnia; but the Site of this 
 Place may be pafs'd over as a little uncertain. 
 The Ruins of Amiternum are ftill to be feen, Clu- 
 ver fays [e], near where Aquila now ftands. Fer- 
 rarius [/] thinks, it was only five Miles from 
 it. Pitinum was but two Miles from Aquila, 
 and confequently, as Holftenius obferves [_g], mult 
 be near ylmiternum. Furconium was another See 
 in that Neighbourhood, but eight Miles from 
 Aquila, as Ferrarius [lo] acquaints us. So that" 
 thefe three Diocefes lay in a fmall compafs, and 
 are now fwallowed up in the new Diocefe of A- 
 quila, which arofe out of the Ruins of them all 
 united together. The largclt of thefe Diocefes 
 in this Tract, were Reate, Nurfia, and Marruvi- 
 um or Marji. For from Reate to Nurfia, Bau- 
 drand [if J calls it thirteen Miles, Ferrarius twen- 
 ty : To Aquila twenty five Miles, and as much 
 to Narnia. But Interamnia and Furconium were 
 fomething nearer to Reute. Marruvium or Mar- 
 ft on the Lake Fucinus was at a conliderable di- 
 ftance from Furconium and Sulmo, which Cities 
 lay the ncareft to it. But the exact diftance is 
 not fo certain, becaufe 'tis not agreed on which 
 fide the Lake Fucinus Marruvium was. 
 
 Out of Valeria and Umbria SECT. I v. 
 crofs the Apennine we come into o/Picenum 
 the Province of Picenum Suburbi- Suburbicarium-. 
 carium, fo called todiftinguifhitfrom .Picenum An* 
 nonarium, which belonged to the Italick Diocefe. 
 This lay betwixt the Apennine on the South, and 
 the Adriatick Sea on the North, and was divided, 
 from Picenum Annonarium by the River ALfts on 
 the Weft, and from Samnium by the River Ater- 
 nus, now called Pefcara, on the Eaftj and it is 
 now the Provinces of Marca di Anccna and Abruf- 
 fo Ultra. In this Province Carolus a Sanclo Paulo 
 reckons fourteen Diocefes. 1 Pinna, now Pen- 
 na. z Interamnia, now Teramo. 3 Afculum, Af- 
 coli. 4 Fir mum, Fermo. f Talent inum, Tolentino,, 
 6 Septempcda, now S. Sevefino. 7 Matelica. 8 
 Cingulum, Cingulo. 9 Auximum, Ofmo. 10 Po- 
 tentia. 11 Numana, now Humana, iz Ancona. 
 13 Hadria, Adri. 14 Aternum, now Pefcara: 
 To which Holftenius [_k~] adds five more, Truen- 
 tum, Aufinia, Faleronia, Urbs Salvia, now called 
 Urbifaglia, and Paufola, or Paufula, as Ferrarius 
 calls it, which now goes by the Name of Monte 
 del Olmo. The moft Eaftern City of this Pro- 
 vince was Aternum on the Mouth of the River 
 
 [j] Holften. ia Ital. Cluver. p. 86. [r] Holften. Annot. 
 
 in Carol, a S. Paulo, p. 16. [»] Baudr. voce Nomentum. 
 
 [rv] Ferrar. voce Tibur. [x] Holften. in Ital. Cluver. 
 
 p. 147. [_y] Ferrar. voce Sublaqueum. [z,] Ferrar. 
 
 voce Cures. [«] Carol, a S. Paulo Geogr. Sacra, p. 5-8. 
 
 [b] Greg. lib. z. Ep. z. [c] Holften. Annot. in Carol, a 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 S. Paulo, p. 9. [</] Baudr. voce Cures. [e] Cluver. 
 
 Ital. lib. z. p. 686. [/] Ferrar. voce Amiternum. 
 
 [g] Holften. Annot. in Carol, a S. Paulo, p. 16. Pitinum non 
 longe fuit ab Amiterno, duobus Mil. Pafs. ab Aquik). \_h] Fer- 
 rar. voce Furconium. [ijFerrai, & Baudrand. voce Nuriia, 
 gt Reate. [*] Holften. Annot. Geogr^in Car. a i Paulo. 
 
 C c c c Aternus 
 
382 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX 
 
 Aternus or Pefcara-, which (as Ferrarius [/] and 
 Baudrand compute) was but eight Miles from 
 Teate, and eleven from Ortona, two Cities in the 
 Province of Samnium, and not above eleven from 
 Adria, and twelve from Pinna. Pinna was the 
 fame diftance from Teate and Adria. Interamnia 
 is reckon'd by Ferrarius twenty Miles from Af- 
 culum-y but Baudrand fays only thirteen. In the 
 Weftern Parts of the Province, Matelka is com- 
 puted but nine Miles from Septempeda^ and Sep- 
 tempeda fix from Tolentinum, and ten from Came- 
 rinum, and twelve from Cingulum; Cingulum is 
 reckon'd but eight from JEfium in Picenum An- 
 nonarium, and twelve from Auximum\ Auximum 
 twelve from Mfium, and the fame from Ancona j 
 Ancona twelve from Numana; Numana twelve 
 from Potential the Remains of which laft, Hol- 
 ftenius fays [ni], are ftill to be feen, not far from 
 Portus Ricanaticus and Laureto. Urbs Sahid, ac- 
 cording to Ferrarius's Account, was but ten Miles 
 from Tolentinum, and by Baudrand's but fix. Fir- 
 mum, Truentum, and Afculum lay at a greater di- 
 ftance: For Ferrarius reckons them near twen- 
 ty Miles from each other: But then he fays, 
 that Paufula was in Comitatu Firmano, and there- 
 fore not far from Firmum; and if Faletonia and 
 Aufinia (whofe Situation is uncertain) lay in thofe 
 Parts alfo, they might bring the Diocefes of Af- 
 culum and Truentum to the lame Pitch with the 
 reft of the Province. So that few Diocefes in 
 this Province could be much above ten Miles in 
 Extent, and the largeft not above twenty, as ap- 
 pears from Ferrarius and other Geographers Com- 
 putation. 
 
 sect. v. From the Adriatick Sea we 
 of Latium and mu ft. a g a i n cro f s the Apennine to 
 Campania. ta j ce % yj ew f Latium and Cam- 
 
 pania, the antient Glory of Italy along the fuf- 
 can Sea Eaftward to the River Silarus from the 
 fiber and the Gates of Rome. This in the Civil 
 and Ecclefiaftical Account is reckoned but one 
 Province: But fince Latium is commonly di- 
 ftinguifhed from Campania, I will fpeak firft of 
 the Diocefes that were in that, as being the 
 neareft Neighbours to Rome. This Country was 
 antiently bounded with the Rivers fiber, Anio, 
 and Liris, which laft divided it from Campania 
 properly fo called. It now contains Campagna 
 di Roma, and part of Lavoro in the Realm of 
 Naples. It had antiently twenty three Diocefes, 
 as Carolus a Sandio Paulo and Holftenius have com- 
 puted, i Subaugufia. z Oftia. 5 Gabii. 4 Al- 
 banum. f Alba. 6 Antium. 7 Ires faberna. 8 
 Velitra. 9 Tufculum. 10 Lavici. 11 Pranefte. 
 12. Signia. 15 Anagnia. 14 Ferentinum. if A- 
 letrium. 16 Verula. 17 farracina. 18 Fundi. 
 ip Formia. 10 Aquinum. 21 Caffinum. zz A- 
 tina. 23 Sora. Of thefe, as has been obferved 
 
 before, Subaugufia lay clofe by Rome, Oftia fix- 
 teen Miles from Rome and two from Porto > Ga- 
 bii thirteen from Rome and as many from Pra- 
 nefte. Tufculum, which fome miftake for Tufcu- 
 lanum, where Cicero wrote his Tufculan Quefti- 
 ons, was a City now calPd Frefcati, and Ferrari- 
 us fays but twelve Miles from Rome. Sigma, 
 now called Segni, lay between Tufculum and A- 
 nagnia, fix Miles from each, nine from Pranefte, 
 and thirty from Rome, as Bmdrand informs [n] 
 us from Holftenius. The fane Author fiiys [0], 
 Ferentinum was but five Miles from Anagnia, and 
 four from Ale trium j and Ferrarius [/>] places Fe- 
 rula between Anagnia and Sora, nine or ten 
 Miles from each. Lavici is reckoned by Holfte- 
 nius [q] but fifteen Miles from Rome, and yec 
 the Diocefe of Subaugufia came between them • 
 For it was in the Via Lavicana, the direct way 
 that leads from Rome to Lavici. Albanum and 
 Alba are by fome Authors confounded together, 
 but Holftenius [r] reckons them diftincl: Cities, 
 and Ferrarius fays \f\ the one was fourteen, and 
 the other fixteen Miles from Rome. But per- 
 haps the one might only arife out of the Ruins 
 of the other, for they were not above two Miles 
 from each other. Velitra was but four Miles 
 from Alba, and twenty from Rome ; Antium on 
 the Tufcan Shore fourteen from Velitra and twen- 
 ty from Oftia, as the fame Ferrarius [t~] informs 
 us. Between Antium and Velitra lay Ires Ta- 
 berna, the Place whither the Criftians came to 
 meet St. Paul from Rome. Carolus a Sanclo Pau- 
 lo thinks it is the fame which is now called Ci- 
 fterna, but Holftenius fays [«], it was at fome di- 
 ftance from it in the Via Appia, fo near Velitra 
 that Gregory the Great united thefe two Diocefes to- 
 gether. Ferrarius fays [x] it was but five Miles 
 from Velitra, and twenty fix (or as Baudrand 
 computes twenty one) from Rome, five from A- 
 ricia, and twenty two from Appii Forum, the 
 other Place whither the Brethren came to meet 
 St. Paul. Indeed neither Aricia nor Appii Forum 
 are mention'd as Epifcopal Sees by any antient 
 Writer : But Ferrarius [y ] fecms to make them 
 both fo : For he fays, Aricia was a famous City 
 and a Roman Colony, which by the common 
 Rule of the Church had thereby a Title to an 
 Epifcopal See : Nor is it any Objection again ft 
 it that it was but fixteen Miles from Rome, and 
 four or five from Alba, "Tres faberna, and Veli- 
 tra - t for we have feen already that many Cities 
 in this Tradfc were at no greater diftance from 
 one another. Of Appii Forum he fpeaks more 
 pofitively, and fays it was antiently [z] an Epif- 
 copal See, though from what Authority he tells 
 us not : But there is fome Reafon to believe it, 
 becaufe it was a City at a good diftance from a- 
 ny other. For Tarricina on the Eaft was near 
 twelve Miles from it, and Tres Taberna Weft- 
 
 [/] Ferrar. Lexic. Gcogr. voce Aternum. [m~\ Holften. 
 ibid. [n] Lexic. Geogr. voce Signia. [»] Ibid, 
 voce Ferentinum. [/>] Ibid, voce Verula;. [q] Hol- 
 ftcn. Annot. in Ital. Cluver. p. 10+ . [r] Holften. ibid. 
 
 p. 185. [/) Ferrar. voce Alba longa. [t] Ferrar. 
 
 voce Velitra:, 8c Antium. [«] HoUten. Annot. In Carol, a 
 
 S. Paulo, p. 9. [#] Ferrar. voce Tres Taberna;. 
 
 [y J Ferrar. voce Aricia. [£] Ferrar. voce Forum Appii. 
 
 ward 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 383 
 
 ward above twenty, fo that either 7m Taberna 
 and Tarracina muft have Dioccfes of more than 
 ordinary Extent in thefe Parts, or elfe Apii Fo- 
 ram muft come between them. But I let this 
 pais, becaufe in Matters of doubtful nature, 
 where we are deftitute of anticnt Authorities, 
 nothing can certainly be determined. I go on 
 therefore with thofethat are more certain. From 
 Tarracina to Fundi the modern Accounts 
 reckon but ten Miles, though the JeruJ'alem Iti- 
 nerary [b~] calls it thirteen, and Ant (mine's Itine- 
 rary fixteen. From Fundi to Formic the fame 
 Itineraries reckon twelve and thirteen, which 
 Ferrarius from the modern Geographers efteems 
 but ten - y cautioning his Reader here [c] againft 
 a great Error in Strabo, who makes it four hun- 
 dred Stadia, that is fifty Miles from Tarracina 
 to Formice, when indeed it was not half the 
 diftance. If we look a little upward from the 
 Sea to the North-eaftern part of Latium, there 
 we find Aquinum and Cajjinum but five Miles 
 from one another, and Atina the fame diftance 
 from Caffinum, and Sora twelve Miles from Ati- 
 na, twelve from Ferentinum, fixteen from Caffi- 
 num, and fixty from Rome. So that in the Com- 
 pafs of feventy old Italian Miles, which are not 
 quite fixty of the modern, there were betwixt 
 twenty and thirty Bifhopricks, anfwerable to 
 the number of Cities in Latium in the raoft 
 flourifhing times of the Roman Empire. 
 
 From Latium we mult pafs into Campania, 
 where we firft meet with Minturnx, now called 
 Scaffa del Garigliano, not far from the Mouth 
 of the River Liris, which Ferrarius [d~] com- 
 putes nine Miles from Formic, and as many from 
 Sinuejfa. A little above thefe lay Teanum, now 
 called Tiano, eight Miles from Suejfa, twelve 
 from Capua; and Calenum was the fame diftance 
 from Capua, and but fix from Suejfa, and fix 
 from Sinuejfa, as Ferrarius [f] reckons. Carolus 
 a Sanclo Paulo takes Calenum for Cagli, and o- 
 thers for Cales y but Holftenius [/] fhews it to 
 be the fame with Carniola, which is now a Bi- 
 fhop's Seat, and as Baudrand computes, but four 
 Miles from Suejfa, and as many from the Tujcan 
 Shore. Next beyond thefe lay Vulturnum, now- 
 called C aft el di Bitorno, at the mouth of the 
 River Vulturnus, eight Miles from Sinuejfa, and 
 nine from Lmternum, and ten from Capua. Five 
 Miles beyond Linternum on the fame Shore was 
 Cum.e, and three Miles below that Mifenum, 
 from whence to Puteoli was but three Miles 
 likewife, and from Puteoli to Naples fix, accor- 
 ding to Ferrarius's Computation. About eigh- 
 teen Miles beyond Naples was Stabile, and fix 
 from that Surrentum on the fame fhore, beyond 
 which was Amalphia and Salernum, the lait of 
 which is reckon'd by Ferrarius but twenty four 
 Miles from Naples. On the North and Eall 
 of Naples lay Nola, which could not be above 
 twelve Miles from it: For Holfteniuf obferves 
 
 [g], that Oclavianum, the Village where Otta- 
 vius Auguftus dy'd under Mount Vefwvius, was 
 in the way between them, five Miles from Na- 
 ples, and feven from Nola. Between Nola and 
 Capua lay Acerrte, fix Miles from Nola, and 
 eight from Naples, and ten from Capua : For 
 from Nola to Capua was but twenty old Italian 
 Miles, as we learn from Paulinus Biihop of 
 la [/;], who could not be miftaken. Naples and 
 Capua were but fixteen Miles afunder, and yet 
 Atella, now called S. Arpino, or S. Elpiciio, lay 
 between them, which Ferrarius [z] fays, was 
 eight Miles from each. Calatia was but the 
 fame diftance to the North of Capua ; Venajrum 
 but ten Miles from Cajjinum \ Abellinum was the 
 largeft Dioccfe in all Caynpania, fixteen Miles 
 from Bcneientum, and as much from Nola, Saler- 
 num, and Frequentum in the Province of Samni- 
 um, to which Baudrand \_k~] fays, it was after- 
 ward united. If now we put all thefe Italian 
 Dioccfes hitherto enumerated together, they a- 
 mount to above one hundred and ten, whereof 
 twenty were in that little part of Tufcia, which 
 is now call'd St. Peter's Patrimony, twenty 
 in Umbria, eleven in Valeria, nineteen in Pi- 
 cenum Suburbicarium, and forty three in 
 Latium and Campania. And yet all this 
 Country put together, was not in the longelt 
 part of it above two hundred Miles on the Tuj- 
 can Shore: For from the River Marta, on 
 which lay Tarquina and Gravifca, to Rome is 
 reckon'd fifty modern Miles , from Rome, to Na- 
 ples a hundred twenty five 5 and from Naples 
 to Salernum, the utmoft Diocefe in Campania, 
 but twenty four, according to the Computations 
 of Ferrarius. On the Adriatick Shore it was 
 only the Length of Picenum Suburbicarum be- 
 tween the Rivers Atjis and Aternus, which is 
 not above a hundred and twenty Miles. The 
 Breadth of it in the wideft part of it, from 
 Ancona on the Adriatick Sea to OJlia on the 
 Tujcan Sea, was but a hundred and fixty four 
 Miles, and in the narrower Parts from the 
 Mouth of the River Aternus to the Mouth of 
 the Liris* not above a hundred and twenty 
 Miles. Which the Curious may divide among 
 a hundred and ten Diocefes, and then examine 
 whether they exceed the Proportions which I 
 have before affign'd them. 
 
 I will not ftand fo nicely to ex- SECT. VI. 
 amine the reft of the Italian Dio- °f Omnium, 
 cefes, but only recount the Number in each. 
 Province, and make a few Remarks upon the 
 largeft, as I have hitherto done upon the fmal- 
 leftj that the Reader may purfue this Enquiry 
 farther at his own Pleafure, and fee that the 
 Greatnefs or Smallnefs of a Diocefe antiently 
 bred no Divifion or Difturbance in the. Catho- 
 lick Church. The next Province then in order 
 to be fpoken of is Samnium, which lay on the 
 
 [a] Ferrar. voce Fundi. [*] Ap. Holften. Annot. in Ital. {ten. Annot. in Cluver. Ital. p. 2>8. [?] Holften. Anrnr. in O- 
 
 Cluver, p. 218. 0] Ferrar. voce Formix. [<l] Ferrar. vo- tel p. 133. [h] Paulm. ad Cythcr Cann. t 3. p. 49 a. ' m Fej- 
 
 ce Minturnae. [*] Ibid, voce Teanum, 2c Calenum. [/] Hoi- rar. voce Atella. [/.•] Baudrand, voce Abellinum. 
 
 Vol. I. Ccccz Coaft 
 
3H 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 Coalt of the Adriatick Sea, between Picenum 
 Suburbicarium on the Weft, from which it was 
 divided by the River Aternus or Peftcara, and 
 lia on the Eaft, from which it was feparated 
 by the River Frenta. In this Province Carolus 
 a Sanclo Paulo reckons but ten Diocefes. i Be- 
 neventum. i Sapinum. 3 Sulmo. 4 Bovianum, 
 now called Boiano. f Theatea, now Cbicti. 
 6 Ortona. 7 Frequentum, Fricenti. 8 Alipha. 
 9 Samnium. 10 Corfmium, or Valva: To which 
 IJoljicnius adds Iftontum and ALclanum, but 
 drand thinks ALclanum was the fame with 
 quentum. However it was, Holftenius [/] ob- 
 serves, that it had the Name of Decimum 
 Ghiintum, becaufe it was fifteen Miles from Be- 
 neventum. Corfinium and Sulmo were nearer to 
 one another, and were afterward united together. 
 Ortona, T'heatea, Sapinum, Bovianum and IJlonium, 
 were fome ten, fome twelve Miles from one ano- 
 ther. So that thefe Diocefes were neither fo 
 little as thofe about Rome, nor fo large as thofe 
 of the weftern Provinces in the Italick Diocefe. 
 
 SECT. vil. Next to Samnium lay Apu- 
 of Apulia and Ua, and beyond that Calabria in 
 Calabria, the utmoft Corner of Italy to 
 
 the Adriatick Sea. Thefe two Regions made 
 but one Province in the Civil and Ecclefiaftical 
 Account, and therefore I joyn them together. 
 In Apulia, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons twelve 
 Diocefes. 1 Ignatia, now call'd Ignazzo. z Ba- 
 rium, Barri. 3 Tranum, T'rani. 4 Cuperfanum, 
 Converfano. f Canufium, Canofa. 6 Sipontum, 
 Siponto. 7 Arpi, now Sarpi. 8 Melphia, Melfi. 
 9 Fenufia, Venofa. 10 Achcrontia, Acerenza. 
 11 Vigili(e, Bifegla. it Canna : To which the 
 Diligence of Holftenius has added five more. 
 13 Bivinum, Bovino. 14 Herdona, Ardona. 
 If Rubifium, Ruvo. 16 Salapia, Salpe. 17 AL- 
 ca?, or ALquana, fince call'd T'roja. In Calabria, 
 Carolus a Santlo Paulo found but feven Diocefes, 
 but Holftenius makes them ten. 1 Brundifium, 
 Brindifi. z Aletium, Lecci. 3 Hydruntum, O- 
 tranto. 4 Callipolis, Gallipoli. f iarentum, *ta- 
 ranto. 6 Uria, Oira. 7 Lypia, or Luftpia. 
 8 Neritum, Nardo. 9 Uxentum, Ugento. 10 A- 
 lexanum, before called Leuce, now Alejfano. 
 
 SECT. vlil. Next to thefe toward the 
 of Lucania and lower Sea, lay the Regions of 
 Brutia - Lucania and Brutia, which are 
 
 reckon'd together likewife as one Province. In 
 Lucania, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo could find but 
 five Bifhopricks, but Holftenius augments them 
 to eighr. 1 Potentia^ Potenza. z Buxentum, 
 which Carolus a Sanclo Paulo takes to be Pift- 
 ciota, but Holftenius and others Polycaftro. 3 Pa- 
 ftum, Pefto. 4 Acropolis, Agropoli. f Blanda, 
 which fome take for Belvedere, but Holftenius 
 calls it Porto di Sapri. 6 Grumentum, Agrimon- 
 te. 7 Velia. 8 Cocilianum, the Bifhop of which 
 
 is fometimes<ftyl'd alfo Marcilianenfts-, as Holfte- 
 nius [m~] obferves, from Marcianum, a Seat or 
 Suburbs belonging to the Diocefe of Cocilianum. 
 In Brutia, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons up fix- 
 teen Diocefes. 1 Rhegium, now Rezo. z Tau- 
 rianum, Seminar a. 3 V ibo-Falentia, now call'd 
 Bivona. Out of thefe two Diocefes, Holflenius 
 [»] obferves, that Roger Earl of Calabria rais'd 
 the new Diocefe of Mileto, An. 1087. 4 2ropaa. 
 5 Nicotera, Nicodro. 6 Temefa, now S. Marco. 
 7 Thurium, Terra Nova, al. Buffalora. 8 Ce- 
 rillus, Cerilla. 9 Confentia, Confenza. 10 Cro' 
 tona. 1 1 Scyllatium, Squillaci. \z Locri, Giera- 
 ci. 13 Muranum , Morano. 14 Port us Oreftis, 
 Porto Ravaglio/o. 1 f Carina, united to Rhegium 
 by Gregory the Great. 1 6 Bova. To thefe Hol- 
 ftenius adds two more, Paternum and Turns; the 
 fir It of which Sees, he fays [0], was tranflated 
 to Umbriatico, and the other united to Taurianum.. 
 So that the new Diocefe of Mileto, which was 
 made out of Taurianum and Vibo, muft beat leaft 
 three old Diocefes united into one. Whence 
 we may conclude, that though fome of the Di- 
 ocefes in this part of Italy are lefs than they 
 were antiently, yet others are larger by being 
 united : And the fame Obfervation may be made 
 upon Campania, where the Diocefes are now more 
 numerous than in any other part of Italy; though 
 fome of them are now fo fmall, as not to extend 
 beyond the Walls of their Cities, yet others are 
 larger than formerly for the Reafon mentioned, 
 becaufe they were made up of two or three old 
 Diocefes put together, as has been noted in its 
 proper place. 
 
 To thefe feven Provinces SECT, ix: 
 which lay in Italy, we mult add of the ijies of 
 the Iilands of Sicily, Sardinia, and sici1 /' Melica mi 
 Corfica, with the lefler Iilands L, P ara - 
 that lay about them, which make up 
 the ten Provinces of the Roman Diocefe, or Ci- 
 ty-Prefe6ture. In Sicily, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo 
 counts thirteen Diocefes. 1 Syracufa. z Tin- 
 darium, Tindaro. 3 Lcontini, Lentini. 4 Lily- 
 baum, now called Marfala. f Tauromenium, Ta- 
 ormina. 6 Mejfana. 7 Therms. 8 Cat ana. 
 9 Trocala. 10 Agrigentum, Grigenti. 11 Panor- 
 mus, Palermo. 1 z Ala fa, now Caronia. 1 3 Ca- 
 marina, Camarana. To which are added the 
 two Iilands of Lipara, and Melita or Malta, 
 which had each their Bifhop in the time of Gre- 
 gory the Great. The later Notitia's fpeak of fe- 
 ven more in Sicily, and Baudrand takes notice 
 of others, which he fays were old Epifcopal 
 Sees, as Charinum, Drepanum, Gela nova, Myle, 
 now called Melazzo, and Trojanopolis or Troyna; 
 but where he found thofe Names he does not 
 inform us. However, thefe mult be large Dio- 
 cefes; for this was the greateft Iiland in all the 
 Mediterranean Sea: Baudrand fays, Cluver was 
 at the Pains to meafure it, and his Account is 
 
 [/] Holften. Annot. in Carol. 3 S. Paulo, p. 1 8. [m] Hoi- Cluver. p. foo. 
 ften. Nor. in Ital. Cluver. p. 201. [»] Holften. Annot. in Ita!. & 306. 
 
 [0] Holften. Annot. in Cluver. Ital, p. 1574. 
 
 .] &>]> ^at 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 33S 
 
 ( p],that it is fix hundred Miles in compafs. Which 
 being divided between thirteen or eighteen Bi- 
 ihopricks, will eafily prove them to be large 
 Dioccfes, without Itanding to examine the di- 
 itances of particular Places. The I lie of Malta, 
 Fcrrarius \jf] fays, was twenty Miles long, and 
 eleven broad; but Baudrand makes it twen- 
 ty five one way, and fifteen another: By either 
 of which Accounts it was larger than fome four 
 or five Italian Diocefcs. Lipara, the chief of 
 the feven Vulcanian or JEolian Iflands, was not 
 fo large; for it was but eighteen Miles in com- 
 pafs: But here was a City and feveral Appen- 
 dant Villages, which with the lcflcr Iilands 
 were enough to make a confiderable Diocefe, 
 larger than many of thofe about Rome. 
 
 SE CT. X. Sardinia is fometimes reckoned 
 
 of Sardinia and to the African Diocefe, and fome- 
 Cqrfica. times to the Roman. In the No- 
 
 titia of the African Church publiftYd by Sirmon- 
 dus, there are faid to be five Diocefes, and Carolv.s 
 a Sanclo Paulo fpeaks but of fix. i Caralis. 
 2 Sulchi. 3 Tegula. 4 Turn's Libifonis, now 
 called Porto di 'Torre, f Forum Trajcmi. 6 Phau- 
 fania, now Terra nova. For Sanafer he makes 
 to be a little uncertain. Baudrand [r] fays they 
 were once augmented to eighteen, but now 
 they are again reduced to feven. However the 
 Country appears to be large enough for eigh- 
 teen .- For Ferrarius [f] reckons it two hundred 
 Miles long and an hundred and feventy broad j 
 Baudrand brings it into a little narrower Bounds, 
 making it only an hundred and feventy Miles in 
 length, and eighty in breadth, and four hundred 
 and fifty in Circumference: Which will make 
 five or fix large Diocefes, and eighteen much 
 greater than thofe which lay in the Neighbour- 
 hood of Rome. 
 
 In Corfica, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo finds four 
 antient Diocefes, Holftenius five. 1 Aleria. 
 z Uranium, al. Adiacium. 3 Nebium. 4 Tami- 
 ta. f Mariana. Now this Ifland by the low- 
 eft Computation of Baudrand was an hundred 
 and fix Miles in length, and fifty in breadth, 
 •which will allow forty Miles to every Diocefe. 
 So that thefe may be reckoned the largeft Dio- 
 cefes of all the ten Provinces, which belonged 
 to the Prefecture of Rome. 
 
 SECT. XI. We are now to return into 
 ■ of Picenum An- Italy again, and to take a fhort 
 nonadum, and View of the feven Provinces, 
 Flamima. which made up that which is 
 
 properly called the Italick Diocefe, in Contra- 
 distinction to that of Rome. The firft of thefe, 
 which lay neareft to Rome, was Picenum Anno- 
 narium, divided from Picenum Suburbicarium by 
 the River ALfis. Carolus a Sanclo Paulo by mi- 
 itake makes it a Province of the Roman Diocefe, 
 but in the old Notitia of the Empire it is joyn- 
 ed with Flaminia, and both together make but 
 one Province of the Italick Diocefe. In this Pi- 
 
 cenum there were antiently but nine Diocefes. 
 1 Mfis, now called Giefi. z Senogallia, Siniga- 
 glia. 3 Fanum Fortune, now Fano. 4 Pifaurum, 
 Pefaro. f Ariminum, Rimini. 6 Urbinum. 
 7 Tifernum Metaurenfe, fo called to diftinguifh, 
 it from the other Tifernum upon the Tiber, from 
 which it was fixteen Miles diftance. It is now 
 call'd St. Angela in Vado, and is only a part of 
 Another Diocefe called Urbanea from its Foun- 
 der Pope Urban VIII. 8 Forum Sempronij, Fof- 
 fembruno. o Gallium, Cagli. In Flaminia, which 
 lay weftward of Picenum between the Rubicon 
 and the Padus, or Po, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo 
 names eleven Diocefes. 1 Ravenna, z Sarfina. 
 3 Cafena. 4 Forum Popilij. f FicocU, now cal- 
 led Cervia. 6 Forum Livij, Forli. 7 Faventia^ 
 Faenza. 8 Forum Cornell], now Imola. p Vico- 
 habentia, Vicovenza. 10 Hadria, Adri. u Co- 
 macula, Comacchio. Of all which Diocefes, I 
 fhall ftand to make no other Obfervation but 
 this, That they were larger than thofe about 
 Rome, and lefs than many others in the weftern 
 Provinces, which lay at a greater diftance from 
 it. Ferraria was as yet no Diocefe of it felf, 
 but firft made one by Pope Vitalian in the lat- 
 ter end of the Vllth Century, as Ferrarius [/] 
 informs us. 
 
 The fecond of thefe feven sect xil 
 Provinces, was JEmylia, divided of Mmylh.' 
 on the Eaft from Flaminia by the 
 River Idex, on the North from Liguria by the 
 Po, on the Weft from Alpes Cottia by the Ri- 
 ver Trebia, and on the South from Tufcia by the 
 Apennine. Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons here 
 but fix Diocefes. 1 Bononia, Bologna, z Muti- 
 na, Modena. 3 Brixellum, Brejfeilo. 4 Regium 
 Lepidi, Reggio. f Parma. 6 Placentia, Piacen- 
 za. Thefe were all very large Diocefes. For 
 Bononia, the moft Eaftern in Situation, is reckoned 
 twenty Miles from Mutina, and as much from 
 Forum Cornelij in Flaminia, twenty eight from 
 Ferraria, which was in the next Diocefe North- 
 ward, and on the South it had no nearer Neigh- 
 bour than FefuU beyond the Apennine within 
 th ree Miles of Florence. Mutina was fifteen 
 Miles from Regium Lepidi, and Regium as much 
 from Parma, and Parma thirty five from Pla- 
 centia according to Ferrarius^ Computation. 
 Brixellum on the Po was but eight Miles from 
 Parma, but on other fides it might have a lar- 
 ger Diocefe. For Ferrarius fays, it was twenty 
 four Miles from Regium Lepidi, and thirty from 
 Cremona. So that thefe fix Diocefes were lar- 
 ger than twenty of thofe about Rome. 
 
 Out of JEmylia we pafs o- SECT 
 ver the River Trebia into one 0/ Alpes c ^ 
 or the Alpine Provinces, called tia\ 
 Alpes Cottiee, which was divided 
 alfo from Liguria by the Po, from which it 
 extended to the Tufcan Sea, including part of 
 Piedmont and Montferrat, and the whole Repub- 
 
 lic] Baudrand. Lexic. Geogr. voce Sicilia. \jf\ Ferrar. voce voce Sardinia, 
 r Melica, [r] Baudrand voce Sardinia. [*] Ferrar. 
 
 [f] Ferrar, voce Ferraria. 
 
The Ant i qjj it ies of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 lick of Genua, and part of the Dutchy of Milan 
 on this fide the Po. In this Province Carolus a 
 Santlo Paulo finds ten Diocefes. i Augufta Tau- 
 rbiorum, Turin, z Afta, Afti. 3 Dertona, Tor- 
 tona. 4 Alba Pompeia, Alba, f Aqua Statiella, 
 Acqui. 6 Albingaunum, Albenga. 7 Vigintimilium^ 
 Vint 'uniglia. 8 Bobium, Bobio. 9 Genua, lo Sa- 
 vona. To which Holjlcnius \jf\ adds Nicaa, Niz- 
 za. Thefe were large Dioceles, for Bobium had 
 no nearer Neighbour than Placentia, which Fer- 
 raritis reckons [_x] twenty five Miles from it, 
 and Genua and Dertona thirty five. Savona was 
 twenty fix Miles from Genua, according to the 
 moll: accurate Computation of Holfienius [_y~]i 
 Ferrarius [z~] fays, it lay in the middle way be- 
 tween Genua and Albingaunum, at thirty Miles 
 di (lance. Aqua Statiella was alfo twenty two 
 Miles from Savona, as Baudrand computes 5 but 
 not fo far from Afta and Alba Pompeia : For Alba 
 was but eight Miles to the North of Aqua, and 
 Afta twelve more beyond that} but Eaft and 
 Weft thefe Diocefes might extend very wide} 
 for 'Turin the neareft Neighbour Weft ward was 
 twenty Miles from Afta and twenty eight from 
 Alba, and Dertona as much to the Eaft, accord- 
 ing to Ferrarius's Computation. Vigmtimilium 
 was twenty Miles from Nicaa, and Albingaunum 
 forty from Vigintimilium, and Savona between 
 twenty and thirty from Albingaunum. The whole 
 Province was a hundred and fifty Miles in 
 length, and half as much in breadth, which 
 made thofe eleven Diocefes equal to fifty of thofe 
 about Rome and Naples. 
 
 sect. XIV. Out of this Province pafliBg 
 o/Liguria. over the Po, we come into Ligu- 
 ria, the Province whereof Milan 
 \vas the Metropolis} though the Reader muft 
 note, that the laft-mentioned Province in the 
 Roman Hiftorians is more commonly called Li- 
 guria, and this Infubria; but we now fpeak of 
 them as they ftood divided under the Chriftian 
 Emperors. This was a large Province, inclu- 
 ding all that lay between the Fountain of the 
 Addua and the Po, and the Alps and the Athefis, 
 which divided it from Venetia. Yet here were 
 but ten Diocefes to be difcovered by Carolus a 
 Santlo Paulo, and the inquifitive Diligence of 
 Holfienius after him. 1 Mediolanum, Milan, z 
 Eporedia, J urea. 3 Vercella, Vercelli. 4 Novaria. 
 f Ticinum, Pavia. 6 Laus Pompeia, Lodi. 7 Cre- 
 mona. 8 Brixia, Brefcia. p Bergomum, Bergamo. 
 10 Comum, Como. Of thefe Milan was reckoned 
 the largeft City in Italy next after Rome. Ferra- 
 rius fays, it is now computed to have three hun- 
 dred thoufand People in it} but that is much 
 fhort of its antient Greatnels : For Procopius [a] 
 fays, in Juftinian's time when it was taken by 
 the Goths, there were three hundred thoufand 
 Men put to the Sword. When St. Ambrofe was 
 Biftiop there, it had feveral Chriftian Churches, 
 
 fome of which are narrj'd by him in his Epiftles, 
 as the Bafilica Portiana [b~] without the Walls, 
 and the Bafilica Major or Nova within the City, 
 the Bafilica Faufta [c~\, and Bafilica Ambrofana: 
 And when it was all become Chriftian, we muft: 
 fuppofe a great many Churches more under one 
 Biihop} for it never had two, except in the 
 times of the Arian Perfecution. Without the 
 Walls it might alfo have a large Diocefe: For 
 no other City among thofe forementioned was 
 within lefs than twenty Miles of itj and there 
 were fome thirty, and fome forty Miles remov'd 
 from one another, only Novaria and Vercella 
 were but ten Miles afunder, being nearer Neigh- 
 bours than any other in this Province. Cremona 
 was eighteen Miles from Placentia, thirty from 
 Brixia, forty from Ticinum, and if Ferrarius com- 
 pute right, no lefs from Mantua - y and yet the 
 Territories of Cremona and Mantua join'd toge- 
 ther, as we may guefs from that Complaint of 
 Virgil, Mantua v<e mifera nimium vicina Cremona^ 
 That Mantua was a little too near to Cremona be- 
 caufe when Auguftus fent his Colony of Veterans 
 to fettle at Cremona, and the Territory of Cre- 
 mona proved too little for them, he ordered 
 fifteen Miles to be taken from the Territory of 
 Mantua, to make up the Deficiency of the for- 
 mer. Whence it is eafy to infer, that the Dio- 
 cefes of this Province were exceeding large, 
 fince the Cities were fo far removed from one a- 
 nother. 
 
 In the two next Provinces, sect. xv. 
 Rhcetiaprimaandfecunda, theDio- °f R hce t'a prima 
 cefes were yet larger: For in the andkemdi. 
 former, which lay next to Liguria in the middle 
 of the Alpes, and is now the Country of the Gri- 
 fons, Carolus a Santlo Paulo could find but one 
 Diocefe, which was Curia, now called Coire : 
 And in the other but three. 1 Augufta Vindeli- 
 corum, Ausburg. 1 Sguintana, or Colonia Augufta 
 Quintanorum, now Kyntzen in Bavaria on the 
 Danube. 3 Ratifpona, or Regium, and Caftra Re- 
 gina, now Regenfpurg, or Ratisbone: To which 
 Holfienius adds, Augufta Pretoria, now called 
 Aofta, which is reckoned to Piedmont; and Bri- 
 xino, now Brixen in the County of Tirol: For, 
 as I obferved before, all that Part of Germany 
 which reaches from the Alpes to the Danube, was 
 antiently called Rhoetia, and reckoned among the 
 Provinces of Italy, and the Diocefes therein were 
 fo large, that thefe five or fix were equal for 
 Extent of Ground, though not for Number of 
 People, to thirty or forty of thofe near Rome. 
 
 The laft of thefe feven Italick sect. XVI. 
 Provinces, was Venetia and Hi- 0/ Venetia WHi- 
 ftria, which were always join'd ftna " 
 together as one Province. Venetia was divided 
 from Rhoetia and Liguria by the River Athejis, 
 from Mmylia and Flaminia by the Po, and from 
 
 [«] Holften. Annot. in Cluver. Ital. p. 4. [*] Ferrar. voce \_b ] Ambrof. Ep. 33. ad Marcel. Sororem. [r ] Id. Ep. 8y. 
 
 Bobium. [y~\ Holften. ibid. p. 9. [z,] Ferrar. voce ad Soror.' 
 
 Savona, [«] Procop. Gotthic. lib. z. c. 21. pj 439. 
 
 Noricum 
 
 8 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 387 
 
 Noricum Mcditerrancum by a Line drawn from 
 the Fountain of the River Athefis to the Rife of 
 the Savus, where Iflriawzs joined to it, lying be- 
 tween the Sinus Tergejlinus on the Weft, and 
 Sinus Flanaticus on the Eaft, which is the utmolt 
 Bounds of the North-Eaft Part of Italy. In Hi- 
 flria, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons but five 
 Diocefes. I Forum Julii, now Friuli. 1 Terge- 
 flum, triefie. 5 Parentium, Parenzo. 4 Pola. f 
 Mmonia, which he takes to be the fame that is 
 now called Citta nova, but Holftenius fays it is 
 Lubiana or Labach on the Save. In V metia he 
 recounts eighteen Diocefes. 1 Aquileia. z Pata- 
 vium, Padua. 3 Torcellum. 4 Altinum, Altino. 
 f Acclum, A fob. 6 Tarvifium, Trevifo. 7 Mari- 
 anum. 8 Verona. 9 Gradus, Grado. 10 Nova. 11 
 Caprulla, Cahorla. 12. Ceneta, Ceneda. 15 Tri- 
 dentum, Trent. 14 Feltria, Feltri. if Bellunum, 
 Belluno. 16 Sabiona, Siben. 17 Opitergium, O- 
 dcrzo. 18 Celina, Celine. Some of thefc were 
 very large Diocefes: Trent was above thirty Miles 
 from Verona', and Sabiona and Forum Julii and 
 Mmonia and Tergefium Parentium and Pola were 
 no lefs from one another. The reft: were ten or 
 
 twenty Miles removed from any other neigh- 
 bouring City ; only Altinum and Torcellum, Fer- 
 rarius [d~] fays, were but five Miles a-part, but 
 he queftions whether they were both Biftiop's 
 Sees at the fame time, and thinks rather thatTbr- 
 cellum came only in the room of Altinum, when 
 that was deftroyed by Attila toward the middle 
 of the fifth Century. However, the greateft: 
 Part of thefe Diocefes were one way or other of 
 large Extent, as moft of the Northern Diocefes 
 in Italy were, in comparifon of thofe which lay 
 round about Rome. And now, I think, the Ob- 
 fervation made in the beginning of this Chapter 
 has been fully verified, that in Italy there were 
 antiently fome of the fmalleft, and fome of the 
 largeft Diocefes in the World j and yet the fame 
 Species of Epifcopacy preferved in them all: 
 The Bifhop of Eugubium, as St. Jerom words it, 
 being ejufdem Merit i, and ejufdem Sacerdotii, of the 
 fame Merit, and equal as to his Priefthood with 
 the Bifhop of Rome. A larger or fmaller Diocefe 
 made no Divifion in the Unity of the Catholick 
 Church. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Diocefes in France, Spain, and the British Ifles. 
 
 J Have now gone through all 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 of the anutnt p a rts of the Chriftian World, 
 •Bounds and Divifi- exce p t France, Spain and Britain^ 
 
 omofG^mtofe- fa d three ^ £ Dio _ 
 
 cefes, and twenty nine or thirty 
 Provinces of the Roman Empire: But I {hall not 
 need to be fonice and particular in enquiring into 
 the Bounds and Extent of Epifcopal Diocefes in 
 thefe Countries, becaufe their Number being but 
 fmall in Proportion to the Largenefs of the 
 Countries, it will eafily appear to any Man, that 
 the Diocefes were large, as they continue to be 
 at this Day, though fome Alterations have been 
 made in their Bounds fince the original Settle- 
 ment of them. France, as it now ftands, is but 
 a Part of old Gallia, which included alfo fome of 
 the Belgick, Helvetick, and German Provinces. It 
 was at firft divided by Auguftus into four Parts, 
 Narbonenfis, Aquitanica, Lugdunenfis, and Belgica. 
 Afterwards about the time of Adrian, or Anto- 
 ninus, as de Marca thinks, thefe four were made 
 fourteenj Narbonenfis was divided into four j Nar- 
 bonenfis, Viennenfis, Alpes Maritime, and Alpes 
 Grai<e, or Pennine : Aquitanica was made three, 
 two Aquitains, and Novempopulania 5 Lugdunenfis 
 likewife three, Lugdunenfis prima and fecunda,znd 
 Maxima Sequanorum. And Belgica was turned 
 into four, Belgica prima and fecunda, and Germania 
 prima and fecunda. Laft of all, about the time 
 
 of the Emperor Gratian, three more Provinces 
 were made out of thefe. For Lugdunenfis tertia, 
 otherwife call'd Turonia, was taken out of Lug- 
 dunenfis fecunda j and Lugdunenfis quarta, or Senonia^ 
 out of Lugdunenfis prima > and the new Province of 
 Narbonienfis fecunda, out of the Province of Vien- 
 na. And about this time or a little after Vien- 
 nenfis fecunda, otherwife called Arelatenfis, was 
 made a Province alfo. Some think alfo, that 
 Gallia had once the Name of Septem Provincia, 
 The Seven Provinces, becaufe it was divided in- 
 to fo many : But de Marca proves this to be 
 a vulgar Error - y for it never was divided into 
 Seven Provinces, but fometimes we meet with 
 the Diftin&ion of Gallia and the Five Provinces, 
 and Gallia and the Seven Provinces, and in the 
 Notitia of the Empire, the Word Seven Provinces 
 is once put for Seventeen, which occafioned the 
 Miftake. Now the Five Provinces were either 
 nothing but fo many Parts of the old Gallia Nar- 
 bonenfis, viz. Narbonenfis prima and fecunda, Vien- 
 nenfis, Alpes Maritime and Alpes Grata', as Ber- 
 terius and de Marca and Quefnellus account them > 
 or elfe the four firft: of thofe mentioned with 
 the Province of Novempopulana ox Aquitania prima. 
 inftead of Alpes Graia-, which Mr. Pagi \_b~\ 
 fhews to be the more probable Opinion. So that 
 when the Council of Valence, An. 374, inferibe 
 their Synodical Epiftle, Epifcopis per Gallias 
 
 [i] Ferrar. voce Murium. [«] Marca de Primatu Lugdun. n. 66, &c. [6] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 374. n. 18, 
 
 Qji'mque 
 
388 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 Quinque Provincias, thefe five Provinces are to 
 be underftood. As alfo in Philaftrius [c], where 
 he fpeaks of the Prifcillianifis^ the Remains of the 
 Manichees, fculking in Spain and the Five Pro- 
 vinces. The like Diftinclion occurs in the Let- 
 ter of the Emperor Maximus to Pope Siricius, 
 and fome of Symmacbus , s Epiftles, which de Marc a 
 mentions. Afterward we meet with the Diftin- 
 ction of Gallia and the Seven Provinces, which 
 occurs in the Letters of Pope Zofimus and Boni- 
 face, and is thought to owe its Name to the Em- 
 peror Honorius^ who order'd feven Provinces to 
 meet in the Convention of AHes, viz. Narbonen- 
 Jis prima and fecunda, Viennenfis, Alpes Maritime, 
 Aquitania prima and fecunda, and Novempopula- 
 nia. Thefe are fometimes diftinguifh'd from 
 Gallia by the Name of Septeni Provincia^ which 
 occafioned the Miftake of thofe who take Gallia 
 in the largeft Extent and the feven Provinces to 
 be the fame ; whereas it appears, that there were 
 not only feven, but feventeen or eighteen Pro- 
 vinces in it. The Names of the Bimopricks in 
 each Province, becaufe they occur not in any 
 modern Notitia, I will here fubjoyn out of Caro- 
 lus a Sanclo Paulo, who has collected them out 
 of the A£ts of the antient Councils. 
 
 SECT. II. The firft of thefe Provinces 
 
 of the Diocefes W as that of the Maritime Alpes 
 intheFrovmceof next to /^/y, w hichhad feven 
 
 Alpes Maritime. 
 
 Diocefes. I Ebrodunum, Ambrun, 
 
 made the Metropolis of this Province in the Fifth 
 Century, for before it was not fo, when it was 
 laid to the Charge of Armentarius Bifhop of this 
 See, that he was ordain'd without the Confent 
 of the Metropolitan \_d~], which had been a fri- 
 volous Accufation, had he himfelf then been Me- 
 tropolitan of the Province, z Dinia, Digne. 3 
 Nicaa, Nice. 4 Cemelene, Cimies, which was af- 
 terwards united to Nice: For in the fifth Coun- 
 cil of Orleans, Magnus fubferibes himfelf Bifhop 
 of both Churches. Some fay, it was only fix, 
 others thirty Miles from Nice, f Sanicium, Se- 
 nez. 6 Glandata, Glandeve, which Baudrand fays 
 is now tranflated to Intervalliuni, Entrevaux. 7 
 Ventio, Fence. 
 
 Pennine. 
 
 sect. ill. In the fecond Province, called 
 Alpes Graiae, or Alpes Graia or Penning, were but 
 three Biflaopricks. 1 Tarantafia, 
 the Metropolis, which See is now tranflated to 
 Monajlerium, or Moutiers en Tarantaife. z Oclo- 
 durum, Martenach. 3 Sedunum, Syon en Valez, 
 the Bifhop of which Place is now Prince of the 
 City, as Baudrand informs us. 
 
 st.ct.iv. The next Province Weft- 
 Viennenfis pn- wa rd was Vicnnenfis, divided in- 
 ma »nd fecunda. tQ and f ecmda% \ n t h e firft 
 
 were fix Diocefes. 1 Vienna, the Metropolis. 
 
 1 Geneva. 3 Gratianopolis, Grenoble. 4 Civitas 
 Albenfium, al. Vivaria fc? Alba Augufia, Viviers. 
 f Mauriana, St. 'Jean de Maurienne. 6 Valen- 
 
 tia, Valence. In the fecond, called alfo Provin- 
 cia Arelatenf.s, were ten Diocefes. 1 Arclate , 
 Aries, the Metropolis, z Ma.JJilia, Marfeilles. $ 
 Avenio, Avignon. 4 Cabellio, Cavaillun. y Car- 
 pent or acid, Carpentras. 6 To Ionium, al. Telonium, 
 Toulon. 7 Araufio, Orange. 8 Vafio, Vaifun. p 
 Dia, or Dea Vocontiorum, Die. 10 Tricajlini, or 
 Augufia Tricaftinorum, now called St. Paul de 
 trois Chafteaux, which Baudrand reckons three 
 Leagues from Avignon, and four from Vaifon. 
 
 O u t of the Province of Vi- s EC r. v. 
 enna Eaftward was alfo taken a- Narbonenfis prima 
 nother Province call'd Narbonen- and fecunda . 
 fis prima, or Aquenfis, from the Metropolis of k 
 Aqua Sextia, Aix; befide which there were fix 
 other Diocefes in the Province, z Apta Julia 
 Apt. $ Reij, Riez. 4 Forum julii, Frejuz c 
 Vapmcum, Gap. 6 Segefiero, Cifteron. 7 Anti- 
 pohs, Antibe, fince tranflated to Grafe in Pro- 
 vence. On the Weft of Vicnnenfis fecunda, lay 
 the Province of Narbonenfis prima, which had 
 ten Diocefes. I Narbo. z Tolofa. ; Batira, b\ - 
 ziers. 4 Nemaufum, Nifmes. f Luteva, Lodeue 
 6 Ucetia, Uzes. 7 Carcafo, Carcaffone. 8 Aga- 
 tha, Agde. 9 Helena, Elna. 10 ' Magalona, °an 
 Illand of the Mediterranean, which See is fince 
 tranflated to Mons Pejfulanus, or Montpcllier. 
 
 Westward of Narbonenfis SE Ct. vr. 
 prima, lay the Province of No- °f Novempo- 
 vempopulania along the Pyrenaan puIania - 
 Mountains to the Aquitanick Ocean, wherein 
 were eleven Diocefes. 1 Elufa, Eaufe, the Me- 
 tropol.s, whence the Province was ftyl'd Elufana. 
 The See is fince tranflated and joyn'd to Augufia 
 Aufciorum, which was a fecond See, now call'd 
 Aux. 3 Lacloratium, Letloure. 4 Convena Co- 
 minges. 5 Conforanni, Conferans. 6 Vafatx, Ba- 
 fas. 7 Tarba, Tarbes. 8 Aturum, al. Vico-Jv- 
 lia, Aire. 9 Lafcara, Lefcar. 10 Olero, Ole- 
 ron. 11 Aqua, Acs. 
 
 Northward of thefe Pro- sect. vii. 
 vinces from the Garumna to the 0/ Aquirania 
 Ligeris, lay the two Provinces of prima and fecu n- 
 Aquitania prima and fecunda, the di ' 
 latter of which bordering upon the Ocean, had 
 fix very large Diocefes. r Burdigala, Bourdcaux, 
 the Metropolis. 2 Aginmm, Agen. 5 Envotif- 
 ma, Angoulefme. 4 Santones, al. Mediolanum San- 
 tonum, Saintes. f Piclavi, Poitiers, where St 
 Hilary was Bifhop. 6 Petrocorium, Perigueux. 
 In the other Province which lay Eaftward* from 
 this, were nine as large Diocefes. 1 Bituriga, 
 the Metropolis, now called Bourges. z Arverni, 
 Clermont. 3 Rutena, Rhodes. 4 Arifita. y Ca- 
 clurcum, Cahors. 6 Lemovica, Limoges. 7 Gaba- 
 lum, al. Mimate, now Mande. 8 Vellava, al. 
 Anicium, now le Puy en Vellay. 9 Albiga, or 
 Alba Helviorum, Alby, whence the Albigenfes, 
 who flourifh'd in thefe parts, had their Deno- 
 mination. 
 
 [i[ Philaftr, Harr. <5z. Mawh?e, Qui 5c in Hifpania 8c Quinque Provinciis latere dicunrur. 
 
 [<l] Condi. Reiens. c. 2. 
 
 North 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 389 
 
 sect. vill. North and Eaft of Aqui- 
 0/ Lugduneniis tain, lay Gallia Lugdunenfis, di- 
 prima, fecunda, v ided into five Provinces, where- 
 
 tcrna, quarta, Sc f ^ firft had fiye Diocc f es . x 
 
 Maxima Scqua- . T , . . . 
 
 norum. Lugdunum, Lyon, the Metropo- 
 
 lis. 2 Matifco, Mafcon. 3 C#- 
 billonum, Chalons on the iSVww. 4 Lingones, Lan- 
 gres. f Auguftodunum, Autun. The i'econd, cal- 
 led Lugdunenfis fecunda, had eight Dioccfes. 1 Ro~ 
 thomagum, Rouen in Normandy. 2 Ebroica, Eu- 
 reux. 3 Lexovium, Lifieux. 4 Baieca, Raieux. 
 f Confiantia, Coutance. 6 Abrinca, Auranchcs. 7 
 Sagium, Siez. 8 Oximum, Hiefmes, fince united 
 to Sagium, from whence it is four Leagues di- 
 stance. Lugdunen/ls tertia, otherwifc called Tu- 
 ronenfis, had feven Diocefes. 1 Turones, Tours. 
 2 Andegavum, Anglers. 3 Cenomanum, Le Alans. 
 4 Redones, Renes. 5 Namnetes, Nantes. 6 Ve- 
 netian Vennes. 7 Aletium, Alet, fince tranflated 
 to Maclovium, An. 1140. Five others are added 
 by fome French Writers, viz. Briocum, Dola, 
 Trecora, Offifma, Corifopitum : But Carolus a San- 
 £lo Paulo makes fome queftion about their Anti- 
 quity, becaufe in the time of Carolus Calvus Bri- 
 tany had but four Bifliopricks in the whole. Lug- 
 dunenfis quartawzs that Part of France where Pa- 
 ris {lands, the Metropolis whereof was Senones, 
 Sens. Next to that, 2 Canutum, Chartres. 3 An- 
 tiffiodorum, Auxerre. 4 Treca, Troyes in Cham- 
 fain, f Amelia, Orleans. 6 Parifii, Paris. 7 
 Melda, Meaux. 8 Nivernum, Nevers. Lugdu- 
 nenfis quinta was otherwife called Maxima Se- 
 quanorum; not from Maximus the Tyrant, as Ca- 
 rolus a Sanclo Paulo and many others think $ for 
 it was call'd fo long before, in the time of Di- 
 ocletian, as de Marca- [e~] mews from an antient 
 Infcription in Gruter. The antient Metropolis 
 of it was Vcfontio, or Bifuntio, Befanfon. z A- 
 venticum, Avenche, which See was fince tranf- 
 lated to Laufanna. 3 Augufia Rauracorum, Augfl, 
 tranflated to Bafil. 4 Vindonijffa, Winich, fince 
 tranflated to Conftance. f Bollica, Belley, which 
 de Marca fays, arofe out of the Ruins of a more 
 antient one, which was Noiodunum, Nion, for- 
 merly call'd Colonia Equejlris. 
 
 SECT. ix. The moft Northern Provin- 
 ce Belgica pri- ces f Gallia were Belgica prima 
 ma and fecunda. an( j p, cuni i a ^ anc j Germania prima 
 and fecunda, which was all the Country lying 
 North of the River Matrona from near Paris and 
 Meaux to the Rhine. Belgica prima had but four 
 Diocefes. 1 Augufia Trevirorum, Treves, or Tri- 
 ers, the Metropolis. 2 Mediomatricum, Metz. 3 
 Tullum, Toul. 4 Verodunum, Verdun in Lorrain. 
 In the other Belgica there were ten Diocefes. 1 
 Remi, Reims. 2 Augufia Sueffionum, Soijfons. 3 
 Catalaunum, Chalons in Champain. 4 Laudunum, 
 Leon, f Augufia Veromanduorum,Vermand. Which 
 being deftroy'd by the tluns, the See was tranf- 
 lated to Neomagus, or Noviodunum, now called 
 Noyon. 6 Cameracum, Cambray. 7 Tornacum, 
 
 Tournay. 8 Sylvanetlum, Senlis. p Bellovacum, 
 Beauvais. 10 Ambianum, Amiens. Some add 
 two more, Teruana, Therouenne, and Bononia, Bou- 
 lougne But Carolus a Sanclo Paulo thinks thefe 
 were not very antient 5 for he finds no mention 
 of the former before the time of Pope Zachary, 
 an. 7fo. And the latter was made out of the 
 former a great many Centuries after in the time 
 of Charles V. an. i$fo, when the See oiTaruana 
 was divided into three, and tranflated to Bononia 
 for that part of the Diocefc which is in France, 
 and to Audomaropolis, or St. Omers, for that part 
 which is in Artois, and to Ipres for the third 
 part in Flanders. 
 
 GERM AN ICA prima had SECT. x. 
 
 but four Diocefes. I Moguntia- °f Germanics 
 cum, Maycnce, or Ments. 2 Ar- pnma & fecun da. 
 gentoratum, Strasburgh. 3 Spira Nemetum, Spire. 
 4 TVorm.uia, Vangionum, fVorms. And Germani- 
 ca fecunda had but two. 1 Colonia Agrippina, Co- 
 len. 2 Tungri, or Aduatuca Tungrorum, Tongres 
 in Brabant: Which See was firft tranflated to 
 Trajeclum ad Mofam, Mafiricht, and from thence 
 to Leodium, or Liege, where it now continues, 
 having the Temporal Jurifdi&ion joyn'd to the 
 Spiritual, and twenty four Towns or Cities fub- 
 ject to its Command. Now I fuppofe any one 
 that knows any thing of the ftate of thefe Coun- 
 tries, will eafily conclude, that the greateft part 
 of thefe Diocefes were large, as they are at this 
 Day. The whole Number being but One hun- 
 dred twenty two, when the Bounds of France 
 extended much farther than they do at prefent, 
 including fome parts of Helvetia, Germany and 
 Belgium, which are now reckon'd diftincl: Coun- 
 tries of themfelves. 
 
 Out of France, pafling over SECT. xr. 
 the Pyrenaan Mountains , we T ^ e ftiqtt Dhi- 
 come into Spain, which with f m °f the s P aai <h 
 the Province of Tingitana in A- Trovmces - 
 frick, and the Iflands call'd Baleares, made up 
 another great civil Diocefe of the Roman Em- 
 pire under the Prafetlus-Pratorio Galliarum. 
 The whole Country of Spain then was divided 
 only into five Provinces, Tarraconenfis, Carthagi- 
 nenfis, Bcetica, Lufitania and GaiUfia, and in 
 thefe Provinces there were never above feventy 
 four or feventy fix Epifcopal Diocefes, when 
 they were moft numerous, and they are almoft 
 as many at this Day. 
 
 In the large Province of Tar- sect, xil 
 raconenfis, which lay next to of Tarra conenlis. 
 France, there were only fixteen 
 Diocefes. 1 Tarracona, now Tarragona, the Me- 
 tropolis. 2 Dertofa, Tortofa. 3 Ca> far augufia, 
 Saragoffa. 4 Tyraffona, al. Turiajfo, now Tara- 
 zona. f Calagurris, Calahorra. 6 Auca, Oca. 
 7 Ofca, Huefca. 8 Pampelona. p Her da, Leri- 
 da. 10 Barcino, Barcelona. 11 Egara, Tar- 
 
 [<?] Marca de Primat. Lugdun. n. 64. 
 
 Vol. I. D d d d , rafa, 
 
390 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 raffa, a Place near Barcelona, about four or fix 
 Leagues from it, and now united to it. iz, 
 Aufona, al. Aufa, Vich de Aufona. i 3 Gerunda, 
 Girone. 14 Emporia, Empurias. if Orgellum, 
 Urgel. 16 Vclia, now Veleia. 
 
 SECT. XIII. Next to this, on the Coaft 
 0/ Canhaginenfis. of the Mediterranean, lay the 
 Province called Carthaginenfis from 
 the chief City Carthago, Carthagena, which was 
 the antient Metropolis of the Province, though 
 Toledo afterward gain'd the Privilege of being a 
 new Metropolis, and at laft fucceeded to the 
 Dignity of the whole Province. Befide thefe 
 two, Carolus a Sanclo Paulo reckons twenty 
 two more Diocefes in this Province. 1 Com- 
 plutum, now Alcala de Henares. z Oxoma, Of- 
 fna. 3 Pallentia. 4 Voleria, now Valera la Vi- 
 eja. f Saguntum, al. Segontia, Siguenza. 6 Se- 
 cobia, Segovia. 7 Arcabrica, Areas. 8 Oretum, 
 Oreto. 9 Valentia, Valencia. 10 Dianium, De- 
 nia. 1 1 Setabis, Xativa. 1 z Bafti, Baza. 1 3 
 Mentefa, Mentexa. 14 Solaria, if Acci, now 
 Guadix. 16 Segobriga, Segorbe. 17 Caftulo, Gaz- 
 lona. 18 Bigaftrum. 19 Midas, which fome 
 make the fame as Alicante, others Origuela, or 
 Elche. zo Ergavica, a Place of more doubtful 
 Situation, fome taking it for Alcaniz near 'Toledo, 
 others for Penna efcritta, or Santaver. z 1 Elio- 
 crota, now Lorca. zz Urci, al. Virgi, now One. 
 
 SECT. xiv. The next Province of Boe- 
 0/ Boetica. tica had but eleven Diocefes. 1 
 Hifpalis, Sevil. 2 Italica, now 
 Sevilla la Vieja. 3 Ilipa, Niebla. 4 Aftygis, now 
 Ecija. f Corduba, Cordoua. 6 Egabrum, Cabra. 
 7 EHberis, Elvira. 8 Malaca, Malaga. 9 Afin- 
 da, al. Ajjidonia, now Medina Sidonia. 10 Tucci, 
 now Martos. 1 1 Abdara, Adra. 
 
 SECT. XV. I N tne Province of Lufitania 
 of Lufitania. there were but nine Diocefes. 1 
 Emerita, Merida, the Metropo- 
 lis, z Abula, Avila. 3 Salmantica, Salamanca. 
 4 Ebora, Evora. f Cauria, Coria. 6 Pax Ju- 
 lia, now Beja, which fome by miftake confound 
 with Pax Augufta, now called Badajos, which is 
 but a modern Bifhoprick. 7 OJfonaba, EJloy. 8 
 Olyfippo, Lisbone. 9 Egita, Eidania. 
 
 sect. XVI. GALLECIA was a large 
 of Gallccia. Province, and yet never had a- 
 
 bove thirteen or fourteen Dio- 
 cefes. In the Council of Lucus Augufti, or Lu- 
 go, under King Theodimir, An. f6"p, a Complaint 
 was made that the Diocefes here were fo large, 
 that the Bimops could fcarce vifit them in a 
 Year. Upon which an Order was made, that 
 feveral new Bifliopricks, and one new Metropo- 
 lis mould be erected : Which was accordingly 
 done by the Biftiops then in Council, who made 
 
 Lugo to be the new Metropolis, and raifed feve- 
 ral other Epifcopal Sees out of the old ones, as 
 is declared [*] in the Acts of that Council. 
 Bracara, now called Braga, was the old Metro- 
 polis, which after the Divifion had no more 
 than feven Diocefes fubject to it. r Dumium. z 
 Portus Calcnfis, now called El Puerto. 2 Co- 
 nimbrica, Coymbra. 4 Vifeum, Fifeo. f Lame- 
 cum, Lamego. 6 Valentia ad Minium, Falen- 
 zia al. Memo. 7 Legio, Leon. The other Me- 
 tropolis, Lucus Augufti, had but five Suffragans. 
 1 Iria Flavia, El Padron. z A aria, Orenfe. 3 
 Tude, Tuy. 4 Afturica, Aftorga. f Brittonia, Bre- 
 tagna. Of thefe, Legio and Afturica are thought 
 by many learned Men to have been but one 
 Diocefe in the time of Cyprian, becaufe he joins 
 them together in the fame Epiftle writing 
 to the Church in both Places : But I think the 
 Argument is hardly cogent, becaufe he joins E- 
 merita with them in the fame Infcription. There 
 is another Place, which fome fay had no Dio- 
 cefe but a Monaftery, that is Dumium near Bra- 
 ga. But this is a great Miftake. For though 
 there be an Inflance or two in ancient Hiftory . 
 [/] of Bifhops being ordained in Monafteries 
 without any Diocefe at all j yet we no where 
 read that their Monaftery was their Diocefe: 
 And in the prefent Cafe it was far otherwife. For 
 as a learned Man [g] has fhewed, Dumium had 
 another Diocefe befide the Monaftery : In the 
 Acts of the Council of Lugo it is faid to have Fami- 
 lia Regia, the King's Court belonging to it. For 
 Martin Bracarenfis, commonly called the Apo- 
 ftle of Gallecia, having converted Theodimir King 
 of the Suevi from the Art 'an Herefv, was created 
 Bifhop in the Monaftery of Dumium (which he 
 had built) not for the Service of the Monaftery, 
 but the King's Court, till he was tranflated to 
 Braccara or Braga the Metropolis of the Pro- 
 vince. And farther in the Difti ibution of Diocefes 
 made by King Wamba, the Bounds of this Dio- 
 cefe are marked, from Duma to Albia, and from 
 Rianteca to Adafa: Which though they be fuch 
 obfeure Places, as Geographers take no Notice 
 of, yet 'they argue the Diocefe to be larger than 
 the Monaftery j or at leaft this Monaftery, like 
 that of Sublaqueum in the Diocefe of Tibur in I- 
 taly, had feveral Villages under its Jurifdich'on. 
 And fo it might have a fufficient Diocefe, tho' 
 not fo large as the reft of the Province of Galle- 
 cia, which were fo vaftly great as to need the 
 Wifdom and Confideration of a Council to con- 
 tract them. 
 
 To thefe SpaniJJj Provinces we sect. xvir. 
 muft join the Spanijh Iflands, of the ijiands Mi- 
 Majorica, Minorica and Ebufus, ^ rica ' Millorica ' 
 which Carolus a Sanclo Paulo by 
 miftake places with Sardinia as Appendants of 
 the Roman Diocefe. Majorica the largeft of the 
 Baleares was an hundred and ten Miles in Circuit, 
 
 [*] Concil. Lucenf. Cone. Tom, f. p. 874. [f] Cypr. Ep. 68. al. 67. Plebibus confiftentibus ad Legionem & Afturiae. 
 
 [/] See Book IV. Chap. vi. n. 3, [g] Maurice, Defence of Diocef. Epifctp. p. 149. 
 
 -et 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 391 
 
 yet it never had above one Epifcopal Diocefe, 
 whofc chief Seat was Palma, now called Mal- 
 lorca, which is the Name that the Inhabitants 
 at prefent give to the whole I Hand, by others 
 call'd Majorca. Minorica, Minorque, is fixty 
 Miles in compafs, and anciently enjoyed a Bifhop 
 of its own, whofe See was Jamna, now called 
 Citadella, the capital City of the Ifland. Ebu- 
 fus, now call'd Tvica, was lefs than thefe, yet 
 large enough to make a diftinct Diocefe, being 
 forty two Miles in compafs, having a City of 
 the fame Name, with feveral Villages under 
 its Jurisdiction. So that in all the SpaniJIj Pro- 
 vinces the Diocefes were generally very large, 
 and not one among them whofe Bounds did 
 not far exceed the Limits of a tingle Congrega- 
 tion. 
 
 SECT. XVIII. And that this was the true 
 The state of the State of the Spanijh Church in 
 Spaniih [Church e- antient Times, appears from 
 
 vtdenced from fame f Qme Q f j, er mo fl. ear Jy Councils. 
 
 %^ciu° an " ent The Council of which 
 was held An. 30f, in the begin- 
 ning of the Diocletian Perfecution, has a Canon 
 which plainly fuppofes the Diocefes to have 
 Country Parifhes, when it fays [//], If any Dea- 
 con who has the Care of a People, fhall bap- 
 tize any one without a Bifhop or Presbyter, the 
 Bifhop fhall confummate him by his Benediction. 
 The fame is more plainly intimated by a Canon 
 of the firit Council of Toledo, An. 400, which 
 directs the Presbyters of every Church [f] 
 throughout each Diocefe to fend to the Bifhop 
 before Rafter for Chrifm, to be ufed in Baptifm 
 at Eafter, and other folemn times when Bap- 
 tifm was to be adminiftred. This fuppofes the 
 Spanijh Diocefes to have Country Parifhes, where 
 Presbyters and Deacons relided without the Bifhop, 
 and it fcrves to confirm the Account that has 
 been given of the original State and Divifion of 
 thofe Churches. 
 
 sect XIX Out of Spain, we come at 
 of Ireland and laft to the Britiftj Ifles, part of 
 Scotland. which only was under the Ro- 
 
 man Government, and called the 
 Britannick Diocefe > for Ireland and the greateft 
 part of Scotland never came under that Deno- 
 mination : Yet in our Paflage it will not be a- 
 mifs to fay fomething of them, as well as Eng- 
 land, if it were for no other Reafon but to fet 
 afide and cenfure fome fabulous Reports that 
 are made of them. When Ireland was firft con- 
 verted, or by whom, is not very material here 
 to be enquired, fince before the time of St. Patrick, 
 An. 433, there is little mention of Bifhops or 
 Diocefes in this Kingdom ; and after him the 
 Accounts of them are fo uncertain and dark, 
 that Carolus a Sanclo Paulo does not pretend to 
 
 give any other Catalogue of them, but what 
 he has from Cambden and the Provincial Roma- 
 nam, both of which are modern Accounts : For 
 they make mention of the Diocefe of Watcrfordy 
 which as Dr. Cave and other learned Men have 
 obferved out of Eadmerus, \k~\ was not erected 
 till the Year 1097, when King Mar chert acus and 
 the Clergy of his Kingdom petitioned Anfelm 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury, who was then Pri- 
 mate of that part of Ireland, to let Water ford 
 be made a Biihop's See; to which Petition he 
 confented, and ordained one Malphus, whom 
 they had elected, fixit Bifhop of the Place. 
 Nay both thefe Catalogues alfo take notice of 
 four Archbifhopricks in Ireland, which Num- 
 ber of Metropolitans was firll introduced by Pope 
 Eugenius, An. iifi, as Baronius has obferved 
 out of Roger Hoveden, and the lame thing is 
 noted by Matthevj Paris, Simeon Dunelmenfis* 
 Gervafius Chronicon, and others of our Englijb 
 Writers. Yet becaufe we have no Catalogues 
 of IriJJj Diocefes older or more authentick than 
 thefe, it will not be amifs to infert them in this 
 place. That in Cambden has the four Archbifho- 
 pricks and their Suffragans in this Order, 
 
 Archiepifcopo Armachano fubfunt 
 
 1 Midenfis vel Elnamirand. z Dunenjis, al. 
 Dundalcthglas. 3 Colchorenfis, al. Lugundunenjis. 
 4 Connercnfis. f Ardachadenfis. 6 Rathbotenjis. 
 7 Rathlucenfis. 8 Daln-liguirenfis, p Dearri- 
 henfis. 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo Dublinenfl. 
 
 1 Glendelaccnfis. z Fernenjis. 3 OJferienfis, al. 
 De Canic. 4 Lechlinenfts. f Kildarenfis. 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo CafTilienfi. 
 
 1 Laonienfis de 
 3 De Infula Gat hay. 
 
 Kendalnam. z Limricenfis. 
 4 De Cellumabrath. 5 Me- 
 licenjis, al. de Emeleth. 6 Roffienfi^ al. Rofcreen- 
 fis. 7 Waterfordienfis, al. de Batilfordian. 8 Lif- 
 morenfis. 9 Clonenfts, al. de Cluanania. 10 Cor- 
 cagienfis. 1 1 De Rofalither. 1 z Ardefertenjis* 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo Tuamenfl. 
 
 De Mageo. 
 % De Rofco- 
 
 1 Duatenfts, al. Killmacduoc. 
 3 Enachdunenfis. 4 De Cellaiaro 
 mon. 6 Clonfertenfis. 7 Achadenfis. 8 Laden- 
 Jis, al. Killaleth. p De Conany. 10 De Kill- 
 munduach. 1 1 Elphinenfis. 
 
 The other Catalogue in the Provinciale Ro- 
 manum, publifh'd by Carolus a Sanclo Paulo in 
 the Appendix to his Geography, advances the 
 
 [h] Concil. Eliber. c. 77. Si quis Diaconus regens Plebem fi- copum ante diem Pafchx Diaconideftinentur, qui confectum Chrif- 
 
 ne Epifcopo vel Presbytero aiiquos baptifaverit, Epifcopus eos per ma ab Epifcopo deftimtum, ad diem Pafchae poflinc ad tempus 
 
 Benedidtionem perficere debebit. [i] Cone. Tolet. i. c. zo. deferre. [!•] Eadmer. Hift. lib, 2. p. 56. Vid. Cave Hift. 
 
 Placuit, ex hac die nullum alium nifi Epifcopum Chrifma confi- Literar. Vol. 2. p. 373. 
 cere, & per Diceccfim tkftinare, ita ut de fingulis Ecclefiis ad Epif- 
 
 Vol. I, D d d d z Number 
 
392 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IX 
 
 Number of Suffragans to fifty three in the fol- 
 lowing Order. 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo Armachano. 
 
 I Connerinenfis. z Deconnannas. $ Dedamliali- 
 agg. 4 Dedundaleglas. 5 Deardarchad. 6 De- 
 darrich. 7 Ingundunum. 8 Dcralhboth. o Du- 
 nenfis, al. Drumorenfis. 10 Elualnirand, al. Mi- 
 den/is. 11 Derathlurig. iz Renenfis, al. Reue- 
 lenfis, al. Crocorenfs. 13 Cluanenfis, al. Cluaner- 
 denjis. 14 Rochinofenfis,?\. Rathbotenfis. 15 ^r- 
 tagadonenfis, al. Ardocadenfis, 16 Concrenfts. 
 17 Heugamenfis. 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo Dublinenfi. 
 
 1 Glendclacenfis . z Caldetenfis, al. Kifcarenfis. 
 5 Glenfis, al. Gluifonenfis. 4 OJJinenfis. f Da- 
 renfis. 6 Gaininch. 7 Licelinenfis. 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo Caflellenfi. 
 
 1 Decendaluenfis, al. Laonenfis. z Deroflreen- 
 fis, al. Wldifordianus. 2 Dcartefertenfs. ' 4 
 
 5 Lifmorenfis. 6 Firmaberenfis, al. .Fy^z- 
 barrenfis. 7 Infula. 8 Deduanamenfis, al. 
 Cluanenfis. 9 Laudenfis. 1 o Carthax. 1 1 
 bricenfis. iz Decellininabrach . 1$ Deconeagia, 
 vel Corcagenfis. 14 Artfertelenfts. 15 Denulech, 
 al. Umblicenfis. 16 Derofailitchir. 17 Water- 
 fordenfis. 
 
 Sub Archiepifcopo Tuamenfl. 
 
 1 Demageonenfis. z Achadenfis. 2 Nelfinenjis. 
 4 Decellaid. f Deconairi. 6 Eacdunenfis. 
 7 Rofcomon. 8 Dccelmundaiach . 9 Cluartifer- 
 tenfis. 10 Deculuanferd. 11 Duacenfis. iz B laden/is. 
 
 This feems to have been the greateft Num- 
 ber of Bifhops that ever Ireland had fince it 
 was a Chriftian Nation. For as to the pre- 
 tence of fome modern Writers, that there were 
 at one time no lets than three hundred fixty 
 five Bifhops ordain'd by St. Patrick, it is fo- 
 lidly refuted by Dr. Maurice, who fhews [/] 
 plainly, that the Story is not to be underftood 
 of lb many Bifhops at once, but of that Num- 
 ber in the Reign of four Kings fucceffively, 
 and in the compafs of one hundred Years: 
 Which any one that carefully reads Bifhop UJh- 
 er J s Antiquities [m], whence the ground of the 
 Story is fetched, will eafily difccrn. And it is 
 no hard matter to conceive then, how there 
 might be three hundred and fifty, or as Nennius 
 tells the Story, three hundred and fixty five 
 Bifhops in the compafs of a whole Century, 
 though there were not above fifty or threefcore at a- 
 ny one Time living together. Another Error 
 committed by Carolus a Santto Paulo in reference 
 to the Bifhops of this Nation, which makes the 
 
 whole Number of them fubjecl: to a fingle Ab- 
 bot, has been already re&ify'd in fpeaking of the 
 Afcetich, where I have fhew'd [»] he miftakes 
 Hibcrnia for the little Ifle of Huy in the North 
 of Scotland, where a Monastery was founded by 
 Columbanus, the Abbots of which by an unufual 
 Cuftom, as Bede calls it, had fome fort of Su- 
 periority over the Province of the Northern Pitts, 
 and the Provincial Bifhops too j but this has no 
 relation to Ireland, nor any other part of Scot- 
 land than what has been now mention'd. 
 
 As to the original State of Diocefes in Scot- 
 land, Carolus a Santto Paulo, for want of Light 
 from antient Hiftory, could give no account of 
 them, and therefore he only fets down the mo- 
 dern Names. Under the Archbifhop of St. An- 
 drews eight Diocefes: 1 Dunkeld. z Brechin. 
 2 Aberdeen. 4 Rojfe. f Moravia, or Muray. 
 6 Caithnefs. 7 Dumblain. 8 The Iflands call'd 
 Orchades. Under the Archbifhop of Glafcoiv 
 three; Candida Cafa, or Whitern, Lifmore, and 
 the Iflands, that is, the Hebrides, or Weftern 
 Iflands, whereof Jona was one of the Chief. 
 The principal Town of this Ifland, call'd Sodora, 
 was made a Bifhop's See by Gregory IV. An. 
 840, whence the Bifhop of all thofe forty four 
 Iflands, together with the Ifle of Man, which 
 then was but a part of that Diocefe, had the 
 Name of Epifcopus Sodorenfis. But when the 
 Ifle of Man fell into the Hands of the Englijh, 
 the Weftern Iflands withdrew their Obedience 
 from their antient Bifhop, who commonly liv'd 
 in this Ifland, and fet up another Bifhop of their 
 own, who for a long time retain'd the Title 
 of Sodorenfis, but at laft he relinquifh'd that Ti- 
 tle to the Bifhop of the Ifle of Man, and took 
 the Name of Infulanus, Bijhop of the Ifles, which 
 he ftill retains. The Provinciale Romanum makes 
 no mention either of this Diocefe of thefe Iflands, 
 or that other of the Orchades ; but fpeaks of 
 one call'd Dearegarchel, belonging to the Pope, 
 and makes Glafcoiv only a Suffragan to St. An- 
 drews. By which it appears that it is not many Ages 
 fince Glafgow was made an Archbifhoprick, the Bi- 
 fhop of St. Andrews being then the only Metropoli- 
 tan among them. But about antient Diocefes we 
 muft not be very follicitous : For whatever fabulous 
 Writers affirm, it is certain from Bede, that no part 
 of this Nation poffefs'd by the Pitts, was con- 
 verted till the fifth Century, when firft in the 
 Time of Arcadius and Honorius, the Southern 
 Pitts were converted by Ninias a Briton, who 
 built a Church at Candida Cafa, which was the 
 firft Cathedral in that part of Scotland, and which 
 gave Denomination of Whitern to the Place, 
 as Bede obferves [<?], becaufe the Church was 
 built of Stone, which was not a very ufual thing 
 among the Britons in thofe Days. The North- 
 ern Pitts were not converted till above an hun- 
 dred and fifty Years after this. For their A- 
 poftle was Columbanus the famous Monk, who 
 came out of Ireland in the Time of Juftin Ju- 
 nior, An. f6y, to preach the Gofpel to them, 
 
 [/] Maurice, Defence of Diocef. Epifcsp. p. iff. [»»] Uftier. Se3. 14. [0] Bede, lib. 3. c. 4. 
 
 Amiquit. Eccl. Brit. p. 490. [»] See Book Vil. Chap. 3. 
 
 8 as 
 
Cha p. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 393 
 
 as Bede informs us in the fame place. So that 
 it would be in vain to fcarch after Epifcopal 
 Diocefes, before we have any Certainty that 
 Chriftianity was planted among them. In the 
 following Ages we have no particular Account 
 of any other Diocefe, fave this of Candida Cafa, 
 in ^ede, or any other authentick Writer. For 
 though they fpeak of Bifhops both among the 
 Southern and the Northern Pitts, yet they take 
 no notice of the Names of their Sees. Whence 
 fome have concluded, that the Scottifj Bifhops 
 had no proper Sees, but were ordained at large 
 for the whole Country : And others, that there 
 was but one Bifhop for all the Region. The 
 firft of which Opinions is incredible, becaufe 
 it is againft the known Rule of the Catholick 
 Church, which forbad any Bifliop to be ordain- 
 ed at large; And the other is exprefly refuted 
 by Bede [/>], who fpeaks of feveral Bifhops in 
 the Province of the northern Pitts; and by the 
 Writer of the Life of Ninias in Bifliop UJher's 
 Antiquities, who fays [q], That Ninias having 
 converted the Southern Pitts, ordain'd them 
 Presbyters, and confecrated them Bifliops, and 
 divided the whole Region into certain Parochia, 
 or Diocefes, and fo return'd to its own Church 
 again, meaning Candida Cafa before-mentioned. 
 Whence it is evident, there were Bifhops both 
 among the Northern and Southern Pitts, though 
 the Names of their Diocefes be not mention'd. 
 As for the Diocefe of Candida Cafa, Bifliop Ufj- 
 er truly obferves, that it was not properly in 
 any part of the Pitts Dominions, but in that 
 Part or Province of the Romijh Britain, which 
 was call'd Valentia, and afterwards Bernicia by 
 Bede, when it was under the Dominion of the 
 Saxons. Bifhop Ufoer [f] thinks it was alio 
 fometimes call'd the Kingdom of Cambria or 
 Cumberland-, and that the Diocefe of Cafa Can- 
 dida was fometimes of equal extent with that 
 Kingdom, reaching from Glajcow on the River 
 Clota or Cluyd to Stanmors Crofs in the Borders 
 of Weftmerland : and that in the time of Kenti- 
 gern the See was remov'd to Glafcow. But when 
 the Irijh-Scots had feiz'd this Country, and given 
 it the Name of Galloway, this, and the neigh- 
 bouring Regions were all fubje&ed to the Bi- 
 fliop of Sodora, whofe Refidence was in the Ifle 
 of Man, till Malcolm the third, King of Scots, 
 made Candida Cafa a Bifhop's See again, and 
 affign'd it the Country of Galloway for its Dio- 
 cefe, which continues to be fo to this Day. I 
 cannot give any fuch particular Account of any 
 other Diocefe in the Kingdom of Scotland, for 
 want of certain Records ; but this is certain, 
 That from the firft Converflon of it, firft by 
 Ninias, and then by Columbanus, they had feve- 
 ral Bifhops among the Pitts; part of whofe 
 Country being made tributary, as well as Valen- 
 tia, to the Saxon Kings of Northumberland, 
 their Bifliops confequently became fubjecl to 
 
 the Metropolitan of York, from whofe Hands 
 they fometimes had their Ordination. 
 
 There remains only one Coun- sect. xx. 
 try more to be examin'd, which of the B.-itifh 
 is our own Part of the Britifj chur ch in England 
 Nation : A Country that embra- md Wa!es ' 
 ced the Chriftian Faith as early as any of the 
 Wcftern Parts of the World, and therefore may 
 be prefum'd to have receiv'd the fame Form 'of Go- 
 vernment that we have found mail other Churches. 
 It has been noted before, that the Bntannick 
 Diocele was divided by the Romans at firll into 
 three Provinces, and then into five: But by the 
 Injury of Time, we have no compleat Account 
 of what Bifhopricks were ere6ted in every Pro- 
 vince. They who fpeak of a precife Number 
 or Flamens and Arch-Flamens turn'd into fo ma- 
 ny Archbimops and Bifliops, feem rather to de- 
 liver their own Fancies, than relate true Hifto- 
 ry. That which is certain in the cafe, is this: 
 There were here in the Beginning of the Fourth 
 Century iuch Epiftfbpal Churches as were in all 
 other Nations: For the Bifliops of thefe 
 Churches were fummon'd to Councils as others 
 were There were Britifj Bifliops in the Coun- 
 cil of Aries, Eborius [a] de Civitate Eboracenfi, 
 Rejlitutus de Civitate Londinenfi, Adelphus de Ci- 
 vitate Colonia Londinenfium. The lalt of which 
 Holftenius [b\ following Cambden and Selden in 
 his Notes upon Eutychius, thinks, ought rather 
 to be read Colonia Camalodunenftum; which fome 
 take to be Colcbefter, others Maldon, others WaU 
 den in Efjex. But a late learned Antiquary [r] 
 in his pofthumous Obfervations upon Antonine\ 
 Itinerary of Britain has happily difcover'd that 
 the true Reading fliould in ..all probability be 
 Colonia Lindi, which is the old Roman Name 
 for Lincoln, as he fliews not only out of Antonim 
 and Ptolemy who call it Lindum, but out of the 
 anonymous Geographer of Ravenna, who more 
 exprefly ftyles it Lindum Colonia; which with 
 a little Variation is the Name that is given it 
 alfo by Bede [i], who calls it Lindocolina, and 
 the Region thereabout Provincia Lindifi, whence 
 I prelume comes the Name of Lindfey Coaft, 
 which is the Name of one part of that Province 
 to this day. But to return to the ancient Bi- 
 fliops of this Nation: Some Authors fay, there 
 were Britijb Bifliops in the Council of Nice; 
 but that does not fo evidently appear from an- 
 tient Hiftory. It is more certain there were 
 three Bifliops from Britain in the Council of 
 Ariminum, as Sulpicius Sever us [e] informs us. 
 And Athanafius alfo [/] takes notice of Britifj 
 Bifliops in the Council of Sardica, An. 547. 
 And Hilary mfcribes his Book de Synodis to the 
 Bifliops [_g] of the Britifj Provinces, amomr 
 many others. Yet none of thefe Authors tell us 
 precifely the Number of the whole College, 
 and therefore we can only conje&ure from the 
 
 [p] Bede, lib. 3. c. 4. [q] Vit. Ninise ap. Uffer. Antiq. 
 
 p. 3 jo. Ordinavit Presbyteros, Epifcopos confecravit, & totam 
 terram per certas Parochias divilit: Confirmatifque in fide omnibus, 
 ad Eccleliam fuam eft regreffus. [r] Utter. Antiq. p. 349. 
 
 [a] Concil. Arelat. J. An. 314. [£] Holften. Annot. in Carol, 
 
 a S. Paulo, p. 108. [f] Dr. Gale Not. 
 
 Britan. p. 96. [d] Bede, lib. 2. c. \ 6, 
 P- 109- [/] Athan. Apo!. 2. p. 720. 
 
 nodis. Provinciarum Britanniarum Epiftopis. 
 
 in Antonin. Iter, 
 [p] 'Sulpic. lib. 2. 
 [g'\ Hilar, de Sy- 
 
 Remiins 
 
394 The Antiquities of the Book IX. 
 
 Remains of th ofe Britift] Bifhops which continu'd 
 in Wales after the Saxon Conquefts, and were 
 there at the coming of Auftin into England. 
 Bede [/:>] takes notice of feven of thofe, which 
 came to the Synod of Worcefler, or Auftin's 
 Oak, to confer with Auftin about the Settle- 
 ment of the Church. And over thefe was alfo 
 a Metropolitan, to whom they profefs'd Subje- 
 ction in the Council, which was the Archbifhop 
 of Menevia, or St. David's, or as they term 
 him, the Archbifhop of Caerleon upon Uske, 
 becaufe that was the antient Metropolitical See, 
 before it was tranllated to St. David's. The 
 Names of the other Suffragans, as fome of the 
 BritiJJj Hiftorians [/] record them in Latin, were 
 then Herefordenfis, Tavenfis, Paternenfis, Bancho- 
 renfu, Elvienjis, Viccienfis, Morgarenfis, that is, 
 Hereford, Landaff, Lan-Patern, Bangor, St. Afaph, 
 Worcefler, and Morgan. Now if the Number 
 of Bifhops in other Provinces were anfwerable 
 to this, we may conclude, there were more Bi- 
 fhops before the Invafion o{ the Saxons than there 
 are at this Day. But when 3 Auftin came into 
 England, he found none except theforemention'd. 
 However Gregory the Great gave him Orders to 
 fettle twenty fix Bifhops, twelve Bifhops Suffra- 
 gans to the Bifhop of London, and as many fub- 
 ject to the Metropolitan of York, and referve to 
 himfelf the Primacy [k~] over the whole Nation. 
 Yet this was rather a Scheme laid for future A- 
 ges, when the whole Nation fhould be conver- 
 ted, than any prefent Settlement or Conflituti- 
 on of the Church. For above fifty Years after 
 this, there were not above feven Bifhops in all 
 the Heptarchy, or feven Saxon Kingdoms, as ap- 
 pears from the Account which Bede gives of the 
 Council of Herudford, An. 67}, where were pre- 
 fent Theodore Archbifhop of Dorovernia or Can- 
 terbury [/], Bifi Bifliop of the Eaft- Angles, Wil- 
 frid Bifhop of the Northumbrians, Putta Bifhop 
 of Rochefter, Leutherius Bifhop of the Weft Sax- 
 ons, and Winfrid Bifhop of the whole Province 
 of the Mercians. In which Council [m~] a Ca- 
 non was made, That the Number of Bifhops 
 fhould be augmented, as the Number of Con- 
 verts fhould increafe. But nothing was done 
 for the prefent, fave that Bifi or Bifus Bifhop 
 of the Eaft- Angles being grown old, two others, 
 Ecca and Badwin, were confecrated in his room : 
 And from that Time to the Age in which Bede 
 liv'd, that Province had two Bifhops, as our 
 Author notes in the fame place. Thefe were the 
 Bifhops of Elmham and Dunwich, which were 
 afterward united, and the See remov'd to Thet- 
 ford, and from thence to Norwich, whofe Bi- 
 fhops fucceed to the whole Kingdom of the 
 Eaft-Angles. So that in that Age a Kingdom 
 and a Diocefe were almofl commenfurate. In the 
 Kingdom of Northumberland there were at firfl 
 but two Bifhops, whofe Sees were York and Lin- 
 disfarne. But not long after, An. 678, Egfrid 
 
 King of Northumberland havjng expell'd Wilfrid 
 Bifhop of lork from his See, four or five Bi- 
 fhops were ordain'd in his Room : One in the 
 Province of Deira ; another in the Province of 
 Bemicia; a third at Hagulftade or Hexam in Nor- 
 thumberland; a fourth in the Province of the 
 Pitts, which was then fubjecl: to the Engtifh ; 
 and a fifth in the Province of Lindiffi, Bede 
 [»] calls it, which was lately taken out of the 
 Diocefe and Kingdom of Mercia, and not long 
 after laid to it again. The great Kingdom of 
 Mercia (comprehending the Counties of Glocefter, 
 Hereford, Worcefler, Warwick^ Leicefter, Cam- 
 bridge, Rutland, Northampton, Lincoln, Notting- 
 ham, Bedford, Buckingham, Oxford, Darby, Stay- 
 ford, Shropfloire, Chejhire,znd part of Hertfordfhire) 
 was at firfl but the Diocefe of one Bifhop, 
 whom Bede commonly calls the Bifhop of the 
 Angli-Meditcrranei, or Mercians, whofe See was 
 Litchfield, the Royal Seat and Metropolis of the 
 Kingdom of Mercia; till about the Year 678, 
 a new See was erected at Sidnacefter in Lincoln- 
 Jhire, and fome time after another at Dorchefter in 
 Oxfordfhire, which were afterwards united and re- 
 mov'd to Lincoln. Out of this large Diocefe al- 
 fo the Sees of Worcefler and Hereford were ta-» 
 ken, as Ely was out of that part which fell to 
 Lincoln: Not to mention the Diocefes of Chefter, 
 Peterborough, Oxford and Glocefter, which had 
 their Rife out of the fame at the Reformation. 
 The Diocefe of Winchefter was alfo very large 
 at firft, containing all the Kingdoms of the 
 Weft Saxons, till it was divided by King Lna be- 
 tween Winchefter and Sherborn, An. yof. The 
 latter of which was afterward fubdivided into the 
 Diocefes of Cornwall, Devonftnre, Somerfetjhirc, 
 Wiltftoire and Dorfetjhire, fome of which being 
 united again, made up the Diocefes of Exeter, 
 Wells, Salisbury and Briftol, as they now ftand 
 in the prefent Frame and Conflitution of the 
 Church. I think it needlefs to carry this En- 
 quiry any farther, fince what has been already 
 fuggefled, fufficiently fhews, that the Diocefes 
 in England were anciently much larger than they 
 are now, and that it has ever been the Wif- 
 dom of the Church to multiply and contract: 
 them. Though many of them flill remain 
 fo large, that if they be compar'd with fome 
 of the antient Italian Diocefes, one of them will 
 be found to be equal to ten or twenty of thofe 
 which lay round about Rome. 
 
 I fhall conclude this Chapter sect. xxr. 
 with a few antient Canons, which The whole Account 
 confirm the Account that has confirmed from fome 
 been given of Epifcopal Diocefes "f tm Cmons °f 
 throughout the World, as fup- theChurch - 
 pofing them generally to have Country Regions 
 and Country Harifhes belonging to them. The 
 Council of Neocxfarea, which was held fome 
 Years before the Council of Nice, makes exprefs 
 
 [h] Bed. Hid. Gent. Anglor. lib. 2. c. 2. [i] Galfrid. Monu- 
 roeth. Hift. lib. 8. c. 4. Vid. Powel. Not. in Girald. Cambrens. 
 Itinerar. Cambria, lib. 2. p. 170. [k] Bed. c. 29. [/] Bed. 
 lib. 4. c. f. [w] Concil. Herudford. c. 9. ap. Bed. ibid. In 
 
 8 
 
 commune tractatum eft, ut plures Epifcopi crefecnte numero Fide- 
 lum augerentur, fed de hac re ad prxfens filemus. [»] Bed. 
 
 lib. 4. c. 12. 
 
 mention 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 39$ 
 
 mention [0] of TrpecrSuregor (v^^^ci, Country 
 Presbyters, who are forbidden to officiate in the 
 City Church, fave only in the Abfcncc of the 
 Bifhop or City Presbyters. The Council of Ah- 
 tiocb has two Canons of the fame Import. The 
 one defcribes a Bifliop's Dioccfc [/>] to be a City 
 and all the Region that was fubject to it, where- 
 in he might ordain Presbyters and Deacons, and 
 order all Things according to his own Judgment 
 without confulting his Metropolitan. The othcr 
 is a Provition concerning the Chrorepifcopi 
 who were feated in the Villages and Regions a- 
 bout the City, that thcyfhould govern the Chur- 
 ches committed to them, and content themfelves 
 with that Care, ordaining Readers, Subdeacons 
 and Exorcifts} but not Presbyters or Deacons, 
 unlefs commiflioned to it by the City Bifhop, to 
 whom both they and their Region were fubjedt. 
 A like Provifion is made by the Council of 'Nice 
 [>] in cafe a Novatian Bifhop fhould return to 
 the Unity of the Catholick Church, that then 
 the Catholick Bifhop might provide him the 
 Place of a Chorepifcopus in fome Part of his Dio- 
 cefe, that there might not be two Bifhops in 
 one City. And indeed all the Canons that men- 
 tion the Chorepifcopi, are full Proof that a Dio- 
 cefe was not only a City, but a Country Regi- 
 on, over which thofe Chorepifcopi prefided, under 
 the Infpeclrion of the City Bifhop, to whom 
 they were accountable. The Canons of Sardica 
 [/], and Laodicea [/], do plainly fuppofe the 
 fame thing, when they prohibit Bifhops to be 
 ordained in fmall Cities or Villages, becaufe a 
 Presbyter or Itinerant Vifiter might be fufficient 
 to take care of them. So in the African Ca- 
 nons, one orders the fame as the Council of 
 ^Toledo, that every Presbyter [u~\ throughout the 
 Diocefe, who has the Care of a Church, fhall 
 have recourfe to his own Bifhop for Chrifm 
 to be ufed at Eafter. And another [w] fays, 
 no Bifhop fhall leave his Principal Church, to 
 go to refide upon any other Church in the Dio- 
 cefe. Which Canons fpeak plain Nonfenfe, unlefs it 
 be fuppofed that there were then other Churches 
 in the Diocefe befide the Mother Church. 
 
 Thf. Bifliop's Obligation to SECT. XXII . 
 vifit his Diocefe, is a farther Proof And from the s.- 
 of the lame Thing. For this was M' s obligation is 
 
 n/-i r _, £• l. _ vifit bis Diocefe once 
 
 ary Oonlequcnt or having ' , ' , 
 
 r , , <. , ■ n- n a tear, and confirm. 
 
 feveral Churches at a Durance 
 under his Jiirifdiffcioh : Such as he could nor per- 
 fonally attend himfelf, he was obliged to vifit, 
 and fee that they were provided of a proper In- 
 cumbent, and that every thing was performed in 
 due Order. St. Auftin and St. Baftl [x], who had 
 pretty large Diocefes, fpeak often upon this ac- 
 count of their being imployed in their Vifitati- 
 ons. And the Rule in fome Places was to vifit 
 ordinarily once a Year, as appears from the 
 Council of Tarraco in Spain, which lays this In- 
 junction on Bifhops [jy], becaufe it was found 
 by Experience, that many Churches in their Dio- 
 cefes were left dettitute and neglected, therefore 
 they were obliged to vifit them once a Year. 
 And if a Diocefe was fo large, that a Bifhop 
 could not perform this Duty annually, that was 
 thought a reafonable Caufe to divide the Dio- 
 cefe, and lay fome Part of the Burden upon a 
 new Bifhop 5 which was the Reafon afligned in 
 the Council of Lugo for dividing the large Dio- 
 cefe of Gallecia, as has been obferved before Qz] 
 in fpcaking of the Spanift Churches. St. Jcrom 
 has a Remark upon the Exercife of Confirmati- 
 on, which alfo mightily confirms this Notion of 
 antient Epifcopal Diocefes. He fays [*], it was 
 the Cuflom of the Churches, when any Perfons 
 were baptized by Presbyters or Deacons in Vil- 
 lages, Catllcs or other remote Places, for the Bi- 
 fhop to go to them and give them Impofition of 
 Hands in order to receive the Holy Ghoftj and 
 that many Places lay at fo great a diftance, that 
 the Parties baptized dyed before the Bifhop 
 could come to vifit them. Which is a plain 
 Defcription of fuch Diocefes as we have general- 
 ly found in every Part of the Catholick Church, 
 fome few Provinces excepted, where the Num- 
 ber of Cities and Populoufnefs of the Country 
 made Diocefes more numerous and of lefs Extent 
 than in other Places. 
 
 [*] Concil. Neocsfar. c. 13. |>] Condi. Antioch. c. 9. 
 [<j] Ibid. c. 10. 0] Concil. Nic. c. 8. [;] Concil. 
 
 Sardic. c. 6. [t] Concil. Laodic. c. 5-6. [«] Concil. 
 
 Carth. 4. c. 36. [»] Concil. Carthag. c. f. [x] Bafil. 
 Ep. 264. [y] Concil. Tarracon. c. 8. Reperimus nonnullas 
 
 Dicecelanas Eccletias efle deltitutas. Ob quam rem hzc Conftitu- 
 tione decrcvimus, ut annuis vicibus Epifcopo Dicccefes vifiten- 
 tur, &c. O] See Seel. 14. of this Chapter. [*] Hieron. 
 
 Dial. cont. Lucifer, c. 4. Non abnuo hinc efle Ecclefiarum con- 
 fuetudinem, ut ad eos qui longe in minoribus urbibus per Presbyte- 
 ros 8c Diaconos baptizati funr, Epifcopus ad invocationem Sancli 
 Spiritus manum impoliturus excurrat. And a little after, Alioquin 
 li Epifcopi tantum imprecatione Spiritus Sanclus defluit, luoendi 
 funt qui in Viilulis, aut in Caftellis, aut in remotioribus locis per 
 Presbyteros aut Diaconos baprisati, ante dormierunt, quam ab E- 
 pifcopis invifeicntur. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
96 
 
 The A n t i qjj it ibs of the Book IX. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Notitia, or Geographical Defer ipnon of the Bijhopricks of the Antient 
 Churchy as firfi made by the Order of Leo Sapiens, compared with fome 
 others. 
 
 FOR the fuller Proof of what has been aflert- 
 ed in the laft Chapters, and to give the Rea- 
 der a clear View of the State of the antient 
 Church, I fhall here fubjoin one of the Notitia's, 
 or Catalogues of Bifhopricks contained in the five 
 greater Patriarchates, Confiantinople, Rome, An- 
 tioch, Jerufalem, and Alexandria, according to 
 the Account that was taken firfb by the Order of 
 the Emperor Leo Sapiens about the Year 8pi. 
 For tho' this does not come up to the Antiquity 
 of thofe other Records, which I have generally 
 made ufe of in this Work* yet being the rnoft 
 antient and perfe£t Account we have in the kind, 
 and agreeing with the fcattered Remains of An- 
 tiquity of this nature, it will be ufeful as a colla- 
 teral Evidence, to corroborate the Account that 
 has been given of the Divifion and Extent of 
 Diocefes in the Primitive Church. And I the 
 rather chufe to infert it here, to fatisfy the Cu- 
 riofity of many of my Readers, to whofe View- 
 perhaps this Notitia may not otherwife come, 
 being fcarce to be met with but in Books of 
 great Rarity or great Price, which fall not into 
 the Hands of every ordinary Reader. The Jfirffc 
 of this Kind was publimed by Leunclavius in his 
 Jus Gr<eco-Romanum [a], An. i f 96, in Greek and 
 Latin, under the Name of Leo Sapiens the repu- 
 ted Author of it. After which fome others, but 
 imperfe£b, were fet forth by Carolus aSantlo Paulo 
 \b~\ in his Geography of the antient Church. 
 The Defects of which were fupplied by Jacobus 
 Goar, from a MS in the French King's Library, 
 which he publifhed at the End of Codinus [c~] 
 among the Byzantin Hiftorians, An. 16485 and 
 by Bifhop Beverege from a MS in the Bodleian 
 Library publifhed in his Notes [d] upon the Pan- 
 dctls, An. 1671. The laft of which being ac- 
 knowledged to be the molt perfecl in the Kind, 
 has been fince reprinted by the learned Schel- 
 firate [e~], with fome Notes and Obfervations 
 upon the Defects and Variations of all the for- 
 mer ; which, having revifed and compared them 
 together, I mall here prefent to the curious Rea- 
 der, that he may have them all together in one 
 View. 
 
 The Order of Prefidency of the moft holy Pa- 
 triarchs. 1 Of Rome, 2 Confiantinople. 3 Alexan- 
 dria. 4 Antiocb. f JElia or Jerufalem. 
 
 The Order of Prefidency of the Metropoli- 
 
 tans 
 
 and Autocephalia, and Bifhops, fubjefr. to 
 the Apoftolical Throne of this divinely preferved 
 and Imperial City, viz. Confiantinople. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 1 Cappadocia. 
 z Afia. 
 
 3 Europa. 
 
 4 Galatia. 
 
 f Hellefpsntus. 
 
 6 Lydia. 
 
 7 Bithynia. 
 
 8 The fame. 
 
 9 The fame. 
 
 10 Pamphylia. 
 
 1 1 Armenia. 
 
 12 Elenopontus. 
 
 13 Armenia. 
 
 14 Cappadocia. 
 if Paphlagonia. 
 
 16 Honor i as. 
 
 17 Pontus Polemoniacus. 
 
 1 8 Galatia. 
 
 19 Lycia. 
 zo Carta. 
 
 z 1 Phrygia Cappatiana. 
 
 22 Phrygia Salutaris. 
 
 23 Lycaonia. 
 
 24 Pifidia. 
 2f Pamphylia. 
 z6 Cappadocia* 
 
 27 Lazica. 
 
 28 Thracia. 
 
 29 Rhodope. 
 
 30 Infula Cyclades. 
 
 3 1 JEmimontus. 
 
 32 ALmimontus. 
 
 3 3 Phyrgia Pacatiana. 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 f 
 
 6* 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 1 1 
 
 Metropolitans. 
 
 C a/area. 
 Ephefus. 
 
 Heraclea mfhrace. 
 Ancyra. 
 Cyzicum. 
 Sardes. 
 Nicomedia. 
 
 8 Nice. 
 
 9 Chalcedon. 
 Sida. 
 Sebafiea. 
 
 1 2 Amafea. 
 1 3 Melitine. 
 14 Tyana. 
 if Gangra. 
 
 16 Claudiopolis. 
 
 17 Neocafarea. 
 
 18 Peffinus or Jufiinia- 
 nople. 
 
 19 Myra. 
 
 zo Stauropolis. 
 zi Laodicea. 
 zz Synada. 
 
 23 Lconium. 
 
 24 Antioch. 
 
 if Perga or Sileum. 
 
 26 Moceffus. 
 
 zj Phafis. 
 
 28 Ph'ilipopolis. 
 
 Z9 Trajanopole. 
 
 30 Rhodes. 
 
 31 Adrianople. 
 
 32 Martianople. 
 
 33 Hierapolis. 
 
 Here ends the Account of Provinces and Me- 
 tropolitans in the Notitita of Bifhop Beverege and 
 Goar, but in Leunclavius thefe other Metropoli- 
 tans are added without any mention of Provinces 
 at all. 34 Theffalonica. 3f Corinth. 36 Crete. 
 37 Athens. 38 Seleucia. 39 Patra. 40 Trape- 
 zus. 41 Calabria. 42 Larijfa. 43 Naupatlus. 
 44 Philippi. 4f Dyrrachium. 46 Smyrna. 47 
 Catana. 48 Ammorium. 49 Camachus. fo Co- 
 tyaium. fi Sever iana. fi Mitylene. f$ Nova 
 
 [a] Leunclav. Jus Gr. Rom. Tom. 2. p. 88. [6] Carol. 36. Concil. Trull, 
 
 a S. Paulo Append, ad Geograph. Sacr. [c] Codin. de Offic. 4. Cap. 13. p, ^zf . 
 
 Conftant. in Append, p. 337. [</] Bevereg. Not. in Can. 
 
 8 
 
 [?] Schelftrat, de Concil. Antioch. Diflert. 
 
 Patra. 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 397 
 
 Patr<e. f4 Euchaita. f f Amaftris. f6 Chona. 
 fj Hydrus. f 8 Kelzene. fp Colonia. 60 Theba. 
 61 Serra. 61 Pompeiopolis. 63 Roffia. 64 Ala~ 
 nia. 6f Ainus. 66 Tiberiopolis . 6j Achaia. 68 
 Cerafus. 69 Nacolia. 70 Germania. 71 Madyta. 
 72 Apamea. 75 B a file urn. 74 Dryjlra. jf Na- 
 zianzus. 76 Corcyra. jj Abydus. 78 Methymna. 
 79 Chriflianopolis. 80 Rufium. 81 Lacedamonia. 
 82 Naxia. 83 Attalia. To which the Scholiaft 
 adds three more, Scbajlopolis, Euripus, and Cybijlis 
 Her cutis. 
 
 After the Metropolitans, follow the Autocepha- 
 li, or Independent Bifhops, which the Notitia in 
 Leunclavius calls Archbifhops. They were fuch 
 as had neither Metropolitans above them, nor 
 Suffragans under them, being immediately fub- 
 jedr. to the Patriarch only, as Goar's Notitia in- 
 forms us. In Bifhop Beverege's Notitia they are 
 as follows. 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 Autocephali. 
 
 1 Myfia. 
 
 1 Odyjfus. 
 
 1 Scytbia. 
 
 2 7*07#/. 
 
 3 Eur op a. 
 
 3 Bizya. 
 
 4 Paphlagonia. 
 
 4 Pompeiopolis. 
 
 
 f Smyrna. 
 
 6 Ifauria. 
 
 6 Leontopolis. 
 
 7 Rhodope. 
 
 7 Maronnea. 
 
 8 Bithynia. 
 
 8 Apamea. 
 
 9 Rhodope. 
 
 9 Maximianopolis. 
 
 10 Galatia. 
 
 10 Germiar 
 
 1 1 Europa. 
 
 1 1 Arcadiopolis. 
 
 12 Thracia. 
 
 12 Beraa. 
 
 1 5 Lesbus. 
 
 1 3 Mitylene. 
 
 14 Hellefpont. 
 
 14 Parium. 
 
 if Caria. 
 
 if Melitus. 
 
 16" I'hracia. 
 
 16 Nicopolis. 
 
 17 Infula. 
 
 17 Proconefus. 
 
 18 Rhodope. 
 
 18 Anchialus. 
 
 19 Europa. 
 
 19 Selymbria. 
 
 zo Lesbus. 
 
 20 Methymne. 
 
 zi Bithynia. 
 
 
 zz Europa. 
 
 22 Aprus. 
 
 23 Rhodope. 
 
 23 Cypfala. 
 
 24 Zicchia. 
 
 24 Cherfon. 
 
 zy Zicchia* 
 
 2f Bofphori. 
 
 z6 Zicchia. 
 
 z6 Nicopfis. 
 
 zj Ifauria. 
 
 zj Cotrada. 
 
 2,8 Elenopontus, al. 
 
 28 Eucheta. 
 
 nopontus. 
 
 29 Carpathus. 
 
 Z9 Cyclades Infulte. 
 
 50 Rhodope. 
 
 30 Ainus. 
 
 31 Europa. 
 
 31 Drizapara, al. A/<?- 
 
 
 fena. 
 
 32 Hemimontus. 
 
 32 Mefembria. 
 
 33 Armenia. 
 
 3 3 Heracliopolis, at. P/^- 
 
 
 lacloe. 
 
 
 34 Sebafiopolis. 
 
 3f Pont us Polemoniacus. 
 
 3f Trapezus. 
 
 36" Paphlagonia. 
 
 36 Amaftris. 
 
 37 Lycaonia. 
 
 37 Mifthia. 
 
 38 Pifulia. 
 
 38 Neapolis. 
 
 39 Afore JEgeum. 
 
 39 Aigene. 
 
 40 Phrygia Salutaris, 
 
 40 Coytaium, 
 
 41 Pamphylia. 
 
 41 iSV/gtf. 
 
 Vol. F. 
 
 To thefe, in GW's Notitia are added two 
 more, Z><?/^ or Ztera?, and in Armenia. But 
 that in Leunclavius has but thirty-nine, whereof 
 fixteen are different Names, tflfe. iV7«, Meffana, 
 Garella, Brifis, Carabyzia, Lemnus, Leucas, Cudra 9 
 Soteropolis, Pedachthoa, Eroina, Gotthia, Sugdaia, 
 PhulU, Pharfala and Matrach. And fevcral of 
 thofe which in the Bodleian Notitia are called 
 Autocephali, are in Leunclavius reckoned among 
 the Metropolitans, as Trapezus, Smyrna, Cotyai- 
 um, Mitylene, Amaflris, Pompeiopolis, Ainus and 
 Apamea. Whence it is eafy to conclude, that 
 Archbifhops and Autocephali were then a fort of 
 Titular Metropolitans, who had the Privilege of 
 being Independent, though they had no Suffra- 
 gan Bifhops under them. 
 
 Now follow the particular "Provinces, with 
 the Number of Bijhopricks contained in 
 each of them. 
 
 Province 0/ Cappadocia. 
 
 1 f^'JEfarea, the Metropolis. 2 
 
 xNyffa. 4 Methodiopolis Armenia. ^ Camu- 
 liana. 6 Cifciffus, or C(^«: To which are added 
 in Leunclavius. 7 8 ta. 9 Arathia. 
 
 10 ALpolia. 
 
 Province o/Afia. 
 
 1 Ephefus, the Metropolis. 2 3 
 
 4 Magnefia ad Maandrum. f 6 Adramytti- 
 
 um. 7 8 Gargara. 9 Maflaura. 10 C«/<* 
 
 \\ Bryulla. 12 Pittamne. ix Myrine. 14. Phocia 
 
 if Aurillopolis, al. Aureliopolis. 16 Nifa, al! 
 
 iVj^a. 17 Mafchacoma. 18 Metropolis. \$ Ba- 
 
 retti. 20 Magnefia. zi Aninantes. zz Pergamus. 
 
 23 ^w*. 24 /V/*«*. 2f Arcadiopolis. 16 Nova 
 
 Aula, zj Templum Jovis. 28 Augaza. Z9 Sion 
 
 30 Colophon. 31 Levedus, al. 32 r^ax 
 
 33 £ry/£r*. 34 Clazomen*. zy ^W r /, a I. 
 
 Wr/. 36 Theodofiopolis, al. Peperine. 27 CW 
 
 38 Palaopohs: To which are added in Z** w &- 
 
 and Cteraj but jJWy?* 
 and Llazomena are wanting, 
 
 #<r* tf<? Province 0/ Thracia W Macedonia 
 mterpos'd in Leunclavius. 
 
 1 iWM, the Metropolis. 2 Theodoropolis. z 
 RhcedejtMs. 4 Panium. f Hexamilium 6 Callio 
 polls, j Periftafis 8 Chariopolis. 9 Chalcis. 10 
 Daoneum. \\ Madyta. 12 Pamphilus. 12 Medea 
 i+Lizicus. ifSergentza. 16 Metra. ijhurolloel 
 18 Athyra. J 
 
 In the other Nqtitia's «** Province « ^//^ 
 Province 0/ Europa ; ^/ // to 
 />n^x viz. 
 
 1^/^. iCalliopolis* tfberr* 
 
 nefus. f Cjy/^. d Redejlus, 
 
 E e e e 
 
 Province 
 
398 
 
 The Antiqjuities of the 
 
 Book IX- 
 
 Province of Galatia. 
 
 i Ancyra, the Metropolis, z labia, al. Atta- 
 bia. 3 Hcliopolis. ^Afpona. f Berinopolis. 6 Miz- 
 zus. 7 Cina. 8 Anafiafiopolis . 
 
 Province of Hellefpont. 
 
 i Cyzicum, the Metropolis, z Germe. 3 Poe- 
 manium. 4 Oce. f Baris. 6 Adrianothera. 7 
 Lampfacus. 8 Abydus. 9 Dardanus. 1 o Ilium. 1 1 
 Troas. 12 Paonia. 13 Metropolis. 
 
 Province of Lydia. 
 
 1 Sardes, the Metropolis, 2 Philadelphia. 3 
 Tripolis. 4 1'hyatria. f .SVta. 6 Arilliapolis, al. 
 Aurcliopolis . 7 Gor^'. 8 Troalli. Sala. 10 67- 
 landus. r 1 Mceonia. 1 2 Fanum Apollinis. 1 3 //yr- 
 £Vz#zV. 14 Muflina. if Arcufius, al. Acarafus. 16 
 Apollonian. 17 Attalia. 18 19 Balandus. 
 
 zo Mefotymolus. zi Hierocafarea. zz Dale. 23 
 Stratonicea. 24 Cerajia. 2f Sattala. z6 Gabbala. 
 27 Hermocapelia. 
 
 Province 0/ Bithynia. 
 
 1 Nicomedia. z Prufa, or T'heopolis. 3 Prane- 
 tus. 4 Helenopolis. f BafilinopoTis . 6 Dafchylium. 
 7 Apollonias. 8 Adriana. 9 Cafarea. 10 Gallus, 
 or Lophi. 1 1 Daphnufia. 1 z Erifle. 
 
 'The fame Province. 
 
 1 2VzV<?. 2 Modrina, al. M?/«, or Melian. 3 
 Linoe. 4 7W#j. f Gerduferva. 6 Numeric*. 7 
 Maximian<e. It is added in Leunclavius, that 
 Chalcedon in the fame Province had no Sees un- 
 der it, as being only an Autocephalus, or Hono- 
 rary Metropolis. 
 
 Province 0/Pamphylia. 
 
 1 2 Afpendus. 3 Ettena. 4 Orymna. f 
 
 C^. 6 Semnea. 7 Corallia. 8 Coracijfus. 9 Sye- 
 thra, al. Synedra. 10 Mylone, or Juflinianople. 1 1 
 Anamanda. 12 Dalifandus, al. Duldafus. 1$ Isbi. 
 i^Lybra. if Colybrajfus. 16 Manaa. 
 
 Province 0/ Armenia. 
 
 I Sebaftea. 2 Sebaftopdis. 3 Nicopolis. 4 «SVi- 
 tafo. f Colonia. 6 Beriffa. 
 
 Province 0/ Helcnopontus. 
 
 1 Amafea. 2 Amiffus. 3 Sinope. 4 /fora, al. 
 Pimolijfa. f Andropa. 6 Zalichus^ al. Leontopolis. 
 
 Province 0/ Armenia fecunda. 
 
 I Melitene. z Area. 3 Cucufus. 4 Arabijfus. f 
 Ariaratha. 6 Ceomante, al. Comana. 
 
 Province 0/ Cappadocia fecunda. 
 
 1 Tyana, or Chrifiopolis. 2 Cybijlra. 3 Faufli- 
 nopolis. 4 Safima. 
 
 Province 0/ Paphlagonia. 
 
 1 Gangra. 2 Junopolis, al. Innopolis. 3 Dadybra. 
 4 iSVra. 
 
 Here follows next the Province 0/Theflalia /»Leun- 
 clavius, w#*V£ « omitted in others. 
 
 1 Theffalonica. 2 Citria. 3 Berrhoea. 4 Drugu* 
 bitia. f Servia. 6 Cafandria. 7 Campania, al. 
 Caftrium. 8 Petra. 9 Herculia, al. Ardameria. 
 10 Hierijfus. 11 Zita <zc Rentena. 12 Barda- 
 riotte. 
 
 Province 0/ Honorias. 
 
 1 Claudiopolis. z Heraclea Ponti. 3 Prufias. 4 
 f Cratea. 6 Hadrianopolis . 
 
 Province 0/ Pontus Polemoniacus. 
 
 1 Neocafarea. 2 Trapezus. 3 Cer of antes. 4 P0- 
 lemoneum. j* Comona: Tothefe are added in Leun- 
 clavius, 6 Halyseum. 7 Rhizaum. 8 Coccus. 9 
 Eunicus. And the Scholiaft adds three more, vf- 
 radafe, Myrtyropolis and Hypfela. 
 
 Province 0/ Galatia fecunda. 
 
 1 Pifinus. 2 Mericium. 3 Eudoxias. 4 
 ^i^kr. f Trochnada. 6 Germocolonia. 7 Spalea, al. 
 Jujlinianopolis. 8 Orcifius. 
 
 Province 0/ Lycia. 
 
 1 ilfyra. 2 Maftara. 3 Telmeffus. 4 Limyra. 
 f Araxe. 6 Aprilla. 7 7"<z//#. 8 Arnea. 9 Sidy- 
 ma. 10 Zenopolis. 11 Olympus. 12 0//<z. 13 
 Corydala. 14 C 'annus, if Xanthus. 16 Acrajfus. 
 17 Marciana. 18 Bobus, al. Sophianopolis. 19 
 Chomas. zo Onunda. 21 Phellus. 22 Candana. 
 23 Phafelis. 24 Antiphellus. 2f Acalifjus. z6 
 Rhodiopolis. 27 Acanda. 28 Lebifjus. Z9 Eu- 
 docias. 30 P allot a. 31 Combi. 32 Patara. 33 
 Barbura. 34 Nejfus. 3f Cianea. 36 Melata. 
 
 Province 0/ Caria. 
 
 1 Stauropolis. 2 Cibyra. 3 iS7s#. 4 Heraclea 
 Salbaci. f Apollonias. 6 Heraclea. j La cyma (which 
 Leunclavius makes but one, Heraclea Lacymorum) . 
 8 !7iz£i. p Larba. 10 Antiochia Maandri. 11 
 7'arpajfa. 12 Harpaffx. 1 3 Neapolis. l+Orthy- 
 fias. 1 <j Anotetarta. 16 Alabandi. 17 Stratoni- 
 cea. 18 Alinda. 19 Mylajja. zo Mezus, a\. A- 
 mezon. 21 Jaf'us. 22 Barbilius. 23 Haliear- 
 naffus. 24 Hylarima. 2f Cnidus. 26 Met aba. 
 27 Mindus. 28 Hieron. 29 Cindrama. 30 Cmz- 
 31 Promiffus. 
 
 6 Province 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 999 
 
 Province of Phrygia Cappatiana, al. Pacatiana. 
 
 i Laodicca. i 1'ibericpolis. 3 Azana. 4 An- 
 eyrofuna. f Pell a. 6 Appia. 7 Icria. 8 Iluza. 
 9 Acada. 10 Tranopolis. 11 Sebafta. 12 Eu- 
 menia. 13 Timenus fherarum. 14 Agatha Coma. 
 if Alina. 16 Tripolis. 17 AttanaJJus. 18 Tra- 
 pezopolis. ip Siblia. Note, In Leunclavius there 
 are twenty one Cities, whereof many go by dif- 
 ferent Names in this Province j as Acmonea, Cha- 
 rotopa, Forium Pcemani, Cidijfus. Lunde, Helaza, 
 Synaum, "Thampfiopolis, Juftinianopolis, Dioclea, 
 and Arijlea. 
 
 Province of Phrygia Salutaris. 
 
 1 Synada. z Dorylaum. 3 Nacoka. 4 Me- 
 dium, f Hipfus. 6 Promiffus. 7 Menu. 8 Si~ 
 bindus. 9 Phytia. 10 Hlerapolis. 11 Eucarpia. 
 1 z Lyfias. 1 3 Auguflopulis. 1 4 Bryzus. if O- 
 trus. 16 Lycaon. 17 Steclorium. 18 Cinnabori- 
 um. ip Ctftf?. 20 Scordapia. zt Nicopolis. zz 
 jErocla. Here Leunclavius has but twenty Cities, 
 and fome of thofe under other Names, but Goaf's 
 Notitia adds two more, A/opex and Cadcnna. 
 
 Province 0/ Lycaonia. 
 
 I Iconium. z Lyfira. $ Vafada. 4 Ambada^ 
 al. Amblada. f Vomanoda. 6 Laranda. 7 
 rtf/tf. 8 Derbe. p Hyda. 10 Savatra. 11 Gz- 
 ww. 12 Berinopolis. 13 Galbana, al. Eudocias. 
 14 Ilijlra. if Pert a. Leunclavius has the. fame 
 Number, but fome Names different from thefe. 
 
 Province 0/ Pifidia. 
 
 1 Ant lochia. 2 Sagalaffus. 3 Sozopolis. 4 y/- 
 pamea. f G7£#j. 6 'Ty.rcenus. 7 ifow. 8 yf- 
 drianopolis. 9 Portus Limenorum. 10 Laodicea 
 Combufla. 11 Seleucia Ferrea. 12 Dada, al. /f- 
 <r/<z/#. 13 Zarzela. 14 I'imbrias, al. timomarias. 
 if Timandus. 16 Conane. 17 Malus. 18 *S7- 
 triandus. 19 Tityaffus. 20 Metropolis. 21 T 5 ^- 
 22 Paralla. 23 Mindevus, al. Bindaus. 
 
 Province 0/ Pamphylia Secunda. 
 
 1 Perga, al. S ileum. 2 Attalia. 3 Magydus, 
 al. Mandus. 4 Telimifus. f Ifindus. 6 Eudocias. 
 
 7 Maximianopolis. 8 Lagina. 9 Palxopolis. 10 
 Cremnus. 1 1 Corydala. 1 2 Peltiniffus. 1 3 Z)/- 
 cytanara. 14 Ariaffus. if Pugla. 16 Adriana. 
 17 Sandida. 18 Barba. 19 Perb&na. 20 Cow;. 
 
 iVc/<?, The Fourteen following Provinces are 
 in Leunclavius, but no other Notitia. 
 
 Province 0/ Peloponnefus. 
 
 1 Corinthus. 2 Damala. 3 ^rgoy. 4 Monem- 
 bafta. f Cephalenia. 6 Zacynthus. 7 Zemena. 
 
 8 Maina. 
 
 Province 0/ Hellas. 
 
 1 Athens. 2 Euripus. 3 Diaulia. 4 Coronea. 
 f Andrus. 6 Onus. 7 Scyrus. 8 Charyflus. p 
 Porthmus. 10 yftf/o>z 1 \>r#. 
 
 rrpv nee 0/ Crete. 
 
 1 Gortyna. 2 GmffM. 3 Arcadia. 4 Cherro- 
 nefus. f Aulopotamus. 6 Agrias. 7 Lampe. 8 
 Cydonia. p jfc&Vra. 10 n I2 
 
 Cijfamus. 
 
 Province 0/ Peloponnefus. 
 
 i Patra. 2 Lacedamonia. 3 Methone. 4 GV 
 ro«f\ f Helus. 6 Bolcena. 
 
 Province 0/ Hellas Secunda. 
 
 1 Larijfa. 2 Dcmetrias. 3 Pharfalus. 4 Z)o- 
 wotaj. f Zetonium. 6 Ezerus. 7 Ladoricium. 
 8 STfzVaf. 9 Echinus. 10 Colydrus. 11 Staga, 
 
 Province 0/ ^Etolia. 
 
 I NaupaStus. 2 Bunditza. 3 Aquila. 4 
 chelous. f Rhegct. 6 Joannina. 7 Photica. 8 
 Hadrianopolis . p Buthrotus. 10 Chimara. 
 
 Province 0/ Macedonia. 
 
 i Philippi. z Theoria. 3 Polyftylum. 4 Zfe- 
 f Chrijlopolis. 6 Smoltena. 7 Cafaropolis. 
 8 Aleclryopolis. 
 
 Province 0/ Epirus. 
 
 1 Dyrrachium. z Stephaniaca. 3 Chunobia. 4 
 GV/';z. f 6 Dioclea. 7 &Wra. 8 Dri- 
 
 vajlus. p Polatha. 10 Glabinitza, al. Acrocerau- 
 nia. 11 Aulonaa. 12 Licinida. 13 Antibaris. 1 4 
 Tzerinicum. if Polycheropolis. 16 Graditzium. 
 
 In Alia Smyrna Metropolis. 
 
 1 Phocaa. z Magnefia. 3 Anelium. 4 G7<?- 
 zomena. f Sofandrus. 6 Archangelus. 7 /Vra. 
 
 /« Armenia «#^<?r Camachus. 
 
 1 Kelzene. 2 Arabraca. 3 Barzaniffa. 4 M?- 
 f tffor. 6 Romanopolis. 7 Tutileum. 
 
 In Phrygia aw^r Cotyalum. 
 1 iJ/Wtf. 2 C0ȣ. 3 Gaiocomis. 
 
 In Lesbus Mitylene. 
 
 1 2 Strongyla. 3 Tenedm. 4 
 
 f Perperine. 6 Marmaritza, 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 E e e e 2 
 
400 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IX 
 
 In Hellas under Novae Patrae. 
 i Gazala. z Cutzagron. 3 Sibiclus. 4 Bariana. 
 
 Under Kcltzene. 
 
 1 Tomus. z Chatzoun. 3 Lycopotamia. 4 
 Cortzene. f Maftrabatz. 6 Chuit. 7 Toparchus. 
 8 Ambra. 9 Tutara. 10 Marmentitzur. 11 Mat- 
 zierte. iz S. Nicholai. 13 Deipara. 14 
 
 Artzefius. if Artzica. 16 Amucium. 17 /V- 
 «». 18 iS\ Georgij. 19 0/?«». zo 5". EliJJai. 
 zi Sedrac Deipara. Thefe fourteen Metropoli- 
 tical Sees with their Suffragans, are in Leuncla- 
 vius only : After which the other Notitia's now 
 proceed again. 
 
 Province of Cappadocia. 
 
 1 Mocejfus*. z Nazianzus. 3 Colonia. 4 Par- 
 naffus. f Doara. To which Leunclavius adds 
 Metiana. 
 
 Province of Lazica. 
 
 1 P hafts, z Rhodopolis. 3 Petra. 4 Eccle- 
 fia Abijfenorum. 5 Ecclefia Ziganeorum. But in 
 Leunclavius there are reckon'd fixteen in this Pro- 
 vince. 1 Trapezus, the Metropolis. 2 Chert' 
 ana. 3 Chamuzur. 4 Chachaum. 5 Paiper. 6 
 Ceramea. 7 Tochatzitzi. 8 Bizana. p Sacabus. 
 10 Phaeiana. 11 e fochantiez. \z Toulnutus. 13 
 Lerium. 14 Tofermatzus. if Andacla. 16 
 
 Province 0/ Thrace. 
 
 1 Philippopolis. z Diocletianopolis. 3 Diofpotis. 
 But Leunclavius reckons eleven. 1 Philippopolis. 
 2 Agathoniccea. 3 Liotitza. 4 Scutarium. f 
 Leuca. 6 Bleptus. 7 Dramitza. 8 Joannitza. 
 p Conjlantia. 10 Belicea. 11 Bucuba. 
 
 Province 0/ //-><? Iflands Cyclades. 
 
 1 Rhodus, the Metropolis, z 3 Cte. 
 
 4 Cc«/. f Naxia. 6 Thera. 7 Parus. 8 Le- 
 p Andrus. 1 o !7>»«j. i i A/f7#*. 1 z PiJJina : 
 To which Leunclavius. adds, Icaria, Lerna, Ofty- 
 palia, Trachaa and Nafura. 
 
 Province 0/ ./Emimontus. 
 
 I Adrianopolis. z Mefembria. 3 Sozopolis. 4 
 Plutinopolis. f Zoida: To which Leunclavius 
 adds, 6" Agathopolis. 7 Debeltus. 8 Trabyzia. p 
 Carabus. 10 Bucellus. 11 Probatus. iz iSVcp*- 
 13 ifri/fr. 14 Bulgaropbugus. 
 
 The fame Province. 
 
 1 Marcianopolis. z Rhodoftolus. 3 Tramarifcus. 
 4 f Zecedopa. 6 Sarcara. 
 
 The fame Province} ft other-wife called Rho- 
 
 dope *'# Leunclavius. 
 
 1 Trajanopolis. z Perus. 3 Anaftafiopolis : To 
 which Leunclavius adds, 4 Didymotichus. f Afo- 
 fra. 6 Mifinopolis. 7 /V*. 8 Xantha. p P?- 
 ritheorium. 10 Theodorium. 
 
 Province 0/ Phrygia Capatiana. 
 
 1 Hierapolis. z Metellopolis. 3 Dionyfopolis: 
 4 Anaftafiopolis. f Antada. 6 Mofyna, with 
 eight others which are inferted by Miftakc from 
 the Province of Mmimontus. But Leunclavius 
 adds, Autuda, Phobi ) Ancyra, Synaus, Tiberiopo- 
 lis, Cana and Zana. 
 
 Province 0/ Galau'a Secunda. 
 
 1 Amorium. z Vhilomelium. 3 Docimeum. 4 
 Claneus. f Polybotus. 6 Piffia. Note, This 
 Province is called Phrygia in Leunclavius; but 
 the Cities are the fame. 
 
 Here it is remarked in all the Notitia's, That 
 the following Metropolitans and their Suffragans 
 were taken from the Roman Diocefe, and added 
 to Conftantinople, viz. 1 Theffalonica. z Syra- 
 cufe. 3 Corinth. 4 Rhegium. f Nicopolis. 6 A- 
 thens. 7 iW*. 8 2VW /W*. As alfo the 
 Metropolitan of Seleucia in Ifauria, or as />#»- 
 f/*sto«j calls it, Pamphylia, with twenty three 
 Bifhops under him. Which conclude the Afa/*- 
 //* in Leunclavius : For it only contains the Ac- 
 count of the Patriarchate of Conftantinople. Ca- 
 rolus a Sanclo Paulo alfo wholly omits the Roman 
 Patriarchate, becaufe his Mannfcript here, he 
 fays, was fo corrupt that there was no Senfe to 
 be made of it: But this Defect is fupply'd by 
 Goar and Bifhop Beverege^ in whofe Notitia's the 
 following Account is given. 
 
 The Province under the moft glorious Eparch of 
 Rome, or Italy. 
 
 Province 0/Rome called Urbicaria. 
 
 1 Brittium. z Macaria. 3 Luna, 4 Neapo- 
 Us. f Garanta. 6 Vintimilium. 7 Genues. 8 
 Sipontus. p Ponturoma. 10 Infula Centumcett*. 
 1 1 Cafirum Euoria. 1 z Caflrum Amalphes. 1 3 
 Caftrum Getteon. 14 Cafirum Tiberias-, if Ca- 
 firum Nepes. 16 Infula Comankia. 17 Cafirum 
 Mulium. r8 Caftrum Campfas. ip Caftrum So- 
 reum. to Cafirum Sufas. zi Cafirum Ilbas. zz 
 Cafirum Anagnia. 
 
 Province of Campania. 
 
 1 Neapolis. z Brettania. 3 Pannonia. 4 Ca- 
 labria, f Venetia. 6 Meffina. 7 Vicovarina. 8 
 Taurata. p Apulia. 10 Cafirum Opiterbetos. 11 
 Cafiros Samnios. iz Caftrum Sufias. 13 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 401 
 
 fir urn Rcgium. 14 Cafirum Taurata. if Ca fir urn 
 Sygnias. 16 Cafirum Gradum. 17 Cafirum Pa- 
 triarchias. 18 Cafirum Scylaceum. ip Cafirum 
 Martyrium. zo Cafirum Ormuvera. zi Cafirum 
 Ortonos. zz Cafirum Oppiterbitum. 
 
 Ifle of Sicily. 
 
 1 Syracufe. z Cat ana. 3 Tarebenium, al. Tait- 
 romenium. 4 Sefem^ al. Meffana. f Cephaludi- 
 um. 6 Thermum. 7 Panormus. 8 Lilybaum. p 
 Trocalis. 10 Acragantus, al. Agrigentum. 11 
 darium. iz Carine, al. Camarina. 13 Leontina. 
 14 Abeufis, al. y//<?/^. if Gaudus. 16 Me lit a. 
 17 Liparis. 18 Bureau fus. ip Didymi. zo U- 
 rica. z 1 Onarea. zz Bafiludin. 
 
 Province 0/ Calabria. 
 
 1 Rhegium. z Locris. 3 Scylacias. 4 CWro- 
 al. Croton. f Conftantia. 6 Trop<eum. 7 
 'fauriana. 8 Bibonum^ al. Cibonum. 
 
 Provincia Annonaria. 
 
 1 Ravenna, z Phanus. 3 Olcufa^ al. ^2-^- 
 4 ah Fulginum. f Pecinus, al. /V- 
 
 cenum. 6 Pifaurum. 7 Tergetra. 8 Auguflopolis. 
 p Talbitau. 10 Cafirum Ferentinum. 11 Cafirum 
 Solernos. jz Tulericum. 13 Cafirum Zanga. 14 
 Cafirum Nobo. 15 Cafirum Eurinica. 16 Ca- 
 firum Semania. 17 Vicomanto. 18 Cafirum Ve- 
 reles. ip Cafirum Tamia. zo Cafirum Varetlelia. 
 21 Cafirum Samugia. zz Cafirum Sora. z$ Ca- 
 firum Suagallia. Z4 Cafirum Cifines. 
 
 Province 0/ jEmia. ^Emilia. 
 
 1 Cafirum Foropompus. z Cafirum Brizilium. 
 3 Cafirum Brinti. 
 
 Under the mofi glorious Eparch of Africa. 
 
 Province 0/ Bizacia. 
 
 1 Carthago Proconfularis. z Sybiba. 3 Camp- 
 fia. 4 6V/m. f Junce. 6 Talepte. 7 Cafcala, 
 8 CafielU. 9 Pezana. 10 Mamida. 11 Mada- 
 fuba. 11 Colule. 13 Capfe. 14 Adramytto. 
 
 Province 0/ Numidia. 
 
 1 Calama. z Tebete. 3 Regius. 4 iV#- 
 
 zidias. f Cafiamaga. 6 Bade. 7 Meleum. 8 
 Leradus. p Cafirum Bedere, al. Cafira Vetera* 
 10 «SVf&. 11 Egerinefium. 12 Titejfin, a\. Tidi- 
 dita. it Bage. 14 Conflantina. jy Sitiphi. 
 
 Province e/ Mauritania Prima. 
 1 Rhinocururum. 
 
 Province 0/ Mauritania Secunda. 
 1 Septum. 2 Septum ad partem TeneJJi, 3 J^- 
 
 4 Mefipot. ad partem Spania. r Maiurica* 
 al Majonca Infula. 6 Menyca, al. AW/Va /„- 
 vf ' 7 w/ Sardinia. 8 C<?™//«* 
 
 Metropolis, p Taw. 10 Sanaphas. n 
 iz Sulces. 13 Phafiana. 14 Chryfopolis. i % A- 
 rifiiane. 16 Limne. iy Cafirum futar. None, 
 GWr's 2\tow reads moft of thefe Names diffe- 
 rently, and makes but two of thefe three bit, 
 Chrifiiana Lacus and 7W. Here Gz^/w « £ 
 begins again. 
 
 /» /fo Diocefe of Egypt. 
 
 Province of Augurtamnica Prima. 
 
 1 Pelufium, the Metropolis, z Sethroetes. 1 
 Tanes. 4. Tbmues. 5; Rhinocurura. 6 ©firacine. 
 7 Pentafchanon. 8 C^> w . 9 Aphtheum. 10 
 Hiphefius. 11 Panephufus. iz Gcros. 13 
 #?rw. 14 Thenefus. 
 
 Province 0/ Auguftamnica Secunda. 
 
 1 Z*w»/0 Metropolis, z Athrabes. 2 iMk. 4 
 Bubaftus. f Carbethm. 6 Arabius. 
 
 Province of ^gyptus Prima. 
 
 I Alexandria fub duce & Augufiali. z Hermo- 
 polis. 3 Milleos. 4 Coftus. f #&* />y^ m . 5 
 Ficus Cotndeos. 7 to. 8 Leontopolis. p TVa*- 
 
 10 Andronicius. 11 Zenonopolis. \z Papb- 
 na iiOnuphis. 14 Tava. if Cleopatris. 16 
 Mareotes. 17 ManelaiU. 18 <SY«*, ,0 7^- 
 
 20 iWra. 
 
 Province of ^gyptus Secunda. 
 
 1 Cabafa. z Pbragon. 3 Pachnemon. 4 
 *7/ww- f Sebennytus. 6 Coeno. 7 • 8 E- 
 
 learchia. p /W w . I0 Vicus p mm £. 
 
 11 Rhicomerium. iz Xois: To which 
 
 GWs Notitia adds Cyma, and makes and 
 Para/iw two diftinft Places. 
 
 Province 0/ Arcadia. 
 
 I Oxyrynchus. z Heracleus. 3 C* W ; 4 jV/W 
 ?f* T A i r/in ° e / e r s - 6 ^mphilitus, at. ^^4. 
 LaLpolu" ^ m ° d °f t0 ^ Jpbroditonmd 
 
 Province 0/ Thebais Prima. 
 
 1 Antinous. z Hermopolis. 3 theodofiopolis . 4 
 /Vjw. f ^j/gfe. 6 Apollonias. 7 8 
 /'tfwj. Gwr adds C^>x. 
 
 Province of Thebais Secunda. 
 
 1 Ptolemais. 2 Conto, al. Jufiinianopolis. 2 
 Diocletianopolis. 4 Diofpolis. j- Tentyra. 6 Max- 
 imianopolis. 7 7#^/V. 8 p 
 10 Hermnthon. 11 Apollonos, 12 f/Vw 
 
 Magna. 
 
402 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t I e s of the 
 
 Book IX 
 
 Magna. i? Thebais Magna. 14 Ibis, if Ma- 
 thon. 16 Trimunthon. 17 Erbon, al. Hermon. 
 
 Province of Libya. 
 
 1 Dranicon. 2 Paratonkon. 3 franzala. \ Am- 
 mmiaca. f Antipyrgus. 6 Antiphron. 7 JEdoni- 
 
 as. 8 Marmarice. 
 
 Province of Libya Pentapolis. 
 
 1 Sozufa. 2 Cyrine. 3 Ptolemais. 4 Teuchera. 
 f Adriane. 6 Beronica. 
 
 Province of Tripoli. 
 1 Toftbon. 2 Leptis. 3 Hyou. 
 
 In the Oriental Diocefe. 
 
 Province of Cilicia. 
 
 1 Tarfus. 2 Pompeiopolis. 3 Sebafie. 4 Coricus. 
 f Adana. 6 Auguft opolis. 7 Mallos. 8 Zephurium. 
 
 Province of Cilicia Secunda. 
 
 1 Anazarbus. 2 Mopfuefiia. 3 Ageia. 4 Epi- 
 phania. y Eirenopolis. 6 Flavias. 7 Alexandria. 
 8 Cabijfus. 9 Caftabala. 10 Rhojfus. 
 
 Province of Ifauria. 
 
 1 Seleucia. 2 Cilendre. 3 Anemorius. 4 Titi- 
 opolis. f Lamus. 6 Antiochia. 7 Heliu-Sebafte. 
 al. Julio-Sebafte. 8 Cefira. 9 Selinuntes. 10 ^0- 
 yfo/tf. 11 Diocafarea. 12 Olya. 13 Hierapolis. 
 14 Dalifandus. if Claudiopohs. 16 Eirenopolis. 
 17 Germanicopolis. 18 Neopolis. 19 Zenonopolis. 
 20 Sbida. zi Philadelphia. zz Adraffus. 23 
 Meloe. 24 Domitiopolis. zf CUmata Nauzadea. 
 z6 CaJJorum. 27 Benaorum. 28 Golgofi. 29 C<?» 
 
 Province 0/ Syria Prima. 
 
 1 Antiochia ad Daphnen. z Paltus. 3 «SV/*#- 
 4 Berrhoea. 5 Chalcis. 
 
 Province 0/ Syria Secunda. 
 
 1 Apamea. 2 Arethufa. 3 Epiphania. 4 Z^- 
 ?7^. f Marianne. 6 Seleucobelus. 7 Raphanaa. 
 
 Province 0/ Euphratifia 0r Hagiopolis; 
 
 1 Hier opolis. 2 Cjyw, al. Hagiopolis. 3 
 tnofata. 4 Doliche. f Germanicia. 6 Zeugma. 7 
 Perrhe. 8 Europus. 9 Nicopolis. 10 Schenarchia. 
 11 Cafaria. 12 Sergiopolis. 13 Orimon. 14 
 
 Santon. 
 
 Province 0/ Theodorias. 
 1 Laodicea. 2 Balanea. 3 Gabala. Goar adds 
 
 4 
 
 Province 0/ Ofdroene. 
 
 1 Edejfa. 2 Carra. 3 Conftantia. 4 Theodo- 
 fiopolis. <j Batna. 6 Cat/inicus, al. Leontop&lis. 
 7 Nova Falentia. 8 Birthon. 9 Monithilla. 10 
 Therimachon. 11 Moniaug 2 Macarta 13 
 Marcopolis. 14 Anaftaji.%. ij Henierius. 
 Circifia. 
 
 Province 0/ Mefopotamia Superior, 0r Armenia 
 Quarts. 
 
 1 Amida. 2 Martyr opolis. 3 Darns. 4 C<a- 
 _/?r#0z Ricephas. f Caftrum Turandios. 6 Caflrum 
 Mardes. 7 Caftrum Lcrnes. 8 Cajlrum Riphton. 
 9 Caftrum Ifphrks. 1 o Caftrum Tzauras. 1 1 
 Caftrum Audajfbti. 12 Caftrum Amames. 13 CVz- 
 y?r&?7Z Tzinobias. 14 Caftrum Banabelorum. if 
 Caftrum Intzietorum. 16 Caftrum Chaddorum. 17 
 Caftrum ALfudivs. 18 Caftrum Mafphronas. 19 
 Caftrum Bafilicum. zo Caftrum Spelon & Odelo~ 
 rum. 21 Caftrum Bijubaithas. zz Caftrum Ma- 
 najfaromm. 23 Caftrum Phirtachabras . 24 C#- 
 y??%»2 Sit eon Chiphas. 25 Cajlrum Calonos. 26 
 Caftrum Bibafarorum. 27 Caftrum Tzauras. 28 
 Caftrum Birthas. 29 Caflrum Attachas. 30 C#- 
 y?^^ Aphuborum. 31 Caftrum Florianarum. 32 
 Caftrum Arimachorum. 33 Caftrum Baluos. 34 
 Caflrum Daphnudin, " 3f Caftrum Samochar to- 
 rum. 
 
 The other Armenia. 
 
 1 Dademon. 2 Arfamufaton. 3 Polkhne. 4 
 Chofana. f Chofomacha. 6 Cithariza. 7 CVz- 
 y?r#»z Marticertum. 8 Caftrum BaiuUos. 9 Ca- 
 ftrum Polios. 1 o Caftrum Ardon. 1 1 C7*>i# £0- 
 phines. 1 2 7?eg/0 Jalimbana, where Baftlius was 
 born, who wrote the prtfent Account:. 13 C/f- 
 Anzetines. 14 C7/'*»0 Digefines. if C/i^ 
 Garines. 16 Clima Orziacines. 17 Clima Bilabi- 
 tenes. 18 C/««0 Aftianices. 19 Clima Mamuzu- 
 rarum. 
 
 Province 0/ Phoenicia Maritima. 
 
 1 Tyrus. 2 <SVV/0#. 3 Ptolemais. 4 Berytus. 
 f Biblus. 6 Tripolis. 7 ^r<r^. 8 Orthoftas. 9 
 Botris. 10 Gegarta. 11 Arados. 12. 
 
 tarados. 13 Paneas. 14 Gonatij Saltus. if Z 7 *- 
 f»j Politianus. 16 Vicus Trieris. 
 
 Province 0/ Phoenicia Libani. 
 
 1 Emijfa. 2 Laodicea. 3 Heliopolis. 4 Abilla. 
 f Damafcus. 6 Clima Jabrudorum. 7 Evarius, 
 al. Jufiinianopolis. 8 Talmyra^ in G0#r it is /W- 
 7#jr#. 9 C7//ȣ Maglydorum. to Saltum Gonati- 
 cum. 11 Salamias, \z Clima Orient ale. 
 
 Province 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 40 3 
 
 Province of Paleftina [*] Prima. 
 
 1 Mia, ox Jerufalem. zC*faria. 3 Dora 
 4 Antipatris. 5 Diofpolis, al. Gcorgiopohs. 6 jam 
 lia. 7 Nicopolis. ZOnus. 9 Sozufa. 10 J op- 
 pa. 11 Afcalon. 11 Gaza. x^Raphia i\An- 
 
 ,7 Ncapolis. 18 Scbafie. 19 ^pathus 
 zo IiJo Jericho. 2.1 Regio Libit, zz Regio 
 Gadara. 23 Azotus Maritima. H 
 HiPPinis. if Acomazon. 16 Bittymos. 
 77 fricomias. 18 Toxus. 19 Saltum Confianti- 
 niani. 30 Saltum Geraiticum, al. Barfamon. 
 
 Province of Paleftina Secunda. 
 
 1 Scythopolis. z Gadara. 3 Pell*. 4 Ahi \ a ' 
 < Capetomas. 6 Dioc*farea. 7 Maximianopolis. 
 8 Gab*. 9 Tiberias. 10 Hippos. II 
 &. \z Clima G*lanes. 13 fetracomia. 14 Co " 
 
 menais. 
 
 Province 0/ Paleftina Tenia. 
 
 iPrtw. 2 Auguflopolis. 3 Arindela. \Cha- 
 ratmuda. f Areopolis. 6 Mapfis. J hluja. 
 X Zoara. 9 Birofabon. 10 Elas. ji Pentaco- 
 mia. iz Mamopjora. 13 Metrocomia. \^ Gal- 
 ium Hieraticum. Goar divides two of thele in- 
 to four, reading them thus, Salton, Alamo, PJo- 
 ra, Hieraticon. * 
 
 Province of Arabia. 
 
 1 Bofira. lAdrafus. zDia. ^Medaba. fGe- 
 raffa. 6 Neva. 7 Philadelphia. SEsbus. 9 Nc- 
 apolis. 10 Philippolis. wPhenutus. izConftanti- 
 na. iiDionyftas. 14 Pentacomia. if Tricomta. 
 16 Canothas. 17 Saltum. 18 Bataneos. 19 Ex- 
 acomia. zo Enacomia. z\ Vicus Gonias. zzVi- 
 cus Cherus. zt, Vicus Stanes. 24 Vicus Caberp 
 2.5 Vicus Coreath*. z6 Vicus Bilbanus. 27 Vi- 
 cus Caprorum. 28 Vicus Pyrgoaretarum. 2,9 Vi- 
 cus Setnes. 30 Vicus Ariacharum. 31 Neotes. 
 2Z Clima Orientalium Occidentalium. 33 Vi- 
 cus Ariath* Saxofte. 34 Vicus Bebdamus. 
 
 Province of Armenia Magna. 
 
 Concerning this the Author only remarks, 
 that it is an Autocephalus, or independent Coun- 
 try, not fubject to any Apoftolical Throne, but 
 honoured in refpect to St. Gregory of Armenia, 
 having two hundred Cities and Caftles. 
 
 Province of Cyprus. 
 
 The Author makes the fame Obfcrvation up- 
 on this Country, that it is an Independent alio, 
 in Honour of St. Barnabas the Apoltlc who was 
 found here, having the Gofpel of St. Mark laid 
 upon his Breall. The Cities in this Province 
 are, 
 
 1 Conflantia the Metropolis, z Citium. 3 A- 
 mathus. 4 Curium. f Paphus. 6 Arfhuc. 
 7 Soli. 8 Lapithus, the Birth-place of Georgius 
 Cyprius, who wrote the Book out of which thefe 
 were taken. 9 Cyrenia. 10 Tamafus. 11 Cy- 
 thri. iz Trimithus. 13 Carpafm. 
 
 There is added at the End of Goar's Notitia : 
 " This Account was taken An. 6"3oi,inthe Reign 
 " of the Emperor Leo Sapiens, and under the Pa- 
 " march Photiur" that is, An. 801. 
 
 In this Dcfcription of the Church, the Rea- 
 der may oblerve, that the Author being a Greek, 
 is much more accurate in his Account of the 
 Greek and Eafiern Churches, than of the Weft- 
 em and Latin: For here is no Account of France, 
 Spain, Britain, Illyricum- f and fuch confus'd and 
 imperfect Accounts of the Provinces of Italy and 
 Africk, as mew plainly, that the Author was not 
 rightly acquainted with the ftate of the Church 
 in thofe Countries j at leaft not in Italy ; For in 
 all Italy and Sicily here arc not mention'd above 
 an hundred Diocefes, and yet it is clear from 
 the Accounts that have been given before out of 
 the Subfcriptions of antient Councils, that there 
 were nearer three hundred Diocefes in thofe Re- 
 gions. Above one hundred and fifty Italian Bi- 
 ihops of diftinct Sees are found fubferib'd in one 
 Age in the Roman Councils held under Hilary, 
 Felix and Symmachus, and there were almofl as 
 many more not mentioned in thofe Councils, 
 but to be found in other Councils and antienc 
 Records. And though when thefe Notitia' s 
 were made, feveral of the antient Diocefes might 
 be united together, yet it appears from the Sub- 
 fcriptions of the Roman Councils under Eugenius 
 II. and Leo IV. in the ninth Century, that there 
 were above double the Number to what the No- 
 titia's mention. So that it muft be own'd, that 
 they give but an imperfect Account of the Latin 
 or Weftern Church. But the Account of the 
 Greek and Eafiern Churches is more compleat, 
 and agrees very well with the Subfcriptions col- 
 lected out of the antient Councils. And fo they 
 one confirm another, and both together fully 
 make out the Account that has been given both 
 of the Number and Extent of Diocefes in the 
 antient Church. 
 
 [*] Note, This Province and the next are tamting both in Carolus a San&o Paulo and Goar, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX 
 
 CHAR VIII. 
 
 Of the Divifion of Diocefes into Parifhes, and the firfl Original of them. 
 
 SECT. I. Hp HERE remains but one 
 
 of the anttent Jl thing more to be enquir'd 
 Ximes of Fanfi- { n t G n this Head, which is the 
 churches. Divifion of Diocefes into fuch 
 
 lefier Precincts as we now call Parifhes, and Pa- 
 rifh Churches. Concerning which I fhall here 
 need to fay the lefs, becaufe fo much has already- 
 been find incidentally in fpeaking of the Extent 
 of antient Diocefes, which we have generally 
 found too large to be confin'd to a fingle Con- 
 gregation. All that I fhall add upon this Sub- 
 ject therefore in this Place, is only to make a 
 few Remarks upon the antient Names of Pa- 
 rifhes (becaufe fome of them are a little ambigu- 
 ous) and fhew when, and upon what account, 
 and by what degrees Diocefes were divided in- 
 to Parifhes, to bring them to the prefent State 
 and Form of the Church. As to the antient 
 Names, I have had occafion to fhew before, 
 that the Words -nra^iy.ia, cPioixneis for the 
 three firft Ages were of the fame Importance, 
 denoting not what we now call a Parifh Church, 
 but a City with its adjacent Towns or Coun- 
 try Region. But in the fourth and fifth Ages 
 we find both Names promifcuoufly given as 
 well to Country Parifhes, as Epifcopal, or City 
 Churches. For now thefe lefTer Divifions of 
 Diocefes began to be call'd Parochi<e, as may be 
 feen in the Courlcil of Chalcedon [a~] y which 
 order'd, that in every Church fuch Country Pa- 
 rifhes as belong'd of old time to any Bifhop, 
 ihould continue in his PoflefTion without any 
 Moleftation. And in the Council of Vaifon, 
 an. 442, a Decree was made [b] that Country 
 Parifhes fhould have Presbyters to preach in 
 them, as well as the City Churches. And fo 
 the Word Parochia is often us'd by St. Jerom 
 [/], Sulpicius Sever us [i], Theodore t \e~], lnnocen- 
 tius [f] and other Writers of thofe Ages. 
 Though {till the Name Parochia continu'd to 
 fignify properly an Epifcopal Diocefe, from 
 which it was transfer'd to denote thofe lefTer Pa* 
 rochia, becaufe they were a fort of Imitation 
 of the former. Which is the Account that So- 
 crates [g] feems to give of them, when fpeak- 
 ing of the Villages of the Region of Mareotes 
 that were fubjecl: to the Bifhop of Alexandria, 
 he fays, they were as fo many -nra^miaxy or 
 lefTer Diocefes under his City. And upon the 
 fame Reafon the Name Dioecefis was fometimes 
 
 given to a Parifh Church alfo, though it moil 
 properly belongs to an Epifcopal Diocefe. Thus 
 Sidonius Apollinarius [h] fpeaks of his own vifi- 
 ting his Diocefes, meaning only the Parifh 
 Churches under his Epifcopal Jurifdidion. And 
 fo in the Collation of Carthage it is faid [/] of 
 one Place that there was perfect Unity not on- 
 ly in the City, but in all the Diocefes, that is, 
 the Country Parifhes or Villages belonging to 
 it. Baluzius has obferv'd the fame [k] in Ru- 
 ricius Lemovicenjis [/], and Gregory of Tours [w], 
 and fome other Writers. The reafon of this 
 Appellation being, as I faid before, for that 
 thefe Churches whereupon fingle Presbyters 
 were fix'd, were a fort of lefTer Diocefes, as the 
 Author of the Pontifical [»] under the Name 
 of Damafus terms them j and fome Canons give 
 them [0] the Name of Ecclefiz Dioecefan<e, Di- 
 ocefan Churches > and others Country or Vil- 
 lage Churches, 1 whence the Presbyters refiding 
 on them were term'd omyy^ci x^o-Ctm^Country- 
 Presbyters, by the Council of NeocaJarea[p\ in 
 opposition to the City-Presbyters in the Cathe- 
 dral or Mother-Church. Parifh-Churches were 
 alfo peculiarly call'd Tituli, as has been noted 
 before [gQ, in contradiftindhon to the Bifhop's 
 Church} being fuch Churches as had particular 
 Presbyters and Deacons affign'd to them, who 
 upon that account are faid to have a Title. And 
 fome learned Perfons [r] are of Opinion, that 
 Cardinal Presbyters and Deacons, at firft were 
 no more but Presbyters and Deacons fo depu- 
 ted and affix'd to the Service of particular Pa- 
 rifh Churches, and that as well at Rome as other 
 Places. 
 
 As to the Original of Parifh- SECT. If. 
 Churches, there is no doubt but The ° ri s ml °f 
 it was Neceffity, and the Conve- £"f'^"~ W ; 
 niences of celebrating Chriftian "fZedTpmtheA- 
 Ofhces, and holding Chriftian poftolkd Rules of 
 Communion with greater Eafe, chriftian commum- 
 that firft gave occafion to them. <>». 
 For when the Multitude of Believers increas'd 
 fo in large and populous Cities, that one Church 
 could not contain them, there was a Neceffity 
 of dividing the AfTembly, and ere&ing other 
 Churches, where all the Solemnities of the j Chri- 
 ftian Worfhip and the ufual Offices of Divine 
 Service might be pcrform'd, as well as in the 
 
 [a] Cone. Chalced. can. 16. Tct< v.&y incLrw \Ky.M\aiav 
 dye'iKdf nrttMHiitf, » iy%*-ei*( f^etv tint 3.cy.<TAK<iv ra<; tojV 
 xenkyvern avra( hmHWoK. OJ Cone. Vaifioncn. i.e. 
 2. Placuit ut non folum in Civiratibus, fed etiam in omnibus Pa- 
 rochiis, verbum faciendi daremus Presbyteris poteftatem. [c] Hi- 
 eron. cont. Vigilant, cap. 1. [d~\ Sulpic. Sever. Dial. i. c. 4.. 
 
 [e] Theodor. Ep. iij. [/J Innocent. Ep. ad Decenti- 
 
 um. c. f. Q»] Socrat. lib. 1. c. 27. inn-,' -&re tyiv clv- 
 
 t« <7roxtv ax TttpfiKiaj • M Sidon. lib. 9. Ep. ib. 
 
 p. 611. Pjragratis- forte Dicecefibus cum domum veni, 
 
 &c. [>] Collat. Carthag. Die 1. c. 1 76. Unitas illic perfe&a eft 
 non folum in ipfa Civitate, verum etiam in omnibus Dicecefibus. 
 [k] Baluz. Not. ad Gratian. p. 5-10. [/] Ruricius Lemovic. lib. 
 2. Ep. 6. [m] Greg. Turon. Hift. lib. 4. c. 1 3. lib. 6. c. -3. 
 [»] Pontifical. Vit. Marcelli. Viginti quinque Titulos in Urbe Ro- 
 ma conftituit, quafi Dicecefes, propter Baptifmum £c pcenitentiam 
 multorum. [0] Concil. Tarracon. can. 8. [^J Concil. 
 
 Neoc^far. can. 12. [q] Book. 8. Chap. 1. Sccl.io. [rj Vid. 
 Joh. Fronto. Epift. de Canonicis Cardinalibus. Par. 1661. 
 
 Mother- 
 
 1 
 
Chap. VIII 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 40$ 
 
 Mother-Church, to anfwer the Apoftolical Or- 
 dinance of holding Chriftian Communion one 
 with another j which was according to what 
 we read Atls ii. 41. That Men fhould conti- 
 nue ftedfaftly in the Apoftle's Doctrine, and 
 Fellovvfhip, and in breaking of Bread, and in 
 Prayers. The Author of the Pontifical under 
 the Name of Damafus, in the Life of Marcellus, 
 ieems to fay, That feveral of the Roman Tituli, or Pa- 
 rifh Churches, were erecTed [j] for theConveni- 
 ency of baptizing great Multitudes that were con- 
 verted from Paganifm, and for burying the Mar- 
 tyrs. But if there was any Neceffity upon that 
 Account, there was doubtlefs a greater Neceffi- 
 ty upon another. For in thofe Days the whole 
 Body of the Chriftian Church was us'd to com- 
 municate weekly at the Lord's Table j and it 
 being impoflible that one Church fhould fuffice 
 in large Cities for this purpofe, there was an 
 abfolute Neceflity of building more, that Chri- 
 ilians might live in Communion one with ano- 
 ther. And fo Parifn Churches muft be as anti- 
 ent as the Neceflities of the Church, and he that 
 knows how to date the one, may eafily date the 
 Original of the other for any particular City or 
 Diocefe in the Univerfe. 
 
 sect. HI. But as Cities and their Ap- 
 some of them pro- pendant Diocefes differed very 
 bably as antient *s mucn j n t heir Size and Extent, 
 the Times of the A- {q j, js rea f on able to believe, 
 }°fl ts ' that fome of them were obliged 
 
 to build Parifli-Churches much fooner than others. 
 And in fuch Places as Jerufalem and Rome, there 
 is great Probability from feveral Paflages in the 
 Atls and St. Paul's Epiftles, that there were 
 more Churches than one from the Days of the 
 Apoftles. However, it is undeniably evident 
 from Optatus, as I have fhewed before, that 
 Rome had above forty Churches in it before 
 the End of the third Century, or in the Begin- 
 ning of the Diocletian Perfecution. As for the 
 leffer Cities, it will be no wonder to find fome 
 of them which had but one Church whilft the 
 Perfecution lafted j fuch as that City in Phrygia, 
 which Laclantius fpeaks of, where he fays, The 
 Church and all the People were burnt [t] toge- 
 ther by one of the barbarous Prefects in the laft 
 Perfecution. Valefius thinks, Eufebius fpeaks of 
 the fame City, who fays [«], it was all Chri- 
 ftian at that time, both Magiftrates and People, 
 and therefore an Army was fent againft them, 
 which burnt them all together. Men, Women 
 and Children, as they were making their Suppli- 
 cations to Chrift their God. From which it 
 may be concluded, that there were fome Ci- 
 ties which were but what Eufebius calls this, 
 •arcXi^vou, fo very fmall as to need no other 
 Church befide the Bifhop's Cathedral, even 
 when all the Members of them were become 
 univerfally Chriftian. And this may feem an 
 
 Argument to fome, that there were antient- 
 ly many Epifcopal Diocefes that never had any 
 Parifh- Churches. 
 
 But here it muft be remem- SECT. IV. 
 
 bred, what has been abundantly some leffer cities 
 
 proved before, That generally had Country parifh- 
 
 the antient Cities had their Sub- " tv r m ln Ttmes °f 
 
 1 t-» • 1 1 Perfecution. 
 
 urbs or Country Region belong- 
 
 ing to them j and fome that were very fmall Ci- 
 ties, as Cyprus in Comagene, where Theodoret was 
 Bifhop, had upon this account very large Ter- 
 ritories under their Jurifdidtion. dnd we find 
 a great many Inftances of fuch Country Regi- 
 ons having Country Parifhes, and Country Pref- 
 byters and Deacons reflding on them, even in 
 the hottcft times of Perfecution j as appears from 
 the Canons of the Council of Eliberis [*], and 
 thofe of Neocafarea [jy], the former of which 
 was held while the Diocletian Perfecution lafted, 
 and the latter immediately after it was over, 
 and yet both of them fpeak of Country Pref- 
 byters and Deacons, to whom the Care of 
 Chriftian Aflemblies was committed. Epipha- 
 nius alio [z] fpeaks of Village Presbyters be- 
 longing to the City Cafchara in Mefopotamia in 
 the middle of the third Century and Dionyfius, 
 Bifhop of Alexandria, about the fame time fre- 
 quently mentions fuch in the Regions of Arfinoe, 
 Alexandria and other Cities of Mgypt and Libya, 
 in feveral Fragments of his Epiftles, recorded 
 in Eufebius, which have already been alledg'd, 
 and need not here be repeated. From thefe 
 and many other fuch Inftances it is evident, that 
 as foon as the Chriftian Religion began to fpread 
 it felf from the Cities into the Country Regions 
 in any confiderable manner, Village Churches 
 were erected, and Country Presbyters fix'd on 
 them ; the Neceflities and Convenience of the 
 Church requiring it fo to be, for the greater Be- 
 nefit and Edification of the whole Community. 
 Thus Parifh- Churches had their Original both 
 in City and Country, not all at one Time, nor 
 by any general Decree, but as the Exigencies of 
 every Diocefe requir'd, the Bifhop of which was 
 always the propereft Judge, how many Afliftants 
 he needed to help him to difcharge the feveral 
 Offices belonging to him as chief Superinten- 
 dent of the City and Territory under his Jurif- 
 didtion. In France, the Council of Vaifon fpeaks 
 of Country Parifhes in the beginning of the 
 fifth Century, as I have noted before in the 
 firft Section of this Chapter. But in England 
 we have not fo early an Account of them, 
 becaufe the Records we have remaining of 
 the antient Britijh Church, make no men- 
 tion of Parifhes: And after the Saxon Con- 
 verfions were begun, ic was fome time be- 
 fore our Diocefes were divided into Parifhes, 
 and longer before they had appropriated Reve- 
 nues fettled upon them, Some think Honorius 
 
 [s~\ Pontifical. Vit. Marcelli. [/] Laftant. Inft.it. lib. f. c. n. 
 Ali^ui ad occidendum prxcipites extiterunt, ficut unus in Phrygia, 
 qui univcrfum populum cum ipfo pariter Conventiculo concrema- 
 
 VOL, I- 
 
 vit. [u] Eufeb. lib. 8. c. 1 1. [*] Cone. Elibcr. cap. 77, 
 
 (j] Cone. Neocxfar. c. if. [*] Epiph. Hser, 66, 
 
 Ffff 
 
 the 
 
The A n t i qjj i t i k s of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 the fifth Archbifhop of Canterbury divided fo 
 much of the Nation as was converted, into Pa- 
 rifhes about the Year 640. SoBifhop Godwyn and 
 Dugdale. But others think, this Divifion is rather 
 to be underftood of Diocefes than Parifhes : For 
 Parochia in Bede commonly denotes a Bifhop's 
 Diocefc, according to the antient Style and Lan- 
 guage of the Church ; as is evident from that Ca- 
 non of the Council of Herudford mention'd in Bede 
 [a], which was held above thirty Years after this 
 fuppos'd Divifion of Honorius, in the Time of 
 Archbifhop Theodore, An. 6j$ j where it is de- 
 creed, That no Bifhopfhall invade another's Paro- 
 chia, or Diocefe, but be content with the Go- 
 vernment of the People committed to him. Bi- 
 fhop Andrews [b] indeed brings this very Ca- 
 non for a Proof of Parifhes being now fettled 
 all over the Nation : But I conceive the other 
 Senfe of the Word Parochia to be more proper 
 to that Place. Though I will not deny but 
 that toward the latter End of this Archbifhop's 
 Time, who liv'd to the Year 690, the Divifi- 
 on of Parifhes might be made. For Bede obferves 
 [c~] that Religion and the Affairs of the Church 
 made a greater Progrefs in his time than ever 
 they had done before. And Mr. JVhcelock [d] 
 in his Obfervations upon the Place cites an anti- 
 ent Manufcript, which fpeaks of the Divifion of 
 Parifhes as made under him. Now Chriftianity 
 had fpread it felf into the Country, and Churches 
 were built, and Presbyters fixed upon them, and 
 Firft- fruits, and other Revenues were fettled by 
 King Ina [e] among the Weft-Saxons, and by 
 Withred King of Kent in the Council of Becon- 
 celd, An. 694; and Patrons, when they founded 
 Churches, endowed them with Lands for proper 
 Maintenance: All which feem to imply, that 
 the Original of Country Parifhes was about 
 the latter End of the feventh Century in this 
 Nation, and in the next Age they were fully 
 fettled. 
 
 SECT. v. But to return to the former 
 
 The c'r.y parifhes not Times: It is farther to be noted 
 always afflgned to concerning the antient manner 
 
 particular Tresby Q f f erving t h e City Parifh Church- 
 
 2£ X Z es > that werc not t a "> y c< r 
 
 clergy of the Bi- mitted to any particular Presby- 
 Jhop's chunh. This ters, as thofe in the Country Re- 
 otherwife in com- gjons were, but were ferved in 
 tryvartjhes. common by the Clergy of the 
 
 Bifhop's Church. Learned Men conclude this 
 from a Paflage in Epiphanius, who feems to note 
 it as a particular Cuftom at Alexandria, that all 
 
 the Churches there had their own particular 
 Presbyters afiigncd them, who dwelt near their 
 own Churches, every one in their own Streets 
 orDivifions [/], which the Alexandrians in then- 
 own Language called Laura. Petavius indeed 
 [g] thinks, Epiphanius was miftaken, and that it 
 was not the peculiar Cuftom of Alexandria, but 
 common to all great Cities, to have Presbyters 
 fixed upon all their Churches. But Valefius [h~\ 
 and other learned Men defend Epiphanius againft 
 his Cenfure, and fhews this to have been fo An- 
 gular a Cuftom at Alexandria, that perhaps no 
 other City in the World in that Age, no not 
 Rome it felf, which had above forty Churches, 
 • had any one Church appropriated to any parti- 
 cular Presbyter, but they were all ferved in 
 common by the Clergy of the Bifhop's Church. 
 Falefius obferves, that it was fo at Rome to the 
 time of Innocent I, who fpeaks of his fending the 
 Bread of the confecrated Eucharift to the Pref- 
 byters miniftring in the Parifh Churches on the 
 Lord's-day, that they might not on that Day 
 think themfelves [i] feparated from his Commu- 
 nion. So that they feem to have been the Cler- 
 gy of the great Church, fent forth by Turns 
 only, to minifter in the feveral Tituli on the 
 Lord's-day j and then their having a Title, or 
 the Care of a Church, muft mean no more bur 
 their being deputed in common to the Service of 
 the Tituli, or Parifh Churches, in Contradiftin- 
 £r.ion to the Cathedral Church. Something of 
 this Cuftom continu'd at Conftantinople to the 
 time of Juftinian. For in one of Novels [ft] he 
 takes Notice of three Churches, St. Mary's, 
 Theodore's, and Irene's, which had no appropriated 
 Clergy belonging to them, but were ferved by 
 the Minifters of the great Church, who officia- 
 ted in them according to their Courfes. It is 
 obferved alfo by fome, that a peculiar Cuftom 
 prevailed at Rome, to have two Presbyters offici- 
 ate in every Church, whereas in other Places 
 there was but one. Dr. Maurice [/] infers this 
 from a PafTage in the Comments of -Hilary the 
 Roman Deacon, who commonly goes under the 
 Name of St. Ambrofe, who fays, that though 
 there were but feven Deacons in all Rome, yet 
 there was fuch a Number of Presbyters as to 
 have two to officiate in every Church [m], be- 
 caufe the Inhabitants communicated twice a 
 Week, and there were Sick Perfons to be bapti- 
 zed almoft every Day. But whether this Cuftom 
 was fo peculiar to Rome, as to belong to no o- 
 ther Church, is what I had rather the Reader 
 fhould believe upon that learned Man's Judg- 
 
 O] Bede lib. 4. c. f. Cone. Herudford. c. 2. Ut nullus Epif- 
 coporum Parochiam alterius invadat, fed contentus fit gubernatione 
 credit* fibi Plebis. [b] Andrews de Decimis inter Opufcula, 
 
 p. if 2. 0] Bede, lib. 5-. c. 8. [/) Wheelock in 
 
 Loc. [j] Ina: Leges Ecclef. c. 4. Primitise feminum ad Fe- 
 fium S. Martini redduntor, &c. ap. Spelman. p. 183. Conc.Becon- 
 celd. c. 1. ibid. p. 191. [/] Epiph. Hacr. 69. Arian. c. 1. 
 
 [g] Petav. Annot. in Loc. [h] Valef. Not. in Sozomen. lib. 1. 
 c. 13. Maurice'* Vmdic. of the Primitive Church, p. 6f. 
 [»] Innoc. Ep. 1. ad Decent, c. f . Quarum Presbyteri, quia die 
 
 ipfo propter plebem fibi creditam nobifcum convenire non poflunt, 
 idcirco Fermentum a nobis confeftum per Acolythos accipiunt, ut 
 fe a noftra communione maxime ilia die non judicent feparatos. 
 [It] Juftin. Novel. 3. c. 1. [/] Maurice of Diocef. Efifcop. p. 47. 
 [»*] Ambrof. Com. in 1 Tim. 3. Nunc autem feptem Diaconos 
 efle oportet, & aliquantos Presbyteros, ut bini lint per Ecclefias, 
 
 & unus in Civitate Epifcopus. Omni enim Hebdomada offe- 
 
 rendum eft, etfi non quotidie peregrinis, incolis tamen vel bis in 
 Hebdomada, etfi non deiint qui prope quotidie baptizentur xgri. 
 
 ment, 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 407 
 
 merit, than my own AfTcmon. As to Country 
 Churches the cafe is very plain, that Presbyters 
 were more early fixed and appropriated peculiar- 
 ly to them, there being not the fame Conveni- 
 ency of fcrving them in common by the Presby- 
 ters of the City Church. Therefore we may 
 obferVc, that the Council of Neoctefarea [»] 
 makes a Distinction between the hmyy^oi ir^a- 
 GuTStfoi, the Country Presbyters, and thofe of the 
 City, forbidding the former to officiate in the 
 City Church, except in the Abfcncc of the Bi- 
 fhop and City Presbyters: Which plainly im- 
 plies, that Country Parifhcs were then ferv'd by 
 fixed Presbyters of their own, who had nothing 
 to do with the Service of the City Church. And 
 the fame appears from the Account which Atha- 
 nafius gives of the Presbyters of the Villages of 
 jMareotis under Alexandria, and many other Paf- 
 fages of the antient Writers. 
 
 SECT. VI. But we are to obferve, that 
 
 settled Revemtei not the being fettled in a Parifh Cure, 
 
 immediately fix'd whether in City or Country, did 
 
 upon Panps at not immediately intitle a Man to 
 
 thcr firfl Divifon, ^ Revenu£ ar j fin „ from that 
 but paid into the _ 1 1 • fr> 1 
 
 common stock. Cure, whether in Ty thes or Ob- 
 lations, or any other kind, l'or 
 antiently all Church Revenues were delivered in- 
 to the common Stock of the Bifhop's Church y 
 whence by the Direction and Approbation of the 
 Bifhop, who was the chief Administrator of the 
 Revenues of his Diocefe, a monthly or an annual 
 Divifion was made among the Clergy under his 
 Jurifdiction, as has been {hewed before in giving 
 an Account of Ecclefiaftical Revenues [o] and 
 their Distribution. Where among other things 
 it has been obferved out of Theodoras Letlor [/>], 
 that at Conftantinople no Parifh Church had any 
 appropriated Revenues till the time of Gcnnadius 
 in the middle of the fifth Century, An. 460, 
 when Martian's OEconomus firfl ordered the Cler- 
 gy of every Church to receive the Offerings of 
 their own Church, whereas before the great 
 Church received them all. I n the Wefiern Church, 
 particularly in Spain, in the middle of the fixth 
 Century, it appears from the firft Council of 
 Bracara that the Bi'fhop and City Clergy had (till 
 all their Revenues in a common Fund, which was 
 divided into four Parts, one for the Bifhop [_q], 
 another for the Clergy, a third for the Fabrick 
 and Lights of the Church, and a fourth for the 
 Relief of the Poor, to be difpenfed by the Hands 
 of the Arch-presbyter or Arch-deacon, with the 
 
 Bifhop's Approbation. But the Country Clergy, 
 as to their Revenues, were now or lhortly after 
 upon a different Foot: For in the fecond Coun- 
 cil of Barcara, which was held but nine Years 
 after the firlt, An.j 72, we find a Canon [rj for- 
 bidding Bifhops to have any Share in the Obla- 
 tions of the Parochial Churches, and afhVninff 
 that third Part to maintain the Fabrick and 
 Lights of the Church •, only allowing them to 
 receive two Solidi by way of Honorary Acknow- 
 ledgment, (Honor Cathedra, the Canon terms it) 
 in their Parochial Vifitations. So that at lcafl 
 from this time we may date the Appropriation 
 of Revenues in Spain to the Country Parochial 
 Churches. In the lame Council there is another 
 Canon which corrects an Abufe, that plainly im- 
 plies fuch an appropriate Settlement upon Coun- 
 try Churches. For fome Patrons [j], it fcems, 
 would build Churches on their own Lands, not 
 for Piety, but for Lucre's fake, that they might 
 go halves with the Clergy in whatever was col- 
 lected of the Oblations of the People. To re- 
 medy which Inconvenience the Council orders, 
 that no Bifhop fhould confecrate any Church 
 for the future, that was built upon fuch an a- 
 bominable Contract and Tributary Condition. 
 This is a farther Evidence, that the Revenues of 
 Country Churches were then appropriated to 
 them, elfe fuch Abufes as thefe could not have 
 had any Foundation. But in Germany and France 
 the Revenues of the Parochial Churches feem to 
 have continued in the Hands of the Bifhop, an 
 lealt he had his Dividend of a fourth Part, for 
 fome Ages longer. For there are Rules in the 
 Capitulars of Baluzius and Goldaftus's Editions, 
 which order [t] Tithes and Oblations to be di- 
 vided into four Parts, according to antient Ca- 
 non, and one fourth to be given to the Bifhop. 
 And fome learned Perfons \jf\ who have narrow- 
 ly examined our Englijh Constitution, feem to be 
 of Opinion, that the Bifhops had their Portion 
 of the Ecclefiaftical Revenues with the Parochial 
 Clergy for fome considerable time after the firfl: 
 Designation and Settlement of Parifh Churches. 
 For they fuppofe that originally the Bifhop's 
 Cathedral was the only Church in a Diocefe, 
 from whence Itinerant or Occafional Preachers 
 were fent to convert the Country People, who 
 for fome time reforted to the Cathedral for fo- 
 lemn Divine Worfhip. Afterwards by degrees 
 fome other Churches were built among them, 
 first private Oratories or Chappels, without any 
 Parifh-bounds, for the Conveniency of fuch as 
 
 [»] Cone. Ncocxfar. c. 1 3. [0] Book V. Chap. vi. w. 1. 
 
 [p~] Theodor. Le&or. lib. 1. p. 5-5-3. [q] Cone. Bracar. 1. 
 
 c. if. Placuit ut de rebus eccletiafticis tres aequs: riant portioncs, 
 id eft, una Epifcopi, alia Clericorum, tenia in reparatione vel in 
 luminariis Ecclefise. De quarta parte live Archipresbytcr five Ar- 
 chidiaconus illam adminiftrans, Epifcopo faciat rationem. 
 [r] Cone. Bracar. 2. c. 2. Placuit ut nullus Epifcoporum per fuas 
 Dicecefes ambulans, prscter Honorem Cathedrar fuse, id eft, folidos 
 duos, aliquid aliud per Ecclefias tollat. Neque tertiam partem ex 
 quacunque Oblatione populi in Ecclefiis Parochialibus requhat, fed 
 ilia tertia pars pro Luminaribus Ecclelix vel Recuperatione fervetur, 
 & per fingulos annos Epifcopo inde ratio fiat. Ibid . 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Can. 6. Si quis Bafilicam non pro devotionc fidei, fed pro quarrtu 
 cupiditatis aedificat, ut quicquid ibi de Oblatione Populi co'ligitur, 
 medium cum Cericis dividat, eo quod !3afilicam in terra fua qua> 
 ftus caufa condiderit, quod in aliquibus locis ufque modo dicitur 
 fieri. Hoc ergo de cetero oblervari debet, ut nullus Epifcoporum 
 tarn abominabili voto confentiat, 8cc. [r] Capitular, lib. 7. 
 
 c 57 5"- Quatuor partes ex omnibus (Decimis 2c Oblationibus^ 
 
 fiant. Quarta Epifcopo referenda. Vid. Goldaft. Conftitut, 
 
 Imper.com. 3. cap. 23. p. 1 j8. [«] See Dr. Kenneth 
 
 Cafe of Impropriations, p, o, See, Mr-. Wharton '1 Defence of Plura- 
 lities, chap. 2. p. 8 j. 
 
 F f f f z 
 
 being 
 
408 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book IX 
 
 being at too great diftance from the Cathedral, 
 might more eafily refort to them. Then Parifh 
 Churches with certain Limits were erected, fome 
 by the Liberality of the People themfelves in 
 more populous and wealthy Places, others by 
 the Bifhops, and others by the Saxon Kings ; 
 but chiefly the Lords of Manor, the 'Thanes, as 
 they then called them, were the great Inftru- 
 ments in this Work of founding Parifh Churches. 
 Whence it was that Parifh Bounds were con- 
 formed to the Limits and Extent of a Manor, as 
 I have fhewed that the Bounds of an antient 
 Diocefe were to the Territory of a City: And 
 hence the Lord of a Manor had his original 
 Right of Patronage and Prefentation. Yet this 
 did not deftroy the Bifhop's Right to a Share in 
 the Revenue of his whole Diocefe. But Time 
 made an Alteration in this Matter: For our Bi- 
 fhops feem voluntarily to have relinquished their 
 Title to Parochial Revenues, as the Spanijh Bi- 
 fhops had done before themj though whether 
 they made any Canon about it, as the other did, 
 
 I am not able to inform the Reader. But Dr. 
 Kennet has obferved [x] out of Dugdale Qy], that 
 notwithstanding the Alteration that was made in 
 this Matter, the Bifhops of the Jjle of Man con- 
 tinued to have their Tertiana, or third Part of all 
 Church Revenues in that Ifland. Which, I fup- 
 pofe, was becaufe they were not liable to any 
 Alterations made here, as not being then of the 
 EngUJIi Jurifdiction. Thus I have given a fhort 
 Account of the Original and antient State of Pa- 
 rochial Churches, but it is beyond my Defign 
 to carry this Enquiry any farther. They who 
 would know by what Steps and Encroachments 
 Parifh Churches loft their Revenues again, fii-ft 
 by the Confufion of Parifh Bounds, and a Liber- 
 ty granted to Men to pay their Tithes and Obla- 
 tions where they pleas'd, and then by Appropri- 
 ations to Monasteries, and Impropriations grant- 
 ed to Laymen, may find thefe Things handled 
 at large in Dr. Rennet's Elaborate Difcourfe of Im- 
 propriations and Augmentation of Vicarages, to 
 which I refer the Inquifitive Reader. 
 
 The CONCLUSION. 
 
 Wherein h propofed an Eafie and Honourable Method for efiablijhmg a Primi- 
 tive Diocefan Epifcopacy^ (conformable to the Model of the fmaller Sort of 
 antient Diocefes) in all the Proteftant Churches. 
 
 AL L I have farther to add upon this Subj eel, 
 is only to make one feafonable and ufeful 
 Reflexion upon what has been difcourfed in this 
 laft Book, with relation to the long-wifhed-for 
 Union of all the Churches of the Reformation in 
 the fame Form of Epifcopal Government, agreea- 
 ble to the Model and Practice of the Primitive 
 Church. One great Objection againft the pre- 
 fent Diocefan Epifcopacy, and that which to 
 many may look the mofl Plaufible, is drawn 
 from the vaft Extent and Greatnefs of mofl: of 
 the Northern Diocefes of the World, which 
 makes it fo extreamly difficult for one Man to 
 difcharge all the Offices of the Epifcopal Functi- 
 on. To take off the main Force of which Ob- 
 jection, I have been at fome Pains to fhew, that 
 for the Prefervation of Epifcopacy, there is no 
 Neceffity that all Diocefes fhould be of the fame 
 Extent, fince there was fo great difference in the 
 Bounds and Limits of the antient Diocefes, but 
 not the leaft difference about the Forms or Spe- 
 cies of Epifcopal Government for all that, in 
 any part of the Primitive Church. And there- 
 fore if ever it fhall pleafe God to difpofe the 
 Hearts of our Brethren, in the Churches of the 
 Reformation, to receive again the Primitive 
 Form of Epifcopacy (which is much to be wifh- 
 ed, and there feems in fome of them to be a 
 
 good Inclination and Tendency toward it) there 
 needs be no Difficulty from this Objection to 
 hinder fo ufeful and peaceable a Defign j becaufe 
 every Church is at Liberty to contract her own 
 Diocefes, and limit them with fuch Bounds, as 
 fhe judges mofl: expedient for the Edification and 
 Benefit of the whole Community 3 there being 
 no certain Geometrical Rule prefcribed us' about 
 this, either in the Writings of the Apoftles, or 
 in the Laws and Practice of the Primitive Church, 
 any farther than that every City, or Place of 
 civil Jurifdiction, fhould be the Seat of an Ec- 
 clefiaftical Magiftracy, a Bifhop with his Pref- 
 bytery, to order the Spiritual Concerns of Men, 
 as the other does the Temporal. That this was 
 the General Rule obferved in the Primitive 
 Church, I think I have made it appear beyond 
 all Difpute, and that upon this Ground there 
 was fo great a difference in the Extent of Dio- 
 cefes fometimes in the fame Countries, as in Pa- 
 leftine, Afia Minor, and Italy efpecially, becaufe 
 the Cities differed fo much in the Extent of their 
 Territories, and the Bounds and Limits of their 
 Jurifdiction. Now it is not very material in it 
 felf, whether of thefe Models be follow'd, fince 
 they are both Primitive and allowed in antient 
 Practice. The Church of England has ufually 
 followed the larger Model, and had very great 
 
 [*] Cafe of Impropriations, p. 28. [y] Dugdal. Monaftic. Angl. torn. i.p. 718. 
 
 8 
 
 and 
 
Chap. VIIL 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 409 
 
 and exrenfive Diocefcs: For at firft Ihe had but 
 feven Bilhopricks in the whole Nation, and 
 thofe commeniurate in a manner to the feven 
 Saxon Kingdoms. Since that time fhe has thought 
 it a Point of Wifdom to contract her Diocefes, 
 and multiply them into above twenty: And if 
 ilie mould think fit to add forty or an hundred 
 m-ore, fhe would not be without Precedent in 
 the Practice of the Primitive Church. Archbi- 
 ihop Cranmcr was very well apprized of this, and 
 therefore he advifed King Henry VIJI. to erect 
 fevcral new Bilhopricks, as a great Means among 
 other Things for reforming the Church. In 
 puifuance of which Advice the King himfelf 
 drew up a Lilt of near twenty new Bilhopricks 
 which he intended to make, and a Bill was paf- 
 fed in Parliament, An. if 39, to empower the 
 King to do this by his Letters Patents. The 
 whole Tranfadtion and the Names of the intend- 
 ed Sees may be read at large in Bilhop Burnett 
 Hiftoiy of the Reformation, Vol. I. p. 2.6*2. The 
 Thing indeed mifcarry'd afterward, and by fomc 
 Accident was never effected > but notwithstand- 
 ing it Ihews us the Senfe of the leading Men in 
 the Reformation. What therefore has been, and 
 ftill is allowable in this Church, is allowable in 
 others j that is, to multiply Diocefes as Necclli- 
 ty requires, and divide the great Care and Bur- 
 den of the Epifcopal Function into more Hands, 
 for the greater Benefit and Advantage of the 
 Church. Whenever therefore any of the Fo- 
 reign Churches of the Proteltant Communion 
 mall think fit to re-aflume again the antient E- 
 pifcopalForm of Government among them, they 
 may both with Honour and Eafe frame to them- 
 lelves fuch a Model of fmall Diocefes, as will 
 not much exceed the Extent of one of their 
 Claffes, nor much alter its Form, and yet be a- 
 greeable to the Model of the leffer fort of Dio- 
 cefes in the Primitive Church. A temporary 
 Moderator, or Superintendent of a fmall Diftrict, 
 fuch as our Rural Deaneries, will eafily be made 
 a Bilhop, by giving him a folemn Ordination to 
 the perpetual Office of governing the Churches 
 of fuch a Diftrict, as chief Paltor, under whom 
 all other inferior Paftors of the fame Diftrict 
 muft act in Subordination to him, deriving their 
 Authority from his Impofition of Hands, and 
 doing nothing without his Confent and Appro- 
 bation. As this will fecure the juft Authority 
 and Veneration of Epifcopal Superintendency, 
 whilft, according to the Rule of Ignatius, no- 
 thing is done without the Bilhop in the Church j 
 fo will it be agreeable to the Model of the an- 
 tient Church, which had many fmall Diocefes as 
 well as large ones, particularly in Italy, where 
 many Epifcopal Sees were not above five or fix 
 Miles from one another, and their Diocefes not 
 above ten or twelve Miles in Extent, fuch as 
 Narnia and Interamnia, Fidentf, Fulginum, Hif- 
 fellum, Forum Flaminii, and many others, that 
 have been particularly fpoken of in the foregoing 
 
 Book. There are now a great many fuch Dio- 
 cefes in Italy in the Realm of Naples, where the 
 whole Number is an hundred forty feven. Twen- 
 ty of which are Archbilhopricks > and fome of 
 them fo fmall as not to have any Diocefe beyond 
 the Walls of the City, as is particularly noted 
 by Dr. Maurice [*] and others, of Campana and 
 Vefla, out of Ughellus's Italia Sacra, whence in 
 is oblerved alfo, that Cava in the fame Kingdom 
 had but five hundred Communicants belonging 
 to it. And there are fome Diocefes at prcfent in 
 the Southern Parts of France, which 1 am told 
 do not very much exceed that Proportion. The 
 Bilhoprick of the Ijle of Man has now but feven- 
 teen Parifh.es, and in Bedels time [f] the whole 
 Ifiand had but the meafure of three or four hun- 
 dred Families, according to what was then the 
 Englijl) way of Computation, though the Ille of 
 Anglefey had thrice that Number. So that tho' 
 Diocefes in the Proteltant Churches lliould be 
 thus contracted, yet no other Church, where 
 Epifcopacy is already fettled, can have any juft 
 Reafon to complain of fuch an Epifcopacy as 
 this, fo long as it appears to be agreeable to the 
 Original State, and exactly conformable to anti- 
 ent Practice. Nor can any Churches then have 
 ground for Difpute with one another about ex- 
 ternal Polity and Government, though the Dio- 
 cefes of one Church happen to be larger or fmal- 
 ler than thofe of another j fo long as they have 
 each their Precedents in the antient Church, 
 they may treat one another with the fame Ca- 
 tholick Charity as the antient Churches did, a- 
 mong whom we never find the lealt Footftep of 
 a Difpute upon this foundation. Nor is there 
 now any Difpute between the two Sifter Churches 
 of England and Ireland upon this Head, though 
 the one has enlarged, and the other has contract- 
 ed her Diocefes fince the Reformation. For in 
 Ireland there are not now above half the Num- 
 ber of Diocefes that there were before, and con- 
 fequently they muft needs be larger by uniting 
 them together. In England there are more in 
 Number than formerly, fome new ones being 
 created out of the old ones, and at prefent the 
 whole Number augmented to three times as 
 many as they were for fome Ages after the firft 
 Converfion. Bellde that we have another wav 
 of contracting Diocefes in Effect here in England 
 appointed by Law, which Law was never yet 
 repealed, which is by devolving part of the Bi- 
 fhop's Care upon the Chorepifcopi, or Suffragan 
 Bifhops, as the Law calls them. A Method 
 commonly practifed in the antient Church in 
 fuch large Diocefes as thofe of St. Bafil and Theo- 
 doret, one of which had no lefs than fifty Chor- 
 epifcopi under him, if Nazianzen rightly informs 
 us j and it is a Practice that was continued here 
 all the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, and even to 
 the End of King James, and is what may be re- 
 vived again, whenever any Bilhop thinks his 
 Diocefe too large, or his Burden too great to be 
 
 [*1 Maurice Diocefan. Epifc. p. iji, [f] Bede, j. c 9. 
 
 fuftained 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX 
 
 sustained by himfelf alone. From hence I con- 
 clude, that the multiplying Bilhops, and con- 
 tracting Diocefes in the. Protestant Churches, can 
 give no jull Offence to any other Epifcopal 
 Churches, fince it was ever praftifed in the anti- 
 ent Church, and is now pra&ifed in fome of the 
 Churches of the Reformation, where ft ill the 
 Diocefes remain fo great, as to be capable of be- 
 ing divided each into ten, without altering the 
 Species of Epifcopacy, or infringing any Rule of 
 the Catholick Church. If this Consideration 
 may contribute any thing toward the Settlement 
 of a Primitive Epifcopacy in fuch Churches of 
 the Reformation as are ftill without it, (which 
 may be done by ordaining a Supreme Pastor in 
 every great Town, where there is a Civil Magi- 
 
 stracy, with leffer Towns and Villages in its De- 
 pendence, which was the antient Notion of a 
 City, when Epifcopacy was firft fettled by the 
 Apostles) I (hall then think my Pains and La- 
 bour, which have not been fmall, in difcovering 
 the Extent and Meafure of fo many antient Dio- 
 cefes, to be still fo much the more ufeful, not 
 only as opening a Way to a clear Understanding 
 of the State of the antient Church, but as pro- 
 moting the Unity and firmer Settlement of the 
 prefent Church, whofe general Interest, and not 
 that of any particular Church or Party interfe- 
 ring with it, I have propofed to my felf in 
 this whole Work to profecute and ferve. The 
 God of Peace and Truth profper the Endeavours 
 of all thofe who have no other Design. 
 
 A P P E 
 
 HAVING given no particular Catalogue 
 of the antient Diocefes in the fix African 
 Provinces, in the foregoing Book, as of all o- 
 ther Provinces in the World j left it fhould be 
 thought an Omission, I have here fubjoined an 
 Account of them, as collected by Carolus aSanclo 
 Paulo and Holfienius, out of the antient Coun- 
 cils, and the Collation of Carthage, and the No- 
 tit la of A f rick, publifhed by Sirmondus among his 
 Mifcellanies, and the Works of St. Auflin, and 
 VicJor Vitenfis, who fpeaks of a hundred and fixty 
 four Bilhops in the firft of thefe Provinces, call- 
 ed Zeugitana, or the Proconsular Africk; tho' 
 Carolus a Sanclo Paulo could find the Names only 
 of a hundred and two Diocefes, and fome of thefe 
 named twice or thrice over. For Bolita and 
 Vallis and Vol, are but three Names for the fame 
 City. So Abdera, and Abbirita and Abbir Germa- 
 Tiiciorum are the fame. As alfo Sicca and Zigga. 
 DuaJJedemfai and Duafenepfalitinte, two corrupt 
 Names for the City Selemfal, Holfienius obferves 
 in his Remarks upon them. 
 
 In Provincia Zeugitana, otherwife called Africa 
 Proconfularis. 
 
 i Carthago, z Sicilibra. 2 Maxula. 4 Vallis. 
 f JJthina. 6 Tuburbo. 7 Abdera. 8 AJfurus. 9 
 Tucabor, al. Tucca Terebinthina. 10 Altibura. 11 
 Vazua. 12 Ammedera. 13 Sicca Venerea. 14 
 Thinniffa. 15: Tuburbo minus. 16 Membrefa. 17 
 Melzita. 18 Utica. 19 Theudalis. zo Hippoza- 
 ritus, al. Hippo Diarritorum. zi Membro. iz 
 Lapda. 23 Bulla Regii. 24 Tennona, al. Tunnona. 
 2f Beneventum. z6 Simithu. zjThele. 28 Car- 
 pis. 29 Utimmira. 50 Mifua. 2.1 DuaJJedemfai. 
 32 Migripa. 33 Puppiana. 34 Puppita. 3 5 Ur"- 
 cita. forfan, Uci. 26 Gifipa. 27 Uzita, Uci. 28 
 Bonufia. 39 Cicjita. 40 Neapolis. 41 Culcita. 
 42 Curubis. 45 Ccefala. 44 Bulla. 45* Clypea. 
 46 Meglapolis. 47 Timida Regia. 48 Zigga. 49 
 Semina. 50 Parifium. forfan, Pertufa. fi Ru- 
 
 N D I X. 
 
 cuma. f 2 Talbora. f 3 Tagarata. 5-4 Cella. ff 
 Uzippare. f6 Abbir. Germanicia. fj Aufana, al. 
 Aufapha. f 8 Tabuca. $9 Maraggarita, al. Na- 
 raggarita. 60 Muzua. 61 Abitina. 6z Tituli. 
 63 Eudala. 64 Cafula. 6f Talana. 66 Vina, al. 
 Viva. 67 Volita, al. Bolita. 68 Tunes. 69 Mat- 
 tiana. 70 Hilt a. 71 Zarna. 72 Cubdis. 75 Mu- 
 nicipitogia. 74 Elibia. jf Pia. 76 Tadua. 77 
 Uzala. 78 Tizzica. 79 Abora. 80 Libertina. 81 
 Scilita. 82 Abfafalla. 83 Aradita. 84 Vcri. 8f 
 Ciumtuburbo, which Holfienius takes to be a cor- 
 rupt Reading for Civ. M. Tuburbo. 86 Ofita. 
 87 Municipium Canapium. 88 Nummula. 89 Tau- 
 racina. 90 Ucala. 91 Sinuara. 92 Succuba. 95 
 Horta vel Horrea. 94 Trifipellis. pf Guitramba- 
 caria. 96 Villa magna. 97 Tigimma. 98 Bolita. 
 99 Aga. 100 Cacirita. 101 Tatia Montanenfis. 
 102 Mullita. 103 Dua Senepfalitina, al. Selemfi- 
 lita. 104 Eguge. Holfienius adds Furni, Simingi- 
 ta, Aptunga, and Simidita. 
 
 In Numidia. 
 
 1 Cirta, al. Conflantina, the Civil Metropolis 
 of this Province. 2 Culla. 2 Ruficade. 4 Vaga, 
 al. Bagaia. f Lares. 6 Mileum reclius, Mile- 
 vum. 7 Idicra. 8 Cuiculum. 9 Nobas Parfa. 10 
 Diana. 1 1 GemelU. 1 2 Cullicitanis. Holfienius 
 reckons it the lame with Culcita. 1 3 Zama Re- 
 gia, the Royal Seat of King Juba. 14 Lambiri. 
 if Sinitu. 16 Aqua Tibilitana. 17 Hippo Regius. 
 18 Tuburfica. 19 Calama. 20 Gafauphala, al.G<?- 
 zophyla. 21 Tigillaba. 22 Rot aria. 23 Tipafa. 
 24 Tagafie. zf Thagura, al. Tagora. 26 Alt aba. 
 27 Vegefela. 28 Mafcula. 29 Macomades. 30 
 Tamugada. 31 Lambafa. 32 Tabuda. 33 Bcr- 
 cera. 34 Municipium, al. Municipium Tullenfe. 2? 
 Burca. 36 Vada. 37 Centenaria. 38 Nib a. 39 
 Amphora. 40 Buconia. 41 Sugita, al. Siguita. 
 42 Putca. 43 /fufucurro. 44 ~FuJ}ala. 45- Noba 
 Barbara. 46 IdaJJa. 47 Monte. 48 Lamforte. 
 49 Tididita. 50 Cafe Mediant, f 1 Ccthaquen- 
 
 fufca, 
 
411 
 
 fuft&i a!. Cathaquenfa. fi Centuzia. f3 Nob a 
 Germania. f4 Suficafia. f f iVo^ Cafaris. f6 
 Vazarita, al. Bazarita. si Rejfena. j- 8 Auguri- 
 um. fvOtlabum. 60 Gilba. 61 Mathara. 6z 
 Midila. 6$ Punentiana. 64. Meta. 6f Cafarca. 
 66 Nobafma. 67 CW/«. 68 Zattara. 69 Wkraf- 
 fa. 70 Cajlcllum Titulianum. 7 1 G/V»j Marcelli. 
 72 Si Hit a, al. Sillilita. 75 Htzirzada, 74 
 
 7f Maclaurus. j6 Bujfada. 77 Sillroni- 
 ana. 78 Regium. 79 7fg/tf. 80 C^/^ Nigra. 81 
 Tubun'ui. 82 Tigift. 83 Za£/. 84 Narangara. 
 85? Mufti. 8(5 Centurio. %j Aqua Nova. 88 7*- 
 foy?f. 89 Babra. 90 Moxorita. 91 Tamogazia. 
 92 Rcfpebla. 95 Legia. 94 Mazaca. 9f Ligura. 
 96 Times Concordia. 97 Belefife. 98 Gaudiabe. 
 99 Gar bis. 100 Marculita. 101 Suaba. 102 
 Germania. 103 Vadeftta. 104 Naratcata. toy 
 Lamiggiza. 106 Lamiggiga. 107 Vagarmilita, 
 al. Magarmelita, & Aqua. 108 Turns Ammenia- 
 rum. 109 Mulia. 110 O/pitum. 11 1 Vagada, 
 al. Vaga, Vaiana. £s? Bagaia. 1 1 2 Lamafaa. 1 1 3 
 Tacarata. n^Vllita, al. Vallita. 1 1 5 Seleucia, 
 al. Solentiana. \\6 Vada. 117 Maximiana. 118 
 Zaradta. 119 G7r«j Tarafi. 120 ^/Va; Pads. 
 121 Tabraca. 122 7««yz. 123 Quidia. 124 
 Caftellum. I2f Milcvi. 126 G/V«. 127 Fejfeita. 
 128 Damatcore. 129 Mada. 130 CVz/^ Calanea. 
 1 3 1 Arficarita. 1 5 2 Veftli, re&ius, Vegefela. 133 
 Villa Re gia. i^^Lega. Lamfua. \\6 Va* 
 
 grava. 127 138 139 Gauriana. 
 
 140 Forme. 141 Forme altera. 142 Fat urn. Hol- 
 ftenius adds nine more, ^/Va* Nigras, Druftlia^.z, 
 Zuma or Summa, Conftantia, Limata, Mutugenna, 
 Zerta, Sululitta, Centuria- 3 but then he thinks, 
 fome others are twice repeated, as Mileum & Mi- 
 levts, Zabi 6? Zama, Vaga & Vagada, Vefeli & 
 Vegefela, Tamagazia & Tamaguda, Culfita & 
 Cullifitanis, Germania 13 Nova Germania: And 
 Qnidia belongs to Mauritania Cafarienfts. 
 
 In Byzacena. 
 
 1 Adrumetum, the Civil Metropolis. 2 Horrea 
 Calm. 3 Tagafa. 4 Turreblandis. f Medianum. 
 6 Safes. 7 Afufenia. 8 Cillita. 9 /-^V«j Ateria. 
 10 Mibiarcefts. r'l Segermis. 12 Miriciana. 13 
 Gatiana, at. Garriana & Gratiana. 14 Suffetula. 
 if Dicea. ■ 16 Tices. 17 Ancufa. 18 Maf liana. 
 19 Vadentiniana, al. Valentmiana. 20 Nara. 21 
 Seberiana. 22 Tubulbaca. 23 Midita. 24 Tlzflz- 
 2f Jubeclidia. z6 Neptita. 27 Bubelia. 
 28 Cc//^. 29 Decoriana. 30 Putea. 3 1 7&ir#- 
 zita. ^2 Matlaris, al. Matiris. 33 Thagamuta. 
 34 Autentum. 35; Abaradira. 36 Bana. yj Ofla- 
 bium. 38 Otlabum. 39 Aquiaba. 40 Hermiana. 
 41 Paradamium, al. Feradi minor. 42 Tunis. 43 
 jlzrdjztf. 44 Crepedula. 4f Trofiniana. 46 Z?/>- 
 /« minor. 47 Feradimaia, al. Feradi major. 48 
 Temuniana vel Temoniara. 49 Unizibira. fO Ta- 
 rn allum a. f 1 Muz'uca. fz Maftimana. f 3 6Vr- 
 batiana. pj. Marazana. f$ Pederodiana. %6 
 Tuzurita. fj Matarita. 5*8 f9 Irpini- 
 
 ana, al. Hicrpiniana. 60 Aqua Albenfes. 61 Me- 
 nephejfa. 62 Ca/j/i?. 63 al. Aquila. 64 
 
 Tasbalte. 6f Municipia (3 Gernifia. 66 Tizra. 
 
 67 Rv.fpe. 68 Vararita. 6<p Febianum. to CV- 
 baradefa. 71 Foratiana. 72 Boana. 73 Mimia- 
 na. 74 Telepte. Jf Prafidium. y6 Natio. jy 
 Maraguia. 78 Tetcitana. -jy Macriana. 80 Gar- 
 £<3z7<3. 81 Cululi. 82 Arfurita, al. Safurita. 83 
 Tagarbala. 84 ^fy»<«? 8f Sguaftoriana. 
 
 86 Carcabia. 87 Vicloriana. 88 Materiana. 89 
 llirina. 90 Gummi. 91 Morotheorita. gzTicual- 
 ta. 93 Auzegera. 94 Gawarita. 9f 96 
 A?/>/e. 97 Limica. 98 Junca. 99 Thena. 100 
 Jubaltidna. 1 01 Tamaza. 102 Unuricopolis. 103 
 al- Aggarita. 104 Bizacium. 10 f Tapfus. 
 \o6 Madajfumma. 107 Tyfurus. 108 Septimuni- 
 cia. 109 Amurdafa. 110 Abidus, al. Aviduvicus. 
 1 1 1 Benefenfts. 1 1 2 i)ar^. 1 1 3 Rufiana. 1 14 
 Forontoniana. 11 f Egnat-ia. \\6 Front oni ana. 117 
 Tegariata. n8 Aggarita. 119 Garriana. 110 Ca- 
 ftrurn. 121 Z 7 //?, where /^'^or Vittnfis wasBilhop, 
 who wrote the Hiltory of the Vandalick Perfecu- 
 tion. \zz Circina. iz^ Pracaufa. \24Cufruta. izy 
 Filace. \z6 Oppenua. 127 Subletle. 128 Cencu- 
 liana. 129 Suluiana. 130 Vafinaffa. \\\ Aqua. 
 Holflenius adds to thefe eight more, Taphrura, 
 Ticlla, or Ze//#, Cabarfujfis, Tyfurus, Tyfdros, Ca- 
 fula Cariuna, Dionyfiana, Aqua. But then he 
 reckons fome Names unneceflarily repeated, as 
 Miriciana and Maracia, which are but two 
 Names for the fame City > to Boana and Bana- 
 and Gurgaita the fame with Gurges in Mauritania 
 Cafarienfts. 
 
 In Mauritania Sitifenfis. 
 
 T «S7///z. 2 Tamalluma. $ Acufida. 4 fiVw. f 
 Lemfocla. 6 Perdices. 7 Tubufuptus. 8 9 
 Lejuita. 1 o Flunten Pifcis. 1 1 Privatum. 1 2 
 G>g/V*. lzSatafa. i^Cella. if Gadamufa. \6 
 Zabi. 17 AJfapha. 18 Vamella. 19 Surifta. 20 
 iSV^. 21 Horrea. 22 ^/^. 23 Igilgili, 
 
 al. Eguilguili. 24 Zflm. 2f Parthenium. 26 
 Marovana. 27 Cidamus. 28 Mzcn. 29 T^oti- 
 30 yfr^. 3 1 Mozota, al. Afopta. 2 z Hip- 
 pa. 33 Tamafcania. 34 Vefcetra. 2? Affuore- 
 mita. 26 Serteita. 37 Melicbuza. 38 Covium. 
 39 O/wtf. 40 Equizotum. 41 Caftellum. 42 
 Eminentiana. 43 Nobalicia. 44 Lemelefi, al. /,<?- 
 mellenfe Caftellum. 47 .SWtf. 46 Sallata. Hol- 
 flenius adds three more, Zabunia, or Mediana Za- 
 buniorum, Vamaccora y or Bamaccora, and Macri- 
 ana; but rejects Satafa, as belonging rather to 
 Cafarienfts, where it is alfo repeated. 
 
 Mauritania Csefarienfis 6c Tingitana. 
 
 1 Cafarea. z Ala Miliarenfts. 3 ifr/ta. 4 ifo. 
 canaria. y Caput cillanum, al. Caputcella. 6 Ciffa. 
 7 Caftellum Medianum. 8 Gurgites. 9 Columna. 
 10 Icofium. 11 Florianum. 12 Minna. 13 O^a. 
 14 Mafurbum. if Reperitanum. 16 Rufubicari. 
 17 Suffara, al. Suffafar. 18 Ruftonium. 19 
 20 2i Tabor a. 22 Mam ilia. 23 Sumuia, al. 
 
 Subbula. 24 Ubaba. Zf Tadama. z6 Zuchabari. 
 zy Tipafa. z^ Ida. x^Timifi. 30 Tafacora. 31 
 ^*/. 32 Cartenna. 33 Gratianopolis. 34 Afa- 
 yao?£<?. 3 j* Pamaria. 36 Lapidia. 37 Bulturia. 
 
 38 
 
412 
 
 The A n t i ctu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book IX- 
 
 38 Malliana. 39 Cajlellum Tetraportienfe. 40 
 Bapara. 41 Tamazuca. 42. Quidium. 43 Serta. 
 44 Ita. 4f Girumons. 46 Panatoria. 47 Surao- 
 da. 48 Fidoloma. 49 Nova, fo Ufunada. f 1 
 Flumenzerita. %z Amnira. f 3 Seflum. 54 !7rf- 
 ranamufa. ff Nasbinca. f6 ^illanoba. fj Var- 
 dimijfa. yS Catula. fp Regium. 60 Vaudinum. 
 61 Capra. 62 Rufucurrum. 6 3 Sfaferia. 64 
 Timida. 6f 7<?£/a. 66 Rufgonia. 6j Leofita. 68 
 Oppidum Novum. 69 Jquifira. 70 Tigava. 71 
 Rufadir. 72 Cajlellum. 73 Mutecita. 74 Albula. 
 75 Z?/7<3. 76 Mauriana. 77 Baliana. 78 
 »«ri«. 79 Oborita. 80 Labdia. 81 Teniffa. 82 
 Catabita. 85 Herpis. 84 Voncaria. 8f Gy/>/«- 
 r/tf. 86 Tamadcmpfis. 87 /^g*?. 88 Tabadcara. 
 8y Catra ve\ Cajlra. po Elephant aria, pi Garra. 
 92 Murconium. p; 7<^. P4 Thubuna. pf 0/>- 
 pinum. 96 Tufcamia. $j Gunagita. p8 Maxita. 
 pp Satafa. 100 Viffalfa. 10 1 Adfinuada. 102 
 Cajlellum Ripenfe. 103 Numidia. 104 Tamuda. 
 1 of Caltadria. 106 107 Ambia. 108 
 
 Murujlaga. iop Fallaba. 1 1 o i&fifo. 1 1 1 Mz- 
 naccenferi. 1 1 2 Tifilta, ak Tifilita. 1 1 3 Cajlellum 
 minus. 1 1 4 Tigamibena. 1 1 f Junca. 1 1 6 Cor- 
 niculana. 117 Nobica. 118 Front a. 119 Cajlel- 
 lum Jabaritanum. 120 Sereddeli. m Agna. 122 
 Macania. 123 Site*. 124 Altaba. I2f Benepo- 
 ta. 1 26 Crt/?ra Seberiana. 1 27 Siccefi. 1 28 jF/?- 
 nucletu. I2p Metagonium. i^o V one ariana. 131 
 Maiuca. 132 Nabala. 133 Maura, \^ Tinga- 
 ria. But Holftenius obferves feven of thefe to be 
 fupernumerary j for Zuchabar and Zubur are but 
 two Names for the fame City. So Rufionium 
 and Rufgonia differ only in the manner of Pronun- 
 ciation. Timida belongs to the Proconfular 
 /hV£ i and Labdia is the fame as Lapda in the faid 
 Province. Herpis is put for Irpiniana in Byza- 
 cena j Metagonium for Mutugenna in Numidia j 
 and Macania for Macriana in Byzacena, 
 
 In Tripolis. 
 
 1 magna. 2 Sabrata. 3 G/V&z. 4 Of#. 
 
 Tacape. 
 
 Befides thefe Sees, which are thus aftlgned to 
 their refpedtive Provinces, Carolus a Sanblo Paula 
 exhibits an Alphabetical Lift of feveral others 
 which he could not certainly fix in any Province. 
 But Holjlenius in his critical Remarks upon them 
 obferves, that a great many of thefe are only 
 Corruptions of the forcmentioned Names: And 
 therefore I fhall here give them with his Cor- 
 rections, and fome Additions that he has mnde 
 to them from his own Obfervations. 
 
 1 Aurufalaina. 
 
 2 Advocata. 
 
 3 Afenemfala, w#*V& 
 
 Holftenius tafoj /0 
 
 Senemfala/» Africa 
 Proconfularis. 
 
 4 Aufugabra. 
 j- Acemerina. 
 
 6 Amburaj y#/«<? 
 
 w/V/& Amphora /» 
 Numidia. 
 
 7 Abbeza. 
 
 8 Azugaj # Mifiake 
 
 for Vaga. 
 p Anguia. 
 
 10 AbifTa. 
 
 11 Apiflana. 
 
 12 AlTaba. 
 
 1 3 Aptuca, C/?y /» A- 
 
 frica Proconfularis. 
 
 14 Amaccura, teg. Ab 
 
 Accura. 
 if Aquitana. 
 
 16 Aufuagiga. 
 
 17 Abbir,/^ fame with 
 
 Abbarita in Africa. 
 
 18 Aniufa, added by 
 
 Holftenius. 
 
 19 Arena, Idem. 
 
 B 
 
 20 Bellulita. 
 
 21 Bazita. 
 
 22 Botriana. 
 
 2 3 Bamacora j the fame 
 with Vamacora in 
 Mauritania Sitifen- 
 fis. 
 
 24 Burugia. 
 2f Bauzara. 
 
 26 Bofeta, the fame with 
 
 Buffad in Numidia. 
 
 27 Bazarididaca. 
 
 28 Bofuta. 
 2p Bencenna. 
 
 30 Bartinifia. 
 
 31 Betagbara. 
 
 32 Bucaraj the fame 
 
 with Boncara in 
 Mauritania. 
 
 33 Buflacena. 
 
 34 Bagai, the fame with 
 
 Vagada, or Vaiana 
 in Numidia. 
 3f Badi. Holftenius 
 adds three more. 
 
 36 Bladia. 
 
 37 Burita. 
 
 38 Buronita. 
 
 3P Caftrum Galbse- 
 
 40 Cedias. 
 
 41 Chullabi. 
 
 42 Cibaliana. 
 
 43 Cafae Silvanse. 
 
 44 Cemerinianu. 
 
 4f Clia. A Corruption 
 of Elia or Helia in 
 Byzacena. 
 
 46 Cathaugura. 
 
 47 Cena. 
 
 48 Caviopitavora. 
 4P Cincarita. 
 
 fo Catagnaj the fame 
 with Cataquenfa in 
 Numidia. 
 
 fi Celerina. 
 
 f2 Ccnefta; the fame 
 with Tevefta in 
 Numidia. 
 
 f3 Cafa; Baftalenfes. 
 
 f4 Cafe Favenfes. 
 
 ff Cilibia. 
 
 f6 CebarfulTa. To thefe 
 
 Holftenius adds 
 f7 Cancopi'ta. 
 f8 Ceramufla. 
 fp Caefariana. 
 
 D 
 
 60 Dydarita. 
 
 61 Drufilianaj a City 
 
 of Numidia twelve 
 Miles from Lares. 
 
 62 Drufita. 
 
 63 Drua. 
 
 64 Dufa. 
 
 6f Diaba > the fame 
 with Zaha in Mauri- 
 tania Sitifenfis. 
 
 E 
 
 66 Everaj the fame 
 
 with Vera, or Veri 
 in Africa Procon- 
 fularis. 
 
 67 Ediftiana. 
 
 68 Enfisj the fame with 
 
 Oea in Tripoli. 
 
 6p Feradi major 5 the 
 fame with Feradi- 
 maia in Byzacena. 
 
 70 Furvi j the fame 
 
 with Furni in A- 
 frica Proconfularis. 
 
 71 Fiflanaj/tfr&z/tfFuf- 
 
 fala in Numidia. 
 Jl a Furnis j the fame 
 
 with Furni. 
 73 Feliciana, added by 
 
 Holftenius. 
 
 74 Gitti. Municipium 
 
 Antonino. 
 7f Gazabeta. 
 
 76 Gazabiana. To which 
 
 Holftenius adds 
 
 77 Ginefita. 
 
 78 Givirta or Girbis. 
 7P Guiraj // it be not 
 
 the fame with Gira 
 in Numidia, menti- 
 oned before* 
 
 80 Haba. 
 
Chap. VIII- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 4U 
 
 H 
 
 So Haba. 
 
 81 Hofpitiaj the fame 
 
 with Ofpitum in 
 Numidia. 
 
 82 Horrca Avicinenfis. 
 8 5 Haram Cclcena \ the 
 
 fame ^HorreaCe- 
 lia in Byzacena. 
 
 84 Iziriana. 
 8f Jucundiana. 
 
 86 Idura. Holftenius 
 
 adds two more. 
 
 87 Jacubaza. 
 
 88 Infita. 
 
 108 
 
 109 
 1 10 
 1 1 1 
 1 1 z 
 
 n? 
 
 89 
 90 
 
 91 
 
 92 
 P? 
 
 Pf 
 96 
 
 Limata. 
 Larita. 
 
 Lambia ; the fame 
 with Lambefa in 
 Numidia. 
 
 Lucimagna. 
 
 Lelalita. 
 
 Liberalia. 
 
 Lacus Dulcis. 
 
 Luperciana, menti- 
 oned in the Council 
 under Cyprian , 
 which Biftocp Fell 
 thinks is the fame 
 with Lupertina in 
 the Collation of 'Car- 
 thage. 
 
 97 
 
 S>8 
 
 99 
 
 IOO 
 101 
 
 102, 
 
 10} 
 
 104 
 
 IOf 
 
 gras in Numidia. 
 Nurconaj the fame 
 with Murconum in 
 Mauritania Czefa- 
 rienfis. 
 Nafaita. 
 Nova Petra. 
 Nebbita. 
 Nizugubita. 
 Novafumma •, the 
 fame with Nobafi- 
 na in Numidia. 
 
 O 
 
 1 14 Onza. 
 1 1 f Oria. 
 
 P 
 
 116 Putzia. 
 
 1 17 Pauzera. 
 
 1 1 8 Pifta. To which 
 Holftenius adds 3 
 others. 
 
 1 19 Pifita. 
 
 120 Pifidia, a City of 
 Tripolis. 
 
 121 Petrufa, a City in 
 Antonine's Itinera- 
 ry near Carthage. 
 
 R 
 
 112 Refalaj the fame as 
 Cephala in Africa 
 Proconfularis. 
 
 M 
 
 Magarmela j the 
 fame with Vagar- 
 mela in Numidia. 
 Medefeflita j the 
 fame as MenefefTa 
 in Byzacena. 
 Mefarfelta. 
 Merferobita. 
 Munavilita. 
 Mufertita. 
 Moptaj a City of 
 Mauritania Siti- 
 fenfis. Holftenius 
 adds to thefe two 
 more. 
 
 Munaciana, and 
 Marcelliana, and 
 Bazita, whereof one 
 Lucidus is named 
 Bijhctp in the Colla- 
 tion of Carthage. 
 
 11? 
 
 124 
 
 126 
 
 127 
 128 
 129 
 
 IP 
 
 Mi 
 
 132 
 1?? 
 
 N 
 
 106 Niciba. 
 
 107 Nignenfis majoresj 
 the fame as Nigren- 
 fes, or Vicus Ni- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 i?4 
 
 136 
 157 
 
 Sinuara, named he- 
 fore in Africa Pro- 
 consular. 
 
 Serteita, named be- 
 fore in C«efarea Si- 
 tifenfis. 
 
 SeXcmCih, named a- 
 bove in Africa. 
 Summa, Zuma in 
 Numidia. 
 Sena. 
 
 Sa y a - . . 
 
 Simungita, Simin- 
 gita, or Simina in 
 Africa. 
 Sinnipfa. 
 
 Suboabbirita j the 
 fame as Zuchabari 
 in Mauritania. 
 Simidica, a City of 
 Africa Proconfular. 
 Siguita, the fame 
 as Sugita in Nu- 
 midia. 
 Signi. 
 
 Sibida. Holftenius 
 adds two more. 
 Saturnica. 
 Salicina, 
 
 T 
 
 Tibuzabete. 
 Turuda. 
 Tunugaba. 
 Tignica. 
 
 Tabiacaira ; the 
 fame as Tabadcara 
 in Mauritania Csc- 
 farienfis. 
 
 Taprura, Taphru- 
 
 ra near the Ifte of 
 Cercina in Byza- 
 cena. 
 
 Turris Alba. 
 Tala. 
 
 Tuburfus, Tubur- 
 fica in Numidia. 
 Tzellaj the fame 
 as Zella in Byza- 
 cena. 
 
 Tibazabula. 
 Tabazaga. 
 Truvafcanina. 
 Tuzumma •, the 
 fame as Zumma in 
 Numidia. 
 Tunufuda. 
 Tefaniana. 
 Tufdrus, the fame 
 as Tyfdros in By- 
 zacena. 
 
 Tuzurita, a City of 
 Mauritania Caefa- 
 rienfis. 
 Tifedita. 
 
 Thyba:. Holfteni- 
 us adds eight more. 
 If8 Tibari. 
 if9 Talabrica. 
 160 Tubia. 
 1 1 Timitica. 
 
 162 Tifilita. 
 
 163 Thasbalte. 
 
 164 Turuda. 
 i6f Turuzi. 
 
 138 
 
 MP 
 140 
 
 141 
 
 142 
 
 14? 
 
 144 
 
 Hf 
 146 
 
 147 
 
 148 
 149 
 
 IfO 
 
 if 1 
 
 if 3 
 if4 
 
 iff 
 if 7 
 
 U 
 
 166 Vamaius, Uci ma- 
 jus in Africa Pro- 
 confular. 
 Vinariona. 
 Urugita. 
 Vartana. 
 Vifa. 
 Vaturba. 
 Verrono. 
 Venfana. 
 
 Vofeta, al. Vifica, 
 a City of Maurita- 
 nia. 
 Vinda. 
 Vuazia. 
 Utumma. 
 Vi&oriana, named 
 before in Byzacena,. 
 Vicus Caefaris. 
 Holftenius adds five 
 more. 
 
 Vallita, al Ullita. 
 Vinaj the fame as 
 Vica, or Vina Vi- 
 cus in Africa. 
 
 182 Undefia. 
 
 183 Uzittara. 
 
 184 Utinuna, al Uci- 
 mina, in Africa. 
 
 167 
 168 
 
 169 
 170 
 
 171 
 172 
 
 17? 
 174 
 
 i7f 
 176 
 
 177 
 
 178 
 
 179 
 
 180 
 181 
 
 i8f 
 
 186 
 
 187 
 
 188 
 189 
 
 Zura. 
 
 Zella, named before 
 in Byzacena. 
 Zelta. Holftenius 
 thinks it fhould be 
 Zerta in Numidia. 
 Zica. 
 
 Zabunia > the fame 
 as Mediana: Zabu- 
 niorum, a Place 
 near Sitifi in Mau- 
 ritania. 
 
 Holftenius adds one mpre, called Zenita ovZem- 
 ta in the Collation of Carthage, from whence the 
 greateft Part of the fore-mentioned Names are 
 taken. But the Reader muft not imagine, that 
 fo many Bifhopricks, as have been fpecified in all 
 the fix African Provinces, and among thefe of 
 uncertain Pofition, were all extant at one and 
 the fame time. For there never was quite five 
 hundred at one time in Africk, as has been fhew- 
 ed before out of St. Auftin and the Notitia pub- 
 lished by Sirmondus, and yet here are above fix 
 hundred and eighty recounted by Carolus a Santlo 
 Paulo and Holftenius, after fixty are rejected, 
 which are named twice over. So that from firft 
 to laft there was a Change of almoft two hun- 
 dred Diocefes in Africk, or at leaft a Change in 
 their Names: Which I note, left any Should 
 think there were more Diocefes than St. Auftin 
 mentions. 
 
 G g g g 
 
 RIG [- 
 
ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS: 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Gggg 2 
 
J 
 
To His Moft Sacred Majesty, 
 
 GEORGE, 
 
 By the Grace of God King of Great-Britain^ France 
 and Ireland? Defender of the Faith, bV. 
 
 Moft Gracious Sovereign^ 
 
 Humbly beg leave to lay at Your Majesty 's 
 Feet a Part of a larger Work, which was at 
 firft defigned to promote thofe Great and 
 Worthy Ends, which Your Majesty in 
 Your Princely Wifdom, by your Royal D e- 
 clarations, has lately thought fit to recommend to 
 Your Univerfities and Clergy: That is, The Promotion 
 of Chriftian Piety and Knowledge, and fuch Ufeful Learn- 
 ing, as may inftill good Principles into the Minds of youn- 
 ger Students ; upon which the Profperity of Church and 
 State will in this, and all fucceeding Ages, fo much de- 
 pend. The Practice of the Primitive Ages of the Church, 
 when reduced into one View, feems to be one of the moft 
 
 proper 
 
The Epflle "Dedicatory. 
 
 proper Means to effect thefe Honourable Designs; And 
 with that Confideration I have hitherto proceeded in this 
 Laborious Work, not without the Countenance and Ap- 
 probation of many Worthy Men, and now hope to finifh 
 it under Your Majesty's Favour and Protection: 
 Humbly befeeching Almighty GOD to blefs Your Ma- 
 jesty's Great Defigns for the Good of this Church 
 and Nation, and the Protestant Interest 
 Abroad : Which is, and ever fhall be, the hearty Prayer of 
 
 i 
 
 \ 
 
 Tour Majesty'j- 
 
 Moji Loyal and 
 
 Obedient Subjett, 
 
 Joseph Bingham, 
 
THE 
 
 A N T I Q U I T I E 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 Of the Inftitution of the Catechumens, and the Firft 
 Ufe of the Creeds of the Church, 
 
 i C H A P. I. 
 
 Of the fever al Names of Catechumens, and the Solemnity that was ufed 
 m admitting them to that State in the Church. Alfo of Catechising, 
 and the Time of their Continuance in that Exercife. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Reafon of 
 the Names, K&- 
 TH^;«it/?i'0/>No- 
 vitioli, Tyrones, 
 
 AVING hitherto 
 difcourfed of the fe- 
 veral Orders of Men 
 which made up the 
 Great Body of the 
 Chriftian Church , 
 and of Churches 
 themfelves, or Places of Worfhip, and of the fe- 
 veral Diftricts into which the Body diffufive was 
 divided, I come now to confider the Service of 
 the Church, or its Publick Offices and Exer- 
 cifes, by which Men were difciplined and train- 
 ed up to the Kingdom of Heaven. And to 
 fpeak of thefe in their moft natural Order, it 
 will be neceflary to begin with the Inftitution of 
 the Catechumens, who were the loweft Order 
 of Men that had any Title to the common 
 Name of Chriftians, and their Inftruction was 
 the firft Part of the Church's Service. Some 
 Things relating to thefe, have been already 
 touched upon in fpeaking of the Difference be- 
 tween them and the xiroj, or perfect Chriftians, 
 in the firft Book [a]. The Office of the Cate- 
 chol has alfo been confidered, in fpeaking of the 
 inferior Orders [ b~] of the Clergy : And the Places 
 of Inftruction, or Catechetick Schools, have been 
 treated of in the Account [c~] that has been 
 given of the antient Churches. So that omit- 
 ting thefe Things, I fhall only fpeak in this 
 Place of fuch Rites and Cuftoms as were obfer- 
 ved in the Practice of the Church in training up 
 the Catechumens, and preparing them for Bap- 
 
 tifmj premifing fomething concerning the feve- 
 rai Names that were given them. They were 
 called Catechumens from the Greek Words xarn- 
 ^jcd aiid xaT/i'^flcrtf, which fignify in general the 
 Inftruction that is given in the firft Elements or 
 Rudiments of any Art orScience* but in a more 
 reftrained Ecclefiaftical Senfe, the Inftruction of 
 Men in the firft Principles of the Chriftian Re- 
 ligion. Hence they had alio the Names of No- 
 vifioH, and Tyrones Dei, new Soldiers of God, as 
 we find in Tertullian [d~] and St. Juflin [Y], be- 
 caufe they were juft entring upon that State, 
 which made them Soldiers of God and Candi- 
 dates of eternal Life. They are fometimes alfo 
 called Audientes, Hearers, from their Inftruction : 
 Though that Name more commonly denotes 
 one particular fort of them, fuch as were allow- 
 ed to hear Sermons only, but not to partake in 
 any of the Prayers of the Church ; of which 
 more hereafter in the following Chapter. 
 
 SECT, n 
 Impojitkn of Handi 
 ufed in the firft Ad- 
 mijjion of Catechu- 
 mens. 
 
 I have already obferv'd in ano- 
 ther place [/], That the Cate- 
 chumens, by vertue of their Ad- 
 miffion into that State, hadfome 
 Title to the common Name of 
 Chriftians alfoj being a Degree higher than ei- 
 ther Heathens or Hereticks, though; not yet 
 confummated by the Waters of Buptifm. And 
 upon this account, they were admitted to this 
 State not without fome Ceremonv and Solem- 
 nity of Impofition of Hands and Prayer. Which 
 
 [d] Tertul. de Poenitent. cap. vi. 
 
 appears 
 
 [a] Book I. Chap. iv. n. f. [6] Book III. Chap. x. [c] Book VIII. Chap. vii. n. 12. 
 [e] Auguft. de Fide ad Catechumen, lib. 2. cap. 1. [/] Book I. chap, iii, ». 3. 
 
420 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book X. 
 
 appears evidently from what [g] Sulpicius Seve- 
 rus fays of St. Martin, That paffing thro' a 
 Town, where they were all Gentiles, and preach- 
 ing Chrift unto them, and working fome Mi- 
 racles, the whole Multitude profels'd to be- 
 lieve in Chrift, and defned him to make them 
 Chriftians: Upon which, he immediately, as he 
 was in the Field, laid his Hands upon them, 
 and made them Catechumens j faying to thofe 
 that were about him, That it was not unreafo- 
 nable to make Catechumens in the open Field, 
 where Martyrs were ufed to be confecrated un- 
 to God. Where we may obferve, that to make 
 Chriftians, and to make Catechumens, is the 
 fame thing j and that this was done by lmpo- 
 fition of Hands and Prayer. Which Obferva- 
 tion will help us to the right underftanding of 
 fome obfcure Canons and difficult Paflages in 
 antient Writers, which many learned Men have 
 miftaken. In the firft Council of Aries [b] there 
 is a Canon, which orders Impofition of Hands 
 to be given to fuch Gentiles as in time of Sick- 
 nefs exprefs an Inclination to receive the Chri- 
 ftian Faith. And in the Council of Eliberis [t] 
 there is another Canon to the fame purpofe, 
 which fays, That if any Gentiles, who have led 
 a tolerable moral Life, defire Impofition of 
 Hands, they fhould have it allowed them, and 
 be made Chriftians. Now the queftionis, What 
 is here meant by Impofition of Hands, and being 
 made Chriftians? Mendoza [k~\ and Voftftus [/] 
 take it for Impofition of Hands in Baptifm * 
 and Albafpiny [»] for Impofition of Hands in 
 Confirmation. But the true Senfe is no more 
 than this Impofition of Hands ufed in making 
 Catechumens, which in fome fort gave Gentile- 
 Converts an immediate Title to be call'd Chri- 
 ftians. And fo I find Valefius [»],. and Bafnage 
 [e]j and Cotelerius jj>], underftand it. And this 
 mill be the meaning of that Paflage in Eufe- 
 bitts where fpeaking of Conftantine's Prayers 
 in the "Church of Helenopolis a little before his 
 Death, he fays, It was the fame Church where 
 he had firft' been admitted to Impofition of 
 Hands and Prayer } that is, had been made a 
 Catechumen with thofe Ceremonies : For no 
 other Impofition of Hands can here be meant, 
 fince it is now agreed on all hands, that Con- 
 ftantine was not baptized till he had left Hele- 
 nopolis, and was come to Nicomedia, a little be- 
 fore his Death. By this alfo we may underftand 
 the meaning of thofe Canons of the firft gene- 
 ral Council of Conftantinople [r], and the Coun- 
 cil of Trullo [j], where fpeaking of the Recep- 
 
 tion of fuch Hereticks as the Eunornians, and 
 Montanifts, and Sabellians, who had not been 
 truly baptized, they fay, They fhould be recei- 
 ved only as Heathens, viz. The firft Day be 
 made Chriftians, the fecond Day Catechumens, 
 the third Day be exorcifed, then inftructed for a 
 confiderable time in the Church, and at lafl 
 baptized. Here being made Chriftians, evident- 
 ly fignifies no more than their being admitted 
 to the loweft degree of Catechumens by Impo- 
 fition of Hands and Prayer j after which came 
 many intermediate Ceremonies of exorcifing, ca- 
 techifing, &c. before they were made compleat 
 Chriftians by Baptifm. So that, as 'Theodofius 
 obferves [f] in one of his Laws, there were two 
 forts of Men that went by the Name of Chri- 
 ftians, one called Chriftiani ac Fideles, Chriftians 
 and Believers, and the other Chriftiani & Cate- 
 chumeni tantum, Chriftians and Catechumens on- 
 ly : The former whereof were made fo by Bap- 
 tifm, and the other by Impofition of Hands and 
 Prayer. Which was a Ceremony ufed in moft 
 of the Offices of Religion, in Baptifm, Confir- 
 mation, Ordination, Reconciling of Penitents, 
 Confecration of Virgins, curing the Sick, and 
 as we have now feen, particularly in the firft 
 Admiffion of new Converts to the State of 
 Catechumens. 
 
 Here alfo, as in moft other SECT. III. 
 Offices of the Church, they ufed J»d Confeiuttim 
 the Sign of the Crols. St. Auftin ™^ the si S a . °f the 
 joins all thefe Ceremonies toge- ro ^ s ' 
 ther, when he fays, That Catechumens [u] were 
 in fome fort fanclify'd by the Sign of Chrift and 
 Impofition of Hands and Prayer } meaning, that 
 thefe Ceremonies were ufed as Indications of 
 their forfaiting the Gentile State, and becoming 
 Retainers to the Chriftian Church. The fame 
 Rite is mentioned alfo by St. Auftin in his Con- 
 feffions [x~] as ufed upon himfelf during his being 
 a Catechumen j but whether he means there his 
 firft Admiffion, or his continuance in that State, 
 is not certain. But in the Life of Porphyrins Bi- 
 Ihop of Gaza, written by his Difciple Marcus, 
 'tis more plainly exprelted: For that Author 
 fpeaking of fome new Converts, fays, they fell 
 down at the Bifhop's Feet, and defired the Sign 
 of Chrift. Upon which, he figned them with 
 the Sign \_y] of the Crofs, and made them Cate- 
 chumens ; commanding them to attend the 
 Church. And fo in a fhort time after, having 
 firft inftru&ed them in the Catechifm, he bapti- 
 zed them. 
 
 [g] Sulpic. Vit. Martin. Dialog. II. cap. v. p. 294. Cunfti 
 catervatim ad genua B.Viri ruere cceperunt, fideliter poftulantes, 
 ut eos faceret Chriftianos. Nec cundtatus, in medio ut erat 
 campo, cunftos, impofita univerlis manu, Catechumenos fecit; 
 cum quidem ad nos converius diceret, Non irrationabiliter in Cam- 
 po Catechumenos fieri, ubi folerent Martyres confecrari. [6] Cone. 
 Arelat. I. cap. vi. De his qui in Infirmirate credere volunt, placuit 
 debere eis manum imponi. [«] Cone. Eliber. c. 39. Gentiles fi in 
 Infirmitate delideraverint fibi manum imponi, fi fuerit eorum exali- 
 qua parte vita honefta, placuit eis manum imponi & fieri Chriftia- 
 nos. [k] Mendoza Not. in Cone. Eliber. c. 39. [/] VolT. 
 de Baptifmo, Difp. 12. Thef. j. p. 164. [m] Albafpin. Not. 
 in Cone. Eliber. c. 39. [»] Valef. Not. in Euleb. de Vit. Con- 
 ftant. lib. 4. c 61. [0] Balnag. Critic, in Baton, an. 44. p. 481. 
 [p] Coteler. Not. in Conftitut. Apcfto!. lib.7. c. 39. [q] Eufeb. 
 
 de Vit. Conft. lib. 4. c. 61. "Ee 9a JVi >y ■■ar^coiov r Sia. yjr>&§$' 
 ffictiJJySy »£<«tc. [r] Con. Conflant. 1. c. 7. 'Qf'ihkwu* JVl 
 
 Xfo$<$#, 7 " i> 'X?* 1 ' 1 ™ WOtx/uiV dvT&i XtlFlcLVKi, 7i,V 
 
 '■3 J'uTityir Kctl»X >s l / -' lv * ( i T ? 7e * r ? cSi^x-i^y-H 1 tffWU — 
 
 )y toT5 [ict7rj'i(o/Mv. 0] Cone, Trull, c. 9J. Vide eti- 
 
 am Anonymi Epift. ad Martyrium Antiochenum, ap. Beveregii 
 Pandect. T. 2. p. 1 00. [>] Cod. Th. lib. 1 6. Tic. 7. de Apoflat. 
 Leg. 2. [«] Aug. de Peccator. Mentis, lib. 2.c. 26. Catechume- 
 nos fecundum quendam modum fuum per Signum Chrifti 8c Oia- 
 tionem, manus Irupoiltione puto fan&ificari. [xj Aug. Con- 
 felT. lib. 1. c. 11. [y] Marcus Vit. Porphyr. Procidemnt ad ejus 
 pedes petentes Chrilti Signaculum. Beatus vero cum eos fignaf- 
 fet, & feciflet Catechumenos, dimifit illos in pace, prxcipkos eis 
 ut vacarent Sanclae Eccleiise. Et Faulo poft, cum eos Catechefi 
 inftituiilet, baptizavit. 
 
 The 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 SECT.lv. The circumftance of Time 
 
 At what Age Per- here mention'd, may lead us in 
 fins were admitted the next place to enquire, Ac 
 to be catechumens. w j iat Age Perfons were admitted 
 Catechumens? And how long they continued in 
 that State before they were baptiz'd ? The firft 
 Queftion concerns only Heathen Converts : For, 
 as for the Children of believing Parents, it is 
 certain, that as they were baptized in Infancy, fo 
 they were admitted Catechumens as foon as they 
 were capable of Learning. But the Quefticn is 
 more difficult about Heathens. Yet I find in one 
 of the Resolutions of Timothy Billiop of Alexan- 
 dridy that Children before they were feven Years 
 old, might be Catechumens. For he purs the 
 Queftion thus; Suppofe a Child of feven Years 
 old, [i] or a Man that is a Catechumen, be pre- 
 fent at the Oblation, and eat of the Eucharirt } 
 What fliall be done in this cafe ? And the An- 
 fwer is, Let him be baptiz'd. By which it is 
 plain, he fpeaks of Heathen Children, and not of 
 Chriftians, who received not only Baptifm, but 
 the Eucharift in their Infancy, by the Rule and 
 Cuftom of the Church then prevailing, as will 
 be fhew'd in their proper Place. 
 
 sect. v. As to the other Point, How 
 now long they con- long they were to continue Cate- 
 tinned in this urate, chumens: There was no certain 
 General Rule fix'd about that : But the Practice 
 vary'd according to the difference of Times and 
 Places, or the readinefs and proficiency of the 
 Catechumens themfelves. In the Apoftolical Age 
 and the firft Plantation of the Church, we never 
 read of any long Interval between Mens firft 
 Converfion and their Baptifm. The Hiltory of 
 Cornelius, and the Ethiopian Eunuch, and Lydia, 
 and the Jaylor of Philippic in the Atls of the 
 Apoftles, to mention no more, are fufficient Evi- 
 dence that in thofe Days Catechifing and Baptifm 
 immediately accompanied one another. And 
 there were good Reafons for it : The Infant-State 
 of the Church, and the Zeal of the Converts 
 both requir'd it. But in After-ages the Church 
 found it necefiary to lengthen this Term of Pro- 
 bation, left an over-hafty Admiflion of Perfons 
 to Baptifm fhould either fill the Church with vi- 
 cious Men, or make greater numbers of Rene- 
 gado's and Apoftates in time of Perfecution. For 
 this reafon the Council of Eliberis [f\ appointed 
 two Years Tryal for new Converts, that if in 
 that time they appeared to be Men of a good 
 Converfation, they might then be allowed the 
 Favour of Baptifm. Juftinian in one of his No- 
 vels, [u] appointed the fame Term for Samari- 
 tans, becaufe it was found by Experience, that 
 
 they were wont frequently to relapfe to their 
 old Religion again* The Apoftolical Conftituti- 
 ons [x] lengthen the Term to three Years, but 
 with this Limitation, that if Men were very di- 
 ligent and zealous, they might be admitted fooncr } 
 becaufe it was not Length of Time, but Men's 
 Converfation and Behaviour, that was to be re- 
 garded in this cafe. The Council of Agde, An- 
 no foo*, reduced the time for Jewijh Converts 
 [j] to eight Months, giving the fame Reafon, 
 why they made the time of Probation fo long, 
 becaufe they are often found to be perfidious and 
 returned to their own Vomit again. In other 
 Places the time is thought by fome to be limited 
 to the forty Days of Lent, for fo fome learned 
 Men conjecture from a Paflage or two in St. Je~ 
 rom and Cyril's Catechctick Difcourfes. St. Je- 
 rom [z~] fayy, it was cultomary in his Time to 
 fpend forty Days in teaching Catechumens the 
 Doctrine of the Blefled Trinity. And St. Cyril 
 feems to imply as much, when he asks the Cate- 
 chumens, Why they fhould not think it reafon- 
 able \_a] to fpend forty Days upon their Souls, 
 who had fpent fo many Years upon their own 
 Vanities and the World ? The time of Lent is 
 not exprefly mentioned in either Place, but it 
 feems to be intended, becaufe in thofe Ages Eafter 
 was the general time of Baptizing over all the 
 World. But I underftand this only of the ftrict 
 and concluding Part of this Exercife. In fome 
 cafes the Term of catechizing was reduced to 
 a yet much fhorter compafs, as in cafe of ex- 
 treme Sicknefs, or the general Converfion of 
 whole Nations. Socrates obferves, that in the 
 Converfion of the Burgundians, the French Bifhop 
 that converted them, only took feven Days time 
 to catechize them, [b~] and on the eighth Day 
 baptized them. So in cafe of defperate Sicknefs, 
 the Catechumens were immediately baptiz'd with 
 Clinick Baptifm; as appears from the foremen- 
 tioned Council of Agde, which though it pre- 
 fcribes eight Months time for the Catechizing 
 of Jews, yet in cafe of extreme Danger, [_c] if 
 their Life was defpaired of, it allows them to be 
 baptized at any time within the Term prefcribed. 
 Cyril of Alexandria [d\ in one of his Canonical 
 Epiftles, gives the fame Orders concerning Cate- 
 chumens who had lapfed, and were for their 
 Crimes expelled the Church, that notwirhftand- 
 ing this, they fhould be baptized at the Hour of 
 Death. St. Bafil takes Notice, that Arintheus 
 the Roman Conful [e~\ being converted by his 
 Wife, and in danger of Death, was immediately 
 baptized. And there are infinite numbers of 
 fuch Examples to be met with in Ecclefiaftical 
 Hiftory, to verify the general Obfervation which 
 
 [*j Timoth. Alex. Refp. Canon. Q. 1. [/] Cone. Eliber. c. 42. 
 Eos qui ad fidem primam Credulitatis accedunt, li bona: fuerint 
 Converfationis, intra biennium placuit ad Baptifmi gratiam admitti. 
 [«J Juftin. Novel. 144. Per duos primum annos in Fide inftituan- 
 tur, 8c pro viribus Scripturas edifcant, tuncque demum Sacro Re- 
 demptionis offerantur Baptifmati. [x] Conftir. Apoft. Lib. 8. 
 c. 52. fxiKKuv letTtiypob^, teiet tTD K&\nytA&*>, 8cc. [_y] 
 Cone. Agathen. c. 25-. Judaei, quorum perfidia frequenter ad vomi- 
 tum redit, fi ad Legem Catholicam venire voluerint, o£to menfes 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 inter Catechumenos Ecclefiae limen introeanr, &c. [z] Hie- 
 ron. Ep. 61. ad Pammach, c. 4. Confuetudo spud nos ejufmodi 
 eft, ut iis qui baptizandi funt per Quadraginta dies publice tradamus 
 iandtam 8c adorandam Trinitatem. [«] Cyril. Catech. 1. n. f. 
 p. 18. [6] Socrat. Lib. 7. c. ;o. [c] Cone. Agathen. c. 
 
 if. Quod li cafu aliquo periculum infirmitatis intra prjefcriptum 
 tempus incurrerint, & defperati fuerint, baptizentur. [d] Cy- 
 
 ril. Ep. Canon, ad Epifc. Libyae 8c Pentapol. ap. Bevereg. Pandect. 
 Tom. 2. p. 178. [fjBafil.Ep.j-. 
 
 H h h h Epipha- 
 
422 
 
 7 he Antiquities of the 
 
 Book X. 
 
 Epiphanius [/J makes upon the Practice of the 
 Church, that fuch Catechumens as were at 
 the point to die, were always, in hopes of 
 the Refurrection, admitted to Baptifm before 
 their Death. 
 
 SECT. vi. But excepting thefe Cafes, 
 
 The Subfinnce of a longer Time was generally 
 
 the undent ate- thought necefTary to difcipline 
 
 ehifms, and Method and Men up gradually for 
 
 of inftruaion. Bapcifm . pardy for the Reafon 
 
 already mentioned, that fome juft Experiment 
 might be made of their Conversation during that 
 time ; and partly to inftruct them by degrees, 
 firft in the more common Principles of Religion, 
 to wean them from their former Errors, and 
 then in the more recondite and myfterious Arti- 
 cles of the Chriftian Faith : Upon which ac- 
 count they ufually_ began their Difcourfes with 
 the Doctrine of Repentance and Remiffion of 
 Sins, and the neceflity of good Works, and 
 the Nature and Ufe of Baptifm, by which the 
 Catechumens were taught, how they were to re- 
 nounce the Devil and his Works, and' enter into 
 a new Covenant with God. Then followed 
 the Explication of the feveral Articles of the 
 Creed, to which fome added the Nature and Im- 
 mortality of the Soul, and an Account of the 
 Canonical Books of Scripture > which is the 
 Subftance and Method of St. Cyril's eighteen 
 famous Difcourfes to the Catechumens. The 
 Author of the Apoftolical Conjiitutions (g) pre- 
 fcribes thefe feveral Heads of Inftruction, Let 
 the Catechumens be taught before Baptifm the 
 Knowledge of the Father unbegotten, the Know- 
 ledge of his only begotten Son, and Holy Spi- 
 rit j let him learn the Order of the World's 
 Creation, and Series of Divine Providence, and 
 the different forts of Legiflation ; let him be 
 taught, why the World, and Man, the Citizen 
 of the World, were made j let him be inftruct- 
 ed about his own Nature, to underftand for 
 what End he himfelf was made i let him be in- 
 formed how God punifhed the Wicked with 
 Water and Fire, and crowned his Saints with 
 Glory in every Generation, viz. Seth, Enos, 
 Enochs Noah, Abraham, and his Pofterity, Mel- 
 chifedech, Job, Mofes, Jojloua, Caleb, and Phineas 
 the Prieff, and the Saints of every Age 5 let 
 him alfo be taught, how the Providence of 
 God never forfook Mankind, but called them 
 at fundry times from Error and Vanity to the 
 Knowledge of the Truth, reducing them from 
 Slavery and Impiety to Liberty and Godlinefs, 
 from Iniquity to Righteoufnefs, and from ever- 
 lafting Death to eternal Life. After thefe, he 
 muft learn the Doctrine of Chrift's Incarna- 
 tion, his Paffion, his Refurrection and Afllimp- 
 
 tion j and what it is to renounce the Devil, 
 and enter into Covenant with Chrift. Thefe 
 were the chief heads of the ancient Catechifms 
 before Baptifm : In which it is obfervablc, there 
 is no mention made of the Doctrine of the Eu- 
 charift, or Confirmation, becaufe thefe were 
 not allowed to Catechumens till after Baptifm : 
 And the Inftruction upon the former Points, was 
 not given all at once, but by certain degrees, 
 as the Difcipline of the Church then required, 
 which divided the Catechumens into feveral di- 
 itinct Orders or Clafles, and exercifed them gra- 
 dually, according to the Difference of their Sta- 
 tions : Of which I (hall give a more particular 
 Account in the following Chapter. 
 
 Here I fhall only remark sect.vii. 
 farther, That they allowed 'em The S***fama* 
 to read fome Portions of the ff*£ f * ,f * 
 Scriptures j for the Moral and cr 'r ures - 
 Hiftorical Books were thought moft proper at 
 firft for their Inftruction j and the chief Ufe of 
 thofe which are now called Apocryphal Books, 
 was then to inftill Moral Precepts into the Ca- 
 techumens. Upon this account Athanafius [h] 
 fays, Though they were not Canonical Books, 
 as the reft of the Books of the Old and New 
 Teftament 5 yet they were fuch as were appointed 
 to be read by thofe who were new Profclytes, 
 and defirous to be inftructed in the Ways of 
 Godlinefs : Such were 'the JVifdom of Solomon, 
 The JVifdom of Sirach, Eft her, Judith, Tobit 5 
 to which he alfo adds, the Book called, The 
 Doclrine of the Apo files, and The Shepherd, that is, 
 Hermas Paftor. The Author fj] of the Synopfis 
 of the Holy Scripture alfo, under the Name of 
 Athanafius, has much the fame Obfervation, 
 That befides the Canonical Books there were o- 
 ther Books of the Old Teftament, which were 
 not in the Canon, but only read to or by the 
 Catechumens. But this was not allowed in all 
 Churches For it feems to have been otherwife 
 in the Church of Jerufalem, at the time when 
 Cyril [k] wrote his Catechetical Difcourfes. For he 
 forbids his Catechumens to read all Apocryphal 
 Books whatfoever, and charges them to read 
 thofe Books only which were fecurely read in 
 the Church, viz. thole Bonks which the Apo- 
 ftles and ancient Bifhops (who were wifer than 
 the Catechumens) had handed down to them. 
 Then he fpecifies particularly the Canonical 
 Books of the Old and New Teftament, all the fame 
 as are now in our Bibles, except the Revelations, 
 becaufe I prefume it was not then read in the 
 Church : And at laft concludes with this Charge 
 to the Catechumens, That they mould not read 
 any other Books privately by themfelves, which 
 were not read publickly in the Church. From 
 
 [/] Epiphan. Hser. 28. Cerinthian. n. 6. [g] Conftit. 
 Apoft. Lib. 7. c. 29. [h] Athan. Ep. Heortaftic. Tom. ». 
 
 p. 39. "Er/i/ jC, %Ti(ra. ^tChlet rircov 'i^cod-iv' i kavovi^wzva 
 
 fjfy, T^UTTCS^fjA Q ^511 rf! Tit]4f<yC eLl'Ctyit'cotnila^ TOIf 
 
 lv<ri£fAcL( \oyov' (Totpia, "S,oho[J.coy©-.S<.c. n] JVJV^h na.Kv/u$fjn> 
 <%S 'AToroA»f, $ Troiy.ljj. [»] Athau. Synopf. Scriptur. 
 
 Tom. 2. p. ff. luTof T KAVOVt^OUAVUV SiTSfJS (ilGh'tA <f 
 
 n-ethcuds //ci^wKMj, » KccvoviZb/ufyJa. pi\ Ava.yivcoo~KoiJ.zvct 3 
 /xovov Toli KATny^xiAvoii. [fc] Cyril. Catech. 4. n. 22. p. 66. 
 tl£?f to, "ihiufv^ct [M^iy koivov, &c. Ibid. p. 67. oV« 
 Iv luKKYHTlcuf y.Yi dvAyivcoUi-zlcu, TeWTO, [At'S^i GOJj\qv 
 
 whence 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 whence I conclude, that as the Books which 
 we now call Apocryphal were not much read 
 in the Church of Jerufalem, fo neither were 
 they allowed to he read by the Catechumens, 
 tho' they were read both publickly and privately 
 in many other Churches. I know fome learned 
 Perfons are of a different Opinion, and think 
 that Cyril by Apocryphal Books, means not 
 thofe which we now call Apocryphal, viz. fVif- 
 dom, Eccleftafticus, &c. but other pernicious and 
 heretical Books, which were abfolutely repro- 
 bated and forbidden to all Chriftians. But if 
 that had been his Meaning, he would not have 
 faid, that the Canonical Books were the only 
 Books that were read in the Church of Jerufa- 
 lem, but would have diftinguifh'd, as other 
 Writers in other Churches do, between Canoni- 
 cal, Ecclcfiaftical, and Apocryphal Books, and 
 have intimated, that the Ecclefiaftical Books 
 were fuch as were allow'd to be read in the 
 Church, as well as the Canonical, for Moral In- 
 struction, though not to confirm Articles of 
 Faith. Whereas he fays nothing of this, but 
 the exprefs contrary, That none but the Canoni- 
 cal Books were read publickly in the Church, 
 nor were any other to be read privately by the 
 Catechumens. Which, at leaft, rauft mean thus 
 much, that in the Church of Jerufalem, there 
 was a different Cuftom from fome other Chur- 
 ches j and that though in fome Churches the 
 Catechumens were allow'd to read both the 
 Canonical Books and the Apocryphal, or as o- 
 thers call them, the Ecclefiaftical ; yet in the 
 Church of Jerufalem they were allow'd to read 
 only the Canonical Scriptures, and no other. 
 However it is obfervable, that no Church an- 
 
 ciently deny'd any Order of Chriflians the Ufe 
 of the Holy Scriptures in the Vulgar Tongue, 
 fince even the Catechumens themfelves, who 
 were but an imperfect fort of Chriflians, were 
 exhorted and commanded to read the Canonical 
 Books in all Churches, and the Apocryphal Books 
 in fome Churches for Moral Inftruction. Nay, if 
 we may believe Becky they were obliged to get 
 fome of the holy Scriptures by heart, as a part of 
 their Exercife and Difcipline, before they were 
 baptiz'd. For he commends it as a laudable Cuftom 
 in the Ancient Church [/],that fuch as were to be 
 Catechiz'd and Baptiz'd, were taught the begin- 
 nings of the four Gofpels, and the Intent and Order 
 of them, at the time when the Ceremony of open- 
 ing their Ears was folemnly ufed ; that they 
 might know and remember, what and how many 
 thofe Books were, from whence they were to be 
 inftructed in the true Faith. So far were they from 
 locking up the Scriptures from any Order of Men 
 in an unknown Tongue, that they thought them 
 ufeful and inftructive to the meaneft Capacities; 
 according to that of the Pfalmift, thy Word 
 giveth Light and Underfianding to the Simple. And 
 therefore they allowed them to be Vulgarly 
 read, not only by the more perfect and com- 
 plete Chriftians, but even by the very Catechu- 
 mens; among whom, as St. Auflin and others 
 have obferv'd, thofe were commonly the mofl 
 tractable and the bell Proficients, who were the 
 mofl converlant in the holy Scriptures. For 
 which Reafon they made it one Pare of the Ca- 
 techumens Care, to exercife themfelves in the 
 Knowledge of them, and did not then fear that 
 Men fhould turn Hereticks by being acquainted 
 with the Word of Truth. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the feveral Gaffes or Degrees of Catechumens, and the gradual Exercifes 
 
 and Difcipline of every Order. 
 
 sect. i. '""pHAT there were different 
 Four orders or A Orders or Degrees of Cate- 
 Degrees of Catechu- chumens in all fuch Churches, as 
 m ens among the j ce p t to the Term of Catechizing 
 Ancients. f or two or tmee Years together, 
 
 is acknowledged on all hands by learned Men : 
 But what was the precife Number of thefe Or- 
 ders, is not fo certainly agreed. The Greek Ex- 
 positors of the ancient Canons ufually make but 
 two forts, the dnXkt^i and the ts\«cJt££o(, the 
 Imperfect and the Perfect ; the Beginners and 
 the Proficients, who were the immediate Candi- 
 dates of Baptifm. So Balzamon [a] and Zona- 
 ras jT], Alexius Ariflenus [c] and Blafiares. And 
 in this Opinion they are followed by many Mo- 
 
 dern Writers. Dr. Cave [d] makes no other Di- 
 ftinction but this, of the Perfect and Imperfect; 
 and fays of the Imperfect, that they were as yet 
 accounted Heathens ; which, for the Reafons 
 given in the foregoing Chapter, I cannot fub- 
 fcribe to : For J have fhew'd, that from the 
 time that they receiv'd Impofition of Hands to 
 make them Catechumens, they were always both 
 called and accounted Chriftians, though but in 
 an imperfect State, till they were completed by 
 Baptifm. Bifhop Beveridge [e~] makes but two 
 forts of Catechumens likewile, the dx^upfyoi, 
 and the oo^ojwsvoi, or yowxXlvovrts 9 that is, The 
 Hearers, who only ftay'd to hear the Sermon and 
 the Scriptures read, and the Kneelers or Subftra- 
 
 [/] Bed.de Tabernac. Lib. 2. c. 13. Tom. 4. p. 887. Pulcher 
 in ipfa Ecclefia mos antiquitus inolevit, ut his qui catechizandi, 
 8c Chriftianis funt Sacramentis initiandi, quatuor Evangeliorum 
 principia recitentur, ac de Figuris 8c Ordine eorum in apertione 
 aurium fuarum folenniter erudirentur: quo fciant cxinde acme- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 minerint, qui 8c quot fint Libri, quorum verbis maxime in fida 
 vericatis debeant erudiri. [>] Balaam, Not in Cone. Neo- 
 
 caefar. c. f. [>] Zonaras, ibid. [c] Alex. Ariflen. in Cone' 
 Ancyr. c. 14. [«/] Cave Prim.Chrift. Lib. 1. c. 8. p. 211. 
 [>] Bevereg . Not. in Cone. Nicen. c. 14. 
 
 H h h h z tors 
 
424 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookX. 
 
 tors, who ftay'd to receive the Minifters Prayers 
 and Bcnedi&ion alfo. Suicerus [/] and Ba/nage 
 [g] go much the fame way, dividing them 
 into two Claffes, the Judientes and Compctentes. 
 Maldonate [$\ adds to thefe a third Clafs, which 
 he calls Catcchumeni Patnitentes, iuch Catechu- 
 mens as were under the Difcipline and Cenfures 
 of the Church. Cardinal Bona [;'] augments 
 the Number to four Kinds, viz. The Audientes, 
 Genufieflentcs, Cowpetentes, and Elebli. And indeed 
 it appears, that there were four Kinds of them } 
 yet not exa&ly the fame as Bona mentions. For 
 the Compctentes and Elecli were but one and the 
 fame Order. But there was another Order an- 
 tecedent to all thefe, which none of thefe Wri- 
 ters mention, which we may call the ^oj&s/jisvoi, 
 that is fuch Catechumens as were inftru&ed pri- 
 vately,' and without door?, before they were 
 allow'd to enter the Church. 
 
 sect I? That thefe Was fuch an Or- 
 
 Wfi tbt der or Degree of Catechumens 
 
 (/.zvoi, or catechu- as this, is evidently deduced from 
 mens injirutled pri- one of the Canons of the Coun- 
 v*tety without the ci j qC N eoca j- areai which fpeaks 
 chtirch - of feveral forts of Catechumens, 
 
 and this among the reft, in thefe Words * If 
 any Catechumen, who [k~] enters the Church, 
 and (lands amongft any Order of Catechumens 
 there, be found guilty of Sin $ if he be a Knee- 
 ler, let him become an Hearer, provided he fin 
 no more : But if he fin while he is an Hearer, 
 let him be caft out of the Church. Here it 
 feems pretty evident, that there was an Order of 
 Catechumens not allowed to enter the Church, 
 to which fuch of the fuperior Orders as had of- 
 fended, were to be degraded by way of Punifh- 
 ment, which the Canon calls Expulfion from the 
 Church. Which does not mean, utterly calling 
 them off" as Heathens again, but only reducing 
 them to that State in which they were before, 
 when they full received Impofiiion of Hands to 
 make them Catechumens j which was a State of 
 private Inftruftion, before they were allowed to 
 enter the Church. Maldonate calls thefe, The 
 Order of Penitents among the Catechumens j 
 and Balzamon and Zonaras, on this Canon, ftyle 
 'em Mourners j which expreffes fomething of 
 this Order, but not the whole : For there were 
 Catechumens privately infirucred out of the 
 Church, who were not properly Mourners or 
 Penitents, as Perfons call out of the Church by 
 any Cenfure, but they were fuch as never had 
 yet been in the Church, but were kept at a Di- 
 llance for fome Time from that Privilege, to 
 make 'em the more eager and defirous of it. And 
 till we can find a better Name for thefe, I call 
 them from this Canon, the \^M\$pci, which is 
 a general Name, that will comprehend both this 
 lovveft Order of Catechumens privately inftruft- 
 
 ed out of the Church, and alfo fuch Delin- 
 quents of the fuperior Orders as were reduced 
 back again to it by way of Punifhmcnt for their 
 Faults. 
 
 The next Degree above thefe, SECT. III. 
 were the Hearers, which the secondly, The l- 
 Greeks call cIkpqoju/juci, and the Audi " 
 Latins Audientel. Who were fo entes or Hearers - 
 called from their being admitted to hear Ser- 
 mons and the Scriptures read in the Church, but 
 they were not allowed to Itay any of the Pray- 
 ers, no, not fo much asthofe that were made over 
 the relt of the Catechumens, or Energumcns, 
 or Penitents j but before thofe began, immedi- 
 ately after Sermon, at the Word of Command 
 then folemnly ufed, Ne quis Audientium,hct none 
 of the Hearers be prefent, they were to depart 
 the Church. As appears from the Author of the 
 Apoftolical Conjlitutions [/], who orders the Dea- 
 con to difmifs the Hearers and Unbelievers with 
 that folemn Form of Words, before the Liturgy 
 or Prayers of the Church began. Upon which 
 account the Council of Nice [m"\ calls them, 
 axgj)w/xfyW fjtovov, Hearers only, to diftinguifli 
 them from fuch Catechumens as might not only 
 hear Sermons, but alfo attend fome particular 
 Prayers of the Church, that were efpecially of- 
 fered up for them, whilfr, they were kneeling 
 upon their Knees, and waiting for Impofition of 
 Hands, and the Minifter's Benediction. 
 
 Hence arofe a third fort of sect. iv. 
 Catechumens, which the Greeks Thirdly, The yow- 
 call yovoxX/vomf, and the Latins, fffiE!!' or G *r 
 
 n xi ci * Ana*- i_ nufleftentes, The 
 
 Genujleclentes and Projtrati, that Kneelen. 
 is, Kneelers or Proftrators. Thefe 
 fometimes have the Name of Catechumens more 
 fpecially appropriated to them, as ia the fore- 
 mentioned Canon of the Council of Nice, which 
 runs in thefe Terms, tl It is decreed by the great 
 " and holy Synod concerning the Catechumens 
 " that have lapfed, that they for three Years 
 <£ fhall be Hearers only j and after that, pray 
 " with the Catechumens again. " Hence that 
 Part of the Liturgy which refpected them, was 
 particularly called Ka<r»);£8jut.svcov Eu^rJ, The Prayer 
 of the Catechumens, which came immediately 
 after the Bilhop's Sermon, together with the 
 Prayers of the Energumcns and Penitents, as we 
 learn from the Council of Laodicea [»], which 
 orders the Method of them: And the Forms of 
 thefe Prayers are recited both in the Apoftolical 
 Conjlitutions [o~\ and St. Chryfoftom [/>], which I 
 do not here infert, becaufe they will have a more 
 proper Place in the Liturgy of the Church. To- 
 gether with thefe Prayers they always received 
 Impofition of Hands, kneeling upon their 
 Knees : Whence the Council of Neocafarea [_q~] 
 and others diftinguifh them by the Name of 
 
 [/] Suiccr. Thefiur. T. 2. p. 72. Bafnag. Critic, in 
 
 Baron, p. 4.8+. [h] Maldonar. de Baptifm. c. 1. p. 79. 
 [/] Bona Rer Liturg. lib. i.e. 16. n. 4. [k] Cone. Neocaef. c. f. 
 
 >t«7H%««V@", \&v &a c -?yj>/&{J©' tris KveicLX.ov iv T$f r %a\;\- 
 ■/^{javwv Ta£e< f-HK» »t©- 3 0(/fpT&v*>v t t&v ft y'ovv HKtVW, 
 
 clx^a&c, [JMHATt a.vjpTa.'Juv' lav $ azya'/^©' &Ti tt'jSp- 
 TcLvtyt co. [I] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. f. [m] Cone. 
 
 Nicen. Can. 14. [n] Cone. Laod. c. 19. [0] Lib.8.c. 6. 
 [p] Chryfoft, Hom. 2, in 2 Cor. [_q] Cone. Neocxfar. c. f . 
 
 ycvuxXfvoVTSf, 
 
Chap. II. Christian Church. 425 
 
 yoviMXr'vovTsf, The Kneelers } the Prayer i$ called 
 Oratio Impojitionis Man/is, The Prayer of Impo- 
 fition of Hands, which was frequently repeated 
 both in the publick and private Exercifes of the 
 Catechumens. 
 
 SECT. v. Above thefe was a fourth 
 
 Fourthly, The Order, which the Greeks call 
 
 Competentes and BaTli^o^svoi and (paJTi^ojutsvoi ; and 
 
 Elcai; tin \mme- ^ c Latins, Competentes and Eletli. 
 
 t7t!fr»' d ' d * teS ° f A11 which Words are ufcd amon g 
 the Ancients to denote the imme- 
 diate Candidates of Baptifm, or fuch as gave in 
 their Names to the Bilhop, fignifying their Dc- 
 fire to be baptized ihc next approaching Fefli- 
 /al. Their petitioning for this Favour, gave 
 thera the Name of Competentes . And from the 
 Bifhop's Examination and Approbation or Choice 
 of them, they were flylcd Eletli. St. Cyril of 
 Jeru/alem in his Catechetick Difcourfes [r] always 
 terms them <j?am£oju$Joi, which though it fre- 
 quently fignifies Perlons already baptiz'd, or il- 
 luminated by the Sacrament of Baptifm j yet in 
 his Style, it denotes Perfons yet to be baptized, 
 or fuch as had only the Illumination of Cate- 
 chetical Inftruction antecedent to Baprifm. And 
 fo the Name Ba.Tflifcijfyot, in the Author of the 
 Apoftolical Conftitutions [s~] is taken, not for Per- 
 fons actually bap*ized, but for thofe Catechu- 
 mens who weredefirous to be baptized- Whence 
 hi the fame Author, the Prayer that is faid over 
 the Catechumens in the Church, is call'd 
 Ba?r]i^o^'v>.» and <pw1i£o/*sva>v ^vi, The Prayer for 
 thofe that were about to be illuminated and bap- 
 tized. Which alfo fhews, that the Subjlrati and 
 Competentes were different Orders or Degres of 
 the Catechumens, (contrary to what Mr. Baf- 
 nage and fome others have aflerted) fince diffe- 
 rent Prayer?, at different Times in the Church, 
 Were offerM up for them. 
 
 SECT. vi. These Competentes, asl faid, 
 
 Bow this lajl Or. were fo called from their peti- 
 der were particular- tioning for the Sacrament of Bap- 
 
 ly Difiiplined and , ifin as we i earn f rom St. Aufiin, 
 prepared for Bap- ^ often gjves this Reafon ryj 
 
 for it, telling us, That upon the 
 approach of the £<2/?<?r-Fefl:ival, it was ufual for 
 the Catechumens to give in their Names in or- 
 der to be baptized, whence they were called 
 Competentes, Petitioners or Candidates for Bap- 
 tifm. When their Names were given in, and 
 their Petition accepted, then both they and their 
 Sponfors were regiftred in the Books of the 
 Church j as is noted by the Author under the 
 
 Name of Dionyfius [a] the Areopagite, who brings 
 in the Bifhop commanding the Piiefts to re- 
 gifler both the Catechumen and his Sponfor or 
 Sufceptor together. And in the Council of 
 Conflantinople, under Mennas, [x~] there is men- 
 tion made of an Officer in the Church particu- 
 larly appointed to this Bufinefs, one whofe ap- 
 propriated Office it was to regifter the Names 
 of thofe who offered and prefented thcmfclves to 
 Baptifm. Thefe Regifters were called their 
 Diptychs j but as they had feveral forts of Dip- 
 tychs, fome for the Dead and fome for the Liv- 
 ing, thefe were particularly called AiVlu^a ^aVlwv, 
 the Diptychs or Books of the Living, as is ob- 
 ferved by Pachymeres [y~\ in his Comment upon 
 the forcfaid Place of Dionyfius. 
 
 When their Names were sect. VII. 
 thus regilrxed, then followed a Tartly by fre- 
 Scrutiny or Examination of their m'aHnimti- 
 
 Proficiency under the preceding o*s, in which fnthas 
 
 Stages of the catechetical Exer- fP^f^f^s 
 
 ... D Aii- r had the Name of 
 
 cites. And this was often repeat- Elefii. 
 ed before Baptifm, according to 
 the Direction given in this cafe by the Fourth 
 Council [z] of Carthage. They that were ap- 
 proved upon fuch Examination, were fometimes 
 called Eletli, the Chofen, as we find in the De- 
 crees of Pope Leo Magnus, who fpeaks of them 
 under this Appellation [a], becaufe they were 
 now accepted and chofen as Perfons qualified for 
 Baptifm at the next approaching Fcftivals of 
 Eafter or Whitfuntide, which were the ufual 
 times of Baptizing. Cardinal Bona makes thefe 
 Eletli a. diftin6t Order from the Competentes : But 
 there feems to be no ground for fuch a Diftin- 
 ftion, becaufe their Exercifes were all the fame 
 henceforward till they arrived at Baptifm. 
 
 For as they were all exam i- sect. vm. 
 ned, fo they were all exorcifed Tartly by Exor. 
 alike for twenty Days before B;ip- c 'fi"> accompanied 
 tifm. This Cuflom is often men- with ^Prf*'™ °f 
 tioned by the ancient Writers, %*" d % f d the 
 both of ft. Greek and Lad 
 Church. Sr. Auftin more than 
 once fpeaks of it as the common Practice of the 
 African Church j joy ning Examination \b\ Cate- 
 chizing and Exorcifm together, and telling" us that 
 the Fire of Exorcifm, as his Phrafc is, always 
 preceded Baptifm. We learn the Time from Cy- 
 prian and the Council of Carihcge, held under 
 him about the Validity of Heretical Baptifm: 
 For there it is often faid, That Hereticks [<■] and 
 Schifmaticks were firft to be Exorcized with Jm- 
 
 [r] Cyril. Catech. i, 2, 8cc. [j] Conftir. Apoft. Lib. 8. c.8. 
 [/] Aug. de Fide 8c Oper. c. 6. Cum Fontis illius Sacramema pe- 
 teremus, atque ab hoc Competentes etiam vocaremur, 8tc. Id. de 
 Cura pro mortuis, e. 12. Pafcha appropinquante dedit nomen inter 
 altos Competentes. [«] Dionyf. Hierarch. Ecclef. c. 2 n. 4. p. 
 
 •f &vcf,£oyj)v. [*] Cone. Conttant. fub Menna. Aft. $. Tom.j-. 
 p. 224. TTfyanyoeJietf t m to ft oiir] iq-/;. a ■7r^<jto{\aiV 
 ifyt/.fur 7'l&yuh@-. [y] Pachymer. in Dionyf. p. 224. 
 [ z ] Cone. Carthag. 4. can. 84. Crebra Examinatione Baptifmum 
 percipiant. [a] Leo Ep. 4. ad Epifc. Siculos, c. r . In baptizan- 
 
 dis in Ecclefia Ele&is, hxc duo rempora, de quibus locuti fumus, 
 efle legitima, &c. [£] Aug. in Pfal. 6 f . Poft ignem Exorcifmi' 
 venitur ad Baptifmum. Id dc Fide 8c Ocer. c. 6. Suis r.ominihus 
 
 datis, Abftinentia, |ejunii.i, ExoTcifnvfque purgantur. ]pt] s 
 
 dicbus quibus Carechizantur, Exorcizintur, Scrutantur. [e] Cone. 
 Carthag. ap. Cyprian, p. 232. Ce^Cco omnes Hsereticos & Schif- 
 maticos, qui ad Catholicam Ecclefiam volucn'nt venire, non ante 
 ingredi, nili Exorcizati 8c Baptizati prius fuerinr. Ib. p 2,27 
 Primo per manus Impofitionem in Exorcifmo, fecundo per Baptiftni 
 regenerationem, tunc pollunt ad Chri;li pollicitationem venire. 
 
 pofition 
 
426 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookX 
 
 pofition of Hands, and then baptized, before they 
 could be admitted as true Members of the Catho- 
 lick Church. And we learn from thence alfo, 
 that the Practice was fo univerfal that the Here- 
 ticks thcmfelves did not omit it, though it was 
 etteemed of no Effect by the Cathohcks when 
 done by them, but looked upon only as a Mock- 
 Practice, where one Demoniack \d] Exorcized 
 another, as Cacilius h Bilta phrafes it in the fame 
 Council. Ferrandus Diaconus [e~] alfo fpeaks of 
 this Exorcifm, which immediately followed the 
 Scrutiny or Examination of the Compctentes. And 
 the like Teltimonies may be feen in Petrus Chry- 
 fblogus [/] and the fecond Council of Bracara [g] 
 for the Practice of the ltalick and Spanijh Chur- 
 ches. In the laft of which, it is particularly fpe- 
 cificd that thefe Exorcifms fhall continue for 
 twenty Days before Baptifm. Gennadius of Mar- 
 feilles \_h] teftifies not only for the French Church, 
 but the Univerfal Church throughout the whole 
 World, that Exorcifms and Exfufflations were 
 uniformly ufed both to Infants and Adult Per- 
 fons, before they were admitted to the Sacra- 
 ment of Regeneration and Fountain of Life. And 
 for the Greek Church in particular (though the 
 Author of the Jpofiolical Confutations, for a pe- 
 culiar Reafon, makes no mention of this Cere- 
 mony, becaufe he reprefents the Bufinefs of an 
 Exorcift not as a ftanding and ordinary Office in 
 the Church, but as an extraordinary and miracu- 
 lous Gift of God [;'], as it was in the Age of 
 the Apoftles;) yet Gregory Nazianzett and Cyril 
 of Jerufalem are undeniable Evidences of the Pra- 
 ctice: For Nazianzen, in his Oration upon Bap- 
 tifm, [k] thus befpeaks his Catechumen : Defpife 
 not thou the Medicinal Office of Exorcifm, neither 
 grow weary of the length or continuance of it j 
 for it is a proper Tryal of a Man's Sincerity in 
 coming to the Grace of Baptifm. Cyril in like 
 manner [/] bids his Catechumen to receive Ex- 
 orcifm with diligence in the time of catechi- 
 zing. For whether it was Infufflation or Exor- 
 cifm, it was to be efteemed falutary to the Soul } 
 for as mixed Metals could not be purged without 
 Fire, fo neither could the Soul be purged without 
 Exorcifms, which were Divine, and gathered 
 out of the Holy Scriptures. He adds a little 
 after, That the Exorcifts did thus, by the Power 
 of the Holy Spirit, caft a Terror upon the Evil 
 Spirit, and make him fly from the Soul, and 
 leave it in a falutary State and Hope of Eternal 
 
 Life. Where we may obferve two Things that 
 give great Light in this Matter : 1. Why it is fo 
 often called by the Ancients the Fire of Exorcifm, 
 becaufe it purges the Soul, and as it were fires 
 the Evil Spirit from it. z. That thefe Exor- 
 cifms were nothing but Prayers, collected and 
 compofed out of the Words of the Holy Scrip- 
 tures, to befeech God to break the Dominion 
 and Power of Satan in new Converts, and to 
 deliver them from his Slavery by expelling the 
 Spirit of Error and Wickedncfs from them. 
 Therefore Cyril \m~] in another place calls them 
 \cyoi M%$% the Words of Prayer, by which a 
 Devil or a Demoniack, who could not be held in 
 Chains of Iron by many, was often held by one, 
 through the Power of the Holy Ghoffc working 
 in him j and the bare Infufflation of an Exor- 
 cift, was a Fire of fufficient Force to expel the 
 invifible Spirits. So that the whole Bufinefs of 
 Exorcifm, and the Power of it, is to be refolved 
 into Prayer, fome Forms of which are now ex- 
 tant in the Euchologium [«] or Rituals of the Greek 
 Church, publifhed by Goar, and the Rituals of 
 the ancient Gallican Church, publifhed by [0] 
 Mabillon. From whence alfo it appears, that the 
 lnfufflation, and Impofition of Hands, and the 
 Sign of the Crofs, (which was ufed at the fame 
 Time, as we find in the Writings of St. Aufi'm 
 fjfj and St. Ambrofe [?],) were only looked upon 
 as decent Ceremonies or Concomitants of Prayer; 
 to whofe Energy, and not to the bare Ceremo- 
 nies, the whole Efficacy and Benefit of this part 
 of the Catechumens Discipline is to be attributed. 
 For tho' the Ceremonies be fometimes only men- 
 tioned, yet Prayer is always to be understood, 
 and to be taken for the Subftance of the Action, 
 whilft the other were only thcCircumflancesof it. 
 
 During this fame Term of sec t. IX. 
 twenty Days the Catechumens Parity by the ex- 
 were alfo exercifed with Abft i- of safting 
 
 nence and Faffing, as a fuitable and fftmence,md 
 Preparation for their enfuing Bap- 
 tifm. The 4th Council of Car- 
 thage has a Canon which joyns all thefe things 
 together : Let fuch as give in their Names to be 
 baptized [r], be exercifed a long time with Ab- 
 ftinence from Wine and Fkfh, and with Impofi- 
 tion of Hands, and frequent Examination, and fo 
 let them receive their Baptifm. In like manner 
 St. Aufiin \s\ puts Abftinence, Fallings, and Ex- 
 
 [</] Ibid. p. 130. Apud Hxreticos omnia per mendacium agun- 
 tur, ubi exorcizat Dxrnoniacus, &c. [ej Ferrand. Ep. ad Ful- 
 gent, de Catechizando ^thiope, inter Fulgentii Opera, p 606. Ce- 
 tebrato folenniter Scrurinio, per Exorcifmum contra Diabolum vin- 
 dicate. [/] Per. Chryfolog. Serm. 72. Hinc eft quod ve- 
 niens ex Gentibus Impolitione manus 8c Exorcifmis ante a Dxmo- 
 ne purgatur. Vid. Serm. io f . [g] Cone. Bracar. 2. c. 1. An- 
 te viginti dies Baptifmi ad purgationem Exorcifmi concurrant Cate- 
 chumeni, 8cc. [h] Gennad. de Dogmat. Ecclef c. 31. Illud 
 etiam quod circa Baptizandos in univerfo mundo fandra Ecclefia uni- 
 r'ormiter agit, non otiofo contemplamur intuitu: Cum five parvuli 
 live juvencs ad Regenerationis veniunt Sacramentum, non prius fon- 
 tem vitx adeant, quam Exorcifmis 8t Exfufflationibus Clericorum 
 Spiritus ab cis immundus abigatur. [/] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 8. 
 c. 16. M Naz. 0rat - 4°* ^ e ^P 1 - P- 6 ?7- fittTrlvant 
 ^oj/./(T/a« %i&pre.a.v, t^H W rb /*?ik& Tttv7tl( Aita/yo- 
 
 [/] Cyril. Pra;fat. ad Catech. n. f. p. 7. ri( iiroZKiapii; £'iyx (X$ 
 <r-srx<Pti{. ko,v i/A^ucn^yK k£v s&cfAt&tif.foflvieitt cot 70 Tg£y- 
 y.a, vbptaov Svcu, 8cc. Vid. Catcch. 1. n. 5- p. 18. [tm] Cy- 
 ril. Catech. 16. n. 9. p. 254. [»] Eucholog. p. 235". [0] Ma- 
 billon. Mufxum Italic, torn. 1. p. 323. [p~\ Aug. ConfeH 
 Lib. f. C 11. [<j] Ambrof. De iis qui initiantur, c. 4. 
 [r] Cone. Carthag. 4.. c. 84. Baptizandi nomen fuum dent, 8c diu 
 tub abftinentia Vini 8c Carnium, ac manus Impofitione, crebra Ex- 
 aminatione Baptifmum percipiant. [/] Aug. de Fide 8c Oper. 
 c. 6. Sine dubio non admitterentur, fi per ipfos dies quibus ean- 
 dem gratiam percepturi, fuis Nominibus datis, Abftinentia, Jejuni- 
 is, Exorcifmifque purgantur, cum fuis legitimis 8c veris Uxoribus 
 fe concubituros profiterentur, atque hujus rei, quamvis alio tempore 
 licit*, paucis ipfis lblennibus diebus nullam Continentiam fervaturos. 
 
 orcifm 
 
Chap II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 4 2 7 
 
 orcifm together, and particularly mentioncs Ab- 
 flincncc from the Marriage-Bed, during this 
 time of Preparation for Baptifm. So Socrates 
 te lls us \t\ when the Burgundians dcfired Baptifm 
 of a French Bilhop, he fiiit made them fall Seven 
 Days. And when a certain JewiJJj Impoltor, 
 who had been baptized by the Brians and Mace- 
 donians, came at laft to Paul the Nwatian Bilhop, 
 to defire the like Favour of him, the fame Au- 
 thor [a] obferves, that Paul would not admit 
 him, till he had fir ft excrciled him with Failing 
 many Days, and taught him the Rudiments of 
 the Chriltian Faith. Thefe Fallings are alfo men- 
 tioned by Jufiin Martyr and Tertullian, where 
 they fpeak of Mens Preparation for Baptifm. As 
 many, fays Jujlin Martyr \x\ as believe the 
 Things to be true which we teach, and promife 
 to conform their Lives to the Laws of our Reli- 
 gi n, they firft of all learn to ask Pardon of 
 their by-paft Sins of God by Prayers and Fall- 
 ings, we joyning our Prayers and Fadings with 
 theirs. So Tertullian [ y], They that arc about 
 to receive Bupwfm, mult firll ufe frequent Pray- 
 ers and Fallings, and Geniculations and Watch- 
 ings, and make Confeflion of all their former 
 Sins, in Imitation of John's Baptifm, taking it 
 for a Favour, that they are not obliged to make 
 publick Confeflion of their flagitious Crimes and 
 Offences. Whence we may conclude, that thefe 
 ConfelTions were fometimes publick, and fome- 
 times private, as directed by the Wildom of the 
 Church. They who would fee more of this 
 matter, may confult St. Cyril's Catechetick Dif- 
 courfes [z\ and Gregory Nazianzen's Oration [_a~] 
 about Baptifm, who to Confeflion, and Prayers, 
 and Fatting, add Humi dilations, and Groans and 
 Tears, and forgiving of Enemies, as proper In- 
 dications of a penitent Mind, before Men came 
 to receive the Seal of Forgivenefs at God's Hand 
 by the Miniltry of his Church. 
 
 SECT. X. At this time alfo the Compe- 
 
 Tartly by Lcam- tentes were taught the Words of 
 
 mg-J.i'worJsof the the Creed, which they were ob- 
 
 creedandtbe Lords ljged tQ get by Heart, in order to 
 
 repeat tf before the Bilhop at their 
 laft Examination before Baptifm. This part of 
 Catechifing was often performed by the Bilhop 
 himfelf, as we may learn from thole Words of 
 St. Ambrofe \b\ where he thus diltinguilhes the 
 Competentcs from the other Catechumens : When 
 the Catechumens were difmilfed, I recited the 
 Creed to the Competentcs in the Baptifteries of the 
 Church. This was done in fome Churches 
 twenty Days before Baptifm ; for fo the Second 
 
 Council of Bracara ordered [c~\ for the SpaniJIj 
 Churches. But the Council of dgde in Prance 
 \d~\ fpeaks only of eight Days before Eafter, ap- 
 pointing Palm-Sunday to be the Day when the 
 Creed Ihould be publickly taught the Competentcs 
 in all their Churches. But perhaps we are to 
 diftinguifh betwixt the Publick and Private 
 Teaching of the Creed; and fo one might be 
 done privately twenty Days before by the Cate- 
 chifts in the Baptifteries or Catechetick Schools, 
 and the other publickly eight Days before, by 
 the Minillers of the Church. However this was, 
 there was a certain Day appointed for thefe Ca- 
 techumens to give an Account of their Creed, 
 and that was the Parafccue, or Day before our 
 Saviour's Paffion, which the Council of Lao- 
 dicca [i] calls the fifth Day of the Great and So- 
 lemn Week, when fuch as were to be baptized, 
 having learnt their Creed, were to repeat it be- 
 fore the Bilhop or Presbyters in the Church. 
 And this was the only Day for fevcral Ages, that 
 ever the Creed was publickly repeated in the 
 Greek Churches, as Theodoras Letter [/] informs 
 us, who fays, It was uled to be recited only once 
 a Year, and that was on the Parafceue, or Day 
 of Preparation to our Saviour's Paflion, now 
 called Holy -Thurf day; at which time the Bilhop 
 was always wont to catechize the Competentes in 
 the Church. When they had learn'd the Creed, 
 they were alfo taught the Lord 's- Prayer, which 
 was not allowed ordinarily to the Catechumens 
 till immediately before their Baptifm. For this 
 Prayer was ufually called, &yji ttjsw, The Pray- 
 er of the Faithful, as being peculiarly ufed only 
 by Perfons baptized, who were made Sons of 
 God by Regeneration, and had a Title as fuch, 
 to addrefs God under the Denomination of their 
 Father which is in Heaven : Which Catechu- 
 mens, at leaft thofe of the firft Orders, could not 
 fo properly do: But when they arrived at this laft 
 Degree of Competentes, and flood as immediate 
 Candidates of Baptifm, then this Form was part 
 of their Inftruction, and not before. As we 
 learn from Ferrandus Diaconus, who fpeaks firll 
 of their repeating the Creed, and then learning 
 [g] the Lord's- Prayer. And the fame is evident 
 from Chryfoflom, Aufiin and Theodoret, of whom 
 I fhall have Occafion to fpeak more particularly 
 in Chapter V. n. o. where I treat of the ancient 
 Difcipline in concealing the Sacred Myfteries 
 from the Catechumens. 
 
 Together with the Creed, sect. xr. 
 they were alfo taught how to And the Form of 
 make their proper Refponfes in Renouncing the De- 
 
 [f] Socrat. Lib. 7. p, 30. [«] Socrat. Lib. 7. c. 17. [x] Ju- 
 ftin. Apol. 2. p. 93. [y~] Term!, de Bapt. c. 20. Ingreiluros 
 
 Baptifmum, Oraiionibus crcbris, Jejuniis 8c Geniculationibus 8c Per- 
 vigiliis orare oportet, 8c cum Confefiione omnium retro deli&orum, 
 ut exponant etiam Baptifmum Johannis. Tingebantur, inquit, 
 confitentes delifta fua. Nobis gratulandum eft, fi non publice con- 
 fitemur iniquitates aur turpitudines noftras. Vid. Tertul. de Pce- 
 nitent. c. 6. (V] Cyril Catech. 1. n. f. 8c 6. p. 18. & 19. 
 [>] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. [6] Ambrof. Ep. 33. ad Marcelli- 
 nam fororem, p. 15-8. Dimiflls Catechumenis, fymbokim aliqui- 
 bus Competentibus tradebam in Baptifteriis Bafilicas. [c] Cone. 
 
 Bracar. 2. c. 1. Ante vigintidies Baptifmi, Catechumeni fymbolum, 
 quod eft, Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, fpecialiter doce- 
 antur. [<T] Cone. Agathen. c. 9. Symbolum etiam placuit ab 
 
 omnibus Eccleflis una die, id eft, ante Oito dies Dominicae Refur- 
 reftionis, publice in Eccleiia Competentibus praedicari. [ej Cone. 
 Laodic. c. 4.6. ort £a riss <t>co]i(^o[jLiw, rriv. iri?tv \kuch %m£v % 
 
 >7n>io-Cu7i^?ii. [/] Theodor. Ledtor. Lib. 2. p. f6$. [g] Fer- 
 rand. Ep. ad Fulgent, de Catechizando /Ethicpe. Ipfa infuper fan- 
 fti fymbol-i verba memoriter in confpeftu Fidelis Populi c!ara voce 
 pronuncians, piam Regulam Dominicse Orationis accepit. 
 
 Bap- 
 
4^8 
 
 7he Antiqjjities of the Book X. 
 
 ? if, and Covenant- Baptifm} particularly the Form 
 ingmthchrift, and D f Renouncing the Devil and his 
 
 ef b:rRefponJe S tooe Wor ] and p omps his Woifhip, 
 u fed in Butt i m. i • « i i • i • j ii 
 
 his Angels, his Inventions, and all 
 Things belonging to him j and the contrary Form 
 of Covenanting with Chrift, and engaging 
 themfelves in his Service: For though thefe Acts 
 in their higheft Solemnity did properly appertain 
 to the Subltance of Baptifm itfelf; yet it was ne- 
 ceffary to inftruct the Catechumens beforehand, 
 how they were to behave themfelves in thefe 
 Matters, that they might not through Ignorance 
 be at a lofs when they came to Baptifm. And 
 therefore the Author of the Apofiolical Confiituti- 
 ms [&] orders it to be one fpecial Part of the 
 Catechumens Inftrudtion, juft before their Bap- 
 tifm, that they lliould learn what related to the 
 Renunciation of the Devil, and Covenanting 
 with Chrift. And thefe Engagements they 
 actually entred into, not only at their Baptifm, 
 but before it, as a juft Preparation for it : For, 
 fays that Author, they ought firft to abftain from 
 the Contraries, and then come to the Holy My- 
 fteries, having purged their Hearts beforehand of 
 all Spot and Wrinkle and Habits of Sin, And 
 the fame thing is intimated by Tertullian and Fer- 
 randus the Deacon of Carthage \ for Ferrandus 
 fays exprefly [/], That the Catechumens, at the 
 fame time that they were Exorcized, made their 
 actual Renunciation of the Devil, and then were 
 taught the Creed. And 'Tertullian means the 
 fame thing, when he fays, that this Renunciation 
 was made twice j firft in the Church, [k] under 
 the Hands of the Bifhop, and then again when 
 they came to the Water to be baptized. And 
 hence it became one Part of the ancient Office 
 of Deaconne{Tes,to inftruct the more ignorant and 
 ruftick fort of Women, how they were to make 
 their Refponfcs at the time of Baptifm to fuch 
 Interrogatories as the Minifter fhould then put to 
 them, as I have had occafion to fhew from a 
 Canon of the Fourth Council of Carthage [/], 
 in difcourfing of the Office of DeaconnelTes in 
 another [»;] Place. 
 
 SECT. XII. Beside thefe Parts of ufeful 
 what meant by Difcipline and Inftruction, there 
 the Competentes were fome other Ceremonies of 
 
 going veiled fame fefe Note ^ t0War( J t he Cate- 
 umebeforeBapufm. chumens> wh j ch j mu ft not [wholly 
 
 pafs over. Among thefe was the Ceremony of 
 
 the Competentes going veiled, or with their Faces 
 covered, for fome Days before Baptifm: Which 
 Cuftom is taken notice of by Cyril of Jerufalem 
 [»], together with the Reafon of it} Your Face, 
 lays he to the Catechumens, was covered, that 
 your Mind might be more at Liberty, and that 
 the wandring of your Eyes might not diftract 
 your Soul. For when the Eyes are covered, the 
 Ears are not diverted by any Impediments from 
 hearing and receiving Saving Truths. St. Aujlm 
 and Junilius give a more Myftical Reafon for it: 
 For they fuppofe the Catechumens were veiled 
 in Publick, as bearing the Image of Adam's Sla- 
 very after his Expulfion out of Paradifej and that 
 thefe Veils being taken away after Baptifm [o] 
 were an Indication of the Liberty of the Spiri- 
 tual Life, which they obtained by the Sacrament: 
 of Regeneration. However it be, the Eviden- 
 ces are plain, that there was fuch a Ceremony 
 ufed to the Catechumens : But, as Valefius [/>] 
 rightly obferves, it did not refpect them all, bur. 
 only that Order of them that were peculiarly 
 called the Competentes. 
 
 Another Ceremony of sect. xiii. 
 this Nature, was the Cuftom of of the ceremony 
 touching the Ears of the Cate- called Ephphata, or 
 chumens, and faying unto thera opening of the -Ears 
 Ephphata, be opened: Which ^ the 
 Petrus Chryfologus \jf\ joyns with 
 Impofition of Hands and Exorcifms ; making it 
 to have fomething of myftical. Signification in 
 it, to denote the opening of the Underftanding 
 to receive the Inftructions of Faith. And St, 
 Ambrofe [r], or an Author under his Name, 
 defcribes the fame Cuftom, deriving the Original 
 of it from our Saviour's Example, in faying 
 Ephphata, be opened, when he cured the Deaf 
 and the Blind. But this Cuftom feemed not to 
 have gained any great Credit in the Practice of 
 the Church } for befides thefe two Authors, 
 there is fcarce any other that fo much as mentions 
 itj and whether it was ufed to the firft or laft 
 Order of the Catechumens, is not very eafy to 
 determine. 
 
 The like may be faid of ano- sect. xiv. 
 ther Ceremony, which is men- of putting clay 
 tioned in St. Ambrofe, which was their Eyes. 
 
 the Cuftom of anointing the Eyes what memt b *• 
 with Clay, in Imitation of our Saviour's Prac- 
 
 [h] Conftit .Apoft. Lib. 7. c. 39. 8c 40. (jLnvd-avira ta T«e< 4 
 &nf]etynf <rS tPictC'oto, K) rd Trial <f trvvla'vtif n Xe<r», 8cc. 
 [i] Ferrand. Ep. ad Fulgent, inter Opera Fulgentii, p. 606. Per Ex- 
 orciimum contra Diabolum vindicatur : cui fe renunciare conftanter, 
 ficut hie confuetudo pofcebat, auditurus fymbolum, profitetur. 
 \k~\ Tertul. de Coron. Mil. c. Aquam adituri, ibidem, fed 8c 
 aliquanto prius in Ecclefia fub Antiftitis manu conteftamur nos re- 
 nunciare Diabolo, 8c Pompse 8c Angelis ejus. [_/] Cone. Car- 
 thag. 4.C. 12. Viduae vel fanctimoniales, quae ad Minifterium 
 baptizandarum Mulierum eliguntur, tarn inftruftae fmt ad Officium, 
 ut pofTint apto 8c fano fermone docere imperitas 8c rufticas mulie- 
 rcs, tempore quo baptizandae funt, qualiter Baptizatori interrogatae 
 refpondeant, 8c qualiter accepto Baptifmate vivant. \m\ Book II. 
 Chap. xxii. n. 9. [»] Cyril. Prasfat. ad Catech. n. f, p. 7. 
 kcDUiTTct^cU ffH til tXecauTTOV, \va %oK«t.<rvi KotiTov n tPidvpid' 
 
 [0] Aug. Ser. 4. in Dominic. Odav. Pafchaj, 1$$. de Tempore. 
 
 Hodie Oclavx dicuntur Infantium: Revelanda funt Capita eorum, 
 quod eft indicium Libertatis. Habet enim Libertatem ifta fpiritalis 
 Nativitas. Junil. de Partibus Divinae Legis, Lib. 2. c. 16. BibL 
 Patr. Tom. 1. p. 15-. Typum gerunt Adae Paradifo exclufi — 
 propter quod 8c per publicum capitibus teftis incedunt. \j>] Va- 
 lef. Not. in Eufeb. de Vit. Conftant. Lib. 4. c. 62. [9] Chry- 
 folog. Serm. fi. p. 286. Hinc eft quod veniens ex Gentibus Im- 
 pofitione mantis 8c Exorcifmis ante a Dsemone purgatur; 8c Aper- 
 tionem aurium percipit, ut fidei capere pofllt auditum. [r] Am- 
 brof. de iis qui initiantur, c. 1. Quod vobis fignificavimus, cum 
 Apertionis celebrantes Myfterium, diceremus, Efteta, quod eft, 
 
 aperire Hoc Myfterium celebravit Chriflus in Evangelio, cum 
 
 mutum curaret 8c iurdum. Id. de Sacramentis, Lib. 1. c. 1. 
 Myfteria celebrata funt Apertionis, quando tibi aures tetigit faoerdos 
 8c nares. 
 
 tice, 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 429 
 
 ticc, when he cured the blind Man by making 
 Clay of his Spittle, and anointing his Eyes with 
 it, John ix. 6. The Defign or this Ceremony, 
 as that Author explains it, [s] was to teach the 
 Catechumens to confefs their Sins, and to review 
 their Confidences, and repent of their Errors, 
 that is, to acknowledge what ftate and condi- 
 tion they were in by their firft Birth. St. Aufiin 
 feems alio [/] to refer to this Practice in his Dif- 
 courfe upon the blind Man cured by our Saviour, 
 where he fays, the Catechumens were anointed 
 before Baptifm, as the blind Man was by Chrift, 
 who was thereby perhaps made a Catechumen. 
 
 sect. XV. Vicceomes [«] and Mr. Bafnage 
 whether the ca- [#], mention another Cullom, 
 techumens held a which was peculiar in their Opi- 
 
 Bghttd Taper in njon £Q ^ Jf r j can Church, viz. 
 
 their Hands m the . r r -,. , • rr> „ 
 
 Time of Exorafm. the uf f a lighted Taper put 
 
 into the Hands of the Catechu- 
 mens in time of Exorcifm, to fignify (as Mr. Baf- 
 nage explains it) the Illuftration of the Holy 
 Ghoft j or, as Vicecomes would have it, the pow- 
 er of Exorcifm in expelling Satan. But their 
 Obfervation, I think, is grounded upon a mere 
 Miftake, interpreting fome Words of St. Cyprian 
 and St. Aufiin in a literal Senfe, which are only 
 Figurative and Metaphorical. Cyprian fpeaking 
 of the Power of Chriftians over unclean Spirits, 
 fays [>] among many other things, that they 
 could oblige them by their powerful Stripes to 
 forfake the Perfons they had poffeffed } that they 
 could put them to the Rack, and make them 
 confefs, and cry out, and groan j that they could 
 fcourge them with their Whips, and burn them 
 with their Fire. Where it is plain enough to 
 any unprejudiced Reader, that the Fire of Exor- 
 cifm here fpoken of, is of the fame kind with 
 the Whips, and Stripes, and Rack* that is, the 
 fpiritual and invifible Power of the Holy Ghoft, 
 as Cyprian himfelf immediately explains them, 
 when he fays, all this was done, but not feen } 
 the Stroke was invifible, and the Effect of ic 
 only appeared to Men. So that it was not a ma- 
 terial Fire, or a lighted Taper in the Hands of 
 the Catechumens, that Cyprian fpeaks of, as Vice- 
 comes fancies, but the invifible Fire or Power of 
 the Holy Ghoft. And it is the fame Fire that 
 St. Aufiin means, whofe Authority only is urged 
 by Mr. Bafnage to found this Cuftom on. He 
 fpeaks of a Fire indeed in the Sacraments [z], and 
 in catechizing, and in exorcizing. For whence 
 
 otherwife fhould it be, fays he, that the unclean 
 Spirits fo often cry our, I burn, if there be not a 
 Fire that burns them? From the Fire of Exor- 
 cifm we pafs to Baptifm, as from Fire to Water, 
 and from Water to a place of Reft. There is 
 nothing in all this that can fignify a lighted Ta- 
 per in the Hands of the Catechumens, which 
 certainly has no Power to burn an unclean Spirit : 
 But the Fire of Exorcifm is the invifible Fire of 
 the Holy Ghoft, that is, the Energy and power- 
 ful Operation of God's Spirit, which caffs out 
 Devils with a Word, and makes Satan fall like 
 Lightning from Heaven. Though I deny not 
 but that this Cuftom might come into the Church 
 in After-ages: For Albinus Flaccus, a Ritualift of 
 the VHIth Century, fpeaks of a Cuftom like to 
 it [a\ as ufed at leaft the Night before the Ca- 
 techumens were to be baptized. For defcribing 
 the Ceremonies of the Vigil of the great Sabbath 
 before Eaficr, he fays, a Wax Taper was ufed 
 to be carried before the Catechumens, which fig- 
 nified the Illumination wherewith Chrift enligh- 
 tened that Night, by the Grace of his Refurrec- 
 tion, and the Catechumens coming to Baptifm. 
 And this was it that deceived Vicecomes, who 
 would have all modern Cuftoms appear with a 
 Face of Antiquity, and therefore wrefted the 
 Words of St. Cyprian and St. Aufiin to patronize 
 a novel Ceremony, which in their Days was noc 
 fo much as thought of. 
 
 There is another Miftake sect. xvi. 
 which runs through the Writings what meant by 
 of many modern Authors, con- the sacrament of 
 cerning what the Ancients call the the catechumens. 
 Sacrament of the Catechumens. They fuppofe, 
 that though the Catechumens were not allowed 
 to participate of the Eucharift, yet they had 
 fomethinglike it, which they call Eulogia^ox Panis 
 Benediclus, confecrated Bread, taken out of the 
 fame Oblations, out of which antiently the Eu- 
 charifi itfelf was taken. Baronius \b~\ was the firfl: 
 that maintained this Opinion, and after him Bel- 
 larmin [t], and Vicecomes \d\ Albafpiny [<?], Pe- 
 tavius [ / ], Bifhop Beveridge [g], Efiius, Maldo- 
 nat&nd many others,follow him in the fame AfTer- 
 tion. But the Opinion is wholly grounded upon a 
 miftaken PafTagein St. Aufiin, who fpeaks indeed 
 of fomething that according to the Language of his 
 Age was then called the Sacrament of the Catechu- 
 mens j but he does not fay, that it was confecrated 
 Bread, or part of the fame Eulogia out of which 
 
 \s] Ambrof de Sacram. lib. 3. c. a. Ergo quando dedifti no- 
 men tuum, tulit lutum 8c linivit luper oculos tuos. Quod fignifi- 
 cat ut peccatum tuum fatereris, ut Confcientiam tuam recognofce- 
 res, ut pcenitentiam ageres deliclorum, hoc eft, fortem humanx 
 generationis agnofceres. [f] Aug. Tract. 44. in Johan. Tom. 9. 
 p. 135. Catechumenus inundtus eft nondum lotus. [«] Vice- 
 comes de Ritib. Bapt. lib. 2. c. 32. [*] Bafnag. Critic, in 
 Baron, p. 488. \_y] Cypr. ad Donatum, p. 4. Facukas da- 
 tur, immundos 8c erraticos Spiritus ad confeftionem minis incre- 
 pantibus cogere ; ut recedant duris verberibus urgere ; confli&antes, 
 ejulantes, gementes, incremento pcenae propagantis extendere; fla- 
 gris cxdere, igne torrere. Res illic geritur, nec videtur; occulta 
 plaga, 8c pcena manifefta. [«] Aug. Enarrat. in Pfal. lxv. p. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 277; In Sacramentis 8c in Catechizando 8c in Exorcizando adhi- 
 betur prius ignis. Nam unde immundi Spiritus plerumque clamant* 
 Ardeo, ft ille ignis non eft ? Poft ignem autem Exorcifmi venirur 
 ad Baptifmum, &c. [a] Albin. al Alcuin. de Divin. Offic. 
 
 c. 19. Cereus prxcedit Catechumenos noftros ; Lumen ipilus 
 Chrilhim fignificat, quo praeftns nox illuminetur, gratia fcilicet Re- 
 furre&ionis, 8c Catechumeni ad Baptifmum venturi. [b] Baron, 
 an. 313. n. j-f. [c] Bellarm. de Sacram. lib. 2. c. 25-. [d] Vice- 
 corn, de Ritib. Bapt. lib, 2. c. 9. p. x S9 . ryj Albafpin. Ob- 
 iervat. lib. 2. c. 26 [/] Petav. Animadverf. in Epiphan. Ex- 
 port. Fidei. p. 366. [g] Bevereg. Not. in Can. 2. Cone. An- 
 tioch. Eftius in Sentent. lib. 4. Dili. 10. Seel. c. 
 
4go 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the BookX. 
 
 the Eucharifi was taken. His Words are thefej 
 [h~] That which the Catechumens receive, though 
 it be not the Body of Chrift, is yet an holy 
 thing, and more holy than the common Meat 
 which fuftains us, becaufe it is a Sacrament. He 
 gives it the name of Sacrament according to the 
 cuftotn of that Age, which was to call every 
 thing a Sacrament, that had any thing of My fie- 
 ry, or of fpiritual fignification in it. But that 
 this Sacrament was not the confecrated Bread, 
 but only a little talle of Salt, we may learn 
 from the fame St. Auftin, who fpeaking of him- 
 felf as a Catechumen, fays, At that time [i] he 
 was often figncd with the Crofs of Chrift, and 
 feafoned with his Salt. And that it was this and 
 no more, appears farther from a Canon of the 
 third Council of Carthage, at which St. Auflin 
 was prefenr, which orders [£], that no other Sa- 
 crament fhould be given to the Citechumens on 
 the mod folemn Days of the Pafchal Feftival, ex- 
 cept their ufual Salt 5 giving this Reafon for it, 
 that for as much as the Faithful did not change 
 their Sacraments on thofe Days, neither ought 
 the Catechumens to change theirs. From whence 
 it is eafy to be inferred, that the Sacrament of the 
 Catechumens means no more than this Ceremo- 
 ny of giving them a little tafte of the Salt, like 
 Milk and Hony that was given after Baptifm, 
 as Cardinal Bom [/], and Mr. Aubertine [*»], and 
 Bafnage [»], have rightly concluded : The Defign 
 of the thing being not to give them any thing in 
 imitation of the Eucharift, or introductory to 
 that, which they always kept hid as a Secret from 
 them ; but that by this Symbol they might learn 
 to purge and cleanfe their Souls from Sin > Salt 
 being the Emblem of Purity and Incorruption. 
 
 SECT. XVII. I have but two things more 
 How theCatecku- to obferve concerning the Difci- 
 menswere purified, pline ufed towards the Catechu- 
 
 if theyfellmtogrofs mcns The Qne re l aces to t ] 10 f e 
 
 Sm ' Ecclefiaftical Cenfures and Punifh- 
 
 ments, which were ufually inflicted on them, in 
 cafe they were found to have lapfed into any 
 grofs and fcandalous Offences. Thefe being not 
 yet admitted into full Communion with the 
 Church, could not be punifhed as other Offen- 
 ders, by being fubjected to thofe feveral Rules 
 of Penance as other Offenders were* nor did the 
 Church think fit to be fo fevere upon them, as 
 upon other Penitents that lapfed after Baptifm : 
 But their Punifhment was commonly no more 
 
 but a Degradation of them from one degree of 
 Catechumenfhip to another, or at moll a Proro- 
 gation of their Baptifm to the hour of Death. 
 This appears plainly from the fifth Canon of the 
 Council of Neocafarea, which fpeaks thus of the 
 feveral degrees of Catechumens and their Punifh- 
 ment ; If any Catechumen, who comes to Church, 
 and Hands in any Order of Catechumens there, 
 be found guilty of Sin j if he be a Kneeler or 
 Proftrator, let him become an Hearer, if he fins 
 no more : But if he fin while he is an Hearer, let 
 him be call out of the Church. After the fame 
 manner it was decreed by the great Council [0] 
 of Nice, that if any of the Catechumens (by 
 whom they more efpecially mean the Kneelers) 
 were found guilty of Sin, they fhould be degra- 
 ded to the Claffis of the Hearers for three Years, 
 and after that be admitted to pray with the 
 Catechumens again. In the Council of Eliberis 
 there are feveral Canons to this purpofe. For 
 whereas the ordinary time of continuing Cate- 
 chumens was but two Years, as appointed by 
 that [_p] Council j yet in cafe of lapfing, they 
 were obliged to continue Catechumens fometimcs 
 three Years, fometimes five, and fometimes to 
 the hour of Death before they were baptized, 
 according to the Nature and Quality of their 
 Offences. If a Catechumen took upon him the 
 Office of an heathen Flamen, and did not facri- 
 fice [gQ, but only exhibit the ufual Games, he 
 was to be punifhed with the Prorogation of his 
 Baptifm for three Years from the time of his lap- 
 fing. If a Woman who was a Catechumen, di- 
 vorced herfelf from her Husband [r], her punifh- 
 ment was five Years Prorogation. But if fhe 
 committed Adultery, and after Conception ufed 
 any Arts to deftroy her Infant in the Womb, 
 then her Baptifm was to be deferred to the hour 
 [j] of Death. And this was the higher! Punifh- 
 ment that ever was inflicted upon Catechumens. 
 For though in this Council many times Commu- 
 nion, even at the hour of Death, be denied to 
 Believers that had lapfed after Baptifm j yet we 
 meet with no Inltance or Command, in this or 
 any other Place, prohibiting Catechumens to be 
 baptized at their laft Hour. The fixty-feventh 
 Canon of this Council [7] orders them for fome 
 Crimes to be caft out of Communion } which is 
 the fame as the Council of Neocafarea calls cart- 
 ing out of the Church, or reducing them back 
 to the loweft rank of private Catechumens, who 
 were not allowed to enter the Church : But when 
 
 [h] Aug. de Peccator. meritis. lib. 2. c. 26. Quod accipiunt 
 Catechumeni, quamvis non fit Corpus Chrifti, fanftum eft tamen, 
 Sc fandtius quam cibi quibus alimur, quoniam Sacramentum eft. 
 [fj Aug. Confeflu lib. 1. c. 11. Audieram ego adhuc puerde vita 
 acterna nobis promifla per humilitatem Filii tui Domini Dei noftri, 
 & fignabar jam figno Crucis, 8c condiebar ejus Sale. [/?] Cone. 
 Carthag. 3. can. f. Placuit ut per folemnifiimos Pafchales dies Sa- 
 cramentum Catechumenis non detur, niii folitum Sal: quia fi Fide- 
 les per illos dies Sacramenta non mutant, non Catechumenis opor- 
 tet mutari. [/] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 2. 
 
 [/w] Albertinus de Eucharift. lib. 2. p. 6?o, & 711. [»] Baf- 
 nag. Exercit. Critic, in Baron, p. 487- ["] Cone. Nicen. 
 
 s 
 
 }£) [J.iya.hi\ evvoJ^a, TetSv stwV autk( a.KPwu&u$ /xovov^ 
 1$ tavto. tvfciSx, ft$ rjcf Kcfl.H'/ji/L&f!iuv- [/>] Cone. Eit- 
 
 her, c. 42. [fj] Cone. Eliber. c. 4. Item Fhmines, fi fue- 
 
 rint Catechumeni, Sc fe a S icriSciis abftinuerunr, poft triennii tem- 
 pora placuit ad Baptifmum admitti debere. [r] Cone. Eli- 
 
 ber. c. 10, 8c 1 1. Intra quinquennii autem tempora, Catechume- 
 na fi graviter fuerit infirmata, dandum ei Baptifmum placuit noa 
 denegari. Vid. can. 72. de Delatoribus [s] Ibid. can. 68. Ca- 
 techumena, fi per adulterium conceperit, 8c conceptum necaverit, 
 placuit earn in fine baptixari. Vid. can. 72, ibid. [/] Cone. Eli- 
 ber. can. 67. Prohibendum ne qua Fidelis vel Catechumena autCo- 
 micos aut viros Cinerarios (al. Scenicos) habeat; quscunque hoc 
 fecerit, a Communione arceatur. 
 
 this 
 
Chap. II. Christian Church. 
 
 43 1 
 
 this was done, if ever after [u] they ihewed the 
 true Signs of Repentance, and a Defire to be 
 baptized, they were admitted to this Privilege 
 at the hour of Death, if not before : And this 
 Council gives a Rcafon for this Moderation to- 
 ward them in comparifon of others, bccaufe their 
 Sins were committed whillt they were unregene- 
 ratc in the Old Man, and therefore were more 
 eafily pardoned than Crimes committed by Be- 
 lievers after Baptifm. This was the Diftin&ion 
 univerfally oblerved between the Puniihments of 
 the Catechumens, and thofe that had arrived to 
 greater Perfections in the Church. 
 
 SECT, xvill. But in cafe the Catechumens 
 
 Hoto they mere died without Baptifm by Neglect 
 
 treated by the or t h eir own Default, then they 
 
 Church, tfthey died wcre punilhcd as other Malefa- 
 
 without Baptifm. r . r 1 
 
 Ctors, who unqualified themlelves 
 for the Solemnities of a Chriltian Burial. They 
 were put into the fame rank as thofe who laid 
 violent hands on themfelves, or were publickly 
 executed for their Crimes. The firft Council 
 of Bracara joins all thefe [#] together, as Per- 
 fons unworthy to be interred with the ufual So- 
 lemnities of finging of P faints, or to be comme- 
 morated amongit the Faithful in the Oblations and 
 Prayers of the Church. For in ancient times, 
 Prayers, and Oblations, and Thankfgivings wcre 
 folcmnly made in the Communion-fervice for all 
 that died in the Faith of Chrifl and in full Com- 
 munion with the Church : But fuch as neglected 
 their Baptifm were none of this number > and 
 therefore they were buried in filence, and no 
 mention was ever after made of them among o- 
 thers in the Prayers of the Church. Chryfofiom 
 [y~] fays exprefly, This was the peculiar Privi- 
 lege of thofe that died in the Faith, but Catechu- 
 mens were excluded from this Benefit and all other 
 Helps, except that of Alms and Oblations for them. 
 
 SECT. XTX. This Difcipline plainly re- 
 what opinion the fpedted thofe who put a Con- 
 Andents had of the tempt upon the holy Ordinance 
 KecepyofBapt.fm. G f Ba ptifm, and negle&ed to re- 
 ceive it, when the time of their Catechumenfhip 
 perhaps was expired, and they were under an 
 Obligation by the Laws of the Church to have 
 received it. But in cafe there was no Contempt, 
 but only an unforefeen and unavoidable necef- 
 fity hindered their Baptifm, whilft they were 
 diligently preparing for it: in that cafe they were 
 treated a little more favourably by the Ancients, 
 who did not generally think the mere want of 
 
 Baptifm in fuch circumftances to be fuch a pia- 
 cular Crime, as to exclude Men abfolutcly from 
 the Benefit of Church-communion, or the 
 hopes of eternal Salvation. Some few of them 
 indeed are pretty fevere upon Infants dying with- 
 out Baptifm, and fome others feem alfo in gene- 
 ral terms to deny eternal Life to adult Perfons 
 dying without it : But yet when they interpret 
 themfelves, and fpeak more diftinctly, they make 
 fome allowance, and except feveral cafes, in 
 which the want of Baptifm may be fupply'd by 
 other means, when the want of it proceeded 
 not from Contempt, but from fome great Ne- 
 ceffity and Difability to receive it. They gene- 
 rally ground the Neceffity of Baptifm upon thofe 
 two Sayings of our Saviour, He that believeth 
 and is baptized, Jhall be faved ; and, Except a man 
 be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter 
 into the kingdom of God : But then in their Expo- 
 fition of thefe Texts, they limit the Senfe to the 
 ordinary method of Salvation, and fuch cafes 
 wherein Baptifm may be had. And as for extra- 
 ordinary cafes, wherein Baptifm could not be 
 had, though Men were defirous of it, they made 
 feveral Exceptions in behalf of other things, 
 which in fuch circumftanccs were thought fuf- 
 ficient to fupply the want of it. 
 
 The chief of thefe excepted sect. XX. 
 Cafes was Martyrdom, which The mm of b^- 
 commonly goes by the Name of ^' ed h 
 Second Baptifm, or Baptifm in ' 
 Mens own Blood, in the Writings of the Anci- 
 ents, becaufe cf the Power and Efficacy it was 
 thought to have to fave Men by the invifible 
 Baptifm of the Spirit, without the external Ele- 
 ment of Water. Tertullian [%] upon this ac- 
 count not only dignifies it with the title of Se- 
 cond Baptifm, but fays, It was that which 
 Men defired to fuffer, as that which procu- 
 red the Grace of God and Pardon [«] of all 
 Sins by the Compenfation of their own Blood: 
 For by this Act, all Sins were pardoned. This 
 was that Second Baptifm [£] in Mens own Bloody 
 with which our Lord himfelf was baptized, af- 
 ter he had been baptized in Water. This 
 Baptifm was of force both to compenfate for 
 want of Baptifm, and to reftore it when Men 
 had loft it. Cyprian treads in the Heps of his Ma- 
 iler Tertullian : For fpeaking of the Catechumens 
 who were apprehended and flain for the Name 
 of Chrift, before they could be baptized in the 
 Church, he fays, Thefe were not deprived [V] of 
 the Sacrament of Baptifm, feeing they were 
 
 [»] Cone. Eliber. c. 4f . Qui aliquando fuerit Catechumenus, 
 2c per infinica tempora nunquam ad Ecclefiam acceflerit, fi eum de 
 Clero quifquam cognoverit efle (al. voluifle die) Chriftianum, aut 
 i.eftes aliqui extiterint fideles, placuit, ei Baptifmum non negari, eo 
 quod in veierem hominem deliquifle videatur. [*] Cone. 
 
 Bracar. i. c. Catechumenis line redemptione Baptifmi de- 
 funftis, fimili modo, non oblationis fanftse commemoratio, neque 
 pfallendi impendatur officium. Chryfoft. Horn. 3. in 
 
 Phi!, p. inf. 01 3 nctlnxx'-AfJ 01 »N rejjTYit d^i^vltu J 
 (zuQ'teLfa &cc. [2,] Tertul. de Patient, c. 1$. Quum vero 
 
 producitur ad cxperimentum felicitatis, ad occafionem lecundar in- 
 tinclionis, See. [a] Tertul. Apol. c. jo. Quis non ubi requi- 
 VOL. I. 
 
 fivit accedit ? ubi acceflit, pati exoptat ? ut totam Dei gratiam re- 
 dimat, ut omnem veniam de eo compeniatione fangumis fui expe- 
 diat ? omnia enim huic operi deliela donantur. [i>] Tertul. 
 
 de Bapt. c. 16. Eft quidem nobis etiam fecundum lavacrum, unum 
 8c ipfum, fanguinis fcilicet : De quo Dominus, Habeo, inquit, Bap- 
 
 tifmo tingui, quum jam tindtus fuiffet. Hie eft baptifmus, 
 
 qui lavacrum 8c non acceptum reprxfenrat, 8c perditum reddit. 
 [c] Cypr. Ep. 73. ad Jubaian. p. 208. Deinde nec privari bap- 
 tifmi facramento, utpote qui baptizentur gloriofiflimo & maximo 
 fanguinis baptifmo, de quo 8c Dominus dicebat, habere fe aliud 
 baptifma baptizari, 8cc, 
 
 I i i i z bap- 
 
43 2 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book X. 
 
 baptized in the mofl glorious and celebrated 
 Baptifm of their own Blood j to which our Lord 
 had reference, when he faid, / have another Bap- 
 tifm to be baptized 'with. And, fays he, that 
 they who are thus baptized in Blood, are alfo 
 fanctified and confummated by their Paflion, and 
 made Partakers of the Grace which God hath 
 promifed, is farther declared by our Saviour in 
 his Gofpel, in that he faid to the Thief, who 
 believed and confeffed him upon the Crofs, To 
 day thou Jhalt be with me in Paradife. Cyprian 
 has many other noble Encomiums and Flights up- 
 on this Second Baptifm, and he excepts no fort of 
 Men from the benefit of it, but only one, that 
 is, Hereticks and Schifmaticks, becaufe they 
 wanted the Grace of Charity, and died out of the 
 Communion of the Church without Repen- 
 tance j in which cafe he thought Martyrdom it- 
 felf not fufficient [d] to expiate their Crimes j 
 though it was available to purge away any others. 
 Origen was wont to fpeak of this kind of Bap- 
 tifm, under the name of Baptifm by Fire, as 
 that which often tranflated even Catechumens to 
 Heaven, though they wanted Baptifm by Water. 
 For fo Eufebius reprefents both Origeri's Senfe 
 and his own, when fpeaking of the Martyrs that 
 fuffer'd out of the School of Origen, he fays, 
 Two of them were only Catechuments ; Hera- 
 elides among the Men, and Herais among the 
 Women [e~] were in this Clafs only, when they 
 died, but they received Baptifm by Fire, as Ori- 
 gen was ufed to phrafe it. And that this Bap- 
 tifm did purge away Sins, as well as Baptifm by 
 Water, Origen himfelf declares: for he argues 
 thus, That Martyrdom [/] is rightly called Bap- 
 tifm, becaufe it procures Remiffion of Sins, as 
 Baptifm by Water and the Spirit doth } and 
 that by vertue of Chrift's Promife, whoafcertains 
 Pardon of Sins to all that fuffer Martyrdom, fay- 
 ing, Whofoever foall confefs me before men, him 
 will I confefs before my Father which is in heaven. 
 And that this was then the general Doctrine of 
 the Chriflians in that Age, appears farther from 
 this, that it was fo common and well-known, 
 that the Heathens themfelves were not ignorant 
 of it. For in the Acts of the Martyrdom of St. 
 Felicitas and Perpetua, who fuffer'd about the 
 
 time of Origen and Tertullian. one Saturus a Ca- 
 techumen [g] is fpoken of as being thrown to a 
 Leopard, who by the firft Bite of the wild Bead 
 was fo wafh'd all over in Blood, that the People, 
 as he return'd, gave him the Tettimony of the fe- 
 cond Baptifm, crying our, Salvum lotum, falvum 
 latum: Baptized and faved, baptized and faved. This 
 they faid only by way of ridicule of the Chrifti- 
 an Doctrine of Martyrdom's being efteemed a 
 fecond Baptifm, and a means of Salvation : But 
 the Author of the Acls rightly obferves, that he 
 was faved indeed, who was fo baptized. 
 
 Nor was this only the Doctrine of the more 
 ancient Writers, who liv'd in the times of Per- 
 fection and Martyrdom, but of thofe that fol- 
 lowed after, and who are commonly imagined 
 more rigid Defenders of the Neceflity of Bap- 
 tifm. For even St; Auflin and all his Cotempo- 
 raries, who were engaged againft Pelagius, made 
 the fame allowance in the cafe of Martyrdom. 
 St. Auflin declares himfelf [h~\ wholly of Cyprians 
 Opinion, that Martyrdom does many times fup- 
 ply the room of Baptifm j and he thinks Cyprian 
 argued well from the in fiance of the Thief up- 
 on the Crofs, to whom it was faid, though he 
 was not baptized, To day thou /halt be with me in 
 Paradife. St. Juftin often argues from the fame 
 \i~] Example of the Thief in other places, telling us, 
 that by the ineffable Power and Juftice of God, 
 Baptifm was imputed to the Thief upon his Faith, 
 and it was accounted to him as if he had received it, 
 becaufe he had a good Mind and Will toward it, 
 though he could not actually receive it in his Body- 
 by reafonof his Crucifixion. Therefore he reckons 
 him \_k] among thofe who are fanctified by the 
 invifibie Grace without the vifible Sacrament, as 
 he thinks many were both under the Old and 
 New Tejlament : From whence yet it does not 
 follow, that the vifible Sacrament may be con- 
 temned by any, for the Contemner of it cannot 
 by any means be fanctified by the invifibie Grace 
 thereof. In his Book De Civitate Dei, he fpeaks 
 more generally [/] of all thofe that fuffer Mar- 
 tyrdom, that though they have not been wafhed 
 in the Laver of Regeneration, yet their dying 
 for the ConfefTion of Chrifl avails as much to- 
 
 [</] Cypr. de Orat. Domin. p. ip. Quale delictum eft, quod 
 nec baptifmo fanguinis poteft ablui ? Quale crimen eft, quod Mar- 
 tyrio non poteft expiari? Vid. Cypr. de Unit. Eccl. p. 113. It. Ep. 
 $7. ad Antonian. p. 108. Ep. n> & 6o - ad Cornel. Ep. 73.ad 
 Stephan. p. 107. [>] Eufeb. Hift. Lib. 6. c. 4. 'Rgpis 
 
 &< KctC***, t 3i'w cfesAwAuflsi'. [/"] Orig. Trad. 12. 
 
 in Matth. p.8j. Si baptifmus indulgentiam peccatorum promittit, 
 ficut accepimus de baptifmo aquse 8c Spiritus : Remiflionem autem 
 accepit peccatorum 8c qui martyrii fufcipit baptifmum : line dubio 
 ipfum martyrium rationabiliter baptifmus appellatur. Quoniam au- 
 tem remilTio fit peccatorum omni martyrium fuftinenti, manifeftum 
 eft ex eo quod ait, Omnis qui confeflus fuerit in me coram homi- 
 nibus, 8c ego confitebor in illo coram Patre meo qui eft in ccelis. 
 [g] Ada Perpetua: 8c Felicit. ad calcem La&antii de Mort. Per- 
 secutor, p. 34. Statim in fine fpectaculi Leopardo ejedio, de uno 
 morfu tanto perfufus eft fanguine, ut populus revertenti illi fecundi 
 baptifmatis teftimonium reclamaverit : Salvum lotum ; Salvum lo- 
 tum. Plane utique falvus erat, qui hoc modo Iaverat. 
 I 
 
 [A] Aug. de Bapt. lib. 4. c. 22. Baptifmi fane vicem aliquando 
 impiere paflionem, de Latrone, illo cui non baptizato dictum eft, 
 Hodie mecum eris in Paradifb, non leve documentum B. Cypria- 
 nus affumit. [/] Aug. O&ogint. Quasft. lib. Q. 62. Tom. 
 
 4. InefTabili poteftate dominantis Dei atque juftitia deputatum eft 
 etiam baptifmum credenti Latroni 8c pro accepto habitum in ant- 
 mo libero, quod in corpore crucifixo accipi non poterat. 
 [£] Aug. Quaeft. in Levir. Q. 84. Tom. 4. Hoc 8c de Latrone illo, 
 cui fecum crucifixo Dominus ait, Hodie mecum eris in Paradifo. 
 Neque enim fine fanftificatione invifibili tanta felicitate donatus eft. 
 Proinde colligitur iiwifibilem fan&ificationem quibufdam affuifie 
 
 atque profuifTe line vilibilibus facramentis. Nec tamen ideo fa- 
 
 cramentum vifibile contemnendum eft i nam contemptor ejus fan- 
 ctificari nullo modo poteft. [/] Aug. de Civ. Dei, Hb. 13. 
 
 c. 7. Quicunque etiam non percepto regenerationis lavacro, pro 
 Chrifti confeftione moriuntur, tantum eis valet ad dimittenda pec- 
 cata, quantum ft abluerentur facro fonte baptifmatis. It. Ep. 108. 
 ad Seleucian. Ipla paflio pro baptifmo depurata eft. It. de Orig. 
 Anima;, lib. 1. c. 0, 
 
 ward 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 ward the Remiflion of Sins , as if they had been 
 wafhed in the holy Fountain of Baptifm. For 
 which he alledges thofe Sayings of our Saviour, 
 He that lofes his life for my fake, pall find it : And, 
 He that confeffes me before men, him will I confefs 
 before my Father which is in heaven. This Paffage 
 is repeated and approved by Proffer in his Col- 
 lection of Sentences [/»] out of St. AuftinV Works : 
 To which he adds an Epigram of his own, ex- 
 prefling his Senfe to this purpofe : They are not 
 [»] deprived of the holy Baptifm of Chrift, who 
 initead of a Font are wafhed in their own Blood : 
 For whatever Benefit accrues to any by the 
 myftical Rite of the facred Laver, is all fulfilled 
 by the glory of Martyrdom. Fulgentius is as fe- 
 vere as any Man, yet he allows Martyrdom [o] 
 to compenfate for the want of Baptifm. Though 
 he pronounces peremptorily of all others, that 
 die without the Sacrament of Faith and Repen- 
 tance, which is Baptifm, that they fhall not in- 
 herit eternal Lifej yet he excepts thofe that are 
 baptized in their own Blood for the Name of 
 Chrift. And Gennadius, after he has faid, that 
 none but Perfons [/>] baptized are in the way of 
 Salvation ; and that no Catechumen, though he 
 die in good Works, can have eternal Life, yet 
 he excepts the cafe of Martyrdom, becaufe in 
 that all the Myfteries of Baptifm are fulfilled. A 
 Martyr, as the Author of the Apoftolical Confti- 
 tutions [_q] exprefTes it, may rejoice in the Lord, 
 and leave this Life without Sorrow, though he 
 be but a Catechumen j becaufe his Paflion for 
 Chrift is a more genuine Baptifm : He really and 
 experimentally dies with his Lord, whilft others 
 only do it in figure. It were eafie to add many 
 other fuch Testimonies out of St. Chryfoftom [r] 
 and St. Jerom [j], St. Bafil \t\ Gregory Nazian- 
 zen [»], Cyril of Jerufalem [#] and St. Ambrofe 
 But enough has been already faid to fhew 
 this to be the general Senfe of the Ancients, 
 That Catechumens were not to be defpair'd of, 
 though they dy'd without Baptifm, if they were 
 baptized in their own Blood. 
 
 sect. XXI. Nor was it only the cafe of 
 
 And by Faith and Martyrs they fpeak fo favourably 
 
 ■Repentance m fuck f ? but of all other Catechumens, 
 
 Catechumens as who w hilfb they were preparing 
 
 for Baptifm by the Exercifes of »<« pi»"fly p^pa- 
 Faith and Repentance, and a pious rin & f or ^P"!"'- 
 Life, were fuddenly cut off, before they could have 
 Opportunity to put their Defires in execution. 
 St. Ambrofe joins thefe two cafes together, and 
 makes them in a manner parallel. For in his 
 Funeral Oration upon the younger Valentinian, 
 who was thus fnatch'd away before he could at- 
 tain to his defircd Baptifm, he thus makes Apo- 
 logy for him : If any one [z] is concern'd that 
 the holy Rites of Baptifm were not folemniy 
 adminiftred to him, he may as well fay, that the 
 Martyrs are not crown'd, if they happen to die 
 whilft they are only Catechumens : but if the 
 Martyrs are wafhed in their own Blood, then 
 this Man alfo was wafhed by the Piety and De- 
 fire or Baptifm. St. Auflin was entirely of the 
 fame Opinion, That not only Martyrdom [_a~\ 
 but Faith and Repentance joined with a Defire 
 of Baptifm, was fufficient to fave a Man in the 
 Article of Neceffity, when there was otherwife 
 no opportunity to receive it. Confidcring, fays 
 he, over and over again the cafe of the Thief 
 upon the Crofs, I find that not only fuffering for 
 the Name of Chrift may fupply that which 
 was wanting of Baptifm, but alfo Faith and true 
 Conversion of Heart, if want of time in ex- 
 treme Neceffity would not fuffer the Sacrament 
 of Baptifm to be adminiftred. For that Thief 
 was not crucified for the Name of Chrift, but 
 for the merit of his own Crimes j nor did he 
 fuffer becaufe he was a Believer, but he became 
 a Believer whilft he was a-fuffering. Therefore 
 his Cafe declares how far that Saying of the A- 
 poftle avails, without the vifible Sacrament of 
 Baptifm, With the heart man believeth unto 
 Righteoufnefs, and with the mouth confeffion is made 
 unto Salvation : But then only this invifible Ope- 
 ration is performed, when the Miniftry of Bap- 
 tifm is excluded purely by the Article of Necef- 
 fity, and not any contempt of Religion. There- 
 fore when thefe Writers fpeak in general terms 
 of the abfolute Neceffity of Baptifm, they muft 
 be allowed to interpret themfelves with thefe 
 two Limitations and Reftri&ions. As when St. 
 Ambrofe [b~\ fays, No Man afcends into the King- 
 dom of Heaven, but by the Sacrament of Bap- 
 tifm, he muft be underftood to except Martyr?, 
 
 [»a] Profper. Sentcnt. 149. [»] Id. Epigram. 88. 
 
 Fraudati non funt facro baptifmate Chrifti, 
 Fons quibus ipfa fui fanguinis unda fuit 
 
 Et quicquid facri fert myftica forma Iavacri. 
 Id totum implevit gloria martyrii. 
 [o] Fulgent, de Fide ad Petrum, c. 30. Firmifiime tene 8c nulla- 
 tenus dubites, exceptis fflft qui pro nomine Chrifti fuo fanguine bap- 
 tizantur, nullum hominem accepturum vitam aeternam, qui non hie 
 a malis fuis fuerit per pcenitentiam, fidemque converfus, 8c per fa- 
 cramentum fidei 8c pcenitentiam, id eft, per baptifmum liberatus. 
 Vid. Fulgent, de Baptifmo jEthiopis, c. 8. [p] Gennad. de 
 
 Ecclef. Dogmat. c. 74, Baptizatis tantum iter effe falutis credimus; 
 nullum Catechumenum, quamvis in bonis operibus defunctum, vi- 
 tam aeternam habere credimus accepto martyrio, ubi tota baptifmi 
 facramenta complentur. [q] Conftit. Apoft. lib. f. c. 6. 
 [rj Chryf. Horn. 11. in Ephef. p. 1107. [j] Hieron. Com. 
 
 in Rom. 6. Tom. 9. p. 177. [/] Bafil. de Spir. Sanft. c. if. 
 Tom. 2. p. 323. [»] Nazianzen. Orat. 39. in S. Lumina. 
 
 Tom. 1. p. 634. [#] Cyril. Catech. 3. n. 7. [y] Am- 
 
 brof. de Virgioib. lib. 3. p. 118. [i] Ambrof. de Obitu 
 
 Valentin, p. 12. Si quia folenniter non funt celebrata myftcria, hoc 
 movet : Ergo nec Martyres, fi Catechumeni fuerint, coronanrur. 
 Quod fi fuo abluuntur fanguine, 8c hunc fua pieta? abluit 8c volun- 
 tas, [a] Aug. de Bapt. lib. 4. c. 22. Etiam arque etiam con- 
 fiderans, invenio non tantum paflionem pro nomine Chrifti id 
 quod ex baptifmo deerat, pofle fupplere, fed etiam fidem conver- 
 fionemque cordis, fi forte ad celebrandum myfterium baptifmi in 
 anguftiis temporum fuccurri non poteft. Neque enim Latro ille 
 pro nomine Chrifti crucifixus eft, fed pro meritis facinorum fuo- 
 rum ; nec quia credidit paflus eft, fed dum patitur credidit. Quan- 
 tum igitur valeat etiam fine vifibili facramento baptifmi quod ait 
 Apoftolus, Corde creditur ad juftitiam, ore autem confefllo fit ad 
 falutem, in illo Latrone declaratum eft : Sed tunc impletur invifir 
 bilker, cum minifterium baptifmi non contemptus religionii, fed 
 articulus neceflitatis excludit. [£] Ambrof. de Abrah. Patriarch, 
 lib. 2. c.io. Nemo afcendit in regnum ccelorum, nifi per facramen- 
 tum baptifmatis. 
 
 and 
 
The Antiqjcjities of the 
 
 Book X. 
 
 and fuch Catechumens as were defirous of Bap- 
 tifm, but could not have it by reafon of fome 
 prefling Neceflity intervening to hinder it: Such 
 as was the cafe of Valentinian, who was {lain fud- 
 denly before he had Opportunity to receive it. 
 The' like Interpretation mud be put upon all 
 fuch Paflages in St. Auftin \c\> Chryjoftom \d\ Cy- 
 ril of Jerufalem [e\ or any others, who fpeak in 
 general terms of the abfolute Neceflity of Bap- 
 tifm for Catechumens or adult Perfons. 
 
 SECT XXII. Cyprian alfo had a very charita- 
 
 TheCafe of He- b] e Opinion concerning all fuch 
 
 retieks returning to Hereticks and Schifmaticks, as 
 
 cLnh^Hoi tr forr ° ok thcir Errors and returned 
 
 Charity in that cafe to the Unit y of the Catholick 
 
 was thought to [up- Church. For though, according 
 ply thewantofBap- to his Principles [who denied the 
 *'{'"• Validity of their Baptifm] none 
 
 of thefe could be really and truly baptized, unlefs 
 they were re-baptized upon their return to the 
 Church} yet if any fuch dy'd in the Unity of the 
 Church without being re-baptized, he did not 
 think their Condition deplorable, [though in his 
 Opinion they died without Baptifm] but chari- 
 tably hoped they might find Mercy and Favour 
 with the Lord. For he thus anfwers the Ob- 
 jection that was made againft his own Opinion 
 about Re-baptization : Some Man [/] will fay, 
 What then becomes of all thofe, who in times 
 part came over from Herefy to the Church, and 
 were admitted without Baptifm ? The Lord, 
 fays he, is able of his Mercy to grant them In- 
 dulgence, and not exclude them from the Gifts 
 of his Church, who are (imply admitted into the 
 Church, and die in the Communion of it. Firmi- 
 lian Bifhop of Ccefarea delivers himfelf much af- 
 ter the fame manner in anfwer to the fame Ob- 
 jection: What (hall become [g] of thofe, who 
 returning from Hereticks, are admitted without 
 the Baptifm of the Church ? If they depart out 
 of the World, fays he, in that condition, we 
 reckon them in the number of fuch Catechu- 
 mens among us as die before they are baptized. 
 So that in his Opinion two forts of Perfons 
 might be faved without Baptifm, that is, Cate- 
 chumens in the Church, and fuch Hereticks as 
 returned to the Peace and Unity of the Church, 
 though according to his Sentiments they were 
 not baptized. St. Auftin often mentions and ap- 
 proves this Opinion \]o\ of Cyprian ; nay, and 
 urges it in favour of the Church againlt the 
 Donatifls : For fuppofing the Catholicks did err 
 in admitting Hereticks without Baptifm, yet 
 they were in the number of thofe, whom Cy- 
 
 prian prefumed capable of Pardon for the fake of 
 Unity and Charity, which covers a multitude of 
 Sins. St. Bafil alfo, as Vojfius [t] has rightly ob- 
 ferved, feems to have been of Cyprian's Opinion, 
 that God in his Mercy was able to fave fuch 
 Schifmaticks as returned to the Peace and Unity 
 of the Church, even without Baptifm. Forthough 
 he thought their Baptifm null and void, as Cy- 
 prian did, yet he advifes Men to comply with 
 the Cuftom of receiving [k~\ fuch to Communion 
 in thofe Churches which received their Baptifm, 
 rather than break the Peace and Unity of the 
 Church upon it. Which Advice he would hard- 
 ly have given, had he not thought fuch Men 
 in fuch circumftances capable of Salvation by 
 God's Mercy without Baptifm. 
 
 I find one Cafe more in which sect. xxiir. 
 fome of the Ancients made an Al- The cafe of p*r- 
 
 lowance for the want of Baptifm j f ms communicating 
 
 and that was when the Church, Wlth , the 
 
 r • rt r i 1 without Baptifm, 
 
 prefum.ng a Perfon to have been How far t £ J was 
 truly baptized (he himfelf bona fi- thought to fuppfy the 
 de prefuming fo too) admitted want of Baptifm. 
 him to communicate conftantly at 
 the Altar for many Years, though it appeared at 
 laft that either he had not been baptized at all, or 
 at leaft with a very doubtful and fufpicious Bap- 
 tifm: Yet in this cafe conftant communicating 
 with the Church, was thought to fupply this de- 
 fect or want of Baptifm. A fingle Act of communi- 
 cating indeed in a Child or a Catechumen, hap- 
 pening only by fome Surprife or Miftake, was not 
 deemed fufficient to compenfate for Baptifm : for 
 in that cafe the Canons provided, that whenever 
 any fuch thing happened, the Party fhould be 
 immediately baptized. Thus in the canonical De- 
 terminations of timothy Bifhop of Alexandria, the 
 Queftion being put, What fhould be done in 
 cafe a Youth of feven Years old, or a Man that 
 was only a Catechumen, being prefent at the O- 
 blation, had communicated through Ignorance 
 or Miftake? The Anfwer [/] is, Let him be bap- 
 tized. And fo the Author of the Apoftolical 
 Conftitutions brings in the Apoftles making this 
 Decree [*»], That if any unbaptized Perfon 
 fhould through Ignorance partake of the Eu- 
 charift, they fhould immediately inftruct and bap- 
 tize him, that he might not go away a De- 
 fpifer. But in cafe a Man, upon Prefumption 
 of his being truly baptized, when he was not 
 fo, had been allowed to communicate with the 
 Church for many Years, his communicating at 
 the Altar was thought to fuperfede the Necef- 
 lity of Baptifm, and fuch an one was allowed 
 
 [c] Aug. de Bapt. lib. 4. c. 21. [</] Chryf. de Sacerdot. 
 
 lib. 3. c. Ir. Horn. 3. in Thil. p. 1224. Horn. 3. in 1 Cor. 
 p. 347. [e] Cyril. Catech. 3. n. 7. [/] Cypr. Ep. 73. ad 
 Jubaian. p. 208. Sed dicet aliquis : Quid ergo fiet de his qui in 
 prseteritum de haerefi ad ecclefiam venientes fine baptifmo admifii 
 iiint ? Potens eft Dominus mifericordia iiu indulgentiam dare, 8c 
 eos, qui ad ecclefiam fimpliciter admifii, in ecclefia dormierunt, ab 
 ecclefise fuse rauneribus non feparare. [g~] Firmil. Ep. 7f. ap. 
 Cyprian, p. 226. Quid ergo, inquiunr, fiet de his qui ab hcereticis 
 venientes, fine ecclefise baptifmo admifii funt? Si de fieculo excefle- 
 runt, in eorum numero, qui apud nos catechizati quidem, fed priuf- 
 quam baptizarentur obierunt, habentuj. [A] Aug. de Bapt. 
 
 3 
 
 lib. 2. c. 13. Cum arbitraretur eos qui extra ecclefise communie- 
 nem baptizarentur, baptifmum non habere, credidit eos tamen in 
 ecclefiam fimpliciter admiflbs, propter ipfius unitatis, vinculum pofie 
 ad veniam pervenire. It. lib. f. c. 2. Bene quidem prafumpfit,quod 
 
 charitas unitatis pofiit co-operire multitudinem peccatorum. 
 
 Nos autem fi ad ecclefiam fine baptifmo admittimus, in eo numero 
 fumus quibus Cyprianus propter unitatis cuftodiam ignofci pofle 
 prafumpfit. Vid. Aug. de Bapt. lib. f . c. 28. It. cont. Crefcon. lib. 
 2. c. 33, gc 3f [/] Vofi\ de Baptifmo, Difput. ti. p. if6. 
 
 [*] Bafil. Can. Epift. c. 1. [/] Timoth Refponf. Canon. Q. r. 
 ap. Bevereg. P2nde£t. Tom. 2. [m] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 7. 
 
 C. 2f. 
 
 to 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 435 
 
 to continue in the Church without rebaptizing. 
 There is a famous Inftance in Eufebius of fuch a 
 Cafe, that happened at Alexandria in the time of 
 Dionyfius, which Eufebius relates out of an Epiftle 
 of Dionyfius to Xyftus Bifhop of Rome, where he 
 asks the Bilhop of Rome's Advice upon it. A cer- 
 tain Perfon, who for many Years had aflembled 
 and communicated [n'\ with the Church, both in 
 his own time, and in the time of his Predeceflor 
 Hcraclas, happening to be prefent at the Baptifm 
 of fome who were lately baptized, upon hearing 
 the Interrogatories and Anfwers that are ufually 
 made in that Solemnity, came to me weeping 
 and lamenting himfclf, and falling down at my 
 Feet, confeflcd with a mod folcmn Proteftation, 
 that the Baptifm which he had received among 
 Hcrcticks was not like this, nor had any thing 
 common with it: For it was full of Blafphemy 
 and Impiety: And therefore he faid his Soul was 
 full of trouble, and he had no Confidence to 
 lift up his Eyes unto God, being initiated with 
 fuch impious Words and Ceremonies. He pray- 
 ed therefore that I would give him our fincere 
 Baptifm, and admit him to the Adoption and 
 Grace of the Church. Which thing I durft not 
 do, but told him, his communicating for fo long 
 time at the Altar was fufficient to this purpofe. 
 For I durlt not rebaptize one, who had fo often 
 heard the folemn Thankfgiving, and joyned with 
 the reft in faying Amen to it } who had flood at 
 the Lord's Table, and ftretched forth his Hand 
 to receive the holy Food } who had taken it, and 
 been fo long ufed to participate of the Body and 
 Blood of Chrift. But I bid him be of good 
 Courage, and with a firm Belief and good Con- 
 fcience continue to partake of the holy Myfteries. 
 This was a nice Refolution of a rare and Angular 
 cafe, and we fcarce meet with fuch another In- 
 ftance in antient Hiftory : But I have mentioned 
 this and all the preceeding Cafes, to fhew, that 
 the Ancients had not generally that rigid Opini- 
 on of the abfolute Neceflity of Baptifm (barring 
 the Neglect and Contempt of the Sacred Infti- 
 tution) which fome would father upon them ; 
 lince they thought the bare want of it might be 
 difpenfed with and fupplied fo many feveral ways; 
 either, i . by Martyrdom } or, i. by Faith and true 
 Conversion; or, 3. by an immenfe Charity, and 
 Love of Unity and Peace ; or, 4. by a conftant 
 partaking of the Eucharifi in the Bofom of the 
 Church. 
 
 B u t it is to be obferved, that 
 
 *\he T c£tf V in- thefe Allowances were chiefl y 
 
 fans' dying unbaf- made to adult Perfons, who could 
 
 tized. The opinion exhibit Faith and Repentance, 
 
 cf the Ancients con- the efTential parts of Religion, 
 
 cemingit. l0 make fome Compenfation for 
 
 the want of the external Ceremony of Baptifm : 
 But as to Infants, the cafe was thought more dif- 
 ficult, becaufe there was no perfonal Faith or 
 Repentance could be pleaded in their behalf; fo 
 that they were dellitute both of the outward vi- 
 fible Sign, and the inward Spiritual Grace of Bap- 
 tifm. Upon this account, they who fpokc the 
 mofl favourably of them, would only venture to 
 aflign them a middle ftate, neither in Heaven nor 
 Hell. As Gregory Nazianzen [0], who fays, that 
 fuch Children as die unbaptized without their 
 own Fault, (hall neither be glorified nor punifh'd 
 by the righteous Judge, as having done no Wicked- 
 nefs, though they die unbaptized, and as rather 
 differing Lofs than being the Authors of it. Se- 
 verus Bifhop of Antioch follows Nazianzen in this 
 Opinion: For firft he fays [/>] that if Children 
 die unbaptized, without partaking of the Lavcr 
 of Regeneration, they are certainly excluded 
 from the Kingdom of Heaven : But then he adds, 
 that for as much as they have committed no Sin, 
 they fhall not undergo any Punifhment or Tor- 
 ment, but be configned to a fort of middle ftate, 
 which he defcribes as a ftate betwixt the Glory 
 of the Saints and the Punifhment of the Damned. 
 But this Opinion of a middle ftate never found 
 any Acceptance among the Latins'. For they 
 make but two Places to receive Men after the 
 day of Judgment, Heaven and Hell; and con- 
 cluded, that fince Children, for want of wafhing 
 away original Sin, could not be admitted into 
 Heaven, they muft of neceflity be in Hell, there 
 being no third Place between them. St. Auflin 
 frequently infifts upon this againft the Pelagians, 
 who diftinguifh between the Kingdom of God 
 and eternal Life, aflerting, that Children dying 
 unbaptized might be admitted to eternal Life 
 and Salvation, though not to the Kingdom of 
 God : Whom he oppofes after this manner in his 
 Books about the Merits and Remiffion of Sin : 
 Though, he fays, the Condemnation \jf\ of 
 thofe fhall be greater, who to original Sin add 
 actual Sins of their own; and every Man's Con- 
 demnation fo much the greater, by how much 
 greater Sins he commits; yet original Sin alone 
 does not only feparate from the Kingdom of God, 
 whither Children dying without the Grace of 
 Chrift cannot enter, as the Pelagians themfelves 
 confefs ; but alfo it excludes them from eternal 
 Life and Salvation, which can be no other than 
 the Kingdom of God, into which our Commu- 
 nion with Chrift alone can introduce us. A little 
 after [r] he fays plainly, that Children dying 
 without Baptifm are under Condemnation, tho' 
 theirs be the mildeft of any other. But he is 
 very much deceived, and deceives other?, who 
 teaches that they are in no Condemnation at all, 
 
 [»] Dionyf. Epifl: ad Xyftum, ap. Eufeb. lib 7. c, 9. [<?] Naz 
 Orat. 40. Tom . 1 . p. 673. [/>] Sever. Catena in Joh. 3. p. 83. 
 M Aug. de Peccat. Meritis, lib. 1. c. 12. Quamvis condemnatio 
 gravior fi eorum, qui originali delicto etiam propria conjunxerunt, 
 & tanto fingulis gravior, quanto gravius quifque peccavit : tanien 
 etiam illud lolum quod originaliter tra&um eft, non tantum a reg- 
 no Dei feparat, quo Parvulos fine accepta gratia Chrifti intrare non 
 pofle, ipfi etiam confitentur ; verum & a falute ac vita sterna facit 
 
 alienos, quas nulla alia efle poteft prater regnum Dei, quo lb!a 
 Chrifti focietas introducit. [r] Ibid. c. io\ Pcteft proinde 
 
 redte dici, Parvulos line baptifmo de corpore exeuntes in damnatio- 
 ne omnium mitifiima futuros. Multum autem 8c fallit 8c faUitur, 
 qui eos in damnatione praedicat non futuros, dicente Apoftolo, ju- 
 dicium ex ur.o deliclo in condemnationem. Et paulo polt, Per 
 unius delictum in omnes homines ad condemnationem. 
 
 whilft 
 
The Antiqjjities of the BookX. 
 
 whilft the Apoftle declares, that Judgment was by who is fuppofed by learned Men to be either Ma- 
 me offence to Condemnation : And again, that by rius Mercator, or Sixtus Bifhop of Rome, difpu- 
 the offence of one, Judgment came upon all men to ting againft the Pelagians, treads exactly in the 
 Condemnation. He tells us [j], upon this account Steps of St. Auflin- y for he fays, there is no 
 the Punick Chriftians were ufed to call Baptifm middle State between Heaven and Hellj a third 
 by the name of Salvation, and the Sacrament of Place for unbaptized Infants is no where mentio- 
 the Body of Chrift, Life. And therefore, fince ned in Scripture. This was only an Invention 
 no one could hope for Salvation and eternal Life forged in the Shop of the Pelagians, to find our 
 without Baptifm and the Body and Blood of the a place where Infants might have Reft and Glory- 
 Lord, it was in vain to promife Children Salva- without the Grace of Chrift. Thefe are pretty 
 tion without them. In the fame Book [t] he de- fevere Exprefilons, and yet confidering tbe ftate 
 clares peremptorily againft the Do&rine of a of the Controverfy between the Catholicks and 
 middle State for Infants or any other. There is no Pelagians, there feems to have been pretty good 
 middle place for any, fays he, he muft be with Reafon for them. For Pelagius faid, there was 
 the Devil, who is not with Chrift. For our no original Sin, nor any need of Baptifm to wafti 
 Lord himfelf intending to takeaway this Opinion away the Guilt of ir, but Children might obtain 
 of a middle State, which fome erroneoufly en- Salvation and eternal Life, diftinct from the 
 deavour to allign to Children dying unbaptized, Kingdom of God, without it. In oppofition to 
 as if by vertue of their Innocence they might be this, the Catholicks maintained the Neceflity ofc 
 in eternal Life, though not with Chrift in his Baptifm for Infants, as well as adult Perfons, to 
 Kingdom, fo long as they wanted Baptifm, pro- purge away original Sin, and procure eternal 
 nounced this definitive Sentence to ftop the Life for them. But they have not fo plainly told 
 Mouths of thefe Men, faying, He that is not with us, whether there be any excepted Cafes as to 
 me, is againfl me. He argues againft this middle what concerns Infants, as they have concerning 
 State in many other places \u] againft the Pelagi- adult Perfons } whether a bare want of Baptifm 
 ans, and urges the neceflity of Baptifm to take in the Child, when there was no Contempt or 
 away original Sin in Children, and bring them by Negledb of Baptifm in the Parent, by an unavoid- 
 Regeneration to eternal Life : Therefore, he able Neceflity and fudden Death intervening, de- 
 fays, Men ran with their Children to be bapti- bars the Child from the Kingdom of Heaven? 
 zed, becaufe they verily believed they could not Among all the Ancients, only Fulgentius has de- 
 otherwife be made alive in Chrift. Fulgentius clared abfolutely againft the Salvation of Infants 
 jY] is rather more peremptory and fevere than dying before the Birth in the Mother's Womb. 
 St. Auftin: He fays, It is to be believed without But others feem to fpeak more favourably, ex- 
 all doubt, that not only Men, who are come to cept where the Parents were guilty of a Con- 
 the ufe of Reafon, but Infants, whether they die tempt or NeglecT: of Baptifm, in not bringing 
 in their Mother's Womb, or after they are born, their Children to be baptized when they had Time 
 without Baptifm in the Name of the Father, and Opportunity to do ir, in which cafe the 
 Son, and Holy Ghoft, are puniflied with ever- Child might fail of Salvation for the Parents 
 lafting Punilhment in eternal Fire j becaufe though Fault, and there be no Impeachment of God's 
 they have no adlual Sin of their own, yet they Juftice or Mercy in the Punifhment. This feems 
 carry along with them the Condemnation or ori- to have been the Judgment of that excellent Au- 
 ginal Sin from their firft Conception and Birth, thor, who wrote the Book De Vocatione Gentium^ 
 The Author under the Name of Juftin Martyr which goes under the Name of Pro/per or St. 
 [jy] alfo fpeaking of Infants, fays, there is this Ambrofe. For he gives this Reafon, why the 
 difference between thofe that die baptized, and Dodtrine about the Neceflity of Baptifm for the 
 thofe that die unbaptized, that the one obtain Salvation of Infants was fo eameftly prefled up- 
 the Benefits that come by Baptifm, which the on Men, that Parents might not be remifs or 
 other do not obtain. And the Author of the Hy- negligent in bringing their Children to Baptifm j 
 pognofiicks [z], under the Name of St. Auftin, which they certainly would be, if they were once 
 
 ft] Aug. de Peecator. Merit. lib. i. c. 24. Optime Punici Chri- 
 ftiani baptifmum ipfum nihil aliud quam Salutem, 8c Sacramentum 
 
 Corporis Chrifti, nihil aliud quam Vitam vocant. Si ergo nec 
 
 Salus, nec Vita xterna fine Baptifmo, 2c Corpore 5c Sanguine Do- 
 mini cuiquam fperanda eft, fruftra fine his promittitur Parvulis. 
 [*] Ibid. c. 28. Nec eft ullus ulli medius locus, ut poflit efle, nifi 
 cum Diabolo, qui non eft cum Chrifto. Hinc 8c ipfe Dominus vo- 
 lens auferre de cordibus male credentium iftam nefcio quam Medie- 
 tatem, quam conantur quidam parvulis non baptizatis tribuere, ut 
 quafi merito Innocentiae lint in Vita aeterna, fed quia non funt bap- 
 tizati, non fint cum Chrifto in regno ejus, definitivam protulit ad 
 hxc ora obftruenda ftntentiam, ubi ait, qui mecum non eft, adver- 
 fiim mc eft. [«] Aug. de Anima. lib. 1. c. 9. lib. 2. c. 12. 
 
 lib. 3.0 13. It. Epift. 18. ad Hieron. [*] Fulgent, de Fide 
 
 ad Petrum, c. 27. Firmiflime tene 8c nullatenus dubites, non fo- 
 lum homines jam ratione utentes, verum etiam parvulos, qui live in 
 
 uteris matrum vivere incipiunt 8c ibi moriuntur, five cum de 
 matribus nati, fine Sacramento fan£ti Baptifmatis, quod datur in 
 nomine Patris, Filii, 8c Spiritus Sanfti, de hoc faecuio tranfeunr, 
 ignis asterni fempiterno fupplicio puniendos: Quia etfi proprix acti- 
 onis peccatum nullum habuerunt, originalis tamen peccati damnati- 
 onem carnali conceptione 8c nativitate traxerunt. Vid. Fulgent, 
 de Baptifmo iEthiopis, c. 8. [>] Juftin. Quseft. 8c Refponf. 
 
 ad Orthodox. Q. f6. [x] Aug. Hypognoft. lib. f.c.?. Pri- 
 mum locum fides Catholicorum divina authoritate regnum credidit 
 efle ccelorum, unde, ut dixi, non baptizatus excipitur; fecundum 
 Gehennam, ubi omnis Apoftata, vel a Chrifti fide alienus, sterna 
 fupplicia expen'etur. Tertium penitus ignoramus, imo nec efle ia 
 Scripturis fanclis invenimus. Finge, Pelagiane, locum ex oflkina 
 perverfi dogmatis tui, ubi aliena a Chrifti gratia vitam requiei 8c 
 gloria: poflidere parvuli poiiint. 
 
 poflefled 
 
Chap. II. Christian Church. 437 
 
 poflcflcd with an Opinion that there was no Ne- 
 ccflity of Baptifm to Salvation. Wc ought not 
 to believe, fays he [a~] y in general Terms, that 
 they who obtain not the Sacrament of Regenera- 
 tion, can appertain to the Society of the Blefled. 
 For every one mull be fenfible, how ealily Sloth 
 and Negligence would creep into the Hearts of 
 the Faithful, if in the Bufinefs of baptizing In- 
 fants nothing was to be feared from the Parents 
 Carelefnefs, or the Mortality of their Children. 
 This Author preffes the Neccffity of baptizing 
 Infants, as all good Chriftians do, upon Suppo- 
 fition of fome Benefit which the Parents Care 
 may bring to the Child j and contrary-wife, an 
 irreparable Damage and Lofs which the Child 
 may fuftain by the Parents Default and Negli- 
 gence. And this is fufficient to quicken the Care 
 and Watchfulnefs of Parents, though it be al- 
 lowed, that in Cafes of extreme Neceffity Chil- 
 dren may be Hived without Baptilm. Nor is it 
 improbable, that the Ancients intended no more, 
 though their Expreffions run in fevere and gene- 
 ral Terms without (landing precifely to make Ex- 
 ceptions. For it cannot be denied but that In- 
 fants may be Martyrs as well as Adult Perfons j 
 fuch were the Children which Herod flew at 
 Bethlehem: Parents may likewife defire Baptifm 
 for their Children, Vowing Faith and Repen- 
 tance in their Name, when fome extreme Necef- 
 fity only, and not any culpable Neglect hinders 
 the obtaining of it. And in fuch Cafes, if Adult 
 Perfons may be fived without Baptifm [as all the 
 Ancients agree] there feems to be a Parity of 
 Reafon to extend the fame Charity and Indul- 
 gence to little Children. Hincmar, Archbilhop 
 of Rheimesyi Man of great Reputation and Learn- 
 ing in his Time, and one well verfed in the 
 Writings of the Ancients, gives this Solution of 
 the whole Matter upon a remarkable Cafe that 
 happened in his Time. A certain BiiTiop of the 
 fame Country, Hincmar Bilhop of Laon, had for 
 fome unjuft Caufe hindered the Baptifm of In- 
 fants in his Diocefe, when their Parents or God- 
 fathers defired they might be baptized ; by which 
 means many Children died without Baptifm. 
 Now the Queftion was concerning the future 
 State of thefe Infants, whether the Parents defire 
 and prefenting them to Baptifm was fufficient for 
 the Salvation of their Children ? This without 
 
 any Scruple [/>] Hincmar refolves in the Affirma- 
 tive, that as Children who are fubjeel to origi- 
 nal Sin, which is the Sin of other Men, are fa- 
 ved by the Faith of others, that is, their God- 
 fathers anfwering for them in Baptifm j fo thofe 
 Infants, who by the Command of that perverfe 
 Bifhop were denied Baptifm, might be faved by 
 the Faith and faithful Defire of their Parents or 
 Godfathers, who had required both in Heart and 
 Words that their Children might be baptized ; 
 and this by the Gift of him, whofe Spinr, that 
 is the Author of Regeneration, bloweth where 
 it lilleth. If we thus interpret the Senfe of the 
 Ancients with Hincmar, then all thofe PafTages 
 which condemn Infants dying without Baptifm, 
 mult be underllood not of the bare want of Bap- 
 tifm, when it could not be had, but of the Pa- 
 rents Contempt or Neglect in not defil ing or pro- 
 curing Baptifm for their Children, when it was 
 in their Power to do it. I have been the longer 
 in explaining and confirming the Truth of thefe 
 Points concerning the Neceflity of Baptifm both 
 for Infants and Adult Perfons, becaufe the Anci- 
 ents are miflaken by fome, and accufed by others 
 as too fevere in urging the Neccffity of Baptifm ; 
 when yet it appears their Sentiments about it were 
 exact enough as to what concerned the cafe of 
 Catechumens, and alfo capable of a favourable In- 
 terpretation in the cafe of Infant?, if we do not 
 over-rigidly force their general Expreffions be- 
 yond the true Defign and Intention of the Au- 
 thors. 
 
 I Should here have put an End to this Dif- 
 courfe concerning the Inllitution and Difcipline 
 of the Catechumens, but only that there are two 
 things that may feem to require a little more di- 
 llinct Handling than has been allowed them above : 
 1. Concerning the original Nature, and Ufe of 
 the antient Creeds of the Church, which were 
 chiefly drawn up for the Inltruction and Service 
 of the Catechumens, and therefore are moll pro- 
 per to be confidered in this Place, z. Concer- 
 ning that part of their Difcipline which confifled 
 in concealing from them for fome time the di- 
 llinct and full Knowledge of fome of the higher 
 Doctrines and myllerious Rites of the Church. 
 The Confideration of which things fhall be the 
 Subject of the following Chapters. 
 
 chap. nr. 
 
 Of the Original, Nature, and Names of the antient Creeds of the Church, 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Why the Creed is 
 called Symbolum. 
 
 IN fpeaking of the Creed, it 
 will be properto fay fomething, 
 in the firll place, of its feveral 
 
 antient Names, and the Reafons of them, becaufe 
 fome of them are a little obfeure, and liable to 
 be millaken. The moll ufual Name of the Creed 
 
 [a] Profper. de Vocat. Gentium, lib. i. c. 8. Neque credi fas 
 eft, eos qui regenerationis non adepti funt Sacramentum, ad ullum 
 
 Beatorum pertinere confortium, Non latet quantum cordibus Fide- 
 
 ]ium defidiae gigneretur, fi in baptizandis Parvuiis nihil de cujuf- 
 quam negligentia, nihil de ipforum eflet Mortalitate metuendum. 
 [b] Hincmar. Opufc. ff . Capit. c. 48. Sicut Parvuiis naturali, id 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 eft, alieno peccato, obnoxiis, aliorum, id eft, Patronorum fides pro 
 eis refpondentium in baptifmate lit ad Salutem : Ita Parvuiis, qui- 
 bus baptifmum denegari jullifti, Parentum vei Patronorum corde 
 credentium, 8c pro Parvuiis fuis fideli verbo baptifma experentium, 
 fed non irr.petrantium, Fides & fidelis Poftulatio prodefte potuerunt, 
 Dono ejus cujus Spiritus, quo Regeneratio fit, ubi vult fpirat. 
 
 K k k k wa $ 
 
The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book X 
 
 was Symbolum ; but why it was called fo, is not 
 agreed among learned Men. Baronius [a] affigns 
 three Reafons of the Name: i. He iuppofes 
 every Apoftle call in his Symbola, his Article or 
 Part, to the Compofition of it 5 and therefore it 
 might be called their Symbol or Collation. But, 
 if the Foundation of this Suppofition be uncer- 
 tain, (as we (hall fee hereafter that it is) this 
 could not be the Reafon of the Name. z. He 
 thinks it might be fo called, becaufe it was like 
 the Tejfera Militaris among the Roman Soldiers, 
 a fort of Mark or Badge, by which true Chrifti- 
 ans might be diftinguifhed from Infidels or Here- 
 ticks. 3. Becaufe it was a Collation or Epitome of 
 the Chriftian Doctrine. Suicerus [b~] adds to 
 thefe a fourth reafon of the Name. It might 
 be fo called, he thinks, not from the military 
 Badge, but the military Oath or Contract, which 
 Soldiers made with the Emperor, when they en- 
 tered into his Service. For the Creed is a token 
 of the Contract which we make with God at our 
 Baptifm. For this he alledges the Teftimony of 
 St. Ambrofe \_c\ who calls the Creed the Oath or 
 Bond of our Warfare: And Petrus Chryfologus [7/], 
 who fays, an Agreement or Covenant is called 
 Symbolum both in humane and divine Contracts. 
 This laft Signification is not improbable j but 
 the fecond is more generally received and approv- 
 ed by Modern [e~] Authors, and has alio the 
 Countenance of fome anticnt Writers. For Ma- 
 ximum Taurinen/is [/] fuppofes it to be called the 
 Symbol, becaufe it is a Sign or Mark by which 
 Believers are diftinguifhed from Unbelievers and 
 Renegado's. And Ruffinus [g] allows this Signi- 
 fication, when he fays, it was therefore called the 
 Sign or Mark, becaufe at that time (when accor- 
 ding to his Opinion, it was made by the Apoftles) 
 many of the circumcifed Jews, as is related both 
 by St. Paul, and in the Alls of the Apoftles, did 
 feign themfelves to be the Apoftles of Chrift ; 
 and to ferve their own Lucre or their Belly, went 
 forth to preach ; naming indeed the Name of 
 Chrift, but not preaching him according to the 
 true Lines of Tradition. Therefore the Apoftles 
 laid down this Mark or Teft, whereby to difcern 
 him who preached Chrift truly, according to the 
 Apoftolical Rules. It is farther reported to be a 
 cuftomary thing in Civil Wars, that becaufe their 
 Arms, Language, Methods and Manner of Fight- 
 ing are the fame, therefore every General, to 
 prevent Fraud, fhould give his Soldiers a diftinct 
 
 Symbol, which in Latin is called a Sign or To- 
 ken i that if one met another, of whom he had 
 reafon to doubt, by asking him the Symbol, he 
 might difcover whether he was Friend or Foe. 
 But this does not fatisfy a late learned \h~\ Writer, 
 who thinks, " That this Name was not derived 
 " from Military Cuftom, but rather to be fetched 
 " from the Sacra, or religious Services of the Hea- 
 " them, where thofe who were initiated in their 
 " Myfteries, and admitted to the Knowledge of 
 t{ their peculiar Services, which were hidden and 
 " concealed from thegrcateft part of the Idolatrous 
 " Multitude, had certain Signs or Marks, called 
 " Symbola, delivered unto them, by which they 
 " mutually knew each other, and upon the de- 
 " claring of them, were without Scruple admit- 
 " ted in any Temple to the fecret Worfhip and 
 " Rites of that God, whofe Symbols they had 
 " received." The ufe of thefe Symbols among 
 the Heathens is abundantly proved by that learn- 
 ed Author, both from Heathen and Chriftian 
 Writers : But then he alledges no Authority to 
 prove that the Chriftians called their Creed by 
 the Name of Symbol, in Imitation of that Hea- 
 then Practice: And it is fome Prejudice againft it, 
 that no fuch thing is faid or hinted by any anti- 
 ent Wiiter. Neither is it very likely, that the 
 Chriftians would have fo nice a Regard to the 
 abominable and filthy Myfteries of the Heathen, 
 as to chufe that Signification of the Name Sym- 
 bol for their Creed, when with much more De- 
 cency it might be fetched from the innocent and 
 ordinary Cuftoms ufed in Military Affairs, or Ci- 
 vil Contracts, from which it is with greater Pro- 
 bability derived, both by Antient and Modern 
 Writers. 
 
 Another ufual Name of sect. ir. 
 the Creed was Kav&Sv, the Rule, ivty cattedCinon, 
 fo called becaufe it was the known md Re S ula Fidci - 
 Standard or Rule of Faith, by which Orthodoxy 
 and Herefy were examined and judged. As when 
 the Council of Antioch [f\ fays of Paulus Samofa- 
 tenfis, that he was an Apoftate from the Rule, ic 
 is plain, the meaning is, he had deviated in his 
 Doctrine from the Creed, the Rule of Faith. 
 Agreeably to this, it is commonly ftyled among 
 the Greeks, SJC\ o£@> and sxJWk ■zrr/rswf, the De- 
 termination or Expofition of the Faith ; and 
 fometimes fimply vhit, the Faith [/]. Which 
 anfwers to the Latin Name, Regula fidei, the 
 Rule of Faith, the common Appellation of it in 
 
 [a]3aron.an.44.n.K. [£] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef voce tvuCoKov. 
 [c] Ambrof. de Veland. Virgin. lib. 3. Symbolum cordis fignaculum, 
 &noftrx militia: Sacramentum. [/) Chryfolog. Horn. 62. Placitum 
 vel Pactum, quod lucri fpes venientis continet,vel futuri, Symbolum 
 nuncup3ri, contractu etiam docemur humano, 8cc. [e] Forbes 
 Inftrudt. Hiftor. Theolog. lib. 1. c. I. n. 2. [/] Maxim. Taurin. 
 Homil. in Symbol, p. 229. Signaculum Symboli inter Fideles Per- 
 fidofque difcernit. [g] Rurfin. Expof. Symboli ad calcem Cy- 
 
 priani, p. 17. Indicium autem vel fignum idcirco dicitur, quia 
 illo tempore, ficut 8c Paulus Apoftolus dicit, 8c in Actis Apoftolo- 
 rum refcrtur, muki ex circumcifis Judaeis fimulabant ft efle Apofto- 
 losChrifti, 8c lucri alicujus vel ventris gratia ad Prxdicandum pro- 
 ficifcebantur; nominantes quidem Chriftum, fed non integris tradi- 
 
 tionum lineis nunciantes. Idcirco ergo iftud indicium pofuere, per 
 quod agnofceretur is, qui Chriftum vere fecundum Apoftolicas Re- 
 gulas praedicaret. Denique 8c in beilis civilibus hoc obfervari fe- 
 runt: quor.iam 8c r.rmorum habitus par, 8c fonus vocis idem, 8c 
 mos unus eft, atque eadem inftituta bellandi, ne qua doli fubreptio 
 fiat, Symbola difcreta unufquifque Dux fuis militibus tradit ; qua: 
 latine vel Signa vel Indicia nominantur ut fi torte occurrerit quis- 
 de quo dubitetur, interrogatus Symbolum, prodat ii fit hoftis, an 
 focius. [h] Critical Hiftory of the Creed, p. n. [/] Epft. 
 
 Cone. Antioch ap. F.ufeb. lib. 7. c. 30, &rc^j re yef. h:&-. 
 [fc] Socrat. lib. 2. c. 29, 8c 40. lib. c. 4. [/] Theodorer. 
 
 Hift.lib. 1. c. 7. 
 
 Lrenceus 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 439 
 
 Ircnans [m\, Tertullian [«], Novation [0], and 
 Sr. Jerom [p], where they ("peak of Hereticks, 
 and their Deviations from the common Articles 
 of the Chrittian Faith contained in the Creeds of 
 the Church. 
 
 SECT, III. Another ordinary Appclla- 
 
 Why called Ma- tion Q f the Q. ecd j n thc am j cnt 
 
 Greek Writers, is (xd^HjXa, the 
 LefTon, fo called from thc Obligation the Cate- 
 chumens were under to learn it. This may eafily 
 be miftaken by an unwary Reader for a LefTon in 
 the Bible, unlcfs where fome Note of Diitin&ion 
 is added to it. Therefore, when we read in the 
 Council of Conftantinople, under Mennas, that af- 
 ter the reading of the Gofpcl, in time of thc 
 Communion-Service, the Holy LefTon [jf\ was 
 read according to Cuftom, we are not to under- 
 ftand it of any other LefTon out of the Bible, but 
 of the Crecd, which was then made part of the 
 Communion-Service. And fo Socrates [r] fome- 
 times ufes the Word: And Valefius [j] has ob- 
 ferved, that in two Manufcripts of that Author, 
 where the Nicene Creed is recited, the Title of 
 Matbema is fet before it. But Leontius Byzantinus 
 [f\ fpeaks more explicitely, and calls it by way of 
 Diftin&ion, The Decree or Lejfon of Faith, fpeak- 
 ing of the Creed which the Fathers of the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon were about to make. 
 
 SECT, iv.^ Valefius [«] has alfo obferved 
 Why called y^x- ollt G f Socrates, that it is fome- 
 l xa and y&t"- times ftyled (Imply and abfolutely 
 y^^n and y^j.u.\xa. Which Words, though they 
 are ufually taken to fignify the holy Scripture, 
 yet here they muff, have another Meaning : For 
 the Creed, properly fpeaking, is not an infpired 
 Writing, unlefs in that Senfe as it may be faid to 
 be collected out of the infpired Writings: But 
 here thofe Words fignify only in a common 
 Senfe, Letters or Learning } and fo are ufed, as 
 the foregoing Word, Matbema, with a peculiar 
 reference to the learning of the Catechumens. 
 Some alfo alledge Cyprian for another Name, as 
 if he called the Creed peculiarly the Sacrament 
 of Faith [#]. But I am not fatisfied that Cypri- 
 an's Meaning is fo to be reftrained. For he is ra- 
 ther fpeaking in general againft prophaning the 
 Mytteries of Religion, which include the Sacra- 
 ments, or any other religious Rites, as well as the 
 Creed} applying that Text of Scripture to his 
 Purpofe, Give not that which is holy unto Dogs, 
 neither cafl ye your Pearls before Swine, left they 
 
 tread them under their Feet, and turn again and 
 rent you. Or, if it be limitted to any particular 
 Myftery, it lTiould rather fignify Baptifm than 
 the Creed: For Baptifm is fometimcs called the 
 Sacrament of Faith by St. sluftin \y\ and the Sa- 
 crament of Faith and Repentance by Fulgent ius \jz] 
 and others, as I fliall more particularly fhew, 
 when I come to treat of Baptifm. For which 
 reafon I do not take this to be any particular 
 Name given to the Creed by any antient Writer: 
 But the Creed is the Faith itfelf (thc Credulitas, as 
 fome middle-aged Writers [a] call it) and the Sa- 
 crament of Faith is Baptifm. 
 
 The next Enquiry is into the sect. v. 
 Original and Nature of the anti- whether that 
 ent Creeds: Which will admit of vhich is commonly 
 three Queftions. r. Whether called The A P°- 
 that which is commonly called f^^'the™ 
 The Apoftles Creed, was compofed ftTest J! prefint 
 by the Apoftles in the fame Form Form of words. 
 of Words as now it is ufed in the 
 Church? z- Whether the Apollles made or ufed 
 any Creeds at all for the Inltitution of Catechu- 
 mens, or the Administration of Baptifm? 3. If 
 they did} what Articles were contained in them? 
 The firfl Queftion is now generally refolved in 
 the Negative by learned Men, though many 
 both of the A ncients and Moderns have been 
 of a different Opinion. Some have thought that 
 the twelve Apoftles in a full Meeting compofed 
 the Creed in the very fame Form of Words as 
 now it is ufed in the Church } and others have 
 gone fo far as to pretend to tell what Article was 
 compofed by every particular Apoftle. Dr. Com- 
 ber is fo pofitive in the Matter, as to fay, We 
 have no better Medium to prove the Books [b~] 
 were written by thofe Authors whofe Names 
 they bear, than the unanimous Teftimony of 
 Antiquity } and by that we can abundantly prove 
 the Apoftles were the Authors of this Creed. For 
 th is he cites Clemens Romanus, Iren<eus, (Driven. 
 Tertullian, Rujfinus, Ambrofc, Auft'm, Jerom, Pope 
 Leo, Maximus Taurinenfis, Caffian and Ifidore. 
 But none of thefe Writers, except Ruffmus, (peak 
 home to this purpofe} but only fay, the Creeds 
 in general are of Apoftolical Inltitution: Which, 
 for the Subftance, no one denies} for they fpeak 
 of feveral Forms, and yet afcribe them all to the 
 Apoftles: Which is an Argument they did not 
 mean this particular Form any more than others. 
 For the Nicene Creed is often called the Apoftles 
 Creed; and yet no one believes that that Creed 
 
 [m] Iren. lib. 1. c. 19. [»]'Tertul. de Praefcript. c. 1 3. Re- 
 gula ell autem Fidei, qua creditur unum omnino Deum efle, See. 
 Ir. de Veland. Virgin, c. 1. Regula autem Fidei una omnino eft, 
 fo!a immobilis 8c irreformabilis, credendi fcilicet in unicum Deum 
 omnipotentem, 8cc. [0] Novatian. de Trinir. c. 1. 8c 9. Regula 
 Veritatis. [/>] Hieron. Ep. ad Marcellam, cont. Errores 
 
 Montani. Primum in Fidei Regula difcrepamus, 8cc. \_q] Cone. 
 C. P. Cub Menna. Aft. 5-. Tom. s. p. 18 f. ly'iv ua.&r,u<t}& 
 xj 1 to o-i/i'ndsf teyji'ivr©-. |>] Socrar. Hift. lib. 3. c. if. 
 
 ret aoitta to [/.ct$Y)[J.A7Q-. Ufler. de Symbolis, p. 10. fhevas the 
 fame out of Juftinian, Maxcntius, and Photius. [/] Valef. Nor. 
 in Socrat. lib. 1. c. 8. [/] Leont. de oeftls. Aft. 6 p. fij-. 
 
 iJoZ-v avTols t£rs qq?v nUivi k» uJivuct TtmvG'j.i. [a] Va- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 lef. Not. in Theodor. Hift. lib. 1. c. 8. [*] Cypr. Teflim. ad 
 
 Quirin. lib. 3. c. fo. Sacramentum Fidei non elfe prophanandum. 
 
 Nedederitis fandlum canibus, See. [y~\ Aug. Ep. 23. 3d 
 
 Bonifac. Sicut fecundum quendam modum Sacramentum Corporis 
 Chrifti Corpus Chrifti eft, Sacramentum fanguinis Chrifti fanguis 
 Chrifti eft, ita Sacramentum Fidei Fides eft. [V] Fu!<r e nt. de 
 
 Fide ad Petrum. c. 30. Per Sacramentum Fidei 8c Pcenitentix, id 
 eft, per Baptifmum liberatus. [a] Vid. Herardi Turoncniis 
 
 Capkul. 140. ap. Wharton. Audhrium Hiftoriae Dogmaticx Ulle- 
 rii. p. 368. Gloria Patri, ac fanftus, atque Credulitas, 8c Ky r j,_. 
 Eleefbn a cunchs reverenter canantur. It. F.diclum Reccaredi Regis 
 ad calcem Concilii Toletani tertii. [l>] Comber'; Companion' to 
 
 the Temple, p. 131. 
 
 k k k 2. was 
 
44o "J he Antiquities of the BookX. 
 
 was compofed totidem verbis by the Apoftles. Ruf- 
 finus indeed feems to fay, there was an antient 
 Tradition, that the Apoftles being about to de- 
 part from Jcrufalem \c~], firft fettled a Rule for 
 their future preaching ; left after they were fepa- 
 vatcd from one another, they fhould expound dif- 
 ferent Doctrines to thofe whom they invited to 
 the Chriftian Faith. Wherefore, being all af- 
 fembled together, and filled with the Holy Gholt, 
 they compofed this fhort Rule of their preach- 
 ing, each one contributing his Sentence, and 
 left it as a Rule to be given to all Believers. And 
 for this rcafon, he thinks, it might be called the 
 Symbol, becaufe the Word in Greek fignifies both 
 a Teft, and a Collation of Opinions together. 
 The Author [of] under the Name of Sr. Aufiin, 
 is a little more particular in the Story : For he 
 pretends to tell us what Article was put in by 
 each particular Apoftle : Peter faid, / believe in 
 God, the Father Almighty. John, Maker of Hea- 
 ven and Earth. James, And in J c fits Chriji his 
 enly Son, cur Lord. Andrew added, Who was 
 conceived by the Holy Ghoft, born of the Virgin Mary. 
 Philip faid, Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was 
 Crucified, dead and buried. Thomas, He descended 
 into Hell; the third Day he rofe again from the 
 Dead. Bartholomew, He afcended into Heaven, 
 and fitteth at the Right Hand of God the Father 
 Almighty. Matthew, From thence he pall come to 
 judge the Quick and the Dead. James, the Son of 
 Alphceus, added, / believe in the Floly Ghoft, the 
 holy Catholick Church. Simon Zelotes, The Com- 
 munion of Saints, the Forgivcncfs of Sins. Jude, 
 the Brother of James, The Refurreclion of the Body. 
 Matthias, Life Everlafting. 
 
 But now there is an infuperable Difficulty lies 
 againft this Tradition, which is this, that there 
 are two or three Articles here mentioned, which 
 are known not to have been in this Creed for 
 three or four Ages at leaft. For Ruffnus himfelf 
 tells us, the Deicent into Hell was neither in the 
 Roman [e] Creed, which is that we call, the A- 
 pofiles Creed, nor yet in any Creed of the Eaflern 
 Churches j only the Senfe of it might be faid to 
 be couched in the other Expreffion, he was bu- 
 ried. Bifhop Uftjer and Bifhop Pearfon have de- 
 monftrated the Truth of this Obfervation by a 
 particular Induction from all the antient Creeds, 
 and mewed this Article to be wanting in them 
 all for four hundred Years, except the Creed of 
 Aquileia, which Ruffnus expounds, and the Creed 
 of the Council of Ariminum, mentioned [/] in 
 Socrates. Others have made the fame Obfervati- 
 
 on upon the Article concerning the Communion 
 of Saints, which is not to be found either in the 
 Creed of Aquileia, or any antient Greek or La- 
 tin Creed for above the fpace of four hundred 
 Years. Nor is the Article of the Life Ever- 
 lafting exprefly mentioned in many Creeds, bun 
 only inclufively contained in the Refurreclion of 
 the Body ; which is the concluding Article in many 
 antient Creeds. Thefc are plain D'cmonitrations, 
 without any other Argument, that the Creed, 
 as it ftands in the prefent Form, could not be 
 compofed, in the manner as is pretended, by the 
 Apoltles. The Silence of the Atls of the Apoftles. 
 about any fuch Compofition, is a collateral Ev i- 
 dence againft it. The Silence of Ecclefialtic.U 
 Writers, for above three whole Centuries, is a 
 farther Confirmation. The Variety of Creeds in 
 fo many different Forms, ufed by the Ancients, 
 yet extant in their Writings, fome with OmiiTi- 
 ons, others with Additions, and all in a different 
 Phrafe, are no lefs evident Proofs, that one uni- 
 verfal Form had not been pitched upon and prc- 
 fciibed to the whole Church by the Apoltles. 
 For then it is fcarce to be imagined, that any 
 Church fhould have received any other Form in 
 the leaft Tittle varying from it. Thefe Reafons 
 do now generally fatisfy learned Men, that no 
 fuch precife Form was "compofed, according to 
 that pretended Tradition, by all the Apoltles. 
 The Reader may find Diflertations in Foffius [g], 
 Bifhop Ufloer \h\ Hammond UEftrange [i\ Baf- 
 nagius [£], Suicerus [/], and the learned Author of 
 the.late Critical \m\ Hiftory of the Creed, to this 
 purpofe. And it is much to be wondered at, 
 that any knowing Perfon, againft fuch convincing 
 Evidence, fhould labour to maintain the contra- 
 ry, upon no better Grounds than only this, than 
 the Ancients agree in calling the Creed Apoftoli- 
 cal. For they do not always intend this particu- 
 lar Form, but call all other Forms Apoflolical, 
 the Nicene Creed, the Confantinopoliian Creed, the 
 Edftern Creeds, the Weftern Creeds, and all others 
 which agree with this in Subftance, tho' not in 
 Method or Exprefiion, and are all equally Apo- 
 ftolical, as being all derived from the Apoftles 
 preaching, and for Subftance compofed by them, 
 and fome of them perhaps left in the Churches 
 where they preached, as the fir ft Rudimcnrs of 
 this Creed feem to have been in the Roman Church. 
 So far all the antient Catholick Creech may be faid 
 to be Apoftolical, as being in Subftance the fnmc 
 with the Creeds ufed in Baptifm by the Apoftles. 
 
 [c] Ruflrin. Expof. Symboii, ad calcem Cypriaaij p 17. Dif- 
 cefiuri itacjuc ah inviccm.normam priiis future libi prxdicarionis in 
 commune conftituunt: Ne forte alius ab alio abducli, diverfum 
 aliquid his qui ad iidem Chrifti invitabanrur, exponercnt. Omnes 
 ergo in uno pofiti, 8c Spiritu lan&o repleti, breve iftud Future libi, 
 ut diximus, praedicationis indicium, confercudo in unum quod fen- 
 tiebat unufquifquc, componunt ; atque hanc credentibus dandam efle 
 Regulam ftatuunt. Symbolum au'em hoc multis 8c juftilfimis 
 cauflis appeliare voluerunt. Symbolum enim gr^ce 2c Indicium 
 dici poteft, 8c Collatio, hoc eft, quod plures in unum conrlrunt. 
 [tl] Aug. de Tempore. Ser. n;. al. 42. in Append. Tom. 10. p 6-jf. 
 
 [<?] Ruffin. Expof. Symboii, p. 22. Sciendum fine eft, quod in 
 Eccledx Romans Symbolo non habetur addiium, Defcendic ad In- 
 terna, fed ncque in Orientis Ecclefiis habei^r hie Sermo: Vis ta- 
 men verbi eadem videtur clle in eo quod Sepultus dicitur. [f] So- 
 crat. lib. 2. c. 37. [g] Voll". de tribus Symbolic [/;] Ufler. 
 de Symbolo Romano. [»J L'Eftrange'j Alliance of Div/n Offic. 
 Chap. 3. p. 80. [k] Bafnag. Critic, in Baron, p. 471. [/] Sui- 
 cer. Thefaur. Ecclef. voce crv {jlCoKov. Tom. 2. p. 1092. [m] Cri- 
 tical Hfft. of the Creed, Chap. I. p. 27. See alfo Bif.op hv. i'i ju- 
 dicium Eccleiix Cathol. 8cc. cap. f. n. 3. Whtrt he refers to Vof- 
 Jius as having abumiantty proved this Thefs. 
 
 c By 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 441 
 
 sect. VI. By all then that has hitherto 
 
 That frok-.bly the been (aid, I intend not to infinu- 
 
 dpojilesu/edfevtral at e, that the Apoftles ufed no 
 
 ads during in c ree( j s at a u ? but rather that they 
 
 Tory, not in Sub- ^ diffcring in Formj b Ut 
 
 not in Subftance from one ano- 
 ther. All that I contend for, is only this, that 
 none of the prcfent Forms are exactly the fame 
 in Expreflion with thofe of the Apoftles, which 
 is demon (Irated from the variety of Creeds ufed 
 in feveral Churches, and from the Addition of 
 fome Words to that Creed which pretends moft 
 to be Apoftolical. But though the Apoftles com- 
 pofed no one Creed to be of perpetual and uni- 
 verfal Ufe for the whole Church, yet it is not 
 to be doubted but that they ufed fome Forms in 
 admitting Catechumens to Baptifm. There arc 
 many Exprcflions in Scripture that favour this, 
 particularly Philip's Queftions to the Eunuch be- 
 fore he baptized him, and St. Peter's Interroga- 
 tories, or the Anfwer of a good Confcience to- 
 wards God, which was ufed in Baptifm: And the 
 conftant Pra&ice of the Church, in Imitation of 
 the Apoftles, admitting none to Baptifm but by an- 
 fwer to fuch Interrogatories, is a fufficient De- 
 monftration of the Apoftolical Practice. But 
 then as the Church ufed a Liberty of ExprefTion 
 in her feveral Creed?, fo it is not improbable the 
 Apoftles did the fame without tying themfelves 
 to any one Form, who had lefs need to do it, be- 
 ing all guided by Infpiration. And hence it 
 came to pafs, that there being no one certain 
 Form of a Creed prefcribed univerfally to all 
 Churches, every Church had liberty to frame 
 their own Creeds, as they did their own Litur- 
 gies, without being ty'd precifely to any one 
 Form of Words, fo long as they kept to the A- 
 nalogy of Faith and Doctrine at firft delivered by 
 the Apoftles: Which feems to be the true Rea- 
 fon of fo many antient Forms, differing in 
 Words, not in Subftance. 
 
 sect. vil. But now the grand Queftion 
 What Articles ftill remains, concerning the Na- 
 were contained in ture, Subftance and Extent of the 
 the Apopolkd Apoftolical Creeds, that is, what 
 Articles were contained in them. 
 Some there are who would confine thefe to very 
 narrow Bounds, making them at firft to be no 
 more than what is contained exprefly in the 
 Form of Baptifm, I believe in God the Father, Son, 
 ard Holy Ghofl. So Epifcopius [n] and his Fol- 
 lowers, who would perfuade the World, that for 
 the three firft Ages, the Doctrine of our Savi- 
 our's Divinity was no neceflary Article of the 
 Chriftian Faith. But the learned Bifhop Bull 
 [o\, and Dr. Grabe [f], have judicioufly refuted 
 thefe pretences, the one by fhewing from all the 
 antient Creeds that this Dodlrine was a neceflary 
 Article before the Nicene Council ; and the other 
 by evincing from Scripture, that the Lineaments 
 of the Jpofiles Creed, ufed in the Adminiftration 
 
 of Baptifm, were at the firft much larger than 
 what Epifcopius pretended j and that in the Apo- 
 ftles Age, either by their Authority or Permiflion, 
 the Creed confifted of all the prcfent Arricles, 
 except only thofe two, of the Defcent into Hell, 
 and the Communion of Saints, which are owned 
 to be of later Admiflion. Mr. Bafnage\jf\ indeed 
 has a peculiar Opinion, that the Creed was com- 
 pofed, and the chief Articles infertcd only in the 
 l'econd Century, in opppofition to feveral Here- 
 fies, which then began to infeft the Church. 
 The Gnojlicks brought in the Doctrine of a two- 
 fold Deity, the one Good, the other Evil: A- 
 gainft this peftilent Herefy, the Church put that 
 Article into her Creed, I believe in God, or in one 
 God. Menander, the Difciple of Simon Magus, 
 aflcrted, that the World was not created by God, 
 but by Angels : This occafioned the Church to 
 infert thofe Words, Maker of Fleaven and Earth . 
 Carpocratcs taught, that Jefus was a mere Man, 
 and begotten of both Sexes, as other Men . In 
 Oppofltion to whom, it was inferted, that Chrifi 
 was conceived by the Holy Ghoft. The Baftlidians 
 did not believe Jefus was crucified by the Jews, 
 but only Simon of Cyrenc : To refute whom, they 
 put in thofe Words, he was dead and buried. 
 Carpocrates rejected the Refurrc6tion of the Flefh : 
 And upon that, I believe the Refurrctlion of the 
 Flefh, was added to the Creed. Thus, if we 
 will hearken to this learned Perfon, there was no 
 Creed at all made by the Apoftles, but it was 
 compofed intirely by the Church, and gradually 
 augmented, only as the Rife of Seels and Here- 
 fics required fome Oppofition to be made to them. 
 The learned Author of the late Critical Hiftory of 
 the Creed goes the fame way, only with this dif- 
 ference, that he fuppofes (what Mr. Bafnage 
 does not) that fome Articles were inferted by the 
 Apoftles themfelves, and others fuper-added by 
 the Church, as the Occafion of Herefies required. 
 But, when he fpeaks of the particular Articles, 
 he falls in witli Mr. Bafnage's Notion about the 
 chiefeft: For he fuppofes the firft Article, / be- 
 lieve in one God, not to be made againft the Poly- 
 thcifm of the Gentiles by the Apoftles, but only 
 by the Church, upon the rife of the Herefies of 
 the Valentinians, Cerdonians, Marcionites, and 
 others in After-ages. Which in effect, is to fay, 
 the Creed ivas made, and not made by the apoftles : 
 For, if the principal Articles were not compofed 
 by them, I fee not what elfe can entitle them to 
 have been the Authors of it. And therefore I 
 much more readily fubferibe to the Opinion of 
 the learned Dr. Grabe, which he maintains againft 
 this learned Perfon, that the Article of one God 
 the Father, Maker of Heaven and Earth, was ori- 
 ginally inferted into the Creed by the Apoftles, 
 againft the capital Error of the Gentiles, who 
 made one God to have Power over Heaven, ano- 
 ther over the Earth, another over the Sea, 
 and divided the divine Honour among them. 
 For fo the Vulgar among the Heathen pra&ifed 
 
 [»] Epifcop. Inftitut. lib. 4. Sect. 1. cap. 34. [c] Bull. Judic. St 7. ejufd p 61. [q] Bafnag. Exercit in Baron, p. 4.76. 
 
 EccleT Cathol. Sec. cap. 6. [p] Grabe Annotata ad cap. f , 6, 
 
 their 
 
44 2 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book X. 
 
 their Idolatry 5 however the Philofophers among 
 them might be a little more refined in their 
 Theology, and have more agreeable Notions of 
 the Unity of the Supreme God. Therefore it is 
 reafonable to believe this fir ft Article was inferted 
 to make Men renounce in their Baptifm this erro- 
 neous Opinion of the Gentiles. 
 
 The Opinion of Epifcopius, that nothing more 
 was originally in the Creed about, our Saviour, 
 but only the bare Title of the Son, is foiidly re- 
 futed by Dr. Grabe, who proves from Scripture, 
 that he had always this Title with the Addition 
 of his being the Son of God: And that thofe 
 other Articles, he was crucified, dead, and buried; 
 that he rofe again, and afcended into Heaven, and 
 fat at the Right Hand of God, and from thence 
 fijould come to judge the Quick and Dead, were all 
 original Articles of the Creed ; being fuch Do- 
 ctrines as the Apoftles chiefly taught their Cate- 
 chumens, and fuch as the Jews and Gentiles either 
 denied or ridiculed : And therefore it was proper 
 to make all new Converts, at their Entrance 
 on Chriftianity, make a particular Profefflon of 
 fuch Articles, in Oppofition to their former Er- 
 rors, whether they came over from the Jews or 
 Gentiles. Upon this account he alfo rejects the 
 Opinion of the Author of the Critical Hifiory, 
 who fuppofes the Article of the Afcenfion of Chrifi 
 into Heaven to have been added to the Creed only 
 in the fecond Century, and that in oppofition to 
 jipelles, one of Marcion's Difciples, who denied 
 the Afcenfion of Chrifi's Flefh into Heaven. But, 
 if it had been defigned againft him, it would no 
 doubt have been more particularly exprefled, that 
 his Flefh afcended into Heaven - f as Dr. Grabe ob- 
 ferves it is in Irenaus j and not barely that Chrifi 
 afcended into Heaven. For the fame Reafon he 
 concludes, that the following Articles, of his 
 Sefjicn at God's Right Hand, and his coming to judge 
 the Quick and the Dead, could not be inferted into 
 the Creed in oppofition to the Marcionites and 
 Gnoflicks, as the forementioned Author fuppofes : 
 For then they would have been more precifely 
 worded againll their reigning Tenets, which 
 were, that Chrifi'' 's Flefh was void of Senfe in Hea- 
 ven, and that Chrifi was not the Son of that God 
 who is the Judge of the World: Wherefore it is 
 more reafonable to fuppofe thofe Articles were 
 originally inferted by the Apoftles, to correct the 
 Ignorance and Errors of the Jews and Gentiles. 
 
 As to thofe two Articles, he was conceived by 
 the Holy Ghofl, and born of the Virgin Mary, Dr. 
 Grabe makes fome queftion whether they were 
 as antient as the former, becaufe they do not ap- 
 pear in the common Catechetical Difcourfes of 
 the Apoftles ; but he thinks, before St. John's 
 Death they were inferted, againft the Herefies of 
 Carpocrates, Ebion and Cerinthus, who denied 
 both Articles, and afferted, that Chrift was born 
 of Jofeph and Mary, after the common way of 
 Mankind. 
 
 The Article of the Holy Ghofi was always a 
 
 Part of the Apoflles Creed, by the Confefiion of 
 Epifcopius himfelf. And therefore the Opinion 
 of thole who maintain, that nothing more was 
 required of Catechumens before Baptifm, but 
 only the Profeffion of their Faith in Jcfus Chrift 
 as the Son of God, is wholly to be rejected. 
 
 The Article or Remiffion of Sins was alfo ori- 
 ginally in the Apofiolical Creeds, becaufe it always 
 appears to have been one principal Point of their 
 Cacechetical Inftitutions. And therefore the O- 
 pinion of the learned Author of the Critical Hi- 
 fiory, that it was only in fome Creeds,, but not in 
 all, till the Rife of the Novatian Herefy, is alfo 
 to be rejected 5 becaufe it appears from Cyprian, 
 that it was in the Creed which the Novatians 
 themfelves made ufe of in Baptifm. 
 
 The Articles of the Refurreclion of the Dead, 
 and Life Evcrlafiing, are alio concluded to have 
 been in the Apoflles Creed, if not from the very 
 firft, yet at leaft when St. Paul wrote his Epiftle 
 to the Hebrews, becaufe he there mentions the 
 Refurreclion of the Dead, and eternal Judgment > 
 among the Fundamental Doclrines of the Chriftian 
 Faith, Hcb. vi. 2.. 
 
 The Article of the Church, Dr. Grabe thinks 
 was not originally in the Creed, but added in the 
 latter end of the firft Century, or beginning of 
 the fecond, uponoccafion of Hereticks and Schif- 
 maticks feparating from the Church. At leaft it 
 appears from 'Tertullian's Book de Baptifmo, that 
 the Profeffion of it was required in his time, of 
 Catechumens at their Baptifm. For he fays, [f\ 
 after they had teftify'd their Faith in the Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghofi, they alfo added the Churchy 
 becaufe where thofe three were, there was the 
 Church, and it was the Body of the three. 
 
 The Article of the Communion of Saints, he 
 readily acknowledges, was never in any Creed 
 before, the fourth Century. And that concerning 
 the Defcent intoJrlcll was not originally in the 
 Creed, but addedupon occafion of Hereticks in 
 After-ages. But the precife time of its Addition 
 is not exactly agreed upon, between the Author 
 of the Critical Hifiory and Dr. Grabe. The for- 
 mer (who is allowed to have explained the ge- 
 nuine Senfe of this Article with as great Exact - 
 nefs as the moil confummate Divine) fuppofes in 
 to have been added againft the Arians and Jpolli- 
 narians; fwho denied the Soul or Spirit of Chrifi) 
 becaufe the Fathers argued thus againft them : 
 Chrift defcended into Hell either in his Divinity, 
 or his Soul, or his Body: But it is abfurd to 
 afoibe the Defcent into Hell either to his Divi- 
 nity, or his Body; and therefore it muft be his 
 Soul that defcended; which proves the reality of 
 his Soul. But Dr. Grabe thinks this Article was 
 of earlier Date, becaufe it is to be found in fome 
 of the Arian Creeds themfelves, and others, 
 more antient than the Apollinarians : And that if 
 it had been inferted againft the Apollinarian Do- 
 ctrine, it would not have been barely laid, he de- 
 fended into Hell; but rather, he defcended by his 
 
 [r] Tertul. de Bapf. cap. 6. Cum fub tribus & Teftatio fidei c>uoniam ubi tres, id eft, Pater, Filius, & Spirirus Sandtus, ibi Er- 
 ik Sponlio falutis pignorentur, neceflario adjicitur Ecclefia? mentio; ddia, qua: n'.um Corpus eft- 
 
 Soul 
 
Chap. IV. Christian Church. 
 
 Soul into Hellj which had been directly againft 
 that Herefy. Therefore he rather fuppofes it to 
 have been added to the Creed in Oppofition to 
 the Valentinians and Marcionites, who, according 
 to the Account given by Irenaus [s] and Tertul- 
 lian [/], pretended, that the Souls of all that 
 died of their Sects went immediately to Heaven ; 
 when yet Chrift himfelf went into the State and 
 Place of feparate Souls for three Days before his 
 Refurrection and Afcenfion. 
 
 Upon the whole matter, Dr. Grabe con- 
 cludes, that all the Articles of the Creed, except 
 thefe three, the Communion of Saints, the Church, 
 and the Defcent of Chrift into Hell, were folemnly 
 profefled by the firft Chriftians in their Confefli- 
 ons of Faith in the Apoftles Days, by their Au- 
 thority, or at leall their Approbation: For which 
 Reafon the Creed, as to thofe Parts of it, may 
 properly be called Apoftolical. And it could hard- 
 ly be, that all Churches in the World fhould fo 
 unanimoufly agree in the common Confeffion of 
 fo many Articles of it, unlefs it had proceeded 
 from fome fuch Authority as they all acknow- 
 
 ledged. But the Reafon why the Confeffions 
 of particular Churches differed in Words and 
 Phrafes, he thinks, was from hence, that the 
 Creed which the Apoftles delivered, was not 
 written with Paper and Ink, but in the flefhly 
 Tables of the Heart, as St. Jerom [u] words it. 
 Whence every Church was at liberty to exprefs 
 their Senfe in their own Terms. But he will not 
 undertake to vindicate the common Tradition of 
 Ruffinus, that it was made by joint Confent of all 
 the Apoftles, when they were about to feparate 
 from one another , and much lefs, that every one 
 of the twelve Apoftles call in his Symbol to com- 
 pleat the number of twelve Articles, as the other 
 Story is told by the Author under the Name of 
 St. duflin, which he thinks is not in the leaft to 
 be regarded. I have been a little more particu- 
 lar in reprefenting the Senfe of this great Man 
 upon this Point, both becaufe his Account of 
 the original of the feveral Articles of the Creed 
 feems to be moft exact, and becaufe the Difcourfe 
 where he delivers his Opinion may not yet be 
 fallen into the Hands of every ordinary Reader. 
 
 CHAP. IV. " 
 
 A ColleB 'ton of feveral anttent Forms of the Creed out of the Primitive Records 
 
 of the Church. 
 
 sect. I. T S h a l l now in the next place 
 The Fragments of J. prefent the Reader with feve- 
 the creed m ire- r al of the antient Forms of the 
 na2us - Creed, as we find them preferved 
 
 in the moft antient Writers, and the moft au- 
 thentick primitive Records of the Church. The 
 Ufe of thefe will be, not only to illuftrate and 
 confirm what has been faid in the laft Chapter, 
 but alfo to declare what was the antient Faith of 
 the Church, and fhew the Vanity of Modern 
 Hereticks, efpecially the Arians, who pretend 
 that the Doctrine of our Saviour's Divinity was 
 no necefTary Article of Faith before the Council 
 of Nice. Bifhop Ufloer, in his curious Tract de 
 Symbolo Romano, has already collected a great 
 many of thefe antient Forms but becaufe this 
 Piece is written in Latin, and become very 
 fcarce, and fome things more may be added to 
 it, I will here oblige the Engliflj Reader with a 
 new Account of them, beginning with the Frag- 
 ments of the Creed which we have in Irenaus, 
 Origen, Cyprian, 'Tertullian, and other private 
 Writers, which Bifhop UJher gives no account 
 of. Some fancy the Creed may be found in the 
 Writings of Ignatius, Clemens Romanus, Poly carp, 
 and Jujlin Martyr : But Bifhop Pearfon [a] has 
 rightly obferved, that thefe Writers, however 
 they may incidentally mention fome Articles of 
 Faith, do not formally deliver any Rule of Faith 
 ufed in their own times. The firft that fpeaks of 
 
 this is Irenaus, who calls it the unalterable Ca- 
 non [b~] or Rule of Truth, which every Man re- 
 ceived at his Baptifm. And he immediately de- 
 clares what it was in thefe Words: The Church, 
 tho' it be difperfed over all the World [c~] from 
 one end of the Earth to the other, received from 
 the Apoftles and their Difciples, The Belief in 
 one God the Father Almighty, Maker of Hea- 
 ven and Earth and Sea, and all things in them : 
 And in one Chrift Jefus the Son of God, who 
 was Incarnate for our Salvation : And in the Ho- 
 ly Ghoft, who preached by the Prophets the 
 Difpenfations of [God], and the Advent, and 
 Nativity of a Virgin, and Paflion, and Refurrec- 
 tion from the dead, and Bodily Afcenfion of 
 the Flefh of his beloved Son Chrift Jefus our 
 Lord into Heaven, and his Coming again from 
 Heaven in the Glory of the Father, to recapitulate 
 all things, and raife the Flefh. of all Mankind 5 
 that according to the Will of the invifible Fa- 
 ther, every Knee fhould bow of things in Hea- 
 ven, and things in the Earth, and things under 
 the Earth, to Jefus Chrift our Lord, and God, 
 and Saviour, and King, and that every Tongue 
 fhould confefs to him, and that he may excrcife 
 juft Judgment upon all, and fend Spiritual 
 WickednefTes, and the Tranfgrefting and Apc- 
 ftate Angels, with all ungodly, unrighteous, law- 
 lefs and bl.ifpheming Men into everlafting Fire> 
 but grant Life to all righteous and holy Men, 
 
 [3] Irenx. lib. f. c. ji. [<] Tertul.dc Anima, cap. ff. of the Creed, Article Initio. 
 
 [«] Hieron. Ep. 61. ad Pammach. c. 9. [«] Pearfon'* Expofitun [r] Ibid. cap. p. 4j\ 
 
 [b~] Iren. Jib. 1. c. i. p. 44. 
 
 that 
 
444 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book X. 
 
 that keep his Commandments, and perfevere in pie Ifrael. This juft and good God, the Father 
 
 his Love, fome from the Beginning, others after of our Lord Jefus Chrift, gave both the Law and 
 
 Repentance, on whom He confers Immortality, the Prophets, and the Gofpels, being the God of 
 
 and inverts them with Eternal Glory. This the Apoftles, and of the Old and New Tejlament. 
 
 Faith, he fays, was the fame in all the World; The next Article is, That Jefus Chrift, v. ho came 
 
 Men profelTed it with one Heart and one Soul: into the World, was begotten of the Father be- 
 
 For, though there were different Dialects in the fore every Creature, who miniltring to his Father 
 
 World, yet the Power of the Faith was one \d~\ in the Creation of all things, [for by Him all 
 
 and the fame. The Churches in Germany had no Things were made] in the laft Times made himfelf 
 
 other Faith or Tradition than thofe in Iberia or of no Reputation and became Man: He who was 
 
 Spain^ or thofe among the Cclta, that is, France, God, was made Flefh, and when he was Man, 
 
 or in the Eafi, or in Mgypt, or in Libya, or in he continued the fame God that hewasbefore. He 
 
 the middle Parts of the World; by which he afTumed a Body in all Things like ours, fave only 
 
 means Jerufalem and the adjacent Churches, that it was born of a Virgin by the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 which were reckoned to be in the midft of the And becaufe this Jcfus Chrift was born and fuf- 
 
 Earth. But, as one and the fame Sun enlighten- fered Death common to all, in Truth, and not 
 
 eth all the World; fo the preaching of this only in Appearance, he was truly dead; For he 
 
 Truth fhined all over, and enlightened all Men rofe again truly from the Dead, and after his Re- 
 
 that were willing to come to the Knowledge of furrection converfed with his Difciplcs, and was 
 
 the Truth. Nor did the moft Eloquent Ruler taken up into Heaven. They alfo delivered unto 
 
 of the Church fay any more than this : [For no us, that the Holy Ghoft was joyned in the fame 
 
 one was above his Mafter] nor the Weaken; di- Honour and Dignity with the Father and the Son. 
 
 mi.nifh. any Thing of this Tradition. For the Thus far Origen fpeaks of the principal Articles 
 
 Faith being one and the fame, he that faid moil of the Chriftian Faith as handed down by the 
 
 of it could not inlarge it, nor he that faid leaft Church from the preaching of the Apoftles. And 
 
 take any thing from it. there goes another Book under his Name, written 
 
 The Reader will eafily perceive, that Iraneus by way of Dialogue againft the Marcionites, where 
 
 by this one Faith did not mean the exprefs Form he more fuccinctly delivers the Catholick Faith 
 
 of Words now ufed in the Apoftles Creed: For in oppofition to the falfe Principles of thofe Here- 
 
 his Words differ much in Expreflion from that, ticks: " I believe there is one God, [/] the Crea- 
 
 though in Senfe and Subflance it be the fame " tor and Maker of all Things; and One that is 
 
 Faith, and that which was then preached and " from Him, God the Word, who is Confub- 
 
 taught over all the Churches. " ftantial with Him and Co-eternal, who in the 
 
 " laft Times took Human Nature upon him of 
 
 sect. II. There is another fuch Form <c the [Virgin] Mary, and was crucified, and rai- 
 
 The creed of Ori- Q f Apoftolical Doctrine collected " fed again from the Dead. I believe alfo the 
 
 6 en * by Origen in his Books of Chri- " Holy Ghoft, who exifts to all Eternity." 'Tis 
 
 ftian Principles [e\, where he thus delivers the true, learned Men are not certainly agreed who 
 
 Rule of Faith: The Things which are mani- was the true Author of thofe Dialogues: Wet- 
 
 feftly handed down by the Apoftolical Preach- jlenius, who firft publifhed them in Greek, afcribes 
 
 ing, are thefe; Fiift, that there is one God, who them to Origen; but Huetius makes one Maximus 
 
 created and made all Things, and caufed the the Author, who lived, as he conjectures, in the 
 
 whole Univerfe to cxift out of Nothing; the Time of Confiantine. But whoever was the Au- 
 
 God of all the Juft that ever were from the firft thor, they contain a Form of a very Orthodox 
 
 Creation and Foundation of all; the God of Creed, for which reafon 1 have given it a Place 
 
 Adam, Abel, Seth, Enos, Enoch, Noe, Sem, Abra- in this Collection. 
 ham, Ifaac, Jacob, the Twelve Patriarchs, Mofes 
 
 and the Prophets : And that this God in the laft Next after Origen we find sect. in. 
 
 Days, as he had promifed before by his Prophets, fome Parts of the ancient Creed ihe Fragments of 
 
 fent our Lord Jefus Chrift, firft to call Ifrael, and in Tertullian, who fpeaks of it as ['w^'^ m Ter " 
 
 then the Gentiles, after the Infidelity of his Peo- the Rule of Faiih common to all 
 
 [d] Iren. lib. i. cap. [ej Origen. -sfet <*?%£e, in Pra> 
 
 far. Tom. i. p. 66f. Species vero corum, quae per Praedicationem 
 Apoftolicam manifefte traduntur, iftae funt. Primd quod unus Deus 
 eft, qui omnia creavit atque compofuit, quique ex nullis fecit efie 
 univerfa ; Deus a prima Creatura 8c conditione mundi omnium 
 Juftorum. Deus Adam, Abel, Setb, Enos, Enoch, Noe, Sem, Abra- 
 ham, Ifaac, Jacob, n Patriarcharum, Moyli 8c Prophetarum. Et 
 quod hie Deus in noviffimis diebus, ficut per Prophetas fuos ante 
 provniferat, mifit Dominum nollrum Jefum Chriftum, primo 
 quidem vocaturum Ifrael, fecundo etiam Gentes poft perfidiam popu- 
 H Ifrael. Hie Deus Juftus 8c Bonus, Pater Domini noflri Jcfu 
 Chrifti, Legem 8c Prophetas 8c Evangelia dedit, qui 8c Apoftolo- 
 rum Deus eft, 8c Veteris 8c Novi Teftamenti. Turn deinde quia 
 
 Jefus Chriftus ipfe, qui venir, ante omnem Creaturam natus ex 
 Patre eft. Qui cum in omnium conditione Patri miniftraflet (per 
 ipfum enim omnia fafta funt,) noviflimis temporibus feipfum cx- 
 inaniens homo factus eft: Incarnatus eft cum Deus eflet, 8c homo 
 maniit quod Deus erar. Corpus alTumpiit noftro corpoii fimile, 
 eo folo differens quod natum ex Virgine de Spiiitu Sanfto eft. Et 
 quoniam hie Jefus Chriftus natus, 8c palTus eft in veritate 8c non 
 per imaginem communcm hanc mortem, vere morfuus eft; Vere 
 enim a mortuis refurrexit, 8c poft Refurre&ionem converfatus cum 
 Difcipulis fuis, aftumptus eft. Turn deinde honore ac dignitate 
 Patri 8c Filio fociatum tradiderunt Spiritum Sanctum, &c. 
 [/] Origen. Cont. Marc. Dial. i. p. 8ij-. Tom. 2. Edit. Latin. 
 Bali!, 1/7 1. 
 
 Chriftians, 
 
Chap.IV. Christian Church. 445 
 
 Chriftians. There is, fays he, one Rule \_g) of 
 Faith only, which admits of no Change or Al- 
 teration, that which teaches us to believe in 
 One God Almighty, the Maker of the World, 
 and in Jefus Chrift his Son, who was born of the 
 Virgin Alary, crucified under Pontius Pilate, the 
 Third Day ardfe again from the Dead, received 
 into Heaven, and fitteth now at the Right Hand 
 of God, who fhall come again to judge both the 
 Quick and the Dead, by the Rcfurre&ion of the 
 Flc/h. 
 
 In his Book of Prefcriptions [h] againfl Here- 
 ticks, he has another Form not much unlike this. 
 The Rule of Faith is that whereby we believe 
 One God only, and no other befide, the Maker 
 of the World, who produced all Things out of 
 Nothing by his Word which He fent forth be- 
 fore all Things. This Word was called his Son, 
 who at fundry Times appeared to the Patriarchs, 
 and always fpake by the Prophets, and at laft de- 
 fcended into the Virgin Mary by the Power and 
 Spirit of God the Father, and was made Flelh in 
 her Womb, and born of her a Man Jefus Chrift} 
 who preached a new Law, and a new Promifeof 
 the Kingdom ol Heaven j who wrought Miracles, 
 and was crucified, and the third Day arofe again, 
 and was taken into Heaven, and fitteth at the 
 Right Hand of the Father: Whence he fent the 
 Power of the Holy Ghoft in his ftead, to guide 
 them that believe: Who fhall come again with 
 Glory, to take the Saints into the PoiTefiion and 
 Fruition of Eternal Life and the Heavenly Pro- 
 mifes, and to condemn the Profane to everlafting 
 Fire, having flrft raifed both the one and the 
 other by the Refurre&ion of the Flelh. This 
 Rule, he fays, was inftituted by Chrift himfelf 
 [i\ and there were no Difputes in the Church 
 about it, but fuch as Herefies brought in, or fuch 
 as Hereticks made. To know Nothing beyond 
 this, was to know all Things. 
 
 In his Book againfl: Praxeas he repeats the 
 fame Creed with a little Variation of Expreflion : 
 We believe in one God [£], yet under this Dif- 
 penfation, which we call the Oeconomy, That 
 
 that One God hath a Son, which is his Word, 
 who proceeded from Him, by whom all Things 
 were made, and without whom Nothing was 
 made. We believe that He was fent by the Fa- 
 ther to be born of a Virgin, both Man and God, 
 the Son of Man, and the Son of God, and that 
 He was called Jefus Chrift. That He fuffered, 
 and was dead and buried according to the Scrip- 
 tures i that He was raifed again by the Father, 
 and taken up ag;rin into Heaven, where He (Its 
 at the Right Hand of the Father, and fliall come 
 again to judge the Quick and Dead. From 
 whence alfo He fent from his Father, according 
 to his Promife, the Holy Gholt the Comforter, 
 who fanclifies the Faith of thofe th.it believe fix 
 the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. This Faith, 
 he fays, was the Rule of Believing from the Be- 
 ginning of the Gofpel, and the Antiquity of ic 
 was fufficiently demonftrated from the Novelty 
 of Herelics, which were but of Yefterday's Hand- 
 ing in comparifon of it. 
 
 Now it is eafy to obferve, That Tertullian 
 here fpeaks not of any certain Form of Words, 
 but of the Subftance of the Faith : For fome 
 Articles, as the Defcent into Hell, and the Com- 
 munion of Saints, are not here exprefly mention- 
 ed, though they may be implied: But the Ar- 
 ticles of the Trinity, the Incarnation, fjjV. are 
 both exprefTed and carefully explained in fuch a 
 manner, as fhews the Neceffity of an explicit e 
 Faith in thofe Points, and how the Doftrine of 
 our Saviour's Divinity was a prime Article of the 
 Creed from the very Foundation of the Chuich. 
 
 Next after Tertullian we sect. iv. 
 have fome Remains of the Ufe of Fragment of 
 
 the Creed in Cyprian: He fays, ^ Creed * c W n ~ 
 Both the Catholicks and Novatians 
 agreed in the fame Form of Interrogatories, which 
 they always propofed to Catechumens at their 
 Baptifm j fome of which were thefe Queftions 
 in particular, Whether they believed in God 
 [/] the Father, and in Chrift his Son, and in the 
 Holy Ghoft? And, whether they believed the 
 
 [g~\ Tertul. de Veland. Virgin, cap. i. Regula quidem Fidei 
 una omnino eft, fola immobilis 8c irreformabilis, credendi fcilicet 
 in unicum Deum Omnipotentem, Mundi Conditorem, 8c Filium 
 ejus Jefum Chriftum, natum ex Virgine Maria, crucifixum fub 
 Pontio Pilato, tertia die refufcitatum a mortuis, receptum in ccelis, 
 fedentem nunc ad dexteram Patris, venturum judicare vivos 8c 
 mortuos, per carnis etiam Refurrectionem. [/>] Id. de Prxfcript. 
 adverf. Haereticos. cap. 13. Regula eft autem Fidei, ilia fcilicet qua 
 creditur, Unum omnino Deum efle, nec alium prater mundi con- 
 ditorem, qui univerla de nihilo produxerit, per Verbum fuum primo 
 omnium emiflum. Id verbum Filium ejus appellatum, in nomine 
 Dei varie vifum Patriarchis, in Prophetis Temper auditum, poftremo 
 delatum ex Spiritu Dei Patris 8c Virtute in Virginem Mariam, car- 
 nem factum in utero ejus, 8c ex ea natum hominem, 8c efle Jefum 
 Chriftum : Exinde pratdicafie novam Legem, 8c novam promiflio- 
 nem regni coelorum, virtutes fecifie: Fixum cruci: Tertia die re- 
 iurrexifle: In coelos ereptum federe ad dexteram Patris: Mill lie 
 vicariara vim Spiritus Sancti, qui credentes agar. Venturum cum 
 claritate ad fumendos Sanctos in vita; aeternae 8c promifibrum ccc- 
 leftium fructum, 8c ad prophanos judicandos igni perpetuo, utriuf- 
 que partis refufcitatione cum carnis refurrectionfe. [i] Ibid, 
 
 cap. 14. Ha:c Regula a Chrifto inftituta, nullas habet apud nos 
 Queftiones, nili quas Hxrefes inferunt, 8c quae Haereticos faciunt. 
 Nihil ultra fare, omnia fcire eft. [H Tertul. adverf. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Prax. cap. », Unicum quidem Deum credimus, fub hac tamen 
 Difpenlatione, quam bix.ovojy.iAv dicimus, ut unici Dei fit 8c Filius 
 Sermo ipfius, qui ex ipfo pr-ocelTerit, per quern omnia facta funt, 8c 
 fine quo factum eft nihil. Hunc miflum a Patre in Virginem, 8c 
 ex ea natum Hominem 8c Deum, filium hominis 8c Filium Dei, 8c 
 cognominatum Jefum Chriftum. Hunc paflum, hunc mortuum, 
 8c fepultum fecundum Scripturas, refufcitatum a Patre, 8c in ccelos 
 refumptum, federe ad dexteram Patris, venturum judicare vivos 8c 
 mortuos. Qui exinde miferit fecundum promiftionem fuam a 
 Patre Spiritum Sanctum Paracletum, fanctificatorem fidei eorum 
 qui credunt in Patrem 8c Filium 8c Spiritum Sanctum. HancRegulam 
 ab initio Evangelii decucurrifie, 8cc. Confer. Tertul. de Bapt? cap. 
 <5, 8c 11. [/] Cypr. Ep. 69. al. 76. ad Magnum, p. 183. 
 
 Quod fi aliquis illud opponar, ut dicat, eandem Novatianum legem 
 tenere, quam Catholica Eccleiia teneat, eodem Symbolo quo 8c 
 nos baptizare ; eundem nolle Deum Patrem, eundem Filiurrr 
 Chriftum, eundem Spiritum Sanctum, ac propter hoc ufurpare 
 eum poteftatem bapnzandi pofle, quod videatur in Interroga- 
 tione baptifmi a nobis non difcrepare: Sciat quifquis hoc op. 
 ponendum putat, primum non efle unam nobis 8c Schifmaticis 
 Symboli legem, neque eandem Interrogationem : Nam, cum 
 dicunt, Credis remiflionem peccatorum 8c vitam aetemam per 
 Sanctam Eccleliam, menciuntur in Interrogation^ quando non 
 habeant Ecclefiam. 
 
 L 1 11 Re- 
 
446 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookX. 
 
 Rcmiflion of Sins and Life Eternal was to be ob- 
 tained by the Holy Church? For though, as he 
 obfcrves, the Novatians did but falfify and pre- 
 varicate as it were in thefe Queftions $ there be- 
 ing no true Church among them to grant Re- 
 miflion of Sinsj yet however, they oblerved the 
 fame Form of Words as the Church did in her 
 Creed, and put the fame Queftions to all that 
 came to them for Baptifm. Cyprian repeats this 
 in another Epiftle, which is written in the Name 
 of the Council of Carthage [m~\ to the Bilhops 
 of Numidia, where mention is made of the fame 
 Interrogatories, as generally ufed in the Admini- 
 ftration of Eaptifm. From whence it appears, 
 That not only the Articles of the Trinity, but 
 thofe other which relate to the Church, and Re- 
 miflion of Sins, and Eternal Life, were Parts of 
 the Creed ufed in Cyprian's Time in all the Afri- 
 can Churches. And except the Defcent into 
 Hell, and the Communion of Saints (which are 
 of later Date in the Creed than the Times of 
 .Cyprian or 'TertuUian) all the other Articles are 
 taken notice of by thefe two Primitive Writers. 
 
 sect v Not long after Cyprian lived 
 
 Jhe Creed of Gk- Gregory Bifhop of Neocafarea, 
 gory Thaumatur- common | y CB \\ e< \ fhaumatlirgUS. 
 gus ' Among his Works, publifhed by 
 
 Gerhard Vojjiui of Tongres,v/e have a Creed which 
 he compofed for the Ufe of his own Church, 
 or rather, as Gregory Nyjfen reports in his Life, a 
 Creed which he received in the Entrance on his 
 Miniltry by a Virion from Heaven. The Form 
 is in thefe [»] Words: " There is One God, the 
 " Father of the Living Word, the fubfirting 
 " Wifdom and Power, the Eternal Exprefs Image 
 " of God, who is a Perfect Begetter of a Per- 
 M feci, a Father of an only-begotten Son. And 
 " One Lord, One of One, God of God, the 
 " Character and Image of the Godhead, the 
 " Word of Power, the Wifdom that compre- 
 " hends the whole Syftem of the World, the 
 <c Power that made every Creature. The true 
 " Son of the true Father, Invifible of Invifible, 
 ** Incorruptible of Incorruptible, Immortal of 
 " Immortal, Eternal of Eternal. And one Holy 
 " Ghoft, who has his Exiftence from God, who 
 " was manifefted to Men by the Son, the per- 
 " feci: Image of the perfect Son, the Living 
 " Caufe of all Living, the Fountain of Holinefs, 
 
 " ElTential Sanctity, who is the Author of Holi- 
 " nefs in all others. In whom God the Father 
 " is manifefted, who is above All and in All, 
 " and God the Son, whofe Power runs through 
 " all Things. A perfect Trinity, whofe Glory, 
 w Eternity and Dominion is no way divided or 
 " feparated from each other. In this Trinity 
 " therefore there is nothing created or fervile, 
 " nothing adventitious or extraneous, that did 
 *' not exilt before, but afterward came into it. 
 " The Father was never without the Son, nor 
 " the Son without the Spirit, but the Trinity 
 " abides the fame, Unchangeable and Invariable 
 " for ever. " 
 
 This Creed is not a complete Summary of 
 the Faith, but only fofar as relates to the Doctrine 
 of the Holy Trinity, of which it is one of the 
 molt convincing Teftimonies that is to be met 
 with in any of the Ante-Nicene Fathers j it being 
 particularly defigned againlt the two oppofite 
 Herefies of the Samofatenians and Sabellians, the 
 one of which denied the Divinity of our Saviour, 
 and the other his Perfonal Subfiftence. Some 
 Modern Arians, following Sandius, have objected 
 againlt it, as not Genuine : But the learned Bifhop 
 Bull has abundantly vindicated the Credit of it 
 [0] from the undeniable Evidences of Gregory 
 Nyjfen and St. Bafil, to whofe excellent Differ- 
 tation I refer the Reader. 
 
 In the fame Age with Gregory sect. vi. 
 fhaumaturgus lived Lucian the The Creed of La- 
 Martyr, who fuffered in the laft cian the Mar V- 
 Perfecution under Diocletian. He was Presbyter 
 of the Church of Antioch, where he wrote a 
 Confeflion of Faith in Oppofition to the Sabel- 
 lians. The Form is recorded both by Athanafius 
 fj>], and Socrates, \jf\, and Hilary, who comments 
 upon it, and vindicates it from the Objections 
 which fome made againft it, becaufe it was pro- 
 duced by the Arians in the Council of Antioch 
 under Conftantius, An. 341, as if it had favoured 
 their Opinion ; which Hilary fhews it did not, 
 though there were fome Expreflions in it againft 
 the SabellianSj that might he wrefted to an He- 
 retical Senfe [as any Catholick Words may be] 
 conrrary to the Mind of the Author. TheForm, 
 as delivered by St. Hilary, runs thus : " We be- 
 " lieve [r] according to the Tradition of the 
 
 M Gofpels 
 
 \m\ Cypr. Ep. 70. ad Epifc. Numid. p. 190. Sed 8c ipfa In- 
 terrogatio quae fit in baptifmo, teftis eft veritatis. Nam, cum 
 dicimus, Credis in vitam aeternam, 8c Remifllonem peccatorum 
 per Sanftam Ecclefiam ? Intelligimus remilTionem peccatorum 
 non nifi in Ecdefia dari, 8cc. [n] Gregor. Neocsefar. Oper. 
 p. :. 8c ap. Greg. Ny(T. Tom. 3. p. f$6. Oils. •niTiip Xoyn 
 
 T5A(W>? 'fiuVHTWp, 'GTitTlip l/« (J.OVO-fyjxf Hf )tvei@- , 
 
 //or©- In fron, wc ©=«, 8cc. [0] Bull. Defenf. Fid. Nic. 
 Sect. 2. cap. 12. n. 2. [/>] Athan. de Synod. Arimin. 8c 
 
 Selcuc. Tom. 1. p. 892. [q] Socrat. Lib. 2. c. 10. 
 
 [r] Hilar, de Synodis, p. 107. Conlequenter Evangelicae 8c Apo- 
 ftolicae tradition! credimus in unum Deum Patrem Omnipoten- 
 tem, cunftorum qux funt zedificatorem 8c fa£rorem 8c proviibrem, 
 ex quo omnia : Et in unum Dominum Jefum Chriftum, Filium 
 ipfius unigenitum, Deum per quern omnia, qui generatus eft ex 
 Patre, Deum ex Deo, Totum ex Toto, Unum ex Uno, Perfeftum 
 
 de Perfedo, Regem de Rege, Dominum de Domino, Verbum, Sa- 
 pientiam, Vitam, Lumen verum, Viam veram, Refurreclionem, 
 Paftorem, Januam, inconvertibilem & immutabilem, Diviniratis 
 Euentixque 8c Virtutis 8c Gloria; incommutabilem Imaginem, pri- 
 mum editum totius creature, qui Temper fuit in principio apud 
 Deum Verbum Deus, juxta quod dictum eft in Evangelio: Et 
 Deus erat Verbum, per quern omnia facta funt, 8c in quo omnia 
 conftanr, qui in noviflimis diebus defcendit de fummis, 8c natus 
 eft ex Virgine fecundum Scripturas, 8c agnus fa&us eft mediator 
 Dei 8c hominum, praedeftinatus fidei noftrse 8c dux vita: ; dixit 
 quippe, Non enim defcendi de ccelo,ut facerem voluntatem meam, 
 fed voluntatem ejus qui me mifit. Qui partus eft, 8c refurrexit pro 
 nobis tertia die, 8c afcendit in ccelcs, 8c fedet in dextera Patris, 8c 
 itcrum venturus eft cum gloria judiare vivos 8c morruos. 
 
 Et in Sanctum Spiritum, qui in Paraclefin 8c Sanctificationem 
 8c Confummationem credentibus datus eft, juxta quod 8c Domi- 
 nus Jefus Chriftus ordinavit difcipulis, dicens, Pcrgite 8c docete 
 
 univerfts 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian 
 
 Church. 
 
 447 
 
 " Gofpcls and Apoflles, in One God the Fa- 
 " ther Almighty, Creator, and Maker, and 
 " Governour of all Things, of whom are all 
 " Things : And in One Lord Jefus Chrifl his 
 " only-begotten Son, who is God, by whom are 
 " all Thing*, who was begotten of the Father, 
 " God of God, Whole of Whole, One of One, 
 " Peried of Perfed, King of King, Lord of 
 " Lord, the Word, the Wifdom, the Life, the 
 u true Light, the true Way, the Refurre&ion, 
 " the Shepherd, the Gate, the Incommutable 
 " Unchangeable Image of the Divine EfTence, 
 ct Power and Glory, the Firfl-born of every 
 <c Creature, who was always from the Beginning 
 " God the Word with God, according to what 
 " is faid in the Gofpel, And the IVord was 
 " God; by whom all Things were made, and in 
 " whom all Things fubfill, who in the lafl Days 
 " defcended from on High, and was born of a 
 " Virgin according to the Scriptures, and being 
 " the Lamb of God, He was made the Mediator 
 " between God and Men, being fore-ordained 
 " to be the Author of our Faith and Life : For 
 " he faid, / came not from Heaven to do my own 
 " Wil^ but the Will of Him that fent me. Who 
 " fuffered and rofe again for us the third Day, 
 " and afcended into Heaven, and fitteth on the 
 " Right Hand of the Father, and He fhall come 
 " again with Glory to judge the Quick and the 
 " De-id. And we believe in the Holy Ghofl, 
 " which is given to Believers for their Confola- 
 Ci tion, and San&ification, and Confummation, 
 " according to what our Lord Jefus Chrift ap- 
 " pointed his Difciples, faying, Go, teach all Na- 
 *' Hons, baptizing them in the Name of the Father, 
 " aid of the Son, and of the Holy Ghofl. Whence 
 <c the Properties of the Father are manifeft, de- 
 " noting Him to be truly a Father j and the Pro- 
 c< perries of the Son, denoting Him to be truly a 
 tc Son j and the Properties of the Holy Spirit, 
 " denocing him to be truly the Holy Ghofl: 
 14 Thefe Names not being fimply put and to no 
 cc purpofe, but to exprefs the particular Sub- 
 " fiftence, or Hypoftatick Sub fiance, as the Greeks 
 " term it, of each Perfon named, fo as to de- 
 " note them to be three in Hypoftafis, and one 
 " by Confonance. " 
 
 This Creed was anciently fufpe&ed by fome 
 as an Arian Creed, becaufe of the term three Hy- 
 poflafes, or three Subflances, in Hilary's Trans- 
 lation. But Hilary Sufficiently clears it from this 
 Sufpicion, by fhewing, that thefe Terms were 
 only ufed to oppofe the Sabellians, who made the 
 three Perfons no more than three Names: and 
 
 that all other ExprefTions in it are very full and 
 fignificant againfl the Arian Hercfy. And there- 
 fore neither does he cenfure the Council of Ar.~ 
 tioch as Arians, who only repeated and adopted 
 this Creed from Lucian, but he calls them a Sy- 
 nod of ninety five holy Bifhops, who intended 
 thereby to eftablifh the Catholick Faith agamic, 
 the Sabellians chiefly, though not without a fuf- 
 flcient Guard againfl the Anomceans or Arians. 
 His Words are thefe \s~\: The holy Synod in- 
 tending todcflroy the Impiety of thofe Hercticks, 
 who eluded the true Faith of a Father, Son, and 
 Holy Ghofl, by the Equivocation of three Names 
 only, that by a triple Appellation, without any 
 real Subfiflence belonging to each Name, they 
 might under the falfe Shadow of three Names 
 introduce fuch an Unity, as that the Father alone, 
 though but One and the fame, fhould have the 
 Name of the Holy Spirit, and of the Son alfo: 
 Therefore the Synod ufed the Term, Three Sub- 
 flances or Hypoflafesj meaning by Subllances, 
 fubfifling Perfons, and not intending to introduce 
 fuch a Divifion of Subflance in the Father, Son, 
 and Holy Ghofl, as implies a Diffimilitude and 
 Diverfity of EfTence: [which was the Herefy of 
 the Arians, who made the Father only God, and 
 the other Two Perfons only Creatures, fo divid- 
 ing the Subflance by a Diverfity of Nature or 
 EfTence: Which this Council did not:] And 
 therefore Hilary fays, They were not to be 
 blamed, though they fpake of the Divine Per- 
 fons as of Three Subflances or Hypoflafes, and 
 One by Confent, becaufe they meant no more 
 than real fubfifling Perfons, in Oppofition to 
 the Sabellians. Yet notwithflanding this jufl 
 Defence and Apology made by St. Hilary for 
 this Council, it is condemned by Baronius, Binnius, 
 Hermantius, and many other Modern Writers, 
 as an Arian Council. But the learned Schelflrate 
 has written an accurate DifTertation in favour of 
 this Council, wherein he anfwers [/] all the Ob- 
 jections made by Baronius and his Followers, ei- 
 ther againfl this Council or the Creed of Lucian 
 the Martyr } which is alfo done by our learned 
 Bifhop Bull [«], to whofe DifTertations I refer 
 the curious Reader. 
 
 About the time of Lucian SECT. vir. 
 
 the Martyr, in the latter End of The Creed °f the 
 
 the third Century, Cotelerius fup- ^P oftolical Con- 
 
 r »l i\ § ^ ., r ftitutions. 
 
 poles the Author or Compiler 
 
 of the Book called The Apoftolical Conftitutions 
 
 to have lived } which I think more probable, 
 
 than either the Opinion of thofe, who thrufl 
 
 univerfas gentes, baptizantes eas in nomine Patris, 8c Filii, 8c Spi- 
 ritus Sandti. Manifefta utique Patris, vere Patris, certaque Filii, 
 vere Filii, notaque Spiritus Sancti, vere Spiritus San&i ; hifque 
 nominibus non Simpliciter, neque otiose propofitis, fed fignifican- 
 tibus diligenter propriam uniufcujufque nominatorum Subftantiam 
 Sc Ordinem 8c Gloriam, ut fint quidem per fubftantiam tria, per 
 Confonantiam vero unum. 7tj "vmrucru Tei<*» th q rvfjLQuv'iet. tv. 
 So the Greek in Socrates and Athanafrus. [ s ] Hilar, de 
 
 Synodis, p. 108. Volens igitur congregata fanctorum Synodus im- 
 pietatem earn periraere, qua: veritatem Patris, Filii, 8c Spiritus 
 Sandti nominum numero cluderet, ut non fubfiftente caufa uniufr 
 
 Vol. I, 
 
 cujufque nominis triplex nuncupatio obtineret fub falfitate nominum 
 unionem, ut Pater folus atque unus idem atque ipfe haberet 8c Spi- 
 ritus Sanfti nomen 8c Filii : Idcirco tres Subftantias efle dixerunf, 
 fubfiftentium Perfonas per fubftantias edocentes, non fubftan- 
 tiam Patris 8c Filii 8c Spiritus Sancti diverfitate diifimilis 
 Eflentia: feparantes. Quod autem dictum eft, ut fint quidem per 
 Subftantiam tria, per Confonantiam vero unum, non habet calum- 
 niam, See. [t] Schelftrat. Sacrum Concilium Anrio- 
 
 chenum reftitutum. Differt. 3. c. 2. p. 100, \u] BuIL 
 
 Defenf. Fid. Nic. Sect, a, c. i}- n. 6 4 ~" * 
 
 L 111 % 
 
 him 
 
448 
 
 The Antiqjjitxes of the BookX. 
 
 him down to the fifth Century, or the Opinion 
 of Mr. Whifton, who will needs have this Book 
 not only to be the genuine Work of Clemens 
 Romanus, but the Work of a divine and infpired 
 Writer. For this rcafon I fpeak of him in this 
 Place next after Lucian, as one that has left 
 us the Form of an ancient Creed, then moft pro- 
 bably ufed in fome of the Eaflern or Greek 
 Churches. For he brings in the Catechumen 
 making his Profeflion in thefe Words: " I be- 
 " lieve [x], and am baptized in one Unbegotten, 
 u the only true God Almighty, the Father of 
 <c Chrift, the Creator and Maker of all things, 
 <c of whom are all things: And in one Lord 
 w Jefus Chrift, his only-begotten Son, the Firft- 
 et born of every Creature, who before all Ages 
 <c was begotten, not made, by the good Will 
 ct of the Father, by whom all Things were made 
 " in Heaven and in Earth, Vifible and Invifible, 
 <c who in the lad Times came down from Hea- 
 *' ven, and taking Flefh upon him, was born of 
 M the holy Virgin Mary, and lived an holy Life 
 < l according to the Laws of God his Father, 
 * c and was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and 
 " died for us, and the third Day after he had 
 <c fuffered, rofe again from the Dead, and af- 
 " cended into Heaven, and fitteth at the Right 
 " Hand of the Father, and fhall come again with 
 " Glory in the End of the World to judge both 
 ic the Quick and Dead, of whofe Kingdom 
 " there fhall be no End. And I am baptized 
 <c into the Holy Ghoft, that is to fay, the Com- 
 " forter, which wrought effectually in all the 
 " Saints from the Beginning of the World, and 
 <c was afterward fent to the Apoftles by the Fa- 
 " ther, according to the Promife of our Lord 
 " and Saviour Jefus Chrift, and after the Apoftles 
 <c to all others, who in the Holy Catholick 
 <l Church believe the Refurrection of the Flefh, 
 <c the Remiflion of Sins, the Kingdom of 
 " Heaven, and the Life of the World to come. " 
 
 Some have fufpected this Author of Arianifm, 
 but there is nothing of it appears in this Creed : 
 For though he gives the Title of dy'^nrov only 
 to the Father, yet that is I no more than what 
 Alexander and Athanafius, and all the Oppofers 
 of Arius always did, who never aflerted cTu'o 
 dyivvYircty as thofe Words fignify, two Abfolute, 
 Co-ordinate, Unbegotten Principles, which is 
 the proper Notion of two Godsj but always re- 
 ferred the Title of dfyvwcv, Unbegotten, to the 
 Father only, as the Eternal Principle and Foun- 
 tain of the Deityj and ftyled the Son, /jtovo^n 
 ©jov, the Only-begotten God, which is the 
 proper Notion of the Son of God, who is nei- 
 ther created, nor unbegotten, but eternally be- 
 gotten of the Subftance of the Father j and this 
 Title of ixovoyivris ©so?, the only-begotten God, 
 is the fame as this very Author of the Conftitu- 
 pons elfewherej afcribes [y ] to the Son, whom he 
 
 makes to be no Creature, but God, in this only 
 differing from the Father, that he is not Unbe- 
 gotten j which is neceffhry to the Notion of a 
 Sonj for it were a Contradiction to fay, He is 
 the Son of God, and yet Unbegotten alfo. I ob- 
 ferve this, to fhew, how little Advantage the 
 Modern Arians have from this Author, if we 
 allow him but that favourable Interpretation, 
 which in Juftice ought to be allowed to all an- 
 tient Catholick Writers. 
 
 We may farther obferve, That though this 
 Creed be the fame in Subftance with the Roman 
 Creed, which is commonly called the Apoftles 
 Creed, yet it differs from it very much in Phiafe 
 and Expreflion, and comes nearer the Creed of 
 the Eaflern Church } and though it be as perfeft 
 as any of that Age, yet it has neither the Ar- 
 ticle of the Defcent into Hell, nor the Commu- 
 nion of Saints exprefsly mentioned in it: Which 
 fhews that thefe Articles were not totidem 
 verbis inferted into the firft Creeds of the 
 Church. 
 
 Thus far I have collected sect. viii. 
 the fcattered Remains of the an- The Creed °f J e - 
 tient Creeds, which were com- rufalem - 
 pofed before the Nicene Creed, for the Ufe of 
 feveral Churches } as they are Hill upon Record 
 in private Writers. But we have fome more 
 perfect Forms alfo remaining, as thofe of Jeru- 
 falem, Cafarea, Antioch, Alexandria and Rome, by 
 comparing which together, the Reader may ea- 
 fily perceive, how the Unity of the Faith was 
 exactly agreed upon, and preferved with fome 
 Variety of Expreillon. The Creed of the Church 
 of Jerufalem we have imperfectly in St. James's 
 Liturgy, and more perfect in the catechetical 
 Difcourfes of Cyril Bifliop of Jerufalem, which 
 are an Exposition upon it. In St. Jameses Li- 
 turgy we have only the beginning of the Creed, 
 " 1 believe in one God the Father Almighty [z] 
 " Maker of Heaven and Earth, and in One Lord 
 " Jefus Chrift, the Son of God." But the re- 
 maining Articles are not inferted, as being vul- 
 garly known without reciting. However, in 
 Cyril's Catechifms the Articles are rchearfed at full 
 length, and when collected together they run in 
 this Form : 
 
 " I believe in one God [a] the Father Almighty, 
 " Maker of Heaven and Earth, and of all 
 " Things Vifible and Invifible : And in one 
 <c Lord Jefus Chrift, the only- begotten Son of 
 " God, begotten of the Father before all Ages, 
 " the True God, by whom all Things were 
 " made, who was Incarnate and made Man, who 
 " was crucified and buried, and the third Day 
 <c he rofe again from the Dead, and afcended into 
 " Heaven, and fitteth on the Right Hand of 
 " the Father, and fhall come to judge the Quick 
 *' and Dead, of whofe Kingdom there fhall be 
 
 [x] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 7.C. 41. irisiiu x} (ia.'&ji^ofJi.Ai yiwn$'iv}<t, « xji&WTt/., &c. 
 ee dy<ivvnrov, [/.'ovav dhnQivov &iov vavIok^.to^ t nitrify. 7. c. 43. Lib. 8. c. 7, n, 12, 17 
 
 iVtt cLyiVVYlTOV, [J.6VQV ~ 
 
 ^ei(T x.vetov 'inotv t Xe*roc> t [/.ovoyivn aura qw» <r <3rf<u- 
 
 Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. Tom. a. p. 
 :hef. 6, Sec. 
 
 [y] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 
 [xj Jacobi Liturg. in 
 [«] Cyril. Cate- 
 
 rs 
 
 no 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Ch u r c h. 
 
 49 
 
 " no End. And in the Holy Ghofl the Com- 
 " fortcr, who (pake by the Prophets. In one 
 " Raptifrn of Repentance, in the Rcmitfion of 
 " Sins, in one Caiholick Church, in the Rcfur- 
 " rcclion of the Flefh, and in Life Everlaft- 
 
 That this Creed was neither the Nicene Creed, 
 nor the Conftantinopolitan, is cvidenr, becaufe it 
 wants the Word Confubftantial, and other Titles, 
 which are given to the Son in the Nicene Creed : 
 Nor has it the full Explication of the Character 
 of the Holy Ghofl, which was afterward made in 
 the Conjiantinopolitan Creed: Which is not to be 
 wonder'dat, becaufe Cjr//'s Catechifms were writ- 
 ten fome Years before the Council of Conftanti- 
 pople was held. Therefore it mult be the antient 
 Creed of Jerufalem, as Learned Men have \_b~\ 
 rightly concluded, and hence alfo obferved, That 
 the Oriental Creeds had originally the Articles 
 that follow jhe Holy Ghoft, viz. The Catholick 
 Church, The RemifTionof Sins, The Refurre&i- 
 on of the Flefh, and Eternal Life. Only the Com- 
 munion of Saints, and Defcent into Hell, are want- 
 ing in it. 
 
 sect ix. A n d fo we find in the Creed of 
 The creed of Cx- cafarea m p a Mine, in the Profef- 
 
 iirea in Paieftine. r c t> r i • c l 
 
 iionor which, Eufebiusiays he was 
 
 baptized, and catechized j the Defcent into Hell 
 
 is not mentioned in it. But it differs in Expref- 
 
 fion from the Jerufalem Creed, and comes up the 
 
 neareft to the Nicene Creed of any other. The 
 
 Form, as it was propofed by Eufebius himfelf to 
 
 the Council of Nice, is in thefe Words: c< We 
 
 " believe in One God, the Father [c] Almighty, 
 
 " Maker of all Things Vifible and I nvifible : And 
 
 " in One Lord Jefus Chrift, the Word of God, 
 
 " God of God, Light of Light, Life of Life, 
 
 <c his only-begotten Son, the Firft-born of every 
 
 <c Creature, begotten of the Father before all A- 
 
 c< ges, by whom all Things were made; who for 
 
 <c our Salvation was Incarnate, and converfed a- 
 
 *' mong Men, and fuffered, and rofe again the 
 
 « Third Day, and afcended unto the Father, and 
 
 <c mall come again to judge the Quick and the 
 
 " Dead. We believe alfo in one Holy Spirit. E- 
 
 '« very one of thefe we believe to be and exiftj 
 
 " We confefs the Father to be truly a Father, 
 
 <c the Son truly a Son, the Holy Ghoft truly an 
 
 <c Holy Ghofl, .according to what our Lord, 
 
 <{ when he fent his Difciplesto preach, faid, Go 
 
 " teach all Nations, baptizing them in the Name 
 
 " of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Ho- 
 
 " ly Ghoft. " 
 
 The Articles that follow the Holy Ghoft are 
 
 here omitted, only for the fame Reafon, as I fhall 
 
 ihew hereafter they were omitted in the Nicene 
 
 Creed, becaufe then no Difpute was made about 
 them, and only fo much of the Creed was now 
 produced as was neccfl'u y to be mentioned in Op- 
 pofition to the Avian Hercfy. 
 
 The Creed of Alexandria was sect x. 
 fomevvhat fhorter than this, and is The Creed c f A - 
 fuppofed by learned Men to be lc " ndria - 
 that which Arias and Euzoius delivered in to Con- 
 flantine, when they made a fort of feigned Re- 
 cantation before him. The Form is recorded in 
 Socrates [//] in thefe Words: " We believe in 
 " One God the Father Almighty, and in Jefus 
 u Chrift his Son our Lord, God the Word, be- 
 " gotten of Him before all Ages, by whom all 
 <£ Things were made that are in Heaven and in 
 " Earth j who came down from Heaven, and was 
 " Incarnate, and fuffered, and rofe again, and af- 
 w cended into Heaven, and fhall come again to 
 " judge the Quick and the Dead. And in the 
 <£ Holy Ghoft, and in the Refurrcction of the 
 " Flefh, and in the Life of the World to come, 
 " and in the Kingdom of Heaven, and in one ca- 
 '' tholick Church of God extended from one End 
 " of the Earth to the other. " 
 
 The Creed of the Church of sect. xr. 
 Antioch feems to be that which is Thi creed of Un- 
 recorded in Cajfian, who delivers tioch- 
 it as it was probably received in that Church from 
 the time of the Apoftles, only with the Additi- 
 on of the Word Confubftantial, inferted from the 
 time of the Council of Nice. " The Text and 
 " Faith of the Creed of Antioch, fays he, is this : 
 " [<?] 1 believe in the only true God the Father 
 " Almighty, Maker of all Creatures Vifible and 
 " Invifible: And in Jefus Chrift our Lord, his 
 " only-begotten Son, the Firft-born of every Crea- 
 " ture, born of him before all Age?, and not made, 
 
 r cry God of very, God, Confubftantial with the 
 cc Father, by whom the World was framed, and 
 " all Things made. Who for our Sakes came 
 " and was born of the Virgin Mary, and was cru- 
 " cified under Pontius Pilate, and buried, and the 
 " third Day rofe again according to the Scrip- 
 tc tures, and afcended into Heaven, and fhall come 
 " again to judge the Quick and the Dead." 
 
 Cajjian here repeats not the whole Creed, but 
 only thofe Articles that were proper to be urged 
 againft Neftorius, who had been Baptized into this 
 Faith, and by this Creed at Antioch, from which 
 he fliews his Prevarications, and how he had flatt- 
 ed from the Profeffion which he himfelf had made 
 in the Words of this Creed both at his Bapttfm 
 and Ordination, leaving the remaining Articles 
 unrecited. 
 
 [6] Bull. Judic. Ecclef. Cathol. &c. cap. 6. n. f. [c] Eufeb. 
 Epilt. ad Ecclefiara Cxfar. ap. Socrat. Lib, cap. 8. [d] Socrat. 
 lib. i . c. 26. [e] Caflian de Incarnat. lib. 6. p. 1272. Textus 
 ergo 8c Fides Antiocheni Symboli hxc eft. Credo in unurn 5c folum 
 verum Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, Creatorem omnium vifibili- 
 um 8c invilibilium creaturarum. Et in Dominum noftrum Jefum 
 Chriftum, Filium ejus unigenitum, 8c Primogenitum totius crea- 
 
 ture, ex eo natum ante omnia Cxcuh, 8c non factum, Deum ve- 
 rum ex Deo vero, Humoufion Patri, per quern 8c fecula compagi- 
 nata funt 8c omnia facTra. Qui propter nos venit £c natus eft ex 
 Maria Virgine, 8c crucifixu; fub Tontio-Pilato, 8c fcpultus, 8c tenia 
 die refurrexit fecundum Scripturas, 8c in ccelos afcendit, 8c iterum 
 veniet judicare vivos 8c mortuos. Et reliqua. 
 
 The 
 
45° 
 
 7he Antiquities of the 
 
 Book X. 
 
 SECT. xil. The Reader may eafily per- 
 xhe Roman Creed, ceive, by comparing the foremen- 
 commonly called the tioned Creeds, that the Articles of 
 Apoftles Creed. the Communion of Saints, and the 
 Defcent into Hell, are not exprefly mentioned in 
 any of them : Nor were they originally in the 
 Roman Creed, which is commonly called the A- 
 pojlles Greedy as appears not only from the Tefti- 
 mony of Ruffin, but from fome antient Copies of 
 this Creed ftill remaining. Bifhop UJIoer [/] 
 met with two Copies here in England, which wan- 
 ted thefe Additions, and alfo that of Life Ever- 
 lafting. The one was in Greek, though written 
 in Saxon Characters, at the End of King Athel- 
 fian's Pfalter, about the Year 705. And the other 
 in Latin, but both exactly in the fame Form of 
 Words : " I believe in God the Father Almigh- 
 " tyj and in Jefus Chrift his only-begotten Son 
 tc our Lord, who was born of the Holy Ghoft 
 " and the Virgin Mary, and was crucified under 
 " Pontius Pilate, and was buried, and the third 
 " Day rofe again from the Dead, afcended into 
 " Heaven, fittcth on the Right Hand of the Fa- 
 " ther, whence He fhall come to judge the Quick 
 " and the Dead. And in the Holy Ghoft, the 
 " Holy Church, the Remiffion of Sins, and 
 " the Refurrection of the Flefh. Amen. 
 
 The Variations of thefe antient Forms from the 
 prefentForm of the Apoflles Creed, in the want of 
 feveral Words that have fince been added, are 
 noted by Bifhop UJher, who alfo obferves, that 
 this Creed is delivered by feveral antient Authors 
 with fome Variety of Expreffion. For in fome 
 Authors, which ufe this Creed, Life Everlafting 
 is added after the Refurrection of the Flefli. As 
 in the Homilies of Petrus Chryfologus [g] Bifliop 
 of Ravenna, where he expounds this Creed. And 
 in the Author of the Book De Symbolo ad Cate- 
 chumenoS) in the Ninth Tome of St. Auflin'% 
 Works. And in the Creed which Marcellus Bi- 
 fhop of Ancyra prefented to Pope Julius, which 
 is recorded in Epiphanius [&]. But others con- 
 clude this Creed with the Refurrection of the 
 Flefh, and make noexprefs mention of Life Ever- 
 lafting} not that they fuppofed it to be no Ar- 
 ticle of Faith, but becaufe it was included in the 
 other Article of the Refurrection, as they rightly 
 expound it. St. Jerom fays plainly [z], That the 
 Creed was concluded with the Refurrection of 
 the Flefh. And Maximus Taurinenfis [£], who ex- 
 pounds every Article of it diftinctly, fays the fame. 
 And St. Auflin alfo [/] concludes the Creed with 
 the Refurrection of the Flefli, but then he in- 
 
 cludes Eternal Life in the Expofition of ir. For, 
 fays he, when the Refurrection of the Body 15 
 effected, we fhall be freed from the Conditions 
 of Time, and enjoy Eternal Life with Ineffable 
 Charity and Stability without Corruption. And 
 fo the Author of the Sermons De Tempore [^un- 
 der his Name: The Refurrection of the Flefh is 
 the End of all, but it is an End without End. 
 For there is no Death after that. Therefore they 
 made it the Conclufion of the Creed, becaufe it 
 was the Conclufion of all Things in this World. 
 
 And thus it was in the Creed of sect. Xli.L 
 the Church of Aquileia, which *f Creed e f A " 
 differedin other Points both from quiba * 
 the Roman and Oriental Creeds. For Ruffinus, who 
 wrote an Expofition upon it, concludes tt with the 
 Article of the Refurrection, and neither mentions 
 nor expounds the Article of Eternal Life, but on- 
 ly tacitly, as it is implied in the Refurrection. In 
 other Articles fome Additions were made to this 
 Creed, which were not in the Roman : For here 
 the Defcent into Hell is particularly mentioned j 
 and not only the Refurrection of the Flefh in ge- 
 neral, but the Refurrection of this Flefh in par- 
 ticular } and in the fir ft Article, after the Word 
 Almighty, were added, Impartible and Invifible, 
 as peculiar Appellations of God the Father. For 
 it was thus conceived : tc I believe in God the 
 " Father Almighty, Invifible and Impaffible \n\ : 
 " And in Jefus Chrift his only Son our Lord, 
 " who was born by the Holy Ghoft of the Vir- 
 tC gin Mary, was crucified under Pontius Pilate, 
 " and buried ; he defcended into Hell, and the 
 " third Day rofe aguin from the Dead, and af- 
 " cended into Heaven, and fitteth on the Right 
 <c Hand of the Father, whence He fh.nH come to 
 " Judge the Quick and the Dead. And in the 
 " Holy Ghoft, the Holy Catholick Church, the 
 " Remiffion of Sins, and the Refurrection of this 
 (i Flefh." 
 
 The Reafon of adding the Words, Invifible 
 and Impaffible, to this Creed, which were not in 
 the Roman, was to obviate the Sabellianov Patri- 
 pajfian Herefy, which afTerted, That God the Fa- 
 ther was born of the Virgin, and fo made Vifible 
 and Paffible in the Flefh. In Oppofition to which 
 Impiety, Ruffinus [0] fays, their Forefathers feetn 
 to have added thole Words, profeffing the Father 
 to be Invifible and Impaffible, that is, That He 
 never was Incarnate, as the Son only was, and 
 not the Father. The Defcent into Hell is alfo al- 
 moft peculiar to this Creed : For excepting this 
 
 [/] UfTer. de Symbolis, p. 6. [g\ Petrus Chryfol. Hornil. $7, 
 Cyc. [h~\ Epiph. Haer. 72. Marcel, n. 3. [/] Hieron. Ep. 6r. ad 
 Pammach. in Symbolo Fidei— pod Confeflionem Trinitatis 5c Uni- 
 tatem Ecclefise, omne Chriftiani dogmatis Sacramentum Carnis Re- 
 furreftione concluditur. [k] Maxim. Taurin. Horn. 1. de Diverfis, 
 p. 239. Hie Religionis noftroe finis, hxc fumma credendi eft. [/] 
 Aug. de Fide 8c Symbolo. Torn. 2. p. 66. Qua corporis Refurre&i- 
 one facia, a temporis conditione liberati, a?terna vita ineffabili chari- 
 tate 8c Habilitate fine corruptione perfruemur. [»;] Aug. Serm. 
 1 19. De Tempore, Tom. 10. p. 306. Ifte jam finis eft. Sed finis erit 
 fine fine Refurrcftio Carnis, 8cc. [«] Ruffin. Expof. Symboli ad 
 ealcem Cypriani, p. jo. Credo in Deum Patrem, Omnipotentem, 
 
 Invifibilem 8c Impafiibilem. Et in Chriftum Jefum unicum Filium 
 ejus, Dominum noftrum, cjui natus eft de Spiritu Sando ex Maria 
 Virgine, crucifixus fub Pontio Pilato, 8c lepultus, defcendit ad inter- 
 na : Tertia die refurrexit a mortui?, afcendit in Ccelos, ledet ad dex- 
 teram Patris: Inde venturus eft judicare vivos 8c mortuos. Etin Spi- 
 ritum Sanctum, Sanctam Eccleliam Catkolicam, Remiflionem pec- 
 catorum, hujus Carnis Refurreftionem. [0] Ruffin. ibid. p. 19. 
 Sciendum quod duoifti Sermonesin Ecclefia: Romanse Symbolo non 
 habentur : Conftat autem apud nos additos hxrefeos caufa Sabellii, il- 
 lius profedlo quae a noflris Patripafliana appellatur ; id eft, qu£ Pa- 
 trem ipfum vel cx Virgine natum dicit, & Viiibilem fa&um, vel 
 paftum affirmat in carne. 
 
 and 
 
Chap. VI. Christian Church. 45-1 
 
 and the Creed of the Council of Sirmium or Ari- 
 minum mentioned by Socrates[p], this Article was 
 not exprefly mentioned inany other Creed of this 
 Agej though Ruffians thinks it was always im- 
 plied in the word Buried, which he reckons of 
 the fame Importance. When it fir ft came into 
 the Roman Creed, the Reader may find a particu- 
 lar Account in Bilhop Pearfon, who fpeaks of it 
 as done about the Year Six Hundred. 
 
 SECT Xiv. I have hitherto given an Ac- 
 \1he Niccne Creel COU nt G f all fuch Creeds as might 
 as firft puMJM by be rec j conec j f (jfe in the Church 
 
 the Council of Wee, , r i >n- . , r . 
 
 J before the 1 lme of the Nicene 
 
 Council. 1 fhall now give the like Account of 
 the firlt forming of the Niccne Creed, and how it 
 was afterward compleated and put into a new 
 Form by the Council of Conftantinople. The Creed 
 as fir it publifhed by the Council of Nice, was in 
 thefeWords: "We believe in One God Almighty 
 " [s\ Maker of all Things, Vifible and Invifible: 
 " And in one Lord Jcfus Chrift, the Son of God, 
 <{ begotten of the Father, the only-begotten, that 
 " is, ofthe Subrtanceof the Father, God of God, 
 <c Light of Light, very God of very God, be- 
 " gotten not made, of one Subflance with the 
 " Father, by whom all Things both in Heaven 
 " and Earth were made. Who for us Men and 
 " our Salvation came down from Heaven, and 
 " was Incarnate and made Man, and fuffered, and 
 " the third Day rofe again, and afcended into 
 " Heaven, and fhall come again to judge the 
 ct Quick and the Dead. And in the Holy Ghofl. 
 £< And thofe who fay, There was a Time when 
 " the Son of God was not, or that he did not 
 " exifl before he was made, becaufe he was made 
 " out of Nothing, or of another Subflance or 
 " EfTence, or that he was created or mutable, 
 <e the Catholick and Apoftolick Church Anathe- 
 matizes them." 
 
 This Creed often occurs in the Writings of 
 the antient Fathers and Councils in this very 
 Form. As in Athanafius Epift. ad Jovian. Tom. t. 
 p. 2.47. Hilar, de Synodis, p. 1 14. Leo, Ep. j". ad 
 Leonem Pmpcrat. The Council of Rome under 
 Julius, An. $37. The Council of Ephefus, Epift. ad 
 Nefior. The Council of Chalcedon, A£t.z. The Coun- 
 cil of Hippo, thetfth Council of Carthage, the Pre- 
 face to the African Code, the 3d Councilof Bracara, 
 the 3d and 13th of Toledo, the fth General Coun- 
 cil of Conftantinople, Act 17. and many others. 
 
 Now fome Learned Perfons have been of Opi- 
 nion, That the ancient Creeds before the Coun- 
 cil of Nice, had none of the Articles which fol- 
 low after the Holy Ghofl, but all ended as that 
 does, with thofe Words, And in the Holy Ghoft. 
 This was the Opinion of Vofftus and Erafmus-, 
 and Bilhop U/her fays, he was once inclined to 
 think fo himfelf, but upon better Consideration, 
 he profelTes [r] he found it neceflary to alter his 
 Judgment. For it plainly appears from mod: of 
 the Forms before recited, That feveralof the Ar- 
 
 ticles which follow after the Holy Gholl, were 
 always a Part of the Creed: And the Reafonwhy 
 the Council of Nice repeated them nor, was only 
 becaufe there was then no Difpute about them, 
 and they only rehearfed fo much of the former 
 Crecds as there was then Occafion for, to oppofe 
 the Hercfy of the Arians, leaving the reft to be fup- 
 plied from the former Creeds then generally receiv'd 
 in the Church. This is evident both from the 
 Creeds ufed by the Arians, and thofe that were 
 ufed by the Church, before the Council of Con- 
 ftantinople had fettled and new- modelled the Form 
 of the Nicene Creed that was afterwards gene- 
 rally received in the Church. Thus in the Creed 
 of the Separating Bifhops in the Council of Sar- 
 dica related by St. Hilary [j] and others, after 
 the Article of the Holy Ghoil, there follows, 
 We believe in the Holy Church, and in Remiffton of 
 Sins, and Eternal Life. Or, as it is more perfectly 
 in his Fragments [/], The Holy Church, the Remif- 
 fton of Sins, the RefurrcElien of the Fleft), and Eternal 
 Life. So again, the Eufebians in their firft Creed, 
 which they publilhed in the Council of Antioch, 
 mentioned both by Athanafius and Socrates [«], 
 after the Article of the Holy Ghofl, add, We 
 believe the Refurreblion of the Fleft), and Eternal 
 Life. Now it were abfurd to think the Arians 
 fhould retain thefe Articles in their Creeds, and 
 in the mean time the Church reject or neglect 
 them. Therefore it is plain the Nicene Creed was 
 only one Part of the ancient Creed, that was ufed 
 at full length in Baptifm, though not here fo reci- 
 ted. And what has been obferved before out of 
 Cyril's Catechifms, is a manitelt Proof of it. 
 
 This is farther evident from SECT. xv. 
 the two Creeds, a fhorter and a TheCr e eJ s of l- 
 longer, recited in Epiphanius, who pip 3nms " 
 wrote his Anchorate fome Years before the Coun- 
 cil of Conftantinople. The fhorter Creed, which 
 he fays every Catechumen repeated at his Baptifm 
 from the Time of the Council of Nice to the tenth 
 Year of Valentintan and Valens, An. 373, was in 
 thefe Words: u We believe [*•] in one God the 
 " Father Almighty, Maker of Heaven and Earth, 
 " and of all things Vifible and Invifible. And in 
 " One Lord Jefus Chrift, the only - begotten Son 
 " of God, begotten of the Father before all A- 
 " ges, that is, of the Subflance of his Father, 
 " Light of Light, very God of very God, bc- 
 " gotten not made, of one Subflance with the 
 61 Father by whom all Things were made which 
 " are in Heaven and in Earth. Who for us 
 <c Men and our Salvation came down from Heaven 
 tc and was incarnate of the Holy Ghofl and the 
 " Virgin Mary, and was made Man, and was 
 u crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, and fuf- 
 " fered and was buried, and the third day rofe a- 
 " gain according to the Scriptures, and afcended 
 " into Heaven, and fitteth on the Right Hand of 
 " the Father. And fhall come again with Glory 
 " to judge both the Quick and the Dead, of 
 
 [/>]Socrat. Lib. 2. cap. 37. [q] Ap. Socrar. lib.!, c. 8. [VjUf- Arim. 8c Seleuc. Tom. 1. p. 892, [x] Epiphan. Anchorat. n- no. 
 fe\ de Symbolis, p. 17. [*] Hilar, de Synodis, p. 108. [<] Hilar.' Tom. 2, p. 122. 
 Fragmcuta, p. 14.0. [«] Socrat. Lib. 2. c. 10. Athanaflde Synod. 
 
 8 « whofe 
 
452 The A n t i qju ities of the B o o k X 
 
 *' whofe Kingdom there fhall be no end. And in 
 " the Holy Ghoft, the Lord and Giver of Life, 
 " who proceeded! from the Father, who with 
 *• the Father and the Son together is worfhipped 
 " and glorified, who fpake by the Prophets. And 
 " in one Catholick and Apoftolick Church. We 
 «« confcfs one Baptifm for the Remiflion of Sins, 
 « and we look for the Refurrection of the Dead, 
 " and the Life of the World to come. But they 
 " who fay, there was a Time when the Son of 
 " God was not, or that he was not before he 
 " was begotten, or that he was made out of No- 
 tc thing, or of any other Subftance or Eflence, 
 " or that he is mutable or changeable, thofe the 
 " Catholick and Apoftolick Church anathema- 
 " tizes. " 
 
 This, fays Epiphanius, is the Faith which was 
 delivered by the Holy Apoftles, and received by 
 the Church in the Council of Nice, where Three 
 Hundred and Eighteen Fathers were prefent. By 
 which he does not mean that thefe Articles were 
 delivered in this very Form either by the Apoftles 
 or the Council of Nice, but that the Church a- 
 greed upon this Form to be ufed at Baptifm, in 
 purfuance of the Doctrine delivered by the A- 
 poftles and the Nicene Fathers. And afterwards 
 upon occafion of the Apollinarians and other He- 
 reticks, which infefted the Church about the 
 Tenth Year of Patent ini an and Valens, and the 6th 
 of Gratian, and the Ninetieth Year of the Dio- 
 cletian Account, that is, An. 573, She enlarged 
 her Creed with a more particular Explication of 
 fome certain Articles in Oppofition to thofe He- 
 refies. And then the Form appointed to be ufed 
 in Baptifm was in thefe Terms, as he informs us 
 in the fame Place. 
 
 " We believe in One God the Father Almigh- 
 " ty, Maker of all Things, Vifible and Invifibki 
 " and in one Lord Jefus Chrift, the Son of God, 
 " begotten of God the Father, the only-begot- 
 *' ten, that is, of the Subftance of the Father, 
 " God of God, Light of Light, very God of 
 « very God, begotten not made, being of one 
 " Subftance with the Father, by whom all 
 <c Things were made, as well in Heaven as in 
 sc Earth, Vifible and Invilible. Who for us Men 
 " and for our Salvation came down from Heaven, 
 *' and was incarnate, that is, was born in perfect 
 " manner of the Holy Virgin Mary, by the Ho- 
 " ly Ghoft, and was made Man, that is, took 
 <{ upon him Perfect Man, Soul and Body and 
 <c Mind, and whatfoever is in Man, Sin only ex- 
 <e cepted i not by the Seed of Man, nor merely 
 " by exifting in Man, but by framing Flefti to 
 " Himfelf into one Holy Unityj not after the man- 
 " ner as He infpired the Prophets, and fpake and 
 " wrought in them, but by being perfectly made 
 " Man. For the Word was made Flefh, not by 
 " undergoing any Change, or transforming the 
 " Godhead into Manhood, but by making one 
 " Perfect and Divine Union. For there is but 
 " one Lord Jefus Chrift, not two, the fame God, 
 
 " the fame Lord, the fame King. Who fufFer- 
 " ed in the Flefh, and rofe again, and afcended 
 " with his Body into Heaven, and fitteth in Glo- 
 " ry at the Right Hand of the Father $ whence 
 " he {hall come with Glory in the fame Body to 
 u judge the Quick and Dead, of whofe King- 
 " dom there fhall be no End. We believe in the 
 " Holy Ghoft, who fpake in the Law, and 
 " preached by the Prophets, and defcended 
 " at Jordan - t who fpake by the Apoftles, and 
 " dwells in the Saints: And thus we believe of him, 
 " that he is the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of God, the 
 66 Perfect Spirit, the Comforter, uncreated, pro- 
 " ceeding from the Father, receiving from the 
 " Son, in whom we believe. We believe in one 
 t£ Catholick and Apoftolick Church, in one Bap- 
 " tifm of Repentance, in the Refurrection of the 
 " Dead, in the juft Judgment of Body and Soul, 
 " in the Kingdom of Heaven, and Life everlaft- 
 " ing. And thofe that fay, There was a Time 
 u when the Son or the Holy Ghoft was nor, or 
 " that they were made out of Nothing, or of a- 
 " nother Subftance or Eflence j that fay, the Son 
 <{ of God, or the Holy Ghoft are mutable or 
 " changeable } thofe the Catholick and Apofto- 
 " lick Church, the Mother of us and you, ana- 
 " thematizes. And again, we anathematize thofe 
 " that confefs not the Refurrection of the Dead, 
 " and all Herefies which accord not to this Holy 
 " Faith. " 
 
 Now if thefe Creeds were in Ufe in the 
 Church at the Time which Epiphanius mentions, 
 then it is certain the Nicene Creed was comple- 
 ted by the Church for the Ufe of her Catechu- 
 mens long before the General Council of Con- 
 flantinople: And what was done by that Council, 
 was rather to contract the Form, than to aug- 
 ment or lengthen it, as any one may eafily per- 
 ceive, that will compare the Conftantinopolitan 
 Creed with either of thofe that have now been 
 recited out of Epiphanius. 
 
 For the Creed that was drawn sect. xvi. 
 up in the Second General Council The Nicene creed, 
 of Constantinople, is no other but as completed by the 
 the Nicene Creed, with the Addi- Comc,lo f Cona- 
 tion of fuch Articles as were al- tmopk) A *' 
 ways ufed by the Church in their Interrogatories 
 of Baptifm, though not inferted in the particular 
 Form ufed by the Nicene Council. I need not 
 here repeat the Form, becaufe it is the fame with 
 that which is commonly call'd the Nicene Creed 
 in our Liturgy. Only the Word Filioque, expref- 
 fing the Proceflion of the Holy Ghoft from the 
 Father and Son together, was added afrerward 
 by the Latin Church. For the firft Copies of 
 this Creed in the Council of Conjlantinople Sj\ 
 and the Councils of Ephefus and Chalcedon [z] have 
 it only, Proceeding from the Father, ok rk -ara- 
 T£j)f hnvo^i>b\j^jov, without any mention of the 
 Son: But in the Latin Councils the Word Filio- 
 que is commonly added, as in the firft Council of 
 
 [y] Concil. Conftantiu Cone Tom. 2. p, 973. [*,] Cone. Chalcedon. Act. 2. Tom. 4. p. 341. 
 S 
 
 Bracara, 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Bracara, An. 41 1 ; and the 
 ledo \a\ An. f8p, where 
 Creed is recited. 
 
 third Council of To- 
 the Conftantinopolitan 
 
 S E CT. XVII. 
 
 Of the Ufeofthe 
 Nk cue Creed in the 
 Ancient Service of 
 the Church. And 
 when firjl it was ta- 
 ken in to be apart of 
 the Liturgy in the 
 Communion- Office. 
 
 As to the Ufe of the Nicene 
 Creed, it is certain, it was ufed in 
 the Greek Church much after the 
 fame manner as the Apoftolical and 
 other Creeds were ufed in thzLa- 
 tin Church j firft in the Office of 
 Baptifm} afterward it was taken 
 in to be a Part of the Liturgy in 
 the Communion-fervice. Some learned Perlons, 
 I know, are of Opinion, That the Nicene Creed 
 was never ufed in the Adminiftration of Baptifm, 
 but only the Apoftolical Creed ftill throughout the 
 whole Church. But this is a very plain Miftake. 
 t. Becaufe it does not appear, that the Apoftolical 
 Creed, which is the Roman Creed, was ever ufed 
 in the Greek Church, even before the Nicene Creed 
 was made: For they had feveral Creeds of their 
 own, agreeing indeed with the Roman Creed in 
 Sublhincc, but differing from it in Words and 
 KxprefIion> and thofe Creeds were ufed by the 
 Greek or Eaftem Church in the Adminiftration of 
 Baptifm. z. When the Nicene Creed was formed, 
 it is very evident, that very Form was ufed by 
 many Churches in the Eaft, as a Creed of Bap- 
 tifm. For the Fathers of the Council of Conftan- 
 tinople under Mennas, An. f 36, do frequently call 
 it the Creed in which both they themfelves were 
 baptized [£], and alfo baptized others. And foit 
 is faid in the Synodical Epiftles of the Councils 
 of Tyre and Jerufalem, which arc related [c] inthe 
 A£ts of the fame Council. As alfo in the Acts of 
 the General Councils of Ephefus \jf\ and Chalce- 
 don [<?], in the former of which an Order was 
 made, That Catechumens ftiould be taught the 
 Nicene Creed, and no other. The like may be 
 obferved in the Edict of the Emperor Bafilifcus 
 mentioned by Evagrius [/], who fpeaking of the 
 Nicene Creed, calls it the Creed in which both he 
 and all his Anceftors were baptized. And it is 
 remarked by Epiphanius [g], of the two Creeds 
 which he recites, that they were the Creeds 
 which every C itechumen repeated at his Baptifm •, 
 which were nothing but the Nicene Creed, whh 
 the Addition of fuch Articles as the Church fup- 
 plied to make it a complete Summary of the Faith. 
 So that nothing can be more evident, than that 
 the Nicene Creed was the Creed they generally 
 made ufe of in all the Eaftem Churches for the 
 Inftruction of Catechumens at their Baptifm. 
 
 But as yet it was not made a Part of the com- 
 mon Liturgy of the Church, to be repeated daily 
 in Divine Service. St. Ambrofe [h~\ indeed fpeaks 
 of it as ufed in private Devotion, and gives Di- 
 
 reclions to the holy Virgins fo to ufe it in their 
 Morning Retirements, and upon other proper Oc- 
 cafions. And Habertus [f\ thinks it was alfo re- 
 quired of Bifhops at their Ordination} which is 
 not improbable, becaufe they were obliged to make 
 a Profeffion of their Faith. But all this did not 
 yet make it a Part of the daily Liturgy of the 
 Church. For it is agreed among learned Men, 
 both of the Romifti and Proteftant Communion, 
 that the Creed was not ufed to be repeated in the 
 daily Service till about the middle of the fifth 
 Century in the Greek Church, and not till fome 
 time after in the Latin Church. So Falefius [£], 
 Cardinal Bona [/], Scbelftrate [m\ Pagi [»], Chri- 
 ftianus I^upus (V], Hamond L' Eft 'range [p], and 
 Fojffius \_q\ Theodorus Leclor [r] oblerves, that 
 Peter Fullo, who was Bifnop of Antiocb about the 
 Year 471, was the firft that ordered the Creed to 
 be repeated in the Church cWacr/j <nW£<|, in e- 
 very Church- Aflembly. And the fame Author 
 reports [j], that Timotheus Bifhop of Conftanti- 
 nople, An. 5 1 1, was the firft that brought in this 
 Cullom into that Church which he did in Ha- 
 tred to his Predeceffor Maced u nius, and with an 
 Intent to reprefent him as difafRcted to the Ni- 
 cene Creed, which before that time was ufed to 
 be reheaj fed in the Church only oner a Year, on 
 the Parafceue, or great day of Preparation before 
 the Pajfbver, now called Maundy-Tburfday, when 
 the Bifhop was wont to catechize fuch as were to 
 be baptized at Eafter. From the Oriental Chur- 
 ches the Cultom was brought into the fVeft, firft 
 in Spain and Gailicia, at the Petition of King Re- 
 caredus, by the Order of the third Council [V] 
 of Toledo about the Year f 8p, when thofe Chur- 
 ches were newly recovered from the Inundation 
 of the Arian Herefy, this Practice was then 
 thought a proper Antidote to prefervethem from 
 relapfing into their antient Error. Lupus and 
 Pagi fay, it was not brought into the French 
 Churches till the time of Charles the Great, and 
 then Pope Leo the 3d advifed them to lay it afide 
 again, becaufe it was not yet the Cuftom of the 
 Roman Church. They concluded yet farther, 
 that in the time of Pope John the 8th, An. 870, 
 it was not yet the Practice of the Roman Church. 
 But at laft in the Days of Benedicl the 8th, An. 
 1 014, as it is collected from Berno Augienjis, the 
 Cuftom was admitted into the Roman Church j 
 for this Reafon, to give it in the Words of Lu- 
 pus, Since the Roman Church could not bring o- 
 ver the French and Spanijh Churches to her own 
 Way, fhe refolves at laft to comply with their 
 Cuftom, that there might be no Difagreement 
 among them: And fo the Nicene Creed came to 
 beuniverfally read throughout the whole Church. 
 
 [a] Cone. torn. f. p. 1001. [6] Vid. Con.C. P. fub Menna, 
 Aft. f. Con. torn. f. p. 166, 171, 179. [c] Ibid. p. 190,8c 199. 
 [d] Cone. Ephef. Act. 6. torn. 3. p. 690. [e] Cone. Chalced. 
 Acl:. 2. torn. 4. p. 341. [/] Evagr. lib. 3. c. 4, & 7. [j]E- 
 piphan. Ancorar. n. 1 10. torn. 2. p. 110. [h] Ambrof. de Virgin, 
 lib. 3. p. 1 1 f. Symbolum quoque fpecialiter debemus, tanquam no- 
 ftri Signaculum cordis, antelucanis horis quotidie recenfere. Quod 
 etiam, cum horremus aliquid, animo rccurrendum eft. [<] Ha- 
 bert. Archieratic.p.499. [fc] Valef Not. inTheodor. Lettor. lib. 
 t. p. f66. [/] Bona Rcr. Liturgic. lib. z.c. 8. n. 2. \m\ Schel- 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ftrat. Concil. Antiochen. c. 6. p. 2 1 o. [»] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 
 32f. n. 18. [a] Lupus, Scholia in Concil. torn. 1. cap. 4. p. 13. 
 [/>] Alliance of Divine Offices, chap. 3. p. 79. chap. 6. p. 170. 
 [q] Vofiius de Symbolis. |>] Theodor. Lector. Hift. lib. 2. p. 
 f66, 0] Ibid. p. 5-63. [f] Cone. Tolet. 3. c. 2. Petitione 
 Reccaredi Regis conflituit Synodus.ut per omnes Ecclcfias. Hifpania 
 8c Gallicia:, (ecundum formam Orientalium Ecclefiarum, Concilii 
 Conftantinopolitnni Symbolum Fidei recitetur : Etpriufquam Domi- 
 nica dicatur Oratio, voce clara pepulo prsdicetur, &c. 
 
 M mmm There 
 
4^4- Antiqjuities of the BookX. 
 
 sect, xviii. The re is but one Creed more, 
 of the Athana- wn ich I need to ftand to give any 
 fun creed. Account of, and that is the Creed 
 
 which is commonly received under the Name of 
 the Athanafian Creed. Baronius [«] is of Opini- 
 on, that it was compofed by Athanafius when he 
 was at Rome, and offered to Pope Julius as a Con- 
 feffion of his Faith. Which Circumftance is not 
 at all likely; i'or Julius never queftionedthe Faith 
 of Athanafius. However, a great many learned 
 Men have fo far embraced the Opinion of Baro- 
 nius, as to believe this Creed to be of Athanafius'^ 
 compofing ; as Cardinal Bona [x] and Petavius 
 \_y], and Bellarmin [z], and Rivet [a], with many 
 others of both Communions. Scultetus leaves the 
 Matter in doubt. But the belt and latell Cri- 
 ticks, who have examined the Thing molt exact- 
 ly, make no queftion but that it is to be afcribed 
 to a Latin Author, Vigilius Tapfenfis, an African 
 Bifhop, who lived in the latter End of the fifth 
 Century, in the time of the Fandalick ArianPtx- 
 fecution. The learned VoJJius \b~\ and Quefnel 
 [c] have written particular Differtations upon this 
 Subject. Their Arguments are, I. Becaufe this 
 Creed is wanting in almoft all the Manufcripts of 
 Athanafius^ Works. 2. Becaufe the Style and 
 Contexture of it does not befpeak a Greeks but a 
 Latin Author. 5. Becaufe neither Cyril of Alex- 
 andria, nor the Council of Ephefus, nor Pope Leo, 
 nor the Council of Cbalcedon, have ever fo much 
 as mentioned it in all that they fay againfl the Ne- 
 ftorian or Eutychian Herefies. 4. Becaufe this /^i- 
 gilius Tapfenfis is known to have publifhed feveral 
 others of his Writings under the borrowed Name 
 of Athanafius, with which this Creed is common- 
 ly joyned. Thefe Reafons have perfuaded fuch 
 Men as Bifhop Pearfon [d~], Archbifhop UJher 
 [f],LIamond VEftrange [/], Dr. Cave [g], Schel- 
 firate [h\ Pagi [i] and Du Pin, Criticks of the 
 beft Rank, to come in to this Opinion, that this 
 Creed was not compofed by Athanafius, but by a 
 later and a Latin Writer. Dr. Cave thinks, the 
 firfl that mentions it under the Name of Athana- 
 fius, is 'Thcodulphits Aurelianenfis, who lived about 
 the Year 704, in the Reign of Charles the Great : 
 But in this he is a little mi (taken ; for the Coun- 
 cil of Autun, which was held above an hundred 
 Years before, An. 6jo, not only mentioned it un- 
 der that Name, but ordered every Presbyter, Dea- 
 con, Subdeacon, &V. to read it together with the 
 Apoftles Creed [£], or be liable to the Bifhop's 
 Cenfure for his Omiffion: Which implies, that it 
 was then efteemed the genuine Work of Athana- 
 fius, and as fuch had for fome time been received 
 
 in the Church. But whoever was the Author of 
 it, there never was any Queftion made of its Or-* 
 thodoxy, except by the Samofatcnians and Arians 
 in thefe latter Ages of the Church. Only as Bp. 
 UJher and others have obferved, the Modern Greeks 
 now ufe it with fome Additions and Alterations. 
 For whereas it is faid in the Latin Copie?, That 
 the Holy Ghoft proceedeth from the Father and 
 the Son-, iheGreeks now read it, from the Father, 
 or the Father only; as Paraus [/] has remarked in 
 his Expofition of this Creed. And in the Greek 
 Copy lately brought out of the Eaft, and pub- 
 lifhed by Bifhop UJher, there is a long Interpola- 
 tion by way of Addition, and Explication of thofe 
 Words, He was Man of the Subfiance oj his Mo- 
 ther, Perjecl God and Perjecl Man, of a Reafon- 
 able Soul and Humane Flejh fubfifting. With fome 
 other Additions of leffer note, which the Curious 
 Reader may find marked out in the fore-mention- 
 ed Tract [m~] of that learned Author. 
 
 To all the Creeds that have been related in this 
 Chapter, I think it not improper to add the fhort 
 Account which Eufebius gives of thefirft Preach- 
 ing of St. Thaddaus to King Agbarus and the Peo- 
 ple of Edejfa, which 1 had from the Information 
 of my Learned and Judicious Friend Mr. Lowth, to 
 whole ufeful Converfation I owe many other cu- 
 rious Remarks and Obfervations, that lye fcatter- 
 ed throughout the Antiquities of the Church. 
 This is not indeed properly a Creed, but a Sum- 
 mary of his firfl Sermon, or the Heads of his firfl 
 Catechetical Inltitution to the People. n Con- 
 " cerning the coming of Jefus into the World, af- 
 " ter what Manner it was ; and concerning his 
 " Miflion, for what Reafon he was fent by the 
 " Father ; concerning his Power, and the Myfle- 
 " ries which he fpake in the World, and by what 
 " Power he did thefe; then of his new way of 
 cc Preaching; of his Meannefs and abject Eftate, 
 " and the Humility of his outward Appearance as 
 " a Man ; after what manner he humbled him- 
 " felf, and fubmitted to Death, and made a di- 
 " minutive [n~\ Appearance of his Divine Nature ; 
 " What things hefuffered of the Jews, and how 
 " he was crucified, and defcended into Hell, and 
 <l brake down the Partition that had been kept 
 " up in former Ages ; how He arofe from the 
 " Dead, and raifed with Himfelf thofe that flept 
 " in preceding Generations ; how he defcended 
 " [from Heaven] alone, but afcended with a 
 " mighty Company to his Father; How he fits 
 " at the Right Hand of God the Father, and 
 " {hall come ag iin with Glory and Power, to 
 u judge both the Quick and the Dead. " Here 
 
 [«] Baron, an. 340. n. n. [*] Bona de Pfalmodia. [y] Pe- 
 tav. Not. in Epiphan. Haer. 71. [z] Bellarmin. de Scnptor. 
 Eccclef p. 81. M Rivet. Critic. Sacr. lib. 3. c. 4. p. 240. 
 [£] VofT de Symbolis, Diflert. 2. [f] Quefnel. Diflert. de variis 
 Fidei Symbolis in antiquo Codice Romano. [d] Pearfon. in 
 Symbol. Artie 8. p. ^70. Edit. Lat. [e] TifTer. deSymbol.Rom. 
 p. 1. [/] L'Eftrange'j Alliance of Divine Offices, chap. 4. p. 99 
 [g] Cave Hift. Literar. Vol. 1. p. 146. [h] Schelftrat Cone 
 Antioch. Diflert. 3. c. 2. p. 109. [1] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 
 340. n. 6. Du Pin. Vol. 2. p. 3$-. [h] Cone. Auguftodun.Can. 
 ult. Con. torn. 6. p. 5-36. Si quis Presbyter, Diaconus, Subdiaconus, 
 vel Clericus, Symbolum, quod infpirante Sanclo Spiritu Apoftoli 
 
 tradiderunt, vel Fidcm Sancli AthanaJii Praefulisirreprchenfibilirer non 
 recenfuerit,ab Epifcopo condemnetur. [/] Parxus, Not. in Sym- 
 bol. Athanaf. ad Calcem Urfin. Catech- p. 124. [m] Ufler. De 
 Symbolis, p. 29. [»] Eufeb. lib. 1. cap. 13. \<7ij.[kpvv-.v o&rk 
 
 Tin' •9-507MT* ■ y.ATiCn e'< t cl<f w, itj i'tw/tci Opct.yuov, Sec. 
 
 It is worth our Obfervation to compare the Apoflle's Exprejfon, Phi!, 
 ii. 7. iauTov vH-ivacf!, He made htmfelf of no Reputations he emp- 
 tied himfelf, with this Exprejfon of Thaddsus, irrtAxpvi'Zv ourk 
 Triv ■S-<-'o7v7c, He lejfen'd or made a diminutive Shew and Appearance 
 of his Godhead. For thefe Vhces mutually explain one another, and 
 are a, (olid Proof that the Divinity of Chrift in the Apofiolical Age 
 was one of the principal Articles of the Chrijlian Faith. 
 
 are 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 455 
 
 are two Things very remarkable in this antient 
 Account of the firft Principles of Chrirtian Do- 
 ctrine, viz. The Divinity of our Saviour, and the 
 Defccnt into Hell} both which are here expref- 
 Icd in Terms, for which Reafon I thought it 
 might dcferve a Place among the Creeds of the 
 Church. Eufebius (ays, He had the Account in 
 the Syriack Tongue, as it was preferved in the 
 Archives of the Church of Edeffa, figned in the 
 
 Year $40, which, [according to the Computati- 
 on of Time then uied by the Syrians of Edeffa, 
 reckoning from the firft Year that Seleucus be- 
 gan to reign in Afut] falls in with the fame 
 Year that Chrirt fuffered and arofe from the 
 Dead, as Valefius, and Pagi [0] after him have 
 rightly computed in their Obfervations upon this 
 Paflage of Eufebius. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Original, Nature, and Reafons of the anttent Difciplme, in concealing the 
 Sacred Myfteries of the Church from the Chatechumens. 
 
 sect. T. np HAT which makes this En- 
 id* Errors and quiry a little more neceffia- 
 TmencesoftheKo- js tne feveral vain Pretences 
 
 inamlts upon this r 1 n n ~l 
 
 Tcinr t or the Romamfts concerning the 
 
 Original and Reafons of this Dif- 
 cipline. Bellarmin and others urge it as a mighty 
 Argument for Tranfubftantiation in particular, as 
 if the concealing the Myftery of the Eucharift: 
 from the Catechumens was an Indication of the 
 Belief of the Church concerning the Real Pre- 
 fence of Chrift's Body and Blood, which they 
 were fo ftudioufly careful to hide from the Know- 
 ledge of the Catechumens. But this is abun- 
 dantly refuted by a more accurate Obfervation of 
 Albafpinaus^ a Learned Bifhop of the fame Gom- 
 munion, who in the Book of the Antient Polity 
 of the Church relating to the Eucharift, as 
 I find him cited by others [b\ rejects this as an 
 incompetent Proof of the Romifh Doctrine of the 
 Real Prefence. For he rightly obferves, That 
 the Ancients concealed not only the Myftery of 
 the Eucharift, but alfo the Sacrament of Baptifm 
 from the Catechumens} yea, and almoft all other 
 their facred Rites and Ceremonies, which in a 
 large Senfe are called Sacraments, as the Oyl of 
 Chrifm or Confirmation, and the Ordination of 
 Priefts, which were as ftudioufly concealed from 
 the Knowledge or Infpection of the Uninitiated, 
 as the Elements of the Holy Eucharift were. So 
 that the bare concealing that Myftery from the 
 Catechumens could no more be an Argument of 
 Tranfubftantiation in the Bread and Wine in the 
 Eucharift, than it was in the Waters of Bap- 
 tifm, or any other Ceremony where the fame Si- 
 lence and Caution was ufed. 
 
 The Learned Schelflrate with a fubtle Inven- 
 tion has made a more general Ufe of this antient 
 Practice, to palliate and excufe all the novel Do- 
 ctrines and Practices of his own Church. He 
 wrote a Book which he entitled Difciplina Ar- 
 cani, a Book highly magnified by Pagi and o- 
 thers of his own Communion [Y], as (topping the 
 Mouths of the Proteftants, when they ask the 
 
 Romanijls, Why no Footfteps of their Modern 
 Doctrines and Practices appear intheearlieft Wri- 
 ters of the Church } The Anfwer is ready upon 
 all Occasions, from this Difciplina Arcani, That 
 it was becaufe thefe Doctrines and Practices were 
 kept fecrer, and only handed down by Tradition, 
 not committed to Writing, left they lhould come 
 to the Knowledge of the Uninitiated Jews and 
 Gentiles, and the Catechumens of the Church. 
 This is the Reafon, he tells us, why there is no 
 Account of the Seven Sacraments, nor of the 
 Worfhip of Saints or Images in the firft Writers 
 of the Church. The Things were really believ- 
 ed and practifed from the Days of the Apoftles, 
 as he will have it, but kept fecret as the hidden 
 Myfteries of Religion, which were not to be di- 
 vulged to any but fuch as were initiated and 
 prepared to know them. 
 
 This is an Artifice that would juftify as many 
 Errors and Vanities as any Church could be 
 guilty of : It is but working a little with this 
 admirable Inftrument and Tool, called Difciplina, 
 Arcani, and then all the feeming Contradicti- 
 ons between the antient Doctrines and Practices 
 of the Church Univerfal, and the novel Corrup- 
 tions of the Modern Church of Rome will pre- 
 fently vanifli and difappear. So that we need 
 not wonder, why Men, whofe Intereft it ferves fo 
 much, fhould magnify this as a noble Invention; 
 when yet in Truth it is only a Veil andaMift caft 
 before the Reader's Eyes, which may be eafily 
 difpelled by giving a true Account of that anti- 
 ent Piece of Difciplineand Practice, firft in its O- 
 riginal, and then in the Nature, Ufe^ and Rea- 
 fons of it. 
 
 As to its Original, the Learned sect. it. 
 Albafpinaeus has rightly obferved, Jhis Difdplmenot 
 That in the Apoftolical Age, and fl r ' m y ob f erve<! m 
 fome time after, they were not ^ cZff ^ '° f 
 fo very ftrict in this Difcipline of 
 Concealing their Sacred Myfteries from the 
 Knowledge of the Catechumens. For he thus 
 
 [9] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 41. n. 2. [a] Albafpin. Po- bertin de Eucharift. lib. z. p. 70J. 
 lice de l'ancienne Eglife, &c. lib. 1. c. z. p. 4.7. [£] Al- Baron, an. 118. n. 9. 
 
 Vol. I. M m m in z 
 
 [f] Pagi Critic, in 
 
 argues, 
 
The Antiquities of /fc Book X. 
 
 argues againft the Antiquity of the Book called 
 The Apofiolkal Confiitutions : The laft Words, 
 fays he [cl\ which forbid the Publication of thole 
 eight Books, do plainly fhew, that they were 
 not written in the firft Age* for the Chriftians 
 of the firft Age did never make any fcruplc of 
 publishing their Myfteries, as. appears from the 
 Writings of Juftin Martyr. Mr. Aubertine ob- 
 ferves [<?] the fame out of Athenagoras and Tatian. 
 And Daille [/] joyns in Opinion with Albafpinaus^ 
 and cites his Authority with Approbation. And 
 Bafnage is [g] fo far from thinking, that the 
 Apoftles concealed their Myiteries from the 
 Catechumens, that he rather fuppofes they ad- 
 miniftred the Sacraments in their Prefence. Upon 
 which Supposition, the whole Fabrick which 
 Scheljlrate builds upon the Difciplina Arcani, is 
 ruined at once. For then it is certain, the 
 Apoftles had no fuch Fear or Caution upon them, 
 left the Catechumens fhould come to the Know- 
 ledge of the Chriftian Rites or Doctrines, as is 
 pretended. And indeed any One that looks into 
 the Writings of the Apoftles may perceive with 
 half an Eye that they were far enough from con- 
 cealing their Opinion about the Worfhip of An- 
 gels, Saints, and Images : For they exprefsly write 
 againft it. And when they fpeak of the Myfteries 
 of Baptifm and the Eucharift ^ they do it with 
 the greateft Freedom, without any Fear or Ap- 
 prehenfion of giving Offence to the Catechu- 
 mens. 
 
 sect. III. Nay, and when this Difci- 
 £nt introduced a- plj ne was firft introduced into 
 bout the Time of the Chri ft ian Church, it is very 
 
 Tertulhan, tor o- ., . j r j-rr 
 
 ther ReafoJs than evident, it was done for d.ffe- 
 what the Roma- rent Realons than thoic which 
 nifts pretend. the Romanifts pretend. The 
 
 firft Beginning of it feems to 
 have been about the Time of Tertullian j for he 
 is the firft Writer that makes any mention of it. 
 He fays [h\ There was a Secrecy and Silence 
 obferved in all Myfteries. And he blames the 
 Hereticks of his own Times for not regarding 
 fomething of this Difcipline. They made no 
 Diftin&ion, he fays [i], between Believers and 
 Catechumens, they all met together, they all 
 heard together, they all prayed together. And 
 if Heathens chanced to come in upon them, they 
 gave that which was Holy to Dogs, and caft their 
 Pearls, fuch as they were, before Swine. Here 
 it is plain, the Church now made feveral Di- 
 ftin&ions between Catechumens and Believers, 
 ■which Hereticks did not. The Place of the 
 Catechumens was now in a feparate Part of the 
 
 Church} they heard Sermons, but not all that 
 Believers were allowed to hear* they had Prayers 
 for themfelves, but were not admitted to hear 
 the Prayers of the Faithful, which were peculiar 
 to the Celebration of the Eucharift, from which 
 Catechumens were excluded. But all this was, 
 and might be done, without favouring in the 
 leaft the vain Pretences of the modern Arcaniftsi 
 For in all this there was no Defign to conceal 
 fuch Myfteries as the Worfhip of Saints, and 
 Angels, and Images, from the Knowledge of the 
 Catechumens } but on the contrary Tertullian 
 fpeaks openly of thefe kinds of Worfhip, and 
 with Indignation condemns them as fuperftitious 
 Practices, belonging only to Heathens or Here- 
 ticks, and not to the Myfteries of the Church. 
 
 And in the following Ages, sect iv. 
 no Writer that mentions this This preved from 
 
 Difcipline, among all thofe that a particular Account 
 
 give us a more particular Ac- °f t/}e Things which 
 count of what Things were con- th p concealed f rom 
 cealed from the Knowledge or t, , Carechume '' s - 
 
 • /-<-.. r i i Which were, i. Ihe 
 
 Intpectmn of the Catechumens, Mamer f Admini . 
 ever fo much as intimates, that ftrmg Baptifm. 
 the Worfhip of Saints and Ima- 
 ges was in the number of the Myfteries of the 
 Church which they concealed from them. But 
 the Myfteries which they were fo careful in fome 
 meafure to hide from them, were, r. The Man- 
 ner of adminiftring Baptifm. z. The Unction 
 of Chrifm or Confirmation. 3. The Ordination 
 of Priefts. 4. The manner of celebrating the 
 Eucharift. y. The Liturgy or Divine Service of 
 the Church. 6. And for fome time the Myftery 
 of the Trinity, the Creed and the Lord's, Pray- 
 er, 'till they became greater Proficients, and were 
 ready for Baptifm. In the firft Place, that they 
 were careful to conceal from them the manner 
 of adminiftring Baptifm, appears from this, 
 that the Catechumens were never fo much as 
 fufFered to enter [£], or look into the Baptiftery, 
 or Place wh- re Baptifm was adminiftred, accor- 
 ding to the Order of the firft Council of Orange. 
 St. Bafil therefore [/] fays, Baptifm, the Eucha- 
 rift, and the Oyl of Chrifm, were Things that 
 the Uninitiated were not allowed to look upon. 
 And St. Auftin [m~\ putting the Queftion, What 
 Things were kept fecret, and not made publick 
 in the Church? anfwers, The Sacrament of Bap- 
 tifm, and the Sacrament of the Eucharift. For 
 even Pagans may fee our good Works, but the 
 Sacrammts are kept hidden from them. And as 
 they did not admit Catechumens to fee Baptifm 
 adminiftred, fo neither did they ordinarily dif- 
 
 [/] Albafpin. Obfervat. Lib. i. c. 13. p. jS.Poflrema verba, qui- 
 bus cavetur, ne odto Libri Conftitutionum Apoftolicarum publicen- 
 tur, aperte indicant, eas primis faeculis tadtes non efle, cum primi 
 fxculi Chriftiani fua lubentcs Myfteria, ut vel ex Juftino conftar, 
 cnuntiarent. [e] Albertin. de Eucharift. lib. 2. p. 709. 
 
 [/] Dallasus de Scriptis Ignatii, lib. 1. c 22. p. 142. [g] 
 Bafnag. exercirat. in Baron, p. 4,19. Alta de Myfteriis filentia non 
 agebanc Apoftoli, nec Catechumenos arcebant Sacramentorum con- 
 fpedtu. [h~\ Tertul. Apol. c. 7. Ex forma omnibus Myfte- 
 
 «is fikntii fides adhibetur. [/] Tertul. de Prxfcript. adveif. 
 
 Hxretic. cap. 41. In primis quis Catechumenus, quisFidelis, incertum 
 eft: Pariter adeunt, pariter audiunr, pariter orant: Etiam Ethnici 
 ii fupervenerint, Sandtum canibus, 8c porcis margaritas, licet noti 
 veras, jadiabunt. [k] Cone. Araufican. Can. 19. AdBap- 
 
 tifterium Catechumeni nunquam admittendi. [/] Bafil. dc 
 
 Spiritu Sandto, cap. 27. a. n'^i kno'/jivetv !06S"I Tolf a^vrijoii, 
 Tom. 2. p. 35-2. [m] Aug. Com. in Pfal. 102. Concio 1. 
 
 Tom. 8. p. 484 Quid eft quod occultum eft, 8c non publicum in 
 Ecclefia ? Sacramentum Baptifmi, Sacramentum Euchariftiae. Opera 
 noftra bona vident 8c Pagani, Sacramenta vero occultantur illis. 
 
 courfe 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian 
 
 Church 
 
 457 
 
 courfe of it before them in plain Terms, but in a 
 myftical Way, or elfe wholly excluded them 
 from fuch Difcourfes, as incompetent Hearers. 
 Wc do notfpeak openly, fays Sr. Cyril [»], of the 
 Sacraments before the Catechumens, but deliver 
 many Things covertly, that the Faithful who 
 know them, may underftand us, and they who 
 know them nor, may receive no Harm. So 
 tfheodoret [o], We difcourfe of Myftcries obfeure- 
 ly, becaule or the Unbaptized ; but when they 
 arc gone, we fpeak plainly before the Initiated. 
 In like manner Nazianzen [/>] fpeaking of Bap- 
 tifm, You have heard, fays he, fo much of the 
 Myftery as we are allowed to fpeak publickly 
 in the Ears of all, and the reft you fhall hear 
 privately, which you mult retain fecret within 
 yourfelf, and keep under the Seal of Baptifm. 
 A great many other Paflages may be read in 
 Chryfoflom [7], fbeodoret [r], Cyril of Alexandria 
 [j], the Author under the Name of Dionyftus 
 the Areopagite \t\ and the Apoflolical Canons [«], 
 with many others to the fame Puvpofe. From all 
 which we learn, that, rhough the Ancients 
 acquainted the Catechumens with the Doctrine 
 of Baptifm fo far as to make them underftand the 
 Spiritual Nature and Defign of ir, yet they ne- 
 ver admitted 'em to the Sight of the outward 
 Ceremony, nor fo much as to hear any plain Dif- 
 courfe about the Manner of its Adminiftration, 
 'till they were fitted and prepared for the actual 
 Reception of it. 
 
 SECT. v. And they obferved the fame 
 
 secondly, The man- Difcipline in reference to the 
 
 nor of admin.ftring jj, Un aj on of Chrifm, which 
 the Holy Unction or , J T . ,, , r . c 
 
 confirmation. the Latins call Impofition of 
 
 Hands or Confirmation, bi.Ba- 
 ftl\_x] fpeaking of the Oyl which was ufed to be con- 
 fecrated, and ufed in this Ceremony, fays, It was one 
 of thofe Things which the Uninitiated were not al- 
 io wed to look upon. And Pope Innocent 1 , writing to 
 another Bifhop about Confirmation, and the Form 
 of Words ufed in the Adminiftration of it, fays, He 
 could [>] not repeat the Words, left he Ihould 
 feem to difclofe the Myftery, rather than an- 
 fwer the Queftion propofed. 
 
 SECT. vl. A third Thing which they 
 Thirdly, The Or- concealed from the Catechu- 
 dintttion of vriefls. mens , was the Ordination of 
 Priefts. The Council of Laodicea [z] has a Ca- 
 non to this Purpofe, That Ordinations fhould 
 not be performed in the Prefence of the Hearers, 
 that is, the Catechumens. And Chryfoflom, fpeak- 
 ing of this Office, and the folemn Prayers ufed 
 at the Confecration, delivers himfelf in an ob- 
 fqure and covert way, becaufe of the Catechu- 
 
 mens. He that ordains, fays he, requires the 
 Prayers of the Church [a\ and they then joyn 
 their Suffrage, and eccho forth thofe Words 
 which the Initiated know. For we may noc 
 fpeak them openly before the Uninitiated Cate- 
 chumens. 
 
 A fourth Thing which they sect. vii. 
 concealed from the Catechumens, Fourthly, the ti- 
 was the Publick Liturgy or fo- tmgyor Vublkkvmy- 
 lemn Prayers of the Church. ,°f tU , church ' 
 For one Rank of the Catechu- #* " 
 
 . .. for the Encrgu- 
 
 mens, the Audientes or Hearers, mcns , Ven , tentSi md 
 were only permitted to ftay and the 'Faithful. 
 hear the Sermon, but not any 
 Prayers of the Church. Another Sort, called 
 Kneelers or Proftrators, had the Prayers of the 
 Church particularly for themfelvcs, but no o- 
 thers. And the Compctentes ftaid only to hear the 
 Prayers offered up for themfelvcs and the Ener- 
 gumens, and then were difmiffed. They might 
 not flay to hear fo much a< the Prayers f .r >,e 
 Penitents, much lefs the Prayers for the Church 
 Militant, or any others preceding the Commu- 
 nion. Bur before all thefe, the ufual Word of 
 Command was given by the Deacons, or Lcied 
 Heralds of the Church, Ne quis Audientium, o«-, 
 Ite, Mijfa eft, Catechumens depart. From 
 whence it is eafy to collect farther, That the 
 folemn Office of the Abfolution of Penitents was 
 never performed in the Prefence of the Catechu- 
 mens. For the time of Abfolution was not 
 till all others were difmiffed, except the Peni- 
 tents themfelves who were to be abfolved, which, 
 was immediately before their going to the Altar 
 to begin the Communion-Service. As feems to 
 be clear from thofe Words of Optatus, where 
 he fpeaks of it as the common Cuftom both in 
 the Church and among the Donatifts [£], to 
 give Impofition of Hands for Abfolution imme- 
 diately before their going to fay the Lord's Pray- 
 er at the Altar. All thefe Things therefore were 
 kept fecret from the Catechumens: For tiiey 
 were never fuffered to be Hearers or Spectators 
 of any Part of them. 
 
 But as the Eucharift was sect. vnr. 
 the higheft Myftery in the Fifthly, The Mm- 
 Chriftian Service, fo they were T /, Cel < b ™ tm Z 
 
 n c 1 1 . the Eucharift. 
 
 mo ft careful to conceal the 
 Manner of its Celebration from the Carechu- 
 mens. And in this they made a Difference be- 
 tween one Sort of Penitents and the Catechu- 
 mens. For the higheft CI <fs of Penitents, called 
 Conftflentes or Co-ftanders, were allowed to be 
 prefent at the Communion- Prayers, and fee the 
 Oblation offered and received by the Faithful^ 
 
 [»] Cyril Catech. 6. n. 16. [0] Theodor. Qujeft. 15-. in 
 
 Numer. Tom. 1. p. 149. [/>] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. Tom. 
 
 1. p. 671. [q] Chryf. Horn. 40. in 1 Cor. p. 688. Horn. 
 
 46. in Ad. p. 868. Tom. 4. Ed. Savil. [r] Theodor. 
 
 Hseret. Fabul. lib. $■. c. 18. [j] Cyril, adv. Julian. Lib. 7. 
 
 Tom. 6. p. 247. [/] Dionyf. Ecclef. Hierar. c. 2. p. 25-1. 
 
 [«] Canon. Apoft. c. 8j\ [*] Bafil. de Spiritu San&o, cap. 
 
 27. [y~\ Innocent. Epift. 1. ad Decentium Eugubin. c. 2. 
 Verba vero dicere non poflum, ne magis prodere videar, quim ad 
 
 r 
 
 Confultationem refpondere. [z.] Cone. Laodic. Can. 5-. r/» J*£ v 
 To? i yetp/lwl&s vm T«pxt7ict et ^cofj^jcov ylviSs^. \_a~] Chry- 
 foft. Horn. 18. in 2 Cor. p. 872: ijXkkcov ~)tj^eAivS.v , rde 
 
 a,7rtp \<jtL<stv H y.i^u^/J^JOi. is yb JYi Si^lf crm $S duViiTccy 
 iKnahv^iv cLTrai Td. [6] Optat. cont. Parmen. lib. 2. p. 
 
 j 7. Inter vicina momenta, dum manus imponitis Sc delifta donarir, 
 mox ad altare converli, Dominicam Orationem praetermittere non 
 poteftis. Vid. Conftitut, Apoft, Lib. 8. cap. 6, 7, 8, pi 
 
 though 
 
45 8 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 BookX. 
 
 though they might not partake with them. But 
 Catechumens of all Ranks were wholly exclu- 
 ded from all this. They were always difmifled 
 before thefe Prayers began, and the Doors of 
 the Church were locked and guarded by proper 
 Officers, to the intent that no Uninitiated Per- 
 fon ftiould indifcreetly rum in upon them. We 
 fhut the Doors, fays Chryfofiom [c], when we ce- 
 lebrate the Holy Myfteries, and drive away all 
 Uninitiated Perfons. This was one of the Se- 
 crets of the Church, as we heard St. Auflin 
 before [d~\ fpeak of it. One of the Things 
 which a Catechumen might not look upon, ac- 
 cording to Sr. Bap [/]. Therefore the Author 
 of the Apofiolical Confiitutions [/] makes it a 
 Part of the Deacon's Office not only to com- 
 mand their Abfence, but alfo to keep the Doors, 
 that none might come in, during the time of 
 the Oblation. Epiphanius [g] and St. Jerem [ti] 
 bring it as a Charge againtt the Marcionites, that 
 they defpifed this Difcipline, and admitted Cate- 
 chumens indifcriminately with the Faithful to 
 all their Myfteries. And Palladium [*] forms a 
 like Charge againft the Enemies of Chryfofiom, 
 That in the Tumult they raifed againft him, they 
 gave Occafion to the Uninitiated to break into 
 the Church, and fee thofe Things which it was 
 not lawful for them to fet their Eyes upon. Nay, 
 fo llricTb was the Church then in the Obferva- 
 tion of this Difcipline, that Athanafius convicted 
 the Mehtians of falfe Witncfs againft him, when 
 they pretended to prove, by the Teftimony of 
 fome Catechumens, that Macarius, one of his 
 Presbyters, had overturned the Communion-ta- 
 ble in the Time of the Oblation: He argued, 
 That this could not be fo ; becaufe [f] if the 
 Catechumens were prefent, there could then be 
 no Oblation. 
 
 Nor did they only exclude Catechumens from 
 the Sight of thefe Myfteries, but alfo from all 
 Difcourfes which treated plainly about them. 
 They made a Diftinction between Moral and 
 Myfterious Subjects, and admitted the Catechu- 
 mens to the one, but not to the other, as I have 
 had Occafion formerly to fhew [/] from the 
 Teftimonies of fheodoret \_m\ St. Aufitn [»], and 
 St. Ambrofe [<?]. To which we may here add 
 that of St. Cyril of Jerufalem, You was once, 
 fays he, a Catechumen, and then we [/>] did 
 not difcourfe of Myfteries to you: And now 
 that you have attained by Experience to the 
 height of thofe Things which we teach, you 
 will eafily perceive that Catechumens are not 
 worthy to be Hearers of fuch things. And that 
 of Gaudentius, Bifhop of Brixia, who in his Ser- 
 mon [?] to the Neophytes, or Perfons newly bap- 
 tized, tells them, He would now open to them 
 thofe Myfteries, which could not be explained 
 in the Prefence of the Catechumens. Sometimes 
 
 indeed they fpake of the Eucharift before the 
 Catechumens in their popular Difcourfes j but 
 then they did it in fuch obfcure and figurative 
 Terms as were underftood only by Communi- 
 cants, and not by the Catechumens: According 
 to that of St. Chryfofiom [r], I would fpeak 
 plainly, but I dare not becaule of the Unbap- 
 tized. For they make our Expofitions to be more 
 difficult, they compel us to fpeak obfcurely, or 
 elfe we muft reveal what is not to be revealed 
 unto them. Upon this account Epiphanius 
 fpeaking of the Words of Inftitution before 
 the Catechumens, would not fay, This Bread is 
 my Body, This Wine is my Blood ; but, Hoc 
 meum eft hoc fc? hoc. This is my That and That 
 [j], to let the Initiated know his Meaning, and 
 not the Catechumens. And hence it was they 
 fo often ufed that Phrafe, tVacnv at (j.i[XWri[xivm, Et 
 nbrunt Fideles, The Initiated know what we fay j 
 which Phrafe Cafaubon [t~] has obferved to oc- 
 cur no lefs than Fifty times in the Writings of 
 St. Chryfofiom. Cafaubon makes another good 
 Obfervation upon this Matter, which the learned 
 Albertinus [u] takes from him, and ftrenuoufly 
 defends, That whereas there are three Things 
 in the Eucharifi ; i. The Symbols or Sacred Ele- 
 ments of Bread and Wine; z. The Things fig- 
 nified by them; and, 3. The Rites of Celebra- 
 tion ; That which the Ancients laboured chiefly 
 to conceal from the Catechumens, was not the 
 Things fignified, but only the Symbols or out- 
 ward Signs, and the Rites and Manner of Cele- 
 bration. For they made no Scruple to call the 
 Eucharifi by the Name of Chrift's Body and 
 Blood before the Catechumens, at the fame 
 time that they would not call it Bread and Wine, 
 or fpeak particularly of the Form and Manner 
 of adminiftring it, as Albertinus proves out of 
 Theodoret and many others. Which fhews, that 
 the Reafon of concealing the Myftery from the 
 Catechumens was not the Belief of Tranfubftan- 
 tiation, as the Romanifis pretend : For then they 
 would have chofen rather to conceal the Names 
 of Chrift's Body and Blood, than the Names of 
 the outward Symbols, and the myftical Rites of 
 Celebration, the latter of which they ftudioufiy 
 concealed, but not the former. He that would 
 fee more of this, may confult the elaborate Dif- 
 courfe of that mo ft acute and learned Writer, 
 where he anfwers all the Objections of Coffetellus 
 againft the prefent Aflertion. 
 
 The laft fort of Things SECT. IX. 
 which they for fome Time con- six %> The M ?' 
 cealed from the more imperfect °/ lh f Tr ! n, f 
 
 r^, , 1 /- 1 . • *" e Creed and the 
 
 Catechumens, were the mblimer LorJ . s ?rayer frgm 
 
 Doctrines of Chriftianity, fuch the firjl fort of o 
 
 as the Myftery of the Trinity, techumens. 
 and Hypoftatick Union, together 
 
 0] Chryf. Horn. 23. in Mat. p. 236. [d] Aug. in Pfal. 103. 
 
 0] Bali), de Spir. St°. c. 27 . [/J Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. p. $7. 
 Lib. 8.c. 11. [g] Epiphan. Ha?ref 42. n. 3. [>] Hieron. 
 
 Com. in Galat. 6. Tom 9. p. 199. [«] Pallad. Vit. Chryfofiom. 
 c. 9. The fame Complaint is made /^Chryfofiom himfelfin his ijl Epifile 
 to Pope Innocent, Tom. 4. p. 681. Edit. Front. Ducaei. [k] Athan. 
 Apol.2. Tom. 1. p- 7+7- W Book I Chap. iv. n. 8. [>] 
 
 r? 8 
 
 Theodor. Quxft. 1 f. in Numer. [n] Aug. Serm: 1. ad Neophytos 
 in Append. Tom. 10. p. 847-. [0] Ambrof. de Initiatis, c. I: 
 
 [/>] Cyril. Catech. Prsef. n. 7. [of] Gaudenr. Serm. 2. ad Neophytos, 
 Bib). Patr. Tom. 2. p. 14. Ea folum aperienda Neophytis, quae pra- 
 fentibus Catechumenis explanari non poflunt. [>] Chryf. Horn. 40. 
 in 1 Cor. p. 688. [j] Epiphan. Anchorat. n.- $7. [t] Cafaub. Ex- 
 ercit. 16. in Baron. p. 490. [«] Albertin. deEuchar. lib. 2. p. 708. 
 
 with 
 
- 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 459 
 
 with the Creed it fclf and the Lord's Prayer, 
 which the Catechumens did not learn till im- 
 mediately before their Baptifm. For fo Theodurct 
 fx] tells us, That they did not teach this Prayer 
 co the Uniniti.ued, but to the Baptized, or im- 
 mediate Candidates of Baptifm. For no one 
 that was not baptized could prefume to fay, 
 Our Father ivhich art in Heaven, not having yet 
 received the Gift of Adoption. But he that 
 was made Partaker of Baptifm might call God 
 his Father, as being adopted* among the Sons of 
 Grace. St. Chryfoflom [j] fpeaks after the fame 
 manner : This Prayer belongs only to the Faith- 
 ful, as both the Rule of the Church and the 
 Beginning of the Prayer itfclf teach. For an 
 unbaptized Perfon cannot yet call God his Fa- 
 ther. This Prayer was then peculiar to the Com- 
 munion-Service, and never ufed in the Church, 
 but only at the Altar, where none of the Cate- 
 chumens could be prelent, but only the Faithful. 
 Whence it was called, <k>'%ri ttis-wv, The Prayer 
 o,f the Faithful. And one Petition in it was 
 thought to refer more particularly to the Eu- 
 chanft, Give us this Day our daily Bread, agrcv 
 imiao-j our fuper-fjbli.tntial or fupcr-celeltiul 
 Bread, as many of the Ancients render it. For 
 thefe Re ifons they never taught the Lord's Prayer 
 to any of the Catechumen?, but the higheft 
 Rank of them, the Competentes, a few Days be- 
 fore their Baptifm. As we learn from thofe 
 Words of St. Aufiin [z], Now learn the Lord's 
 Prayer, which ye mult repeat eight Days hence, 
 when ye are to be baptized. So they received it 
 only on Saturday before Palm- Sunday, in order 
 to repeat it on Saturday before Eafier, which 
 was the Day of their Baptifm. 
 
 They obferved the fame Difciplinc in refe- 
 rence to the Creed, which they taught to the 
 Catechumens at the fame time only as the-y did 
 the Lord's Prayer, a little before their Baptifm. 
 Thi3 they did not always commit to writing, 
 but kept it, as St Jcrom \a~] words it, in Tables 
 of the Heart, and delivered it by Word of Mouth, 
 that it might not come to the Knowledge of the 
 uninitiated and Unbelievers. Which is the Rea- 
 fon that Sozomen [b~] gives, why he did not in- 
 fert the Words of the JSlkene Creed into his 
 Hiftory, becaufe probably many uninitiated Per- 
 fons might read his Book, who ought not to 
 read or hear the Creed. They were as careful 
 not to communicate to new Beginners the profound 
 Myftcries of the Trinity and Incarnation, till 
 they had fir ft prepared them by proper preceding 
 lnfiructions for the Reception of them. There- 
 fore, as St. Jer&m obferves \c\ it was the Cuftom 
 of the Church to put off this Part of the In- 
 itruction of Catechumens to the lad, and not ac- 
 
 quaint them with thefe Doctrines till about for- 
 ty Days before they were to be baptized, though 
 the Catechetical Inftruction had continued per- 
 haps for two or three Years before. 
 
 This was the whole of that Difcipline, we 
 read lb much of among the Ancients, of conceal- 
 ing the Sacred Mylteries from the Catechumens. 
 Among all which we have never the lead Intima- 
 tion given, that the Practice of Image-worfhip, 
 or the Adoration of Saints and Angels, or the 
 Doctiine of Seven Sacraments, were the Myfte- 
 ries ihey intended to conceal from them. For 
 in thole Days there were no fuch Myfteries in the 
 Chriltian Church. And therefore the late In- 
 vention of Schelflrate is a mere Fiction and So- 
 phifm, to cover the Nakednefs of the prcfent 
 Roman Cfym-qfi,. And the Pretence of Bona[d] 
 concerning the Prohibition of Images in Churches, 
 made by the Council of Eliberis, that it was only 
 to conceal the Secrets of Religion from the 
 Knowledge of the Heathen, is an ab fit id Sup- 
 pofition, which neither yJlbafpinaus nor Petavius 
 could digeft, as 1 have mewed more fully in 
 another Place [e\ where I fpeak of the Orna- 
 ments of the anuent Churches. 
 
 As to thefe Things which SECT. x. 
 
 they really concealed from the Re "f<" u f nr °> n ~ 
 
 Catechumens, the true Reafons T U " g 3 *J)f 
 i7- ii <Vt ~u i->! • r J rom the Catechu- 
 were, In (t, That the Plamnefs me ,, Si lftj That the 
 
 and Simplicity of the Chriltian vUmnefi and sim- 
 Rites might not be contemned plicuy of them might 
 by them, or give any occafion r -ot be contemned. 
 of Scandal or Offence to them, 
 before they were thoroughly inftructed about the 
 Nature of the Myfleries. For both Jews and 
 Gentiles, out of whom Chriftian Converts were 
 made Catechumens, were apt to deride the Na- 
 ked nefs and Simplicity of the Chriftian Reli- 
 gion, as void of thofe pompous Ceremonies and 
 Sacrifices, with which thofe other Religions 
 abounded. The Chriflian Religion prefcribed 
 but one wafhirg in Water, and one Oblation of 
 Bread and Wine, inftead of that Multitude of 
 bloody Sacrifices, which the other Religions 
 commanded. Therefore left the Plainnefs of 
 thefe few Ceremonies fhould offend the pre- 
 judiced Minds of Catechumens, before they 
 were well inftructed about them,, the Chriftian 
 Te achers ufually adorm d thefe Myfteries with 
 grcar and magnificent Titles, fuch as would con- 
 vey Noble Ideas to the Minds of Men concern- 
 ing their Spiritual Effects, but concealing their 
 other Names, left the Simplicity of the Things 
 fhould offend them. When they (pake of the 
 Eucharift, they never mentioned Bread and 
 Wine, but the Sacrifice of the Body and Blood 
 
 O] Taeod. Epkom. Divin. Decrct. lib. f. H.eret. Fabul. c. 
 18. tzvihv- Tm W&G&'jfW « c.v.-jiWuf, tihha. W\x uv- 
 &4a/f£<s#3fr*<i ^iSdaMfAj. [y J Chryf. Horn. 20. al. 19. 
 
 in Matth. p. zqo. Horn. 2. in z Cor. p. 740. [t] Aug. 
 
 Horn. 4.2. ex j-q. torn. 10. p. 195". Tei;e;e ergo hanc Uratio- 
 
 nem, quam reddituri eftis ad 0Q.0 dies. ■ Ad o£Lo dies ab 
 
 hodierno die reddituri eftis hanc Orationem cjuam hodie 
 tccepifiis. [a] Hieron. Ep. 61. ad Pammach. 
 
 c. 9. p. 172. Symbolum Fidei 8c fpei noftrcc, quod ab Apoftolis 
 traditutn, non fcribitur in chaita 8c atramento, fed in tabulis 
 cordis carnalibuf. [£] Soz.omen. lib. 1. c. 20. 
 
 [t] Hieron. Epift. 61. ad Pammach. c. 4. p. iCj. Confuetudo 
 apud nos iftiufmodi eft, ut his qui baptizaiidi funt, per quadra- 
 ginta dies publice tradamus. fanttam 8c ndorandam Trinitatem. 
 [./] Bona Rer. Liturgy lib, 1. cap. 16. n. 2, [e] Book 
 
 VIII. Chap. viii. n. 6. 
 
 of 
 
460 
 
 The Antiquities, &c. 
 
 Book X. 
 
 of Chriitj and (tiled Baptifm, Illumination and 
 Life, the Sacrament of Faith and Remiffion 
 of Sins, faying little in the mean time of the 
 outward Element of Water. This was one 
 plain Reafon, whey they denied Catechumens 
 the Sight of their Sacraments, and always fpakc 
 in Myttical Terms before them. We fhut the 
 Door?, fays Chryfoftom [/], when we cele- 
 brate our Myltenes, and keep off all Uniniti- 
 ated Pcrfons from them, not becaufe we ac- 
 knowledge any Imperfection in the Things them- 
 felves, but becaufe many are weakly affected to- 
 wards them. And fo St. Cyril [g] in the Place 
 mentioned above, We fpeak not openly of our 
 Myfteries before the Catechumens, but fay many 
 Things myftically and obfeureiy, that they who 
 know them may underftand us, and they who 
 know them not may receive no Harm, (n like 
 manner the Synod of Alexandria [b~\ charging 
 the Meletians for publishing the Myftery of the 
 Eucharifi before the Catechumens, and what was 
 worfe, before the Heathens, contrary to thole 
 Rules of Scripture, It is good to conceal the Secrets 
 of a King: And, Give not that which is Holy unto 
 Dogs, neither caft ye your Pearls before Swine - y They 
 add, That it is not lawful to bring Myfteries upon 
 the open Stage before the Uninitiated, left the 
 Heathen through their Ignorance fhould deride 
 them, or the Catechumens by their Curiofity 
 fhould be offended. Therefore there was an an- 
 tient Rule in the Church, That if any Uninitia- 
 ted Perfon had by any Miftake been admitted 
 to partake of the Eucharifi, he fhould be imme- 
 diately inftruded and baptized, that he might 
 not go forth a Contemner or Defpifer, as the 
 Author of the Apoflolical Conftitutions [f] words 
 it. And the Fourth Council of Toledo gives a 
 like Reafon [k~\ why fuch Jews as had been bap- 
 tized by Force, fhould continue in the Chriftian 
 Profefiion, left the Name of God fhould be blaf- 
 phemed, and the Faith which they had received, 
 fhould be reputed vile and contemptible. Though 
 they made a fevere Decree againit obliging any 
 Jews to be baptized by Force or Compulfion for 
 the future. 
 
 Itat 
 them 
 
 sect. XI. Another Reafon afligned 
 Semidfy, to conei- f or t hj s Difcipline of Silence, 
 tea Reverence for wag tQ conc jii ate a Reverence 
 in the Minds of Men for the 
 Myfteries which they kept fo concealed from 
 them. For as St. Bafil obferves [/], the Venera- 
 tion of Myfteries is preferved by Silence. And 
 ■as things that are trite and obvious are eafily 
 
 contemned j fo thofe that are uncommon and 
 referved are naturally adapted to begec in Men 
 an Etteem and Veneration. And therefore he 
 thinks, the Apoftles and Fathers of the Church, 
 who made Laws about thefe Matters, prefcribed 
 Secrecy and Silence, to preferve the Dignity of 
 the Myfteries. St. Auflin [m~\ gives the fame Rea- 
 fon for the Practice, when he fays, It was the 
 Honour that was due to the Myfteries, which 
 made him pafs them over in Silence, and not 
 explain them. 
 
 S t. Auflin adds to this a third SECT, xir, 
 Reafon, which is, that the My- Thirdly, to m<tk<- 
 fteries of Baptifm and the Eu- the . ^ecbumem 
 
 h- (\ 1 1 r 1 ■ n more tie, iron: to knc& 
 
 anft were therefore chiefly them J 
 
 concealed from the Catechu- 
 mens to excite their Curiofity, and inflame their 
 Zeal, and make them more earneit and folici- 
 tous in haftening to partake of them, that they 
 might come to an experimental Knowledge of 
 them. Though the Sacraments, lays he, are not 
 difclofed [»] to the Catechumen?, it is not al- 
 ways becaufe they cannot bear them, but that 
 they may fo much the more ardently defire them, 
 by how much they are the more honourably 
 hidden from them. And again, The Jews ac- 
 knowledge not the Priefthood [0] according to 
 the Order of Mclchifedeck. I fpeak to the Faithful, 
 if the Catechumens underftand it not, let them 
 caft away their Slownefs and haften to the Know- 
 ledge of it. They that do not yet eat of this (p) Ban- 
 quet, let them haften upon Invitation. The Feafr, 
 of Eafler is at hand. Give in your Name to Bap- 
 tifm. If the Feftival does not excite you, let 
 Curiofity draw you, that you may know that 
 which is faid, He that eateth my Flejh and drinketh 
 my Blood dwelleth in me, and I in him. 
 
 Thefe were the Reafons which engaged the 
 Ancients to conceal their Myfteries from the 
 Catechumens : Which, we plainly fee, have no 
 Relation to fuch Doctrines as that of Tiar.fub- 
 flantiation, or the number of Seven Sacraments, 
 or fuch Superftitious Practices as the Worfhip of 
 Images, or Saints and Angels, which are mere 
 Novelties, and the Modern Inventions of the Ro- 
 miflo Church. 
 
 I have now gone through all things relating 
 to the Difcipline of the Catechumens in their 
 Preparation for Baptifm. We are next to take a 
 View of Baptifm itfelf, and enquire into the 
 Manner how the Church adminiftred it, and what 
 Rites and Cuftoms were obferved in the Celebra- 
 tion of it. 
 
 [ /] Cbryf. Horn. 23. in Mat. p. 236. [g] Cyril. Catech. 6. 
 n 16 M Apud Athanaf. Apol. 2. torn. 1. p. 731. [»'] Con- 
 ftit Apod. lib. 7. c. xf. M Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. f 6. Oportet 
 ut fidem etiam, quam vi vel neceflitate fufcepcrunt, tenere cogan- 
 tur ncnomcn Domini blafphemetur, fcc fides, quam fufceperunt, viiis 
 ac contemptibilis habeatur. [/] Bafil. de Spir. Sanfto, c. 27. 
 [m] Aug. Serm. 1. inter 40. Edit a Sirmondo, torn. to. Non miran 
 debetis, Fratres charifiimi, quod inter ipfa myfteria de myfteriis nihil 
 diximus, quod non ftatim ea quae tradidimus interpretari fumus. Ad- 
 hibuimus enim tarn Sandis rebus atque divinis honorem filentii. 
 [»] Aug Horn. o6.inJoh.EtfiCatechumenis Sacramema Fidelium 
 
 non produntur, non idco fit quod ea ferre non poflint, led ut tanto 
 ardentius ab eis concupifcantur, quanto eis honorabilius occultantur. 
 W Aug. Horn, in Pfal.109. Judan non agnofcunt Sacerdotium iecun- 
 dum Ordinem Melchifedek. Fidelibus loquor, fi quid non intelli- 
 gunt Catechumeni, auferant pigritiam, feftinent ad notitiam. [p~] Id. 
 de Verbis Domini, Horn. 46. Qui nondum manducant, ad tales 
 
 epulas invitati feftinent. Ecce Pafcha eft, da nomen ad Bap> 
 
 tifmum. Si non te excitat Feftivitas, ducat ipfa Curiofitas, ut fcias 
 quid diftum fit, Qui manducat carnem meam & bibit fanguinem 
 meum, manet in me, & ego in eo. 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK XI. 
 
 Of the Rites and Cuftoms obferved in the Adminiflration 
 of Baptism in the Primitive Church. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the feveral Names and Appellations of Bapufm in. the Prhmtwe Church. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Names of 
 Baptifm mofi com- 
 monly taken from 
 the Spiritual Effect 
 of it. 
 
 of the Subject of this 
 
 H E R E are a great 
 many Queftions re- 
 lating to the Doc- 
 trine of Baptifm, 
 which I intend not 
 to make any Part 
 Book, becaufe they may 
 
 be found in any Didactical and Polemical Writers 
 upon this Head, and efpecially in VoJJius his ela- 
 borate Difcourfe de Baptifmo, where he accurately 
 canvafTes all Queftions of this nature, and lear- 
 nedly determines them from the Doctrine of the 
 Ancients. Here the Reader may find a fatisfac- 
 tory Account of all Queftions relating to the 
 Myftical Signification and Spiritual Effects of 
 Baptifm; fuch as are, i. Regeneration: z. adop- 
 tion: 3. Reception into the Covenant of Grace. In 
 which alfo is contained Remiffion of Sins, Renova- 
 tion of the Spirit , and Eternal Life, which arc the 
 noble Effects, conferred on all thofe that rightly 
 receive it. Here alfo he determines the Quefti- 
 ons, how it comes to pafs that though Sins are 
 forgiven in Baptifm, yet Concupi fence, the Fewel 
 or Incentive of Sin, remains ftill in the Regene- 
 rate? And whence it is, that after Baptifm, we 
 are ftill affli&ed with Difeafes, and that as well 
 Infants as Adult Perfons ? How it comes to pals, 
 that the Magiftratc has Power to punifh thofe 
 Sins which are committed before Baptifm, even 
 after they are purged away and forgiven in Bap- 
 tifm? With many other Queftions of the like 
 nature, which are not neceflary to come into 
 this Difcourfe. I fhall alfo omit the Queftion 
 about the indelible Character of Baptifm, which 
 js pretended to be imprefTed upon the Soul j and 
 
 the Queftions about the Adminiftrator of Bap- 
 tifm, and Lay- Baptifm, and Heretical Baptifm, 
 becaufe I have lately confidered thefe diftinctly 
 and fully in a fii ft and fecond Part of the Scho- 
 laftical Ilijlory of Lay-Baptifm. What remains 
 therefore to be confidered in this Place, is only 
 fuch other Matters in the Practice of the antienc 
 Church relating to the Adminiftration of Bap- 
 tifm, as have not yet been lpoken to. And here, 
 firft of all, it will be proper to fay fomething of 
 the antient Names of Baptifm j fome of which 
 were taken from the internal and Spiritual Ef- 
 fects of it j others from the Nature and Sub- 
 ftance of the Action j others from the Conditions 
 required in the Receivers $ others from the ex- 
 ternal Circumftances and Rites oblerved in the 
 Adminiftration. 
 
 From one of its noble Ef- sect. II. 
 fects, it was fometimes ftiled In- Hence Baptifm caU 
 dulgentia, Indulgence, or Abfoluti- led Iridulgentia, i n - 
 on and Remiffion of Sins. Thus, J ul ^ nce ' or Abfo " 
 in the African Council under Cy- 
 prian [_a], Privatianus a Suffetula terms it, the 
 Divine Indulgence. And in the Roman Council 
 mentioned by Cotelerius [if], it is faid, that at the 
 Eafter Feftival, Remiffion of Sins, meaning Bap- 
 tifm, may be adminiltred by either Presbyter or 
 Deacon, in the Prefence of the Bifhop in the Pa- 
 rilh-Churches. But forafmuch as Absolution or 
 Remiffion of Sins may not always necefTarily ac- 
 company Baptifm, through fome Default in the 
 Adminiftrator or the Receiver, though the Bap- 
 tifm be otherwife a true Baptifm ; therefore Sr. 
 Auftin, in difputing with the Donatifls, chufes ra- 
 
 [4] Cone. Carthng. ap. Cypr. n. 19. p. 234. Si Haerefis a Deo pore Presbyter 8c Diaconus per Parochias dare Remiflionem pecca- 
 
 eft, habere 8c Indulgentiam divinam poteft. [£] Cone. Rom. torum 8c miniftcrium implere confueverunt, etiam prasfcnte Epit 
 
 Can. 7. ap. Coteler. Not. in Conft. Apoft. lib. 3. c. o. Pafchae tem- copo. 
 
 Vol. I. N n n n ther 
 
462 
 
 The A n t 1 qjj it 1 e s of the Book XL 
 
 ther to call it [e] the Sacrament of Gnicc, and the 
 Sacrament of Abfolution, rather than Grace or Ab- 
 folution itfclfj becaufe wicked Men may receive 
 the Sacrament of Baptifm, but they cannot re- 
 ceive the Giace of Baptifm, which is Abfolution 
 or Remijjion of Sins; for God grants that to none 
 but thole that turn to him with a fincere Faith 
 and true Repentance. Whenever therefore the 
 Ancients call Baptifm by the Name of Abfolution 
 or Indulgence, they are to be underitood with this 
 Limitation, that it is fo only to thofe who are 
 worthy Receivers of it. And hence we may ob- 
 ferve, that the true antient proper Notion of an 
 Abfolution or Indulgence, is God's pardoning Sin 
 by the minifterial Application of his Sacraments, 
 which are the Seals of his Covenant, granting 
 Remiffion of Sins: Whence Baptifm, entring Men 
 into that Covenant of Grace, was dignified with 
 the Name of the Sacrament of Abfolution and In- 
 dulgence. 
 
 sect. III. Another noble Effect of 
 
 And ir*\i \yivi- Baptifm, was Regeneration, or a new 
 ffia, Regeneration, Birth from the Death of Sin 10 
 and yeliu-j., the t j ie LJf e G f Righteoufnefs . For 
 Unftion. every Chriftian was fuppofed to 
 
 be born again with the Waters of Baptifm, ac- 
 cording that of 'Tertullian\jf],Nos Pifciculi fecundum 
 i%&i>v noflrum Jefum Chriftum in aqua nafcimur, 
 We Fillies are born in Water, conformable to the 
 Name of our Lord Jefus Chriit, I^Ourj which, as 
 I have obferved [<?] in another place, was and 
 Acroftick or Technical Name, made of the ini- 
 tial Letters of our Saviour's feveral Titles in 
 Greek, 'hcrxi, Xg/ror, ©s«, ifo*?, ow/is, which put 
 together, make up the Name IX0T2, which fig- 
 nifies a Pip, and is alluded to not only by 'Tertul- 
 Vian, but by Pro/per \ f] and Optatus [g]. Hence 
 Baptifm had the Name of Trakifyivi via -v^o^r [h~] 
 in Cyril's Catechifm, the Regeneration of the Soul-, 
 and vkfais the Water of Life, in Juflin Mar- 
 
 tyr [t] ; and Fons Divinus, in Cafjiodore [£], the 
 divine Fountain, whence comes our EnglifJj Name 
 Font; with many other Titles of the fame Im- 
 portance. And becaufe this New Birth was 
 wrought by the Power and Influence of the Spi- 
 rit, therefore it was called the Spiritual Birth, 
 whereby thofe that were born carnally to the 
 World before, were now born fpiritually to 
 God. And fo, as Optatus words it [/], God was 
 hereby made Father of Men, and the Holy 
 Church their Mother. For till Men were bap- 
 tized, they were not perfect Members of Chrilt's 
 
 Body, the Church, nor properly adopted into 
 God's Family, and confequently had as yet no 
 Right to call God their Father, or the Church 
 their Mother. And, becaufe the Divine Opera- 
 tions of the Holy Spirit in fanctifving Grace are 
 fometimes in Scripture called the Untlion or Anoin- 
 ting of the Spirit, therefore Baptifm had alfo the 
 Name of Chrifm or Untlion, from this noble Ef- 
 fect attending it. Gregory Nazianzen takes no- 
 tice of this among many other Titles of Honour: 
 We call it, fays he, the Gift \ m\ and Grace, and 
 Baptifm, and Untlion, and Illumination, and Gar- 
 ment of Immortality, and Laver of Regeneration, 
 and Seal or Char abler, and whatever elfe is preci- 
 ous or honourable. And in explaining thefe 
 Terms, he particularly notes, that it had the 
 Name of Untlion, becaufe it was a Sacred and a 
 Royal thing, as thofe things ufually were that 
 were Anointed. Whence every Man was in fome 
 fenfe made a King and a Prielt to God by Chrift 
 in his Baptifm, upon which account St. Jerom 
 [»] ftyles Baptifm, Sacerdotiurn Laid, the Lay- 
 man's Priefihood, in coratradiftinction to the Cle- 
 rical Priefihood, which was only conferred by 
 Ordination. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 And QcoTtGiuMi 
 Illumination. 
 
 Another Effect of Baptifm 
 was the enlightening Mens Un- 
 der {landings with divine Know- 
 ledge. Hence Baptifm had the Name of tpwncr/jtor. 
 Illumination, as it frequently occurs in Chryfoflom 
 [0], Nazianzen [/>], Dionyfius the Areopagite [^], 
 the Council of Laodicea [r~\, and many others. 
 The Reafon of which Name feems to be partly 
 from the preceding Inftruction of the Catechu- 
 mens in their Preparation for Baptifm, according 
 to that of Juflin Martyr, This Laver [i] is called 
 Illumination, becaufe the Minds of thofe, who 
 learn thefe things, are enlightened. Then again, 
 becaufe it was the Entrance on an enlightned 
 State, and the Introduction to divine Knowledge, 
 which grew by degrees to greater Perfection : 
 For Juftin\ Words may be underftood of the 
 Knowledge confequcnt to Baptifm. And fo the 
 Reafon is given by Clemens Alexandrinus \t~\, and 
 the Author under the Name of Dionyfius [_u], be- 
 caufe it confers the firft Light, and is the Intro- 
 duction to all other divine illuminating MyfJcries, 
 therefore from the Effect., it was dignified with 
 the Name of Illumination. Perhaps it might be 
 fo called in regard alfo that the baptized were 
 now admitted to all the mylteriou ! ; parts and re- 
 condite Knowledge of Religion, which by the 
 
 [c] Aug. de Bapt. lib. f. c. 21. Sacramentum Gratia? dat Deus 
 etiam per malos: ipfim vero Gratiam non nifi per feipfum vel per 
 
 Sanftos iuos. Baptifmum vero, quod eft: Sacramentum RemilTi- 
 
 onis Peccatorum, nulli dubium eft habere etiam homicidas pofle, 
 Sec. y] Tertul. de Bapt. cap. 1. [e] Booh I. Chap, 1. 
 
 n. 2. [/] Profper. de Predict. 8c Promiflis. Par. 2. cap. 39. 
 
 [g] Optat. lib. 3. p. 62. [h] Cyril. Catech. Praefat. n. 10. 
 
 [/] Juftin. Dial. p. 231. [/<•] CalTiodor. in Cantic. cap. 7. 
 
 [/] Optat. lib. 2. p. 5-2. Dum Trinitas cum Fide concordat, qui 
 natus fuerat fxculo, renafcitur fpiritualiter Deo. Sic fit hominum 
 Pater Deus, fanfta fie fit Mater Ecclelia. [m] Naz,. Orat. 40. 
 de Bapt. p. c^S. S'L^v Kcthzpfy, yJ.ij.iy.A, (Zet-Zj/o-ucL, y£t<fjx&, 
 
 y'tfa, 'ttSlv 'in ri)Mth [tt] Hieron, DiaJog. advert LucifeD. 
 
 cap, 2. Sacerdotiurn Laid, id eft, Baptifma. Scriptum eft enim, 
 Regnum quippe nos, & Sacerdotes Deo 8c Patri fuo. fecit. Et ite- 
 rum, Gentem (anftam, Regale Sacerdotiurn, &c [0] Cfoy- 
 
 foft. Horn. 13, in Heb. p. ,8+8. [>] Naz, Orat. 40. de Bapt. 
 
 p. 638. [q] Dionyf.. Hierar. Eccl. cap. 2. [r] Cone. 
 
 Laod. can. 47. ^ [)] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 94. tZtq 
 
 11(Lv§clv'<>v]uv. 0] Clem. Alex. Padagog. lib. 1. c 6. p. 93. [«] 
 Dionyf. Eccl. Hier. cap. 3. p. 283. Wttf&t hv Qo-tii ^ Tc l- 
 
 Difci- 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 463 
 
 vat ion. 
 
 Difcipline of the Church were kept fecret from 
 them whilft they were Catechumens. And per- 
 haps fome regard might be had to the plentiful 
 EfFufion of the Spirit in the Gift of Tongues, 
 Knowledge and Prophecy, which in the Apofto- 
 lical Age was immediately conferred at Baptifm, 
 by the Impofition of the Hands of the Apoltles. 
 
 sect. v. Another EfFcdl of Baptifm 
 
 And Sulus, Sal- was eternal Salvation, as it was the 
 ordinary Means, not only of ob- 
 taining Remiflion of Sins, but of bringing Men 
 by the Grace and Blood of Chrift to the Glory 
 of the Kingdom of Heaven. Whence as St. 
 Auftin [#] obferves, it was very common among 
 the Punick or African Chriftians to call Baptifm 
 by the Name of Solus, Salvation, as they did the 
 Sacrament of the Body of Chrift by the Name 
 of Life, becaufe thefe two Sacraments were re- 
 puted neceflary to the obtaining of Salvation or 
 Eternal Life. And upon this account Gregory 
 Nazianzen, introducing a Perfon pleading for Li- 
 berty to delay his Baptifm, makes him fpeak after 
 this manner: I ftay only for my Father, or Mo- 
 ther, or Brother, or Wife, or Children, or 
 Friends, or fome near Relations, and then I will 
 be faved, mvinaura a-wS-nVo/jcat [_y] ; the Meaning 
 of which mud needs be, that then he would be 
 baptized, in order to obtain Salvation. Such ho- 
 nourable Titles and Appellations did the Anci- 
 ents give to this Sacrament of Baptifm, taken 
 from the noble Effects which it was fuppofed to 
 confer on all thofe who were worthy Partakers 
 of it. 
 
 sect. VI. Next from the Nature and 
 From the Nature Subrtance of it, it had the Names 
 tn,nd Subftance of it, Q f Myfterium, Sact -amentum, and 
 
 tt rvas called Myiie- . . The tWQ firft of whjch 
 rium, Sacramen- ^-r 1 r 11 1 
 
 ,„ m m j '., are *° common and fo well known 
 
 tunvwrf atpesryit' , , . , 
 
 to every Reader, that I need not 
 here fpend Time to explain them. Only I fhall 
 Note, that the Terms Myftery and Sacrament 
 are fometimes taken in a larger Senfe, to fignify 
 any facred Ceremony, or any part of Religion 
 that had anything of Spiritual or Myftical Signi- 
 fication in it. Of which there will be a more 
 proper Place to difcourfe, when we come to 
 treat of Confirmation. The Name c-p^y/?, and 
 Signaculum, The Seal of the Lord, is a little more 
 uncommon, as applied to Baptifm, and therefore 
 has occafioned fome Errors among learned Men, 
 who often miftake it either for the Sign of the 
 Crofs, or the Confignation and Unclion that was 
 
 ufed in Confirmation. Thus in that famous Dif- 
 courfe of Clemens Alexandrinus, intitled, g)uis 
 Dives falvetur, Part of which is recorded in Eu- 
 febius [z], and the whole publiflied by Combefis 
 [a~\, it is faid, that the Bifliop, to whofe Care 
 St. John had committed a certain young Converr, 
 firft inftructed or catechized him, and then gave 
 him the perfect Phylactery or Preservative againft 
 Sin, namely, the Seal of the Lord, <rr]v a-y&y'iJcc. 
 tS y.v^jis. Now by the Seal of the Lord, Chrifto- 
 pherfon and Bcllarmin, and others from him, un- 
 derftand Confirmation : Mr. Seller [£], and fome 
 others, will have it to be the Sign of the Crofs ; 
 but Valefius \c~] and Daille [d~], more truly ex- 
 pound it of Baptifm, which was called, the Seal 
 of the Lord, becr.ufe in the very nature of it 
 there is contained a Covenant made between God 
 and Man* and Baptifm being the Seal of this 
 Covenant, it was with the greateft Propriety of 
 Speech ftyled, the Seal of the Lord. In this fenfe 
 the antient Author of the Acis of Paul and The- 
 cla ufes the Name cKp^yrV for Baptifm. Give me, 
 fays Thecla to St. Paul, the Seal of Chrift [<?], and 
 no Temptation fhall touch me. And Hermas Paftor, 
 in like manner, fpeaking of fome that were bap- 
 tized and gone to Heaven, ufes the fame Dialect : 
 They that are now dead, were fealed [/] with 
 the Seal of the Son of God, and are entered into 
 the Kingdom of God. For, before a Man re- 
 ceives the Name of the Son ef God, he is consign- 
 ed over to Death; but when he receives than 
 Seal, he is freed from Death, and configned over 
 to Life. Now that Seal is Water, into which 
 Men defcend bound over to Death, but rife out 
 of it marked out or fealed unto Life. This Seal 
 therefore was preached unto them, and they 
 made ufe of it, that they might enter into the 
 Kingdom of God. In all this PaiTage there is 
 no exprefs mention made of Baptifm, but it is 
 called the Seal and Name of Chrift, becaufe it fets 
 the Mark and Name of Chriftians on us, and di- 
 ftinguifhes us from Jews and Gentiles, and lhews 
 that we belong to the Dominion and PofTeflion of 
 Chrift. Hence Tertullian frequently calls it Sig~ 
 naculum Fidei [g], the Signature of our Faith; and 
 fays, we are diftinguifhed from Jews by this 
 Signature [h'\ in our Bodies, becaufe their Signa- 
 ture was Circumcifion, but ours Baptifm. In like 
 manner, Gregory Nazianzen accounting for the 
 reafon of this Name, fays, it was called the 
 Seal of the Lord, becaufe it was an Indication to 
 whofe Dominion [t] we belong, and becaufe ic 
 was the Confignation of us to eternal Life. In 
 which refpect, Conftantine at the hour of Death 
 
 [#] Aug. de Pec. Merit, lib. 1. c. 24. torn. 7. p. 294. Optime 
 Punici Chriftiani Baptifmum ipfum nihil aliud quam Salutem 8c Sa- 
 cramentum Corporis Chrifti, nihil aliud quam Viiam vocant, 8cc. 
 [y] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. o^f. |>] Eufeb. lib. 3. c. 23. 
 [a] Combefis Au&arium Noviflimum, p. 185-. [J] Seller, 
 
 Ufe of Juftin. Martyr, p. 102. [c] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. lib. 3. 
 c. 1 7. [d~\ Dallaeus de Confirmat. lib. 2. c. 1. p. 1 10. [e] 
 
 Acta Theclx, ap. Grabe Spicileg. torn. 1. p. 10S. cTo? /xoi rnv 
 iv Xe/s-w oo&.y'iS'a.i ^ «x *4 5 5 [/] Her- 
 
 mas Paft. lib. 4. Simil. 9. n. 16. llli igitur defuncti figillo Filii Dei 
 fignari funr, 8c intraverunt in regnum Dei, Antequam enim acci- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 piat homo nomen Filii Dei, morti deftinatus eft: at, ubi accipit 
 illud Sigillum, liberatur a morte, 8c traditur vita;. Ulud autem 
 Sigillum aqua eft, in quam defcendunt homines morti obligati, af- 
 cendurjt ver6 vitae affignati. Et illis igitur prasdicatum eft illud Si- 
 gillum, 8c ufi funt eo ut intrarent in regnum Dei. [j>] Tertul. 
 de Speclac. c. 4. Ad principalem auftoritatem convertar, iplius Sig- 
 naculi nomen. It. c. 24. Hoc erit Pompa Diaboli : adverfus quam 
 in lignaculo Fidei ejeramus. [A] Tertul. Apol. c. 21. Neque de 
 ipfo Signaculo corporis, neque de confortio nominis cum Judxis 
 agimus. [i] Naz. Orat, 40. de Bapt, p. 639. 
 
 N n n n * defiring 
 
464 
 
 7ke Antiquities ^ A Book XI. 
 
 defiring the Benefit of Baptifm from the Bifhops 
 that were about him, is find by Eufebius [_k~] to 
 ask it in thefe Words : Now is the Time for me to 
 enjoy the Seal of Immortality ; now is the Time for me 
 to obtain the Seal of Salvation. Whence it was alfo 
 called the Seal of the Spirit, becaufe every worthy 
 Receiver was fuppofed, together with the out- 
 ward Element, to receive the Earned of the Spi- 
 rit in Baptifm : According to that of Chryfoftom, 
 as a Mark is fet upon [/] Soldiers, fo the Spirit 
 is put upon true Believers. And as the Jews had 
 Circumcifion for their Character, fo we have the 
 Earnelt: of the Spirit. And this Diftin&ion 
 between the Internal and External Seal of 
 Baptifm was neceflary to be made, becaufe many 
 Men received the External Seal of Baptifm, 
 or outward Form of it, who by their own De- 
 fault could not receive the internal Seal of the 
 Spirit. Thus the Author of the Apoftolical Con- 
 futations [ni] obferves, that even Simon Magus 
 himfelf received the Seal of the Lord, meaning the 
 outward Form of Baptifm, but neither he nor 
 any other Author ever laid, that he received the 
 internal Seal or Grace of the Holy Spirit. In 
 like manner Optatus [»] tells the Donatifts, that 
 both they and the Catholicks were fealed with 
 one and the fame Seal, which he explains to be 
 the outward Form of Baptifm, in which they 
 both agreed and were both alike baptized. But 
 both Optatus and St. Auftin and all other antient 
 Writers are agreed, that Heretical and Schifma- 
 tical Baprifm, fuch as was that of the Donatifts, 
 could not confer the internal Seal, or fan&ifying 
 Graces of the Holy Spirit, becaufe thofe were 
 only conferred by the Miniftry of the Holy Ca- 
 tholick Church, of which I have given a more 
 ample Account in another Place [0]. So that in 
 this refpedfc it was always thought necefTary to 
 diftinguiih between the internal and external Seal 
 of Baptifm, becaufe though they are commonly 
 joyned together, as in all true Believers, yet they 
 are fometimes feparated, as in fuch hypocritical 
 or unworthy Receivers, as Simon Magus, and 
 others of the like Complexion. 
 
 SECT. VII. St. Auftin commonly ufes the 
 
 smi Character Names, Character Regius, and Cha- 
 
 Dominicus, the racier Dominicus, the Royal Mark 
 
 Marker chamber or Chara&er, and the Character of 
 
 of the Lord. LorcL By which he do£s n£jt 
 
 mean any internal Quality, or fpiritual Power, 
 diftinft from Baptifm, imprinted on the Soul, as 
 the modern Schoolmen now love to word it j 
 but only the external Form of Baptifm, which is 
 common to all Receivers both good and bad, who 
 are duly baptized in the Name of the Holy Tri- 
 
 nity : They are fo far figned by the Mark or Cha- 
 racter of the Lord, as thereby to be diftinguifhed 
 from unbaptized Jews and Gentiles, who never 
 made any formal ProfefTion of Chriftianity, nor 
 ever received fo much as the external Character 
 or Indication of it. And this Character is al- 
 lowed by St. Auftin to be fo far indelible alfo, as 
 that an Apoftatizing Chriftian, though he turn 
 Jew or Pagan in ProfefTion, can never need a fe- 
 cond Baptifm, but only Repentance and Abfolu- 
 tion, to reinftaie him in all the Privileges of the 
 Chrift ian Church. Of which, becaufe I have 
 fpoken largely in a former Book [f], I need fay 
 no more in this Place. 
 
 Another fort of Names sect. vili. 
 given to Baptifm, were taken why called the s'a- 
 from the Conditions required of crament of Faith 
 all thofe that received it, which aml 
 were the ProfefTion of a true Faith and a fincere 
 Repentance. Upon which account Baptifm is 
 fometimes called the Sacrament of Faith, and 
 the Sacrament of Repentance. St. Auftin ufes 
 this Name to explain how [q] Children may be 
 laid to have Faith, though they are not capable 
 of making any formal Profeffion by themfelves. 
 As the Sacrament of the Body of Chrilt is in 
 fome fort the Body of Chrift, and the Sacra- 
 ment of the Blood of Chrift is the Blood of Chrift, 
 fo the Sacrament of Faith is Faith. And upon 
 this account, when the Anfwer is made, that an 
 Infant believes, who has not yet the Habit of 
 Faith, the meaning is, that he has Faith becaufe 
 of the Sacrament of Faith, and that he turns to 
 God becaufe of the Sacrament of Converfion. 
 Fulgentius ufes the fame Terms in fpeaking of the 
 neceffity of Baptifm : Firmly believe, and doubt 
 not [r], that excepting fuch as are baptized in 
 their own Blood for the Name of Chrift, no 
 Man ftiall have eternal Life, who is not here firft 
 turned from his Sins by Repentance and Faith, 
 and fet at Liberty by the Sacrament of Faith and 
 Repentance, that is, by Baptifm. Whence we 
 may obferve, what the Ancients mean, when 
 they fpeak of Penance and Abfolution, or Re- 
 mifiion of Sins, as a Sacrament : For they them- 
 felves explain their own Meaning to be Bap- 
 tifm, which is a Sacrament requiring Repentance 
 as a Condition, and granting Abfolution as an 
 EfTecT: and Privilege to all worthy Receivers. 
 
 Lastly, From the Ceremo- sect ix 
 
 nies ufed in the Aft of Admi- The Nviatw of 
 
 niftration, it took the peculiar the Names Baptifm, 
 
 Names of Baptifm, Tin&ion TmBion, Laver, &c 
 
 and Laver of Regeneration^ That ,hc >' d0 not 
 
 [*] Eufeb. de Vita Conftant. lib. 4. c. 62. ufjt ^ w.ua f &r- 
 hctvacu ^ dSrctvctjoixotv c<tico.y\S' < &. l!>^. <r» aefjneti iqccty'ia- 
 (jL<tloi fj.{}a.^eiv. [/] Chryfoft. Horn. 3. in 2 Cor in fine. 
 
 xa-3-*T«? rftfT/foTttfj o~$£jt.yi<;, Ztu >y rolf Tripoli TViCi/.ct 
 cotti^s^ & c - Canftit. Apoft. lib. 3. c, 14. ^.'tyuv 
 
 fj.dyQ- t«c lv Kvelu a$fcty'tJ s et 'ihetSt. Via". Aug. de Bapt. lib. 
 6. c. 12. [»] Optar. lib. 3. p. 72. Pares credimus, & uno Si- 
 gillo fignati fumus : Nec'aliter baptizati quam vos. [0] Scholafl. 
 Hifl. of Lay-Baptifm, Part I. Chap. i. n.11. [f] See Scholafl. 
 
 Hift. of Lay-Baptifm, Part II. Chap. vi. [q] Aug. Ep. 23. ad 
 
 Bonifac. Sicut fecundum quendarn modum Sacramentum corporis 
 
 Chrifti corpus Chrifti eft, 8c Sacramentum Sanguinis Chrifti Sanguis 
 
 Chrilli eft, ita Sacramentum Fidei Fides eft. Ac per hoc, cum 
 
 refpor.detur parvulus credere qui nondum Fidei Iiabet affectum, re- 
 fpondetur fidem habere propter Fidei Sacramentum, 8c convertcre fe 
 ad Deum propter Converllonis Sacramentum, &c. [r] Fulgent, 
 de Fide ad Petrum, cap 30. Firm<flime tene 8c nullatenus duhires, 
 exceptis illis, qui pro nomine Chrifti fuo fanguine baptizantur, nul- 
 lum hominem acccpturum vitam aeternam, qui non hie a malis iuis 
 fuerit per Pcenitentiam fidemque converfus, 8c per Sacramentum 
 Fidei & Pcenitentias, id eft, per Baptifmum, libcrutus, See. 
 
 which 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 nniverfally denote which properly denote either an 
 immerfion. Immcrfion in Water, or fuch a 
 
 Wafhing or Sprinkling as was ufed among the 
 Jews in fome cafes, and among Chriftians when 
 they had occafion to baptise lick Pcrfons upon a 
 Death-bed. For then Baptifm was adminiftrcd 
 by Sprinkling only, and not by Dipping or Im- 
 merfion, as we {hall fee when we come to fpeak 
 more particularly of Clinick Baptifm. So that it 
 mull be noted, that Baptifm in the ancient Style 
 of the Church does not abfolutely and neceflarily 
 import Dipping or Immerfion, though that was 
 the more ufual Ceremony practifed heretofore as 
 well upon Infants as adult Perfons, but an Excep- 
 tion was made for the rime of Sicknefs, and fuch 
 other cafes of Ncceflity, as could not admit of 
 a total Immerfion. In which cafes, the Sub- 
 ilancc of Baptifm was ftill fuppofed to be pre- 
 ferved, though fome minuter Circumllances were 
 lefs regarded. 
 
 SECT. X. Besides thefe Names, which 
 of fome other W ere taken from things that more 
 Names given to i mmc diatcly related to the Admi- 
 Baptifm. niftration of Baptifm, there were 
 
 fome others alluding to Circumcifion, and others 
 refpecting the great Aathor and Inftitutor of it, 
 our Saviour Chrift, and others taken from the 
 more remote and diftant Effects of it, which, bc- 
 caufe we mail have no farther Occafion to fpeak 
 of them, it will not be improper juft to mention 
 in this Place. Becaufe Baptifm fucceeds in the 
 room of Circumcifion, and is the Seal of the 
 Chriftian Covenant, as that was the Seal of the 
 Covenant made with Abraham, therefore it is, by 
 way of Analogy, fornetimes fbyled the great Cir- 
 cumcifion. As when Epiphanius comparing them 
 both together, fays, the carnal Circumcifion [/] 
 lerved for a time, till the great Circumcifion 
 came, that is, Baptifm ; which circumcifes us 
 from our Sins, and feals us in the Name of God. 
 So in regard that Baptifm had Chrift for its Au- 
 thor and not Man, it was antiently known by 
 the Name of AcS^v, and -^apjcixa y.v^jif, the Gift 
 of the Lord. As in the antient Acts of Paul 
 and Thecla; when Thecla defired the Seal of the 
 Lord, Paul bids her wait with Patience, and fhe 
 mould receive JVugjav tS X^s-s, the Gift of Chrift, 
 which, as the learned Editor obferves [/], is but 
 another way of denoting Baptifm. Sometimes it 
 was limply called ^w^v,without any other Addition 
 by way of Eminence,becaufe it was both a gratui- 
 tous and a Angular Gift of Chrift. We call it the 
 Gift,fays Gregory Nazianzen [«],becaufe it is given 
 to thofe who offer nothing for it. And St. Bafil 
 ePtov imlpxeiv irf J\^co, we ought to run to the 
 Gift [<r], meaning Baptifm. And Cafaubon has 
 alfo farther obferved [_y\ that becaufe the Spirit 
 was likewife given in Baptifm, therefore the 
 
 Holy Ghoft had fornetimes the Name of Munus, 
 the Gift. And the Eucharift alfo, or the Sacra- 
 mental Oblation of the Body and Blood of Chrift, 
 both before and after Confccration, commonlv 
 went by this Name, <Ao,o^ and jxu'swa e^ai^ of 
 which there are various lnftances collected out oY 
 the antient Rituals by that learned Writer, which 
 are not proper to be inferted in this Place. Bap- 
 tifm had alfo the Name of {(po^icv or Viaticum, as 
 well as the Eucharift, which denotes properly the 
 Preparation of all things ncceftary for a Journey : 
 In which refpect both the Sacraments were cal- 
 led Viatica, becaufe they were equally cfteemed 
 Mens neceffary Provifion and proper Armour 
 both to fuftain and conduct them fafe on their 
 Way in their Pallage through this World to E- 
 ternal Life. St. Bafil exhorting Men of all Ages 
 and Conditions to receive" Baptifm, makes his 
 Addrefs to them in thefc Words [z]: Art thou 
 a young Man? Then fecure thy Youth by the 
 Bridle of Baptifm. Art thou pail the Flower of 
 thy Age? Then beware thou lofe not thy Viati- 
 cum, thy Phylactery, which mould keep and pre- 
 ferve thee in thy Way to Eternal Life. In Al- 
 lufion to which Name, Gregory Nazianzen 
 fpeaking of the Minifter's Act in baptizing, terms 
 it stpec^ia'^v, giving to Men their Viaticum, or 
 Provifion for their Journey to another World. 
 In reference to the making Men compleat Mem- 
 bers of Chrift's Body, the Church, it had the 
 Name of rsXaWif and reXerr}, the Confecration 
 and Confummation i becaufe it gave Men the Per- 
 fection of Chrillians, and a Right to partake of 
 the to TsXttov, which was the Eucharift of the 
 Lord's Supper. It had the Name of juu«o-ir 9 and 
 /uurafwy/a, the Initiation, becaule it was the Ad- 
 mittance of Men to all the facred Rites and My- 
 fteries of the Chriftian Religion. And as the 
 Eucharift, from its reprefenting the Death of 
 Chrift by the outward Elements of Bread and 
 Wine, was called the facred Symbols, fo Baptifm 
 fornetimes had the fame Name, as we find in 
 Ifidore of Peluftum, and the Auihor of the Dif- 
 pute with Arius in the Council of Nice, under 
 the Name of Athanafius. Though the Priell be 
 an ill Liver, [b~] fays Ifidore, the Perfon initiated 
 receives no Harm by the S)mbols of Salvation, 
 but only the Prieft himfelf. And the other [c~\ 
 thus argues for the Divinity of the Holy Ghoft: 
 If the Holy Spirit be not of the Subftance of the 
 Father and the Son, why then did the Son of 
 God joyn him together with them in the Symbol 
 of Sanctification, when he faid to his Difciples, 
 Go teach all Nations, baptizing them in the Name of 
 the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoft ? 
 In both which places, 'tis plain, the Symbols of 
 Sanctification and Salvation, can mean no other than 
 Baptifm. And hence it appears, that the fame 
 honourable Titles were given to the Waters of 
 
 [s] Epiphan. Haer. 8. al. 28. Cerinth. n. 4. Vid. Juft. Mart. 
 DWl.c Tryph. p. 261. [t] Grabe Spicileg. Patrum, torn. 1. 
 
 p. 106. [«] Naz.Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 638. [*] Bali!. 
 
 Homil. 1 2. de Bapt. p. 411. [/! Cafaubon. Exercitat. 16. in 
 
 Baron, n. ft. [2.] Bafil. Ibid. p. 413. yr< t* 
 
 iip'o^m, y.n &3Ai(FH? ii 91/Accx.Ti'ie/oi'. W N az - Orat. 40. de 
 
 Bapt. p. 644. [£] Ifidor. lib. 2. Ep. 37. i j6A.a' / «V©" g/'e" 
 
 net^n ovy.Ce>.<t, <4 he&'i [ah df 
 
 [c] Athanaf. Difp. contra 
 
 Ari'jrr. in Cone. Nic torn. i.p. 1^1. t'iv(Q- \y%wy ffvw&i&y.nt7w 
 evil b Cy> n '3;a c# to cruji^oKu dyiao-y.7, &c. 
 
 6 Bap- 
 
46(5 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book X. 
 
 Baprifm, as to the Elements of Bread and Wine 
 in the Lord's Supper * and whatever Change was 
 fuppofed to be wrought in the one by the Invo- 
 cation of the Holy Spirit, was equally afcribed to 
 the other alfo and as noble Effects derived from 
 the Font as the Lord's Table, whilft the Death 
 of Chrift was equally reprefented, and the Bene- 
 fits of it alike communicated to all worthy Re- 
 ceivers in Baptifm and the Lord's Supper. For 
 which Reafon I have been a little the more cu- 
 rious in Examining and Explaining the feveral Ti- 
 tles of Honour which the Ancients gave to Bap- 
 
 tifm, that under thefe eminent Characters we 
 might fee what Apprehenfions and Ideas the 
 Church of Chrift always had of this Venerable 
 Myftery, which fome now by way of Contempt 
 call Water-Baptifm, as if the Spirit had no Con- 
 cern in it; whofe Doctrines may eafily be per- 
 ceived not to proceed from the general Senfe of 
 the antient Catholick Church, but from particu- 
 lar Sects and Herefies broken ofT from it, of 
 which it may not be amifs to give a fhort Ac- 
 count in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Matter of B a p t i s m, with an Account of fuch Heretkks as rejected or 
 
 corrupted Baptism by Water. 
 
 sect. I. *-p HOUGH the Church al- 
 
 Baptifmwfjoityre- ways maintained an honour- 
 
 jeaed by the Here- ^ Q inioR f Bapcifm as a di . 
 ticks called Aico- . ' , , . r ■> . 
 
 draw, and Marco- v,ne and heavenly Infhtution, 
 fans, and Valenti- yet there wanted not Sects and 
 nians, and Qaintil- Herefies, who in the earlieft Ages 
 luns - fpake very diminutively and con- 
 
 temptibly of it 5, and either in whole or in part 
 upon various Reafons rejected or corrupted it. 
 The Afcodruta, who were a fort oiGnofticks, pla- 
 ced all Religion in Knowledge, and under pre- 
 tence of fpiritual Worfliip, would admit of no 
 external or corporeal Symbols whatfoever. They 
 afferted, as Theodoret \a~] defcribes them, That 
 Divine Myfteries, being the Images of invifible 
 Things, were not to be performed by vifible 
 Things j nor incorporeal Things by fenlible and 
 corporeal Things. Therefore they never bapti- 
 zed any that were of their Seel, nor celebrated 
 any part of the Myftery of Baptifm among them. 
 For they faid, the Knowledge of all Things was 
 their Redemption. Irenaus and [£] Epiphanius 
 obferve the fame Thing to be practifed, upon the 
 fame Principle of Spiritual Redemption by Know- 
 ledge alone, among fome of them who were cal- 
 led Marco/tan Herericks, whilft others of them, 
 who retained a fort of Baptifm, invented ftrange 
 Forms of their own to corrupt it, of which I 
 fhall give an Account in the following Chapter, 
 n. 8. Irenaus \_c] gives a like Account of the Va- 
 lentinians, fome of which wholly rejected Bap- 
 tifm, and others corrupted it with ftrange Forms 
 of their own inventing, as the Marcofians did, who 
 feem to have been Branches of the fame Herefy 
 under different Leaders. Tertullian [d] brings a 
 like Charge againft one £)uintiUa, a Woman-prea- 
 cher at Carthage a little before his Time, who 
 fet up to decry Water-baptifm as ufelefs, plead- 
 ing, That Faith alone was fufficient to fave Men, 
 
 as it did Abraham, who pleafed God without a- 
 ny other Sacrament, but the Sacrament of Faith. 
 Againft this Herefy Tertullian wrote his Book of 
 Baptifm, to eftablifh the Neceffity of it from our 
 Saviour's Inftitution, and to anfwer the little So- 
 phifms whereby the Libertines of this new Sect 
 pretended to deftroy it. - 
 
 The Archontici rejected Bap- SECT. II. 
 tifm for another Reafon, as Epi- And b the Ar * 
 phanius 0] and theodoret [/] in- chontICK 
 form us. They had entertained a very monftrous 
 and blafphemous Opinion, That the World was 
 not created by the Supreme God of all Things, 
 but by certain Powers, whom they called a^ov- 
 Ttj, Rulers, whence they themfelves had the De- 
 nomination of Archontici , Thefe Rulers, feven or 
 eight in number, they imagined to be in fo ma- 
 ny feveral Orbs of the Heavens one above ano- 
 ther, with Orders of Angels and Miniftries un- 
 der them : And to the chief of thefe they gave 
 the Name of Sabaoth. Now they alfo pretend- 
 ed that Baptifm was only adminiftred in the Name 
 of Sabaoth, and not in the Name of the Supreme 
 God, and therefore they rejected both it and the 
 Eucharift as foreign Inftitutions, given by Sabaoth, 
 the God of the Jews and the Giver of the Law, 
 whom they blafphemoufly diftinguifhed from the 
 Supreme God. 
 
 The Seleucians and Hermians SECT. Ill 
 refufed the ufe of Baptifm by And by the Seleu- 
 Water, as St. Auftin{£\ defcribes ™ ns aoJ Herm[ - 
 them. And the ground of their ans ' 
 Refufal, was a Pretence, that Baptifm by Wa- 
 ter, was not the Baptifm inftituted by Chrift > 
 becaufe St. John Baptift comparing his own Bap- 
 tifm with the Baptifm of Chrift, fays, / baptize 
 you with W iter, but he that cometh after me, Jljall 
 
 la] Theodor. Ha:ret. Fabul, lib. i. c. 10. [b] Irenx. lib. i. 
 c. 18. [c] Iren. lib. 3. c. 2. id] Tertul.de Bapt. cap. 1. 
 Nuper converfata iftic qusedam de Caiana Haerefi vipsra renena- 
 tiflima, doftrina fua plerofque rapuit, imprimis Baptifmum deftru- 
 ens, 8cc. It. cap 13. Adeo dicunt, Baptifmus non eft neceflarius, 
 
 quibus Fides fatis eft, &c. [e] Epiphan. Hir. 40. de Archon- 
 ticis, n. 2. [/] Theodor. Hxr. Fab. lib. 1. c. ii. [g] Aug 
 de Hxref. c. fp. Seleuciani 8c Hermiani Baptifmum in aqua non 
 accipiunt. 
 
 baptize 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 467 
 
 baptize you with the Holy Ghoft and with Fire [h\ 
 they thought the Souls of Men confifled of Fire 
 and Spirit, and therefore a Baptifm by Fire was 
 more fuitable to their Nature. But what kind of 
 Baptifm that was, none of the Ancients have told 
 us i unlefs perhaps we may conjecture from what 
 (Clemens Alexandrinus [/] tells us out of Heracleon, 
 of ll>me who, when they had baptized Men in 
 Water, alfo made a Mark upon their Ears with 
 Firej fo joyning Water-baptifm, and, as they 
 imagined, Baptifm by Fire, together. Though 
 this was far enough from the fiery Baptifm St. 
 John fpcaks of, which fome of the Ancients un- 
 derftand of the ordinary Operations of the Spirit, 
 which confume our Sins j and others, of that ex- 
 traordinary EfFufion of the Spirit in the Form of 
 fiery Tongues upon the Apoftles at the Day of 
 Pentecoft : And othen, of the Fire of the lad 
 Judgment. A particular Account of which Inter- 
 pretations the Reader that is curious may find in 
 Suiccrus upon this \_k~] Subject. I only note far- 
 ther out of the Anonymous Writer about Hereti- 
 cal Baptifm, publifhed by Rigaltius and Bifhop Fell 
 at the End of St. Cyprian, that there were a fort 
 of Hereticks, who pretended, That Baptifm by 
 Water alone was of itfelf imperfect, becaufe St. 
 John had faid, We were to be baprized with the 
 Holy Gholt and with Fire. Therefore they 
 boalted [/], That theirs was the only complete 
 and perfect Baptifm, and all others curtailed and 
 given only by halves, becaufe when they went 
 down into the Water to baptize, either by fomc 
 curious Art in Philofophy, like that of Anaxilaus, 
 or by fome magical Art, they made Fire to ap- 
 pear upon the Surface of the Water, and this they 
 called Baptifm by Fire. Which they confirmed 
 from an Apocryphal Writing of their own inven- 
 ting, called the preaching of Peter or Paul, 
 wherein it was faid, That when Chrilt was bap- 
 tized, Fire fo appeared upon the Water. The 
 Cenlure which this Author pafles upon this kind 
 of Baptifm, is, That it is Adulterate, Pernicious, 
 and wholly evacuating the true Baptifm of 
 Chrilt. 
 
 sect. iv. Another Sect which re- 
 
 And by the Ma- j ec "ted Water-baptifm, were the 
 nichces and Pauli- Manic J oees who among many G . 
 cians. , ... ~ • ' - 
 
 ther prodigious Errors, maintain- 
 ed, That baptizing in Water was of no Effi- 
 cacy to Salvation, and therefore they defpifed 
 it, and never baptized [m] any that entred into 
 
 their Society, as St. Juftin and the Author of the 
 Prxdejlinatus [»] publifhed by Sirmondus, inform 
 us. But whether they admitted any other kind of 
 Baptifm, or upon what ground they rejected this, 
 we are not told : Only we may probably conje- 
 cture, that it was upon that g neral vile Principle 
 of theirs, That material Things were the Work 
 of an Evil God, and therefore to be abhorred as 
 polluted and prophane. One Branch of this He- 
 refy were afterward called Pauliciam, from one 
 Paulus and Johannes the firft Founders of it. Eu- 
 thymius out of Photius gives a large Account of 
 them, where he tells us [0] That though they 
 really rejected and defpifed Baptifm, yer they pre- 
 tended to receive it : B it that was only with a 
 deceitful Equivocation ; for they maintained, That 
 the Word of the Gofpel was Biptiim, becaufe 
 our Lord faid, I am the living Water. The learn- 
 ed FoJJius [f\ is of Opinion, that thofe Words, 
 Ego fum Aqua Viva, I am the living Water, was 
 the Form which thefe Paulicians ufed in Baptifm, 
 inftead of the Form of the Church : But he plain- 
 ly mi flakes Euthymius, who dot s not fav, that 
 they ufed this as a Form of Words in tkt " Bap- 
 tifm j for they had no Baptifm at all, nor confe- 
 quently any Form of Words for baptizing : But 
 their Opinion was, That believing in Chiift, or 
 the Word, or the Truth of the Golpel, was all 
 the Baptifm that was required of Men, and that 
 becaufe Chrilt had laid, / am the living Water. 
 Yet fometimes, as Euthymius relates in the fame 
 Place \jf\, i hey would bring their Children to 
 the Presbyters of the Church to be baptized after 
 the Catholick Way, becaufe they had an Opini- 
 on that both Bapufm and the Crofs were of fome 
 Advantage to the Body for the Cure of Difeales, 
 but of no other Efficacy, Benefit or Verriie to 
 purge the Soul. And fuch an Opinion poflefTed 
 the Minds of many others, who had no farther 
 regard for. Baptifm, but only as it was of ufe to 
 free the Bodv of lome Di (temper or Uncleannefs. 
 St. Auflin [r] puts the Queltion once or twice 
 concerning lome fuch Perlons, who defired to be 
 baptized with no ot her View but this. A:\dAfat- 
 thew Blajlares [j] mentions a famous Cafe of the 
 Agarenes, who compelled the Chriltian Clergy 
 that were under their Dominion to baptize their 
 Children before they would circumcife them, be- 
 caufe they conceived this would Contribute to- 
 ward the prevention of thofe Ddtemper> and Noi- 
 fomentffes, which are occasioned by Circumcition, 
 Upon this cale a Quellion was made in the Coun- 
 
 ts] Phihftr. de Hx'ref. n. ?. Felcucus 8c Hermius Hxretici, ani- 
 mus hominum de Igne 5c Spiritueffe exiftimantes, ifto baptifmo non 
 utuntur, propter verbumhoc quod dixit Johannes Baptifta : Ipfe vos 
 baptizabit in Spiritu &. Igne. [<] Clem. Alex. Electa ex Scripture, 
 ap.Comberls Auftarium, torn. ;. p. 202. li>i»i 3, £f qwtiv Hf«- 
 Tvei ret i, rt r''' a '"> •rQt&pcw y.a)~<rv;jXva.i^]o. Irenx- 
 us, lib. 1. c. 24. has fomething like this, of the Carpocratians. 
 [k] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. torn. 1 p. 620 [/] Anonym, de 
 Baptifmo Haereticorum, ad Calcem Cypriaiii, p. 30. Tentant non- 
 nulli iterum tradlare fe folus integrum atque pcrfectum, non ficuti 
 nos, mutilatum, 8c decurtatum baptifma tradere Quod taliter di- 
 cantur adlignare, ut, quam mox in aquam delcenderunt, ftatim fu- 
 per aquam ignis appareat, 8cc. [w] Aug. de Hxref. c. 46. Bap- 
 tifmum in aqua nihil cuiquam perhibent falutis adferre: Nec quen- 
 
 quam eorum, quos decipiunt, baptizandum putant: [»] Prxde- 
 ftinatorum Hxreiis, c. 46 [0] {Juthym. Pancplia. Par. 2.Titul. 
 21. p. 48. Quineriam cum baptifmum afpernentur, illud tamcn fs 
 fingunt fuiciperc- Nam Evangelii verba baptifmum exiitimant, quo- 
 niam Dominus, ego fum, >nquit, Aqua Viva. [p] Volf de Bap- 
 tifmo, Difp. r. Thef. 2. p. 28. [9] Euthym. ibid. Liberos eticm 
 fuos ab Eccleiix Presbyteris falutari Baptilmo volunt aliquando lu- 
 ftrari Exiitimant enim Crucem 8: Baptifmum corpon prodelle. 
 Horum tamen vim ad animic purgationtm pervenire nou putani, nec 
 ullam aliam afferre utilit3iem. [r] Aug. Ep. 23. ad B Jnifiacium. 
 [;] Blaftar. Syntaem. Can. Litera 3- cap 3. ap. Bevercg. Pande£t. 
 torn. 2. p. 42. V;d. Balfamon in Phocii Nomocanon. tit. 13. de Lai- 
 cis, cap. 2 8c Baron an.i t^.p. 3>-8.torn. 12. If.an. 114^^.314. 
 
 i 
 
IM i .in ■ I 1 ~ «■ '' 
 
 468 The Antiquities of BookX 
 
 cil of Conjiantinople under Lucas Chryfberges, 
 Whether fuch Perfons when they came over to 
 the Chriftian Faith, were to be re-baptized, or 
 only anointed withChrifin ? And it was refolved, 
 That they ought without Controverfy to be re- 
 ♦ baptized, fince the Baptifm with which they 
 were wafhed, was not received with any pious 
 Intent, but only as an Amulet or a Charm. 
 Thefe Inftances make the Account which Eu- 
 thymius gives of the Paulicians, feem very pro- 
 bable, that though they had no Regard for 
 Baptifm as a Chriftian Sacrament, yet they 
 might fometimes make ufe of it, as the Saracens 
 did, as an Inchantment or a fort of magical Spell, 
 which appears to be the only Ufe they ever made 
 of it, and that not in their own AfTemblks, 
 (where they had no Sacraments at all, neither Bap- 
 tifm nor the Eucharift) but fraudulently receiving 
 it in the Church at the Hands of the Chriftian 
 Catholick Priefts. The Reader may obferve by 
 the way, that thefe Paulicians were not the Fol- 
 lowers of Paulus Samofatenfis Bifhop of Antioch, 
 who are commonly called Paulianijls and Sa- 
 mofatenians [though Balfamon confounds them 
 together] j but they had their Denomination 
 from another Paulus Samofatenfis and one Jo- 
 hannes , who revived and enlarged the Hc- 
 refy of the Manichees; as appears plainly from 
 Euthymius. And Juflellus [f] and VoJJius [u] have 
 obferved the fame out of Cedrenus, Tbeophanes, 
 Matthew Blaftares, Nicephorus, and other Mo- 
 dern Greeks, with which it would be needlefs in 
 this Place to trouble the Reader. 
 
 SECT. V. Some add to the forementi- 
 mat opinion the onec j Sects, who rejected Bap- 
 ^TV, * Eu " tifm, the Herefy of the Mejfali- 
 
 chites had of B*p~ ' -n 7 l r 
 
 tl r m 1 r ans, or Euchites, who were 10 
 called from the Greek Word Eu'^ij, 
 Prayer, and Mejfalians from the Syr tack Word 
 Mctfalah, which is much of the fame Significa- 
 tion, becaufe they refolvedall Religion into Pray- 
 er. But it does not appear that they wholly re- 
 jected the Sacrament of Baptifm : For then the 
 "Church would have ordered them upon their Re- 
 turn to have been baptized as Jews or Pagans ; 
 which llie never did, but only obliged them to 
 anathematize their Errors in order to be admitted 
 to Communion, as may be collected from the De- 
 cree of the General Council of Ephefus [x\ made 
 with relation to fuch of the Clergy or Lairy as 
 returned from them. But their Error was in de- 
 nving the principal Part of the Spiritual Efficacy 
 of Baptifm : They faid indeed it granted Remif- 
 fion of Sins that were paft, but added no Strength 
 or Ability from the Spirit to withftand Sin for 
 the future. This we learn from Theodoret, who 
 comparing the Doctrine of the Catholick Church 
 and that of the Mejfalians upon this Point toge- 
 
 ther, delivers himfelf [j] to this purpofe: Bap- 
 tifm, fays he, is not like a Razor only, as rbe 
 Mejfalian Enthufiafts call it, which takes away 
 Sins that are paft; though it has this Effect a- 
 mong many others: For, if this were the only 
 Work of Baptifm, for what Reafon fhould we 
 baptize Infants, who have never yettafted of Sin? 
 For the Sacrament does not only piomife this Ef- 
 fect, but greater and more perfect Things than 
 that. It is the Earned of future Good, theTv-: 
 of the Refurrection to come hereafter, the Com- 
 munication of our Lord's Paffion, the Participa- 
 tion of our Lord's Refurrection, the Garment of 
 Salvation, the Clothing of Joy, and the Robe of 
 Light, or rather Light itfelf. So that we mud 
 allow Theodoret to be his own Interpreter, when 
 be feems to give a more harfh Account of thefe 
 Mejfalians in another place, defcribing them as 
 Men who taughr, that no manner [2] of Advan- 
 tage accrued from Divine Baptifm to thofe who 
 received it, but that it was only fervent Prayer 
 that expelled the indwelling Devil out of Mens 
 Minds. For this is to be underftood with the 
 fore-mentioned Exception, That they allowed 
 Baptifm fo far to be ufeful, as to warn away all 
 former Sins, but not to grant any farther Perfe- 
 ction. And fo Harmenopulus [a\ reprefents their 
 Doctrine, as teaching, That neither B iptifm nor 
 Participation of the Eucharijl could give a Man 
 the Perfection of a Chriftian, but only fuch Pray- 
 er as they pretended to. In like manner Euthy- 
 mius (7']defcribes them, as maintaining, That Bap- 
 tifm did not eradicate Sin. They did not deny 
 that it purged away former Sins, but they would 
 not allow any Efficacy of the Spirit to be joyned 
 with it to refill or overcome Sin for the future. 
 Againft which Doctrine Euthymius thus argues: 
 Our Lord Jefus Chrift faid, Except a Man be bom 
 of W %ter and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the 
 Kingdom of God. Now the Holy Ghoft is a 
 Divine Fire} for he defcended in the Form of 
 fiery Tongues upon the Difciples; and the Fore- 
 runner of Chrift fpake of this to the Multitude, 
 when he teftify'd of the Excellency of Chrift, He 
 [hall baptize you with the Holy Ghojl and with Fire. 
 As therefore Material Fire, when it catches a 
 Wood, burns all things upon the Surface of the 
 Earth, dries up the Roots, and purges the Place 
 from Filth : So the Holy Spirit does, and much 
 more. For it is a Fire confuming the Iniquity of 
 thofe who are baptized. And it not only purges 
 and obliterates the Spots, and Scars, and Filth of 
 the Soul, but alfo illuminates and endows it with 
 many Gifts, as the Apoftles, especially St. Paul, 
 teach us, where they fpeak of the Diftiibution of 
 the Graces of the Holy Spirit, which are confer- 
 red on thofe who are baptized. From this Ac- 
 count of the Mejfalians it appears, that they were 
 neither Anabaptifls, nor Quakers; they neither 
 
 [/] Juftel. Not. in Can. 19. Codicis Eccl. Univerfae. [«] Vofl". 
 de Baptifmo, Difp. 20. p. 24.1. [*] Cone. Ephcf. torn. 2. p. 809. 
 [y] Theod. Epitom. Divin. Decret. five de Fabul. Hxret. lib. f . 
 cap 18 [O Theod. Haeret. Fab. lib. 4. cap. 10. ^'.piM ex rk 
 
 e**V*i**l®- &'*tM"< y}' sS *> e-'° r v ™ g T 
 
 menop. de Seftis. c. 18. Bibl. Parr. Gr. Lat. torn. 1. p. 5-36. 7o/3 rt V- 
 -Ttf/AA T6AsSV T Ai'dpuTov- fj.^H t (JL'.TetKYt^iv, aKAo, fj.' a . 
 vim $ Tap' avtoi; £yj) V . [6] Euthym. Panopl. Par. II. tit. 22. 
 p. ff. Negant Divinurn Baptifmum pofle radices evellere peccato- 
 rum> 8cc. 
 
 rejected 
 
Chap III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 469 
 
 rejected the Baptifm of adult Perfons nor Infants : 
 For the true State of the Controversy between 
 them and the Church, was not about the Ufe of 
 the outward Element of Water in Baptifm, but 
 about the internal and Spiritual Effects of it, which 
 the Mejfalians confined to Remiffton of Sins, but 
 the Church extended to many other Noble Bene- 
 fits, which were the Gifts and Graces of the Ho- 
 ly Spirit. Upon which account, the Church 
 never rebaptized the Mejfalians, that we read of, 
 as fhe did the Mamchees and fuch other Hereticks, 
 who rejected the Ufe of Water, which was the 
 outward Element which Chrift had appointed. 
 If this was either neglected, or any other Ele- 
 ment ufed inftead of it, the Baptifm was efteem- 
 ed not only Irregular, but Null, as wanting one 
 NecefTary and Eflential Fart, which could not be 
 Supplied but by a new Baptifm. And therefore 
 when a certain Jew had been baptized in Sand, 
 for want of Water in the Wildernefs, Dionyfius 
 Bifhop of Afcalon ordered him to be rebaptized, 
 as Johannes Mofchus [c] tells the Story. And this 
 was done not becaute he was baptized by a Lay- 
 man in extreme Neceflity, but as Archbifhop 
 PVhitgift \d~\ after the Centuriators [<?] has obferv- 
 ed, becaufe the Baptifm wanted Water. Such 
 was the Church's Opinion of the Neceflity of 
 Water-baptifm, that where it might be had, She 
 never thought fit to difpenfewith the Neglect or 
 Contempt of it j and therefore fhe urged the Ne- 
 
 ceflity of it againft thofe antient Hereticks who 
 defpiled it, even whilft She judged favourably of 
 fuch Catechumens as died without Bapciim, not 
 through Contempt, but unavoidable Neceflity: 
 Of which I have given a particular Account in 
 the laft Book, Chap. IL n. 20, 
 
 Indeed there is one Exception againfl: this in 
 fome Collections of the Canon Law. For there 
 we have a Decree under the Name of Pope Sift* 
 cius [/] which fays, That if an Infant is bap- 
 tized in Wine inftead of Water, in cafe of Ne- 
 ceflity, it is no Crime, and the Baptifm fhall Hand 
 good. But as Antonius Auguflinus and Baluzius 
 have obferved, this was no Decree of Siricius, but 
 of Stephen II. about the middle of the Eighth 
 Century. So that it cannot be pleaded as a com- 
 petent Authority to fhew what was the antient 
 Practice of the Church. Antonius Auguflinus is 
 very pofitive, that the Primitive Church had ne- 
 ver any fuch Cuftom. And it feems pretty evi- 
 dent from that Saying of St. Ambroje [g], That 
 if we take away Water, the Sacrament of Hap- 
 tifm cannot Hand. But among the Moderns, Be- 
 za [h~\, and fome of the Schoolmen, Tolet and 
 Valentia, determine otherwife: Againfl whofe 
 Refolution I am not concerned to difputc, but 
 only to declare what I take to have been the more 
 current and received Opinion of the Primitive 
 Writers of the Church. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Antient Form of Baptifm, and of fuch Hereticks as altered or 
 
 corrupted it. 
 
 sect. 1. 
 
 The ufual form 
 ef Baptizing in the 
 Name of the Fa- 
 ther, Son, and Ho- 
 ly Ghoft. 
 
 NEXT to the Matter of Bap- 
 tifm, it will be proper to 
 confider the Form of Words in 
 which it was antiently admini- 
 ftred. And this was generally fuch 
 a Form of Words as made exprefs 
 mention of every Perfon of the BlefTed Trinity, 
 according as our Saviour did at the firft Institu- 
 tion, when he commanded his Difciples to bap- 
 tize in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy 
 Ghojl. This the antient Author of the Recogni- 
 tions [a] means, when he fays, Men were bapti- 
 zed under the Appellation of the Triple Myjlery. 
 
 And again [£], By invocating the Name of the 
 BlefTed Trinity. Tertullian [/] refers this to the 
 Inftit ution of Chrift. The Law of baptizing was 
 impofed, and the Form prefenbed, Go teach all 
 Nations, baptizing them in the Name of the Father, 
 and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghojl. In another 
 Place [d~] he fays, Chrift appointed Baptifm to be 
 adminiftred not in the Name of One, but Three, 
 Father, Son, and Floly Ghojl. Therefore we are 
 dipped not once, but thrice, unto every Perfon 
 at the mention of each Name. Cyprian derives 
 this Practice [<?] likewife from the Inftitution, 
 faying, The Lord aSter his ReSurrection taught 
 
 [c] Mofchus Tratum Spiritual cap. 276. [d] Whitgift's De- 
 fence, trad. IX. p. f 19. [e] Centur. Magdeburg. Cent. II. cap. 
 6. p, 82. [/] Antonius Auguftinus cites it out of a Spanifli Col- 
 lection of Canons, and Baluzius from one in France, under the Name of 
 Siricius. Presbyter qui in vino baptizat proxima neceilitate, ut asger 
 non periclitetur, pro tali re nulla ei culpa adferibatur. Si vero aqua 
 aderat, 6c neceifitas talis non urgebat, hie Communione privetur. 
 Infans vero ille, fi in Sancta Trinitate baptizatus eft, in eo baptifm o 
 permaneat. vid. Anton. Auguft. de Emendat. Gratiani, p. 200. 8c 
 Baluz. Not. in Anton, pag.421. [g] Ambrof de iis qui initian- 
 tur, cap. 4. Nec iterum line Aqua regenerations myfterium eft. 
 [h] Beza Ep. 2. ad Tillium. (V) Clem. Rom. Recognit. lib. 6. 
 cap. 9. Baptizantur fub appellatione triplicis Sacramenti. [6~] Id. 
 
 lib. 3. c. 67. Baptizabatur unufquifque veftrum in aquis perennibus, 
 nomine Trinx Beatudinis invocato fuper fe. [c] Tertul. deBspt. 
 cap. 13. Lex tingendi impofita eft, 8c Forma prxferipta, Ire, Inquit. 
 docete nationes, tingentes eas in Nomine Patris, 8c Filii, 8c Spiritus 
 Sandti. [d]ld. cont. Praxeam, cap. 26. Noviffime mandans, ut 
 tingerent in Patrem, 8c Filium, 8c Spiritum Sandtum. Nam nec fe- 
 mel, fed ter, ad fingula nomina in fingulas Perfonas tinguimur. 
 [*] Cyprian. Ep. 72. ad Jubaian. p. 200. Dominus poft refurre&io- 
 nem Difcipulos fuos mittens, qucmadmodum baptizare deberent in- 
 
 ftituit 8c docuit, dicens, Ite 8c docete gentes omnes, baptizan-. 
 
 tes eas in nomine Patris 8c Filii 8c Spiiitus Sancli. Inlinuat Trinita- 
 tcm, cujus Sacramento baptizarentur. 
 
 Vol. I 
 
 O o 
 
 his 
 
47° 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XI. 
 
 his Difciples afrer v/hat manner they fhould bap- 
 tize, when he faid, Go teach all Nations, £cc. 
 where he delivered the Doctrine of the Trinity, 
 unto which Myftery or Sacrament the Nations 
 were to be baptized. And he argues [/] farther, 
 againft fuch Hereticks as baptized only in the 
 Name of Jefus Chrift, from the faroe Principle, 
 that Chrift commanded the Nations to be bapti- 
 zed, not into one Perfon, but a compleat and 
 united Trinity. Hence Optatus\_g] calls Baptifm 
 the Laver which Chrift commanded to be cele- 
 brated in the Name of the Trinity, and that ho- 
 ly Water which flowed from the Fountain of 
 thofe three Names. And to mention no more 
 Authorities (which are innumerable), St. Auftin 
 \h~] obferves. That this was not only the general 
 Practice of the Catholick Church, but of mod 
 Herelies alio. For one might more eafily find 
 Hereticks that did not baptize at all, than fuch 
 as retained Baptifm without ufing thofe Evange- 
 lical Words, of which the Creed confifts,and with- 
 out which Baptifm cannot be confecrated. 
 
 sect. II. And hence it appears, that St. 
 This Form of words j u fli n , and thefe other Writers, 
 
 g cZf)o h bet!am thoU g ht this P rCC ' fe F ° rm ° f 
 
 mpi/m e m Words neceflary to be ufed in the 
 Adminiftration of Baptifm, by 
 vertue of the Original Appointment and Inftitu- 
 tion. And this may be farther evidenced to have 
 been the general Senfe of the Ancients, fome one 
 or two only excepted. The Apoftolical Canons 
 [f] order every Bifhop and Presbyter, that fhall 
 prefume to baptize any other way, than accord- 
 ing to the Command of the Lord, in the Name 
 of the Father, Son and Holy Ghoft, to be depofed. 
 And Athanafius \k~\ fpeaks of fuch Baptifm as null, 
 that is any otherwife delivered. He that takes a- 
 way any one Perfon from the Trinity, and is bap- 
 tized only in the Name of the Father, or only in 
 the Name of the Son, or only in the Father and 
 the Son, without the Spirit, receives nothing, but 
 remains void and uninitiated. For in the Trinity 
 alone, Initiation is given. He fays in another 
 Place [/], that Baptifm, which is as it were the 
 Compendium of our whole Faith, is not given 
 in the Name of the Word, but of Father, Son, 
 and Holy Gboft. Didimus of Alexandria [ni] treads 
 in the Steps of Athanafius: I cannot fuppofe any 
 
 one, fays he, fo mad and void of Underftanding, 
 as to think that to be perfect Baptifm, which is 
 given in the Name of the Father and Son, without 
 the AfTumptionof the Holy Spirit; or in the Name 
 of the Father and Holy Ghofl, omitting the Name 
 of the Son > or in the Name of the Son and Holy 
 Ghoft, without firft mentioning the Name of the 
 Father. For though any Man fhould be of fuch 
 a ftony Heart, as I may fay, or fo much befide 
 himlelf, as to leave out one of the appointed 
 Names in Btptifm, fetting up himfelfa Lawgiver 
 in opposition to Chrift, his Baptifm will be im- 
 perfect, and altogether infufficient to grant Re- 
 mifliori of Sins to thofe whom he efteems bapti- 
 zed by him. Idacius Clarus [»] aflerts the fame, 
 arguing thus againft Varimundus the Arian, for 
 the Divinity of the Holy Ghoft: If the Holy 
 Ghoft be not equal to the Father and Son in the 
 Subftance of the Deity, why then is that Sacra- 
 ment of Baptifm imperfect which is given with- 
 out him? St. Bafil \_o~] has a whole Chapter to 
 the fame Purpofe. The very Title of it is againft: 
 thofe, who afTei ted that it was fufficient to give 
 Baptifm only in the Name of the Lord. And 
 whereas they urged, That in feveral PafTages of 
 Scripture Baptifm was faid to be given only in the 
 Name of Chrift He anfwers, That in all thofe 
 Places, though the Name of Chrift was only men- 
 tioned, yet the whole Trinity was underftood. 
 Which he confirms from the like Expreflions con- 
 cerning the Holy Ghoft, I Cor. xii. 13. By one Spi- 
 rit we are all baptized into one Body. And, AcJs i. f. 
 Ye Jhall be baptized with the Holy Ghofl not many 
 Days hence. Where the Apoftles feem only to 
 make mention of the Holy Ghoft in Baptifm. But, 
 fays he, no one may from hence conclude, that 
 that Baptifm is perfect, wherein the Holy Ghoft 
 alone is named. For the Tradition ought to re- 
 main inviolable, which was given by the quicken- 
 ing Grace. He means the Form of baptizing, gi- 
 ven by the Command of Chrift, Matth. xxvi'ri. Up- 
 on which he concludes, That as we believe in the 
 Father, and in the Son, and in the Holy Ghoft, 
 fo we are baptized in the Name of the Father, 
 and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoft. There- 
 fore both VoJJius [0] and Petavius [/>] are greatly 
 miftaken to alledge St. Bafil as one of thole who 
 afferted, That Baptifm in the Name of Chrift a- 
 lone was allowable, when he fo plainly and di- 
 
 [/] Ibid. p. 206. Quomodo quidam dicunr, foris extra Eccle- 
 fiam, irno 6c contra Eccleiiam, modo in nomine Jefu Chrifti ubi- 
 cunque 5c quomodocunque Gentilem bapt.iz.atum, remiflionem pec- 
 catorum confequi pone, quando ipfe Chriftus gentes baptizari ju- 
 beat in plena 8c adunata Trinitate? [*] Optat. lib. j-. p. 8f. La- 
 
 vacrum quod de Trinitate celebrandum efle mandaverat aqua 
 
 fancta qua: de trium nominum fontibus inundat. [h] Aug. de 
 Bapt. lib. 6. c. 25-. Quis nefciat, non efle Baptifmum Chrifti, fi ver- 
 ba Evangelica quibus fymbolum conftat, illic defuerint ? Sed facilius 
 inveniuntur Hsretici, qui omnino non baptizent, quam qui non illis 
 verbis baptizent. ['] Canon. Apoft. c. 49. [*] Athan. Epift. 
 ad Serapion. torn. I. p. 204. J?^p»Wof t/ # TeieLf&tti Zv 
 f/ovu TO m >aeLTe9(Jov'o(jLa]t Ba7t}i('o/jV©-^ nivp'ovu 'nil Iv'o- 
 ua.71 if* » Y»ei« T» -sn'<4&y«|©- e» vrttTfi )y $tj>, xftv 
 U *W «m xj JWV^&c f [/] Id.Orat. f. cont. 
 
 Arian. p. fjy. e»f *o>oi\ cthKct, Target ic, ifor etyiov 
 Wtv'ubtL cTi'/o^). [>] Didymus de Spir. Sanftof lib. 2. Bib], Patr. 
 
 1 
 
 torn. 0. p. 57. Non arbitror quenquam tarn vecordem arque infanum 
 futurum, ut perfectum baptifma putet, quod datur in nomine Patris 
 8c Filii, fine aflumptione Spiritus Sancti : aut rurfus in nomine Pa- 
 tris 8c Spiritus Sanfti, Filii vocabulo prsctermiflb: aut certe in nomi- 
 ne Filii 8c Spiritus Sancli,non praepofito vocabulo Patris. Licet enim 
 quis poflet efle laxei, ut ita dicam, cordis 8c penitus mentis alienae 
 qui ita baptizare conetur, ut unum de praeceptis nominibus pmer- 
 mittat, videlicet contrarius Legiflator Chriftoi tamen fine perfectio- 
 ne baptizabit; imo penitus a peccatis liberare non poterir, quos a fs 
 baptizatos exiftimaverit. [«] Idacius, lib. 2. contra Varimundum, 
 Bibl.Patr. torn. 4. p. 300. Si Spiritus Sanclus Deitatis fubftantia Pa- 
 tri 8c Filio non coaequatur, cur in Sacramento Sacri Baptifmatis 
 nihil abfque illo completur ? [0] Bafil. de Spir. San£lo, cap. 12. 
 » TiKc-iov av rif bt» to (ZctTliff/J-d-, a> [jl'ovov t« Tc<i'//a']©- occ- 
 
 yjitni fifofAvw is^Cetirif- 8cc. {0} VoiT. de Bapt. Difp. 1. 
 Tbef. f. p. j-i. [^J Petav. de Trin. lib.i. cap. t4.11. 6. 
 
 reftly 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 47i 
 
 re&ly writes againft it. Many other Teftimonics 
 might here be inferted out of Theodoret [ef], Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen [r~\ and Nyjfen [i], Theophylatl \jj 
 and others, but 1 mall only add farther the De- 
 cree of Pope Vigilius, which mews both the Pra- 
 ctice of the Church and the Severity of her Cen- 
 fures againft any one that mould pretend to tranf- 
 grefs this fettled Rule of baptizing. If any Bi- 
 fhop or Presbyter, fays he, baptize not according 
 [a] to the Command of the Lord, in the Name 
 of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
 Ghoft, but in one Perfon of the Trinity, or in 
 two, or in three Fathers, or in three Sons, or in 
 three Comforters, let him be caft out of the 
 Church of God. 
 
 SECT. ill. Indeed among all the Wri- 
 
 whether Baptifm tings of the Ancients, I have ne- 
 
 in the Name of yer y eC me[ w j tn an y Dut two, 
 Chrift alone m» fa , jnl ^ dire ftl y a H 0W or 
 tver Allowed in the » L , J r ^ r 
 
 church. approve of any other Form or 
 
 Baptifm, fave that which was 
 appointed by Chrift at the Inftitution. Gennadius 
 mentions one Urjinus an African Monk, who, he 
 fays, wrote a Book [which is now loft] wherein 
 he afferted, againft fuch as were for Rebaptizing 
 all Hereticks, that it was not lawful to Rebaptize 
 thofe, who were baptized either fimply [x] in 
 the Name of Chrift, or in the Name of the Fa- 
 ther, Son, and Holy Ghoft: But it was fufficient for 
 both forts of them, upon Confeffion of the Trini- 
 ty, to receive the Bifhop's Confirmation in order 
 to obtain Eternal Life. This Author plainly diftin- 
 guiflies betwixt the two Forms of baptizing, one 
 with explicite mention of the three Perfons of 
 the Trinity, and the other in the Name of Chrift 
 alone } both which he makes to be lawful, and 
 equivalent in Senie, though differing in Words 
 from one another. And St. Ambrofe, I confefs, 
 feems to have been of the fame Opinion. For 
 he takes all thofe Expreflions of Scripture, which 
 fpeak of being baptized in the Name of Chrift, 
 to mean, the ufing fuch a Form as this ; 1 bap- 
 tize thee in the Name of Chrift, without any 
 exprefs mention of the three Perfons, though 
 the whole Trinity was implied in it. He that is 
 blefled in Chrift, fays he [zj, is blefled in the 
 Name of the Father, and Son, and Holy Ghoft j 
 becaufe the Name is one, and the Power one. 
 
 The Ethiopian Eunuch, who was baptized in 
 Chrift, had the Sacrament complear. If a Man 
 names only a Angle Perfon exprefly in Words, 
 either Father, Son, or Holy Ghoft, fo long as 
 he does not deny in his Faith either Father, Son, 
 or Holy Ghoft, the Sacrament of Faith is cora- 
 pleat: As on the other hand, if a Man in Words 
 exprefs all the three Perfons, Father, Son, and 
 Holy Ghoft, but in his Faith diminifhes the Pow- 
 er either of the Father, or Son, or Holy Ghoft, 
 the Sacrament of Faith is void. He fays farther, 
 He that names but one Perfon, defigns thereby 
 the whole Trinity. He that names Chrift only, 
 intends both the Father by whom the Son is 
 anointed, and the Son himfclf who is anointed, 
 and the Spirit with which he is anointed. And 
 he that names only the Father, does in like man- 
 ner intend both his Son and the Spirit of his 
 Mouth, if he truly believe them in his Heart. So 
 that according to St. Ambrofe, it was a fufficient 
 Baptifm, though only one Perfon, Father, Son, 
 or Holy Ghoft, was exprefly mentioned, becaufe 
 in one Name by an Orthodox Believer all the 
 reft were implied. But this appears to have been 
 a Angular Opinion in St. Ambrofe, contrary to 
 the general Stream and Current of the antient 
 Writers. For though Petavius joyns St. Mafil 
 with himj and Vojfius after Soto makes Cyprian and 
 Athanafius, and the Author of the Opus Imper- 
 feclum under the Name of St. Chryfoftom, to be 
 Abettors of the fame Afllrtionj yet it is clear 
 from what has been alledged before out of Cy- 
 prian, Athanafius and Bafil, that they were of the 
 contrary Opinion, and efteemed it an Error and 
 Tranfgreflion againft the fh ft Inftitution, to give 
 Baptifm only in the Name of Chrift. Whence 
 it is alfo farther evident, that they did not under- 
 ftand thofe PafTages of Scripture, which fpeak of 
 baptizing in the Name of Jelus, or the Lord, or 
 Chrift, as new Forms of baptizing, different 
 from the Original Form delivered by Chrift j bun 
 as Eulogius in Photius [a] has explained them : 
 To be baptized into Chrift Jefus, fignifies to be 
 baptized according to the Command and Tradi- 
 tion of Jefus Chrift j that is, In the Name of the 
 Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoft. 
 According to which Senfe it follows, that the 
 Form of baptizing delivered by Chrift, was not 
 changed, as fome imagine, but precifely obferved 
 
 [q] Theodor. Ep. 146. ad. Johan. Oeconom. torn. 3. p. 1038. 
 [r] Naz.Orat. 24. p. 431. [s] Nyfien. de Bapt. Chrifti, torn. 3. 
 P 37 1 - M Theophylaft. in Luc. 24. Fulgent, de Incarnar. c. 
 ii. Cyril. Dial. 7. de Trin. torn. $•. p 633. [»] Vigil. Ep. 2. 
 
 ad Eutherum, cap. 6. Si quis Epifcopus aut Presbyter juxta pra:- 
 ceptum Domini non baptizaverit in nomine Patris 8c Filii 8c Spiri- 
 tus Sanfti, fed in una Perfona Trinitatis, aut in duabus, aut in tri- 
 bus Patribus, aut in tribus Filiis, aut in tribus Paracletis, projiciatur 
 de Ecclefia Dei. [x] Gennad. de Scriptor. Ecclef. cap. 27. Urfinus 
 Monachus fcriplit adverfus eos, qui rebaptizandos Haereticos decer- 
 nunt, docens, nec legitimum, nec Deo dignum rebaptizari illos, qui 
 in nomine vcl fimpliciter Chrifti.vel in nomine Patris.Filii 8c Spiritus 
 San&i,quamvispravofenfu,baptiz?ntur: lis autem port Sanfrx Trini- 
 tatis 8c Chrifti fimplicem ConfeiTionem.fufficeread falutem manu? Im- 
 pofitionem CwholiciSacerdotis. [z.] Ambrof. de Spir. Sanctojib. 1. 
 cap. 3. Qui benedicitur in Chrifto, benedicitur. in nomine Patris 8c Fi- 
 VOL. I. 
 
 lii 8c Spiritus San&i.quia unum nomen, poteftas una — DeniqueSc 
 Mthiops Eunuchus Candaces Reginae, baptizatus in Chrifto plenum 
 Myfterium confecutus eft. — Quemadmodum fi unum in Sermone 
 comprehendas, aut Patrem, aut Filium, aut Spiritum Sanclum, Fide 
 autem nec Patrem nec Filium nec Spiritum abneges, plenum eft 
 Fidei Sacramentum: ita etiam quamvis 8c Patrem 8c Filium 8c Spi- 
 ritum dicas, 8c aut Patris aut Filii aut Spiritus Sandti minuas pote- 
 ftatem, vacuum eft omne Sacramentum. — Qui unum dixerit, Tri- 
 nitatem Signavit. Si Chriftum dicas, 8c Deum Patrem a quo un- 
 ctus eft Filius, 8c ipfum qui undrus eft Filium, 8c Spiritum quo 
 unclus eft, defignalti. Et fi Patrem dicas; 8c Filium ejus, 8c Spi- 
 ritum oris ejus pariter indicafti; fi tamen id etiam coide compre- 
 hendas. [«] Eulog. ap. Phot. Cod. 280. p. 1608. To e»V Xai- 
 $ov 'lno~*v Bcnr] /c&np cut a»y.auvoi L c n, jj 1 7U1) IvtoaLuj 
 <^5^'JW/p <re Xets"? luffs' aa.v1t&nvcu, TxTiriv els T^Ti^r, 
 }y UQV.iC, lyiov trvivy.*. Vid. Aug. Cont. Maximin, lib. 3. cap. 17, 
 
 O o o 1 even 
 
472 
 
 7he Antiqjjities of the Book XI. 
 
 even by the Apoftles, and after them by the ge- 
 neral Confent and Practice of the Cacholick 
 Church. 
 
 SECT iv. 'Tis true indeed, as Sects 
 
 of Alterations grew up and increafed in the 
 
 made in the Form of Church, fome Innovations were 
 
 B T^'^ By i made in this Matter among them. 
 
 the Tntheifts and ^ , , a a- u 
 
 Prifcillianifts. For though, as St. Aufim ob- 
 ferves, the greatelt Part or Here- 
 ticks who retained any Baptifm at all, retained 
 alfo the old Form of the Church j yet fome there 
 were who varied from it, and brought in new 
 Forms of their own, according as their Fancies 
 or the Genius of their Herefies led them. There 
 were fome very early that turned the Doctrine 
 of the Trinity into Tritheifm, and inftead of three 
 divine Perfons under the Oeconomy of Father, 
 Son, and Holy Spirit, brought in three Collate- 
 ral, Co-ordinate, and Self- originated Beings, 
 making them three abfolutc and independent 
 Principles, without any Relation of Father or 
 Son, which is the moil proper Notion of three 
 Gods. And having made this Change in the 
 Doctrine of the Holy Trinity, they made another 
 Change anfwerable to it in the Form of Baptifm. 
 For inftead of baptizing in the Name of the Fa- 
 ther, Son, and Holy Ghoft, they brought in an 
 unheard-of Form of baptizing in the Name of 
 three Un-originated Prnciples, as we learn from 
 one of thofe called the Apoftolical Canons, which 
 is directly levelled againft them in thefe Words : 
 If any Bifliop \b~\ or Presbyter baptize not ac- 
 cording to the Command of Chrift, In the Name 
 of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghofi ; but in three 
 Un-originated Principles, or in three Sons, or in 
 three Paracletes, or Holy Ghofts, let him be de- 
 pofed. This Canon does not defcribe thefe He- 
 reticks by any Name, but we may conjecture 
 from ano her Canon of the firft Council of Bra- 
 cara, that they were the Gnofticks, who firlt in- 
 troduced this kind of Tritheifm, or Doctrine of 
 three Gods into the World, which was after- 
 wards taken up by the Prifcillianifis, and both 
 of them condemned together in that Council. 
 Forfo the Canon words it : If any one fhall in- 
 troduce any ftrange Names [c] of the Divinity 
 be fide the Holy Trinity, faying, that in the God- 
 head there is a Trinity of Trinities, as the Gno- 
 fticks and Prifcillianifts maintain, let him be Ana- 
 thema. This was the Confequence of aflerting 
 three unbegotten Principles: For hereby they 
 made three Fathers, and three Sons, and three 
 Holy Ghofts, which was a Trinity of Trinities, 
 
 as the Council charges them. And in compli- 
 ance with this grand Error, they fometimes bap- 
 tized in the Name of three Fathers, or three 
 Sons, or three Holy Ghofts. As feems pretty 
 evident from that Decree of Pope Vigilius, made 
 againft all fuch Heterodox Innovations: If any 
 Bifhop or Presbyter [d~\ baptize not acceding to 
 the Command of the Lord, in the Name of the 
 Father, Sen, and Holy Ghoft; but in on< Ptrfon of 
 the Trinity, or in two, or in three Fathers, or 
 in three Sons, or in three Paracletes or Holy 
 Ghofts, let him be caft out of the Church. 
 
 Another Corruption of the sec t. v. 
 Form of Baptifm was introduced Secondly, By Me- 
 by Menander, who was a Difci- jj"** w h " 
 pie of Simon Magus, and to all vers ' 
 his Matter's Herefies added this of his own, that 
 no one could be faved, except he was baptized in 
 his Name, as e tertullian [e~\ informs us. The 
 Reafon of this Innovation is afligned by Irenaus 
 [/] and Epiphanius [g], who tell us, that he 
 took upon him to be the Meflias: For he taught, 
 that he was the Perfon fent for the Salvation of 
 Menj and to gather a Church by Myfteries of 
 his own appointing, to deliver Men from the 
 Dominion of the Angels and Principalities and 
 Powers that made the World. And Theodore^ 
 [_h~\ gives the fame Account of him. For he 
 fays, he called himfelf the Saviour of the World, 
 and taught that Men were faved by being bapti- 
 zed in his Name, by which means alfo they got 
 Power over the Powers that made the World. 
 But this was fo abfurd an Herefy, that, as Epipba- 
 ttius obferves, it never prevailed much in the 
 Church. Menander had promifed his Profelytes, 
 as Tertullian [f] fays, that all who would be bap- 
 tized in his Name, (hould be Immortal and In- 
 corruptible, and have the Benefit of an immedi- 
 ate Refurrection : But Experience in a little time 
 confuted this Foolery : For in an hundred Years 
 time none of his immortal Apoftles appeared, to 
 convince any doubting Thomas of the Truth of 
 fuch a pretended Refurrection. And fo this vain 
 Attempt upon the Baptifm of Chrift quickly 
 funk by its own Abfurdity. 
 
 A no lefs abfurd Innovation was sect. VJ* 
 made by the Elcefeans, fo called ?hirdl y ,By th* 
 from their Founder, one Elcefai, Elcefeans ; 
 who taught them Inchantments and Invocation of 
 Dasmons, and to ufe Baptifms \jt\ in the Name 
 or Confeffion of the Elements, or Letters, as 
 Theodoret reprefents them. Though what fore 
 
 \b~\ Canon: Apoft. c. 49. « t/< cwxot©- m t?«o-£ Jts?©- 
 
 Uytov nrvivpdL, d\\' &( TRM *V<*?%k<> » eii t?cPk q'ff, w «V 
 T?tS< <$&MM T *?> Kd.Qautei&0. H Cone. Bracar. 1. Can. 2. 
 Si quis extra Sanftam Trinitatem alia nefcio quse Divinitatis nomina 
 introduce, dicens, quod in ipfa Divinitate fit Trinitas Trinitatis, fi- 
 cut Gnoftici & Prifcilliani dixerunt, anathema fit. [</] Vigil. Ep. 
 a. ad Eutherum. cap. 6. Cited before, Sedt. 2. [*] Tertul. de 
 Prxfcript. c. 46. Quicquid fe Simon dixerat, hoc fe Menander efle 
 dicebat, negans habere pofle quenquam Salutem, nifi in nomine fuo 
 baptiwtus fuiflet. [/] Iren. lib. 1 . cap. 211 {g\ Epiphan. 
 
 Hxr. 22. (teyiv iairrlv imriiJ-tpQcu eit vuTYielav cTwSse, fit 
 
 70 (fWrt.-ybiV Ttl'dt f\i To iOLUTH (AV$Y\ejM>V, 8CC [h] Theod. 
 
 Haeret. Fab. lib. 1. cap. 2. owiupg. kwjjlv Tr&o'tiyit&o'i. 
 ffd^'.dl o 7 if ei< ajurbv &&Tr}i£o/JLiv>s<. [>} Tertul. de Ani- 
 ma, cap. f o. In hoc fcilicct fe a fuperna 8c arcana Poteftate lega- 
 tum, ut Immortales 8c Incorruptibiles 8c ftatim Refurre&ionis com- 
 potes fiant, qui baptifma ejus induerint.- At ubi funt illi quos 
 
 Menander ipfe perfudit, quos in Stygem fuam merfit ? Apoftoli pe- 
 rennes veniant, afliftant; videat illos mcus Thomas, audit, con- 
 treftet, & credat. [*] Theod. Haeret. Fab. lib. 2. c. 7. ks% 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 473 
 
 of Biptifm this was, is not very eafy to conje&ure, 
 there being fcarce any one befides 'Theodoret that 
 gives any Account of this Hercfy. But they 
 were great Admirers of Jftrology and Magick, and 
 upon that account perhaps might bring the Ele- 
 ments into their Baptifm, by Compofition of 
 certain Letters and Numbers ufed by them in 
 their Magical Operations. 
 
 SECT, v fi. The Montanifts alfo or Cataphry- 
 T?oHrthiy,iiythe gians introduced a new Form of 
 Montanifts and Baptifm. For Montanus their Foun- 
 
 Sabellians. £ j er tQQ ^ upon j^m tQ J, e t h e J^oly 
 
 Ghoft, and made himfelf two Propheteffes, Prif- 
 cilla and Maximilla, who pretended to write Books 
 by Inipiration. Therefore their Followers ha- 
 ving them in great Efteem, corrupted the old 
 Form of Baptifm, and adminiftred it in the Name 
 of Father, Son, and Montanus or Prifcilla, as 
 St. Bafil acquaints us, who therefore judges their 
 Baptifm to be null, and neceflary to be repeated 
 [/] when they came over to the Catholick 
 Church, fheophylacl [m~] gives the fame Account 
 of them, telling us, that their foul and (linking 
 Tongues baptized in the Names of Montanus and 
 Prifcilla and Maximilla. By which he does not 
 mean, that they ufed thofe three Names inftead 
 of the Trinity, but that they added the Name of 
 Montanus, or Prifcilla, or Maximilla, to the Father 
 and Son,inftead of the Holy Ghoft. For which Rea- 
 fon, moft probably, the Council of Laodicea [ti] or- 
 ders them to be rebaptized, notwithftanding that 
 fome of them had received a pretended Ordination, 
 and were advanced not only to the Dignity of Bi- 
 fhops, but to the Title of Patriarchs and Maximi 
 among them, as the Council of Laodicea words it. 
 And the fame Decree is made againft them in the 
 firft General Council of Conftantinople [_o~], and 
 fome others alfo. St. Jerom feems farther to in- 
 tim.ite, that thefe Montanifts were as to the Doc- 
 trine of the Trinity, really Sabellians. For 
 though they pretended to believe a Trinity of 
 Divine Perfons, yet it was but Equivocally, in 
 the fame way as Sabellius had done before, whofe 
 three Perfons were no more but three Names, or 
 different Appearances of one and the fame Perfon. 
 Therefore St. Jerom fays [p], the Montanifts dif- 
 fered from the Caiholicks in the very Rule of 
 Faith. For we aflert Father, and Son, and Ho- 
 ly Ghoft, every one diftin£fc in his own Perfon, 
 though united in Subftance : But they following 
 the Opinion of Sabellius, bring the Trinity to the 
 narrow Reftraints of one Perfon. That is, as he 
 explains it a little after, they faid, that God at firft 
 intended to fave the World by Mofes and the Pro- 
 
 phets i but becaufe he could not efflcl: his De- 
 fign that way, he aflumed a Body of the Virgin, 
 and preached in Chrift under the Species of a 
 Son, and fuffered Death for our (likes. And be- 
 caufe by thefe two Degrees he could not fave the : 
 World, he at laft defcended by the Holy Ghoft 
 into Montanus, Prifcilla, and Maximilla j and 
 made Montanus, who was an Eunuch, and but 
 half a Man, have that Plenitude of Prophecy, 
 which Paul himfelf could not pretend to have. 
 From this Account of St. Jerom, it is evident the 
 Montanifts in point of Doctrine were really Sa- 
 bellians, and believed but one Perfon in the God- 
 head under different Appearances or Manifefta- 
 tions of himfelf, which they called 7r^j<Tawa 
 Perfons, in an equivocal Senfe, whereby they im- 
 pofed upon many Catholicks, and among the reft 
 upon theodoret \jf\, to make them believe them 
 found and Orthodox Men, when yet they afTerted 
 three Perfons in no other Senfe, than Simon Ma- 
 gus, and Praxeas, and Noetus, and Sabellius, and 
 all the Patripaffians had done before them. Now 
 it is very probable the Sabellians had introduced a' 
 new Form of Baptifm, correfpondent to their 
 Principles, for which Reafonall the Councils that 
 mention them, order them to be [r] re-baptized : 
 And the Montanifts, following the Doctrine of 
 Sabellius, were liable to the lame Cenfure. So 
 that upon all Accounts it muft be concluded, 
 they had made Innovations upon the Form of 
 Baptifm received in the Catholick Church. 
 
 Another very ftrange Form SECT, vjjfl 
 was conceived by the Marcofians, fifthly, By the 
 or Marcites, fo called from one Marcofi ans. 
 Marcus a Sorcerer, who taught his Difciples to 
 baptize in the Name of the unknown Father [s~\ 
 of all things, in the Name of Truth the Mother 
 of all things, and in Jefus who defcended (or as 
 Eufebius [f] reads it, in him who defcended into 
 Jefus) for the Union and Redemption, and Com- 
 munion of the Principalities or Powers} or in the 
 Union and Redemption and Communion of thefe 
 Powers. For it may be fo underftood, as if the 
 Names of thefe Powers were taken into their 
 Form of Baptifm. But Irenaus, and Epiphanius 
 from him, tell us, they had feveral Forms of 
 Baptifm, and fome of them added certain hard 
 Hebrew Names to aftonifh their Catechumens and ' 
 Converts, which the inquifitive Reader may find 
 in thofe Writers. And fome of them wholly re- 
 jected Baptifm as ufelefs, becaufe the Myfterics of 
 the ineffable and invifible Power were not to be 
 performed by vifible and corruptible Creatures, 
 nor intellectual and incorporeal things by thofe 
 
 [/] Bafil. Epift. Can. 1. cap. 1. [m~\ Theoph. in Luc. i+: p. 
 [»] Cone. Laodic. can. 8. [o] Cone. i. Conftant. Can. 7. [j>] Hie- 
 ron.Ep.5-4. ad Marcellam adv. Montanum. Primum in Fidei Regula 
 difcrepamus. Nos Patrem 8c Filium 8c Spiritum Sanftum in fua u- 
 numquemque Perfona ponimus, licet Subftantia copulemus: Illi Sa- 
 bellii dogma fe£rantes,Trinitatem in unius Perfona: anguftias cogunt. 
 
 Aperta eft convincenda Blafphemia dicentium, Deum primum vo- 
 
 luifle in veteri Teftamento per Moyfem 8c Prophctas falvare Mun- 
 dum : Sed quia non potuerit explere, corpus fumprifle de Virgine,8c in 
 Chrifto fub fpecie Filii pradicantem, mortem obiifle pro nobis. Et 
 quia per duos Gradus Mundum Salvare nequivcrit, ad extrcmum per 
 
 Spiritum San&um in Montanum, Prifcillam 8c Maximilam infanas 
 foeminas deicendifle : Et plenitudinem quam PaiPus non habuerit — > 
 abiciflum 8c femivirum habuifle Montanum. [q] Theod. Harret. 
 Fab. lib. 3. c. 2. [r] Vid. Cone. Conftantinop. r. Can. 7. 
 
 Cone. Trul. Can. oj\ [*] Theodor. Fteret. Fab. lib. 1. cap. 9. 
 
 i/( ovou.ct afewVii 7TcLT0?i ohuv. Hi a..\\i$tHl.ir WtMT'$p» <7ra.V 
 TCOVt ei< Tov KctTiKdoVTA 'ImjbV, tK ivtopiv )y ^mhVT^c-^ iv ly 
 
 Koivov'i&v $f £w&ij.w. So alfo in Irenaus, lib. r.cap. 18. 8c in 
 Epiphanius Hxref. 24..^ [*] Eufeb. 4. cap. u. has it, ^ fjjj 
 
 that 
 
474 
 
 The Antiquities of ^ Book XL 
 
 that are fenfible and corporeal : But the Know- 
 ledge of the ineffable Greamefs was a perfect Re- 
 demption. And in this they agreed with the 
 Afcodruta, of whom we have fpoken in the laft 
 Chapter. 
 
 SECT IX The Paulianijls, or Followers 
 
 sixthly, 'By 'the of Paulus Samofatenfts aiftiop of 
 P*ulianifts. Antioch, who denied the Divini- 
 
 ty of Chrift, feem alfo to have 
 been guilty of introducing a new Form of Bap- 
 tifm, though I do not remember any antient 
 Writer, that tells us particularly what it was. 
 But St. Auftin concludes it muft be fo, becaufe the 
 Council of Nice [«] made an Order to receive 
 them only by a new Baptifm into the Church : 
 Which he takes to be an Argument, that the 
 Paulianijls had not kept to the Form or Rule of 
 Baptifm, which many other Hereticks, when 
 they left the Church, took along with them, 
 and continued (till to obferve. Pope Innocent [x~] 
 Jikewife afligns this for the Reafon, why the 
 Council of Nice allowed the Baptifm of the No- 
 vatians, but not the Paulianifts j becaufe the Pau- 
 lianijls did not baptize in the Name of the Fa- 
 ther, Son, and Holy Ghoft} but the Novatians 
 in their Baptifm always made Ufe of thofe vene- 
 rable Names, as being in Point of the Divine 
 Power of the Holy Trinity, always Aflerters of 
 the Catholick Faith. 
 
 SECT. X. Another fort of Hereticks 
 
 Seventhly,TheEu- there were, who inftead of Fa- 
 
 nomians a ? i ethers b s ^ m Qh n ^ 
 jvho baptized into . 7 7 T , r . J ? , 
 
 the Death of chnfl. this Form, I baptize thee into the 
 Death of Chrijl. Among the 
 Apoflolical Canons there is one that particularly 
 refkets upon this as an unlawful [/] Practice: 
 If any Bifhop or Presbyter ufe not three Immer- 
 fions in the Celebration of Baptifm, but one only 
 given in the Death of Chrijl, let him be De- 
 pofed. For our Lord did not fty, Baptize into 
 my Death : But, Go teach all Nations, baptizing 
 them in the Name of the Father, and the Son, and 
 the Holy Ghojl. St. Paul indeed fometimes fpeaks 
 of being baptized into the Death of Chrijl ; but 
 then, as Origen has rightly obferved, this does not 
 denote any new Form of Baptifm j for no other 
 Form of Baptifm was -ever thought [z] lawful, 
 befide thar which was given in the Name of 
 the Trinity, according to the Command of 
 Chrift : And the Apoftle is not fpeaking of the 
 Manner of baptizing, but of Chrijl' s Death, 
 and our conforming to it, as fignified in Bap- 
 
 tifm. Where it would not have been conveni- 
 ent to have faid, As many of us as have been 
 baptized in the Name of the Father, or of the 
 Holy Ghojl, have been baptized into his Death: 
 And therefore theApoftle in Prudence omitted them 
 in that Place, becaufe it was not proper to mention 
 either Father or Holy Ghojl, where he was fpeak- 
 ing of Death, which did not belong to them, 
 but only to Chrijl Incarnate. Notwithstanding 
 this juft Oblervation of Origen's. Eunomius the 
 Arian revived this irregular Practice of thofe 
 antient Hereticks, and cait off the old Form of 
 Baptifm, to make way for others more agree- 
 able to his damnable Errors and Opinions. For 
 becaufe^ he denied the Divinity of the Son and 
 Holy Ghoft, he would no longer ufe the Trine 
 Immerfion, nor baptize in the Name of the 
 Trinity, but only into the Death of Chrijl, as So- 
 crates [a] gives an Account of his Practice. 
 Epiphamus [b~] obferves of the Anomaans, who 
 were the peculiar Followers of Eunomius, that 
 they baptized alfo in another Form, in the Name 
 of the Uncreated God, and the Name of the Cre- 
 ated God, and the Name of the Sanblifying Spirit, 
 created by the created Son. And fo fliff were they 
 to this Form of their own inventing, that they 
 baptized not only the Catholicks, but all other 
 Sects, and even the Arians themfelves, who had 
 been otherwife baptized before them. And Gre- 
 goryNyJfen tells us from Eunomius his own Books, 
 that he perverted the Law of Chrift, the Law or 
 Tradition of the Divine Inftitution j and taught, 
 that Baptifm was not to be given in the Name 
 of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, as Chrift 
 commanded his Diiciples when he firft delivered 
 the Myftery, but [c] in the Name of the Crea- 
 tor and Maker and not Father only, but God of 
 the only-begotten. Upon which he charges him 
 with adding to the Word of God, and corrupt- 
 ing it, becaufe no fuch Words as Creator or 
 Maker of the Only- begotten, or the Son's being a 
 Creature, or the Servant of God, were to be found 
 in the Words of the Firft Inftitution. 
 
 But now this Innovation was sect. xi. 
 peculiar to the Difciples of Eu- whether ait the 
 nomius, though Baronius \d~\ and A ; ia , ns ™ re ^ uilt 7 
 fome other learned Men, bring f 
 the Charge agatnifc the Arians 
 in general, upon the miftaken Authority of Atha- 
 nafius and St. Jerom. Athanafius fays they bap- 
 tized \e] in a Creator and a Creature; and St. 
 Jerom, that they believed in the Father, the only 
 true God, in Jefus Chrift the Saviour [/] and a 
 
 [»] Aug. de Hxref. cap. 44,. Iftos faDC Paulianos baptizandos 
 efle in Ecclelia Cacholica Nicotic) Concilio conftitutum eft. Un- 
 de credendum eft, eos Regulam baptifmatis non tenere, quam 
 fecum multi Hxrelici, cum de Catholica difcederent, abftule- 
 runt, eamque cuftodiunt. [*] Innocent. Ep. *i. ad Epif- 
 
 copos Macedon. cap. Idcirco diftinftum efle iplis duabus Hse- 
 reiibus ratio manitella declarat: Quia Paulianifta: in nomine Pa- 
 tris, Filii, 8c Spiritus San£H, minima: baptizant : 8c Novatiani 
 iifdem tremendis venerandifquc nominibus baptizant, 8cc. 
 [y] Canon. Apoft. c. j-o. a! th owo-kotO- n7r?iQ-CC-T*?@- ,ww relet. 
 $i.7r)\<H>.-J]a. fitc}'; v.vh<rzu{ crniTiKio'Yi aKhti %v $a.ir\iaiJ.-JL> 
 to «Hf T Sdvuvrov th Kveiis S'tS"'(i(j.ivov, y.d$M0et&v 8cc 
 Iz.'} Orig. Com. in Rom. 6. p. 5-49. Cum utique non habea- 
 
 tur Legitimum Baptifma nifi fub nomine Trinitatis, 8cc. 
 
 0] Socrat. Lib. s . c. 24. [£] Epiph. Hxr. 76. Ano- 
 
 maean. p. 991. [ c ] Nyflcn. cont. Eunom. lib 11. torn. 2. 
 
 p. 706. [AM T«TS^ 7J Ijiv )y ttytov TTViU [Let X.ct$CO( 
 
 vnneihATQ TOK^WdtfliiTaT? <^5>/7<^k? 70 uv?»eiov, clWo. eis JV 
 fj.t-cyov )y jc7!chi', )y £ /j.'nvov irar'n"?- uavoycy^, a.Kkct -t Sihv. 
 [d] Baron, an. 32$-. n. 88. [e] AthanaC Orat. 2 cont. Arian. 
 
 torn. t. p. 412. &f K]t<?riv j KliO-fxa, >y tit tzoiyi^o. Kj TsroivViv* 
 [/JHieron. Dial. adv. Lucifer, c. 4. Arrianus cum nihil aliud crediderit 
 — nifi in Patrefolo vero Deo, 8c in Jefu Chrifto falvatore Crcatura, 8c 
 inSpiritu fan&outriufquefervo : quomodo Spiritum San&um ab Ec- 
 clelia recipiet, qui necdum peccatorum remiflionem confecutus eft? 
 
 Crca- 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 475 
 
 Creature, and in the Holy Ghoft, the Servant of 
 them both. But they do not fay that the Arians 
 ufcd this Form of Baptifm > but only that their 
 Baptifm, though it was given in the Name of 
 the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, was in Effect no 
 more than if it had been given in the Name of 
 a Creature, becaufe they believed the Son and 
 Holy Ghoft to be no more than Creatures. The 
 Brians corrupted the Faith, but they ftill retained 
 the Catholick Form of Baptifm, till Eunomius 
 brought in another Form among them. And 
 that is the true Reafon, why both the firft gene- 
 ral Council of Conflantinople [g], and the Coun- 
 cil of Trullo [h\ ordered the Eunomians to be re- 
 baptised, at the fame time that they appointed 
 the other Brians to be received by Impofition of 
 Hands only, without a new Baptifm. And the 
 fecond Council of Aries made a like Decree con- 
 cerning the Bonofiaci, or Followers of Bonofus 
 Bifhop of Sardka, who were a Branch of the 
 Arians, that becaufe they retained Baptifm in the 
 Catholick Form, as they there [z] fay the other 
 Arians did, therefore it fhould be fufficient, after 
 the Confeffion of a true Faith, to receive them 
 with Chrifm and Impofition of Hands without 
 a new Baptifm. Which is a Demonftration, that 
 neither the ancient Arians before Eunomius, nor 
 the Bonofians after him, had made any Alteration 
 in this Matter j but though they had corrupted 
 the Faith, yet they retained the antient Form 
 of baptizing ufed in the Catholick Church. For 
 had it been otherwife, there is no Queftion to 
 be made, but that (as Suicerus [ k ] out of Voftius 
 [/] has rightly obferved) the antient Councils 
 would have rejected their Baptifm, as they did 
 the Eunomians, and ordered them to have been 
 rebaptized upon their Return to the Catholick 
 Church. For the Obfervation of the Form of 
 Baptifm was always efteemed fo neceflary a Part 
 of the Inftitution, and fo effential to the Sacra- 
 ment, that where it was wanting, the Baptifm 
 was reputed an imperfect and void Baptifm, and 
 to be repeated by all the Rules made againft 
 Hereticks in the Catholick Church. 
 
 sect. xil. There is one Queftion more 
 Whether any M- re lating to the Form of Baptifm, 
 
 which it may not be improper ditiont -mere made to 
 to refolve in this Place j that is the Form °f 
 Whether any Additions were ^J™ Ca,hol,ck 
 ever allowed to be made to the 
 Form of Baptifm in the Catholick Church ? 
 Some learned Perfons are of Opinion, that fuch 
 Additions, when they were only by way of 
 Explication, and greater Illuftration, to confirm 
 the Truth againft Hereticks, were ufed in the 
 Form of Baptifm, as well as in the Creed. But 
 I think VoJJius, upon better grounds of Reafon 
 and Authority, more judicioufly determines the 
 contrary. Two Authors are commonly alledgcd 
 in favour of their AfTertion, viz. Juftin Martyr 
 and the Author of the Conftitutions, but neither 
 of them comes fully up to the Thing intended. 
 For Juftin Martyr, as Fojjius obferves [m~\, is on- 
 ly giving a Paraphraftical Explication of the 
 Words ufed in Baptifm for the Instruction of the 
 Heathens, to whom he is writing, when he tells 
 them how the Chriftians baptized in the Name 
 of the Father of all Thing?, who was Lord and 
 God, and in the Name of Jefus Chrift our Lord, 
 and of the Holy Ghoft. And the Author of 
 the Conftitutions is yet more plain: For fir ft of 
 all, he tells every Bifhop and Presbyter, That 
 they ought to baptize [»] precifely in that Form 
 of Words which our Lord enjoyned u«, when he 
 faid, Go teach all Nations, baptizing them in the 
 Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
 Holy Ghoft, teaching them to obferve all Things which 
 1 have commanded you. And then he goes on to 
 explain the feveral Names of the Three Perfons 
 concerned, viz. That the Father is the Perfon 
 who fent, Chrift the Perfon who came, and the 
 Paraclete or Comforter the Perfon who bears 
 witnefs. So that this was plainly an Explanation 
 or Paraphrafe of the Form of Baptifm only, and 
 not the very Form that was then in Ufe. Nor 
 can it be made appear, That ever the Catholick 
 Church varied from the Form delivered by our 
 Saviour, though Foftius thinks a Form with fuch 
 an Orthodox Addition would not deftroy the 
 EfTence of Baptifm, as thofe Heretical Forms cer- 
 tainly do, which corrupt the Truth of the Catho- 
 lick Faith. 
 
 [j-] Cone. Conft. j. can. 7. [£] Cone. Trull, can, oy. 
 
 [»] Cone. Arelat. 2. can. 17. Bor.ofiacos autem ex eodem errore 
 Yenientes (quos, ficut Arianos, baptizari in Trinitate manifeftum eft,) 
 dum interrogati fidem noftram ex toto corde confetti fuerint, Chrif- 
 mate &manus Impofitione in Ecelefia reeipi fufficit. [6] 
 Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. Tom. r. p. 638. [/] VolT. de Bapt. 
 
 Difp. 2. p. [w] Juftin. Apol. 2. n. 80. p. 107. 
 
 tm?@- YifxSv Xe<r« 'Iwo"?, ^ Ts-vdj' ^ct]Q- dy'ns, to cm HJ'uti 
 tots Akt^c -sro/SVj). [»] Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 7. c. 22. r &ra 
 
 OVOfjLA TB T£tT£?V> <r» t)«, ^ TJj (tyiti <7Tvd!if^eQ@- ~ <r5 
 
 CHAP. 
 
4?6 The Antiqjjities of Book XI. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Subje&s of Baptifm, or an Account of what Perfons were anciently 
 allowed to be baptized. Where particularly of Infant -Baptifm. 
 
 sect. I. yJT AVING fpoken of the 
 why the Qufiwn jyr atter anc j Form of Bap- 
 
 about the Admin,. ^ { nQW haye confi . 
 
 %T om tT fm " dered the Perfons by whom this 
 Sacrament was antiently admi- 
 niftred: But becaufe I have lately had Occafion 
 to handle this Subject fully in a Scholaftical Way 
 in two diftinct Dilcourfes [a], it will be fuffici- 
 ent in this Place to give this Summary Account 
 of the Matter. There I have fhewed, That 
 Bifhops, as the Apoftles Succeffors, were the Per- 
 fons chiefly entrusted with this Power } That 
 they granted Power to Presbyters to baptize in 
 Ordinary Cafes > To Deacons fometimes in Ordi- 
 nary, and fometimes only in Extraordinary Cafes } 
 To Laymen only in Extraordinary Cafes of ex- 
 treme Neceflityj That the ufurped Baptifm of 
 Laymen was allowed to be Valid, fo far as not 
 to need Repeating, though given irregularly j 
 That the Baptifm of Women was wholly pro- 
 hibited} That the Baptifm of Jews and Infidels 
 was never allowed, though now accepted in the 
 Church of Rome ; That the Baptifm of Here- 
 ticks and Schifmaticks was difannulled by the 
 Cyprianifls, and fome few others, who required a 
 true Faith as well as a true Form, to make a com- 
 plete Baptifm } but that this Opinion was re- 
 jected by the great Body of theCatholick Church, 
 who thought the Defects of Heretical Baptifm 
 might be lupplied by Impofition of Hands with- 
 out Rebaptizing : That yet it was agreed both 
 by the Cyprianifls and all others whatfoever, 
 That Hereticks and Schifmaticks had not the 
 Power of Priefts, becaufe fome of them, as the 
 Novatians, never had a juft and legal Call to the 
 Priefthood > and others were deprived of their 
 Power by the lawful Authority of the Church, 
 which firft committed that Power to them ; 
 that thenceforward they were reputed, not true 
 Chriftian Priefts, but Wolves and Antichrifts, 
 inftead of true Shepherds and Governors of the 
 Flock of Chrift} That the Church had Power 
 not only to fufpend the Execution of their 
 Office, but to cancel their CommiiTion, and 
 wholly take away the Power and Authority of 
 the Priefthood from them; and then they were 
 reduced to the State and Condition of Laymen } 
 And fometimes they were not only degraded 
 from the Priefthood, but thruft down one De- 
 
 gree below Laymen, by being anathematized and 
 caft out of the Communion of the Church : 
 And yet notwithstanding all this, the Church did 
 not think fit to cancel or wholly difannul the 
 Baptifms given by fuch Men, though given by 
 Ufurpation and without any Authority of the 
 Priefthood, fo long as it appeared, they were 
 given in due Form, in the Name of the Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghoft. All which Things being 
 abundantly proved in the two forefaid Difcourfes, 
 I think it not proper to repeat or infill any lon- 
 ger upon them : But {hall now proceed, as the 
 Order of the Difcourfe requires, to confider the 
 Perfons on whom Baptifm was antiently con- 
 ferred. 
 
 And here firft of all, it is sect II 
 certain, That none but living Per- who were ancient- 
 fons, whether Adult or Infants, ly reckoned the proper 
 and that in their own Perfonal Ca- subjeas of Bapufm. 
 paciry, were ever reckoned Sub- m " °f? he CBrr »P e 
 Mb capable of Bapcifin in the 2623(55 
 Primitive Church. The An- BtUs m tht Roman 
 cients knew nothing of that pro- church. 
 fane Cuftom of giving Baptifm 
 to inanimate Things, as Bells and the like, by a 
 fuperftitious Confecration of them. The firft 
 Notice we have of this is in the Capitulars of 
 Charles the Great where it is only mentioned 
 to be cenfured. But afterward it crept into the 
 Roman Offices by degrees (as I have noted in 
 another Place [/] out of Baronius t Cardinal Bona 9 
 and Menardus) till at laft it grew to that fuperfti- 
 tious height, as to be thought proper to be 
 complained of in the Centum Gravamina of the 
 German Nation, drawn up in the publick Dyec 
 of the Empire held at Norimberg^ Jn. ifi8, 
 where (after having defcribed the Ceremony of 
 baptizing a Bell with Godfathers, who make 
 Refponfes, as in Baptifm, and give it a Namej 
 and cloath it with a new Garment, as Chriftians 
 were ufed to be cloathed, and all this to make 
 it capable of driving away Tempefts and Devils) 
 they conclude [d~\ againft it, as not only a fu- 
 perftitious Practice, but contrary to the Chriftian 
 Religion, and a mere Seduction of the fimple 
 People, and an Exaction upon them. For which 
 Reafon, they declare, fo wicked and unlawful a 
 Cuftom ought to be aboliftied. He that would 
 
 [a] Scholaftical Hi/lory of Lay -Bapufm, lft and id Part, 1712, 
 and ' 714. [b] Capitular. Caroli Magni, cited by Durantus de 
 
 Ritib. Eccl. Lib. i. c. 22. n. 2. Uc Clocas non baptizent. [c] 
 See Bool; viii. chap. vii. p. if. M Centura Gravam. 
 
 n. ft. in Fafciculo Rer. expetend. torn. 1. p. 366. Quaeres non 
 folucn fuperftitiofa, fed etiam Chriftianae Religioni contraria ac fim- 
 
 pliciorum fedudtio, 8c mera eft exaftio. Res igicur tarn nefanda 
 
 8c illicita mcrito aboleri debet. 
 
 fee 
 
Chap. IV. Christian Church. 477 
 
 ire more or this, may confult Hofpinian \e\ or 
 iVolfius [/], or Sleidan [g], who defcribe the 
 C~remony at large out of the old Romijh Pon- 
 tifical. For 1 muft return to the Primitive 
 Church. 
 
 SECT. III. And here we meet with a 
 
 Bapti/m not to p rac l;i ce a little more antient, but 
 
 iejjvea to the ^ ^ fupcrllic j ous than the 
 
 former: Which was a Cuftom, 
 that began to prevail among fome weak People 
 in Africk, of giving Baptifm to the Dead. The 
 Third Council of Carthage [h~\ fpcaks of it as a 
 Thing that ignorant Chriftians were a little fond 
 of, and therefore gives a feafonable Caution a- 
 gainft it, to difcourage the Practice. And this 
 is again repeated in the African Code \i\ Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen [£] alfo takes Notice of the 
 lame fuperftitious Opinion prevailing among fome 
 who delayed to be baptized. In his Addrefs to 
 this kind of Men, he asks them whether they 
 llaycd to be baptized after Death? And doubts 
 upon this Account whether to efteem them greater 
 Objects of Pity or Contempt. Philafirius alfo 
 [/] notes it as the general error of the Monta- 
 nifts or Catapbrygians, That they baptized Men 
 after Death. The Practice feems to be grounded 
 upon a vain Opinion, that when Men had neg- 
 lected to receive Baptifm in their Life-time, fome 
 Compenfation might be made for this Default by 
 receiving it after Death. And for the fame Rea- 
 fon they gave the Euchari/i alfo to the Dead in 
 the like Circumftances, which is equally con- 
 demned in the forementioned African Canons, 
 as proceeding from grofs Ignorance in fome 
 Presbyters, and want of a due Underftanding of 
 the true Intent and Meaning of thofe Holy In- 
 flitutions j for whofe Information they order 
 Provincial Councils to be held twice a Year, 
 that they might be better inftructed. 
 
 SECT. IV. Another abfurd Practice 
 
 Nor to the Living prevailing among fome of the 
 fir the Dead where amient Hereticks, was a fort of 
 
 of the Apofile s mean- Tr . . n . r , 
 
 i»c of bang baptized Vicarious Baptifm, which was, 
 for the Bead, i Cor. That when any one died with- 
 !f. 29. out Baptifm, another was bap- 
 
 tized in his Stead. St. Chry- 
 foftom tells us [/»], this was pradtifed among the 
 Marcionites with a great deal of ridiculous Cere- 
 mony, which he thus defcribes : After any Cate- 
 chumen was dead, they hid a living Man under 
 
 the Bed of the Deceafed, then coming to the 
 dead Man, they fpake to him, and asked him, 
 Whether he would receive Baptifm? And he 
 making no Anfwer, the other anfwered for him, 
 and faid, He would be baptized in his Stead: 
 And fo they baptized the Living for the Dead, 
 as if they were acting a Comedy upon the Stage} 
 fo great was the Power of Satan in the Minds 
 of thefe vain Men. Afterward when any one 
 challenged them upon this Practice, they had 
 Confidence to plead the Apoftle's Authority for 
 it, Why are they then baptized for the Dead? A- 
 gainft which St. Cbryfofiom urges very well, That 
 if this were allowed, in vain had God threatned 
 thofe that died unbaptized. For by this Means 
 any Jew or Gentle might eafily be made a Chri- 
 stian, by having another after his Death bap- 
 tized for him. Tertullian brings the fame Charge 
 againft the Marcionites [«], comparing their 
 Practice to the Heathen Luftrations for the Dead 
 upon the Kalends of February. But he tells them 
 they did but in vain alledge the Apoftle's Au- 
 thority for this Practice, as if he had aigued from 
 it for the Truth and Confirmation of the Re- 
 furrection. For the Apoftle fpeaks but of one 
 Baptifm, and that was of the Living for them- 
 felves. He r fleets upon the fame Practice in 
 another Place [0], where he calls it the vicarious 
 Baptifm, which fome ufed in Hopes of the Re- 
 furrection. Suicerus thinks the Cerinthians were 
 the firft /Authors of this kind of Baptifm, and 
 that indeed would carry it up to the Apoftles 
 Time. But Epipbanius, on whofe Authority he 
 depends, fays no fuch Thing, as from any cer- 
 tain Proof,- or his own Judgment, but only that 
 there was an uncertain Tradition handed down 
 to him, concerning fome Hereticks in Afia in 
 the Apoftles Days \_p\ who, when any one 
 died without Baptifm, fubftituted another in his 
 Room to be baptized for hm, left in the Refur- 
 rection he fhould be puniihed for Want of Bap- 
 tifm, and be fubjected to the Powers which made 
 the World. And the fame Tradition afTerted, 
 that the Apoftle hence took Occafion to fay, If 
 the Dead rife not, Why are they then baptized for 
 the Dead? But Epipbanius wholly rejects this 
 Opinion, nor do we find any of the Ancients fo 
 interpreting this Paflage of the Apoftle, except 
 only the Author under the Name of St. Ambrofe y 
 who is clearly of Opinion, that the Apoftle had 
 refpect to fuch a Cuftom then in being, and thence 
 drew an Argument from the Example [j] of thofe 
 
 [e] Hofpin. de Templis lib. 4. cap. 9. p. 113. [/] Wol- 
 
 fius Lection. Memorabil. Centur. 16. an. 1570. [g] Sleidan 
 
 Commentar. lib. 21. p. 288. [h] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 6. 
 
 Cavendum, ne mortuos baptizari pofle fratrum infirmitas credat. 
 [/] Cod. Ecclef Afr. can. 18. //17 ii/ii n^ivravrcti fretT- 
 W&fti$tt To/fitr* yi <rW rrfSffSvjk^eov a.yvoiet. [£] Naz. Orat. 
 40. de Bapt. p. 648. « >u ad yfyeic viKf>o< teSnvou > s pahhov 
 sAeKMSf©- n piaxuzv©-. [t] Philaftr. de Haeref. cap. 2. dc 
 
 Cataphry. Hi mortuos baptizant, eye. [m] Chryf, Horn. 40. 
 
 in 1 Cor. p. 688. [»] Tertul. cont. Marcion. Kb. f. cap. 
 10. Viderit inftitutio ifta, Kalendae fi forte Februariz refpondebunt 
 illi pro mortuis petere. Noli ergo Apoftolum novum ftatim aufto- 
 rem aut confirmatorem eum denotare, ut tanto magis lifteret car- 
 Vol. T. 
 
 nis refurre&ionem, quanto illi qui vane pro mortuis baptizarentur 
 fide refurrectionis hoc facerenc. Habemus ilium alicubi unius bap- 
 tifmi definitorem. [0] Tertul. de Refur. Carnis, cap. 48. Si 
 autem & baptizantur quidam pro mortuis, videbimus an ratione. 
 Certe ilia praefumptione hoc eos inftituifle contendit, qua alii etiam 
 carni Vicarium baptifma profuturum exiftimarent ad fpem Refur- 
 reftionis. [/>] Epiphan. Hsref. 18. Cerinthian. n. 61 
 
 [q] Ambrof. Com. in 1 Cor. 1^ Exemplum eorum fubjicit, qui 
 tarn fecuri erunt de futura refurreftione, ut etiam pro mwtuis bap- 
 tizarentur. Si quern forte mors prxveniffet, timentes, ne aut male 
 aut non rsfurgeret, qui baptizatus non fuerat, vivus nomine mortu'i 
 tingebatur. 
 
 p PPP who 
 
47 8 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XI. 
 
 who were fo firmly perfwaded of the Truth of 
 the future Refurrection, that when any one a- 
 mong them was prevented by fudden Death, 
 they had another to be baptized in his Name, 
 fearing left he fliould either not rife at all, or rife 
 to condemnation. But St. Chryfofiom gives a much 
 more rational Account of the Apoitle's Argument j 
 for he fuppofes him to refer to the Catholick Cu- 
 ftom of making every Catechumen at his Baptifm 
 with his own Mouth declare his Belief of the 
 Refurrection of the Dead, by repeating the Creed, 
 of which that was a parr, and fo being baptized 
 into that Faith, or Hope of the Refurrection of 
 the Dead. And therefore he puts them in mind 
 of this, faying, If there be [f] no Refurrection of 
 the Dead, why art thou then baptized for the 
 Dead, that is, the Body ? For therefore thou art 
 baptized for the Dead, believing the Refurrection 
 of the Dead, that the Body may not remain dead, 
 but revive again. So that baptizing for the Dead 
 is an elliptical Expreffion, for being baptized in- 
 to the Faith or Belief of the Refurrection of the 
 Dead. And fo I think Tertullian [s~] is to be un- 
 derstood, when he fays in Oppofition to the Er- 
 ror of the Marcionites, that to be baptized for the 
 Dead, is to be baptized for the Body, which is 
 declared to be dead by Baptifm : That is, we are 
 baptized into the Belief of the Refurrection of 
 the Body, both whofe Death and Refurrection are 
 reprefented in Baptifm. And the Interpretation 
 of Epiphanius comes pretty near thefe, when he 
 fays [/] It refers to thofe who were baptized upon 
 the approach of Death in hopes of the Refurre- 
 ction from the Dead } for they fhewed thereby, 
 that the Dead fliould rife again, and that therefore 
 they had need of the Remiflion of Sins, which is 
 obtained in Baptifm. The fame Senfe is given by 
 tfheodoret [a], and tfheophylaft [#], and Balfamon, 
 and Zonaras [/], and Matthew Blafiares [z~] a- 
 mong the Greeks ; and it is embraced by Bifhop 
 Patrick [a], and Dr. Hammond as the moft 
 natural and genuine Expofition of this difficult 
 Paflage of the Apoftle. Some indeed think it 
 may refer to another Cuftom of baptizing over 
 the Monuments of the Martyrs, who died for the 
 Faith in hopes of a future Refurrection. But 
 that Cuftom was hardly antient enough to be al- 
 luded to in the Times of the Apoftles, though 
 Voffius [f] and fome other learned Men incline to 
 this Opinion. However it be, it is not likely the 
 Apoftle fliould draw an Argument from the ab- 
 furd Practice of the worft of Hereticks : There- 
 fore whatever Interpretation be thought moft 
 proper and worthy to be received, that is certain- 
 
 ly to be rejected, together with the Error of the 
 Marcionites, who founded their vicarious Bap- 
 tifm upon the Authority of this Apoftolical Paf- 
 fage, contrary to the Senfe and Practice of the 
 whole Catholick Church, which never allowed 
 of Baptifm given to the Living for the Dead, or 
 of any Baptifm but fuch as was given to Men in 
 their own Perfons. 
 
 Now of Perfons who were sect. v. 
 reckoned capable of receiving Proofs of irfant- 
 Baptifm, there were two Sorts, toptfm from the 
 Infants and adult Perfons. And m f mt Records °f 
 Infants were of two Sorts, either theChwch - 
 fuch as were born of Chriftian Parents, or fuch 
 as were born of Heathens, but by fome Providen- 
 tial Means became the PofTeflion ahd Property, 
 as I may call it, of the Chriftian Church : Nei- 
 ther of which fort were excluded from Baptifm, 
 when fufficient Sponfors could be provided for 
 them. This is fo evident from the antient Re- 
 cords of the Church, that it is to be wondred, 
 how fome learned Perfons could run into the con- 
 trary Opinion, and offer Reafons from Antiquity, 
 in Prejudice of the Church's conftant Practice. 
 Mr. Wall, in his elaborate Difcourfe [d~] of Infant- 
 Baptifm, has juftly reflected upon abundance of 
 thefe Men, who by their unwary Conceflions, 
 have given too great Advantage to the Jnabaptifis 
 of this Age: There are fome others alfo, which 
 he had not feen, who advance as unworthy No- 
 tions of the antient Practice : For Salmajius, and 
 Suicerus [e] out of him, deliver it as authentick 
 Hiftory, that for the two firft Ages no one re- 
 ceived Baptifm, who was not firft inftru&ed in 
 the Faith and Doctiine of Chrift, fo as to be able 
 to anfwer for himfelf, that he believed, becaufc 
 of thofe Words, He that believeth and is baptized. 
 Which in effect is to fay, that no Infant for the 
 two firft Ages was ever admitted to Chriftian 
 Baptifm. But afterwards they own Pado-baptifm 
 came in, upon the Opinion, that Baptifm was ne- 
 ceffary to Salvation. Now I fliall not think my 
 felf obliged to be very Prolix in refuting this O- 
 pinion, together with thefalfe Suppoficion which 
 is made the Foundation of it, fince that has fo 
 often, and fo fubftantially been done by Foffius [/], 
 Dr. Forbes [g], Dr. Hammond \h\ Mr. Walker [*'], 
 and efpecially Mr. Wall \_k\ who has cxadtiy con- 
 sidered the Teftimony and Authority of almoft 
 every antient Writer that has faid any thing up- 
 on this Subject. But that no one who reads thefe 
 Collections, may be wholly at a lofs for want of 
 other Authors, I fliall here fubjoin a brief Ac- 
 
 [r] Chryf. Horn. 40. in 1 Cor. p. 689. \i //» sr/c etvdrttrif, ti 
 
 Vbi nro eu.'/j'i(», ™ viKfv <TeofJ.d.T@- ttv<L<?a.<riv T/rstW. oti 
 iti'vtt (Aw v'new. 03 Tertul. cont. Marcion. lib. 5-. c. 10. Igi- 
 t"r 8c pro mortuis tingui, eft pro corporibus tingui; mortuum enim 
 corpus oftendimus. [f] Epiphan. Haer. 28. n. 6. [«] Theodor. 
 Com. in 1 Cor. if. 29. [>] Thcophyl. in eundem Loc. [y] 
 Balfamon. in Can. 18. Cone Carthag. ap. Bevereg. Pandeft. t. 1. p. 
 j-4-i. O] Blaftar. Syntag. Canon, ibid. torn. 2. p. 41. [a] Pa- 
 trick Aqua Genitalis, p. 453. [b~] Hammond in 1 Cor. 1/. 29. 
 
 [c] Vofl*. Thef. Theol. Difp. i f . p. 225-. [4] Wall Hi/}, of Infant- 
 Baptifm. Part. 2. chap. 2. [e] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. torn. 2. p. 
 1136. Primis duobus Sazculis nemo baptifmum accipiebat, nifi qui 
 in fide inftru&us, & Doftrina Chrifti imbufus, teftari poflet, fe cre- 
 dere, propter ilia verba, Qui crediderit & baptizatus fuerir. Po- 
 
 ftea Opinio invaluit, Neminem Salvari pofle, nili qui baptizatus fuif- 
 fet. [/] VolT. de Bapt. Difp. 14. [g] Forbcf. Inftruft. Hift. 
 Theol. lib. 10. cap. j. [h] Hammond. Def. of Infant Baft. cap. 
 4. [i] Walker. Plea for Infant -Baptifm, cap. 27, &c. [*] Wall. 
 Hift. of Infant-Baptifm, Part I. cap. i, &c. 
 
 I 
 
 count 
 
■ — ' ' III I 
 
 C n a p. IV. Christian Church. 479 
 
 count of the mod pertinent Authorities that oc- 
 cur in the three firft Ages. 
 
 SECT. vi. The moft antient Writer that 
 
 From Clemens Ro- wc have, is Clemens Romanus, who 
 
 pXr mi HermCS Hved the TimC of lhC A P° ftles - 
 And he, though he does not di- 
 rectly mention Jnfant-baptiim, yet fiys a thing 
 that by Confequence proves it. For he makes In- 
 fants liable to Original Sin, which in effect is to 
 fay, that they have need of Baptilm to purge them 
 from it. For fpeaking of Job, he fays, though he 
 was a juft Man, yet he [/] condemns himfelf, fay- 
 ing, There is none free from Pollution, though 
 his Life be but of the length of one Day. Now 
 if Children be born in Sin, they have need of a 
 Regeneration to make them capable of the King- 
 dom of Heaven. Hermes Pafior lived about the 
 fame time with Clemens, and has fevcral Paffages 
 ro fhew the general Neceffity of Water, that is, 
 Baptifm, to lave Men. In one place he repre- 
 fents the Church as a Tower built on the Wa- 
 ters, and (ays, \m \ Hear therefore why the Tower 
 is built on the Waters ; becaufe your Life is faved, 
 and fhall be faved by Water. In another place, 
 he makes Water- baptilm fo neceiTary to all, that 
 in a Virion he reprefents the Apoftles as going af- 
 ter Death [»] to baptize the Holy Spirits who 
 lived under the OldTefiament, that they might be 
 tranflated into the Kingdom of God. It was ne- 
 ceflury, fays he, for them to afcend by Water, 
 that they might be at Reft: for they could not 
 otherwise enter into the Kingdom of God, than 
 by putting off the Mortality of their former Life. 
 They therefore after they were dead, were fealed 
 with the Seal of the Son of God, and fo entred 
 into the Kingdom of God. For before any one 
 receives the Name of the Son of God, he is li- 
 able to Death : But when he receives that Seal, 
 he is delivered from Death, and isafligned to Life. 
 Now that Seal is Water, into which Men defcend 
 bound over unto Death, but afcend out of it af- 
 figncd unto Life. For this Reafon the Seal was 
 alio preached unto them, and they made ufe of it 
 that they might enter into the Kingdom of God. 
 The plain Delign of this place is to reprefent the 
 Neceffity of Baptifm, without which none can 
 ordinarily enter into the Kingdom of God. And 
 it cannot be doubted, that he who thought it fo 
 neceflary even for the Patriarchs, who died before 
 the coming of Chrilf, muft think it equally ne- 
 ceflary to all thofe who lived under the Difpenfa- 
 tion of the Gofpel. Though whether the Bap- 
 tifm here mentioned be to be underftood in a Li- 
 
 teral and Corporeal Senfe, or only in a Metapho- 
 rical or Myftical way, as a Villon or a Parable 
 may require, is what may admit of fome Difpute. 
 And therefore Cotelerius [o] gives his Opinion for 
 the latter Senfe, concluding, That for as much 
 as warning in Water properly belongs to Bodies, 
 and not to Spirits, our Author is neceiTanly to be 
 underftood of Metaphorical and Myftical Baptifm, 
 that is, the Spiritual Effects of it, the good things 
 which are conferred by God in Baptifm, the chief 
 of which is a Title to eternal L'f« , which the 
 Patriarchs after Death are fuppofed to be made 
 Partakers of, by believing the Word of the Go- 
 fpel then preached to them. This was that Spi- 
 ritual Water in which departed Souls were bap- 
 tized, as the Bodies of the living are baptized in 
 common Water j from the Analogy of which we 
 mult needs conclude the Neceffityof Water-bap- 
 tifm for all thofe who are in a Capacity to receive 
 it, that is, for all thofe who are yet in the Body, 
 in order to be made Partakers of eternal Life. God 
 indeed may, if he pleafes, give the Baptifm of the 
 Spirit, and the Baptifm of Faith, which is the 
 Baptifm of the Word, without it: And fo fome 
 of the Ancients fuppofe the Apoftles to be bap- 
 tiz'd without Water, from that Saying of our Sa- 
 viour, Now ye are clean, through the Word which 
 I have fpoken unto you j fo T'ertullian [/>] and o- 
 thers: (Though the more general Opinion (q) is, 
 that they were baptized by Chrift himfei: ) In 
 like manner God might difpenfe with the wane 
 of Water - baptifm in Cafes extraordinary, 
 and fupply this Want either by Martyrdom, or 
 Faith and Repentance, in fuch Cafes where ic 
 could not be had } As I have fhewed (in the lafl 
 Book) the general Confent of the Ancients [r~] 
 upon this Matter to be: But yet in all ordinary 
 Cafes, where Water-baptilm might be had, they 
 concluded as generally for the Neceffity of it, from 
 that AlTertion of our Saviour, Except one be bom 
 of Water and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the 
 Kingdom of God. This was not only a Doctrine 
 of the third or fourth Ages, as Salmafius and Sui~ 
 cerus reprefent, but the Doctrine of the very firft 
 Ages, immediately fucceeding the Apoftles: For, 
 we fee, Hermes Pafior, who lived in the Apoftoli- 
 cal Age, founds the general neceffity of Baptifm 
 upon that very Saying of our Saviour. And there- 
 fore they who reprefent this Doctrine of the ne- 
 ceffity of Baptifm, as a Novelty or an Error, firft 
 introduced into the Church in the Age of St. Au- 
 flin againft the Pelagian Hereticks, do manifeft 
 wrong both to the Doctrine it felf, and to St. Au- 
 ftin, and to the Ancients, who embraced and de- 
 
 [/] Clem. Rom. Ep. i. ad Corinth, n. 17. aurif imjii ncflnyL- 
 
 ^c-jti tu/Va- [w] Hermas Paftjr. lib. 1. Vifion 3. cap. 3. Quare 
 igitur fuper aquas sedifkatur turris, audi. Quoniam vita veftra per 
 aquam falva fadta eft 8cfiet. [»] Id. lib. 3. Simil. 9. n. 16. Ne- 
 cefle eft ut per aquam habeant afcendere, ut requiefcant : Non po- 
 terant enim aliter in regnum Dei intrare, quam ut deponerent mor- 
 talitatem prioris vitas. Mi igitur defunfti Sigillo FiliiDei fignati funt, 
 8c intraverunt in regnum Dei. Antequam enim accipiat homo no- 
 men filii Dei, morti deftinatus eft : at ubi accipit illud figillum, li- 
 beratur a morte, & traditur vita:. Illud autem figillum Aqua eft, in 
 
 quam defcendunt homines morti obligati, afcendunt vero vitae aflig- 
 nati. Et illis igitur prsedicatum eft illud figillum, 8c ufi funt eo, ut 
 intrarent in regnum Dei. [0] Coteler in Loc. p. 117. Quando- 
 quidem Lavatio corporibus competit, non animis, Nofter necefia- 
 rio intelligit Baptifmum Metaphoricum 8c Myfticum, bona videli- 
 cet qux in Baptifmate a Deo conceduntur. [j>] Tertul. de Bspt. 
 cap. 12. [q] Vid. Auguftiu.Ep. 108. Anonymus Au&or de non 
 iterando Baptifmo ad cakem Cypriani, p. 23. Edit. Oxon. It. Clem. 
 Alex. Hypotypof. lib. 5-. ap. Johan. Mofchum Prat. Spiritual, cap. 
 176. [r] See Book X. Chap, ii, n. 20, 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 P p p p z 
 
 livered 
 
480 
 
 Ihe Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book XL 
 
 livercd the fame before him. And it gives an un- 
 neceflary Advantage to the Anti-padobaptifts, 
 which a right understanding of this Matter abfo- 
 lutely takes from them. I thought it therefore of 
 fome ufe to obferve this againft Salmajius and Sui- 
 cerus, and to add it to the Obfervations which 
 Mr. Wall has made upon Hermes Pajlor. 
 
 „ „ Another Antient Writer, 
 
 x- i„ft- J who lived within the Compafs of 
 
 F«w» Juftin Mar- , n , „ r ~ a- 
 
 tyT> the Second Century, was Jujtin 
 
 Martyr, who very plainly fpeaks 
 of Infant-baptifm as ufed from the time of the A- 
 poftles. For in one of his Apologies he takes Oc- 
 cafion to fay [j], There were among Chriftians in 
 his Time many Perfons of both Sexes, fome fixty, 
 and fome feventy Years old, who had been made 
 Difciples to Chrift from their Infancy, and con- 
 tinued Virgins or Uncorrupted all their Lives. 
 Now Jujlin wrote this Apology about the Year 
 148, in the middle of the fecond Century, and 
 therefore thofe whom he fpeaks of as baptized 60 
 or jo Years before in their Infancy, mull be Perfons 
 baptized in the firft; Age, while fome of the Apoftles 
 were living. In another Place of the fame Apo- 
 logy [/] he urges thefe Words of our Saviour, 
 Job. iii. 35". Except ye Regenerated, or born again., 
 ye cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, to prove 
 the Neceflity of Baptifm. And in bis Dialogue 
 with Tripho the Jew, he fpeaks of the whole Pro- 
 geny of Adam as liable to Death [»] and the De- 
 ception of the Serpent, by reafon of Adam's Sin, 
 befide the particular Guilt which each Man con- 
 tracts by actual Sin in his own Perfon. Now if 
 all Mankind be born with Original Sin, this ex- 
 tends to Infants, who have need of Regeneration 
 or Baptifm to free them from it. And this Afler- 
 tion in Jujlin by conlequence proves the Necef- 
 fity of Baptifm for Infants, as well as others, that 
 they may have Redemption from Original Sin. 
 In another place of the fame Dialogue (V] he 
 makes Baptifm parallel to Circumcifion, faying, 
 we have not received that carnal Circumcifion, 
 but the fpiritual Circumcifion which Enoch and 
 thofe like him oblerved. And we have received 
 it by Baptifm, through the Mercy of God, be- 
 caufe we were Sinners : and it is incumbent on all 
 Perfons to receive it in the fame Way. Now if 
 Baptifm be anfwerable to Circumcifion, and fuc- 
 ceed in its room, and be neceflary to be received 
 as the Means to obtain the true Circumcifion of 
 the Spirit 5 then as Infants were admitted to Cir- 
 cumcifion, fo they were to be admitted to Bap- 
 tifm, that being the ordinary Means of applying 
 the Mercy of the Gofpel to them, and cleanfing 
 them from the Guilt of Original Sin. 
 
 Next after Jujlin Martyr, I SECT. VIII. 
 
 fubjoin the antient Author of the ^ nd the Author 
 
 Book called, The Recognitions, or °f the Rt; cogniu- 
 
 rravels of St. Peter } becaufe tho' ™ s ; ?\ 
 
 ■ J , . ,, r , r with lufunMaiiyr. 
 
 it be not the genuine Work of 
 Clemens Romanus, whofe Name it borrowed, yet 
 it is an antient Writing of the fame Age with Ju- 
 jlin Martyr^ mentioned by Origen in his Philoca- 
 lia, and by fome afcribed to Bardefanes Syrus, who 
 lived about the Middle of the fecond Century. 
 This Author fpeaks of the Neceflity of Baptifm 
 in the very fame Style as Jujlin Martyr did, ma- 
 king it univerfally neceflary to purge away Origi- 
 nal Sin, and to qualify Men for the Kingdom of 
 Heaven. For putting an Objection by way of 
 Queftion, What does Baptifm by Water [y] con- 
 tribute toward the Worfhipof God ? Heanfwers, 
 1 ft, That it is fulfilling that which is the Will 
 and Pleafure of God. Then idly, The Man 
 that is regenerated by Water, and born again to 
 God j is thereby freed from the Weaknefs of his 
 firft: Nativity, which comes to him by Man : 
 And fo he is made capable of Salvation, which he 
 could not otherwife obtain. For fo the true Pro- 
 phet (meaning Chrift) has teftified with an Oath, 
 faying, Ferity I fay unto you, except one be born a- 
 gain of Water, he fhall not enter into the Kingdom 
 of Heaven. This Author indeed does not fpeak par- 
 ticularly of the Baptifm of Infants, but his Rea- 
 fons are fuch, as fliew his Difcourfe to extend to 
 them. For if Baptifm be neceflary upon thefe two 
 Accounts, Firft to cut off Concupifcence, or ori- 
 ginal Sin, which is the Infirmity of our firft Birth; 
 and then to qualify us to enter into the Kingdom 
 of God ; thefe are general Reafons for Baptifm, 
 which make it neceflary for Infants as well as any 
 other, fince according to this Author, they are 
 born in Original Sin, and cannot enter into the 
 Kingdom of God, 'till that Sin be purged away 
 by the Waters of Baptifm. Here then we have 
 another Author within the Compafs of the two 
 firft Ages, directly confronting that Aflcrtion of 
 Salmajius and Suicerus, That the Doctrine of the 
 Neceflity of Baptifm to Salvation, was not the 
 Doctrine of the two firft Ages, but only an Opi- 
 nion taken up afterwards, upon which Founda- 
 tion the Practice of Infant-baptifm was introdu- 
 ced into the Church. For no one can, or ever 
 did, declare himfelf plainer for the Neceflity of 
 Baptifm to Salvation, than this Author does, from 
 the Words of our Saviour Chrift, which he in- 
 terprets, as all the Ancients both before and after 
 him did, of the ordinary Neceflity of Water-bap- 
 tifm to Salvation : So that if Infant-baptifm was 
 founded, as Salmafius pleads, upon the Opinion of 
 the Neceflity of Baptifm to Salvation } this Au- 
 
 [;] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 62. >y iroKhoi tivh toXAcw I^hkov- 
 <78TfiU >y I^o/zdjco^tSto/. 01 cm tto/JW s//.a&n'7<4'9n<r*i' tJ 
 Xe«r£, at&o&i fia/jSpM* [/] Ibid. p. 94. [«] Juftin. Di- 
 al, c. Tryph. p. 2 if. To y'iv@~ tuv avdounruv &ra <fk 'AJ^a.(jL 
 Sdvetrov jy <&KtivM rk ''Otpzw Its^mxi/, r \£'ia.v cu- 
 7'ia.v tKttrv ewrnv Trovzpdio-cifsSfJiS' [#] Juftin Dial. p. 261. « 
 
 TOOTHC T Xj 1 (TctOKO. 'TTctOiKO-QofAfJ <sSyT0//l)f, d K.X& 'Trvdify.a.Tf 
 
 KMC *>V "i.vuy^ }£, 01 ofJLOtoi \tivhet^a.v' YiiAeie j <ra (Zct7r)io-~ 
 aurh, £T«<Tii tzfJJpTeoXoi lyiy'ov^fjS^, JVa 7i 'iU?©^ ii 
 15?^ 78 ©{«, iKccSofiS/J, Hal nSitjiv itpiiiv oy.oiai K«.[j.Qh{v. 
 
 [y] Recognition, lib. 6. n. 9. p: j-yi. ap. Coteler. torn, r, Quid con- 
 fer* aquae Baptifmus ad Dei cultum ? Primd quidem, quia quod Deo 
 placuic impletur; Secundo, quia regenerato ex aquis, 8c Deorenato, 
 Fragilitas prioris Nativitatis, quae tibi per hominem facta eft, am- 
 puratur; & ita demum pcrvenirepoteris ad Salutem: Aliter vero im- 
 pofiibile eft. Sic enim nobis cum Sacramento verus Propheta tefta- 
 tus eft, dicens : Amen dico vobis, nifi quis denuo renatus merit ex 
 aqua, non intrabit in regnum ccelorum. This is repeated in the 
 Greek Clementines, Horn. 1 1. n. 16. p. 698. 
 
 thor 
 
('hap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 481 
 
 thormuftbc an Afil-rtor of Infant-baptifm, be- 
 caufe he was undeniably an Aflertor of the gene- 
 ral NccclTity of Baptifm to Salvation. I have the 
 rather infilled a little upon this Author's Mean- 
 ing, becaufe I know not whether his Teftimony 
 has been produced before in this Caufe by any 
 other. 
 
 SECT IX Not long after the Time of 
 
 And Irenxus." jfuflin Martyr and the Author laft 
 mentioned, lived Irenaus Bifliop 
 of Lyons, who, as Mr. Dodwcl evidently (hews 
 [z], and Dr. Cave from him [#"], was born in the 
 latter end of the firft Century, about the Year 
 97, and was a Difciplc of Poly carp, who was a 
 Difciple of St. John. About the Year 176, he 
 wrote his Book againft Heretics, being then about 
 eighty Years old, and died not many Years after. 
 So that he mull needs be a competent Witnefs 
 of the Church's Senfe and Practice upon this 
 Point during the Second Century. Now there 
 are three Things relating to this Matter, which 
 appear very evident from him. 1. That the 
 Church then believed the Doctrine of Original 
 Sin. z. That the ordinary Means of purging a- 
 way this Sin, wasBaptifm. t ) . That Children, as 
 well as others, were then actually baptized to 
 obtain Remiflion of Sins, and apply the Redemp- 
 tion of Chrill to them. For the Doctrine of O- 
 riginal Sinj he fometimes calls it the Sin \b~\ of 
 our fr it Parents, which was done away in Chrift, 
 by his looting the Bonds wherein we were held 
 and bound over unto Death : The Sin whereby 
 we ' ff.-nded God [c] in the firft Adam, by difo- 
 bey ng his Command j but were reconciled to 
 G J in the fecond Adam, by Obedience unto 
 Death. So that Infants as well as others, were 
 under the Guilt of this Sin, and had need of a 
 Redeemer with the reft of Mankind, to deliver 
 them from it. Now the ordinary way of being 
 freed from this original Guilt, he fays, is Bap- 
 tifm, which is our Regeneration [d~] or new 
 Birth unto God. And this heexprefly affirms to 
 be adrniniftred to Children as well as adult Per- 
 fons. For, fays he, Chrift, [e~] came to fave all 
 Perfons by himfelfj all, I fay, who by him are 
 regenerated unto God, Infants and little ones, 
 and Children, and Youths, and cider Perfons. 
 Therefore he went through the feveral Ages, be- 
 ing made an Infant for Infants, that he might 
 fanctify Infants} and for little ones he was made 
 a little one, to fanctify them of that Age alfo. 
 
 No Art can elude this PafTage, fo long as it is 
 owned, that Regeneration means Baptifm. And 
 for this we have the Explication of Irenaus him- 
 felf, who calls Baptifm by the name of Regene- 
 ration} and fo all the Ancients commonly do, as 
 Suiccrus (againft whom I am now difputing) fcru- 
 ples not to own, alledging Juftin Martyr f f\Chry- 
 foflom and Gregory NyJJen to this Purpofe. Which 
 fully evinces Infant-baptifm in the Age of Ire- 
 n<eus, that is in the zd Century, to have been 
 the common Practice of the Church. 
 
 I n the latter End of the fecond sect X 
 Century, and Beginning of the ^Tertullian. 
 third lived Tertullian, Presbyter of 
 the Church of Carthage } who though he had 
 fome lingular Notions about this Matter, yet he 
 fufficiently teftifies the Church's Practice. In his 
 own private Opinion he was for deferring the 
 Baptifm of Infants, efpecially where there was no 
 Danger of Death, till they came to years of Dif- 
 cretion: But he fo argues for this, as to fhew us 
 that the Practice of the Church was other , ife. 
 For, fays he, according to every one's Condition 
 [g] and Difpofition, and alfo their Age, the de- 
 laying of Baptifm is more advantageous, efpecial- 
 ly in the cafe of litile Children. For what Need 
 is there that the Godfathers Ihouldbe brought in- 
 to Danger? Becaufe they may either fail of their 
 Promifes by Death, or they may be deceived by 
 a Child's proving of wicked Difpofition. Our 
 Lord fays indeed, Do not forbid them to come unto 
 me. Let them come therefore when they are 
 grown up: Let them come when they can learn j 
 when they can be taught whither it is they come : 
 Let them be made Chriftians, when they can 
 know Chrift. What need their innocent Age 
 make fuch hafte to the forgivenefs of Sins? Men 
 proceed more cautioufly in worldly Things : And 
 he that is not trufted with earthly Goods, fhall 
 he be trufted with divine ? Let them know how 
 to ask Salvation, that you may appear to give it 
 to one that asketh. For no lefs Reafon unmar- 
 ried Perfons ought to be delayed, becaufe they are 
 expofed to Temptations, as well Virgins that are 
 come to Maturity, as thofe that are in Widow- 
 hood by the Lofs of a Confort, until they either 
 marry or be confirmed in Continence. The way 
 of Tertulliari's arguing upon this Point, Ihews 
 plainly that he was for introducing a new Practice} 
 that therefore it was the Cuftom of the Church 
 in his time to give Baptifm to Infants, as well as 
 
 [2,] Dodwel. Diflert. in Irenae. [a] Cav. Hift. Liter. Vol. i. 
 p 41. [b~\ Irenx. lib. $■. c. 19. Protoplafti peccatum per correp- 
 
 tionem Primogeniti emendationem accipiens. Vinculis illis refo- 
 
 lutis, per quae alligati eramus morti. [c] Id. lib. 5-. c. 16. Deum 
 in piimo quidem Adam offendimus, non facientes ejus praeceptum, 
 in lecundo autem Adim, reconciliati fumus.obedientesufque ad mor- 
 tem fadti. [d] Id. lib. 1. c. 18. to ^et^Tur^al©- <f et( Qiov 
 iwyviwGWi 8cc. [e] Id. lib. 2. cap. 39. Oranes venit per le- 
 meteipfum falvare; omnes inquam, qui per cum renafcuntur in 
 Deum; Infantes, 8c parvulos, 8c pueros, 8c juvenes, 8cIeniores. Ideo 
 per omncm venit aetatcm, 8c Infantibus infans fattus, fan&ificans in- 
 fantes.- In parvulis parvulus, fanttificans hanc ipfam habentes seta- 
 tem, 8cc. [/] Suicer. Thefiur. Ecclef. voce * \vtty'<ivwi<jts, torn. 
 1. p. 243. [g] Tertul. de Baptifmo, c. 18. Pro cujufque Perfons 
 r 
 
 conditione ac difpofitione, etiam aetate, cunctatio baptifmi utilior eft, 
 praecipue tamen circa parvulos. Quid enim necefle eft, Sponfores etiam 
 periculo ingeri? Quia8cipfi per mortalitatem deftituere promilliones 
 fuas paflint, 8c proventu malse indolis falli. Ait quidem Dominus, 
 Nolite illos prohibere ad me venire. Veniant ergo dum adolefcunt, 
 veniant dum difcunt, dum quo veniunt docentur: Fiant Chriftiani, 
 dum Chriftum nofle potuerint. Quid feftinat innocens setas ad remit 
 fionem peccatorum ? Cautius agetur in Saecularibus; ut cui Sub- 
 ftantia terrena non creditur, Divina credatur. N6rint petere Salutem 
 ut petenti dedifte videaris. Non minori de caufa innupti quoque pro- 
 craftinandi, in quibus tentatio pra»parata eft ; tarn Virginibus per ma- 
 turitatem, quam Viduis per vacationem, donee aut nubant, aut Con- 
 tinentia corroborentur. 
 
 adlllt 
 
4&2 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XI. 
 
 adult Perfons: And his Arguments tend not only 
 to exclude Infants, but all Perfons that are un- 
 married or in Widowhood, for fear of Tempta- 
 tion. Which are Rules that no one befide him- 
 felf ever thought of, much lefs were they con- 
 firmed by any Church's Practice. But even this 
 Advice of I'ertullian, as lingular as it was, feems 
 only calculated for Cafes where there was no 
 Danger or Apprehenfions of Death : For other- 
 wife he pleads as much for the neceflity of Bap- 
 tifm as any other, both from thofe Words of our 
 Saviour \_h\ Except one be born again of Water and 
 the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Hea- 
 ven j as alfo from the general Corruption of Ori- 
 ginal Sin, which renders every Son of Adam un- 
 clean 'till he be made a Chriftian: Which is only 
 done in Baptifm } for Men are not born Chrifti- 
 ans, but made fo. And therefore in cafe of Ne- 
 ceflity, he thought every Chriftian had Power to 
 give Baptifm, rather than any Perfon mould die 
 without it. Which feems to imply, that his O- 
 pinion for delaying Baptifm, whether of Infants 
 or others, refpedted only fuch Cafes, where there 
 was no Danger of Death : But even in thofe Ca- 
 fes the Practice of the Church was otherwife} 
 for fhe baptized Infants as foon as they were born, 
 though without any imminent danger of Death, as 
 appears from 1'ertulliari's Difcourfe it felf, who la- 
 boured to make an Innovation, but without any 
 Succefsj for the fame Practice continued in the 
 Church in the following Ages. 
 
 sect. XI. Origen lived in the Beginning 
 And Origen. of the third Century, and nothing 
 can be plainer than the Teftimo- 
 nies alledged from him. In one place he fays, E- 
 very one is born in Original Sin* which he thus 
 proves from the Words of David, faying, I was 
 conceived in Iniquity, and in Sin [f] did my Mother 
 bear me-, Shewing that every Soul that is born in 
 the Flefh, is polluted with the Filth of Sin and 
 Iniquity : And that therefore it was faid, as we 
 mentioned before, That none is clean from Pol- 
 lution, though his Life be but of the length of 
 one Day. Befides all this, it may be enquired, 
 What is the Reafon, why the Baptifm of the 
 Church, which is given for the remiflion of Sins, 
 
 is by the Cuftom of the Church given to Infants 
 alfo ? Whereas if there were nothing in Infants, 
 that wanted Remiflion and Indulgence, the Grace 
 of Baptifm might fcem needlefs to them. In ano- 
 ther place [£] he fays, Infants are baptized for the 
 Forgivenefs of Sins. Of what Sins ? Or when 
 did they commit them? Or how can any Reafon 
 be given for baptizing them, but only according 
 to that Senfe which we mentioned a little before 5 
 none is free from Pollution, though his Life be 
 but the length of one Day upon the Earth. And 
 for that Reafon Infants are baptized, becaufe by 
 the Sacrament of Baptifm the Pollution of our 
 Birth is taken away. And, Except one be bom of 
 Water and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the King- 
 dom of Heaven. Where he not only makes Infant- 
 baptifm the Practice of the Church, but derives 
 it from divine Institution. As he does in another 
 Place [/] from Apoftolical Tradition} for he af- 
 firms, That the Church received the Order of 
 baptizing Infants from the Apoftles. For 
 they to whom the divine Myfteries were com- 
 mitted, knew that there is in all Perfons the na- 
 tural Pollution of Sin, which muft be warned 
 away by Water and the Spirit} by reafon of 
 which the Body it felf is alfo called the Body 
 of Sin. 
 
 SECT. XII. 
 And Cyprian 
 with the Council 
 
 In the middle of this Age lived 
 St. Cyprian, in whofe time there 
 was a Queftion moved concerning 
 
 t r-w , ■ , w r 1 ° of Carthage un- 
 
 the D»y on which Infants ought to derhim. 
 be baptized. For one Ficlus an 
 African Bifhop had fent a Query to him upon 
 this Cafe, whether Infants were to be baptized, 
 if need required, as foon as they were born, or 
 not till the eighth Day, according to the Rule gi- 
 ven in the cafe of Circumcifion ? To this Que- 
 ftion St. Cyprian and a Council of Sixty fix Bi- 
 fhops returned this Synodical Anfwer: As to the 
 cafe of Infants, whereas you judge [w]that they 
 ought not to be baptized within two or three 
 Days after they are born } and that the Rule of 
 Circumcifion mould be obferved, fo that none 
 fhould be baptized and fanctified before the eighth 
 Day after he is born : We were all in our Coun- 
 cil of the contrary Opinion. It was our unani- 
 
 [h] Tertul. de Anima, cap. 40. De Bapt. cap. 15. [/] Orig. 
 Horn. 8. in Levit. torn. 1 .p. 14.5-. Audi David dicentem, In iniquita- 
 tibus, inquit, concept us fom, 8c in peccatis peperit me mater mea: 
 oftendens, quod quxcunque anima in carne nafcatur, iniquitatis 8c 
 peccati forde polluitur.- 8c propterea diclum efie illud, quod jam fu- 
 perius memoravimusj quia nemo mundus a fbrde, nec ii unius 
 diei fuerit vita ejus. Addi his etiam illud poteft, ut requiratur quid 
 C3ufae fit, cum baptifma Ecclefiae in Remiflionem peccatorum detur, 
 fecundum Ecclefia: obfervantiam etiam parvulis baptifmum dari? 
 Cum utique fi nihil eflet in parvulis quod ad Remiffionem deberet 
 8c Indulgentiam pertinere, Gratia baptifmi fuperflua videretur. [/;] 
 Orig. in Luc. Horn. 14. torn. i. p. 213. Parvuli baptizantur in rcmif- 
 fionem peccatorum. Quorum peccatorum? Vel quo tempore pec- 
 caverunt ? Aut quomodo poteft ulla Lavacri in parvulis ratio fob- 
 liftere, nifi juxta ilium Senium de quo paulo ante diximus. Nullus 
 mundus a forde, nec fi unius diei quidem fuerit vita ejus foper ter- 
 rain. Et quia per baptifmi Sacramentum Nativitatis fordes deponun- 
 tur, propterea baptizantur 8c parvuli. Nifi enim quis renatus fuerit 
 ex aqua 8c Spiritu, non poteft intrare in regnum coelorum. [/] 
 Id. in Rom. lib. f . cap. 6. p. ^-4,3. Ecclefia ab Apoftolis Traditio. 
 
 nem fufcepit etiam parvulis baptifmum dare. Sciebantenim illi qui- 
 bus myfteriorum fecreta commifla font Divinorum, quia eflent in 
 omnibus genuinae Sordes peccati, quae per aquam 2c Spiritum ablui 
 deberent; propter quas etiam corpus ipium corpus peccati nomi- 
 natur. [m] Cypr. Ep. jo. al. 64. ad Fidum, p. i> 8. Quantum 
 vero ad caufam infantium pertinent, quos dixifti intra fecundum vel 
 tertium diem, quo nati font, conftirutos, baptizari non oportere, 8c 
 confiderandam effe Legem Circumcilkmis antiquae, ut intra Oota» 
 vum diem eum qui nr.tus eft baptizandum 8c fanftirkandum non 
 putares: longe aliud in Concilio noftro omnibus vifum eft. 
 Univerfi potius judicavimus, nulli hominum nato mifericordiam Dei 
 
 8c Gratiam denegandam. Porro autem fi etiam graviifimis De- 
 
 licloribus 8c in Deum multum ante pecrantibus, cum poftea credi- 
 derint, Remiffa peccatorum datur, 8c a Baptifmo atque a Gratia 
 nemoprohibetur ; quanto magis prohiberi non debet infans, qui re- 
 cens natus nihil peccavit, nifi quod fecundum Adam carnalirer na- 
 tus, contagium mortis antiquae prima Nativitate contnxit ? Qui 
 ad remiflam peccatorum accipiendam hoc ipfo facilius accredit, quod 
 illi remittuntur non propria, led aliena peccata. 
 
 mous 
 
48? 
 
 mous Rcfolution and Judgment, that the Mercy 
 and Grace of God is to be denied to none as loon 
 as he is born. For if the greatcfr. Offenders, and 
 they that have finned mod grievoufly againft God 
 before, have afterward, when they come to be- 
 lieve, Forgivenefs of their Sinsj and no Perfon is 
 kept off from Baptifm and Grace j how much 
 lefs Reafon is there to prohibit an infant, who 
 being newly born has no other Sin, fave that be- 
 ing defcended from Adam according to the Flefh, 
 he had from his Birth contracted the Contagion 
 of the Death antiently threatned? Who comes 
 for that Reafon more eafily to receive Forgive- 
 nefs of Sins, becaufe they arc not his own, but 
 other Men's Sins, that are forgiven him. Here 
 wc have both the Practice of the Church, and 
 the Reafon of it together j Infants were baptized, 
 becaufe they were born in original Sin, and need- 
 ed Baptifm to cleanfe them from the Guilt and 
 Pollution of ir. To this we may add another 
 Place of Cyprian, where defcribing the great 
 Wickednefs of thofe that lapfed in time of Per- 
 fection, he thus aggravates their Crime: That 
 nothing might be wanting [»] to fill up the Mea- 
 fure of their Wickednefs, their little Infants were 
 either led or carried in their Parents Arms, and 
 loft that which they had obtained at their firft 
 coming into the World, meaning the Benefits of 
 their Baptifm. And therefore he brings them in 
 thus pleading againft their Parents in an elegant 
 Strain at the Day of Judgment: This was no 
 Fault of ours, we did not of our own Accord 
 forfake the Meat and Cup of the Lord, to run 
 and partake of thofe prophane Pollutions: 'Twas 
 the unfaithfulnefs of others that ruined us, we 
 had our Parents for our Murderers j they denied 
 us God for our Father, and the Church for our 
 Mother* for whillt we were little, and unable to 
 take Care of ourfelves, and ignorant of fo great 
 -a Wickednefs, we were enfnared by the Treache- 
 ry of others, and by them drawn into a Partner- 
 ship of their Impieties. Here we may obferve, 
 that QiTIcfren were made Partakers of the Eucha- 
 rift (which Cyprian calls the Meat and Drink of 
 the Lord) and this is evident from other PafTages 
 in the fame Author: Which is a further Evidence 
 for the Practice of Infant-baptifm \ for it is 
 certain that none but baptized Perfons were ordi- 
 narily allowed to partake of the Eucharift at the 
 Lord's Table. I think it needlefs to clog this 
 Difcourfe with any more Authorities from the 
 Council of Eliberis, Optatus, Gregory Nazianzen, 
 Bafd, Ambrofe, Chryfoftom, Paulinus, the Coun- 
 cils of Carthage, St. Aufiin, or St. Jerom, or other 
 Writers of the fourth Age, which the Reader 
 may find collected together by Mr. Wall, with 
 fuitable Obfervations on them. It is fufficient to 
 my De.fign, againfi Salmafius and Suicerus, to have 
 proved that Infant-baptifm was not owing to any 
 new Doctrine begun in the third Century, but 
 was derived from more antient Principles, and 
 
 handed down through the two firft Ages from 
 
 Apoflolical Practice. 
 
 I mail now proceed to remark a sect. XIII. 
 few other things relating to the infant- baptifm 
 Baptifm of Infants, among thofe X^/fo^? 
 who allowed rhem to be capable \J r ZLampko} 
 of it from their Birth. Some there circumcifion. Nor 
 were in the African Church, as till three rears, as 
 wc have heard out of the laft-men- Gregory Nazian- 
 tioned Citations from Cyprian, who * en voulil h(ive 
 were ftrictly for confining Bap- a ' 1 
 tifm to the eighth Day, becaufe 
 fucli was the Rule in the cafe of Circumcifion. 
 But Cyprian and the Council of Carthage anfwer 
 all the Arguments that were brought in favour 
 of this Novelty, which feems only to have been 
 a Queflion in 'theory, and fcarce ever reduced to 
 Pradticc. The Abettors of it pleaded, that an In- 
 fant in the firft Days after its Birth is unclean, fo 
 that any one of us abhors to kifs it. To which 
 Cyprian anfwers, Wc judge not [o~] this to be any 
 Reafon to hinder the giving to it the Heavenly 
 Grace. For it is written, to the Clean all things 
 are clean: Nor ought any of us to abhor that 
 which God has vouchfafed to make. To the 
 other Pretence, that the eighth Day was obferved 
 in the Jewijh Circumcifion, he anfwers, that this 
 was only a Type going before, a Shadow and 
 Refemblance, but upon Chrift's coming it was 
 fulfilled in the Subftancej for becaufe the eighth 
 Day, that is, the next to the Sabbath Day, was 
 to be the Day on which the Lord was to 
 rife from the Dead, and quicken us, and give us 
 this Spiritual Circumcifion j this eighth Day, that 
 is, the next Day to the Sabbath, or Lord's Day, 
 was fignified in the Type before, which Type 
 ceafed, when the Subftance came, and the Spiri- 
 tual Circumcifion was given to us. So that we 
 judge that no Perfon is to be hindred from ob- 
 taining the Grace, by the Law that is now ap- 
 pointed $ and that the Spiritual Circumcifion 
 ought not to be reftrained by the Circumcifion that 
 was according to the Flefh : But that all are to 
 be admitted to the Grace of Chrift; for as much 
 as Peter faith in the Abls of the Apoftles, The Lord 
 hath fhewed me, that no Perfon is to be called 
 Common or Unclean. This is the only Place 
 where-ever we read that this Queflion was made, 
 and after the Refolution here given we never find 
 that it was propofed again. So that this Circum- 
 ftance of Time feems never to have prevailed in 
 the Practice of the Church. Gregory Nazianzen 
 had alfo a lingular Opinion in relation to the Time 
 of baptizing Children when there was no Dan- 
 ger of Death. For in that Cafe he thought it 
 better to defer it till they were about three Years 
 old, but in cafe of Danger to give it immediate- 
 ly after they were born, for fear they fhould die 
 unbaptized. His Words are thefe: What fay 
 you [/»] to thofe that are as yet Infants, and are 
 
 \n\ Cypr. de Lopfis, p iif. Ac nequid deefiet ad criminis cu- conlecuti. 8cc. [6] Cypr. Ep. 5-9. al. 64. ad Fidum, p. 160'. 
 
 mulum, Infantes quoque Parentum manibus vel impofiti vel attra&i, [^>] Naz, Orat. 40, dc Baptifrao, torn. 2. p. 6/8. 
 amifaunt par vuli, quod in primo ftatim nativitatis exordio fueranr, 
 
 not 
 
The Antiquities of 
 
 Book XI. 
 
 not in a Capacity to be fenfible either of the Grace, 
 or of the Lofs of it? Shall we baptize them too ? 
 Yes, by all means, if any Danger fo require it. 
 For it is better that they mould be fan&ified with- 
 out their own Senfe of it, than that they mould die 
 unfealed and uninitiated. And the Ground of this 
 is Circumcifion, which was given on the eighth 
 Day, and was a Typical Seal, and was given to 
 thofe who had not the ufe of Reafon: As alio the 
 anointing of the Door-ports, which preferved the 
 Firft-born by Things that have no Senfe. As for 
 others, I give my Opinion that they mould flay 
 three Year.-, or thereabouts, till they can hear the 
 myltical Words, and make Anfwers to them j 
 and though they do not perfectly underftand them, 
 yet they can then frame to fpeakthem : And then 
 you may fan&ify them in Soul and Body with the 
 great Sacrament of Initiation. But this was a An- 
 gular Opinion of Nazianzen, taken up upon fome 
 particular Reafons, which the Church never af- 
 fented to: And therefore I join this with that o- 
 ther of Fidus the African, as peculiar Fancies of 
 private Men, which never gained any Efteem or 
 Credit in the publick and avowed Practice of the 
 Church. 
 
 sect. xiv. Yet in fome Churches a Cu- 
 ret in fome ft om h a( j prevailed to defer the 
 
 f^fZ/tk*i£* Ba P cirm of infants, as well as A- 
 f'L^JJnarl'inl dult Perfons, where there was no 
 
 of an approaching > 
 
 Fejlhal. apparent Danger of Death, to the 
 
 Time of fome of the more emi- 
 nent and noted Feilivals, which were more pecu- 
 liarly defigned and fet a-part for the folemn Ad- 
 miniltration of Baptifm. Socrates \_q\ fays, in Thef- 
 faly they only baptized at Eafier : Upon which 
 account a great many in thofe Parts died without 
 Baptifm. He does not fay exprefly, that this was 
 the cafe of Children : But there are fome Rea- 
 fons to incline one to believe, that it related to 
 them as well as others. For both in the French 
 and Spanijb Councils there are Canons which or- 
 der the Baptifm of Children to be adminiftred on- 
 ly at Eafier, except in cafe of Neceffity and im- 
 minent danger of Death. In the Council of Aux- 
 erre [r~\ it was decreed for the French Churches, 
 That no Children lhould be baptized at any other 
 time fave on the folemn Feftival of Eajler, except 
 fuch as were near Death, whom they called Gra- 
 batarii, becaufe they were baptized on a Sick-bed. 
 And if any one contumacioufly in Contempt of 
 this Decree offered their Children to Baptifm in 
 any of their Churches, they mould not be re- 
 ceived. And if any Presbyter prefumed to receive 
 them againft this Order, he mould be Sufpended 
 
 three Months from the Communion of the Church. 
 The fecond Council of Bracara [f] alfo fpeaks of 
 the like Practice in the Spanijb Churches, order- 
 ing that in the middle of Lent, fuch infants as 
 were to be baptized at Eafter, mould be prefent- 
 ed twenty Days before to undergo the Purgation, 
 or Preparation of Exorcifm. St. Aufiin alfo*" fpeaks 
 of Children, Infants [/], Little ones, Sucklings 
 hanging on their Mothers Breafts, coming at Ea- 
 fier to be baptized among adult Perfons 5 whence 
 Palm-Sunday, or the Sunday before Eajler, had the 
 N ame of Qc~tav<e Infantium, the O Have of Infants 
 upon their Account. St. Ambrofe alfo [u~\ fpeaks 
 of great numbers of Infants coming at Eafter to 
 be baptized : This, fays he, is the Pafchal Gift: 
 Pious Fathers, and holy Mothers bring their new- 
 born Progeny in great Multitudes by Faith to 
 the holy Font, from whofe Womb being rege- 
 nerated under the Tree of Faith, they mine with 
 the innocent Ornament of Lights and Tapers. 
 Thefe are abundant Proofs, that though in Ca- 
 fes of Extremity Children might receive Baptifm 
 at any time, yet in other Cafes where there was 
 no vifible Appearance or Danger of Death, their 
 Baptifm in many places was deferred till the Ea- 
 j/fcr-Feftival, as well as that of adult Perfons. 
 
 W h 1 l s t I am upon the Sub- SECT xv 
 [eft of Infant-baptifm, it will not A Ref ; lutim " - 
 be improper to refolve certain fomegueflhns.whe- 
 Cafesand Queftions, that may be t her children might 
 put concerning it, fo far as they be baptized, token 
 are capable of being refolved from ml y me ?arem wa$ 
 the Pradice of the Church, or chri fi ,an? 
 Judgment of theantient Writers. One is concern- 
 ing fuch Children, w ho had only one Parent Chri- 
 ftian, and the other a Jew or an Heathen : Thefe 
 were reckoned capable of Baptifm upon the Right 
 of one Parent being Chriftian. For fo it was re- 
 folved in the fourth Council of Toledo [x\ in the 
 Cafe of fuch Women that had Jews for their 
 Husbands, that the Children that were born of 
 them mould follow the Faith and Condition of 
 the Mother : And fo on the other hand, they 
 who had unbelieving Mothers, and believing Fa- 
 thers, mould follow the Chriftian Religon, and 
 not the Jewifh Superftition. 
 
 Another Cafe was concern- 
 ing the Children, whofe Parents 
 were under Excommunication and 
 the Church's Cenfures. St. Aufiin 
 had occafion toconfider this Cafe 
 upon the account of one Auxilius,a 
 who in a Fit of ungoverned Zeal, 
 
 sect. xvr. 
 
 Whether the Chil- 
 dren of Excommuni- 
 cated Parents might 
 be baptized. 
 
 young Bifhop, 
 had rafhly Ex- 
 
 [q] Socrat. lib. f. cap. 22. lv tcus «/x4g£/f <re Ta'.%ct (x'ovov 
 CcLirl'i&Gi- £10 irhhv oh'iyuv ot ao/tto* /xn Ca. r 7r]iSri.i- 
 
 tsctbs- ^3-fHcrx.Kfl".'. [f\ Cone. Autiffiodor. can. »8. Non licet 
 abfque Pafchsefolennitate ullo tempore baptizare.niliillosquibus mors 
 vicinaeit, quos Grabatarios dicunt. Quodliquis in alio pago, contu- 
 macia faciente, poft interdidlum hoc Infantes fuos ad baptifmum de- 
 tulerit in Ecclefias ncftras, non recipiantur. Et quicunque Presbyter 
 ipfosextra noirum prseceptumreciperepraefumpferit, tribus menfibus 
 a Communione Ecclefise fequeftratus fit. [s] Cone. Bracar. 2.can.o. 
 Mediante Quadragelima, ex viginti diebus baptizandos Infantes, ad 
 exorcifmi purgationem offerre pra2cipiant.Vid.C0nc. Matifcon.2. can. 3. 
 [t] Aug. Serm. 160. de Tempore, torn. 10. p. 331. Hodie O&avae 
 
 dicuntur Infantium. Mi P uer i, Infantes, Parvuli, Lactates, ma- 
 
 ternis ubenbus inhaerentes, & quantum in eos gratia? referatur nefci- 
 entes, ut ipfi videtis, quia Infantes vocantur, & ipfi habent Oftavas 
 hodie. Et ifh Senes, Juvenes, Adolefcentuli, omnes Infantes, &c 
 OJ Ambrof. de Myfterio Pafcha>, cap. f . Hoc Pafchse donum.-Hinc 
 cafh Patres, pudica: etiam Matres, novellam per fidem ftirpem profe- 
 quuntur innumeram.Hinc fub fidei arboreab uterofontis innocui Ce- 
 reorum fplendet ornatus, &c. [*] Cone. Tolet 4. can. 62. Filii au- 
 tem qui ex talibus (JudaHsJ nati exiftunt, Fidem atque Conditio- 
 nem Matris fequantur. Similiter & hi qui procreati funt de Infideli- 
 bus mulieribus, 8c Fidelibus viris, Chriftianam Religionem fequan- 
 tur, non Judaicam Superflitionem. 
 
 1 J. .hj^iii CrrJ.Ot*? fliifijiTl J J. Q; fir*.' *j I Of: .7 ..«J VlfiH ^Ct^iXSjii.'V. 
 
 communicated 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 communicated one Clajjicianus, and together with 
 him, laid his whole Family under an Anathema 
 and Interditl. Which was a Practice, that how- 
 ever fome later Popes have dealt much in, the 
 Ancients were not acquainted with. Healfo Teems 
 to have forbidden any Children to be baptized, 
 who were born in the Family during this Interdict. 
 Upon which Sr. Auflin took occafion to write to 
 Kim, and cxpoftulate with him upon the Realbns 
 of thefe Proceedings, defiring to be informed \f\ 
 upon what Grounds and Authority of Reafon, or 
 Tetlimony of Scripture he could confirm his O- 
 piniofl j by what Right a Son was to be anathe- 
 matized for the Father's Crime, ora Wifefor her 
 Husband's, or a Servant for his Mailer's or a 
 Child not yet born, if he happened to be born in 
 the Houfe whillt it lay under fuch an Interdict} 
 why it mould not have the benefit of the Laver 
 of Regeneration in danger of Death. In corpo- 
 ral Punifhments, he owns, fometimes it was o- 
 therwife: For God thought fit to punifh fome 
 Defpifers, with their whole Families, though they 
 were not acceflbry to the Contemner's Crimes, 
 that by the death of mortal Bodies, which muft 
 otherwife have fhortly died, he might ltrike Ter- 
 ror into the Living: But he never dealt thus in 
 fpiritual Puniihments, which affect the Soul} but 
 the Soul that finneth, it mail die. And therefore 
 St. Auflin for his own part declares, he never 
 durft ufe Excommunication to this Purpofe, 
 though he was never fo highly provoked by the 
 mod villainous Actions of any Men againft the 
 Church } becaufe if any one mould ask him a 
 Reafon of fuch his Practice, and oblige him to 
 fbew the Juftice of his Proceeding, he freely 
 owns, he could find nothing to anfwer him. 
 Whence I think we may fairly conclude, that 
 the Excommunication of a Parent did not deprive 
 the Child of his Right to Baptifm: And though 
 there were fome who made a Stretch upon Church 
 Power in this Cafe, yet their Actions were fo 
 far from being generally approved, or authorized 
 by any Rule, that they were rather thought to 
 deferve a Cenfure. The Reader that would know 
 how the Reformed Churches have refolved the 
 fame Cafe, about the admiffion of the Children of 
 excommunicated Perfons to Baptifm, may confult 
 another Difcourfe [z] which I have formerly had 
 occafion to write in defence of the Church, 
 where this Cafe is more particularly confidered 
 and refolved, upon the Principles and Practice of 
 fome of the moil eminent Churches of the Re- 
 formation. 
 
 Another Qucftion fome- sect, xvii 
 times agitated in the primitive whether expofed 
 Church, was concerning fuch children, whofe p*- 
 Childrcn who were either expo- rents were unknown, 
 fed, or redeemed from the Barba- mght be J?*** 
 rians, whofe Parents were unknown, and confe- 
 quently it was utterly uncertain whether they 
 were ever baptized or not. This wis a Cafe thac 
 often hapned in Africk, where the Chriftians bor- 
 dered upon feveral barbarous Nations : And ic 
 was thus refolved upon a Confultation in one of 
 the Councils of Carthage : That all fuch Infants 
 [a] as had no certain WitnefTes to teftify that 
 they were baptized, neither could they teftify 
 for themfelves, by reafon of their Age, that the 
 Sacrament had been given them, that fuch mould 
 without any Scruple be baptized, left an Hefita- 
 tion in that cafe fhould deprive them of the pur- 
 gation of the Sacrament. And this Refolution 
 was made at the Inftance of the Legates of the 
 Churches of Mauritania, who informed the Coun- 
 cil, that many fuch Children were redeemed by 
 them from the Barbarians. In which cafe it was 
 uncertain whether their Parents were Heathens 
 or Chriftians. 
 
 But (as in Come Cafes) if it sect, xviir. 
 plainly appeared, that the Parents whether t he chil* 
 of Infants, who by fome providen- °/J e ™ s w f*' 
 tial Means fell into the Hands of ^ m * ' e * 
 Chriftians, were mere Jews or whatfoever. 
 Pagans: Yet in fuch Cafes, Bap- 
 tifm was not denied to the Infants, becaufe they 
 were now become the polTeffion of Chriftians, 
 who undertook to be their Sponfors, and anfwer 
 for their Education. This is evident from St. Au- 
 flin \b\ who fays it in exprefs Terms : This Grace is 
 fometimes vouchfafed to the Children of Infidels, 
 that they are baptized, when by fome Means 
 through the fecret Providence of God they hap- 
 pen to come into the Hands of pious Chriftians. 
 Sometimes they were bought or redeemed with 
 Money , fometimes made lawful Captives in 
 War, and fometimes taken up by any charitable 
 Perfons \_c\ when they wereexpofed by their Pa- 
 rents : In all which Cafes, either the Faith and 
 Promifes of the Sponfors, or the Faith of the 
 Church in general, who was their common Mo- 
 ther, and whofe Children they were now fuppo- 
 fed to be, was fufficient to give them a Title to 
 Chriftian Baptifm. The. holy Virgins of the 
 Church did many times in fuel* Exigencies be. 
 come their Sureties, and take care of their religi. 
 
 [y] Aug Ep. 7f. adAuxilium. Apud Charitatem tuam tacerenon 
 potui, ut fi habes de hac re fententiam, certis rationibus vel Scrip- 
 turarum teftimoniis exploratam, nos quoque docere digneris: quo- 
 modo refte anathematizetur pro Patris peccato Filius, aut pro Ma- 
 riti Uxor, aut pro Domini fcrvus, aut qurfquam etiam indomonon- 
 dum natus, fi eodem tempore quo univerfa domus eft anathemate 
 obligata, nafcatur, nec ei pofTit per Lavacrum Regenerationis in mor- 
 tis periculo fubveniri. Ego autem, fi quis ex me quaerat, utrum 
 
 refte fiat, quidei refpondeam non invenio . Nunquam hoc facere au- 
 fus fum, cum de quorundam facinoribus immaniter adverfus Eccle- 
 fnm perpetratis gravitTime permoverer. [&] French Churches A- 
 pology for the Church of 'England, Book 3. Chap. 19. [a] Cone. 
 Carth. 5-. can. 6. Placuit,de Infanribus, quoties non inveniuntur cer- 
 tiflmii teftes, qui eosbaptizitos efie fine dubitatione teftentur, neque 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ipfi funt per xtatem idonei de traditis fibi Sacramentis refpondere, abf. 
 que ullo Scrupulo eos efie baptizandos, ne ifta Trepidatio eos faciat Sacra- 
 mentorum purgationeprivari. Hinc enim Legati Maurorum fratresno- 
 ftriconfuluerunt,quiamultos tales aBarbaris redimunt.Vid.Cod. Can. 
 African. c. 72. [£] Aug.de Gratia 8c Libero Arbitrio, cap.22. tom„ 
 7. p. fij. Aliquando Filiis Infidelium praeftatur hsec gratia ut bapti- 
 zentur, cum occulta Dei Providentia in manus Priorum quomodocun- 
 que perveniunt. [r] Aug. Ep. 22. ad Bonifac. Videas multos non 
 offerria Parentibus, fed etiam aquibuflibetExtraneis, ficut a Dominis 
 fervuli aliquando offeruntur. Etnonnunquam mortuis Parentibus fuis, 
 parvulibaptizantur ab eis oblati, qui illis hujufmodi mifericordiam prse- 
 bere potuerunt. Aliquando etiam quos crudeliter Parentes expofuerunr, 
 nutriendosa quibuflibet, nonnunquam a Sacris Virginibus colliguntur, 
 8c ab cis offeruntur ad Baptifmum. 
 
 Qj\ q q ous 
 
486 The Antiqjcjities of Book XI. 
 
 ous Education. And fo it happened, as is ob- 
 ferved by Sc. Ambrofe, or whoever was the Au- 
 thor of the excellent Book [d] de Vocatione Gen- 
 tium, that many who were deferted by the Im- 
 piety of their Kindred, were taken care of by the 
 good Offices of others, and brought to be bapti- 
 zed by Strangers, when they were neglected by 
 their neareft Relations. Which was To general 
 and charitable a Practice among the Ancients, that 
 fome learned Modern [<?] Writers fpeak of it with 
 great Commendation upon that account, and tell 
 us fuch Children have a Right to Baptifm, after 
 the fame manner that Abraham's Servants bought 
 with his Money had to Circumcifion, as well as 
 thofe that were born in his Houfe. And they con- 
 cur fo far in aflerting it to be the common Pra- 
 ctice beyond all Controverfy in the primitive 
 Church, as to fay, That St. Auftin made ufe of it 
 as an uncontefted Argument to prove Free-grace 
 and Election againft the Pelagians. Which I note 
 only here by the way, for the fake of fome mifta- 
 ken Perfons, who impute the Encouragement of 
 the fame Practice in the Englifh Church, not to 
 her Charity, but rather to a Fault and Error in 
 her Conftitution. 
 
 sect. xix. There is one Queftion more 
 whether children concerning fuch Infants as were 
 torn Wiethe* p a - bom while ^ brents were 
 
 rents were Heathens, r , , „ - , _ . 
 
 might be battel Heathens : But of thefe there was 
 no Doubt ever madej for as foon 
 as the Parents were baptized themfelves, they were 
 obliged to take care that their Wives and Children 
 and whole Families fhould be baptized like wife. 
 To which purpofe there is a Law in the Jufiinian 
 
 Code [/] inflicting a fevere Penalty upon them in 
 cafe of Neglect or Prevarication in this Matter. 
 For it is there enacted, That fuch Pagans as were 
 yet unbaptized, fhould prefent themfelves, with 
 their Wives and Children, and all that appertained 
 to them, in the Church, and there they fhould 
 caufe their little Ones immediately to be baptized, 
 and the reft as foon as they were taught the Scrip- 
 tures according to the Canons. But if any Per- 
 fons for the fake of a publick Office or Dignity, 
 or to get an Eftate, received a fallacious Baptifm 
 themfelves, but in the mean time left their Wives, 
 or Children, or Servants, or any that were Re- 
 tainers or near Relations to them, in their antienc 
 Error, their Goods in that cafe are ordered to be 
 confifcated, and their Perfons punifhed by a com- 
 petent Judge, and excluded from bearing any Of- 
 fice in the Common-wealth. Photius repeats this 
 Law in his Nomocanon, and adds to it another of 
 the fame nature, concerning the Samaritans, that 
 tho' they themfelves were not to be baptized till 
 they had been two Years Catechumens, yet their 
 little Ones, who were not capable of Inflru&ion, 
 might be admitted to Baptifm without any fuch 
 Delay or Prorogation. Which Law is now ex- 
 tant among Juflinian\\£\ Novels. From all which 
 it appears, that as foon as any Jews or Heathens 
 were either baptized themfelves, or had only ta- 
 ken upon them the State of Catechumens, their 
 Children were made capable of Baptifm, and ac- 
 cordingly by Law required to be baptized. Thus 
 much of Infants, and the feveral Cafes I have met 
 with in the Writings of the Ancients, relating to 
 their Baptifm. 
 
 C H I 
 
 Of the Baptifm 
 
 SECT. I. T" H E other fort of Perfons on 
 No adult Te'rfons A whom Baptifm was confer- 
 va be baptized with- red, were adult Perfons, who 
 out previous inflru- W ere grown up to Years of Un- 
 
 Skn to qualify them <-| cr ft an< Jj n » an d who in thofe 
 
 l^r^ Da y s ma< k up thc main Bod x of 
 
 the baptized. Thefe were ufually 
 Converts from Judaifm or Gentilifm, who before 
 they could be admitted to Baptifm, were obliged 
 to fpend fome Time in the State of Catechumens, 
 to qualify them to make their Profeffions of Faith 
 and a Chriftian Life in their own Perfons. For 
 
 P. V. 
 
 of Adult Perfons. 
 
 without fuch perfonal Profeffions, there was or- 
 dinarily no admiflion of them to the Privilege of 
 Baptifm. The Time of their Inftruction, and the 
 Subftance and Manner of it has already been con- 
 fidered particularly in the laft Book : All there- 
 fore I have farther to obferve concerning them 
 here, is in relation to fome fpecial Cafes, which 
 we find determined in the Canons of the antienr. 
 Councils, when becaufe great Multitudes were 
 baptized at riper Years, the Church had Occafion 
 to confidermany Cafes which arefcarce to be met 
 with in the Rules of later Ages. 
 
 [d] Ambrof de Vocat.Gcnt. lib. i.cap.8. Multis fiepe.quos fuo- 
 rum Impietas deferuit, alienorum cura fervierit, 8c ad Regeneratio- 
 nem venerint per Extraneos, quae eis non erat providenda per proxi- 
 mos 0] Vid. Rivet. & Walaeum in Synopfi Purioris Theologian, 
 Difput. 44. n. 49. [f] Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. Tit. u. de Paganis. 
 Leg. 10. Qtiinondum funt baptizati, ipfi cum Ltbens & Conjugi- 
 bus & omnibus fuis perducantfe ad fandtas Ecclefias: Et fuos par- 
 vulos Liberosfine mora baptizari curent: majores vero prius Scrip- 
 turas fecundum Canones doceantur.Si vero propter Militiam, vel Dig- 
 nitatem, vel facultates habendas fingant baptizari : 8c Liberos aut Con- 
 kjges corum, aut Domefticos fuos in errorc religueriat, fit eos qui 
 
 fibi attinent 8c neceflitudine juncti funt ; 8c publicantur, 8c compe- 
 tenter plectuntur, 8c Rempublicam non attingunt. This Law is re- 
 peated by Balfamon. Conftitut. Ecclef. ap. Jufrel. Bibliothec. Juris Ca- 
 non, torn. x. p. 1198. and in Photius Nomocanon. Tit. 4. cap. 4. 
 p. 907. ibid. [g~\ Phot. Nomocan. Tit. 4. cap. 4. p. 907. Juftin. 
 Novel. 144. cap. 2. Per duos primum annos in fide inftituantur, 8c 
 pro viribus Scripturas edifcant : tumque demum facro redemptions 
 offerantur baptifmati, tam longi temporis poenitentia prorius re- 
 demptions fruclum aftecuti. Pueros autem admodum, qui per xta- 
 tem dodtrinas intelligere nequeunt, etiam abfque hac Obfervatione 
 facro dignati baptifmate admiuimus. 
 
 One 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 487 
 
 sect. 11. One of thefe doubtful Cafes 
 
 ret Dumb ttrfont was m re f er ence to Dumb Per- 
 
 */W to be bap- f who were incapacicated ac 
 tizeJ in form certain , 7 . - n - r r 
 
 Ca r e} the time or ttaptilm from an- 
 
 fwering for themfelvcs. In this 
 Cafe, if Perfons had delired to be baptized before 
 this Infirmity came upon them, or if they could 
 by fufficient Signs fignify their prcfent Defire, 
 the Chinch favourably accepted their Requeft, 
 and admitted them to the Privilege of Baptifm. 
 The full Council of Orange has a Canon in 
 favour of fuch Perfons, both with refpect to 
 Baptifm and Penance i for it decrees, that a Per- 
 fon who is fuddenly ftruck Spcechlefs, may either 
 be baptized, or admitted to Penance, if it ap- 
 pears by the Teftimony of others, that he had 
 any fuch Will or Defire before he became dumb* 
 or if in the time of this Misfortune he could 
 make Signs to exprefs his prefent Defire and In- 
 tention. In the African Code there is a Canon to 
 the fame purpofe, that Men [b~] fo fick that they 
 cannot anfwer for themfelvcs, may be baptized, 
 if their Friends who attended them in Danger, 
 do teftify their Defire of Baptifm. And among 
 the Canonical Anfwers of Timotheusof Alexandria, 
 there is one of the like nature. For the Que- 
 ftion is put \_c\ Whether if a Catechumen befo 
 difordered in his Mind that he cannot make Pro- 
 feflion of his Faith, he may be baptized, not- 
 withstanding this Infirmity ? And the Anfwer is, 
 He miy, if he be not pofTefTed. We have an In- 
 Itance of this Cafe actually verify'd in the Baptifm 
 of an African Negro-Slave at Carthage, whom 
 his Mafier had caufed to be inftructed among the 
 Catechumens, and prepared him among the Com- 
 petentes for Baptifm. He had made his Profeffion 
 of Faith and the ufual Renunciations publickly 
 in the Church, as was cuftomary for the Candi- 
 dates of Baptifm to do, before they came to the 
 Baptiftery to confummate the Myftery. But jufl 
 before the Time of Baptifm he fell fick of a Fe- 
 ver, which made him fpeechlefs. However he 
 was baptized } others anfwering in his Name, as 
 if it had been for an Infant. Ferrandus, v/ho tells 
 the Story, had fome Doubts concerning this 
 Baptifm, which he communicated to Fulgentius 
 Bifhop of Rufpa, who gave him a confolatory 
 Anfwer to this effect : That this Man \jT] had 
 all the Conditions required by our Saviour for 
 Adult Perfons, which were, That they fhould 
 believe and be baptized. Faith and the Profef- 
 
 fion of it is the Act of the Man : The bapti- 
 zing him is only the Act of the Minifter. And 
 though this Man had not his Senfes when the 
 Minifter performed his Act, yet he had when he 
 himfelf performed his own. We believe indeed,that 
 none but Infants are faved by the Faith of thole 
 that bring them, and that at the Age of Reafon 
 a Man's own Confeflion is required : But this 
 Man made his Profeffion whilft he had his Senfes, 
 and was baptized whillt he was yet alive. From 
 whence he concludes, that there was no Reafon 
 to doubt of his Salvation, becaufe he had done 
 all that was neceflary on his part, and was bap- 
 tixed in the Manner that in this cafe the Canons 
 had appointed. Let me add to all this, how it 
 is that Albafpinaus and many others underftand 
 that Canon of the Council of Eliberis [<?], which 
 fpeaks of Catechumens deferting their Station, 
 and forfaking the Church for a long time, yet ac 
 laft defiring to be baptized : In this cafe, tho' 
 they were Speechlcfs, they might be baptized, 
 if either any of the Clergy, or other faithful 
 WitnefTes could teftify that they defired to be 
 made Chriftiansj becaufe their Crimes were com- 
 mitted whilft they were in the Old Man: Or, 
 as other Copies read ir, becaufe they feemed to 
 have relinquished and bid adieu to the Old Man: 
 that is, in their former State of Sin and Natural 
 Corruption. And this was but the very fame 
 Privilege as was allowed Men in the bufinefs of 
 Penance, mentioned in the forecited Council of 
 Orange, and alfo the fourth Council of Carthage, 
 where it is faid [/], That if a Lapfer defires to 
 be admitted to Penance in time of Sicknefs, and 
 unfortunately becomes Speechlefs, or falls into 
 a Phrcnzy, while the Prieft: who is fent for is 
 coming to him, they who heard his Defire mall 
 teftify for him, and he fhall be admitted to Pe- 
 nance : And if he feems to be at the point of 
 Death, he fhall be reconciled by the Impofition 
 of Hands, and have the Eucharift poured into his 
 Mouth. But if he recovers, the WitnefTes fhall 
 acquaint him, that his Petition was granted, and 
 then he fhall fubmit himfelf to the ordinary Rules 
 of Penance, fo long as the Prieft who admitted 
 him to Penance fhall think fit in his Difcretion. 
 Now it is probable, that after the fame manner, 
 Perfons who were baptized in fuch a Condition, 
 when they recovered were obliged to make their 
 Profeffions, as was ufual in Baptifm, when after- 
 wards they received the Impofition of Hands in 
 
 [«] Cone. Araufican. 1. can. iz. Subito obmutefcens, prout 
 Statutum eft, baptizari aut Pcenitentiam accipere poteft, fi volun- 
 tatis prxtcritas teftimonium aliorum verbis habet, aut praefentis in 
 fuo nutu. \b~\ Con. Carthag. 3. can. 54.. Ut aegrotantes, fi pro 
 fe refpondere non poflunt, cum voluntatis eorum teftimonium fui 
 dixerinr, baptizentur. Similiter & de Pcenitentibus agendum eft. 
 This Canon is repeated in the Codex Canon. Ecclef. Afric. can. 48. 
 mi in the latter Edition of the Councils it is read with a little Vari- 
 ation, thus ; Cum Voluntatis eorum teftimonium hi, qui fuis pe- 
 riculo proprio affuere, dixerint, baptizentur, &c. [c] Timoth. 
 Refponf. Canon, cap. 4. ap. Bevereg. Pandect, torn. 2. p. 166. 
 [</] Fulgent, de Baptifmo jEthiopis, cap. 8. See a like Cafe in St. 
 Auftin'j ConfeJJions, lib. 4. cap. 4. [e] Cone. Eliber. can. 4$-. 
 Qui aliquando fuerit Catechumenus, 8c per infinica tcmpora nun- 
 
 Vol. I, 
 
 quam ad Ecclefiam accelTerit, fi eum de Clero quifquam agnoverit 
 voluifle efle Chriftianum, aut teftes aliqui fideles extiterint, placuit 
 ei baptifmum non negari, eo quod in veterem hominem deliquiflc 
 videatur. al. eo quod veterem hominem dereliquifle videatur. 
 [/] Cone. Carthag. 4. can. 76. Qui Pcenitentiam in Infirmitate petit, 
 fi cafu, dum ad eum Sacerdos invitatus venit, opprefius infirmitate 
 obmutuerit, vel in Frenefin verfus fuerit, dent teftimonium qui 
 eum audierunt, 2c accipiat Pcenitentiam ; 8c fi continuo credicur 
 moriturus, reconcilietur per manus Impofitionem, 8c infundatur 
 ori ejus Euchariftia. Si fupervixerit, admoneatur a fupradi&is Te- 
 ftibus petitioni (ux fatisfa&um, 8c fubdatur ftatutis pcenitentiam le- 
 gibus, quamdiu Sacerdos qui Pcenitentiam dedit, probaverit. Vid. 
 Leo, Ep. 89. ad Theodor. Forojulienfem. al. 91. 
 
 Q. q q q i Confirmation, 
 
488 
 
 The A n t i qjj it i e s of the Book XI 
 
 Confirmation. But as I cannot affirm this upon 
 the certain Evidence of any Rule or Canon, as 
 in the other cafe of Penance, but only judge by 
 parity of Reafon, I will notbepofitive, but leave 
 every one to enjoy his own Opinion. 
 
 Another Queftion was 
 SECT. III. fometimes raifed about the Ener- 
 And Energumens t» r tv cr a l 
 
 in c,fes o/E X ,re. gumens, ox Perfons poflefled by 
 ftOto/ Evil Spirits, whether during the 
 
 time of their Pofleflion it was 
 proper to give them Baptifm. The Council of 
 Eliberis orders them to be deferred, till they were 
 fet free and cured •> but yet in cafe of Extremity 
 and vifible Appearance of Death [g] appoints 
 them to be baptized. The firft Council [if] of 
 Orange feems to have allowed it not only in abfo- 
 lute Neceflity, but in the Remiflions and Inter- 
 vals of their Diftemper j for it orders, that 
 fuch Catechumens as were poflefled, fhould be 
 baptized, according as their Neceflity required, 
 or Opportunity permitted. In the Canons of 
 'Timothy Bifhop of Alexandria, the fame Quefti- 
 on is put, but refolved a little differently: If 
 Baptifm be defired for a Catechumen that is pof- 
 fefled, What (hall be done? To which the An- 
 fwer is, Let him be baptized at the Hour of Death, 
 and not otherwife So likewife in the Confti- 
 
 tutions [_k~\ under the Name of the Apoftles : If 
 any one is poflefled with a Devil, let him be 
 taught the Principles of Piety, but not bereceiv'd 
 to Communion till he is cleanfed : Yet if he be 
 under the prefliire of imminent Death, let him 
 be received. Some underftand this of being re- 
 ceived to the Communion of the Eucharift, but 
 it is plain the Author means it of being received 
 to the Communion of the Church by Baptifm : 
 For he is there giving Rules concerning Perfons 
 to be baptized, and defcribing their neceflary 
 Qualifications; among which this is one, That 
 Energumens fhall be cleanfed before they be ad- 
 mitted to Communion, except at the Hour of 
 Death, where Neceflity gave them a Difpenfation. 
 And this was the ancient Rule in the time of 
 Cyprian, who fays, that they who were poflefled 
 with unclean Spirits, were baptized in time of 
 Sicknefs: And many times this Benefit followed 
 from it, that though fome of thofe for want of 
 Faith were ftill vexed [/] with unclean Spirits j 
 the true Energy of Baptifm, which was to deli- 
 ver Men from the Power of the Devil, failing 
 
 in fome by their own Default and Weaknefs of 
 Faith : Yet in others it was found true by Expe- 
 rience, that they who were baptized in time of 
 Sicknefs and urgent Neceflity, were thereby de- 
 liver'd from the unclean Spirit, with which they 
 were before poflefled, and thenceforward lived 
 a very laudable and reputable Life in the Church, 
 and made a daily Proficiency and Increafe in hea- 
 venly Grace by the Augmentation of their Faith. 
 And on the contrary it oftentimes happened, than 
 fome of thofe who were baptized in Health, 
 when they afterward fell into Sin, were tor- 
 mented with the unclean Spirit returning upon 
 them: Whence it was apparent, that the Devil 
 was excluded in Baptifm by the Faith of the Be- 
 liever, but if afterwards his Faith failed, the 
 Devil returned to his old Pofleflion. From this 
 Difcourfe of Cyprian we learn, not only that Ener- 
 gumens in time of Extremity were admitted to 
 Baptifm, but that Baptifm in fuch Cafes was 
 many times a peculiar Benefit to them, whilft 
 it deliver'd them from the Pofleflion of unclean 
 Spirits, which could not before be caft out by 
 any Power of the Exorcifts, though in thofe 
 Days the Power of Exorcifm was a miraculous 
 Gift of the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 Another Obfervation to 
 be made upon the Baptifm of A- . T c , . 
 
 , . _ r r . . * . . No Slave to be 
 
 dult Perfons, is in relation to baptized rpkhmt tht 
 fuch as were Slaves to Chriftian Teftimony of his Mn- 
 Mafters. For we find by the far. 
 Author of the Conflitutions un- 
 der the Name of the Apoftles, that in the Ex- 
 amination of the feveral Qualifications of thofe 
 that offered themfclves to Baptifm, one part of 
 the Enquiry was, Whether they were Slaves or 
 Freemen : If they were Slaves to an Heathen, 
 they were only taught their Obligations to pleafe 
 their Mafter, that the Word of God might not 
 be blafphemed j and the Mafter had no farther 
 concern in their Baptifm, as being himfelf an In- 
 fidel : But if the Mafter were a Chriftian, then 
 the Teftimony of the Mafter was firft to be re- 
 quired [»] concerning the Life and Converfation 
 of his Slave, before he could be admitted to the 
 Privilege of Baptifm. If he gave a laudable Ac- 
 count of him, he was received : If otherwife, 
 he was rejected, till he approved himfelf to his 
 Mafter. So far in thofe Days it was thought ne- 
 ceflary and fcrviceable to Religion to grant Chri- 
 
 [g] Cone. Eliber. can. 37. Eos qui ab immundis Spiritibus vex- 
 antur, C\ in fine mortis fuerint conftituti, baptizari placet. [h] 
 Cone. Araufican. can. if. Energumenis Catechumenis, in quan- 
 tum vel neceffitas exegerit, vel opportunitas permiferit, de baptifm 
 mate confulendum. [/] Timoth. Refpon. Can. c. 2. 'Edv 
 fcupovi^'opfytQ- fJLri na.daei&ii, v J'vvetjcu KaChv to etytov 
 Q,ti'rr]to'iJt-ct. «fei 3 t'r\v 'k^oS'ov C(t7r}i£iT<u. [fc] Conftit. Apoft. 
 lib. 8. cap. 3*. 'Edy $ Ttf S'eufj.ava. \y^, JWWjacS-w /Ay 
 t <M<ri£etccv, fj.ri 't^cS'iyji.Ssu &s xotvuvicf.v, rreiv i.v ko.- 
 ^•cte/c&»T. « d-a.va.7Q- K.a.Ti'Teiyei, 'z^a^iykSrca. [I] Cypr. 
 Ep. 76. al. 69. ad Magnum p. 187. Si aliquis in illo move- 
 tur, quod quidam de iis qui segri baptizantur, Spiritibus adhuc im- 
 mundis tentantur ; fciat Diaboli nequitiain pertinacem ufque ad 
 aquam falutarem valerc, in bptifmo »ero omne nequitiaj fuse virus 
 
 amittere. Ibid. p. 188. Hoc denique 8c rebus ipfis experimur, 
 
 ut neceflltate urgente in sgritudine baptizati 8c gratiam confecuti, 
 careant immundo Spiritu, quo antca movebantur ; 8c laudabilis 
 ac probabilis in Ecclefia vivant. plufque per dies fingulos in aug- 
 mentum czleftis gratise per fidei incrementa proficiant. Et contra 
 nonnulii fxpe de illis qui lani baptizantur, ft poftmodum peccare 
 cceperint, Spiritu immundo redeunre quatiuntur ; ut manifeftum fit. 
 Diabolum in Baptifmo fide credentis excludi ; fi fides poftmodum 
 defecerit, regredi. See alfo Clemen. Recognir. Lib. 4. cap. 32. to 
 the fame Furpofe. [m] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. cap. 52. \a.v 
 777s-» <TbA©- », IpurdSu Kuei@- ewTti, h (jfyrvpei ojj~ 
 tu. i<t,v 3 //«, ~imCa.hhkSrc), ?«? a\v ttwriv at^ioy &tH<Peiz» 
 
 T$ £i<ZJ<j71i. ti 'j $>TUpH O.V7W, TrepQ-f'iyji.&a, 
 
 ftian 
 
Chap. V. Christian Church. 489 
 
 ilian Matters a Power over their Slaves, that 
 without their Tcftimony and Approbation they 
 could not be accepted as fit Candidates of Bap- 
 tifm. Not that this was intended to countenance 
 any tyrannical Power in Chriftian Matters, to de- 
 bar their Slaves of Baptifm, and deny them the 
 Privilege and Benefits of the Chriftian Religion 
 (which is a piece of barbarous Cruelty and fpi- 
 ritual Tyranny over Mens Souls, unknown to 
 former Ages) but the Defign was to preferve the 
 purity of Religion, and keep back hypocritical 
 andprophane Pretenders from the Holy Myfteriesi 
 the ovei-hatty admiflion of whom might prove a 
 Scandal andDifgrace to the Profeflion, if Perfons 
 of a doubtful Life were indifcriminately and in- 
 differently admitted to the Sacred Rites of it. 
 This Caution wifely lodged an Ufcful Power in 
 the Hands of Chriftian Matters, which Prudence 
 and Charity directed them to ufe foberly to E- 
 dification, and not to Deftruftion. And Experi- 
 ence prov'd it to be an Ufeful Rule : For it both 
 made the Matters zealous for the Salvation of 
 their Slaves, as we have feen in the Inftancc of 
 the African Negro mentioned in Fulgentius and 
 alfo made the Slaves flncerc in their Profcfllons 
 and Pretences to Religion, when they knew they 
 could not be accepted as Real Converts, worthy 
 of Baptifm, without the corroborating Teftimony 
 of their Matters. There were alfo Laws of State 
 obliging all Matters to take Care of their Fami- 
 lies, fo far as to fee that every individual Perfon, 
 Slaves as well as Children, were made Chrifti- 
 ans, and in default of this, fome Penalties were 
 annexed, depriving the Matters of certain Privi- 
 leges in the Common- wealth, if they were found 
 either remifs, or acting by Collufion in this part 
 of their Duty [»]. So that all imaginable Obli- 
 gation was laid upon Matters, both in point of 
 Intereft, Duty, and Charity, to take Care of 
 the Inftruftion of their Slaves, and bring them 
 with their own Teftimonials to Chriftian Bap- 
 tifm. 
 
 SECT. v. Yet becaufe Baptifm was to 
 
 Yet Baptifm to be be a voluntary Aft in Adult Per- 
 
 * voluntary and fo n fome Laws wefc mac J c a . 
 
 ™.™ 6""* compelling any one by 
 ceiveit. Force to receive it. In the 
 
 Fourth Council of Toledo a Ca- 
 non was made to this purpofe concerning the 
 Jews, who had fometimes been drawn by Force 
 to be baptized againft their Will, and it was or- 
 der'd by the Synod, That thenceforth no one 
 fliould be compelled by Force to profefs [o] the 
 Chriftian Faith. For God hath Mercy on whom 
 
 He will have Mercy , and whom he will He hardeneth. 
 For fuch ate not to be faved againft their Will, 
 but of their own freeConlent, that the Form or 
 Method of their Juflification may be perfeih 
 For as Man perifhed by his own free Will, obey- 
 ing the Serpent, fo every Man is faved (when 
 he is.- called by the Grace of God) by his own 
 voluntary Aftof Faith, and Convei fion of his own 
 Mind. Therefore they arc not to be compelled 
 by Force, but to be perfuaded by their own free 
 Will to be converted. But as tothofe who have 
 heretofore been forced to embrace Chriftianity, 
 as was done in the Time of the Religious Prince 
 SifcbutuS) or Sifenandus, for as much as thev have 
 been Partakers of the Sacraments, and have re- 
 ceived the Grace of Baptifm, and the Unftion of 
 Chrifm, and the Communion of the Body and 
 Blood of the Lord, therefore they ought to be 
 obliged to hold the Faith which they were com- 
 pelled by Force or Neceffity to receive, left the 
 Name of the Lord fhould be blafphemed, and 
 the Faith which they have received be vilified 
 and expofed to Contempt. By this we learn that 
 Baptifm was always to be a voluntary Aft in 
 Adult Perfons, and none were to be compelled 
 againft their own Wills to receive it : And though 
 the Church did not refcind fuch Aftions as were 
 done againft this Rule, yet fhe did not approve 
 them, but thought them worthy of Her Cenfure, 
 and unfit to be made a Precedent for the future. 
 That which looks moft like Force in this cafe 
 allowed by Law, was the Orders of Jnftinian 
 mentioned \_p] before, one of which appoints 
 the Heathens, and the other the Samaritans to 
 be baptized, with their Wives and Children and 
 Servants, under pain of Confifcation. But even 
 thefe Laws did not compel them to be baptized 
 againft their Wills, but allowed them two Years 
 time to be Catechumens, and admitted none bun 
 fuch as made a voluntary Profeflion of their Faith 
 and Repentance. For the Penalties were only 
 defigned to prevent Fraud and Prevarications, in 
 fuch as pretended to receive Baptifm themfelves, 
 but in the mean time took no Care to have their 
 Families made Chriftian : Againft whom the 
 Wifdom of the State then thought no Laws fe- 
 vere enough could be enafted. So that thefe 
 Laws were tempered with the greateft Prudence, 
 between the Extreams of Rigor and Rcmifnefs, 
 that Men might be made fenfible on the one hand 
 of their Obligations to become Chriftians, and 
 yet none have Reafon to complain on the other 
 hand, that they were forced by Violence to em- 
 brace a Religion againft their Wills, which they 
 could not approve and aflent to. For the Penal- 
 
 [»] See Chap. iv. n. 17. [0] Cone. Tolet. 4. can. f6: Dc 
 Judaris autem prxcepit Sanc"ta Synodus, nemini deinceps ad cre- 
 dendum vim inferrc Cui enim vult Deus miferetur, 8c quern 
 vult indurat. Non enim tales inviti falvandi funt, fed volentes, ut 
 integra fit forma Juftitise Sicut enim homo propria arbitrii Vo- 
 luntate Serpenti obediens periit, fic vocante le gratia Dei, propria 
 mentis converfione homo quifque credendo falvatur. Ergo non vi, 
 fed libera aibitrii Voluntate, ut convertantur fuadendi funt, nonpo- 
 
 tius irapellendi. Qui autem jam pridem ad Chriftianiratem venire 
 coafti funt, ficut factum eft temporibus religiofilfimi Principis Si- 
 febuti, (al. Sifenandi,) quia jam conftat eos Sacramentis Divinis foci- 
 atos, 8c Baptifmi gratiam fufcepifie, £c Chrifmate un£ros efle, 8c 
 Corporis Domini & Sanguinis extitifle participes, oportet etiam ut 
 Fidem, quam Vi vel NeceiTitate fufceperunt, tenere cogantur, ne 
 nomen Domini blaiphemetur ( 8c fides, quam fufceperunt, vilis ac 
 contemptibilis habeatur. [p] See Chap. 4.. n. ij. 
 
 ties, 
 
 8 
 
49° 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the Book XI. 
 
 ties, as I faid, were only defigned to chaftize the 
 hypocritical Practices and fraudulent Remifnefs 
 of manifeft Prevaricators. And it were to be 
 wi/hed, that all Civil Governments and States 
 in all Ages would enact fuch Laws and put them 
 duly in Execution, againft fuch fort of Chrifti- 
 ans, who inftead of encouraging their Slaves to 
 be baptized, are the only Obftaclesto hinder and 
 deprive them of the Benefit of Chriftian Bap- 
 tifm . 
 
 I have one Thing more 
 sect. vr. tQ nQte conC erning Adult Per- 
 
 IVoat Terfons rvtre r , • . • « .. „ 
 
 • a j £. Tt 4 fons, who might or might not 
 
 rejecled from Bab- . , ° r> -r \ A 
 
 tifm : With a par- be admitted to Baptitm : And 
 
 tkuUr Account of that is, That all fuch Heathens 
 
 fome certain Trades as made their Livelihood out of 
 
 and vocatiom, which any f can dalous Trades or Profef- 
 
 k Such M Zr! r lmae fl ° nS > whkh C0Uld n0t bC al " 
 
 makers^Znd Ttfgl lowed by the Rules of Chrifti- 
 f laym. anity, were rejected from Bap- 
 
 tifm, till thcyfolemnly promifed 
 to bid Adieu, and actually forfook fuch Voca- 
 tions. The Author of the Apoftolical Conflitutiens 
 fpecifies feveral of this nature. Such as the 
 ■arcpvcCoc-xoi, Panders or Procurers > tto^vcu, 
 Whores j «<Ao\o7roiot, Makers of Images or 
 Idols \jf\ -y againft whom Tertullian hasalfoa par- 
 ticular Differtation, where he cenfures this Trade 
 as inconfiftent with the Profeffion of Chriftianity, 
 telling Men, that by this Art they made the 
 Devils their Alumni, their Pupils, to whom they 
 were a fort of Foiter-Fathers, whilft they fur- 
 nifhed out Materials to carry on their Service. 
 And with what Confidence, [r~] fays he, can any 
 Man exorcife his own Alumni, thofe Devils, 
 whofc Service he makes his own Houfe a Shop 
 or Armoury to maintain ? Reflecting on this un- 
 lawful Trade of making Images for the Idol- 
 Temples. Next to thefe in the Confiitutions fol- 
 low ol im tnlwns, Actors and Stage-players, who 
 could not ftick to that Profeffion, and be admit- 
 mitted to Chriftian Baptifm, becaufe a great deal 
 both of Lewdnefs and Idolatry was actually com- 
 mitted and encouraged by fuch as made a Liveli- 
 hood of that Profeffion. The Canons therefore 
 forbad all fuch to be baptized, and excommuni- 
 cated thofe that fell to the Trade again after Bap- 
 tifm. If a Soothfayeror a Stage-player, fays the 
 Council of Eliberis [j], have a Mind to become 
 Believers, that is, to be baptized, let them be re- 
 
 ceived, on condition they flrft bid Adieu to their 
 Arts, and return not to them again. Which if 
 they attempt to do againft this Prohibition, they 
 ffiall be cart out of the Church. In like manner 
 the third Council of Carthage appoints all fuch 
 [t] to be excommunicated, and not to be recon- 
 ciled or received again to favour but upon their 
 Converfion. And in the time of Cyprian, not 
 only publick Actors, but private Teachers and 
 Mafters of this fcandalous Art were debarred the 
 Communion of the Church : As appears from 
 Cyprian's Anfwer ro Eucratius, who put this Que- 
 ftion to him, Whether [«] a Stage-player might 
 communicate, who continued to follow that 
 difhonourable Trade by teaching Children that 
 pernicious Art, which he was Mafter of? To 
 which Cyprian replies, That it was neither agree- 
 able to the Majefty of God, nor the Difcipline 
 of the Gofpel, that the Modefty and Honour of 
 the Church ftiould be defiled with fo bafe and 
 infamous a Contagion. For if the Law prohi- 
 bited Men to wear Womens Apparel, and laid a 
 Curfe upon all that did it j how much greater 
 was the Crime, not only to wear their Cloaths, 
 but to exprefs their loofe, and wanton, and effe- 
 minate Geftures, by teaching this Immodeft Art 
 to others ? Indeed, this kind of Life was fcanda- 
 lous even among the wife and fober part of the 
 very Heathens ; tertullian obferves [#], that 
 they who profefTed thefe Arts were noted with 
 Infamy, degraded and denied many Privileges, 
 driven from Court, from Pleading, from the 
 Senate, from the Order of Knighthood, and all 
 other Honours in the Roman City and Common- 
 wealth. Which is alfo confirmed by St. Aufiin 
 \j\<t who fays, No Actor was ever allowed to 
 enjoy the Freedom, or any other honourable Pri- 
 vilege of a Citizen of Rome. Therefore fince 
 this was fo infamous and fcandalous a Trade even 
 among the Heathens, it is no wonder the Church 
 would admit none of this Calling to Baptifm, 
 without obliging them firft to bid Adieu to fo ig- 
 nominious a Profeffion. To have done otherwife 
 had been to expofe Herfelf to Reproach, and 
 to have given Occafion to the Adverfary to blaf- 
 pheme, if Men of fuch lewd and profligate Pra- 
 ctices had been admitted to the Privileges of the 
 Church, who were excluded from the Liberties 
 of the City, and Honours of the Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 [q] Conftit. Apod. Lib. 8. cap. ii. [r] Tertul.dc Idololat. 
 c. ii. Qua conftantia exorcizabit Alumnos fuos, quibus domum 
 fuam Cellariam preftat? [j] Cone. Eliber. can. 6^. Si Augur 
 aut Pantomimi credere voluerint, placuit, ut prius Artibus fuis re- 
 nuncient, 8c tunc demum fufcipiantur, ita ut ulterius nonrevertan- 
 tur. Quod fi facere contra interdi&um tentaverint, projiciantur 
 ab Ecclefia. [/] Cone. Carthag. j. can; jf. Ut Scenicis .atque 
 Hiflrionibus, cxterifque hujufmodi Perfonis, vel Apoftaticis, con- 
 verfis vel reverfis ad Dominum, Gratia vel Reconciliatio non ne- 
 getur. [«] Cypr. Ep. 61. al. 2. ad Eucratium, p. 3. Confu- 
 lcndum me exiftimafti, quid mihi videatur de Hiftrione quodam , 
 
 qui apud vos confritutus, in ejufdem adhuc artis fuas Dedecore per- 
 feverat, 8c Magifter 8c Do&or non erudiendorum, fed perdendorum 
 puerorum, id quod male didicit, caeteris quoque iniinuat; an talis 
 debeat communicare nobifcum ? Puto nee Majeftati Divina, nec 
 Evangelicae Difciplinae congruere, ut Pudor 8c Honor Ecclefiaetam 
 turpi Scinfami contagione fcedetur, 8cc. [*] Tcrtul. de Speclac. 
 cap. 22. Damnant ignominia 8c Capitis minutione, arcentes Curia, 
 Roftris, Senatu, Equite, catterifque honoribus omnibus limul ac 
 ornamentis. \_y] Aug. de Civ. Deii Lib. 2. c. 14. AcloresPo- 
 cticarum Fabularum removent a Societate Civitatis — ab honoribus 
 omnibus repellunt homines Scenicos. 
 
 The 
 
 8 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 49 r 
 
 SECT. VII. The nexc that are prohibited 
 
 And Gladiators in the Confiitutions are Charioteers 
 
 Charioteers, and an j Gladiator s [z], and Racers, 
 
 ether Gameftcrs. and Curators f t he Common 
 
 Games, Practifers in the Olympick Games, Min- 
 itrels, Harpers, Dancers, Vintners, and fuch like, 
 who are commanded either to quit thefe Callings, 
 or to be rejected from Baptifm. It may feem a 
 little ftrange, that Tome of thefc Callings, which 
 feem indifferent in their own Nature, and are 
 now commonly allowed, ihould then be thought 
 juft Reafons to debar Men from Baptifm. But 
 it is to be fuppofed, that thefe Arts in the Time 
 of Heathenilm were inftrumental in carrying on 
 Idolatry, Lewdnefs and Prophanenefs, and there- 
 fore by the Ancients, whofe Difcipline was exact, 
 were thought improper to be allowed in the Pra- 
 ctice of a Chrillian. The Circenfian Games were 
 in Honour of the Gods, and therefore to be con- 
 cerned in them as a Charioteer, was ltill to par- 
 take in Idolatry. Upon which Account the full 
 Council of Aries [_a] ordered all fuch to be Ex- 
 communicated as continued after Baptifm in this 
 Service. And there is a remarkable Story told 
 by Sc. Jerem [£] in the Life of Hilarion, concern- 
 ing one of thelt Charioteers, an Heathen of the 
 City of Gaza, who being flruck by the Devil 
 with a dead Palfie, as he was driving his Chariot, 
 fo that he could not move his Hand, nor Neck, 
 but only his Tongue to Prayer : In this Condi- 
 tion he was brought in a Bed to Hilarion, who 
 told him, That he could not be healed, unlefs he 
 believed in Jefus, and promifed to bid adieu to 
 his former Trade. The Man immediately upon 
 this believed, renounced, and was healed, re- 
 joycing more for the Salvation of his Soul than 
 his Body. This Calling miniftred to Idolatry, 
 and upon that fcore a Renunciation of it was lb 
 precilely exacted of Men at their Baptifm. The 
 Gladiators Art was Infamous for its Barbarity and 
 Cruelty, involving Men in Murder and Blood- 
 ihed, and therefore utterly inconfiftent with the 
 Rules of Chriftianity. The Racers and Curators 
 of the Publick Games, and Olympick Combatants, 
 were all concerned in Idolatrous Practices : For 
 thefe Games alfo were held in the Name and to 
 the Honour of fome Idol-God > which Calling 
 was therefore to be renounced, as an Appendage 
 to Idolatry, before Men came to Baptifm. For 
 the other Trades of Minftrels, Harpers, Dancers, 
 13c. befides their miniftring to Levity, Vanity, 
 and Luxury, they were alfo employed in Idol- 
 Worfhip and other Prophanenefs, which feems 
 
 to have been the principal Rcafon of making fuch 
 a ftrict Prohibition of them in the fubfequent 
 Life of every Chriftian. 
 
 The next fort of Perfons 
 mentioned in the Conftitu.ions, i ?!r C , T ' VIIL , 
 
 . r „ ■[• , Aitrologers and 
 
 as unworthy of Baptifm, are la- Praclireri af other 
 fcivious Perfons, with all Practi- curious Arts. 
 fers of curious Arts [c], as Ma- 
 gicians, Inchanters, Ajlrologers, Diviners, Magical 
 Charmers, Idle and Wandering Beggars, Makers of 
 Amulets and Phylatleries, and iuch as dealt in 
 Heathenijh Lujlrations, Soothfayers, and Obfervers 
 of Signs and Omens, Interpreters of Palpitations, 
 Obfervers of Accidents in meeting others, making 
 Divination thereupon, as Upon a Blemifh in the 
 Eye, or in the Feet, Obfervers of the Motion 
 of Birds, or Weefels, Obfervers of V oices and Sym- 
 bolical Sounds. All thefe are appointed to be ex- 
 amined and tryed a conliderable Time, whether 
 they would relinquifh their Arts or not. If they 
 did, they might be received} if nor, they wereio 
 be rejected from Baptifm. The Names of thefe 
 curious Arts, which I have expreffed in the Mar- 
 gin, are fome of them difficult to be underftood. 
 The Xwraysf are explained by Chryfoftom [d~\ to be 
 idle wandering Beggars, given to fpend what 
 they got in Gaming and Luxury. But others 
 make them a fort of Diviners, or Fortune- tellers, 
 like our Gipfies, which is moft agreeable to this 
 Place. The T%aVM aTa were the fame with the 
 Phylatleria, which were Amulets made of Rib- 
 bands, with a Text of Scripture, or fome other 
 Charm of Words written in them, and hanged 
 about the Neck to cure Difeafes, and preferve 
 Men from Danger, whence they had the Name 
 of Phylatleries or Prefervatives. Now this was a 
 piece of Heathenifh Superftition and Idolatry, 
 which ftuck clofeft to new Converts, and was 
 moft difficult to be cured. Therefore we find 
 the anticne Canons and Fathers very fevere in 
 their Cenfures and Invectives againft it. The 
 Council of Laodicea condemns Clergymen than 
 pretended to make fuch Phylatleries, which were 
 truly the Bonds and Fetters of their own Souls, 
 and orders all fuch as wore them, to be call out 
 [e~\ of the Church. The Council of Trullo [/] 
 decrees Six Years Penance for fuch Offenders. 
 St. Cryfoflom [g] declaims againft it as greac Idola- 
 try, whatever little Pleas were brought in Favour. 
 of it. The Ufe of Amulets to hang about the 
 Neck, fays he, is Idolatry, though they that 
 gain by it offer a thoufand Philofophical Argu- 
 
 fy] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c.311 Mox©-, » ffovopdx©-, 3 
 raJWYoja©-, 3 xaPtpTirfc, 3 "Okv^ikU, 3 fcogjtu'AHf 3 
 KidxeirtK, 3 \va?k, 3 r opx* ftv cmS'etKvvfMiv©-, » 
 <th*.©-> 3 irmii ■«'<&««£, 3 ^toCakk'i&co'I. O] Cone. Arelat. 
 I. Can. 4. Dc Agitatoribus, qui fideles funt, placuit eos, quamdiu 
 agitant, a Communione feparari. [£] Hieron.Vit. Hilarion. cap. 
 13. Auriga Gazenfis, in curru percuffus a Dxmone, totus obriguir, 
 ita ut nec manus agitare, nec cervicem poflTet refledtere. Delatus 
 ergo in le£to, cum folam linguam moverct ad preces, audivit non 
 prius pofle fanari, quam crederet in Jefum, 8c fe fponderet arti pri- 
 ftinae renunciaturum. Credidit, fpopondit, fanatus eft, magifque 
 de animx quam de corporis falute exultavit. [c] Conftit. Apoft. 
 Lib. 8. cap. 32. Udy&, tTao/tTef) cts-poAo>©-> y-dvTti, 
 
 ftov, otuvi^rif, (rv[/.£ohoJ*ti>iln>, ivcL\fji£v ify-ivziH, $vk&T\'a- 
 fjh>@~ iv <T\jvd.v]n<rH ^Cct< % \,iuf, n gtocPSv, 3 opi'tSw, n ya- 
 
 KUV, H cm $ CO Vi G i 6>l>, 3 '8§>efiX.pod,{S.cLTW ffVfJ.bOhtKUV, yfuVQ 
 
 <Pox.it*ct£i&utTd.v, Sac. [d] Chrylbft. Horn. 1 3 . in Eplief. 
 [e]Conc. Laodic. can. 36. »' <P£ U&t}ix.*f 3 k^sakv? ■voihv tx 
 Kiy'ofAfJa, q>\j\&yC\i\ti<t, ativa %h ^eo]hei<t tcov dv- 
 
 [/] Cone. Trull, can. 61. [g ] Chryf. Hom.S.inColof.p. 1374.. 
 To. 'G&tt'Trlct, Kctv (jLveict qihoo-oQcoatv 01 tK rirav y^fxx].- 
 ^O/ufyot, &c. iifuKohctlpticL tci -up£yi/.cL bhv. Vid. Chryf in 
 Pfalm 9. & Horn. 6. adverfus Judsus. It. Bafil. in Pfal.46. Chryf. 
 Horn. 11, ad Pop. Antioch. 
 
 ment 
 
49 2 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XI 
 
 ments to defend ir, faying, We only pray to 
 God, and do nothing more j and, the Old Wo- 
 man that made them was a Chriftian and a Be- 
 liever } with other fuch like Excufes: Not- 
 withstanding all which he threatens to excommu- 
 nicate all fuch as were found to pradtife it. So 
 that as this was a Crime defending Excommuni- 
 cation in all that were already baptized, it was 
 thought alfo a juft Reafon to prohibit any from 
 coming to Baptifm who would not firft promife to 
 renounce it. 
 
 Another fort of Perfons 
 sect. IX. wh the Author of the Confti- 
 
 Frequentersof the _ f . 
 
 Tubhck Games and ^ utl ^ excludes from the Pnvi- 
 Theatre. lege of Baptifm, are Frequenters 
 
 of the Publick Games and The- 
 atre. If any Man's Mind \_h~] be addicted to the 
 Madnefs of the Theatre, or Huntings, or Horfe- 
 Racings, or other Gymnaflical Sports and Exer- 
 cifes, let him either leave them off, or be rejected 
 from Baptifm. The Learned Hieronymus Mercu- 
 rialis [i] has an Obfervation, that will explain 
 the Reafon of this Prohibition. For in his cu- 
 rious Difcourfe De Arte Gymnajlica, he obferves 
 thefe feveral forts of Heathen Games and Plays 
 were inftituted upon a Religious Account, in Ho- 
 nour of the Gods, and Men thought they were 
 doing a grateful Thing to them, whilft they were 
 engaged in fuch Exercifes. Therefore a Chrifti- 
 an could not be prcfent at them as a Spectator, 
 without partaking in fome meafure in the Idola- 
 try of them. Befides, there was a great deal of 
 Barbarity and Cruelty, as well as Lewdnefs and 
 Prophanenefs committed in many of them, which 
 it did not become a Chriftian Eye to behold 
 with Pleafure and Approbation. The Theatre 
 was looked upon as the Devil's Propriety, and 
 fo he himfelf termed it, as we learn from that 
 famous Story in Tertullian [k\ where fpeaking 
 of a Chriftian Woman, who went to the Thea- 
 tre, and returned pofleffed with a Devil, he fays, 
 the unclean Spirit being asked by the Exorcift, 
 How he durft prefume to make fuch an attempt 
 upon a Believer? replied confidently, That he 
 had a Right to her, becaufe he found her upon 
 his own Ground. For thefe Reafons the antient 
 Canons and Fathers are fo frequently fevere in 
 their Invectives againft all Theatrical Exercifes, 
 not only in the Actors, but alfo in the Spectators, 
 declaring them to be incompatible with the Piety 
 and Purity of a Chriftian Life. And upon this 
 account Men were obliged to renounce them 
 before they could be admitted to Baptifm. But 
 of this fomething more when we come to the 
 Form of Renunciation. 
 
 The feveral forts of Perfons 
 hitherto mentioned, were exclud- sect. x. 
 ed from Baptifm without Excep- wh *i c / esth ° 
 
 _ « , r Military Life mivht 
 
 tion: But there are two other 
 
 unqualify Men fir 
 
 Kinds or States of Life, that Baptifm. 
 mu ft be considered with fome 
 Diftinction, that is, the Military Life, and the 
 State of Concubinage, as it is called fometimes 
 in the Civil Law and antient Canons. Some 
 Learned Perfons [/] are of Opinion, That the 
 Antients had fo much a Diflike to the Military- 
 Life, as to excommunicate fuch as bore Arms 
 after Baptifm: Which they affirm upon the Au- 
 thority of the Nicene Fathers, to whom they im- 
 pute* it as an Error, That they condemned abfo- 
 lutely the Military Life as unlawful, which St. 
 John B apt ift had approved. But this Charge is 
 grounded merely upon a Miflake and Mifunder- 
 ltanding of the Meaning of thofe Fathers, who 
 had no Intent to condemn the Military Life in 
 general, but only as it might happen to be un- 
 lawful in fome particular Circumftances and Cafes. 
 The Words of the Canon referred to are thefe: 
 If any, who at firjl by the Grace of God made Con- 
 feffion [m~] of the Faith, and cafl away the Mili- 
 tary Girdle, afterward return to their Vomit again y 
 fo as to give Money and buy a Place in the Army y 
 let them be Ten Tears among the Proftrators, after 
 they have been three Tears among the Hearers. The 
 Generality of Interpreters take this to refer pe- 
 culiarly to the Times of Licinius the Perfecutor, 
 who by an Edict had ordered all fuch Chriftian 
 Soldiers to be cafhiered, as would not Sacrifice 
 to the Godsj upon which many Chriftians 
 in the Army threw away their Girdles, and 
 quitted the Military Life. But afterward fome 
 of them returned again to it upon the Conditions 
 propofed, doing Sacrifice, and committing Idolatry, 
 and giving Money to regain their Places ; againft 
 whole Prevarication and Revolt the Difcipline 
 of this Canon was intended. So Balfamon and 
 Zonaras among the old Expofitors 5 and fo Gro- 
 tius [n] and Ziegler [o], Silvius and Coriolanus 9 
 Binnius, and Biftiop Beverege, with many other 
 Modern Writers. Albafpinaus thinks it peculiarly re- 
 fpectedfuch Penitents only, as vowed to renounce 
 all fecular Bufinefs and Employments, and to live 
 in a State of perpetual Penance, but after [p] 
 returned to a fecular Life, and took upon them 
 Civil Offices again, which in the Imperial Law 
 and Canons of the Church are fometimes called by 
 the Name fo Militia Palatina. And Salmafius ad- 
 vances [q] an Opinion not much different from 
 this. However it is agreed on all hands, that 
 the Council of Nice made no general Prohibition 
 of the Military Life, but only in fome fuch fpe- 
 
 [61 Conftit. Apoft.lib. 8. cap. 42. Qielpopctvlci ilrtf 'xp'oa- 
 
 j) ^nCtxtXStu. ['J Mercurial, de Arte Gymnaft. lib. 1. cap. 3. 
 p. 12. Ludorum finis erat Religio quacdam, qua Antiqui opinabantur 
 fefe DiisremgratamillisLudistanquam promiflam fafturos. [*]Ter- 
 tul de Speftac. cap. 16. Theatrum addiit, 8c inde cum Daemonic* 
 rediir. Itaque in Exorcifmo cum oneraretur immundus Spiritus, 
 quod aufuseflet Fidelem aggredij conitanter, & juftiffime, inquit, 
 
 feci, in meo enim inveni. [/] Scult. Difcuf Q'jre.1. de Concilio 
 Nicaino, in Medulla Patr. Par. 1. p. 477. [m] Cone. ftic. can. 
 
 hm to oiv-HW ifx{]av d-vJ^po/jLoflir, &c. [»] Grot, de Jure Belli 
 lib. 1. c. 2.P.36. [0] Ziegler. Animadverf. in Grotium, lib. 1. c.i, 
 p. 105-. [/>] Albafp. Not. in Can. 12. Cone. Nic. [3] Salmaf. de 
 Fcenore Trapezitico, p. 782. cited by Ziegler. 
 
 S cial 
 
 1 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 493 
 
 cial Cafes. There is therefore no Reafonto con- 
 clude from hence, that they cfteemed the Voca- 
 tion of a Soldier fimply unlawful. Efpecially con- 
 fidering that Conftantine himfelf allowed the Sol- 
 diers who were caihiered by Licinius, to return to 
 their antient Employment again, as is rightly ob- 
 ferved by Ziegler out of Tbeodoret and Eujebius \r\ 
 Nay, the rirtt Council of Aries excommunicated 
 all fuch as threw away their Arms in time of 
 Peace [*], on pretence that they wereChriftians. 
 All which abundantly proves, that the antient 
 Canons did not condemn the military Life, as a 
 Vocation fimply Unlawful or Antichriftian, nor 
 confequcntly fuch as Men were obliged to re- 
 nounce at their Baptifm : But all that was requi- 
 red of them was only what St. John Baptift had 
 exacted before, when they came to his Baptifm, 
 as appears from the Rule in the Conjiitutions [t~) y 
 providing in this Cafe, That a Soldier when he de- 
 fired Baptifm fhould be taught to do Violence to 
 no Man, to accufe no one falfly, and to be con- 
 tent with his Wages: If he confentcd to thefe 
 Things, he was to be received j if otherwife, to 
 be rejected. This was the (landing Rule of the 
 Church, and I believe there is no Inltance of any 
 Man being refilled Baptifm merely becaufehe was 
 a Soldier, unlefs fome unlawful Circumftance, as 
 that of Idolatry, or the like, made the Vocation 
 finful. 
 
 SECT XI The other Cafe, which has 
 whether Perfons been matter of Doubt, isconcern- 
 might be baptized, ing the State of Concubinage, 
 •who lived in the which in the common Acccpta- 
 state of comubi- Xlon j s a Matter of fuch ill Fame, 
 m Z e ' that it feems a Wonder to many 
 
 to hear of any Allowance made to it in the civil 
 Law and antient Canons. But they made a Di- 
 ftin&ion antiently in this Matter, as the Jews and 
 Patriarchs of old did, among whom there was one 
 fort of Concubines which was permitted, as dif- 
 fering nothing from a Wife, fave only that (he 
 was not married with all the Solemnities and ufual 
 Forms that the other was. And this fort of Con- 
 cubines the antient Canons received both to Bap- 
 tifm and the Communion. The Rule in the Con- 
 jiitutions [u] about this Matter, is given thus : A 
 Concubine that is a Slave to an Infidel, if fiie 
 keep herfelf only to him, may be received to 
 Baptifm} but if fhe commit Fornication with o- 
 
 thers, flie ihall be rejected. A like Decree was 
 made in the Council of Toledo [*] concerning the 
 Admiflion of Perfons to the Communion: If any 
 Chriltian who has a Wife^ havealfo a Concubine, 
 let him not communicate. But if he have no 
 Wife, but only a Concubine inftead of a Wife, 
 he may not be repelled from the Communion, pro- 
 vided he be content to be joyned to one Woman 
 only, whether Wife or Concubine, as he pkafes. 
 Now the difference betwixt fuch a Concubine and 
 a Wife, as learned Men have obferved [j], was 
 not that the one was truly married, and the other 
 not} but in the different way of the ir bewu mar- 
 ried. For fhe that was called a Wife was married 
 publickly, and with great Solemnity, and Infim- 
 ments of Dowry, and other Ceremonies which 
 the Civil and Canon Law required } but {he who 
 was called a Concubine, was one married in a pri- 
 vate way, without the Solemnity which the Law 
 required : But they both agreed in thefe three 
 Things: i. That they were unmarried Perfons 
 before. 2. That they obliged themfclves to their 
 Husbands to live in conjugal Chafiity, and in Pro- 
 creation of Children, and be joyned to no other. 
 3. And that they would continue faithful in this 
 State all their Lives. Now this fort of Concu- 
 bines, being in the nature of Wives married with- 
 out the Formalities required in the Civil Law, 
 were not reputed guilty of Fornication, though 
 they wanted the Privileges, Rights and Honours, 
 that the Law allowed to thofe who were called 
 Legal Wives : And therefore they were admitted 
 to Baptifm without any further Obligation, in 
 cafe the Husband was an Heathen. But if the 
 Husband was a Chriftian, the Rule in the Conjii- 
 tutions made a little difference. For if he had a 
 Concubine, he was obliged to difmifs her, and 
 marry a lawful [z] Wife, if his Concubine was a 
 Slave} and if ihe was a free Woman, hemuftmake 
 her a lawful Wife-, otherwife he was to,be can; 
 out of the Church. And fo in the Decrees of 
 Pope Leo [a\ Chriftians who had only Concu- 
 bines, were obliged to difmifs them, and they 
 were Slaves, unlefs they would free them, and 
 lawfully endow them, and give them a publick 
 Marriage as the Laws required. And in this thefe 
 Decrees feem to differ from that of the Council 
 of Toledo, which allows a Concubine to cohabit 
 in private Wedlock without any Ecclefiaftical 
 Cenfure. St. Aufiin \b~\ reckons this Cafe one of 
 
 [r] Eufeb. de Vit. Conftant. lib. 2. c. 5;. [s] Cone. Arelat. 1. 
 can. 3. de his qui arma projiciunt in Pace, placuit abftinere eos a 
 Communione. [f] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 32. St££t/6)t>k 
 
 £ , i£o(j.iVOt< o\mion. ir&id-'o/Aiv©- v^^yj-Sru. dv\th'ifcv 
 ficLXXi&c*. [«] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 32. UaKXAKti tiv@- 
 d'TTi TkA'ad, ixeivp fjiovo) %o\d&ffa., vpotrtPzyji&co. « $ iy^CSi 
 <Lkkhs dnAyauvu, "&rrtctMi3a. [x] Cone. Tolet. i . can. 17. 
 Si quis habens Uxorera fidelis, Concubinam habeat, non communi- 
 cet. Ca:terum is qui non habet Uxorem, 8c pro Uxore Concubinam 
 habeat, a Communione non repellatur, tantum ut unius mulieris, 
 aut Uxoris, aut Concubinx, ut ei placuerit, fit conjun&ione con- 
 tentus. [y~\ Vide Anton. Auguftinum de Emendatione Gratiani, 
 lib. 1. Dial. ij-. p. 170. Pet. Martyr. Loc. Com. lib. 2. cap. 20. n. 3. 
 
 p. 273. ^ [*] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 8. c. 32. FT/re* idv %y» -ttak- 
 
 K&Y.YW, ei (J-iv cNaw'j 'TtOLXJO'dSsco, }y VO/J.U yafxHTU, & 3 5A«t- 
 
 SiftyV, iKyA/M^TO duTiifv'o^a.el 3 fj.ii, ~&w$cr.KK<i£c0. [a] Leo. 
 Ep. 9*. ad Rufticum, c. 4. Clericus, fi Filiam viro habenti Concu- 
 binam in Matrimonium dederit, non ita accipiendum eft, quad con- 
 jugato ei dederit, nifi forte ilia mulier gt ingenua fafta, 8c dotata le- 
 gitime, 8c publicis nuptiis honeftata videatur. Ibid. c. f. Ancil- 
 
 lam a toto abjicere, 8c uxorem certx ingenuitatis accipere, non du- 
 plicatio conjugii, fed profectus eft honeftatis. [b] Aug. de Fide 8c 
 Operibu 1 ;, cap. 19. torn. 4. p. 33. De Concubina quoque, fi profefla 
 fuerit nullum fe alium cognituram, etiamfi ab illo cui fubdita eft 
 dimittatur; merito dubitatur, utram ad percipiendurn baptifm um 
 non debeat admitti. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 R r r r 
 
 thofe 
 
494 
 
 The Antiquities of 
 
 Book XI. 
 
 thofe dubious and difficult Points which cannot 
 eafily be determined. But he inclines to think a 
 Concubine of this kind might be admitted to 
 Bap ifm, becaufe her Cafe differs much from that 
 of a profefled Adulterefs, who could never be ad- 
 mitted to Baptifm, whillt fhe lived in the practice 
 of fo flagrant a Crime ; but the other Cafe, he 
 thinks, is a matter which the Scripture has no 
 where fo pofitively condemned, but rather left in 
 Doubt, as many other fuch Points and Queftions, 
 which the Church in her Prudence muft decide by 
 the belt Skill fhe had to -determine fuch difficult 
 Queftions. I have reprefented the Senfe of the 
 Ancients upon this Point as clearly as I could, be- 
 caufe it has occafioned fome ill-grounded Cen- 
 fures of the Ancients, and of Gratian's Canon-law 
 (which is only copied from them) in fome Mo- 
 dern Authors j as if they had allowed fuch Con- 
 cubines, as we commonly call Harlots, to be bap- 
 tized without giving Signs of Repentance : Where- 
 as, we fee, this Matter was not fo crudely deli- 
 vered by them, but confidered and determined 
 with feveral neceflary Cautions and Diftindtions. 
 And I have been the more particular in making 
 Enquiries concerning thefe feveral kinds of adult 
 Perfons, who might, or might not, be admitted 
 to Baptifm, becaufe thefe are Queftions which the 
 Reader will not readily find fo diftinctly examined 
 
 in modern Writers, who have profefledly treated 
 of the Subject of Baptifm. 
 
 I only note one thing more sect, xit 
 concerning a pretended Rule of peculiar tmtqf 
 Purity among the Marcionites, the M31cjonit.es. ;a 
 which was, That they would ad- reining all mkr- 
 mit no married Perfons to their r ^ J^ MS J ' rom 
 Baptifm > but they muft be either a P"J m ' 
 Virgins, or Widows, or Batchelors, or divorced 
 Perfons : Which, as Tertullian obfcrves,came doubt- 
 left from their Abhorrence and Condemnation [c~\ 
 of the married Life j which Error was common 
 to them with many other antient Hereticks: 
 Though I do not find this Peculiarity, of deny- 
 ing Baptifm to fuch Perfons, afcribed to any o- 
 thers. However it was, we are fure, theie was 
 no fuch Rule ever made todifcourage Marriage in 
 the Catholick Church. Her Rule was always 
 that of St. Paul) Marriage is Honourable inall^and 
 the Bed undefiled j but Whoremongers and Adulte- 
 rers God will judge. The Church took upon her 
 to judge Adulterers, and by the Power of the 
 Keys to exclude them from Baptifm : But beyond 
 this fhe pretended to no Power or Commiffion 
 from God, to be exeicifed over any others, whom 
 God had left at Liberty to be married or unmar- 
 ried, as they law Occafion. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Time and 
 
 SECT. I. T\J^ , "^ r * t to the Perfons who 
 Why adult Per- XN were the Subjects of Bap- 
 fons fometimes de- tifm, it will be proper to confider 
 hyed Baptifm by or- t h e Circumftances of Time and 
 deroftbe chunk pj ace . fl the Adminiftration of it. 
 As to Infants I have already fhewed, that no Time 
 was limited for their Baptifm; but they were to 
 be regenerated as foon as they could with Con- 
 venience after the time of their natural Birth j 
 being confined to no day, as Circumcifion was, 
 by any Rule of Scripture : Though the Church 
 in fome places deferred them, when there was 
 no danger nf Death, to the Solemnity of fome 
 greater Feftival. But for adult Perfons, the cafe 
 was fomething otherwife. For their Baptifm was 
 generally deferred for two or three Years, or a 
 longer, or fhorter time, by order of the Church, 
 till they could be fufficiently inftru&ed and difci- 
 plined to the Practice of a Chriftian Life $ of 
 which I have given a full Account in the laft 
 Book. Others had their Baptifm put off a lon- 
 ger time by way of Punifhment, when they fell 
 into grofs and fcandalous Crimes, which were to 
 be expiated by a longer courfe of Difcipline and 
 
 Place of Baptifm. 
 
 Repentance. This was fometimes five, or ten, or 
 twenty Years, or more, even all their Lives to the 
 Hour of Death, vhen their Crimes were very 
 flagrant and provoking. If a Catechumen turned 
 Informer againft his Brethren in time of Perfecu- 
 tion, and any one was profcribed or flain by his 
 means, then by a Canon [_a] of the Council of E- 
 liberis his Baptifm was to be deferred for five Years. 
 And fo in cafe a Woman-catechumen divorced 
 herfelf from her Husband, her Punifhment was 
 five Years [b~] Prorogation. But if lhe commit- 
 ted Adultery, and afterConception ufed any Arts 
 to deftroy her Infant in the Womb, then fhe was 
 to remain unbaptized all her Life, and only be 
 admitted [/] to Baptifm at the Hour of Death. 
 From whence it is plain, that the Baptifm of a- 
 dult Perfons was fometimes deferred a confiderable 
 time by Order of the Church : But then this was 
 always either by way of Preparation or Punifh- 
 ment, whilft Catechumens were firft learning the 
 Principles of Religion, or were kept in a State of 
 Penance to make Satisfaction to the Church for 
 fome fcandalous Tranfgreffion. 
 
 [c] Tertul. cont. Marcion. lib. i. cap. 29. Non tinguitur apud 
 ilium Caro nifi Virgo, nifi Vidua, nifi Coelebs, nifi Divortio bap- 
 
 tifma mercata. Sine dubio ex damnatione Conjugii inftitu- 
 
 tio ifta conftabit. 
 
 [a] Cone. Eliber. Can. 73. Si quis Catechumenus Delator fuerit, 
 
 & per delationem ejus aliquis fuerit profcriptus, vel interfectus, pod 
 Quinquennii tempora admitratur ad Baptifmum. [£] Cone. Elib. 
 Can. if. [c] Cone. Eliber. Can. 68. Catechumena li per adulte- 
 rium conceperit, & conceptum necaverit, placuit eum in fine bap- 
 tizari, 
 
 But 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 49) 
 
 S E C T. II. But others deferred their Bap- 
 
 Trivate Reafons for tifm of their own accord againft 
 
 deferring Bapt f ma- t h e Rules of the Church : Of 
 
 gainjl the Kales of w hj c h Pra&ice there are frequent 
 
 the Churchy v SH- Q , j . tfac Wridngs Q f 
 
 pmty and Neglijence - - 
 
 of Salvation. 
 
 the Ancients, and fevere Inve- 
 ftives againft it, anfwering the 
 Common Pleas which Men ufually urged in their 
 own behalf. Some did it out of a fupine Lazi- 
 nefs and carelefs Negligence of their Salvation, 
 which was a very common Reafon [d\ but fuch 
 an one as Men were afhamed to own, becaufe its 
 own Reproach was a fufficient Anfwer to it. 
 
 sect. in. Others deferred it out of 
 2. An Unwilling- an heathetiifh Principle (till re- 
 nefs to renounce the ma j n i n nr i n them, becaufe they 
 
 World and fubmit to £ [qvc wkh (he Wofld and 
 
 the Severities of Re* • 1 • • 1 
 
 J its Pleafurcs, which they were 
 unwilling to renounce, to take up- 
 on them the Yoke of Chrift, which they thought 
 would lay greater Restraints upon them, and de- 
 ny them thole Liberties which they could now 
 more freely indulge themfelves in, and fecurely 
 enjoy. They could fpend their Life in Pleafure, 
 and be baptized at laft, and then they fliould 
 gain as much as thofe that were baptized before ; 
 for the Labourers who came into the Vineyard at the 
 laft Hour, had the fame Reward as thofe that had 
 torn the Burden and Heat of the Day. Thus Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen [e] brings them in, arguing for 
 delaying their Baptifm, as Men now ufually do 
 for delaying Repentance. This Reafon was fo 
 very abfurd and foolifh, that many who were go- 
 verned by ir, were afhamed to own it. But yet, 
 as St. Bafil [/] obferves, though they did not 
 fpeak a Word, their Actions fufficiently proclaim- 
 ed it. For it was the fame as if they had faid, Let 
 me alone, I will abufe the Fleih to the enjoyment 
 of all that is filthy i I will wallow in the Mire of 
 Pleafures } I will cmbrue my Hands in Blood ; I 
 ■will take away other Mens Goods j live by De- 
 ceit 5 Forfwear and Lye-, and then I will be bap- 
 tized when I (hall leave off finning. Such Men 
 had the Idol of Infidelity (till in rheir Hearts, as 
 the Author [g] of the Recognitions, under the 
 3STame of Clemens Romanus, charges them } and 
 that was the true Reafon why they put off their 
 Baptifm : For had they believed Baptifm to be ne- 
 ceflary to all, whether Juft or Unjuft, they would 
 have made hafte to receive it, becaufe the End of 
 every Man's Life is utterly uncertain. 
 
 sect. iv. Another fort of Men put 
 3- ATearofFal- ff t ^ c [ r Baptifm to the End of 
 
 ling after Baptifm. their Liyes upQn & fort of Nqv ^ 
 
 tian Principle, becaufe they pretended to be afraid 
 of falling into Sin after Baptifm } and there was 
 no fecond Baptifm allowed to regenerate Men a- 
 
 gain to the Kingdom of Heaven j whereas if they 
 were baptized at the Hour of Death, Heaven 
 would be immediately open to them, and they 
 might go pure and undefiled into it. In the 
 mean time, if they died before Baptifm, they ho- 
 ped God would accept the Will for the Deed, 
 and the Defire of Baptifm for Baptifm itfelf. Now, 
 as this Pretence was founded on abundance of 
 Errors^ fo the Ancients are copious in refuting 
 them. St. Bafil [h~] argues againft their Practice 
 from the Uncertainty of Life. For who, fays he, 
 has fixed for thee the term of Life? Who is it 
 that can promife thee the enjoyment of Old-age? 
 Who can undertake to be a fufficient Sponfor for 
 Futurity? Do you not fee both Young and Old 
 fuddenly fnatched away? And why do you May to 
 make Baptifm only the Gift of a Fever? Gregory 
 Nazianzen [/'] calls it a Riddle, for an unbaptized 
 Man to think he is baptized in the Sight of God, 
 whilft he depends upon his Mercy in the Neg.- 
 lecl of Baptifm j or to imagine himfelf in the King- 
 dom of Heavrn, without doing the Things that 
 belong to the Kingdom of Heaven. This is but 
 a vain Hope, fays Gregory Nyjfen [k~] y bewitching 
 the Soul with falfe Appearances and Pretentions. 
 And as they thus expofed thegroundlefs Hopes of 
 thefe Men, fo they as zealoufly demonftrated to 
 them the Vanity of their pretended Fears. For 
 though there was no fecond Baptifm for them 
 that fell into Sin after the firft, yet it was not 
 impoffible for Men to avoid falling into damnable 
 Sins after their firft Purgation > or if they did fo 
 fall, yet if they were not Sins unto Death, they 
 might obtain a fecond Cleanfing by Pardon upon 
 Repentance. So that it was plain Madnefs and 
 Folly to neglec"b Baptifm upon fuch uncertain 
 Fears, becaufe that was to run a much more dan- 
 gerous Rifque, whilft they fought to avoid a lef- 
 fer Inconvenience, which was attended with much 
 more Safety, and had no fuch apprehended Dan- 
 ger in it. 
 
 Some again there were, who SECT. v. 
 deferred their Baptifm upon a +• superfluous 
 Principle of mere Fancy and Su- Fanc , iet in re f ere " ee 
 
 _„n.-- r i t0 'he Time and Mi- 
 
 perftmon, in reference to the niJlen ofB ^ 
 I lme, or Place, or Minifters of 
 Baptifm. Gregory Nazianzen [/] brings in fome 
 making this Excufe, 1 ftay till Epiphany, theTime 
 when Chrift was baptized, that I may be banu- 
 zed with Chriftj I rather chufe Eafter, that I 
 may rife with Chrift} I wait for JVhitjkntide, 
 that I may honour theDefcent of the Holy Gholh 
 And what then ? In the mean time comes Death 
 fuddenly, in a Day thou didft not expect, and in 
 an Hour thou art not aware of. Others had a 
 fuperftitious Fancy to be baptized in fome cer- 
 tain place, as at Jerufalem, or in the River Jor- 
 dan, and therefore they deferred their Baptifm, 
 
 [d] Naz. Oat. 40. de Bapt. p. 6?±. Conftit. Apoft. lib. 6. 
 cap. if. [f] Naz. Orat.40. de Bapt. p. 6fo, and6fi. [f] Ba- 
 fil. Exhort, ad Bapt. Horn. 13. torn. 1. p. +14. [g] Clem. Re- 
 cognit. lib. 6. n. 9. ap. Cotelerium. torn. 1. Qui moratur accederead 
 Aquas, conftat in eo Infidelitatis adhuc Idolum permanere; 8c ab 
 
 ipfo prohiberi ad Aquas, quse fslutem conferunt, properare. Sivee- 
 nim juftus, Baptifmus tibi per omnia neceflarius eft, &c. [h] Ba- 
 fil. Exhort, ad Bapt. torn. 1. p. 415-. [»] Naz. Orat.40. de Bapt. 
 p. 647. [*] NyfTen.de Bapt. torn. 1. p. 2 16. [I] Naz. Orat.40* 
 de Bapt. p. 6/4. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 R r r r z 
 
 till 
 
496 
 
 The A n t 1 qjj it ie s of the Book XL 
 
 till they could have a Convenience to come to 
 the place intended. This feems tacitly to be re- 
 flected on by Tertulliait \m\, when he fays, There 
 is no difference between thofe whom John bapti- 
 zed in Jordan, and thofe whom Peter baptized in 
 the 'Tiber ; and by St. Ambrofe in his Difcourfe to 
 the Catechumens [»], where exhorting them to 
 come with all poffible fpeed to be baptized, he 
 invites them to draw the Bleffing of Confecration 
 from the Font of Jordan, and to drown their Sins 
 in that Stream, where Chrift's facred Perfon was 
 baptized : But then that they might not miftake 
 his Meaning, he adds, That in order to their be- 
 ing baptized in the Font of Jordan, it was not 
 neceflary they fhould go to the Eaftern Country, 
 or to the River in the Land of Ja^^ : Forwhere- 
 ever Chrift was, there was Jordan: And the fame 
 Confccration which blefTed the Rivers of the Eaft, 
 fanctified alfo the Rivers of the Weft. Enfebius 
 tells us, [0], That Conftantine had a Defign for ma- 
 ny Years to have been baptized in the River Jordan, 
 after the Example of Chrift, and that perhaps 
 might be the Reafon why he fo long deferred 
 his Baptifm: But God, who knewbeft what was 
 fit for him, difappointed him in this Defign, and 
 he was at laft baptized at Nicomedia a little before 
 his Death. For as to that Story, which is fo 
 pompoufly fet forth by Baronius [/>], concerning 
 his being baptized by Pope Silvefter at Rome, and 
 cured of his Leprofyj it is a mere Fable, refuted 
 by the Teftimony of all the Ancients, Eufebius, 
 Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Athanafius, St. Am- 
 brofe, St. Jerom, and the Council of Ariminum, 
 who all fpeak of his Baptifm immediately before 
 his Death : And the bed Critick* fince Baronius, 
 Valefius |Y], and Scbeljlrate[r~\, Lambecius [/], Pa- 
 febrochius \ t\ and Pagi [a], agree in their Verdict 
 with the Ancients againft the Modern Fiction. 
 So that now it is agreed on all hands, That 
 Conftantine was oneof thofe who deferred his Bap- 
 tifm to the time of his Death : And the mod 
 probable Account that can be given of this, is the 
 Fancy which he had entertained of being bapti- 
 zed in Jordan, which the Providence of God ne- 
 ver fuffered him to put in Execution. Another 
 fort of fanciful Men would not be baptized, till 
 they could have one to minifter Baptifm to them, 
 who had fome extraordinary Qualifications. Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen takes notice of fome fuch as thefe, 
 and rebukes them after this manner : Say not 
 thou [#], A Biftiop fhall baptize me, and that a 
 Metropolitan, and alfo one of Jerufalem : For 
 Grace is not the Gift of the Place, but of the 
 Spirit: Say not, I will be baptized by one that is 
 of noble Birth, and that it will be a Reproach to 
 thy noble Defcent to be baptized by any other : 
 
 Say not, If I am baptized by a Presbyter, it fhall 
 be one that is unmarried, and one that is of the 
 Continent and Angelick Order, as if thy Baptifm 
 were defiled by any other : Make not thyfelf Judge 
 of the Fitnefs or Qualification of the Preacher or 
 Baptizer, for there is Another that judgeth of 
 thefe Things. Every one is qualify'd to thee for 
 thy Purgation, provided only he be one of thofe 
 that are allowed, and not condemned, nor a Fo- 
 reigner, nor an Enemy of the Chuich. Judge 
 not thy Judges, thou that haft need of Healing. 
 Tell me not of the Dignity of thy Purgatorsj 
 make no Difference among thy fpiritual Fathers j 
 one may be better or more humble than another, 
 but each of them is in an higher Rank than thee. 
 By all this it appears, that a fuperftitious Diftin- 
 ction of Times, and Places., and Perfons, had an 
 Influence upon fome, and was pleaded as a Reafon 
 for deferring Baptifm. 
 
 Others pleaded for defer- sect. vt. 
 ring their Baptifm till they were T>, A Pretence t* 
 thirty Years old, from the Exam- (<f £ Ex » m ! le 
 pie of Chrift, becaufe he was of ^ . * 
 that Age when he was baptized. Which Pre- 
 tence is copioufly refuted by Gregory Nazian- 
 zen [y], (hewing in Anfwer to ir, That Chrift, as 
 God, was Purity itfelf, and had no need of Pur- 
 gation, but what he did in that kind, was only 
 for the fake of Men} that there was no Danger 
 could befall him by delaying or protracting his. 
 Baptifm j that there were particular Reafons for 
 his doing fo, which did not belong to other Men j 
 and that he did many Things which we are not 
 concerned to follow his Example inj for all his 
 Actions were not defigned to be Copies and Ex- 
 amples for our Imitation. 
 
 He that would fee more of thefe Pleas, may 
 confult the Difcourfes of St. Baftl, Nazianzen, 
 and Nyffen upon this Subject} or Mr. Walker's 
 Treatife of Infant- Baptifm, in the Preface to 
 which, he enumerates no lefs than Nineteen fuch 
 Cafes as thefe, which were the pretended Occa- 
 fions of Mens deferring their Baptifm. Thofe I 
 have already mentioned, are fufficient to our pre- 
 fent Purpofe, to fhew, that when Men made 
 great Delays in this Matter, they commonly did 
 it againft the Rules and Orders of the Church, 
 and that the Ancients with great Severity and 
 Sharpnefs always declaimed and inveighed againft 
 it as a dangerous and unchriftian Practice. There- 
 fore though there may be fome particular Inftan- 
 ces of Perfons, who thus carelefly and wilfully, 
 through Ignorance or falfe Conceits, neglected 
 their own Baptifm, and perhaps the Baptifm of 
 their Children too } yet thefe Mens Actions are 
 
 \m~\ Tertul. de Bapt. cap. 4. Nec quicquam refert inter eos quos 
 Joannes in Jorchne, & quos Pctrus in Tiberi tinxit. [w] Ambrof. 
 Ser. 41. torn. 3. p. 168. Debemus, Fratres dileftiflimi, vobis Cate- 
 chumenis loquor, gratkm baptifmatis ejus omni feftinatione fufcipe- 
 xe, & de Fonte Joidanis quem ille benedixit, benedi&ionem Conle- 
 crationis haurirej ut in eum gurgitem in quem fe illius Sanctitas 
 
 merfit, noftrapeccara mergantur. Sed ut eodem Fonte merga- 
 
 mur, non nobis Orientals pctenda eft Regio, non Fluvius terra Ju- 
 daicae. Ubi enim nunc Chriftus, ibi quoque Jordanes eft. Eadem 
 
 8 
 
 Confccratio, quae Orientis Flumina benedixit, Occidcntis fluentafan- 
 fii&cat. [0] Eufeb. de Vita Conftant. lib. 4. c. 62. [/>] Ba- 
 ron, an. 314. n. 17. [q] Vale£ Not. in Socrat. lib. 1. c. 39. 
 [r] Schelftrat. Concil. Antiochen. Diflert.2. c. 1. p. 43. [7] Lam- 
 bec. Commentar. de Bibliotheca Vindobonenfi. torn. f. ,ap. Pagi. 
 [/] Papebroch Acta Sanclor. Maii. Tom. 5-. Vit. Conftant. Maii 21, 
 p. if. [»] Pagi. Critic. in Baron, an 324. n. 4. [.v] Naz.Orat. 
 40. <$e Bapt. p. 6j6. [y ] Naz. Orat. 40, de Bapt. p. 6/8. 
 
 of 
 
Chap. VI. Christian Church, 497 
 
 of no Account to ftiew us what were the (landing 
 Meafures and Methods of proceeding in the 
 Church, fince they arc manifelt Tranfgreffions of 
 her Rule, and Deviations from her ordinary Pra- 
 ctice. The Church had but two Reafons at any 
 time for deferring the Baptifm of adult Perfons 
 Year after Year* the one was to give fufficient 
 Time to the Catechumens to prepare them for 
 Baptifm, and the other to reform their Mifcar- 
 riages, when they happened to turn Lapfers or 
 Apoftates before their Baptifm. Both thefe were 
 grounded upon one and the fame Principle ; which 
 was, That Men were obliged to give fufHcient Se- 
 curity and Satisfaction to the Church, that they 
 intended to live by the Rules of the Gofpel, be- 
 fore they were admitted to the Myfteries of it: 
 And the bed Security that could be given, was 
 from the Experiment and Tryal beforehand, and 
 therefore this Difcipline was ufed to make them 
 give Teftimony of their Intentions by a reafon- 
 able Prorogation of their Baptifm. 
 
 SECT. VII. Upon this account the Church 
 The fokmn Tmes appointed certain ftated Seafons 
 
 *ppomt«l for Bap- rf f j T j of Baptifm in 
 
 tifm m the Church „ ,. ~ r , , 1 . 
 
 were Eafter, Pen- Ordinary Cafes j allowing her 
 tecoft, and Epi- Miniftcrs rtill the Liberty to an- 
 phany. ticipate thefe Times, if either Ca- 
 
 techumens were very great Profi- 
 cients, or in danger of Death by any fudden Ac- 
 cident or Diftemper. The moft celebrated Time 
 among thefe, was Eafter $ and next to that, Pen- 
 tecoft or IVhitfuntide j and Epiphany >, or the Day 
 on which Chrift was fuppofed to be baptized. 
 Thefe Three are plainly referred toby Gregory Na- 
 zianzen [z], where he brings in fome giving this 
 Reafon why they deferred their Baptifm : One 
 faid, he ftaid till the Epiphany, (for the Ancients 
 mean that by <pwr<x 8c Lumina, not Candlemas, as 
 fome miftake it, but Epiphany , the day on which 
 Chrift was baptized, and manifefted to the World :) 
 Another faid, he had a great Refpect for Eafter ; 
 and a third, that he waited till the time of Pen- 
 tecoft. Which plainly implies, That thefe three 
 Feftivals were then the moft noted and folemn 
 Times of Baptifm. But Eafter and Pentecoft were 
 the chief : For they are fometimes mentioned with- 
 out the other, and fometimes with an exprefs Pro- 
 hibition of it. St. Jerom fpeaks of the two for- 
 mer, as ufual, but fays nothing of the latter. He 
 tells us, fome referred that Prophecy in Zechary 
 to Baptifm [a], Living Waters ftoall go out from 
 Jerufalem ; in Summer and in Winter ftmll it be. 
 The Septuagint reads it, in Summer and in the 
 
 Spring. And this they applied to the two folemn 
 Times of Baptifm, Pentecoft, and Eafter, one of 
 which was in Summer, and the other in the Spring, 
 when the living Waters of Baptifm were diftri- 
 butcd to all that thirfted after them. He men- 
 tions the fame in his Epiftle to Pammachius \Ji] 
 againft the Errors of John of Jerufalem, where he 
 fpeaks of forty that were baptized at Bethlcem up- 
 on Pentecoft, and others that offered themfelve at 
 Eafter, but were rejected by that luimourfome 
 Bifhop, when they were ready for Baptifm. Thefe 
 two, and no other, arelikewife fpoken of by Ter- 
 tullian [c]. He fays, Eafter was appointed, as the 
 Time of Chrift's Sufferings, into which we are 
 baptized. And after that, Pentecoft is a very large 
 Space of Time fet afide for that purpofe. In 
 which Time Chrift manifefted his Rd'urrection 
 to his Difciple?, and the Grace of the Holy Spi- 
 rit Was firft given, and the Angels predicted his 
 fecond Advent at his Afcenfion. Where it is ve- 
 ry plain, that T'ertullian by the large Space of 
 Pentecoft, does not mean a particular Day, but the 
 whole fifty Days between Eafter and Whitfuntide, 
 which in his time was one continued Feftival, as 
 he tells us in other [//] Places. And therefore 
 though Vicecomes [e] reprehends Ludovicus Fives 
 for aflerting this, as if he had no Authority for 
 it j yet Habertus [/] defends him out of this 
 Place of Tertul/ian, and other learned Men [g] 
 are of the fame Opinion. Vicecomes thinks the 
 Time of baptizing at Eafter was only one Day, 
 that is, the Great Sabbath, or Saturday, when our 
 Saviour lay in the Grave. But this is alfo a Mi- 
 ftake: For though this Day was the molt fa- 
 mous for baptizing Catechumens and Infants alfo, 
 as we learn from Chryfoftom [h] and the Author 
 of the Conftitutions [/'], yet the whole Time of 
 fifty Days was fet apart for this Purpofe, and ac- 
 counted but as one folemn Seafon for Baptifm. 
 Which perhaps is the true Reafon, why fome; 
 antient Canons allow no other Time but that of 
 Eafter for Baptifm } including the whole fifty 
 Days from Eafter till Pentecoft, in the Senfe of 
 Tertullian. Thus, in the Second Council of Maf- 
 con [£], a Decree was made, That whereas ma- 
 ny Chriftians not regarding the lawful Time of 
 Baptifm, were ufed to bring their Children to 
 be baptized upon any Holyday or Feftival of a 
 Martyr, fo that at Eafter there were not above 
 two or three to be baptized j they therefore 
 enacted, That from thenceforward no one fhould. 
 be permitted fo to do, excepting thofe whofe 
 Children were in Extremity of Sicknefs and Dan- 
 ger of Death. A like Decree was made in the 
 
 [z.] Na&. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 6/4. \j.kvu> ta quTa, tv va^ct 
 {lot rtymiTzpov, t wtvlzKoriur 'f/.J , i.^o(jLeu, &c. [a] Hieron. 
 Com. in Zechar. 14. 8. Aquas viventes multi ad Baptiimum refe- 
 runt, quae in Vere 8c in iEftste, hoc eft, in Pafcha 8c Pentecofte, 
 fitientibus largiendae funt. [t>] Id. Ep. 61. ad Pammach. c. 16. 
 Circa dies Pentecoftes, quadraginta diverfae aetatis 8c fexus Presbyteris 
 
 tuis obtulimus baptizandos. It. Praecepifti Bethleem Presbyteris 
 
 tuis, ne Competentibus noftris in Pafcha baptifmum traderent. 
 [c] Tertul. de Bapt. cap. 10. Diem Baptifmo folenniorem Pafcha 
 
 prxftat, cum 8c PaiTio Domini, in qua tingimur, adimpleta eft. 
 
 Exinde Pentecofte ordinandis Lavacns latiilimum fpatium eft, quo 
 & Domini Rcfurre&io inter Difcipulos frequentata eft, & Gratia Spi- 
 
 ritus Sancti dedicata, &c. [d] Vid.TertuI. deldol. cap. 14. & de 
 Coron. Mil. cap. 3. [*] Vicecom. de Ritib. Bapt. lib. 1. c . 2,-. 
 [f] Habert. Archieratic. Par. 8. Obferv. 4. p. 134. [g] Cave Pum! 
 Chrift. Par. 1. c. 1 r. p. 307. [h] Chryfoft. Ep. 1. ad Innocent, p. 
 680. [»] Conftit. Apoft. lib. f. c. 19. [k] Cone. Matifcon. 2. 
 can. 3. Comperimus Chriftianos, non obfervantes Iegitimura diem 
 baptifmi, pene per iingulos dies acNatales Martyrum tilios fuos bap- 
 tixare, ut vix duo vel tres reperiantur in Sarwfto Pafcha, qui per a- 
 quam 8c Spiritum San&um regenerentur; idcirco cenfemus, ut ex 
 hoc tempore nullus eorum permittatur talia perpetrare, prxter ilbs, 
 quosinfirmitas nimiaaut diesextremuscompellitfiliosiuos baptifmum 
 lufcipere. 
 
 Council 
 
498 
 
 7he Antiquities (?/ Book XL 
 
 Council of Auxerre [/], confining all Children to 
 the Time of Eafier, except in cafe of Sicknefs, 
 when they were allowed to have Clinick Baptifm. 
 And fo Socrates fays [«] it was the Cuftom in 
 Ihejfaly only to baptize at Eafier. All which mult 
 either be underftood to include the Fifty days of 
 Pentecoft, or elfe it muft be faid thefe Churches 
 had a peculiar Cuftom differing from the reft of 
 the World. For in other Rules and Canons, ex- 
 prefs mention is made of Eafier and Pentecoft, though 
 other Feftivals are excluded. In the Council of 
 Girone in Spain [V],all Catechumens are ordered to 
 come only at Eafier or Penteco ft, becmte the great- 
 er the Feaft was, the greater ought the Solemni- 
 ty to be. But on all other Feftivals, none but 
 fick People were to be baptized, who were not 
 to be refufed Baptifm at any time. Siricius, in his 
 Epiftle to Himerius [0] Bifhop of I'arraco in Spain*, 
 intimates indeed, that abundance of People pre- 
 fumed to take greater Liberties to be baptized on 
 the Nativity of Chrift, and the Epiphany, and the 
 Feftivals of the Apoftles and Martyrs ; but this 
 was againft the Rule of the Roman Church, and 
 all others, which rcferved this Privilege peculiar 
 to Eafier, with its Pentecoft or Fifty days follow- 
 ing, at which time Baptifm was generally admi- 
 niftred to all that werequalify'd, but not at other 
 times, except only to Infants, and Perfons in a 
 languifliing Condition and in danger of Death. 
 In the time of Pope Leo, the Cuftom had prevail- 
 ed in Sicily, to baptize as many on the Feftival of 
 Epiphany, as at Eafier or Pentecoft : But he calls 
 [p] this an unreafonable Novelty, and a Confu- 
 fion of the Myfteries of each Time, to think, that 
 no Difference was to be made between the Day 
 on which Chrift was adored by the wife Men, 
 and that whereon he arofe from the dead. There- 
 fore fmce thefe two, Eafier and Pentecoft, were 
 the only Lawful [q] Times of baptizing the Elect 
 Catechumens in the Church, he gives them an 
 Admonition, that they (hould mingle no other 
 Days in the like Obfervance. He gives the fame 
 Admonition to the Bifhops o£ Campania [r'], Sam- 
 nium, and Picenum, in another Epiftle, againft 
 baptizing of any, except in cafe of Neceffity, on 
 the Feftivals of the Martyrs. And after him, Ge- 
 lafius {71 .made another Decree, directed to the 
 Bifhops of Lucan'ii, prohibiting Baptifm to be gi- 
 ven at any other time, fave E after and Pentecoft, 
 except in cafe of dangerous Sicknefs, when there 
 
 might be reafonable Fear of the Party's dying with- 
 out the Remedy of Salvation. So that in the Ro- 
 man and JVcftern Churches, this was the general 
 Rule, to baptize none of the adult in ordinary 
 Cafes, fave only upon thefe two great Feftivals* 
 though the Practice in fome Places was a little dif- 
 fonant to the Injunction of the Canons. In the 
 Eaftern Churches, and in Africk, Epiphany feems 
 alfo to have been regarded. For, befides whac 
 has been already noted out of Nazianzen, Vale- 
 fius \f] has obferved out of theantient Ritual, cal- 
 led Typieum Saba, that on this Day they were 
 wont to baptize in the Church of Jerufalem. And 
 Joannes Mofchus [it] mentions the fame Cuftom in 
 other Parts of the Eaft. And Viblor Uticenfis [x] 
 plainly intimates, That it was a folemn time of 
 baptizing at Carthage and in the African Churches. 
 For though he does not name it Epiphany, yet 
 we may eaflly collect it was either that Day or 
 Chrift's Nativity} for he fays, it was but a little 
 before the Kalends of February, that fatal Day on 
 which the African Bifhops were banifhed, and 
 the Church deftroyed by the Fury of the Arian^ 
 in the Time of the Vandalick Perfecution. 
 
 I t was alfo cuftomary in fome sect. viii. 
 Churches, to make the Anni- And m fome ?Im$s 
 verfary Feftival of the Dedication the * e fl' n *l> of the 
 of the Church a folemn time of JS^^^E 
 Baptizing. Sozomen [>] obferves ^SSSm^ 
 it to have been fo at Jerufalem, chunhes, prevailed 
 from the Time that Conftantine alfo. 
 built that famous Church over 
 our Saviour's Grave at Mount Calvary, called 
 Anaftafis, or the Church of the Refurre&ion. 
 For every Year after that Time the Church of 
 Jerufalem held an Anniverfary Feftival of the De- 
 dication, which, to make the Solemnity more 
 auguft, lafted for eight Days together, on which 
 they held Ecclefiaftical Meetings, and adminiftred 
 the Sacrament of Baptifm } and many Men came 
 from all Parts of the World to vifit the facred 
 Places upon this Occafion. Valefius [z] takes 
 fome Pains to prove out of fcveral Authors, the 
 Chronicon Alexandrinum, Nicephorus, the Greek Me- 
 nologium, and Typieum Saba, that this was on the 
 Thirteenth of September j that no one might 
 think it fell in with the Feftivals of Eafier or 
 Pentecoft, the other folemn Times of Baptifm. 
 Whether the fame Cuftom prevailed in any other 
 
 [/] Cone. AntifTiodor. can. 19. Non licet abfque Pafchae folenni- 
 tatc ullo tempore baptizare, nili illos quibus mors vicina eft, quos 
 Grabatarios dicunt, &c. [>] Socrat. lib. f. c. 22. [»] Cone. 
 Gerundenf. Can. 4. DeCatechumenis baptizandis id ftatutum eft, ut 
 in Pafchse folennirate, vel Pentecoftcs, quanto majoris celebritatis ce- 
 Jebritas major eft, tanto magis ad baptizandum veniant. Ceteris au- 
 tem folennitatibus infirmi tantummodo debeantbaptizari, quibus quo- 
 cunqvie tempore convenitbaptifmum non negari. [o] Siric. Ep. ad 
 Himer.c. 2. Sola temeritate prxfumitur, ut paiTim ac libere Natali- 
 tiis Chrifti, feu Apparitionis, nee non 8c Apoftolorum feu Martyrum 
 Feftivitatibus, innumerae (ut afleris) plebes baptifmi Myfterium con- 
 fcquantur; cum hoc fibi Privilegium 8c apudnos 8c apud omncsEc- 
 fctefias, dominicum fpecialiter cum Pentecofte fua Pafcha defendat, 
 quibus fo'.is per annum diebus, ad fidem confluentibus generalia bap- 
 tifmacis trad'i convenit Sacramenta, 8tc. [/>] Leo Ep. 4. ad Epifc. 
 Sicuios, cap. 1. Mirorvos tarn irrationabilem novitatem ufurpare po- 
 
 7 
 
 tuifle, ut confufo temporis utriufque Myfterio, nullam efle difieren- 
 tiam crederetis inter diem quo adoratus eft Chriftus a Magis, 8c diem 
 quo refurrexit a mortuis, 8cc. [q] Ibid. c. f. Unde quia manifeftif- 
 fime patet, haec duo tempora baptizandis in Ecclelia Eleftis efle legi- 
 tima, monemus 8c nullos alios dies huic Obfervantiaz tnifceatis. [>] 
 Leo. Ep. 78. ad Epifc. Campan. cap. [/] Gelaf. Ep. 9. ad Epi£ 
 Lucan. cap. 12. Baptizandi fibi quifpiam paffim quocunque tem- 
 pore nullam credat inefle fiduciam praeter Pafchate Feftum 8c Pen- 
 tecoftes venerabile Sacramentum.exceptoduntaxatgravifiimi languo- 
 rs incurfu, in quo verendum eft, ne morbi crefcente periculo, fine re- 
 medio falutari fortniTis segrotans exitio prseventus abfeedat. [/] Va- 
 lef. Not. inTheodorit. lib. 2. c. 27. [»] Mofch.Prat. Spirit.cap.214. 
 [#] Vi&or. de Perfec Var.dal. lib. 2. Bibl. Patr. torn. 7. p. 603. 
 [y] Sozom;lib. 2. cnp. 26. co< y.vno(s ex oxi-th gop7p t?a£- 
 <&;, jy oktu n/u.i£a< epsfa* '.KKhmtcLOy. [2.] Valef. Diflerf. 
 de Anaftafi 8c Marryrio Hierofolym. ad calcem Eufebii, p. 306. 
 
 Churches, 
 
Chap. VI. Christian Church. 499 
 
 Churches, is not faid 5 but it is not improbable 
 that it might obtain, becaufc Jerufalem was a 
 leading Pattern, and is fometimcs flajfid the Mo- 
 ther of all Churches. The Cuftom of baptizing 
 on the Feftivals of the Apoftlcs and Marryrs feems 
 to have prevailed in many of the French and Spa- 
 nijl) Churches : But this was condemned and for- 
 bidden by many Canons, and therefore cannot be 
 fpoken of as an Authentick Cuftom, becaufe it 
 was rather a TranfgrcfTion and Encroachment 
 upon the cftnblifhcd Rules of the Church, which 
 in this cafe might be oblcrvcd without any De- 
 triment, whilft a Liberty was granted to baptize 
 at any Time upon fudden Emergencies and extra- 
 ordinary Cafes. 
 
 sect. IX. Indeed in the fir ft Plaata- 
 
 \o fuck fated tion of the Gofpel there was no 
 ,, m the Afic z fuch obligation to obferve any 
 files T)ayi. ftated times of Baptifm, becaufe 
 
 the Apples made no Law about it. They 
 themfelvcs baptized indifferently at any time, as 
 Occafion required, and they left this Circum- 
 ftance wholly to the Judgment and Prudence of 
 their Succefibrs in the Church, to acl as Reafon 
 and Piety fhould direct them. This is very evi- 
 dent from the Hiftory of the Acts of the Apoflles, 
 and the fubfequent Hiftory of the Church com- 
 pared together. The Author of the Comments on 
 St. Paul's Epiftlcs under the Name of Si.Ambrofe 
 [a] has diligently nored this Difference in the 
 Church's Difcipline, between the firft and the 
 following Age. At firft, fays he, every one 
 taught and baptized on all Days and Times, as 
 Occafion required. Philip ftayed for no Time, 
 nor Day, to baptize the Eunuch, nor did he ufe 
 any intermediate Faft before it. Neither did Paul 
 and Silas delay the Time, when they baptized the 
 Keeper of the Prifon with all his Houfe. Nei- 
 ther did Peter ufe Deacons, or ftay for a Solemn 
 Day, when he baptized Cornelius and his Family. 
 But when the Church had fpread itfelf into all 
 Parts then Oratories were built, and Church- 
 Officers were appointed, and feveral Orders made 
 about the Adminiftration of Baptifm : Whence it 
 was, that now neither Deacons preached} nor 
 any of the inferior Clergy nor Laymen baptized ; 
 nor was Baptifm adminiftred at all Times to Be- 
 lievers, but only to thofe that were Sick. That 
 which feems to have made the Difference in this 
 Matter, was the Difference in the Zeal and Rea- 
 dinefs o'f the firft Converts and thofe that came 
 afterwards. For the Church found it neceffary 
 in Procefs of Time to proceed a little more flow - 
 ly with the Candidates of Baptifm, both in the 
 Inftruction and Tryal of them, becaufe of their 
 
 Dulnefs and Negligence and frequent Relapfetf. 
 And by this means it came to pals, that in fome 
 populous Churches often vaft Multitudes were 
 baptized together. As Palladius obferves in the 
 Life of St. Chryfoflom [b~] 9 that at Conffantinople 
 three thoufand Perfons were baptized at once 
 upon one of thefe greater Feftivals. And this 
 was the Reafon why Deacons at Rome, who were 
 not allowed to baptize upon any other Occafion, 
 no not even in times of Sicknefs, were admitted 
 to do it at Eafler, becaufe of the vaft Numbers 
 of People that came then to be baptized, as I 
 have had occafion tofhew out of a Canon of one 
 of the Roman Councils in another Difcourfe [c~\. 
 
 But when thefe Rules about „.„ „ 
 ftatcd Times of Buptifm were in „ f ' , 
 their ftndtelt Obftrvation, there Ru!es were ^ lgl)lg 
 were ftill icvcral Cafes, wherein infucceedmg s.ges. 
 it was thought proper to difpenfe 
 with them, and difcharge Men of their Obliga- 
 tion. The cafe of Sicknefs and Extremity plead- 
 ed a juft Exemption, as we have fecn before, in 
 all the Canons of the Univerfal Church. And 
 the Prompxnefs and Proficiency of fome Cate- 
 chumens above others, gave them an earlier 
 Title to Baptifm, if they defircd ir, without 
 waiting for a more folcmn Seafon, especially in 
 the Eafiern Churches } as may be collected from 
 the Exhortations of Chryfoflom and Bafil, invit- 
 ing fuch as were duly prepared for Baptifm, to 
 receive it the firft Opportunity, without ftaying 
 for one of thefe greater Feftivals. You pretend 
 to ftay to the time of Lent, fays Chryfoflom [d] : 
 But why fo ? Has that Time any thing more 
 than others? The Apoftles received not this Grace 
 at Eafler; but at another Time. Neither was 
 it the Time of Eafler, when the Three Thou- 
 fand and the Five Thoufand were baptized, of 
 whom we read in the Acls of the Apoftles. Other 
 Things, fays St. Bafil [e], have their peculiar 
 Seafons j there is a time tor Sleep, and a time 
 for Watching } a time for War, and a time for 
 Peace : But the time of Baptifm is Man's whole 
 Life > All times are feafonable to receive Salva- 
 tion thereby, whether Day or Night, eve- 
 ry Hour, every Minute, every Moment. And 
 Nazianzen [/] in anfwering that Plea which 
 Men ufed for Delay, that they ftayed only till 
 Eafler, Pentecoft, or Epiphany, plainly {hews, 
 that he rather thought Men ought not to defer 
 their Baptifm, when once they were qualified 
 for it, left Death fhould come fuddenly upon 
 them in a Day they did not expect it, and in an 
 Hour they were not aware of. And in this Re- 
 fpect it was true, what fertullian faid in the clofe 
 
 j>] Ambrof. Com. in Ephef.4. Primum omnes docebant Sc om- 
 nes baptizabant, quibufcunque diebus vel temporibus fuiflct occafio. 
 Nec enim Philippus tempus quxfivit, aut diem, quo Eunuehum bap- 
 tizaret; neque Jejunium interpofuit. Neque Paulus 8c Silas tempus 
 diftulerunt, quo Optionem carceris baptizarent cum omnibus ejus. 
 Neque Petrus Diaconos flabuit, aut diem quxfivit, quando Corneli- 
 
 um cum omni domo ejus baptizavit. Ubi autem omnia loca 
 
 circumplexa eft Ecclefia, Conventiculaconftitutafunt, 8c Re£lores8c 
 
 caetera Officii in Ecclefia ordinata funt. Hinc ergo eft, unde 
 
 nunc neque Diaconi in populc predicant, neque Clerici vel Laid 
 baptizant; neque quocunque die credentes tinguntur, nifi xgri. 
 03 Pallad. Vit. Chryfoft. cap. 9. [c] Scholaft. Hifl, of Lay -Bap- 
 tifm, Part I. Chap. i. p. 19. [d] Chryf.Hom. 1 in Aft. torn. 4. 
 p. 6if. Edit.Savil. [e] Bafil. Exhort, ad Bapt. Horn. 13. torn. 1. 
 p. 409. [/] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 6^4. 
 
 Of 
 
500 
 
 The Antiquities 
 
 of tie 
 
 Book XL 
 
 of his Difcourfe upon this Subject, that every 
 Day [g] was the Lord's Day, every Hour, and 
 every Time was fit for Baptifm, if Men were 
 fit and prepared for it. One Day might be more 
 folemn than another, but the Grace of Baptifm 
 was the fame at all times. So that thefe folemn 
 Times were fet apart for prudent Reafons by the 
 Church, and for as prudent Reafons they might 
 be difpenfed with, when either the NeceiTities of 
 a languifhing Diftemper, or the Zeal and Aftivity 
 of forward Proficients made it advifeable to an- 
 ticipate the ufual Times of Baptifm, which, like 
 all other Pans of Difcipline, were defigned for 
 Edification, and not for Ddlruftion. 
 
 sect. XI. The like Obfervaiion maybe 
 Bapttfm not confi- made with refpect to the Place of 
 ued to any Plate m J3 a p t :f m : For this varied alfo with 
 
 the Apflolual Ages. ^ ^ Circum ft anC es of 
 
 the Church. In the Apoftolical Age and fome 
 time after, before Churches and Baptifteries were 
 generally erected, they baptized in any Place where 
 they had Convenience, as John baptized in Jor- 
 dan , and Philip baptized the Eunuch in the Wil- 
 dernefs, and Paul the Jaylor in his own Houfe. 
 So Tertullian obferves, That Peter baptized \Jo] 
 his Converts in the Tiber at Rome, as John had 
 done in Jordan, and that there was no Difference 
 whether a Man was baptized in the Sea, or in a 
 Lake, in a River, or a Fountain j for the fame 
 Spirit finftified the Waters in all places, and gave 
 them the Power of San£tification, when once 
 they were confecrated by Invocation and Prayer. 
 After this manner the Author of the Recognitions 
 under the Name of Clemens Romanus [i] reprelents 
 Peter preaching to the People, and telling them, 
 They might wafh away their Sins in the Water 
 of a River, or a Fountain, or the Sea, when they 
 were baptized by invoking the Name of the Blef- 
 fed Trinity upon them. And he defcribeshis own 
 Baptifm, and fome others [*], as given them by 
 Peter in certain Fountains in Syria by the Sea- 
 Shore. And it feems to have continued to the 
 Time of Jufiin Martyr and tertullian. For Ter- 
 tullian fpeaks of their going from the Church to 
 the Water, and then making [/] their Renuncia- 
 tions there, as they had done in the Church before. 
 
 And Jufiin Martyr defcribing the Ceremony of 
 the Action, fays, They brought the Perfon who 
 was to be baptized [m~\ to a Place where there was 
 Water, and there gave him the fame Regenera- 
 tion which they had received before. 
 
 But in After-ages Baptifte- SECT. XII. 
 ries were built adjoining to the infitcceea'mg Agit 
 
 Church, and then Rules were cm l ined '° the B "P"- 
 
 made, That Baptifm mould ordi- pr, t ,ofth t churcb. 
 
 narily be adminirtred no where but in them. Ju~ 
 fiinian, in one of his Novels [«], refers to antienc 
 Laws, appointing, That none of the Sacred My- 
 fteries of the Church mould be celebrated in pri- 
 vate Houfes. Men might have private Oratories 
 for Prayer in their own Houfes, but they were 
 not to adminifter Baptifm or the Eucharifi in them, 
 unlefs by a particular Licence from the Bifhop of 
 the Place. Such Baptifms are frequently condem- 
 ned in the antient Councils, under the Name of 
 nfyficnfi .V/jtola, Baptifms in private Conventicles. 
 As in the Council of Confiantinople under Mennas 
 [o] Complaint is made againft Zoaras the Monk, 
 that though the Emperor had forbidden all pri- 
 vate Baptifms by an Edict, yet Zoaras defpifing 
 that Order, had baptized many in a private Houfe 
 upon the Eafier Feftival. The Edi£t which thac 
 Council refers to, was another Novel of Ju- 
 Jlinian's, made againft Severus and his Accompli- 
 ces, who after they were expelled the Church, 
 held Conventicles in private Houfes, and received 
 and baptized, and gave the Communion to all thac 
 came to them. Which fort of Parabaptizations 
 are there condemned. So alfo in the Petition of 
 the Monks prefented to Mennas and the Council 
 under him, thefe Baptifms and Communions in 
 private Houfes are reckoned [q] to bean erecting 
 of ftrange Altars and Baptifteries in Oppofition to 
 the true Altar and Baptiftery or Laver of the 
 Church ; under which Name they are frequent- 
 ly condemned in the Acts [r] of that Council. 
 And in the Council of Trullo the Order was again 
 renewed, That no Perfons [/] mould receive 
 Baptifm in Oratories belonging to Houfes, buc 
 that they who defire Illumination, mould go to 
 the Catholick, that is, the Publick Churches: 
 And that on pain of Deposition to the Clergy- 
 
 M Tertul.de Bapt. cap. 19. Cxterum omnis dies Domini eft, orn- 
 nis hi*, omne tempus habile Baptifmo: Si deSc^nw^ft^de 
 Gratiamhil refer:. [*] Tat* de Ba P t. c. 4. Nulla d.ft.ndt.o eft, 
 Mari ouis on Stagno, FlumineanFonte, Ucu an Alveo diluatur, nec 
 qScqim refert inter eos quos Joannes injordane, 8c quos Pctrus ,n 
 Tiberi tin.it -Omnes aqua: de priftina or.g.n.s przrogat.va Sacra- 
 mentumSanaificationisconfequuntur.invocatoDeo Superven.temrn 
 Lm Spiritus de Coelis, & aquis fupereft, fanftificans eas de femer- 
 ipfo, 8c iM fanciest* vim fanaificandi combibunt. [«J Clem. 
 Recoenit lib 4. c". Ut in pwfenti quidem tempore d.luanturpec- 
 cata veftraper aquam Fontis, aut Fluminis, aut etiam Mans, invo- 
 cata fuper vos Trino Beatudinis nomine. Vid.Clementin. Horn. 9. n. .9. 
 r*l Ibid lib. 6. n. if. In Fontibusquicontigui habentur man peren- 
 nis aqusmihi Baptifmum dedit, &c. M Aquam adituri, ibidem, 
 fed 8c aliquanto prius in Ecclefia fub Antiftitis manu conteftamur nos 
 renunciarc Diabolo, *c. TeituL- de Coron c. 3 W Juftm Apol. 
 
 t P . 9? . {«M*'2> «V ^ h ** JJV m &c - «• B] Juft,n - 
 
 Novel. ^8. Prifcis Sancitum eft Legibus, nuili peni.uj efle licentiam, 
 ♦ 
 
 domi quse SacratilTima funt agerc. Sed fi quidem domos ita fim- 
 
 pliciter aliqui habere putant oportere in Sacris fuis, Orationis videlicet 
 folius gratia, 8c nullo celebrando penirus horum qua; Sacri funt My- 
 fterii, hoc eis permittimus, 8cc. [0] Cone. Conftant. fub Menna, 
 A£t. 1. p. 70. Ed. Crab. Quanquam piiftimus Imperator nofter man- 
 daverit non reconvcnticulare, neque rebaptizare Cleg, parabaptizarej 
 Zoaras tamen tale praeceptum defpexit, 8c parabaptizavit in die Pafchas 
 non paucos. [/>] Juftin. Novel. 42; c. 3. Sancimus quemlibet ta- 
 lium Silentium ducere, 8c non convocarc aliquos ad fe, neque acce- 
 dentes recipere, aut Parabaptizare audere, aut Sacram Communioneni 
 ibrdidare. \_q] Libel. Monachor. in A£t. i.Conc. fub Menna ap. 
 Crab. torn. a. p. 28. Ifti fall! Sacerdotes 8c veri Antichrifti in Domi- 
 bus intrarunt, 8c Aliena Altaria erexerunt, Sc Baptiftena sedificaverunr, 
 in contrarium veri Altaris 8c fandli Lavacri. [r] Epift. Monachor. 
 2. Syrixin Aft. 1. Ibid. p. 67. [s] Cone. Trull. Can. 5-9. MhJV 
 fxcHf lv di'ifltie'ia o'/kw h'J'ev otyJictf Tufydroifji f}a.7fliffy.a. hm- 
 TSAH<2'<y. 'Aw'oi [j.i?J.oiT:i d^lHK^'TS d.X£?A* pwTl^etT® - , T 
 
 man, 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5° * 
 
 man, who was the Adminiftrator, and Excom- 
 munication to the Layman, who was the Re- 
 ceiver. 
 
 SECT. XJTI. Now all thefe Laws and Rules 
 
 Except m cafe of were i nte nded for the Preferva- 
 sicknefs, or with the ^ of Dccency anc j good Order 
 
 l!i:l;op s licence to the . „, .C,,. n«~ r ;Cm 
 
 . k „„ r nrr ,. in the Church, that mptnm 
 
 contrary upon jome , 7 , . , 
 
 fpcid occrfon,. might be performed in the Pre- 
 fence of the whole Church, 
 whereof Men were then made Members, and all 
 the Congregation might be Spectators and Wu- 
 neffes of their admiffion. Upon which Account 
 it was improper to allow it to be done either in 
 Heretical Conventicles, or in private Houfes. Yet 
 in Cafes of Neccflity, Sicknefs, imprifonment, 
 Journeying, and the like, thefe Rules could not 
 bind} for they were only made for ordinary Cafes. 
 Therefore we read of Martyrs fometimes bapti- 
 zed in Prifon, and frequently of Clinicks, as they 
 were called, who were baptized on a Sick-Bed, 
 and others baptized at Sea or in a Journey, which 
 were not interpreted Tranfgreffions of this Rule, 
 becaufe the Exigence and NecelTuy of the Cafe 
 made them lawful. And fometimes Baptifm was 
 allowed in private Oratories by the Bifhop's Li- 
 cence, as both the Law of Juflinian and the Ca- 
 nons in fome Places had provided. For the Coun- 
 cil of Agde [/] in France, allows the Eucharift to 
 
 be celebrated in Country Chapels at all Times by 
 the Bifhop's Leave, not excepting the greater Fe- 
 llivals : And it is reafonable to fuppofe, than 
 where the Eucharilt was allowed, there Baptifm 
 might be adminiftred alfo, though they weie not 
 properly parochial or baptifmal Churches. The 
 Council of Eliberis [»] in Spain fpeaks of Deacons 
 prefiding over a People, and baptizing in Places! 
 where there was neither Bifhop nor Presbyter^ 
 which we muft reafonably fuppofe to have been 
 Country- Villages at fome Diftance from the Mo- 
 ther-Church, where yet for Convenience Baptifm 
 was allowed to be performed by the Hands of a; 
 Deacon. As St. Jerom \_x] alfo teftifies, who fays, 
 That in Villages and Caftles, and Places re/note 
 from the Bifhop's Church, Men were baptized 
 both by Presbyters and Deacons. So that though 
 the Bifhop's Church was the ordinary Place of 
 Baptifm, as he himfelf was the chief Minifter of 
 it, and the publick Baptiftery was only at his 
 Church j yet upon proper Reafons, by his Au- 
 thority and Permiffion, Baptifm might be admi- 
 niftrcd in other Places, efpecially in thofe that 
 were a fort of Secondary Churches } of which, 
 and their feveral Diltin£tions from the Ecclefia Ma- 
 trix, the Epifcopal or Principal Church, I have 
 given a more particular Account before in the 
 Difcourfe of Churches. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Renunciations and ProfeJ/ions made by all Perfons Immediately before 
 
 their Baptifm. 
 
 sect. I. TTAVING thus far condu- 
 ce Things re- Q e( \ t h e Catechumens to the 
 
 quired of all Verfms placc of Bapt if m> t h at is, to the 
 
 at then Bapuf* B tiftery of thc Church ; we are 
 i. To Renounce the " r J . , * . 
 
 BevlL next to confider how the Difci- 
 
 pline of the Church proceeded 
 with them immediately before their Baptifm. And 
 here we are to obferve in the firft place, That 
 three Things were now indifpenfably required of 
 them at this Seafon, that is, a formal and folemn 
 Renunciation of the Devil, a Profeffion of Faith 
 made in the Words of fome received Creed, and 
 a Promife or Engagement to live in Obedience 
 to Chrift, or by the Laws and Rules of the Chri- 
 itian Religion. For though thefe Things were in 
 fome meafure required of them before, during the 
 Time of their Inftitution, yet now they were to 
 make a more folemn and publick Profeffion of 
 them before the Congregation. Tertullian feems 
 [a] to intimate this twofold Profeffion, when he 
 
 fays, That according to the Difcipline of the! 
 Church in his time, Catechumens fit ft made their 
 Renunciation of the Devil, and his Pomp, and his 
 Angels in the Church, when they received Irri- 
 pofition of Hands from the Bifhop in his Prayers 
 for them, and again when they came to the Wa- 
 ter to be baptized. 
 
 The Form of this Renuncia- SECT. tt. 
 tion is more perfectly delivered by T ^ e Form °f *** 
 the Author of the Conftitutiom, in ^^yn,andthe 
 thefe Words : I renounce Satan, Im * ort °* '*' 
 and his Works, and his Pomps, \_b~] and his Ser- 
 vice, and his Angels, and his Inventions, and all 
 Things that belong to him, or that are fubjeel: to 
 him. Others exprefs it more concifelyj fome cal- 
 ling it the Renunciation of the World, as Cy- 
 prian [t], who fometimes joyns the Devil and 
 the World together, as where he asks one of the 
 Lapfers, who had gone to offer Sacrifice at the 
 
 [/] Cone. Agathen.Can. u. Si quis etiam extra Parochias, in 
 qtiibus legitimus eft ordinariufque conventus, Orarorium inagroha- 
 buerit, rcliquis Feftivitatibus ut ibi Mites teneat propter fangatio- 
 nem Familise jufta Ordinatione permittimus, 8cc. [«] Cone. Eli- 
 ber. Can. 77. Si quis Diaconus regens Plebem, fine Epifcopo vel 
 Presbyteroaliquosbiptizavent, Epifcopus eos per Benediftionem per- 
 ficere debebit. [*] Hieron. Dial, cum Lucifer cap. 4. In Villulis 
 & Caftellis & remotionbus iocs per Presbyteros & Diaconps bap- 
 tizati, 8cc. 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 [«] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. Aquam adituri, ibidem, fed 
 8c aliquanto prius in Ecclefia, fub Antiftitis nianu, conteftamur nos 
 Renunciare Diabolo 8c Pomp* 8c Angelis ejus. [/>] Conft Apoft. 
 lib. 7. cap. ^r. 'AW/acio/aa* to <ra.Ta,vd., ly tot; ipyoif cev7v f 
 t r 7n^cu< £i'-"7», 10 T A«7p«*'« tf't/ra, x), toH< etfy'iKotc dun, 
 Tali tQiVfktreffiv itvtt, )y m-xjt toii vtt' ewrbv. [c} Cypr. 
 Ep. 7. al. 13. ad Rogic p 37. Seculo rcnunciaveramus, cum bap- 
 tixati fumus. 
 
 Sff £ 
 
 Capitol 
 
The An ti qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XL 
 
 Capitol, how a Servant \_d) of God could (land 
 there, and fpeak, and Renounce Chrift, who be- 
 fore had renounced the Devil and the World ? 
 And fo it is in St. Jmbrofe : Thou wenteft into 
 the Baptiftery, confider what Queftions were ask- 
 ed thee, and what Anfwers thou gaveft to them. 
 Thou didft renounce the Devil and his Works, 
 the World [e] and its Luxury and Pleafures. In 
 like manner Sr. Jerom [/] joyns the Devil and 
 the World together : I renounce thee, Satan, and 
 thy Pomp, and thy Vices, and thy World which 
 lieth in Iniquity. Sometimes the Games and 
 Shows, which were part of the Devil's Pomp, 
 were exprefly mentioned in this Form of Renun- 
 ciation, as it is in Safoian: I renounce the De- 
 vil, his Pomps, his Shows, and his Works. For 
 he thus addrefTes himfelf to Chriftians, who (till 
 gave themlelves Liberty to be Spectators at the 
 Roman Shows : What is the firft Profeffion [g] 
 that Chriftians make at Baptifm ? Is it not a Protesta- 
 tion, that they renounce the Devil, and his Pomps, 
 and his Shows, and his Works? Therefore thefe 
 Shows and Pomps, even by our own Profeffion, 
 are the Works of the Devil. How then, O Chri- 
 jftian, canft thou after Baptifm, follow thofe Shows, 
 which thou confclTeft to be the Work of the De- 
 vil ? Tertullian made ufe of the fame Argument 
 before, to make Chriftians refrain from following 
 the Roman Theatres. But then he had alfo the 
 Charge of Idolatry to throw into the Scale a- 
 gainft them. For, fays he \h\ What is the chief 
 and principal Thing to be underftood by the De- 
 vil, his Pomps, and his Angels, but Idolatry? 
 Therefore if all the Preparation and Furniture of 
 the Shows be made up of Idolatry, there can be 
 no Difpute, but that the Renunciation we make 
 in Baptifm, relates to thofe Shows, and is a Te- 
 ltimony againft them. He argues after the fame 
 manner againft all fuch Secular Offices [f\, and Ho- 
 nours, and Employments, as could not be held 
 and difcharged without partaking in fome Idola- 
 trous Rites, and Ceremonies} fuch as the Offices 
 of the Flamens, and many others i in which^ the 
 very wearing of a Crown or Garland, or exhibi- 
 ting fome of the publick Shows to the People, as 
 by fuch an Office they were obliged to do, made 
 them guilty of Idolatry, though they abftained 
 from the groffer Act of it, that of offering In- 
 cenfe and Sacrifice to the Idols. And fo the Coun- 
 cil of Eliberis [k~] determined, That fuch Flamens 
 
 as only exhibited the publick Shows to the Peo- 
 ple, (which in their Language is called, Mkk.'h 
 dare) though they did n6t facrifice to the Idols,' 
 fhouid be caft out of the Church all their Lives, 
 and only be admitted to Communion at the Hour 
 of Death. Whence it is plain, that in the Times 
 of Heathenifm and Idolatry, all fuch Offices and 
 Employments as obliged Men to exhibit tholb 
 publick Games and Shows to the People, were 
 fuppofed to be included in the Renunciation of 
 the Pomps and Works of the Devil, becaufe of 
 the Idolatry that was interwoven with them. But 
 in the time of Salvian, all this Idolatry was abo- 
 lifhed, and thefe Pomps and Shows were no long- 
 er exhibited to the Honour of Idol-Gods : Yet 
 they had ftill fo much Vanity, Lewdnefs and Pro- 
 fanenefs in them, that they were juflly complain- 
 ed of as Unchriftian and Diabolical, upon the ac- 
 count of their Immorality, and therefore were re- 
 puted among thofe unlawful Pomps which every 
 Chriftian was fuppofed to renounce at his Baptifm. 
 Cyril of Jerufalem, who wrote after Idolatry was 
 in a great meafure deftroy'd, ftill continues the 
 Charge [/] againft them for their Lewdnefs and 
 Cruelty, and reckons them among the Pomps 
 of the Devil, whilft he is explaining to his Ca- 
 techumens this part of their baptifmal Profef- 
 fion. 
 
 The Antiquity of this Re- sect. IIT. 
 nunciation is evidenced from all Ti]e afcri !"*T 9 f 
 the Writers that have faid any f»R'™™«<>°»-Bj, 
 
 t_ • r -n t Aji r J ome derived frora 
 
 thing or Baptifm. And by lome ApoMlC!tl Fra ji iCe , 
 it is derived from Apoftolical In- 
 ftitution and Practice. For fo they interpret that 
 Paflage of St. Paul to Timothy, i Tim. vi. n. 
 Lay bold on Eternal Life, ivhereunto thou art cal- 
 led, and hafl -profejjed a good Profeffion before many 
 IVitneJfes. The Authors of the Comments un- 
 der the Names of St. dmbrofe and St. Jerom, fup- 
 pofed to be Hilary the Roman Deacon and Pela- 
 gius, give this Interpretation of the Place: Thou 
 haft confefied a good Confeffion [nf\ in Baptifm, 
 by renouncing the World and its Pomps, before 
 many Witneffes, before the Priefts and Minifters 
 and the Heavenly Powers. So Pelagius. And Hi- 
 lary [»] fcems to fay farther, That this Confeffi- 
 on was alfo entered or enrolled in the Monuments 
 of the Church. Others do not found it upon this 
 or any other exprefs Text of Scripture, but yec 
 
 [d\ Cypr. de Lapfis, p. uj\ Stare illic potuitDei fervus gcloqui, 
 & Renunciare Chrifto, qui jam Diabolo renunciarat 2c Seculo ? 
 \t] Ambrof. de Initiatis, cap. i. IngrefTus es Regenerations Sacra- 
 rium, repete quid interrogatus lis, recognofce quid refponderis. Re- 
 nunciafti Diabolo 8c Operibus ejus, Mundo 8c Luxurise ejus ac Vo- 
 luptatibus. [/] Hieron. Com. in Mat. if. 26. Renuncio tibi Dia- 
 bole, JcPompxtuae Sc Vitiis tuis, 8c Mundo tuo, quiinmalignopo- 
 fitus eft. [g~\ Salvian. de Provident, lib. 6. p. 197. Qux el\ enim in 
 baptifmo Salutari Chriftianorum prima Confeflio ? Qrx Icilicet, niii 
 ut renunciare fe Diabolo ac Pompis ejus, atque Spe£taculis 8c Ope- 
 tibus proteftentur ? Ergo Spe£tacu!a 8c Pompa:, etiam juxta no- 
 (tram Proremonem, opera funt Diaboli. Quomodo, O Chnftiane, 
 {pettacula poft baptifmum fequeris, quae opus cfle Diaboii confiteris? 
 Vid. Cyril. Catech. Myft. 1. n. 4. [h] Tertul. de Spe£tac. cap. 4. 
 Quid erit fummum ac prsecipuum in quo Diabolus 8c Pompa: 8c 
 Angeliejus cenfeantur, quam Idololatria ?—— Igitur fi ex Idololatria 
 univerfam lpeftacuiorum paraturarq conftare conftiterit, indubitate 
 
 prejudicatum erit etiam ad Spectaculapertinere Renunciationis nofirae 
 tcftimonium in Lavacro. [»] TertuLde Coron. Mil c. ij. Ha: 
 erant Pompa: Diaboli 8c Angelorum ejus, Officia Sjeculi, Konores, 
 folcnnirates poftulatrices, falfa Vota, Humana fervitia, Laudes vana?, 
 Gloria; turpes : Et in omnibus iltis Idololatria in folo quoque cenfu 
 Coror.arum, quibus omnia ifta redimita Tunc. [£] Cone. Elifa. 
 can. 3. Item Flamines, qui non immolaverint, fed Munus tantani 
 dederint, co quod fe a funeflis abilinuerunt faciificiis, placuit in fine 
 eis prxftari communionem, acta tamen legitima Pcsaitentia. 
 [/] Cyril. Catech. Myftag. 1. n. 4. p. 280. \m~\ Pebg. in 1 Tim. 
 vi. 12. Confeflus cs bonam ConrelTioncm in baptifmo, renuncian- 
 do Saxulo & Pompis ejus, coram multis TefHbus, coram Sacerdo* 
 tibus, vel Miniftris, Viituti'oufque CcelcfH'ous. [»] Ambrof. in 
 1 Tim. vi. 12. Cujus ConfVliio inter ipfa rudimcnta Fidei, teflc 
 Interrogans £c Refpondcnte, Monumentis Eccleikfticis continc* 
 tur. 
 
 derive 
 
J. ' 11,1 
 
 Chap. VII. Christian Church. 
 
 derive it fromantient Tradition. As Tertullian and 
 St. Baftl, the former of which [o] reckons it a- 
 mong many other Ecclefiaftical Rites and Ufages, 
 which arc not exprefly determined in Scripture, 
 bat yet proceeded from Tradition, and are con- 
 firmed by Cuftom. And St. Baftl ranks it [/>] a- 
 mong thofe Myftical Rites which were received 
 in the Church, not from any written Word, but 
 by private Direction and Tradition from the A- 
 poftles. The Conjecture of thofe Learned Men[?] 
 is not improbable, who think the Form of Re- 
 nunciation, made by way of Queftions and An- 
 fwers, to have been fo antient in the Church, as 
 that the Apoftle St. Peter may be juftly thought 
 to refer to it, when he (tiles Baptifm, 'The Anftwer 
 of a good Conscience toward God, which can reafon- 
 ably refer to nothing fo well as that common Cu- 
 ftom of anfwering in Baptifm, Doft thou renounce 
 the Devil? Sec. I renounce him. Doft thou believe 
 in God? Sec. I believe. 
 
 sect. lv. It is farther to be obferved 
 This Renunciation concerning this Renunciation, 
 made by Perfons That as foon as Baptifteries were 
 
 S weft- builc > the £ was J a panjcular place 
 And the Reafin of »n them affigned peculiarly to this 
 that Fraake, with Service. For they commonly had 
 fome other ceremo- two diftinct Apartmentsi,as hasbeen 
 »'"• (hewed before [r], in the Defcrip- 
 
 tion of Churches j firft their ir^auXiov oxov, their 
 Porch, or Ante-Room, where the Catechumens 
 made their Renunciations of Satan, and Confefli- 
 ons of Faith j and then their lo-om^v ofnov, their 
 Inner Room, where the Ceremony of Baptifm 
 was performed. When the Catechumens were 
 brought into the former of thefe, they were pla- 
 ced with their Faces to the Weft, and then com- 
 manded to renounce Satan with fome Gefture and 
 Rite expreffing an Indignation againft him, as by 
 ltretching out their Hands, or folding them, or 
 linking them together ; and fometimes by Ex- 
 iufflation and fpitting at him, as if he were pre- 
 fent: Which were all of them fo many Indicati- 
 ons of their Abhorrence. Cyril of Jerufalem, in 
 his myftical Catechifms to the Illuminated [V),thus 
 defcribes this part of the Action : Ye were firft 
 brought into the Ante-Room of the Baptiftery, 
 and placed toward the Weft in a (landing Poflure, 
 and then commanded to renounce Satan, by ftretch- 
 ing out your Hands againft him, as if he were pre- 
 sent. A little after he explains the Meaning of 
 their doing this with their Face toward the Weft. 
 The Weft, fays he, is the Place of Darknefs, and 
 Satan is Darknefs, and his Strength is in Dark- 
 nefs. For this Reafon ye fymbolically look to- 
 
 ward the Weft, when ye renounce that Prince of 
 Darknefs and Horror. Sr. Jerom plainly alludes to 
 this Cuftom, when he fays, In our Myfteries, 
 meaning the Celebration of Baptifm, we firft re- 
 nounce him that is in [f] the Weft, who dies to us 
 with our Sins : And then turning about to the 
 Eaft, we make a Covenant with the Sun of Righ- 
 teoufnefs, and promife to be his Servants. In like 
 manner, St. Ambrofe difcourfing to fome newly 
 baptized Perfons [«], When you entered into the 
 Baptiftery, and had viewed your A iverfary whom 
 you were to renounce, you then turned about to 
 the Eaft. For he that renounces the Devil, is 
 turned unto Chrift. Whence, as Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen [x~] obferves, they did not only renounce 
 the Devil in Words, but in their very Habit and 
 Gefture } for they did it diverted of their Clothes, 
 and with their Body turned toward the H'eft, 
 and with Hands ftretched out againft himj to 
 this they added fometimes a Collifion, or (Inking 
 of the Hands together, and an Exfufflation, or a 
 Spitting at their Adverfary, to exprefs their Ab- 
 horrence of him, as the Author under the Name 
 of Dionyfius [y] defcribes it. 
 
 From whom we learn alfo, sect. v. 
 that this Renunciation was re- w b th,s Re ™"- 
 peated three Times. Forinano- ™££ T ™ mad ' 
 ther place he thus defcribes the ' > 
 
 whole Ceremony : The Pried makes the Perfon 
 who is to be baptized [z] to (land with his 
 Hands ftretched out toward the Weft, and (Inking 
 them together j (the Original is, ra: a7ro " 
 SrSvra, which denotes Collifion or ftriking of the 
 Hands together by way or Abhorrence) then he 
 bids him iix<^uar\crou t^s- laJ o-arava, thrice Exfuf- 
 flate, qr fpit in Defiance of Satan : Afterwards 
 thrice repeating the folemn Words of Renuncia- 
 tion, he bids him thrice renounce him in that 
 Form: Then he turns him about to the Eaft, 
 and with Hands and Eyes lift up to Heaven, bids 
 him cvvTd%a.3$ itS Xg/ro), enter into Covenant with 
 Chrift. Vicecomes \a~] thinks this triple Renunci- 
 ation was made, either becaufe there were three 
 Things which Men renounced in their Baptifm, 
 the Devil, his Pomps, and the World 5 or to fig- 
 nify the Three Perfons of the Trinity, by whom 
 they were adopted as Sons on their renouncing Sa- 
 tan; or becaufe it was ufual in Civil Adoptions 
 and Emancipation of Slaves, for the Mafler to 
 yield up his Right by a Triple Renunciation, 
 which he (hews from Aulus Gellius, and Sigonius. 
 But as the Ancients are filent in this Matter, I 
 leave thefe Reafons to the Difcretion of every ju- 
 dicious Reader. 
 
 [o] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. c. 3. Hanc ft nulla Scriptura determi- 
 navir, certe Confuetudo corroboravit, quae fine dubio de Traditione 
 manavit. [/>] Bafil. de Spir. Sanfto. c. 27. ffl Lv rn iiKKnaU 
 TUfvhctffJLivtoy fofy.diw k) v.^vyy.a.tuv^ ta fx. 6jc <? ef^'p* 
 
 foQi/la, fah lv pvrffetyi [9] S« Dr. Cave Prim. Chrift. lib. 
 1. cap. 1 1. p. 3 15-. Ss. Eftius 8c Grotius on 1 Pet. iii. 11. [r] Book 
 VIII. Chap. vii. ». 1. [f] Cyril. Catechu Myftag. t. n. 2. p. 278. 
 *iVh«t€ t^tov els r <a^ojjKiov oiKov rx &<l 'rj true! ts, ly yr^< 
 id; JWjuceV ifSfrti* htciff&ji h) <xe?aiTa.T)iQi r 
 y&rVi K) b)<; va^fTt «MreT*Tj«<&{ tJ (ra.Ta.vX. _ [f] Hieron. 
 in Amos 6. 14. In Myfteriii primum renunciamus ei qui in Occi- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 dente eft, nobi^ue moritur cum peccatis: Et fic verfi ad Orien- 
 tem, padum inimus cum Sole juftitise, 8c ei fervituros nos efle pro- 
 mittimus. [»] Ambrof de Initiatii, cap. 2. Ingreflus ut Adver- 
 farium tuum cerneres, cui renunciandum mox putares, ad Orien- 
 tem converteris. Qui enim renunciat Diabolo , ad Chriftum conver- 
 titur. \x\ Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 67. yvueri ^ to/? ^h^*- 
 fft v.a.1 to7< pii/xtfff/c, u( ohm 'im'sri[X7rYi $ al^eittv. Ztcos oArf 
 3-t'o7tf]i o-vvlctcau/jty©-. [y~\ Dionyf. de Hierarch. Eccl. cap. x. 
 p. 2^8. yvfxvov x) dwrrl^iTov tTUft nr^)i J^uo-fJ.ctf dfopuvjef 
 8cc. \z] Ibid. p. 2^3. [a] Vicccom. dc Ritib. B»pt. Lib. j. 
 cap. 20. p. 311. 
 
 S fff 2 The 
 
5°t 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XI 
 
 SECT. vi. The next Thing required of 
 
 The fecond Thing j^ en at c h e ir Baptifm, was a Vow 
 
 \Zrtp! t fm m Z or Covenant of Obefiience to 
 
 VvLoVcoZ'naZf Chrift, which the Greeks call, 
 
 Obedience toChrift. cvvTctosads Xg/sroi, Giving them- 
 
 felves up to the Government and 
 Condudr. of Chrift. This was always an indifpen- 
 fable part of their Obligation, before they could 
 be admitted to the Ceremony of Regeneration. 
 They firft renounced the Devil, and then imme- 
 diately promifed to live in Obedience to the Laws 
 of Chrift. Some indeed in St. Aujlin's Time 
 pleaded hard for an Exemption in this Particular. 
 They were willing to make a Profeffion of Faith 
 in Chrift, but not of univerfal Obedience} and 
 yet would impudently pretend to demand Baptifm 
 of the Church, notwithftanding their incorrigible 
 Temper. Againft whom he wrote that excellent 
 Book, De Fide fj? Operibus, to ftiew the Necefli- 
 ty of Good- works, as well as Faith, to the Being 
 of a Chriftiani where he anfwers all the Obje- 
 ctions and Arguments they pretended to bring 
 from Scripture ; for they pleaded Scripture for 
 their Practice. Amongft other Things they urged 
 that famous Text of St. Paul, Other Foundation 
 can no Man lay, than that is laid, which is Jefus 
 Chrift. Now if any Man build upon this Founda~ 
 tion, Gold, Silver, precious Stones, Wood, Hay, 
 Stubble ; every Man's Work Jhall be made manifefi : 
 For the Day Jhall declare it } becaufe it jhall be re- 
 vealed by Fire ; and the Fire Jhall try every Man's 
 Work of what Sort it is. If any Man's Work a- 
 bide, which he hath built thereupon, he Jhall receive 
 a Reward. If any Man's Work Jhall be burnt, he 
 Jhall fuffer Lojs : But he him/elf Jhall be faved j yet 
 fo as by Fire. Upon which they made this per- 
 verfe Comment: That they who built upon this 
 Foundation [b~\ Gold, Silver, Precious Stones, 
 were fuch as added Good- works to their Faith in 
 Chrift: But they who built Wood, Hay, Stubble, 
 were they that held the fame Faith in Unrigh- 
 teoufnefs and a wicked Life. And they imagined, 
 that even thefeMen might befo purged by certain 
 Puniihments of Fire, as to obtain Salvation by 
 Virtue of the Foundation, which they retained. 
 To which St. Auftin replies, That if this was 
 true [/], it were a laudable Charity indeed, for 
 them to endeavour that all Men might indiffe- 
 rently be admitted to Baptifm, not only Adulte- 
 rers and Adultereffes, who pretended falfe Mar- 
 riages contrary to the exprefs Command of Chrift, 
 but alfo publick Harlots continuing in the bafeft 
 
 of all Profeftionsj which yet the moft negligent 
 Church on Earth never pretended to admit to 
 Baptifm, 'till they had firftforfakenthat vile Pro- 
 ftitution. They urged farther, That to deny wick- 
 ed Men the Privilege of Baptifm, was to root out 
 the Tares before the time. To which St. Aufiin 
 \_d] replies, That this Rejection of them from 
 Baptifm, was not rooting out the Tares, but ra- 
 ther not fowing them, as the Devil did : They 
 did not prohibit any that were willing to come to 
 Chrilt, but only convinced them by their own 
 Confeflion, that they were unwilling to come to 
 him. And therefore though thefe Men called it 
 a Novel Doctrine and Practice to reject Harlots 
 and Stage- players, and all that made open Pro- 
 feffion of fuch abominable Arts, from Baptifm, yet 
 he tells them, this was grounded upon the Rule 
 [e~\ of antient Truth, which manifeftly declared, 
 That they who do fuch Things, Jhall not inherit the 
 Kingdom of God. And that this was the antient 
 Rule, by which the Church proceeded, is evi- 
 dent from all the Writers that have fpoken of 
 Baptifm. Jufiin Martyr, who defcribes the Ce- 
 remonies of Baptifm with the greateft Simplicity, 
 fays, It was only given to thofe, who to their 
 Confeflion of Faith added alfo a Promife or Vow 
 [/] that they would live according to the Rules 
 ofChriftianity. And hence came thatufual Form 
 of Words in their Profeflion, cuvra.TloiJ.aji cot Xg/- 
 s-e, I gave myfelf up to thee, O Chrift, to be go- 
 verned by thy Laws: Which immediately fol- 
 lowed the foror^ir, or Renunciation of the Devil, 
 whofe Service they forfook to chufe a new Ma- 
 iler j as we find it frequently in St. ChryfoJlom[g]j 
 St. Bafil \h\ St. Cyril of Alexandria [/'], the Au- 
 thor of the Apojlolical Conjlitutions [£], and mod: 
 of the Greek Writers, whofe Words, as being but 
 one and the fame Form, I think it needlefs to re- 
 peat upon this Occafion. The Latins commonly 
 call it Promijfum, Patlum, and Votum, a Promife, 
 a Covenant, and Vow, which Names they apply 
 indifferently to all Parts of theChriftian Engage- 
 ment, as well the Renunciation of the Devil, as 
 the Profeffibn of Faith and Obedience to Chrift, 
 which do mutually fuppofe, and are virtually in- 
 cluded in one another. For he that renounces the 
 Devil and the World, does thereby profefs him- 
 felf a Soldier and Servant devoted to Chrift. 
 Therefore St. Ambrofe fpeaking of the Renuncia- 
 tion, calls it fV] a Promife, a Caution, an Hand- 
 writing or Bond, given to God, and regiftred in 
 the Court of Heaven: Becaufe this is a Vow 
 
 [6] Aug. de Fide 8c Oper. c. if. torn. 4. p. 30. Quod quidam 
 ita intelligendum putant, ut illi videantur asdificare fuper hoc Fun- 
 damentum aurum, argentum, laptdes pretiofos, qui fidei quae in 
 Chrifto eft, bona opera adjiciunt: Illi autem foenum, ligna, ftipulam, 
 qui cum eandem fidem habeant, male operantur. Unde arbitrantur 
 per quafdam pcenas ignis cos pofle purgari ad falutem percipiendam 
 merito Fundamenti. [c] Ibid. Hoc fi ita eft, fatemur iftos lauda- 
 bili charitate conari, ut omnes indifcrete admittantur ad baptifmum, 
 non folum adultcri 8c adulter*, contra fententiam Domini falfasnup- 
 tias prxtendentes, verum etiam publics: Meretricesin turpiflima pro- 
 feflionc perfeverantes, quas certe nulla etiam negligentiftiraa Eccle- 
 fia confuevit admittere, nifi ab ilia primitus proftitutione liberatas. 
 M Au S* deFlde ^ P er * c * ' 7 * Quando tales ad Baptifmum non 
 x admittimus, non ante tempus zizania evellere conamur, fed nolu- 
 
 l 
 
 mus infuper ficut Diaboluszizania feminare; nec ad Chriftum volen* 
 tes venire prohibemus, fed eos ad Chriftum venire nolle, ipfa fui 
 Confeflione convincimus. [e] Ibid. c. 18. Antiquum & robuftura 
 morem Ecclefia retinet, ex ilia fcilicet liquidifiima veritate venien- 
 tern, qua certum habet, quoniam qui talia agunt, regnum Dei nort 
 poflidebunt. [/] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 93. $ /3/2V Ito<; ^vva.^ 
 viri<xyc0V^), 8cc. [g] Chryf. Horn. 2 1. ad Popul. Anrioch. p. 27 
 Horn. 6. in Colof. p. 135-8. [h] Bafil. Horn. 13. Exhort, ad Bapt 
 [»] Cyril, in Joh. xi. 26. [fc]Conftit.Apoft.lib. y.c. 41. [/] Am- 
 brof de Sacrament, lib. i.e. 2. Refpondifti, Abrenuncio: Memor efto 
 
 Sermonis tui, 8c nunquam tibi excidat feries Cautionis tuae. Ubi 
 
 promiferis confidera, vel quibus promiferis: Levitam vidifti, fed Mi- 
 nifter eft Chrifti. Vidifti ilium ante altaria miniftrare : Ergo Chiro- 
 graphurg tuum tenetur, non in terra, fed in Ccelo. 
 
 made 
 
Chap. VII. Christian Church. 
 
 5°5 
 
 made before his Minifters, and the Angels, who 
 are Witnefles to it. Upon which Account he 
 fays in another place [m\, It is recorded not in 
 the Monuments ofthe Dead, but in the Book of 
 the Living. St. Auftin calls it a Profeffion [»] 
 made in the Court of rVngels, and the Names of 
 the Profeflors are written in the Book of Life, 
 not by any Man, but by the heavenly Powers. St. 
 Jerom [0] ftyles it a Covenant made with the Sun 
 of Righteoufncfs, and a Promife of Obedience to 
 Chrift. And he fo fpeaks of this Ceremony, as 
 to (hew it to be a diftinft A6t from the Renun- 
 ciation (though they both tended to the fame End) 
 becaufe different Rites were ufed in expreffing 
 them. For in renouncing the Devil they had 
 their Faces to the Weft, for fymbolical Reafons 
 which we have heard before; but in making their 
 Covenant with Chrift, they turned about to the 
 Eaft, as an Emblem of that Light, which they 
 received from the Sun of Righteoufnefs, by en- 
 gaging themfclvcs in his Service. 
 
 sect. vii. This Cuftom of turning a- 
 
 This Von, of Obi- b out tQ the £a a when thc m& fc 
 
 tZ7he%l tU 2n'd their Profeffion of Obedience to 
 ° Chrift, is alfo mentioned by St. 
 
 Ambrofe, Gregory Nazianzen, Cy- 
 ril of Jerufalem, and the Author under the Name 
 of Dionyfius. For which they affign two Rea- 
 fons: 1. Cyril \_p] tells his Difciples, That asfoon 
 as they had renounced the Devil, the Paradife of 
 God, which was planted in the Eaft, and whence 
 our firft Parent for his Tranfgreffion was driven 
 into Banifhment, was now laid open to them : 
 And their turning about from the Weft to the 
 Eaft, which is the Region of Light, was a Sym- 
 bol of this. For the fame Reafon St. Bafil [q] and 
 fome others of the Ancients tell us, They prayed 
 toward the Eaft, that they might have their Fa- 
 ces towards Paradife. The other Reafon for turn- 
 ing to the Eaft in Baptifm, was becaufe the Eaft 
 or rifing Sun was an Emblem ofthe Sun of Righ- 
 teoufnefs, to whom they now turned from Sa- 
 tan : Thou art turned about to the Eaft, fays St. 
 Ambrofe [r], for he that renounces the Devil, 
 turns unto Chrift. Where he plainly intimates 
 with St. Jerom, that turning to the Eaft, was a 
 Symbol of their Averfion from Satan, and Con- 
 verfion unto Chrift, that is, from Darknefs to 
 Light, from ferving Idols, to ferve him who 
 is the Sun of Righteoufnefs, and Fountain of 
 Light. 
 
 Together with this Pro- sect. VIII. 
 feffion of Obedience there was al- ^ '& m & 
 fo exaded a Profeffion of Faith, ZT/Jlf/^I 
 
 ' to be baptized, was 
 
 of every Perfon to be baptized. a rrofejfin of Faith 
 And this was always to be made ,» theufuaimrds of 
 in the fame Words of the Creed, the Creed. 
 that every Church ufed for the Inftru&ion of her 
 Catechumens. They were obliged to repeat it 
 privately to the Catechifl, and then again pub- 
 licity in the Church, when they had given in 
 their Names to Baptifm : as I have ftiewed [j] be- 
 fore. But befides this, they were alfo obliged to 
 make a more folemn Profeffion of it at the time 
 of Baptifm, and give diftin£b Anfwers to the fe- 
 veral Queftions, as the Minifter propounded them, 
 with relation to the feveral Parts of the Creed, 
 which contained thc Summary of the Chriftian 
 Faith. There were fome indeed in St. Auftin's time, 
 who, as they were for excluding the Profeffion 
 of Obedience out of the baptifmal Vow, fo were 
 they for curtailing thc Profeffion of Faith, and 
 reducing it to one fingle Article, I believe Jefus 
 Chrift to be the Son of God. In favour of this, 
 they pleaded the Example of Philip baptizing the 
 Eunuch upon this fhort Confeffior? [/], and that 
 Saying of St. Paul to the Corinthians, I determined 
 to know nothing among you, fave Jefus Chrift, and 
 him crucify'' d. Yet they never durft proceed fo 
 far as to put their Defign in Pra&ice; for they 
 ftill continued to make Interrogatories about other 
 Articles, as the Church always did, concerning 
 the Holy Ghoft, the holy Church, the Remiffion 
 of Sins, the Refurreclrion of the Dead, the Incar- 
 nation of Chrift, his Paffion and Death upon the 
 Crofs, his Burial and Refurre&ion on the third 
 Day, his Afcenfion, and Seffion on the Right 
 Hand of the Father. All which were thoughefo 
 neceflary, that the Chuch never omitted them 
 even in Clinick Baptifm, when Men were bapti- 
 zed upon a Sick-Bed : For if they were able to 
 fpeak, they anfwered for themfelves, as St. Auftin 
 fays, to every particular Interrogation, though 
 they were not able to commit them to Memory : 
 And if they were fpeechlefs, their Sureties or 
 Sponfors anfwered for them, as they did for Chil- 
 dren, as will be ftiewed in the next Chapter. So 
 that one way or other the whole Creed was re- 
 peated, and every individual Article aflented to by 
 Men at their Baptifm. And this was always the 
 Practice of the Church from the very Days of 
 the Apoftles, and in their Time alfo: For though 
 no other Article be mentioned in the Baptifm of 
 
 [m] Id.de Initiatis, c. i. Tenetur Vox tua, non in Tumulo 
 mortuorum, fed in Libro Viventium. [»] Aug. de Symbolo, 
 lib. 2. c. 1. torn. 9. Profefli eftis renunciare vos Diabolo, Pompis, 
 8c Angelis ejus. Videte dile&iffimi, quia hanc Profeffionem ve- 
 ftratn in Curiam profertis Angelicam : Nomina Profitentium in 
 Libro excipiuntur Vitae, non a quolibet homine, fed a fuper iore 
 coelitus Poteftate. [0] Hieron. Com. in Amos vi. 14, in Myfte- 
 riis primum renunciamus ei qui in occidente eft* 8c fic verfi in O 
 ricntem, Paftum animus cum Sole Juftitia*, 8c ei fervituros nos effe 
 promittimus. [p] Cyril. Catech. Myftagog. ». n. 6. [q] Ba- 
 fil. de Spir. St°- c. 27. [r] Ambrof. de Initiatis, c. 2. Ad Orien- 
 tcm converteris. Qui enim renunciat Diabolo, ad Chriltum con- 
 
 vertitur. [j| Book X. Chap. ii. ». 10: [t] Aug. de Fide 8c 
 Oper. cap. 9. Spado, inquiunt, ille quern Philippus baptiz.avit, nihil 
 plus dixit, quam, Credo Filium Dei efle Jefum Chriltum. Num 
 ergo placet, ut hoc folum homines refpondeant & continuo bap- 
 tizentur ? Nihil de Spiritu Sanfto, nihil de Sancta Ecclefia, nihil de 
 Remiflione Peccatorum, nihil de Refurredlione lfiortuorum ? 8cc. 
 Si enim Spado cum refpondiflet, Credo Filium Dei efle -Jefum Chri- 
 ftum, hoc ei fuflicere vifum efl, ut continuo bapttzatus abfeederet: 
 Cur non id fequimur, atque auferimus cactera quae neceffe habemus 
 etiam cum ad baptizandum temporis urget anguftia exprimere, in- 
 terrogando ut baptizandus ad cuncta refpondeat, etiamfi ea memo- 
 rise mandare non valuit? 
 
 the 
 
506 
 
 7/^ Antiquities of Book XI 
 
 the Eunuch, but only his believing Jefus Chrift 
 to be the Son of God, yet, as Sr. Auflin obferves 
 in the fame place [»], the Scripture in faying, 
 Philip baptized him, is to be underftood as mean- 
 ing that all Things were fulfilled, which ufed to 
 be obferv'd in Baptiftn, though for Brevity's fake 
 they be not mentioned. And indeed in all the 
 Accounts we have of Baptiftn in antient Writers, 
 there is exprefs mention of this Profeflion, either 
 to believe the Doctrines of Chriftianity in gene- 
 ral, as they are delivered in Scripture, or as they 
 are briefly fummed up in the Articles of the Creed. 
 Jufiin Martyr [x] fays, Before Men were Rege- 
 nerated, they mull both profefs to believe the 
 Truth of thofe Things which they had been 
 taught, and alfo promife to live anfwerable to 
 their Knowledge. Cyprian particularly \j] men- 
 tions the Ufe of the Creed in Baptifm, and fpeci- 
 fies in feveral of the Interrogatories that were 
 made in reference to the particular Articles of it ; 
 as, Whether they believed eternal Life, and Re- 
 miflion of Sins in the holy Church? which were 
 always the concluding Articles of the Creed. And 
 in another place he fpeaks both of thefe, and the 
 Articles relating to the Father, Son, and Holy 
 Ghoft, as Interrogatories ufed in Baptifm both by 
 the Catholick [z] Church, and the Novatians. 
 For however they differed in the Senfe offome of 
 the Articles, yet they both agreed in the fame 
 Form of Interrogatories, and both baptized in 
 the fame Creed. Tertullian alfo [a] fpecifies the 
 Articles relating to Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, 
 and the Church, as part of the Interrogatories of 
 Baptifm. And Eufebius reciting the Words of the 
 Creed of Ctfarea \b\ fays, It was the Creed in- 
 to which he was baptized. The fame Ufe was 
 made of the Nicene Creed, as foon as it was com- 
 pofed, in moft of the Eaftern Churches. For they 
 ordinarily baptized in the Profeflion of that Faith, 
 as I have mewed [c~] in the laft Book. It were 
 eafy here to fubjoin many Teftimonies out of St. 
 .Amhrofe, St. Jerom, Cyril of Alexandria and Jeru- 
 falem, Chryfojlom, Nazianzen, Bajil, Epiphanius, 
 and Salvian, and the Author of the Confiitutions : 
 But the Matter is fo inconteftable, that the An- 
 cients did never baptize into the Profeflion of any 
 fingle Article, but into a complete and perfect 
 Creed, that I think it needlefs to infift upon the 
 Proof of it, whilft there is not any Pretence of 
 an Exception to be made againft it in any pub- 
 lick or private Baptifm whatfoever. 
 
 There were fome Circum- sect. ix. 
 fiances and Ceremonies of this ihhconfejjionmadt 
 Confeflion, which becaufe they * the f olemn 
 added fomething to the Solemnity ^puhlickMnnmr. 
 of the Action, it will not be improper to mention. 
 As firft, That it was ufually done in Publick be- 
 fore many Witnefles. Which was a Circum- 
 ftance grounded upon Apoftolical Practice, and 
 very rarely difpenfed with. Primafius [d] dedu- 
 ces it from the Example of Timothy, who witnef- 
 fed a good Confejfion before many JVitneJfes : Which 
 he interprets of his Profeflion of Faith made at 
 Baptifm. Which is alfo the Expofition given by 
 Ephrem [e~] Syrus. And Pope Leo [/] feems to 
 refer to the fame, when he exhorts Men to ftand 
 firm in that Faith, which they confefled before 
 many Witnefles $ that Faith in which they were 
 born again of Water and the Holy Ghoft, and 
 received the Unction of Salvation, and the Seal 
 of Eternal Life. It was ufual at Rome, St. Au- 
 ftin [g] tells us, To make this Confeflion pub- 
 lickly in the Church in fome eminent place ap- 
 pointed for the Purpofe, that they might be feen and 
 heard by all the Congregation. But fometimes to 
 favour the Modefty of iome very bafliful Perfons, 
 who could not fpeak without trembling in fuch 
 an awful Aflembly, the Presbyters received their 
 Confeflion in private : And this they offered to 
 Viftorinus, a famous Rhetorician, upon his Con- 
 version j but he chofe rather to make his Con- 
 feflion in Publick ; faying, There was no Salva- 
 tion in Rhetorick, and yet he had always taught 
 that in publick: And therefore it would not 
 become him to be afraid of making a publick 
 Confeflion of God's Word before the meek Flock 
 of Chrift, who had never been afraid to repeat 
 his own Words in the Schools of the Heathen, 
 who, in comparifon of Chriftians, were only to 
 be reputed Mad-men. 
 
 Another Circumftance which SECT. x. 
 added to the Solemnity of the mh muis mi 
 Action, was the Pofture of the ^ liftttft0 Hea ' 
 Body, not only looking toward w ' 
 the Eajl, but with Hands and Eyes lift up to 
 Heaven, as if they were immediately lift up to 
 Chrift, with whom they were now entring into 
 Covenant, as their New Lord fitting on the 
 Throne of his Glory. For as they renounced the 
 Devil with Hands ftretched out againft him, or 
 with Collifton or ftriking them together in Defi- 
 
 le] Aug. ibid. In eo quod ait, Baptizavit cum Philippus, intelligi 
 voluit impleta efle omnia, quae licet taceantur in Scripturis, gratia 
 brevitatis, tamen ferie Traditionis fcimus implenda. [#] Juftin A- 
 pol. a. p. 9 J- ocro/ av w&Zot iy iris&uatv elKnd» ToCVa ret 
 va' £u$f <£//«ff»Mt</« g hiy'o/Afia. Zvtu, Kcti (litv htu; «TJ- 
 
 VaSK, Cnrt^ySvJ) dvaymuvj. [y] Cypr. Ep. 70. ad Epifc. 
 
 Numidas, p. 190. Sed 8c ipfa Interrogatio quae fit in Baptifmo, teftis 
 eft veritatis. Nam cum dicimus, Credis in Vitam aeternam, 8c Re- 
 muTionem peccatorum per San&am Ecclefiam ? Intelligimus remif- 
 fionem peccatorum non nifi in Ecclcfia dari, &c. O] Cypr. Ep. 
 69. al. 76. ad Magnum, p 183. [«] Tertul. dc Bapt. cap. 6. Quum 
 fub tribus & Teftatio Fidci 8c fponfio lalutis pignorentur, neceflario 
 adjicitur Ecclefiae mcntio.- quoniara ubi tret, id eft, Pater 8c Filius 
 & Spiritus San&us, ibi Ecclefia, qua: trium corpus eft. [4] Eu- 
 feb. Epift. adCaefarienfes, ap. Socrat.lib. 1. cap. 3. [r] Book x. 
 Cfftp. iv. n. 17. Wl Primal", in 1 Tim 6. 11. Confefius bonam 
 
 Confeflionem in Baptifmo, coram muitis tcftibus, coram Sacerdoti- 
 bus8c Miniftris,atque Virtutibus cccleftibus acdivinis. [fjEphrem, 
 de Poenitent. cap. [/] Leo. Serm.4. de Nativ. Domini, p. 17] 
 Parmanete ftabiles in Fide, quam confefli cftis coram muitis teftibus, 
 8c in qua renati per aquam 8c Spiritum Sanclum, accepiftisChrifm* 
 falutis 8c fignaculum vitae aeternse. [j] Aug.Confefl". lib. 8. cap. ». 
 Ut ventum eft ad horam profitendat Fidei, qua; verbis cei tis concep- 
 tifque memoriter de loco eminentiore in confpe&u populi fideJis Ro- 
 mae reddi folet ab eis qui accefluri funt ad Gratiam tuam, oblatum 
 efle dicebat Vi&orino a Presbyteris, ut fecretius redderct, ficut non- 
 nullis qui verecundia trepidaturi videbamur, offerri mos erat 1 Ilium 
 autem maluifie falutem fuam in confpe&u fan&a: mukitudmis profi- 
 teri : Non enim erat Salus quam docebat in Rhetorica 8c tamen 
 earn publice profeflus erat. Quanta minus ergo vereri debuit man- 
 fuetum gregem tuum, pronuncians verbum tuum, qui non vereba- 
 tur in verbis fuis turbas infinorum ? 
 
 ance 
 
Chap. VII. Christian Church. 
 
 ance of himj fo on the contrary, they made 
 their Confeflion and Covenant, and Addreflcs to 
 Chrift in the Pofture of Petition, with Hands 
 lift up to the Sun of Righteoufnefs, and ready to 
 embrace him. So the Author, under the Name 
 of Dionyfius [h~] defcribes it, faying, The Pried 
 bids the Catechumen, after he has renounced Sa- 
 tan, to turn about to the Eaft and make his Co- 
 venant with Chrift, with Hands and Eyes lift 
 up to Heaven. 
 
 Perfons of the Trinity, but a triple Confeflion of 
 Chrift, which implies a Repetition of the Crccil 
 three Times over, if I rightly underftand him. 
 
 There was one Circumftance sp;ct. xn. 
 more, which, if true, added great ^ nd - f:i " 
 Weight to the whole Action: 
 
 in the Books of tht 
 
 Times. 
 
 sect. XI. This Confeflion alfo, for grcat- 
 Repeateti Three er Solemnity, is thought to have 
 been repeated three Times, as 
 we have heard before, that it 
 was ufual to do in the Renunciation of Satan. Cy- 
 ril of Alexandria [t] fays, It was the Cuftom of 
 the Church to require a Triple Confeflion of 
 Chrift, of all thofe that propofed to love him, 
 and came to his holy Baptifm : And this after the 
 Example of St. Peter, to whom Chrift faid three 
 Times, Simon Son of Jonas lovefi thou me ? And 
 Peter anfwered thrice, Lord, thou knoweft that 1 
 love thee. St. Ambrofe [k] fays, That in the Ce- 
 lebration of Baptifm, three Interrogatories were 
 made, and a Triple Anfwer was given to them i 
 nor could any one be otherwife baptized. Whence 
 alfo Peter was asked three Times in the Gofpel, 
 Whether he loved the Lord? That by anfwering 
 thrice, he might loofe thofe Bonds with which 
 he had bound himfelf by denying his Lord. But 
 I am not furc that this triple Confeflion always 
 means thrice repeating the whole Creed. For 
 St. Ambrofe [/] in another place makes this triple 
 Confeflion to be rather anfwering three Times, / 
 believe, to the feveral Parts of the Creed. Thou 
 waft asked, fays he, Doft thou believe in God the 
 Father Almighty ? And thou didft anfwer, / be- 
 lieve. Thou waft asked again, Doft thou believe 
 in our Lord Jefus Chrift, and his Crofs ? And thou 
 didft anfwer a fecond time, I believe. Thou waft 
 asked a third Time, Doft thou believe in the Holy 
 Ghoft ? And thy Anfwer was, / believe. So thou 
 waft thrice buried under Water, that thy triple 
 Confeflion might abfolve thee from the manifold 
 Offences of thy former Life. Where it is plain, 
 the Triple Confeflion means no more than an- 
 fwering thrice, / believe, to the feveral Parts of 
 the Creed. But there might be different Cu- 
 ftoms in different Places ; for St. Cyril feems to 
 mean fomething more, when he makes thefeAn- 
 fwers not only to be a Confeflion of the three 
 
 Which was, that the Party, al ter church> * ' J f<m> 
 he had made bis Confeflion of ,; /ltl ^ 
 Faith, fubferibed it alio with his 
 own Hand, if he were able to do it, in the Books 
 or Regifters of the Church. I cannot pofiuvely 
 fay that this was any certain or univerial Praclicc, 
 buc there feem to be fome Footiteps of it in fome 
 antient Records, and the Allulions of Writers to 
 fuch aCuftom. Gregory Nazianzen is thought to 
 refer to it, when exhorting Men to continue 
 ftedfaft to the Faith which they profefled at Bap- 
 tifm, he fays, If thou waft enrolled into any other 
 Faith [«*] than what I have expounded, come 
 and be enrolled again : And then tell thofe that 
 would draw thee away from it, What I have 
 written, I have written. St. Ambrofe feems alfo 
 to allude to this, when (Vj he tells the Initiated, 
 that their Hand-writing was recorded not only in 
 Earth, but in Heaven, becaufe it was taken both 
 in the prefence of Men and Angels. And St. Au- 
 ftin [o ] fays, the Names of fuch as made their Pro- 
 feflion, were written in the Book of Life, not 
 only by Men, but by the heavenly Powers above. 
 Yet I confefs St. Cbryfoftom has a Paflage which 
 feems to go contrary to all this: For fpeaking of 
 the Difference between earthly Mafters buying 
 Slaves, and Chrift taking us to be his Servants, 
 he reckons this among others, That Chrift re- 
 quires no Witnefles, nor Hand- writing [/>] of us, 
 but only our bare Word, to fay, / renounce thee, 
 Satan, and all thy Pomp. Whence it muft be 
 concluded, either that this Cuftom was not fo u- 
 niverfal as the reft, fince St. Cbryfoftom knew no- 
 thing of it 5 or that the fore-cited Evidences are 
 not lb cogent as at firft fight they may feem to 
 be. For St. Ambrofe and St. Auflin may be fo in- 
 terpreted, where they (peak of being written in 
 the Book of Life, as to be underftood only in x 
 Figurative Senfe, for having their Names writ- 
 ten in Heaven. Yet Vicecomes\% very pofitive not 
 only of this, but that Men alfo fet their Seal [cf\ 
 to their Subfcription, and confirmed their Pro- 
 fefliun with an Oath. But I do not find any fuf- 
 ficient Authority for this, and therefore will 
 not any farther infift upon it, which 1 had ra- 
 
 [//) Dionyf. de Ecclef. Hicrarch. cap. 2. p. 25-3. [<] Cyril, lib. 
 ii.injoh. 21. torn. 4. p. 1119. T-Jt®- q tt&kiv ¥ skjcAM- 
 
 fflMi cv7 f L~fist' 76 "X^VrtU T&TQV <PliPVTtLy 7 H< Xziflv 0//0- 
 
 }\oyi<t',' T<r) etycnr&v aOtov tKou'w;, S"ia to ^ irgfffiySSf 
 tJ elyico $ei>/l!truei.Tt. [*] Ambroi. de Spiritu San<3o, lib. 2. 
 c. 11. Ideo in M-jfiteriis Interrogati j rrina defertur, 8c confirmatio 
 trina eclebratur: itec porcft quis nili ti ma Coufeftione purgari. Undc 
 fit ipfe Pctrui in Rvangeiio ratio in:cr;oga:ur, utrum diligat Domi- 
 num, ut trina Rcfponfione vincula, qux Dominum negando ligavit, 
 abfolveret. |7J Id. de Sacram. lib. 2. c. 7. Intcn-ogarus cs, Crcdis 
 in Deum Paticm omnir.orentem ? Dixifti, Credo, Sec. Iterum inter- 
 iogatus cs, Crcdis in Dominum noirmm Icfum Chriftum 8c in cru- 
 
 ccm cius ? Dixifti, Credo, 5c Msrlilli Tenio interrogate es, Cre- 
 
 dis 8c in Spiritual Sanftumi Dixilti, Cvcdo. Tcrtid merlifti, ucmul- 
 
 tiplicem lapfum fuperioris setatis abfolveret Trina Confeifio. [m ] 
 Naz.. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 670. ti ft' &KKft< '-\~y i '}€?-\- c/J i " W ° 
 ky-oc d<wol\ei ?dy@-, <?iv(y ^ [j.mfy £«0H0 <• - — tip$ role y.-- 
 Ta.'n&dw'i ff-, yifeayd, y#]&9*- M Ambrof de Sacram. 
 lib. 1. cap. 2. Chirograj hum tuum tenetur, non in rcrra, fed in Ccdo. 
 It. de Initiatis, cap. 2. Tenetur vox tua, non in tumulo mortuorum, 
 fed in Libro Viventium. [0] Aug. de Symbolo ad Catcchumenos 
 lib. 2. cap. 1. Nomina Profuentium in Libro excipiuntur Vita;, non 
 a quolibet homine, fed a fupsriore ccelitus Poteftate. [p] Chryf. 
 Horn. 11. ad Populum Antioch. torn. l.p. 274. £ fta'pTi/gjt? »/t*uV» 
 
 Sia.v 1 1(, L7nTctcv0fj.au aoi Gis.ia.vl> &c. [q] Vicecom.de 
 Ritib : Bajt, lib. 2. cap. 27. p 2}j. 
 
 ther 
 
508 
 
 7he Antiquities^^ Book XI. 
 
 ther leave to the farther Difquifition of the cri- 
 tical and curious Reader. 
 
 SECT. XIII. B u t by what has been faid we 
 
 Theufe of all theft mav ea fily perceive, that the De- 
 
 Cirtmonm and > Ea- fign of the church in all thefe 
 
 gy ementi > °f ae Ceremonies, and the Caution and 
 
 Men fenftble of their . ' r j • i_ l i 
 
 obligation, and fled- Deliberation ufed in the whole 
 fafi to their profef Action, was only to make Men 
 fton. truly fenfible of the Nature of the 
 
 Chriftian Religion, Cwhich ad- 
 mitted of no Profelytes without thefe formal and 
 folemn Profeffions) and of their great Obligations 
 to continue ftedfaft in that Faith of Obedience to 
 Chrift, which they had fofolemnly promifed with 
 their Mouths, and fubferibed with their own 
 Hands, not only before Men, but in the Prefence 
 ofGodandthe holy Angels. This was the great- 
 eft Engagement imaginable upon them, and of 
 Force to influence their whole Lives. To which 
 Purpofe St. Chryfofiom often propofes and infifts 
 upon it, to make Men bear it perpetually in Me- 
 mory, and ufe it as their beft Armour and Wea- 
 pon againft all Temptations. In his laft Difcourfe 
 to the People of Antioch, he expatiates upon this 
 Topick, inveighing firft feverely againft all the 
 Shows of the Roman Theatre, and Circus, and 
 Obfervation of Days, and Prefages, and Omens, 
 which he reckons among the Pomps of Satan. 
 To thefe he joins Inchantments and Ligatures: 
 For fome Chriftians made no Scruple to hang Gol- 
 den Medals of Alexander the Great about their 
 Head or Feet to cure Difeafes. With whom he 
 cxpoftulates after this manner: Are thefe our 
 Hopes [f] and Expectations, that after the Crofs 
 and Death of our Lord, we fhould put our Truft 
 for Health in the Image of an Heathen King? 
 Knoweil thou not what Wonders the Crofs hath 
 done? How it hath deftroyed Death, extinguifh- 
 ed Sin, emptied Hell, diflblved the Power of the 
 Devil? And is it not as fit to be relied on to cure 
 a bodily Difeafe? It hath given Refurrection to 
 the World, andcanft not thou confide in it? But 
 thou not only procurer! Ligatures, but alfo 
 Charms, bringing fome old drunken ftaggering 
 Woman to thy Hcufe for this Purpofe, and pay- 
 eft Reverence to thefe Things, after thou haft 
 been difciplined in the Religion of Chrift. Nay, 
 when Men are admoniftied of thefe Things, they 
 plead in Excufe, that the old Woman the Inchan- 
 tcr is a Chriftian, and names nothing but the 
 Name of God. For which {he is the more to be 
 abhorred, becaufe fhe abufes the Name of God to 
 fo fcandalous a Practice, and whilft fhe calls her- 
 ferf a Chriftian, does the Works of the Heathen. 
 The Devils named the Name of Chrift, and yet 
 were Devils for all that, and were rebuked and 
 ejected by our Saviour. Therefore I befeech you, 
 keep yourfelves pure from this Deceit, and take 
 this Word as your Staff and Armour. As none of 
 you will chufe to walk abroad without his Shoes 
 
 or Clothes : So without this Word, let none of 
 you venture out in Publick, but when you go 
 over the Threshold of your Gate, fay firft this 
 Word, / renounce thee, Satan, and thy Pomp, and 
 thy IV orfhip j and I make a Covenant with thee, O 
 Chrift. Never go forth without this Word, and 
 it will be your Staff, your Armour, your invin- 
 cible Tower. And with this Word, fign your- 
 felves with the Sign of the Crofs: And then not 
 only Man, but the Devil himfelf cannot hurt you, 
 whilft he finds you appearing guarded with this 
 Armour. Thus Sr. Chryfofiom exhorts Men daily 
 to remember their folemn Profefiion of Faith, and 
 baptifmal Vow, wherein they renounced Satan 
 and embraced Chrift, as the beft Prefervative a- 
 gainft Sin and Danger. To which both he and 
 Ephrem Cyrus add this momentous Confiderati- 
 on [_s~], That an Account of this Vow will be re- 
 quired of Men at the Day of Judgment. For by 
 thy fV ords /halt thou be jufiified, and by thy Words 
 jhalt thou be condemned. And Chrift will fay to e- 
 very wilfull TranfgrefTor of it, Out of thine own 
 Mouth will I condemn thee, O thou wicked Servant. 
 As nothing therefore could be more ufeful than 
 this Part of the Church's Difcipline, in requiring 
 fuch Profeffions and Promifes of every Man before 
 they entred the Service of Chrift j as it was ufual 
 for Mafters to do, before they bargained [t] with 
 Slaves and took them into their Family : So no- 
 thing could be more material than the continued 
 Impreffions of this Vow upon Mens Minds, to 
 keep them under a quick Senfe of their Obligati- 
 ons, on which the whole Conduct of their Lives 
 fo much depended, and their Eternal Intereft ac 
 the Day of Judgment. 
 
 There is one Thing more SECT. XIV. 
 remains to be enquired into under whether Tubliek 
 this Head, that is, Whether any and particular con- 
 Publick or particular Confeffion °f Sws 
 
 of Sins was required of Men at re V lred °f Men M 
 their Baptifm, befides what was the,r BaMm ' 
 implied in the general Renunciation of Satan and 
 all his Works and Service? Now this is plainly 
 refolved by St. Chryfofiom in the Negative: For 
 difcourfing of the Difference between God's chu- 
 fing his Servants, and the Choice which earthly 
 Princes and Mafters make of their Soldiers and 
 Slaves, he makes the Difference chiefly to confift 
 in this: That before Men were allowed to enter 
 the Lifts in any of the famous Exercifes of the 
 Theatre, a publick Cryer muft firft lead them a- 
 bout by the Hand before all, and cry our, faying, 
 Does any one accufe this Man ? Though there the 
 Engagement was only of the Body, and not of the 
 Soul. But in God's Choice of us it is quite o- 
 therwife: For though our Engagement depends 
 not upon ftrength of Arms, but on the Philofo- 
 phy and Virtue of our Souls, yet the Ruler and 
 Governour thereof acts quite contrary : He does 
 not take a Man, and lead him about, and fay, 
 
 [rjChryC Horn. ai.adPopul. Antiochen. T. 1. p. 275-. [j] E- renuncio tibi Satana: tanquam in ilia die hujus vocis rationem 
 
 ph em. de Abrenunc. Baptifmi, p, 15-0. Hxc ipfa Abrenunciatio 8c reddituri, ut falvum tunc reddamus Depolitum. [fjCbryf. ibid, 
 
 pulchra Confeflio exigetur a quocunquc Chriftiano in ilia die, &c. p. 273. 
 Chryf. Koai. 21. ad Pop. Antioch. p. 274. Hoc igitur dicamus, Ab- 
 
 8 Does 
 
Chap. VIII 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 509 
 
 Does any one accufe him ? But be cries out, Though 
 all Men and Devils fhould rife up againft him, 
 and accufe him of fecret and horrible Crimes, I 
 do not reject, I do not abhor him } but I deliver 
 him from his Accufer, and abfolve him from his 
 Iniquity, and fo I lead him to the Combat. Nor 
 is this the only admirable Thing, that he for- 
 gives our Sins, but that he does not reveal nor 
 difclofe them } he neither makes open Procla- 
 mation of them [«], nor compels thole that come 
 to him to publifh their own Offences, but re- 
 quires them to give Account, and confefs their 
 Sins to him alone. He does not, like earthly 
 Judges, oblige Criminals to make a publick Con- 
 feflion before all Men in hopes of Pardon, but 
 he forgives Sins upon our private Teftimony with- 
 out any other Witnefles. This is undeniable E- 
 vidence, that no publick Confeflion was required 
 of Men for their private Offences, when they 
 came to Baptilm. And therefore when Gregory 
 
 Nazianzen [*] (peaks of Confeflion of Sins made 
 at Baptifm, he is to be underftood either of a ge- 
 neral Confeflion, or fuch a particular Confeflion 
 as Men voluntarily impofed upon themfelves, to 
 tcftify more eminently the Sincerity of then Re- 
 pentance} which fome think was done at John's 
 Baptifm, Mat. iii. 6. and in the Baptifm of thofe 
 mentioned Acls xix. 18. where it is laid, That 
 many who believed^ came and confejfed and Jloewed 
 their Deeds j though this was not impofed upon 
 Men by any neceflary Law or Rule of the Church. 
 In cafe of publick fcandalous Crimes they were 
 obliged particularly to Promife and Vow the for- 
 faiting of them : But for private Crimes, no par- 
 ticular Confeflion was required to be made, fave 
 only to God, with a general Renunciation of all 
 Sin, in which every private Crime was fuppofed 
 to be included. Fid. Jug. Serm. 116. de 'Tem- 
 pore. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the J T fe of Spoafors or Sureties m Baptifm. 
 
 r. VT E X T to the Conditions and 
 "/ JlN Promifes required of Men 
 
 SECT 
 
 Three Softs 
 
 spmfors in the Pri- i n their Baptifm, wemu ft examine 
 
 mitive Church. l.For . i _ s\rr j n r r c o 
 
 children Office and Bufmeis of Spon- 
 
 fors or Sureties^ who had always 
 fome Concern in thefe Obligations. And here it 
 is firft to be obferved, that there were three forts 
 of Sponfors made ufe of in the Primitive Church. 
 1. For Children, who could not renounce, or 
 profefs, or anfwer for themfelves. 2. For fuch 
 adult Perfbns, as by rcafon of Sicknefs or Infirmity 
 were in the fame Condition with Children, inca- 
 pacitated to anfwer for themfelve?. For all a- 
 dult Perfons in geneial. For the Church required 
 Sponfors alfo for thofe, W; were otherwife qua- 
 lify 'd to make iheir own Re,,; :.fcs Now the 
 Office of Sponfors was diverfify'd a little in its Na- 
 ture, according to thefe Diftinctions. They who 
 were Sureties or Sponfors for Children, were 
 obliged firft to anfwer in their Names to all 
 the Interrogatories that were ufually put in 
 Baptifm, and then to be Guardians of their 
 Chriftian Education. Some will alfo needs have 
 it, that they were obliged to give them a per- 
 fect Maintenance, and take them as it were 
 for their own Children by Adoption, in cafe 
 their Parents failed, and left them deftitute in 
 their Minority. 
 
 But this I take to be a Mi- sect. if. 
 flake. For whoever were Spon- Taunts commonly 
 fors for Children, if ever they be- s ^j£ s f orth « rvm 
 came deftitute, the Burden de- ' ren ' 
 voiv'd upon the Church in general, and not upon 
 any others. Which will be evidenced by thefe 
 two Confident ions : Fir ft, That Parents were 
 commonly Sponfors for their own Children: And 
 in that cafe there can be no Difputc where the 
 Obligation of Maintenance lay, fo long as they 
 were alive. For they were obliged to maintain 
 their own Children by a natural Lav/, not bc- 
 caufe they were Sponfors, but becaufe they were 
 Parents to them. It was not indeed abfolutely 
 neceflary that Parents fhould be Sponfors for their 
 own Children, tho' fome in St. Jujiin's Days were 
 inclined to think fo, which he reckons an Error, 
 and fhews (V), That in many Cafes there was a 
 Neceffity it fhould be otherwife. But yet in moffc 
 Cafes the Parents were Sponfors tor their own 
 Children, as appears from St. Auftin, who fpeaks 
 of Parents in all ordinary Cafes offering their own 
 Children to Baptifm, and making the proper Re- 
 fponfes for them [£] : And the extraordinary Ca- 
 fes in which they were prefented by others, were 
 commonly fuch Cafes where the Parent Could not 
 or would not do that kind Office for them : As 
 when Slaves [c] were prefented to Baptifm by 
 
 [«] Chryf. Horn. *r. ad Pop. Antioch.p. 170. i nro 3 txovov 
 Vix Scvjucltcv, ort dtpiiurtv i(j.lv to, dfjjpr>i[j.a]tt> dhh' on 
 aura i<Pi iKKcikC'rji, «/s Troiettpctvi^. &<PnKa, iS'ldva.fyd^i 
 Tr&pihd-'ovTaK «f (a'itov ^HKeit' id mirK^uiM AM ,«V'*> d\h' 
 
 ffaSscu. [#] Naz, Oraf. 40. de Bapt. p. 6/7. 
 
 W Aug. Ep. 13. ad Bonifac. lllud autera nolo te fallat, ut ex- 
 iftimes reatus vinculum ex Adam tradrum, aliter non pofle dirumpi, 
 nili Parvuli ad percipiendam Chrifti gratiam a Parentibus oflerantur. 
 
 Vol. I, 
 
 [£] Aug. ibid. Quid eft illud, quod quando ad Baptifmum ofFeruntun 
 Parentes pro eis ranquam Fidedidlores refpondentj &c: [ c ] Aug. 
 ibid. Videas mdtos non offerri a Parentibus, fed etiam a quibuflibet 
 extraneis, ficut a Dom inis fervuli aliquando offeruntur. Et non- 
 nunquam mortuis Parentibus fuis, parvuli baptizantur, ab eis oblatf, 
 qui illis hujufmodi mifericordiam prxbere potuerunt. Aliquando e- 
 tiam quos crudeliter Parentes expofuerunr, nutriendos a quibuflibet, 
 nonnunquam a facris Virginibus colliguntur, 8c ab eis offeruntur aJ 
 Baptifmum. 
 
 T 1 t 1 thdr 
 
 » 
 
5io 
 
 The Anti qjj it i e s of the Book XL 
 
 their Matters j or Children, vvhofe Parents were 
 dead, were brought by the Charity of any who 
 would mew Mercy on them-, or Children expo- 
 led by their Parents, which were fometimes ta- 
 ken up by the holy Virgins of the Church, and 
 by them prefented unto Baptifm. Thefe are the 
 only Cafes mentioned by St. Auftw, in which 
 Children feem to have had other Sponfors, and 
 not their Parents. Which makes it probable, 
 that in all ordinary Cafes Parents were Sureties 
 for their own Children. Which may be collec- 
 ted alfo from the Author of the Hypognofiicks [d] 
 under the Name of St. Aufiin, who fpeaks of 
 Infants being prefented to Baptifm by the Hands 
 of their Parents, and fome of them dying in their 
 Arms before the Prieft could baptize them. 
 Whilfl: Parents therefore were Sureties for their 
 own Children, they were obliged to maintain 
 them i but this not by the Law of Sureties, but 
 by the Law of Nature : And if they failed, this 
 Duty devolved upon the whole Church. 
 
 sect. ill. Secondly, In other Cafes, 
 other sureties not where Strangers became Sure- 
 bvwd to maintain t j es f or Children, the Burden of 
 the children for Maintenance did never devolve 
 »bm they mre u n them by any Law of Sure- 
 tyfhip, except they were obliged 
 by fome antecedent Law to take care of them. 
 In cafe a Mailer was Sponfor for his Slave, he 
 was obliged to maintain him, becaufe he was an- 
 tecedently in the nature of a Father to him: And 
 this Obligation arofe, not from his Suretyfhip, 
 but from his being his Matter. But in other Ca- 
 fes it was not fo. For fometimes Children that 
 were expofed, were taken up and prefented to 
 Baptifm by mere Strangers, and in that cafe the 
 burden of Maintenance fell upon the Church, and 
 not upon the Sponfors. And in fome Cafes, as 
 Sr. Auftin \c~\ informs us, fuch Children were pre- 
 fented unto Baptitm by the facred Virgins of the 
 Church, who had no other Maintenance but 
 what they themfeives received from the Church : 
 And in that Cafe it is evident the Childi ens Main- 
 tenance mutt: be derived from the fame Fountain, 
 as the Virgins was, that is, from the publick 
 Stock of the Church. So that in all Cafes the 
 Church was charged with this Care, and not the 
 Sponfors, except there was fome antecedent Ob- 
 ligation. And there was good Reafon for this: 
 For, as St. Aufiin [/] obferves, Children were 
 prefented to Baptifm not fo much by thofe in 
 whole Hands they were brought, (though by 
 
 them too, if they were good and faithful 
 Men) as by the whole Society of Saints. The 
 whole Church was their Mother, fhe brought 
 forth all and every one by this new Birth. And 
 therefore if any were to be charged with Mainte^ 
 nance, it was but reafonable that the Church 
 mould maintain her own Children. So that they 
 who lay fo much Strefs upon Sponfors Underta- 
 king for Children, as if they thereby undertook 
 to give them Maintenance too, have no Grounds 
 for their AfTertion, fincc it appears from the beft 
 Light that we have, to have been otherwife in 
 the Pra£tice of the Primitive Church. I have not 
 faid this to excufe Sponfors from any Duty that, 
 properly belongs to them, but only to take off 
 the Force of an unreafonable Objection, which 
 fome have made againft the prefent Ufe of Spon- 
 fors in Baptifm, as if they were of a different Sort 
 from thofe of the antient Church, becaufe they 
 are not under this particular Obligation, which, 
 appears not to have any other Foundation but the 
 bare Surmife of thofe who make the Obje- 
 ction. 
 
 Two Things indeed were an- sect. Iv. 
 tiently required of Sponfors as Pfh cnl y t0 an ~ 
 their proper Duty : i . To anfwer f m t0 tU 
 
 . f £ T 3 111 t feveral Interrogato- 
 
 in their Names to all the Inter- rles m Ba pifm. 
 rogatories of Baptifm. Thisfeems 
 to be intimated by Tertullian [g] where he fpeaks 
 of the Prornifes which the Sponfors made in Bap- 
 tifm, and of the Danger there was of their failing 
 to fulfill them, either by their own Mortality, or 
 by the untoward Difpofition of the Party. But 
 if any one thinks thefe Prornifes related only to 
 what the Sponfors promifed for themfeives, and 
 not in the Name of the Child, he may be inform- 
 ed more clearly from others. Gennadius [b~\ tells 
 us, Thefe Prornifes for Infants and fuch as were 
 uncapable of Learning, were made after the ufual 
 manner of Interrogatories in Baptifm. And St. Au- 
 fiin [z] more particularly acquaints us with the 
 Form then ufed, which was, Doth this Child be- 
 lieve in God ? Doth he turn to God ? Which 
 is the fame as Renouncing the Devil, and making 
 a Covenant with Chrift. In other places [£] he 
 tells U3 more cxprefly, That the Sponfors anfwer- 
 ed for them, That they renounced the Devil, iiis 
 Pomps and his Works. And difputing againit 
 the Pelagians, he proves by this Argument, That 
 Children were under the Power of Satan and the 
 Guilt of Original Sin, and needed Pardon 5 be- 
 caufe if a Pelagian himfelf brought a Child to 
 
 [''] Aug.Hypognoftic. contra Pelag. lib.6. cap. 7. torn. 7. p. 53 3. 
 Novimus ctiam Parvulos, quibus ufus Liberi Arbitrii non eft, ut de 
 bonis aut malis eorum mentis judicemus, Parentum manibus ad 
 Gratiam facri Baptifmatis deportatos: Et cum in uno eorum per ma- 
 nus Sacerdotis Myfterium Fidei adimpleretur, aliquotiens alterum in 
 Parentum manibus fa&um exanimem, fraudatum gratia Salvatoris. 
 M Aug. Ep. 23. ad Bonifac. [/] Aug. ibid. Offeruntur quippe 
 parvuli ad percipiendam Spiritualem Gratiam, non tarn ab eis quo- 
 rum gefhntur manibus, quamvis 8c ab ipfis, fi & ipfi boni fideles 
 
 funt, quam ab univerfa Societate Sanftorum atque Fidelium. To- 
 
 ta hoc Mater Ecclefia qui? in fandtis eft, facit; Quia tota omnes, to- 
 
 4 
 
 ta fingulos parit. \£\ Tertul. de Bapt. cap. 18. Quid enim necef- 
 fe eft Spon&res etiam periculo ingeri ? Quia & ipfi per Mortalitatem 
 o'eftituere Promiffiones fuas poffint, £c proventu mala: indolis falli. 
 \h\ Gennad. de Ecclef. Dogmat. cap. fz. Si vero parvuli funt, vel 
 Hebetes, qui doftrinam non capiant, refpondeaot pro illis qui eos of- 
 ferunt, juxta morem baptizandi. [»] Aug. Ep. 23. ad Bonifac. In- 
 terrogamus eos a quibus offeruntur, & dicimus, Credit in Deum ? 
 de ilia a*tate, qua; utrum fit Deus, ignoret ; Refpondent, Credit. Et ad 
 camera fic refpondent lingula qusequxruntur, &c. [fc] Aug. Serm. 
 1 16. de Tempore, torn. 10. p. 304. Fidejuflbres pro ipiis refpondent, 
 quod abrenuncient Diabolo, Pompis, & Opcribus ejus. 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5U 
 
 Baptifm, he mud anfwer for him [/], bccaufe he 
 could not anfwer for himfelf, That he renounced 
 the Devil, that he turned to God, and that^ a- 
 mong other Things, he believed the Remiuion 
 of Sinsj all which would only be fallacioufly faid, 
 if Children had no Concern in them. And he 
 profefles, he would not admit any Child to Bap- 
 tifm, whofe Sponfor he had Reafon to believe did 
 not make thcfe Promifes and Refponfcs fincerely 
 for him. Of the Form and Practice then there 
 is no Difputc. Only it feemed a great Difficulty 
 to Bifhop Boniface, and as fuch he propofed it to 
 St. Auflin, How it could be faid with Truth, that 
 a Child believed, or renounced the Devil, or tur- 
 ned to God, who had no Thought or Apprehcn- 
 fion of thefe Things > or if any, yet fecret and 
 unknown to us? If any one fhould ask us con- 
 cerning a Child, Whether he would prove Chafle 
 or a Thief, when he became a Man? we fhould 
 doubtlcfs in that cafe anfwer, We know not. Or 
 if the Queftion was, Whether a Child in his In- 
 fancy thought Good or Evil? wc mould make the 
 fame Anfwer, We know not. Since therefore no 
 one would promife either for his future Morals, 
 or his prefent Thoughts, how is it that when 
 Parents prefent their Children asSponfors inBap- 
 tifm, th<;y anfwer and fay, The Children do thofe 
 Things which that Age does not fo much as 
 think of? As, That they believe in God, and are 
 turned unto him, l$c. To this St. Auflin anfwers, 
 That the Child is only faid to believe, becaufe he 
 receives the Sacrament of Faith and Converfion, 
 which entitles him to the Name of a Believer. 
 For the Sacraments, [ni] becaufe of the Refem- 
 blance between them and the Things reprcfented by 
 them, do carry the Name of the Things reprefented. 
 Chrift was but once offered in himfelf, and yet he 
 is offered not only on the Annual Solemnity of 
 the Pa/fiver, but every Day for the People 
 and no one tells a Lye, that fays, He is offered. 
 As therefore the Sacrament of Chrift's Body af- 
 ter a certain manner is called his Body, and the 
 Sacrament of his Blood is called his Blood } fo the 
 Sacrament of Faith is Faith. And upon this Ac- 
 count, when it is anfwered, That an Infant be- 
 lieves, who has not yet any Knowledge or Habit 
 of Faith, the meaning of the Anfwer is, That he 
 has Faith becaufe of the Sacrament of Faith, and 
 is converted to God becaufe of the Sacrament of 
 Converfion, for thefe Anfwers appertain to the 
 Celebration of the Sacrament. So that according 
 to St. Auflin, when an Infant is faid to have Faith, 
 the meaning is only that he receives the Sacra- 
 
 [/] Aug. de peccacor. Mentis, lib. 1. cap. 54.. Vellem aliquis ifto- 
 rum qui contraria fapiunt, mihi baptizandum Parvulum afrerrer. Ip- 
 fe certe mihi erac refponfurus pro eodem Parvulo quern geftaret, 
 quia ille pro fe refpondere non pofiet. Quomodo ergo difturus erat 
 cum renunciare Diabolo, cujus in eo nihil eflet ? Quomodo converti 
 ad Deum, a quo non eflet averlus? Credere inter canera Remiflio- 
 nem peccatorum, quae illi nulla tribueretur ? Ego quidem ii contra 
 eum haec (entire exiftimarem, nec ad Sacramenta cum Parvulo in- 
 trarc permitterem. [»?] Aug. Ep. xx. ad Bonifac. Nonne femel 
 immolatus eft Chriftus in feipfo? Et tamen in Sacramento non fo- 
 lum per omnes Pafchse folennitates, fed omni die populis immola- 
 tur; nec utique mentitur qui interrogans eum refponderitimmolari. 
 Si enim Sacramenta quandam Similitudinem earum rerum quarum 
 Sacramenta funt non haberent, Sacramenta non eflent. Ex hacautem 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ment of Faith, which Faith he is bound to cm- 
 brace when he comes to underfiand it. In the 
 mean time he is called a Believer, becaufe he re- 
 ceives the Sacrament of Faith, and is entred into 
 the Covenant of God by his Sponfors, who fup- 
 ply that Part for him which he cannot perform 
 in his own Perfon. This was the firft Duty of 
 Sponfors toward Children. 
 
 The other was, That they SECT, v, 
 
 were to be Guardians of their Spi- A,ul 10 be Gmr ' 
 ritual Life for the future, and to 
 
 _ 1 , , . , 7 . . tual Life for the fu~ 
 
 take care by good Admonitions turtt J J 1 ■ 
 and good InftrucTrions that they 
 performed their part of the Covenant they were 
 now engaged in. St. Auflin [»] makes Sponfors 
 themfelvcs concerned in this Covenant with God, 
 and therefore prefTes it as a Duty upon them, that 
 they fhould not only by their Examples, but by 
 their Words and Inftrudtions teach them the great 
 Duties of Chaflity, Humility, Sobriety and Peace, 
 for as much as they had anfwered in their ftead, 
 that they renounced the Devil, his Pomps and his 
 Works. And in another place [0] he more par- 
 ticularly fpccifi.es their Obligations,that they fhould 
 admonifh them to live chaftly, and preferve their 
 Virginity to Marriage, to refrain their Tongues 
 from Evil-fpeaking and Perjury, not to accuftom 
 their Mouths to filthy and lafcivious Songs, not 
 to be Proud nor Envious, not to retain Anger nor 
 Hatred in their Hearts, not to obferve Divinarion 
 or Sooth-faying, nor to hang Phylacteries or Di- 
 abolical Characters upon their own Bodies or 
 their Relations, to keep and hold the Catholick 
 Faith, to frequent the Church, to hear the Scrip- 
 tures read with Attention, to entertain Stran- 
 gers, and wafli their Feet, according to what 
 was faid to them in Baptifm, to live peaceably, 
 to be Peace-makers among difagreeing Brethren, 
 and to honour the Priefts and their Parents with, 
 the love of fincere Charity. Thefe were fuch 
 Things as they had promifed for Children in 
 Baptifm, and therefore they were bound by Com- 
 pact with God to ufe their utmoft Endeavours to 
 engage their Spiritual Pupils to perform them. 
 
 Another fort of Sponfors SECT. vr. 
 
 were fuch as were appointed to -AxiSon of sponfors 
 
 make Anfwers for fuch Perfons-as f ? r f " ch a ff J Per ~ 
 
 by reafon of fome Infirmity could ^IV" 1 T 
 
 } r r , r . J ' , jwer for tbemlelves. 
 
 not anlwer for themlelves. I have 
 
 obferved before, that fuch adult Perfons as were 
 
 fuddenly {truck Speechlefs, or feized with a 
 
 Similitudine plerumque etiam ipfarum rerum nomina accipiunr. Si- 
 cut ergo fecundum quendam modum Sacramentum Corporis Chri- 
 fti Corpus Chrifti eft, Sacramentum Sanguinis Chrifti Sanguis 
 Chrifti eft, ita Sacramentum Fidei Fides eft. Ac per hoc cum re- 
 Ipondetur Parvulus credere, qui fidei nondum habet affe&um, re- 
 fpondetur Fidem habere propter Fidei Sacramentum, & convcrterefe 
 ad Deum propter Converlionis Sacramentum, quia 8c ipia Refponfio 
 ad celebrationem pertinet Sacramenti. [»] Aug. Serm. n6.de 
 Tempore, torn. 10. p. 304. Non folum exemplis, led etiam verbis 
 cos ad omne opus bonum admonere debetis. — Pofteaquam b,iptizati 
 fuerint, de Caftitate, de Humilitate, de Sobrierate vei Pace eo^ ad- 
 monere ve! docere non delinant, gcagnofcant fe Fidejuflbres efleip- 
 forum. Pro ipfis enim refpondent, quod Abrenuncient Diabolo, 
 Pompis Sc Operibus ejus. [0] Aug. Serm. 163. de Temp. 
 
 Tttt 2 ph ren „ 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XI 
 
 Phrenzy by the Violence of a Diflemper, might 
 yet be baptized, if any of their Friends could te- 
 ll; fy that they had beforehand defired Baptifm : 
 And in this cafe the fame Friends became Spon- 
 fors for them, making the very fame Anfwers for 
 them as they did for Children. This we learn 
 from Cyril of Alexandria, who aflures us, That 
 when Men were fcized with Extremity of Sick- 
 nefs [/>], and it was thought proper upon that 
 account to baptize them, there were fome ap- 
 pointed to make both the Renunciations and Con- 
 feffions in their Name. And fo it is in the Account 
 which Fulgentius [_{] gives of the African Negro, 
 who juft before his Baptifm fell fick of a Fever, 
 which bereaved him of his Senfes, and made him 
 fpeechlefs : He was baptized for all this, having 
 his Sponfors to anfwer in his Name, as if it had 
 been for an Infant. So that all thofe Canons 
 which [f] fpeak of baptizing Dumb Perfons in 
 cafes of Extremity, though they do not exprefly 
 require Sponfors for them, yet are to be under- 
 ftood as intending them, according to the ufual 
 Practice of the Church. And if the Party hap- 
 pened to recover after fuch a Baptifm, it was the 
 Sponfor's Duty, not only to acquaint him, as a 
 Witnefs, with what was done for him, but alfo 
 as a Guardian of his Behaviour, to induce him to 
 make good the Promifes, which he in his Name 
 had made for him. For this was the indifpenfible 
 Duty of Sureties in all cafes whatfoever. 
 
 sect. vil. The Third fort of Sponfors 
 The Third fort of we re for fuch fort of adult Per- 
 
 Sponforsfo'r all adult fons aj were ab ] e t0 an f wer f or 
 Terjonsm general. themfelves . For the fc alfo had 
 
 their Sponfors, and no Perfons antiently were bap- 
 tized without them. Thefe are fpoken of not 
 only by Dionyfius \j] and the Author of the Apo- 
 jlolical Conjlitutions [t]i DUt by many other more 
 unqucftionable Writers. Viblor Uticenfis tells us [u~] 
 of one Muritta a Deacon, who was Sponfor for 
 Elpidiphorus at Carthage. And Palladium [*] fays, 
 Evagrius Ponticus performed the fame Office for 
 Rufinus the great Statefman, and Prafetlus Pre- 
 toria under Arcadius. St. Auftin often mentions 
 them, but then he alfo acquaints us, That it was 
 no part of their Office to make Refponfes for 
 their Pupils in Baptifm, as it was in the cafe of 
 Infants and fick Perfons who could not anfwer 
 for themfelves. For though the Church accep- 
 ted it [y\ in the cafe of Infants by reafon of their 
 
 Difability j yet lhe would not allow adult Perfons 
 to anfwer by Proxy, who were able to anfwer 
 for themfelves j there being fomething of natural 
 Reafon in that Saying in the Gofpel, He is of 
 Age, let him fpeak for himfelf. The moft ruftick 
 Capacities and meaneft Underflandings even in the 
 weaker Sex, would not ordinarily excufe them 
 from doing this in their own Perfons, unlefs, as 
 Gennadius [z] fays, They were fo heavy and dull, 
 as not to be capable of Learning, in which Con- 
 dition the Sponfors were required to anfwer for 
 them as for little Children, from whom they dif- 
 fered fo little in Underltanding. 
 
 But in ordinary Cafes, this SECT. VIII. 
 was no Office of the Sponfors, wh °f e Duty was 
 when Men were in a Capacity to muo an f^rmthe t r 
 anfwer for themfelves. Then- on- £fc*2ft* 
 ly Bufinefs was to be Curators and put! them before 
 Guardians of their Spiritual Life j and after Baptifm. 
 to which purpofe, it was incum- 
 bent on them to take care of their Inftruction and 
 Morals, as well before as after Baptifm. Upon 
 this account the DeaconefTes were ufually em- 
 ployed in the private Inftru&ion of Women, to 
 teach them how to make their Refponfes in Bap- 
 tifm. And this was one Qualification required in 
 DeaconefTes by fome antient Canons [a], that 
 they fhould be Perfons of fuch good Underftand- 
 ing, as to be able to inftrucl: the ignorant and ru- 
 fti r £ Women, how to make their Refponfes to 
 the Interrogatories, which the Minifter fhould 
 put to them in Baptifm, and how to order their 
 Converfation afterward, as has been obferved in 
 another place \b\ 
 
 And by fome antient Rules sect. IX. 
 this Office was chiefly impofed This °JP ce chie fly 
 upon DeaconefTes, to be Spon- m M td De f~ 
 
 r r \tr i t\ cons and DeaconefTes. 
 
 lors for Women, as the Deacons JJ 
 were obliged to be for Men. For fo the Au- 
 thor of the Apojlolical Conjlitutions feems to repre- 
 fent it, when he orders [c~\ a Deacon to be Suf- 
 ceptor for a Man, and a Deaconefs for a Woman 
 in Baptifm. And we find the facred Virgins often 
 mentioned as concerned in this Office. St. Auftin y 
 as we heard before, fpeaks of them [d] as prefent- 
 ing expofed Children to Baptifm, tho' they had 
 no Children of their own, nor intended to have 
 any. And in the Life of Epiphanius [e~] we read, 
 that as one Lucian was his Godfather in Baptifm, 
 
 [/>]Cyril. Com.in Joh. xi. 26. torn. 4. p. 683. uVsp rMv i%tLrj 
 viva Ka1etKWy.'iv«>V i piKKov\m T5 fid <&T0 (WJits^, x) 
 W*tV3 % W Fulgent. deBapt.^Eth.o- 
 
 pis, c. 7. p. 610. Fa&um eft, ut Confefiionem tempore prseterito 
 redditam, quia non potuit in hora baptifmi reddere propter infirmi- 
 tatem corporis, adjutorio fraternae redderet charitatis. Vid. Gennad. 
 de Eccl. Dogm. c. j-2. [r]See Chap. v. n. 2. [s\ Dionyf. Eccl. 
 Hierarch. cap. 2. p. 272. [/] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 3. cap. 16. 
 [«] Vidor. de Perfecut. Vandal, lib. 3. Bibl. Patr. torn. 7. p. 613. 
 Hie dudum fuerat apud ncs in Ecclefia Faufti baptizatus, quem ve- 
 nerabilis Muritta Diaeonus de alveo Fontis fufceperat generatum. 
 Fx] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. c. 12. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. toirh 1. p. 915-. 
 
 [>] Aug.de Bapt.lib. 4. c. 24. Cum alii pro Infantibus refpondent, 
 ut impleatur circa eos celebratio Sacramenti, valet utique ad eorum 
 Confecrationem, quia ipii refpondere non poflunt. At ii pro eo qui 
 refpondere poteft, alius refpondeat, non itidem valet, 8cc. [*] Gen- 
 
 nad. de Eccl. Dogm. c.5 , 2. Si Vero Parvuli funt, vel hebetes, quiDo- 
 cTirinam non capiant, refpondeant pro illis qui eos offerunt juxtamo- 
 rem baptizandi. [a] Cone. Carthag. 4. can. 12. Vidua: velSan£ti-« 
 moniales quae ad Minifterium baptizandaium mulierum eliguntur.tam 
 inftructse Tint ad Officium, ut poffint apto 8c fandto Sermone docere 
 imperitas 8c rufticas mulieres, tempore quo baptizandae funt, qua- 
 liter Baptizatori refpondeant, 8c qualitcr accepto baptifmate vivant. 
 [b~\ See Book II. Chap. xxii. n. 9. [cj Conftit. Apoft. lib. 3. c. 16; 
 r (£ avS'e^ \zro<Piyj3' 6) ° fidx.ov@~, <r $ yvvcuKO. « fidnc- 
 v@-. [d] Aug. Epi.23. adBonifac. Aliquandoetiam quos crudeli- 
 ter Parentes expofuerunt, nutriendos a quibuflibet, nonnunquam a 
 Sacris Virginibus colliguntur, 8c ab eis offeruntur ad Baptiimum; 
 Quae certe proprios tilios non habuerunt ullos, nec habere difponunt: 
 [e] Vita Epiph. n. 8. T. r. p. 324 of ^ t^t>j? oZik iyvJnSn 
 am to dy'iv yurio- 1*0,7 @~ . -■ — &ipv'iK»v T dyiuf trap-S-'iyeyfn 
 
 7i{ iy'iViTQ /X)17»p f ttfiKpii ^.'TTt^'J.n'S. 
 
 fo 
 
Chap. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5 
 
 '3 
 
 fo BcrnicC) a Sacred Virgin, was Godmother to 
 his Siller. Whence it appears, that at firlt the 
 facred Virgins and Monallicks were thought as 
 proper Perfons as any to take this weighty Office 
 upon them. Though afterward, in the French 
 Church, by a Canon [/] of the Council of Aux- 
 erre, Monks are prohibited from being Sponfors 
 in Baptifm. And fo the Prohibition ftands in the 
 Romljh Church to this Day. 
 
 SECT. X. But antiently there was no 
 
 what Terfim pro- prohibition of any forts of Men 
 
 stolls. *** from Performing this Charitable 
 Office, fave only of fuch as un- 
 qualify'd themfelves, by going contrary to the 
 Utiles of the Chriftian Religion. Fathers, as we 
 heard before, were frequently Sponfors for their 
 own Children j and I know of no Prohibition of 
 this before the time of Charles the Great, when 
 the Council of Mentz [g] made a Decree again ft 
 it, forbidding Fathers to be Sufceptors to their 
 own Sons or Daughters at the Font in Baptifm. 
 Antiently alfo Presbyters and Deacons were al- 
 lowed to be Sponfors, though this is alfo now 
 prohibited in fome Provincial Councijs of the Ro- 
 mijlo Church by Cardinal Eorromao \Jj \ in the laft 
 Age. But the only Perfons whom the Ancients 
 excluded from this Office, were Catechumens, E- 
 nergumens, Hereticks, and Penitents j that is, 
 Perfons who either were yet never in full Com- 
 munion with the Church, as being themfelves un- 
 baptized ; or elfe fuch as had forfeited the Privi- 
 leges of their Baptifm and Church-Communion by 
 their Errors, or Crimes, or Incapacity to aflift o- 
 thers, who needed Affiltance themfelves. And by 
 fome Canons [/"] Perfons who were never confir- 
 med, were excluded from being Sponfors both in 
 Baptifm and Confirmation. 
 
 SECT. xi. From what has been faid, the 
 
 But one Sponfor Rea( J er a lf eafily OD ferve, 
 
 reared .mi that a j amiemly no more buc one 
 M m for a Man, and J . . , , 
 
 ammanforaivo- Sponfor was required, and that 
 mm , was a Man for a Man, and a 
 
 Woman for a Woman ; for we 
 never read of more than one, in all the Accounts 
 of the Ancients, and one of the fame Sex for adult 
 Perfons. In the cafe of Infants, there was no Re- 
 gard had to the Difference of Sex : For a Virgin 
 might be Sponfor for a Man-child, and a Father 
 for°his own Children, whether they were Male 
 or Female. And one Sponfor was fufficient in a- 
 ny cafe. Some Rules forbid more than one, ei- 
 
 thcr in Baptifm or Confirmation: As that Decree 
 of Leo [£], cited by Gratian, which lays, No 
 more than one, whether Man or Woman, mail 
 be admitted as Surety for a Child in B<ptifm: 
 And the like to be obferved in Confirmation, 
 Which Rule was renewed and confirmed by the 
 Council of Metz [/], but upon a Reafon which 
 is fomcthing peculiar. For they conclude, that 
 becaufe there is but one God, one Faith, one 
 Baptifm, therefore an Infant ought to have only 
 one Sponfor, whether Man or Woman, at his 
 Baptifm. Which I mention not for the Excel- 
 lency of the Reafon, but only to fliew what con- 
 formity it bears to the antient Practice. 
 
 Some perhaps will here be SECT, kit 
 dcfirous to know the Original of when firft it became 
 that Pradice in the tbmijb aLa ™' tiMS f on f ors 
 Church, which is the Occafion s&uTrS/ 
 or lo many Difpenlations in Ma- 
 trimonial Caufes, arifing from the Prohibition of 
 Sponfors or Godfathers marrying within the for- 
 bidden degrees of Spiritual Relation. Now that 
 which feems to have given the firft Tendency to- 
 wards this, was a Law oijufiinian, ftill extant in 
 the Code, wherein he forbids \jn\ any Man to 
 marry a Woman, whether fhe be a Slave or Free, 
 for whom he had been Godfather in Baptifm when 
 fhe was a Child : Becaufe nothing does induce a 
 more Paternal Aflfeclion, or jufter Prohibition of 
 Marriage, than this Tie by which their Souls are 
 in a divine manner united together. Now this 
 Law extended no farther than to prohibit Mar-, 
 riage in this immediate Relation : And it could 
 not affect very many, whilft Parents were com- 
 monly Sponfors for their own Children, and the 
 facred Virgins, or the DeaconefTes, or the Clergy 
 for others j and Men were Sponfors for Men, and 
 Women for Women. But afterward this was 
 improv'd a little farther : For the Council of 
 Trullo [»] forbids the Godfather not only to mar- 
 ry the Infant, but the Mother of the Infant, for 
 whom he anfwersj and orders them that have 
 done fo, firft to be feparated, then to do the Pe- 
 nance of Fornicators. This Prohibition was ex- 
 tended to more degrees in the following Ages, 
 and grew fo extravagant, that the Council of 
 Trent thought it a Matter worthy of their Refor- 
 mation > though ftill by their Rules this fpiritual 
 Relation [o] was extended to more Degrees, than 
 either the Laws of Jufiinian or the Canons of 
 Trullo had prohibited. For they forbid Marriage 
 not only between the Sponfors and their Chil- 
 
 [/] Cone. Autiifiodor. can. if. Nonlicet Abbati Filium de Bap- 
 tifmo fufciperej nee Monachis Commatres habere. [g] Cone. 
 Mogunt.an. 813. can. ff. Nullus igitur proprium Filium vel Filiam 
 de Fonte Baptifmatis fufcipiat. [h~\ Barromae. Synod. Dicecef 2. 
 Deciet. 17. [i] Cone. Moguntinum. ap. Gratian. de Confecrat; 
 Dift. 4, c. 102. In Baptifmate vel in Chrifmate, non poteft alium 
 fufcipere in Filiolum, qui non eft ipfe vel baptizatus vel confirmatus. 
 [k~] Gratian. de Confecrat. Dift. 4. cap. 101. Non plures ad fufcipi- 
 endum de baptifmo Infantem accedant, quam unus, five Vir, five 
 Mulier. In Confirmation quoquc id ipfum fiat. [I] Cone. Me* 
 tenfe. cap. 12. cited by Vicecomes. [«] Juftin. Cod. lib. y. tit. 4. 
 de Nuptiis. Leg. 26. Ea Pcrfona omnimodo ad nuptias venire pro- 
 
 hibenda, quam aliquis, five Alumna fit, five non, a facrofanfto fuC 
 cepit baptifmate; cum nihil aliud fic inducere poteft Paternam affe- 
 ctionem, & juftam Nuptiarum prohibitionem, quam hujufmodi 
 nexus, per quem Deo mediante ani'ma: eorum copulatx funt. 
 [»]_ Cone. Trull, can. 73. iyvceyh rivex Ik t» eetirTurpxT@~ 
 Tcttfcif tfVtfJV^o/ufcrBf, K<ti piTct nro reus tKelvav y.mgv.it 
 yttfjLiKcv crvvaAAdcaoi'jaf ffWotKiO'lov. oeit^ofjLcv &ro & Tdp'ov' 
 t@- tMwHv Tourw 0] Cone. Trident. Sefs. 24, 
 
 de Reform. Matrimon. cap. 2. Inter fufceptoresac Baptizatum ipfum! 
 & illius Patrem ac Matrem, necnon inter Baptizantem 8c Baptiza- 
 tum, Baptizatique Parrem ac Matrem, tantum Spirituals Cognatio 
 contrahatur. 
 
 dren, 
 
5H 
 
 '/he Antiqjcjities of 
 
 Book XI. 
 
 dren, but alfo between the Sponfors thernfelvesj 
 and the Father and Mother of the Baptized is not 
 to marry a Sponlbr j nor may the Baptizer mar- 
 ry the Baptized, nor the Father or Mother of the 
 Baptized, becaufe of the fpiritual Relation that 
 is contracted between them. But they forbid a- 
 bove two Sponfors to appear for a Child, and if 
 more than two appear, they are not bound by 
 this Law of fpiritual Relation, though the Ca- 
 non-Law [/>] had determined otherwife in former 
 Ages. Yet after all their Regulations about this 
 Matter, there remain a thoufand Difficulties to 
 exercife the Pens of the Roman Cafuifts, which 
 the Reader that is curious may find referred to 
 by Soteallus and Barbofa \jf\ in their Declarations 
 and Remiflions on the Council of Trent. 
 
 SECT. Xlir. There is one Thing indeed 
 why the Names of ordered by that Council, which 
 
 the Sponfors ordered ^ antient , of d TJf t noU g h 
 
 to be Regtftred mthe c 1 » r - ' 
 
 Books of thechunh. not for t he Purpofe for whjch 
 they appointed it: That is, That 
 not only the Names of the Baptized, but alfo the 
 
 Names of the Sponfors mould be Regiftred in the 
 Books of the Church. The Council of Trent or- 
 ders it only that Men might know what Perfons 
 were forbidden to Marry by this fpiritual Relati- 
 on. But antiently it had a much better Ufe, that 
 the Church might know who were Sponfors, and 
 that they might be put in Mind of their Duty, 
 by being entred upon Record, which was a Hand- 
 ing Memorial of their Obligations. This Cu- 
 llom we find mentioned in the Author under the 
 Name of Dionyfius^ where he defcribes the Cere- 
 mony of admitting Catechumens together with 
 their Sponfors. The Bifhop firft explains to the 
 Catechumen the Laws and Rules of a divine Life 
 and Converfation, and then asks him, Whether 
 he purpofes fo to live ? Which when he has pro- 
 mifed, he lays his Hand upon his Head, and or- 
 ders thePrieftsto Regifter [r] both the Man and 
 his Sponfor. Afterward he (peaks of reciting their 
 Names out of thefe Regifters, when Men were 
 prefcnted by their Sponfors immediately to be 
 baptized. And thus much of the Ufe of Spon- 
 fors in the Primitive Church. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Un& 'ton and the Sign of the Crofs m Baptifm. 
 
 SECT. f. \ Y 7 E find in fome of the An- 
 of the firft ori- \\f t j ent Ri tU alin:s, but not 
 Una,on m in all, mention made of an Un- 
 Baptt/m. frion preceding Baptifm, and u- 
 
 fed by way of Preparation for it. They who 
 firfl defcribe it, fpeak of it as ufed either imme- 
 diately after the Confeflion of Faith, as the Au- 
 thoi \_a] of the Constitutions j or elfe between the 
 Renunciation and the Confeflion, as Cyril of Je- 
 rufalem [b~] defcribes it. But there is no mention 
 of this Unction either in Juftin Martyr or Tertul- 
 Jian. For though Tertullian fpeaks of an Unction 
 among the Ceremonies of Baptifm j yet, as Dail- 
 le [c~] rightly obferves, it was not this Unction 
 preceding Baptifm, but the Unction which fol- 
 lowed after it in Confirmation, accompanied with 
 Impofition of Hands, which belongs to another 
 Subject. For it is plain from Tertullian that nei- 
 ther of thefe were given before Baptifm, but when 
 Men [d~] were come out of the Water, then they 
 were anointed with the holy Unction, and had 
 Impofition of Hands, in order to receive the Ho- 
 ly Ghoft. Whence I think Dai lie's Conjecture 
 very juft and reafonable, That the Unction pre- 
 ceding Baptifm is of later Dare, and was not as 
 yet adopted among the Ceremonies of Baptifm in 
 the time of Tertullian. 
 
 But the Writers of the fol- SECT. Jt 
 
 lowing Ages fpeak diflinctly of Of the Difference 
 
 two Unctions, the one before, betw,xt this mtt 
 the other after Baptifm : Which c £yf™>»c»»firm«- 
 they defcribe by different Names 
 and different Ceremonies, to diflinguifh them one 
 from the other. The firft they commonly call 
 ^jo-fv iXodis, the Unction of the Myftical 
 
 Oyl, and the other x& aw / uiy 's s > or X&< T l J - a i c ^ e 
 Unction of Chrifm. They both agree in this, 
 That the Bifhop only confecrated them, whe- 
 ther for the Ufe of Baptifm or Confirmation. 
 The Author of the Confiitutions gives us a Form 
 of Confecration to be ufed by the Bifhop in fan- 
 ctifying Oyl for this Unction before Baptifm, 
 where he prays [*] to God, That he would 
 fanctify the Oyl in the Name of the Lord Jefus, 
 and grant it fpiritual Grace and efficacious Power, 
 that it might be fubfervient to the Remiflion of 
 Sins, and the Preparation of Men to make their 
 Profeffion in Baptifm, that fuch as were anointed 
 therewith, being freed from all Impiety, might 
 become worthy of the Initiation according to the 
 Command of his Only-begotten Son. And this 
 Power of Confecration is referved to the Bifhop 
 in all the Canons of the antient Councils j of 
 which more when we come to fpeak of Confir- 
 
 [/> ] Sext. Decretal.lib.4. tit. 2 . de Cognat. Spirit, cap. 2 . Si plures ac- 
 cefferint, Spirituals Cognatio inde contrahitur, &c. [c[\ Canon. Cone. 
 Trid. cum RemiiTionibus Barbofa:, Colon. 162 1. [r] Dionyf.de Hie- 
 rarch. Eccl. cap. 2. p. 25:2. 'L-^p^tK 'ZmypJ.-\.a.aX ) nsh&v'i to1{ 
 isptCff/ t ctfjyj'. r dvct^oyjjv. It. p. 204. kcu tivQ- Up'iwf £« 
 &wypv.<ptis «v75> 7% Kj t o.VaV^oj' Ktipv^u/I©-, Sec. 
 
 [<?] Conftit. Apod. lib. 7. cap. 41. [&] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 2. 
 n. 3. (Y) Dallae. de Confirmat. lib. 2. c. 1 1. p. 181. [d] Ter- 
 tul. de Bapt. cap. 7. Exinde egreffi de Lavacro perunguimur be- 
 ncdidta Unftione de priftina Difciplina, qua ungui oleo de cornu in 
 facerdotium fblebant, fkc. [e] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 7. cap. 42; 
 
 mation. 
 
Chap. IX. Christian Church. 515 
 
 mation. In the meantime I obferve, i. That 
 the(*e two went by different Names. The Au- 
 thor of the Conflitutlons calls the firft [/] Myfti- 
 cal Oy!, and the other Myftical Chrifm, and has 
 a diftinct Form of Confecration for each of them. 
 And the fame Diftmction in Name is obferved by 
 Cyril of Jerufalem \_g] and the Authors under the 
 Name of Juflin Martyr \_h\ and Dionyfius [/']. 
 2. They differed in the Time of Adminiftring 
 them. For the one was given before the Party 
 went into the Water, the other after he carne 
 out of it again. Which is clear from all the 
 forcmcntioncd Authors, and from St. Ambrofe, 
 who fpeaks of an Unction with Oyl ( £] before 
 Bapdfm. As alfo the Author of the Recognitions 
 under the Name of Clemens Romanus\l\ who tells 
 Perfons that were to be Baptized, That they were 
 firft to be anointed with Oyi confecrated by 
 Prayer. 3. They differed in refpect to the Per- 
 fons concerned in the Adminiftration. For the 
 Unction before Eaptifen was often done by a 
 Deacon or a Deaconefs: But that after Baptifm by 
 the Bifliop himfelfmoft commonly, or at leaft by 
 a Presbyter in fome peculiar cafes. The Author 
 of the Conflitutions \m\ fpeaking 'particularly of 
 the Unction before the Baptifm of Women, or- 
 ders the Bifhop to anoint the Head, the Deacon 
 the Forehead, and the Deaconeffcs the other parts 
 of the Body. But the Chrifm after Baptifm is 
 referved to the Bifhop only. Laflly, They dif- 
 fered in the Defignand Intent of them. For the 
 Defign of the firft Unction was to prepare them 
 for Baptifm, and enter them on their Combat 
 with Satan, as Champions of Chrift} the other 
 was to confummate and confirm their Baptifm 
 with the Consignation or Seal of the holy Spirit. 
 
 SECT. III. Cyril of Jerufalem fpeaking of 
 
 The Dsfenofthis t ] ie f ormer Unction [»] fays, Men 
 
 VnE-cr:, and the anoint(;d f rom tQ FooC 
 
 B.e*fon of it. • i t_- r a r 
 
 with this exorcued or confecra- 
 ted Oyl, and this made them Partakers of the 
 true Olive-tree, Jefus Chrif.:. For they being 
 cut out of a wild Olive-tree, and ingrafted 
 into a good Olive-tree, were made Parta- 
 kers of the Fatnefs of the good Olive-tree. 
 Therefore that exorcifed Oyl was a Symbol of 
 their partaking of the Fatnefs of Chrift, and an 
 Indication of the Flight and Deftruction of the 
 adverfe Power. For as the Infufflation of the 
 Saints, and Invocation of God, do like a vehe- 
 ment Flame, burn and put the Devils to Flight ; 
 fo this exorcifed Oyl by Prayer and Invocation of 
 God, gains fuch a Power, as not only to burn up 
 and purge away the Footfleps of Sin, but alfo to 
 
 repel all the Powers of the invifible wicked One, 
 the Devil. St. Ambrofe compares it to the anoint- 
 ing of Wreftlers before they enter their Combat, 
 Thou camefl to the Font, fays he [0], and waft a- 
 minted as a Champion of Chrift, to fight the Fight 
 of this World. The Author under the Name of 
 Jufiin Martyr, diftinguifhing between the two 
 Unctions, fays [_p] Men were firft anointed with 
 the antient Oyl, that they might be Chrift's, 
 that is, the Anointed of God 5 but they were a- 
 nointed with the precious Ointment (after Bap- 
 tifm) in Remembrance of him who reputed the 
 Anointing of himfelf with Ointment to be his 
 Burial. The Author of the Conflitutions likewife 
 ufes the fame Diftinction: Thou fhalt firft of all 
 \jf\ anoint him with the holy Oil, then baptize 
 him with Water, and afterward fign him with 
 the Ointment : That the anointing with Oil may 
 be the Participation of the holy Spirit, and the 
 Water may be the Symbol of Death, and the 
 figning with Ointment may be the Seal of the 
 Compact made with God. But if there be nei- 
 ther Oil, nor Ointment, Water is fufficient both 
 for the Unction and the Seal and the Confeffion 
 of him with whom we die. So that this was on- 
 ly a Ceremony of Baptifm, which might be o- 
 mitted without any Detriment to the Subftance 
 or EfTential part of it To thefe may be added 
 the Teftimony of St. Chryfoflom, who fays [r], 
 every Perfon before he was baptized, was anoin- 
 ted as Wreftlers entring the Field : And this is 
 not as the High Prieft was anointed of old, only 
 on the Head, or right Hand, or Ear, but all o- 
 ver his Body, becaufe he came not only to be 
 taught, but to exercife himfelf in a Fight or 
 Combat. This is the Account which they give 
 of this Unction preceding Baptifm. 
 
 Dr. Cave [j] and fome other SECT. IV. 
 Learned Perfons are of Opinion, The s 'Z n °f the 
 That together with this Unction, Crofs frequent fy ufed 
 
 1 <>• r 1 r . 7 m the Ceremonies of 
 
 the Sign of the Crofs was made Baptif ^ ulnth j e 
 upon the Forehead of the Party Mmijjim of cate- 
 baptized. And there is no que- chwnens. And zdly, 
 ftion to be made of this, though 19 lhe Time °f 
 all the PafTages they refer to, are orci f m - 
 not direct Proofs of it. For many of them re- 
 late to the Sign of the Crofs in the Unction of 
 Chrifm or Confirmation. As particularly, that 
 Unction which Tertullian fpeaks of, and the Sign 
 of the Crofs accompanying it, was not the Un- 
 ction before Baptifm, but that which followed in 
 Confirmation, as I havefhewed before in the Be- 
 ginning of this Chapter. Therefore to under- 
 stand this Matter exactly, we are to diftinguifh 
 
 [/] Conftit. lib. 7. c. 41. iJ.vrtK.lv theuov. lib. 7. c: 44.. pvt tx.lv 
 IJ.V&V. Vid. lib. 3. cap. 17. [g] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 2. n. 3. & 
 Catech. 3. n. 3. [h] Juftin. Refp. ad Orthod.Q; 137. H Dio- 
 nyf. de Ecclef. Hierar. cap. 2. p. 25-3. [fc] Ambrof de Sacramen- 
 
 tis, lib. 1. c. 2. Vcnimus ad Fcntem Unftus es quafi Athleta 
 
 Chrifti, quafi Lu&amen hujus faeculi ludtaturus. [/] Clem. Re- 
 cognit. lib, 3. c. 67s Bapt'rzabitur autem unufquifque vcftrum— — 
 perunftus primd Olco per orationem Sandtificato. [»»] Conftit: 
 Apoft. Lib. 3. c. 15-, 8c 16. [»] Cyril, Catech. Myft. 2. n.3. 
 
 [0] Ambrof.de Sacram.Iib. 1. c. 2. Venimus ad Fontem Un- 
 
 6his es quafi Athleta Chrifti, quafi Luctamen hujus fxculi luctaturus, 
 
 [>] Juftin 
 
 VTACIV 
 
 [r] Chryf. Horn. 6. in Colof. p. 1 3^8. ihthqij aarcpoi d^h.t\Tcu 
 & rdfiov ipenf bflfyoi, &c. [1] Cave Prjm. Chrift. Par. I. cap. 
 10. p. 318. 
 
 a* 
 
5 i6 
 
 7be Antiquities of the Book XI. 
 
 at leaft four feveral Times, when the Sign of the 
 Crofs was ufed, during the Preparation or Con- 
 fummation of the Ceremonies of Baptifm. i. At 
 the Admiffion of Catechumens to the State of 
 Catechumenfhip and the general Name of Chri- 
 ftians. 2. In the time of Exorcifm and Impofiti- 
 on of Hands, while they were palling through 
 the feveral Stages of Catechumens. 3. At the 
 Time of this Unction before Baptifm. 4. And 
 laftly, At the Unction of Confirmation, which 
 was then ufually the Conclufion of Baptifm both 
 in adult Perfons and Infants ; and many of the 
 Paffages which fpeak of the Sign of the Crofs in 
 Baptifm, do plainly relate to this, as an Apendage 
 of Baptifm, and clofely joyned to it as the laft 
 Ceremony and Confummation of it. The Ufe of 
 this Sign in the Admiflion of Catechumens, I 
 have already fhewed before from St. Aufitn and 
 the Life of Porphyrias Bifhop of Gaza [?]. And 
 the frequent Ufe of it in Exorcifm and Impofition 
 of Hands and Prayer, during their Chaiechetical 
 Exercifes, has alfo been noted [»] in treating of 
 them from St. Aufiin and St. dmbrofe^ which I 
 therefore need not here repeat. 
 
 sect. v. The third Ufe of it was in 
 Thirdly, In this this Unction before Baprifm. For 
 maim before Bap- fo the Author under the Name 
 t '^ m ' of Dionyftus defcribing the Cere- 
 
 mony of Anointing the Party before the Confe- 
 cration of the Water, fays, The Bifhop begins 
 the Un&ion by thrice figning him [x] with the 
 Sign of the Crofs, and then commits him to the 
 Priefts to be anointed all over the Body, whiift 
 he goes and confecrates the Water in the Font. 
 St. Aufiin alfo may be underftood of this, when 
 he fays [y\ The Crofs is always joyned with 
 Baptifm. And by this we may interpret federal 
 Paffages in Cyprian, as where he tells Demetrian, 
 They only cfcape who are born again, and figned 
 with the Sign of Chrift. And what that Sign is, 
 and on what part of the Body it is made, the 
 Lord fignified in another place, faying, Go through 
 the midft of Jerufalem, and fet a Mark upon their 
 Foreheads [z]. And fo again in his Book of iheU- 
 nity of the Church [a] fpeakingof Vzziah's Lepro- 
 fy, he fays, He was marked for his Offence a- 
 gainft the Lord in that part of his Body, where 
 thofe are figned, who obtain his Mercy. Which 
 feems plainly to refer to the Sign of the Crofs 
 made in Baptifm. The Author of the Apoflolical 
 Confiiiutions is very exprefs in this Matter. For 
 
 explaining the Meaning of the feveral Parts and 
 Ceremonies ufed in Baptifm, he fays[£], the Wa- 
 ter is to reprefent ChrifVs Burial, the Oyl to re- 
 prefent the Holy Ghoft, the Sign of the Crofs 
 to reprefent the Crofs, and the Ointment or Chrifm 
 the Confirmation of Men's ProfelTions. And not 
 improbably St. Jerom might refer to this, though 
 his Words be not fo restrained to this Time of 
 Unction, when he fays, He was a Chriftian, born 
 of Chriftian Parents, and carried the Banner of 
 the Crofs [c~] in his Forehead. Some add alfo 
 thofe Words of Cyprian [d\ Let us guard our 
 Foreheads, that we may preferve the Sign of 
 God without Danger. And thofe of Pontius [e] 
 in his Life, where fpeaking of the Chriftian Con- 
 feffors who were branded by the Heathen in the 
 Forehead, and fent as Slaves into the Mines, he 
 fays, They were marked in the Forehead afecond 
 timej alluding to the Sign of the Crofs, which 
 as Chriftians they had received before. But thefe 
 Paffages do not neceflarily relate to Baptifm, but 
 are only general Expreffions that may refer to the 
 Ufe of th.^ Sign of the Crofs upon any other Oc- 
 cafion : It being ufual in thofe Times, to figu 
 themfelvcs upon the Forehead in the commoneft 
 Actions of their Lives, upon every Motion, as 
 Tertullian expreffes it [/], at their going out and 
 coming in, at their going to bath, or to Bed, or 
 to Meals, or whatever their Employment or 
 Occafions called them to. Yet thus far it may 
 be argued from them, that they who ufed it fo 
 commonly upon all other Occafions, would hard- 
 ly omiL it in ihisfolemn Unction of Baptifm. And 
 therefore thefe Allegations may be allowed to be 
 a fort of collateral Evidence of the Practice. 
 
 Lastly, It was always ufed sect. vi. 
 in the Unction of Confirmation. fourthly, in the 
 And that being then an Appen- v ?*' m °f Confirms 
 dage to Baptifm, what was done 
 in it, was many times faid to be done in Baptifm : 
 And fo both the Unction and Sign of the Crofs 
 ufed in Confirmation are afcribed to Baptifm, and 
 upon that account fom&times miftaken for the 
 former Unction and Confignation preceding Bap- 
 tifm. There was no Unction before Baptifm in 
 the Time of tertullian; but there was one imme- 
 diately after it, which together with Impofition 
 of Hands had alfo the Sign of the Crofs joyned 
 with it ; and all thefe wcu properly Ceremonies 
 of Confirmation, which came after Baptifm, and 
 are not to be confounded with the former. Ter- 
 
 [*] See Book X. Chap. i. n. 3. [«] Book X. Chap. ii. n. 8. 
 [x] Dionyf. de Mierar. Eccl. cap. 2. p. 25-3. |J<£ */ & ' IJ "- £y < <^'* 
 m c^dsf-y'iireu reii <aw«pr"'//.ty©" J to hof&ov Ton i~i*iu<ri t 
 AvS'pec. yeio-at 'XdLVO-uy.coi /j^jtcTssf. 2cc. [y] Aug. Serm. 101. 
 de Tempore, p. 290. Semper enim Cruci baptifma jungitur. 
 [z.] Cyp. ad Demetrian. p. 194,. Evadere eos iblos pofie, qui renati 
 
 tk Signo Chrifti fignari fuerint, alio loco Deus loquitur. Quod 
 
 »utern fit hoc Signum 8c qua in parte Corporis poiitum, manifeftat 
 alio in loco Deus, dicens: Tranii per mediam Jerulalem, 8c nota- 
 bis Signum fuper Frontes virorum, 8cc. [a] Cypr. de Unit. Eccl. 
 p. 116. In Fronte macuhtus eft, ea parte Corporis notatus, offenfo 
 Domino, ubi figcuntur qui Dominum promcrentur. [£] Confiit. 
 Apoft. lib. j. c. 17. 70 3 t,V«p dvTt Ta$H(, Tfl %Koun dvil 
 
 <7rvd)'^ctjQ- dylx, n er$fy.yi; ttttl tS roup?, to u.v&v fiz€cueu- 
 cit t" cuoKoyia,;. [c] Hieron. Ep. 112. Pra:fat. in Job, torn. 2. 
 Ego Chriftianus, 8c de Parentibus Chriftianis natus, 8c Vexillum 
 Crucis in mea Fronte portans. Cypr. Ep. jo. al. 5-8. p. 12$-. 
 
 Muniatur frons, ut Signum Dei incolume fervetur. [<>] Pontius 
 Vit. Cypr. p. 4. Confeflbres frontium notatarum fecunda Infcrip- 
 tione Signato?. [/] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. Ad omnem 
 progreflum atque promotum , ad omnem aditum 8c exitum , ad ve- 
 ftitum, ad calceatum, ad Lavacra, ad Menfas, ad Lumina, ad Cubi- 
 lia, ad Sedilia, quaecunque nos converfatio exercet, frontem crucis 
 fignaculo terimus. Vid. Cyril. Catecb. 4. n. 10. Catecb, 13. n. 18. 
 Cbryfoft. Horn. zi. ad Popul. Antioch, 
 
 tullian 
 
Chap. X. Christian Church. 
 
 5i7 
 
 tullian[f~\ fays, The Flefli is wafTied, that the 
 Soul may be cleanfed j the Flelh is anointed, that 
 the Soul may be confecrated ; the Flefh is figned, 
 that the Soul may be guarded j the Flefh is over- 
 Ihadowcd by Impofition of Hands, that the Soul 
 may be illuminated by the Spirit j theFlefli is fed 
 by the Body and Blood of Chrift, that the Soul 
 may receive Nourifhment or Fatnefs from God. 
 Here he defcribes all Things in order as they were 
 done after Baptifm to the Eucharift. There was 
 an Unction, and a figning with the Sign of the 
 Oofs, and Impofition of Hands, and then the 
 Eucharift. So that this Sign of the Crofs plainly 
 relates to the Unction which came after Baptifm, 
 and was an ufual Ceremony of Impofition of 
 Hinds or Confirmation. And thus we are to un- 
 derftand rhat other Paflageof Tcrtullian [g] where 
 he fays, The Devil apes the Ceremonies of the di- 
 vine Sacraments in his Idol-Myfteries. He bap- 
 tizes thofe that believe in himj he promifes them 
 Expiation of Sins in his Laver, as now it is in the 
 Myfteries of Mithra $ he figns his Soldiers in the 
 Forehead} he celebrates alfo the Oblation of 
 Bread, &c. Where mod probably figning in the 
 Forehead relates to the Sign of the Crols in Con- 
 firmation, which comes between Baptifm and the 
 Eucharift. And fo in Pope Leo All that are 
 regenerated in Chrift, the Sign of the Crofs makes 
 them Kings, and the Unction of the Spirit con- 
 fecrates them Priefls j meaning in the fame Senfe 
 
 as St. Peter fays, All Chriftians are a Royal Prieft- 
 hood. Which Privileges are commonly by the 
 Ancients afcribed to the Unction in Confirmation, 
 as here by Leo, who makes the Sign of the Crofs 
 an Attendant of this Unction after Baptifm. St. 
 jluftiri's Words are a little [f] more general ; but 
 yet learned Men think [£] they refer to the Sign 
 of the Crofs in Confirrnnnon, when he lays, Seve- 
 ral Sacraments or facred Rites are received in dif- 
 ferent ways ; fome, you know, are received in 
 the Mouth, meaning the Eucharift; others in the 
 whole Body, meaning Baptifm, wherein the 
 whole Body is wafhed with Water j others in the 
 Forehead, as the Sign of the Crofs : where be- 
 caufe he diftinguifhes the Sign of the Crofs, as a 
 Sacrament in the large Senle of t he Word, both 
 from Baptifm and the Euchavift, it feems molt 
 reafonable to fuppofe that he intended the Ufe of 
 it in Confirmation. Which therefore the Greeks 
 often call o-p^yiV, the Sign or Seal of the Holy 
 Ghoft [/] j and fometMTKS the Sign of the Crofs 
 is more diftinct'y called s-oy^mo^s- o-q^yj's-, the 
 Sign made in the Form of the Crofs,, which was 
 ufed not only in baptizing and confirming, but al- 
 fo in the Ordination of Piiefts, as I have had Oc- 
 cafion elfewhere \_rn~] to fhew out of Chryfofiom 
 and Dionyjius [»], and in the Confecration of the 
 Waters of Baptifm, which is the next Thing 
 that comes in order to be confidered. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Confecration of 
 
 sect. I. TMMEDIATELY after the 
 The confecration ± Undion the Minifter pro- 
 ItLT" ceeded to confecrate the Water, 
 
 or the Bifhop if he were prefent 
 confecrated it, while the Priefts were finifhing the 
 Unction. For fo the Author under the Name of 
 Dionyfius reprefents it. While the Priefts, fays he 
 [_a]y are finifhing the Unction, the Bifhop comes 
 to the Mother of Adoption (fo he calls the Font) 
 and by Invocation fanctifies the Water in it, thrice 
 pouring in fome of the holy Chrifm in a manner 
 repiefenting the Sign of the Crofs. This Invoca- 
 tion or Confecration of the Water by Prayer, is 
 mentioned by Tertullian. For he fays [b\ The 
 Waters are made the Sacrament of Sanctification 
 
 he Water in Baptifm. 
 
 by Invocation of God. The Spirit immediately 
 defcends from Heauen, and refting upon them fan- 
 ctifies them by himfelf, and they being fo fancti- 
 fied, imbibe the Power of Sanctifying. And Cy- 
 prian [c~\ declares, That the Water muft firft be 
 cleanfed and lanctified by the Prieft, that it may 
 have Power by Baptifm to wafti away the Sins of 
 Man. And fo the whole Council of Carthage \_d] 
 in the time of Cyprian fays, The Water is iancti- 
 fied by the Prayer of the Prieft to wafh away Sin. 
 Optatus has refpect to this, when fpeaking of the 
 Name of Pifcis, i%&&r 9 the Technical Name that 
 was given to Chrift, from the feveral Initial Let- 
 ters of his Titles, which fignifies a Fifli, he fays, 
 This is the Fifli [Y], meaning Chrift, which is 
 
 T/] Tertul.de Refur. cap. 8. Caro abluitur, ut anima emaculetur. 
 Caro unguitur, ut anima confecretur. Carofignatur, ut 8c anima mu- 
 niatur. Caro marais Impolitione adumbratur, ut 8c anima Spiritu il- 
 luminetur. Caro Corpore 8c Sanguine Chrifti vefcitur, ut 8c anima 
 de Deo faginetur. [g~\ Tertul.de Prsefcript. cap. 40. Ipfasquoque 
 res Sacramentorum divinorum in IdolorumMyfteriis a:mulatur. Tin- 
 guit 8c ipfe quofdam, utique Credentes 8c Fideles fuos Expiationem 
 de Lavacro repromittit, 8c fie adhuc initiat Mithra:. Signat illic in 
 Frontibus milites fuos, celebrat 8c Pants Oblationem. [h~] Leo 
 Serm. 3. in AnniveriarioDie fuss AlTumptionis, p. j.Omnes inChri- 
 fto regeneratos Cruris Signum efficit Reges; San£ti vero Spiritus Un- 
 &io confecrat Sacerdotes. [«'] Aug, Enarrat. Pfal. 141. p. 671. 
 Multa Sacramenta aliter atquealiter accipimus. Quxdam.ficutnoftis, 
 ore accipimus, quaedam per totum Corpus accipimus. Quia vero in 
 
 Froire erubefcitur Crucem Chrifti quam Pagani derident, in lo- 
 
 10 pudon's noftri conftituk. fT] Dalk. dc Confirm, lib, 2. cap. 14. 
 
 Vol. J. 
 
 p. 294. [I] Cone. Gen. Conftaminop. 1. can. 7. [m] Book IV. 
 Chap. vi. n. 12. [»] Chryf.Hom. in Matth. p. 47 Dionyf de 
 Hierarch. Eccl. cap. f. p. 312, 8c 314. 
 
 [<*] Dionyf. de Hierarch. Eccl. cap. 2. p. 25-3. jwroi cot t (j.u- 
 
 cart x.ctda.yici<?cL<;,&.c. [6] Tertul. deBapt.cap. 4. 5 acramentum 
 San&ificationis confequuntur, invocato Deo. Supervenit enim ftatim 
 Spiritus de coelis, 8c aquis fupereft, fandtificans eas de femetipfo, 8c 
 ita fandrincata: vim fanctificandi combibunt. [c] Cyprian. Ep. 70. 
 ad Januar. p. 190. Oportet vero mundari 8c fanclificari aquam prius 
 a Sacerdote, ut poflit baptifmo fua peccata hominis, qui baptizatur. 
 abluere. [</] Cone. Carthag. ap. Cypr. p. 233. Aqua Sacerdotis 
 prece Sandrificata abluit delidta. [>] Optat. lib. 3. cont. Parmen. 
 p. 62. Hie eft Pifcis, qui in baptifmste per Jnvocationem Fontalibus 
 undis inferitur. 
 
 U u 11 u brought 
 
518 
 
 7 he Antiqjjities of the Book XL 
 
 brought down upon the Waters of the Font in 
 Baptifm by Invocation and Prayer. St. Aufiin 
 often mentions this Invocation in his Books of 
 Baptifm. That Water [/] is not profane and 
 adulterated, over which the Name of God is in- 
 voked, though the Invocation be made by pro- 
 fane and adulterous Men. In another place [g] 
 he fays, This Invocation was uled both in conie- 
 crating the Waters of Baptifm, and the Oyl for 
 Unction, and the Eucharift, and in giving Impo- 
 fition of Hands. And the Sacraments were Valid, 
 though it were a Sinner or a Murderer that made 
 the Prayer. And again, anfwering the Objection 
 of the Cyprianifis and Donatifis, That a wicked 
 Man or an Heretick could not fan&ify the Wa- 
 ter, he fays, Every Error \b~] in the Prayer of 
 Confecration does notdeftroy the Effence of Bap- 
 tifm, but only the Want of thofe Evangelical 
 Words, (he means the Form of baptizing in the 
 Name of the Trinity) inftituted by Chrift, with- 
 out which Baptifm cannot be confecrated. For 
 otherwife, if the Water were not confecrated, 
 when the Minifter ufes any erroneous Words in 
 his Prayer, then not only wicked Men, but ma- 
 ny good Brethren in the Church did not fancti- 
 fy the Water : For many of their Prayers were 
 daily corrected, when they were rehearfed to thofc 
 that were more Learned, and many Errors were 
 found in them contrary to the Catholick Faith. 
 Yet they that were baptized when fuch Prayers 
 were faid over the Water, were not baptized a- 
 gain. This is a plain Evidence, that Prayers of 
 Confecration were then generally ufed both among 
 the CathoBcks and Donatifis^ though neither the 
 Ufe nor the Orthodoxy of them were reckoned 
 to be of abfolute Neceffity to the very Being 
 and EfTence of Baptifm, which might confift 
 with great Errors in fuch Prayers. It were eafy 
 to add many other Teftimonies of this antient 
 Practice out of St. Amhrofe \i\ St. Bafil [k\ Theo- 
 doret [/], Gregory Nyjfen \m\ Theophilus of Alex- 
 andria [»], Viclor Uticenp [o], and lorne others. 
 But I think it needlefs to repeat them all at length, 
 after fuch full Evidence from Sc. Aufiin and thofe 
 Writers that came before him. 
 
 SECT. II. Only Ifhalladdtwoorthree 
 
 jtntmumt Furm Obfervations more concerning this 
 cfth.sTmyerintbe p f of Confecration, which 
 
 Condons. ^ ^ fc ^ j ^ tQ fome 
 
 Ufiges, and fome Doctrines alfoofthe Antient 
 Church. Andfirftwe find, that as they had Forms 
 for other Parts of the Divine Service, fo they had 
 
 a Form for this Confecration-prayer, or Benedi- 
 ction of the Water, though that not fo univer- 
 fal and invariable as the Form of Baptifm. For 
 St. Aufiin obferves, that the one never varied, buc 
 the other was fubject to fome Errors and Cor- 
 ruptions, by reafon of the Liberty that waslefcto 
 Human Compofurcs. One of thefe Forms is now 
 extant in the Confiitutions, which it will not be a- 
 mifs here to inferc. It goes under the Title of a 
 Thankfgiving over the Myftical Water. The 
 Prieft blefles [p] and praifes the Lord Gcd Al- 
 mighty, the Father of the only-begotten God, 
 giving him Thanks, for that he fent his Son to 
 be incarnate for us, that he might lave usj that 
 he took upon him in his Incarnation to be obedi- 
 ent in all Things, to preach the Kingdom of 
 Heaven, the Remiflion of Sins, and the Refur- 
 rection of the Dead. Aftex this he adores the 
 only-begotten God, and for him gives Thanks to 
 the Father, that he took upon him to die for all 
 Men upon the Crofs, leaving the Baptifm of Re- 
 generation as a Type or Symbol of it. He far- 
 ther praifes God the Lord of all, that in the Name 
 of Chrift, and by the Holy Spirit, not rejecting 
 Mankind, he fhewed himfelf at divers times in 
 divers Providences towards them j giving Adam 
 an Habitation in a delicious Paradifej then laying 
 upon him a Command in his Providence, upon 
 the Tranfgreffion of which he expelled him in 
 hisjuftice, but in his Goodnefs did not wholly 
 call him off, but difciplined his Pofterity in di- 
 vers manners, for whom in the End of the World 
 he fent his Son, to be made Man for the fake of 
 Men, and to take upon him all the Affections of 
 Men, Sin only excepted. After this Thankfgi- 
 ving the Prieft is to call upon God, and fay, 
 Look down from Heaven, ana fanctify this Wa- 
 ter; give it Grace and Power, that he that is bap- 
 tized therein, according to the Command of 
 Chrift, may be crucified with him, and die with 
 him, and be buried with him, and rife again with 
 him to that Adoption which comes by him that 
 dying unto Sin, he may live unto Righteous 
 nefs. Any one chat will compare the Form in 
 our Liturgy with the antient Form, will find a 
 great Relemblance between them, both in the 
 Thankfgiving, and the particular Prayer of Con- 
 fecration. 
 
 Secondly, I obferve, That to- SECT. III. 
 gether with this Prayer, it was The s '2 n °f the 
 ufual to make the Sign of the ^ li/ed * ,h " 
 
 n r yr I r Con scmtion. 
 
 Crols alto ; not as before, upon J 
 
 [/] Aug. deBapt. lib. 3. cap. 10. Non eft aqua profana 8c adul- 
 tera, luper quam Nomen invocatur, etiamfi a profanis & adulteris 
 invocerur. [g] Id. dc Bapt. lib. j\ cap. 10. Si ergo ad hoc valet, 
 quod dictum eft in Evangelic Deus peccatorem non audit, ut per 
 peccatorem Sacramenta non celebrentur : Quomodo exaudit ho- 
 micidam deprecantem, vel fuper aquam Baptifmi, vel fuper 
 Oleum, vel fuper Euchariftiam. vel fuper Capita eorum quibus 
 man'is nnpoaitm ■ Q.ux omnia tamen 8c fiunt 8c valent etiam 
 per hoifiicidas* &c. [<&] De Bapt. lib. 6. cap. 25-. Si non 
 fmaiScatjr aqua, cum aliqua erroris verba per imperitiam precator 
 effundit, muiti non fblum mali, fed etism boni fratres in ipfaEccle- 
 fia non fanftincant aquam. Mukorum enim Preces emendantur quo- 
 tidie, fi dof tioribus fuerint recitats, 8c multa in eis reperiuntur con- 
 
 tra Fidem Catholicam. Nunquid fi manifeftarentur aliqui baptizati, 
 cum illi Praeccs dictae fuper aquam fuifient, juberentur denuo bap- 
 
 tizari? Certa ilia Evangelica verba, fine quibus non poteft Bap- 
 
 tifmus confecrari, tanmm valent, ut per ilia fic evacuentur qucccun- 
 que in Prece vitiola contra Rcgulam Fidei dicuntur, queraaduiodunl 
 Dsemonium Chrifti nomine excluditur. [/] Ambrof. de Sacram. 
 lib. t. c. f . lib. f. c. a. De Spir. Sancto. lib. 1. c. 7. [k] Bafil. in 
 Pfal.28. It. de Spir. Sancto. c. 27. [/] Theodor. in 1 Corvi. 1 1. 
 t. 3. p. 144. [»»] NyiTen. de Bapt. Chrift. t. 3. p 370. It. adv. 
 eos qui Baptifm . differunr, torn. 2. p. 2 19. [b] Theophil. Ep. Paf- 
 chal. 1. Bibl. Patr. torn. 3. p. 87. [«] Victor. Utic. de Perfec. 
 Vandal, lib. i.p. 602. Gelaf. Cyzicen. 8c Pfeudo-Athanaf. dc Com- 
 muni Effemia, £cc. [f~] Conftit. Apoft. lib, 7. cap. 43. 
 
 the 
 
Chap. X* 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 519 
 
 the Perfon to be baptized, but as a Circumftance 
 of theConfecration. This we learn not only from 
 Dionyfius but from St. Aufiin [rjj who fays, 
 The Water of Baptifm was figned with the Crofs 
 of Chrift. And St. Chryfofiom {s~\ fays, They 
 ufed it in all their facred Myfteries} when they 
 were regenerated in Baptifm, when they were 
 fed with the Myftical Food in the Eucharift, 
 when they were ordained, that Symbol of Victo- 
 ry was always reprefented in the Action, whate- 
 ver religious Matter they were concerned in. 
 To which we may add the Author under the 
 Name of St. Aufiin [/], who runs over all the 
 folemn Confecrations of the Church, and tells us, 
 the Symbol of the Crofs was ufed in every one, 
 in chatechifing of new Converts, in confecrating 
 the Waters of Baptifm, in giving Impofition of 
 Hands in Confirmation, in the Dedication of 
 Churches and Altars, in confecrating the Eucha- 
 rift, and in promoting Priefts and Levites to ho- 
 ly Orders. 
 
 SECT. IV. thirdly ; I obferve concerning 
 The Effetis and fa Effe&s of this Confecration, 
 
 Change wrought by ^ Ch e was 
 
 this Confecration. the r r , . J v • 
 
 f *z..sL*/ fuppofed to be wrought by it in 
 
 fame as m the Bread t r . n .,0 \ , 
 
 and Wme in the Eu- the Waters of Baptifm, as by the 
 tharift. Confecration of Bread and Wine 
 
 in the Eucharift. For they fup- 
 pofed not only the Prefence of the Spirit, but al- 
 fo the Myftical Prefence of Chrift's Blood to be 
 here after Confecration. Julius Firmicus [«] 
 fpeaking of Baptifm, bids Men here feek for the 
 pure Waters, the undefiled Fountain where the 
 Blood of Chrift after many Spots and Defilements, 
 would whiten them by the Holy Ghoft. Grego- 
 ry Nazianzen [x~\ and Bafil [y~\ fay upon this Ac- 
 count, That a greater than the Temple, a great- 
 er than Solomon, a greater than Jonas is here, 
 meaning Chrift by his Myftical Prefence and the 
 Power of his Blood. St. Aufiin [z] fays, Baptifm 
 or the baptifmal Water is Red, when once it is 
 confecrated by the Blood of Chrift > and this was 
 prefigured by the Waters of the Red Sea. Pro- 
 ffer \a~\ is bold to fay, That in Baptifm we are 
 
 dipped in Blood; and therefore Martyrs are twice 
 dipped in Blood, firft in the Blood of Chrift at 
 Baptifm, and then in their own Blood at Martyr- 
 dom. St. Jerom [f\ ufes the fame bold Meta- 
 phor, explaining thele Words of Ifaiah, JVafh ye± 
 make ye clean : Be ye baptized in my Blood by the La- 
 yer of Regeneration. And again [VJ, fpeaking of 
 the Ethiopian Eunuch, he fays, He was baptized 
 in the Blood of Chrift, about whom he was read- 
 ing. After the fame manner, Ccefarius fays (//], 
 The Soul goes into the living Waters, confecra- 
 ted and made Red by the Blood of Chrift. And 
 Jfidore [e~] fays, What is the Red-Sea, but Bap- 
 tifm confecrated in the Blood of Chrift? Others 
 tell us, That we are hereby made Partakers of the 
 Body and Blood of Chrift, and eat his Flefh, ac- 
 cording to what is Aid in St. John's Gofpel, Ex- 
 cept ye eat the Flejh of the Son of Man, and drink 
 his Blood, ye have no Life in you. Upon which 
 Words Fulgentius [/] founds the Neceflity of 
 Baptifm : For as much as it may be perceived by 
 any confidering Man, that the Flcfh of Chrift is 
 eaten and his Blood drunk in the Laver of Re™ 
 generation. Hence Cyril of Alexandria fays [_g~] y 
 We are Partakers of the Spiritual Lamb in Bap- 
 tifm. And Chryfofiom [h\ That we thereby put on 
 Chrift, not only his Divinity, or only his Humanity, 
 that is, his Flefh, but both together. And Nazi- 
 anzen [/], That in Baptifm we are anointed and 
 protected by the precious Blood of Chrift, as If" 
 ra el was by the Blood upon theDoor-pofts in the 
 Night. St. Chryfofiom \_k] fays again, That they 
 that are baptifed, put on a Royal Garment, a 
 Purple dipped in the Blood of the Lord. Pbilo- 
 Carpathius fays, The Spoufe of Chrift, his Church, 
 receives in Baptifm the Seal [/] of Chrift, being 
 wafhed in the Fountain of his moft holy Blood. 
 Optatus [m], as we have heard before, fays, Chrift 
 comes down by the Invocation, and joyns himfelf 
 to the Waters of Baptifm. Nay, Chryfofiom [*], 
 in one of his bold rhetorical Flights, icruples not 
 to tell a Man that is baptized, That he immedi- 
 ately embraces his Lord in his Arms, that he is 
 united to his Body, nay, compounded or con- 
 fubftantiated with that Body which fits above, 
 
 Dionyf. deHier.Eccl. c. 2. p. 274. [r] Aug. Horn. 27. ex 
 5-0. torn. 10. p. 175-. Quia Baptifmus, id eft, aqua falutis, non eft fa- 
 lutis, nifi Chrifti nomine confecrata, qui pro nobis fanguinem fudit, 
 Cruce ipfius aqua fignatur. [s~\ Chryf. Horn. 5-4. al. ff.in Mat. 
 p. 475 - .ed. Commelin. ira.v\cL JV ojjth n^H^Tet nctB' tip£t' kcLv 
 tj.VdLy-vvnSvtVM fiy, ?wjZ9< /sf&y'mj)' x.lv T&r.VHvcu r ft«?7- 
 x.y\v cKeivnv T£f$rjv y.a,v yet^jovn^'Uvsu, 8cc. [r] Aug. Horn. 
 7f . de Diverfis in Append, torn 10. p. 702. Hujus Crucis myfterio 
 rudes chatechizentur, eodem myfterio Fons regenerationis confecra- 
 tur, ejufdem crucis figno per manus Impofitionem baptizati dona 
 gratiarum accipiunt. Cum ejufdem crucis CharaSere Bafilic* de- 
 dicaticur, altaria confecr-antur, altaris Sacramenta cum interpolitione 
 Dominicorum verborum confkiuntur. Sacerdotes 8c Levitse per hoc 
 idem ad Sacros Ordines promoventur. [«] Firmic. de Error. Pro- 
 fan. Relig. c. 28. Quaere Fontcs ingenuos, quaere puros liquores, ut 
 illic te poft multas maculas cum Spiritu Sancto Chrilli fanguis in- 
 candidet. [*] Naz. Orat. 40.de Bapt. p. 657. [y] Bafil.de Bapt. 
 lib. 1. c. 2. torn. 1. p. ff 8. [z] Aug.Traft. 1 1. in Joh.p.41. Sig- 
 nificabat mare Rubrum baptifmum Chrifli. Unde rubet baptifmus 
 Chrifti, nifi Chrifti fanguine confecratus? [a] Profper. de Pro- 
 miffis. lib. 2. cap. 2. In cocco bis tinc~ro Martyria fancla rutilant, fe- 
 me! Baptifmo Chrifti fanguine cinguntur, atque fuo effufionis cruore 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 denuo retin&i. [6] Hieron. inEfai. 1. 16. Baptizemini in fangui- 
 ne meo per Lavacrum regenerationis. [c] Id. in Efai.^-j. 7. Sta- 
 tim baptizatus in agni fanguine quern legebat, Vir meruit appellari.Sc 
 Apoftolus genti ^Ethiopum miffus eft. [d~] Carfar. Arelatenf. Horn. 
 6. de Pafchat. Bibl. Patr. torn. 2. p. 276. Ingreditur anima vitales 
 undas velut rubras fanguine Chrifti confecratas. [e] Iiidor. Hifpal. in 
 Exod. 19. Quid eft mare rubrum, nifi baptifmum Chrifti fanguine 
 confecratum? [/] Fulgent, de Bapt. ^Ethiop. cap. 11. p. 61 r. 
 Quifquis fecundum myfterii veritatem confiderare potent, in ipfb la- 
 vacro fandtse regenerationis hoc fieri providebit. Quodetiam fan- 
 cies Patres indubkanter credidilTe ac docuifle cognofcimus. [g~] Cy- 
 ril in Exod. 12. lib. 2. torn. 1. p. 270. yXrvy©- fk cohtS Tjofa- 
 t«, &c. [h] Chryf Serm. 27. de Cruce. torn. 6. p. 292. 
 [»] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 646. [*] Chryf. Horn. 60 ad II- 
 luminandos, torn. 1. p. 796. [/] Philo in Cantic.4. 12. Fonsfig- 
 natus fponfa dicitur, quia in baptifmate fignaculum Jefu Chrifli ac- 
 cepit, ex ejus facratiflimi fanguinis Fonte perluta. [m] Optat. lib. 
 3. p. 32. Hie eft Pifcis, qui in baptifmare per Invocationem fontali- 
 bus undis inferitur. [»] Chryf Horn. 6. in Colof ^.125-9. etviiv 
 <a£i\H»< <rifcx\ctfj.Cdive'.<; r J^zaruTW, d,va,Ki£?.t>i>v<rcu t&J aupaji, 
 rtV«ipHp>i,(leg. et^apu'pi)) tu> suumi TtS a,yu n&u'tro, Sec. 
 
 U u u u z 
 
 whither 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XL 
 
 whither the Devil has no Accefs. Some tell us, 
 as Ifulore, That the Water of Baptifmis the Wa- 
 ter [0] that flowed out of Chrift's Side at his Paf- 
 fion : And others, as Laurentius Novarienfis [/>], 
 That it is Water mixed with the facred Blood of 
 the Son of God. Others tell us \jf]> That the 
 Water is tranfmuted or changed in its Nature by 
 the Holy Ghoft, to a fort of divine and ineffable 
 Power. So Cyril of Jlexandria, who frequently 
 ufes the Word /juras-cr^Wir, Tranfelementatiott, 
 both when he fpeaks of the Water in Baptifm, 
 and the Bread and Wine in the Eucharift, or of 
 any other Changes that are wrought in the My- 
 fteries of the Chriftian Religion. Cyril of Jeru- 
 falem and Gregory Nyjfen have the fame Obferva- 
 tion upon the Change that is wrought in the Oyl, 
 after Confecration, which they make to be the 
 fame with that of the Bread and Wine in the Eu- 
 charift. Beware, lays Cyril [r], that you take 
 not this Ointment to be bare Ointment. For as 
 the Bread in the Eucharift, after the Invocation 
 of the Holy Spirit, is not mere Bread, but the 
 Body of Chrift : So this holy Ointment after In- 
 vocation, is not bare or common Ointment, but 
 it is a Gift of God, that makes Chrift and the 
 Holy Spirit to be prefent in the Action. In like 
 manner, Gregory Nyjfen makes the fame Change 
 to be in the Myftical Oyl, and in the Altar itfelf, 
 and in the Minifters by Ordination, and in the 
 Waters of Baptifm, as in the Bread and Wine in 
 the Eucharift after Confecration. Do not con- 
 temn, fays he, the divine Laver, nor defpife it 
 as a common Thing, becaufe of the Ufe [/] of 
 Water. For great and wonderful Things are 
 wrought by it. This Altar, before which we 
 ftand, is but common Stone in its own Nature, 
 differing nothing from other Stones, wherewith 
 our Walls are built ; but after it is confecrated to 
 the Service of God, and has received a Benedi- 
 ction, it is an holy Table, an immaculate Altar, 
 not to be touched by any but the Priefts, and 
 that with the greateft Reverence. The Bread al- 
 fo is at firft but common Bread, but when once 
 it is fanctified by the holy Myftery, it is made and 
 called the Body of Chrift. So the Myftical Oyl, 
 and fo the Wine, though they be Things of lit- 
 tle Value before the Benediction, yet after their 
 Sanctification by the Spirit, they both of them 
 work Wonders. The fame Power of the Word 
 makes a Prieft become Honourable and Venerable, 
 
 when he is feparated from the Community of the 
 Vulgar by a new Benediction. For he who be- 
 fore was only one of the common People, is now 
 immediately made a Ruler and Prefident, a Teach- 
 er of Piety, and a Minifter of the fecret Myfte- 
 ries: And all thefe things he does without any 
 Change in his Body or Shape; for to all outward 
 Appearance he is the fame that he was, but the 
 Change is in his invifible Soul, by an invifible 
 Power and Grace. Pope Leo [t~] goes one Step 
 farther, and tells us, That Baptifm makes a Change 
 not only in the Water, but in the Man that re- 
 ceives it; for thereby Chrift receives him, and he 
 receives Chrift, and he is not the fame after Bap- 
 tifm that he was before, but the Body of him 
 that is regenerated is made the Flefti of him that 
 was crucified. From all which it is eafy to ob- 
 ferve, that in all thefe Cafes, the Change which 
 they fpeak of is not made in the Subftance of the 
 Things, but in the Qualities only j the Water is 
 not the Blood of Chrift Subftantially and Really, 
 but only Symbolically and Myfticallyj nor is a 
 Man changed into the Flefh of Chrift thereby a- 
 ny other way, than as he is made a living Mem- 
 ber of his Myftical Body, participating of that 
 Spirit whereby he rules and governs his Church, 
 as the Head of it. So that when the Ancients 
 fpeak of a divine Change or Tranfelementation 
 (for as yet the Word Tranfubjlantiation was not 
 known) in the Bread and Wine in the Eucharift, 
 they are to be interpreted, as here we do in Bap- 
 tifm, of a Change in Qualities and Powers, and 
 not in Subftance : Since all the words they ufed 
 to exprefs that Change, are equally verified in 
 the Water of Baptifm after Confecration. 
 
 I muft farther obferve, to avoid SECT. v. 
 all Miftakes, that when the And- Kcvt f ar the f* 
 cnts fpeak of an abfolute Neceifi- *T" f Co "f ecra ; 
 
 r 1 • r j r tlon reckoned neccf* 
 
 ty of invocation of God to come- ,„.„■.„ >u. l 
 
 i ,1, r r» -r * (ary tn the Church. 
 
 crate the Waters of Baptifm, they 
 then do not mean any New Form of Prayer in- 
 ftituted by the Church, but the very Form of 
 Baptifm inftituted by Chrift, which they rightly 
 fuppofe to be an Invocation of the Holy Trinity; 
 in which Senfe, no Baptifm can be duly perform- 
 ed without an Invocation to confecrate the Wa- 
 ter, though it may be performed in Times of 
 Exigency, without the additional [»] Prayers of 
 the Church. 
 
 0] Ifidor. de Offic. Eccl. lib. 2. cap. 14. Aqua eft qux tempore 
 Paflionis Chrifti de latere profluxit. [p] Laurent. Novnr. Hom.i. 
 de Pcenitentia. Bib!. Parr. torn. 2. p. 127. Afperges me aqua Filii tui 
 
 faero fanguine mixta. Abluitur Adam corpore Chrifti, Sec. 
 
 [q] Cyril in Joh. 3.7. p. 147. JW f tv wp^'/zaj®- difyeiui to 
 eu&mov vfup vpU •S-eW Tivet >y apptflov dva.^oiym'^ J*v'v#/j.i<>. 
 Vid. Albertinum de Euchariftia. lib. 2. p. 4S8. where he has coHecled 
 all the I'aJJages that fpeuk of this Tranfelementation. [r] Cyril. Ca- 
 
 tech. Myft. 3. n. 3. of ». fj.ii \ssnvonffri< Ik&Ivo To (jlv^v -iikov 7/)* 
 fcccjsp it) tfp7©- ^jy^±vs 'ia.i , cmKhvjiv <nt a.y'i>s tyX- 
 y.tt](Q-, iSK £ 7i apT@~ Airif, clkAa. aeo^A Xet^Z" to a.yiov 
 t»to fjivpov £k Iti -\iKlv, 8cc. [j] Nyficn. de Biptifmo Chri- 
 fti, torn. 3. p. 369. [t] Leo. Serm. 14.de Paflione, p. 61. Suf- 
 ceptus a Chrifto, Chriftumque fulcipiens, non idem eft poft Lava- 
 crum, qui ante Baptiftnum fuir, fed Corpus regenerati fitCsro Cru- 
 cifixi. [«] Vid. Albertin.de Eucharift. lib. 1. p. 18. v. 22. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. XL Christian Church. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the different IVays of Bapufwg by Immerjion, Trine Immerfion, and 
 /Ifperfion in the cafe of Clintck Baptifm. 
 
 sect. I. TT A V I N G thus far conflder- felf to Perfons newly baptized : As foonasyecame 
 
 All Perfom ami' J£j[ ec | a u Things preceding the into the inner part of the Baptiftery, ye put off 
 
 'de^ oZtftiZl' VCr y ^ °^ ^ a P" z ' n g> we are y our Clothes, which is an Emblem of putting off 
 
 erto e xptix.e . fiow tQ enquire into the Manner the old Man with his Deeds: And being thus di- 
 
 how that was ufually performed, Whether by verted ye flood naked, imitating Chrift, that was 
 
 Dipping and total Immerfion, or by Afperfion and naked upon the Crofs, who by his Nakednefs 
 
 Sprinkling, which is now the more general Pra- fpoiled Principalities and Powers, publickly tri- 
 
 tticc of the Church. There is no Queftion made umphing over them in the Crofs. O wonderful 
 
 but that either of thefe Ways does fully anfwer Thing! Ye were naked in the Sight of Men, 
 
 the primary End of Baptifm, which is to purify and were not afhamed j in this truly imitating ths 
 
 the Soul, and not the Body, by warning away firft Man Adam, who was naked in Paradife, and 
 
 Sin. But yet the Ancients thought, that Immer- was not afhamed. Soalfo Ampbilochius in the Life 
 
 fion or burying under Water did more lively re- of St. Bafil \d\ fpeakirtg of his Baptifm, fays, he 
 
 prefent the Death and Burial, and Refurrection of arofe with Fear and put off his Clothes, and with 
 
 Chrift, as well as our own Death unto Sin, and them the old Man. And Zeno Veronenfis [e] re- 
 
 Rifing again to Righteoufnefs: And the divert- minding Perfons of their Baptifm, bids them re- 
 
 ing or uncloathing the Perfon to be baptized, joice, for they went down naked into the Font, 
 
 did alfo reprefent the putting off the Body of but rofe again cloathed in a white and heavenly 
 
 Sin, in order to put on the New Man, which is Garment, which if they did not defile, they 
 
 created in Righteoufnefs and true Holinefs. For might obtain the Kingdom of Heaven. Athana- 
 
 which Realbn they obferved the way of baptizing fius in his Invectives again ft the Arians, among 
 
 all Perfons naked and diverted, by a total Immer- other Things lays this to their Charge, that by 
 
 lion under Water, except in fomc particular ca- their Perfuafions the Jews and Gentiles broke in- 
 
 fes of great Exigency, wherein they allowed of to the Baptiftery, and there offered fuch Abufcs 
 
 Sprinkling, as in the cafe of Clinick Baptifm, or to the Catechumens as they flood with their na- 
 
 where there was fcarcity of Water. That Per- ked Bodies [/], as was fhameful and abominable 
 
 fons were diverted in order to be baptized is evi- to relate. And a like Complaint is brought a- 
 
 dent, partly from what has been faid before of the gaiaft Peter Bifhop of Apamea in the Council of 
 
 Unction, which was afclminiftred not only on the Conftantinople under Mennas [g], that he cart out 
 
 Head, but on other Parts *f the Body} partly the Neophytes, or Perfons newly baptized, out 
 
 from exprefs Teftimonies which affirm it} and al- of the Baptiftery, when they were without their 
 
 fo from the manner of baptizing by Immerfion, Clothes and Shooes. All which arc manifeft Proofs 
 
 which neceffarily prefuppofes it. St. Chryfoflom that Perfons were baptized Naked, either in Irni- 
 
 fpeaking of Baptifm, fays, Men were as naked as tation of Adam in Paradife, or our Saviour upon 
 
 Adam in Paradife, but with this Difference: A- the Crofs, or to fignify their putting off the Bo- 
 
 dam was naked [a] becaufe he had finned, but in dy of Sin, and the old Man with his Deeds. 
 Baptifm a Mat; was naked that he might be freed 
 
 from Sinj the one was diverted of his Glory, And this Practice was then fo sect. II. 
 
 which he once had, but the other put off the old general, that we find no Excep- No Exception in 
 
 Man, which he did as eafily as his Clothes. St. tion made, either with refpeft to f" ^ either ™ th 
 
 Ambrofe [b~\ fays, Men came as naked to the Font, the tendernefs of Infants, or the cLdrm Wamen ° r 
 
 as they came into the World } and thence he bafhfulnefs of the Female Sex, 
 
 draws an Argument by way of Allufion, to rich fave only where the cafe of Sicknefs or Difabi i 
 
 Men, telling them, How abfurd it was, that a lity made it neceflary to vary from the ufual Cu- 
 
 Man who was born naked of his Mother, and re- ftom. St. Chryfoflom is an undeniable Evidence 
 
 ceived naked by the Church, fhould think of go- in this Matter. For writing about the baibarous 
 
 ing rich into Heaven. Cyril of Jerufalem takes Proceedings of his Enemies againft him on the 
 
 notice of this Circumftance [_c~\, together with great Sabbath, or Saturday before Eafter, among 
 
 the Reafons of it, when he thus addreffes him- other tragical Things which they committed, he 
 
 [»] Chryf. Horn. 6. in Colof. p. iir8. c-vxaJQij yv/j-voT^i, (tee- 
 Kin yvurbTti? a,h\' y.iv a././Jf}h<r*s iyu/xveo^n , Wn^n n- 
 tj$T«>< »»i«vO<e $, A^cthKctyii yv(j.vv^)i &c. [i] Am- 
 brof Serm, 10. Nudi in fxculo nafcimur, nudi etiam accedimus ad 
 
 Lavacrum. Qjam autem incongruum ac abfurdum eft, ut quern 
 
 nudum mater genuit, nudum fulcipit Eccleiia, dives introire velit in 
 ccelum ? [f] Cyril. Catech Myft. 2. n. i. [</] Amphiloc. Vit. 
 Bafil. cap. ; . [e] Zeno Invitat. z, ad Bapt. Bibl. Patr. torn. z. p. 441. 
 
 s 
 
 Gaudete in Fontem quidem nudi demergitis, fed anherea velte veftiti, 
 mox candidati inde furgitis, quam qui non polluerir, regna coeleftia 
 pofiidebit. [/] Athan. Ep. ad Orthodoxos, Tom. 1. p. 946. 
 [g~\ Cone. Confrant. Aft. 1. p. ^.ed. Crab. Cum eflemus in Bj;> 
 tifterio Neophytiltarum, fine tunicis 5c calceamentis exiftentium, 
 venit Epifcopus nofter Petrus, &. ejecit nos foras una cum Neophy- 
 tis, &c. 
 
 v reports 
 
522 
 
 7he Antiquities of the Book XL 
 
 reports this for one, That they came armed into 
 the Church, and by Violence expelled the Cler- 
 gy, killing many in the Baptiftery j with which 
 the Women [h\ who at that time were diverted 
 in order to be baptized, were put intofuch a Ter- 
 ror, that they fled away naked, and could not flay 
 in the Fright to put on fuch Clothes as the Mo- 
 dcfty of their Sex required. And that fo it was 
 in the cafe of Children alfo, is evident from the 
 Cultom of Immerfion which continued in the 
 Church for many Agesj as alfo from what is par- 
 ticularly faid of Infants in the Ordo Romanus [f] 
 and Gregory's Sacramentarium, That after the Prieft 
 has baptized them with three Immerfions, they 
 are to be cloathed, and brought to the Bifhop to 
 be confirmed. For this Cloathing fuppofes that 
 they were uncloathed before in order to be bap- 
 tized. 
 
 sect. III. But yet that no Indecency 
 
 ret Matters were m jg nt appear in fo facred an A- 
 
 fo ordered as that no & . ^ ^ wcre efpecial . 
 Indecency might be , >j j r vP • V» 1 
 
 committed. provided for by antient Rules. 
 
 I. That Men and Women were 
 baptized apart. To which purpofe the Bapti- 
 fteries were commonly divided into two Apart- 
 ments, the one for the Men, the other for the 
 Women, as I have had occafion to fhew from St. 
 jiujhin [k~\, in another place [/]. Or elfe the Men 
 were baptized at one time and the Women at a- 
 nother, as Foffius [m~\ obferves out of the Ordo 
 Romanus, Gregory's Sacramentarium, AlbinusFlac- 
 cus and other Writers, z. There was antiently 
 an Order of DeaconefTes in the Church, and one 
 main part of their Bufinefs was to aflift at the 
 Baptifm of Women, where for Decency's fake 
 they were employed to diveft them, andfoto or- 
 der the matter, that the whole Ceremony both 
 of Unction and Baptizing might be performed in 
 fuch a manner as became the Reverence that was 
 due to fo facred an Action* of all which I have gi- 
 ven fufficient Proofs in a former Book [»], which 
 I need not here repeat. 
 
 sect iv. Persons thus diverted or un- 
 Baptifm ufually per- cloathed were ufually baptized by 
 formed by Immerfion. I ramer fj ori) or Dipping of their 
 
 whole Bodies under Water, to reprefent the 
 Death and Burial and Refurrcction of Chrirt to- 
 gether; and therewith to fignify their own dy- 
 ing unto Sin, the deftruction of its Power, and 
 the Refurrection to a new Life. There are a 
 
 great many PalTages in the Epiftles of Sc. Paul, 
 which plainly refer to this Cuftom, Rom. vi. 4. 
 We are buried with him by Baptifm, that like as 
 Chriji was raifed up from the dead by the Glory of 
 the Father, even fo We alfo jhould walk in neWnefs 
 of Life. So again, Co/, ii. 12. Buried with him in 
 Baptifm; wherein ye are alfo rifenwith him, through 
 the Faith of the Operation of God, who raifed him 
 from the Dead. And as this was the Original A- 
 poftolical Practice, fo it continued to be the u- 
 niverfal Practice of the Church for many Ages, 
 upon the fame Symbolical Reafons as it was firft 
 ufed by the Aportles. The Author of the Apo- 
 fiolical Confiitutions [0] fays, Baptifm was given to 
 reprefent the Death of Chrirt, and the Water his 
 Burial. St. Chryfoftom proves the Refurrection. 
 from this Practice : For, fays he, our being bap- 
 tized and immerged in the Water \j>~], and ourri- 
 fing again out ot it, is a Symbol of our defend- 
 ing into Hell or the Grave, and of our returning 
 from thence. Wherefore St. Paul calls Baptifm 
 our Burial. For, fays he, we are buried with Chriji 
 by Mapiifm into Death. And in another place \_q\ 
 When we dip our Heads in Water as in a Grave, 
 our Old Man is buried ; and when we rife up a- 
 gain, the New Manrifes therewith. Cyril otje- 
 rufalem makes it an Emblem of the Holy Ghoft's 
 EfFufion upon the Aportles: For as he that goes 
 down into the Water [f] and is baptized, and 
 furrounded on all Sides by Water; fo the Aportles 
 were baptized all over by the Spirit: The Wa- 
 ter furrounds the Body externally, but the Spirit 
 incomprehenfibly baptizes the interior Soul. The 
 Fourth Council of Toledo keeps to the former Rea- 
 fon [j], The Immerfion in Water, is as it were 
 the descending into the Grave, and the rifing out 
 of the Water a Refurrection. And fo St. Ambrofe 
 \f\ explains it, Thou waft asked, Doft thou be- 
 lieve in God the Father Almighty ? And thou 
 didft anfwer, I believe : And then thou waft im- 
 merged in Water, that is, buried. It appears al- 
 fo from Epiphanius and others, that almoft all 
 Hereticks, who retained any Baptifm, retained 
 Immerfion alfo. Epiphanius [u] fays, The Ebio- 
 nites received Baptifm as it was practifed in the 
 Church, but they added to it a Quotidian Bap- 
 tifm, immerging themfelvesin Water every Day. 
 So the Marcionites were guilty of many Errors in 
 other Refpects about Baptifm : They would bap- 
 tize no Perfons but either Virgins [#] or Widows, 
 or unmarried Men; they repeated their Baptifm 
 three times [y] j and introduced fome other Er- 
 
 [h~\ Chryf Ep. ad Innocent, p. 680. Twjojkh <&£py to /3«77- 
 Tia^a. ■&w<f'vo-a.tW°t x>*T « u ' tS " * *«"pof» >u/W ttpvyov 
 to <p'oC* f x* Kc -™"< spiJV iH tVj) ypi.-7r*£ yw'icuB/v, 
 
 A'xwoffuul* Tvfycopi^fJcu «fo0;£$. Vid. Mofchum Prat. Spir. 
 c 104. [/] Gregor. Sacram. dc Bapt. Infant. Baptizat eum Sacer- 
 dosfubtrina Merfione, &c. Et veftitur Infans. It. Ordo Roman. Cap. 
 de Die Sabbati S. Pafchae. Cum vcftiti fuerint Infantes, Pontifex 
 confirmet eos. Vid. Athanaf. de Parabolis Evangel. Q^. To na- 
 t*JVW -to irajfiov, 8cc. [k] Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. 22. c.8. 
 [I] Book Vlll. c. 7. n. 1. 0»] Vofs.de Bapt. Dtip. 1. p. 36. 
 [»] Book II. Chap. 22. w. 8. \o] Conft. Apoft. lib. 2. c. 17; 
 toUwj to pJ $d.Tr\i<H».& ek r &clvcl\ov to'I«o-« J"tJ"ouiVoy, to 
 vfaf dvTl TtfpMff. [>] Chryf. Horn. 40. in 1 Cor. p. 689. To $ 
 pff.Jji&ZK, % KctlctMitk,, Sra. cii'ttvd'iv, 4 df KajaCd- 
 
 aui bit «5 $ exftSsc a.vofv, 8cc. [q] Chryf. in Joh. 
 
 3. f. Horn. 2J-. p. 6?6. [r] Cyril. Catech. 17. n. 8. p. 247. 
 [s] Cone. Tolet. 4. can. f . In aquis Merfio quafi ad Internum def- 
 cenfio eft: Et rurfus ab aquis emerfio refurredtio eft. [t~\ Am- 
 brof. de Sacram. lib. 2. cap. 7. Interrogatus es, Credis in Deum Pa- 
 trem Omnipotentem ? dixifti, Credo, &Merfifti, hoc eft.repulrus es. 
 Add alfo Tertul. de Bapt. c. 2. Homo in aquam demiflus, 8c inter 
 pauca verba tinftus, non multo vel nihilo mundior refurgit. Paulin. 
 Ep. 12. ad Severum. Mira Dei pietasj Peccator mergitur undis, Sec. 
 Nyffen. de Bapt. Chrifti.tom. 3. p. 372. Athan. dc Tarabolis. Q. 9+. 
 torn. 2. p.422. [«] Epiphan.Hser. 30. Ebion. n.2,8c 16. [*] Ter- 
 tul. cont. Marc. lib. 1. c. 29. Non tinguiturapud ilium caro, nilivirgo, 
 nifi vidua, nificcelebs, 8cc. [y] Epiph.Ha?r. 42. n.3. i y.'ovov map 
 
 (tUTtS %V ABT^'^i'/oJ)) « { ^ A * ^ T&«»C h>S7fm, &c. 
 
 rors 
 
Chap. XL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 523 
 
 rors about it: But ftill the Baptifms which they 
 adminiftred, were in this refpect conformable to 
 thofe of the Church, that they baptized by a to- 
 tal Immerfion, as Tertullian [z] witnelTes of them. 
 Other Hereticks, as the Fa lent im ans, to their Bap- 
 tifm by Water, added another Baptifm by Fire [a], 
 which is mentioned by Tertullian. But yet we 
 find no Charge brought againll them for their 
 firft Baptifm, as if it were adminiftred in any o- 
 ther way than by a total Immerfion. The only 
 Hereticks, againll whom this Charge is brought, 
 were the Eunomians, a Branch of the Arians, of 
 whom it was reported by Theodora [b\ that they 
 baptized only the upper parts of the Body as far 
 as the Bread. And this they did in a very pre- 
 pofterous way, as Epipbanius \_c] relates, T»r ?r6- 
 cftts a'vw, )L r x?<paX»jv Karoo, with their Heels up- 
 ward, and their Head downward. Which fort of 
 Men are called Hiftopedes, or Pederecli. Whence 
 the Learned Gothofred [d~\ conjectures, That in 
 one of the Laws of Tbeodofius, where it is now 
 read, Eunomiani Spadones', it fhould be Eunomia- 
 ni Hiftopedes, which fignifies Men hanged up by 
 the Heels, as he proves from Paufanias, Pollux, 
 Hefychius, Harpocration and others. So thatthefe 
 v^ere the only Men among all the Hereticks of 
 the antient Church, that rejected this way of 
 baptizing by a total Immerfion in ordinary ca- 
 fes. 
 
 sect. v. Indeed the Church was fo 
 ret Afperfwn or p Un a ua l to this Rule, that we 
 
 sprinkling dialed m read of Exception made 
 
 fome extraordinary . . ,. r> c 
 
 ' Ca r es J to it in ordinary Cafes, no not in 
 
 the Baptifm of Infants. For it 
 appears from the Ordo Romanus and Gregory's Sa- 
 cramentarium, that Infants as well as others were 
 baptized by Immerfion ; and the Rules of the 
 Church, except in Cafes of Danger, do ftill re- 
 quire it. But in two Cafes a Mitigation of this 
 Rule was allowed. 1. In cafe of Sicknefs and ex- 
 ireme Danger of Life. Here that excellent Rule, 
 I will have Mercy and not Sacrifice, was always al- 
 lowed to take place. Therefore that which the 
 Ancients called Clinick Baptifm, that is, Bap- 
 tifm by Afperfion or Sprinkling upon a Sick-bed, 
 was never difputed againft as an unlawful or im- 
 perfect Baptifm, though fome Laws were made 
 to debar Men who were fo baptized, from amen- 
 ding to the Dignities of the Church. For if Men 
 by Neglect deferred their Baptifm to a Sick-bed, 
 the Church in her Prudence and Difcipline (be- 
 caufe this Delay was a Fault fh.e always declaimed 
 againft) thought fit to deny fuch Men the Pri- 
 
 vilege of Ordination, as I have had Occafion to 
 lhew in a more proper {Y} place. But yet {he 
 did not at any time attempt to annul fuch Bap- 
 tifms, or judge them imperfect, as to what con- 
 cerned the Eflcnce or Subftance of the Action. 
 This very Queftion was moved by fome, toge- 
 ther with that of Heretical Baptifm, in the time 
 of Cyprian: But Cyprian, who determined againft 
 the Validity of Heretical Baptifm, makes no 
 Scruple in this cafe, but offers Arguments to prove 
 fuch Clinick Baptifm by Afperfion, to have ail the 
 neceflary Conditions of a true Baptifm. For 
 though this was the Cafe of Novatian, who hacl 
 not been wafhed, but only fpiinkled upon a Sick- 
 bed > yet Cyprian [/] had no Objection againft 
 his Chriftianity upon that Account: But. declares, 
 That as far as he was able to judge, all fuch Bap- 
 tifms were Perfect, where there was no Defect 
 in the Faith of the Giver or the Receiver: For 
 the Contagion of Sin was not wafhed away, as the 
 Filth of the Body is, by a carnal and fecular WafiV 
 ing. There was no need of a Lake or other 
 fuch-like Helps to wafti and cleanfe it. The Heart 
 of a Believer was otherwife wafhed, the Mind of 
 a Man was clcanfed by the Merit of Faith. In 
 the Sacraments of Salvation, when Neceffity re- 
 quires, God grants his Indulgence by a fhort way 
 of performing them. This Lawfulnefs of Afper- 
 fion in fuch cafes he proves from thofe Words of 
 God in Ezekiel xxxvi. Zj. I will fpr inkle clean Wa- 
 ter upon you, and ye Jhall be clean : From all your 
 Filthineffes, and from all your Idols will I cleanfe you. 
 And from feveral other Texts, Numb. xix. ip. 
 viii. 7. and xix. p. where the Water of Sprink- 
 ling is called the Water of Purification. Whence 
 he concludes, That the fprinkling of Water was 
 as effectual as Wafhing : And what the Church 
 did in this Cafe in compliance with Neceflity and 
 Mens Infirmities, was neither difpleafing to God, 
 nor detrimental to the Party baptized, who re- 
 ceived a full and complete Sacrament by the Pow- 
 er of God, and the Truth of his own Faith toge- 
 ther. And therefore he blames thofe who Nick- 
 named thefe Men, Clinicks, inftead of Chriftian?. 
 It farther appears from the Canons which fpeak of 
 thefe [g], That they were only denied Orders, 
 not the Name of Chriftians. The Council of 
 Neo-Cafarea allows them in time of great Exigen- 
 cy, or in cafe of great Merit, to be ordained, as 
 Novatian was for his pregnant Parts, and the 
 Hopes which the Church had conceived of him, 
 as Eufebius \h~\ out of the Epiftle of Cornelius in- 
 forms us. The Council of Laodicea p] appoints 
 fuch, if they recover, to learn the Creed, but 
 
 [z] Tertul. Cont. Marc. lib. 1. cap. 18. Carnem mergit ex- 
 ortem Salutis. [«] Tertul. Carmen cont. Marc. lib. 1. cap. 7. 
 Namque Valentino Deus eft infanus. — — - Bis docuit tingui, tranf- 
 du&o corpore flamma. Vid. Hieron. in Ephef. 4. [6] Theod. 
 Haer. Fab. lib. 4. cap. 3. [r] Epiphan. Hxr. 76. Anomceorum, 
 p. 991. [</] Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. lib. 1 6. Tit. 3. de Hcereti- 
 cis, Leg. 17. [e] Book IV. Chap. 3. n. 11. [/] Cypr. Ep. 76. 
 al. 69. ad Magnum, p. 185-. Quaslifti etiam, fili chariffime, quid 
 mihi de illis videatur, qui in mfirmitate 8c languore Gratiam Dei 
 confequuntur, an habendi fint legitimi Chriftiani, eo quod aqua fa- 
 lutari non loti fint, fed petfua — Nos quantum concipit m.edio- 
 
 critas nollra, sftimamus in nullo mutilari 8c debilitari pofle benefit 
 cia divina, nec minus aliquid illic pofle contingere, ubi plena 8c to- 
 ta fide 8c dantis 8c fuinentis accipitur, quod de divinis muneribus 
 hauritur. Neque enim lie in Sacramento lalutari diledtorum conta- 
 gia, ut in Lavacro Catnali 8c Secu'.ari fordes Cutis 8c Corporis, ab- 
 luuntur, 8cc. Aliter peftus credentis abluitur, aliter mens hominis 
 per fidei merita mundatur. In Sacramentis Salutaribus, Neceflitate 
 cogenre, 8c Deo indulgentiam finm largiente, totum credentibus 
 conterunt divina Compendia. [g~] Cone. Nco-Carfar. Can. 12.' 
 [h] Eufcb, lib, 6. c. 43; [i] Cone, Laod. Can; 47. 
 
 fays 
 
524 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XL 
 
 fays not a Word of Re-baptizing them. And it 
 appears from the Council of Auxerre \k\ that 
 thefe Clinicks were allowed to be baptized at any 
 Time when Neceffity required, without flaying 
 for a folemn Feftival. So that many Things were 
 indulged to them, which were not allowed by 
 the ordinary Rules of the Church. 2. Another 
 Cafe in which Sprinkling was accepted inftead of 
 Immerfion, was in Times of Difficulty, when a 
 fufficient quantity of Water could not be pro- 
 cured. As when a Martyr was to be baptized in 
 Prifon, or was to baptize any other under fuch a 
 Confinement. Thus we read in the antient Acls 
 of St. Laurence, referred to by JValafridus Strabo 
 [/], how one Romanus a Soldier was baptized by 
 him in a Pitcher of Water. And again, how 
 one Lucillus was baptized by the fame Martyr 
 [jw] only by pouring Water upon his Head. But 
 as both thefe were extraordinary Cafes, they 
 only fhew us, how far the Church could dif- 
 penfe with this Rule upon Reafons of Neceffity 
 or Charity, not what was her Handing and ordi- 
 nary Practice. Some learned Perfons [»] think 
 fertullian alludes to the Allowance of Sprinkling 
 in extraordinary Cafes, when fpeaking of Mens 
 pretending to be baptized without true Repen- 
 tance, he°fays, No Man would grant fuch falfe 
 Penitents [0] fo much as one Alperfion of Wa- 
 ter. And Gregory Nyjfen perhaps refers to it alfo 
 in that famous Story, which he tells of one Ar~ 
 chias, who having neglected his Opportunity of 
 receiving Baptifm, was at laft fuddenly furprized 
 with Death at a Seafon when there was no pof- 
 fibility of obtaining it : And then he cried out 
 in that languishing Condition, O ye Mountains 
 [p] and Woods, baptize me; O ye Trees, and 
 Rocks and Fountains, give me this Grace : And 
 with thefe Words, being wounded to Death, he 
 expired in the Hands of his Enemies. This 
 Man's Condition he compares to thofe, who 
 have the fudden Summons of Death upon a fick 
 Bed: They then begin to call for a VefTel of 
 Water, a Prieft, and Words to prepare them 
 for Baptifm ; but the Violence of their Difeafe 
 prevents them from obtaining it. This feems to 
 imply, that fuch a Sprinkling as Men might have 
 upon a fick Btd, in Cafes of Extremity was re- 
 puted a Saving Baptifm; and it was an Unhappi- 
 nefs in fome, that they could not obtain even 
 
 that at their laft Hour, which the Church al- 
 lowed as the laft Refuge only in fuch extraor- 
 dinary Cafes. 
 
 But I muft obferve farther, sect. VI. 
 That they not only Adminiftred ^' mt '«w»«y&», 
 Baptifm by Immerfion under Wa- ' he f ma ! Frac ^ e 
 ter, but alfo repeated this three 
 1 imes. Tertulhan Ipeaks of it as 
 a Ceremony [?] generally ufed in his Time: 
 We Dip not once, but Three times, at the na- 
 ming every Perfon of the Trinity. The fame 
 is afTerted by St. Bafil [r], and Sz.Jerom [jj, 
 and the Author under the Name of Dionyfius {t\ 
 who fays likewife, that it was done at the diftincT: 
 mention of each Perfon of the Blefled Trinity. 
 St. Ambrofe is mod particular in the Defcription 
 of this Rite: Thou waft abked, [«] fays he, 
 Doft thou believe in God the Father Almighty? 
 And thou repliedft, I believe, and waft dipped, 
 that is, buried. A fecond Demand was made, 
 Doft thou believe in Jefus Chrift our Lord, and 
 in his Crofs ? Thou anfweredft again, I believe, 
 and waft dipped. Therefore thou waft buried 
 with Chrift. For he that is buried with Chrift, 
 rifes again with Chrift. A third time the Que- 
 iTion was repeated, Doft thou believe in the 
 Holy Ghoft ? And thy Anfwer was, I believe. 
 Then thou waft dipped a third Time, that thy 
 triple Confeffion might abfolve thee from the 
 various Offences of thy former Life. Two Rea- 
 fons are commonly affigned for this Practice. 1/?, 
 That it might reprefent Chrift's three Days bu- 
 rial, and his Refurredion on the third Day. 
 We cover ourfelves in the Water, fays Gregory 
 Nyjfen [#], as Chrift did in the Earth, and this 
 we do three Times, to reprefent the Grace of 
 his Refurrettion performed after three Days. In 
 like manner Cyril of Jerufalem [y~] and the Author 
 of the Quejlions upon the Scripture [z] under the 
 Name of Athanajius. Thus likewife Pope Leo 
 among the Latins [*], The Trine Immerfion is 
 an Imitation of the three Days burial, and the 
 riling again out of the Water, is an Image of 
 Chrift rifing from the Grave, z. Another Rea- 
 fon was, that it might reprefent their Profeffion 
 of Faith in the Holy Trinity, in whofe Name 
 they were baptized. St. Aufiin [_a~\ joins both 
 Reafons together, telling us there was a twofold 
 
 Ik] Cone. Amifliodor. Can. 18. Non licet abfque Pafchse Co- 
 lennitate ullo tempore baptizare, nifi illos quibus mors vicina eft, 
 quos Grabatarios dicunt. [/] Afta Laurentii, ap. Surium, 
 
 Tom. 4. Unu; ex militibus, Romanus nomine, Urceum afferens, 
 cum aqua opportunism captavit, qua earn offerret B. Laurentio, 
 ut baptiz.aretur. Vid. Strabo, de Rebus Ecclef. cap. 16. |>] A- 
 
 £ra, ibid. Cum exfpoiiaflet eum, fudit aquam fuper caput ejus. 
 [n] Vid. Bevereg. Not. in Con. Apoft. fo. [0] Tertul. de 
 
 Pcenitent. cap. 6. Quis enim tibi tam infidiae pcenitentia: viro afper- 
 ginem unam cuiuflibet aqua: commodabit ? [/>] Nyflen. de 
 
 Bapt.Tom. 2. p. 110. [?] Tertul. Cont. Prax. cap. x6. Nec 
 
 feme], fed ter, ad lingula nomina in Perfonas fingulas tinguimur. 
 Id.deCoron. Mil. cap. j. Dehinc ter mergitamur, &c. [r] 
 Bafil. de Spir. Sancto, c. 17. 0] Hieron. adv. Lucif. c. 4. 
 
 It] Dionyf. de Hierarch. Ecclef. cap. 2. [a] Ambrof. de Sa- 
 cram. Lib. 2. cap. 7. Interrogatus es, Credis in Deum Patrem om- 
 nipotentem? Dixifti, Credo, 8c merfifti, hoc eft, fepultus es. Ite : 
 
 rum interrogatus es, Credis in Dominum noftrum Jefum Chriftum ? 
 Dixifti, Credo, 8c merfifti. Ideo 8c Chrifto es confepultus. Qui 
 enim Chrifto confepclirur, cum Chrifto refurgit. Tertio interro- 
 gatus es, Credis 8c in Spiritum Sanclum? Dixifti, Credo. Tertio 
 merfifti, ut multiplicem lapfum fuperioris aetatis abfolveret trina 
 Confefllo. [#] Nyflen. de Bapt. Chrifti, Tom. 3. p. 371. 
 
 [y] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 2. n. 4. [z] Athan. de parabolis 
 
 Script. Q. 94. [*] Leo Ep. 4. ad Epifc Siculos, cap. 3. 
 
 Sepulturam triduanam imitatur trina Demerfio, 8c ab aquis elevatio 
 refurgentis adinftar eft de Sepulchre [4] Aug. Horn. 3. ap. 
 
 Gratian. de Conlecrat. Dift. 4. cap. 78. Poftqusm vos credere pro- 
 mififtis, tertio capita veftra in Sacro Fonte demerfimus. Qui ordo 
 baptifmatis duplici myfterii fignificatione celebratur. Recle enim 
 tertio merfi eftis, qui accepiftis baptilmum in nomine Trinitatis. 
 Refte tertio merfi eftis, qui accepiftis baptifmum in nomine Jefu 
 Chrifti, qui die tertia refurrexit a mortuis. 111a enim tertio repetita 
 demerfio Typum Dominica: exprimit fcpulturae.. 8<c. 
 
 z Myftery 
 
Chap. XL Christian Church 
 
 Myftery fignified in this way of Baptizing. The 
 Trine Immerfion was both a Symbol of the Holy 
 Trinity, in whofe Name we are baptized, and 
 alfo a Type of the Lord's Burial, and of his 
 Refurrcction on the third Day from the Dead. 
 For we are buried with Chrift by Baptifm, and 
 rife again with him by Faith. St. Jerom [£] 
 makes this Ceremony to be a Symbol of the 
 Unity as well as the Trinity. For, fays he, we 
 are thrice dipped in Water, that the Myftery of 
 the Trinity may appear to be but one : We are 
 not baptized in the Names of Father, Son, and 
 Holy Ghoft, but in one Name, which is God. 
 And therefore he adds, that though we be 
 thrice 1 put under Water to reprefent the My- 
 itery of the Trinity, yet it is reputed but one Bap- 
 tifm. 
 
 sect. VII. The Original of this Cuftom 
 The original ef j s not exac ^ly agreed upon by the 
 
 this Pratlice. A . e J • r 
 
 Ancients. Some derive it trom 
 Apoftolical Tradition} others from the firft In- 
 ftitution of Baptifm by our Saviour j whilft others 
 elteem it only an indifferent Circumftance or 
 Ceremony, that may be ufed, or omitted, with- 
 out any Detriment to the Sacrament itfelf, or 
 Breach of any Divine Appointment. Tertullian 
 [o*], St. Bafil\_d~\, and St. Jerom [e], put it 
 among thofe Rites of the Church, which they 
 reckon to be handed down from Apoftolical 
 Tradition. St. Chryfoftom feems rather to make 
 it part of the firft Inftitution: For he fays, 
 Chrift delivered to his Difciples [/] one Bap- 
 tifm in three Immerfions of the Body, when he 
 faid to them, Go teach all Nations, baptizing them 
 in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and 
 of the Holy Ghoft. And 'Theodoret \_g~] was of 
 the fame Opinion : For he charges Eunomius as 
 making an Innovation upon the Original Infti- 
 tution of Baptifm, delivered by Chrift and his 
 Apoftles, in that he made a contrary Law, that 
 Men fhould not be baptized with three Immer- 
 fions, nor with Invocation of the Trinity, but 
 only with one Immerfion into the Death of 
 Chrift. Pope Pelagius brought the fame Charge 
 againft fome others in his Time who bap- 
 tized all in the Name of Chrift, with one Im- 
 merfion, which he condemns as contrary to the 
 Gofpel Command given by Chrift, who ap- 
 
 pointed every one to be baptized in the Name of 
 the Trinity, and that with three Immerfions, 
 faying to his Difciples, Go, baptize all Nations, 
 in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. 
 And this was fo far efteemed a Divine Obliga- 
 tion by the Author of the Apoftolical Canons [/*], 
 that they order every Bifliop or Presbyter to be 
 depofed, who ftiould adminifter Baptifm not by 
 three Immerfions, but only one in the Name of 
 Chrift; becaufe Chrift faid not, baptize into 
 my Death ; but, Go, baptize all Nations in the 
 Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. It is 
 plain, all thefe Writers thought this a neceffary 
 Circumftance from our Saviour's Inftitution. 
 And the Eunomians, who firft rejected this, are 
 condemned by Theodoret and Sozomen, as making 
 a new Law of baptizing, not only againft the 
 general Practice, but againft the general Rule and 
 Tradition of the Church. 
 
 Yet there happened a Cir- sect. vm. 
 cum ftance in the Spanifh Churches when firfl the 
 in After-ages, which gave a little chttrc J f alhweJ ' f 
 Turn to this Affair. For the J 
 Brians in Spain, not being of the Seer, of the 
 Eunomians, continued for many Years to baptize 
 with three Immerfions : But then they abufed 
 this Ceremony to a perverfe End, to patronize 
 their Error about the Son and Holy Ghoft's be- 
 ing of a different Nature or Effence from the 
 Father. For they made the three Immerfions to 
 denote a Difference, or Degrees of Divinity in 
 the three Divine Perfons. To oppofe whofe 
 wicked Doctrine, and that they might not feem 
 to Symbolize with them in any Practice that 
 might give Encouragement to it, fome Catho- 
 licks began to leave off the Trine Immerfion, as 
 favouring of Arianifm, and took up the fingle 
 Immerfion in Oppofition to them. But this was 
 like to prove Matter of Scandal and Schifm 
 among the Catholicks themfelves. And therefore 
 in the time of Gregory the Great, Leander Bifliop 
 of Sevil wrote to him for his Advice and Refo- 
 lution in this Cafe. To which he returned this 
 Anfwer : Concerning the three Immerfions in 
 Baptifm, you [k] have judged very truly already, 
 That different Rites and Cuftoms do not preju- 
 dice the Holy Church, whilft the Unity of 
 Faith remains entire. The Reafon why we ufe 
 
 [7 ] Hieron. Lib. 2. in Ephef. 4. p. 222. Ter mergimur, ut 
 Trinitatis unum appareat Sacramentum, 8c non baptizamur in no- 
 minibus Patris 8c Filii 8c Spiritus San£ti, fed in uno nomine, quod 
 intelligitur Deus Poteft 8c unum baptifma ita dici, quod li- 
 cet ter baptizemur propter Myfterium Trinitatis, tamen unum bap- 
 tifma reputetur. [c] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. c. 3. [</] 
 Bafil. de Spir. Santt. c. 27. [e] Hieron. cont. Lucif. cap. 4. 
 It. Sozomen. Lib. 6. c.26. [/] Chryf.Hom. de Fide, Tom. 
 7. p. 290. Edit. Savil. cv Tp/07 K&ja.<Pv<n<n <fts a-copa]©- \v /3*t- 
 7707/05 to/ '( iavri /t/ct£»7«/f <?s^.J N iJW«, 8cc. [g~\ 
 Theod. Hasret. Fab. lib. 4. c. 3. p. 236. auTof ra ay'ta fca.'n- 
 t\uiJ.<t\©- etViTpe-J- 5 dvinaSiv <®^& x.t/pis 'S/wroKM <z$£>5t- 
 
 t?k jKaTrtJVrtf r li<f7r7i£'o<u$fJov. 8cc. [£] Pclag. Ep. ad 
 
 Gaudentium, ap. Gratian. de Confecrat. Dift. 4. c. 82. Multi funt 
 qui in nomine folummodo Chrifti, una etiam Merfionc fe aflerunt 
 baptizare. Evangelicum ver6 praceptum, ipfo Deo 8c Domino 
 falvatore noftro Jefu Chrifto tradente, nos admonet, in nomine 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Trinitatis trina etiam merfione fancTrum baptifma unicuique tribu- 
 ere, dicente Domino difcipulis fuis, Ite, baptizate omnes gentes in 
 nomine Patris, Filii, 8c Spiritus Sandti. [i] Canon. Apoft. Can. 
 
 49. al. jo. [£] Gregor. Lib. 1 . Ep.4 1 . ad Leand. De trina mer- 
 
 fione baptifmatis nil relponderi verius poteft, quam quod ipfi fenfiftis, 
 quod in una fide nil officit fandtae Ecclefiae Confuetudo diverfa. 
 Nos autem quod tertio mergimus, triduanae fepulturx Sacramenta 
 fignamus, ut dum tertio infans ab aquis educitur, refurreftio tridu- 
 ani tcmporis exprimatur. Quod fi quis forte etiam pro fumma: 
 Trinitatis veneratione exiftimet fieri ; neque ad hoc aliquid obfiftit 
 baptizando femel in aquis mergere: quia dum in tribus Perfonis una 
 fubftantia eft, reprehenfibile efle nullatenus poteft, infantem in bap- 
 tifmate vel ter, vel lemel immergere; quando 8c in tribus mer- 
 fionibus Perfonarum Trinitas, 8c in una poteft Divinitatis fingulariras 
 defignari. Sed quia nunc hucufque ab hsereticis infans in baptifmo 
 tertio mergebaiur, fiendum apud vos efle non cenfeo, ne dum mcr- 
 fiones numerant, Diviniratem dividant; dumque quod faciebant fa- 
 ciunt, fe morem veftrurn vicifle glorientur. 
 
 X x x x three 
 
526 
 
 The Antiquities of, &c 
 
 Book XL 
 
 three Immerfions (at Rome) is to fignify the fion out of the Water was a Refurrection. He 
 Myfteryof Chrift's three Days burial, that whilft might alfo obferve the Unity of the Deity, and 
 an Infant is thrice lifted up out of the Water, the Trinity of Perfons to be fignified by it. 
 the Refurrection on the third Day may be expref- The Unity by a fingle Immerfion, and the 'Tri- 
 fed thereby. But if any one thinks this is ra- nity by giving Baptifm in the Name of Father, 
 ther done in regard to the Holy Trinity i a flngle Son, and Holy Ghoft. Some learned Perfons 
 Immerfion in Baptifm does no way prejudice that: [m~\ find Fault with this Council, for changing 
 For fo long as the Unity of Subftance is prefer- this ancient Cuftom upon fo flight a Reafon, as 
 ved in Three Perfons, it is no harm whether a that of ths drians ufing it: Which, if it were 
 Child be baptized with one Immerfion or three } any Reafon, would hold as well againft a fingle 
 becaufe three Immerfions may reprefent the Tri- Immerfion, becaufe the Eunomians, a bafer Sect 
 nity of Perfons, and one Immerfion the Unity of the Brians, were the firft Inventors of that 
 of the Godhead. But forafmuch as Hereticks Practice. And therefore the Exception made by 
 ufe to baptize their Infants with three Immerfi- this Spanijl) Council in the Seventh Century, can- 
 lions, I think you ought not to do fo j left this not prejudice the more ancient and general Pra- 
 multiplication of Immerfions be interpreted a dtice of the Church, which, as Strabo obferved, 
 Divifion of the Godhead, and give them occafion ftill prevailed after this Council} and if Fofiius 
 to glory, that their Cuftom has prevailed. Yet fays true, the Trine Immerfion, or what corre- 
 this Judgment of Pope Gregory did not fatisfy all fponds to it, the Trine Afperfion, is the gene- 
 Men in the Spmijb Church : For ftill many kept ral Practice of all Churches upon Earth an this 
 to the old way of Baptizing by three Immerfi- Day. And fuch a Cuftom could not well be laid 
 ons, notwithstanding this Fear of Symbolizing afide, without fome Charge of Novelty, and 
 with the Brians. Therefore fome Time after, Danger of giving Offence and Scandal to weaker 
 about the Year 633, the Fourth Council of To- Brethren. I have now gone over the feveral 
 ledo, which was a general Council of all Spain, Circumftances and Ceremonies accompanying 
 was forced to make another Decree to determine Baptifm, fo far as to make it a complete Sacra- 
 this Ma r ter, and fettle the Peace of the Church, ment, and the Inftrument of Salvation to all 
 For while fome Priefts baptized with three Im- worthy Receivers, if they happened to die with- 
 merfions, and the others but with one, a Schifm out any farther Confummation, as fometimes they 
 was raifed [/], endangering the Unity of the did, when Baptifm was adminiftred to them with 
 Faith. For the contending Parties carried the lefs Solemnity, either in Times of Sicknefs, or 
 Matter fo high, as to pretend, that they who at fome Diftance from the Mother Church j in 
 were baptized in a Way contrary to their own, both which Cafes they had the Subftance of the 
 were not baptized at all. To remedy which Sacrament, but not all the Ceremonies that were 
 Evil, the Fathers of this Council firft repeat the appointed to attend it. They were fuppofed to 
 Judgment of Pope Gregory, and then immediately be made Partakers of Chrift's Body, and to eac 
 conclude upon it, that though both thefe Ways his Flefb, and to be wafhed in his Blood, which 
 of Baptifm were juft and unblameable in them- was drinking it by Faith, in Baptifm as well as 
 felves, according to the Opinion of that Great in the Eucharift. And if they furvived, they 
 Man •, yet as well to avoid the Scandal of Schifm, were alio admitted immediately to the Symbols 
 as the Ufage of Hereticks, they decree, That of Chrift's Body and Blood in the Eucharift. 
 only one Immerfion fhould be ufed in Baptifm, But there were fome other Ceremonies following 
 lei!, if any ufed three Immerfions, they might Baptifm, as it were to finifh the Solemnity of 
 feem to approve the Opinion of Hereticks, whilft it; fome of which were Introductory and Prepa- 
 they followed their Practice. And that no one ratory to the Eucharift, as the fecond Unction 
 might be dubious about the Ufe of a fingle Im- accompanying Baptifm, which we commonly call 
 merfion, he might confider, that the Death and Impofition of Hands or Confirmation. Of which, 
 Refurrection of Chrift were reprefented by it. becaufe it will be necefiary to fpeak a little more 
 For the Immerfion in Water was as it were the diftinctly, I fhall make it and the remaining Ce- 
 defcending into Hell or the Grave, and theEmer- remonies of Baptifm the Subject of another Book. 
 
 apud nos, qui tertio mergunt, hzrericorum approbare afiertionem 
 dum fequuntur 8c morera. Et ne forte cuiquam fit dubiura hujus 
 limpli myfterium Sacramenti, videat in eo mortem 8c Refurre&i- 
 onem Chrifti fignificari. Nam in aquis merfio, quafi ad infernum 
 defcenlio eft .- 8c rurfus ab aquis emerfio, refurreftio eft. Item vi- 
 deat in co Unitatem Divinitatis, 8c Trinitatem Perfonarum oftendi. 
 Unitatem, dum feme] mergimus: Trinitatem, dum in nomine Pa- 
 tris 8c Filii 8c Spiritus San&i baptizamus. [w] Strabo de 
 
 Oflic. EccL cap. z6. Vofllus de Baps. Difp. i. Thef. 4. p. 4.6". 
 
 \J\ Cone. Tolet. 4.. can. 5-. De Baptifmi autem Sacramento, 
 propter quod in Hifpaniii quidam Sacerdotes trinam, fimplam qui- 
 dam mer/icnem faciunt, a nonnullis Schifma efle confpicitur, 8c 
 unitas fidei fcindi videtur. Nam dum partes diverfx in baptizandis 
 aliqua contrario modo agunt, ab aliis non baptizatos efle conten- 
 
 dunt - Quapropter, quia de utroque Sacramento, quod fit in 
 
 iando baptifmo, a tanto viro reddita eft ratio, quod utrumque re- 
 tlum, utrumque irreprehenii'oile in fanda Dei Ecclefia habeatur : 
 Propter vitandum autem Schifmatis fcandalum, vel hasretici dogma- 
 is ufum, fimplicem teneamus baptifmi merfionenij ne videantur 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK XII. 
 
 Of Confirmation} and other Ceremonies following 
 Baptismj before Men were made Partakers 
 of the Eucharist. 
 
 chap. I. 
 
 Of the Time when, and the Perfons to whom Confirmation was adminiftred. 
 
 SECT. 1. 
 Confirmation 
 tmUtntly given 
 immediately af- 
 ter Baptijm, if 
 the Bifiop were 
 frefent. 
 
 MMEDTATELY 
 
 after the Perfons came 
 up out of the Water, 
 if the Bifhop was pre- 
 fcnt at the Solemni- 
 ty, they were prefen- 
 ted to him, in order 
 to receive his Benediction, which was a folemn 
 Prayer for the Deicent of the Holy Ghoft upon 
 fuch as were baptized : And to this Prayer there 
 was ufually joined the Ceremony of a fecond Un- 
 ction, and lmpofition of Hands, and the Sign of 
 the Crofsj whence the whole Action many times 
 took thefc Name>, xd ,a i xa -> tne Unclion, ^et^S-i- 
 cla, the lmpofition of Hands, and o-ip^yir, the Sign 
 or Seal of the Lord, which are Names much more 
 common among the Ancients, than that of Con- 
 firmation. But by all thefe Names they under- 
 ftood one and the fame Thing, which was the 
 Bifhop's Prayer for the Defcent of the Spirit up- 
 on Perfons newly baptized. This was always ad- 
 miniftred together with Baptifm, if the Bifhop, 
 who was the ordinary Minifter of it, were pre- 
 sent at the Action. But if he was abfent, as it 
 ufually happen'd to be in Churches at a Diflance 
 from the Mother Church, or when Perfons were 
 baptized in hafte upon a Sick-bed, then Confir- 
 mation was deferred till the Bifhop could have 
 a convenient Opportunity to vifit them. This 
 
 we learn from St. Jerom, who fpeaks [a] of it as 
 cuftomary in the Church, for Bifhops to go and 
 invocate the Holy Spirit by lmpofition of Hands 
 on fuch as were baptized by Presbyters and Dea- 
 cons in Villages and Places remote from the Mo- 
 ther-Church. And it many times happened, that 
 fuch Perfons died before the Bifhop could come 
 to give them lmpofition of Hands. To prevent 
 which Inconvenience, the Canons in fome pla- 
 ces obliged Bifhops to vifit their whole Diocefes 
 once every Yearj and if they were fo large that 
 they could not do fo, then they were to divide 
 their Diocefes and make them lefs, as we find ic 
 decreed and practifed in fome of the Spanijb [b~\ 
 Councils. But in cafe Perfons were baptized in 
 the Prefence of the Bifliop, then without any 
 Delay they were immediately confirmed with lm- 
 pofition of Hands and the holy Unction. 7er- 
 tullian fays [c] very plainly, That as foon as they 
 came out of the Water, they were anointed with 
 the Oil of Confecration, and then received lm- 
 pofition of Hands, inviting down the Holy Spi- 
 rit by that Benediction. And fo Cyril of Jeru- 
 falem reprefents it, when he tells the Neophytes, 
 That as foon as they come up out of the Wa- 
 ters of the Font [_d], they received the Chrifm, 
 or Unction, with the Antitype of which (that is, 
 the Holy Ghoft,) Chrift was anointed when lie 
 came up out of Jordan. In like manner the Au- 
 
 [«] Hieron. cont. Lucifer, cap. 4. Non abnuo hanc efle Ecclelia- 
 rum confuetudinem, ut ad eos qui longe in minoribus urbibus per 
 Presbyteros 8c Diaconos baptizati funt, Epifcopus ad Invocationem 
 Sanfti Spiritus raanum impofiturus excurrat. And a little after, In 
 villulis aut inCaftcllis, aut in remotioribus locis per Presbyteros aut 
 Diaconos baptizati, ante dormierunt, quam ab Epifcopis inviferentur. 
 Vid. Cone. Eliber. can. 77. [£] Cone. Lucenf. Cone. torn. /.p. 874. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [c] Tertul.de Bapt. c. 7. Exinde egreffide Lavacro perunguimur he- 
 
 ncdi£ti Undtione. Cap. 8. Dehinc manue imponitur, per Bene- 
 
 diftionem advocans 8c invirans Spiritum Sandtum. Cyril Ca- 
 
 tech. Myft. 3. n. t. Cpiv opo'ia; dvci€t£ti)i'o<rtt> >bw f y*Av/jg{)~ 
 tipuv va.f/.ctTwvtiS'lQn yji<ri*ci : n d/j'trvTrov vl^ex&n 
 
 X XX X 2 
 
 thor 
 
528 The Antiquities of the Book XII. 
 
 thor of the Conftitutions defcribing the Ceremo- 
 nies of Baptifm, orders the Prieft [<?], as foon as he 
 has baptized any one, to anoint him with the ho- 
 ly Chrifm, and give him Impofition of Hands, 
 faying a Prayer which is there appointed. Thus 
 we find in the Life of St. Baftl [/], how Maxi- 
 minus the Bifliop, who baptized him and Eubulus 
 together, immediately clothed them with the 
 white Garments, and anointed them with the 
 holy Chrifm, and gave them the Communion. 
 The fame may be obferved in the Defcription of 
 the Ceremonies of Baptifm given by the Author 
 under the Name of Dionyfius [g], St. Ambrofe, 
 Optatus, Parian, and all others amongft the An- 
 cients, who have made any mention of the Time 
 of adminiftring Confirmation. 
 
 SECT. II. Nor was this only true with 
 And this as well refpect to Adult Perfons, but aifo 
 
 to Infants as Adult wic h re fp e & [0 I n f antSj w ho were 
 Perfons. Winch ,s andentJ con fi rme d by Impofiti- 
 eviuenced, iff, From /• ri 1 j 1 11 A, r 
 
 fame fkm Tejlimo- on of Hands and the holy Chrifm 
 nits. or Unclion, as foon as they were 
 
 baptized. Which perhaps will 
 feem a Paradox to many, who look no farther 
 than to the Practice of later i^ges : But it may be 
 undeniably evidenced thefe two ways. i. From 
 plain Teftimonies of the Ancients declaring it fo 
 to be. And, z. From that known Cuftom and 
 Ufage of the Church in giving the Eucharift to 
 Infants, which ordinarily prefuppofes their Con- 
 firmation. Firft, For the Teftimonies of the An- 
 cients, nothing can be plainer than thofe Words 
 of Gennadius, If they be Infants that are baptized 
 [//], let thofe that prefent them to Baptifm, an- 
 iwer for them according to the common way of 
 baptizing: And then let them be confirmed with 
 Impofition of Hands and Chrifm, and fo be ad- 
 mitted to partake of the Eucharift. In like man- 
 ner Pope Innocent in one of his Decrees fays, 
 Infants are not to be configned or confirmed by 
 any but the Biihop. And in the Colleclion of Ca- 
 nons made by Martin Bracarenfis [k] out of thofe 
 of the Greek Church, this is one, That a Presby- 
 ter may not confign Infants in the Prefence of 
 the Biihop, except he be particularly appointed 
 by the Bifhop to do it. This Praftice continued 
 in the Church for many Ages. For it is men- 
 
 tioned by Pope Gregory both in his Sacramenta- 
 rium and in his Epiftles [/], and after him by all 
 the Writers in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries. 
 Alcuin who wrote about the Offices of the Chuich 
 in the time of Charles the Great, fpeaking of In- 
 fant-baptifm \m~\ fays, After an Infant is baptized, 
 he is to be cloathed, and brought to the Bifhop, 
 if he be prefent, who is to confirm him with 
 Chrifm, and give him the Communion : And if 
 the Bifhop be not prefent, the Presbyter ihall 
 communicate him. The fame is in the Ordo Ro~ 
 mams, a Book written and ufed as a Liturgy a- 
 bout the fame Time: Where after the Biihop has 
 given the White Garment to Infants, he lifts up 
 his Hand and lays it upon their Heads, [»] pray- 
 ing for the Defcentof the Holy Gheft upon them, 
 and figning them with the Sign of the Crofs in 
 the Forehead, he fays, I confirm thee in the 
 Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. Ba- 
 luzius in his Notes upon Regino [/] gives us two 
 antient Manufcript Pontificals of the Ninth Ceii- 
 tary, wherein this Order for Confirming Infants 
 is continued. And to thefe he adds [p] an E- 
 piftle of Jejfe Bifhop of Amiens defoibing the 
 Order of Baptifm, where the Rule is for the Bi- 
 fhop, after the Child has been baptized with three 
 Immerfions, to confirm him with Chrifm in the 
 Forehead, and then to confirm him (for fo it is 
 worded) or communicate him with the Body 
 and Blood of Chrift. Thefe Teftimonies are fo 
 plain and convincing, that all Learned Men, who 
 have exactly confidered this Matter, as well Pa- 
 pifts as Proteftants, are agreed, That this was the 
 antient and general Practice of the Church, to 
 confirm Infants as foon as they were baptized. 
 For fo I find not only Baluzius, but Peter de 
 Marca \_q], Hugo Menardus [r], Maldonat [j], E- 
 ftius [/], Galenus [«], among the Papifls, and Bi- 
 fhop Taylor [x] and Daille \j\ among the Pro- 
 teftants, readily confenting. And fome [z~] tell 
 us, the fame Practice continues among the Greeks 
 to this Day. The Learned Reader may add to 
 the former Teftimonies the Authority of St. Au- 
 Jlin, who witneffes for this Practice in his own 
 Perfon. For he fays [a], He himfelf was ufed to 
 give Impofition of Hands, or Confirmation, to 
 Infants, that they might receive the Holy Spi- 
 rit. 
 
 [«] Conft. Apoft. lib. 7. cap. 43, 8c 44. ity nro $a.'7rTio~a.( cuu- 
 •riv, yejLQ-a.'ru jjvpy, vrrsAiycov, 8cc. [/] Amphiloc. Vit. Bafil. 
 c. f. Baptizavit Maximinus Epifcopus Bafilium 2c Eubulum, 8c ve- 
 ftivit Aibis, atque ungens eos Sancto Chrifmate, tradidit cis Com- 
 munionem. [g] Dionyf. de Hierarch. Eccl. c. 2. p. 260. Ambrof. 
 de Sacram. lib. 3. c. 2. Optat. lib. 4. p. 8i. Pacian. Serm. de Bapt. 
 Bibl. Patr. torn. 3. p. 77. [£] Gennad.de Dogmat. Ecdef. cap. 5-2. 
 
 Si parvuli fint refpondeant pro illis qui eos offerunt, juxta mo- 
 
 rem baptizandi, 8c fic manus Impofitione 8c Chrifmate communiti, 
 Euchariftix myfteriis admittantur. [1] Innoc. Ep. 1. c. 3. De 
 Confignandis vero Infantibus manifeftum eft non abalio quam ab E- 
 pifcopo fieri licere. [£] Martin. Bracar. Collect. Canon, cap. J"2. 
 Presbyter prsefente Epifcopo non fignet Infantes, nifi forte ab Epif- 
 copo fuerit ilii praeceptum. [/] Gregor. lib. 3. Ep. 9. \m~\ Al- 
 cuin. de Offic. cap. de Sabbato Pafchae . Bibl. Patr. torn. 10. p. 25-9. 
 Poftea vefliatur Infans veflimentis fuis. Si vero Epifcopus adeft, fta- 
 tira confirmari eum oportet Chrifmate, 8c poftea communicare ; Et 
 li Epifcopus deeft, communicetur a Presbytero. [»] Ordo Roman, 
 cap. de Bapt. Bibl. Patr. torn. 10. p. 83. Pontifex, elevata 8c impofita 
 manu fuper capita omnium, dat Orationem fuper eos cum invoca- 
 tione Septiformis gratis Spiritus Sancti. — — Et uncto police in Chrif- 
 
 mate faciat crucem in Frontibus lingulorum, ita dicendo, Confirmo 
 tein nomine Patiis 8c Filii 8c Spiritus Sancti. [0] Baluz. Nor. in 
 Regino, lib. 1. cap. 69. Ex Pontificali Vet. MS. Statim autem con- 
 firmetur Infans, 8c communicetur ab Epifcopo, ita dicente, Corpus 
 8c Sanguis Domini. Item ex altero Pontificali; Si Epifcopus adeft, 
 ftatim confirmari eum opportet Chrifmate, 8c poftea communicari. 
 [/>] JefTe Ambianenf. Ep. de Ordine Baptifmi. ap. Baluz. ibid. Poffc 
 trinam merfionem Epifcopus puerum Chrifmate confirmet in Fronte, 
 novilTime autem Corpore8c Sanguine Chrifti confirmed r feu com- 
 municetur, ut Chrifti membrum efte poffit. \ q] Marca. Not. ad 
 Concil. Claromontan. p. 312. [>] Menard. Nor. ad Librum Sa- 
 cramentor. p. 144. [s] Maldonat. de Confirmar. Q. 1. [/] E- 
 ftius Sentent. lib. 4. Dift. 7. n.23. p. 101. [«] Galen. Cateehifm. 
 ap.Dallae de Confirm, p. 21. [x~\ Taylor'^ Worthy Communicant, 
 Chap. 3. Se£t 2. p, 209. [y] Dalla; de Conflrmat. lib, 3. cap. 13. 
 O] Pet. du Moulin'i Buckler of Faith, p. 38 1. [a] Aug. Tract. 6. 
 in 1 Joh. 3. torn. 9. p. 25-4. Quando impofuimus manum iftis In- 
 fantibus, attendit unufquifque veftrum urrum Unguis loquerertur ? Et 
 cum vidcret ecs Unguis non loqui, ira perverfo corde aliquis veflrum 
 fuit, ut diceret, non acceperunt ifti Spiritum Sanctum? 
 
 If 
 
Chap. I. Christian Church. 529 
 
 SECT. III. If this Matter needed far- ought to be born again [£] by both the Sacra- 
 And secondly, tner p roo f, we might infift upon ments in the Catholick Church j that is, as well 
 Trom thecuflomof fc nown p ra dice and Cuftom by wafhing in Water, as Impofition of Hands, 
 tt'uflns trtm in the antienc Church, of giving both which he makes Sacraments, that is, facred 
 u »f ants j or many t j 7C J7, uc harifl to Infants, which Rites of the fame Sacrament of Regeneration, 
 continued in the Church for fe- In the fame Senfe Cyprian himfelf [c~] fays, Both, 
 veral Ages. It is frequently mentioned in Cypri- the Sacraments of Regeneration were required to 
 an, Auftin, Innocentius and Gennadius, Writers complete Men's Sandification. Which plainly 
 from the Third to the Fifth Century. Maldo- fhews, That by two Sacraments he means no 
 nat confeffes it was in the Church for Six Hun- more but two of the principal Ceremonies that 
 dred Years. And fome of the Authorities juft belonged to a compleat and perfect Baptifm, be- 
 now alledged, prove it to have continued two or caufe he fays, Men were regenerated or born a- 
 three Ages more, and to have been the common gain by them both. In like manner Optatus [cT\ 
 Fradice beyond the Time of Charles the Great, makes Impofition of Hands and Undion to be 
 Now all Men know, that in the common courfe only Parts and Ceremonies compleating Baptifm. 
 of Things, Confirmation always preceded the For fpeaking of the Baptifm of Chrilt, he fays, 
 Eucharift, unlefs there was fome fpecial Caufe, as He went not into the Water, as if any thing in 
 fometimes it happened in the cafe of Clinick-bap- God could need cleanfing > but it wasneceflary the 
 tifm, or the Biihop's Abfence, to prevent it. For Water fhould go before the Unction that was to 
 in thefe two Cafes the Eucharift was many times follow after, to initiate and order and compleat 
 given before Confirmation, as now it is in our the Myfteries or Sacramental Rites of Baptifm. 
 large Diocefes, where the Bifhop's Prefence can- When he was wafhed by the Hands of John, the 
 not always be had to give Confirmation, in Pla- Order of the Myftery was fettled > the Father 
 ces at a great Diftance, before the Communion, fulfilled what the Son had a^ked, and what the 
 But in all other cafes the ufual way was to let Holy Ghoft had foretold. The Spiritual Oyl im- 
 Confirmation ufher in the Communion. And mediately defcended in the Image of a Dove, and 
 therefore fince it is evident, That the Commu- fate upon his Head, and anointed him from 
 nion itfelf was given to Infants, and that immedi- whence he began to be called Chrift, beeaufe he 
 ately from the time of their Baptifm } it would be was anointed of God the Father. And that Im- 
 reafonable to conclude from hence, were there no pofition of Hands might not feem to be wanting, 
 other Evidence, That Confirmation alfo was gi- the Voice of God was heard from the Cloud, fay- 
 ven to Infants together with Baptifm, beeaufe ing, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well 
 this Rite by all ordinary Rules and Cuftom was pleafed. Here Optatus profefTcs to defcribe the 
 prior and introductory to the Communion. Order, and Parts, and Myfteries of Baptifm, from 
 
 the Similitude of the Baptifm of Chrift. In each 
 sect. iv. This Obfervation may help of thefe he makes three Sacraments or principal 
 whence it appears, us to underftand fome difficult Myfteries, the Wafhing, the Undion, and Im- 
 that Confirmation p a {T a g e s in the Ancients, and pofition of Hands } which are not properly three 
 pZe7sacramZtdl anfwer an Objedion which the diftind Sacraments, but three Parts or Rites of 
 fiinafromBapiftn. Romanifls draw from them, as if the fame Sacrament of Baptifm, which accord- 
 Confirmation were a proper Sa- ing to Optatus, were ordered and fhadowed, and 
 crament diftind from Baptifm. The Ancients, it completed in the Baptifm of Chrift. Unlefs we 
 mult be owned, fometimes give it the Name of take Sacrament in this large Senfe, we fhall have 
 a Sacrament, and call Baptifm and Confirmation three proper Sacraments in Baptifm, which nei- 
 two Sacraments. But then it is very evident, they ther Optatusnor any of the Ancients ever thought 
 take the Word Sacrament in a large Senfe for a- of, when they fpeak of the Myfteries of Bap- 
 ny facred Ceremony, Rite or Myftery belonging tiling but they allow both Undion and Impofi- 
 to Baptifm: In uhich Senfe they fuppofe two tion of Hands to be Sacraments, as they are Parts 
 Sacraments, or chief myfterious Ceremonies to or Rites of the Myftery of Baptifm. After this 
 be in Baptifm, that is, the Immerfion in Water, manner Pacianus Bifhop of Barcelona, makes alfo 
 and the Undion with the Holy Chrifm, both three Sacraments of the Myftery of Biptifm, 
 which are fpoken of as Sacraments or Ceremonies viz. The Laver or Wafhing or Water, the Un- 
 belonging to Baptifm. Thus in the Council of dion of the Spirit, and the Hand and Mouth of 
 Carthage under Cyprian, Nemefianus Tubunenfis the Pricft. For he fays, The Seed of Chrift, that 
 fays, It was not fufficient for Men to be regene- is, the Spirit of God, brings forth a New Man, 
 rated only by Impofition of Hands, but they by the Hands of the Prieft, out of the Womb of 
 
 Cone. Carthag. ap. Cypr. n. f . p.' 231. Male iibi quidam in- 
 terpretation-, ut dicant, quod per manus Impoiitionem Spiritum 
 Sandtum accipiant 8c lie recipiantur.- Cum manifeftum fit utroque 
 Sacramento debere eos renafci in Ecclefia Catholica. [c] Cypr. Ep. 
 71. ad Stephan. p. 196. Parum eft eis manum imponere ad recipi- 
 endum Spiritum Sandtum, nifi accipiunt Sc Ecclefise Baptiimum. 
 Tunc enim demum plenc Sandtificari & elTe Filii Dei pofiinr, fi 
 Sacramento utroque nafcantur. Optat lib. 4. p. 81. Defcen- 
 
 dit in aquarn> non quia erat quod in Deo mundaretur, fed venturum 
 
 Oleum aqua debuit antecedere, ad Myfteria initianda & ordinrnda 8c 
 complenda Baptifmatis. Lotus cum in Joannis manibus haberetur, 
 fecutus eft Ordo Myfterii, 8c complevit Pater quod rogaverit Filius, 
 8c quod nunciaverat Spiritus Sanflus. Apertum eft caelum, Deo Pa- 
 tre ungente. Spiritale Oleum ftatim in imagine columbse defcendit, 
 8c infedit capiti ejus 8c pcrfudit eum; unde ccepit dici Chriftur, 
 quando undtus eft a Deo Patre. Cui ne manus Impofitio defuiftc 
 videretur, vox audita eft Dei de nube dicentis, Hie filius eft mc- 
 us, 8ce; 
 
 Cfec 
 
53° 
 
 7he Antiquities of the BookXIL 
 
 the Church, which is the Font, Faith being the 
 Bride- maid to all this [e\ And without thefe 
 three Sacraments, the Laver, the Chrifm, and the 
 Prieft, this new Birth is not effected. For by the 
 Laver Sin is purged away, by the Chrifm the Ho- 
 ly Spirit is poured down upon us} and both thefe 
 we obtain by the Hand and Mouth of the Prieft} 
 and fo the whole Man is regenerated and renew- 
 ed in Chrift. Here wemuftof Neceffity fay, Ei- 
 ther that the Laver, the Chrifm, and Words and 
 Aftion of the Prieft are three Sacraments, or elfe 
 that they are but three Parts or Ceremonies of the 
 fame Sacrament of Baptifm j which is what Pa- 
 dan plainly intended $ for he is fpeaking of the 
 Manner how Men are regenerated in Baptifm, and 
 he makes Chrifm to be one Means of this Rege- 
 neration j whence it is evident, he had no other 
 Notion of it, but as of an Integral Part of Bap- 
 tifm, though not abfolutely effential to it. This 
 is then one plain Reafon, why the Ancients fome- 
 times call the Immerfion in the Water, and the 
 Undtion of Chrifm, two Sacraments, becaufe they 
 are Parts, or Rites, or Ceremonies of the Myfte- 
 ry of Baptifm. And there is nothing more ufual 
 with the Ancients, than this way of fpeaking, 
 to call every facred Rite and Ceremony ufed in the 
 Church, by the name of a Sacrament or Myfte- 
 ry. As St. Auftin calls Exorcifm [/"] a Sacrament. 
 And the Salt that was given to the Catechumens 
 before Baptifm, is called the Sacrament of the 
 Catechumens, both by St. Aufiin [5] and the third 
 Council of Carthage [h\ as has beenobferved in 
 another place, where I fpeak particularly of this 
 Sacrament of the Catechumens. Cyprian [i] fpeaks 
 of Sacraments in the Lord's Prayer. And to in- 
 lift no longer upon thefe, it is ufual alfo with the 
 Ancients to divide the proper Sacraments, Bap- 
 tifm and the Eucharift, each of them into two or 
 more, meaning the feveral Parts or Rites belong- 
 ing to them. Thus Ifidore fpeaks of four Sacra- 
 ments (X) in the Church, which are, Baptifm, 
 Chrifm, the Body of Chrift, and the Blood of 
 Chrift. As therefore the Bread and Wine are 
 called two Sacraments, though they be but two 
 Parts of the fame Eucharift} fo the Warning and 
 the Undtion are called two Sacraments, though 
 they be but two Rites of the fame Sacrament of 
 Baptifm. The like Style is ufed by Pope Innocent 
 [/], when he calls the Bread and Wine Sacraments, 
 in the Plural. And Fulbertus Carnotenfis [ni] is 
 more exprefs, when he fays, There are two Sa- 
 craments of Life, the Body and Blood of Chrift. 
 No wonder therefore the fame Author [»] fhould 
 call the Immerfion in Water and the Unciion of 
 Chrifm, conveying the Spirit, by the Name of 
 
 the two Sacraments of Baptifm. For nothing can 
 be plainer, than that Immerfion and Chriim are 
 not properly two Sacraments of Baptifm, but on- 
 ly two Rites of it: As the Bread and Wine are 
 not ftri&ly two Sacraments of the Eucharift, but 
 only different Parts of the fame Communion. It 
 were eafy to add abundance more of fuch Expref- 
 fions out of other Authors, many of which the 
 Reader may find collected together by the Learn- 
 ed DailU{o\ } I fhall only add the Words o<i Hai- 
 mo Haberjiatenfts, where he exprefiy makes Con- 
 firmation a Rite or Ceremony of Baptifm, always 
 accompanying, and adminiftred at the fame time 
 with it, as the confummating A6b and Perfection 
 of it : The Gift of the Holy Spirit, fays he [/>], 
 is given in Baptifm by the Impofition of the Bi- 
 fhop's Hands. So that when the Ancients call 
 Confirmation a Sacrament, they always mean, 
 that it is a Part or Ceremony of the Sacrament of 
 Baptifm. In which Senfe they give the Name 
 of Sacraments to many other Things, which were 
 only Parts, or Ceremonies, or Attendants on it, 
 fuch as Exorcifm, and the Sign of the Crofs, 
 which were Sacraments in the fame Senfe as Con- 
 firmation. 
 
 But it may be faid, That Con- sect. v. 
 firmation, Impofition of Hands, No mt when <* 
 or Undtion, was many times gi- "* >f 
 
 k it r -%r i- Baptifm, as m the 
 
 yen to Men at fome Years di- cafe of Hereticks^ 
 fiance from Baptifm, as in the were baptized out of 
 cafe of Hereticks and Schifma- the church. 
 ticks, who were baptized in In- 
 fancy out of the Church, and were received by 
 Impofition of Hands, when they returned to the 
 Church afterwards. To which I anfwer, That 
 the Impofition of Hands which the Church gave 
 in this cafe feparate from Baptifm, was what could 
 not be avoided, becaufe the Church had no Op- 
 portunity of adminiftring it before: And therefore 
 no Argument is to be drawn from what fhe was 
 forced to do upon fuch an Exigence, being only 
 an Exception to her ordinary Practice. It is own- 
 ed, That the Church gave Impofition of Hands 
 to all Hereticks upon their return to the Church: 
 And this, as I have fhewed at large in another 
 [f] Difcourfe, was to fupply the Deficiencies of 
 that outward Form of Baptifm, which could not 
 grant them the Graces of the Spirit, whilft they 
 remained in Herefy or Schifm. And there I alfo 
 pbferved, That fome Hereticks retained the Un- 
 ction and Impofition of Hands as well as Baptifm, 
 and adminiftred it to Infants together with Bap- 
 tifm : Which was the Practice of the Donatifts^ 
 and it may be of feveral others. But yet the 
 
 [e] Pacian. Serm. de Bapt. Bibl. Patr. torn. 3. p. 77. Chrifti fe- 
 men, id eft, DeiSpiritus, novum hominem, alvo matris agitatum, 8c 
 partu fontis exceptum, manibus Sacerdotis effundit, Fide tamen Pro- 
 
 nu ba. Haec autem compleri alias nequeunt, nifi Lavacri, 8c 
 
 Chrifmatis, 8c Antiftitis Sacramento. Lavacroenim peccata purgan- 
 tur, Chrifmate Sanclus Spiritus fuperfunditur ; utraquevero ifta ma- 
 nu 8c ore Antiftitis impetramus; atque ita totus homo renafciturSc 
 innovatur in Chrifto. [/] Aug. Horn. 83.de Diverfis. Exorcilmi 
 Sacramento quad molebamini. [g ] Aug. de Peccator. Mentis, lib. 
 2. cap. 26. [b] Cone. Carthag. 3. Can. f. See thefe eked, Book 
 X, chap, ii, n. 16. ['] Cypr.de Orat. Dom. p. 142. [*] Ifidor. 
 
 Origin. lib. 6. c. 19. Sunt autem Sacramenta Baptifmus, 8c Chriima; 
 Corpus 8c Sanguis Chrifti. [/] Innoc. Ep. 1. ad Decent, cap. f . 
 Non longe portanda funt Sacramenta. [m] Fulbert. Ep. 1 . Bib/. 
 Patr. torn. 3. p. 434. Duo Vita: Sacramenta, id eft, Dominici Cor- 
 poris 8c Sanguinis. [»] Fulbert. ibid. p. 436. Requiritur fane in 
 Baptifmatis Sacramentis aqua propter Sepuituram, 8c Spiritus San- 
 ttus propter vitam aeternam. [0] Dalte. de Confirm, lib. 1. cap: 
 8. p. iyo. It. lib. 3. cap. 13. p. 386. [/>] Haimo. in Hebr. 13. 
 cited by Daille. Donum Spiritus Sanfti datur in Baptifmate per Im- 
 pofitionem mantis Epifcoporum. [q] Scholaft. Hiji. of lay-Bap- 
 tifm, Chap. i. n. 21, 
 
 Church 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 531 
 
 Church, though flic neither repeated the out- 
 ward Form of Baptifm, nor always the Unction of 
 Chrifm } especially in the Weftern Parts, where 
 St. Auftin> Optatus, and Alcimus Avitus lived } yet 
 ihe always gave a new Imposition of Hands with 
 Prayer, to implore the Defcent of the Holy Ghoft 
 upon them. And though this was fcparating Con- 
 firmation from Baptifm, yet it was only in an ex- 
 traordinary cafe, when the Church was not capacita- 
 ted to do otherwife. In other cafes flic always joyned 
 thefe two Ceremonies Together, as well in Infants as 
 adult Perfons, as I fuppofe the Allegations and Proofs 
 alledgedin th^ Chapter, do abundantly fliew to any 
 candid Reader beyond PofTibility of Contradiction. 
 
 SECT. vl. 
 
 No Necejfity of giv- 
 ing Confirmation to 
 Infants now, any 
 more th.m the Eu- 
 ch.\r\ft,from the Ex- 
 ample of the Primi- 
 the Church. 
 
 But fome will be apt to ob- 
 ject, That if this were the cafe, 
 then all Churches at prefent, as 
 well Proteftant as Popifh, differ 
 from the Practice of the Primi- 
 tive Church in this Particular, 
 That now they never administer 
 Confirmation to Infants, but on- 
 
 ly to adult Perfons, who can confirm their bap- 
 tifmal Vow in their own Perfons. And this Dif- 
 ference is readily owned, as to Practice. But then 
 if the Queftion be about Right, which is the 
 more fuitable and agreeable Practice ? and, Whe- 
 ther we ought not to conform in every Circum- 
 ftance to the Practice of the Primitive Church ? 
 I fuppofe every Church in this cafe is bell Judge 
 for herfelf, what is mofi for the Edification of 
 her Children. And as no Church now thinks 
 herfelf under any Obligation to give the Eucha- 
 rift to Infants, becaufe the Primitive Church for 
 eight hundred Years did fo : So neither does any 
 Church judge herfelf bound to give Confirmati- 
 on to Infants from the fume Example: Though 
 fome Learned Perfons have pleaded for both, as 
 Biiliop Bedel [r] among the Proteftants for the 
 Communion of Infants, and Matthew Galen [f\ 
 among the Papifts for giving them Confirma- 
 tion. Whilft others judge the Modern Practice 
 the more edifying Way, and think there are no 
 fufficient Arguments to engage the Church to 
 make an Alteration. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of thv Minifter of Confirmation. 
 
 SECT. I. "^JEXT to the Perfons to 
 
 ifw consecration whom Confirmation was gi- 
 
 of chrifm referved veilj we are to make Enquiry a- 
 
 °A l ° t Tr bout the Miniftry of it, and fee 
 
 Biffjops by the Cct- . , . 1 r ?. 
 
 r.ons. ° v whom it was ufually given. 
 
 And here it will be necefTary to 
 diftinguifh the feveral Parts and Ceremonies of 
 Confirmation, and Cafes ordinary and extraordi- 
 nary \ as alfo theConfecrationof the Chrifm from 
 the Ufe of it, and the Practice and Cuftom of 
 fome Churches from others : For one Rule was 
 not precifely obferved in all thefe. Confirmation 
 confifted of feveral Acts, as we (hall fee in the 
 next Chapter : There was firft the Confecration 
 of the Chrifm, which was always the Bifhop's 
 Act: Then there was the Unction itfelf, or the 
 Ufe of it, with Confignation or the Sign of the 
 Crofs on the Forehead or other Parts of the Bo- 
 dy 3 then Impofition of Hands with Prayer: There 
 were alfo Cafes Ordinary, when the Bifhop was 
 prefent at Baptifm, and Cafes extraordinary when 
 he was abfent, and the Party in danger of Death: 
 There were alfo different Practices, according to 
 the Rules of different Churches : And according 
 to thefe Diftinftions the Anfwer muft be given to 
 this general Queftion. The Confecration of the 
 
 Chrifm was generally referved to the Bifhop m 
 all Churches, and fo the Ufe of it was derived 
 from his Authority in all cafes whatfoever. The 
 Second Council of Carthage [a] forb'ds Presby- 
 ters to have any concern in it, and refers to a 
 former Council, wherein the like Prohibition was 
 made before. The Third Council of Carthage 
 allows Presbyters, by the Commiflion of the Bi- 
 fhop, to confecrate Virgins - t but never [f\ to con- 
 fecrate the Chrifm. The Fourth Council of Carthage 
 [c~] obliges Presbyters in Country Churches to go 
 to the Bifhop yearly before EaJIer y or elfe to fend 
 their Sacrift to him for the Chrifm. In fome 
 Churches of Spain the Presbyters took upon them 
 to confecrate it themfelves, which occafioned the 
 firft Council of Toledo to renew the Decree a- 
 gainft this as an Ufurpation [V], forbidding any 
 befide the Bifhop to do it from that Day for- 
 ward, and obliging Presbyters, as before, to go 
 to their own Bifhop for it before EaJIer. The 
 like Injunctions are made in the firft Council of 
 Vaifon\f\) the Council of Auxerre [/], the Coun- 
 cil of Barcelona [|], the firft and fecond Coun- 
 cils of Bracara [h'\, and in the Collection of Greek 
 Canons made by Martin Bracarenfis \t] ; as alfo 
 in the Roman Decrees made by Pope Inno- 
 
 [r] See Bifliop Uflier'j Letters, Ep. 163. p. 44.x. [j] Galen. Ca- 
 tecnifm. ap. Dallas, de Confirm, lib. 1. p. 21. 
 
 [a] Cone. Carth. 2. can. 3. Mcmini praeterito Concilio Statutum 
 fuifle, ut Chrifma, vel Reconcih'atio Pcenitentium, nec non &. Puel- 
 hiura Confeaatio a Piesbyteris non fiant. [£] Cone. Carth. 3. 
 can. 36. Ut Presbyter inconfulto Epifcopo Virgines non confecret, 
 Chriiim vero nunquam conficiat. [e] Cone. Carth. 4. can. 36. 
 Pies!. yen, qui perdicecefes Ecclefias regunt, non a quibuflibet Epif 
 copis, led a fuis, nec per minorem Clericum, fed omnianno autper 
 feipfos, aut per ilium qui Sacratium tenet, ante Pafchas folennita- 
 terfi Chrifma petant. [</] Cone. Tolet. 1. can. 20. Quamvis pene 
 
 ubique cuftodiatur, ut abfque Epifcopo Chrifma nemo conficiat, ta- 
 men quia in aliquibus Iocis vel Provinces, Presbyteri dicuntur Chrif- 
 ma confioSre, placuit, ex hac die nullum alium nili Epifcopum 
 Chrifma conficere, & per Dicecefira deflinare, ita ut de fingulis Ec- 
 clefiis ad Epifcopum ante diem Pafchx Diaconi deftinentur, aut Sub- 
 diaconi, qui confedlum Chrifma ab Epifcopo deftinatum ad diem 
 Pafchas poffint ad tempus deterre. [e] Cone. Vacenfe. 1. can. 3. 
 [/] Cone. Antiffiodor. can.6. [g] Cone. Barcinon. can. 2. [i]Conc. 
 Bracar. 1. can. 37. Bracar. a. can. 4. [/] Martin Bracar. Collect, can. 
 cap. p 
 
 x cent 
 
J32 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XI. 
 
 cent [£], Leo [/], and Gelaftus [m\ which I need 
 not repeat at length upon this Occafion. So that 
 by this Means the Bifhop's Authority wasfecured, 
 even in fuch cafes where Presbyters were allowed 
 to have their Share in this holy Unction. 
 
 SECT. II. Now this Unction or Con- 
 
 ihe ufe of the Agnation in many Churches (par- 
 
 Chrifm irv.ded be- J y in the Rman Church) 
 tween the Office of ..J. . - , . r 
 
 Bijbop and Tresby- was diftinguifhed into two forts, 
 ters> the Confignation of the Forehead, 
 
 and the Confignation of the o- 
 ther Parts of the Body. And the former, in fuch 
 Churches where this Diftinetion was made, was 
 generally referved to the Bilhop to be admini- 
 ftred with Impofition of Hands j but the latter 
 was given by Presbyters alfo. AH Churches did 
 not allow of this Diftinetion of Chrifm into two 
 forts, but fuch as did allow of two, granted Au- 
 thority to Presbyters to adminifter the one, but 
 not the other. The double Chrifmation was firft 
 brought in by Pope Innocent, and he thus divides 
 the Office between Bifhops and Presbyters. A 
 Presbyter, fays he [»], baptizing either in the 
 Bifhop's Prefence or Abfence, may anoint the bap- 
 tized Party with Chrifm, provided it be confe- 
 crated before-hand by the Bifhop ; but he may 
 not fign him in the Forehead with the fame Oyl, 
 becaufe it belongs to Bifhops only when they give 
 the Holy Ghoft. And fo it is in the Decrees of 
 Gelafms [o] and Pope Gregory [p] his Succeflbr in 
 the Roman See. But this double Chrifmation was 
 not received in France, nor in any of the Eaftern 
 Churches. In France it was the Office of Presby- 
 ters, and the Impofition of Hands was only referv- 
 ed to the Bifhop. This is undeniably evident from 
 the Council of Orange \_q\ which orders every 
 Minifter, who had received the Office of bapti- 
 zing, where-ever he went, to have the Chrifm 
 with him, becaufe it was agreed, That Chrifm 
 (hould only be once ufed in Baptifm. But if by 
 any Neccffity it had been omitted in Baptifm, then 
 the Bifhop fhould be put in mind of that Omif- 
 fion in Confirmation. For it was agreed to have only 
 one Chrifmation. This Canon is repeated and 
 referred to again in the fecond Council of Aries 
 \r\ and Valefius adds [j] to them an Infcription 
 in Gruter, confirming the fame rhing, That the 
 Bifhop did not minifter the Chrifm, except it had 
 been omitted by the Presbyter before. In the Ea- 
 ftern Churches they had but one Unction after 
 
 Baptifm, and that performed by the Bifhop, ex- 
 cept in fome particular and extraordinary cafes. 
 The Author of the Apoftolieal Conflttutions makes 
 this the Office [t] of the Bifhop to anoint thofe that 
 were baptized with the holy Chrifm. And this, 
 he fays, was the Confirmation of the Profeffi- 
 ons which they had made in Baptifm [»]. The 
 Author under the Name of Dionyfius, fays the 
 fame [#], That after the Presbyters have bapti- 
 zed a Man, they bring him to the Bifhop, and 
 he anoints him with the divine Chrifm, and pro- 
 nounces him capable of partaking of the Holy 
 Eucharift. Now this Epifcopal Unction was not 
 only in the Forehead, as was ufual in the Roman 
 Church, but in all other parts of rhe Body. For 
 as Cyril of Jerufalem [y\ tells thofe that were bap- 
 tized, They were fir It anointed in the Forehead, 
 to wipe away that Shame which the firft Man by 
 his Tranfgreffion had contracted j and that they 
 might now with open Face behold the Glory of 
 the Lord. Then they were anointed on the Ears, 
 that they might have Ears to hear the divine My- 
 fteries. After that on the Nofe and Breaft, that 
 they might be a fweet Savour unto the Lord, and 
 being armed with the Breaft- plate of Righteouf- 
 nefs, might be able to withftand all the Infults of 
 the Devil. Thus [z] alfo all fuch Hereticks as 
 were to be received into the Church without Re- 
 baptization, as having been baptized in due Form 
 before, are appointed to be received by Configna- 
 tion or Unction of the holy Chrifm ; firft on the 
 Forehead, then on the Eyes, Nofe, Mouth and 
 Ears, with this Form of Words j 'The Seal of the 
 Gift of the Holy Spirit. But though this whole 
 Ceremony of Unction in the Eaftern Church was 
 ordinarily to be perfomed only by the Bifhop, 
 and not divided (as in the Roman) between the 
 Bifhop and Presbyters } yet in fome fpecial cafes, 
 in fome particular Churches this Office devolved 
 upon the Presbyters. For at Alexandria, if the 
 Bifhop was abfent, it was ufual for the Presby- 
 ters to give this Confignation at the fame time 
 that they baptized. As I think the Words of the 
 Author under the Name of St. Amhrofe [a~] are 
 to be underftood, when he fays, In Egypt the 
 Presbyters confign in the Bifhop's Abfence. And 
 this another Author under the Name of St. Au- 
 flin [b~] calls Confecration. Which fome learned 
 Perfons, I know, take for the Confecration of 
 the Eucharift. But that was nothing fingular, 
 but common to all the World, for Presbyters to 
 
 [k] Innoc. Ep. i. ad Decentium, cap. 3. [/] Leo. Ep. 88. ad 
 Gallos. [pi] Gelaf. Ep.o. ad Epifcopos Lucanix, cap. 8. [«] In- 
 noc. Ep. 1. ad Decent, c. 3. Presbyteris, feu extra Epifcopum, feu 
 prxfente Epifcopo, baptizant, Chrifmate baptizatos ungere licet, fed 
 quod ab Epifcopo merit confecratum; non tamen Frontem ex eodem. 
 Oleo fignare, quod folisi debetur Epifcopis, cum tradant Spiritum 
 Sanftum Paracletum. [0] Gelaf. Ep. 9. c. 8. [/>] Greg.Ep. 9. 
 lib. 3. [q] Cone. Araufican. i.Can. 1. Nullus miniftrorum, qui 
 baptizandi recipit officium, fine Chrifmate ufquam debet progredi, 
 quia internos placuitfemel in baptifmatechrifmari. De eo autem,qui 
 in baptifmate, quacunque neceffitate faciente, non chrifmatus fuerit, 
 in Confirmatione Sacerdos commonebitur. Nam inter nos Chrifma- 
 tis ipfius non nifi una benediftio eft. [r] Cone. Arelaten. 2. can. 
 27. Nullum miniftrum, qui baptizandi recepit officium, fine chrif- 
 mate ufquam debere progredi, quia inter nos juxta Synodi conftitu^ 
 
 tionem, placuit femel chrifmari. [j] Valef. Not. in Eufeb. lib. 6. 
 cap. 43. p. 1 35-- ex Gruter. p. 1 177. dc Marea, has this Di/lich; 
 
 Tuque Sacerdotes docuifti, Chrifmate Sandio 
 Tangere bis nullum, judice pofie Deo. 
 
 [*] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 3. c. 16. f/^q^ja umffKiv©- x^'- 71 * 
 Tx? jia.'?r]i£riVTa.< iw y.vpa. [a] Ibid. cap. 17. ri pv&v /3s- 
 Ccuuaiff o^.ohoy'idii;. Vid lib. 7. c. 43. [x] Dionyf. de Hier. 
 Eccl. c. 2. p. 254. '^(Jp'xy.f tzJ /at/? a r dLvi'^apfst. yiaa- 
 /ufy©-, &c. [y] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 3. c. 3. nrpuTov e^eisc&g 
 V7r\ rl /xiT wttov, &c. [z.] Cone. Conftant. 1. Can. 7. 
 [a] Ambrof. in Ephef. 4. 11. Denique apud jEgyptum Presbyteri 
 confignant, fi prsefens non fit Epifcopus. [b] Aug. Quxft. in Vet. 
 & Nov. Tefti Q. 101. In Alexandria 8c per totam #gyptum, fidefit 
 Epifcopus, confcerat Presbyter. 
 
 z con- 
 
HAP. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 533 
 
 confecrate the Eucharilf. in the Bifhop's Abfcncc 
 in all Churches, and therefore needed not to be 
 noted as a peculiar Cuftom in Egypt. Therefore 
 I rather judge it to mean fome Confecration, 
 which Presbyters in many other Churches were 
 not allowed in the Abfence of the Bifhop, as the 
 confecrating or consigning fuch as were baptized, 
 with the Chrifm of Confirmation, which a Pres- 
 byter might not do in the Roman Churches. But 
 in fome of the Eaftern Churches this was allow- 
 ed ; for the Author of the Confiitutwns fpeaking 
 of the Celebration of Baptifm, addreifes himfclf 
 both to Bifhops and Presbyters, telling them in 
 what Order they fliould perform it} Thou Bi- 
 fhop, or Presbyter, {halt firll anoint the Party 
 to be baptized with the Holy Oyl ; then thou 
 ihalt baptize him with Water j and laft of all 
 [cj thou flialt fign him wuh the Holy Chrifm. 
 Where we fee not only the Unction preceding 
 Baptifm, but that which followed after, which 
 was the Unction of Confirmation, is comman- 
 ded to the Presbyter as well- as the Bifhop} 
 which mufl at leait be interpreted to mean his 
 doing it in the Abfence of the Bifhop-, or in his 
 Prelence, if he has a particular Command and 
 Delegation. So that as to what concerned this 
 firft Ceremony of Confirmation, the Unction of 
 Chrifm, the Practice of different Churches va- 
 ried much upon it. Some Churches, as the Ro- 
 man, divided the Office between Bifhops and 
 Presbyters: Others, as thofe of France, com- 
 mitted it wholly to Presbyters, referving to the 
 Bifhop only the Confecration of the Oyl, and 
 Impofition of Hands !in Confirmation: O- 
 thers, as thofe of the Eafl , referved not on- 
 ly the Confecration of the Chrifm , but the 
 Ufe of it to the Bifhop entirely, when he was 
 Perlonally prefent, and in all ordinary Cafes } 
 only allowing it to be ufed by Presbyters in 
 his Abfence, or fome fuch extraordinary Cafes. 
 
 SECT. III. As to the other Ceremony of 
 
 The other Ceremo- Impofition of Hands in Confir- 
 
 vy of Impofition of madon we find thaC more uni . 
 
 Kami; referved more r „ ' j n • cli r j 
 
 ftruily to , he office venally and ftnftly referved to 
 of B'tfliops. the rfnee of Bifhops ; yet not to 
 
 abfolutejy and entirely, but that 
 the Canons authorized Presbyters to do it in 
 Subordination to their Bifhop in fome certain 
 Cafes. It is certain Cyprian (_d~\ fpeaks of it as 
 
 the ordinary Office of Bifhops or chief Miniflers 
 of the Church. For mentioning the Impofition 
 of Hands given by the Apoftles, to thofe whom 
 Philip had baptized, Atts viii. he fays, The fame 
 Cuftom was now obferved in the Church , that 
 thofe who were baptized, were prefented to the 
 Governors of the Church, that by their Prayer 
 and Impofition of Hands they might receive the 
 Holy Ghoft, and be confummated with the Seal 
 of the Lord. In like manner, Firmilian Bifhop 
 of Cafarea in Cappadocia, who was Cotemporary 
 with Cyprian, makes Bifhops the ordinary Mini- 
 flers of this Office [e~], whilft he draws a Com- 
 panion between St. Paul giving Impofition of 
 Hands to thofe whom he baptized at Ephefus, 
 Atls xix. and the Bifhop's giving Impofition of 
 Hands to fuch as returned from Herefy or Schifm 
 to the Unity of the Catholick Church. So like- 
 wife the anonymous [/] Author who writes of 
 the Baptifm of Hereticks, at the end of St. Cy- 
 pr tan's Works, makes Impofition of Hands the 
 Office of Bifhops, in imitation of the Apoftles 
 giving Impofition of Hands to thofe who were 
 baptized by Philip the Deacon, Atls viii. And in 
 another Place [g] he fays, If Bifhops were pre- 
 fent at Baptifm, they gave Impofition of Hands 
 together with Baptifm j but if any were baptized 
 by the inferior Clergy, in time of Neceflity, 
 then the Bifhops fupplied this afterwards, or elfe 
 the Lord fupplied it as he faw fit. The Coun- 
 cil of Eliberi; not long after, made two Canons 
 to this purpofe. In one of which [h~] it is orde- 
 red, That if a Layman baptized a Catechumen, 
 when he was dangeroufly fick at Sen, or where 
 there was no Church near at hand, he ihould af- 
 terward bring him to the Bifhop, that he might 
 perfect his Baptifm by Impofition of Hands. 
 And in the other Canon it is alfo ordered, That 
 in cafe a Deacon governing a Country-People [i], 
 where there is no Bifhop or Presbyter prefent, 
 ihall baptize any of them, the Bifhop fhall after- 
 wards perfect them by his Benediction. Or, if 
 they chanced to die before this could be done, 
 they were to be reputed in a Salvable Condition 
 by the Faith in which they were baptized. We 
 have heard St. Jerom [k] before teflifying of this, 
 as the general Practice of the Church, for Bi- 
 fhops to go about the Country-Villages and re- 
 moter Places in their Diocefes, to give Impofi- 
 tion of Hands to fuch as were baptized by Pres- 
 
 [c~l Conftk. Apod. Lib. 7. cap. 21. Z vmcrtrnt h TrotcCbTi- 
 ft. sfp«Tov y etc U th.a*a ciy.te, tTc-iT&p&B licit 1 d art, Kj t-.- 
 [d\ Cypr. Ep. 73. ad Jubaian. p. 201. 
 Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur, ut qui in Ecclefia baptizan- 
 tur, Praepofnis Ecclefix offerantur, & per noftram Orationem ac 
 manus Irnpor.tionern Spiritum Sandtum confequantur, Sc figna- 
 culo Dominico confummentur. [e] Firmil. Ep. jf. ap. Cypr. 
 p. 221. Nili fi his Epifcopis, de quibus nunc, minor fuit Paulus; 
 ut hi quidem poffint per fohm mauus Iropofiiionem ver.ientibus 
 Hsereticis dare Spiritum Sanctum j Paulus autem idoneus non fue- 
 rit, qui a Joanne baptizatis Spiritum Sanftum per manus Impofi- 
 tionem daret, nili eos prius etiam Ecclefiae Bapcifmo baptizaiTet, 
 [/] Anonym, de Bapr. Hsereticorum. ap. Cypr. p. jj. in Appen- 
 dice. Per manus Impofitionem Epifcopi datur unicuique credenti 
 Spiiitus SancTrus, ficut Apoftoli circa Samaritanos poft Philippi bap- 
 iifma manum eis imponendo fecerunt. [g] Id. p. 26. Et ideo 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 cum falus noftra in Baptifmate Spiritus, quod plerumque cum bap- 
 tifmate aquae conjundtum, fit conftitutaj fi quidem per nos baptif- 
 ma tradetur, integre 8c folemniter 8c per omnia qua; fcripta iunt 
 adfignetur, atque fine tills) uliius rei feparatione tradatur : Aut fi a 
 Minore Clero per neceffitatem traditum fuerit, eventum expefte- 
 mus, ut aut fuppleatur a nobis, aut a Domino fupplendum referve- 
 tur. [h] Cone. Eliber. Can. 38. Peregre navigantes, aut fi 
 Ecclefia in proximo non fuerit, pofle Fidelem, qui Lavacrum fuum 
 integrum habet, nee (it Bigamus, baptizare in necelTitate pofitum 
 Catechumenum .• Ita ut fi fupervixerit, ad Epifcopum eum per- 
 ducat, ut per manus Impofitionem perficere pollit. 
 [/'] Ibid. Can. 77. Si quis Diaconus regens Plebem, fine Epilco- 
 po vel Presbytero aliquos baptizaverit, Epifcopus eos per Benedi- 
 (ftionem perficere debebit. Quod fi ante de feculo receflerint, fub 
 fide qua quis crediderit, poterit efie juftus. [k] Hieron. Dial, 
 cont. Lucifer, cap. 4. Set before^ Chap. 1 , n, 1 . 
 
 Yyy y 
 
 byters 
 
534 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XII. 
 
 byters and Deacons: And fome of thefe died 
 before the Bifhop could come to them 5 which 
 implies, not only that it was the Bifhop's Ordi- 
 nary Office, but that Presbyters and Deacons did 
 not adminifter Impofition of Hands, even infuch 
 Cafes of Neceflity j otherwife the Party who 
 wanted it, could not have died without it. This 
 was evidently the Practice of the Roman Church, 
 where, though the Office of Chrifmation was in 
 part allowed to Presbyters, yet the Confignation 
 in the Forehead with Impofition of Hands, was 
 ftill referved to the Bifhop, as his peculiar Office 
 in Confirmation: As we learn from the Letters 
 of Pope Innocent [/], Gelafim [02], and Gregory 
 the Great \n\ which have already been mention- 
 ed in the laft Section. To which we may add 
 the Tcftimony of Cornelius, who lived before all 
 thefe in the Time of Cyprian, as it is recorded by 
 Eufebius. He there, fpeaking [0] of Novatian, 
 who was baptized only with Clinick Baptifm 
 upon a Sick-bed, fays, When he recovered from 
 his Diftcmper, he never received thofe Things, 
 which by the Laws of the Church he was obli- 
 ged to receive, to wit, Confignation by the 
 Hands of the Bifhops, &c. All thofe Teftimo- 
 nics like wife, which require Hereticks to have 
 Impofition of Hands from the Bifhop, in order 
 to obtain the Gift of the Holy Ghoft, are a far- 
 ther Evidence of this Practice. To which pur- 
 pofe we have the Decrees of Pope Leo \_p], and 
 Siricius \_q\ who particularly obferves this to 
 have been the general Practice of the whole 
 Church, both Eaftern and JVeflem, as well as the 
 Church of Rome, in the Reception of thofe 
 who had been baptized in any Herefy or Schifm. 
 And as to all Perfons baptized in the Church, St. 
 Auftin is a farther Witnefs, who fays, That in 
 propriety of Speech, neither the Apoftles, nor 
 any other Man, but Chrift alone, as he is God, 
 could give the Holy Ghoft: For the Apoftles 
 only [; ] laid Hands on Men, that the Holy Ghoft 
 by their Prayers might defcend upon them j 
 which Cuftom the Church now obferved andpra- 
 ctifed by her Bifhops or Governors alfo. In like 
 manner St. Ambrofe \_s~] fays, The Spiritual Seal, 
 or Seal of the Spirit, which was the Comple- 
 tion of Baptifm, came after the Font, when by 
 the Prayer of the Prieft, (that is, in his Lan- 
 guage, the Bifliop) the Holy Ghoft was poured 
 upon them. From all which Teftimonies it is 
 molt undeniably evident, that the Bifhop in all 
 ordinary Cafes was the only ftanding and regular 
 Minifter of this part zC Confirmation, which 
 
 confifted in Impofition of Hands and Prayer, to 
 invocate the Gift of the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 Yet there were fome fpecial SECT. 11. 
 and extraordinary Cafes, in which Yet ,n f°me fpecial 
 fome Churches, if not all, granted c / es ' .l rei ty e " h 
 aLicenfeby Canon to Prefbyters, J-J" f# 
 to minifter this part of Confir- As, 1/1, when Bi- 
 mation alfo. As when Bifhops, fops particularly r e - 
 either in their Prefence or Ab- 1 uireel the,r Presfy- 
 fence, appointed a Presbyter by > '*> *<> fiuh 
 
 a particular Delegation or Com- ZcZlT ** 
 mand to do it. This was no En- 
 croachment upon the Bifhop's Authority, nor 
 Infringement of his Privilege and Power, becaufe 
 what was done, was only done in Subordination 
 to him, and in purfuance of his Command. This 
 Licenfe we find fometimes granted to Presbyters, 
 even in the Bifhop's Prefence: As is clear from 
 that Canon [/] in the Collection of Martin Bra* 
 carenfis, out of the Canons of the Greek Church. 
 A Presbyter fhall not confign Infants in the Pre- 
 fence of his Bifhop, unlefs it be particularly en- 
 joyned him by his Bifhop. Here three things 
 are manifeftly implied } 1 . That this Configna- 
 tion, or Impofition of Hands with the Sign of 
 the Crofs and Prayer, was ordinarily the fole Of- 
 fice of the Bifhop. 2. That by a fpecial Com- 
 miflion he might authorize Presbyters to do it, 
 even in his Prefence. 5. That in his Abfence 
 they were authorized to do it by a general Com- 
 miffion, rather than Infants or any other baptized 
 Perfons fhould die without Confirmation. And 
 this agrees very well with what has been faid be- 
 fore in the laft Section, concerning the Practice 
 of the Churches of Alexandria and Egypt-, tho' 
 in the IVeflem Churches it was otherwife, as is 
 evident from what has been alledged before out 
 of Pope Innocent [«] and St. Jerom [#], who tell 
 us, That Presbyters neither in the Prefence of 
 the Bifhop, nor in his Abfence, were allowed to 
 do it, but many Men were forced to die with- 
 out Confirmation or Impofition of Hands, becaufe 
 the Bifhop did not come time enough to admini- 
 fter it to them. 
 
 Yet alfo in the Weflern SECT. v. 
 Churches there were fome fpe- *ty> Presbyters 
 cial Cafes, in which this Config- **** *dmmifttr u 
 nation was allowed to be perfor- tk * *»i»~*>- 
 ed by Presbyters. Nay, and in one Cafe by Dea- 
 cons alfo. As it was in the Cafe of Energumens, 
 or Perfons pofTefTed with evil Spirits after Bap- 
 
 [/] Innocent. Ep. i.ad Decentium, c. 3. [m] Gelaf. 
 
 Ep. 9. ad Epifc. Lucan. cap. S. [»] Gregor. Lib. 3. Ep. 9. 
 [0] Eifeb. Lib. 6. c. 43. tcov KoittZv stu^s, <PicL$vyci>v r 
 v'otrov, cjV y$ yki a.Xa\i.C a \ {v y^} t iKx.An<r'ta{ kblvovo., to 
 t£ Gfgg.yi&nveu vsro <ra cot5";s.ot«. [?] Leo Ep. 37. ad 
 Leonem Raven, cap. 2. Si ab Haeretids baptixatum quempiam 
 
 fuifle conftircrit hoc tantum quod ibi defuit, conferatur, ut per 
 
 Epilcopalem manus Impofitionem virtutem San&i Spiritus confe- 
 quatur. [<j] Siric. Ep. I. ad Himerium, tap. r. Arianos nos 
 cum Novatianis per Invocationem fblam feptiformis Spiri- 
 tus, Epiicopalis manus Impofitione Catholicorum conventui fo- 
 cianius. Quod etiam totus Oriens Occidenlque cuftodit. 
 
 0] Aug. de Trin. lib. if. c. 26. Neque enim aliquis Difcipulo. 
 rum ejus dedit Spiritum San&um. Orabant quippe ut veniret ia 
 eos quibus manum imponebant, non ipfi eum dabant. Quern mo- 
 rem in fuis Prapofitis etiam nunc fervat Ecclefia; [j] Am- 
 brof. de Sacram. Lib. 3. cap. 2. Sequitur Spirituale fignaculum, 
 quod audiftis hodie legi, quia poft Fontem fupereft ut Perfeftio fiat, 
 quando ad Invocationem Sacerdotis Spiritus Sanftus infundirur. 
 f>] Martin. Bracar. Colledt. Canon, can. fi. Presbyter, prafenre 
 Epifcopo, non fignet Infantes, nifi forte ab Epifcopo fuerit illi pra> 
 ceptum. [«] Innoc. Ep. 1. ad Decent, cap. 3. [#] Hie- 
 ron. cont. Lucif. cap. 4, 
 
 tifm> 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 535 
 
 tifm} concerning whom Pope Innocent makes 
 this Decree, in the fame Epiftle, where he pro- 
 hibits Presbyters from configning in all ordinary 
 Cafes : That if any one was feized [y] with an 
 Evil Spirit after Baptifm, the Bifhop might give 
 Orders to a Presbyter or a Deacon to confign him 
 in that Condition. It was not to be done but 
 by the Bifhop's Authority > for he only had the 
 Power of Impofition of Hands : But becaufe an 
 Energumen, who was at a great diftancc from 
 the Bifhop, might have feveral Chances in his 
 Journey, it was therefore thought more proper 
 for the Bifhops to grant a Commiflion to a Pres- 
 byter or Deacon, to give him Impofition of 
 Hands at home, than to venture his falling into 
 his Diftemper, by either coming to the Bifhop, 
 or returning. 
 
 SECT. VI. Another extraordinary Cafe 
 idly, And to fuch in which this Office of'Impofi- 
 as were baptized m t j on G f Hands was granted to 
 
 Herefy or Schifm, in p rcs ky terS} waSj when any who 
 Cafe they were .» ^ be£n fa b Hereticks 
 
 dews' er of Death. . r , v 
 
 5 J or Schifmaticks, were upon their 
 
 Return to the Church, feized with a violent 
 Sicknefs, and in imminent danger of Death, be- 
 fore they could go to the Bifhop, or the Bifhop 
 come to them, to give them Impofition of 
 Hands, and confirm them with that Grace or 
 the Spirit, which they could not have in Herefy 
 or Schifm. In that Cafe, rather than fuch Per- 
 fons fhould die without this Office, a Commiflion 
 was granted to Presbyters to adminifter it. This 
 we find moft exprefsly in.the firft Council of O- 
 range [z], That Hereticks, if they be in Extre- 
 
 mity and apparent danger of Death, when they 
 defire to become Catholicks, {hall, in the Bi- 
 fhop's Abfcnce, be configned by the Presbyters 
 with Chrifm and Benediction, that is, Impofition 
 of Hands in the Benediction- Prayer. And the 
 like Decree is made in the Council of [a] Epone y 
 That if any Hereticks, who lay defperately lick, 
 upon a Death-bed, defired fuddenly to be con- 
 verted, in that Cafe, for the Salvation of their 
 Souls, which was heartily defired, a Presbyter 
 fhould be permitted to give them the Confola- 
 tion of Chrifm. Which they that were in 
 Health, were to go to the Bifhop for, at their 
 Converfion. Where we may obferve, that the 
 Chrifmation here fpoken of, was not the Chrif- 
 mation which Presbyters were ordinarily allowed 
 to give in the H^efiern Church, but that which 
 was joined with Impofition of Hands, which 
 was peculiarly referved to the Bifhop, except in 
 fuch Cafes of Extremity, when a Presbyter was 
 allowed to give it, rather than a converted Here- 
 tick fhould die without it. And the Reafon of 
 this Conceffion was, becaufe Hereticks, who were 
 baptized out of the Church, were fuppofed to 
 be without the Grace of the Spirit, till they re- 
 ceived it by Impofition of Hands in the Catho- 
 lick Church. For which Reafon, all Hereticks, 
 as well thofe who ufed Impofition of Hands at 
 Baptifm, as thofe that did not, received a new 
 Benediction when they returned to the Unity of 
 the Church, as I have fhewed from St. Auflin 
 \J>\ Optatus [c~] and Akimus Avitus [i] in ano- 
 ther Place. See Scholaft. Hift. of Lay-baptifm, 
 Part I. p. 8(5. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Manner of Adminiftring Confirmation, and the Ceremonies ufed 
 
 in the Celebration of it. 
 
 SECT. I. TT A V I N G thus far confide- 
 nt firfi ceremo- JLX red both the Subject of 
 ny of confirmation, Confirmation , or Perfons to 
 was the Unaion of wnom \ t was adminiftred, and 
 cbr 'f m - the Perfons by whom it was admi- 
 
 niftredj we are in the next place to take a View 
 of the Form and Manner of its Adminiftration ; 
 in which we may obferve four diftinct Ceremo- 
 nies befides the Confecration of the Chrifm, 
 which were, the Unclion, the Sign of the Crofs, 
 
 Impofition of Hands, and Prayer. The Unction 
 was commonly firft in Order, as we learn from 
 that of 'Tertullian [#], As foon as we are come 
 out of the Water, we are anointed with the 
 blefled Unction. And then we receive Impofition of 
 Hands, invocating the Holy Spirit by a Benediction. 
 
 The firft Rife and Original SECT. II. 
 of this Unction in the Church, , The ° ri & mid °f 
 is not exactly known, and the " lls UaBun - 
 
 [y~\ Innoc. Ep. i. ad Decent, c. 6. De his vero bapti- 
 zatis, qui poftea a Dxmonio, aut vitio aliquo, aut peccato 
 interveniente , arripiuntur, quaefivit Diledtio tua, fi a Presby- 
 tero vel Diacono pofiint aut debeant confignari: Quod hoc 
 nifi Epifcopus conceflerit, non licet: Nam eis manus imponenda 
 non eft, nifi Epifcopus authoritatem dederit id faciendi. Ut au- 
 tem fiat, Epifcopi eft imperare, ut manus eis vel a Presbytero, vel 
 a ceteris Clericis imponatur. Nam quomodo id fieri fine magno 
 labore poterit, ut longe conftitutus Energumenus ad Epifcopum de- 
 ducatur, cum, li talis Cafus ei in itinere acciderit, nec perferri ad 
 Epifcopum, nec referri ad fua facile poflit ? [z] Cone. Arau- 
 fican. i. Can. 2. Huereticas in mortis difcrimine poficos, fi Ca- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 tholici efie defiderent, fi defit Epifcopus, a Presbyteris cum Chrif- 
 mate & Benedidtione confignari placet. [a] Cone. Epaunenf. 
 Can. 86. Presbytero, propter falutem animarum, quam in cun- 
 £tis optamus defperatis 8c in leeto recumbentibus haereticis, fi con- 
 verfionem fubitam petant, Chrifmate fubvenire permittimus. Quod 
 etiam omnes convertendi, fi fani funt, ab Epifcopo noverint expe- 
 tendum. Vid. Pontifical. Damaii. Vit. Sylveltri. p. 229. ap. Crab. 
 Tom. 1. [b~] Aug. de Bapt. Lib. 3. c. 16. [r] Optar*. Lib. 7. 
 p. 109. [</] Avitus, Ep. 24. ad Stephanurri. 
 
 [a] Tertul.d? Bapt. cap. 7. Exinde egreiTi de Lavacro perun- 
 
 guimur benedicVi Unclione. Cap. 8. Dehinc manus imponi- 
 
 tur, per beuedictionem advocan? 8c fovitans Spiritum Sanctum. 
 
 Y y y y i Send- 
 
7he Antiquities of the Book XII. 
 
 Sentiments of Learned Men are various abcut it. 
 The late famous Writer, under the feigned 
 Name of Petrus Jurclius, in his Book called Or- 
 thodoxus, againft Sirmond, takes a great deal of 
 Pains to prove it an Apoftolical Practice. But 
 Habertus [&] calls this a Dream, and a mad Un- 
 dertaking, againft the general Stream and Cur- 
 rent of learned Men. And Eflius fays [c\ the 
 common Opinion is, that the Apoftles in the be- 
 ginning of their Preaching, ufed no Chrifm in 
 the Adminiftration of this Sacrament, as he calls 
 it. So that what the Romamfis now make the 
 Matter of their New Sacrament, is confeffed to 
 be without any Foundation in Scripture. Bifhop 
 Pcarfon [d~\ is of opinion, that the Ufe of it 
 came into the Church fliortly after the Time of 
 the A po files. Bafnage [e] and Daille [/] think 
 not till the third Century, when it is firff. men- 
 tioned by Origen \_g\ and Tertullian. Some in- 
 deed alledge an Author more antient than either 
 of thefe; which is T'heophilus Antiochenus [If], 
 who fays, That we are therefore called Chri- 
 stians, becauie we are anointed with the Oyl of 
 God. But the Unction he fpeaks of, is a Spiri- 
 tual and Myftical Unction ; fuch as, he fays, the 
 whole Air and Earth under Heaven is anointed 
 with, viz. the Unction of Light and the Spirit 
 of God. So that there being no Author before 
 Tertullian, who mentions the MaEerial Unction, 
 as ufed in Confirmation, it is moft probable it 
 was a Ceremony firft begun about his Time, to 
 reprefent the Unction of the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 SECT. III. But when it was once admit- 
 The Form and ted, it was ufually magnified as 
 Manner of admmi- t ij e Symbol, and fometimes the 
 firing it , aether Inftl . umental Caufc of very great 
 ** the sjfia, of Effeas xKeConfecfationgf it 
 was fuppofed to work a Myftical 
 Change in its Nature, anfvverable to the Change 
 wrought in the Waters of Baptifm, and the 
 Bread° and Wine in the Eucharift, which Cyril 
 of Jerufakm compares together [i]. It was this 
 Unction, as the Completion of Baptifm, to which 
 they afcribed the Power of making every Chri- 
 ftian in Tome fenfe Partaker of a Royal Prieft- 
 hood. Which is not only faid by Origen in the 
 PafTage laft mentioned, but by Pope Leo [£], 
 St. Jerom [/], and many others [m~]. To it they 
 alio afcribed the noble Effects of confirming 
 the Soul with the Strength of all Spiritual 
 Graces on God's part, as well as. the Confirma- 
 tion of r he Profeffions and Covenant made on 
 Man's Part. The Author of the Conftitutions 
 
 makes it to be on Man's Part j8f£c«cu<rir ^ cju^o- 
 y/«r, Kj cru^nxcov, the Confirmation [»] of the 
 Confemons and Compacts made with God in 
 Baptifm; and on God's Parr, the Collation of 
 the Holy Spirit, rcprefented by this Ceremony 
 of Anointing. Which is fo frequently men- 
 tioned in every Greek Writer upon this Subject, 
 that it is fuperfluous to refer any learned Reader 
 to them. It will be fufficient only to hint the 
 Forms of Prayer, which they ufe upon this Oc- 
 cafion; for thefe will evidently fhew what Spi- 
 ritual Effects they expected from this Unction. 
 Now of thefe we have two ancient Forms re- 
 maining, a fhorter and a longer, the one an 
 Exprefs, and the other an Implicit Prayer. 
 The fhorter Form was conceived in thefe Words, 
 cnp^yi? cPaptas 7rv<4j i uar© j dyia, The Seal of the 
 Gift of the Holy Spirit; as we find it in the 
 firft General Council of Conftantinople [o], where 
 they order fuch as were baptized by Hereticks, 
 to be confirmed by the Unction of Chrifm in 
 this Form of Words. And fo again, in the 
 Council of Trullo [/>] and fome private \j] Wri- 
 ters. Not to mention now, that this is the 
 Form ftill in ufe in the Euchologium of the pre- 
 fent Greek Church. But befide this fhorter Form 
 (which was only an implicit Prayer, as if they 
 had faid, Let this Unction be unto thee the Seal 
 of the Gift of the Holy Spirit) they had alfo 
 fome larger Forms, which were more exprefs 
 Prayers; one of which is in the Author of the 
 Apofiolical Conftitutions, under the Title of an 
 Xafysla tB^j -re tAvsixS tJx<oa^ aThankfgiving or Be- 
 nediction to be ufed in the Unction of the My- 
 ftical Chrifm, where the Bifhop is ordeied to a- 
 noint the Party baptized, faying thefe Words 
 (V], O Lord God, the Unbcgotten, who haft 
 no Lord, who art Lord of all, who madeft the 
 fweet Savour of the Knowledge of the Gofpel 
 to go forth among all Nations: Grant now, 
 that this Chrifm may be effectual in this baptized 
 Perfon, that the fweet Savour of thy Chrift may 
 remain firm and liable in him, and that he being 
 dead with him, may rife again and live with him. 
 Now this Unction in the Greek Church, was not 
 only in the Forehead, but in feveral other Parts 
 of the Body, all performed by the Bifhop in one 
 and the fame Act; but the Latins divided the 
 Office in fome Places between the Bifhop and 
 Presbyters, as has been obferved before : But 
 whether united or divided, it was all reckoned 
 the Unction of Confirmation. Which is evident 
 from that Canon of the Council of Barcelona, 
 which fpeakingof Presbyters receiving the confe- 
 
 rs] Kabert. Archicratic. p. 702. Quod divinare quidam nos vo- 
 lunt, Apoftolos in Libro Praxapoftolor, confirmafle cum Cbrif- 
 mate, id rationcm fugit. Prsfradle id contra fummos Theoiogo- 
 rum perfuadere nititur Petrus Aurelius in Othodoxo contra Sir- 
 mondum. [e] Eftius in Sent. Lib. 4. Dift. 7. Seel. 7. Com- 
 munior fententia eft, Apoftolos initio fuse prsedicationis non ufos 
 t'uifie Chrifmate in adminiftratione hujus Sacramenti. [<f| Pcar- 
 fon. Left, in Aft. f. n. 6. p. 69. [e] ^Bafnag. Critic, in Ba- 
 ron, p. 76. [/] Daiil. de Confirm. Lib. 2. c. 2. p. 116, &c. 
 \&\ Origen. in Levit. Horn. 9. p. if 6. Omnes quicunque un- 
 guento facri Chrifmatis delibuti funt, Sacerdotes effefti funt, ficut 
 
 & Petrus ad omnem dicit Ecclefiam, Vos Regale Sacerdotium. 
 [£] Theophi). ad Autolycum, Lib. 1. Bibl. Patr. G. L. Tom. 1. 
 p. 110. EaK^y.id-et y^eisietvoi, 07/ yti'uui&a, ihatcv Os?« 
 [/] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 3. n. 3. [k] Leo. Ser. 3. tie Aflump- 
 tione fua, p. 3. [/] Hieron. contra Lucjf. cap. 2. [m] Vid. 
 Profper. Sentent. 34,2. Ambrof. de Initiatis, cap. C. Aug. Stx. 
 3. poft 40. a Sirmondo editis, in appendic?, Tom. 10. p. 847. 
 [»] Conft. Apoft. Lib. 3. cap. 17. Lib. 7. c. 22. [0] Cone; 
 Conftant. 1. can. 7. [p] Cone. Trull, can. 95-. [q] Afte- 
 riusAmafen.de Filio Prodigo. apud Pborium Cud 271. p. 1499. 
 [r] Conftit. Apoft. Lib, 7. c. 44. 
 
 crated 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 557 
 
 crated Chrifm from their Biftiops, which they 
 themfelves were to ufe, fays exprefly [s], that it 
 was for confirming Neophytes, or Perfons newly 
 baptized. Which is a manifeft Proof, that that 
 Part of the Ceremony of Unction, which was 
 committed to Presbyters, was reckoned a Part of 
 Confirmation. And fo much of it might be 
 committed to Presbyters, acting in Subordination 
 to their Bifhop, as the Rules of every Church 
 allowed. For this part of Confirmation being 
 wholly of Ecclcfiaftical Institution, it was in 
 the Power of the Church to make Orders in all 
 Things concerning it, both in what Manner, and 
 by what Perfons fhe would have it performed. 
 Which is the true Reafon of fo much Variety, 
 as we have obferved, in different Churches in the 
 adminiftiing this firft Ceremony of Confirma- 
 tion. 
 
 sect. iv. Together with this Unction 
 
 The Second Cere- tney u f ua l|y joyned the Sign of 
 
 mony of confirm, theCrofs> For this Ceremony 
 
 on rocts the Sign of . _ J 
 
 the Crofs. tnev u ' e( ^ u P on a 'l Occauons, and 
 
 therefore would not omit it in 
 this folemn Act of Confirmation. Of this we 
 have feveral clear Proofs in Tertullian, Pope Leo, 
 and others, which, becaufe they have been al- 
 ready recited at large [/], in fpeaking of the Ufe 
 of the Sign of the Crofs in Baptifm, I will not 
 here repeat them; but only add, that the Name 
 Confignation, which is fo often ufed by the La- 
 tin Writers to denote Confirmation [#], feems 
 to have had its Rife from this Ceremony and 
 Cuftom of figning with the Sign of the Crofs, 
 when they gave the Unction to Perfons bapti- 
 zed. And this in fome meafure anfwers to the 
 Greek Name aygyyis, which many times 3 though 
 not always, denotes the Sign of the Crofs, as 
 ufed in Baptifm or Confirmation, or any other 
 Office of Religion ; of which I need not here 
 be more particular. 
 
 sect. v. The moft noted Ceremony in 
 
 Jh, third and mojl t J lis whole Affa j r and thac which 
 
 noted Ceremony, Im- n r 11 -i j 
 
 t £„„/ molt univerfally prevailed, was 
 
 fofaion of Hands, J r ' 
 
 and fourthly, Prayer impofition or Hands > a Cere- 
 joyned therewith. mony ufed in all forts of Bene- 
 dictions, but more peculiarly ap- 
 plied to Ordination, reconciling of Penitents, 
 and Confirmation. The Latin Writers com- 
 monly fpeak of Confirmation under this Title. 
 But fome think it was not in Ufe among the 
 Greeks, who, they fay, only ufed Chrifm, and 
 
 not Impofition of Hands in Confirmation. Buc 
 this is a great Miftake : For the Author of the 
 Conftitutions [x], in the fame Chapter where he 
 rehearfes the Prayer of the myftical Chrifm, im- 
 mediately fubjoyns, this is the Power of Impofi- 
 tion of Hands neceffary for every one : For un- 
 lefs he that is baptized have this Invocation of 
 the Holy Prieft, he only goes into the Water as 
 a Jew, and puts off the Filth of the Body, but 
 not the Filth of the Soul. Therefore though 
 this Impofidon of Hands be not fo frequently 
 mentioned in the Greek Writers, yet it is always 
 to be un Jerftood, as Chrifm is in the Latin Wri- 
 ters, where only Impofition of Hands is men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The Antiquity of this Ceremo- sect. vi. 
 ny is by all antient Writers carried T he original of 
 as high as the Apoftles, and found- ih,s Ceremony of 
 ed upon their Example and Pra- cf 
 ctice. There are three Pafiages in 
 Scripture from which they generally deduce it: 
 jdefs viii. where mention is made of the Apoftles 
 laying Hands on thole whom Philip had baptized. 
 Atts xix. where St. Paul laid his Hands on thofe' 
 whom he baptized after John's Baptifm. And 
 Heb. vi. 2. where mention is made of Impofition 
 of Hands among the firft Principles of Religion. 
 Cyprian derives it from the Practice of the Apo- 
 ftles [y] laying their Hands on thofe whom Phi- 
 lip baptized : For, fays he, the feme Cuftom is 
 now obferved in the Church, that they who are 
 baptized, are prefented to the Governors of the 
 Church, that by their Prayer and Impofition of 
 Hands they may receive the Holy Ghoft. And 
 in other Places [z] he refers it in general to 
 Apoftolical Inftitutiln and Practice. The A- 
 nonymous Author of the Book concerning He- 
 retical Baptifm, at the End of Cyprian [a], de- 
 duces it likewife from the fame Example of the 
 Apoftles laying Hands on the Samaritans, whom 
 Philip baptized. Firmilian compares the Bifhop's 
 Impofition of Hands to invocate the Holy Spirit, 
 to that of St. Paul \b~] upon thofe whom he bap- 
 tized at Ephefus. St. Jerom owns the Lnciferians 
 Argument to be good, when he derives this Cu- 
 ftom \c~] from the Acts of the Apoftles, and the 
 Cafe of the Samaritans receiving Impofition of 
 Hands after Philip had baptized them : Though 
 he thinks the Practice and Tradition of the 
 Church fdfncient to authorize fuch a Cuftom in 
 this Cafe, as well as in feveral other Rites belong- 
 ing to Baptifm and other Things, which had the 
 
 [j] Cone. Barcinon. can. 2. Statutum eft, ut cum Chrifma 
 Presbyteris Dicecefanis pro Neophytis cenfirmandis datur, nihil pro 
 liquoris pretio accipiatur, &c [f] Book XI. Chap. 6 n. 9. [«] 
 Innoc. Ep. 1. ad Decent, c. 3. De Confignandis vero Infantibus,8cc. 
 Martin. Bracaren. can. fz. Presbyter non fignet Infantes, 8cc. [#] 
 Conftit. Apoft. lib. 7. cap. 44. £x*rx y6 n <Pvva.ui<; y^oj^i* 
 tfictf. zo.v $ fit) eif iKctrov txtm n c7nK^ati y'a'ti^) <^d <rs 
 e&V«£«< Upicof TciaiJTii T/f, eU utPap u'ovov Kx]it£cuv<l fi&ir]'!' 
 C'ofjSp®-, fc f hfeuot, &c. [y] Cypr. Ep. 73, ad Jubaian. p. 
 20i. Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur, ut qui in Ecclefia bap- 
 tizantur, Prsepofitis Ecclefia? offerantur, ut per noftram Orationem 
 8c manus Impolitionem Spiritum Sanctum confequantur. [zJ\ 
 Cypr. Ep. 72. ad Stcphan. p. 19$. [a] Anonym de Bapt. He- 
 
 retic, ap. Cypr. in Append, p. 23. -Per manus Impofitionem Epi£ 
 copi datur unicuique credenti Spiritus Sanftus, ficut Apoftoli circa 
 Samaritanos poll Philippi baptifma manum eis imponendo feccrunt. 
 [&] Firmil. Ep. 77. ap. Cypr. p. 22 1. [c\ Hieron. cont. Lucifer* 
 cap. 4. An nefcis 8c jam Ecclefiarum hunc Sfie morem, ut baptiza- 
 tis poflca manus imponatur, gc ita invocetur Spiritus San&us ? Exi- 
 gis ubi fcriptum lit? In a&ibus Apoftolorum. Enamfi Scripturx au- 
 cloritas non fubeffet, totius orbis in hac parte confenfus inftar pra> 
 cepti obtinet. Nam 8c multa alia qua; per Traditionem in Ecclefiis 
 obfervantur, aucloritatem fibi Scriprae legis ufurpaverunt; velutm 
 La vacro ter caput mergitare ; deinde egreiTos Laftjs 2c M.ellis pra> 
 guftare concordiam ad infamia; Significationcm. 
 
 Au- 
 
53 8 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XII. 
 
 Authority of Laws, though they were no where 
 exprefsly commanded in Scripture j as the triple 
 Immerfion in Baptifm, and the tailing of Milk 
 and Honey in token of a new Birth. St. Au- 
 ftin in like manner affirms [d] this Obfervation 
 defcended to the Governors of the Church from 
 the Apoftles, who prayed over thofe on whom 
 they laid their Hands, that they might receive 
 the Holy Ghoft. And becaufe it might be ob- 
 jected, That the Apoftolical Practice was for a 
 quite different End, to confer on Men the mira- 
 culous Gift of the Spirit, impowering them to 
 (peak with new Tongues: He is very careful 
 once or twice to anfwer this Objection,and fhew, 
 That notwithstanding any fuch Difference, this 
 Practice of Impofition of Hands in order to ob- 
 tain the Holy Spirit, might be laid to defcend 
 from the Apoftles. For, fays he [<?], by the Ho- 
 ly Ghoft, which is given only in the Catholick 
 Church by Impolition of Hands, our Forefathers 
 would have us to underftand that which the 
 Apoftle fays, The Love of God is Jhed abroad 
 in our Hearts by the Holy Ghoft which is given us. 
 For that is the Charity, which they have not 
 who are cut off from the Communion of the 
 Catholick Church : And though they fpeak with 
 the Tongues of Men and Angels, and know all 
 Myfteries, and all Knowledge, it profits them 
 nothing. For they have not the Love of God, 
 who love not the Unity of the Church 5 upon 
 •which account it is rightly faid, that the Holy 
 Spirit is not received but only in the Catholick 
 Church. For now the Holy Spirit, which is 
 given by Impofition of Hands, does not appear 
 with fenfible and temporal Miracles to atteft it, 
 as it was heretofore given to recommend the firft 
 Plantation of Faith, and to^ilate the Church in 
 its Infancy. For who now expects that they to 
 whom Impofition of Hands is given to receive 
 the Holy Spirit, fhould immediately begin to 
 fpeak with new Tongues ? But the Love of God 
 is fuppofed to be infpired into their Hearts invifi- 
 bly and latently by the Bond of Peace, fo as they 
 may truly fay, The Love of God is ftoed abroad in 
 our Hearts by the Holy Ghoft that is given us. He 
 gives the fame Anfwer to this pretended Difficul- 
 
 ty in another Place [/]. Hereby, fays he, we 
 know that He dwells in us, by the Spirit which He 
 hath given us. If thou findeft in thy Heart the 
 Love of God, thou haft the Spirit to give thee 
 Knowledge : Which is a very neceffary Thing. 
 In the firft Age the Holy Ghoft fell on them 
 that believed, and they fpake with Tongues, 
 which they had never learned, as the Spirit gave 
 them Utterance. Thefe were Signs proper for 
 that Time-, for then it was necelTary that the 
 Holy Ghoft fhould be thus demonftrated in all 
 kinds of Tongues j becaufe the Gofpel was to 
 run throughout the whole World in all forts of 
 Languages. But this Demonftration once made, 
 it ceafed. For does any Man now expect to hear 
 them fpeak with new Tongues, who receive Im- 
 pofition of Hands as a Means to obtain the Holy 
 Spirit? Or, when we laid Hands on thefe Infants, 
 did any of you look when they fhould fpeak with 
 Tongues? And when they did not fpeak with 
 Tongues, was any one fo perverfe in Heart, as to 
 fay, they have not received the Holy Ghoft? For 
 if they had received it, they would have fpoken 
 with Tongues, as was done heretofore. If there- 
 fore there be no fuch Miracles now, to teftify the 
 Prefence of the Spirit : How knows any Man 
 that he has received the Holy Ghoft? Let him 
 ask his own Heart : If he loves the Brethren, the 
 Spirit of God abideth in him. Thus St. Juftin 
 derives Impofition of Hands for conveying the 
 Spirit, from the Practice of the Apoftles, though 
 there were very different Effects then from what 
 there are now : Though Men had not the Gifc 
 of Tongues conferred upon them, as in the Days 
 of the Apoftles j yet they might have other Gra- 
 ces, fufficient both to teftify the Prefence of the 
 Spirit, and to entitle the Act of Impofition of 
 Hands to the Dignity of an Apcftolical Inftitu- 
 tion. From whence alfo we may obferve, that 
 Charity and Unity, or Stedfaftnefs in the Love 
 of God and Religion, was a particular Grace of 
 the Spirit given by Impofition of Hands: Which 
 becaufe Hereticks could not have, who were bap- 
 tized out of the Church, therefore they always 
 received Impofition of Hands upon their [g] Re- 
 turn to the Church, whether they had received 
 
 [d] Aug. de Trin lib. iy. c. 16. Orabant ut veniret in eos qui- 
 bus manus imponebant, non ipfi eum dabant. Quem morem in 
 fuis Prxpofitis etiam nunc fervat Ecclefia. [e] Aug. de Bapt. lib. 
 3. cap. 16. Spiritus autem Sandtus, quod in fcla Catholica per ma- 
 nus impofvtionem dari dicitur, nimirum hoc intelligi majores noflxi 
 voluerunt, quod Apoftolus ait, quoniam Cariras Dei diffufa eft in 
 cordibus noftris per Spiritum Sanctum, qui datus eft nobis. Ipfa 
 enim eft Caritas, quam non habent qui ab Ecclefiae Catholica: Com- 
 munione praecifi funt ; ac per hoc etiamfi Unguis hominum loquan- 
 tur 8c Angelorum, fi fciant omnia Sacramenta 8c omnem fcientiam, 
 8cc. nihil eis prodeft. Non autem habent Dei Charitatem, qui Ec- 
 clefia: non diligunt unitatem ; ac per hoc recte intelligitur dici, non 
 accipi nifi in Catholica Spiritus Sanctus. Neque enim temporalibus 
 8c fenfibilibus miraculis atteftantibus per manus Impofitionem modo 
 datur Spiritus Sanftus; licut antea dabatur ad commendationem ru- 
 dis fidei, 8c Ecclefia: primordia dilatanda. Quis enim nunc hoc ex- 
 pedtat, ut it quibus manus ad accipiendum Spiritum Sanctum im- 
 ponitur, repente incipiant Unguis loqui ? Sed invifibilirer 8c latenter 
 intelligitur per vinculum Pacis eorum cordibus divina Caritas infpi- 
 rari, ur poflint dicere, Quoniam Caritas, 8cc. [/] Aug. 
 
 Trad. 6. in 1 Joan. 3. Tom. 9. p. ijvj. In hoc cognofcimus quia 
 
 manet in nobis, de Spiritu quem dedit nobis. Si enim inveneris te 
 habere Caritatem, habes Spiritum Dei ad intelligendum. Valde 
 enim neceflaria res eft. Primis temporibus cadeoat fuper credentes 
 Spiritus Sandtus, 8c loquebantur linguis quas non didicerant, quo- 
 modo Spiritus dabat eis pronunciare. Signa erant tempori oppor- 
 tuna. Oportebat enim ita fignificari in omnibus linguas Spiritum 
 Sanctum: Quia Evangelium Dei per omnes linguis curfurum erat 
 toto orbe terrarum. Significatum eft illud, 8c tranfiit. Nunquid 
 modo quibus imponitur manus ad accipiendum Spiritum Sanctum, 
 hoc exfpedtatur, ut linguis loquantur? Aut quando impofuimus ms- 
 nura iftis Infantibus, attendit unufquifque veftrum, utrum linguis 
 loquerentur? Et cum videret eos linguis non loqui, ita perverfo cor- 
 de aliquis veftrum fuit, ut diceret, Non acceperunt ifti Spiritum 
 Sanctum? Nam fi accepiflenr, linguis loquerentur, quemadmcdum, 
 tunc factum eft. Si ergo per ha:c miracula modo teftimonium 
 prxCentix Spiritus Sancti non fit; Unde cognofcit quifque accepifle 
 fe Spiritum Sanctum ? Interroget cor fuum : Si diligit Fratrem, 
 manet Spiritus Dei in illo. [g] Aug. de Bapt. iib. cap. 23. 
 
 Propter Chnritatis copulationem, quod eft maximum donum Spiri- 
 tus Sancti, fine quo non valeant qua:cunque alia ianita in honiine 
 fucrint; manus corredtis Haneticis imponitur. 
 
 it 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 539 
 
 it in Pretence among their own Party before or 
 hot. For fome Hereticks gave Impofition of 
 Hands together with Baptifm, and others did not: 
 But both of them received Impofition of Hands 
 again, upon their return to the Gatholick Church. 
 There is one PafTage more, upon which fome of 
 the Ancients found this Practice, which is, Heb. 
 vi. 2. where the Apoftle joins Impofition of 
 Hands with Baptifm. Upon which the Author 
 under the Name of St. Ambrofe \h~\ notes, that 
 it means [he Impofition of Hands, which is fup- 
 pofed to confer the Holy Ghoft, which is ordi- 
 narily given by the Chief Prielb, or Bimops after 
 Baptifm, for the Confirmation of Men in the 
 Unity of the Church of Chrift. Which Expo- 
 fition is repeated by Haymo (YJ and fome later 
 Writers, and allowed as probable by Grotius and 
 Calvin. There is one Writer more who feems to 
 derive it from the Defcent of the Holy Ghoft 
 upon the Apoftlcs at the Day of Pentecoft. He 
 goes under the Name of Eufebius Emiffenus; but 
 learned Men fuppofe him to be Eucherius of 
 Lyons ? or Hilary of Aries, or fome other Wri- 
 ter about the Time of Pope Leo in the middle of 
 the fifth Century. Whoever he was, the Ac- 
 count he gives of Confirmation is very particular 
 and inftructive, and therefore the whole PafTage 
 may be worth tranflating. That which Impofi- 
 tion of Hands, [k~] fays he, now gives to every 
 one in confirming Neophytes, the fame did the 
 Defcent of the Holy Ghoft then confer on all Be- 
 lievers. But becaufe we have faid, that Impofi- 
 tion of Hands and Confirmation confers fome- 
 thing on him that is born again and regenerated 
 in Chrift > perhaps fome one will be ready to 
 think with himfelf, and fay, What can the Mi- 
 niftry of Confirmation profit me after the Myfte- 
 ry of Baptifm? If after the Font we want the 
 Addition of a new Office, then we have not re- 
 ceived all that was necefTary from the Font. It 
 is not fo, Beloved. For, if you obferve, in the 
 Military Life, when the Emperor has chofen any 
 one to be a Soldier, he does not only fet his Mark 
 or Character upon him, but furnimes him with 
 competent Arms for Fighting 5 fo it is in a bapti- 
 zed Perfon, the Benediction is his Armour. 
 Thou haft made him a Soldier, give him alfo the 
 Weapons of Warfare. What doth it profit, 
 though a Father confer a great Eftate upon his 
 Child, if he do not alfo provide him a Tutor? 
 Now the Holy Ghoft is the Keeper, and Com- 
 forter, and Tutor to thofe who are regenerated 
 in Chrift. As the Scripture faith, Except the 
 Lord keep the City, the Watchman waketh but in 
 vain. Therefore the Holy Ghoft, which de- 
 fcends with his faving Prefence on the Waters of 
 Baptifm, there gives us the Plenitude of Perfec- 
 tion to make us Innocent-, but in Confirmation, 
 he gives us an augmentation of Grace. Becaufe 
 in this World we are to live all our Lives among 
 invifible Enemies, and to walk in the midft of 
 Dangers j in Baptifm we are born again to Life, 
 
 but after Baptifm we are confirmed to fight 
 in Baptifm we are waftied, but after Baptifm 
 we arc ftrengthened. And fo the Benefits of 
 Regeneration are fufficient for thofe who pre- 
 fently leave this World } but to them who are to 
 live in it, the Auxiliary Aids of Confirmation 
 are alfo necefTary. Regeneration by itfelf alone 
 faves thofe who are prefently received in Peace 
 into a better World j but Confirmation arms and 
 prepares thofe who are referved to fight the Bat- 
 tles and Combats of this World. He that after 
 Baptifm goes immaculate, with the Innocence 
 which he has acquired, to Death, is confirmed 
 by Death j becaufe he cannot fin after Death. If 
 here we fhall ask, what Advantage the Apoftles 
 had by the coming of the Holy Spirit after the 
 Paflion and Refurrection of Chrift ? The Lord 
 himfelf evidently fhews us, faying, I have many 
 Things to fay unto you, but ye cannot bear them now : 
 Howbeit, when he the Spirit of Truth is come, he 
 will guide you into all Truth. You fee, when the 
 Holy Ghoft is given, the Heart of a Believer is 
 dilated and enlarged with Prudence and Con- 
 ftancy. Before the Defcent of the Holy Ghoft, 
 the Apoftles were terrified even to the Denial of 
 Chrift j but after his Vifitation they were armed 
 with a Contempt of Death, even to fuffer Mar- 
 tyrdom for his Sake. Thus it is that we have 
 Redemption by Chrift, but the Holy Ghoft 
 gives us the Gift of Spiritual Wifdom, by which 
 we are illuminated, edified, inftrucled and con- 
 fummated to Perfection. This is the Account 
 which the Ancients generally give of the Origi- 
 nal of Impofition of Hands: Which Ceremony 
 is now wholly laid afide and difufed in the Ro- 
 man Church, though they pretend to make ano- 
 ther Sacrament of Confirmation. But this only 
 by the way. 
 
 From the Account given by sect. vit. 
 this Author, we clearly learn what opinion th* 
 what the Ancients fuppofed Con- Aucimu had °f the 
 firmation fuperadded to the Be- of 
 nefit of Regeneration. The New- 
 birth gave Innocence and pardon of Sins j but the 
 Invocation of the Spirit added Wifdom andStrength 
 to preferve and eftablifh. Men in Innocence to 
 Perfection. He alfo ftiews us, what Opinion the 
 Ancients had of the Neceflity of Confirmation. 
 It was not abfolutely the fame as that of Baptifm. 
 For if Men died immediately after Baptifm with- 
 out Impofition of Hands, they were faved by their 
 Innocence which they had acquired in Baptifm: 
 They needed no other Confirmation but Death 
 which was a Security againft all other Dangers'. 
 Confirmation was only necefTary to thofe, who 
 were to live and fight with the World and Invi- 
 fible Powers. And this is the Senfe of all other 
 Writers, who fpeak the higheft of the Neceflity 
 of Confirmation. The Council of Eliberis having 
 faid [/], That it was necefTary for the Bifhop to 
 confummare thofe by his Benediction, who were 
 
 [h~\ Ambrof. in Heb. vi. 2. Impolitionis manuum per quam Spi- 
 rirus Sanctus accipi poffe creditur: Quod pofl: Baptifmum adCon- 
 firmationem Unitatis in Ecclcfia Chrifti a Pontificibus fieri folet. 
 [/} Haymo in Heb. vi. a. [}t] Eufeb Emiflen. Horn, de Pente- 
 
 coit. [/] Cone. Either, can. 77. Si quis Diaconus regens Piebem, 
 fme Epifcopo vel Presbytero, aliquos baptizaverit, Epifcopus eos per 
 benedi&ionem perficere debebit. Quod fi ante de ieculo recefferinr, 
 fub fide, qua quis credidcrit, potent efie juftus. 
 
 bap- 
 
54° 
 
 The A n t i qjj it ibs of the Book XIL 
 
 baptized by Deacons ; adds, Yet if any one die grants Men Remiflion of Sins by the Power of 
 before this can be done, he is justified by the the Holy Ghoft j but only that there are fome 
 Faith which he profeffed in Baptifm. And fo the farther Effects and Operations of the Holy Spirit, 
 Author of the Jpoftolical Confiituiions fays [m\ If which are not ordinarily conferred on Men but 
 there be neither Oyl nor Chrifm, the Water a- by the fubfequent Invocation of the Spirit, the 
 lone is fufficbnt both for the Un6tion of the Ho- Increafe of which Men were to defire, and to re- 
 ly Ghoft, and the Seal of the Covenant. By ceive Impofition of Hands in order to obtain it. 
 which we are to mollify that other harfh Exprel- In which Senfe it is faid in the Gofpel, That the 
 fion of his in another place [»], where he fays, Holy Ghoft was not yet given, bccaufe the Apoflles 
 That Baptifm without this Impofition of Hands, had not yet received that plentiful Effufion of it in 
 and Prayer of the Prieft, is only a bodily Wafhing, the Gift of 'Tongues, which they afterwards had on 
 like that of the Jews, purging the Filth of the the Day of Pentecoft, though they had before re- 
 Body, but not of the Soul. For unlefs fome ve- ceived fuch a Meafure of it, as both enabled them 
 ry candid Interpretation be put upon this Ex- to work feveral forts of Miracles, and alfo quali- 
 preffion, it will be highly injurious and derogato- fled them in every refpecl: for the Kingdom of 
 ry to the faving Power of Baptifm, which pur- Heaven, 
 ges away Sin by a Spiritual Regeneration. And 
 
 therefore it is but reafonable to let the harfh Ex- But though the Ancients did SECT. VIII. 
 
 preffions of this Author be interpreted by him- not think this Impofition of Hands How the y P un 'fi~ 
 
 felf, when he owns that the Water of Baptifm is fo abfolutely necefTary, as that the °f a ^f that 
 
 fufftcient to anfwer all the Ends of Chrifm or want of it mould exclude thofe ' ' 
 
 Confirmation, where that is omitted not by any who were baptized from the Kingdom of Hea- 
 
 Contempt, but for want of Opportunity to re- ven : yet they thought fit to punifh the Neglee~b 
 
 ceive it. And this is plainly St. Jerom's Mean- of it, by fetting fome Marks of Difgrace and 
 
 ing, when he fays, That though the Practice of publick Cenfure upon fuch, as voluntarily and 
 
 Impofition of Hands defcends from the Ads of carelefly omitted it, when they had Opportunity 
 
 the Apoftles [o~\; yet in many Places it was ob- to receive it. Such Men were ordinarily denied 
 
 ferved rather for the Honour of the Chief Prieft- the Privilege of Ecclefiaftical Promotion and ho- 
 
 bood, than for any abfolute Neceffity of the ly Orders. As appears from the Obje&ion made 
 
 Thing. For otherwife, if the Spirit was only againft Novatian, That he ought not to be ordain- 
 
 obtained by the Prayer of the Bifhop, thofe Men ed, becaufe being baptized privately with Clinick 
 
 muff, be in a deplorable Condition, that were bap- Baptifm, he had afterward neglected to receive 
 
 tized in Villages and Caftles and remote Places by his Consummation from the Hands of the Bifhop, 
 
 Presbyters and Deacons, and died before the Bi- which [r] he ought to have done by the Laws 
 
 {hop could corne to vifit them. All therefore of the Church. And to this purpofe the Coun- 
 
 that was necefTary to Salvation, was conferred in cil of Neo-C<efarea [s] has a Canon, forbidding 
 
 Baptifm, which miniftred fuch a Portion of the fuch to be ordained ; which is made part of the 
 
 Spirit, as was lufficient to cleanfe Men from Sin, Code of the Universal Church. The Council of 
 
 and qualify them for Eternal Life. So that when Eliberis alfo [/] excludes fuch, as have not Lava- 
 
 fome of the Ancients fay, That Baptifm does not chrum integrum, their own Baptifm completed by 
 
 minifter the Spirit, which was only given by Im- Impofition of Hands, from the Privilege of giv- 
 
 pofition of Hands in Confirmation j as Cornelius ing Baptifm toothers, which in cafes of Ne- 
 
 pleads in his Letter \j\ againft Novatian, and ceffity they allowed to all other Laymen. So 
 
 Tertullian who fays, That we do not obtain far they thought fit to difcountcnance the Con- 
 
 the Holy Ghoft in Baptifm, but are only clean- tempt and Neglect of Confirmation, though they 
 
 fed in the Water, and prepared for the Holy neither efteemed it a diftinct Sacrament from Bap- 
 
 Ghoft : They are to be underftood, as meaning tifm, nor of abfolute Neceffity to Salvation, but 
 
 enly that the Holy Ghoft is not given in that full only as a proper Means to ftrengthen Men in their 
 
 Meafure of Baptifm, as afterward by Impofition Chriftian Warfare, 
 of Hands. They do not deny, that Baptifm 
 
 [»?] Conftit. Apoft.lib. 7. c.22. « //>'i7s ihajov rt> finrifj.u- 
 fiv, -if l'<A»p, ^ w^s y fiitr/c, J9 ?? <K3>&y\£cL. ^ [»] Con- 
 Hie' lib. 7. c. 44. [0] Kieron. cont. Lucifer, c. 4. Qudd fi oblo- 
 queris, Quare in Ecclefia baptr&atus nifi per manus Epifcopi non ac- 
 cipiat Spiritum Sanclum, quem nos aflerimus in verobaptifmate tri- 
 feuij tiki banc Obfervaticnem ex ea'auctoritate defcendere, quod 
 poft Afcenfum Domini Spiritus Santtus defcendit. Multis in locis 
 id tainc-n efle fafturn repeiimus ad honorem potius Sacerdotii, quam 
 ?u Levis neceifitateai. Alioquin fi Epifcopi tantum Imprecatione 
 
 Spiritus Sanftus defluit, Iugendi funt qui in Villulis aut in Caftelli* 
 aut in remotioribus locis per Presbyteros 8c Diaconos baptiaati ante 
 dormierunt, quam ab Epifcopis inviferentur. [p] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 
 6. cap. 43. tk'tb (j.yi Tt/^&iV, to? a.v dylx <7rvdj/jt.ctl@- irv- 
 X ( > W Tertul.de Bapt. cap. 6. Non quod in aqua Spiritum 
 San&um confequamur, fed in aqua emundati, Tub Angelo Spiritui 
 San£to prseparamur. [r] Eufeb. lib. 6. c. 43. fjj Cone. Neo- 
 Csefar. can. iz. [*] Cone. Eliber. can. 38. 
 2 
 
 CHAP, 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 541 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the remaining Ceremonies of Baptifm following Confirmation. 
 
 SF.CT. I. 
 Verfons newly bap- 
 tized cloathed in 
 White Garments. 
 
 MUCH about the fame time 
 as the Unftion of Confir- 
 mation was admini fired to Per- 
 fons newly baptized, they were 
 a!fo cloathed in White Garments. In the Latin 
 Church it came immediately before Confirma- 
 tion f but in the Greek Church it feems to have 
 followed after. For Cyril of Jerufalem fpeaks of 
 it as following the Unction [a]. This was to 
 reprefent their having put off the Old Man with 
 his Deeds, and having put on the New Man Chrifl 
 Jefus. Hence they were called X&^juovb'vTfs-, £s? 
 Grex Chrifii Candidus & Niveus, the White Flock 
 of Chrift \_b\ as we find in Labi ant ius and many 
 others. Palladius, in the Life of St. Chryfoftom 
 \c\ notes it particularly, as a great piece of Bar- 
 barity in Arcadius, that when St. Chryfoflonfs 
 Presbyters in his Exile had baptized three thou- 
 fand Perfons at one Feftival, the Emperor fent his 
 Soldiers to difperfe them, as they were >Ji^[xovSv 
 tec, cloathed in their white Garments. This was o- 
 rherwife called, the Garment of Chrift, and the 
 Myftical Garment. For fo Socrates [d] and Sozo- 
 men [e\ fpeaking of the Ordination of Neclarius 
 Bifhop of Conjlantinople, which was immediately 
 given him after his Baptifm, fay, He was ordain- 
 ed whilft he had his myftical Garment on* mean- 
 ing this white Robe, which had juft before been 
 given him at his Baptifm. St. Jerom [/] alfo, 
 writing to Fabiola, feems to allude to this, when 
 he fays, We are to be waftied with the Precepts 
 of God, and when we are prepared for the Gar- 
 ment of Chrift, putting off our Coats of Skins, 
 wc fhall put on the Linen Garment, that hath 
 nothing of Death in it, but is all White, that ri- 
 ling out of the Waters of Baptifm, we may gird 
 about our Loins with Truth, and cover the for- 
 mer Filthinefs of our Breafts. Some alfo alledge 
 two other Paflages of his in his Epiftles to Pope 
 Damafus [g], where he fpeaks of his having put 
 on the Garment of Chrift at Rome. But others, 
 who have more exactly [b~\ confidered the Time 
 of St. Jeromes Baptifm, and the fame Phrafe as 
 ufed by him in other places, more probably con- 
 
 clude, that he means the Monaftick Habit, which 
 he elfewhere [f\ calls the Garment of Chrift, and 
 not the Albes of Baptilm. However, not infill- 
 ing on thole dubious Paflages of St. Jerom, the 
 ancient Cultom is fufficiently attefted from other 
 Authors. 
 
 Some of which alfo tell us, SECT. II. 
 That thefe Garments were wont The f e f° mttim " 
 to be delivered to the Neophytes M ™ ed r * lhem 
 
 hr 1 r t-t r j mt " a (olemn Form 
 
 a folemn Form of Words, 9 t Wer } Sm 
 
 in the Nature of a Charge : 
 Such as that in Gregory's Sacramentarium \k\ Re- 
 ceive the White and Immaculate Garment, which 
 thou mayft bring forth without Spot before the 
 Tribunal of our Lord Jefus Chrift, that thou 
 mayft have Eternal Life. Amen. 
 
 These Garments were com- sect. III. 
 monly worn eight Days, and then Warn "& ht D *y s > 
 laid up in the Church. St. Aufiin, ^church'* " P " 
 or fome one under his Name [/], ' Hrc ' 
 fpeaks of the Sunday after Eafter, as the Time ap- 
 pointed for this purpofe, That was the Conclu- 
 sion of the Pafchal Feftival, and then the Neo- 
 phytes changed their Habit j whence that Day is 
 thought to have the Name of Dominica in Albis-, 
 and White-Sunday is faid to be fo called from this 
 Cuftom of wearing White Robes after Baptifm. 
 Thefe being laid afide, were carefully preferved 
 in the Veftries of the Church, as an Evidence a- 
 gainft Men, if afterward they violated thofe Pro- 
 feffions which they had made in Baptifm. A re- 
 markable Inftance of which we have, related in 
 Viclor Uticenfis, concerning one Elpidiphorus, a Ci- 
 tizen of Carthage, who having a long time lived 
 in the Communion of the Church, at laft turned 
 Arian, and became a bitter Enemy to the Orthodox 
 in the fandalick Perfecution. Among others, whom 
 he fummoned before him as their Judge, was one 
 Muritta a Deacon, who had been Sponfor for 
 him at his Baptifm. He being ready to be put 
 upon the Rack, produced againft him thofe white 
 Robes with which he had been cloathed at his 
 
 M Cyril. Catech. Myft. 4. n. 2. h£vca.\J.wQr ta rrv<l(j.a\i- 
 jta a<^k*\ yjii Kdi-^ ifxcveiv S , ia.7ra.vric 8tc. [b] Lactam. Car- 
 men deRefur. Dom. Fulgentes animcs veflis quoque Candida lignar, 
 8c grege dc niveo gaudia Paftor habet. Mofchus Prat. Spir. c. 207. 
 iJ-'ovtH ojjthv Sec. Paulin. Ep. 12. ad Sever, p. 14.5". 
 
 Unde Parens facro ducit de Fonte Sacerdos Infantes niveos corpore, 
 corde, habitu. [c] Pallad. Vit. Chryfoft. cap. 9. [d~\ Socrst. 
 lib. j. cap. 8. [«] Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 8. t [/.vsikvv ?<S"»Ta 'in 
 i\lj.®ti<rn'iv@~ . &c. [/J Hieron. Ep. 128. ad Fabiol. Prseceptis 
 Dei lavandi fumus, & cum parati ad Indumentum Chrifii, tunicas 
 pelliceas depofuerimus, tunc inducmur Vefle linea, nihil in fc mortis 
 habente, fed rota Candida, tit de baptifmo confurgentes, cingamus 
 Iumbos in veritate. [g] Id. Ep. 57. ad Damaf. Cathedram Petri. 
 8c fidem Apoftolico ore laudaram cenfui confulcndam ; inde mez a- 
 nimse poftulans cibura, unde olim Chrifii veftimentrf fufcepi, It. Ep. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 78. ad Damafum. Chrifti veftem in Romana Urbe fulcipiens, nunc 
 barbaro Syrije limite tene-or. [h]See Wall of Infant -baptifm, Par. 
 Hi Chap. iii. Sect. 10. [/] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. 8c Ep. 
 27. Epitaph. Paula;. [&] Gregor. Sacramen. de Bapt. Infant. Ve- 
 ititur Infans, dicente Presbytero; Accipeveftem candidam 8c imma- 
 culatam, qusm peiferas fine macula ante Tribunal Domini noflri Je- 
 fu Chrifti, ut habeas vitam aeternam. Amen. Ordo Roman, de S. 
 Sabbato. Bibl. Pair. torn. 10, p. 83. Deportantur ipfi infantes ante 
 eum, 8c datfingulis Stolam candidam 8c decern Siliquas StChrifma- 
 le, dicens, Accipeveftem candidam, &c. [/] Aug.H0m.86.de 
 Diverlls, in OctavisPafch.se, torn. 10. p. 709. Pafchalisfolcnnitas ho- 
 dic rna feftivitate concluditur, 8c ideo ho die Neophytorum habitus com- 
 mutatur; iratamen, ut candor, qui d; Habitu deponitur, Temper in 
 corde teneatur 
 
 7. z z z Baptifm j 
 
542 
 
 7he Antiqjjities of the Book XII. 
 
 Baptifm ; and with Words, \m~] melting all the 
 whole City into Tears, he thus befpoke him : 
 Thefe are the Garments, O Elpidiphorus, thou 
 Minifter of Error, which mall accufe thee, when 
 the Majefty of the great Judge Avail appear ; 
 thefe I will diligently keep as a Teftimony of thy 
 Ruin, which mail deprefs thee to the Bottom of 
 the Lake that burns with Fire and Brimftone. 
 Thefe are they that were girt about thee, when 
 thou cameft immaculate out of the holy Font; 
 thefe are they that {hall bitterly purfue thee, 
 when thou fhalt begin to take thy Portion in the 
 Flames of Hell j becaul'e thou haft cloathed thy 
 felf with Curfing as with a Garment, and haft 
 caft off the facred Obligation of thy Baptifm, and 
 the true Faith which thou didft then profefs and 
 take upon thee. So that the Defign of this fig- 
 nificant Ceremony was fisft to reprefent that In- 
 nocence and Angelical Purity, which every Man 
 obtained by the Remiffion of his Sins in Baptifm, 
 and then to remind them of the Obligations and 
 Profeffions they had entred into, which if they 
 violated, would rife up as fo many Accufers at 
 the Day of Judgment. 
 
 sect. iv. T o this Ceremony of wearing 
 f e cermoxy of White Robes, they added ano- 
 ut ts an * T T s - ther of the like Nature, which 
 
 What intended by it. . . r i • i j t« 
 
 Andatvhofecbirge w as the carrying of lighted Ta- 
 both thefe -were pro- pets in their Hands. I cannot fay 
 nided. this was fo univerfal a Practice as 
 
 the former, but it is mentioned 
 by Gregory Nazianzen among other Ceremonies 
 following Baptifm. The Station, fays he, when 
 immediately after Baptifm thou fhalt be placed be- 
 fore the Altar, is an Emblem of the Glory of 
 the Life to come; thePfalmody with which thou 
 fhalt be received, is a Foretafte of thofe Hymns 
 and Songs of a better Life; and the Lamps [»] 
 which thou fhalt light, are a Figure of thofe 
 Lamps of Faith, wherewith bright and Virgin 
 Souls fhall go forth to meet the Bridegroom. O- 
 thers refer it to another Reafon, That it might 
 be a Symbol of their own prefent Illumination, 
 and as done in Allufion to that Saying of our Sa- 
 viour, So let your Light Jhine before Men, that they 
 may fee your good Works, and glorify your Father 
 'which is in Heaven. In fome Baptiirns alfo or 
 great Men, we find thefe Ceremonies enlarged 
 and let off with greater Pomp ; for not only they 
 themfelves, but all their Retinue and Attendants 
 were cloathed in White Garments, and all car- 
 ried Lamps in their Hands. As it was in the 
 magnificent Baptifm of the Younger Theodofius, 
 related in an Epiftle of Marcus Gazenfis [0], pub- 
 lifhed by Baronius; where he fays, The Procefli- 
 
 on from the Church to the Palace was extremely 
 fplendid : For the Leaders of the People were all 
 cloathed in White, which made the Company 
 look as if it had been covered with Snow : And 
 all the Senators, and Men of Quality, and Soldi- 
 ers in their Ranks carried Lamps in their Hands, 
 that one would have thought the Stais had ap- 
 peared upon Earth. The Expenceof thefe Things, 
 efpecially when fo very fumptuous and magnifi- 
 cent, we may reafonably fuppofe, was defrayed by 
 every Perfon at his own proper Coft and Charge. 
 And fo the Obje&ion, which fome make in Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen againft Baptifm, upon the Ac- 
 count of the Charge attending it, plainly inti- 
 mates. For they thus object againft it: Where 
 is the Gift that I fhall offer at Baptifm? Where 
 is the Garment [p] of Light in which I mult 
 mine ? Wherewithal mall I entertain my Bapti- 
 zers ? To which Nazianzen replies, That in 
 great Things Men fhould not be concerned about 
 fuch fmall Matters as thefe. For the Sacrament 
 itfeif was far above thefe vifible Objects. There- 
 fore offer thyfelf for a Gift, put on Chrift for a 
 Garment, and let thy Entertainment of me the 
 Minifter, be an holy Converfation. God requires 
 no great Thing of us, which the Poor cannot 
 give. From whence we may conclude, That ei- 
 ther thefe Ceremonies were omitted in the Bap- 
 tifm of poor Men, or elfe the Church herfelf was 
 at the Charge of them. Which fome think may 
 be inferred from the Donations of Conjlantine, made 
 to the Baptifteries of Rome, mentioned in the Pon- 
 tifical in the Life of Pope Syhefler ; but it may 
 more certainly be proved from the Epiftles of 
 Pope Gregory \jf), where he often mentions his gi- 
 ving thefe Garments to the Poor, who could not 
 provide them for themfelves. 
 
 Another Ceremony ufed to sect. v. 
 congratulate fuch as were newly The K 'f s °f Feace 
 baptized, upon their Admiffi- f™"^/ "'""' 
 on and Incorporation into the 
 Church, was the Kifs of Peace. 
 Which was obferved even towards Infants, as we 
 learn from that Objection raifed againft it in Cy- 
 prian : Where the Opponents pleaded for defer- 
 ring Baptifm till the Child was eight Days old, 
 becaufe Children at their Birth were unclean, and 
 every one abhorred to kifs them, as was neceffary 
 to be done after Baptifm, to teftify their Right 
 of Fraternity upon their Adoption inro God's Fa- 
 mily. To which Cyprian replied, That this was 
 no Impediment to their Baptifm; for all Things 
 were clean to them that were clean. No one 
 ought to abhor that which God had vouchfafed 
 to make. For though an Infant was but juft 
 
 [ot] Viftor. de Perfec. Vandal, lib. 3. Bibl. Patr. torn. 7. p. 613. 
 Hxc funt Linteamina, Elpidiphore, minifter erroris, quae te accufa- 
 bunt, duni majeftas venerit judicantis, cuftodiente diligentia mea ad 
 teftimonium tux perditionis, ad demergendum te in abyflb putei ful- 
 phurantis. Hxc te immaculatum cinxerant de Fonte furgentem ; hxc 
 te acritcr perfequentur, flammantem Gehennam cum coeperis poffi- 
 dere, Sec. [»] Naz.Orat.40.de Bapt. p. 671. [o]"Ap. Ba- 
 ron, an. 401. torn. f. p. 134, Baptizato Juniori Theodolio, ScabEc- 
 clefia rgreflbin Pah'ium, liccbat rurfus inrueri decorem eorum qui 
 
 praeerant mukitudini, & veftem eorum refulgentem. Erant enim 
 omnes Candidati, ut exiftimaretur multitudo efle nive repleta. Prs- 
 cedebant autem Pairicii, Illuftres, & omnis Dignitas cum Ordini- 
 bus Militaribus, omnes portantes Cereos, ut putarentur aftra cerni in 
 terra. [/>] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 657. <sr« e//?«T«©- 
 <t ^a.u-vpvvQi}jo-ofjt.cu, 8cc. [q] Greg. lib. 7. Ep. 24 ad 
 Fauftin.Quofcunque ex iis pauperes,8c ad veftem fibi emendam non 
 fufficere pofle cognofcis; Te eis veftem quam ad baptifma habeanr, 
 comparare volumus ac prsbere. Vid. lib. 4. Ep. 16. 
 
 2 
 
 born? 
 
Chap. IV. Christian Church. $4.3 
 
 born, yet he was then in fuch a Condition, as no the Mixture was made up of Milk and Wine 
 
 one ought to abhor [/] in giving him the Grace inftead of Honey, and this in allulion to thofe 
 
 of Baptifm, or imparting to him the Kifs of Pillages of the Apoftle, 1 have fed you -with Milky 
 
 Peace. This Cuftom is alfo mentioned by St. Au- and not with flrong Meat: And St. Peter's Saying, 
 
 Jlin [sX and it feems to be founded upon that A- As new-born Babes defire the fincere Milk of the 
 
 portolical Rule, obferved in the Eucharift and o- Word. For Milk denotes the Innocency of Chil- 
 
 ther holy Offices, of faluting one another with dren. Clemens Alexandrinus alio [£] takes notice 
 
 an holy Kifs, in token of their mod: cordial Af- of this Cultom, faying, As foon as we are born 
 
 fc&ion, and acknowledging one another as Bre- we are nourifhed with Milk, which is the Nu- 
 
 thren. St. Chryfoftom gives another Rcafon why triment of the Lord. And when we are born a- 
 
 it was called, The Peace, or the Kifs of Peace, gain we are honoured with the Hope of Reft by 
 
 becaufe Men were now reconciled to God by Bap- the Promife of Jerufalem which is above, where 
 
 tifm, and reftored to his Peace and Favour. For it is faid to rain Milk and Honey. For by thefe 
 
 elegantly comparing the two Nativities of Man material Things we are aflured of that facrcd Food, 
 
 together^ the Natural and the Spiritual, he fays, We learn farther from the third Council of Car- 
 
 The firft Birth is always attended with Tears and thage t that this Milk and Honey had a peculiar 
 
 Lamentations, Nature as it were prefaging the Confecration diftinct from that of the Eucharift. 
 
 fubfequent Sorrows and Miferies of Life: But in It is there faid to be offered at the Altar [c~] on a 
 
 the lecond Rirth it is otherwife: Here are no Day molt folemn (which means the Great Sabbath, 
 
 Tears or Mournings, but Salutations, and Kiffes, or Saturday before Eaftcr^ which was the moffc 
 
 and Embracings of the Brethren, who acknow- folemn time of Baptifm) and there to have its 
 
 ledge the Perfon baptized as one of their own proper Benedi&ion for the Myftery of Infants, 
 
 Members, and receive him as one returning from (that is, Perfons newly baptized, who are com- 
 
 a long Peregrination out of his own Country, monly called Infants in the Myftical Senfe) that 
 
 For becaufe before his Baptifm he was an Enemy, it might be diftinguifhed from the Sacrament of 
 
 but after Baptifm is made a Friend of our com- the Body and Blood of Chrift. This part of the 
 
 mon Lord, we therefore all rejoyce with him : Canon indeed is omitted in fome Collections, buc 
 
 And upon this account the \t] Kifs has the Name Labbee fays it was in the antient Manufcripts, and 
 
 of Peace, that we may learn thereby, that God it is now fo read in the Body of the African \ d\ 
 
 has ended the War, and received us into Famili- Code, which puts the Matter beyond all Difpute. 
 
 arity and Friendfhip with himfelf. Hence it is, I have given the Canon with a little explanatory 
 
 that to give the Peace to any one, is the fame Paraphrafe, becaufe fome Learned Men complain 
 
 Thing many times in the Writings of the Anci- of the Obfcurity of it, and profefs themfelves to 
 
 ents, as to falute him with the Holy Kifs, in the be in the Dark about the Myftery of Infants, 
 
 Phrafe of the Apoftle. which feems to me evidently to refer to this Cu- 
 ftom of giving Milk and Honey to the newly- bap- 
 
 s e. c T. vi. They were ufed alfo to give tized. 
 
 And a Trfe of to new ly baptized a little 
 Token Tfttevnll Tafte ofHoney and Milk : Which When Perfons were thus a- SECT. VII. 
 
 Birth * e r ^ Salmaftus and fome others [»] dopted into God's Family, and Then required to 
 
 fuppofe to be given them inftead acknowledged as Brethren in fay *be Lord s pray. 
 
 of the Eucharift : But that is a Miftake, for the Chrift, then they were admitted ' ' 
 
 Eucharift was given them at the fame time: The as Sons to call upon God their Father, and im- 
 Ancients themfelves give another Reafon for it. mediately required to do it in the Form of Words 
 St. Jerom [_x] and Tertullian [y] fay, It was to fig- taught us by Chrift. The Author of the Conftitu- 
 nify their New Birth, and that they were now as tions [e] bids them repeat the Lord's Prayer ftand- 
 Children adopted into God's Family. 'Tertullian ing upright, becaufe they were now rifen with 
 fays moreover [z], That the Marcionites retained Chrift from the Dead : And after that repeat this 
 
 the Cuftom for the fame Reafon, as they did ma- other fhort Form : " Almighty God, the Father 
 ny other Ufages of the Church. St. Jerom [a] of Chrift, Thy only- begotten Son, give me an 
 fays farther, That in fome of the Weftern Churches 41 immaculate Body, a pure Heart, a watchful 
 
 [r] Cypr. Ep. jo. al. 64. ad Fidum. p. 160. Nam & quod ve- 
 ftigium infantis in primis partus fui diebus conftituti, mundum non 
 cfle dixifti, quod unufquifque noftrum adhuc horreat exofcularij 
 nec hoc putamus ad cceleftem gratiam dandam impedimento efle o- 
 portere: Scriptum eft enim, omnia munda funt mundis. Nec ali- 
 quis noftrum id debet horrere, quod Deus dignatus eft facere. 
 Nam etli adhuc infans a partu novus eft, non ita eft tamen, ut 
 quifquam ilium in Gratia danda atque in Pace facienda exofculari 
 horrere debeat, 8cc. [j] Aug. cont. Epift. Pelag. lib. 4. cap. 8. 
 [*] Chryf. Serm. fo. de Util. Legends Scripture, torn. f. p. 
 
 686. <Pld 0*79 Xj TO <p'iKYI(J.et &fMn Iva. (JLa.§V(J.iV 
 
 ya.\i r kaxifk. [«]Salmaf. ap. Suicer. Thefaur. [*] Hieron, 
 cont. Lucif. cap. 4. Deinde egrefios Lattis Sc Mellisprsguftare con- 
 cordtam ad Infamise fignificationem. [y] Tcrlul. de Coron. Mil . 
 c. 3. Inde fufcepti Laftis 8c Mellis prseguftamus concordiarn, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [z] It. cont. Marcion. lib. 1. cnp. 14. Sed & ille ufque nec aquara 
 reprobavit Creatoris, qua fuos abluit, nec Oleum quo fuos unxit, 
 nec Mellis 8c Ladtis focietatem, qua fuos infantat, nec Panem, quo 
 ipfum Corpus fuum reprseftntat. [>] Hieron. in Efai. $f. 1. Lac 
 lignificat innocentiam parvulorum. Qui mos ac typus in Occiden- 
 ts Ecclefiis hodie ufque fervatur, ut renatis in Chrifto vinum lacque 
 tribuatur. De quo lafte dicebat 8c Paulus, Lac vobis potum dedf, 
 non folidum cibum. Et Petrus, Quad modo nati parvuli rationale 
 lac defiderate. [6] Clem. Alex. Pxdagog. lib. 1. cap. 6. p. 103. 
 
 [c] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 24. Primitia: vero, feu Mel & Lac, quod 
 uno die folennifllmo pro Infantis Myfterio folet offerri, quamvis in 
 Altari offeratur, fuam tamen habet propriam Benedidionem , ut a 
 Sacramento Dominici Corporis aut Sanguinis diftinguarur. 
 
 [d] Codex Ecclef. Afric. Can, 37. ap. Jufteilum. [*] Conftit. A- 
 poft. lib. 7. c. 44, 8c 4j\ 
 
 Z> Z Z Z 2, Soulj 
 
544 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XII. 
 
 <c Soul, an unerring Knowledge, with the in- 
 " fluence of the Holy Ghoft, that I may poflefs 
 " and enjoy the Fulnefs of the Truth, through 
 " Thy Chrift, by whom all Glory be to Thee 
 " in the Holy Ghoft for ever. Amen. " St. Chry- 
 fofiom [/] alfo mentions their repeating the Lord's 
 Prayer prefently after their coming up out of the 
 Water j and that ftandiug alfo, not falling upon 
 their Faces, but looking up to Chrift, to whofe 
 Body they are united, as he fits above in Hea- 
 ven, where Satan has no accefs. And this was 
 the firil time they were allowed to ufe this Pray- 
 er. For till Men were baptized, and made Sons 
 of God by Regeneration, they were not allowed 
 to call God their Father. And though they lear- 
 ned the Lord's Prayer before Baptifm, yet they 
 were not permitted till after Baptifm to ufe it as 
 a Prayer publickly in the Church. 
 
 sect. VIII. Among other Ceremonies af- 
 Recehe.i with ter Baptifm, Gregory Nazianzen 
 vfaimody. mentions their Reception with 
 
 Pfalmody [g], which he fays, was a Prseludium 
 or Foretafte of thofe Hymns and Praifes which 
 ftiould be the Employment of the Life to come. 
 But whether this means any particular Pfalms 
 * appointed to be fung at Baptifm, or the common 
 Pfalmody of the Church, he does not inform us. 
 If I may be allowed to conjecture, I ftiould con- 
 clude for the former, becaufe the common Pfal- 
 mody of the Church was no more than what 
 Catechumens were allowed to hear before, as be- 
 ing part of the Mijfa Catechumenorum, or firlt 
 Service, at which not only Catechumens, but 
 profefied Jews and Heathens might be prefent. 
 Perhaps they fung the cxviiith Pfalm, in which 
 are thefe Words, This is the Day which the Lord 
 hath made, we will rejoyce and be glad in it, be- 
 caufe St. Auftin [h~] fpeaking of the Eafter-Fedi- 
 val feems to refer to it, faying, This is the Day 
 which the Lord hath made, higher than all, 
 blighter than all, in which he hath acquired 
 to himfelf a new People by the Spirit of Re- 
 generation, and hath filled our Minds with Joy 
 and Gladnefs. And Paulinus [f] fpeaks of finging 
 Allelujahs upon this Occafion. But in doubtful 
 Matters I will not be over pofitive to determine. 
 
 sect. IX. I T is more certain, that asfoon 
 And admitted tm- as t ^ e Ceremonies of Baptifm were 
 
 meAMely to the fa^A Men w£re admitted to 
 
 Communion of the . ? . r , T7 , 
 
 ^ /wr a Participation of the Euchanft. 
 
 For this was the -rsXetov, the 
 Perfection or Confummation of a Chriftian , to 
 which he was entitled by vertue of his Baptifm. 
 
 Therefore all the antient Writers fpeak of this 
 as the concluding Privilege of Baptifm, which 
 in thofe Days was always immediately fubjoyned 
 to it. And this was obferved, not only with re- 
 fpect to Adult Perfons, but Children alfo. For 
 Proof of which Cuftom, at prefent it will be 
 fufficient to alledge the Teftimony of Gennadius 
 [£], who joyns the Baptifm of Infants, and Con- 
 firmation, and the Eucharift all together. And 
 this continued to the ninth Century, as appears 
 from the Rituals of that Age, fome of which 
 have been produced before [/], and many others 
 might be added j but thefe belong to another 
 Place, where it will be more proper to treat of 
 the Communion of Infants among other things 
 that relate to the Subject of the Eucharift, which, 
 together with the ancient Pfalmody, Reading of 
 the Scriptures, Preaching and Prayers, which 
 make up the whole ordinary Service of the 
 Church, under the Name of Mijfa Catecbumeno* 
 rum, and Mijfa Fidelium, will be the Subject of 
 the next Volume, which is intended to give an 
 Account of the Liturgy of the Church. 
 
 Th ere was one Ceremony sect. X. 
 more, ufed in fome Churches, of the ceremony 
 but rejected by others, which it f^gtheVeet 
 
 ... J . . ' 7 r returned m fome 
 
 will not be improper to give fome churches. 
 Account of here in the Clofe. 
 That was the Cuftom of Waftiing the Feet of 
 the Baptized. Vicecomes [m~] thinks, at firft it 
 was a Ceremony preceding Baptifm, and ufed on 
 Maundy-Tburfday, or the fame Day that our Sa- 
 viour (from whofe Example it was taken) wafhed 
 his Difciples Feet. And this feems to be clear, 
 he fays, from St. Aufliri's Words, who has Oc- 
 cafion to mention it in two of his Epiftles. But 
 in the former Epiftle [»] St. Auflin is fpeaking 
 of the Cuftom of bathing the whole Body be- 
 fore Eafter, that the Catechumens who had ne- 
 glected themfelves in the Obfervation of Lent, 
 might not appear offenfive, when they came to 
 be baptized : Therefore Maundy-Thurfday was 
 chofen as the Day to cleanfe themfelves by Bath- 
 ing, from the bodily Filth which they had con- 
 tracted. And becaufe this was allowed to the 
 Catechumens, many others chofe to bathe them- 
 felves with them on this Day alfo, and relax their 
 Faft, becaufe Falling and Bathing would not a- 
 gree together. So that this Waftiing was not 
 the Wafhing of the Feet, however Vicecomes 
 came to miftake it, but the Bathing of the 
 whole Body j and not ufed as a religious Cere- 
 mony, but as a Ceremony of Convenience and 
 civil Decency, that they might not be offenfive 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. 6. in Colof. p. ijfo. [g] Naz. Orat 40. 
 de Bapt. p. 671. [h} Aug. Serm. 165. de Tempore, Tom. 10. 
 p. 322. Hie eft dies, dilettiffimi, quern fecit Dominus, celfior 
 cunftis, lucidior univerlis, in quo fibi novam plebem, ut videtis, 
 Regenerationis Spiritu conquilivit, &c. [»] Paulin. Ep. 12. ad 
 Sever, p. i+f. Hinc fenior fociae congaudet turba catervse, Alleluia 
 novis balat ovile choris. [k] Gennad. de Ecclef. Dogma, cap. 
 fi. Si Parvuli fint, qui dodtrinam non capiant, refpondeant pro 
 ill/s qui eos offerunt, juxta morem baptizandi .- Et fic manfis Im- 
 pofitione & Chrifmate communiti, Euchariftix Myfteriis admittao- 
 
 Z 
 
 tur. [/] Book XII. chap. I. n. 2. [m\ Vicecom. de Ritib. 
 Bapt. Lift. 3. cap. 20. [»] Aug. Ep. 118. ad Januarium, p. 
 213. Si autem quaeris, cur etiam lavandi mos ortus fit: nihil mi- 
 ni de hac re cogitanti probabilius occurrit, nifi quia baptizmdorum 
 corpora per obfervationem Quadragefmiae fordidata, cum oftenfione 
 fenfus ad Fontem tradrarentur, nifi aliqua die lavarentur. Iftum 
 autem diem potius ad hoc eleitum, quo ccena Domini anniverfi- 
 rie celebratur. Et quia conceflum eft hoc baptifmum accepturis, 
 muhi cum hU lavare volucrunt, Jejuniumque relaxarc. ' 
 
 to 
 
Chap IV. Christian Church. 545- 
 
 to the Senfes of others, when they came to Bap- 
 tifm. In the other Epiftle he fpeaks particularly 
 df warning the Feet, but that was after Baptifm, 
 on the third Day, or the Oclaves, or fuch other 
 Time as thofc Churches which retained the Ce- 
 remony, thought fit to appoint it. For many 
 Churches [0], he fays, would never admit of 
 this Cuftom at all, lelt it fhould feem to belong 
 to the Sacrament of Baptifm, when our Saviour 
 only intended it as a Leflbn of Humility. And 
 other Churches for the fame Reafon abrogated 
 the Cuftom, where it had been received. And 
 others, who retained it, that they might recom- 
 mend it by fixing it to fome more facrcd Time, 
 and yet diftinguifh it from the Sacrament of Bap- 
 tifm, chofc either the third Day of the Octave, 
 or the Oflave after Baptifm itlelf, as moil con- 
 venient for this Putpofe. Among the Churches 
 which wholly refufed, or abrogated this Cuftom, 
 the Spanijh Church is one, which in the Coun- 
 cil of Eliberis made a Canon againft it ; forbid- 
 ding at once, the exacting any Gift or Reward 
 for adminiftring Baptifm, left the Pricft fhould 
 feem to fell what he freely received ; (of which 
 1 have given a full [/>] Account, in fpeaking of 
 the Revenues of the Church}) and alfo forbid- 
 ding the Prierts [?] or any other of the Clergy to 
 wain the Feet of fuch as were baptized. Among 
 thofc Churches which never received this Cu- 
 itom, we may reckon the Roman Church ; and 
 among thofe which always received it, the 
 Church of Milan, whofe Practice is oppofed to 
 the Roman by St. Ambrofe, or whoever was the 
 Author of the Books de Sacramentis, & de iis qui 
 myfteriis initiantur, among his Works. He fays 
 {>], in the Church of Milan the Bifhop was u- 
 fed to wafh the Feet of the Baptized. But the 
 Roman Church had not this Cuftom : And he 
 thinks they might decline it, becaufe of the 
 Multitude of thofe that were baptized. But 
 they of the Roman Church pleaded, That it was 
 not to be done by way of Myftery in Baptifm or 
 Regeneration, but only by way of Humility, as 
 the Cuftom of waiting the Feet or Strangers. 
 But on the contrary the Church of Milan plead- 
 ed, That it was not meerly a Bufinefs of Humi- 
 lity, but of Myftery and Sanctifkation, becaufe 
 Chrift faid to Peter, Except I wajh thy Feet, 
 
 thou haft no Part with me. This I urge, fays our 
 Author, not to reprehend others, but to com- 
 mend my own Office. For though we defire to 
 follow the Roman Church, yet we are Men that 
 have our Senfes about us. And therefore we ob- 
 ferve that Practice, which we conceive to be 
 righter in other Churches. He adds farther, 
 That this was not done (Yj to obtain Remiffion 
 of Sins, for what was already done in Baptifm : 
 But becaufe Adam was fupplanted by the Devil, 
 and the Serpent's Poifon was caft upon his Feet, 
 therefore Men were waftied in that Part for 
 greater Sanctification, that he might have no 
 Power to fupplant them any farther. Thefe 
 were the Reafons given by the Church of Mi- 
 lan, for their adhering to this Practice: But they 
 were not fo ftrong as to prevail with others, and 
 fo this Cuftom never got any great Footing in 
 the Chriftian Church. 
 
 I have now gone over the sect. XI. 
 
 moft material Ceremonies and A General Re- 
 
 Ufages of the Church, obferved fl'-Mon upon the 
 
 about the Adminiftration of Bap- "Me preceding Dif- 
 
 tifm, as well thofe that went be- £K' W ,l ^ 
 
 r 1 1^1 -i um t0 the Pra- 
 
 fore, as thofe that accompanied mee f the Vn j m 
 the Action itfelf, and thofe that church. 
 followed afterj and, as near as I 
 could, delivered them in the fame Order and 
 Manner as fhe herfelf obferved them. And fhall 
 here clofe the Difcourfe only with one general 
 Reflection, which may be of fome ufe to vindi- 
 cate the Practice of the prefent Church, and 
 give Satisfaction to fuch fober DifTcnters as fcru- 
 ple our Office of Baptifm for the fake of an in- 
 nocent fignificant Ceremony or two retained in 
 it. The candid Reader may obferve throughout 
 this Difcourfe, that not only one or two, but 
 many fignificant Ceremonies were obferved by 
 the antient Church in the Adminiftration of Bap- 
 tifm } particularly the Sign of the Crofs was ufed 
 at leaf! four or five times in the whole Procefs 
 of the Action. Therefore they who now raife 
 Objections againft the prefent Office, had they 
 lived in the Primitive Times, muft have had 
 much more Reafon to complain of the antient 
 Practice. And yet we do not ordinarily find 
 Objections rais'd againft the Baptifm of the 
 
 [0] Aug. Ep. 119. ad Januar. cap. 18. De lavandis vero pedi- 
 bus, cum Dominus hoc proprer formam humilitatis, propter quam 
 docendam venerat, commendaret, ficut ipfe confequcmer expofuit, 
 quxfitum eft, Quonam tempore potiflimum res tanta etiam facto 
 doceretur, 8c in illud teropus occurrit, quo ipfa commendatio reli- 
 giofius inhsreret. Sed ne ad ipfum Sacramentum B3ptifmi vide- 
 retur pertinere, multi hoc in Confuetudinem recipere noluerunr. 
 Nonnulli etiam de Confuetudine auferre non dubitarunt. Aliqui 
 autem, ut hoc Sacratiore tempore commendarent, 6c a Baptifmi 
 Sacramento diftinguerent, vel diem tertium Ootavarum, quia terna- 
 rius numerus in multis Sacramentis maxime exccllit, vel etiam ip- 
 fum Octavum, ut hoc facerent, elegerunt. [f] Book V. Chap. iv. 
 n. 14. Cone. Eliber. Can. 48. Emendari placuit, 
 ut hi qui baptizantur ( ut fieri fokt ) nummos in Concham 
 non mittant, ne facerdos, quod gratis accepit, pretio diftrahere vi- 
 deatur. Neque pedes eorum lavandi funt a Sacerdotibus vel Cleri- 
 cis. [r] Ambrof. de Sacram. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Succin&us {ani- 
 mus facerdos pedes tibi kvit. " New ignoramus quid Ecclefia 
 
 Rom ana hanc Confuetudinem non habeat, cujus Typum in omni- 
 bus fequimur 2c Formam : hanc tamen confuetudinem non habet, 
 ut pedes Javet. Vide ergo ne propter raultitudinem declinarit. Sunt 
 tamen qui dicant, 8c excufare conentur, quia hoc non Myfterio 
 faciendum eft, non in Biptifmate, ncn in Regeneratione: Sed qua- 
 il hofpiti pedes lavandi funt. Aliud eft Humilitatis, aliud Sanclifi- 
 cationis. Denique audi, quia Myfterium eft, 8c San£tificatio. Ni- 
 li lavero tibi pedes, non habebts mecum partem. Hoc ideo dico, 
 non quod alios reprehendam, fed mea Oftlcia ipfe commendem. In 
 omnibus cupio ftqui Ecelefiam Romanam, fed tamen 8c nos ho- 
 mines lenfum habemus. Ideo quod alibi re&ius fervatur, 8c nos 
 redte cuftodimus. [*] Ibid. In Baptifmate omnis culpa diluitur. 
 Recedit ergo culpa; fedquiaAdamfupplantatusa Diaboloeft, 8c ve- 
 ncnurn ci fuffufum eft fupra pedes, ideo lavas pedes, ut in ea parte, 
 in qua infidiatus eft Serpens, majus fubfidium SandHficationis acce- 
 dat, quo poftca te fupplantare non poifit. He repeats this Reafon in 
 his Bosk de Initials, cap. 6, 
 
 Church, 
 
546 
 
 The Antiqjcj ities of the Book XII. 
 
 Church, upon the Account of the Ceremonies 
 fhe ufed therein, no, not even by thofe who in 
 other things differed her. Which Confederation, 
 methinks, mould a little fatisfy thofe, who real- 
 ly value the Peace and Unity of the Church, 
 and be an Argument to them not to diflent from 
 the Practice of the prefent Church, for thofe 
 Things which muft more forcibly have obliged 
 
 them to have been DifTenters in all Ages. I 
 know , not how far this Confederation may pre- 
 vail upon any, but I know how far it ought 
 to prevail upon all that k>ve the Peace, and 
 ftudy the Quiet of the Church, and therefore I 
 could not but in this Place here feafonably fug- 
 geft it. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Laws aga'mfl Rebaptization both in Church and State. 
 
 SECT. I. 'HpO what has been faid about 
 BmoneBaptifm, \. Baptifm, it will not be im- 
 
 p 7 erl j J l 7l ledt P ro P er co add fomethin g abouc 
 
 chZh. LlWhy* th e Laws made both in Church 
 and State, againft the Repetition 
 of it, when once duly perform'd. The Ancients 
 generally determine againft a Repetition of Bap- 
 tifm > tho' Voffius thinks [a] their Reafons are 
 not always ftri&ly conclufive. Some argued, 
 That Baptifm was not to be repeated, becaufe 
 we are baptized into the Death of Chrift, who 
 died but once. So St. Bafil [b~\ and St. Aujlin 
 |Vj. But Voffius thinks there is no weight in this 
 Argument, becaufe that which is but once done, 
 may be often reprefented : As the Sacrament of 
 the Eucharift is often repeated, though it alfo be 
 in Remembrance of the Lord's Death till he 
 come. Others prove it from thofe Words of 
 our Saviour, Job. xiii. 10. He that is wafhed, need- 
 eth not fave to wafh his Feet, but is clean every 
 whit. This Argument is ufed by Optatus, St. Au- 
 ftin, Fulgentius, Pacianus, and St. Ambrofe. But 
 Voffius thinks there is as little Force in this Rea- 
 fon as the former: Becaufe Men may become 
 polluted and unclean after Baptifm, and fo have 
 need of a fecond Walhing, if there were no o- 
 ther Reafon againft it. Others argued from 
 thofe Words of the Apoftle, Heb. vi. 4. It is im- 
 poffible for thofe who are once enlightned, if they 
 pall fail away, to renew them again unto Repen- 
 tance. The ancient Expositors, Chryfoftom, Theo- 
 doret, Primafius, Sedulius, and Haimo, underftand 
 this as a Prohibition of renewing Men to Re- 
 pentance again by a fecond Baptifm : For they 
 do not deny abfolutely the Poflibility of a fecond 
 Repentance or Pardon, but only upon a fecond 
 Baptifm. And fo Voffius fays it is alfo expounded 
 by Epiphanius \_d~\, Cyril of Alexandria [e], St. 
 Jerom [/], St. Aufiin [g], and St. Ambrofe [£]. 
 But he thinks their Expofition not fo agreeable 
 to this Place, as that of others, who interpret 
 the falling away, cither to mean the Blafphemy 
 againft the Holy Ghoft, or what St. John calls a 
 
 Sin unto Death, or a Total Apoftacy from the 
 Chriftian Religion, for which there is no Re- 
 newal of Repentance. But I will not be fo po- 
 sitive as Voffius, that any of thefe are better In- 
 terpretations of that Text, which is fo unani- 
 moufly urged by the Ancients againft the Nova- 
 tians, as a Prohibition, not fimply of a fecond 
 Repentance, but of a Repentance by a fecond 
 Baptifm. Others made ufe of thofe Words of 
 the Apoftle, Eph. iv. One Faith, one Baptifm. 
 Which is the Argument urged by Cyril of Jeru- 
 falem and Pope Leo, againft Rebaptization. But 
 this, as Voffius obferves, probably was not inten- 
 ded as a Prohibition of a fecond Baptifm, but on- 
 ly to declare the Community of that Baptifm, 
 which is received one and the fame by all, with- 
 out Exception. As the Apoftle calls the Eucha- 
 rift one Bread, not becaufe it was only once to 
 be received, but becaufe it was that common 
 Bread, of which all were Partakers. The true 
 Reafon, Voffius thinks, why Baptifm is not to 
 be repeated, is the Divine Will that fo appoint- 
 ed it. For there is no Command to reiterate 
 Baptifm, as theie is to repeat the Eucharift, in 
 the Words of Inftitution. Neither is there any 
 Example of any Rebaptization in Scripture, 
 though we often read of Men's falling into grofs 
 and fcandalous Sins after Baptifm. To which 
 may be added, that Baptifm fucceeds in the 
 room of Circumcifion, being the Entrance and 
 Seal of the Covenant, which, on God's Part, is 
 never broken : So that as Circumcifion was ne- 
 ver repeated, though the Paflbver was yearly; 
 in like manner, Men enter into the Covenant by 
 Baptifm, and their Breaches qf the Covenant are 
 not to be repaired by repeated Baptifms, but by 
 Confeflion and Repentance, which is the Me- 
 thod prefcribed by the Apoftle for reftoring fal- 
 len Brethren. St. Jerom \f] obferves, That though 
 there were many Hereticks in the Apoftles Days, 
 as the Nicolaitans and others, yet there was no 
 Command given to rebaptize them upon their 
 Repentance. And Optatus [k~] makes the Unity 
 
 [a] VoflT. de Bapt. Difp. 17. n. 5-. p. 210. Bafil de Spir. 
 
 San&o, cap. if. [c] Aug. de Vera & Falfa Pcenit. cap. 3. 
 [J] Epiphan. Haer. 79. Novatianor. [e] Cyril. Lib. p in Joan. 
 «7- [/I Hieron. contra jovin. Lib. 2. [g~\ Aug. Com. in 
 Rom. [&] Ambrof. de Pcenit. contra Novat. Lib. 2. cap. 2. 
 [/] Hieron. cone. Lucifer, cap. 8. De Apocalypfi quoquc approbe- 
 
 mus, Haereticis fine Baptifmate debere Pcenitentiam concedi. Nun- 
 quid dixit, Rebaptizentur, qui in Nicolaitarum fidem baptizati funt? 
 [6] Optat. Lib. 1. p. 3j\ Quid magis dici pro nobis, & noftrum 
 efie poteft, quam quod dixifti, in comparationem baptifmatis femel 
 factum efle diluvium ? Et fingubrem CircumciiioDem ialubriterpro- 
 fecifle populo Judsorurn, magis pro nobis, quaii nofter locutu. es. 
 
 Z of 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian 
 
 Church. 
 
 547 
 
 of Circumcifion a good Argument for the Uni- 
 ty of Baptifm, in which both the Catholicks 
 and Donatifts agreed. For though the Do- 
 natifts rcbaptizcd the Catholicks, yet they did it 
 not under the Notion of a fecond Baptifm, but as 
 Uippofing they had received no true Baptifm before. 
 
 s E c T. II. Indeed among all the an- 
 Only the Marcio- t ; ent Hereticks, we find none 
 If * ltow . td ff for a Plurality of Baptifms, but 
 
 tiftn to be thrice . . . . J . « n , . . 
 
 rc p e _ ltc ,/ only the Ammonites. Which 
 
 Epiphanius obierves to have been 
 an Invention of Marcion [/] their firft Founder, 
 in regard to his own Converfation: For he ha- 
 ving been guilty of deflowering a Virgin, in- 
 vented a fecond Baptifm, aflerting, That it was 
 lawful to repeat Baptilm three times for the Re- 
 miffion of Sins. So that if any Man fell, he 
 might receive a fecond Baptifm after the fir ft, 
 and a third after that, upon his Repentance. 
 Which he pretended to ground upon thole Say- 
 ings of our Saviour, I have a Baptifm to be bap- 
 tized with, and I have a Cup to drink; which 
 have no reference to any other Baptifm in Wa- 
 ter, but to his Baptifm in Blood, that is, his 
 Death and Paffion. Of which the Ancients 
 i'peak much, as they do of fome other Sorts of 
 Baptifm, which are only metaphorical, as the 
 Baptifm of Afflictions, the Baptifm of Tears and 
 Repentance, and the Baptifm of Fire at the laft 
 Day. But here the Queftion is only about 
 proper Baptifm by Water, which the Marcio- 
 nites affirmed might be repeated three Times in 
 the fame way, which the Church never allow- 
 ed of. 
 
 SECT. III. 'Tis true indeed, there were 
 what the church f ome doubtful Cafes, in which it 
 didindonbtfulcafes, • ht . accid entally that a 
 
 reckoned a Re- .„° . , rr , r , . J , 
 
 Man might be a iecond time bap- 
 tized} but thefe were fuch Cafes 
 only, in which the Party was reputed not to 
 have received any former Baptifm at all. As 
 •when a Man could neither give any Account of 
 his own Baptifm, nor were there any other cre- 
 dible Witnefles that could atteft it. Which of- 
 ten happened to be the Cafe of thofe who were 
 taken Captives in their Infancy, and made Slaves 
 by the Heathen. When any fuch were redeem- 
 ed or recovered by the Chriftians, the Church 
 made no Scruple to baptize them} becaufe tho' 
 they might perhaps have received a former Bap- 
 tifm, yet no Evidence of it appeared. And fo 
 this was not reputed a Re-baptization. A De- 
 cree was made to this purpofe in the fifth Coun- 
 cil of Carthage \jn~], upon a Queftion put by the 
 
 not 
 
 baptization 
 
 Bifhops of Mauritania, who affirmed that they 
 redeemed many fuch captive Children from the 
 Hands of the Barbarians : The Council order- 
 ed, That in this Cafe, as often as it happened 
 that there were no certain Witnefles found, who 
 could give undoubted Teftirnony of their Bap- 
 tifm-, nor were they able of themfelves to affirm, 
 by reafon of their Age, that they ever had re- 
 ceived it} they fhould be baptized without any 
 Scruple, left an Hefitation in this Cafe fhould 
 deprive them of the Purgation of the Sacra- 
 ments. The like Determination was alfo given 
 in one of the Roman Synods under Leo upon the 
 fame Cafe, where it was concluded [»], That in 
 fuch a doubtful Cafe, neither the Baptizer nor 
 the Baptized incurred the Crime of Re-baptiza- 
 rion. And Leo refolves the Matter [0] himfelf 
 after the fame manner in other Places. Neither 
 was it reckoned any Crime, though it afterward 
 appeared that the Party had been baptized before, 
 becaufe it was done in Ignorance: But yet, like 
 Clinick-baptifm , it was a fort of Blemilh to 
 him, that deprived him of Ecclefiaftical Promo- 
 tion, except in fome extraordinary Cafe, as we 
 learn from Theodore's [/»] Pcenitentiale cited by 
 Gratian. 
 
 Neither was it reckoned sect iv. 
 properly a fecond Baptifm, when Nor when fl Je b.%p- 
 the Church baptized any who t\z.ed thofe who had 
 had before been unduly baptized JXT^av**' 
 in Herefy or Schifm. For then schlfm! * " 
 Ihe did it only on Prefumption 
 that they had received no true Baptifm before. 
 Some Hereticks corrupted Baptifm by altering 
 the neceflary Form, and others corrupted it 
 by changing the Matter of it into fome other 
 Subftance of their own appointing: And the 
 Baptifms of all fuch were looked upon as no 
 Baptifms, and therefore the Church ordered all 
 thofe to be baptized upon their Return to her 
 Communion, in the very fame manner as Jews 
 and Gentiles, as fuppofing their former Pretence 
 of Baptifm to be nothing at all, but her own 
 Baptifm the firft true Baptifm that was given 
 them. And even the Cyprianifts, who baptized 
 all that had been baptized in any Herefy or Schifm 
 whatfoever without Diftinction, did it ftill only 
 upon this Suppofition, That the Baptifm which 
 they had received before, was no Baptifm at all, 
 but a mere Nullity. But if any had been bapti- 
 zed in the Catholick Church, and after that 
 turned Hereticks or Schifmaticks, or even Apo- 
 ftates, Jews or Gentiles, they never gave fuch a- 
 nother Baptifm upon their Return to the Church 
 again. 
 
 [I] Epiphan. Haer. 42. Marcionit. n. 3. [>] Cone. Carthag. 5-. 
 Caa. 6. Placuit de Infantibus, ut quoties non inveniuntur certifli- 
 mi teftes, qui eos baptizatos eflc Tine dubitatione teftentur, neque 
 ipfi fint per setatem idonei de tnditis libi Sacramentis refpondere, 
 abfque ullo fcrupulo eos efle baptizandos, ne ifta trepidatio eos fa- 
 ciat Sacramentorum purgatione privari. Hinc enim Legati Mau- 
 rorum fratres noftri confuluerunt, quia multos tales a Barbaris redi- 
 munr. Vid. Cod. Ecd. Afric.Can. 77. & Cone. Trull. Can. 8+. 
 [«] Leo, Ep. 17. ad Leon. Raven, Non poteft in Iterations cri- 
 
 men devenire, quod factum efle omnino nefcitur. [0] Id. Ep. 
 92. ad Ruftic. cap. if. Si nulla cxiftant indicia inter propinquos 
 aut familiares, nulla inter Clericos aut vicinos, quibus hi, de quibus 
 quxritur, baptizati fuifle doceantur; Agendum eft ut renafcantur, 
 ne manifefte pereant, in quibus quod non oftenditur geftum, ratio 
 non finit ut videatur ireratum. [ />] Theodor. Pcenitent. ap. 
 Gratian. Did. 4. de Confecrat. cap. 1 17. Qui bis ignorantur bapti- 
 zati funt.non indigent pro eo pcenitere: Nili quod fecundum Cano- 
 nes ordinari non pofifunt, nifi magna aliqua neceffitas cogat. 
 
 Fo 
 
 R 
 
54 8 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookXIL 
 
 SFXT. v. For the Cyprianifis in this a 
 
 Apoflates never greec j w j t ^ re fl. f fja 
 
 ebaptized in t L " 
 Catholick Church 
 
 Resized in the ~ bohck Church, That Catholick 
 
 Baptifm was never to be repeated 
 in the greateft Aportates. This Doctrine is not 
 only inculcated by St. Aufiin [y], but even by 
 Cyprian himfelf and his Followers: Where they 
 plead fo much for baptizing thofe who had been 
 baptized in any Herely or Schifm, they ftill ex- 
 cept thofe Hereticks who had originally been 
 baptized in the Catholick Church j though they 
 turned Apoftates, they were not to be received 
 again by Baptifm \r\ but only by Repentance, 
 as was determined in the Council of Carthage o- 
 ver which Cyprian prefided. St. Aufiin refers us 
 to this very Paflage, and thence concludes this 
 was a Point agreed upon univerfally in the Ca- 
 tholick Church, That no Lapfe or Crime could 
 make it neceflary to give a fecond Baptifm to a- 
 ny, who had once been truly baptized within 
 the Pale of the Church. A longer Penance in- 
 deed was impofed upon fuch Delerters and Apo- 
 ftates, as had been baptized in the Church, than 
 upon thofe who had been baptized among He- 
 reticks originally, as the Rules of Pope Innocent 
 inform us [*]•, The one were obliged to go 
 through a long Courfe of Penance for their A- 
 poftacy, but the other was admitted immediate- 
 ly by Impofition of Hands upon their Recanta- 
 tion: Yet ftill the Church kept ftrict to her 
 Rule, That whatever way fhe admitted them, 
 fhe would not do it by a fecond Baptifm. 
 
 sect. VI. Several Hereticks pretend- 
 what Hereticks ed t0 bf erve the fame Rule: For 
 
 rebapuzed the Cz- . rebaptized the Qatholkks J 
 tholicks. ' , J. , , . r ' 
 
 yet they faid this was not a le- 
 cond Baptifm ; becaufe the Catholicks were 
 reputed Hereticks with them, and therefore 
 their Baptifm of no Value in their Account. 
 Upon this ground the Novatians rebaptized the 
 Catholicks, as we learn from Cyprian [f] and the 
 Epiftle of Pope Innocent laft cited. The Dona- 
 tifts followed the Novatians in this facrilegious 
 Practice, as the Charge is often brought againft 
 them by St. Aufiin [«] and many others. And 
 the Eunomians not only rebaptized the Catholicks, 
 but all others of the Arian Sects, that were not 
 
 of their own particular Faction, as is noted by 
 Epiphanius [x] in his Account of them. And 
 the other Arians, though they were at firft a- 
 verfe to this Practice (as Papebrochius [jy] and Pa- 
 gi [z] rightly obferve, in order to refute the 
 Story of Confiantine's being baptized by Pope Syl- 
 vefier, and rebaptized by Eufebius of Nicomedia\ 
 for at that time the Arians had not taken up the 
 Practice of Rebaptizing the Catholicks:) Yet af- 
 terwards they gave way to it about the Time of 
 St. Aufiin. For he charges it upon them more 
 than once [a], That they rebaptized the Catho- 
 licks. And it appears from Viclor Uticenfis \b] 
 That they infifted ftifly upon it in the Time of 
 the Fandalick Perfecution, and we afterwards 
 meet with the fame in the Epiftles of Vigilius 
 [c~\. Valefius [cf] cites the Life of Fulgentius and 
 the Author of the Breviarium Fidei, publiflied 
 by Sirmondus, to the fame Purpofe. By which 
 laft Author [<?] we find, that the Arians not on- 
 ly rebaptized the Catholicks, but alfo made an 
 Argument of it (as fome Romanifis in another 
 Cafe have fince argued againft the Proteftants) 
 that their Baptifm was better than the Catholicks 9 
 becaufe the Catholicks never rebaptized thofe 
 that came over from the Arians, but reconciled 
 them only by Impofition of Hands: But the 
 Arians, whenever they could feduce any from 
 the Catholicks, always gave them a fecond Bap- 
 tifm. 
 
 No w to prevent this petulant sect, vil 
 Humor from fpreading in the Whatvuniflmenn 
 Church, many and fevere Laws we,e in fl>^ «» 
 were made againft it, both by the b ^ ers of b * ch *' h 
 Ecclefiaftical and the Secular mdstate. 
 Power. The Church by her Ca- 
 nons [/] not only cenfured and condemned all 
 fuch Rebaptizations, as Impious and Sacrilegious, 
 as a crucifying of Chrift again, a doing Defpite to 
 the Spirit, as a Mockery to the Divine My- 
 fteries, and Derifion of Holy Things; but 
 alfo inflicted Penalties on all thofe who were ei- 
 ther actively or paffively concerned in them. 
 The Council of Lerida [g] forbids the Faithful 
 fo much as to eat with Perfons that fuffered them- 
 felves to be Rebaptized. The Canons of Pope 
 Innocent [_h~] enjoyn them a long Penance to make 
 
 [<]] Aug. de Bapt. Lib. z. cap. 1. Cont. Liter. Petil. Lib. 2. 
 cap. 7. & 48. Cont. Crefcon. Lib. 2. cap. 16. [rj Cone. Carthag. 
 ap. Cypr. n. 8. p. 232. Cenfeo omncs Haereticos 8c Schifmaticos, 
 qui ad Catholicam Ecclefiam voluerint venire, non ante ingredi, ni- 
 fi exorcifati 8c baptizati prius fuerint; exceptis his fane qui in Ec- 
 clefia Catholica fueTint ante baptizati, ita tamen ut per manus Im- 
 pofitionem in Pcenitentiam Ecclefia: reconcilientur. See the fame, 
 Ibid. n. 22. And Cypr. Ep. 71. ad Quintum, p. 194.. Ep. 74. ad 
 Pompeium, p. 216. [s] Innoc. Ep. 2. ad Vidtricium, cap. 8. 
 Uc venientes a Novatianis vel Montenfibus, per manus tantum im- 
 pofitionem fufcipiantur. Quia quamvis ab Haereticis, tamen in 
 Chrifti nomine funt baptizati: Praeter eos, fi qui forte a nobis ad il- 
 los tranfeuntes, rebaptizati funt: Hi fi repifcentes, & ruinr.m fu- 
 am cogitanres, redire maluerint, fub longa Pcenitentise fatisfa&ione 
 admiftendi funt. [/] Cypr. 73. ad Jubaian. p. 198. Nec nos 
 movet, qucd in Literis tuis complexus es Novatianenfes rebaptiza- 
 re cos, quos a nobis follicitant. [«] Aug. cont. Fulgent, cap. 7. 
 Da mihi aliquem San&orum pod Trinitarem rebaptizare, quod fa- 
 It. de Harref. c. 69. Audent etiam rebaptizare Catholicos, 
 
 8cc. Vid. Cod. Theodof. Lib. 16. Tit. 6. Ne Sanctum Baptifma 
 iteretur. Leg. 4. Honorii. [*] Epiphan. Hacr. 76. Anomoeor. 
 p. 992. [_y] Papebroch. Vit. Conftant. Mai. 21. Tom. f. p. 17; 
 [z] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 324.. n. 12. [a] Aug. de Hse- 
 ref cap. 49. Rebaptizari quoque ab his Catholicos novimus, u- 
 trum 8c non Catholicos nefcio. It. de Hseref. cap. 7. Baptizato 
 ingerit baptifmum, 8cc. [£] Viclor. de Perfec. Vandal. Lib. 1. 
 Bibl. Patr. Tom. 7. p. 5-90. [c] Vigil. Ep. 2. ad Eleutherium, 
 cap. 3. It. Cone. Tolet 3. Pra»fat. [d~\ Valef. Not. in Sozo- 
 men. Lib. 6. c.26. [e] Breviar. Fidei adverfus Arianos. Dicere 
 etiam folent de baptifmo, quod in eo melius fit ipforum baptifmum, 
 quam noftrum ; quia qui de illis ad nos convertuntur, non eos re- 
 baptizamus, led per manus impofitionem reconciliamus. Illi vero, 
 fi quos de noftris feducere pofiiint, inconfideranter rebaptizant. 
 [/] Vid. Cod. Ecclef.Afric.Can. j-2. Conftit. Apoft. Lib. 6. cap. if. 
 [g] Cone. Ilerdenf. Can. 14. Cum Rebaptizatis Fideles Religiofi 
 nec in cibo participent. [h] Innoc. Ep. 2. ad Vidtric. cap. 9. 
 Qui rebaptizati funt, fub longa Pcenitemia & fatisfa&ione admit- 
 tendi funt. 
 
 Satis- 
 
Chap. V 
 
 549 
 
 Satisfaction. And thofe of Pope Leo [/'] require 
 even thofe who through Fear or Terror were rc- 
 baptized againft their Wills, to do Penance ac 
 the Dilcretion of the Biiliop, before they were 
 admitted again to Communion. If they were 
 Bifhops, Presbyters, or Deacons, who thus fuf- 
 fered themfelves to be rebaptized, then they were 
 to be degraded, and obliged to do Penance all 
 their Lives, without being fuflfered to communi- 
 cate with the Church either in the Prayers of 
 the Faithful, or the Prayers of the Catechumens, 
 and were only to be admitted to Lay-Commu- 
 nion at the Hour of Death, becaufe they had 
 not only denied their Orders, but their Chriftia- 
 nity, and openly profefTcd themfelves Pagans, by 
 being rebaptized. This we find in the Decrees 
 of Felix III. made in a Roman Council [£] with 
 refpccT: to the African Churches, where iiich Re- 
 baptizations were often pra£tifcd, by the Power 
 of the JriatiS) who compelled the Catholicks to 
 be rebaptized. This was the antient Difcipline 
 of the Church toward thofe, who were only 
 PafTive in admitting a fecond Baptifm, after they 
 had once been truly baptized with Catholick 
 Baptifm before. Then again for thofe who were 
 actively concerned in fuch Rebaptizations, the 
 Canons appointed, that if any Bifhop or Presbyter 
 prefumed to give a fecond Baptifm after a true one 
 once received [/],he fhould be degraded: And this 
 Penalty was confirmed by the Civil Law ; for 
 Valentinian put forth an Edi£t againft fuch Re- 
 baptizers, declaring them unworthy [ni] of the 
 Priefthood. But becaufe fuch fort of Penalties 
 did not much afFecl: either the Donatifis or Euno- 
 mians, who were already out of the Church, 
 and little regarded herCenfures: Therefore Ho- 
 norius reinforced the former Laws by adding a 
 Civil Penalty to them. For in two Laws made 
 againft the Donatijls, who were chiefly concerned 
 
 in this Crime, he enacted [«], that it mould be 
 Confifcation of all a Man's Goods, whoever was 
 found to rebaptize another. And Theodofius Junior 
 laid the fame Penalty upon the Eunomians, and 
 thofe that were rebaptized by them, commanding 
 their Goods to be confifcated, and their Perfons 
 to be banifhed. Such was the Care both of the 
 Civil and Ecclcfiaitical Governors to preferve the 
 Unity of Baptifm in the Catholick Church. But 
 as Gothofrecl, I think, rightly obferves, thefe Laws 
 feem only intended agiinft Hereticks rebaptizing 
 Catholicks-. For if Hereticks rebaptized Here- 
 ticks, as the Eunomians did the other Arians> it 
 does not appear that in that Cafe the Penalties of 
 thefe Laws affected them, but only were defigned 
 to reftrain their Infolencies againft the Catholick 
 Church. Some Catholicks continued (till, after 
 the Cyprianick Way, to lebapnze all Hereticks 
 and Schifmaticks whatfoever, without diftinguifh- 
 ing thofe that were baptized in the Name of the 
 Trinity, from thofe that were not : And tho' this 
 was contrary to the general Cuftom and Difci- 
 pline of the Church, yet I conceive the Penalties 
 of thefe Laws did not afTc<St them neither. And 
 the fame may be faid of thofe, who thought 
 themfelves obliged to rebaptize thofe, who were 
 only baptized by Laymen. For though it was 
 reckoned a Rebaptization by thofe Churches which 
 pradbifed otherwife, yet it was not that criminal 
 Rebaptization, againft which thefe Laws were 
 chiefly intended: And thefe being fomething 
 more of doubtful and difputed Cafes, about which 
 good Catholicks themfelves were divided, a greater 
 Allowance was made in thefe, fo long as Men 
 only obferved the Cuftom and Practice of the 
 Churches, in which they lived, about them: 
 Which was St. BafiVs Advice to the Churches 
 of Afia, which were divided upon thefe Qiie- 
 ftions. 
 
 [i] Leo Ep. 77. ad Nicetam. c. 6. Qui ad iterandum Baptifmum 
 
 vel metu coacti funt non nifi per Purnitentise remedium, 8c per 
 
 Impolkionem Epifcopalis manus, communionis recipianc unitatem. 
 [k] Felix, Ep. 1. cap. % Eos quos Epifcopos, Presbyteros vel Diaco- 
 nos fuifle conftiterit, 8c feu oprantes fbriitan, feu coaftos Lavacri 
 iliius unici falutarifque claruerit fecifle jacturam; 8c Chriftum, quern 
 non folum dono regenerationis, verum etiam gratia percepti honoris 
 induerant, exuifle ; cum cpnftet neminem ad iecundam rinctionem 
 venire potuifle, nifi le palam Chriftianum negaverit, 8c proreflus 
 
 fuerit fe efle Paganum, ufque ad exitus fui diem, fi relipifcunt, 
 
 jacere conveniet, nec Orationi non modo Fidelium, fed nec Cate- 
 churoenorum omnimodis interefle, quibus Commuuio Laica tantum 
 in morte reddenda eft. [/] Vid. Canon. Apoft. Can. 47. [m] 
 
 Theod. lib. 16 Tit. 6. de non iterando Bapt. Leg. Anriftitem, qui 
 Sanduitarcm Baptifma iterata ufurpaticne geminaveric, 8c contra In- 
 ftituta omnium earn Gratiam iterando contaminaverit, facerdotio in- 
 dignum eife cenfemus. [»] Ibid. 4. Quifquis pod haec fuerit re- 
 
 baptizafle detcftus Facukatum omnium publicatione muitatus, 
 
 inopia: pcenam expendat. Vid. ibid. Leg. 5-. Honorii. [0] Ibid. 
 Leg. 7. Theodofii. Nefarios Eunomianorum coetus, ac funeftaCon- 
 venticula penitus arceri jubemus eos qui Epifcoporum, leu Clerico- 
 rum, vel Miniftrorum nomine ufurpato, hujufmodi ccetibus pra> 
 funt — cum in hoc fuerint Scelere deprehenii, ftilum Profcriptionis 
 incurrere, 8c Bonorum amiffione coerceri. Eos vero qui fide, ut 
 di&um eft, imbutos immani furore rebaptizare deteguntur, cum his 
 qui rebaptizantur (arceri jubemusj. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 A a a a a 
 
 OR I- 
 
ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS: 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 A a a a a 2 
 
i 
 
THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH 
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 General Obfervations relating to Divine Worship 
 
 in the Antient Church. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Some necejfary Remarks upon the Antient Names of Divine Service, which 
 Modern Corruptions have rendered ambiguous. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 The Partition of 
 this Work. 
 
 E have hitherto 
 feen the Method of 
 Introducing Men 
 into the Church, 
 through the vari- 
 ous Steps of their 
 Catechumenfhip,and Baptifm, and Confirmation: 
 We are now to view their Pra&ice in the 
 Worfhip of God after their Admiffion, and to 
 examine into the Manner of their holding Reli- 
 gious Aflemblies, and performing there the fe- 
 veral publick Offices of Divine Service. Some 
 things of this kind are General Confiderations, 
 that run through all Offices, and relate to every 
 Part of Divine Worfhip j fuch as the Object of 
 their Worfhip, and the Circumstances of Lan- 
 guage, and Forms, and Habits, and Gefture, 
 and Timej and therefore of thofe General Things 
 I fhall difcourfe firft in this Book. After this I 
 fhall confider the feveral Parts of their moft fo- 
 lemn Worfhip on the Lord's Days fuch as their 
 Pfalmody, and Reading of the Scriptures, and 
 Preaching, and Prayer, and receiving the Com- 
 munion, which were their folemn A£fcs of Wor- 
 fhip on every Feftival. And becaufe fome of thefe 
 were fuch as the Catechumens and all others 
 were allowed to be prefent at, for their Benefit 
 and Edification; whilft other Parts of Divine 
 Service were more reftrained to Perfons baptized, 
 who were complete and perfect: Chriftians (who 
 were therefore called Communicants, becaufe 
 they had a more peculiar Right to all the Privi- 
 leges of Chriltian Communion). I fhall upon 
 this account fpeak of their Worfhip under thefe 
 
 two Heads, according to their own Diftin&ion; 
 The Mijfa Catechumenorum^ and the Mijfa Fide- 
 lium } the Service of the Catechumens, and the 
 Service of the Communicants \ or, as we may o- 
 therwife term them, the Ante-communion Ser- 
 vice, and the Communion Service. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Of the Mifla Ca- 
 tecbumenorum, or 
 Firjl Part of Divine 
 Service, to -which 
 all Orders of Men 
 were admitted. 
 
 The Mijfa Catechumenorum 
 comprehended all that part of 
 the Service, which preceded the 
 common Prayers of the Commu- 
 nicants at the Altar j that is, the 
 Pfalmody, the Reading of the 
 Scriptures, the Sermon, and the 
 particular Prayers that were made over the Ca- 
 techumens and other Orders of Penitents, Ener- 
 gumens, &c. before they were difmhTed. For 
 by the antient Rules and Difcipline of the 
 Church, the Method of Divine Service was fo 
 ordered that all Perfons, except fome very fcan- 
 dalous Sinners, had Liberty to be prefent at fome 
 Parts of it. The Pfalms, and Leffons, and Ser- 
 mons were for the Inftruftion, not only of Be- 
 lievers, but alfo of Catechumens, and Heathens, 
 Jews and Infidels, Unbelievers and Hereticks: 
 And therefore by fome Canons all thefe had Li- 
 berty to {lay in the Church, till this part of the 
 Service, called Mijfa Catechumenorum, was ended. 
 The fourth Council of Carthage [a] has a Rule 
 to this purpofe, That the Bifhop fhall not prohi- 
 bit any one to enter the Church, and hear the 
 Word of God, whether he be Gentile, Jew or 
 Heretic!?, till the Service of the Catechumens was 
 ended. A like Canon was made by the firft 
 
 [a] Cone. Carthag. 4.. Can. S+. Ut Epilcopus nullum prohibeat ingredi Ecclefi&m, & audire Verbum Dei, fiveGentilem, fivel-tereti- 
 cum, livejudaeum, ufque ad Miflam Catechumenorum. 
 
 Council 
 
554 
 
 The Antiqjuities of the Book XIII. 
 
 Council of Orange, That the Catechumens [£] 
 ihould have the Liberty to {lay and hear the Go- 
 Ipels read in all their Churches. The Council of 
 Valentin (Vj in Spain extends the Privilege to He- 
 reticks and Heathens, as well as Catechumens, 
 and therefore orders that the Gofpel mould be 
 read before the Oblation was brought forth, in 
 the ufual Order of the LefTbns, fo that not only 
 the Communicants, but the Catechumens and Pe- 
 nitents, and Gentiles, and Hereticks, who were 
 of the contrary Part, might have Liberty to hear 
 the faving Precepts of the Lord Jefus Chrift, and 
 the Sermons of the Bifhops. For they had learn- 
 ed by Experience, that by the Bithops preaching 
 many had been brought over to the Faith. And 
 bv this we may interpret an obfcure Canon [d] of 
 the Council of Lerida, which orders, Thatinceftu- 
 ous Pei Ions, fo long as they continued in their Sin, 
 Ihould not be permitted to (lay any longer in the 
 Church, fave only during the Service of the Cate- 
 chumens, that is, to hear the Pfalmody, the Lef- 
 fons and the Sermon. St. Chryfofiom abundantly 
 confirms this Obfervation: For in many of his 
 Homilies [/] he fpeaks not only of Catechumens, 
 but of Hereticks and Heathen being prefent as Part 
 of his Auditory. Particularly in his Homily [/] 
 upon the Forty -fourth Pfalm, he wiflies all the Jews 
 and Heathens had been then prefent to have heard 
 him expound that prophetical Pfalm of Chrift. 
 In another Homily [g\ upon the Forty- eighth 
 Pfalm he brings in an Heathen ufing this Form of 
 Complaint againft Chriftians : 1 went into a Chri- 
 ilian Church, and there I heard Paul fay to their 
 Women, That they fhould not adorn themfelves 
 with Gold or Pearl \ but I faw every Thing con- 
 trary in their Practice. And, fays Chryfoftom, Will 
 not the Heathen when he comes into the Church, 
 and fees the Women thus adorn'd in the Galle- 
 ries above, and hears Paul thus fpeaking below, 
 be ready to fay, Our Religion is mere Pageantry 
 and Fable ? Ic is not fo indeed} but the Heathen 
 is fcandalized and offended at this Contrariety in 
 our Practice. This plainly implies, that the Hea- 
 thens had free Liberty to come into the Chrifti- 
 an Churches, and hear the Scriptures read, and 
 the Sermon preached. And it is very remarkable, 
 what Sozomen [b] obferves of St. Chryfofiom, That 
 by this Means he brought over many of thofe 
 who heard him in the Church, to acknowledge 
 the Divinity of Chrift. Which fome underftand 
 or the Scholars of Libanius, but Valefius, I think 
 more truly, interprets it of Heathens and Hereticks 
 in general, whoflock'd to St. Chryfoftom^ Church 
 to hear him. There is but one Thing that can 
 be faid againft all this, and that is, That the Coun- 
 cil of Laodicei has a contrary Canon, which ab- 
 
 folutely forbids [i] the permitting of Hereticks to 
 enter into the Houfe of God. But this is only 
 a Local Ordinance j and the Thing being a Mat- 
 ter of pure Difcipline, there might be prudential 
 Reafons for denying Hereticks in fome Plaees the 
 Privilege that was allowed them in others. Or 
 elfe the Canon may be underftood of not permit- 
 ting them to come into the Church for Prayers 
 or Communion, which was a Thing forbidden 
 by all Canons whatfoever, till after their Recan- 
 tation. Some indeed think, that in fertulliari's 
 Time the Catechumens were excluded before Ser- 
 mon, becaufe he objects it to the Hereticks [&], 
 That there were fuch Confufions in their Aflem- 
 blies, that no one could tell who was a Catechu- 
 men, and who was a Communicant, becaufe they 
 all met, and heard, and prayed together. And 
 Heathens, if they came in among them, were not 
 excluded from the very Myfterics of their Reli- 
 gion. But in this, as Schelftrate [f] has obferved 
 againft Albafpin<eus and Chriflianus Lupus, Tertul- 
 lian does not object to the Hereticks, That they 
 admitted Catechumens to hear their Sermons, but 
 that they made no Diftinction in their Aflemblies, 
 as the Church did j but without any Obfervation 
 of Decency or Order, fuffered their Catechumens 
 to mingle themfelves with Communicants, whom 
 the Catholicks always confined to afeparate place 
 in the Church, while Hereticks admitted them 
 confufedly, not only to hear Sermons, but to be 
 prefent at their Prayers and the Oblation of the 
 Eucharifl alfo. So that this PalTage of Tertullian 
 rather confirms the Thing aflerted, That the Miffh 
 Catechumensrum, or Service of the Catechumens, 
 lalted to the End of the Sermon. After which 
 it was ufual for the Deacon to call to the Hea- 
 thens, and Hereticks, if there were any prefent, 
 to be gone : ns r ccx^ai/utsvwu* ju/j tis r dirhaiv : 
 Let none that are only Hearers, none of the Un- 
 believers be prefent, as the Author of the Con- 
 ftitutions [*»] words it. Then followed the Pray- 
 ers for the Catechumens of the Order called Pro* 
 ftrators ; and after their Difmiflion, Prayers for 
 the Energumens; and after them, the Prayers for 
 the Candidates of Baptifm, and laft of all the 
 Prayers for the Penitents. All which was inclu- 
 ded in the general Name of Mijfa Catechumeno- 
 rum, the Service of the Catechumens, or Ante- 
 Communion Service. 
 
 After this was ended, it SECT. nr. 
 
 was ufual for the Deacon to make °f the Miflf a F»- 
 
 another folemn Proclamation to delium ' or Commu - 
 
 all Orders of Non-communicants £ TSJZ 
 
 to withdraw : 01 axcivwvirroi 'tify- cants on \y n 
 Trarritrart, Ye that cannot com- 
 
 [6] Coiic.Araulican. i .Can.i8. Evangelia placuit deinceps Catechu- 
 mcnis legi apud omnes Provinciarum noitrarum Ecclefias. [c] Cone. 
 Valentin. Can. i. Ut facrofancta Evangelia ante munerumillationem, in 
 Mifla Catechumenorum in ordine Leclionem poft legantur, quate- 
 nus falutaria prxcepta Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti, vel fermones fa- 
 cerdotis, non folum Fideles fed etiam Catcchumeni Pcenitentes, 
 & omnes qui e diverfo funt, audire licitum habeant. Sic enim Pon- 
 tificura prxdicatione audita, nonnullos attraftos ad Fidem evidenter 
 fcimus. [d] Cone. Ilerdenfe Can. 4. De his qui inceftus Polhitione 
 fc commaculant, placuit, utquoufque in ipfo deteftando 8c illicitocar- 
 nis contubernio perfeverant, ufque ad Miflam tantum Catechumeno- 
 rum inEccleiia admittantur. [e] Chryf, Hom.41. dePelagia.tom. 
 
 1. p.j6o. Horn. 71. de Phoca. torn. i.p. 878. Horn. 8. tom.f. p. 
 124. Horn. 1. in Mat. p. f. Horn. 27. in Mat.p. 271. Hom.de Pro- 
 phet. Obfcuritate. torn. 3. p. 926. Horn. 2. p. 946. Horn. 40. in 1 Cor. 
 p. 688. [/] Hom.inPfal.44.tom.2.p. 206. [g] Chryf. Horn, 
 in P1al.48.al 49. p. 806. [b] Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2. [<] Cone. 
 Laodic.Can. 6. <sfe«<re /i/m o-vfyupeiv tok t/t^Tiy.oif ttfiiveuue 
 7ov oikov t« ©«£• [k] Tertuf. de Prxfcript. adverf. Hccreticos.cap. 
 41. In primisquisCatechumenus,quis Fidelis, incertum eft: Pantera- 
 deunt.parirer audiunt, paritcr orant : Etiam Ethnici fi fupervenerint, 
 fanftum canibus,8c porcis margaritas, licet non veras, jaclabunt [/] 
 Schelftrat. do Concilio Antioeheno. p. 200. [m] Conftit- lib. 8. c; 
 
 1 municate 
 
Chap.L Christian Church. 555 
 
 municate, walk off and be gone. Let no Cate- 
 chumen be prefent, no Hearer, no Infidel, no 
 Heterodox or Heretical Perfon, as the Author of 
 the Conflitutions words it [»]. And as St. Cbry 
 foftom acquaints [o] us, he was ufed to add far- 
 ther, omyivwMri aXXn'Xa-r, Ye that arc Commu- 
 nicants, qifcern and know one another : See that 
 there be no Catechumen, none of thofe that can- 
 not eat of the Sacrifice, no Spy, no one that can- 
 not fee the heavenly Blood fried for the Remifli- 
 on of Sins, no one unworthy of the living Sacri- 
 fice, no unbaptized Perfon, no one that may not 
 touch the tremendous Myfteries with his pollu- 
 ted Lips. And here began the Mijfa Fidelium, 
 or Communion-fervice, fo called, becaufe none 
 might be prefent at it but Communicants only, as 
 appears from thefc folemn Forms of difmifTing all 
 others before it began. This contains all thofe 
 Prayers which were faid at the Altar, and were 
 properly called su^ou vns-wv, Prayers of the Faith- 
 ful or Communicants, in Opposition to the Pray- 
 ers of the Catechumens, which went before : 
 Thefe were the Prayers for the whole State of 
 the Church, and Peace of the World, which pre- 
 ceded the Oblation and Confecration of the Eu- 
 charift and then the Confecration Prayers, and 
 Prayers again for all Orders or Men in the Church, 
 with proper Forms of Communicating, and Doxo- 
 logies, Hymns and Thankfgivings after Recep- 
 tion, of which we difcourfe particularly in the 
 laft of thefe Books, under the general Title of 
 Mijfa Fidelium, or Communion-Service. This 
 Part of the Service being wholly fpent in Pray- 
 ers, and that by the Communicants only, is there- 
 fore peculiarly diftinguifh'd by the Name of su- 
 Tris-wv, The Prayers of the Faithful, by the 
 Council of Laodicea jj>], which fpeaks of them 
 as coming after the Prayers of the Catechumens 
 and their DifmifTion. In other Canons they are 
 called the common Prayers of the People, and 
 abfolutely The Prayers, without taking Notice of 
 any other Prayers in the Church. Whence in 
 the Council of Nice [?], fpeaking of Penitents, 
 the Phrafe, Communicating in Prayers with the 
 People without the Oblation, denotes joyning in 
 this Part of the Service of the Church, diftin- 
 guifhed by the Name of Prayers, or Communion- 
 Service, which' belonged not to the Catechu- 
 mens, but the Body of the People, in which the 
 Penitents of the higheft Clafs, called Co-ftanders, 
 were allowed to joyn, though they might neither 
 make their Oblations, nor partake of the Eucha- 
 rift with the Faithful. And in the fame Senfe 
 the Council of Ancyra [r] fpeaks of Penitents, 
 who as they were to be three Years Subftrators 
 among the Catechumens, and bow down under 
 the Bifliop's Hands for Benediction j fo were they 
 
 for two Years to communicate in Prayers only 
 without the Oblation. And fo communicating 
 in Prayers with the People is taken in the Coun- 
 cil of Antioch, when they fay, all fuch as come 
 to Church, and hear the holy Scriptures read, 
 but will not communicate \f\ in Prayers with the 
 People, or withdraw thcmlelves diforderly from 
 partaking of the Eucharift, mill be can: out of 
 the Church. Where, as Reading of the Scrip- 
 tures, is put for the whole Service of the Cate- 
 chumens, which was the fiift Service; fo Com- 
 municating in Prayers and the Eucharift denotes 
 the fecond part of the Service, peculiar to Com- 
 municants, or Perlbns baptized j from which, 
 as Catechumens were debarred, fo others might 
 not withdraw themfelves, under Pain of Ecclefi- 
 aftfcal Cenfure. This was the true Order of the 
 firft and fecond Service in the antient Church, 
 and the true Diftindtion between the Mijfa Cate- 
 chumenorum> and Mijfa Fidelium, of which I in- 
 tend to give a full Account in the two next 
 Books. 
 
 At prefent we may obferve, sect iv 
 how mamefully they have abufed The trMOrigiml 
 the antient Name Mijfa, under the and Meaning of the 
 
 Appellation of Mafs, Who apply it antient Name, Mif- 
 
 only to denote the Office of Confe- The Mais, which 
 crating Bread and Wine into the * its primitive ufe 
 Body and Blood of Chrift,and offer- de ! mes ever y Vart 
 
 J . r- • c ■ f °t Divine Service: 
 
 ingthat as an Expiatory Sacrifice no nhere m 
 for the Quick and Dead. For tx^tdry sacrifice 
 antiently the Name Mijfa figni- for the Quick and 
 fied no fuch thing, but was a ge- T>eaJ. 
 neral Name for every part of Di- 
 vine Service. It fignified, as we have feen al- 
 ready, the Service of the Catechumens, as well 
 as the Service of the Altar; and is often ufed for 
 the Pfalmody, for the Leffons, and for the Pray- 
 ers at Evening, when there was no Communion, 
 as well as for the Prayers ufed in time of Celebra- 
 tion of the Eucharift. Thus Caffian [f] often 
 mentions the Mi (fa Notlurna, by which he means 
 the Morning Prayers and Pfalmody before Day, 
 when it is certain they had no Communion. 
 The Council of Agde [«] fpeaks of Evening Mafs, 
 as well as Morning, which meant no more but 
 Morning and Evening Prayer without any Com- 
 munion. For they had no Communion either 
 Morning or Evening at their Daily Prayers, but 
 only on Feftivals at a diftinct Hour from both 
 thofe. So the Emperor Leo in his T'afficks \_x] 
 fpeaks of the lo-7rfg/vat, a Word plainly bor- 
 rowed from the Latin Mijfa, (for the Greeks had 
 originally no fuch Name) to fignifie only Evening 
 Prayer. And Bifhop UJher in his Religion of the 
 antient Irijh \y\ gives us another fuch lnftance 
 
 [»] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 12: [0] Chryf. Horn. 1. com. Ju- 
 dxos. T. 1. p. 440. 8c Horn. 37. de Filio Prodigo. T. 6. p. 375-. 
 [/>] Cone. Laodic. can. 19. [<j] Cone. Nicen'. can. n.At/o 
 
 [r] Cone. Ancyr. can. 23. vwc rhv xavova <jtir]'noio-a.v' tv-^ 
 Itii <&mTr}u><ri(of. x) No Stii eu^n? v»e« crpsa-?^?. [s] Cone. 
 Antioch. can. 1. Tldv}ttf Tin} tiatovjat si« 7$v h-KhmiAV, >y ? 
 
 «r »* fiwif $fe*£A.#ir% y[vsSH£i%< kMMo~\a.<. \t~\ Caifian. In- 
 ftitut. lib. 2. cap. 13. lib. 3. cap. 5-, Sc 6. [«] Cone. Agathen. 
 Can. 30. In conclufione Mafjuiiairum vel Vefpertinarum Mifinrum, 
 poft Hymnos Capitella de Ffa!mis dici, &c. [x] Leo Ta£h"c 
 cap. til num. 18. cited by BijJnp TJfV.cr*. [ y ] TJlher Relig. of the 
 arititnt Irifh, chap. 4. p. z6. ex Adarrinani Vita Columban. lib. 3. 
 cap. 3 .. 
 
 out 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XII. 
 
 out of Adamnanus, who ufes the Name Vefperti- 
 nalis Mijfa for what is commonly called Evening 
 Prayer. And the late learned Mablllon [z] has 
 oblerved out of the Rules of Cajarius Arelatenfis 
 and Aurellan, that the Word Mijfa is fometimes 
 ufed for the Leflbns alfo. For it is one of Au- 
 rellan 1 s Rules, that they fliould take fix Mijfa' s, 
 (that is, Leflbns) out of the Prophet Ifaiah,hacite 
 fex Mljfas de Efaia Propheta. And Mablllon very 
 judicioufly remarks farther [a], that the Word 
 Mijfa has at leaft three Significations. It fome- 
 times fignifies the Leflbns, fometimes the Col- 
 lects or Prayers, and fometimes the Difmiflion 
 of the People. And indeed the third Senfe is the 
 Original Notation of the Word. For Mijfa, is 
 the lame as Mljfio. And it was the Form ufed 
 in the Latin Church, Ite Mijfa eft, which an- 
 fwers to the Greek i7m\6i<&s and ■ar^cjeXS-slj, the 
 folemn Words ufed at the Difmiflion of the Ca- 
 techumens fir It, and then of the whole AfTembly 
 afterwards, at the End of their refpective Servi- 
 ces. Whence the Services themfelvesat laft took 
 their Names from thefe folemn Difmiflions, the 
 one being called, Mljja Catechumenorum, and the 
 other Mijfa Fidelium, neither of which ever fig- 
 nify more than the Divine Service, at which the 
 one or the other attended. 
 
 In vain therefore do many learned Men labour 
 to deduce its Original from foreign Languages, 
 to make it fignify fomething agreeable to the 
 Modern Notion of the Roman Mafs, when it is 
 fo plainly of Latin Extraction. Baronius [b~], after 
 Reuclin and Genebrard, would have it come from 
 the Hebrew Word Mljfah, an Oblation: But 
 Durantus \c] has a good Reafon againft that j be- 
 caufe if it had been of Hebrew Extraction, the 
 Greeks would have retained it in their Language, 
 as they do the Words Ho f anna, Sabbaoth, Allelu- 
 jah, and Amen: Whereas there is no Greek Wri- 
 ter ufes it till the time of Leo Sapiens, who firft 
 borrows it from the Latin in his Tacllcks. Alba- 
 jplnaus has ftill a wilder Conjecture j he fays, the 
 Word Mefs, among the Northern Nations, fig- 
 nifies a Feftival, and therefore he imagines, the 
 Name Mijfa and Mafs might come from that: 
 Which is only to invert the Origination, and 
 make the Daughter to become the Mother j fince 
 it is evident, the Name Mefs comes from Mijfa, 
 and not Mijfa from that. Cardinal Bona \d~\ takes 
 a great deal of Pains to confute thefe and all o- 
 ther falfe Opinions, and eftablifties the true one 
 with undeniable Evidence from Alcimus Avltus, 
 and all the antient Ritualifts, JJidore, Rabanus 
 Maurus, Fiorus Magi/ler, Remigius Altijfiodorenfis, 
 Alcuinus, Gregory's Sacramcntarium, Hugo Vlclorl- 
 nus, and Bernoldus, who all agree in this, that Mijfa 
 comes from the Difmiflion of the People, and not 
 from any other Original. So that I think it need- 
 
 lefs to trouble my Reader with any of thefe Autho- 
 rities, fince the Matter is now cleared beyond all 
 Contradiction by Mabillon and Bona, two fuch 
 eminent Writers of the Roman Communion. 
 
 Another general Name of sect. v. 
 the antient Service, which in la- i»»k*tfenfeDi- 
 ter Ages has met with fome Abufe, vme , Ser ™f aMl : 
 is Sacnfictum, Sacrifice; a Name fi c ium. 
 borrowed from the Jewifh Carnal 
 Sacrifices, and applied to the Spiritual Sacrifices 
 of Chriftians, viz. their Prayers and Praifes, and 
 Preaching, and devoting themfelves entirely, 
 Body and Soul, to the Service of Chrift by the 
 Sacraments of Baptifm and the Lord's Supper. 
 Hence every part of Divine Worfhip had the 
 Name of Sacrifice, and not only the Service of 
 the Altar. For they commonly call their Evening 
 Hymns and Prayers by the Name of Evening 
 Sacrifice. Thus St. Jerom bids Lata accuftom 
 her Daughter not only to the Morning Hymns, 
 and daily Hours of Prayer, the 3d, the 6th, and 
 the 9th, but alfo when Night comes, and the 
 Lamps are lighted, then in like manner to render 
 to God her Evening [f\ Sacrifice. And fo Sr. 
 Hilary upon thofe Words of the Pfalmlft, Let the 
 lifting up of my Hands be an Evening Sacrifice, 
 fays, The Sacrifice of Chriftians is their Prayers, 
 recommended to God by ftretching forth their 
 Hands to relieve the Poor. For we, fays he, up- 
 on whom [/] the ends of the World are come, 
 do not facrifice to God with Blood or Burnt- 
 ofFerings: But the Evening Sacrifice, which is 
 pleating to God, is that which Chrift teaches in 
 his Gofpel, I was an hungry, and ye fed me$ 
 thirjly, and ye gave me drink, &c. this is the Eve- 
 ning Sacrifice, that is, the Sacrifice of the laft 
 Times. In this we are to lift up our Hands : 
 For by fuch Prayers the Inheritance of the King- 
 dom of Heaven is prepared for thofe that are 
 blcfled of God, from the Foundation of the 
 World. In the fame Senfe Euj'eblus calls the 
 Prayers of Chriftians the rational Sacrifices [g], 
 that are offered without Blood to God. And 
 Clemens Alexandrinus [b~\ fays, the Sacrifices of 
 Chriftians are their Prayers and Praifes, and 
 reading of the Scriptures, and Pfalms and Hymns 
 before Meals, and at their Meals, and at Bed- 
 time, and in the Night. And there are Hun- 
 dreds of Paflages in the Ancients, both of pub- 
 lick and private Prayers, to the fame purpofe, be- 
 sides what is faid of the Sacrifice of the Eucha- 
 rift, or Communion-Service, of which we fliall 
 have Reafon to fay fomething more upon another 
 Occafion. Here it is fufficient to have hinted the 
 Grounds, upon which the Ancients gave the gene- 
 ral Name of Sacrifice to all parts of divine Ser- 
 vice. 
 
 [2,] Mabil. de Curfu Gallicano. lib. 2. p. 107. [a] Ibid. p. 393. 
 [b~] Baron, an. 34. n. 59. [c] Durant. de Ritibus. lib. 2. cap. 1. 
 n. 1 . So alfo Bellarmin and Bona both refute it. [d] Bona Rer. 
 Liturg. lib. 1. cap. 1. n. 6. where he cei.fures Genebrard, as nimis 
 addi£his Rebus Hebraicis. [e] Hieron. Ep. 7. ad Lastam. Ac- 
 cenfa Lucerna reddere facrifkium Vefpertinum. [/] Hilar, in 
 
 Pfal. 140. p. 230. Non enim fanguine 8c Holocauftis nos, in quos 
 confummatio fsculorum devenit,Sacrificamus Deo: Sed quod Sacri- 
 ticium Vefpertinum placitutn fit, audiarnus Dorrjinum— Hoc Sacri- 
 
 ficium Vefpertinum, id eft, temporum noviifimorum eft, 
 inanus elevandre funt: quia iftiufmodi Orationibus jam 
 rnundi Benedicts Dei, regni cceleftis prseparata pofleflio 
 Eufeb. de Laud. Conftan. Orat. p. 6^9. Ta\ dvaJfAW £ 
 Sva\a.s 7 as J) \uy w. Vid. de Vit. Conftant. Jib. 4, 
 Srvalajf dvaJ.ij.oii, &c. [h] Clem. Alex. Strom. 
 
 Ed. Oxon. Ouo'ieu -rw 0~«, £u'^«i ts >y cuvot, )y cu 
 t^iJffici; lv%d^ei( <ffl ygpyvt', 8cc. Vid.Caffian.Inftit. 1 
 Cone, Aurelian. 3. can. 28. Martin. Bracarenfis Capitul. c, 
 
 In hoc 
 ab initio 
 
 ■ cap. 45-. 
 7. p. 860. 
 
 ib. 3. c. 3. 
 
 66. 
 
 A N 0- 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 557 
 
 SF.CT. vi. Another Name, though 
 And Sacramcnta. nciihcr lb anticnt, nor fo com- 
 mon as the former, is that of Sa- 
 crament which in fome Aothors fignifies not 
 what wc now call Sacraments, but the Order 
 or Manner of performing Divine Offices, and 
 that as well the Prayers and Service in general, 
 as the particular Offices of adminiftring Bap- 
 tifm and the Lord's Supper. For the Word Sa- 
 cramcntum , anfvvcring to the Greek (xmrifcfoV) is 
 a W ord of a large Extent, denoting not only 
 the proper Sacraments, but all facred Ceremo- 
 nies and Uiages of the Church, that have any 
 thing of fymbolical or fpiritual Significancy in 
 them, reprcienting fomcthing more to the Un- 
 derftanding than appears to the outward Senfes; 
 and in a more retrained, though not the ftridt- 
 eft Scnfe, it denotes the Manner or Method of 
 performing Divine Offices in the Church, whe- 
 ther relating to the Sacraments properly fo cal- 
 led, or any other Parts of Divine Service, as 
 the Prayers, Hymns, Lcffons, in Morning or 
 Evening Service. In this Senfe, 'tis obferved 
 by learned Men [z] that the Book of Divine 
 Offices compofed by Gregory the Great for the 
 Ufe of the Roman Church, bears the Title of 
 Liber Sacramentorum, The Book of Sacraments, 
 that is, a Book or Method for performing Di- 
 vine Offices in the Church. And Gelaftus did 
 the fame thing before him under the Title of 
 Codex Sacramentarius, lately published by thoma- 
 fius at Rome, 1680. And Gennadius \_k~] fays, 
 Mufaus a Presbyter of Marjeilles compofed Vo- 
 lumen Sacramentorum, a large Book of Sacra- 
 ments, that is, Divine Offices, to direcl what 
 Leflbns, and Pfalms, and Hymns were to beufed 
 in the Communion-Service, according to the 
 Seafons of the Year, and what Prayers and 
 Thankfgivings were to make up the Service of 
 the Church. And it is the Opinion of two ve- 
 ry learned Men, Menardus and Bifhop Stilling- 
 fleet [/], that both St. Aufiin and St. Ambrofe 
 give the Name of Sacramenta to the Books of 
 JLiturgic Offices ufed in their Time. And they 
 obferve that the old MiJJal publifhed by Illyricus 
 bears the Name of Ordo Sacrament or urn, which 
 can mean nothing but the Manner of perform- 
 ing Divine Offices in the Adminiflration of the 
 Eucharifi and other Parts of publick Worfhip. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 And Curfus Ec- 
 cleiiafticus. 
 
 These Offices are by other 
 Writers fly led Curfus Ecclefiafii- 
 cus, the Order or Courfe of Di- 
 vine Offices. For under this Title, Gregory 2«- 
 ronenjis is faid to have compofed a Book, De 
 
 Curftbus Ecclcfiaflicis, for the Ufe of the Gallican 
 Church, which is now loft; but he himfelf [m\ 
 mentions it in his Hiltory. And Bifhop UJhcr 
 \n~\ cites an antient Manufcript out of the Cot- 
 ton Library, which fays, That Germanus and Lu- 
 pus brought Ordinem Curfus Gallorum, the Galil- 
 ean Liturgy, into Bn&ain with them. And this 
 was the Liturgy of the Britijh Churches for fome 
 Ages, till by degrees the Curfus Romanus v/as 
 brought in upon them. Bede [0] fays, In the 
 Time of Pope Agaiho, Joannes Abbas, the Ro- 
 man Prascentor, was fent over to fettle the Ro- 
 man Curfus, or Pfalmody for the whole Year 
 according to the Ufage and Way of St. Peter's 
 Church at Rome. And the Council of Calchuth 
 [/>] fome time after Bede, fpeaks of the Liturgy 
 under the fame Title, ordering all Churches at 
 the Canonical Hours, reverently to perform 
 their Curfus. And Mabillon \jf\ cites the Lives 
 of Waliricus and Senericus, where there is fre- 
 quent mention of the Curfus Gallicanus. 
 
 Among the Greek Writers sect. vnr. 
 
 we feldom meet with any of thefe 2*« Names 
 
 Names, but they ufually ftile all A «7*?>»*. 'Uw 
 
 Holy Offices, and all Parts of * U &> m { 
 
 D- • o • l 1 1 l*vra.yuytd. molt 
 
 ivine Service, by the general ufml in the Greek 
 Name of Aefl^y/a, and 'l^a^y'ia, church. 
 Liturgy, and facred Service. 
 Though Liturgy in its extended Senfe denotes 
 any publick Office or Miniltration, as the Apo- 
 ftle ufes it, Phil. ii. 50. and 2 Cor. ix. 12. for 
 the Miniftration of Charity; and Ecclefiaftical 
 Writers do the fame, often applying it both to 
 civil and facred Functions, as to the Office of 
 a Magiftrate or a Bifhop, as Cafaubon [f] mews 
 at large; yet in a more limited Senfe it is put 
 to fignify thofe facred Offices which makeup the 
 feveral Parts of Divine Worfhip, as Prayers, 
 Reading, Preaching, and Adminiflration of the 
 Sacraments. But it is never ufed, as the Ro- 
 manifts would appropriate it, for the bufinefs of 
 Sacrificing only. The Council of Ephefus fpeaks 
 both of Evening [j] and Morning Liturgies, 
 which doubtlefs mean Evening and Morning 
 Prayers only. And fo Cafaubon obferves, that 
 Jufiinian [/] takes it for the Office of reading 
 the Scripture as well as adminiftring the Eucha- 
 rifi, when he fays of a certain Monaftcry, that 
 the Divine Liturgy was performed in it, as it was 
 ufed to be in the Churches, both by reading the 
 Holy Scriptures, and receiving the Holy Com- 
 munion. And Antiochus [u~\ applies the Name 
 of Liturgy, not only to Morning Prayer, but al- 
 fo to the Service of their Midnight Affemblies. 
 
 [i] Menard. Not. in Sacramentarium Gregor, p. i. 8c Stilling- 
 fleet Orig. Britan. p. 2if. [&] Gennad.de Scriptor. cap. 79. 
 Compofuit Sacramentorum egregium 8c non parvum Volumen, 
 per membra quidem pro opportunitate Officiorum 8c Temporum 
 pro Leclionum textu, Pfalmorumque ferie 8c decantatione dif- 
 cretum, Sec. Id. cap. 78. de Voconio. Compofuit Sacramento- 
 rum Volumen. [/] Menard, ibid. Stillingfl. ubi fupra. 
 [w?] Greg. Turon. Hift. lib. 10. cap. ult. De Curfibus Ecclefi- 
 afticis unum Librum condidi. [»] Uffer. de Primord. Ec- 
 
 c lef. p. 18/. [0] Bede, Hift. lib. 4. c. 18. Quatenus in 
 
 Monafterio fuo Curfum canendi annum, ficut ad Sanftum Petrum 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Romae agebatur, edocerer. [/>] Cone. Calchuthens. can. 7.' 
 Cone. Tom. 6. p. i86y. Ut omnes Eccleiise publicae Canonicis 
 Hons Curfum fuum cum reverentia habeant. [q] Mabil.de 
 
 Curfu Gallican. p. 420. [r] Cafaub. Exercit. in Baron. 16. 
 
 n. 41. p. 471. [/] Cone. Ephef. Epift. Synod, ad Impe- 
 
 rat. ap. Cafaubon. TtfV i<mzeiva< » t«V ivdii'df A-&Txpyld.(. 
 
 [*] Juftin. Novel. 7. 'I2£^ yiyovz Keii^y'ia. • ts 
 
 wv ctVd.yivat7x.c/ufyc<)V y£y.<$uv, 7>n n ifgjtc }y a.'ppnTts [jLira.- 
 S"i^ofAiJ\\( Koivcovlcti. [«] Antioch. Horn. ip. Bib!. 
 
 Patr. G. L. Tom. 1. p. ioj-6. 'Etkyei&v riu.£, f <bp} ( Tc £ f yuxr 
 
 B b b b b Neither 
 
The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the Book XIII. 
 
 Neither of which was in his Time the ordinary 
 Hours of the Communion-Service. So that E~ 
 rafmus and others are governed more by Preju- 
 dice than Reufon, who would have that PafTage 
 ofAfts xiii. z. Aarsgya/tav a&ftf* to be render'd 
 Sacrificantibus Mis, as if there were no Divine 
 Service without Sacrifice in their Notion of it > 
 when yet the vulgar Tranflation renders it Mi- 
 nifying, and the old Syriack and Arabick, as Be- 
 zel oblerves, have it Praying; which is agreeable 
 to the Notion of Liturgy for Divine Service. Yet 
 when the Epithet of My ft tea was added to Li- 
 turgia, then it commonly fignified the Commu- 
 nion-Service. As when theodoret fays that the 
 Salutation of St. Paul, z Cor. xiii. 14. 'the Grace 
 of cur Lord Jefus Chrift, 6cc. is the Beginning 
 of the Myftical Liturgy [.v], he means the Com- 
 munion Office, where this Form of Salutation 
 was always ufed. And fo in the Clementina Epi- 
 tome [jy], the facred Liturgy, denotes the Service 
 of the Alcar, which came after the cxr^v ¥ fsgwt* 
 u/jtvwv, Prayers ufed in Pfalmody, or the Service of 
 the Catechumens. And it is Bono's Obfervation [z] 
 out of Vinccntius Riccardus [a], That except the 
 Words Sacred, or Myftical, be added to the 
 Name Liturgy, it is never to be taken for the 
 Sacrifice of the Altar, but for fome other Part 
 of Divine Service: Though, I think, this is 
 more than can be fairly proved. As on the o- 
 ther hand, when the Epithet of Myftical is ad- 
 ded, it does not always, but only for the mod 
 part, as I (aid before, mean the Euchariftical 
 Service. For the Service of Baptifm was ever 
 efteem'd a Myftical Service, as well as that of 
 the Eucharift. And the Name lAvsaywy'ia, Com- 
 munion in the facred Myfteries, is upon that 
 account frequently given by St. Chryfoftom [b], 
 theodoret [c] and others, to Baptifm, as well as 
 the Lord's Supper ; as may be feen at large in 
 Suketm's [i] Collections upon that Subject. It 
 is certain the Author under the Name of Dio- 
 nyftus the Areopagite, ufes the Title of Myftago- 
 gia, as well when he is defcribing the Ceremo- 
 nies and Service of Baptifm, as the Eucharift: 
 And Cyril's Myftagogical Catechifms are equally an 
 Expofition of the Rites obferved in adminiftring 
 Baptifm and Confirmation, as of thofe of the 
 other Sacrament; thefe being the two great 
 Myftical Services of the Chriftian Church. 
 The Names I'-pj-, h^y/a and SWaare all Words 
 of the fame Importance: They mod commonly 
 fignify the Communion-Service, or the Sacri- 
 fice of Prayers at the Altar. But fometimes 
 they denote the Offices of Baptifm, Preaching, 
 Reading the Scripture, and Pfalmody : Thefe be- 
 ing the fpiritual Sacrifices of Chriftians. It is 
 certain the Apoftle calls Preaching the Gofpel 
 
 by the Name of fegygy/cs, Rom. xv. 16. and the 
 Converfion of the Gentiles thereby, the offering 
 them up or facrificing them to God. Upon 
 which Words Chryfoftom [e~] obferves, That the 
 Apoftle does not call this Service barely \So&a f 
 but Xeflagy/a and h^y/a, Sacrifice, or facred 
 Service. For this is my Priefthood, to preach 
 and publifh the Gofpel: This the Sacrifice that 
 I offer to God. And St. Bafil [/] gives the 
 fame Names of Ugsgyia and £w/a to the Duty 
 ofPraife and Thankigiving. / will offer unto 
 thee the Sacrifice of Praife. And we have feen 
 before (». f .) how the Evening Prayer is com- 
 monly ftyled Sacrificium Vefpertinum, Evening 
 Sacrifice, by the Latin Writers. 
 
 It is farther to be obferved, sect. IX. 
 that as the Latins by the Names Liturgy f ome . 
 Miffa, Curfus, Ordo and Officium, tak r m f or f« 
 
 „ % 1 i-k- • tir ' Foims of Prayer. 
 
 mean not only the Divine Wor- J } 
 
 Ihip it felf, but alfo the Books containing the 
 Method and Prefcriptions for the Regular Per- 
 formance of it, which we ufually call fet Forms 
 of Prayer: So the Greeks fometimes underftand 
 the fame Thing by the Name of Liturgy, and 
 that not only when they fpeak of the Forms of 
 adminiftring the Sacraments, but of any other 
 parts of Divine Service. 'Tis plain the Author 
 of the Conftitutions [g] takes the Word in this 
 Senfe, when he applies it to the Forms of Prayer 
 then made for the Catechumens. And Cafau- 
 bon obferves [F\, That all thofe Forms of Wor- 
 Ihip which go under the Names of Peter, James, 
 Andrew, Chryfoftom, and Baftl, bear the Name 
 of Liturgies, which the Latins call Ordo and 
 Officium, and the modern Greeks, dito\v&!a. 
 Thefe were fometimes alfo among the antient 
 Greek Writers termed cv^m d\ald^, The Or- 
 der of Prayers j which is the Name that Nazi- 
 anzen gives the Liturgy of St. Baftl com- 
 pofed by him by the Direction of his Bilhop, 
 whilft he was Presbyter of Cafarea, and thofe 
 Forms and Orders of Divine Worfhip collect- 
 ed by the Author of the Conftitutions, bear 
 the fame Title #ia.ra%as. In Chryfoftom they 
 are ftyl'd vo^xoi, The Rules or Appointments of 
 the Church; and the Prayers particularly are 
 diftinguifhed into two forts of Forms, both by 
 him [k], and the Council of Laodicea [/]], the 
 one called cv%ou, xaln^sjusvwv, The Prayers of the 
 Catechumens, and the other, coyote ■sris-wtt, The 
 Prayers of the Faithful or Believers. But I 
 {hall fay no more of Liturgies here, confidered as 
 fet Forms or Prefcriptions of Worfhip, becaufe 
 they will come to be difcourfed of more fully 
 hereafter in their proper Place. 
 
 [#] Theod. Ep. 146. p. roji. 'Ec tsi,<Scui Ta7< c^jcAm*/- 
 eua t>\< (AV&tKXf hetj^y'iaf iz£9oiy.iov. [y~\ Clementina 
 
 Epitome de Geftis Petri, ap. Coteler. Tom. 1. p. 796. Tk nra.iex- 
 etp"/* t>u> iie?.v lx.7iAi.ja.v}@- A«TKf>iaP . [&] Bona 
 
 Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. cap. 3. n. 3. [a] Riccard. Comment, 
 
 in Proclum de Tradit. Mifls. [£] Chryf. Horn. 21. t. !. 
 
 p. 173. [*] Theod. in cap. 1. Canticorum. [</] Suicer. 
 Thefaur. voce (xv^aryuyia.. [e] Chryf. Horn. 29. in 
 
 Rom. p. 302. *x «Va<?{ AsiTfa'av h'iyuv, dhhi hen -*f> ■ia.y 
 
 8 
 
 ykhKety. tcivthv ^foac^fw rnv Sva'tetv. [/J Bafil. in 
 
 Pfal. 1 15*. p. 27 f. 'iefHf^Mffo coi 7Y\v Tni euviaiuf dvaia.ii* 
 Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 6. 'H Stict Aeirt^yict. ii/J nsrpoa- 
 Vavixns \3§p reov Ket%'^,uSfjur. [hi] Cafaubon. Exerc- 
 
 ib. in Baron, n. 41. p. 472. [i] Naz. Orat. 20. in Laud. 
 
 Bafil. p. 340. [k~\ Chryf. Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 740, 
 
 [/] Cone. Laodic. can. 19. 
 
 There 
 
Ctf a p. L 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5 59 
 
 s E c T. X. There is one general Name 
 
 of Litanies. more, which the firft Writers 
 This at firfl * u ,- e tQ denote all forts of publick 
 
 general Name for p but the middle Ages 
 
 Prayers. How ana T . » • j • 
 
 JL ii Urn to have appropriated it to a parti- 
 te appropriated to cular Form of Worihip, that is, 
 
 certain particular Litanies, in Greek Called Xilavrtou, 
 
 Forms of mr(hip, anc [ xtVou, in Latin Supplicationes 
 called Rogations. and Rogatione5 , xhefe Words in 
 their original Signification are 
 but another Name for Prayers in general, of 
 whatever kind, that either were made publickly 
 in the Church, or by any private Perfon. Eu- 
 febius fpeaking of Conflantine's Cuftom of ma- 
 king his folemn AddrefTes to God in his Tent, 
 before he went out to Battle, fays, He endea- 
 voured to render God propitious to him by Sup- 
 plications and Litanies [m~], that he might ob- 
 tain his Favour, Affiftance and Direction in his 
 Enterprizes. And again, he fays, [«] a little 
 before his Death he fpent fome time in the 
 Houfe of Prayer, making Supplications and 
 Litanies to God. In which places Litany feems 
 to be a general Name, and not to intend any par- 
 ticular fort of Prayers : So Chryfoflom alfo ufes 
 the Word Litany, when he fays [o] to his Peo- 
 ple, To-morrow I mall go forth with you to 
 make our Litany, that is, the publick Service. 
 And again [/>] fpeaking of the folemn Form of 
 Words, Pax vobis, Peace be with you, he fays, 
 the Bifhop ufed it in all Offices when he firfl 
 enter'd the Church, when he made the Prayers 
 and Litanies, and when he preached. And Ar- 
 cadius in one of his Laws \_q] made againft He- 
 reticks about the fame time, takes Litany in the 
 fame Senfe for Prayers in general, when he for- 
 bids Hereticks to hold profane AfTemblies in the 
 City, either by Night or by Day, to make their 
 Litany. Where it is plain, his Intent was, not 
 to prohibit Hereticks from making any particu- 
 lar fort of Prayers, but all Prayers in general 
 within the City, and to cut off all Opportuni- 
 ties of meeting either by Night or by Day for 
 that purpofe : And fo Gothofred underllands him : 
 For this Law was made with a direft View to 
 the Avian AfTemblies for Pfalmody in their 
 Night Stations, which had occafion'd fome Tu- 
 mults and Murder in the City, as Socrates j>] 
 and Sozomen inform us. So that the Morning 
 Hymns and Pfalmody and Prayers then came all 
 under the general Name of Litany, and the A- 
 rians were forbidden in this Senfe to make any 
 Litanies within the City by this Law of Area- 
 
 dius. What Hamond Lejirange [j] alled^es out 
 of St. Au/lin, Cyprian and Tertullian, proves no- 
 thing, but that there were always Prayers made 
 in the Church to implore God's Mercy and Fa- 
 vours j which no one ever denied; Neither is 
 the Name Litany ufed by any of them. It is 
 more to the purpofe what St. Bafil {f\ fays to 
 the Church of Ncocafiarea, where Gregory fhau- 
 maturgus was Bifhop } that though in Gregory's 
 time they had no Litanies, yet afterward before 
 St. Bafils time they had admitted the Ufe of 
 them By which Argument he defends the 
 nocturnal Prayers and Pfalmody and Vigils a- 
 gainft thofc, who objected that they were not 
 ufed in St. Gregory's time. For neither were 
 Litanies ufed in his Time, and yet now they 
 were in Ufe, and no one objected Novelty a- 
 gainft them. This fhews, that St. Bafil takes 
 Litanies for a peculiar fort of Prayers lately fee 
 up in the Church. For it cannot be doubted, 
 but that they had Prayers before, though not 
 of this particular Kind. 
 
 Some think, that Litanies in this new limi- 
 ted Senfe were firfl: introduced by Mamercus Bi- 
 fhop of Vienna in France, about the Year 4fo. 
 But St. Bafil s Teftimony proves them to be 
 earlier in the Eafi: And it is a Miftake in thofe 
 who affert Mamercus to be the firft Author of 
 them in the Wefl ; For Sidonius Apoliinaris, who 
 lived in the time of Mamercus, and wrote fome 
 Epiftles to him, fays exprefly, that he was not 
 the firft Inventor of them, but only of the Ro- 
 gation Fait Days before Afcenfion, to which he 
 applied the Ufe of thefe Litanies, which were 
 in being long before, though not obferved with 
 fuch Solemnity, nor fixed to any ftated Times, 
 but only ufed as exigencies required, to depre- 
 cate any impending Judgment. This he declares 
 at large in an Epiftle to Mamercus [»] himfelf, 
 ftiling him the Author of the Rogation Days, and 
 fhewing both the Reafons of their Inftitution, 
 and the Manner of obferving them, with ardent 
 Supplications and Faftings, in Imitation of the 
 Ninevites, to avert the threatning Judgments of 
 Fire, or Earthquakes, or Inundations, or hoftile 
 Invafions. But that we may not think Mamer- 
 cus was the firft Author of Litanies, becaufe he 
 applied their Ufe particularly to the Rogation 
 Days, he fpcaks more exprefly in another Epi- 
 ftle [#], where he fays, that Mamercus indeed 
 firft brought in the Obfervation of the Rogation 
 Solemnities, which fpread by his Example: But 
 Supplications or Litanies were in Ufe before, 
 
 \m~\ Eufeb. Vit. Conft. lib. 1. cap. 14,. Tov Q-ov »jc5Tnet'eM? 
 a) kitm( iK*AfA)©- > See [»] Id. lib. 4,. cap. 61. 'Fvyfyieta 
 ii'o'i&Tei-La.f oiKro, iKiTveiaf hoyem T; MTctv&i*? aci- 
 tsjwts tw Ghw. [0] Chryf. Horn, antequam iret in Exi- 
 
 lium Tom. 4. p. 965*. ''Avetov &f ^irctv&iov i^.^ii^ofjLcu 
 |U;6' v/xvit, [/>] Horn. 3. in Colof. p. 1 358. 'Ei/ r 
 
 [ij] Cod Theod. lib. 16. tit. f. De Hsereticis. leg. ?o. Interdi- 
 catur his omnibus, ad Litaniam faciendam intra civitatem noftu 
 vel interdiu profanis coire conventibus. [r] Socrat. lib. 6. 
 
 cap. 8. Sozomen. lib. 8. cap. 8. [s] Leftrange'i Alli- 
 
 ance of Divine Offices, cap. 4. p. 100. [*] Balil. Ep. f>\. 
 
 ad Neocarf. 'Aaa' i£i m KnMvicu lift Tpiyoelv, a? 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 t'SV cnnTYi<Pi\jiTZ. [«] Sidon. lib. 7. Ep. 1. ad Mamer- 
 
 cum. S<tfo tamen inveftarum, Te aufrore, Rogationum palpamur 
 auxilio, quibus inchoandis, inftituendifque Populus Arvernus carpit 
 initiari, Sec. [#] Id. lib. Ep. 1 4. Rogationum no- 
 
 bis folennitatem primus Mamercus Pater 6c Pontifex, reverentififi- 
 mo ex£mplo, utiliflimo Experimento, invenit, inflituir, invcxit. 
 Erant quidem prius (quod falva fidei pace lie di£rum) vaga:, te- 
 pentes, infrequentefque, utquc lit dixerim, ofcitabunjze fupplicati- 
 ones, quae fa?pe interpellantium prandiorum obicibus habeta bantu r, 
 
 maxime aut imbres aut ferenitatem deprccaturx: In his au- 
 
 tem, quos fuprafatus fummus facerdos nobis 5c protulit pariter & 
 contulir, jejunatur, oratur, pfallitur, fletur. 
 
 Bbbbb z 
 
 when 
 
560 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 when Men had occafion to pray againft excef- 
 five Rains or Droughts ; though they were ob- 
 ferved but in a cold and diforderly manner, with- 
 out Falling or full AlTemblies: But thofe which 
 he inllituted, were obferved with Failing, and 
 Praying, and Singing, and Weeping. What Si- 
 donius lays here, proves that Mamercus was the 
 Author of the Rogation Fall in France; but Li- 
 tanies were in Ufe before: And if Savaro judge 
 right [jf] of one of St. Auflin's Homilies, the 
 Rogation Fall mult have been obferved long be- 
 fore in the African Churches. For among his 
 Homilies de Tempore there is one upon the Vi- 
 gil of the Afcenfion, where he fpeaks of a Fall 
 [z] obferved for three Days before Afcenfion 
 Day, advifing all Men to keep thofe Days with 
 Falling, Prayer, and Pfalmody. However from 
 the Time of Mamercus we are fure thefe Roga- 
 tion Days and Litanies were celebrated with great 
 Solemnity in the Church, being frequently men- 
 tioned by Alcimus Avitus [a], Cafareus Arela- 
 tenfis \b\, Eucherius Lugdunenfis junior [c], and 
 Gregory of Tours [d], to name no later Writers. 
 The firfl Council of Orleance, an. fii, eftablilh- 
 ed them [e] by a Decree, ordering the three 
 Days before Afcenfion to be kept a Fall with 
 Abltinence after the manner of Lent, and with 
 Rogations or Litanies, and that on thefe Days 
 Servants Ihould reft from their Labours. In 
 the Spanijh Churches they deferred thefe Roga- 
 tions to the Week after Pentecofl : For they kept 
 to the old Rule of the antient Church, not to 
 have any Fall during the fifty Days between 
 Eafter and Whitfontide; Therefore as Walafri- 
 dus Strabo obferves of them [/], they would 
 not obferve the Rogation Fall in the time that 
 the Bridegroom was with them. But by an Or- 
 der of the Council of Girone [g] thefe Litanies 
 and this Fall was put off to the Week after 
 IVhitfontide. And they ordered a fecond Litany 
 to be ufed on the fir ft Day of November. The 
 fifth Council of Toledo \h~\ appointed another 
 fuch Litany and Fall to be celebrated yearly for 
 three Days, commencing on the thirteenth Day 
 of December. The fixth Council of Toledo [i] 
 confirmed this Decree about two Years after, 
 an. 658, and made it a general Rule for all the 
 Churches of Spain and Gallicia, and Gallia Nar- 
 bonenfis, which was at this time under the Go- 
 
 vernment of the Gothick King Chintillan. And 
 in the feventeenth Council of 'Toledo [k~\, an. 694, 
 under King Egicanes, a more general Decree 
 was made, That fuch Litanies Ihould be ufed in 
 every Month throughout the Year. And fo by 
 Degrees thefe folemn Supplications came to be 
 ufed weekly, on Wednesdays and Fridays, the 
 antient llationary Days, in all Churches. 
 
 In the mean time Gregory the sect. XIJ 
 Great inllituted fome fuch Roga- °f 'he Djlin3i- 
 tions at Rome, and one particu- on 6etween greater 
 larly on the twenty fifth Day and W tr Llta " 
 of April, which goes by the 
 Name of Litania Septiformis, becaufe he ordered 
 the Church to go in Procellion in feven diftin£t 
 ClalTesi firft the Clergy, then the Laymen, next 
 the Monks, after them the Virgins, then the 
 married Women, next the Widows, and laft of 
 all the Poor and the Children. This is menti- 
 oned both by Gregory [/] himfelf and JValafri- 
 dus Strabo [»*], who give it the Name of Lita- 
 nia major: Whence fome have been led into a 
 Miftake, to think the Roman Litanies were di- 
 flinguilhed by the Name of the greater Litanies 
 from thofe of Mamercus, which they call the 
 lefs. So Hamond Leftrange, and others [»], in 
 their Accounts of thefe Things. But the French 
 Writers do not allow of this Diftinction. Cel- 
 lotius [_o~] fays, The Rogation or Litania of Ma- 
 mercus was always dignified with the Title of 
 Litania major by their old Writers, as well as 
 that of Gregory, and that Gregory's Litany was of 
 little Ufe among them. It is certain, the Coun- 
 cil of Mentz [/> ] and the Capitulars of Charles 
 the Great \jf\, which repeat the Words of that 
 Council, apply'd the Name of Litania major to 
 their own Rogations before Afcenfion. And Cel- 
 lotius fays, Gualterus Aurelianenfis and Strabo both 
 give it the fame Title. But flill he does not 
 tell us what they mean by the Litania minor, the 
 lelTer Litany, in Contradiftin£lion to the greater. 
 If the Reader will take my Conjecture, it is no 
 more but the known Form, Kyrie Eleifon, as 
 the Latins read it, from the Greek, xu'^s l\wov, 
 Lord, have mercy upon us, or Lord, have mercy 
 upon them, if they were praying for others. As 
 this was the conllant Refponfe made by the Peo- 
 ple to each Petition of their larger Supplication s 
 
 [y~\ Savaro Not. in Sidon. lib. f . Ep. 1 4. p. 3^4. (V) Aug. 
 Horn. 175. de Temp. t. 10. p. 3 38. Sine dubio peccatorum fu- 
 orum vulnera diligit, qui in iftis tribus diebus, jejunando, orando, 
 & pfallendo medicamenta libi fpiritualia non requirit. [a] Avitus 
 Horn, de Rogationibus. [£] Cxfar. Horn. 37. [c] Eu- 
 
 cher. Horn, de Litaniis. [</] Greg. Turon. lib. 2. cap. 34. 
 
 [?] Cone. Aurelian. 1. can. 29. Rogationes, id eft, Litanias, an- 
 te Afcenfionem Domini placuit celcbrari, ita ut prxmiflum tridua- 
 num Jejunium in Dominica; Afcenfionis folennitate folvatur, &c. 
 [/] Strabo de Offic. Ecclef. cap. 28. Hifpani autem, propter 
 hoc quod fcriptum, non poflunt filii Sponfi lugere, quamdiu cum 
 illis eft fponfus, infra Quinquagefimam Pafchas reculantes jejunare, 
 Litanias fuas poft Pentecoften pofuerunt. [#] Cone. Gerun- 
 den. can. 2. Ut Litanias poft Pentecoften a quinta Feria ulque in 
 Sabbatum celebrentur. So it is in the Title of the Canon : and in 
 ths Body of tt, Ut per hoc triduum Abftinentia celebretur. Ibid, 
 can. 3. Item fecunda Litania facienda eft Kalendis Novembris. 
 [h] Cone. Tolet, j-.can. 1. Uta die IduuraDecembrium Litania tr:- 
 
 8 
 
 duo ubique annua fuccefllone per;gatur, &c. [/'] Cone. 
 
 Tolet. 6. can. 2. Univerfalis authorirate cenfemus Concilij, ut hi 
 dies Litanarium, qua? in Synodo prazmifla funt inftituti, annuo re- 
 curfu omni oblervatione habeantur celeberrimi. [£] Cone. 
 
 Tolet. 17. can. 6. Quando prifcorum Patrum inftitutio, per to- 
 turn annum, per fingulorum menfium curfum, Litaniarum vota 
 
 decreverit perfolvendum decernimus, ut deinceps per totum 
 
 annum, in cunctis duodecim menfibus, per univerlas Hifpanije 8c 
 Galliarum provincias pro Statu Ecclsfue Dei, pro incolumitate 
 Principis noftri, atque Salvatione popuii, Sc indulgentia totius pec- 
 cati, 8c a cunctorum fidelium cordibus expulfione Diaboli, E\o~ 
 mologefes votis glifcentibus celebrentur. [/J Greg. lib. 
 
 11. Ep. 2. [/»] Strabo de Offic. Ecclef] cap. 28. 
 
 [»] Leftrange Alliance, cap. 4. p. 100. [0] Ceilor. Not, 
 
 in Capitula Gualteri Aurelianenfis. Cone. torn. 8. p. 649. 
 [p ] Cone. Moguntin. an. 813. cap. 33. Carol. Ca- 
 
 pitular, lib. f. c. 8f. 
 
 for 
 
Chap. f. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 561 
 
 for the Catechumens and others (as we (hall fee 
 hereafter) ; fo it was ufed fometimcs by itfelf, in 
 all their Offices, as a fhorter Form of Supplica- 
 tion : And then it had the nature of a Litany 
 by it felf, and was not a part of a larger Prayer. 
 This is evident from the Order made in the 
 Council of Vaifon [r] for introducing the Ufe 
 of it into the French Churches: Whereas, lay 
 they, it is a very ufeful and agreeable Cuftom 
 in the Roman Church, and all the Provinces of 
 Italy and the Ea/t, to ufe the frequent Repeti- 
 tion of the Kyrie Eleifon, Lord, have mercy upon 
 us, with great Affection and Contrition} we 
 therefore decree, that the fame holy Cuftom be 
 introduced into all our Churches, both at Morn- 
 ing and Evening Prayer, and in the Communi- 
 on-Service. The Greeks ufually faid, Lord, have 
 mercy upon us, without adding the other part, 
 Chrift, have mercy upon us : But the Latins ufed 
 both Claufes, and repeated them alternately, as 
 we now do, firft the Minifter, and then the 
 People} whereas by the Greeks the Supplication 
 was made by the common Voice of all together. 
 This Difference is noted by Gregory [j] the 
 Great-, but it does not dctraa from our Obfer- 
 vation, but rather confirms it, that this was a 
 fliort Form of Supplication ufed one way or 
 other in all Churches, and that as a part of all 
 their daily Offices} whence it borrowed the 
 Name of the leffer Litany, in opposition to 
 the greater Litanies, which were diftinclr, com- 
 plete, and folemn Services, adapted to particular 
 Times, or extraordinary Occasions. I muft note 
 farther, that the greater Litanies are fometimes 
 termed Exomelogefes, Confcffions [t~] ; becaufe 
 Faffing, and Weeping, and Mourning, and Con- 
 feffion of Sins, was ufually joyn'd with Suppli- 
 cation to avert God's Wrath, and reconcile him 
 to a ilnful People. 
 
 sect. XII. Sometimes to thefe fo- 
 of their Procefi- ] emn Supplications they added 
 cns - Proceffions, which at firll had 
 
 nothing of Harm or Superftition in them : For 
 they were only of the fame nature with their 
 Proceffions at a Funeral, when they carry'd a 
 Corps with the Solemnity of Pfalmody to its In- 
 terment. They fometimes made their Proceffi- 
 ons, and fometimes their Litanies, as Occafion 
 required, in the open Field : But here was no 
 Pomp of Relicks, nor expofing of the Eucharift 
 to Adoration, in fuch Solemnities} they only 
 carry'd the Crofs, as they did alfo in fome of 
 
 their Night Proceffions for Pfalmody, as the 
 Badge of their Profcffion, before them. Of 
 this indeed there are fome Inftances as early as 
 Chryfojlom: For 'tis noted in his Life by Palla- 
 dius that his Enemies trampled under foot 
 the Sign of the Crofs, which the People car- 
 ry'd on their Shoulders as they made their Lita- 
 nies in the Field. And in thofe Vigils which he 
 fet up at Conftantinople in oppofition to the A- 
 rians-y the Hiftorians [#] fay, they had filver 
 Crofles given them by the Emprefs for this pur- 
 pofe. And the Laws of Juftiuian [_y~\ exprefly 
 provided, that as thefe Litanies fliould not be 
 celebrated without the Bifhop or the Clergy} 
 fo the Croffes to be ufed in thefe Solemnities 
 fhould not be repofited in any places but the 
 Churches, nor be carry'd by any but fuch as 
 were appointed. And becaufe in thefe folemn 
 Proceffions fome were inclined to appear in 
 Pomp unfuitable to the Occafion, with gay 
 Cloathing, and on Horfe-back } therefore both 
 thefe Things were particularly forbidden. 67- 
 donius [zj notes it as a great Abfurdity for 
 Men to appear, Cajiorinati ad Litanias, drefTed 
 up in their rich Beaver Cloaths at a Litany, be- 
 caufe Sackcloth and Afh.es were more becoming 
 fuch Solemnities, which were intended for Fall- 
 ing, and Mourning, and Supplication, and Hu- 
 miliation, and Confeffion of Sins, after the Ex- 
 ample of the Ninevites, in their folemn Addref- 
 fes to God. And for this Reafon the Canons 
 [a] forbad any one to appear on Horfe-back, or 
 in rich Apparel at the Rogation Solemnities, but 
 rather difcalceat in Sackcloth and Afhes, unlefs 
 he had the Excufe of Infirmity to hinder him. 
 For thefe Rogations were intended to implore 
 God's Mercy in the molf humble manner, and 
 with the molt ardent Affe&ions of Soul to be- 
 feech him to avert all Sickneffies, and Plagues, 
 and Tribulations } to repel the Evils of Pefti- 
 lence, War, Hail and Drought} to compofe 
 the Temper of the Air, fo that it may be for 
 the Health of Mens Bodies, and Fertility of 
 the Earth} that he would keep all the Elements 
 in due Order and Harmony, and grant Men 
 peaceable Times } as Eucherius [£] relates the 
 chief Heads of them in his Sermon upon this 
 Subject. Whereas yet we may obferve, no Prayers 
 or Interceffions were made to Saints or Angels, 
 as in the modern Litanies of the Romifli Church, 
 but to God only, as fhall be fhewed at large in 
 the following Chapters. 
 
 [r] Cone. Vafcnf. 2. can. 3. Qjia tarn in fede Apoftolicn, 
 quam etiam per totas Orientis atque Italioe provincias, dulcis 8c ni- 
 mium falubris confuetudo intromilTa eft, ut Kyrie eleifon frequen- 
 tius cum grandi ailcftu ac compun&ionc dicatur: placuit etiam 
 nobis, ut in omnibus Ecclefiis noftris ifta Confuetudo fancta, 8c 
 ad Matutinum, 8c ad Midas, 8c ad Vefperam, Deo propiciante, 
 intromittatur. [j] Greg. lib. 7. Ep. 64,. ad Joan. Syracufan. 
 
 \t\ Vid. Cone. Moguntin. can. 32. [«] Palladius Vit. Chry- 
 iolr. cap. if. p. 17. in appendicc. torn. 2. Crucis lignum vene- 
 rabile, quod illi ferentes in humeris, Litanias in campo agebant, 
 pedibus fuis conculcantcs. [*] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 8. So- 
 
 cmen, lib. 8. cap. 8. fj] Juftin. Novel. 123. cap, 32. 
 
 Omnibus Laicis interdicimus Litanias facere fine fan&is Epifcopis, 
 
 8c qui fub eis funt reverendiffimis Clericis, fed 8c ipfas hono- 
 
 randas cruces (cum quibus 8c in Litaniis ingrediuntur ) non alibi 
 nifi in venerabilibus locis reponi, 8cc. [&] Sidon. lib. f. 
 
 Ep. 7. ad Thaumaftum. p. 327. Libentur incedunt armati ad e- 
 pulas, albati ad Exequias, pelliti ad Eccleiias, pullati ad Nuptias, 
 Caftorinati ad Laetanias. [a] Cone. Mogunt. Can. 33, 
 
 Sicut fancti Patres noftri inftituerunt, non equitando, nee preciofis 
 veftibus induti, fed difcalceati, cinere 8c cilicio induti, nifi infirmi- 
 tas impedierit. Vide Burchard. lib. 13. cap, 7. [£] £u- 
 
 chcr. Horn, de Lstaniis, 
 
 CHAP, 
 
562 
 
 The A nt i qui tibs of the Book XlII. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 That the Devotions of the antient Church were paid to every Per/on of the 
 
 Blejfed Trinity. 
 
 JJJ A VING thus diftinguifh- 
 
 sect. I. 
 
 Proofs of the mr- ed the Ambiguity of the 
 
 flip of clmft, as Names of the ant ient Worfhip, 
 »" dftttled the true meaning of 
 the BkffeJ Trinity them, our next Enquiry muft be 
 in the firjl Cen- into the Object of the Chriftian 
 tury. Worfhip, to fee what Perfons they 
 
 were, to whom they paid their Devotion. 
 That which makes this Enquiry neceflary, which 
 otherwife might have been omitted, is the Pre- 
 valency of two contrary Errors, too much 
 reigning in thcfe latter Ages j one of which 
 aflerts, that the Father alone was the fole Ob- 
 ject of true divine Worfhip, and not the Son 
 or Holy Ghoft j and the other, that Saints and 
 Angels had alfo a fhare in it. To {hew the 
 Falfenefs of both which Pretences, I fhall a lit- 
 tle detain the Reader with the Proofs and Evi- 
 dences of the contrary Aflertions. And firft to 
 fhew, that Chrift as the Son of God and the 
 fecond Perfon of the ever-bleffed Trinity, was 
 the Objea of divine Worfhip, in all Ages, we 
 will begin with the Original of Chriftian Wor- 
 fhip, and carry the Enquiry through the three firft 
 Centuries. For the firft Age, the Scripture is 
 fufficient Evidence of the Chriftians Praftice. 
 For not to infift on the Precept of honouring 
 the Son, as they honoured the Father j or the 
 Form of Baptifm, in which they are comman- 
 ded to join the Father, Son and Holy Ghoft 
 in one Ad of Worfhip j or the Injunction to 
 believe in the Son, as they believeii in the Fa- 
 ther ; with many other A6ts of internal Wor- 
 fhip peculiar to God alone: I only argue from 
 their Example and Practice. St. Stephen the 
 Protomartyr, when he was fealing his Confef- 
 fion with his Blood, breathed out his laft in a 
 Prayer to Chrift, Lord Jefus, receive my Spirit: 
 And, Lord, lay not this Sin to their Charge. Acts 
 vii. fp. St. Paul profeifes he never baptized 
 any but in the Name of Chiift, I Cor. i. 1 2. And 
 his common Forms of Bleffing were with In- 
 vocation of the Name of Chrift. Grace be to 
 you, and Peace from God the Father and from our 
 Lord Jefus Chrift. And, the Grace of the Lord 
 Jefus Chrift, and the Love of God, and the Com- 
 munion of the Holy Ghoft, be with you all: As the 
 folemn Forms runalmoftin all his Epiftles, both 
 in the Beginning and the Conclufion of them. 
 Nay, fo common was this practice, that among 
 other Titles of the Believers, at their firft Rife 
 and Appearance in the World, they were di- 
 ftinguifhed by the Character of thofe that cal- 
 led on the "Name of Chrift. Acls.'w. 14. 21. 
 1 Cor. i. 2. 2. Tim. ii. 22. Some Criticks, I 
 
 know, would have the Phrafe, cmxahisijjjfjov ro 
 ovona. XysS, to be taken pafTively only for thofe 
 who were named by the Name of Chrift, that 
 is, Chriftians j but this Criticifm is of no weight : 
 For they were called Invokers, or Worihip- 
 pers of Chrift, before the Name Chriftian was 
 known in the World : For this Name was not 
 ufed till fome time after St. Paul's Converfion, 
 when, as St. Luke fays exprefly, Acls xi. z6. the Dif- 
 ciples were firft called Chriftians in Antioch. But 
 they were Worfhippers of him before, and there- 
 fore were diftinguifhed by the Character of the 
 Men that called upon his Name. Many other fuch 
 like Evidences are obvious to any one that reads 
 the New Teftament: I only add that of the 
 Revelations, v. 8. where the Church in Heaven 
 and Earth together is reprefented as offering 
 both Prayers and Hymns to Chrift: When he 
 had taken the Book, the four Beafts and four 
 and twenty Elders fell down before the Lamb, ha- 
 ving every one of them Harps, and golden Vials full 
 of Odours, which are the Prayers of Saints. And 
 they fung a new Song, faying, 'thou art worthy to 
 take the Book, and to open the Seals thereof: For 
 thou waft Jlain, and haft redeemed us to God by thy 
 Blood out of every Kindred, and tongue, and Peo- 
 ple, and Nat ion \ and haft made us unto our God Kings 
 and Priefts : And we fhall reign on the Earth. 
 And I beheld, and I heard the V oice of many An- 
 gels round about the throne, and the Beafts and 
 the Elders : And the Number of them was ten 
 thoufand times ten thoufand, and thoufand of thou- 
 fands ; faying with a loud Voice > Worthy is the 
 Lamb that was Jlain, to receive Power, and Riches, 
 and Wifdom, and Strength, and Honour, and Glo- 
 ry, and Bleffing. And every Creature which is in 
 Heaven, and on the Earth, and under the Earth, 
 and fuch as are in the Sea, and all that are in 
 them, heard I, faying, Bleffing, and Ho- 
 nour, and Glory, and Power be unto him that fit- 
 teth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever 
 and ever. 
 
 We have here feen the Mo- spct II 
 del of the Worfhip of Chrift, Tr~oof,oftht}*m 
 as begun and fettled in the Pra- in the zd Century. 
 ctice of the Church in the firft 
 Age. And we fhall find it continued in the 
 fame manner in thofe that followed immediate- 
 ly after. For Pliny, who lived in the Begin- 
 ning of the fecond Century, and as a Judge un- 
 der trajan, took the Cuiifeflions of fome revolt- 
 ing Chriftians, fays, They declared to him they 
 were [a] ufed to meet on a certain Day before 
 it was light, and among other parts of their 
 
 [a] Plin. lib. 10. Ep. 97. Affirmabant, quod eflent fo'.iti ftato die ante lucem convenire: Carmenqus Chri(lo ; quad Deo, dicere 
 
 £ecucn inviccm. 
 
 Wor- 
 
Chap. II 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5 6 3 
 
 Worfhip, fing an Hymn to Chrift, as to their 
 God. Which is a plain Indication of their 
 Worfhip of Chrift on the Lord's Day. Not 
 long after this, lived Polycarp, who [ft] joyns 
 God the Father and the Son together in his 
 Prayers for Grace and Benediction upon Men : 
 The God and Father of our Lord Jefus Chrift, and 
 Jefus Chrift himfelf, 'the Eternal High-Prieft, the 
 Son oft God, build you up in Faith and Truth, and 
 in all Meeknefs, to live without Anger, in Patience, 
 in Long-fuffering and Forbearance, and give you a 
 Lot and Part among the Saints, and to us with you, 
 and to all them that are under Heaven, who ftoall 
 believe in Jefus Chrift our Lord, and in his Fa- 
 ther, who raiftcd him from the Dead. And fo he 
 begins his Epiftle, Mercy and Peace from God Al- 
 mighty, and from the Lord Jefus' Chrift be multiplied 
 unto you. And when he came to his Martyrdom, he 
 made a Prayer to God at the Stake, before he was 
 burnr,concluding it with this Doxology to the whole 
 Trinity: [Vj / blefs thee, I praije thee, I glo- 
 rify thee for all things, together with the eternal and 
 heavenly Jefus Chrift, thy beloved Son, with whom 
 unto thee y and the Holy Spirit, be Glory both now 
 and for ever, World without End. Amen. When 
 Polycarp was dead, the Church of Smyrna wrote 
 a circular Epiftle to other Churches, to give 
 an Account of his Sufferings, wherein they re- 
 late this remarkable Occurrence, That as foon 
 as he was dead, the Jews fuggefted to the Hea- 
 then Judge, that he fhould not fuffer the Chri- 
 ilians to take Polycarp's Body and bury it, left 
 they fhould [d~] leave their crucified Mafter, 
 and begin to worfhip this other. Not confide- 
 ring, fays the Epiftle, that we can never either 
 forfake the Worfhip of Chrift, who fufFered 
 for the Salvation of all thofe who are faved in 
 the whole World, the Juft for theUnjuft; or 
 worfhip any other. For we worfhip him as be- 
 ing the Son of God; but the Martyrs we on- 
 ly love, as they deferve, for their great Affecti- 
 on to their King and Mafter, and as being Dif- 
 ciples and Followers of their Lord, whofe Part- 
 ners and Fellow-Difciples we defire to be. This 
 is an unanfwerable Teftimony, to prove both 
 the divine Worfhip of Chrift, as the true Son 
 of God, and that no Martyr or other Saint was 
 worfhipped in thofe Days. Not long after this 
 lived Juft in Martyr, who in his fecond Apology, 
 to wipe off the Charge off Atheifm, brought a- 
 
 gainft them by the Heathens, who objected to 
 them, That they had caft off the Worfhip of 
 God; anfwers, That they worfhipped and ado- 
 red ftill [i] the God of Righteoufnefs, and his 
 Son (that came from him, and taught both them 
 and the Hoft of good Angels, who followed 
 him, and were made like unto him) as alfo the 
 Holy Spirit of Prophecy: To thefe they paid a 
 rational and true Honour, as they always frank- 
 ly owned to all fuch as were difpofed to learn. 
 Bellarmin [/] very fraudulently urges this Place, 
 to prove the Worfhip of Angels: As if Juftin 
 had faid, That they worfhipped the Father, the 
 Son, the Angels, and the Holy Spirit; whereas 
 he fays nothing of the Worfhip of Angels, but 
 that the Angels were taught by the Son, and 
 that the Son together with the Father and Ho- 
 ly Spirit, were the Object of Chnftian Wor- 
 fhip. Which he repeats again in his forefaid 
 Apology [g], faying, in anfwer to the fame Ob- 
 jection, that they could demonftrate, that as 
 they worfhipped God the Creator of all things, 
 fo with equal Reafon they worfhipped Jefus 
 Chrift in the fecond place, and the Holy Spirit 
 of Prophecy in the third, knowing Jefus Chrift 
 to be the Son of the true God. For whereas 
 the Heathens objected farther, that it was mad- 
 nefs in them, next to the immutable and true 
 God, Maker of all things, to give the fecond 
 place to a crucified Man, he tells them, They 
 underftood not the Myftery of this Practice. 
 Which fhews, that as they worfhipped Chrift, fo 
 they worfhipped him as the true Son of God, 
 and not as a Creature : For he tells the Empe- 
 rors a little after [//], they held it unlawful to 
 worfhip any but God alone. Therefore in 
 their Practice they alfo fhewed their Belief of his 
 true Divinity ; fince they worfnipped him only 
 upon this Foundation and Suppofition, 
 that he was truly God, and not a mere Man> 
 and to have done it upon any other Suppofition, 
 had been grofs Idolatry by their own Confeffi- 
 on. Which I wifh were duly confidered by 
 thofe who now write againft the Divinity of 
 Chrift, and abfurdly pretend that all the Fathers 
 of the three fir ft Ages were of their Opinion. 
 For this is only to make them guilty of the 
 groffeft Idolatry, and involve them in a mon- 
 ftrous Contradiction; whilft they pretended to 
 worfhip none but God alone, and yet gave di- 
 
 \_b] Polycarp. Ep. ad Philip, n. n. Deus autem 8c Pater Domi- 
 ni noftri Jefu Chrifti; 8c ipfe fernpiternus Pontifex, Dei Filius, 
 Chriftus Jefus, sedificet vos in Fide 8c veritate, 8c in omni Man- 
 fuetudine, 5cc. Et det vobis fortem 8c partem inter fanftos luos, 
 8c nobis vobifcum, 8c omnibus qui funt fub ccelo, qui credituri 
 flint in Dominum noftrum Jefum Chriftum 8c in ipfius Patrem. 
 [c] Martyrium Polycarpi, ap. Cotelcr. Patr. Apoftol. T. 2. p. 199. 
 Yizel ts-cIvtoiv cuvco o~z, IvAoyco o~z ^o^d^co cz, o~vv ttS diav'm 
 }y €7n;^eiw 'In/? Xe^rw, dyctTnitS <r« *«uj\i, ^?8' £ aot ^ 
 *cri'iv(xciTidyiO) nS'o^Aip, vvi'KjAf 7S\j tx^KKoy\ct<; cuav<t< . eUiw, 
 Eufeb. lib. 4. c. if. ex Epift. Ecclefix Smyrnenfis, reads this -with 
 a littie variation of the Particles, Aid t£ dtwix dvyjzp'zcoi; 'Iy\o~a 
 Xezs"K n dytfTTHTts o~-6 ircuifos' Is cot o~vv dwrd h> nrvzi- 
 fj.rtTi dy'iu h <KH=t- 8cc. But this makes no Alteration in the 
 Senfe: for ftill it concludes with a Doxology to the three divine Terfons- 
 By whom and with whom unto Thee and the Holy Spirit be Glory for 
 ever and ever. Amen. [d~] Smyrn. Ecclef. Epift. ap. Eufeb. 1. 4.. 
 c. ij. 8c ap. Coteler. p. 200. Mii> ynslv, dfivra ih srtfypa.- 
 
 [AflOV, rf&TOV a.p%uy\'JU (TiCiS^. dyytx'yTZf, OTI %TZ ToV 
 
 Xejt^OV 7T0TZ Kctja.Kt7TeiV cTl/CH^O [J.Z§0., Toy V-&ip TtK 7S <7rciV- 
 TO? KOCTfjLH <T$f CU^OfJ^paiV GUTyieilS TczSoVTCy d/J-C-jy.oy bTTip 
 
 dftaifjeluh, uT8 s7fg/c Ttva. ffzCzS^. rkrov yb, if w ovret, res 
 0Jts, ir&<rx.vv\sfi3{j- Tifli 3 udp]v(^.{, cof ua.(inrd.i '<y ////i/.HTotf 
 ts aveits, dyoLTrwfj.iv d^Uof. 8cc. [e] Juftin. Apol. z. 
 
 p. f<5. AAA 1 ZKetv'ov tz, )y Toy era.? awns yoy ih^'ovTct, cfV- 
 <?d%a.v]tt fifj.de tavto., itj Toe ^ IkKuv ZTTOf/Spuv lyk^ouotH- 
 yXvcov etyctd-eHv dfyzbuv r^Tor, irvzvfj.a, re to it pj>z\]\i -4.lv, 
 ffiC'ofxi^a. ^ xga;- KuvvfjUi)' 8cc. [/] Beilarm. de Beatitud. 
 Sandior. lib. i. cap. 13. Tom. 1. p. 1957. [g] Juftin. A- 
 
 pol. 2. p. 60. Toy J'tty.izpyoV Yj 'huiy Xe/ri^j qoy dwii Td 
 
 tz TtgyyvPiiY-oy w retry rd£&, on y.zrd hhyv TtpMfJ&v, 
 $4Sfyffm. It. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 102. He ftyles him Qzlv 
 \<%vf>)v wejtTKvvv rhy, the Mighty GOD that was to be adored. 
 \b] Ibid. p. 64. Qzoy u\ v ^ n i, t?&?KVV*/ufy, 8cc. 
 
 vine 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book IX. 
 
 vine Honour to one, whom (if our modern Re- 
 prefenters fay true) they did not believe to be 
 truly God by Nature, but only a Creature. 
 
 But to go on with the Enquiry, as to what 
 concerns the Object of their WorlTiip in Pra- 
 ctice. Athenagor'as anfwers the Charge of Athe- 
 ifm, after the fame manner as Juftin Martyr 
 had done before him : We are p] no Atheifls, 
 who worfhip the Creator in all things, and his 
 Word that proceedeth from him. Minucius Fe- 
 lix, to another Objection, That they worfhip- 
 ped a crucified Man, anfwers, That they were 
 miftaken in the Charge j for he whom \_k~] they 
 worfhipped, was God, and not a mere mortal 
 Man: Miferable is he, whofe Hope is only in 
 Man; for his Help is at an End, when the Life 
 of Man is extinct. About this time lived Lu- 
 cian the Heathen, who in one of his Dialogues 
 takes notice of the Chriftian Worfhip. For 
 bringing in a Chriftian inftructing a Catechu- 
 men [7], he makes the Catechumen ask this 
 Queftion, By whom fliall I fwear? And he that 
 perfonates the Chriftian, anfwers, By the God that 
 reigns on high, the Great, Immortal, Heavenly 
 God, and the Son of the Father, and the Spirit 
 proceeding from the Father, One in Three, and 
 Three in One. Take thefe for your Jupiter*, ima- 
 gine this to be your God. Which evidently 
 iliews, That Litcian had learned this from the 
 Chriftian Inftitutions, That the Father, Son and 
 Holy Ghoft, were the Object of their divine 
 Worfliip. And he elfewhere objects to them 
 the Worfliip of their crucified \jn) Impoftor, as 
 he blafphemoufly terms our blefled Lord. Not 
 long after Irenaus^ fpeaking of the Miracles which 
 the Church wrought in his Time, particularly in 
 calling out Devils, fays, fhe did this [f ] not by 
 Invocation of Angels, nor by Inchantments, nor 
 by any other wicked piece of Curiofity, but by 
 directing her Prayers, clean, and pure, and open- 
 ly to the God over all j and by invocating the 
 Name of Jefus Chrift fhe works Miracles for 
 the Benefit of Men, and not for their Seduction. 
 And that this was fo, appears farther from fome 
 of the Forms of Prayer ufed then in the Church 
 for the Energumens in the publick Service, one 
 of which is recorded by the Author of the Con- 
 futations [\] directed perfonally to Chrift, un- 
 der the Title of the only-begotten God, who 
 
 binds the ftrong one, that is, the Devil: which 
 Prayer I need not repeat here, becaufe the Rea- 
 der may find it at length hereafter [»] in the 
 Service of the Catechumens. 
 
 About the fame Time with Irenaus lived Theo- 
 philus Bifhopof Antioch, who though he does not 
 exprefiy mention the worfhip of Chrift, yet he 
 acknowledges him to be God of God [o], and 
 fays the World was made by him: For when the 
 Father faid, Let us make Man in our own Image, 
 he fpake this to no other [/>], but to his own 
 Word, and his own Wifdom, that is, the Son 
 and Holy Spirit j whom he exprefiy ftyles by 
 the Name of Trinity [^] in the Godhead > and 
 fays elfewhere, that God is to be worfhipped, 
 and nothing [f] elfe befides him, who is the true 
 God, the Ordainer of Kings j who may be ho- 
 noured, but not worfhipped, becaufe they are 
 only Men, and not God. From all which it is 
 eafy to infer, that Theophilus thought Chrift the 
 Object of divine Worfhip, as the living and true 
 God, and that it would be Idolatry to give di- 
 vine Worfliip to Chrift, upon any other Sup- 
 pofition, than that he is true God as well as 
 Man. 
 
 In the fame Age Clemens Alexandrinus is an il- 
 luftrious Witnefs of this Practice. For in his 
 Exhortation [f] to the Gentiles, he ftyles him 
 the Living God, that was then worfhipped and 
 adored : Believe, fays he, O Man, in him who 
 is both Man and God .- Believe, O Man, in him 
 who fuffered Death, and yet is adored as thfc 
 Living God. In the End of his Pedagogue, he 
 himfelf addreffes his Prayers to the Son joyntly 
 with the Father, in thefe Words : Be merciful to 
 thy Children, O Mafler, O Father, 'Thou Ruler 
 of Ifrael, O Son, and Father, who are both One 9 
 our Lord, [/]. And in the Conclufion of the 
 Book, he has this Doxology to the whole Trinity: 
 Let us give Thanks [u] to the only Father and Son 9 
 to the Son and the Father, to the Son our Teacher 
 and Mafter, with the Holy Spirit one in all Re- 
 fpecls ; in whom are all things ; by whom all things 
 are one ; by whom is eternal Exiftence ; whofe Mem- 
 bers we are; whofe is the Glory and the Ages^ 
 Who is the perfebl Good, the perfebl Beauty, all- 
 wife, and att-jufl : To whom be Glory both now and 
 for ever. Amen. 
 
 [«] Ath;nag. Legat. pro Chriftianis. Bibl. Patr. Gfc Lat. T. i. p. 
 76 tsx *(tfj\J a-3-5o/, iywrif vie tzomtiw ra^s T« 'srAvnt. Xj 
 its.? dvn h'oyw. [*] Minuc. Dial. p. 88. Quod Re- 
 
 ligion! noftrae hominem noxium 6c crucem ejus adferibitis, longe 
 de vicinia veritatis erratis, qui putatis Deum credi aut meruifle 
 noxium, aut potuifle terrenum. Nx ille miferabilis, cujus in no- 
 mine mortali fpes omnis innititur, totum enim ejus auxilium cum 
 extinito homine finitur. [fj Lucian. Philopatris prope finem. 
 
 nriiv^a. ^Titlwi ex'wfcfeuo yavvVj %v TetSv, >y ivos jeia.. 
 7d.vTd v'oy.t^i lw&, riv <T nyi @zh. O] Lucian in 
 
 Proteo. p. 764. riv aviGx.o'hoirKT f.'fyov oneivov ffooi^tiv tt&gkv- 
 vhv. [f] I ren - ''k- *• ca P- 57- Nec Invocationibus Angelicis 
 facit, nec Incantationibus, nec aliqua prava Curiofitate, fed mun- 
 de 8c pure 8c manifelte orationes dirigens ad Dominum, qui omnia 
 fecit, 8c nomen Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti invocans, Virtutes fe- 
 cundum militates hominum, fed n,on ad feductionem perficit. 
 
 \X\ Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 6. [«] Book 14. cap. f. n. 7. 
 
 [0] Theoph. ad Autolyc. lib. 2. p. 150. Gioi uv hoy©-, \% 
 ©5? <zri<pvx.cof. [p] Ibid. lib. 2. p. 114. ix. «AAto '$ rivt 
 
 a^UKU izotwu/jfy, ehh' n Ttef iaxirk h'oyu, tm iajJTis ffc<pta. 
 [q] Ibid. lib. 2. p. 106. TfVo; reid.^©- ©«?, x) <fes \ly>s 
 Avrk >y Tnt coQieLs awni. [»"] Lib. 1. p. 20. Qcq> 3 tiS 
 
 ov-reoi QiS £ dhnd-tH Tf&fKvvZ) 8cc. [s] Clem.Protreptic. p. 
 84. Edit. Oxon. TlWzvaov avd-puTt cti'-S-ffo-arw )y 0*w- ^irst;- 
 Gov cLvS^unsi TitS TretSovTi, ^ 'zr^tTx.Mvai^pu Q~.u £wvTt. 
 [t] Id. Psedagog. lib. 3. ch. 12. p. 311. f/ lAct-37 to/j Co/;, tucw 
 <Pa.yayk, irttli?, rw'ioyz )<T£$lyi\, Cii >y tsat\^, iv afxtpeo, v.v m 
 exi. [«] Ibid. p. eadem.Tw fx'ovu ■zrctjei ^ ^ TotTei> 
 
 TrcrjJ^afayu, S*iS"tt<rx.'ih.fj> viu, cvv ^ ttJ dyi£ 'Tri'iVfy.ct]/, 
 ^J.v]a ttJ iv], lv S ret tzeivTet, Sec. a> » S'o^a Xj vZv x] l/f 
 t&} alZv&f. dfjih. Vid. Strom. lib. 7. cap. 7. p. 871. 2i/3#y 
 iyKihiVQUzba, 7oy h'oyov, &c. 
 
 Cotemporary 
 
Chap. If. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 56$ 
 
 Cotemporary with Clemens was Athenogenes the 
 Martyr, who fuffered about the Year 196. St. 
 Bafil [x] fays, he compofed a facred Hymn, fet- 
 ting forth the Glory of the Holy Ghoft. From 
 whence we may collect, that it did the lame for 
 Chrift as the Son of God. The learned Doctor 
 Cave jj], by a little Miltakc of what St. Bafil 
 fays, luppofcs Athenogenes to have been the Au- 
 thor of thofe two antient Hymns, called the 
 Morning and Evening Hymns, whic h the Reader 
 will find related at length [*] hereafter under 
 the Titles of the great Doxology, Glory be to God 
 on high, £cc. and the Hymnus Lucernalis. But 'tis 
 plain from St. Bafil, that the Hymn of Atheno- 
 genes was dittindt from thefe. For he makes no 
 mention of the Morning Hymn, and fays ex- 
 prcfsly of the Evening Hymn, that he knew not 
 who was the Author of it. However it was an 
 Hymn of antient Ufe in the Church, addrefTed 
 immediately to Chrift, and containing this Dox- 
 ology to the whole Trinity, u,uv»/^u ■ara.r'i^jf. it, 
 i|ov it, ayicv wviuixa ©ss, we laud the Father, 
 Son, and Holy Spirit of God. Which St. Ba- 
 fil urges, as we do here, as a diftinct Teftimo- 
 ny from that of Athenogenes, and as a farther In- 
 ftance of the Church's antient Practice in gi- 
 ving divine Honour and Worfhip, not only to 
 the Father, but to the Son, and to the Holy 
 Ghoft. 
 
 About the fame time fuffered Andronkus the 
 Martyr, in the Acts of whofe Paffion it is obje- 
 cted to him by the Heathen Judge [z], that 
 Chrift, whom he invocated and worfhipped, was 
 a Man that had fuffered under the Government 
 of Pontius Pilate, and that the Acts of his Paf- 
 fion were then extant. Their Worfhip of Chrift 
 was fo well known to the Heathens, that at eve- 
 ry turn, we fee, it was objected to them. And 
 their Anfwer was always the fame, That they 
 worfhipped him indeed, but not as a mere Man, 
 but God, the Son of God by Nature, and of 
 the fame Subftance with the Father. Which is 
 the Anfwer that Tertullian (who is the laft Wri- 
 ter of the fecond Age) makes to this Objection. 
 For whereas it was objected [a], that they were 
 Worfhippers of a Man, whom all the World 
 knew to be a Man, and the Jews had condem- 
 ned as a Man : To this he anfwers not by 
 denying that they worfhipped him, but by ex- 
 plaining the Reafons and Foundation of their 
 Worfhip, becaufe they knew him to be the true 
 natural Son of God, by a fpiritual Generation, 
 and therefore called God, and the Son of God, 
 becaufe he was of one and the fame Effence or 
 Subftance. For God was a Spirit : and the Son 
 
 was Spirit of Spirit, and God of God) as Light 
 is of Light. In that manner he was begotten 
 of God, fo as to be God and the Son of God, 
 and they were both one. In another Place dif- 
 fuading Chriftian Women from marrying with 
 Unbelievers, among other Arguments, he ufes 
 this [c], that in fuch a Family there could be no 
 mention of God, no Invocation of Chrift, no 
 cherifhing of Faith by their joint reading of the 
 Scripture. At the fame time he tells us [d~\ a 
 Chriftian could pray to no other but the Eter- 
 nal, the Living and True God : He could not ask 
 fuch Things, as they were wont to ask in Prayer, 
 of any other but him, from whom he knew he 
 could obtain them, and who alone was able to 
 give them. Now this had been abfurd and ridi- 
 culous arguing to the Heathens, had not Chri- 
 ftians believed Chrift to be the Eternal, Living 
 and ^True God. Their Arguments might eafily 
 have been retorted, and charged with Contra- 
 diction j and they would have flood felf-condem- 
 ned by their own Practice, if whilft they were 
 arguing againft the Heathen Idols upon this foot, 
 that nothing was to be worfhipped but the Eter- 
 nal, Living and True God, they themfelves had 
 worfhipped one who fell fhort of that Character. 
 Therefore we muft conclude, that as it is plain 
 from the foregoing Teftimonies, that Christians 
 did give divine Worfhip to Chrift in this Age, 
 fo they did it only upon this Suppofition, that 
 he was the Eternal, Living, and True God, as 
 the Eternal Son of the Eternal Father j and that 
 however they differed, as far as it was necefTary 
 for a Father and Son to be diftinct, yet they were 
 but one Creator and one God. 
 
 We are now come to the SECT. III. 
 third Century, where we have Proofs of the Wor- 
 firft an illuftrious Teftimony for ^f^ ' mtht 
 the Worfhip of Chrift, as God, * Ir mtur J- 
 in the Fragments of Caius, a Roman Presbyter, 
 preferv'd by Eufebius, out of his Book called 'The 
 Labyrinth, written againft Artemon, one of the 
 firft that appeared againft the Divinity of our 
 Saviour. Here, among many other Things, 
 fhewing the Novelty of that Herefy, he ob- 
 ferves [<?] there were antiently many Pfalms and 
 Hymns compofed by the Brethren, and tranferi- 
 bed by the Faithful, fetting forth the Praifes of 
 Chrift as the Word of God, and afcribing Di- 
 vinity to him. And that fuch fort of Hymns 
 were ufed in the Service of the Church, we 
 learn from another Paffage in the fame Eufebius, 
 taken out of the Council of Antioch againft Pau- 
 lus Samofatenfis, the heretical Bifhop of Antioch^ 
 
 [*] Bafil. de Spir. Sancto. cap. 29. T. 1. p. jfp. [y] Cav. 
 Hift. Litter. Vol. 1. p. 60. [*] See Chap. 10. n. 9. Chap. 
 
 11. n. f. [*■] Acta Andronici ap. Baron, an. 190. n. 26. 
 
 Non fcis, quern invocas Chriftum, hominem quendam factum, 
 fub cuilodia Pontij Pilati punitum; cujus extant Acta Paflionis. 
 [a] Tertul. Apol. cap. 21. Sed 8c vulgus jam fcit Chriftum, ut 
 aliquem hominum, qualem Judzi judicaverunt, quo facilius quis 
 nos homines Cultores exiftimaverit. [b] Ibid. Hunc ex Deo 
 
 prolatum didicimus, 8c prolatione generatum, 8c idcirco Filium 
 Dei 8c Deum dictum ex unitate fubftantia?.- nam 8c Deus fpiri- 
 tus. Item, De Spiritu Spirirus, 8c de Peo Deus, ut Lumen de 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Lumine aceenfum.*— — ita quod de Deo profectum eft, Deus eft 
 8c Dei Filius, 8c Unus ambo. [c] Tertul. ad Uxor. lib. 1. 
 
 cap. 6. Qua: Dei mentio? Qua; Chrifti Invocatio? Ubi fomenta 
 fidei de Scripturarum inrerlettione ? [</] Id. Apol. cap. 30, 
 
 Nos pro Salute Imperatoris Deum invocamus aeternum, Deum 
 verum, Deum vivum, 8tc. Haec ab alio orare non poflum, quam 
 a quo me fcio confecuturum, quoniam 8c ipfe eft qui folus prse- 
 ftat. 0] Eufeb. lib. f. cap. 28. ^0.^^01 3 oerot iy p. 
 
 JW dPshipZv a.7ra.fx~i( xzsi t/c«V y at, rir Acyey <ra 
 
 Qu tov Xet<e.' vfutfttri dioKoyuvTU* 
 
 C c c c c about 
 
566 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the Book XlII 
 
 about the middle of this Century. For there 
 he is charged as giving Orders [/] to forbid 
 the Ufe of fuch Pialms or Hymns as were ufed 
 to be fung in the Church to the Honour of our 
 Lord Jefus Chrift, under Pretence that they 
 were only the novel Compofitions of late and 
 modern Authors. Whilft in the mean time he 
 fuborned Women on the great Day of the Lord's 
 Paflion (or the Refurrection, for Pafcha will 
 fignify both) to fing Hymns compofed to his 
 own Honour j where among other Things, he 
 that would not allow Chrift any other but an 
 earthly Original, was not athamed to hear him- 
 felf blafphemoufly extolled as an Angel come 
 down from Heaven > which, as thofe holy Fa-, 
 thers obferve, was enough to make an Hearer 
 tremble. And for this infolent Attempt againft 
 the Divinity and Worfhip of Chrift, that here- 
 tical Bifhop was anathematized and depofed. 
 
 A little before this Time Nepos an Egyptian 
 Bifhop compofed Pialms and Hymns for the 
 Ufe of the Church, which are commended by 
 Dionyfius [_g\ Bifhop of Alexandria, as an ufeful 
 Work for the Edification of the Brethren. And 
 probably they might be fome of thofe Hymns, 
 which Paulus Samofatenjis difcarded as novel 
 Inventions of modern Authors, though Hymns 
 of the like Nature had been in ufe from the firft 
 Foundation of the Church. Dionyfius of Alex- 
 andria was one of thofe who oppofed the Pra- 
 ctice of Paulus Samofatenfts by his Letters, tho' 
 he was not prefent in the Council > and he is 
 commended by St. Bafil [h~] as one that always 
 ufed this Form of Doxology : T« God the Father, 
 and the Son our Lord Jefus Chrift, with the Holy 
 Spirit, be Glory and Dominion now and for ever, 
 World without End. Amen. But we have more 
 pregnant Teftimonies from the Works of Ori- 
 gen in the Beginning of this Century. In his 
 fifth Book againft Celfus, he tells us, That they 
 could not lawfully worfhip Angels, but they 
 might and did worfhip the Son of God. All 
 Prayers, fays he, and Supplications [z], and In- 
 tercessions, and Thankfgivings, are to be fent 
 up to God the Lord of all, by the High Prieft 
 who is above all Angels, being the living Word 
 and God. And we can alfo pray to the Word 
 himfelf, and make Interceffions to him, and give 
 Thanks, and make Supplications to him, if we 
 rightly underftand how Prayer is to be taken in 
 Propriety of Speech, or with fome Reftri&ion. 
 He means, that Prayers offered to the Son of 
 , God, considered as a Son, redound to the Fa- 
 ther, as the Fountain of the Deity : As Bifhop 
 Bull [_k~] judicioufly explains, and vindicates this 
 PafTage from the unjuft Exceptions which Hue- 
 
 tius makes againft it. As he does alfo another 
 Paffage in the eighth Book, where Origen more 
 largely afferts the Worfhip of Chrift againft the 
 common Objection renewed by Celfus, That the 
 Chriftians worfhipped one that had but lately ap- 
 peared in the World. Celfus had thus formed 
 the Objection with all the Art and Force he 
 was able: If the Chriftians, fays he, worfhipped 
 no other but one God [/] their Arguments 
 might be of fome Weight and Force againft o- 
 thers; But now they give immenfe Honour and 
 Worfhip to this newUpftarr, whofo lately made 
 his Appearance in the World, and yet think 
 they commit no Offence againft God, though 
 they give divine Worfhip to his Servant. To 
 this Origen replies, not by diffembling, or deny- 
 ing, or diminifhing the Worfhip of Chrift, but 
 by afferting it upon fuch Grounds and Principles 
 as fhew that Father and Son can be but one 
 God: and that to worfhip two Perfons under 
 fuch Relation and OEconomy of real Father and 
 Son, cannot be to worfhip two Gods. If Cel- 
 fus, fays he, had underftood the Meaning of this, 
 I and the Father are one; or what the Son of 
 God fays in his Prayer, As I and Thou are one ; 
 he would never have imagined, that we worfhip 
 any but the God who is over all. For he faith, 
 The Father is in me, and I in the Father. But 
 that no one may think, that in faying this, we 
 run, over to thofe who deny the Father and Son 
 to be two Hypoftafes or Perfons, (meaning the 
 Sabellians) let him confider that which is faid, 
 All they that believed, were of one Heart and one 
 Soul, that he may underftand this, I and the Fa- 
 ther are one. We therefore worfhip one God, 
 as I have fhewed, the Father and the Son ; and 
 our Reafoning ftands ftill in full Force againft 
 others 5 neither do we give divine Honour to an 
 upftart Being, as if he had no Exiftence before. 
 For we believe him, when he fays, Before Abra- 
 ham was, lam; and again, / am the Truth. 
 Neither is any of us of fo mean and fervile Un- 
 derftanding, as to imagine, that the Subftance 
 of Truth had not a Being before the Appearance 
 of Chrift in the Flefh. Therefore we worfhip 
 the Father of Truth, and the Son, who is the 
 Truth, two Things in perfonal Subfiftence, but 
 one in Agreement, and Confent, and Identity 
 of Will. "Ovra Juo tt, -cmsciLcei w^iyixala, ev ^ 
 ryj 6/jiovo/a, ^ Til o-L)/^(pwv/a, jc, rrj ra,'jT0rY]1i ts /3s- 
 Xn'/aar©^ So that whoever fees the Son, who 
 is the Brightnefs of the Glory of God, and the 
 exprefs Image of his Perfon, fees God in him, as 
 being the true Image of God. Now Celfus ima- 
 gines, that becaufe together with God we wor- 
 fhip his Son, it follows upon our own Princi- 
 
 [/] Cone. Antioch. Epift. Synod, ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. cap. 30. 
 
 3 75f\j eJf top kv&lov \)tj$? 'lntrxv X&trlv taax)7c.i, 
 tS( JSi viaritxs 30, vwrkqcov tiv^cov crvfye?,uy.&}ct. 8cc. 
 
 Dionyf. de Promiflion. ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. cap. 24. 'Ayc/.^u 
 NiTrvTci — t»( ts ■\.a.K^(f)^id l i; . h y-^Xei vvv ^oKKoi a.- 
 £~k$uv 'cajSvuxvtm. [A]' Bafil. de Spir. Sandto. cap. 90. 
 
 [/] Origen. cont. Celf. lib. f. p. 233. Ylivetv f^J y£> Jfvnetv, 
 
 \y.\vy* hay* %) ©£». J N nso"o/xs^« 3 >y aura ts Aoyz, 
 6 
 
 yy cr7dJ/£6//s9* ojjtu, jy 'B&tj&t'oiA&n 3, Iai' ^uvcoimSo, 
 KATctzieiv tJk Tt&a<&>~yji<; Kvetohit'iits >y x.a]a.yj iiaiai. 
 
 d[y'iKK( }S KtLhiVeu kk iUhoyov. 
 
 [/.-] Bull. Defenf. Fid. Nicen. Sect. 2. cap. 9. n. 1 f. p. 199. 
 [/] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 8. p. 38$' . Celli verba. Ei p& J7, 
 
 (JLY^iVO. cbhhOV idi^TTiVOV KTOI UKI/IV iVet ©;0'.', YIV «C Tl( 
 
 ajjTolf ir{i<; 7tfij ethh-ts a/rivnf Xoy©-. vvvt '$ iiy Ivaf- 
 yjlf tpaviVTO. n<rx.d/xffi. 8cc. ViJ. Orig. <tk* iv- 
 
 yns. n. 49. and jo. And Bp. FeW's Note upon it. 
 
 pies, 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 567 
 
 pics, that we may not only worfhip God, but 
 his Minifters and Servants. And indeed if he 
 meant the true Servants of God, after his Only- 
 begotten Son, fuch as Michael and Gabriel, and 
 the reft of the Angels and Archangels, and flood 
 up for the Worfhip of thefe ; perhaps taking 
 Worfhip, and the Ads of the Worfhippers in a 
 found and qualified Senfe (he means the com- 
 mon Refpect of Love and Honour, which is due 
 to good Angels) we might fay fomething proper 
 upon this Head : But now when he underftands 
 by the Servants of God, only the Devils whom 
 the Gentiles worfhip, he does not oblige us by 
 any juft Confequence to worfhip fuch as thefe, 
 whom the Scripture afTures us to be only Ser- 
 vants of the wicked one, the Prince of this 
 World, and the Author of Apoftafle from God. 
 We refufe to worfliip all fuch, as knowing them 
 to be no Servants of Godj for had they been 
 Servants, we fhould not have called them De- 
 vils ; but we worfliip one God, and his only 
 Son, and Word, and Image, with Supplications 
 and Prayers to the utmoft of our Power, offer- 
 ing our Prayers to God over all by his Only-be- 
 gotten Son j to whom we firft prefent them* 
 befeeching him, who is the Propitiation for our 
 Sins, as our High-Prieft, to offer our Prayers, 
 and Sacrifices, and Interceflions to God the Lord 
 of all Things. Therefore our Faith relies only 
 upon God, by his Son who confirms it in us. 
 And therefore Celfus has no Reafon or Colour 
 for his Charge of Sedition, or departing from 
 God upon the account of his Son: For we 
 worfhip the Father, whilft we admire and adore 
 the Son j who is his Word, and Wifdom, and 
 Truth, and Righteoufnefs, and whatever elfe 
 we are taught to believe of the Son of God, 
 begotten of fuch a Father. 
 
 I have recited this Paflage at length, not only 
 becaufe it is fuch a full Proof of the Matter of 
 Fact, that the Chriftians did give divine Honour 
 and Worfhip to the Son* but alfo becaufe it 
 fhews us upon what Principle and Foundation 
 they did it 5 viz. as being the true Son of God, 
 and one God with the Father. For though Hu- 
 etius has excepted againft fome Words in this 
 Paflage, as derogatory to the Son ; and the mo- 
 dern Arians have abufed it to patronize their He- 
 refy } and the Romanifis would fain draw it into 
 a Proof for the Worfhip of Angels* yet I dare 
 be bold to fay, there is not a Tittle in it, when 
 rightly underftood, to^ countenance any of their 
 Suggeflions: But as it is a folid Proof of the 
 Matter of Fact, fo it is an illuftrious Evidence 
 of Origen's Belief, and clear Explication of the 
 Unity of the Godhead. For excepting that fort 
 of Unity, which Origen and all Catholick Wri- 
 ters reject as inconfiftent with a real Trinity, 
 that is, the Unity of Hypoflafes, or Perfons, 
 which none but Sabellians and their Followers 
 maintain ; he aflerts all other Kinds of Unity, in 
 oppofition to Arians, who denied the Unity of 
 Eflence or Nature, and made the Son to be of 
 a different Subftance from the Father, as a created 
 Being in Oppofition to the Marcionites, and fuch 
 
 other Hereticks, as maintained contrary Princi- 
 ples, one Good, and another Evil, in the God- 
 head i in Oppofition to the 'Tritheites, who 
 brought in the proper Doctrine of three Gods, 
 by denying the Subordination and Relation of 
 Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, and aflerting 
 three Co-ordinate and Independent Principles, 
 and baptizing in the Name of three fuch avap- 
 yo\, dvalrwi, and ayewjrci (as the Apoftolical Ca- 
 nons [m~] call them) three unoriginated and 
 unbegotten Principles, wholly independent of 
 one another* in Oppofition to Hieracas and the 
 Triformians, who abfurdly divided the Trinity 
 into three parts of one whole * and finally in 
 Oppofition to all that fwarm of Hereticks, who 
 diftinguifhed with the Cerdonians between the 
 God of Juftice, and the God of Goodnefs, fai- 
 ling the one the God of the Law and the Pro- 
 phets, and the other the Father of Chrift and 
 God of the Gofpel. Origen, I fay, in Oppo- 
 fition to all thefe aflerts every fort of Unity, ex- 
 cept the Jewifh and Sabellian Notion of Unity, 
 which confines the divine Nature to one Perfon. 
 For in faying firft that the Son is the exprefs 
 and true Image of God the Father, he aflerts the 
 Identity of Nature, againft Arius; and fo could 
 not believe him to be a Creature of a different 
 Subftance or Nature, but as a true Son, of the 
 fame Eflence with his Father, and equal to him 
 in all infinite and divine Perfections. 1. In 
 faying that he was a Son, deriving his Original 
 from the Father, and not another independent 
 Being, he maintains the Unity of Principle, and 
 referves to the Father the Privilege of being the 
 Fountain of the Deity j and confequentlv oppo- 
 fes the Herefy of the T'ritheites, who maintain 
 three co-ordinate and independent Principles, 
 and deftroy the Monarchy, and make three Cre- 
 ators inftead of one, by deftroying the due Sub- 
 ordination and Relation of the Son to the Fa- 
 ther. 3. In faying, that the Father and Son are 
 one in Agreement and Confent and Identity of 
 Will, he aflerts the Unity of Operation, Crea- 
 tion and Government : Which deftroys the He- 
 refy of thofe, who maintained contrary Princi- 
 ples in the Godhead. 4. In faying, that the 
 Son was equal to the Father in all infinite Per- 
 fections, he rejects the Abfurdity of thofe who 
 dreamed of three parts in the Divine Nature, f. 
 In aflerting Chrift to be the Son of the Creator 
 and God of the Old Teftament, he maintains the 
 Unity of Providence, and refutes the Herefy of 
 thofe, who maintained, that the Creator and 
 God of the Old Tejlament was a different God 
 from the Father of our Lord Jefus Chrift. So 
 that he maintains all forts of Unity, except per- 
 fonal Unity, which cannot confift with a real 
 Trinity in the Godhead. And upon this foot 
 he anfwers the Objection of Celfus, who char- 
 ged the Chriftians with Polytheifm for giving 
 divine Honour to Jefus Chrift. 
 
 Having made this fliort and ufeful Digreflion 
 upon this celebrated Paflage of Origen, to vin- 
 dicate it from the Abufes of the modern Arians, 
 I now return to the Hiftory of Fact, to fhew 
 
 [m] Canon. Apod. c. 49. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 C c c c 2 
 
 that 
 
5<S8 The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 that divine Worfhip was given to Chrift as the 
 Son of God. And of this there is farther Evi- 
 dence in Origcn : For this is not the only Place 
 in which he is put to vindicate the Worfhip of 
 Chrift from the Charge of Polytheifm, which is 
 frequently repeated by Celfus. In the third Book 
 [ri] Celfus objects, that they worfhipped one, 
 who was apprehended and put to Death > in 
 which refpect they were no better than the Ge~ 
 t£ who worfhipped Zamolxis, and the Cilicians 
 Mopfus, and the Acarnanes Amphilochus, and the 
 Thebans Amphiaraus, and the Lebadians Tropho- 
 nius. In replying to which, Origen fays, they 
 offered their Prayers to Chrift, as Mediator be- 
 tween God and Men, who conferred the Blef- 
 fings of the Father upon Men, and prefentcd 
 their Prayers as High-Prieft to the God over all. 
 Not long after Celfus [o~] repeats the Charge 
 again, that they who ridiculed the Heathens for 
 worfhipping Jupiter, whofc Sepulchre the Cre- 
 tans could fhew, did themfelves worfhip one 
 that was laid in the Grave. In the feventh 
 Book he renews the Impeachment three times, 
 bidding the Chriftians \_p ] not be fo ridiculous, 
 as to revile the Heathen Gods as Idols, whilft 
 they worfhipped a God of their own more 
 wretched than any Idol, and not fo much as an 
 Idol, for that he was truly dead. If they had 
 a Mind to innovate in worfhipping a dead Man 
 \_q], cnev might with more Reafon, he thinks, 
 have chofen Hercules, or JEfculapius, or Orpheus, 
 or Anaxarchus, or Epitletus, or Sibylla, rather 
 than have made a God of one, who lived an in- 
 famous Life, and died a miferable Death. Yea, 
 they might have chofen among their own Pro- 
 phets, Jonas under the Gourd, or Daniel in the 
 Lion's Den, as more worthy of this Honour. 
 He whom they worfhipped, he crys again [f], 
 is no ZX*7»0»,butadead Man. Thus from the Char- 
 ges of Celfus, andCVigew's Replies, we may colled 
 what Worfhip was given to Chrift as the Son of 
 God, and alfo as Mediator between God and Men. 
 
 It is farther obfervable, That Origen in his firft 
 Book [s] fpeaking of the wife Men who came 
 to worfhip Chrift, by the leading of a Star, 
 fays, they offered Gifts to Him fuited to his dif- 
 ferent Qualities, who was compounded, as one 
 might fay, of God and mortal Man : They there- 
 fore prefented Him with Gold, as a King } with 
 Myrrhe, as a mortal Man that fhould diej and 
 with Frankincenfe, as a God. And Origen him- 
 felf in his other Works frequently fpeaks of his 
 own Prayers offered to Chrift. In one of his 
 
 Homilies [/] he addrefles him in thefe Words, O 
 Lord Jefus, grant that I may be found worthy to 
 have fome Monument of me in Thy Tabernacle. [ 
 could wijh to offer Gold, or Silver, or precious Stones, 
 with the Princes of the People : But becaufe thefe 
 Things are above me, let me at leaft be thought wor- 
 thy to have Goats Hair in the Tabernacle of God, 
 only that I may not in all Things be found empty and 
 unfruitful. In another Homily We mud 
 
 pray to the Lord Jefus and the Holy Spirit, that 
 He would take away that Mift and Darknefs, 
 which is contracted by the Filth of our Sins, and 
 dimms the Sight of our Souls. And again [_x~], 
 I muft pray to the Lord Jefus, that when I feek, 
 He would grant me to find, and open to me, 
 when I knock. And in another Homily \_y~\, 
 Let us pray from our Hearts to the Word of 
 God, who is the only-begotten of the Father, 
 that reveals Him to whom he will , that he 
 would vouchlafe to reveal thefe Things unto us. 
 And he has many the like Prayers in his other 
 [z] Difcourfes. But efpecially that PafTage in 
 his Comment on the Epiftle to the Romans is 
 moft remarkable, where he proves Chrift to be 
 God, from his being called upon in Prayer: The 
 Apoftle, he fays, in thofe Words, i Cor. i. 2. 
 With all that call on the Name of the Lord Jefus 
 Chrift, declares him to be God [a~\, whofe Name 
 Was called upon. And if to call upon the Name 
 of the Lord, and to adore God, be one and the 
 felf-fame Thing} then as Chrift is called upon, 
 fo is he to be adored : And as we offer to God 
 the Father, firft of all Prayers, fo muft we alfo 
 to the Lord Jefus Chrift} and as we offer Sup- 
 plications to the Father, fo do we alfo to the 
 Son } and as we offer Thankfgivings to God, fo 
 do we offer Thankfgivings to our Saviour. For 
 the holy Scripture teaches us, That the fame Ho- 
 nour is to be given to both, that is, to God the 
 Father and the Son, when it fays, That they may 
 honour the Son, as they honour the Father. 
 
 Not long after Origen, lived Novatian at Rome, 
 and Cyprian at Carthage, who both fpeak of the 
 Prayers of the Church, as offered up to Chrift 
 together with the Father. Novatian [b~] makes 
 it an Argument of his Divinity, That he is pre- 
 fent in all Places to them that call upon him 5 
 which belongs not to the Nature of Man, but 
 God. And he argues farther from the Church's 
 praying to Him as Mediator } which kind of 
 Prayers would be of no ufe, if he were a mere 
 Man: And from our Obligations to fix our Hope 
 on him, which would be a Curfe rather than a 
 
 [»] Origen. cont. Celf. lib. 3. p. 1 3 r. [0] Ibid. lib. 3. 
 
 p. 1 j<5. |>] Celfus lib. 7. p. 35-8. [9] Lib. 7. p. 368. 
 
 [r] Lib. 7. p. 376. 0] Lib. 1. p. 46. [/] Orig. 
 
 Horn. 13. in Exod. tf. torn. 1. p. 102. Domine Jefu, praefta 
 mihi, ut aliquid monumenti habere merear in Tabernaculo tuo, 
 &c. [«] Horn. 1. in Levit. p. 106. Ipfe nobis Dominus, 
 
 ipfe fandtus Spiritus deprecandus eft, ut omnem nebulam, omnem- 
 que caliginem, qua: peccatorum fordibus concreta, vifum noftri 
 cordis obfeurat, auferre dignetur, &c. [*] Horn. f. in Levit. 
 
 p. 116. Dominum meum Jefum invocare tne oportet, ut quai- 
 rentem me raciat invenjrc, 8c pulfanti aperiat, &c. [y] Horn. 
 i6. in Numer. p. 17 1. Nos autem oremus ex corde Verbum Dei, 
 qui eft Unigenitus ejus, Sc. qui reveltt Patrem quibus vult, ut 5c 
 
 nobis haec rcvelare dignetur. [x] Orig. Horn. 3. in Ezek. 
 
 p. 617. Prsefta mini, Chrifte, ut difrumpam cervicalia in anima- 
 rum confuta Iuxuriam. It. Tom. 31. in Joan. p. 404. Utinam no- 
 bis adfit Columna ilia lucid* nubis Jefu, &c. [*] Orig. 
 Com. in Rom. 1 o. lib. 8. p. 5-87. [6] Novat de Trin. 
 cap. 14. Si homo tantummodo Chriftus; quomodo adeft ubique 
 invocatus, cum ha:c hominis natura non fit, fed Dei, ut adefie 
 omni loco poflit ? Si homo tantummodo Chriftus ; cur homo in 
 Orationibus Mediator invocatur, cum invocatio hominis ad prse- 
 ftandam falutcm inefficax judicetur? Si homo tantum modo Chri- 
 ftus ; cur ipet in ilium ponitur, cum fpes in homine maledicta re- 
 feratur? 
 
 f Bleffing, 
 
Chap. IF 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 569 
 
 Blcffing, if he were not God, as well as Man. 
 For curfed is the Hope that is placed only in Man. 
 St. Cyprian in like manner foeaks of his being 
 worfhipped in many Places. In his Book of The 
 Advantage of Patience, he ftiles him [*] the Lord 
 God of^Hofts, the God of the Chriftians: And 
 particularly tells us, That God the Father has 
 commanded his Son to be worfhipped; and in re- 
 gard to that Command, the Apoftle Paul fays, 
 That God hath highly exalted him, and given him a 
 Name above every Name ; that at the Name of Je- 
 fus every Knee Jhould bow, of Things in Heaven, 
 and Things in Earth, and Things under the Earth : 
 And in the Revelations, when St. John would 
 have worfhipped the Angel, the Angel oppofed 
 it, and faid, / am thy Fellow- ferv ant, and of thy 
 Brethren : Worflnp the Lord Jefus. So Cyprian 
 reads ir, Jefum Dominum adora. And he ufes this 
 as an Argument to perfuade Men to Patience, 
 That the Lord Jefus, who is worfhipped in Hea- 
 ven, bears with many Indignities on Earth, and 
 does not avenge himfelf till his fecond Coming in 
 Glory. Again, in one of his Epiftles he fpeaks 
 of their offering Prayers to him as Mediator [f] 
 flrft, and then by him to God the Father; and 
 that upon this double Foundation, That he was 
 their Advocate and Interceflbr, and alfo their 
 Lord and their God. In another Place [cf] writing 
 to Lucius Bifhop of Rome, who had been a Con- 
 feflbr for Chrift, he tells him, They would not 
 ceafe in their Sacrifices and Prayers, to give 
 thanks for him to God the Father, and the Lord 
 Jefus Chrift his Son, and alfo make Supplications 
 and Prayers for him, that he who was the Au- 
 th >r of all Perfection, would keep and confum- 
 mate in him the glorious Crown of his Confef- 
 fion. Not long after Cyprian, Arnobius wrote in 
 vindication of the Chriftian Worfhip, and here 
 again he brings in the Heathens forming their 
 ufual Charge againft the Worfhip of Chrift. Our 
 Gods [e~\, fay they, are not difpleafed with you 
 for worfhipping the Almighty God, but that ye 
 make a God of one that was born a Man, and 
 put to death by the Punifhment of the Crofs (an 
 infamous Punifhment, only inflicted on vile Men) 
 and becaufe ye believe him to be yet alive, and 
 make daily Supplications unto him. To this he 
 anfwers, firft upon their own Principles, That 
 admitting it were fo, that Chrift were only a 
 
 Man, yet he might with more reafon deferve to 
 be worfhipped for his good Deeds to Mankind, 
 than either their Bacchus, or Ceres, or Mfculapi- 
 us, or Minerva, or Triptolemus, or Hercules, be- 
 caufe there was no comparifon between their 
 Actions and his for the Benefit of the World. 
 But fecondly, he anfwers more clofely upon true 
 Chriftian Principles, That the Reafon of their 
 worfhiping Chrift [f] was indeed their cer- 
 tain Knowledge that he was the true God, whom 
 they could not but worfhip and honour as the 
 Head of their Body. And though an angry Hea- 
 then would rave at his being called God, yet they 
 mult anfwer plainly, that he was God, and God 
 too of the interior Powers of the Soul ; that is, 
 the Searcher of the Hearts and Reins, which is the 
 peculiar Property of God. The fame Objection 
 is once more propofed [_g~], and anfwered by Lac- 
 tantius. They are wont, fays he, to object to us 
 his Paffion, by way of reproach, that we wor- 
 fhip a Man, and one that was put to a notorious 
 Death by Men. In replying to which, after 
 having largely fet forth the Reafons of his Incar- 
 nation and Sufferings, he at laft anfwers that part 
 of the Objection which concerns their Worfhip- 
 ing him, and pleads, that they worfhipped him 
 as one God with the Father. For, fays he, when 
 we fpeak of God the Father and God [£] the 
 Son, we do not fpeak of diverfe Natures, or fe- 
 perate the One from the Other; for neither can 
 He be a Father without a Son, nor the Son be di- 
 vided from the Father : For as much as He can- 
 not be called a Father without a Son, nor the 
 Son be begotten without a Father. Seeing there- 
 fore a Father makes a Son, and a Son makes a 
 Father, they have both one Mind, and one Spi- 
 rit, and one Subftance: But the Father as the 
 Fountain and Original; and the Son as the Stream 
 flowing from the Fountain. A little after he ex- 
 plains their [f\ Unity by this Similitude: When 
 any one hath a Son, who is his dearly-beloved, 
 as long as he is in his Father's Houfe and under 
 his Hand, although he allow him the Name and 
 Power of Lord, yet it is called but one Houfc, 
 and one Lord. So this World is one Houfe of 
 God; and both the Son and the Father, who 
 unanimoufly dwell therein, are but one God : Be- 
 caufe the One is as Two, and the Two as One. 
 Meaning two Perfons, and one God. Nothing 
 
 [*] Cypr. de Bono Patientiae, p.220. 0] Cypr. Ep.8. 
 
 al. 1 1. p. if- Primo ipfum Dominum rogare, turn deinde per ip- 
 fum Deo Patri fatisfacere debemus. Habemus Advocatum 8c De- 
 precatorem pro peccatis noltris Jefum Chriftum Dominum 5c De- 
 um noftrum. Id] Cypr. Ep.$-8. al.61. p. i+f. Hie quo- 
 
 que in Sacrifices atque in Orationibus noftris non ceffantes Deo Pa- 
 tri 8c Chrifto Filio ejus gratias agere, 8c orare pariter ac petere, ut 
 qui perfedius eft atque perticiens, cuftodiat 8c perficiatin vobisCon- 
 fblTionis veftrx gloriofam coronam . [e] Arnob. com. Gen- 
 
 tes, lib. 1 . p. 30. Sed non (inquitis) idcirco Dii vobis infefti funt, 
 quod omnipoientem colatis Deum: Sed quod hominem natum, 8c 
 (quod perfonis intame eft vilibus) crucis iupplicio interemptum, 8c 
 Deum fuiffe contendiris, 8c fupereffe adhuc creditis, 8c quotidianis 
 fupplicatioiibus adoratis. [/] Arnob. ibid. p. 36. Cum 
 
 verb Deus fit rc vera, 8c fine ullius rei dubitationis ambiguo, inficia- 
 turos arbitramini nosefle, quam maxime ilium a nobis coli, 8c Pras- 
 
 fidem noftri corporis nuncupari ? Ergone, inquiet aliquis furens 
 
 Deus ille eft Chriftus ? Deus, refpondebimus: Be interiorum Poten- 
 
 tiarum Deus. [g] Lact. lib. 4. cap. 16. Venio nunc ad ipfam 
 
 Paflionem, qua: velut opprobium nobis obje&ari folet, quod 8c ho- 
 minem, 8c ab hominibus infigni fupplicio arre&um 8c excruciatum 
 colamus. [hj Laft. lib. 4. cap. 29. De Mortalitate jam 
 
 diximus, nunc de Unitate doceamus. Cum dicimus Deum Pa- 
 trem, 8c Deum Filium, non diverfum dicimus, necutrumque fe- 
 cernimus: Quia nec Pater efle fine Filio poteft; nec Filius a Patre 
 (ecerni : Siquidem nec Pater nuncupari fine Filio, nec Filius poteft 
 fine Patre generari. Cum igitur 8c Pater Filium faciat, &c Filius 
 Patrem: Una utrique mens, unus Spiritus, una Subftantia; fed ille 
 quafi exuberans Fons eft, hie tanquam defluens ex eo rivus. 
 [ij Ibid. Propiore exemplo uti libet: Cum quis habet filium, quern 
 unice diligit. qui tamen fit in domo, 8c in manu Patris, licet ei 
 nomen Domini poteftatemque concedar, civili tamen jure 8c do- 
 mus una 8c unus Dominus nominatur. Sic hie mundus una Dti 
 domus eft : Et Filius ac Pater, qui unanimes incolunt mundum, 
 Deus unus eft; quia 8c unus tanquam duo, 8c duo tanquam unus. ' 
 
 can 
 
570 
 
 The Anticluitibs of the Book XIII. 
 
 can be plainer than thefe two Things, from the 
 Words of Laclantius ; Firft, That Chridiansgave 
 Divine Worfhip to Chrid: Secondly, That they 
 gave him this Worfliip, as one God with the Fa- 
 ther: And there was no other way to avoid the 
 Charge of Polytheifm, which they objefted to 
 the Heathens, and the Heathens were fo defirous 
 to recharge and throw back upon them. 
 
 There is one Thing more may be obferved as 
 very remarkable in this Age, which was an Age 
 of great Perfecution: That is, that the Martyrs, 
 who differed in it, commonly dire&ed their iaft 
 Prayers, as St. Stephen did, perfonally to Chrid, 
 in vvhofe Caufe they laid down their Lives, and 
 into whofe Hands theyrefigned their Spirit, com- 
 mending their Souls to him, as unto a faithful 
 Creator and Redeemer. Thus Eufebius obferves 
 of a whole City in Phrygia in the time of the 
 Diocletian Perfecution, that being all met toge- 
 ther in the Church, Men, Women and Children, 
 Magidrates and People (for the City was entirely 
 Chrillian) they were furpriz'd by their Enemies, 
 and barbaroufly burnt all together in the Church, 
 as they were at their Devotions, calling [k~\ up- 
 on Chrid, the God over all, f um-xdvlw ©tovXy- 
 s-ov GMiZcutxkvxs. So in a former Perfecution in 
 France under Antoninus, Blandina one of the Mar- 
 tyrs, when fhe was put into a Net, to be toffed 
 by a wild Bull, is faid not to have been fendble 
 of any Pain, whild die made her Prayers to 
 Chrid, fid t bixihiav -ar^s f Xysov [/]. And 
 Eufebius himfelf, who gives us thefe particular 
 Relations, makes a more general Obfervation con- 
 cerning the Wordiip of Chrid, that the highed 
 Powers on Earth confefled and adored him [»], 
 not as a common King, made by Men, but as the 
 true Son of the fupreme God, as the true and 
 very Godj who had preferved his Church againd 
 all the Oppofition of fo many fierce Perfecutions j 
 there being nothing that was able to withdand 
 the Will of that Word, who was the univerfal 
 King and Prince of all Things, and very God [»] 
 himfelf. We fee, in the Opinion of Eufebius, the 
 Ground of their Wordiip was no other than his 
 being the living and true God, and the great 
 King of all the Earth. Which is the Title that 
 is given him in the Acls of St. Felix, an African 
 Bidiop, who fuffer'd in the Diocletian Perfecuti- 
 on : O Lord God of Heaven and Earth, Jefus 
 Chrift, I bow my Neck [o~] to thee as a Sacrifice, who 
 live ft to all Eternity: To whom belongs Honour and 
 Power for ever and ever. Amen. And in the Acls 
 of Thelica, [>] I give Thanks to the God of all 
 
 Kiugdoms. Lord Jefus Chrift, we ferve thee. Thou 
 art our Hope : Thou art the Hope of Chriflians : Moji 
 holy God, mofi high God, God Almighty, we give 
 thanks to thee for thy great Name. So again in the 
 Acls of \_q j Emeritus : / befeech thee, O Chrift : I 
 give thanks to thee : Deliver me, O Chrift. In thy 
 Name I fuffer, I fuffer for a Moment, I fuffcr wil- 
 lingly : Let me not be confounded, O Chrift. The 
 curious Reader may find many other Prayers in 
 the like Terms in the Pajfions of Glycerius [r], 
 Olympius [j], Ampclius [/], Euplius [u], Dativus 
 [V], Saturninus [_y ] Senior and Junior, recorded 
 in Baronius, which I need not here tranferibe. I 
 only add two farther Indances out of Eufebius 
 and St. Ambrofe. Eufebius [z] fpeaking of the 
 Paffion of Porphyrius, a Pale fine Martyr, and one 
 of the Scholars of Pamphilus, fays, when he was 
 furrounded with Flames, he called upon Jefus 
 the Son of God to be his Helper, and with thofe 
 Words he gave up the Ghod. And St. Ambrofe 
 [a~] tells us, Fitalis the Martyr made this his lad 
 Prayer : O Lord Jefus Chrift, my Saviour and my 
 God, command that my Spirit may be received j for I 
 defire to obtain the Crown which thy holy Angel hath 
 pewed me. 
 
 It were eafy to add many other Tedimonies of 
 the like nature, but thefe are abundantly diffid- 
 ent to fhew, what was the Practice of the 
 Church, in reference to the Worfhip of Chrid, 
 during the three fird Ages, before Arianifm ap- 
 peared in the World, or any of thofe difficult 
 Quedions were raifed, which afterwards perplex- 
 ed Men with unintelligible Subtilties, occafioned 
 by the redlefs Endeavours and Sophidry of the 
 Arian Party. The Chridians of the three fird 
 Ages, we lee, in their Difputes with the Hea- 
 thens, always with a great deal of honed Plain- 
 nefs and Simplicity freely owned that they wor- 
 fhipped Chrid as their Creator and their God 5 
 not as a Creature, but as the true and living Godj 
 equal to the Father in all divine Perfections, as a 
 Genuine Sonj who as a Son, could not be ano- 
 ther God, but only one God with the Father. 
 For they declared, that fo long as he was owned 
 to be a true Son, he could neither be a Creature, 
 nor another God, which would imply another 
 co-ordinate and independent Being, which was 
 inconfident with his being the Son of God. 
 They declared at the fame time, that it was un- 
 lawful and Idolatry to give divine Worfhip to any 
 Creature, or any Being, how excellent foever, 
 that was not the living and true God ; as we {hall 
 fee more fully in the next Chapter : And that is 
 
 ft] Eufeb. lib. 8. cap. 11. [/] Eufeb. lib. f. cap. i. 
 
 p. 1 64. ex Epift. Ecclef Lugdun. 8c Vien. > f OJ Eufeb. 
 lib. 10. cap.4. p. 37f. «X, o*at KO#»fSv ai>$^t*>v $a.<Jthi& y& 
 ..i'a.L. S.i.x^fir. a*V o«* « Kod'ote &<J *tufctyvriffioi>, 
 
 ^&333s"n5wJ^S. " w Aaa F r eIic ^ L a p- Baro ": 
 
 an. 301. n. 114. Domine Deus coeli & terrae, Jefu Chrifte, tibi 
 cervicem meam ad vi&imam fle&o, qui permanes in aeternum ; 
 Cui eft chritas 5c magnificentia in farcula fxculorum. Amen. 
 [>] Ada Thelica:, ap. Baron, an. 303. n.41. Gratias ago Deo reg- 
 norum. Domine Jefu Chrifte, tibi fervimus. Tu es fpes noftra : 
 Tu cs fpes Chriftianorum, Deus San&imme, Deus Altiflime, Dcus 
 I 
 
 Omnipotens, tibi laudes pro nomine tuo agimus. [of] Adla 
 
 Emeriti, ap Baron, an. 303. n. fo. Rogo Chrifte: Tibi Laudes: 
 Libera me Chrifte. In nomine tuo patior, breviter patior, libenter 
 patior: Chrifte non confundar. [r] A£ta Glyceiii, ap. Baron. 
 
 an.30Ln.28. [j] A£ta Olympii, ap. Baron, an. 25-0. n.30. 
 
 [/] Ada Ampelii, ap. Baron, an. 303. n. j-2. [a] A6ta 
 
 Euplii, Ibid. n. 148. [*] A£ta Dativi, Ibid. n. 44., 4$-. 
 
 [y] Ada Saturnin. Ibid. n.48. St 5-4. [«-] Eufeb. de Martyr. 
 
 Palaeft. c. 1 1. p. 339. r q oc m &i« 'hw~v /ion-Joe cmCodifJ^@- . 
 [a] Ambr. exhort, ad Virgines. T. i. p. iof . Domine Jefu Chrifte, 
 Salvator meus, &c Deus meus, jube fufcipi Spiritum meum; quia 
 jam deiidero ut accipiam coronam, quam Angelustuus fan&us mini 
 oftendit. 
 
 fuch 
 
Chap. II 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 57i 
 
 fuch a fenfible and intelligible Argument of their 
 believing the Son to be the living and true God, 
 as any one of the meaneft Capacity may under- 
 hand : And it is fuch an Argument of his Divi- 
 nity, as all the Art and Sophiftry in the World 
 cannot evade, without charging thofe holy Men 
 with the groffeft Idolatry, and Self-condemnati- 
 on, and a flat Contradiction of their Principles in 
 their Practice, if they gave divine Honour to one, 
 whom they did not believe to be by Nature the 
 living and true God. And for this Rcafon I have 
 infilled a little the longer upon this plain way of 
 proving their Belief of the Divinity of our blef- 
 fed Lord, from their conftant and univerfal Pra- 
 ctice in giving divine Worfhip to him as their 
 God. And as to thofe Diftinftions between ab- 
 folute, relative, and mediatorial Worfhip ; or thofe 
 of Latvia, Dulia and Hyperdulia (hard Words in- 
 vented to lblve the Idolatry of later Ages) what- 
 ever fhelter modern Idolaters may think to find 
 in them-, the Ancients had no occafion to lay the 
 ftrefs of their Caufe upon any fuch Subtilries and 
 Diftindtions. For they knew no diftinction be- 
 tween Latvia, Dulia and Hyperdulia, when they 
 fpake of religious Worfhip, but plainly (aid all 
 religious Worfhip was folely due to God : And 
 though they diftinguifhed between abfolute, re- 
 lative and mediatorial Worfhip, yet they gave all 
 thefe to the Son j worfhipping him with media- 
 torial Worfhip, as the only proper Mediator in 
 both Natures between God and Man > befeeching 
 him by his own Merits, as their great High- 
 prieft, to prefent their Prayers to the Father j and 
 with relative Worfliip, as the Son of God, whofe 
 Honour redounds to the Father j and with abfo- 
 lute Worfhip, as their Creator and Author of 
 their Being > declaring it to be Idolatry to give 
 any fuch Honour to any mere Creature. So that 
 either they believed Chrifl: to be the living and 
 true God, or elfe it is impoffible to underftand 
 Men by their Words or Practice. 
 
 SECT. IV. We are now to fee whether 
 
 Vroofs of the War- t h ev g ave the fame divine Ho- 
 M °f the Hol y nour to the Holy Ghoft. And 
 G ' for this the Reader only needs to 
 
 look back into the former Proofs : For many of 
 the preceding Allegations join the Son and Holy 
 Ghoft together. Poly carp's Doxology [_b~\ is to 
 the whole Trinity : To thee {the Father) with him 
 {the Son) and the Holy Spirit, be Glory now and for 
 ever. Amen. Jufiin Martyr [_c] declares alfo to 
 the Heathen, that the Object of their Worfhip 
 was the whole Trinity : We worfhip and adore 
 the God of Righteoufnefs, and his Son, and the 
 Holy Spirit of Prophecy. And again [_d~\ he 
 proves, that Chriftians were no Atheifts, as the 
 Heathens objected, becaufe they worfhipped the 
 Creator of all Things, and his Son Jefus Chrifl 
 
 in the fecond Place, and the Holy Spirit of Pro- 
 phecy in the third Place: Only obferving the na- 
 tural Order of the Perfons, not diftinguifhing 
 them into one God and two Creatures > for then 
 it had been unlawful to worfhip them upon their 
 Principles, which denied divine Worfhip to any 
 Thing that by Nature was not God. We have 
 heard Lucian before, reprefenting [/] the Chrifti- 
 an Worfhip, as the Worfhip of the great God 
 of Heaven, and the Son of the Father, and the 
 Spirit proceeding from the Father, three of one, 
 and one of three. Theophilus Bifhop of Antioch 
 exprefsly mentions the Trinity [/], under the 
 Title of the Father, his Word, and his Wif- 
 dom y and fays farther, that it was his Word and 
 his Wifdom, to whom he faid [g] in the Begin- 
 ing, Let us make Man. So that if the Holy Ghoft 
 was the Creator of Man, there can be no Dif- 
 pute but that he was worfhipped as his Creator 
 together with the Father and Son. We have 
 heard Clemens Alexandrinus concluding his Peda- 
 gogue \_h~\ with this Doxology, To the Father, and 
 the Son, with the Holy Spirit be Glory now and for 
 ever. Amen. We have heard St. Bafil teftify- 
 ing of Athenogcnes the Martyr [/], that he com- 
 pofed an Hymn to the Glory of the Holy Ghoft ; 
 and that the Church, Time out of Mind, ufed 
 that known Doxology in her Evening Hymn at 
 fetting up Lights, we laud the Father and the Son 
 and the Holy Spirit of God. Which Hymn was 
 fo antient, that St. Baft I profeffes, he knew not 
 who was the Author of it. He teftifies farther 
 in the fame Place, that Dionyftus Bifhop of Alex- 
 andria was always wont to ufe this Form of Dox- 
 ology j to God the Father , and the Son our Lord Je- 
 fus Chrifl, with the Holy Ghofi, be Glory and Do- 
 minion now and for ever. Amen. We have heard 
 Origen [£] faying, that we are to pray to the 
 Lord, to the Holy Spirit ; that he would vouch- 
 fafe to take away that Mift and Darknefs, which 
 is contracted in our Hearts by the Defilement of 
 Sin, and dims the Sight of our Minds. They that 
 faid fuch Things as thefe, did certainly own and 
 practife the religious Adoration and Worfhip of 
 the Holy Ghoft. And all this we have feen 
 proved in the former Allegations. To which we 
 may here add that plain Teftimony of Origen up- 
 on the firft Chapter to the Romans, where he 
 compares the Practice of the Heathens and Chri- 
 ftians [/]. It is the Property of thofe only to 
 difhonour their Bodies, fays he, who ferve Idols ; 
 and of them only, to worfhip the Creature, who 
 have forfiken the Creator. As for us, who wor- 
 fliip and adore no Creature, but the Father and 
 the Son and the Holy Spirit, as we do not err in 
 our Worfhip, fo neither let us offend in our Acti- 
 ons and Converfation : But looking to what the 
 Apoftle fays, Know ye not, that your Bodies are the 
 Members of Chrift? And again, That your Bodies 
 
 [t>~] Polycarp. Martyr, ap. Coteler. T. 2. p. 199. (jc] Ju- 
 
 ftin. Apol. 1. p. j6. [d] Juftin. Apol. 1. p. 60. [*] Lu- 
 cian Philopatris. [/] Theoph. ad Autolyc. lib. 2. p. 1 06. 
 [£] Ibid. p. 114. 0] Clem. Paedagog. lib. 3. [i] Bafil. 
 de Spir. Sancto. cap. 29. [k] Orig. Horn. 1. in Levir. 
 p. 106. [/] Orig. in Rom. 1. lib. 1. p. 468. Eorum eft 
 
 contumeii's afficere corpora fua, qui deierviunt Simulacris; 8c eorum 
 colere Creaturam, qui dereliquerunt Creatorem. Nos autem qui 
 nullam creaturam, fed Patrem, Filium 8c Spiritum Sanctum coli- 
 mus 8c adoramus, ficut non erramus in Cuku, ita nec in aclibus 
 quidem 8c converfatione peccemus, 8cc. 
 
572 The Antiquities of the Book XIII 
 
 are the Temples of the Holy Ghoft ? Let us keep our 
 Bodies in all Holinefs and Purity, as Members of 
 Chrift, and as Temples of the Holy Spirit. St. Ba- 
 ft I, who wrote in Defence of the Worfhip of 
 the Holy Ghoft, cites another Paffage of Origen 
 out of his Commentaries \_m~\ upon St. John, 
 wherein he Fpealcs of the Wofhip of the whole 
 Trinity in the Celebration of Baptifm, faying, 
 Baprifm by vertue of the Invocations there made, 
 is the Fountain and Spring of fpiritual Graces to 
 every one that dedicates himfelf to the divine 
 Majcfty of the adorable Trinity. In which 
 Words Origen by Invocations feems to refer to 
 two Things: Firft the Confecration of Water to 
 a myftical Ufe, which was always performed by 
 Prayer (as I have mewed at large in another [*j 
 Place) and Secondly the Form of Baptifm, which 
 was always adminiftred in the Name of the Holy 
 Trinity : In like manner as Bread and Wine in 
 the Eucharifi was confecrated by Invocation of 
 the three divine Perfons. Which is exprefsly faid 
 by St. Cyril [»], that before Invocation of the 
 adorable Trinity it is common Bread and Wine, 
 but after Invocation it is made the Body and Blood 
 of Chrift. Where he ufes the fame Expreflion 
 about the Confecration of the Eucharifi, as Ori- 
 gen does about Baptifm, faying, that it was done 
 by Invocation of the adorable Trinity. And this 
 is what Jufiin Martyr [o] means, when he fays, 
 that the Minifter in confecrating the Eucharifi, 
 fent up praife and glory to the Father of all by 
 the Name of his Son and Holy Spirit. Optatus 
 [+] fpeaking of the Sacrilege of the Donatifis, 
 fays, they had broken down the Altars, where 
 God Almighty was wont to be invocated, and the 
 Holy Ghoft prayed to, that he might comedown 
 and fanctify the Oblation. Theophilus of Alexan- 
 dria fays in like manner [/>], that the Bread and 
 Wine in the Eucharifi was confecrated by the In- 
 vocation and Defcent of the Holy Ghoft. And 
 we are told, that in the old Galilean Liturgy the 
 Oblation-prayer \_q] was conceived in this Form : 
 Receive, O holy Trinity, this Oblation, which we 
 offer unto thee, in Memory of the Paffion, Refur- 
 reclion and Afcenfion. And probably, Origen might 
 have refpedt to fome fuch Invocation of the holy 
 Trinity in the Confecration of the Waters of 
 Baptifm. However, the Form of adminiftring 
 Baptifm in the Name of the Father, Son and Holy 
 Ghofi, was ever efteemed an act of Adoration of 
 
 the Trinity, both as aProfefTion of Faith in three 
 Divine Perfons, and as a Dedication of the Party 
 to the Service of the holy Trinity, and as a fo- 
 lemn Invocation of their Benediction. The an- 
 tient Author of the Recognitions, who lived be- 
 fore Origen, fays exprefsly [r], that Baptifm was 
 antiently given by Invocation of the Name of 
 the bleffed Trinity. By which we can under- 
 ftand nothing but joining the Holy Ghoft as 
 God with the Father and the Son in the fame'acfc 
 of Adoration, exprefled either in the Prayers or 
 Form of Baptifm. And hence the Ancients were 
 ufed to prove the Holy Ghoft [f] to be God, be- 
 caufe he was join'd in the fame divine Worfhip 
 with the Father and the Son in the Adminiftra- 
 tion of Baptifm. And that Baptifm was gene- 
 rally efteemed null and void, which was given 
 to any Perfon without mentioning the Holy 
 Ghoft, as well as Father and Son, as I have ful- 
 ly fhewed [*] in another Place. 
 
 It is farther obfervable, that in Tertulliari's 
 time, the Worfhip of the Holy Ghoft was fo 
 common in the Church, that Praxeas and other 
 Unitarians were ready to charge the Catholicks 
 with Tritheifm, or the Worfhip of three Gods, 
 upon this, account. They boafted, that [ft] they 
 were the only Perfons who truly worlhipped one 
 God, and prefcrved the divine Monarchy entire j 
 whilft all other Chriftians, by woifhipping three 
 Perfons, introduced the Worfhip of three Gods: 
 As if, fays Tertullian, the Unity abfurdly collect- 
 ed, might make an Herefy j and a Trinity ratio- 
 nally conceived, might not confift with Unity. 
 He there explains how thefe Three are one God 
 [u] by Unity of Original, by Unity of Subftance, 
 Condition and Power. And he adds, that as the 
 Father was God, fo the Son [x] was God, and 
 the Holy Ghoft God. And fays in another Place 
 [jv], that the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, 
 was a Trinity in One Godhead or Divine Na- 
 ture. So that it is plain, the Difference then 
 between the Praxcan Hereticks and the Catho- 
 licks was, that the Praxeans worfhipped but one 
 Perfon as God } but the Catholicks worfhipped 
 three Perfons, Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, 
 under the Title and Appellation of one God, 
 And Erafmus was wonderfully miftaken, when 
 he afferted, that the Name, God, was never gi- 
 ven to the Holy Ghoft before the time of St. 
 Hilary, in the middle of the fourth Century : 
 
 [w] Orig. Tom. 6. in joan. ap. Baill. de Spir. San£t. cap. 29. ra 
 
 k, irtfnv. [*] Book n. chap. 10. f [w] Cyril 
 
 Catech. Myft. 1. n. 4. rifi t« dyiaf imiO^Vtm rnt <a&9* 
 Kvv»1n( rei*<P& m £ o\v®-k(\o<. &c. It. Catech. 3. 
 
 n. ?. Ms]* rh WuiMfiv to a-y'm &viU!J.ctl@-> Kit \ti c-fl&l 
 i^tof. [0] Jufiin. Apol. 2. p. 97. Ali-of it, J^'o^etv tw 
 
 w*)ei ffl 0A«f SlcL TO bv'ofJ.ct\@- <f& J/5 >C, TS d'VtVfXct}®' vk 
 
 ilyU ct.va.-7riy.vti. [f] °P tar - lib - 6 - P-9?- Q. uid tam fa " 
 
 crilegum, quam altaria Dei frangere, que Deus omnipotens invo- 
 catus fit, quo poflulatus defcendit Spiritus Sanctus? [p~] The- 
 
 ophil. Ep. Pafchal. 1. Bibl. Patr. Tom. 3. p.87. Panem Domini- 
 cum - per Invocationem 8c adventum S. Spiritus confecrari. 
 [<j] Microlog. de Oblervat. Ecclef. cap. 11. Sufcipe Sanfta Trinitas 
 hanc Oblationem, quam tibi ofterimus in memoriam Paflionis, Re- 
 
 furrectionis, Afcenfionis. [r] Clemen. Recognit. lib. 3. 
 
 cap. 67. Baptizabitur unufquifque veftrum in aquis perenr.ibus, no- 
 mine Trinx Beatitudinis invocat fuper le. [1] Vid. Idaci- 
 um lib. 3. contra Varimundum. Bibl. Patr. torn. 4. p. 300. Balil. 
 de Spir. Sanft. cap. 29. [*J Book 11. chap. 3. n. 2. 
 [/] Tertul. contr. Prax. cap. 3. Duos 8c tres jam jadtitant a nobis 
 pvxdicari, fe vero Unius Dei cultores prasfumunt: Quaii non 8c 
 Unitas inrationaliter collefra, haerelin faciat: 8c Trinitas rationaliter 
 expenla veritarem conftituec. [a] Ibid. cap. 2. Tres iunt 
 unius fubftannae, 8c unius flatus, 8c unius poteftatis-. quia unus De- 
 us, ex quo (tres) in nomine Patris 8c Filij 8c Spiritus Sandri depu- 
 tantur [#] Ibid. c. 13. Et Pater Deus, 8c Filius Deus, 8c 
 Spirituf Sinftus Deus, & Deus unufquifque. [y~\ Tertul. 
 de Pud citia, cap.21. Trin'tas 8c unius Divinitatis, Pater 8c Filius £c 
 Spiritus SaniStus. 
 
 When 
 
Cha p. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 573 
 
 When it is fo evident he had both the Name 
 and Worfhip of God given him in the time of 
 Tertullian, and in effect by all Chriftians in form- 
 er Ages, whilft they joined him in all Acts of 
 Divine Worfhip and Glorification with the Fa- 
 ther and Son as one God. 
 
 Cyprian exprefsly ftiles him God, when difpu- 
 ting againft the Validity of heretical Baptifm, he 
 ufes this Argument: [z] If a Man can be bap- 
 tized by Hereticks, he may obtain Remiflion of 
 Sins : If he may obtain Remiflion of Sins, he 
 may be fanctified, and be made the Temple of 
 God. I ask, of what God? If it be faid the 
 Creator ; he cannot be his Temple, who believes 
 not in him. If Chrift i neither can he be his 
 Temple, who believes not Chrift to be God. If 
 the Holy Ghoft j feeing the Three are One, how 
 can the Holy Spirit be reconciled to him, who 
 is an Enemy to the Father or the Son? As the 
 Holy Ghoft is here plainly (tiled God, fo every 
 true Chriftian is faid to be the Temple of the 
 Holy Ghoft, as God : And Temples being for 
 the Worfhip of God, it may be concluded, that 
 according to Cyprian, the Holy Ghoft was then 
 worshipped in all his Jiving Temples as God. 
 
 At the fame time with Cyprian lived thofe two 
 Aiming Lights of the Afiatick Church, Firmilian 
 Bifhop of Cafarea, and Gregory of Neo-Ctefarea, 
 from his Power in working Miracles firnamed 
 Thaumaturgus. Of both thefe St. Bafil [a] testi- 
 fies, that in their Prayers and Books, they were 
 always wont to ufe this Doxology, To God the Fa- 
 ther ; and his. Son our Lord J ejus Chrift, -with the 
 Holy Ghoft) be Glory and Dominion for ever and 
 ever. 
 
 And this is the Doxology that moft commonly 
 occurs in the Author of the Conftitutions, which 
 though I do not with a late Author take for an 
 infpired Writing, nor for the genuine Work of 
 Clemens Romanus, yet I believe it to be a very 
 good Collection of the Rituals and Liturgy of 
 the antient Church, for the three firft Ages, and 
 not infected with thofe pernicious Principles of 
 Arianifm, which fome would fain father upon 
 him, who pervert his Words, as they do the o- 
 ther Ante-Nicene Writers, from their proper 
 Meaning to an heretical Senfe. This Author, I 
 fay, commonly ufes that Doxology, which is fo 
 much commended by St. Bafil, as expreffing the 
 true Worihip of the Holy Trinity. Of which 
 I (hall give a few Inftances out of his eighth 
 Book, which is a Collection of the Forms of 
 Prayer ufed in the antient Service. In the 12th 
 Chapter of that Book the Oblation Prayer is 
 thus concluded : We befeech thee to gather us into 
 the Kingdom of thy Chrift, the God of the whole 
 Nature of 'Things both Vifible and Invifiblc, and our 
 King: For to thee belongs all Glory, and Worfhip, 
 and Thankfgiving, and Honour, and Adoration, the 
 
 Father, and the Son± and the Holy Ghoft, now and 
 for ever, throughout all Ages World without End. 
 In the 15th Chapter, the Prayer after Confecra- 
 tion ends in the fame manner: By thy Chrift, to 
 whom with thee and the Holy Ghoft, be Glory, Ho- 
 nour, and Praife, Doxology and Thankfgiving for 
 ever and ever. In the fame Chapter all the Peo- 
 ple fing this Hymn to Chrift : There is one Holy, 
 one Lord Jefus Chrift, Bleffed for ever, to the Glory 
 of God the Father. Glory be to God on High, and 
 on Earth, Peace, Good-will towards Men. Hofanna 
 to the Son of David : Bleffed be God the Lord, who 
 came in the Name of the Lord, and was manifefted 
 unto us: Hofanna in the higheft. In the 14th 
 Chapter, after the Communion the Deacon fays, 
 TE^ShjjV.5$\x, Let us commend out f elves to God, the 
 only unbegotten God, and to his Chrift. Now the 
 'cs^S-so-ck or Commendations, were one fort of 
 Prayers, as I fhall fhew hereafter [*]. Then the 
 Bifhop makes a Thankfgiving in rhe ifth Chap- 
 ter, which he concludes in thefe Words / By Je- 
 fus Chrift our Lord, to whom with thee and the 
 Holy Ghoft be Glory, Flonour and Adoration, now 
 and for ever. Amen. And in his Invocation in 
 the fame Chapter, he fays, To thee and thy Son 
 Jefus, thy Chrift, our Lord, and God, and King, 
 and to the Holy Ghoft, be Glory, Praife, Majefty i 
 Worftjip and Adoration, now and for ever, World 
 without End. Amen. There are many other 
 liich Doxologies in other Prayers [b~] throughout 
 this Book, which I need not here repeat. For 
 if thefe be not plain Inftances of the Worihip of 
 the Holy Ghoft, together with the Father and 
 the Son, it is hard to fay, what Words can ex- 
 prefs it . 
 
 Now then, by all this we sect. v. 
 may interpret the Meaning of i» what Senfe all 
 that African Canon, which or- Vr *yrs are ordered 
 ders all Prayers at the Altar to be " he d,reacd 10 tht 
 direfted to the Father [>]. For 
 that was not intended to exclude the Worihip 
 of the Son and Holy Ghoft together with the 
 Father j for the Hymns and Doxologies before- 
 mentioned, which were ufed at the Altar, plain- 
 ly fhew the contrary: But it was defigned, that 
 when the Sacrifice of Chrift was commemora- 
 ted, he ftiould be confidered as the great Media- 
 tor, by whofe Sacrifice we apply to the Father 
 and have Accefs by his Merits and Interceflion 
 to the Throne of Grace and Mercy. And there- 
 fore all Prayers at the Altar are ordered to be di- 
 rected to the Father in his Name: Which very- 
 Application was a Worihip of the Son as Medi- 
 ator, and an Honour peculiar to him, and in- 
 communicable to any Creature. In other Pray- 
 ers direct Applications were made to the Son, as 
 we have feen before in that of the Conftitutions 
 [d] for the Difpoflefling of Devils: And in thefe 
 
 [z,] Cypr. Ep. 75. ad Jubaian. p. 203. Si baptizari quis apud 
 Hcereticos potuir, utique & remiftam peccatorum confequi potuit. 
 Si peccatorum remiflam confecutus eft, &c fan&ifkatus eft, 8c 
 templum Dei fa&us eft. Qasero, Cujus Dei ? Si Creatoris; non 
 potuii qui in eum non credidit. Si Chrifti; nec hujus fieri poteft 
 templum, qui negat Dcum Chriftum. Si Spiiitus Sanc-tij cum tres 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 unum fint, quomodo Spiritus S. placarus ei efle poteft, qui aut Pa- 
 tris aut Filii inimicus eft ? [a] Baiil. de Spir. Sancl. cap. 29 . 
 [*] Book XV. Chap. III. ». 29. [b] Vid. Conftit. lib! S. 
 
 cap. 16, 18, 20, 11, 22, 29. 37, 38, 39, 41. jv] Cone. 
 
 Carthag. 3. can. 2?. [<0 Conft. lib. 8, cap. 
 
 D d d d d Prayers 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 Prayers at the Altar, the Glorification was in 
 common to the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. 
 Whence Fulgent ius, who was an African Bifhop, 
 and therefore may be prefumed to underftand the 
 Meaning of the African Canons, tells us {e\ 
 that all Worfhip and Adoration of Honour and 
 Sacrifice was equally given to the Father, Son, 
 and Holy Ghoft, that is, to the Holy Trinity, 
 by the Cathoiick Church > and that it was no 
 Prejudice to the Son or the Holy Ghoft, that 
 the Minifter at the Altar directed the Prayers to 
 the Perfon of the Father. For in the End of 
 them, the Names of the Son and Holy Spirit 
 were always expreftedj and that Ihewed, that 
 there was no Difference in the Holy Trinity: 
 
 Becaufe when the Words were only directed to 
 the Perfon of the Father, yet the whole Trinity 
 was honoured by the Faith of the true Believer ^ 
 and whilft the Intention of the Sacrifice was 
 more peculiarly fixed upon the Father, the Sa- 
 crifice it felf was by one and the fame Act offer- 
 ed to the whole Trinity. From all which it is 
 evident to a Demonftration, that the Three Per- 
 fons of the Holy Trinity were always the Ob- 
 ject: of Divine Adoration from the firft Founda- 
 tion of the Christian Church, and that the giv- 
 ing of Divine Honour to the Son and Holy 
 Ghoft, as God, was not the Invention or Addi- 
 tion of any later Ages. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 That in the antient Church religious W or [hip was given to no Creature, Saint or 
 
 Angel, but to God alone. 
 
 sect. I. TT has been obferved in the 
 
 This Pofitim pro- foregoing Chapter, that the 
 
 vedfirflfrom (heir Wor fo p f Chrift in the Primi- 
 
 g ener«l tive Church was efleemed a good 
 
 agatnji giving Kelt- \ l . . . », 
 
 g ioJworJh,f to any Argument of his Divinity, be- 
 creature. caufe it was then an undoubted 
 
 Principle, that no Creature, how 
 excellent fover, was to be worfhipped with Re- 
 ligious Worfhip, but only the living and true 
 God. And an Arian or a Socinian can never an- 
 fwer or evade this Argument from Antiquity, fo 
 long as both thefe Affertions ftand good, that 
 Chrift was worfhipped with Religious Worfhip, 
 and that nothing is to be worfhipped with Reli- 
 gious Worfhip but only the living and true God. 
 The Force of this Argument has been much 
 weakened and indeed wholly enervated and de- 
 ftroyed by the Writers of the Romijb Church, 
 in whofe Mouths the Argument fignifies no- 
 thing to an Arian or Socinian, becaufe their own 
 Practice, in giving Religious Worfhip to Saints 
 and Angels, is a fufficient Anfwer to it. For 
 upon Suppofition that Saints and Angels may be 
 worfhipped, the Worfhip of Chrift can be no 
 Argument of his Divinity, no more than it is of 
 the Divinity of Saints or Angels, becaufe they 
 are worfhipped in the Romijb Church. But up- 
 on the Principles of the Primitive Church the 
 Argument is unanfwerable : For at the fame time 
 that they afTerted the Worfhip of Chrift, they 
 afferted likewife, that Religious Worfhip was 
 not to be given to any Creature, but to God a- 
 lone: And in this View, the Argument for 
 Chrift's Divinity was very Rational and Solid. 
 
 As therefore we have feen the Truth of the firft 
 Pofition, That Chrift was religioufly worfhipped 
 in the Primitive Church, made good from their 
 undeniable Affertions and Practice : So now we 
 will a little examine the Truth of the fecond, 
 That nothing is to be religioufly worfhipped but 
 only the living and true God. Which Pofition 
 is defigned to be handled here, only as an Illu- 
 ftration and Confirmation of the Argument for 
 the Divinity of Chrift, drawn from the Practice 
 of the Primitive Church in giving religious Ado- 
 ration to him. And the Truth of this Propofi- 
 tion I fhall confirm briefly thefe three Ways, 
 i. By fhewing in general, that the Ancients de- 
 clare univerfally againft giving religious Worfhip 
 or Adoration to any Creature, or Being, which 
 by Nature is not God. z. That in particular 
 they rejected the Worfhip of Saints and Angels 
 as Idolatry and Unlawful. 3. That there is no 
 mention made of it but in the Practice either of 
 Hereticks or Heathens, whofe Idolatry is aggra- 
 vated upon the account of this Practice. In the 
 firft Place it is obfervable, that the Ancients in 
 general declare againft giving religious Worfhip 
 to any Creature, or Being, which by Nature is 
 not God. It would fill a whole Volume to cite 
 all that is faid by the Ancients upon this Head, 
 therefore I fhall content my felf to felect a few 
 plain PafTages out of an infinite Number that 
 might be alledged to this purpofe. Jujlin Mar- 
 tyr [a] often tells the Emperors in his Apology, 
 that Chriftians could worfhip none but God a- 
 lone: And that Chrift had taught them fo, in 
 faying, Thou Jhalt ivorjhip the Lord thy God, and 
 
 [e] Fulgent, ad Monimum, lib. i. cap. f, Omne cujuflibet 
 Honorificentix 8c facrirkii falutaris obfequium, 8c Patxi 6c Filio 8c 
 Spiritui Sinfto, hoc eft, Sandta: Trinitati ab Rcclefia Catholica pa- 
 
 riter exhiberi. Neque enim prsejudicium Filio vel Sancto 
 
 Spiritui comparatur, dum ad Patris Perfbnam precatio ab ofterente 
 dirigitur. Cujus confummatio dum Filii 8c Spiritus Sanfti com- 
 plcttitur nomerj, oftendet nullum effe in Trinitate difcrimen. Quia 
 
 dum ad folius Patris Perfonam fermo dirigitur, bene credentis fide 
 tota Trinitas honoratur: 8c cum ad Patrem litawis deftinatur in- 
 tentio, Sacrificii munus omni Trinitati uno eodemque offertur Li- 
 tantis officio. 
 
 [a] Juft. Apol. i. p. tfj. top Oih y&vov <^m ri&irKWeiv, 8cc\ 
 
 It. p. "OdtV QiZV f/.QVOV TT&fKVVV ffy> &C. 
 
 c him 
 
Christian Church 
 
 5^5 
 
 him only Jhalt thou ferve with all thy Heart and 
 with all thy Strength, the Lord God that made thee 
 and again in faying, Render to Cacfar the things 
 that are C&farVj and to God the things that are 
 GodVl Therefore we worfhipGod alone, but in 
 all other Things we chearfully ferve you. In 
 like manner Theophilus Bifhop of Antiocb: I will 
 Honour the King, fays he, not by worfhipping 
 him, but praying for him. But I will worfhip 
 God, the living and true God, knowing, that by 
 him the King is ordained. You will fay then, 
 why do you not worfhip the King? Becaufe he 
 is not made to be worfhipped, but to be honour- 
 ed with lawful Honour. For he is not a God, 
 but a Man. And as he will not fuffer any other 
 to affume the Title of King but himfelf; fo nei- 
 ther is it lawful [f] to worfhip any other but 
 God alone. In another Place [<r] he fays, God's 
 Laws forbid not only the worihip of Idols, but 
 all other Creatures, the Sun, Moon, and Stars, 
 Heaven Earth, and Sea; and command the 
 worfhip of the true God alone, who is the Crea- 
 tor of all Things. After the fame manner 1'er- 
 tullian fpeaking of the Chriftians Prayers for the 
 Emperors and the Peace of the World \_d~], fays, 
 they asked thefe Things of the living and true 
 God, and they could ask them of no other but 
 him, or whom they were fure to obtain them, 
 becaufe he alone was able to give them. And he 
 repeats the fame in feveral [e] other Places of his 
 Writings. This was the Anfwer which the 
 Martyrs commonly gave to the perfecuting Judges, 
 when they lbllicited them to worfhip other 
 Gods. When Frutluofus (a Spanifo Bifhop and 
 Martyr, who fuffered at Tarragone about the 
 Year 262,.) was commanded to iacriflce, he re- 
 plied, I only worfhip one God [/] the Maker 
 of Heaven and Earth, and of all Things that are 
 therein. And fo Dionyfius Bifhop of Alexandria 
 anfvvered JEmylian the Prefect, as he himfelf tells 
 us in an Epiftle recorded by Eufebius [_g~], I have 
 publickly teftified, fays he, that I worfhip none 
 but the true God alone, neither can I ever de- 
 part from this Practice, or ceafe to be a Chrifti- 
 an. And when Mmyltdn urged him farther to 
 worfhip the Gods of the Empire together with 
 his own God, his Anfwer was ftill the fame, We 
 worfhip him and no other. There are many the 
 like Exprcflions in Irenaus [//], Clemens Alexan- 
 drinus [f\, Origen [£], Cyprian [/], Latlantius \_m\, 
 the Author of the Recognitions under the Name 
 of Clemens Romanus [»], Athenagoras, Tatian, and 
 others: Which becaufe the learned Reader may 
 
 have recourfc to himfelf, or read them collected 
 together in one View in that excellent Book of 
 Mr. Paille [0] againft the Idolatry of the Church 
 of Rome, 1 fhall here omit them, and proceed 
 
 To the fecond Obfcrvationj SECT. If. 
 which is, that the Ancients not Secondly, Fro?h 
 only in general reject the Wor- tht,r den y m Z the 
 fhipofany Creature, but reject ™f% n °f Sai ™ 
 the Worfhip of Saints and Angels ZulTf^nd Z'- 
 in particular, as Idolatry and un- demning it as Uo- 
 lawful. And of this we cannot latry. 
 have a plainer Proof, than was 
 given in the Anfwer of the Church of Smyrna 
 to the Suggellion of the Jews, when at the 
 Martyrdom of Polycarp the Jews defired the 
 Heathen Judge, that he would not permit the 
 Chriftians to carry off the Body of Polycarp, left 
 they fhould leave their crucified Matter, and be- 
 gin to worfhip this Man in his Head: This Sug- 
 geftion, fays the Anfwer, proceeded purely from 
 Ignorance, that we could neither forfake Chrift, 
 nor worfhip any [_p~] other. For we worfhip 
 him, as being the Son of God: But the Mar- 
 tyrs, as the Difciples and Followers of the Lord, 
 we love with a due Affection, for their great 
 Love of their own King and Mafter; with 
 whom we defire to be Partners and Fellow- Dif- 
 ciples. A like Anfwer was given at the Mar- 
 tyrdom of Frutluofus in Spain. For when the 
 Judge asked Eulogius his Deacon, whether he 
 would not worfhip Frutluofus ? as thinking, that 
 he who refufed to worfhip the Heathen Idols, 
 might yet perhaps be inclined to worfhip aChri- 
 ftian Martyr: To this Eulogius plainly replied, I 
 do not worfhip [q] Frutluoj 'us, but I worfhip him 
 whom Frutluofus worfhips. We are beholden to 
 Baronius himfelf for this Teftimony : Arid we 
 cannot defire a clearer Evidence, that in thofe 
 early times the Chriftians did not worfhip the 
 Martyrs, but only the God of the Martyrs, to 
 whom the Martyrs offered their own Bodies in 
 Sacrifice, whilft they died for his Name, and 
 fealed their Confeffion with their Blood. Before 
 this, Origen in his Anfwers to Celfus pofitively 
 denies that ever the Jews or Chriftians gave any 
 religious Worfhip to Angels. He fays they are 
 miniftring Spirits, that bring the Gifts of God 
 to us, but there is no Command in Scripture to 
 worfhip [r] or adore them. For all Prayers, 
 Supplications, Interceffions, and giving of Thanks 
 are to be fent up to God by the great High- 
 Prieft, the living Word of God, who is fuperi- 
 
 [6] Theoph. ad Autolyc. lib. 1. p. 30. »<N a\\co zfecv bH 
 <7Tfj2 fcw«<3$, eLAtS m jj-'ovu ©•£. [c] Id. lib. 2. p. 173. 
 
 Mofw tm ov\vs ©'<? Xj To/nTii tcov ohm yftt ha)<Aleiv. 
 [dj Tertul. Apol. cap. 30. Nos pro falute Imperatorum Deum 
 
 invocamus sternum, Deum verum, Deum vivum. Ha:c ab alio 
 
 orare non poflum, quam a quo me fcio confecuturum, quoniam 
 & ipfecft qui lolus praiftat. &c. [e] Tertul. Scorpiac. cap. 4. 
 Praefcribitur mihi, ne quern alium adorem, aut quoquomodo ve- 
 nerer, praeter unicum ilium, qui ita mandar. Vid. Apol. cap. 17. 
 & ad Scapulam, cap. 2. [/] Adta Fructuofi. ap. Biion. 
 
 an. 262. n. 60. Ego Unum Deum co'o, qui fecit ccelum 8c ter- 
 rain, & omnia qua: in eis funt. [^] Dionyf. Epift. ap. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 11. Toe Q-ov ortct (j.'ovev, *j iHv tr'.&iv a'iC'u, 
 \_h] Iren. lib. 5-. cap. 22. [/] Clem. Strom. 6. p. 825-. 
 
 ['-'] O r 'g- conr - Celf. lib. 2. p. 10. lib, 8. p. 39,-. 8c paffim. 
 [/] Cypr. Ep. 66. al. 68. It. ad Demetrian. p. 187. [>»] Lsfantl 
 M>. 2. cap. 1. lib. c. 6. lib. 4. c. 14. [«] Recognit. lib. 5-. 
 
 n. j6. (V) Dalk. de Objedo Cultus Religioli. lib. 1. cap. 2, 
 3,4. [/>] Martyr. Polycarp. ap. Eufeb. lib. 4. cap. if. p. 134., 
 [q~\ Acta Frufluofi ap. Baron, an. 262. n. 62. Ego Fru&uofum 
 non colo, fed ipfum colo, quern 5c Fru&uofus. Vid. Aug. Serm. 
 101.de Diverfis, p. 5-71. ^ [r] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. j.p. 233. 
 
 7rpo<7Ta.aJi£x > wflV mi <PldKQVKfT»4 — <jiQ&\l -A 
 ■jeiTKWeiV cLVTl m 05k, 8cC- 
 
 D d d d d z o r 
 
576 
 
 The Antiqjuitibs of the BookXIII. 
 
 or to all Angels. He fays again [f\ allowing 
 what Celfus pleaded to be true, that the Angels 
 were God's Heralds and heavenly Meffengers : 
 Yet (till the Heralds and Meffengers were not to 
 be worshipped, but he whofe Heralds and Mef- 
 fengers they were. He repeats this frequently in 
 his eighth Book in feveral Places [t~], which for 
 Brevity's fake I here omit, only reciting one 
 Paffage more, becaufe it fo handfomly meets with 
 that common Pretence of the Romanifts, that we 
 are to worfhip Angels, becaufe they are the Friends 
 of God. We mull endeavour, fays he [«], to 
 pleafe God alone, who is above all Things, and 
 labour to have him propitious unto us, procuring 
 his Good-will with Piety and all kind of Vir- 
 tue. And if Celfus will yet have us to procure 
 the Good-will of any others, after him that is 
 God over all: Let him confider, that as when 
 the Body is moved, the Shadow follows its Mo- 
 tion j fo in like manner, when we have God, 
 who is over all, favourable unto us, it follows, 
 that we fhall have all his Friends, both Angels, 
 and Souls, and Spirits favourable unto us alfo. 
 For they have a Fellow-feeling with them, that 
 are thought worthy to find Favour from God. 
 Neither are they only favourable to fuch as are 
 thus worthy, but they labour with them alfo that 
 are willing to worfhip God over all, and are 
 friendly to them, and fympathize with them, 
 and pray with them. So that we may be bold to fay, 
 that when Men, who with Refolution propole 
 unto themfelves the belt Things, do pray unto 
 God, many thoufands of the facred Powers pray 
 together with them unfpoken to, aKhnrci, with- 
 out any Invocation. A like Anfwer is given to 
 the fame Pretence by the Author under the 
 Name of St. Ambrofe. Men are wont, fays he 
 [#], when they are alhamed of their neglecting 
 of God, to ufe this miferable Excufe; that by 
 thefe they might go to God, as by Officers we 
 go to the King. To which he anfwers, Is any 
 Man fo mad, or fo unmindful of his Salvation, 
 as to give the King's Honour to an Officer j 
 when if any mail be found but to treat of fuch a 
 Matter, they will be juftly condemned as guilty 
 of High Treafon ? And yet thefe Men think 
 themfelves not guilty, who give the Honour of 
 God's Name to a Creature, and forfaiting the 
 Lord adore their Fellow- fervants ; as though 
 there were any Thing more that could be refer- 
 ved to God. For therefore Men go to the King 
 by Tribunes or Officers, becaufe the King is but 
 a Man, and knows not with whom he may en- 
 trufl the Affairs of the Commonwealth. But to 
 obtain the Favour of God, (from whom nothing 
 is hid, for he knows the Merits of all Men) we 
 
 have no need of an Advocate or Spokef-man, but 
 only a devout Mind. For wherefoever fuch an 
 one fhall fpeak unto him, he will anfwer him. 
 We have heard before out of Irenteus [jy], that 
 the Church in his time, though fhe wrought 
 many Miracles for the Benefit of Men, yet did 
 nothing by Invocation of Angels, but only by 
 Prayer to God and the Lord Jefus Chrift. And 
 that thus it continued to be in the time of Atha- 
 nafius, appears plainly from his way of difputing 
 with the Arians, when he proves the Unity of 
 the Father and Son from the Apoftle's joining 
 them together in Prayer, i Tbeff. iii. 1 1. God him- 
 felf and our Father , and our Lord Jefus Chrift di- 
 re 61 our way unto you. No Man, fays he [z], 
 would pray to receive any thing from the Fa- 
 ther and the Angels, or from any other of the 
 Creatures: Neither would any Man fay, God 
 and the Angel give me this. And whereas the 
 Arian might have faid, that Jacob joined God 
 and the Angel together in Prayer, Gen. xlviii. io\ 
 Athanafius obviates this Exception, by faying, 
 he did not join one of the created Angels, who 
 are Angels by Nature, with God who was their 
 Creator i neither did he, omitting God that fed 
 him, defire a Bleffing from an Angel upon his 
 Children : But in faying, The Angel which re- 
 deemed me from all Evil, he fhew'd that it was 
 not any of the created Angels, but the Word of 
 God, whom he joined with the Father and 
 prayed unto him. There had been no Force in 
 this Argument, had the Church ufed Invocation 
 of Angels in her Prayers in the time of Athana- 
 fius : The Arian might eafily have replied, that 
 his Argument was refuted by Experience in the 
 Church's daily Practice. But that neither Men 
 nor Angels were the Object of religious Adora- 
 tion in his time, appears farther from another 
 Difcourfe of his againft [a] the Arians, where he 
 argues thus: Peter the Apoftle did forbid Corne- 
 lius, when he would have worfhipped him, fay- 
 ing, / my felf am alfo a Man, A£ts x. z6. And 
 the Angel likewifedid forbid John, when he would 
 have worfhipped him in the Revelations, faying, 
 See thou do it not; for I am thy Fellow -ferv ant, 
 and of thy Brethren the Prophets, and of them who 
 keep the Sayings of this Book : IVorflrip God. Rev. 
 xxii. p. Wherefore it belongs to God only to 
 be worfhipped. And this the Angels very well 
 know, that though they excel others in Glory, 
 yet they are all but Creatures, and not in the 
 Number of thofe that are to be worfhipped, bur. 
 of thofe that worfhip the Lord. We cannot 
 have clearer Evidences than thefe either of the 
 Church's Doctrine or Practice: Both which are 
 equally attefted by St. Auftin in his Book of true 
 
 [j] Orig. ibid. p. 239. [*] Lib. 8. p. 400. 416". 
 
 [«] Orig. lib. 8. p. 410. [*] Ambrof. in Rom. 1. Solent 
 
 tamen pudorem pad! negle&i Dei, mifera uti excufatione, dicentes, 
 per iftos pofle ire ad Deum, ficut per Comites pervenitur ad Re- 
 gem. Age, nunquid tarn demens eft aliquis, aut falutis fuac im- 
 xnemor, ut honorificentiam Regis vindicet Comiti ; cum de hac re 
 H qui etiam tra£hre fuerint inventi, jure ut rei damnentur Maje- 
 ftatis ? Et ifti fe aon putant reos, qui honorem nominis Dei de- 
 fsrunt Creature. & relitto Domino confervos adorantj quafi fit 
 
 aliquid plus quod fervetur Deo. Nam 8c ideo ad Regem per 
 Tribunos aut Comites itur, quia Homo utique eft Rex, 8c nefciat 
 quibus debeat rempuhlicam credere. Ad Deum (ante quern nihil 
 latet, omnium enim merita novit) promerendum fuffragatore non 
 opus eft, fed mente devota. fjr] Iren. lib. 2. c. 5-7. Nec 
 
 invocationibus Angelicis facit, nec Incantationibus, 8c c. 
 1X1 Athan. Orat. 4. cont. Arian. T. ). p. 464. [«] Athan. 
 
 Orat, 3, cont, Arian, p. 304. 
 
 8 Religion: 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 577 
 
 Religion: Where he makes it a diftinguifhing 
 Character and Property of true Religion to wor- 
 ship no fort of Creature, particularly neither An- 
 gels, nor Saints after Death, but the Sovereign 
 Majclly of God alone. Let not our Religion 
 [£], fays he, confift in the worfhip of dead Men: 
 Bccaufe if they lived pioully, they are not efteem- 
 ed fuch as would defire that kind of Honour j 
 but would have Him to be worfhipped by us, by 
 whofc Illumination they rejoice to have us Part- 
 ners with them in their Merit. They are there- 
 fore to be honoured for Imitation, not to be 
 worfhipped for Religion. A little after he fays, 
 that which the higheit Angel worfhips, the fame 
 is to be worfhipped by the meanefl Man. And 
 this we are to believe, that the very greateft of 
 Angeis, and moft excellent Miniflers of God, 
 would have us worfhip one God with them. 
 And therefore we honour Angels with Love, 
 not with religious Service: Neither do we build 
 Temples to them j for they defire not to be fo 
 honoured by us becaufc they know, that we our 
 fclves, when we are good, arc the Temples of 
 the Moft High God. And therefore it is well 
 recorded, that the Angel forbad the Man to 
 worfhip him, and bid him worfhip God, under 
 whom he was his Fellow-fervant, Rev. xxii. p. 
 
 'Tis true indeed the Manicbees about this time 
 began to charge the Catholicks with worfhipping 
 their Martyrs: Taujius objected to them, that 
 they had only exchanged the Heathen Idols for 
 Martyrs, whom they worfhipped with the fame 
 Devotions, offering Sacrifice of Wine and Meats 
 to the Ghofts and Shades of dead Men. Had this 
 been a true Charge, tho' it could not have affect- 
 ed the Argument, as drawn from the Practice of 
 the Church in former Ages, yet it would have 
 proved the Corruption of Saint-worfhip to have 
 crept a little earlier into the Church, than will 
 now be allowed. But the truth of the Matter 
 is, it was a mere Calumny of Fauflus's own in- 
 venting ; and St. Auflin rejects it with the utmoft 
 Scorn and Indignation. "Therefore he fays [c] 
 in anfwer to it, that the Chriflian People did cele- 
 brate the Memories of the Martyrs with religious 
 Solemnity, both to excite themfelves to their 
 Imitation, and to be Partners in their Merits, 
 and to have the Benefit of their Prayers : Yet fo, 
 as that we never offer any Sacrifice to a Martyr, 
 but to the God of Martyrs, although we erect 
 
 Altars in the Memories of the Martyrs, meaning 
 Churches called by their Names. For what 
 Prieft, flanding at the Altar in the Places where 
 the holy Bodies lie, ever faid, we offer unto 
 thee, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian? But whatever 
 is offered, is offered unto God that crowned the 
 Martyrs, at the Memories of thofe whom he 
 crowned, that by the very Admonition of the 
 Places our Affection may rife higher, to quicken 
 our Love both toward them, whom we may 
 imitate, and toward him who enables us to imi- 
 tate them. Therefore we worfhip the Martyrs 
 with that worfhip of Love and Society, where- 
 with we worfhip holy Men of God in this Life, 
 whofe Heart we perceive to be prepared to fuf- 
 fer in like manner for the Gofpel-Truth. But 
 with that Worfhip, which the Greeks call La- 
 tria, and the Latins cannot exprefs by one Word, 
 being a Service proper to God, we neither wor- 
 fhip, nor teach any one to worfhip any other 
 but God alone. And whereas the offering of 
 Sacrifice appertains to this kind of Worfhipj 
 whence it is called Idolatry in thofe that give it 
 to Idols i we neither offer, nor teach any to 
 offer fuch Worfhip, either to any Martyr, or 
 any holy Soul, or any Angel j but whoever falls 
 into this Error, is rebuked by found Doctrine, 
 either to correct him, or condemn him, or to 
 make him be avoided by others. 
 
 It is plain from this Anfwer of St. Auflin's, 
 that the Charge of giving religious Worfhip to 
 Saints and Angels was falfe, and a mere Calumny 
 upon the Church in thofe Days* and that the 
 only Perfons then guilty of it, were fuch as were 
 difowned and difcarded by the Church. Which 
 brings me to the third and laft Confideration 
 propofed to confirm this Pofition, That the anti- 
 ent Church did not give religious Worfhip ei- 
 ther to Saints or Angels, becaufe fhe condemned 
 the Practice both in Heathens and Hereticks, 
 and aggravated their Idolatry upon this Ac- 
 count. 
 
 St. Auflin in 'another Place sect. Iir. 
 makes a fevere Remark upon Thirdly, From their 
 all fuch as fought to Angels by 'Urging the p r a- 
 Prayer for their Affiftance : He *r*» ««- 
 
 fays they were diftraded with 
 flrange Curiofities and Illufions. 
 Take it in his own Words, as he delivers it in a 
 
 |>] Aug. dc Vera Relig. cap. ff. torn. 1. p. 317. Non fit 
 r.obis Religio cultus hominum mortuorum: quia fi pie vixerunt, 
 non fie habentur, ut tales quxrant honores: fed ilium a nobis coli 
 volunt, quo illuminante lsetantur meriti fui nos efle confortes. Ho- 
 riorandi funt ergo propter imitationem, non adorandi propter Re- 
 lgionem. Quod colit fummus Angelus, id colendum eft eti- 
 am ab homine ulrimo. Hoc etiam ipfbs optimos Angelos, 
 
 excellentilTima Dei minifteria vellc credamus, ut unum cum ipfis 
 
 rolamus Dcum. Quare honoramus cos Charitate, non fervi- 
 
 tute. Nec eis templa conftruimus: Nolunt enim fe fie honorari a 
 nobis, 8cc. [c] Aug. cont. Fauft. lib. 21. cap. 20. torn. 6. 
 
 p. 1 f6. Populus Chriftianus Memorias Martyrum religiofa folen- 
 nitate concelebrat, & ad excitandam imitationem, 8c ut mentis 
 corum confocietur, atque orationibus adjuvetur: Ita tamen ut nulli 
 Martyrum, fed ipfi Deo Martyrum Sacrificemus, quamvis in Me- 
 moriis (al. in Memorias,) Martyrum conftiuiamus altaria, Qiu's 
 
 enim Antiftitum in locis fanftorum corporum aiTiftens altari, ali- 
 quando dixit, Offerimus tibi, Petre, vel Paule, vel Cypriane? Sed 
 quod offertur, offertur Deo, 8cc. Colimus ergo Martyres eo culm 
 Dile&ionis fic Societatis, quo 8c in hac vita coluntur fancti homi- 
 nes Dei, quorum cor ad talem pro Evangelica veritate Pafilonem 
 paratum eiTe fentimus. At vero illo Cultu, qua Grace La- 
 
 tria dicitur, Latine uno verbo dici non poteft, cum fit quajdam 
 proprie Divinitati debita fervitus, nec colimus, nec colendum doce- 
 cemus nifi unum Deum. Cum autem ad hunc cultum pertineat 
 oblatio Sacrificii, unde Idololatria dicitur eorum, qui hoc etiam Tdo- 
 lis exhibent: Nullo rnodo tale aliquid offeremus, aut ofFerendum 
 pnecipimuj, vel cuiquam Martyri, vel cuiquam fanctae animar, 
 vel cuiquam Angelo; & quifquis in hunc errorem deiabitur, corri- 
 pitur per fanam doctrtnam, five ut corrigatur, five ut condemne- 
 tur, five ut caveatur, 
 
 pious 
 
578 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 pious Reflection upon his own Happinefs in 
 cfcaping the Snare at his own Converfion, and a 
 thankful Acknowledgment of God's Mercy in 
 delivering him from fuch a Delufion. Whom, 
 fays he, fhould I have found, that might recon- 
 cile me unto thee? Should I have gone unto 
 [i] the Angels? With what Prayer? With what 
 Sacraments? Many endeavouring to return unto 
 thee, and not being able to do it by themfelves, 
 as I hear, have tried thefe Things } and have 
 fain into the defire of curious Vifions, and were 
 accounted worthy of Illufions. St. Chryfojiom has 
 a more fevere Reflexion on this fort of Men: 
 For he not only fays [<?], that no Creature is to 
 be worfhipped by Man, neither of Things above, 
 nor Things below, whether Man, or Demons, 
 or Angels, or Archangels, or any other fupernal 
 Powers, put only God the Lord of all : And that 
 the Apoftle in the fecond Chapter of his Epiftle 
 to the Colofians difcourfes againft fuch as taught, 
 that Man was to come to God by Angels, and 
 not by Chrift} for that was too great for him 
 [/] : But he adds, in pursuance of the fame Mat- 
 ter, that it was the Devil [g] which introduced 
 this having Recourfe to Angels, whilft he envy- 
 ed the Honour of Man. Thefe be the Enchant- 
 ments of Devils. Tho' it be an Angel, tho' an 
 Archangel, tho' they be Cherubimsj endure it 
 not. For neither will thefe Powers themfelves 
 receive it, but reject it, when they fee their 
 Lord difhonoured. / have honoured thee, laid 
 God, and hid thee call upon me. And doft thou 
 then difhonour him? Where we fee plainly, that 
 Invocation of God and Invocation of Angels are 
 oppofed to one another $ and as the one is made 
 the Character of true Religion, fo the other is 
 faid to be the Doctrine of Devils. 
 
 The Perfons here reflected on by Chryfojiom, 
 were probably the fame as had been known in 
 the Church, and condemned from the Apoftles 
 Days as Hereticks, under the Name of Angellci, 
 or Angel- worfhippers. For fo St. Auftin [_h~\ 
 defcribes them, calling them Angelici, from their 
 Inclination to worfhip Angels. And fo Iftdore 
 after him. Irenxus [k] feems to infinuate 
 that Hereticks were wont to invocate Angels, 
 when he oppofes the Church's Practice to them, 
 telling them, that many Miracles were wrought 
 in the Church, nor. by Invocation of Angels, 
 but by Prayer to God and the Lord Jefus Chrift. 
 And Tertullian [/] fays exprefly of the Follow- 
 ers of Simon Magus, That they worfhipped An- 
 gels in the exercife of their Magical Art, which 
 Idolatry was condemned by St. Peter in their firft 
 Founder. Now there being fuch Foot-fteps of 
 
 Angel-worfhip in the Practice of fo many He- 
 refies} and it being a Thing that fome were 
 fond of, becaufe it had a fhew of Humility in 
 it: The Council of Laodicea, to prevent the 
 growing Malady, made a fevere Canon under 
 the Denunciation of Anathem% to reftrain it. 
 Chriftians, fay they [ni], ought not to foifike 
 the Church of God, and go afide, and hold Con- 
 venticles, to invocate or call upon the Names of 
 Angels. Which Things are forbidden. If any 
 one therefore be found to exercife himfelf in 
 this private Idolatry, Let him be accurfed- t becaufe 
 he hath forfaken our Lord Jefus Chrift, the Son 
 of God, and gone over to Idolatry. The firft 
 Publishers of this Canon in the Latin Editions 
 changed the Word Angelos into Angulos, Corn- 
 ers inftead of Angels: But the Greek admits of 
 no fuch Corruption, and therefore the Fraud is 
 eafily difcovered ; and nothing but the fharne of 
 feeing their Praaicefo plainly condemned in this 
 Canon, could have induced any Men to have at- 
 tempted fuch a childifh Corruption. Theoduret 
 in his Comment upon the Epiftle to the Colojfi- 
 ans has Occafion twice to mention this Canon 
 Where he fays, That becaufe fome in the Apo- 
 ftles Days commanded Men to worfhip Angels, 
 therefore the apoftle enjoined [»] the contraw, 
 that they fhould adorn their Words and Deeds 
 with the Commemoration of the Lord Chrift 
 and fend up Thankfgiving to God and the Fa- 
 ther by him, and not by the Angels. And than 
 the Synod of Laodicea following this Rule, and 
 defiring to heal that old Difeafe, made a Law 
 that Men fhould not pray to Angels, nor forfake 
 our Lord Jefus Chrift. And again [<?], This 
 Vice continued in Phrygia and Pifidia for a lono- 
 time, for which Caufe alfo the Synod afTembled 
 in Laodicea, the chief City in Phrygia, made a 
 Law to prohibit praying to Angels. But yet e- 
 ven to this Day among them and their Neigh- 
 bours there are Oratories of St. Michael to be 
 feen. Cardinal Perron ufes a great deal of Art 
 and Sophiftry to pervert the Senfe of the Apo- 
 ftle and this Canon together, which the Reader 
 may find fufficiently expofed and refuted by the 
 learned Daille [/>], with the falfe GlofTes of Pe- 
 tavius and others, with which I fhall not trou- 
 ble this Difcourfe. I only obferve farther, that 
 as the Church condemned Hereticks as guilty 
 of Idolatry for worfhipping of Angels, fo did 
 fhe hkewife for worfhipping of their Leaders 
 and Martyrs. Apollonius, who wrote againft the 
 Montanifts, objects it to them, that they wor- 
 fhipped one Alexander a Martyr among them [a]. 
 And St. Auftin reckons it among the Errors of 
 
 [d] Aug. Confefi. lib. 10. cap. 42. Quern invenirem, qui me 
 reconciliaret tibi? An eundem mihi fuit ad Angelos? Qua prece? 
 Quibus Sacraraentis ? Multi conantes ad te redire, neque per feip- 
 fos valences, ficut audio, tentaverunt haec; 8c inciderunt in defi- 
 derium curiofarum Vifionum, 8c digni habiti funt illuiionibus. 
 [#] Chryf. Horn. f. in Colof. p. 1 548. [/] Horn. 7. in 
 
 Col. p. 1360. {g\ Horn. 9. in Col. p. 1381. 'o JW- 
 
 CoA©- I'd. T&V eLfy'iKwti \irew\)ya.yi, fid.7x.cu.cov ii^uiv r»f 
 
 TtlAYIS. TUV £oJLy.WUV T9tC>jjTcU ai iTTwJ^lcU, 8CC. 
 
 lb] Aug. de Hxref. cap. 39. Angelicwn Angelorum cultu incli- 
 
 8 
 
 nati. [1] Ifidor. Origin, lib. 8. cap. Angelici vocati,' 
 
 quia Angelos coiunt. [*] Iren. Jib. 2. cap. n . [I] Ter- 
 
 tul. de Prxfcrip. cap. 33. Simonianx aurern Magice difciplina An- 
 gelis ferviens, utique 8r. ipfa inter Idoiolatrias deputabamr, 8c a 
 Perro Apoftolo in ipfo Simone damnabatur. [m] Cone. 
 
 Laodic. can. 3$-. £ <T« Xexsiavic iyx.cfla.Kel'Tr&ir t»v IkkMi- 
 (r\a.vjDi ©=k, jc, ctTiivoj, d(yt\a< ovofjui'^eiv, a) trvvtiEetf 
 <sroi£v, Sec. 0] Theod. in Col,,}. [e] Tbeod. in 
 
 Col. 2. [/>] Dalla?. de Objetlo Cult, relig. lib. 3. cap. 3 i. 
 [3] Apollon. ap. Eufeb. lib./, cap. 18. 
 
 Simon 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 579 
 
 Simon Magus, [r] that he left his own Image 
 ami the linage of his Harlot Selene to his Dif- 
 ciplcs, to be worfhipped by them. They ob- 
 jected the fame to the Heathen, that they wor- 
 lhipped fuch God? as were only Men, and dead 
 Men: As may be fcer, in all the Apologies made 
 by Minucius Felix (T), Tertull'an [/j, Clemens A- 
 lexandrinus [«], Arnobius [x], Cyprian (>], and 
 the reft that wrote againft them: Which had 
 been a very weak Argument, and eafily retort- 
 ed, had Chriftians worfhipped their Martyrs, 
 whom they could not deny to be mortal Men. 
 The Heathens farther pretended, that their De- 
 mons, or Gods whom they worfhipped, were 
 good Angels, and worfhipped only as the Mini- 
 fters of the Supreme God, and Attendants of the 
 Court of Heaven. Notwithstanding which Pre- 
 tence, they charge them with Idolatry, as gi- 
 ving the Worthip of God to the Ci'eature. He 
 that would fee this Argument managed to juft 
 Advantage, may confult the learned Difcourfes 
 of Mr. Dalle [z] and Bifhop Stillingflcet [>], 
 where he will find the Pretences of the Hea- 
 then, and the Anfwers of the Chriftians collect- 
 ed and fet in their proper Light. I fhall only 
 detain my Reader with one Citation out of St. 
 Auflin, as a Specimen of all the reft, where he 
 introduces the Heathen making this Apology 
 for themfelvesj We do not worihip wicked De- 
 vils, fay they j 'tis the Angels you fpeak of, that 
 we worfhip [£], the Powers of the great God, 
 the Minifters of the great God. To which St. 
 
 Anftin anfwers, I wifh you would worfhip them, 
 for they would quickly teach you, that they 
 are not to be worfhipped. Hear the Inftructi- 
 on of an Angel. He taught a certain Difcipte 
 of Chrift, and fhewed him many Miracles in 
 the Revelations of St. John. Who having feen 
 a certain Miracle in a Vifion, was aftonifhed, 
 and caft himfelf down at the Feet of the Angel. 
 But the Angel, who fought nothing but the 
 Glory of his Lord, faid, A rife, What doft thou? 
 Worfhip God: For I am thy Fellow-fervant, 
 and of thy Brethren. How is it then, my Bre- 
 thren? Let no one f ly, I fear left the An^el 
 fhould be angry at me, if I do not worfhip him 
 for my God. He is then only angry at thee, 
 when thou art inclined to worfhip him. For he 
 is good and loves God: And as the Devils are 
 angry, if they be not worfhipped j fo the An- 
 gels are highly difpleafcd, if they be worfhipped 
 inftead of God. At laft he concludes with this 
 Admonition to the Pagan's; Let the Pagans 
 learn to adore God. They have a Mind to a- 
 dore Angels: Let them imitate Angels, and a- 
 dore him whom the Angels adore [Vj. And 
 with thefe Words I fhall conclude this whole 
 Difcourfe of Religious Worfhip, knowing no 
 better Admonition that can be given to the An- 
 gel-worfhippers of the prefent Age, than to ad- 
 vife them to imitate the Angelical Practice of 
 the Primitive Church, who had God, and only 
 God, for the Object of their Adoration. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 That antiently Divine Service was always performed in the Vulgar Tongue y 
 
 underftood by the People, 
 
 sect. i. 
 
 This proved ift 
 from plain Tefttmo- 
 nies of the Ancients 
 offer ting it. 
 
 A V I N G thus confidered 
 
 e Nature and Object of 
 Chriftian Worihip, I come now 
 to fpeak of the Circumftances 
 and Manner of performing Di- 
 vine Service. And here it will be proper to ex- 
 amine in what Language the Ancients perform- 
 ed their Worfhip j and to enquire into the Ufe 
 and Original of what we commonly call Litur- 
 gies, or fet Forms of Prayer ; and to take No- 
 tice of the Habits afid Modes, and Geftures, 
 and different Rites and Ceremonies obferved 
 without any Breach of Faith or Chriftian Uni- 
 
 ty in different Churches; together with the 
 folemn Times of Prayer and religious AfTemblies, 
 whether weekly or daily, generally obferved and 
 fet a-part for the Exercife of publick Devotion. 
 
 As to the firft of thefe, there is nothing more 
 certain in Hiftory, than that the Service of the 
 antient Church was always performed in the vul- 
 gar or common Language of every Country, 
 that is, fuch as was either commonly fpoken, or 
 at leaft commonly underftood. And fo it conti- 
 nued for above a thoufand Years in the Church. 
 And it is even monftrous to think, that in fo in- 
 quifitive an Age as the prefent is, there fhould 
 
 [r] Aug. de Hoeref. cap. r . Imaginefque 8c fuam 8c ejufdem 
 Meretricis difcipulis fuis prxbebat adorandas. [j] Minuc. 
 
 Dial. p. S8. [f] Tertul. Apol. cap. io, 1 2, 29. 
 
 f_»] Clem. Protreptic. p. 26 [#] Arnob. lib. 1. p. 32. 
 
 [y] Cyprian, de Idol. Vanit. p. 11. [z.] Da1l3e.de Cultu 
 
 Relig. lib. 3. cap. if. (V) Stilling. Defence of the Dif- 
 
 courfe of Idol. Part. i. cap. li \_b] Aug. in Pfalm. 96. 
 
 t. 8. p. 44. f. Refpondent: Non colimus mala Dsemonia; An- 
 gelos quos dicitis, ipfos 8c nos colimus, Virtutes Dei magni, 8c 
 Minifteria Dei magni. Utinam ipfos colere velletis, facile ab ipfis 
 difceretis non illos colere. Audite Angelum Do&orem. Docebat 
 quendam Difcipulum Chrifti, 8c oftendebat illi multa miracula in 
 
 Apocalypfi Joannis. Ille autem quodam fibi demonftrato miracu- 
 lo Vifionis expaWt, 8c mifit fe ad pedes Angeli. Et ille Angelus, 
 qui non quaerebat nifi gloriam Domini fui, Surge, quid facis, 
 inquit, ilium adora: Nam 8c ego Confervus tuus fum, 8c fra- 
 trum tuorum. Quid ergo fratres mei? Nemo dicat, Timeo ne 
 irafcatur mihi Angelus, li non ilium colo pro Deo mec. Tunc 
 tibi irafcitur, quando ipfum colere volueris. Bonus eft enim, 8c 
 Deum amat. Quomodo enim Daemones irafcuntur, fi non colan- 
 tur: Sic Angeli indignantur, fi pro Deo colantur. [c] Ibid. 
 
 Difcant Pagani adorare Deum. Angelos volunt adorare: Angelos 
 imitentur, 8c ilium adorent qui ab Angelis ador«tur. 
 
 be 
 
580 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XIII 
 
 be any Men of Learning to defend, or whole 
 Nations fo tamely to fubmit to, the Impofition 
 and Tyranny of the contrary Practice j fo ab- 
 furd and unreafonable in it felfj fo prejudicial to 
 Devotion j fo contrary to the Ufe of Speech, 
 whofe End is Edification j fo reproachful to hu- 
 man Nature, as if Men were Afies indeed, as 
 Thomas Aauinas once made the Companion > fo 
 derogatory to the Chriftians Birth-right ; fo flat- 
 ly contradictory to the Apoftle's Reafoningj and 
 fo diametrically oppofite to the univerfal Pra- 
 ctice of the Church for fo many Ages. But I 
 fhall not think my felf obliged to difpute againft 
 it upon all thefe Topicks, nor to fay all that 
 might be faid in an hiftorical Way againft it. 
 He that pleafes may fee that done already in an 
 excellent Book [a] of Bifhop Ufhers, pubhfhed 
 by Mr. Wharton. I fhall content my felf to fug- 
 geft a few Things agreeable to the Defign of 
 treating Matters fuccinctly, which will be fuffi- 
 cient to fatisfy any candid Reader as to the Senfe 
 and Practice of the Primitive Church. 
 
 And firft I obferve, that the Ancients declare 
 unanimoufly, That Divine Service was perform- 
 ed in the vulgar Tongue of every Nation. The 
 Grecians, fays Origen \b~], ufe theGra^ Language 
 in their Prayers, and the Romans the Roman, and 
 fo every one in his own Dialect prays to God, 
 and gives Thanks as he is able: And the God of 
 all Languages hears them that pray in all Dia- 
 lects, understanding their different Languages as 
 well as if they all fpake with one Tongue. This 
 he fays in anfwer to an Objection of Celfus, who 
 charged them with ufing of barbarous and un- 
 intelligible Names and Words in their Prayers. 
 Juftin Martyr favs The Scriptures were firft 
 read in their Aflemblies to the People, and then 
 the Prefident made a Difcourfe to them, exhort- 
 ing them to obferve and follow the good In- 
 flections they had heard out of the Prophets and 
 Apoftles. Which had been an abfurd Admoni- 
 tion, had not the Leflons been read in a Lan- 
 guage which they underftood. St. Jerom tells 
 us [_d~], That at the Funeral of the famous La- 
 dy Paula, the Pfalms were fung in Syriack, Greek 
 and Latin, becaufe there were Men of each 
 Language prefent at the Solemnity. And for 
 the fame Reafon Cafarius Bifhop of Aries is faid 
 [e] to have appointed the People to fing the 
 Pfalms and Hymns, fome in Greek, and fome in 
 Latin: No doubt, that the Divine Service might 
 be underftood by Men of different Languages 
 then prefent in the AfTembly. Aurelius Caffidore 
 writing upon thofe Words of the Pfalmift, She 
 Jhall be brought unto the King in Raiment of divers 
 Colours, fays, this Variety fignified [/] that 
 
 Diverfity of Tongues, wherewith every Nation 
 fang to God in the Church, according to the 
 Difference of their own Country Language. 
 And it being then the way of the Churchj 
 that all Offices fhould be performed with the 
 Underftanding and Edification of the People, 
 Juftinian provided for this in one of his Laws, 
 obliging all Bifhops [_g] and Presbyters to re- 
 peat the Prayers ufed in the Communion and 
 Baptifmal Service, not in fecret, but with an 
 audible Voice, fo as the Minds of the Hearers 
 might be raifed to greater Devotion, and flir- 
 red up to glorifie the Lord God. For fo the 
 holy Apoftle directs in the firft Epiftle to the 
 Corinthians, faying, If thou blejfefl only with the 
 Spirit, how fliall he that occupieth the room of the 
 Unlearned, fay the holy Amen to God at thy giving 
 of thanks ? For he knowetb not what thou fayeft. 
 For thou verily giveft Thanks well, but the other is 
 not edified. It is plain by this, that Juftinian 
 thought all Prayers which the People cither 
 could not hear, or could not underfhnd, were 
 equally blamed by the Apoftle, as not contribu- 
 ting to Edification j and therefore as he made a 
 Law againft private Mattering of Prayers, which, 
 ought to be publick } fo he would no doubc 
 have been as fevere againft Praying in an un- 
 known Tongue, had there then been any O :ca- 
 flon (as there was not) for the like Proh>: icion 
 in the Liturgy of the Church. Which may be 
 collected from another of his Laws, which was 
 made upon Occafion of a Difpute, which in his 
 Time arofe among the Jews. Some of them, 
 who were fuperftitioufly inclmed, were for ha- 
 ving the Law read only in Hebrew, though not 
 underftood by the People: Others were for ha- 
 ving it read in Greek, or any Language which 
 the People underftood. The Matter at laft was 
 brought before Juftinian, and he determined in 
 Favour of the latter, that it fhould be read in 
 Greek, or any other Language [h\ which the 
 Place where they lived had made more ufeful 
 and known to the People. Hitherto therefore 
 we are affured, this Corruption had made no At- 
 tempt to gain Admittance in the Service of the 
 Chriftian Church, fince it was corrected by the 
 Civil Magiftrate as foon as it was obferved to be 
 creeping into thejewifh Synagogue. 
 
 Secondly, As a farther E- 
 vidence of this Matter, we may 
 obferve, that all the People an- 
 tiently were allowed to join in 
 Pfalmody and Prayers, and make 
 their proper Refponfes. The 
 Learned and Unlearned, nay, even Women, 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Secondly, From 
 tit Peoples joyning 
 in PfctlmoJy and 
 Frxyer, and miking 
 their Refponfes. 
 
 [a] Uflcrij Hiftoria Dogmatica dc Scripturis 8c Sacris Vernacu- 
 lis, cum Auftario H. Wharton. Lond. 1 690. 410. [6] Orig. 
 cont. Celf. lib. 8. p. 402. 'Ev tcu{ wyjui 0/ fdp iKhwa 
 iKMVixoif -^ouvtcu, oi pu^auoi pco/j.a.iK0t<. &c. 
 [c] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 98. |V] Hieron. Epitaph. Pauls. 
 
 Graxo, Latino, Syroque Sermone Pfalmi in ordinc perfonabant. 
 [e] Cyprian. Vit. Caefar. A.clat. apud Surium. Aug. 27. p. 947. 
 Compulit Laicos 8c populares homines Pfalmos 8c Hymnos pro- 
 mere, alraque 8c modulata voce, inftar Clericorum, alios Grace, 
 alios Latine, Profas 8c Antiphonas decantare, &c. [/] Caf- 
 
 fiodor. in Pfal. 44. al. 4r. Hie Varietatem out Linguas multi- 
 pliers fignificat ; quia omnis Gens fecundum fuam Patriam in Ec- 
 clefia pfallit Au&ori; aut virtutum pulcherrimam diverfitatem. 
 [g] Juftin. Novel. 137. cap. 6. Jubemus omnes Epifcopos 8c 
 Presbyteros, non in Secreto, fed cum ea voce quae a fideliiTimo 
 populo exaudiatur, Divinam Oblationem, 8c Prxcationem qux fie 
 in Sancto Baptifmate, facere; ut inde audientium animi in maio- 
 rem devotionem, 8c Dei Laudationem 8c Bencdi&ionem efferantur. 
 8cc. [h] Juftin, Novel, 1 46. 
 
 youn S 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 58i 
 
 young Virgins, and Children, in thofe Times, 
 bear a Pare in thepublick Service of the Church. 
 St. Chryfoftom [i] and the Author of the 
 Conftitutions [£], fpeak of Children praying 
 with the reft of the Congregation for the Cate- 
 chumens and the Faithful alfo. And St. Jerom 
 [/] fpeaks of young Virgins finging the Plalter 
 at Morning and Evening, at the third, and fixth, 
 and ninth Hours, and at Midnight in their 
 Courfe: And fays, they were obliged to learn 
 the Pfalms, and fomc Portion of Scripture every 
 Day. St. Baftl \jn\ and many others (as we 
 {hall fee hereafter, when we fpeak ofPfalmody) 
 fay, all the People fung the Pfalms alternately : 
 And Bafd particularly takes notice [;/] of Chil- 
 dren performing this Office in common with the 
 reft of the People. And we fhall meet with the 
 Peoples Prayers and Refponfes almoft in every 
 Part of the Liturgy, fuch as the aug/e IXsncrov, 
 Lord, have mercy, fubjoined to every Petition of 
 the Deacon's Prayers j and in thofe mutual 
 Prayers of Minifter and People, the Lord be with 
 you, And with thy Spirit: Lift up your Hearts, We 
 lift them up unto the Lord; with abundance more 
 that need not here be mentioned. All which 
 fuppofe the Service to be in the vulgar and 
 known Language ; elic it were abfurd to think, 
 that the People fhould know how and when to 
 make their Refponfes - y or that Children and 
 young Virgins fhould learn the Pfalms and Scrip- 
 ture by Heart, and joyn in Pfalmody and other 
 parts of the Service of the Church. 
 
 SECT. in. thirdly, There is nothing 
 
 Thirdly, From more common among the Anci- 
 
 the frequent Ex- ents j n t heir Difcourfes to the 
 
 hormion, of the p eople than t0 a dmonifh and 
 
 Fathers to the Peo- , * ' , 1 v 1 1 
 
 , t„„. , , exhort them both to hear, and 
 
 pie to bear and read ' 
 
 and pray with Un- read, and pray with Underftand- 
 derflmding. ing, Attention, and Fervency of 
 
 Spirit. Which had been very 
 incongruous Admonitions, obliging them to im- 
 practicable Rules, had the LefTons and Prayers 
 been in an unknown Tongue. St. Bafil thus ex- 
 horts his People [o~], Thou haft the Pfalms, thou 
 haft the Prophets, the Precepts of the Gofpel, 
 the Preachings of the Apoftlesj Let thy Tongue 
 fing, and thy Mind fearch the Meaning of what 
 is fpoken j that thou may'ft ling with the Spi- 
 rit, and fing with Underftanding alfo. In ano- 
 ther Homily [/»] he tells them, that the divine 
 Oracles were God's Gifts to the Church, to be 
 read in every Affembly, as the Food which the 
 Spirit afforded us for the Nourifhment of our 
 Souls. And in another Place \jf] putting the 
 Queftion, How a Man prays with the Spirit, 
 whilft his Underftanding is unfruitful? He an- 
 fwers, that this was fpoken of thofe that prayed 
 
 in a Tongue unknown to the Hearers. For the 
 Apoftle fays, If I pray in an unknown tongue, my 
 Spirit indeed prayeth, but my Underftanding is un- 
 fruitful. For when the Words of the Prayer 
 are not known to them that are prefent, the 
 Underftanding of him that prayeth is unfruitful, 
 becaufe his Prayer is of no Ufe or Advantage : 
 But when they that arc prefent underftand the 
 Prayer, which is of Advantage to the Hearers 5 
 then he that prays, reaps the Fruit of it, namely, 
 the Edification of thofe who receive Benefit by 
 it. And we are to conceive in like manner of 
 all Utterance of the Words of Go J. For it is 
 written, if any be ufeful for Edification in the 
 Faith. By all this it is evident, the Scriptures 
 and Pfalms and Prayers were read in a known 
 Tongue: For otherwife it were in vain to ex- 
 hort Men to give Diligence and Attention to 
 underftand what they heard, if every Thing was 
 fpoken in a Language, which they did not, or 
 could not underftand. 
 
 Fourthly, The Fathers in their SECT. Iv. 
 Sermons frequently refer to the Fourthly, From 
 
 Prayers of the Church, and to ^References made 
 
 the LefTons read before, as things \ th ° Fathe " s *' 
 
 , n . r m 11 the buyers and 
 
 the People were perfedly well LcJfom £ the Ser _ 
 acquainted with. They often ar- %ice of the church. 
 gue from Matters contained in 
 the Prayers, as Chryfoftom does commonly from 
 all Parts of the Liturgy: And their Sermons 
 for the moft part were upon fuch Portions of 
 Scripture, as had juft been read before, as I fhall 
 {hew, when I come to the Office of Preaching. 
 Now this fuppofes, that both the Prayers and 
 LefTons of Scripture were in a known Tongue ; 
 elfe it were abfurd for the Preachers to appeal to 
 their Auditors as well acquainted with them, or 
 draw Arguments from thence, as Motives groun- 
 ded upon their own Experience, if yet indeed 
 they had no Knowledge of them. 
 
 Fifthly y This is evident from SECT. v. 
 
 that pious Care, which the Fifthly, From the 
 
 Church took to have the Bible Scr 'P tltres 
 
 tranflated into all Languages: »*P*#'*» *U 
 
 a j r tvt • Languages from the 
 
 And as foon as any Nation was firj f ^Lon of 
 converted, that fpake an uncom- churches. 
 mon Tongue, immediately to 
 procure a new Verfion of the Scriptures into 
 their Language. Eufebius [r] fays, they were 
 tranflated into all Languages both of Greeks and 
 Barbarians throughout the World, and ftudied 
 by all Nations as the Oracles of God. Chryfo- 
 ftom allures us, that the Syrians [_s~\, the Egypti- 
 ans, the Indians, the Perftans, the Ethiopians, 
 and a Multitude of other Nations tranflated them 
 into their own Tongues, whereby Barbarians 
 
 [i] Chryf. Horn. 71. in Mat. p. 624. [k] Conftit. 
 
 lib. 8. cap. 6. [/] Hieron. Epitaph. Paula?. Mane, hora ter- 
 
 tia, fexta, nona, Vefpere, Noftis medio, per ordinem Pfalterium can- 
 tabant. Nec licebat cuiquam Sororum ignorare Pfalmos, 8c non de 
 fcripturis Sanctis quotidie aliquid difecre. [w] Bafil.Ep.63. adNeo- 
 csefarienfes. [»] Bafil. Procem. in Pialmos. Venant. Fortunat. lib. 
 2. Poem, in Laud. Cleri Parifiaci. Pontificis monitis Clerus, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 P!ebs, pfallit 8c Infans. [0] Bafil. Horn, in Pfal. 28. Serin. 
 
 1. t. 1. p. [/>] Bafil. Horn, in Pfal. j-p. p. 2 ^j, 
 
 [q] Regul. Brev. Qu. 178. [r] Eufeb. de Prapar. E- 
 
 vang. lib. 12. cap. 1. Prasfertim de Laud. Conftant. cap. 17. 
 p. 662. [s~\ Chryf. Horn. 1. in Joan. al. 2. Edit. Savi). 
 t. 2. p. f6i. 
 
 Eeeec learned 
 
582 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XUL 
 
 learned to be Philofophcrs, and Women and 
 Children with the greatest eafe imbibed the Do- 
 ctrine of the Gofpel. T'heodoret [t] fays the fame, 
 that every Nation under Heaven had the Scrip- 
 ture in their own Tongue: The Hebrew Books 
 were not only tranflated into Greek, but into 
 the Roman, Egyptian, Perfian, Indian, Armenian, 
 Scythian and Sauromatick Languages, and in a 
 word into all Tongues ufed by all Nations in 
 his Time. The like is attested by St. Jerom [u] 
 and St. Auflin [x] and many others. Ulphilas is 
 faid by all the Historians \_y~] to have tranflated 
 the whole Bible into the Gothick Tongue. St. 
 Jerom tranflated it into the Dalmatick, as he 
 himfelf [%] feems to intimate, when he calls it 
 his own Tonguej as Scaliger and moft others un- 
 derstand him j though Bifhop UJher [_a~] thinks 
 he meant the Latin rather by his own Tongue. 
 St. Chryfoftom [b~] fometimes mentions the Syri- 
 ack Tranflation j and he is faid by the Author of 
 his Life \c~] to have procured, during his Exile 
 at Cucufus in Armenia, a Tranflation of the 
 Pfalms and New Teftament for the Ufe of the 
 Armenian Churches. Not to mention that of 
 Methodius or Cyr/7into the Slavonian Tongue, or 
 any others of later Ages. Of which the curious 
 Reader may find exact Accounts in Bifhop 
 UJher [^J, Bifhop Walton, [<?] Dr. Milles [/'], 
 and Hottinger [_g] and others upon this peculiar 
 Subject of the Scripture Verfions. 
 
 SECT. VI. As to the antient Practice, it 
 sixthly, From the ma y evidenced farther and 
 
 Ufe of the Order confirmed from the Ufe of J n _ 
 of Interpreters m , , . r 
 
 the church. terpreters in the Church j whole 
 
 Office, as has been fhewed in a- 
 nother Place [*] out of Epiphanius \_h~] and o- 
 ther Writers, was to render one Language into 
 another, as there was Occafion, both in reading 
 the Scriptures, and in the Homilies that were 
 made to the People. For it happened fometimes 
 that there were Men of different Languages in 
 the fame Church : As in the Churches of Syria 
 and Paleftine fome understood Syriack only, and 
 others Greek; and in the African Churches, fome 
 fpake Latin and others Punick : In which cafes 
 whatever was faid in one Language, was imme- 
 ately render'd into the other by the Interpreter 
 for the Benefit of the People. In confirmation 
 of which Curlom, to what has been faid before, 
 I fhall here add the Obfervation of Theodoret [i] 
 upon the Practice of Chryfoftom, who by the 
 help of fuch an Interpreter often preached to 
 the Arian Goths in Conftantinople, whom by that 
 means he reduced to the Catholick Faith. 
 
 SECT, VII. Another Cuftom obferved 
 
 Seventhly, From j n t ] ie an ti ent Church, was to 
 
 have Bibles in the vulgar Tongue the Cu/lom of hav- 
 
 laid in a convenient pare of the Bi!>l - es bid in 
 
 Church, for the People at their chHrch " f» the 
 Leifure to employ themfelves, as 
 
 People to re.ul in 
 private. 
 
 they were pioufly inclined, in 
 reading of the Scriptures before or after the 
 times of Divine Service. Of which Cuftom. 
 thofe Vcrfcs of Paulinus [£], which he wrote 
 upon the Wall of the Secretarium of the Church 
 of Nola y are an infallible Proof, which were in 
 thefe Words: Si quem fancla tenet mcanardi in 
 Lege voluntas ; Hie poterit refdens facris intendere 
 Libris. If any one is pioufly difpofed to medi- 
 tate in God's Law ; here he may fir, and em- 
 ploy himfelf in reading the holy Books. Thus 
 Conftantine himfelf, as is obferved by Eufebius 
 [/], was wont to employ himfelf in the Church, 
 partly by joyning in the publick Prayers with 
 the People, and partly by taking the Books of 
 the Divine Oracles into his Hands, and exerci- 
 sing his Mind in the Contemplation of them. 
 And probably for this Reafon he ordered Eafe- 
 bius to prepare fifty Copies of the Bible for the 
 Ufe of the Church of Conftantinople [m~], as his- 
 Letter to Eufebius wirnefies: For 'lis obferved 
 and fpoken to his Praife by Eufebius in another 
 Place [»], that by his nvans innumerable Mul- 
 titudes both of Men and W omen exchanged the 
 Food of their Bodies for that of their Souls, that 
 rational Food which was (o agreeable to rational 
 Minds, and which they obtained by reading the 
 Holy Scriptures. This muft neceffarily relate 
 either to their reading the Scriptures by the 
 Help and Benefit of his Copies in the Church} 
 or elie will argue that they were encouraged by 
 him to read them at home in their private Hou- 
 fes} which had been denied them under pain of 
 Banifhment or Death before, in the preceding 
 Reigns of the perlecuting Princes. 
 
 And this leads us to another szct. vill. 
 
 plain Evidence of the primitive h?h:hy, From 
 
 Practice: Which was the Piivi- { h zr# ml Allow - 
 
 lege and Encouragement all «*" g'*»** * & 
 
 Men to mve and 
 
 Christians had to read the Serin- 
 
 read the Scriptures 
 
 tures at home, for the Exercifc m t bcir MotUr- 
 of themfelves and Families in pri- Tongm. w'wh ?n- 
 vate Devotion, and better Pre- w&£*?»* mver'm- 
 paration for the publick. None b ?J*J? 
 ever deny'd them this Privilege eaAp ** m er ^' 
 but thofe perfecuting Tyrants, 
 who intended to deftroy the Name and Faith 
 of Christians, together with their Bibles, out of 
 the World : For which Reafon they made the 
 Strictest Search after them, and ufed all imagi- 
 nable Art and Force to make them deliver them 
 up to be burnt: Which they who did, were 
 branded by the infamous Name of Tradi tores, 
 
 [t~\ Theod. de Curand. Graecor. Affeft. Serm. f. t. 4. p. f?f. 
 [«] Hieron. Prxfat. in 4 Evangel. [#] Aug. Ep. 48. ad 
 
 Vincent. [7] Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 33. Sozom. lib. 6. 
 
 C3 P- ?7« C z ] Hieron. Ep. 134. ad Sophronium. 
 
 [a] Uflcr. de Sacris Vernac. p. 121. [£] Chryf. Horn. 3. 
 
 in 2 Cor. p. 75-4. [<■] Georg. Alexandria Vit. Chryf. 
 
 n. j-o. torn. 8. Edit. Savil. [V] Ufler. de Script. Vernac. 
 
 p. 110. [e] Walton. Prolegom. cap. f, [f\ Mil- 
 
 les Prolegom. in Nov. Tell. [g] Hortinger. de Tranfbt. 
 
 Biblior. Heidelberg. 1660. [*J Bod; HI. Chap. xiii. n. 4. 
 
 [h] Epiphan. Expof. Fid. n. 21. [i] Thccd. lib. f. cap, 
 
 30. [It] Paulin. Ep. 12 ad Severum. [/] Eu?o>. 
 
 Vit. Conftant. lib. 4. cap. 17. [wj] Ap. I&rfeb. Ibid, fib. 4. 
 
 cap. 36. & ap. Theod. lib. 1. cap. \(>- 8c Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 6. 
 [»] Eufcb. Orat. de Laudibus Cor.lLnt. cap. 17. p. 661. 
 
 Tmytors, 
 
Ch a p. IV. Christian Church. 583 
 
 Traytors, and Betrayers of their Religion. A 
 certain Argument, that then private Chriftians 
 had the Ufe of the Scriptures ; elfe they could 
 not have been impeached for delivering them up 
 to the Enemy. It cannot be pleaded here, 
 That the Scriptures were then only in the Hands 
 of the Bifhops, and Readers, and others of the 
 Clergy: For Baronius himfelf has publifhed the 
 Acf s of feveral Martyrs, where not only private 
 Men, but Women confers to the Inquifitors that 
 they lud the Holy Scriptures in their Houfes 
 with them. 1 will give a finglc Inftancc out 
 of the Acts of Jgape and Irene [o] and their 
 Companions. Where the grand Inquifitor asks 
 this Qiicftion of Irene, Who advifed you to 
 keep thofe Parchments and Scriptures to this 
 Time? To which anfwered, God Almighty, 
 who has commanded us to love him unto the 
 Death ; for which Caufe we durft not betray 
 himj but had rather be burnt alive, or fuffer a- 
 ny other things that may befal us, than trea- 
 chcroufly deliver up thofe Writings. 'Tis plain 
 from this, that private Chriftians, both Men 
 and Women, then enjoy'd the Scriptures as their 
 Birthright, and none pretended to ravifh them 
 from them but only the pcrfecuting Heathens. 
 The Fathers of the Church were lb far from 
 doing this, that on the contrary they ufed all 
 manner of Arguments to induce Men to read 
 and ftudy them} exhorting them not only to 
 hear them with Attention in the Church, but to 
 read them privately at home with their Wives 
 and Families} commending thofe that ftudied 
 them, and reproving thofe that neglected them} 
 making large Encomiums upon the Ufe and Ex- 
 cellency of them, and requiring Men to perufe 
 them privately, as the beft Preparation for the 
 publick Service and Instruction } anfwering all 
 Objections and Pretences that Men could make 
 to the contrary} as that they were ignorant and 
 unlearned, and that the Scriptures were difficult 
 and hard to be underftood } that they were on- 
 ly for the ufe of Monks and Religious, and not 
 for fecular Men, and Men of Bufinefs} alluring 
 them that the Scriptures were for the Ufe of 
 all Men, and that it was the Neglect of them 
 that was the Caufe of all Ignorance, Herefies, 
 Errors, and Irreligion. Thefe were the general 
 Topicks, upon which the Fathers then prefTed 
 the common People to read the Scriptures, 
 which are diametrically oppofite to the Argu- 
 ments ufed in later Ages to dilTuade and deter 
 Men from the Ufe of them. A Man cannot 
 look into the Fathers, but he will fee fuch Ar- 
 guments every where running through their 
 Writings. So that it is needlefs here to infill 
 upon them : ''The Reader that pleafes, may fee 
 them collected together from firft to laft by Bi- 
 ihop Uficr and Mr. Wharton. I fhall only re- 
 late one Paflage of Chryfofom out of his famous 
 Sermons upon Lazarus, where he at once pro- 
 
 pofes the feveral Arguments, and anfvvers the 
 feveral Objections I have now mentioned. For 
 this Reafon, fays he [/>], we often acquaint you 
 many Days before-hand with the Subject of our 
 Difcourfc, that taking the Bible into your Hands 
 in the mean time, and running over the whole 
 Paflage, you may have your Minds better pre- 
 pared to hear what is to be fpoken. And this is 
 the thing I have always advifed, and fhall 
 ftill continue to exhort you to, that you fhould 
 not only hear what is faid in this Place, but 
 fpend your Time at home continually in read- 
 ing the Holy Scriptures. And here let no one 
 ufe thofe frigid and vain Excufes, I am a Man 
 engaged in the Bufinefs of the Law, I am ta- 
 ken up with Civil Affairs, I am a Tradefman, 
 I have a Wife, and Children to breed up, I 
 have the Care of a Family, I am a fecular Man: 
 It belongs not to me to read the Scriptures, 
 but to thofe that have bid adieu to the World, 
 and retired into the Mountains, and have nothing 
 elfe to do but to exercifc themfelves in fuch a 
 way of living. What fay'ft thou, O Man? 
 Is it not thy Bufinefs to read the Scriptures, 
 becaufe thou art diffracted with a Multitude of 
 other Cares ? Yes, certainly, it belongs to thee 
 more than them. For they have not fo much 
 need of the help of the holy Scriptures, as you 
 have, who are tolled in the Waves of the Mul- 
 tiplicity of Bufinefs. Then enumerating what 
 Sins and Temptations fecular Men are expofed 
 to, he infers, That they have perpetual need of 
 divine Remedies, as well to cure the Wounds 
 they have already received, as to ward off thofe 
 they are in danger of receiving: To quench the 
 Darts of the Devil, whilft they are at a diftance, 
 and drive them away by continual reading of 
 the Holy Scriptures. For it is impoflible that 
 a Man fhould attain Salvation without perpetual 
 Exercife in reading fpiritual things. But fome 
 again will fay, What if we cannot underftand 
 the things that are contained therein? Why, 
 fays he [^], even in that cafe, though you do 
 not underftand every thing that is contained 
 therein, yet by reading you fhall obtain much 
 Sanctification. For it is impoflible that you 
 fhould be equally ignorant of all things in thofe 
 Books. For the Grace of the Spirit fo ordered 
 it, that they fhould originally be compofed and 
 written by Publicans, and Fifhers, and Tent- 
 makers, and Shepherds, and private and illiterate 
 Men, that none of the molt ignorant and un- 
 learned might have this Excufe of Difficulty to fly 
 to} that the things there fpoken, might beeafyto 
 be looked into by all Men } that theHandycraftf- 
 man, the Servant, the Widow, the molt illite- 
 rate and unlearned among Men might reap Benefit 
 and Advantage by hearing them read. The A- 
 poftles and Prophets, he fays, wrote not like 
 the Philofophers of the Gentiles, in obfeure 
 Terms, but made things plain to the Under- 
 
 [o] Acta Agipes 8c Sociarum ap. Baron, an. 504. n. 44,. Quif- fumus eum prodere, (id maluimus ant viventcs comburi, aut quae- 
 nam r.bi autor fuir, ut merubranas iftas atque Scripturas in hodi- cunque alia nobis acciderinr, perpeti, quam talia Scripta prodere. 
 ernum ufque diem cuftodircs ? Irene inquic, Deus omnipotens, qui [ p] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Laz.ar. T- f. p. .fo, [q\ Ibid, 
 juflic nos ad mortem ufque ipfum diligere, qua de caufa non auli pag. 6i 
 
 Vol. I. Eccee 1 {landings 
 
584 
 
 The Antiquities of the BookXIIL 
 
 {landings of all Men, as being the common Tea- 
 chers of the World, that every Man by himfelf 
 might learn by reading alone the things that 
 were fpoken. To whom are not all things in 
 the Gofpel manifeft and plain ? Who is there, 
 that hearing thofe Sayings, Bleffed are the Meek, 
 Bkjfed are the Merciful, Bleffed are the pure in 
 Heart, and the like, would defire a Teacher, to 
 underftand the meaning of them ? Moreover, the 
 Signs, and Miracles, and Hiftorics, are they not 
 all intelligible and plain to any ordinary Reader ? 
 This therefore is only a Pretence, and Excufe, 
 and Cloak for Idlenefs. Thou doft not under- 
 Hand the things contained in the Scripture. 
 How mould ft thou underftand them, when thou 
 wilt not fo much as look into them ? Take the 
 Book into thy Hands, read the whole Hiftory, 
 and remember thofe things that are intelligible 
 and eafyj and thofe things that are more ob- 
 fcure and dark, read over and over again : And 
 if thou canft not by frequent reading dive into 
 the meaning of what is laid, go to a wifer Per- 
 fon, betake thy felf to a Teacher, and confer 
 with him about any fuchPafTagej lhew thy Dili- 
 gence and Defire to be informed. And when 
 God fees thy Willingnefs andReadinefs of Mind, 
 He will not defpife thy Vigilance and Care. But 
 though Man inform thee not in the things about 
 which thou makeft Enquiry, he himfelf will cer- 
 tainly reveal it unto thee. Remember the Eu- 
 nuch of the Ethiopian Queen, who though he 
 was a Barbarian, and immerfed in a Multitude of 
 Cares and Bufinefs, and underftood not what he 
 read, yet he read for all that, fitting in his Cha- 
 riot. And if he fliew'd fo great Diligence by 
 the way, confider how he behaved himfelf at 
 home. If he would not omit reading in the 
 time of a Journey, much lefs would he omit it, 
 when he fat quietly in his own Houfe. If when 
 he underftood nothing of it, he {till continu'd 
 to read* much more would he do it, when he 
 came to underftand it. Wherefore becaufe he 
 read when he had no Guide, he quickly found 
 a Guide. God knew the Willingnefs of his Mind, 
 and accepted his Diligence, and prefently fent 
 him a Teacher. But Philip, you'll fay, does 
 not now ftand by us. No : But the Spirit that 
 moved Philip, is ftill by us. Let us not neg- 
 lect our own Salvation, Beloved. Thefe things 
 were written for our Salvation, upon whom the 
 Ends of the World are come. The reading of 
 the Scriptures is our great Guard againft Sin. 
 Our Ignorance of them is a dangerous Precipice, 
 and a deep Gulph: It is an abfolute betraying of 
 our Salvation, to know nothing of the divine 
 Law. It is this that has brought forth fo ma- 
 ny Herefiesi this, that has brought fo much Cor- 
 ruption into our Lives i this, that has turned all 
 things into Confufion. 
 
 One would think St. Chryfoftom had forefeen 
 all the little Pleas and Sophiftry of the Romijh 
 Church, and was here difputing and inveighing 
 
 againft them. So appofite is every Word to 
 refute their trifling pretences j That Ignorance 
 is the Mother of Devotion ; That the Scriptures 
 are obfeurej That there is need of an infallible 
 Guide on Earth, befides the Spirit, to underftand 
 them j That the promifcuous Ufe of them is the 
 Caufe of all Errors and Herefesj That Laymen 
 and fecular Men are not fit to be cntrufted with 
 them : Each of which Pofitions is as plainly- 
 combated by St. Chryfoftom, as if he had been 
 directly difputing againft the infufferable Tyran- 
 ny and frivolous Pleas of the prcfent Church 
 of Rome: And his whole Difcourfe, with fome 
 hundreds of the like PalTages that might be 
 alledged out of him and other Writers, do ir- 
 refragably {hew, That it was as much the Care 
 and Concern of the Primitive Church to have 
 the Service of God and the Scriptures to be 
 underftood by all, as now it is the Concern of 
 the Roman Church to have them concealed 
 from their Knowledge, and locked up in a Lan- 
 guage which the Unlearned do not underftand. 
 
 For it is very obfervable sect. IX. 
 
 farther, That in the primitive Ninthly, From 
 
 Church not only Men and Wo- the Libsrt y granted 
 
 men, but Children were encou- " children and c*- 
 
 ji j r i • techumens to iomsn 
 
 raged and trained up from their . ,,. , ' J 
 
 P. r the .pubick Payers 
 
 Inrancy to the reading of the a *d read the scrip. 
 holy Scriptures: And the Cate- tares. 
 chumens were not only admitted 
 to fome of the Prayers of the Church peculiar- 
 ly appropriated to their Condition, but alfo o- 
 bliged to learn the Scriptures, as part of their 
 Difcipline and Inftruction. Of their Obligation 
 to learn the Scriptures, we have treated before 
 f_*] in fpeaking of the Method of training them 
 up for Baptifm: And of their Admiflion to cer- 
 tain Prayers of the Church, we lhall fee more 
 hereafter in that part of the Worfhip called 
 'the Service [f[~] of the Catechumens. All then 
 that is farther here to be ihewed, is, That Chil- 
 dren were trained up to the Ufe of the holy 
 Scriptures. And of this we have undoubted 
 Evidence from many eminent Inftances of their 
 Practice. Eufebius [f] remarks of the great 
 Care of Leonides the Martyr, and Father of Ori- 
 gen, in the Education of his Son, that he made 
 him learn the Scriptures, before he fet him to 
 the Study of the liberal Arts and polite Learn- 
 ing. And Socrates [s~] makes the like Obferva- 
 tion upon the Education of Eufebius firnamed E- 
 mifenus, who was born of noble Parentage at 
 Edeffa a City of Ofroene in Mefopotamia, that he 
 was firft taught the holy Scriptures from his In- 
 fancy, and then human Learning : And Sozomen 
 [t~\ in relating the fame Story, fays, this was 
 done x^J -ardr^ov according to the Cu- 
 
 ftom of the Country j which (hews that it was no 
 Angular Inftance, but a general Practice to bring 
 Children up from their Infancy to the Ufe of 
 the holy Scriptures. Gregory Nyffen [«] notes 
 
 [*] Book X. chap. i. n. 6. 
 chap. v. [/] Eufeb. lib. 6. cap. 2. 
 
 8 
 
 [f J Book XIV. lib. 2. cap. 9. [*] Sozom. lib. 3. cnp. 6. 
 
 [j] Socrat. Vit. Macrin. T. 2. p. 179. 
 
 [«] Nyflen. 
 it 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 58s 
 
 it in the Life of his Sifter Macrina, That the 
 firlt Part of her Inftruftion in her Infancy was 
 to be taught the eafy Portions of Scripture, that 
 were molt fuitable to her Age: And he fays al- 
 fo [#], fhe did the fame for her younger Bro- 
 ther Peter, taking him from his Mother's Breads, 
 and inftru&ing him in the Scriptures, that he 
 might have no Time to fpend upon vain Studies. 
 'Tis noted by Sozomen [jy] and Palladium of 
 Marcus the Hermit, that he was fo expert in the 
 Scriptures when he was but a Youth, that he 
 could repeat all the Old and New Teflament 
 without Book. And it is obfervable, that as 
 there were many Catechetick Schools in thofe 
 Times for explaining the Scriptures to the Cate- 
 chumens ; fo there were alfo Schools appointed 
 in many Churches to inftrucl: the Youth in the 
 Knowledge of the Scriptures. When Gregory, the 
 Apoftle of the Armenians, firft converted that 
 Nation, it is laid in his Life [z], that he fct 
 up Schools in every City, and Matters over them 
 by the King's Command, to teach the Armenian 
 Children to read the Bible. And Theodoret [a] 
 relates a rc-rnarkablc Story of Protogenes the Scribe, 
 That when Valens the Arian Emperor banifh'd 
 him to Antinoe in 'Thebais, in the utmoft Parts 
 of ALgypt, he finding the greateft part of the 
 City to be Heathens, fet up a Charity -fchool a- 
 mong them, and taught them the holy Scrip- 
 tures* dictating to them in Writing Short-hand 
 David's Pfalms, and making them learn fuch 
 Doctrines of the Apoftolical Writings, as were 
 proper for them to underftandj by which 
 means he brought many both of the Children 
 and Parents over to the Chriftian Faith. And it 
 has been obferved before [*], that by the Canons 
 of fome Councils fuch fort of Charity-fchools 
 were appointed to be fet up in Cathedrals and 
 other Churches, where no doubt, according to 
 the Cuftomof thofe Days, Children were taught 
 to read the Scriptures [b~\. Thefe Rules were 
 renewed in feveral Councils under Charles the 
 Great and the following Princes. Particularly 
 in the fecond Council of Chalons [c~] An. 813, 
 it was appointed, That according to the Order 
 of Charles the Emperor, Bifhops fhould fet up 
 Schools to teach both Grammar and the Know- 
 ledge of the Scriptures. And in the Council of 
 Toul or Savon-ieres \jP\ in Lorrain, the Decree 
 was renewed, That Schools of the holy Scrip- 
 ture and human Learning fhould be erected} for 
 as much, as by the Care of the religious Empe- 
 rors in former Days, by this means both Eccle- 
 fiaftical Knowledge and human Learning had 
 
 made a confiderable Progrefs in the World. 
 And Mr. Wharton [<?] will furnifh the inquifi- 
 tive Reader with many other Ruies and Canons 
 made about the fame Time to promote and en- 
 courage the Learning of the Scriptures. 
 
 I only obferve one thing SECT. X. 
 more, that the very Form and Laftiy. From the 
 Tenour of the Ordination of Rea- R ~ /r ~ f 
 
 1 . , , . , ,*>.. ., trie OrcwiAtion of 
 
 ders antiently did mamfeftly im- Rea(lers m the 
 ply, that the Service of the an- church. 
 tient Church was always per- 
 formed in a known Tongue. For they were 
 fometimcs ordained with Prayer to God for his 
 Holy Spirit, to qualify them to read his Word 
 to the Inltruftion and Edification of the People. 
 The Form of their Ordination in the Book of 
 the Conftitutions, prays, that God [/] would give 
 the Reader Wifdom, as he did to Efdras, to read 
 his Laws to the People. Now it is well known 
 how Efdras read the Law to them, by caufing 
 them to underftand the Reading. Neb. viii. 7, 8. 
 T'hey read in the Book, in the Law of God difinclly, 
 and gave the Senfe, and caufed them to underfland 
 the Reading. And if all Readers read as Efdras 
 did, they certainly either read, or interpreted the 
 Reading, in a known Tongue. For he rendred 
 that which was written in the Hebrew Tongue, 
 into the Chaldee or Syriack, which was after the 
 Captivity, the common Language of the People. 
 Cyprian twice or thrice fpeaks of the Ordination 
 and Office of Readers, and he plainly intimates, 
 that the People underftood what they read out 
 of the Gofpel to them. In one Place fpeaking 
 of Celerinus, the Confeffor, whom he had or- 
 dained a Reader, he fays, It was very fitting he 
 fhould read the Gofpel [g], who had fo coura- 
 gioufly and faithfully obferved it; and that the 
 fame Tongue which had confefTed the Lord, 
 fhould be daily heard to repeat what the Lord 
 hath fpoken: Since there was nothing wherein 
 a Confeffor could more advantage his Brethren, 
 than to have them hear the Gofpel read by the 
 Mouth of fuch a Confeffor and Reader, whofe 
 Faith was fo brave an Example. In another 
 Epiftle [A] fpeaking of Aurelius the Confeffor, 
 whom he alfo ordained a Reader, he fiys, There 
 was nothing more agreeable, than that that 
 Voice, which had fo glorioufly confefTed the 
 Lord, fhould found forth in reading the Leffons 
 of. the Lord: And after thofe lofty Words, 
 whereby he proclaimed the Martyrdom of Chrift, 
 he fhould read the Gofpel of Chrift, which 
 makes Martyrs. The Gofpel was then fo read 
 
 [x] Ibid. p. iSf. [jy] Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 29. Pallad. 
 
 Hilt. Laufiaca. cap. 21. [z,] Afta Gregorij ap. Simeon. 
 
 Metaphraft. Sept. 30. cited by BiJJiop Ufher. (VJ Theod. 
 
 lib. 4.. cap. 16. [*] See Book VIII. chip. vii. w. 12. 
 
 [6] Cone. 6. General. Can. 4, 8c 5-. [c] Cone. CabiHon. 2. 
 Can. 3. Oportet etiam, ut licut Dominus Imperator Carolus prse- 
 cepit, Epifcopi Scholas conftituant, in quibus 8c literaria folertia 
 difcipiinae, 8c S. Scripture documenta difcantur. [</] Cone. 
 
 Tullenfe, al. Ad Saponarias. Can. 10. Statuimus ut Scholx fanda- 
 rum Scripturarum, 8c humanaj quoque Literature, See. conftitu- 
 antur. [e] Wharton. Auftarium ad UfTerij Hift. Dogmat. cap. 
 
 4. p. 346. [/] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 22. [g] Cypr. 
 Ep. 34. al. 39. p. 77. Legat prxcepta 8c Evangehum 
 Domini, qua fortiter ac fideliter fequitur; Vox Dominum cotv 
 fcfla, in his quotidie, quae Dominus locutus eft, audiatur. Ni- 
 hil eft in quo magis Confeffor fratribus profit, quam ut dum Evan- 
 gelica Leftio de ore e}us auditur, Ledtoris fidern quifquis audierit, 
 imitetur. [6] Id. Ep. 38. al. 33. p. 75-. Nihil magis con- 
 gruit voci, quae Dominum gloriofa prsedicationc confefTa eft, quam 
 celebrandis divinis Leclionibus perfonare-. Poft verba fublimia quse 
 Chrifti Mirtyrium prolocuta funt, Evangelium Chrifti legere, unde 
 Martyres fiunt. 
 
 that 
 
586 
 
 The Antiquitibs of the Book XIII. 
 
 that the Hearers might reap Advantage by it, 
 whilst they understood the Doctrines and Pre- 
 cepts that were read to them out of it. And 
 iuch was the Advantage which fome Hearers in 
 thofe Days reaped from the Benefit of having 
 the Scriptures read in their own Tongue, that it 
 is very remarkable what is related of one or two 
 of them, that being Men of good Memories, 
 they got the Scriptures by Heart, without any 
 Knowledge of Letters, only by hearing them 
 conihntly read in the Church or elfewhere. St. 
 Aujlin [/] remarks this of St. Antony the famous 
 Egyptian Monk, that without being able to 
 read himfelf, he made fuch a Proficiency in the 
 Knowledge of the Scriptures, as both by hear- 
 ing them read, to be able to repeat them, and 
 by his own prudent Meditation to understand 
 them. And Gregory the Great \k~] gives a like 
 Instance in one Servulus, a poor Man at Rome, 
 who though he knew not a Letter in the Book, 
 yet purchafing a Bible, and entertaining religious 
 Men, he prevailed with them to read it continu- 
 ally to him, by which means- he perfectly learn- 
 ed the Holy Scriptures. 'Tis a yet more afto- 
 riiShirig Inltance, which Eufcbius [/] gives in one 
 of the Martyrs of Palefline, a blind Man, called 
 John, who had fo happy a Memory, that he 
 could repeat any Part of the Bible as readily as 
 others could read it. And he Sometimes Supplied 
 the Office of a Reader in the Church : And he 
 did this to fo great Perfection, that Eufebius fays, 
 when he firit "heard him, he was perfectly ama- 
 zed, and thought he had heard one reading out 
 of a Book, tiii he came a little more curioully 
 to examine him, and found that he did it only 
 by the Eyes of his Understanding, having the 
 Scriptures written not in Books or Tables of 
 Stone, but in the flefnly Tables of his Heart. 
 Thefe and fuch like Examples, of which there 
 are many [m~] in antient Story , are enough to 
 raife in a Man another fort of AttoniShment than 
 that which Eufebius Speaks of: I mean it would 
 amaze a Man to think, that there Should be a 
 
 Church in the World pretending to the Height 
 of Purity and Devotion, which yet runs coun- 
 ter to this indifputable Practice of the antient 
 Church, whofe publick Readers never once pre- 
 tended to read any Part of Scripture in an un- 
 known Tongue: That being as much againlt the 
 Defign of their Ordination, as it is againlt the 
 Defign of the Scripture it felf: For the one was 
 written, and the other ordained to read what 
 was written, for Mens Learning and Instruction. 
 Yea, the very Form of ordaining Readers, as it 
 Stands Still in the Roman Pontifical y Shews as 
 much : For it is much antienter than the Cor- 
 ruption that is now crept into their Service, and 
 only Stands there as a Monument of their Re- 
 proach, who oblige their Readers to act directly 
 contrary to the Defign of their Office, and the 
 very Instructions that are given them in their 
 Ordination. For there the Bifhop Still, in con- 
 ferring the Order of Readers, ufes this Form : 
 Study to pronounce [»] the Word of God, that 
 is, the Sacred LeSTbns, distinctly and plainly to 
 the Understanding and Edification of the Faith- 
 ful, without any Error or Falfhood j that ye 
 may teach your Hearers both by Word and Ex- 
 ample. This was a very proper Form of Exhor- 
 tation to be given to Readers at their Ordinati- 
 on, while the antient CuStom continued of read- 
 ing in a known Tongue: But now it is no bet- 
 ter than Mockery, to tell Men they are obliged 
 by the Vow of their Ordination to read the 
 Scriptures to the Understanding, and Instruction, 
 and Edification of the People j and at the fame 
 time tye up their Mouths, that they Shall not 
 read a Word that may be understood, but it 
 mutt all be in an unknown Tongue. This mon- 
 strous Contradiction in their own Practice, one 
 would think, might bring Men to fee their Er- 
 ror, and (what fome in their Communion [0] have 
 been fo long pleading for) oblige them to return 
 to the ufeful and edifying Practice of the Primi- 
 tive Church. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Original and Ufe of Liturgies, in flated and fet Forms of Prayer, in 
 
 the Primitive Church, 
 
 sect. 1. 
 
 Every Btftop 
 Liberty in the firjl 
 Ages to order the 
 Form of Divine Ser- 
 vice in bis own 
 Church. 
 
 TH E next Enquiry is con- 
 cerning the anticnt manner 
 of performing Divine Service: 
 Whether they did it by Stated 
 Liturgies, which we ufually call 
 fet Forms of Prayer, or by unli- 
 
 [ / ] Aug. de Do&rina Chriftiana in Prolog, torn. 3. p. 3. 
 line ulla fcicntia literarum Scripturas Divinas, Sc memoriter audi- 
 endo tenuifTe, 2c prudenter cogitando intellcxifle prardicatur. 
 [k] Greg. Horn. if. in Evangeiia, torn. 3. p. 40. Nequaquam 
 Literas noverat, fed fcripturae facrce ilbimet codices emerat; & re- 
 ligiofos quofque in hofpitalitatem fufcipiens, hos coram fe legerc 
 fine intermiffione faciebat. Faclumque eft, ut quantum ad men- 
 furam propriam attinct, plene facram Scripturam difceret ; cum 
 ficut dixi, literas funditus ignoraret. ['J Euieb. de Martyr. Pa- 
 8 
 
 mited Liberty of prophefying and extempore Con- 
 ceptions? The Question about fet Forms of 
 Worihip has more disturbed the prefent Church 
 than any other : And yet after all there can 
 be no publick Prayer, but it will be a fet Form, 
 at leaft to the Congregation. For though we 
 
 laeftin. cap. 1 3. p. 344,. [m] Vide Palladium Vit. Chryfoft. 
 
 cap. 17. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 22. [»] Pontifical. Roman. Cap 
 de Ordinat. Lectorum. Studete verba Dei, videlicet Le<ftiones facra?, 
 diftin&e 8c aperte ad intelligentiam 2c ardificationem fideiium abf- 
 que omni mendacio fallitatis proferre.— — Qtiatenus auditores ve- 
 ftros verbo pariter 8c exemplo docere poffitis. [0] Vid. Fre- 
 
 diric. Furius Ceriolanus de Libris facris in Vernaculam Linguam 
 convertendis. 
 
 fuppofe 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5*7 
 
 fuppofe the Minifter to pray extempore, and vary 
 the Method, the Form and the Phrafe every 
 time he prays j yet to make it Common Prayer 
 to a Congregation, it will be a Form to 
 them, though a new Form every time, in fpite 
 of all Contradiction. And I have often won- 
 dred, that difcerning Men fhould not obferve 
 this, before they charged all Forms of Prayer 
 as void of the Spirit, or a Aiming of the Spirit: 
 Since if they were fo, Extempora.y Forms would 
 be as much Hinting the Spirit of the Congrega- 
 tion as any other: And perhaps in lome mea- 
 furc more fo j fince in ftated Forms, which eve- 
 ry one knows beforehand, Men may be fup- 
 pofed to make them' their own heart y Prayers 
 by preceding Meditation-, whereas in extcmpurary 
 Forms every Man mull wait till he hears what 
 is laid, and then join in that Form, or elfe not 
 pray at all, but only privately by himfelf, not in 
 any publick or common Prayer jointly with the 
 reft of the Congregation For which Reafon I 
 fhall not here enquire fimply, whether the pub- 
 lick Worfhip of the Ancients was by a Form or 
 no: Since it is impoffible there fhould be any 
 publick Worfhip of a Congregation, as a Con- 
 gregation, joining in common Prayer to God, 
 without having a common Form dictated to 
 them fome way or other for all to join in: But 
 the Queftion fhall only be, whether they ufed 
 iiated Forms of Worfhip, or new extempore Forms 
 in every Church AfTembly ? And here we mult 
 diftinguifh firft, between Divine Forms, and 
 Forms of Human Inftitution. z. Between Or- 
 dinary and Extraordinary Occafions. 3. Between 
 the Times of Extraordinary Gifts of the Spirit, 
 and the Times when thofe miraculous Gifts aba- 
 ted. Now there is no doubt to be made, but 
 that the Forms of Divine Inftitution were al- 
 ways ufed in the Church without any Variati- 
 on. As the Form of Baptifm, the Lord's Pray- 
 er, the finging of David's Pfalms, the Forms of 
 Benediction, fuch as, "The Lord be with you, The 
 Grace of our Lord Jefus Chriji, &c. The conftant 
 Ufe of the Form of Baptifm has been demonftra- 
 ted [*] already. The Ufe of the Lord's Prayer 
 and the reft fhall be fhewed hereafter [t] ■ As 
 to *Forms of Human Inftitution, they were add- 
 ed by the Bifhops and Governors of the Church 
 according to their Wifdom and Difcretion. And 
 this with relation to the ordinary Service. For 
 ftill they were at Liberty to compofe new 
 Forms for extraordinary Emergencies and Occa- 
 fions. And whilft the extraordinary Gifts of the 
 Spirit continued, there is little doubt to be made, 
 but .that Prayers and Hymns immediately dicta- 
 ted by the Spirit, made up a Part of the ordina- 
 ry Service, ftill retaining fuch Forms as were 
 antecedently of divine Appointment. When the 
 extraordinary Spirit of Prophefy ceafed, then the 
 Rulers of the Church fupplied this Want by 
 proper Forms of their own Compofition, accord- 
 
 ing to Chriftian Prudence and Difcretion. And 
 this fcems to have been the true Original of Li- 
 turgies, or ftated Forms of Divine Service. But 
 why then have we none of thefe Liturgies re- 
 maining entire and perfect to this Day? I an- 
 fwer, there may be feveral Reafons affigned for 
 this. One is, that the Bifhops at firft made eve- 
 ry one their own Liturgy for the private Ufe, as 
 we may call it, of their own particular Churches. 
 And therefore the Ufe of them not extending 
 farther than the Precincts of their own Dioccfcs, 
 there was little Knowledge of them beyond the 
 Bounds of thofe Churches, and not much Care 
 to preferve them but only for the Ufe of fuch 
 Churches, for which they were particularly de- 
 figned. That every Bifliop had at firft this 
 Power and Privilege to compofe and order the 
 Form of Divine Service for his own Church, I 
 have fhewed [_\] in another Place, where I had 
 Occafion to difcourfe of the Independency of 
 Bifhops, and their ablblute Power in their own 
 Church : Where among other things, I obfer- 
 ved, that as they had the Privilege to word 
 their own Creeds, fo they had the Privilege to 
 frame their own Liturgy y which Privilege thev 
 retained for feveral Ages. As may be confirmed 
 by this farther and moft certain Obfervation, 
 that when any new Epifcopal Church was taken 
 and erected out of another, the new-erected 
 Church was not obliged to follow the Model 
 and Prefcriptions of the old Church, but might 
 frame to herfelf a Form of Divine Service agree- 
 able to her own Circumftances and Condition. 
 Of which Sozomen [a] gives a clear Evidence in 
 the Inftance of Maiuma, a City railed from a 
 Village in Palefiine, and once belonging to the 
 Diocefe of Gaza : For as foon as it was erected 
 into a diftinct Epifcopal See, it was no longer 
 obliged to obferve precifely the Rules and Forms 
 of the Church of Gaza, but had, as he particu- 
 larly remarks, a Kalcndar for the Feftivals of its 
 own Martyrs, and Commemorations of then- 
 own Bifhops and Presbyters that had lived among 
 them. Which is the fame thing, as to fay, they 
 had a Liturgy and Service of their own, Inde- 
 pendent of the Church out of which they were 
 taken. 
 
 In After-ages Bifhops agreed sect. II. 
 by Confent to conform their Li- in Mtr-ms the 
 turgy to the Model of the Me- churches of a whole 
 tropolitical Church of the Pro- Province by Co.-.^ .t 
 vince to which they belonged. c " n f^j^hU- 
 
 \ j 1 r\ 1 - turgy of the Metro- 
 
 And then it was enacted into a p* tm 
 Law by feveral Councils, that 
 the fame Order and Uniformity fhould be obfer- 
 ved in all Churches. The Rudiments of this 
 Difcipline were firft laid in the French Churches. 
 For in the Council of Agde [b~] a Canon was 
 made about the Year fo6", that one and the fame 
 Order fhould be equally obferved in all Churches 
 
 [*] Book II. Chap. iii. 
 [4=] Book II. Chap. vi. n. a. 
 [i>] Cone. Agathens. Can. 30. 
 
 [ f ] Book XIII. Chap. vii. ab omnibus aequaliter obfervari, ftudendum eft ubique (ficut fit) 8c 
 
 [a] Sozomen. lib. f. cap. 3. poft Antiphoms, Coilediones per ordinem ab Epilcopis vel Presbj- 
 Qaia convenic ordinem Ecclelije teris dici, 8cc. 
 
 Of 
 
588 
 
 The A n t i cmj i t i e s of the Book XIII. 
 
 of the Province in all Parrs of Divine Service. 
 And in the Council of Epone [c] it is mure ex- 
 prcfsly faid, that in celebrating Divine Offices, 
 the Provincial Bifhop fhould obferve the fame 
 Order as was obferved by the Metropolitan. And 
 before thefe, the Council of Fames in Bretany 
 in the Province of 'fours, made a like Order for 
 that whole Province, that one and the fame [V] 
 Cuftom in celebrating Divine Service, and the 
 fame Order for Pfalmody, fhould be kept in all 
 Churches 5 that as they held one Faith and Con- 
 feflion of the Holy Trinity, fo they fhould keep 
 to one Rule of Divine Offices j left if they vari- 
 ed in their Obfervations, that Variation fhould 
 be interpreted as a Difagreement in fome Point 
 or other. And the fame Rule was made and 
 concerted in the Spanijh Churches. For in 
 the Council of Girone, An. f 17, a like Decree 
 was made for the whole Province of Tarragone or 
 Catalonia, that the fame [e] Order of MaJ's, and 
 Cuftom in Pfalmody, and other Miniftrations, 
 fhould be obferved in all Churches of the Pro- 
 vince, as was obferved in the Metropolitical 
 Church. The fourth Council of Toledo enlarged 
 the Order for Uniformity in all the Churches 
 of Spain and Gallicia [/], obliging all Priefts to 
 perform Divine Offices in the fame manner, that 
 there might be no Diverfity among them, and 
 that fuch Difference might neither offend the 
 Weak, nor look like a Schifm in the Church to 
 ignorant and carnal Men. Therefore they ap- 
 pointed, that one Order fhould be obferved in 
 Praying and Singing, and the fame Method be 
 kept in the Morning and Evening Service, be- 
 caufe they were all of the fame Faith, and the 
 fame Kingdom. And the firft Council of Braga 
 has four or five Canons to the fame Purpofe [g], 
 appointing the fame Order of Pfalmody, and 
 Leflbns, and Salutations, and the fame Forms of 
 celebrating Baptifm and the Eucharift to be ob- 
 ferved in all Churches. So that though every 
 Bifhop at firft had Liberty to frame a Liturgy 
 for the Ufe of his own Church ; yet in procefs 
 of Time they agreed by Confent to take the Li- 
 turgy of the Metropolitical Church as a Standard 
 for the whole Province: And when the Roman 
 Empire began to cantonized and divided into 
 different Kingdoms, then came in the Ufe of 
 National Liturgies, whofe Ufe was commenfurate 
 to the Bounds and Limits of their refpective Na- 
 tions and Kingdoms. 
 
 sect. HI. I f it be enquired, why then 
 why none of the none of the antient Liturgies are 
 
 now remaining, as they were at antient Liturgies 
 firft compolcu for the Ufe of art nm ramining 
 particular Churches? I anfwer, t n ff and 
 
 U 1 r» r 1 rt- 1 as they were in their 
 
 Several Realons may be afhgned firfl Q figmttL 
 for this. 1 . The very Liberty 
 which every Bifhop had to frame the Liturgy of 
 his own Church, was one Reafon why none of 
 thefe are now remaining perfect and entire, as 
 they were at firft compofed for the Ufe of fuch 
 a particular Church. For the Defign of them 
 being only for the Ufe of fuch a particular 
 Church, there was no great Reafon to be very 
 follicitous, either to communicate and diffufe the 
 Knowledge of them to other Churches, or to 
 preferve them entire to Pofteriry, who were nor. 
 precifely tyed up to the Ufe of them, but might 
 frame others at their own Difcretion. 2. It is 
 not improbable, but that as a late learned French 
 Writer [h~] has obferved, the antient Liturgies 
 were for fome Ages only certain Forms of Wor- 
 fliip committed to Memory, and known by Pra- 
 ctice, rather than committed to Writing, which 
 is the only certain Way of preferving fuch fort 
 of Monuments to late Pofterity. This feems very 
 probable, becaufe in the Perfecutions under Dio- 
 cletian and his AlTociates, though a ftrict Enqui- 
 ry was made after the Books of Scripture, and 
 other Things belonging to the Church, which 
 were often delivered up by the Traditores to be 
 burnt, yet we never read of any Ritual Books, 
 or Books of Divine Service, delivered up among 
 them. Which is an Argument, that their Forms 
 of Worfhip and Adminiftration of the Sacra- 
 ments, were not then generally committed to 
 W riting, or at leaft not compiled in Books diftinct 
 from the Pfalms or other Books of Scripture: 
 Otherwife, it is very probable, that as the Scrip- 
 tures, with other Utenfils and Trcafures of the 
 Church, were often found by the Heathens, or 
 betrayed by apoftatizing Chriftians, and deliver- 
 ed up to be burnt fo we fhould have heard 
 fomething of their Books of Divine Worfhip un- 
 dergoing the fame Fate : Since they who were 
 fo curious in enquiring after the Cups, and Lamps, 
 and Torches, and Veftmcnts, and other Utenfils 
 and Veffels of the Church, (as in fome of their 
 Kakndars and Breviats we find they were) would 
 hardly have omitted their Books of Worfhip, as 
 being more proper Objects of their Spite and 
 Malice, had they found any fuch in the Chrifti- 
 an Churches. Mr. Daille argues well upon 
 this foot againft the Ufe of Images in the anti- 
 ent Church, becaufe no fuch Thing was ever 
 found or betrayed to the Heathen in the times 
 
 [c] Cone. Epaunens. Can. 27. Ad celebrandum divina Officia, 
 Ordinem, quem Metropolitani tenent, Provinciates obfervare debe- 
 bunt. (X) Cone. Veneticum, Can. \ f . Redtum quoque duxi- 
 
 inus, ut vel inira Provinciam noftram facrorum Ordo, 8c Pfallendi 
 una fit Confuctudo; ut ficut unam cum Trinitatis confelfione fi- 
 dem tenemus, unam £c Omciorum Regulam teneamus: Ne, va- 
 riata Obfcrvatione, in aliquo Obfervatio noftra difcrepare videatur. 
 [c] Cone. Gerundcnfe. Can. 1. Ut Inftitutio Miflarum, iicut in 
 Metropolitana Ecclefia agitur, ita in Dei nomine in omni Tarraco- 
 nenfi Provincia tarn ipfius Mills ordo, quam pfallendo vel mini- 
 fcrando, conluetudo fervetur. [/] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 2. 
 
 I'hcuit omnes facerdotes, qui Catholics Fidei unitatem complecti- 
 6 
 
 mur, ut nihil ultra diverfum aut dilTonum in eccleliafticis Sacramen- 
 tis agamus, ne quadibet noftra diverfitas apud ignotos leu carnales 
 fchifmatis errorem videatur oftendere, 8c multis extet in fcanda- 
 lum varietas Eccleliarum. Unus ergo Orandi atque Pfailendi ordo 
 a nobis per omnem Hilpaniam atque Gallicism confervetur: Unus 
 modus in MiiTarum folennitatibus, unus in Velpertinis Officiis: 
 Nec divcrfa lit ultra in nobis ecclefiaftica confuctudo, quia in una 
 Fide continemur 8c Regno. [g] Cone. Bracar. 1. can. 19. 
 
 Placuit ut unus atque idem Pfallendi ordo in Matutinis vel Vefper- 
 tinis Officiis teneatur, &c. Vid. Can. 10, 21, 22, 23. ibid. 
 [h] Renaudotius. Colleftio Liturgiar. Oriental. Diftertat. 1. p. <?. 
 torn. 1. Par. 1716. [/] Dalbe. de Cultu Rclig. lib. 1. cap. 25-. 
 
 of 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 5*9 
 
 of their moil furious Inquifition after any Thing 
 that related to the Chriftian Church or Religi- 
 on: And I think the Argument will hold as 
 well againft having their Liturgies compiled into 
 Books and Volumes, fince it is fcarce poffible 
 that fuch Things in difficult Times fhould have 
 wholly v efcapcd the Notice and Fury of their 
 Enemies. We are not hence to conclude (as 
 fome weak Men might perhaps be inclined to 
 do) that therefore they had no Liturgies or fct 
 Forms of Divine Worfhip in thefe perfecuting 
 Ages of the Church j becaufe there are undenia- 
 ble Evidences to the contrary, as we fhall fee 
 by and by : But we are only to conclude, that 
 they did not fo generally compile them in Books 
 as in After-ages, but ufed them by Memory, and 
 made them familiar to the People by known and 
 conftant Practice, as many now ufe Forms of 
 Prayer at this Day without committing them to 
 Writing. And this is another Rcafon, why 
 none of thofe antient Liturgies are come to our 
 Hands perfect and entire, but only in fcattered 
 Fragments, as the Fathers had occafion to men- 
 tion them incidentally in their Writings. Nor 
 need we wonder at this, fince even thofe Litur- 
 gies which were molt certainly compiled in 
 Books in the following Ages, are now in a 
 great meafure loft alfo by the Injuries of Time, 
 as the old Gallican, SpaniJJj, African, and Roman 
 Liturgies, of which there is nothing but Frag- 
 ments and difmembered Parcels now remaining. 
 Which is a third Rcafon, why none of thofe an- 
 tient Liturgies are extant at this Day. The fourth 
 and laft Reafon, is the Interpolations and Addi- 
 tions made to the antient Liturgies in future 
 Ages. For though thofe antient Liturgies which 
 go under the Name of St. Chryfoflom and St. Bafil 
 might originally have fomething of their Com- 
 pofition in them, yet fo many Additions and Al- 
 terations have been made in them by the Greek 
 Church in following Ages, that it is not 
 eafy to difcern, after they have paffed through 
 fo many Hands, and fo much new modelling, 
 what was the genuine Compofition of the firft 
 Authors. And therefore I have made little Ufe 
 of them in this Work, but rather chofen to col- 
 lect the Fragments of the antient Liturgy from 
 the fcattered Remains in the genuine Writings 
 of the Fathers j joining with them fuch Forms 
 as we find in the antient Book, called Ttbe Apo- 
 ftolical Conftitutions : Which though it be not fo 
 antient as the Title pretends, nor of fo venerable 
 Authority as Mr. Whifton contends for, who 
 would have it to be truly Apoflolical, yet it is 
 owned to be a good Collection of the Liturgy 
 and Rituals of the Church in the third and 
 fourth Centuries, and lefs corrupted than any 
 other Liturgy that bears the Name of an antient 
 Writer : The true Reafon of which was, becaufe 
 it never being of that Efteem as to be ufed as a 
 Handing Liturgy in any Church, the Book came 
 down to us with lefs Alterations than other Li- 
 turgies, which were new modelled, according to 
 
 the different Tafte and Sentiments of the Ages 
 they paficd through, as all Things of this kind 
 are commonly revifed and altered by fcvcral 
 Hands, when they are in conftant Ufe and Pra- 
 ctice. For Proof of which we need go no far- 
 ther than the Example of our own Liturgy, 
 which has received many Reviews. \ Iterations 
 and Additions from the Tiirie it was firft compiled 
 the Days of King Edward. Upon this lcore 
 thofe Liturgies, which bear the Names of antient 
 Authors, are nor to be depended on, as the ge- 
 nuine, unmixed Liturgies of thofe Authors, ha- 
 ving undergone fo many Alterations, Interpola- 
 tions, and Additions by pairing through various 
 Hands in fucceeding Ages. For as much there- 
 fore as we have now no antient Liturgies perfect 
 and entire, as they were firft compofed, we muft 
 take our Accounts and Eftimate of them from 
 other Fountains : And by the Providence of God 
 there is lb much of them remaining in the ge- 
 nuine Writings of the antient Fathers, as both 
 to fhew us in general that the Church made ule 
 of ltated Forms of Worfhip, and alfo what was 
 the particular Order and Method of her Wor- 
 fhip in the molt confiderable Parts of her facred 
 Service and Devotions. We will therefore firft 
 give fome Account of the Ufe of Liturgies and 
 facred Rites in general, and then proceed to 
 explain in Order the fcveral Parts of the anti- 
 ent Service in the fame natural Method as we 
 find it was performed, at feveral times, either 
 in the Daily or Weekly Affemblies for that Pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 As to the Ufe of Liturgies in SECT. I v. 
 general, I fhall begin with the Wmt Forms were 
 Apoflolical Times, and carry the "fed in the Apoftles 
 Hiftory through the four firft D *v- where of rhe 
 Ages. The Apoflolical Practice TX'/T^ 
 
 ^ , r , 1 , • i a. 'n the Jewift) Wor- 
 
 may be confidered in a double ji,, h arJof themw 
 
 refpectj firft in their Compli- Forms introducedm- 
 ance with the ftated Forms fet- to the chriftian ser- 
 tled among the Jews, and fe- vice ; 
 condly, in the new Forms introduced into the 
 Chriftian Service. As to the former, there feems 
 to be nothing more uncontefted among learned 
 Men, than that the Jews had fet Forms of Wor- 
 fhip in all Parts of Divine Service, and that the 
 Apoftles freely ufed thefe in all Inftances, in 
 which they thought it necefTary or becoming to 
 join with them. Their Ordinary Service was of 
 two forts, the Service of the Temple, and the 
 Service of the Synagogue. Thefe differed in 
 many refpectsj but both agreed in this, that 
 the publick Prayers in both were offered up in a 
 certain conftant Form of Words. For their pri- 
 vate Prayers, which every Man made particular- 
 ly by himfelf, (which were like thofe filent 
 Prayers we fhall hereafter [*] meet with in the 
 Chriftian Church) a late learned Writer [>] tells 
 us, they had no publick Forms to pray by, nor 
 any publick Minifters to officiate to them here- 
 in j but all prayed in private Conceptions : But 
 
 [*] See Book XV. Chap. i. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [k] Prideaux Connexion of Scripture Hiftory, Part I. Chap. 6. p. 382, 
 
 F f f f f 
 
 their 
 
590 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 their publick Prayers were directed by publick 
 Forms both in the Service of the Temple and 
 the Synagogue. The Temple-Service is very 
 accurately defcribed by Dr. Light foot, as it flood 
 in the time of our Saviour: The Sum of his De- 
 Icription is this [/]. Firft, before the Offering 
 of the Sacrifice, the Prefide-nt called upon them 
 to go to Prayers, which they began with this 
 Form : 'Thou haft loved us, O Lord our God, with 
 an evcrlafting Lov~e, with great and abundant Com- 
 panion haft thou had Mercy on us, O our Father, 
 our King, for our Fathers Sakes, who trufted in 
 Thee, and Thou taught eft them Statutes of Life. So 
 be gracious to us alfo, O our Father, O moft merci- 
 ful Father, O Thou Companionate One , pity us : 
 And put into our Hearts to know, under (land, obey, 
 learn, teach, obferve, do and perform all the IV ords 
 of the Doclrine of thy Law in Love, and enlighten 
 our Eyes by thy Law, and caufe our Hearts to 
 cleave to thy Commandments, and unite our Hearts 
 to love and to fear thy Name, &c. After this 
 Prayer they rehearfed the Ten Commandments, 
 and after the Ten Commandments they faid over 
 their Phylacleries, in Hebrew called Tephillin, 
 which contained four Portions of the Law writ- 
 ten in four Parchments. The firft out of Exo- 
 dus xiii. from ver. 5 to 10. The fecond out of 
 Exodus xiii. from ver. 1 1 to 10". The third 
 out of Deut. vi. from ver. 4. to 9. The fourth 
 out of Deut. xi. from ver. 15. to 21. After 
 this Prayer and Rehearial of the Decalogue and 
 of their Phylacleries, at the time of offering, In- 
 cenfe, they had three or four Prayers more* the 
 firft of which there was in this Form, referring 
 to their Phylacleries : Truth and Stability, and 
 firm aud fure, and upright and faithful, and be- 
 loved and lovely and delightful, and fair and ter- 
 rible and glorious, and ordered and acceptable, 
 and good and beautiful is this Word for us for 
 ever and ever. The Truth of the ever la fling God 
 our King, the Rock of Jacob, the Shield of our Sal- 
 vation, for ever and ever. He is fure, and his 
 Name fure, and his Throne fettled, and his Kingdom 
 and Truth eftablifhed for evermore, &c. 
 
 The fecond Prayer was in this Form : Be plea- 
 fed, O Lord our God, with thy People Ifrael, and 
 with their Prayer, and reftore the Service to the 
 Oracle of thy Houfe, and accept the Burnt-Offering 
 of Ifrael, and their Prayer in Love and Complacen- 
 cy, and let the Service of thy People Ifrael be con- 
 tinually well-pleaftng unto Thee. And they conclu- 
 ded thus : We praife Thee, who art the Lord our 
 God, and the God of our Fathers, the God of all 
 Flejh, our Creator and the God of all Creatures: 
 Glory and Praife be to Thy great and holy Name, 
 be caufe thou haft preferved and kept us ; fo preferve 
 md keep us, and bring back our Captivity to the 
 Courts of thy Flolinefs, &c. 
 
 A third Prayer ran thus : Appoint Peace, Good- 
 nefs and Blefftng, Grace, Mercy and Companion for 
 us, and for all Ifrael thy People. B lefts us, O our 
 Father, even all of us as one Man, with the Light 
 of thy Countenance ; for in the Light of thy Counte- 
 
 nance Thou, O Lord our God, haft given us the 
 Law of Life, and Loving-mercy and Righteouftnefs, 
 and Blefftng and Compajfton, and Life and Peace : 
 Let itpleaje Thee to blefs thy People Ifrael at all 
 Times. Let us and all thy People the Floufe of If- 
 rael be remembered and written before Thee in the 
 Book of Life, with Blefftng and Peace, &c. 
 
 A Fourth Prayer was ufed on the Sabbath as 
 a Blefling, by the Courfe that went out of their 
 Service, upon thofe that came in to do the Ser- 
 vice of the following Week, in thefe Words: 
 He that caufted his Name to dwell in this Houfe, 
 caufe Love and Brotherhood and Peace and Friend- 
 ftoip to dwell among you. 
 
 After thefe Things the Priefts lifted up their 
 Hands and blefTed the People in that Form of 
 Words, which is in Numb. vi. 24. The Lord 
 blefs thee, and keep thee : The Lord make his Face 
 fhine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee: The 
 Lord lift up his Countenance upon thee, and give 
 thee Peace. To which the People anfvvered, Blef- 
 fed be the Lord God, the God of Ifrael, from Evcr- 
 lafting to Everlafting. 
 
 After this Blefling, the Meat-offering, and the 
 Dnnk-offenng was offered, and then began the 
 fingmg of Plalms and the Mufick. The conflant 
 and ordinary Plalms which they fung, were thefe : 
 
 On the firft Day of the Week, the xxivtfi 
 Pfalm, The Earth is the Lord's, and the Fullnefs 
 thereof, Sec. 
 
 On the fecond Day, Pfalm xlviii. Great is the 
 F^ord, and greatly to be praifed in the City of God 
 &c. 
 
 On the third Day, the lxxxiid Pfalm, God 
 
 ftandeth in the Congregation of the Mighty, and 
 judgeth among Gods, &c. 
 
 On the fourth Day, the xcivth Pfalm, O Lord 
 God, to whom Fengeance belongeth, 6cc. 
 
 On the fifth Day, Pfalm lxxxi. Sing aloud un- 
 to God our Strength, make a joyful Noife unto the 
 God of Jacob. 
 
 On the fixth Day, Pfalm xciii. The Lord 
 reigneth, He is clothed with Majefty. 
 
 On the Sabbath Day they fang Pfalm xcii, 
 which bears the Title of A Pfalm or Song for the 
 Sabbath Day, both in the Hebrew Bibles, and 
 the Tranflation of the Septuagint. 
 
 Thefe were the known, and conftant, and 
 fixed P faints for the feveral Days of the Week 
 throughout the Year [vi]. But upon fome cer- 
 tain Days they had additional Pfalms and Hymns. 
 For on the Sabbath, as there was an additional 
 Sacrifice appointed, Numb, xxviii. p. fo at the 
 Time of this additional Sacrifice, the Levites 
 fang the Song of Mofes, Deuc. xxxii. Flear, O 
 Heavens, and I will fpeak: Which they divided 
 into fix Sabbaths for the Morning Service: and 
 at the Evening Service they fang that other Song 
 of Mofes, Exod. xv. / will ftng unto the Lord, 
 for he triumphed glorioufly : The Horfe and his Ri- 
 der hath he thrown into the Sea, &c. By which 
 Cuftom of Tinging the Songs of Mofes upon the 
 Sabbath, Dr. Lightfoot obferves [«], that that 
 
 [.} Lighfoot, Temple-Service, Chap. ix. Se£t. 4.. p. 108. [m] Lightfoot Temple Service, Chap, vi/.p. ?g. [n] Ibid, p. 61. 
 
 Paflagc 
 
C H A P. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 59s 
 
 Paflage in Rev. xv. t. may be itluftrated, where 
 the Saints arc faid to fing the Song of Mofes, the 
 Servant of God : Becaufe they were now come 
 to their everiafting Sabbath, having gotten the 
 Victory over the Beaft, and over his Image, and 
 over his Mark, and over the Number of his 
 Name, and having the Harps of God in their 
 Hands. Which Allufion to the Sabbath Service 
 in the time of St. John, is a good Argument 
 for the Antiquity of the Practice. 
 
 Bcfides this, there was an additional Sacrifice 
 appointed on the fir 11 Day of the Year, called 
 the Feafi of Trumpet s, Numb. xxix. 1. and at this 
 time they fang the eighty firft Pfalm, Sing aloud 
 unto God our Strength, &c. And at the Evening 
 Service of this Day, the twenty ninth Pfalm, 
 The Voice of the Lord Jhaketh the Wildernefs, &c. 
 
 Alio at the Paffover, belides many other Forms, 
 they were ufed to fing the Hymn, called, the 
 Egyptian Hallel, becaufe it was fung in Remem- 
 brance of their Delivery out of Egypt: Which 
 confifled of the cxiii, cxiv, cxv, cxvi, cxvii, 
 and cxviii Pfalms.- And this, asfome [0] obferve, 
 was fung alfo at the Beginning of every Month, 
 and on the Feafi of Dedication, and the Feafi of 
 Weeks, and the Feafi of Tabernacles. And the 
 later Part of it is generally fuppofed to be the 
 Hymn which our Saviour fung with his Difci- 
 ples at the Conclufionof his lait Supper. 
 
 This is the Sum of the Jewifh Temple Ser- 
 vice, as it flood in our Saviour's Timej with 
 which, notwithstanding its flated Forms, both 
 he and his Difciples comply'd, whenever they 
 had Occafion upon any fuch Solemnities to fre- 
 quent the Temple. 
 
 The Service of the Synagogue was fomething 
 different from that of the Temple. For here 
 were no Sacrifices, but only thefe three Things: 
 1. Prayers, 2. Reading of the Scriptures. 2. 
 Preaching and Expounding upon them. Their 
 publick Prayers, like thole of the Temple, 
 were all by flated Forms. Among thefe the mofl 
 antient and folemn were thofe which are called 
 Shemoneh Efijreh, that is, the eighteen Prayers, 
 which are faid to have been appointed by Ezra, 
 and the great Synagogue from the Time of the 
 Captivity. Thefe have been lately tranflated and 
 publifhed by Dr. Prideaux in his Connection of 
 Script tire- Hifi or y [/>], which becaufe it is a 
 Work that deferves to be in every one's Hands, 
 I fhall not here tranferibe, but refer the Reader 
 thither for the Knowledge of them. Only where- 
 as he obferves rightly, that another Prayer, cal- 
 led the nineteenth, was added a little before the 
 Deftruclion of Jerufalem, againfl the Chriflians, 
 who are therein meant under the Names of A- 
 poflates and Hereticksj I fhall confirm his Ob- 
 servation from a Paflage in Epiphanius \_q], who 
 tells us, that the Jews in their Synagogues were 
 ufed to pray againfl the Chriflians in this Form : 
 xa]a(°arai 6 ®ios Tbs - va^apqi-'is:, O God, curfe the 
 Nazarenes. And the fame thing is intimated 
 by Jufiin Martyr [f], who fays, immediately af- 
 
 ter our Saviour's Refurreclion the Jews fent 
 forth their chofen Emilfkries to all the Syna- 
 gogues in the World, to tell them, that there 
 was a certain impious, lawlefs Se£t rifen up un- 
 der one Jefus a Galilean Impoflor, whom they 
 had crucified, but his Difciples came by Night, 
 and flole him away out of the Grave, and decei- 
 ved Men by faying, He was rifen from the 
 Dead, and afcended into Heaven: And he adds, 
 that after their City was dcmolifhed, they re- 
 pented not, but even dared y.aixpi^r cwrz, to 
 curie him, and all that believed on him. Which 
 plainly refers to this additional Prayer inferted 
 into their Liturgy againfl the Chriflians. But 
 excepting this Prayer, which was of later Date, 
 all the other feem to have been in Ufe in the 
 Time of our Saviour and his Apoflles. And as 
 we are fure they frequented the Synagogues, fo 
 there is no doubt to be made, but that they 
 join'd in thefe ufual Forms of Prayer, which 
 were one Part of the Synagogue Service. 
 
 The other Parts of this Service, were the 
 Reading of the Law and the Prophets, and ex- 
 pounding of them to the People. Which was 
 alfo done by a certain Rule and Order. For 
 the five Books of Mofes were divided into as ma- 
 ny Sections or LefTons, as there are Weeks in 
 the Year, one of which was read every Sab- 
 bath, and half of the fame every Monday and 
 Thurfday, which were their Days of AfTembly 
 for the Synagogue Service. At thefe our Saviour 
 was ufually prefent, and fometimes afTifled and 
 officiated in Reading, according to Cullom, as 
 a Member of the Synagogue, as is exprelly faid 
 of him, Luke iv. 16. and at other Times taughc 
 in their Synagogues, Mark i. 39. Luke iv. 1 f, 
 44. which is alfo noted of St. Paul, Acts xiii. 
 if. and xvi. 13. and xvii. z. and xviii. 4. that 
 it was his Manner on the Sabbath Days to go 
 into the Synagogues, where Prayer was wont 
 to be made, and there, after the Reading of the 
 Law and the Prophets, to preach to the People, 
 and difpute or reafon with them. So that not- 
 withflanding the publick Service of the Syna- 
 gogue was all performed by Order and Form, 
 yet this was no Reafon to the Apoflles to refrain 
 from it, as a Thing fimply finful or unlawful-, 
 but they comply'd with it for fome time, pro- 
 bably to gain upon the Jews the better, and 
 make them lay afidc their Prejudices againfl the 
 Chriflian Doctrine. 
 
 But belides their Compliance with the flated 
 Forms of the Jewifh Liturgy and Worfhip, they 
 had fome Forms of their own in conftant Ule 
 among themfelves. Among which we may fafely 
 venture to reckon, 1. The Lord's Prayer, as a 
 Form appointed by Chrifl to be ufed by all 
 his Difciples > of which the Primitive Chriflians 
 never made any Difpute, as we fhall fee more 
 fully hereafter. 2. The Form of Baptifm, con- 
 flantly ufed without any Variation, as has been 
 fhewed in a former [*] Book. 3. The Forms 
 of profefling their Faith in Baptifm, or the 
 
 [0] Otho. Lexicon. R.abbiri. p. 156. [p] Parti Book [r] Juflin. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 33^, [»] Saak XI. 
 
 vi. p. }7f. [3] Epip'ian. Rxc. 10. Naz:r:_'or. in fine. Chap. v\. 
 
 Vol. I, F ffff z Form* 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 Forms of found Words fettled in every Church. 
 4. The Forms of Renouncing Satan, and Cove- 
 nanting with Chrift in Baptiim. f. The Forms 
 of Scripture Hymns and Pfalms, and Glorifica- 
 tions of God. To which the Ancients feem 
 to add fixthly, the Forms of Benediction, fuch 
 as, fbe£race of our Lord Jefus Chrift, &c. And 
 laftly, the Repetition of the Hiftory of Chrift's 
 Inftitution of the laft Supper, as a neceflary part 
 of Confecration, which, together with the Ufe 
 of the Lord's Prayer in the Celebration of the 
 Eucharift, is generally thought to defcend from 
 Apollolical Practice. Thefe Things are fuffici- 
 ent to fhew, that even the Apoftles themfelves, 
 notwithstanding the extraordinary Gift of in- 
 fpircd Prayer, whether in Matter, or Method, 
 or Words, or Languages, fometimes confined 
 themfelves to Forms, without any Reflection 
 on their Gifts, or hunting of the Spirit, or want 
 of Edification to their Hearers. If thefe Things 
 be rightly confidered, fome of them at leaft will 
 evince, That the Ufe of well-chofen and well- 
 appointed Forms, are no ways difagreeable to 
 Apoftolical Practice, fince the Apoftles themfelves 
 both comply'd with the Forms in Ufe in the 
 Jewilh Temple and Synagogue, and ufed fome 
 others of Chriflian Inftitution. I now proceed 
 to carry this Enquiry through the three or four 
 following Ages of the Church. 
 
 And here firft we may add what Jofephus fays 
 of the Effenes [f], that they were ufed to rife 
 before the Sun was up, and offer unto God -ara- 
 r^jus rivet? oo%ds, certain Prayers according to 
 the Cuftom of their Forefathers, or fuch as they 
 had received from them : And what Philo fays 
 [7] of the 1'herapeuta of Alexandria, the Afce- 
 iicks, whether Jews or Chriftians, that lived 
 there in his Time, that the Prefident among 
 them, after he had made a Sermon, firft began 
 to ling an Hymn to the Praife of God, either 
 fuch as he had compofed himfelf, or one taken 
 out of the antient Prophets, in the Clofe of 
 which they all both Men and Women joined in 
 Confort with him. Again in their Vigils [u~] 
 they divided themfelves into two Quires, the 
 one of Men, the other of Women, each of 
 which had their Precentor, and fo they fang 
 Hymns to the Glory of God, compofed in di- 
 vers forts of Metre, fometimes one Side ringing 
 and fometimes the other, in Imitation of the 
 Children of Ifrael, under the Conduct of Mofes 
 and Miriam-, their Precentors, at the Red-Sea. 
 This was fo much a Refemblance of the antient 
 Chriflian way of Pfalmody, that Eufebius [#], 
 who tranferibes a great many Things out of this 
 curious Tract of Philo, was clearly of Opinion, 
 that it was a Defcription of the Worfhip of fuch 
 Jews as had embraced the Chriflian Religion: 
 In which Opinion he is followed not only by 
 St. Jerom [_> ], but by many learned Writers of 
 this laft Age alfo. I lhall not need to determine 
 
 this Queftion, whether they were Jews or Chri- 
 ftians: It is fufficienc to our prefent Purpofe, 
 that their Way of Worshipping God by certain 
 Forms of Praife, and thofe of human ComDofi- 
 tion, was the fame, or fo much alike, that it 
 was not eafy to diftinguilh the one from the 
 other. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 What Evidence 
 
 I n the Beginning of the fe- 
 cond Century lived Pliny, a Ro- 
 man Proconful in Bithynia, who 7? V f tbe U { e 
 
 ■ , 7 of Jet Forms in the 
 
 giving Trajan the Emperor an f uo u century. 
 Account of the Chriflian Way 
 of Worfhip, which he had from the Mouth of 
 fome Apoftates, fays, They were ufed to meet on 
 a certain Day before it was light, and fing an 
 Hyrnn alternately to Chrift as God, binding 
 themfelves by an Oath or Sacrament (not to any 
 wicked Thing, but) that they would not Ileal, 
 nor rob, nor commit Adultery, nor break their 
 Faith, nor with-hold the Pledge [2]. The 
 Word, Carmen dicere, which Pliny ufes, will 
 fignify a folemn Form of Prayer, as well as 
 Praifes, as Vojfius [a] and Brijjonius [_b~\ have 
 obferved out of the Roman Writers: And then 
 it will denote, that their whole Divine Service 
 was by a ftated Form. However in the mofl re- 
 ftrained Senfe it implies, that they ufed certain 
 Forms in fome part of their Service in their al- 
 ternate Hymnody, which could not otherwife 
 be performed but by Compofition and Prefcrip- 
 tion. And that makes it probable, that the reft 
 of their Service was then of the fame Nature 
 and Order. 
 
 In the Beginning of the fame Century Igna- 
 tius is faid by the antient Hiftorians to have 
 brought in the Way of Alternate Singing [c] in- 
 to the Church of Antioch-, that is, Hymns fling 
 alternately to the Praife of the Holy Trinity. 
 For they fpeak not of the alternate finging of 
 David's Pfalms, as introduced by Ignatius, but 
 of Hymns compofed by him to fet forth the Di- 
 vinity of Chrift: Which appears to have been 
 a very antient Practice, not only from what has 
 been already obferved out of the Account given 
 by Pliny, but from what is faid by that antient 
 Author in Eufebius \_d~], who wrote againfl the 
 Herefy of Artemon'm the latter end of the fecond 
 Century j where among other Arguments which 
 he brings for the Church's conltant Belief of 
 our Saviour's Divinity, he urges this for one, 
 that from the Beginning there were Pfalms and 
 Hymns compofed by the Brethren, and written 
 by the faithful, fetting forth the Praifes of Chrift 
 as the Word of God, and declaring the Divini- 
 ty of his Perfon. Among thefe Hymns we may 
 reckon thofe of Ignatius, compofed for the Ser- 
 vice of the Church of Antioch, which probably 
 might continue in Ufe till Paulus Samofatenfis 
 removed them out of the Church, and introdu- 
 ced others in their room, as the Fathers of the 
 
 [j] Jofeph. dc Bsllo Jtd. lib. i. cap. 12. [/] Philo de [a] Vofs. Comment, in loc. p. 97. [6] Briflbn. de Formu- 
 
 Vita Contemplativa torn. 2. p. 1x14. [«] Philo ibid. p. lisp. 97. [c] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 8. Hift. Tripartita, lib. to. 
 
 inf. [*] Eufcb. lib. 2. cap. 17. [y] Hicron. cap. 9. [</] Eufcb. lib. cap. 28. See this cited before, 
 
 descriptor, cap. 21. [i-J Plin. lib. 10. Ep. 97. Chap. ii. n. 3. 
 
 8 Council 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 593 
 
 Council of Antioch, mentioned in Eufebius [e], 
 object againft him. 
 
 'Tis not improbable likewifc, but that Ignatius, 
 as he made Hymns, fo might compofe a whole 
 Form of Prayers for the Ufe of his own Church, 
 as was cuftomary for Bifhops to do in thofc 
 Days. To which Cuftom he feems to refer in 
 his Epiftlc to the Magnefians, when he bids them 
 do nothing without the Bifhops and the Presby- 
 ters j nor attempt any thing fecmingly agreea- 
 ble to their private Fancies: But when they met 
 [/] together, to have one Prayer and one Sup- 
 plication. Which not only forbids them to 
 break out and divide into Schifms and fcparate 
 Aflemblics, but alfo to conform to the Order of 
 Prayers agreed upon by the Bifhop and Presby- 
 tery of the Church. 
 
 Not long after Ignatius, we meet with the 
 Collateral Evidence of Lucian the Heathen, who 
 had fome Knowledge of the Chriftian Service. 
 For in one of his Dialogues, defcribing his com- 
 ing into a religious Aflembly, he fays, he there 
 heard that Prayer which began with the Father, 
 and ended with the Hymn of many Names [g]. 
 'Tis more than probable, that by the Prayer be- 
 ginning with the Father, he. means the Lord's 
 Prayer, which was of known and general Ufe in 
 the Euchariftical Service : But it is not fo clear 
 what he means by the Hymn of many Names, 
 that came after it. Bifhop Wettenhal [h~\ takes 
 it for the leffer or common Doxology, Glory be to 
 the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghoft ; 
 Dr. Smith [z] and others, for the great Doxo- 
 logy, Glory be to God on high; which I think more 
 probable : Though it is not neceflary in our pre- 
 sent Enquiry, to determine what Hymn it was: 
 It being fufficient to our Purpofe, that he fpeaks 
 of fome Prayers and Hymns then of fuch com- 
 mon and vulgar Ufe in the Chriftian Worfhip, 
 as that they were known to the very Heathens. 
 
 Jufiin Martyr's Authority is commonly al- 
 ledged on both Sides, both for and againft Li- 
 turgies. The Defenders of prefcribed Forms urge 
 his mentioning hoims cu^asr, Common Prayers 
 [k~] : The Oppofers with great Vehemence ar- 
 gue for extempore Prayer, becaufe he fays, the 
 Bifhop offered Prayers and Thankfgivings oVn 
 c^Jva/air, with all his Might and Power [/]. 
 Now to fpeak freely, I think there is no De- 
 monftration in either of thefe Expreflions: For 
 they are both ambiguous. Common Prayer does 
 not always imply, that the Minifter prayed by a 
 prefcribed Form : For infpired Prayer was doubt- 
 lefs common Prayer, when offered in a publick 
 Congregation : And though it was then a Form 
 prefcribed to the People, yet it was not fo to 
 the Minifter i but conceived by immediate In- 
 fpiration. Therefore we cannot argue barely 
 
 from the mentioning of common Prayer, that 
 the Minifter prayed by a prefcribed Form, un- 
 lcfs it be added, as ufually it is in Chryfofiom, 
 that the Congregation prayed pia cpuvn^ with one 
 Voice, joining vocally in the whole Prayer, or 
 alternately by way of Refponfcs, with the Mi- 
 nifter. For that implies, that the People un- 
 derftood beforehand the Words of their common 
 Prayers, before they were uttered by the Mini- 
 fter. On the other hand there is no Solidity in 
 the Argument brought againft liturgies, from 
 Juftin\ faying, that the Bifhop prayed and gave 
 Thanks, o<ry) e/Vva^uur, with all his Ability or 
 Power. For this may not at all relate to the In- 
 vention of Words, but to the Ardency and In- 
 tenfenefs of Devotion, which may be in the 
 Ufe of prefcribed Forms as well as thofc of im- 
 mediate Conception. And fo it is plain the very 
 fame Phrafe is ufed by Nazianzen, when he ex- 
 horts the Chriftians to fing c oar\ tMvaput, with all 
 their Might, that triumphal Hymn [>] upon 
 the Death of Julian, which the Children of If- 
 racl fang when the Egyptians were drowned in 
 the Red Sea. Which was not an extempore Hymn, 
 but a Form compofed by Mofes, and appointed 
 to be fung alternately by the Congregation of 
 Ifrael, Exod. xv. So that after all the Pains that 
 has been taken by fome late Writers to draw an 
 Argument againft Liturgies out of this Paflage 
 of Jufiin, there is no Reafon for fuch a Conclu- 
 fion : And yet this is the only Paflage that is 
 brought againft them. But it is more material 
 to confider, that Jufiin lived among the Jews, 
 who certainly ufed fet Forms of Prayer, one of 
 which he condemns, as I have fhewed before, as 
 an Execration inferred againft the Chriftians, 
 but fays nothing againft the other, which yet 
 doubtlefs he would have done, had he believed 
 the Ufe of Liturgies to have been only a piece 
 ofjewifi) Superltition, unbecoming the Spirit of 
 a Chriftian. But he too well underftood the 
 Practice of our Saviour and his Apoftles, in com- 
 plying with the Forms of the Jrwijb Service, 
 to put any fuch Mark or Brand of Infamy upon 
 them. And therefore this is of more Weight 
 with me, to perfuade that Jufiin believed the 
 known Forms both of the Jewifh and Chriftian 
 Service to be lawful, than any ambiguous Ex- 
 prefHons are to perfuade the contrary. 
 
 Not long after Jufiin lived Irenaus, Bifhop of 
 Lyons in France. And he takes Notice of a cer- 
 tain Form ufed in the Chriftian Worfhip, fo well 
 known to the Falentinian Hereticks, that they 
 made Ufe of it as an Argument to prove their 
 own fabulous Doctrine of the JEones : For, faid 
 they, You your felves of the Church in your 
 Thankfgivings, fay, For Ages of Ages, [»] or 
 iEones of yEones •> thereby intimating the vEones 
 
 [?] Eufeb. lib. 7. cap. 24.. [/] Igmt. Ep. ad Magne- 
 
 fian. n. 7. MwcPS -srH^Xirn]; ivKoyov rt 9*iy5i£^ jcT/'ct uyjiv' 
 eLAh' im t)ojjT3 (Act fogptr&'fcn, [xin J"hicri;. [g] Lu- 
 
 cian. Philopatris. p. 11 28. Tiit' cvy nv ^0 rr&r^i a.^ci{- J H i &' 
 K) Till' <ZfQKVSOVVUW eij^nv Hi r'iKQ- o7nd-&<. 
 [b] Wettenhal. Gift of Singing, chap. j. p. 273. [r] Smith. 
 Account cf tl.t Creek church, p. 226. Comber. Qrig. of Li!:rgies. 
 
 chap. 2. p. 30. takes it for the Trifagion, [£] j u ft in 
 
 Apol. 2. p. 97. [/] Juftin. ibid. p. 98. [«] Nazi 
 
 Orat. 3. qua: eft 1. In\re£tiv. conr. Julian, t. 1. p. ^. 
 [»] Iren. lib. 1. c. i.^ 'Aaa«\^ bti rni Ux^gtrUf 
 
 Ktyoifl&(, e<{ mr etiivtt; T sueivay, ly.^c 7te curias arr 
 
 •which 
 
59+ 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 which we contend for. This plainly refers to fome 
 Form of Thankfgiving then of known Ufe in the 
 Church. Dr. Comber and fome others take it 
 for the Gloria Patri, becaufe it ends as that in 
 Irentus did, with the Words, World without End. 
 Amen. But I rather conceive with Dr. Grabe 
 [o], that it was the Conclufion of the great 
 Thankfgiving in the Eucharift ; where the Glo- 
 rification of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, 
 ends with the Words as -nh cuwvas- r atcoW, 
 World without End; to which the People always 
 anfwered, Amen, as appears from the Form re- 
 maining in the Confiitutions [/»], of which more 
 in its proper Place. 
 
 About the fame time lived Clemens of Alexan- 
 dria, who fpeaking of the Church, fays, It was 
 the Congregation of thofe who proftrated them- 
 felves in Prayers, having as it were ^ovriv Triv wv 
 v»iv, one common voice {_{]. Which implies 
 That their Prayers were fuch as that they could 
 join vocally in them, either by repeating the 
 whole, or at leaft by alternate Refponfes. He 
 alfo mentions a Form of Prayer ufed oyer the 
 Penitents by the Valentinians Impofition of 
 Hands, in the clofe of which were thefe Words 
 [>], That they may obtain Angelical Abfoluti- 
 on. Not to mention that common Form of 
 Doxology, which he ufes at the End of his Pe- 
 dagogue, To whom be Glory both now and for e- 
 •uer, World without End. Amen. 
 
 Next after him 1'ertullian often tells us, 
 That they ufed the Lord's Prayer as a Form en- 
 joyned by divine Command > of which I fhall 
 fay more in a following Chapter [*]. He alfo 
 fays [j], That the Form of Baptifm was ap- 
 pointed and prefcribed by Chrift to be always 
 in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and 
 of the Holy Ghoft. And not only fo, but to 
 this the Church added feveral other Ceremonies 
 and Obfervations, which were not enjoyned ex- 
 prefly in fo many Words by Chrift. As the 
 Form of renounncing the Devil [/], and his 
 Pomp, and his Angels j the trine Immerfion } 
 the Interrogatories and Refponfes, which were 
 made in a certain Form to the Articles of the 
 Creed} the giving of Milk and Honey to the 
 newly baptized } the Obligation to abftain from 
 bathing for a whole Week after. All which 
 Obfervations were only of Ecclefiaftical Infti- 
 tution and Prefcription. So again their recei- 
 ving the Eucharift in their Morning [«] Affera- 
 blies before Day, which Chrift inftituted after 
 Supperj their annual Oblations and Comme- 
 morations for the dead, their avoiding Fall- 
 ing, and refufing to pray kneeling on the Lord's 
 
 Day, and the fifty Days between Eafter and 
 Pentecoft; their figning themfelves with the fign 
 of the Crofs upon all Occafionsj and their ap- 
 pointing of Occasional Fafts [x], together 
 with the Faft of Lent and ftationary Days. 
 None of which were of exprefs Divine Com* 
 mand, but were inftituted by the Church, with 
 many other Obfervations of the like nature, for 
 the Edification of her Children, as her Rules of 
 Difcipline, and Pfalmody, and finging a parti- 
 cular Pfalm at the Eucharift, which is mention- 
 ed by our Author [y]. Again he intimates [z] 
 that in all their Aflemblies they had not only 
 Sermons and Prayers, but alfo the Scriptures 
 read, and Pfalms fung to the Glory of God. 
 Which muft be allowed to be Forms of Praife 
 and Glorification. Nor would it be material 
 to fuggeft, that 1'ertullian, when he wrote this, 
 was a Montanift : For both the Church and He- 
 reticks commonly agreed in finging of David's 
 Pfalms, and even vied in Hymns of their own Com- 
 pofition and Prefcription. 1'ertullian indeed does 
 not exprefly fay, that their Prayers, like their 
 Pfalms, were offered in a certain Form of Words: 
 But he fays what may incline a Man reafona- 
 bly to believe it. For as a Proof of the Chri- 
 ftians Loyalty, he fays, [a] they met together, 
 and as if they were drawn up in a Battle, did 
 jointly fet upon God with their Prayers, which 
 Violence was acceptable to him. They prayed 
 for the Emperors, for their Officers and Powers, 
 for the State of the World, for the Peace of 
 their Government, and for the Continuance of 
 their Empire. And again he fays, They pray- 
 ed conftantly for all the Emperors, that they 
 might have a long Life and quiet Reign j that their 
 Family might be fare, their Armies valiant, their 
 Senate faithful, their People virtuous, and that 
 the whole World might be in Peace. Now thefe, 
 as we mail fee hereafter, were known Parts of 
 the Church's Liturgy ; and if they had not been 
 of conftant Ufe, they had been but poor Argu- 
 ments of the Chriftians Loyalty, forwhich ler- 
 tullian here produces them. In another Place 
 he exprefly mentions the fame Doxology as Ire- 
 neus does before him } for fpeaking againft Chri- 
 ftians frequenting the Roman Theaters, he asks 
 them, with what Face they could go \_f\ from 
 the Church of God into the Church of the 
 Devil? And with that Mouth, wherewith they 
 had faid Amen at the Confecration or Reception 
 of the Eucharift, give Teftimony to a Gladiator ? 
 or fay, World without End, to any befides God 
 and Chrift, or to any befides Chrift their God ? 
 I do not take this, with fome learned Men, to 
 
 [o] Grabe Not. in loc. Irenari. lp ] Conftit. Apoftol. 
 
 lib. 8. cap. ii. [9] Clem. Strom. 7. cap. 6. p. 848. E- 
 
 dit. Oxon. M Clem. Epitome, p. 974. c* jf X*&~ 
 
 [*] Chap. 7. [/J Tertul. de Bapt. cap. 13. Lex tinguen- 
 
 di impofita eft, 8c Formi przfcripta. Ite, &c. [t] Tertul. 
 
 de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. & 13. It. de Bapt. cap. 6. [»] Tertul. 
 de Coron. cap. 3. [*] Tertul. de Jejun. cap. 13. 
 
 [y~\ Tertul. ibid. [O Tertul. de Anima. cap. 9. Jam 
 
 vero prout icripturae leguntur, aut Pfalmi canuntur, aut Adlocuti- 
 «nes proferuntur, ut Petitiones delegantur; In inde material vifi- 
 
 onibus fubminiftrantur. [a] Id. Apol. cap. 39. Coimu<. 
 
 in Coetum & Congregationem, ut ad Deum, quali manu fafta, 
 Precationibus ambiamus orantes. Hare vis Deo grata eft. Oramus 
 etiam pro Imperatoribus, pro Miniftris eorum & Poteftatibus, pro 
 ftatu farculi, pro rerum quiete, pro mora finis. It. cap. 30. Pre- 
 cantes fumus Temper pro omnibus Imperatoribus, &c. 
 [6] Tertul. de fpeitat. cap. ij - . Quale eft enim de Ecclefia Dei 
 in Diaboli Ecclefiam tendere ? — Ex ore illo, quo Amen in fandtum 
 protuleris, gladiatori teftimonium reddere? t>'< oj.Zvo.% alii omniro 
 dicere nifi Deo Chrifto ? Or as ether Cof ies have it, niii Deo £c 
 Chrifto. 
 
 mean 
 
Cha p. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 595 
 
 mean that common Form of Doxology, Glory be 
 to the Father, &c. at the End of the Pfalms, 
 but the Conclufion of the Confecration-Prayer 
 in the Communion-Service, which, as I potcd 
 before, always ended withthofe Words, «r amvett, 
 World without End, to which the People fub- 
 joyn'd their Amen. And then it is an evident Proof 
 that the African Churches had a certain Form 
 of Prayer for confecrating the Eucharifl, the 
 known Words of which Tertullian could al- 
 ledge to the People, as an Argument to difluade 
 them from frequenting the Heathen Theaters. 
 He alfo intimates, that they fang Pfalms and 
 Hymns alternately in private \c~\; for to dif- 
 fuadc Chriltian Women from marrying Heathen 
 Husbands, he ufes this Argument, What will 
 fuch an Husband fing to his Wife, or the Wife 
 to her Husband? But if they married Chriltian 
 Husbands, then they would fing Pfalms and 
 Hymns between thcmfelvcs, and mutually pro- 
 voke one another, and ftrive [_d~] who lliould 
 make the fweeteft Melody to their God. And 
 there is no doubt to be made, but that this 
 private Plalmody was an Imitation of the pub- 
 lick Pfalmody of the Church. So when he fays, 
 That at their Feafts of Charity, after the Com- 
 munion was ended, in the clofe of all, when 
 they had waihed their Hands, and brought in 
 Lights [e~], every one was excited either to fing 
 fomething out of Scripture, or fome Hymn of 
 his own compofing : This as plainly argues, that 
 they made ufe of Forms in this Part of their 
 private Devotions. For the Pfalms of Scrip- 
 ture are undoubtedly Forms: And Hymns of 
 private Compofition are no lefs fo, unlefs we will 
 luppofe every one that fings, has Words fug- 
 gefted to him by immediate Infpiration; which 
 itill will be a Form to the Congregation that 
 hears it, though not to the Perfon who is fo 
 extraordinarily infpircd by the Holy Ghoft. 
 
 But there is one Expreflion in 'Tertullian, 
 which the Oppofers of Liturgies lay great Strefs 
 upon, becaufe he fays, The Chriftians prayed 
 for the Emperor [/] fine Monitore, quia de Pe- 
 ftore, without any Monitor, becaufe they pray- 
 ed from their Heart: Which they expound 
 praying Extempore. But if this be interpreted 
 rigidly, it will prove much more than the Ob- 
 je&ors defign. For if they prayed fimply with- 
 out any Monitor, then it will exclude even the 
 Mini Iter's dictating to them his own Conceptions ; 
 becaufethefe will bean Admonition or Direction 
 to the People: and fo all publick Prayer mult 
 ceafe, and all Devotion berefolved into the private 
 Prayers of the People. Which is fuch an Abfurdity, 
 as neither Tertullian ever thought of, nor the Ob- 
 jectors thcmlelves will allow. Whatever there- 
 
 fore be meant by this Phrafe, Praying from the 
 Heart without a Monitor; it cannot mean, that 
 the People's Prayers were fimply their own 
 Conceptions. Among the many Interpretations 
 which are put upon thefe Words by learned 
 Men (which may be feen in Dr. Faulkner [g] 
 or Dr. Comber) I take thefe two to be the moft 
 natural ; Either firft, That they prayed Memo- 
 riter, faying their Prayers by Heart, and need- 
 ing no Prompter, as the Heathens did; which 
 is the Scnfe that Rigaltius [hj and Bifhop Fell 
 [f] put upon it: In which Senfe it is an Argu- 
 ment for Liturgies, and not againft them : Or 
 fecondly, That they prayed fincercly from the 
 Heart, and freely out of the Loyaly of their 
 own Heart without Compulfion, as Hamond Le- 
 f range and Dr. Comber [_k~] interpret it. Which 
 feems to be the trueft Senfe: For the Heathens 
 were neither fincere, nor hearty, nor zealous in 
 their Prayers for the Emperor; but the Chri- 
 ftians offered their Prayers with all thofe due 
 Qualifications, as became the Character of tru- 
 ly pious Votaries, and loyal Subjects. The 
 Senfe of this dark Paffage being thus cleared, 
 it remains no Argument againlt Liturgies, unlefs 
 a Man will fay, there can be no fuch thing as Sin- 
 cerity and Heartinels in a Form of Prayer, 
 Which would be to condemn the whole Ca- 
 tholick Church in the time of Tertullian, from 
 whofe Teltimonies it is evident, that Forms 
 were generally ufed in molt Parts of divine Service. 
 
 I have nothing farther to add in this Century, 
 but only one or two fmall Obfervations out of 
 The Atls of St. Perpetua and Felicitas, two Afri- 
 can Martyrs, who fuffered in the latter End of 
 this Age. There it is remarked of Perpetua [/] 
 That feeming in a Vifion to receive the Eucha- 
 rifl into her Hands and eat it, all that Itood 
 round her faid, Amen. Alluding to the Cu- 
 ltom of faying Amen at the Reception of it from 
 the Hands of the Minifter in the Church. There 
 is a like Allufion to the Ufe of the Trifagion, 
 Holy, Holy, Holy [m~\, which the Angels ufed in 
 Heaven. And a farther Intimation of the folemn 
 Cuftom of giving the Peace, and the Kifs of 
 Peace in the Communion. For 'tis faid [n\ 
 That Perpetua and her Brother Saturus faluted 
 one another with a Kifs before they fuffered, 
 that they might confummate their Martyrdom 
 by the folemn Rites of giving the Peace. 
 
 In the Beginning of the third SECT. vt. 
 Century, about the Year two w»at Evidence 
 hundred twenty, lived Hippolytus there is for the Ua 
 the Martyr. andBiihop of Adana °f f et Forms m the 
 ox Partus Romanus in Arabia. A- thirdCerit "l- 
 mong other learned Works, he wrote a Book 
 
 [c] Tcrtul. ad Uxor. lib. 2. cap. 6. Quid maritus fuus illi, ve! 
 marito quid ilia cantabit ? [</] Ibid. cap. 9. Sonant in^er duos 
 Pfalmi 8c Hymni, 8c mutuo provocant, quis melius Deo luo ca- 
 net. [e] Tertul. Apol. cap. 39. Ut quifque de Scripruris 
 
 fan&is, vel de proprio ingenio potelt, provocatur in medium Deo 
 canere. [/] Tertul. Apol. cap. 30. [g] Faulkner. Li- 
 
 bertas Ecclef. Book 1. Chap. 4. Seft.i Comber. Orig. of Litur- 
 gies, Chap. 2. p. 47. [h] Rigtilt. in Tertul. cap. 30. 
 
 [<] Fell. Not. in Cypr. de Orat. p. 1 S i. [*] Leftrange; 
 
 Smeftymniomaftix. p. f. Comber of Liturgies, p. 49. 
 [/] Paffio Perpetua;. ad calcem Laftant. de Mort. Perfec. p. 10 
 Ego accepi junctis rnanibus, 8c manducavi: & univerfi circum- 
 ftantes dixerunt, Amen. [«»] Ibid. p. 23. Introivimus 8c 
 
 audivimus vocem unitam, Agios, Agios, Agios, line ceflatione. 
 [»] Ibid. p. 2$\ Ante jam ofculati invicem, ut Martyrium per 
 fblennia Pads confummarent. 
 
 called 
 
596 
 
 Tfo Ant 1 quit ies of the Book XIII. 
 
 called 'Awosokuin <£$iS:cri; -S75g/ ^a^o-^aTWV, 2l><? 
 Apoftolical 'Tradition concerning Ecclefiafiical Offices. 
 Which, according to the general Opinion of 
 the moil learned Criticks, Dr. Bernard, Dv.Gale 
 and others [0], is no other than the eighth Book 
 of thofe called The Apoftolical Conjlitutions, which 
 they think were compiled and publifhed at 
 Rome by this Author. And if fo, there can be 
 queftion what his Opinion was about the ufc of 
 Fo ms in Divine Service: For that Book is 
 nothing elfe but a Collection of fuch Forms, as 
 either were in ufc, or nude in Imitation of thofe 
 that were then in ufc in the Church. I will not 
 alledge any of them here, becaufe I do it in every 
 Part of this Work, and it would be very need- 
 lcfs and fuperfluous here to repeat them. 
 
 Befides this, Hippolytus wrote a Book of Odes 
 or Hymns upon feveral Parts of Scripture, fome 
 of which mod probably were of ufc in the pub- 
 lick Service. For in another Treatife of the Con- 
 fummationof the World and Antichrift |j>], he com- 
 mends the ufc of Doxologies, and Pfalms, and 
 fpiritual Odes , and makes it one of the Signs of 
 the Reign of Anti-chrift, that Liturgy mail be 
 extinguiihed, Pfalmody mail ceafe, and Reading 
 of the Scriptures mall not be heard. ' Tis true 
 indeed, fome Learned Men, Bifhop UfJjcr 
 Combcfis, and Du Pin, rejeft this as a fpunous 
 Tract, compofed by fome modern Greeks: But as 
 Learned Criticks, Labbe [r] and Bifliop Bull [f], 
 have undertaken to defend it, and anfwer all the 
 Arguments that are produced againd it. I will not 
 enter into this Debate, but only fay, that as there 
 is nothing in this Paflage now alledged diflbnant 
 to the Senfe of Hippolytus^ other Works, we 
 may be allowed to cite it in this Caufe, till fome 
 clearer Evidence can be produced againft it. Hip- 
 polytus wrote alfo a Book, called, Canon Pafcha- 
 lis, which Scaliger [*] and Gothofrca ?[/] take to 
 be a Kalendar, mewing what Lefions were to be 
 read on feveral Fedivalsj as the firft of St. Mat- 
 thew, called rjvscm, the Generation of Chrift, 
 on the Vigil of Chrift's Nativity j and the Ud- 
 or the Hi dory of his Sufferings out of the 
 Gofpel of St. Matthew, on the Day of his Cru- 
 cifixion: And it is certain from many Paflages in 
 Sc. Chryfoftom, St. Auftin, and others, that fuch 
 ./Calendars were ufed in the Church, as mall be 
 fhewed in another Place [u], when I come to 
 fpeak of the antient Method of reading the holy 
 Scriptures by a certain Rule and Order in Di- 
 vine Service. But becaufe yEgidius Bucherius, 
 who has fince republifhed this Pafchal Cycle, and 
 Dr. Cave [x] give another Interpretation of it, I 
 will lay no greater Strefs upon it than it will 
 bear, contenting my felf in fo critical a Point to 
 have fuggefted the Senfe of learned Men, and 
 
 leave the Matter to the farther Dilquifition of 
 the curious Reader; having other wife given 
 fufficient Evidence, that the Church in the time 
 of Hippolytus ufed dated Forms of Prayer and 
 Praifes in her publick Service. 
 
 Not long after Hippolitus lived Origen, who 
 was one of his Scholars, and took fome of his 
 Opinions from him. Now this Writer in of 
 his Homilies upon Jeremy [_y~] exprefly men- 
 tions one of the Prayers of conftant Ule in the 
 Church : We frequently fay in our Prayers, fays 
 he, Grant us, O Almighty God, grant us a Part 
 with Thy Prophets ; grant us a Part with 
 the Apufiles of Thy Chrift ; Grant that we may 
 be found at the Feet of Thy only Begotten Son. 
 Which is a Tedimony fo clear, that the Centu- 
 riators [2] made no Scruple to conclude hence, 
 that Forms of Prayer were undoubtedly ufed in 
 the Church in the Time of Origen. He elfe- 
 where [a] fays, the Chridians ufed the ordered 
 or prefcribed Prayers, as became them continu- 
 ally Night" and Day, whereby they were prefer- 
 ved againd the Power of Magick and the Devil. 
 For Celfus in his fpiteful way had advanced an 
 egregious Calumny againft the Chridians, pre- 
 tending that he had feen in the Hands of fome 
 of their Presbyters certain barbarous Books, 
 containing the Names of the Devils and their 
 Impoftors; hereby infinuating, that the Prayers 
 which the Chriftian Presbyters had in their 
 Books, were only magical Enchantments : Which 
 Calumny Origen not only rejects with fcorn, ap- 
 pealing to the Experience of the World, which 
 knew it to be a Fiction j but alfo tells his Ad- 
 verfary farther, that the Prayers which they 
 ufed by Order and Appointment, were fuch as 
 render'd them invincible and Proof againd all 
 the Force of Magick and Power of the Devils. 
 Now confidering that the Objection of Celfus 
 lay againd the Service Books of the Chriftian 
 Presbyters, 'tis reafonable to conclude, that Ori- 
 gen's Anfwer relates to the fame: For Origen 
 does not deny that they had any fuch Books, 
 but only fays, their Prayers, which they were 
 ordered to ufe, were of a different nature 
 from what the Adverfary had reprefented 
 them. 
 
 To this we may add what Origen fays in his 
 Comments upon Job, that by antient Cuftom of 
 the Church [b] the Book of Job was always 
 read in Lent, and particularly in the Paflion 
 Week, as mod properly adapted to that Occa- 
 fion. The Reader may find this Paflage at length 
 hereafter [*], and therefore it is fufficient to 
 hint in this Place, that the Scriptures in his 
 Time were methodized and brought under Rule, 
 being read by fome certain Order and Prefcription 
 
 [0] Vid. Cave. Hift. Literar. Vol. 2. p. 45-. [/>] Hippol. 
 
 de Confummat. Mundi. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. torn. 2. p. 35-7, Sc 
 361. [q] Utter. Biblioth. Theol. ap. Cave. Hift. Liter, r. 
 
 1. p. 70. Combefis. Auctarium Bibl. Patr. p. ft. Du Pin. Bi- 
 blioth. Vol. i. p. 10+. [r] Labbe descriptor. Eccl. p. 471. 
 I f] Hull. Defenf. Fid. Nic. Seft. J. Chap. 8. p. 369. 
 [ij Scaliger. de emendat. Temp. lib. 7. p. 726. [f] Go- 
 
 thofred. Not. in Cod. Theodof. lib. if. tit. f. de Spe&aculis. 
 kg. f. p. 35-6. [«] Book XIV. Chap. iii. n. 3. 
 
 4 
 
 [*] Vid. Cave Hift. Literar. Vol. 2. p. 47. [y] Orig. 
 
 Horn. 11. in Jerem. p. 606. Frequenter in Oratione dicimus, 
 Da Omnipotens, da nobis partem cum Prophetis; da cum Apo- 
 ftolis Chrirti tui; tribue ut inveniamur ad veftigia Unigeniti tui. 
 [z.] Centur. Magdeburg. Cent. 3. cap. 6. p. 94, 
 M 0"g- c °nt. Ce!£ lib. 6. p. 301. T«7< 'sr(yTcf)tQei<rcut lv- 
 
 OJ Origen.'' in Job. lib. 1, p. 366. " [*] Book XIV. 
 
 Chap., iii. n. 3. 
 
 Not 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 597 
 
 Not long after Origen, St. Cyprian tcftifics not 
 only that the Lord's Prayer was ufed as a Form, 
 and as a fpiritual Form, moll acceptable to God, 
 as we fhall lee hereafter; but alfo mentions fevc- 
 ral other Forms of common and noted ufe in Di- 
 vine Service. As in the Adminiftration of Bnp- 
 tifm, every one was to renounce the Devil and 
 the World in a certain Form of Words [c] then 
 vulgarly known in the Church, which Cyprian 
 more than once has occafion to mention. They 
 were likewife to make profeflion of the feveral 
 Articles of the Chriftian Faith in a certain Form 
 of Words, which every Church had for that pur- 
 pofe, and for this particular Ufe collected into a 
 Creed. Cypiian \_d] often fpecifies both the In- 
 terrogatories, and the Anfwers that were made 
 upon this Occafion: And he allures us, they 
 were fo precife to a Form, that the Novatians 
 themfelves [e] ufed the very fame Words in their 
 Queftions and Refponfes, as the Catholicks did : 
 They obferved the fame Rule as the Church did ; 
 they baptized with the lame Creed; they asked 
 the Party, Whether he believed in Father, Son, and 
 Holy Ghujl ? Whether he believed in the Remiffion of 
 Sins, and eternal Life by the Holy Church ? W hich 
 were the firft and lalt Words in the Creed. So 
 they kept clofe to the fame Form of Words, 
 though they differed about the Senfe of them in 
 fome Particulars relating to Remiffion of Sins, 
 and the Church. Which is fo clear an Argu- 
 ment for the Obfervaiion of a Form in Baptifm, 
 that I fee not what can reafonably be reply'd 
 to it. 
 
 Then again, for the Prayers in the Adminiftra- 
 tion of the Eucharifi, nothing can be more evi- 
 dent, than that the People bare a Part in them. 
 I will not infill on thole Expeffions of his, that 
 they had publick and common Prayer [/], be- 
 caufe they are capable of an Evafion : But what 
 he fays of the People's anfwering to the Prieft, is 
 not to be evaded. For perfuading the People to 
 ufe Diligence and Attention in their Prayers, he 
 puts them in mind of an ufual Form of Speech, 
 which the whole Church ufed to raife their Souls 
 to a fpiritual and heavenly Temper. The Prieft,^ 
 fays he, before Prayer prepares the Hearts [g] of 
 the Brethren, by premifing a Preface, and faying, 
 Lift up your Hearts: that whilft the People an- 
 fwer, We lift them up unto the Lord, they may be 
 admonifhed at that Time to think of nothing but 
 the Lord only. What Cyprian fays here of this 
 
 Preface coming before the Prayer, is not fo to be 
 underftood, as if it came before all the Prayers 
 of the Church, but immediately before the Pray- 
 er of Confecration in the Communion-Service : 
 For, as we fhall fee hereafter, there came before 
 this both the Prayers for the Catechumens and 
 Penitents, and the Prayers for the Faithful, or the 
 whole State of Ch rift's Church j but when the 
 folcmn Prayer of the Oblation was to be made, 
 then it was that the Prieft called upon the Peo- 
 ple in this Form, Lift up your Hearts ; and they 
 anfwered, We lift them unto the Lord: The Prieft 
 went on again, and faid, Let us give 'Thanks to our 
 Lord God; and the People anfwered, // is juft and 
 right fo to do. Then followed the Euchariftical 
 or Confecration Prayer, and the Lord's Prayer 5 
 and after that the Salutation, Pax vobis, Peace be 
 with you ; to which the People anfwered, And 
 with thy Spirit. After which they gave one ano- 
 ther mutually the Kifs of Peace, and then pro- 
 ceeded to receive the holy Sacrament. This was 
 the Form and Order of the Communion Service 
 in St. Auflin's Time in the African Church j and 
 it is very probable it might be much the fame 
 in ihzT'imzoi Cyprian: But Cyprian had no occa- 
 fion to mention any other part of the Prayers, 
 but only that which related to his particular Sub- 
 ject 5 which one is fufficient to prove, that ftated 
 Forms of Prayer were then allowed in the pub- 
 lick Service of the Church of Carthage, and pro- 
 bably in the reft of the African Churches. 
 
 At the fame time with Cyprian lived Firmilian^ 
 Bifhop of Cafarea in Cappadocia, who having oc- 
 cafion to fpeak of a certain Woman, an Impo- 
 ftor, who pretended to the Spirit of Prophecy, 
 he fays, fhe took upon her [_h~] to confecrate the 
 Eucharifi with the venerable Invocation and Ce- 
 remony of Predication then commonly ufed in 
 the Church : He means the Commemoration of 
 God's great Bleffings beftowed upon Man, and 
 the Repetition of the Hiftory of the firft Infti- 
 tution of the Lord's Supper, which by the An- 
 cients is called dva.ij.v^uig y & folita Pradicatio, a 
 Thing feldom or never omitted in the Confecra- 
 tion of the Eucharifi. He adds alfo, that the 
 fame Impollor baptized many, ufingthe common 
 and appointed Interrogatories, that fhe might not 
 feem to vary in any thing from the Rule of the 
 Church. She made them anfwer to every Arti- 
 cle of the Creed, the Creed (as he calls it) of the 
 Holy Trinity ; fhe put the ufual Queftions to them 
 
 [ c ] Cypr. de Lapfis p. lif. Stare illic potuit Dei fervus, & lo- 
 qui 8c renunciare Chrifto, qui jam Diabolo renunciarat 8c feculo ? 
 It. Ep. 7. al. 15. ad Rogat. p. 37. Sxculo renunciaveramus, cum bap- 
 tizati fumus. [</] Cypr. Ep. 70. ad Epifcopos Numidas. 
 p. 190. Sed 8c ipfa Interrogatio qua: fit in Baptifmo, teftis eft ve- 
 ritatis. Nam cum dicimus, Credis in Vitam xternam, 8c Remif- 
 ilonem peccatorum per fan&am Ecclefiam ? Intelligimus Remiflio- 
 nem peccatorum non nifi in ecclefia dari, &c. [e] Id. Ep. 
 
 69. al. 76. Ad Magnum, p. 185. Eandem Novatianum Legem 
 tenere, quam Catholica Ecclefia teneat ; eodem Symbolo, quo 8c nos 
 baptizare; eundem nofle Deum Patrem, eundem Filium Chriftum, 
 eunderrr Spiritum fanctum : Dicunt, Credis remifiionem Pec- 
 catorum 8c vitam asternam per fan&am Ecclefiam ? [/] Cypr. 
 de Orat. Dom. p. 141. Publica nobis 8c communis Oratio eft. It. 
 Ep.8. al. 1 1. ad Cler. p. 16. Orationc communi 8c concordi Prece 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 pro omnibus jufiit orare. Cypr.de Orat. Dom. 
 
 p. 15-2. Ideo 8c facerdos ante Orationem, Prxfatione prxmifia, pa- 
 rat Fratrum mentes, dicendo, Surfum corda : Uc dum refpondet 
 Plebs, Habemus ad Dominum, admoneatur nihil aliud fc quam Do* 
 minum cogitare debeie. [h] Firmil.Ep.7f. ad Cypr. p. 222. 
 
 Hoc frequenter aufa eft, ut Invocationc non contemptibili fan&ifi- 
 care fe panem, 2c Euchariftiam facere fimularet, 8c Sacrificium Do- 
 mino non fine Sacramento folitaz Prxdicationis offcrret ; baptizaret 
 quoque multos, ulitata 8c legitima verba Interrogations ufurpans, 
 
 ut nil difcrepare ab Ecclefiaftica Regula videretur. Nunquid 8c 
 
 hoc Stephanus, 8c qui illi confentiunt, comprobant ? Maxime eui 
 nec fymbolum Trinitatis nec Interrogatio Legitima Sc Ecclefiaftica 
 defuit? Poteft credi aut remiiTio peccatorum data, aut Lavacri falu- 
 taris regeneratio rite perfecla, ubi omnia quamvis ad Imaginem ve- 
 ritatis, tamen per Dsemonem gefta funt, 8cc. 
 
 G g g g g prefcribed 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XIIL 
 
 prefcribed by the Church, that is, Whether they 
 renounced the Devil, his Angels, his Pomp, and his 
 Service ? And, Whether they made a Covenant with 
 Chrift? And fhe did every thing ad Imaginem ve- 
 ritatis, according to the exa£t Method and Form 
 that was obferved in the Church. Now, though 
 all this was done by the Devil, fpeaking in an 
 Impoftor-, yet being done according to the exact 
 Rules of the Church, it argues, that the Church 
 at that Time had a ftated Rule and Order for ad- 
 miniftring both the Sacraments, and that the 
 Forms were fo well known, that this Woman 
 could imitate them fo exactly, as in nothing to 
 vary from the ufual Solemnities either of Prayers, 
 or other Ceremonies then obferved in the Church. 
 And if we confider, that the Adminiftration of 
 the two Sacraments was then the mod confider- 
 able Part of the Church's Service, this is as clear 
 an Evidence as we can defire, to prove that pre- 
 fcribed Forms were now in ufe in the Aftatick 
 Churches. 
 
 Gregory Thaumaturgus, Bifhop of Neocafarea in 
 Pont us, was Cotemporary with Firmilian, and 
 he was a Man famous for working Miracles by 
 the Spirit, whence he had the Name of Thauma- 
 turgus, the Wonder-worker. There is no doubt 
 but that he prayed alfo by the Spirit, yet he 
 prayed by a Form} which fhews, that praying 
 by a Form, and praying by the Spirit, are not 
 inconfiftent. As he was the Founder of his 
 Church (finding but feventeen Chriftians when 
 he came thither, and leaving but feventeen Hea- 
 thens when he was taken from it) fo he left them 
 a Liturgy or Form of Divine Service, which 
 they were fo tenacious of, that, as St. Baftl [i~] 
 teftifies of them, they would not fuffer one Ce- 
 remony, or one Word, or one myftical Form to 
 be added to thofe which he had left among them. 
 He fettled the way of finging Pfalms, not alter- 
 nately, but by the common Voice of the People 
 all joining together : And the Clergy of Neoca- 
 farea were fuch Admirers of this Rule, that when 
 St. Baftl had introduced the Alternate Way in- 
 to his own Church, they were offended at it, 
 and objected againft him, that it was not fo in 
 the Days of Gregory the Great. Upon which, St. 
 Baftl was forced to write an Apologetical Epiftle 
 to them in Vindication of his Practice, wherein 
 he lhews, that the Way of Alternate Song was 
 now conformable to the Practice of all the Ea- 
 fiern Churches, except that of Neocafarea; and 
 that however tenacious that Church had former- 
 ly been of the Ways and Forms of Gregory, yet 
 in one Particular they had now made an Altera- 
 tion: For in the Days of Gregory, they [£] had 
 none of that peculiar Form of Prayers, called 
 Litanies, which now in St. BafiFs Time they bad 
 admitted into their Service, and were very zea- 
 lous in the Ufe of it, notwithftanding that it was 
 neither of St. Gregory's Composition, nor ufed at 
 
 all in his Days. As this fhews that the Ufe of 
 Litanies was brought into the Church of Neoca- 
 farea fome Years after the Time of St. Gregorys 
 fo it as evidently proves that their other Forms 
 were inftituted by him, and derived their Origi- 
 nal from his Compofition, who was the firft Foun- 
 der of the Church. 
 
 Not long after this, we find a Complaint made 
 by the Council of Antioch, An. 2.70, againft Pau- 
 lus Samofatenfts, the heretical Bifliopof that Place, 
 that he had forbidden the Ufe of fuch p] Pfalms 
 or Hymns as were ufed to be fung in the Church 
 to the Honour of our Lord Jefus Chrift, under 
 Pretence that they were only the Novel Compo- 
 fitions of late and modern Authors. I have al- 
 ready produced this Paflage more at length [ # ] 
 to prove the Worfhip of our Saviour: And here 
 it lerves to prove, that they wofhipped him by 
 certain Forms of Praife, which the Bifhop caft 
 out of the Church, upon a Pretence of Novelty: 
 Which was but a mere Pretence ; for fuch Forms 
 of Praife had been in Ufe in the Church d-n-a^^ 
 from the Beginning, as theantient Writer againft 
 the Herefy of Artemon in Eufebius \_m~\ words it. 
 And about the fame time Nepos an Egyptian Bi- 
 fhop, compofed Hymns of the like Nature for 
 the Service of the Church, for which he is com- 
 mended by Dionyftus [»] Bifhop of Alexandria, 
 who alfo himfelf ufed a certain Form of Doxology 
 to the whole Trinity, as is reported by St. Baftl 
 [0], who alfo tells us in the fame place, that 
 Athenogenes the Martyr compofed Hymns to the 
 Glory of the Holy Ghoftj and adds, that the 
 Hymn called Hymnus Lucernalis, the Hymn to be 
 fung at lighting of Candles in the Evening Ser- 
 vice, containing a Glorification of the Holy Tri- 
 nity, was of antient Ufe in the Church, fo anti- 
 ent, that he knew not who was the Author of 
 it. But I have already alledged thefe more at 
 large [f] in vindicating the Worfhip of our Sa- 
 viour, and therefore content myfelf barely to 
 hint them as accuftomed Forms of Praife in this 
 Place. 
 
 I fhall only note one Thing more in this Cen- 
 tury, out of the Epiftle of Cornelius Bifhop of 
 Rome, to Fabian Bifhop of Antioch, recorded by 
 Eufebius : Which is, that it was cuftomary in 
 thofe Days for the Minifter to ufe a Form of 
 Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine 
 in the Eucharift, faying, The Body of Chrift, or 
 the Blood of Chrift, to which the People always 
 anfwered, Amen. For Cornelius [p ] fpeaking of 
 the Wickedneft of Novatian, fays, When he de- 
 livered the Eucharift to the People, he obliged 
 them inftead of faying Amen, at the naming of 
 it, to fwear by the Body and Blood of Chrift, 
 that they would not defert his Party, nor return 
 to Cornelius. Which Cuftom of faying Amen, 
 in anfwer to the Minifter, when he named the 
 Body or Blood of Chrift, is both an antient and 
 
 [i] Bafil. de Spir. Sancto. cap. 29. p. 360. a <m^'v riva, Z 
 Unteffi* myetema*^ [*] Bafil. Ep. 63. ad Neocxfar. 
 
 [/] Cone. Antioch. ap. Eufcb. lib. 7. cap. 30, [*] Chap. ii. n.y 
 
 O] Eufeb. lib. j-. cap. 18. [»] Di'onyf. Epift. ap. Eufeb: 
 
 lib 7. cap. 24. [0] Bafil. de Spir. Sandto. cap. 29. [f] Set 
 Chap.u. n.x. [£] Cornel. Ep. ad Fabian, ap. Eufeb. lib. 6. 
 
 cap. 43. p. 145-. 
 
 univerfal 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 599 
 
 univerfal Practice. For Tertullian [_q~\, as has 
 been fhewed already, mentions it long before j 
 and we find it frequently in the Writers of the 
 next Age, St. Ambrofe, St. Cyril, St. Auftln, St. 
 Jerom, and the Author of the Confutations; of 
 which I fhall have occafion to fpeak more in ano- 
 ther Place. 
 
 SECT. VII. In the beginningof thefourth 
 ■Evidence of the Century, Arnobius apologizing for 
 Vfe of fit Forms in t he Chriftian Devotions, tells the 
 the fourth century . H cat nens, t ne Y might know that 
 they worshipped the Supreme God, and called 
 upon him for what they defired, by the Sound 
 of their Voice [r] which they ufed in Prayer. 
 He fays, they all proftrated themfelvcs before 
 him, adoring him with joint Supplications [f\. 
 And he gives us the general Heads of their Pray- 
 ers, which are very agreeable to the ancient Forms 
 af the Church, viz. That God would grant [/] 
 Peace and Pardon to all Men, to the Magi- 
 itrates, to the Armies, and to the Emperors } to 
 their Friends and to their Enemies j to thofe that 
 were alive, and thofe that were fet at Liber- 
 ty from the Bonds of the Body. Which Peti- 
 tions are fo conformable to the Method and Or- 
 der of the ancient Liturgies, that one might have 
 imagined them to be offered by a Form, though 
 Arnoblus had faid nothing of their joint Prayers, 
 or Vocal Confent in their Devotions. 
 
 Latlantius and Eufebius wrote after the great 
 Perfecution under Diocletian and his Aflbciates 
 was over: And they both take notice of Forms 
 of Prayer appointed by the firft Chriftian Em- 
 perors for their Soldiers to ufe, in Imitation of 
 thofe of the Church. Latlantius fays exprefly, 
 that when Licinius was about to join Battle with 
 Maximinus, Maximlnus made a Vow to Jupiter, 
 that if he got the Victory, he would utterly ex- 
 tinguim and blot out the very Name of Chrifti- 
 ans. Upon which, the Night after an Angel of 
 God came and Hood by Licinius as he lay at reft, 
 bidding him rife quickly, and pray to the moft 
 high God with all his Army, promifing him the 
 Victory if he did fo. As foon as he heard this, 
 he thought with himfelf that he arofe and Hood 
 with the Angel who gave him this Warning, 
 and who then taught ,him after what Manner 
 and in what Words they fliould pray. Therefore 
 awaking out of Sleep, he ordered a Notary to 
 be brought to him, to whom he dictated the 
 Prayer [*] in thefe very Words, as he had heard 
 them : O Thou moft High God, we befeecb Thee. O 
 Holy God, we befeech Thee. We commend all the 
 
 Juflice of ourCaufe to Thee: We commend our Safe* 
 ty unto Thee: We commend our Empire unto Thee, 
 By Thee we live, by Thee we are Victorious and 
 Happy. O moft High and Holy God, hear our Pray- 
 ers. We ftretch forth our Arms unto Thee. Hear 
 us, O moft High and Holy .God. Thefe Words 
 were written in many Books, and fent by the 
 Generals and Tribunes, that they might teach 
 them to their Soldiers. When the Day of Bat- 
 tel came, the Soldiers laid afidc their Shields, 
 and put off their Helmets, and lifting up their 
 Hands to Heaven, faid the Prayer after the Em- 
 peror, their Generals repeating it before them. 
 And this they did fo loudly, that the adverfe 
 Army ready to be facrificed heard the Echo of 
 their Prayer. Which when they had repeated 
 three times, they were infpired with Courage, 
 and renaming their Arms, though they were but 
 a few, they without any Lofs gained a complear. 
 Victory over their Enemies j whom the moft 
 High God, fays our Author, delivered up to be 
 flaughtered, as if they had come not to ingage 
 in Battel, but as Men devoted to Death and de- 
 fined to Deftruction. 
 
 'Tis not many Years flnce this little Golden 
 Tract of Latlantius came to light, and therefore 
 probably this Tellimony may not very often have 
 fain under the Obfervation of every ordinary 
 Reader. But as there is no Difpute to be made 
 of the Truth of the Relation upon the Authori- 
 ty of Latlantius, fo it is an Illuitrious Evidence 
 both of the Opinion of Latlantius and the gene- 
 ral Senfe of Chriftians, that they did not think 
 Forms of Prayer unlawful, becaufe they were 
 written in a Book, nor the Repetition of them 
 any Offence, for this Prayer was thrice repeated. 
 If it mould be faid, that this Prayer was dictated 
 immediately by an Angel j the fame and more 
 may be faid of the Lord's Prayer, that it was 
 dictated by Chnft himfelf, and the Pfalms were 
 written as Forms of Prayer and Praife by an in- 
 fpired Penman > and yet there are thofe, who 
 for no other Realon but becaufe they are Forms, 
 defpife the Ufe of them, when inferred into any 
 Liturgy of the Church. 
 
 Parallel to this Teftimony of Latlantius is that 
 other Relation of Eufebius concerning Conftan- 
 tlne, that he ordered all his Soldiers, as many of 
 them as were Heathens, to go forth into the 
 Field on the Lord's Day, and there with Hands 
 and Hearts lift up to Heaven, to offer up to God 
 lxi[j.i\iTnijfyjbuj ou^mj [x], a certain Prayer which 
 they had learned and premeditated before. The 
 Prayer was to be faid in the Latin Tongue, 
 
 [q] Tertul. de Speclac. cap. if. [r] Arnob. lib. i. p. 24. 
 
 Sumraiim invocarc nos Deum, 8c ab eo quod poftulamus orare, 
 vel auribus potuit fcire, vel iplius vecis fono, qua utimur in preci- 
 bus, nofcitare. [*] Ibid. p. if. Huic omnes ex more pro- 
 fternimur, hunc collatis precibus adoramus. [t'J Id. lib. 4. p. 
 
 181. Cur noftra meruerim immaniter Conventicula dirui ? In 
 quibus fummus oratur Deus, Pax cunftis 8c venia poftulatur, 
 Magiftratibus, Exercitibus, Regibus, Familiaribus, Inimicis, adhuc 
 vitam degencibus, 8c refolutis corporum vinclione. [a] La£t. 
 
 de Mort. Perfecut. cap. 46. Difcuflb fomno Notarium juffit afciri, 
 Sc (icut audierar, hasc verba didtavit. Summe Deus, te rogamus. 
 Sanfte Deus, te rogamus. Omnem Juftititiam tibi commenda- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 mus, falutem noftram tibi commendamus, Imperium noftrum tibi 
 commendamus. Per te vivimus, per te viftores & felices exifti- 
 mus. Summe fancle Deus, preces noftras exaudi. Brachia no- 
 ftra ad te tendimus. Exaudi fandte fumme Deus. ScriLuntur hsc 
 in Libellis pluribus, 8c per Prspofitos Tnbunofque mittuntur, ut 
 
 fuos quifque milites doceat. Erat jam utraque acies in con- 
 
 fpeclu. Liciniani fcuta deponunt, gnleas relbivunt, ad ccelum ma- 
 ims tendunr, praeeuntibus Praepofitis, 8c poft Imperatorem precem 
 dicunt. Audit acies peritura precantium murmur. Il!i oratione 
 ter dicta, virtute jam pleni, $>r, [*] Eufeb. de Vjta Con- 
 
 ftant. lib. 4. cap. 19. 
 
 G g g g g i which 
 
600 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 which was the vulgar Language, and in this ex- 
 prefs Form of Words: We acknowledge Thee [_y~\ 
 to be the only God; we profefs 'thee to be our King j 
 we call upon Thee as our Helper. It is from Thee 
 we have our Victories y by Thee we are Superior to 
 our Enemies. JVc give Thee Thanks for the by-pajl 
 Favours and Benefits we have already received; and 
 we hope in Thee for thofe that are to come. We are 
 all humble Supplicants unto Thcc, befceching Thee to 
 prefirve Conllantine our King, with all his pious 
 Children, and grant him long to Reign over us with 
 Safety and Viclory. This was the Prayer which 
 he enjoined the Heathens in his Army to ufe eve- 
 ry Lord's Day. 
 
 As for thofe that were Chriftians, he com- 
 manded them to follow his own Example, and 
 attend the Prayers of the Church on the Lord's 
 Day, fetting them a Pattern in his own Practice. 
 He ordered his own Palace after the manner of a 
 Church, firft taking the Bible, into his Hands, 
 and reading and meditating therein, and then re- 
 peating the prefcribed Prayers [z] with all his 
 Royal Family. Which fhews that Forms of 
 Prayer were then generally ufed in the Church, 
 fince Conftantine ufed the prefcribed Prayers in 
 his own Family, and thereby made it to refemble 
 the Church. 
 
 Eufebius highly extols and applauds Conflantine 
 for all this: Which argues that Eufebius him felf 
 was no Enemy to prefcribed Forms. And indeed 
 we are beholden to his Hiftory both for the 
 Knowledge of this of Conftantine, and many ci- 
 ther Forms, which had been loft, had it not 
 been for his Care and Diligence in preferving 
 them* of which any Reader may be fenfible, 
 that conflders how many things have already 
 been alledged out of his Treafury, efpecially the 
 Account which he gives of the Effenes, and their 
 way of Worfhip out of Philo Judaus: For as it 
 is evident that they worshipped God by certain 
 Forms, fo it is as evident that Eufebius took 
 them for Chriftians, and their Worfhip for the 
 way of Worfhip fettled by the firft Chriftians at 
 Alexandria [a]. It may not be improper alfo to 
 obferve, that Eufebius in one of his Letters re- 
 corded by Socrates \b~] exprefsly fays, that in the 
 Church of C<efarea, where he was Bifhop, they 
 always had a Creed in a certain Form of Words 
 (which he there repeats) whereby their Cate- 
 chumens were to be inftructed, and their An- 
 fwers in Baptifm to be made in the Words of it : 
 And that thus it was that he himfelf had been 
 there both catechized and baptized. And if his 
 Church allowed a Form in Baptifm, there is 
 Reafon to believe from what has been faid, that 
 Ihe was not averfe to it in other Parts of Divine 
 Service. Moreover from the time of the Coun- 
 cil of Nice, we are well allured, that the Creed 
 
 compofed in that Council was ufed in moft of 
 the Eaflern Churches as a precife Form, by which 
 all Catechumens were to make their Refponfcs 
 in Baptifm, as I have proved [t] elfewhere up- 
 on another Occafion, though it was not prefent- 
 ly admitted as a Form to be repeated, as now it 
 is, in the ordinary Service of the Church: But 
 its being allowed as a Form in Baptifm is an Ar- 
 gument, that the Church had then no Excepti- 
 on againft Forms, fince file enjoined them in 
 the Adminiftration of her Sacraments, which are 
 the moft confiderable part of Divine Service. 
 
 Athanafius as well as Eufebius was a Member 
 of the Council of Nice, and there are plain Foot- 
 fteps of a Liturgy in his Writings. In one place 
 he declares, that when he faid," Let us pray for 
 the Safety [r] of the moft religious Emperor 
 Conftantius, all the People immediately with one 
 Voice anfwered, Chrifi help Conftantius. Which 
 is exactly agreeable to the antient way of pray- 
 ing for Kings and others in the Prayer for the 
 whole State of Chrift's Church, where the Peo- 
 ple were ufed to anfwer to every Petition, xtigjie 
 iXsncrov, or owov, Lord have Mercy upon them, or 
 Lord five and help them, as will be fhewed in its 
 proper place. 
 
 Again, fpeaking of the Communion-Service 
 [d], he fays, the People offered up their Prayers 
 with one Voice, and without any manner of 
 Difagrecment j and that in that great Multitude 
 there was but one Voice, when they unanimous- 
 ly anfwered, Amen. It is evident alfo that in his 
 time Plulmody was in great Requeft at Alexan- 
 dria : For Sozomen [e] takes notice, that it was 
 by the Advantage of this Practice, that Athana- 
 fius, when he was befet in the Church by his E- 
 nemies, efcaped their Hands, whilft he got out 
 fecretly in the Company of thofe that were ring- 
 ing Pfalms. St. Auftin alfo fpeaks of it, and tells 
 us [/] that Athanafius made fome Regulation in 
 the way of finging, and brought in the Cuftom 
 of plain Song, ordering the Readers of the Pfalms 
 to pronounce their Words with fo little Inflexi- 
 on or Variation of the Tone, that it looked 
 more like Reading than Singing. It is farther 
 obfervable out of Ruffinus [g] and the other Hi- 
 ftorians, who relate the Story of Athanafius bap- 
 tizing the Catechumens whilft he was but a 
 Youth, that the Queft ions and Anfwers and all 
 other Ceremonies of Baptifm were then perform- 
 ed by fuch a certain Rule and Order in the 
 Church, that Athanafius was able to imitate them 
 exactly, and omit nothing that was ufed to be 
 done, but obferved every Rite to a Tittle, as 
 Alexander the Bifhop found upon Enquiry, when 
 he came more ftrictly to examine them. And 
 this fhews that not only in the time of Athanafius, 
 but in the days of Alexander his Predeceflbr, fuch 
 
 [^] Eufeb. Ibid. cap. 20. [z.] Eufeb. ibid. cap. 17. «t 
 
 cW/sLf Z-vSiG '[JUS ff'JI' To7< TOV $&ff'lK6iOV lllLOV TAWpxfl IV d^i- 
 
 f'lh. [*] Vid. Eufeb. Hift. lib. 2. c. 17. [b\ Socrat. 
 
 lib. 1. cap. 8. [f] Book X. Chap. iv. ». 17. [c] Atha- 
 
 naf. Apol. ad Conftant. p- 679. H'01/of y6 Ikifoy, lutwy.iha. 
 tik <rfe>Tnet*?> 8cc. ly <zsS<, hctof IvdO? <pwy l£o<t } 
 
 Xetrs [£6h3« Karrd^jw. [<I] Athan. ibid. p. 683. Uia-v 
 
 &c. [e] Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 6. 'Zvpipcivv $ tjk ^.AKy.uS'i- 
 etf yivofAfuu &c. Vid. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 11. U^d^etf futAva 
 wpvEcu lAjyfw. &c. Theod. lib. 2. cap. 12. ' [/] Aug. 
 
 Confefs. lib. 10. cap. 32. Tam modico flexu vocis faciebat fbnare 
 Leftorem Pfalmi, ut pronuncianti fimilior eflet quam canenti. 
 \_g\ Ruffin. lib. i. cap. 14. Diligenter inquirens, quid interrogati 
 fuerint, quidve refponderinr, videt fecundum Religionis noftrx ri- 
 tum cun&a conftare, &c. 
 
 fort 
 
C H A P. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 60 i 
 
 fort of Forms were ofconftantUfc in the Church. 
 Athanafius himfelf alfo not only mentions their 
 Pfalmody, but tells us, that it was fo ordered, 
 the People might bear a part in it. For though 
 the Antiphonal way of finging Verfe for Verie, 
 by way of alternate Song, was not yet brought 
 into the Church in repeating David's Pfalms, 
 yet it was ulual fometimes for the People to join 
 in the Clofc of a Verfe, and repeat it together 
 with the Reader. And this was called dww^etv 
 and uVaxa'etv, to come into the Confort at the 
 Cloie. Whence Athanafius, fpeaking [If] of that 
 great Aflault made upon his Church, mentioned 
 before by Socrates and Sozomen, fays, he com- 
 manded the Deacon to read a Pfalm, to which 
 the People did ifawtaav, that is, not barely 
 hearken, as the unskilful Tranilator renders it, 
 but repeat in the Cloie thefe Words, Fc¥ 
 his Mercy, endureth for ever. Of which way of 
 Singing I ftiall fay more hereafter in its proper 
 place, Book XIV. Chap. i. ». ii. Here I fliall 
 only Note farther, ihzx Athanafius defcribing the 
 great Barbarities and Indignities which the Bri- 
 ans mewed to the Matrons and Virgins in the 
 very Church, mentions one Virgin [f] whom 
 they ddpitefully ufed, having her Pfalter in her 
 Hand. Which no doubt me had to join in fing- 
 ing David's Pfalms, according to the Cultom of 
 the Church. And the Book de Interpretatione 
 Pfalmorum is nothing elfe but a Direction how 
 to life the Pfalms as Forms of Prayers and Praifes 
 upon all particular Occafionsj where, among o- 
 ther Things, he obferves [£], that the lxii or 
 lxiii Pfalm, O God, my God, early will I feek Thee, 
 was always a Pfalm to be ufed at Morning Pray- 
 er. And the Author of the Book of Virginity 
 [/] among his Works, fays the fame} which is 
 alfo mentioned by St. Chryfofiom and fome others 
 about this time, of whom we fhall have Occa- 
 fion to fpeak more particularly in confidering the 
 Order and Method of Morning-Service. Book 
 XIII. Chap. x. n. z. 
 
 Athanafius lived forty fix Years Bifhop of A- 
 lexandria, and continued in being till the Year 
 371. During which Interval, we have the con- 
 current Teltimony of Juvencus and Pachomius, 
 and all the Egyptian Monaftcries ; of Flavian Bi- 
 fhop of Antioch, Cyril Bifhop of Jerufalem, Hi- 
 lary Bifhop of Poitliefs, Optatus, Epiphanius, Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen, Ephrem Syr us, St. Bafil and Apol- 
 linaris, the fuppofed Author of the Books under 
 the Name of Dionyfius the Areopagite, together 
 with the Council of Laodicea. And not long af- 
 ter, St. Ambrofe, St. Jerom, St. Auftin, and St. 
 Chryfofiom, with feveral African Councils, all 
 within the Compafs of this fourth Age in which 
 Athanafius lived. 
 
 Juvencus flourished under Conftantine in Spain, 
 and being a Poet, turned the Hiftory of the Gof- 
 
 pel into Verfe, and Si. Jerom adds, that he wrote 
 a Book [m~] in the fame way, giving an Account 
 of the Order of the Sacraments of the Church. 
 Now if we confider, what has been obferved be- 
 fore [*], that in Ecclefiaftical Style, Ordo Sa- 
 cramentorum, commonly denotes a Book of Di- 
 vine Offices, it is moll probable that this Work 
 of Juvencus was no other but the Offices or 
 Forms of Divine Service turned in Verfe. 
 
 Pachomius about the Year 340 brought the 
 Egyptian Monks into Communities, and fettled 
 them under Rules > one of which was to meet 
 twice a-day, and fing a certain Number of 
 Pfalms, with Prayers intermixed, as may be feen 
 in the Accounts which Caffian Palladius 
 [o~], and St. Jerom \_p] give of them. Now it 
 mult owned, that whatever their Prayers were, 
 their Pfalmody was Matter of Form , whether 
 fung fmgly or alternately : And though they did 
 not repeat the ufual Doxology, Glory be to the Fa- 
 ther '4 as was ufunl in the IVeftern Church at the 
 End of every Pfalm, yet they did it at other 
 times at the end of their AntiphonV s, as Caffian 
 [_q~], an Eyc-witnefs of their Service, informs us. 
 
 About the Year 2fo, lived Flavian, firit a 
 Presbyter, and then Bifhop of Antioch. Whilft 
 he was Presbyter, it happened that Leontius, the 
 Arian Bifliop, made an Alteration in the com- 
 mon Doxology^ Glory be to the Father, &c. to 
 make it favour his Herefy. Upon this, Flavian 
 and Diodorus withdrew from his Communion, 
 and aflembled with the People at the Monuments 
 of the Ma«yrs3 where, dividing the People in- 
 to two Parts, they taught them to fing the 
 Pfalms of David [r] alternately j which Cultom 
 beginning firfl at Antioch, was from thence pro- 
 pagated all the World over. After this manner 
 Theodoret relates the Story : Where it is eafy to 
 obferve, ift, That the Form of Glorification was 
 an antient Thing, and only Leontius made an In- 
 novation in it. 2. That the finging of David's 
 Pfalms was antient too, which arc Forms both 
 of Prayers and Praifes j and Flavian was not the 
 Author of that Service, but only of the alternate 
 way of finging them. And whereas it is laid by 
 Socrates, that Ignatius had introduced the Anti- 
 phonal way of finging before, that is not to be 
 underftood of David's Pfalms, but of other 
 Hymns compofed to the Glory of the Holy Tri- 
 nity 3 which, as we have feen before, were always 
 in ufe in the Chriftian Church. And 1'heodorct 
 adds, 5 dry, That this way of Singing was fo ta- 
 king to the People of Antioch, that they all de- 
 ferted Leontius, and he was forced to beg of Fla- 
 vian, that he would bring back this \etr^yla.v 9 
 this Liturgy or Service, into the Churches. 
 
 About the fame time lived Cyril, Bifliop of 
 Jerufalem, who in his Catechetical Difcourfes to 
 the newly Baptized, takes notice of many Forms 
 
 [&] Athan. Apol. ad Conftant. p. 717. Tl&iTpiTov ih $j 
 fitiiovw dva.yivdffx.eiv -^.aauov, t&j Atf.af t/TctjuW, oti 
 toc aiuva. to £as©- cw'ts. 8cc. [i] Athan. Epift. ad Or- 
 
 thodoxos, p. 947. [k~\ Athan. dc Interpr. Pfalmor. ad Mar- 
 cellin. t. 1. p. 97f. [/] Athan. de Virgin, p. io$7. 
 [/»] Hicron. de Scriptor. Ecd. cap, 84. Nonnulla eodera metro ad 
 
 Sacramentorum Ordinem pertinentia compofuit. [*] Book 
 
 XIII. Chap. i. n. 6. [a] Caffian. Inftitur. lib. 2. cap. 6. 
 
 [0] Pallad. Hift. Laufiac. cap. 38. [/>] Hieron. Ep. 11. ad 
 
 Euftoch. c. if. [3] Calfian. lib. 2. cap. 8. [r] Thcod, 
 lib. 2. cap. 24. 
 
 that 
 
The A n t i qu i t i b s of the Book XIII. 
 
 that had been of ancient Ufe in the Church. In 
 his firft Catechifm [s] he tells them the Meaning 
 of the Ceremonies ufed in Baptifm : Ye v/ere 
 firft brought in, fays he, into the Ante-room of 
 the Baptiftery, and placed towards the Weft in a 
 Handing Potture, and then commanded to re- 
 nounce Satan, by ftretching out your Hands a- 
 gainft him, as if he had been prefent. A little 
 after he explains the Meaning of their doing this 
 toward the Weft. The Weft, fays he, is the 
 Place of Darknefs, and Satan is Darknefs, 
 and his Strength is in Darknefs. For thisReafon 
 ye fymbolically look toward the Weft, when 
 ye renounce that Prince of Darknefs and Hor- 
 ror. For what did every one of you then 
 Jay Handing? / renounce thee, Satan, and all thy 
 Works, and all thy Pomp, and all thy Worjhip and 
 Service. After this, he tells them [t~], they turn- 
 ed from the Weft to the Eaft, which is the Re- 
 gion of Light and place of Paradife, and then 
 were commanded to fay, / believe in the Father, 
 and the Son, and the Holy Ghoft, and in one Bap- 
 tifm of Repentance. In his fecond Difcourfe, he 
 reminds them of their Un&ion in the Baptiltery 
 [«], and their repeated Confeffion of the Holy 
 Trinity, and their Trine Immerfion. In his third 
 Difcourfe, he treats of [*] the fecond Unction 
 with the holy Chrifm, which was then ufed in 
 Confirmation, immediately after they were come 
 out of the Waters of Baptifm. In his fifth Dif- 
 courfe, he treats of the Ceremonies ufed in the 
 Communion-Service, where firft he fpeaks \_y~\ 
 of the Deacons bringing Water to the Bifhop 
 and Presbyters to waih their Hands, in Token 
 of Mens Obligation to purify themfelves from 
 Sin. Then the Deacon cries our, Embrace and 
 falute [z] one another with an holy Kifs. After 
 this, the Prieft cries out [a] Lift up your Hearts j 
 and ye anfwer, We lift them up unto the Lord. He 
 fays again, Let us give Thanks to the Lord; and ye 
 anfwer, It is meet and j aft fo to do. After this, 
 we make mention of Heaven, and Earth, and 
 Sea, the Sun, Moon, and Stars, and the whole 
 Creation, Rational and Irrational, Vifible and 
 Invifible, Angels ard Archangels, Dignities, Do- 
 minions, Principalities and Powers, Thrones and 
 Cherubims, and with them we ling the Sera- 
 phical Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of 
 Sabbaoth. After which, we befeech the merci- 
 ful God, that he would fend forth his Spirit up- 
 on the Elements, and make the Bread the Body 
 of Chrift, and the Wine the Blood of Chrift. 
 Then after this fpiritual and unbloody Sacrifice 
 and Service is performed, we befeech God for 
 the common Peace of the Church, for the Tran- 
 quillity of World, for the Kings and their 
 
 Armies and Allies, for the Sick and Afflicted} 
 and, in a word, for all that want AfTiftance, 
 faying, We befeech Thee for them, and offer this 
 Sacrifice unto Thee. Then we make mention of 
 thofe that are fain afleep, firft Patriarchs, Pro- 
 phets, Apoftles and Martyrs, that God through 
 their Prayers and Interceflions may receive our 
 Prayersj and after we pray for our holy Fathers 
 and Biftiops, and all that are departed this Life 
 before us. Then we fay that Prayer which our 
 Saviour gave to his Difciples, calling God by 
 the Name of Father, and faying, Our Father 
 which art in Heaven. After which, the Prieft 
 fays, Holy Things for thofe that are holy. And the 
 People anfwer, There is One holy, One Lord Jefus 
 Chrift. Then one is appointed to fing thofe 
 Words of the xxxiiid Pfalm, O tafte and fee that 
 the Lord is gracious, as an Excitement to receive 
 the Communion j and every one communicates, 
 faying, Amen twice, when firft he receives the 
 Body of Chrift into his Hand, and afterward the 
 Cup of his Blood. Finally, when all have com- 
 municated, he tells them, they are to wait for 
 Prayer again, and give God Thanks for making 
 them Partakers of fo great Myfteries. 
 
 Now one muft be blind that cannot fee the 
 plain Footfteps and Forms of a ftated Liturgy in 
 all this. And therefore I fhall make no other 
 Defcant upon them, but only this, that undoubt- 
 edly before St. Cyril wrote thofe Lectures, there 
 was a prefcribed Liturgy, and Offices in Form 
 for the Adminiihation both of Baptifm and the 
 Eucharift in the Church of Jerufalem, and thofe 
 handed down from their Fore-fathers, though ic 
 be not poflibie to trace every Thing precifely to 
 its firft Original. 
 
 Co-temporary with Cyril, was Hilary Bifhop 
 Poicliers, of whom St. jerom \_b~\ fays, That he 
 wrote a Book of Hymns and Myfteries, which 
 moil probably were the Forms of the holy Of- 
 fices then ufed in the Church. It is certain, his 
 Hymns, together with thofe of St. Ambrofe, were 
 afterwards in great requeft in the Church > and 
 when fome excepted againft them, as only of hu- 
 man Compofition, the fourth Council of Toledo 
 ordered [r] them to be retained in the Cfyurch's 
 Service, together with the Hymns, Glory be to 
 the Father, and Glory be to the God on high; threat- 
 ning Excommunication to any who in the 
 Churches of Spain and Gallicia fhould reject them. 
 Hilary himfelf plainly intimates, that both the 
 Prayers and Hymns were fuch, as all the People 
 with an audible Voice might joyn in them. Let 
 every prophane Hearer, fays he [dj, be terrified 
 with the Words of our Confeffion : Let us fight 
 againft the Devil and his Weapons with the Sound 
 
 [jj Cyril. Catech. Myft. I. O.a. p. 278. [f] Cyril, ibid, 
 
 n. 6. p. 283. [«] Cyril. Catech. 2. n. 3, Sc 4. [*] Catech. 
 3. n. 2, 8c 3. [/] Catech. 5-. n. 1. [2.] Ibid. n. 2. 
 [a] Ibid. n. 3. [l>] Hieron. de Scriptor. cap. 100. Liber 
 
 Hymno.um 8c Myftcriorum. [f] Cone. Toict. 4. Can. 1 2. 
 
 Quia a nonnuliis Hymni humano Audio in laudem Dei, atque A- 
 poftolorum 8c Martyrum triumphos compoliti efle nofcuntur, ficut 
 hi quos beatiiTimi Do&ores Hilarius atque Ambrofius ediderunt, 
 quos tamen quidam fpeciaiiter reprobant, pro eo quod de Scripturis 
 
 fanclorum Canonum, vel Apoftolica Traditione non exiftunt, Sec. 
 [J] Hilar, in Pfal. 6f. p. 232. Terrendus eft Confefllonis noftra 
 ftrmone omnis prophanus Auditor.- Et adverfus Diabolum, arma- 
 que ejus Orationum noftrarum Sonitu certandum eft, & belli noftri 
 viSoria exultationis Voce monflranda eft. Audiat orantis popuH 
 confiftens quis extra Ecclefiam vocemj fpeftet celebrcs Hymno 
 rum Sonitus; Sc inter Divinorum quoque Sacramentorum Officia 
 Refponfionem devotse Confellionis accipiat. 
 
 4 of 
 
Ch a p. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 603 
 
 of our Prayers, and let the ViUory of our War be 
 proclaimed with the Voice of Exultation. Let him 
 rhat Stands without the Church hear the Voice 
 of the People praying, let him perceive the glo- 
 rious Sound of our Hymns, and hear the Re- 
 jponfes of our devout Confeffion in the Offices 
 of the Divine Sacraments. He that can make 
 out all this from the Peoples filent Confent in 
 Heart only to the Minister's Prayer, without 
 any Vocal joining in Forms of Prayer andPraifes, 
 may make any Thing out of any Thing, and it 
 were not worth while to produce any manner of 
 Evidence for fuch a Man's Conviction. I only 
 note farther out of Hilary, that thefe Prayers and 
 Hymns were both for Morning and Evening Ser- 
 vice [/]. The Church had her Out-goings both 
 Morning and Evening to praife God: She be- 
 gan the Day with Prayers, and ended the Day 
 with Hymns to God. 
 
 Chronologers are not exactly agreed about the 
 time of the Council of Laodicea. Labbe and o- 
 thers place it before the Council of Nice, about 
 the Year $ip. Bifhop Beverege about the Year 
 i6f. But on all Hands it is agreed to be within 
 this Century. Now here are feveral Canons, 
 which plainly Shew the Ufe of prefcribed Forms 
 in the Service of the Church. The feventh Ca- 
 non orders, that fuch as returned from the He- 
 refies of the Novatians, the Photinians, and the 
 Quartadecimani, mould firft learn the Creeds of 
 tfTc Church, and be anointed with the holy 
 Chrifm, before they were admitted to the Com- 
 munion of the holy Myfteries. Which implies, 
 that the Creeds were then in a certain Form, 
 lince they were obliged to learn them. The fif- 
 teenth Canon orders, that none mould fing in 
 the Church except the Canonical Singers, who 
 went up into the Ambo, or Reading- Desk, and 
 fang from a Book, "km ^2r't^. The Seven- 
 teenth Canon forbids the continuing of Pfalms 
 one after another, and orders a LefTon to be 
 read after every Pfalm. The eighteenth orders 
 the fame Liturgy of Prayers to be ufed at the 
 Nones, that is, three a Clock in the Afternoon, 
 and at Evening Service. The nineteenth orders 
 the Method of Divine Service, that after the 
 Bifhop's Sermon, mould follow the Prayers for 
 the Catechumens ; and after they were gone, the 
 Prayers for the Penitents j and when they had 
 been under the Bifhop's Hand, and were retired, 
 then the three Prayers for the Faithful or Com- 
 municants : The firft whereof were to be in Si- 
 lence, the fecond and third by way of Bidding 
 Prayer and audible Invocation. Then the Pref- 
 byters were to give the Kifs of Peace to the 
 Bifhop, and Laymen to one another 5 after which, 
 the holy Oblation was to be made, thofe only of 
 the Clergy communicating within the Rails of 
 the Altar. This Canon plainly defcribes the 
 Order and Method of the antient Service, as it 
 
 was performed in that Age; and though the fe- 
 veral Forms of Prayer here mentioned are not 
 fet down, yet we are fure they were in Ufe at 
 that time, and therefore a brief Reference, fuch 
 as was fuitable to the Compfs of a fhort Canon, 
 is made to them, as fhall be Shewed more at large 
 in another Place [*]. The twenty fecond Ca- 
 non orders, that the Subdeacon fhall not wear 
 the Orarium, which was a Scarfe or Tippet be- 
 longing to the Deacons, by which they were 
 ufed to give the Signal or Directions to the Peo- 
 ple in the Performance of the feveral Parrs of Di- 
 vine Service. The forty fixth Canon orders thofe 
 that are to be baptized, to learn the Creed, and 
 on the Thurfday before Eajler to rehearfe it to 
 the Bifhop or Presbyters. The forty feventh 
 Canon appoints thole that were baptized in 
 Sicknefs, afterwards to learn the Creed alfo; 
 which implies, that the Creed was then in a cer- 
 tain Form of Words. The fifty ninth Canon 
 orders, that no Pfalms compofed by private Men, 
 Should be fung in the Church j which argues, 
 that Hymns compofed by private Men were only 
 to be difcarded, but others were allowed that 
 were authentick. And this is full Proof, that 
 Forms of Divine Service were in Ufe at the 
 time of this Council. 
 
 About the Year 36S, Epiphanius was made Bi- 
 fhop of Salamis or Conflantia in Cyprus. And 
 that he approved Forms of Prayer appears from 
 the frequent Teftimony he gives to the Book 
 called, The Apoflolical Conftitutions , the eighth 
 Book of which is nothing but a Collection of 
 fuch Forms. Cotelerius [/] has compared the 
 feveral Places in the Conftitutions with thofe that 
 Epiphanius alledges out of them, and fhewed 
 them to be the fameinSubflance : Particularly he 
 obferves, that Epiphanius in one Place [g] gives 
 the Conftitutions this Character, that they con- 
 tain all Canonical Order, and nothing contrary 
 to the Faith, or Confeffion, or the Administra- 
 tion and Rules of the Church. Which no Man 
 could fay, that did not approve of the feveral 
 Forms of Worfhip contained therein. And there- 
 fore when Epiphanius fays [h~] in another Place, 
 that the Church obferved her Morning Hymns 
 and Prayers, and her Evening Pfalms and Pray- 
 ers, it is reafonable to fuppofe that all thefe were 
 according to prefcribed Forms, as it is certain at 
 leaSt the Pfalms and Hymns were. But there is 
 one Place in Epiphanius^ Epiftle to John Bifhop 
 of Jerufalem, which evidently proves that the 
 Communion-Service was then performed by a 
 prefcribed Office and Form. For Epiphanius ha- 
 ving been accufed to John, as if he had reflected 
 on him in his Prayers, faying thus, Lord grant 
 that John may believe aright : To clear himfelf of 
 the Accufation, he denies that ever he prayed fo 
 for him in publick (though he did fo privately 
 in his Heart) and for the Truth of this, he ap- 
 
 \e] Id. in Pfal. 64. p. 231. Progreflus Ecclefix in Matutinum 
 (leg. Matutinorum) 8c Vefpertinorum Hymnorum dele&atione 
 maximum mifericordix Dei fignum eft. Dies in Orationibus Dei 
 inchoatur, Dies Hymnis Dei clauditur. [*] Book XV. Chap. i. 
 [/] Cotder. Teftimonja Veterum prsfixa Conftitut. Apoftol. 
 
 J" 
 
 lg ] Epiph. Haer. 70. Audianor. n. 10. n<*V«& Iv aurlj hai-ovim 
 vQ-. [h} Epiph. Expof. Fid. n. 23. t. 1. p. 1106. 
 
 peals 
 
604- 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i b s of the Book XIII, 
 
 peals to the Words of the Communion-Offices 
 then in publick Ufe: When we offer up Prayers 
 in the Communion-Office, fays he p], we ufe 
 thefe Words for all Bifhops, and for you alfo : 
 
 Keep him who preacheth the 'Truth : Or certainly 
 thus, Lord, grant our Requefts, and keep him that 
 he may preach the Word of Truth, as the Occafion 
 of the Words requires, and as the Order of the 
 Office for Prayer directs. To undcrftand which 
 aright, we are to confider, that antiently in the 
 Communion-Service there were two Prayers 
 where Bifhops were prayed forj one in the Pray- 
 er for the Whole State of Ch rift's Church be- 
 fore the Oblation, and the other in the Prayer 
 immediately after the Oblation, when all States 
 of Men were again folemnly commemorated and 
 recommended to God j as we fliall fee hereafter. 
 Now in reference to thefe two Prayers, Epipha- 
 nius -'fays, they prayed either thus or thus, as the 
 Occafion of the Words required, and the Order 
 of the Office directed. Which is a manifefl re- 
 ference to the two Prayers in which thefe Words 
 were contained, and as plain an Argument for 
 prefcribed Forms, as can be required. And in- 
 deed the Word Confequentia, which in Greek no 
 doubt was dxcXaSr'a, fhews as much : For that 
 always fignificd a ftated Form or prefcribed Or- 
 der of Prayers. Of which the Reader may find 
 Examples enough in Suicerus Thefaurus, or Meur- 
 fius's GlofTary, which need not here be in- 
 ferred. 
 
 Qptatns Bifhop of Milevis was co-temporary 
 with Epiptianius; and he has a great many plain 
 References to the Forms then ufed in the pub- 
 lick Service He tells the Donatifts, that by 
 confining the Church to their own Party, they 
 had frulhated the Intent of the Holy Spirit, 
 which had prefignified that the Name of God 
 fhould be praifed with Pfalms and Hymns over 
 all the Earth, from the rifing of the Sun to the go- 
 ing down thereof; and that in effect they had de- 
 frauded God [k] of his Praife : For if they on- 
 ly were the true Church that was to praife him, 
 the reft of the World, from the rifing of the Sun 
 to the going down thereof, muft be filent : They 
 had fhut the Mouth of Chriftian Nations, and 
 impofed filence upon all People, however defi- 
 rous to praife God at the proper Seafons. 
 Which manifeftly implies, That Pfalmody was 
 then a Part of the People's Devotions all the 
 World over, and that the Donatifts were inju- 
 rious to God, whofe Principles tended to de- 
 fraud him of it. Again he fpeaks of the Pray- 
 
 er for the whole Church in the Time of the 
 Oblation, as a Form fo firmly eftablifhed by 
 Law, that the Donatijis themfelves would not 
 venture to make any Alteration in it. Who 
 doubts, fays he [/], but that you continue to ufe 
 that fettled Form of Words in the Celebration 
 of the Sacrament, and never omit to fay, That 
 you offer for that one Church which is diffufed 
 overall the World ? He fays the fame of the Ufe 
 of the Lord's Prayer [m~] in the Communion Ser- 
 vice, that the Donatifts continued to ufe it as 
 well as the Catholicks : For he obferves, that 
 though they gave Impofition of Hands and Ab- 
 folution to Sinners in fuch an haughty and fu- 
 percilious Manner, as if they themfelves had had 
 no Sin j yet not long after, when they turned 
 to the Altar, they could not omit the Lord's 
 Prayer, wherein they faid, Forgive us our Trefi 
 pafjes and Sins, The Lord's Prayer, he fays, was 
 of one and the fame Ufe with them both. He fays 
 alfo, the common Form of Salutation eftabhfhed 
 by Law, was likewife retained by the Donatifts : 
 For they could not omit faying, Peace be with 
 you [n~] ; They retained the Name, when they 
 had loft the Subftance. He fays farther, that 
 the Catholicks and Donatifts ufed the fame Inter- 
 rogatories in Baptifm: They asked the Cate- 
 chumen [0] whether he renounced the Devil? 
 And whether he believed in God? And he an- 
 fwered, I renounce, I believe. Only the Dona- 
 tifts did one thing amifs, in repeating thefe things 
 over again, and Re-baptizing thofe whom the 
 Catholicks had baptized before. He feems alfo 
 to hint fomething of the antient Form of Ex- 
 orcifing Catechumens before Baptifm, when he 
 tells the Donatifts, that by re-baptizing Catholicks^ 
 who were already baptized, and in [/>] whom 
 God dwelt, they faid in effect to God, Go out 
 thou cur fed One. For this was the Phrafe then 
 ufed in Exorcifm, which was a Prayer, as St. Cy- 
 ril \jf\ calls it, for expelling Satan out of the 
 Catechumen: And thefe Words of Optatus feem 
 plainly to be taken out of the Prayers of Exor- 
 cifm then commonly ufed in the Church. There 
 is one thing more very obfervable in Optatus 9 
 He fays a Rumour was once fpread in Africk^ 
 that the Emperor's Officers were to come and 
 make ftrange Alterations in the Church, by pla- 
 cing Images upon the Altar in time of Divine 
 Service. Which flying Report put the People 
 into great Confternation and Confufion. But 
 they were prefently quieted again, when they 
 faw thofe Officers come, and no fuch Alterations 
 
 [i] Epiplnn. Epift. ad Joan. Hierofol. T. 2. p. 313. Quando 
 autem complemus Orationem fecundum Ritum Myrteriorum, 8c 
 pro omnibus, 8c pro te quoque dicimus, Cuftodi ilium qui pra:- 
 dicat Veritatem: Vel certe in, Tu prasfta, Domine, 8c cuftodi, ut 
 ille vcrbum prardicet veritatis, licut occafio fermonis fe tulcrir, 
 8c habuerit Oratio confequentiam. [/.■] Optat lib. 2. p. 47. 
 
 Fraudatis auresDei: Si vos foli laudatis, rotus taccbit orbis, qui eft 
 ab ortu folis ufquc ad occafum. Claufiftis ora omnium Chri- 
 ftianarum gentium: Indixiftis fjlentium populis univerfis, Deum 
 per Momenta laudare cupientibus, See. [/] Optat. lib. 2. p. f 2. 
 Quis dubitet vos illud Legiiimum in Sacramcntorum Myfterio pra> 
 terire nun pofle ? Ofterre vos dicitis pro una Ecclclia, qua: fit in 
 toto tcrraium oibe djffcli. [m] Ibid. p. fj. Inter vicina mo- 
 
 menta, dum.manus imponitis 8c delifta donatis, mox ad altare 
 converfi, Dominicam Orationem prsetermittere non poteftis, 8cc. 
 It. lib. 3. p. 72. Oratio Dominica apud nos 8c apud vos una eft. 
 [«] Optat. lib; 3. p. 73. Non potuiftis omittere quod Legitimum 
 
 eft: Utique dixiftis, Pax vobifcum. Quid faluras, de quo non 
 
 habes? Quid nominas quod exterminafti? Salutas de Pace, qui non 
 amas. [0] Id. lib. p. 86. Quocunque interrogantc, qui 
 credidit, Deo credidit; Et poft illius unum Credo, tu exigis alterum 
 Credo. It. p. 89. Interrogemus Gentilem, an renunciet Diabolo 8c 
 credat Deo. Et dicat, Renuncio, 5c Credo. [/>] Id. lib. 4. p, 
 79. Vos rebaptizando exorcizatis hominem fidelem, 8c dicitis Deo 
 habitanti, Maledi&e, exi foras. [q] Cyril. Catech. 16. n.9. p. 
 234. <faty.ay Koyoi$ jvvnj Z>fr@flt\$r,- 
 
 made 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 made by them, but the ancient Purity and fo- 
 lemn Cuftom [f] and ufual Rites were dill ob- 
 served, and nothing was cither changed, or ad- 
 ded, or diminiflied in the Divine Sacrifice. 
 Which fliews, that thepublick Service was then 
 in a certain Form, and not left to every Man's 
 Liberty to make Alterations in it, or lengthen 
 or fhortcn it, by adding or diminishing at his 
 Plcalure. 
 
 About the Year 370 St. Bafil was made Bi- 
 jfhop of Ccefarca in Cappadocia, but before he was 
 Bifhop he lived a Presbyter in the fame Church 
 under Eufebiits his Predeccflor in the See. Du- 
 ring which Time, as Nazianzen [i] allures us, 
 among other Services done for that Church, he 
 compofed Forms of Prayer and Orders of Decen- 
 cy for the Communion Service, which by the 
 Confent and Authority of his Bifhop Eufiebius 
 were ufed in the Church. We are not bound 
 to affert that any of the Liturgies which now go 
 under his Name, are exactly the fame with that. 
 It is certain they have received many Additions 
 and Alterations, and in many things; differ from 
 one another: And fome things are alledged by 
 antient Writers out of St. BaJtTs genuine Li- 
 turgy, which a learned Man [/] affures us are 
 not to be found at prefent in any of thefe. As 
 that Prayer which is cited by Petrus Diaconus, 
 who lived about the Year f 10, in whofe Time 
 St. Bafil's Liturgy was ufed almoft all the Eafi 
 over. For he fays [u], among other things they 
 then prayed thus, according to St. Bafil's Litur- 
 gy: Grant us, Lord, thy Defence and Prote- 
 ction > we befeech Thee, make the Evil to become 
 Good, and keep thofe that are Good in their Goodnefs. 
 For all things are poffible unto thee, and no one can 
 contradicl Thee : When thou pleafefi, thou canfi fave, 
 and there is no one that can refift Thy Will. Some 
 fancy thefe Words are to be found in- the pre- 
 fent Copies, but whether that be fo or not, we 
 may be pretty well affured they were in the 
 Original Liturgy of St. Bafil, whence the Au- 
 thor cites them. And that is an Argument that 
 St. Bafil compofed a Liturgy, which was then 
 of general Ufe in the Eafi, and known to the 
 Africans alfo. Proclus Bifhop of Conflantinople 
 was within half an Age of St. BafiPs Time, 
 and he gives this Account of his compofing a 
 Liturgy: St. Bafil feeing Mens Sloth and De- 
 generacy made them weary of a long Liturgy, 
 thought there was nothing unneceflary or te- 
 dious in that of St. James, which was ufed be- 
 fore} yet to prevent the wearinefs of Priefts 
 and People, he delivered a fhorter Form [#]. 
 And it is alfo cited under St. BafiPs Name by 
 Leontius [_y~] and the Council of frullo [z]. So 
 
 that though many things be inferred into the 
 prefent Copies of St. BafiVi Liturgy, and others 
 wanting in them} yet thefe are no Arguments 
 ngainft the Original Compofition, of which 
 there is fuch clear Evidence in the antient Wri- 
 ters. 
 
 But St. Bafil not only compofed a Form for 
 the Communion Service, but often fpeaks of 
 other Forms as generally ufed upon other Oc- 
 caflons. In his fixty third Epiftlc he gives a 
 large Account of the People's joyning in alter- 
 nate Pfalmody and Prayers, and of their repeat- 
 ing the Pfalm of Ccnfeftion, that is the Fifty 
 firlt Pfalm, at Morning Prayer. And he there 
 alfo fpcaks of the Liturgy of Gregory Thauma- 
 turgus with Approbation, and of the Litanies 
 which the Church of Neocajarea had admitted 
 fihee the Time of Gregory. In his 241ft Epiftle 
 he mentions feveral Particulars of the ufual 
 Prayer for the whole State of the Church, tel- 
 ling his Friend whom he writes to, that he muft 
 needs remember them in the Deacon's bidding 
 Prayer, for all that were gone to travel } for the 
 Soldiers} for all tint profefsthe Name of Chrift, 
 Which, as Ifhall mew hereafter [*], were 
 the ufual Forms of Supplication in the Prayers 
 for all States of Men in the Church. In his 
 fixty eighth Epiflle he mentions other Forms, 
 which were as evidently Parts of the antient 
 Liturgies, We pray that the refi of our Days may 
 continue in Peace : We defire that our Death may 
 alfo be in Peace. We have heard him before [f J 
 fpeak of the Hymns of Athenogcnes, and the 
 Evening Hymn to the holy Trinity. AndweHiall 
 hear him hereafter fpcaking [a] of particular 
 Pfalms appointed for particular Hours of Cano- 
 nical Prayer. All which are fuch manifeft Indi- 
 cations of the Ufe of ftated Forms, as nothing 
 but Prejudice can incline a Man to except a- 
 gainft them. 
 
 Gregory Nazianzen was St. BafiPs dear Friend, 
 and of him it were enough to fay, that he com- 
 mends his Friend for making Forms of Pray- 
 er for the Ufe of the Church, as we have heard 
 already. But he alfo fays his own Father [b~] 
 confecrated the Eucharifi with the folemn Words 
 that were wont to be ufed upon that Occafion. 
 And fpeaking of Julian the Apoftate, he fays, 
 he admired the Church for her Forms [c~\ of 
 Worfhip, which were antiently delivered and 
 ftill preferved among them : And therefore he 
 intended that his Heathen Priefts fhould imitate 
 the Chriftians, and have a Form of Prayers [J] 
 in parts, that is, Prayers fo compofed as that the 
 People might make their Refponfes. Which is 
 alfo taken notice of by Sozomen, who fays, Thac 
 
 [r] Optat. lib. 3. p. 75". Vifa eft puritas, 8c Ritu folitd {bien- 
 nis Confuetudo peripedta eft. Cum viderentDivinis Sacrirkiis nec 
 mutatum quicquam, nec additum, nec ablatum. [j] Naz. O- 
 rar. 20. in Laud. Bafil. p. 3+0- lvyj~v J"ia]a.Be.i >y c/JioaiAut rk 
 3>'i|u*']0-, &c. 0] Cave Hift. Liter. Vol. 1. p. 194.. [»] Petr. 
 Diacon.de Incarnat.' inter Fulgentii Opera, cap. 8. p. 633. Bafilius 
 Csefarienfis in Oratione facri altaris, quam pene univcrfus frequen- 
 rat Oriens, inter cetera, Dona, inquit, Dominc, virtutem ac tu- 
 tamentum; Malos, quaefumus,bonosfacito; bonos in bonit.ne con- 
 ferva: Omnia enim potes, & non eft qui contradicat tibi; cum 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 enim volueris, falvas, 8c nullus refiflit votuntati tux. [*] p ro . 
 clus de Tradir. Divin. Liturg. cited by Comber of Liturgies, p. i63, 
 O] Leont. conr. Neftor. lib. 3. Bibl. Patr. T. 4. Part 2. p. 1006. 
 [>] Cone. Truil. Can 31. [*] Book XV. Chap. i. n. ,* 
 
 [f] Book XIU. Chap. ii. [«] Bafil. JRegul. Majores. Qusrft'. 
 
 37- M Naz. Orat 19. p. 30;. Zta vvti-n&y to. t«« 
 
 cvy^<te>sicL( p{jy.cfict vTWf eo< ffwn&H. 8cc. [c]Naz, Orat. 
 
 3-j\ ioi. Tel; <3^J'-;JWVok >o el; ro^e m^.u^oi; rvfrote 
 tm« ijuKkftef. [<l] Naz. ibid. p. 102. cvyjdy tvkov Iv 
 
 H h h h h 
 
 Julian 
 
606 
 
 The Antiquitibs of the Book XIII. 
 
 'Julian admiring the Order of Chriftian Wor- 
 fiiip, appointed that the Heathen Temples 
 fhould be adorned after the lame manner with 
 prefcribed [<?] Prayers upon Set-days and Hours. A^- 
 zianzen alio mentions the ufual Form of renoun- 
 cing the Devil in Baptifrn, and the folemn Co- 
 venant or Compact made with Chrift, which 
 he fays \_f~] they did ^ tcIs a^;j.ccat ^ rcTr fonxcri, 
 both by Words and Gefture3, that is, renoun- 
 cing the Devil with their Faces to the Weft, and 
 then turning about to the Eaft, by which they fig- 
 nificd their turning to Chrift the Sun of Righteouf- 
 nefs. Both which Words and Geftures were 
 evidently Matter of Form and Ecclefiaftical Pre- 
 fcription. As was alfo the Form of profefiing 
 their Faith, the triple Immcrfion, and many 
 other luch Rites and Obfervances, which we 
 meet with in Nazianzen and all other Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Writers almolt, that have any Occaiion to 
 fpeak of the antient Manner of adminiftring 
 Baptifrn. 
 
 There is one Author more which was fa- 
 mous about this Time, before the Death of A- 
 thanafius, which was Ephrem Deacon of Edefta, 
 commonly called the Prophet of the Syrians. 
 *fheodont [g] fays, that he compofed a great 
 many Hymns, in Oppofition to thofe that had 
 been formerly made by Harmonius the Son of 
 Bar de fanes the Heretick, and that they were u- 
 fed upon the Fcftivals of the Martyrs. Sozo- 
 men mentions his Divine Hymns alfo, as well 
 as thofe that were made upon the Martyrs. And 
 thefe no doubt were fome of thofe famous 
 Writings of his, which St. Jerom [f] fays were 
 ufed to be rehearfed in the Church after the 
 reading of the Scriptures. 
 
 Here it will not be improper alfo to obferve, 
 That the Practice of Hereticks in endeavouring 
 to corrupt and alter the antient Forms of the 
 Church, is often a manifeft Evidence and Te- 
 Ifimony of the Antiquity of them. Thus 1'heo- 
 doret takes notice [k~] that in the Beginning of 
 this Century, Arias tranfgreffing the antient Laws 
 of giving Glory to God, which had been hand- 
 ed down by thofe who lived and ferved in the 
 Miniftry of the Word from the Beginning, in- 
 troduced a new Form, teaching thofe whom he 
 deceived, to fay, Glory be to the Father, by the 
 Son^ in the Holy Ghoft: And that though he did 
 not prefume to alter the Form of Baptizing in 
 the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, yet 
 he forbad to ufe the Glorification according to 
 the Rule of Baptifrn. Does not this prove, that 
 the Form of this Doxology was long before A- 
 
 rius, fince he prefumed to introduce a new one? 
 So again, when the fame tbeodoret [/] tells us, 
 That Eummius fubvertcd the antient Law of 
 Baptifrn, delivered by Chrift and his Apoftles, 
 and brought in a contrary Law, that Men fhould 
 not be baptized with a triple Immerfion, nor 
 by Invocation of the Trinity, but only by a 
 fingle Immerfion in the Name of Chrift: Does 
 not this Innovation as plainly prove, that the 
 Rite of Trine Immerfion was the antient Form 
 and Cuftom of the Church ? As Tertullian [>] 
 and all that fpeak of it before Eimomhcs, have 
 conftantly afierted. So that whether wc confi- 
 der the Teltimonies of the Catholicks, or the 
 Practices and Innovations made by Hereticks 
 they both concur to prove, that within this Pe- 
 riod of Time, viz. during the Life of Athanafi- 
 us, the Church made ufe of Forms in every con- 
 fiderable Part of Divine Service, Baptifrn, Pfal- 
 mody, and the moll folemn Worfhip at the 
 Lord's Table. And fo flie did alfo in her Fu- 
 neral Rites, where nothing is more common 
 than to hear of Pfalmody in their folemn Pro- 
 ceflions to any Interment, as may be feen in the 
 Writings of Gregory Nazianzen [»] and the Con- 
 ftitutions [0], to mention no other at prefent, 
 that come not within the prefixed. Term of the 
 Life of Athanafius. 
 
 It was not above three Years after the Death 
 of Athanafius, that St. Amhrofe was made Bi- 
 fhop of Milan, an. 574. He was a zealous De- 
 fender of the Catholick Faith againft the Arians, 
 in oppofition to whom he compofed feverai 
 Hymns in Latin to the Glory of the Holy Trinity, 
 for the People to fing in the Church. Of which 
 hehimfelf gives this Account in hisTra<5t againft 
 Auxentius : They accufe me, fays he, for decei- 
 ving M and alluring the People with the Poe- 
 try of my Hymns. And I do not altogether 
 r deny the Charge. For what can be more power- 
 ful and alluring than the Confefilon of the 
 Trinity, which is daily fung by the Mouth of 
 all the People? They all zealoufly ftrive to make 
 Profeflion of the Faith j they all know how to 
 celebrate the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft in verfe. 
 Thefe Hymns are mentioned alfo by Profper in 
 his Chronicon [>] as the firft that were fung in 
 the Church in Latin Meafures. St. Auftin fre- 
 quently fpeaks of them, and fays [r], they were 
 fung as then the Pfalms were, in the alternate 
 way Verfe for Verfe by the People, to allevi- 
 ate the Tedioufnefs of their Sorrow : And from 
 this Example the Cuftom of alternate Hymno- 
 dy and Pfalmody fpread almoft all over the Wc- 
 
 [e] Sozom. lib. f. cap. 16. c &f«p t« pviTuv )y B/zSf** rtr 
 rcLyMcuf c/jyauif- 8cc. [/] Naz. Orat. 40. de Bapt. p. 671. 
 [g] Theod.lib. 4. cap. 39. [/>] Sczom.lib. 3. cap. 16. 
 
 [/'] Hicron. de Scriptor. cap. 1 1/. ad tantam venic claritatem, ut 
 poll ledionem Scripturarum publice in nuibul'dam Ecclefiis ejus 
 Scripta rccitcntur. [&] Theod. Haeret. Fabul. lib. 4. cap. 1. 
 [/] Tbeod. ibid cap. 3. [»;] Tertul. cont. Prax. cap. 26. 
 
 It. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. Vid. Can. Apoftol. 49. [«] Naz. O- 
 rat. 4. in Julian, p. 118. [0] Vid. Confiic. Apofl. lib. 6. cap. 
 
 30. [/)] Ambr. Orat. cont. Auxent. ad calcem Epift. 32. 
 
 Hymnoruni quoque meorum carminibusdeceptum populum ferunr. 
 
 Plane ne hoc abnuo. Grande carmen iftud eft, quonihi! potentiur! 
 Quid enim potentius quam Confeflio Trinitatis, qua: quotidie to-" 
 tius populi ore celebratur ? Certctim omnes ftudent Fidem fateri , 
 Patrem 8c Filium & Spiriturn fanflum norum verfibus prsedicare. 
 [q] Profper. Chronic, an. 386. ap. Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 387. 
 n. 7. Hymni Ambrofii compoliti, qui nunquam anre in Ecde- 
 fiis Latinis modulis canebantur. [r] Aug. ConfefT. lib. 9. cap. 7. 
 Tunc Hymni 8c PJalmi ut canerentur fecundum morem Orienta- 
 Jium partium, ne populus mseroris txdio contabefcerer, inftitutum 
 ell; 8c ex illo in hodiernuni rctentum, multis jam ac pene omni- 
 bus gregibus tuis 8c per caetera orbis imicantibus. 
 
 fern 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 607 
 
 flern Churches. One of thefe is particularly ci- 
 ted [j] by him, as an Evening Hymn, and o- 
 thers are among his Works: And thefe we arc 
 furc in the following Ages continu'd in Ufe; For 
 the [/] Hymns of St. Ambrofe and St. Hilary 
 arc mentioned by the Fourth Council of Toledo, 
 An. 6\ 5, as Parts of the daily Service in the 
 Spanijh Churches. St. Ambrofe himfelf alfo fpcaks 
 of the Ufe of that antient Hymn called the Tri~ 
 fagion, telling us, that in raoft of the Eaftern 
 and iVefiem Churches [u] when the Sacrifice 
 was offered to God, the Prieft and People with 
 one Voice (aid, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of 
 Hofts, all the Earth is full of thy Glory. He 
 mentions alfo the common Form of Salutation, 
 The Peace of God be with you [x~\. He fays the 
 Mufick fpoken of in the Parable of the prodigal 
 Son (Luke xv.) means the whole Church's ring- 
 ing together the Pfalms alternately [_y~], Men, 
 Women and Children, with different Voices, 
 but all confpiring, as the Strings of an Inftru- 
 ment, in one harmonious Concord. And this 
 was the Symphony which the Apoftle had Re- 
 ference to, when he faid, 7" will Jing with the 
 Spirit, and I will Jing with the Under ft anding alfo. 
 His Books de Sacramentis, if we allow them to 
 be his, are fo full of Forms and Ceremonies re- 
 lating to the Adminiftration of Baptifm, Confir- 
 mation, and the Eucharift, that a Man cannot 
 look into them, but he muft conclude, he wrote 
 his Accounts of thefe things from the known 
 and fettled Forms of the Church. For which 
 Reafon I think it needlefs to recite any of them* 
 but they that pleafe may fee them related in Dr. 
 Comber [z]. If any one fhould except againft 
 thefe Books, as none of St. Ambrofe's genuine 
 Offspring, it is fufficient to have evidenced the 
 Ufe of Forms from his undoubted Writings. 
 St. Jerom teftifies concerning the Ufe of the 
 Pfalms, as Forms of Prayer and Praifes, that they 
 were ufed both publickly and privately upon all 
 Occafions. In the ^Egyptian Monafteries, he 
 fays [a] the ringing of the Pfalms was a princi- 
 pal Part of their Devotions at every folemn 
 Meeting. He diredts Rufticus [b~\ to learn the 
 Pfalter by heart, and to repeat the Pfalm in 
 his Turn, as the Monks were obliged to do 
 one by one in their Affemblies. He fays of 
 himfclf [c], that he thus learned the Pfalms by 
 
 heart, when he was young, and fungthem when 
 he was old every Day. He dirc&s Lata, a noble 
 Lady, fo to accuftom her Daughter to the find- 
 ing of Pfalms and Hymns at all the Canonical 
 Hours of [d] Prayer, and teach her this by her 
 own Example. And after the fame manner [<?] 
 he writes to Demetrias a Virgin to obferve the 
 Order of Pfalmody and Prayers at every fuch 
 ftated Hour. There may be fome Difpute about 
 the Obfervation of Canonical Hours feven times 
 a-day in the publick Service of the Church, 
 but there is none about the Ufe of Pfalmody 
 in general: For St. Jerom writing to Sabinianus 
 [/] a Deacon who had been guilty of fome in- 
 decent Behaviour toward a confecratcd Virgin, 
 reminds him of the immodeft Signs he had made 
 to her even whillt he flood in the Quire of the 
 Singers. And a little before [g] he fpeaks of 
 the whole Church founding forth Hymns to 
 Chriff. their Lord in her no&urnal Vigils > a 
 great part of which, as we mail fee hereafter, 
 was always fpent in Pfalmody. This was al- 
 ways a part of their Funeral Service : For fpeak- 
 ing of the great Concourfe of Bifhops and Peo- 
 ple at the Funeral of the Lady Paula, he fays 
 [h~\, fome of the Bifhops led up the Quire of 
 Singers, and the People founded forth the Pfalms 
 in Order, fome in Greek, fome in Latin, tome 
 in Syriack, according to the different Language 
 of every Nation. He fays the fame in his Epi- 
 taph or Fabiola [f], that the People made the 
 gilded Roof of the Temple make and echo a- 
 gain with their Pfalms and Allelujah's. It is 
 alfo obfervable that in St. Jeromes Time and 
 long before, the Church had a peculiar Order 
 among her Clergy called Singers, which he hirto- 
 felf mentions [k~\, and of which I have givenla 
 more particular Account [f] in a former Book. 
 He alio frequently fpcaks [/J of the Clergy as 
 miniftring in a peculiar Habit, a white Garment, 
 in Imitation of the Angels, of which more will 
 be faid hereafter. At prefent I only obferve, 
 that this could not be done without fome Rule 
 or Order preferring the Ceremonies of De- 
 cency in Divine Worfhip. He does not fiy 
 much of the other Parts of the Liturgy, yet he 
 frequently mentions the Form of Renunciation 
 ufed in Baptifm, and the Ufe of the Creed \m\ 
 as does alfo Pelagius in his Comments upon the 
 
 \i\ Ibid. cap. 1 1. Recordatus fum veridicos verfus Ambrofii. 
 Deus Creator omnium Polique re£tor-. Veftiens Diem decoro lu- 
 mine, Nodtcm foporis gratia: Artus folutos ut quies reddat laboris 
 ufui, Mentefquc feflas allevet Ludtufque folvat anxios. Vid. Retrac- 
 tation, lib. 1. cap. 21. [<] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 12. [«] Am- 
 brof. de Spir. Sanfto. cited by Comber of Liturgies, p. 182. [x] Id. 
 dc Dignit. facerd. cap. y. Pronunciat Epifcopus hujufmodi ad po- 
 pulum dicens, Pax vobis, 8tc. [y~\ Ambr. lib. 7. in Luc. 1 f. 
 T. f. p. tif. Haec eft fymphonia quando concinit in Ecclefia di- 
 ferfarum aetatum atque virtutum, velut variarum chodarum, indifcreta 
 concordia. Pfalmus refpondetur: Amen dicitur. Haec eft fym- 
 phonia, quam fcivit & Paulusj ideo ait, Plallam fpiritu, pfallam 8c 
 mente. [z,] Comber Origin ofLiturg. p. 182. [a] Hieron. 
 Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. cap. if. Poft horam nonam in commune 
 concurritur, Pfalmi refonant, fcripturae recitantur ex more. &c. 
 Vid. Ep. 27. cap. 10. [6] Ep. 4. ad Ruftic. Monach. Difcatur 
 
 Pfalterium ad verbum. Dicas Pfalmum in ordine tuo. [r] In- 
 
 vedtib. 2. com. Ruffin. cap. 7. Pfalmos jugiter canto, 8cc. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [</] Epift. 7. ad Lstam. Aflucfcat exemplo ad Orationes 8c Pfal- 
 mos no£te confurgere, mane Hymnos canere, Tenia, Sexta, No- 
 na, 8cc. [e] Ep. 8. ad Demetr. Confiderans propter Pfalmorum 
 Jc Orationis ordinem, quod tibi hora Tertia, Sexta, Nona, ad vef- 
 perum, media nodte Sc mane femper eft exercendum. [f~\ Ep. 
 48. cont. Sabinian. Stabas deinceps in Choro Pfallentium, 8t im- 
 pudicis nutubus loquebaris. [g] Ibid. Tota Eccleiia nocturnis 
 Vigiliis Chriftum Dominum perfonabat, &c. (T) Hieron. Ep. 
 27. Epitaph. Paula;. Alii Choros Pfallentium ducerent in media 
 Eccleiia.— — Graeco, Latino, Syroque fermone Pialmi in ordine 
 perfonabant. [/J Id. Ep. 30. Epitaph. Fabiola;. Sonabant Pfalmi, 
 8c aurata tecla templorum reboans in fublime quatiel-at Alleluja. 
 [k] Com. in Ephef. j\ 19. Audiant hxc Adolefcentuli : Audiant hi, 
 quibus pfallendi in ecclefia Officium eft, 8cc. [-J-] Book III. 
 
 Chap. vii. [1] Hieron. Ep. 3 . ad Heliodor. Ep. ad Prxfidium. 
 Com. in Ezek. 44. lib. 1. cont. Pelag. [vz] Id. Com. in Anjos. 6. 
 14. & in Mat. j. 16. 8c Dial. cont. Lucifer. 
 
 H h h h h z Epiftles 
 
60S 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 Epiftles of St. Paul under the Name of St. Je- 
 rom [»], and Hilary the RomanDeacon under the 
 Name of St. Ambrofe [o~], whofe Authorities are 
 good in this Cafe, becaufe they were Co-tem- 
 poraries with thefe Writers. He mentions al- 
 fo the Ufe of the Lord's Prayer in the Com- 
 munion-Office, as given by Chrift to his Apo- 
 ftles, from whom the Church [p] learned to ufe 
 it every Day in the Sacrifice of his Body. He 
 fpeaks likewife of the Trifagion, or Cherubical 
 Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, [?] Lord God of Sab- 
 baoth, which they fung as a Confeffion of the 
 Holy Trinity. And he mentions a Part of one 
 of the Church's Prayers [>], which was, Lord, 
 grant us Thy Peace, for Thou haft given us all things. 
 And again {s\, Thus faith the Church, In Reft 
 and in Tribulation I have been mindful of Thee : 
 Commenting on that Pfalm, which the Ancients 
 called their Morning Pfalm, My God, my God, 
 early will I feek Thee. And on another Pfalm [f\, 
 The Church fays, From the Remembrance of our 
 former Sins, our Hearts are hot within us. Speak- 
 ing alfo of wicked Priefts, he fays [a], They act 
 impioufly againft Chrift, whilft they think that 
 a good Life is not as necefTary to the Eucha- 
 rift, as the folemn Prayer or Words of the 
 Prieft. Where he feems plainly to reflect on 
 thofe, who trufted to the bare Form of Pray- 
 er without moral Qualifications. He alfo men- 
 tions the folemn Rite of giving each other the 
 Kifs of Peace in the Eucharift [#], and the Peo- 
 ple's known Cuftom of anfwering Amen, at the 
 Reception of it. All which are plain Indicati- 
 ons of the Ufe of certain Forms in Divine Wor- 
 fhipi though St. Jerom only mentions them in- 
 cidentally, and had no Occafion to enlarge much 
 upon them. 
 
 St. Auftin and St. Chryfoftom, as they are more 
 voluminous Writers, fo they are more copious 
 and exact upon this Subject. I have given the 
 Reader a Specimen of what may be collected 
 of the Eaftern Liturgy out of the Writings of 
 St. Chryfoftom in the following Chapter. And 
 fome learned Men are of Opinion, that if any 
 one will be as curious in examining St. Aufliris 
 Works, he may find the whole African Litur- 
 gy in his Writings. I will not pretend to be 
 fo exact in this Collection, but only make fome 
 ihort References to what he fays upon fome 
 
 Parts of it. He divides the whole Liturgy or 
 Service of the Church into five Parts [_y\ viz. 
 Pfalmody, Reading of the Scriptures, Preaching, 
 Prayers of the Bimop, and the bidding Prayers 
 of the Deacon. All which, except Preaching, 
 were done by certain Forms and Prefcriprions. 
 And firft for Pfalmody, he fays, it was the Ex- 
 ercife of the People at all times, when no other 
 Part of the Service was a performing. For there 
 was no Time, he fays, unfeafonable for the Peo- 
 ple to fing holy Pfalms and Hy mns in the Church, 
 except when either the Scriptures were read, 
 or the Sermon was preached, or Prayers were 
 made by the Bifhop, or the Common Prayers 
 were dictated by the Voice of the Deacon. 
 We have heard him before fpeak with Appro- 
 bation of the Ways of finging Pfalms and Hymns 
 introduced by Athanafius and St. Ambrofi [z~). 
 Which argues not only that he allowed the 
 finging of Pfalms and Hymns, that is, Forms or 
 Prayer and Praifes, in general-, but alfo thaj 
 he liked the fevcral ways of finging then in Ufe, 
 the plain Song, and the fymphoniacal Contort 
 at the Conclufion of every Verfe, ufed by Atha- 
 nafius, and the new alternate Way introduced by 
 St. Ambrofe. Though he intimates that the plain 
 Way generally was more agreeable to the flow 
 Genius [a] of the African People, whofe finging 
 he vindicates from the fcurrilous Objections 
 which the Donatifts made againft their Practice. 
 And he wrote a Book particularly againft one 
 Hilarius a fecular Tribune, who pretended to 
 quarrel with the Cuftom of the Church of Car- 
 thage, for finging Hymns out of the Book of 
 Pfalms [b~] at the Altar, either before the Ob- 
 lation of the Eucharift was made, or whiift it 
 was diftributcd to the People. This Book of 
 St. Auftin's is now loft, but he mentions it in 
 his Retaliations. He alfo fpeaks \c~\ of the Eve- 
 ning Hymns : And of the finging of the Halle- 
 luia [d] in fome Churches every Day, and in 
 others only the fifty Days between Rafter and 
 Pentecoft. And PoJJidius tells us in his Life If], 
 That in the great Irruption of the Vandals in- 
 to Africkz little before his Death, nothing grie- 
 ved him more than to fee the Hymns and Praifes 
 of God deftroyed out of the Churches, and the 
 Solemnities of God's Worfhip, with the Sacri- 
 fice and Sacraments, to fail in the Places where 
 
 [»] Pelag. Com. in i Tim. 6. 12. [o] Ambro. in i Tim. 
 6. 12- [/>] Hieron. cont. Pelag. lib. 3. cap. f. Sicut docuit 
 Apoftolos fuos, ut quotidie in corporis illius facrificio credentes au- 
 deant loqui, Pater nofterqui es in ccclis, &c. [q]W- de 42.Man- 
 fionibus in initio. In Confeflionem landtae Trinitatis erumpimus, 
 dicentes, Sanftus, Sandtus, Sanftus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth. 
 [r] Hieron. Ep. 4. ad Rufticum. Utinam audiatur vox eccleliae 
 implorantis, Domine Pacem tuam da nobis : Omnia cnim dedifti 
 nobis. 1*] Id. Com. in Pfal. 62. Dicit hxc Ecclefias: Et 
 
 in Requie 8c in Tribulatione non fui tui oblitus. [<] In Pfal. 
 38. Concaluit cor meum intra me. Dicit Ecclefia, A recordati- 
 one deliftorum priorum. [»] In Zephan.3. Impie agunt in 
 
 legem Chrifti, putantes lfjyjttL^\a.v imprecantis facere verba, non 
 vitam; & neceflariam efle tantum folennem Orationem, & non 
 Sacerdotum merita. [#] Hieron. Ep. 61. ad Theophil. cap. 
 
 1. Quifquamne inter facras epulas Judae ofculum porrigit ? — Qua 
 confeicutia ad Euchariftiam Chrifti accedam, & reipondebo Amen, 
 
 cum de charitate dubitem porrigentis? [j] Aug. Epift 119. 
 ad Januar. cap. 18. [z] Aug. Confef. lib. 9. cap. 7. & 12. 
 lib. 10. cap. 33. O] Ep. 119. ad Paulin. cap. 18. Donatiftx 
 nos reprehendunt quod fobrie Pfallimus in Ecclefia divina cantica 
 Prophetarum, &c. [6] Aug. Retradtat. lib. 2. cap. 11. Hilari- 
 us quidam vir Tribunitius LaicuS' morcm qui tunc efle apud 
 
 Carthaginem cxperat, ut Hymni ad altare dicerentur de Pfalmo- 
 rum libro, five ante oblationem, five cum diftribueretur populo 
 quod eflet oblatum, maledica reprehenfione ubicunque poterat hce- 
 rabat, &c. [c] Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. 22. cap. 8. [</] Ep. 
 1 19. ad Paulin. cap. 18. Ut autem Halleluia per illos foios dies 
 quinquaginta C2ntetur, non ufquequaque obfervatur. Nam in slijs, 
 diebus varie cantatur alibi atque alibi ; ipfis autcm diebus ubjaue 
 [e] Poflid. Vit. Aug. cap. 29. Cernebac etiam Hymnos Dei £c 
 Laudej de Ecclefiis deperifle: Solennia qucque qua; Deo debentur, 
 de propriis locis deftcifie, &c. 
 
 they 
 
 \ 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 609 
 
 they were ufed to be celebrated. And he adds 
 [/], That in his lalt Sicknefs he ordered fome 
 of the penitential P faints of David to be writ- 
 ten for him in large Sheets, and hanged up againit 
 the Wall, which he read and ufed as Forms 
 proper for penitential Devotion. All which 
 iliews that St. Aufiin thought the Pfalms of 
 David were not unlawful to be ufed as Forms 
 of Prayers and Praifes in the Service of God. 
 
 Secondly, for the Reading of the Scriptures, 
 he acquaints us in many places, that this was 
 done by a certain Rule and Kalendar, appoint- 
 ing proper Lcflbns for particular Ocoafions and 
 Seafons. There were fome Feftival Days, he 
 lays [g~], on which they were bound to read 
 certain appropriated Leflbns out of the Gofpel, 
 which were fo fixed to thole anniverfary Solem- 
 nities, that no other Leflbns might be read in 
 their Room. Thus he fays in Eajler Week 
 they conftantly read [b] four Days one after a- 
 nother the Hiftory of Chrift's Refurrection out 
 of the four Gofpels, on the firft Day St. Mat- 
 thew, on the fecond St. Mark, on the third St. 
 Luke, and on the fourth St. John. So likewife 
 on the Day of Chrift's Paflion, he fays, they 
 read the Hiftory of his Sufferings [i] out of 
 St. Matthew only, becaufe it was all but one 
 Day : And when he would have had a ll the four 
 Gofpels read at that time alfo, the Pe ople were 
 difturbed at it, becaufe they had not been ac- 
 cuftomed to it. In the Time between Eajler 
 and Pentecojl, he fays [k], they always read 
 the Acls of the Apojlles. St. Chryfojlom will give 
 us the Reafon of this hereafter : And we {hall 
 fee that this was an univerfal Cuftom obtaining 
 throughout the whole Church, when we come 
 to confider this Rule more fully exemplify'd [f[] 
 in the Church's general Practice. 
 
 Thirdly, For the Prayers made by the Bifhop 
 in the Communion Office, St. Aujlin gives us 
 fuch a Defcription of them, as mews they mud 
 needs be made by a certain Order and Form. 
 For he thus defcribes one part of them, while 
 he inftru&s the newly-baptized in the Method 
 and Meaning of them : Ye underftand, fays he, 
 the Sacrament in the Order of its Adminiftra- 
 tion [/]. Firft after Prayer (meaning the Pray- 
 er for the whole State of the Church, which 
 went before) ye are taught to lift up youv 
 Hearts. Therefore when it is faid, Lift up your 
 Hearts , ye anfwer, We lift them up unto the Lord. 
 
 The Bifhop or Presbyter, who officiates, goes 
 on and fays, Let us give Thanks to our Lord 
 God: And ye give in your Atteftation, and fay, 
 is meet and right fo to do. Then after the 
 Confecration of the Sacrifice we fay the Lord's 
 Prayer. And after that, the Prieft fays, Peace 
 be with you, and Chriftians falute one another 
 with an holy Kifc. Here we have not only the 
 Method of the Communion Service, but the 
 feveral Forms of it in Order one after another. 
 And thefe Forms are frequently mentioned by 
 St. Aufiin in other places. The Lord's Prayer, 
 he fays, [m~] was always ufed by the whole 
 Church almoft, as the Clofe of the Confecra- 
 tion Service, and at other times as the daily 
 Prayer [n] of the Faithful, peculiarly belong- 
 ing to them, and not to the Catechumens, % 
 we {hall {hew more fully hereafter [J:]. The 
 Form, Surfum Cor da, Lift up your Hearts, Sec. 
 he fays [0] was ufed by all Chriftians through- 
 out the World, who daily anfwered with one 
 Voice, We lift up our Hearts unto the Lord, as 
 he fpeaks in his Book of true Religion, and o- 
 thcr places. And to this he fays the Priefts ad- 
 ded that other Form, Let us give Thanks to our 
 Lord God : To which the People anfwered, It 
 is meet and right fo to do: Ashe fpeaks in his E- 
 piftles [p] to Dardanus and Honor at us, and in 
 his Book of the Gift of Per fever ance againft the 
 Pelagians, and de Spirit u £s? Litera, and de Bono 
 Viduitatis, which being all to the fame purpofe, 
 need not here be repeated. He alfo mentions in 
 his other Writings the folemn Form of the 
 Prieft's faying, Peace be with you, and the Peo- 
 ple's giving one another thereupon the Kjfs of 
 Peace, which was a Symbol [ef] of that Inno- 
 cency and Peace, which ought to be the Qua- 
 lification of true Chriftian Doves. And this 
 Rite, he fays, was obferved not only bv the 
 Catholicks, but by the Donatijls alfo [/]. So 
 that here is unqueftionable Evidence for the life 
 of all thefe Forms in the Writings of St. Aujlin. 
 And though he docs not give us the whole Forms 
 -of the longer Prayers made by the Bifhop at 
 the Altar, yet he mentions fome parts of them, 
 and makes fuch References and Appeals to them 
 both in his Difcourfes to the Orthodox, and 
 Confutations of Hereticks, as plainly {hews they 
 were common Forms which they were well ac- 
 quainted with, and by remembring them might 
 underftand the Doclrine of the Church. Thus 
 
 [/] PoiTid. ibid. cap. 50. Juffbrat fibi Pfalmos Daviilicos, qui 
 funt pauciflimi de Pcenitentia fcribi, ipfofque Quatcrrj ioaes jacens 
 in le£lo contra parietem pofitos die bus fuse infirmitat is intuebatur 
 8c legebat, 6c jugiter ac ubertim ikbat. \g\ Ai ig. expof. in 
 1 Joan, in Prsefat.t. 9. p. 135-. Interpolita eft folen nitas fanfto- 
 rum dierum, quibus certas ex Evangelio Leftiones op ortet in Ec- 
 defia recitari, quae ita funt annuar, ut aliae efte no n pofiint. 
 [/>] Serm. 139.de Temp. It. 140, 141, 144, 148. [i] Serm. 
 144. de Temp. p. 320. Pafiio quia uno die legitur, t .on folet legi 
 nifi fecundum Matthajum, 8cc. [fe] Tra£t.6.in j (oan. Evang. 
 T. 9. p. 24. Aftus Apoftolorum, 8cc. Anniverfari a folennitate 
 poft PaiTionem Domini noftris ilium librum recitari. Vid. Aug. 
 Horn. 227. Nov. Edit. Benedi&in. quse eft 83. de Divei {is. [f] Book 
 XIV. Chap. iii. n. 3. [/] Aug. Horn. 83. de Divei fis. Tom. 10. 
 p. 5-5-6. Tenetis Sacramentum ordine fuo. Primopa: ft Orationem 
 admonemini furfum habere cor, Sec. Ideo cum did itur, Surfum 
 
 cor, refpondetis, Habemus ad Dominum.— — — Sequitur Epifcopus 
 vel Presbyter, qui offert, 8c dicir, Gratias agamus Domino Deo 
 noftro: Et vos atteftamini, Dignum 8c Juftum eft, dicentes. De- 
 inde poft fandtificationem facrificii dicimus Orationem Dominicam. 
 Poft iftam dicitur, Pax vobifcum : 8c ofculantur fe Chriftani 
 Ofculo fan&o. [w] Aug. Ep. 5-9. ad Paulin. [»] i Ep. 
 I2i. ad Probam. Enchirid. ad Laurent, cap. 71. Homil. 42. inter 
 fo. [£] Chap. vii. n. 9. [0] Aug. de vera Re] ig. cap. 2. 
 Serm v . 5-4. 8c 64. de Temp. Ep. 15-6 ad Probam. [p] Ep. 57. 
 ad Dardanum, 8c Ep. 120. ad Honoratum. De Bono perlever. cap. 
 1 3. De Spiritu 8c Litera. lib. 1. c. 'ii. De Bono Viduitatis cap. 16. 
 [q] Aug. Horn. 6. in Joan. t. 9. p. 21. Habere cum fratribus 
 veram Pacem, quam lignifkant Ofcula Columbarum, &c. [r] Conr. 
 Literas Pctiiian. lib. 2. cap. 23. Ilium commemoro fOptatum 
 Gildonianum) cui Pacis ofculum inter faci amenta copulabatis. 
 
 in 
 
610 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 in his Book of Perfeverance (Y), he fays, Thofc 
 of the Church need not any operofe Difputati- 
 ons to convince them of the Neceffity of God's 
 Grace to perfevere s they need only remember 
 her daily Prayers, how fnc prays, That Infidels 
 may believe, and that Believers may perfevere. And 
 again [t\ he tells them, it is the fafeft way for 
 weak Men in this Difpute, to look upon thefe 
 Prayers which the Church always had, and al- 
 ways will have to the End of the World. For 
 when did not the Church pray for Infidels and 
 her Enemies, That they might believe? Or who 
 ever, when he heard the Prieft praying over the 
 Faithful, and faying, Grant, O Lord, that they 
 may perfevere in Thee unto the End, dur ft either 
 in Word or Thought find Fault with him, and 
 not rather, with Faith in his Heart, and Con- 
 feffion in his Mouth, anfwer Amen to fuch a 
 Benediction? when the Faithful pray no other- 
 wife in the Lord 's- Prayer, efpecially when they 
 fay, Lead us not into Temptation. By all which 
 ;t appears, that both the larger and the fhorter 
 Prayers in the Communion-Office of the African 
 Church in St. Aufiin's Time, were ofFer'd up 
 in fuch Forms, as the People could eafily re- 
 member, when he referred to them as Evidence 
 in fome Difputes, which this was an eafy Way 
 to determine. 
 
 Fourthly, There was one fort of Pray- 
 ers more, which St. Aujlin diftinguifh.es 
 from the former, by the Name of the Common- 
 Prayers dictated or indicted to the People by 
 the Voice of the Deacon. Now thefe Prayers, 
 as I fhall fhew more fully hereafter [*], differed 
 from the Bifhop's Prayer in this, That the Bi- 
 fhop's Prayer was a direct and continu'd Invoca- 
 tion of God, to which the People anfwered on- 
 ly Amen in the Conclufionj But the Deacon's 
 Prayer was a fort of bidding Prayer, or Dire- 
 ction to the People what Particulars they were 
 to pray for> the Deacon going before them, 
 and repeating every Petition, to which they 
 made Anfwer, Lord hear us, or Lord help us, ox 
 Lord have Mercy, or the like. And this 1 
 fort of Prayer St. Aufiin exprcfly [u] calls Com- 
 munis Oratio voce Diaconi indicia, Common 
 Prayer dictated by the Voice of the Deacon. 
 And he feems in one of his Epiflles [x] to fpe- 
 cify fome of the particular Petitions contained in 
 that Prayer. For writing to one who was in- 
 fected with the Pelagian Doctrine (maintaining 
 that Infidels were only to be preached to, and 
 not prayed for, becaufe Faith was not the Work 
 of God's Grace, but the Effect of Man's own 
 Free-will) he urges him with the known Pray- 
 
 ers of the Church, which the Man himfelf frequen- 
 ted. Exercife, fays he, your Difputations agninft 
 the Prayers of the Church, and when you hear 
 Prieft of God at the Altar exhorting the People of 
 God to pray for Unbelievers, That they may be 
 converted to the Faith j and for Catechumens, 
 That God would infpire them with a Deft re of 
 Regeneration > and for the Faithful, That by his 
 Gift they may perfevere in that wherein they have 
 begun 5 mock at thefe pious Words, and fay, you 
 do not do what you here are exhorted to do. 
 And again, When you hear [y] the Prieft of God 
 at the Altar exhorting the People to pray to 
 God, or elfe hear him praying with an audi- 
 ble Voice, That God would compel the unbelieving 
 Gentiles to come in to his Faith, do you not an- 
 fwer and fay. Amen? Thefe feem to be ufual 
 Parts of the Prayer for the whole State of the 
 World, in which Infidels were prayed for as 
 well as others, to which St. Aufiin refers, as 
 Things well known to all that frequenteed the 
 Prayers of the Church. 
 
 Befides thefe, there were fome occafional Of- 
 fices, fuch as the Offices of Exorcifm, and the 
 Inflitution of the Catechumens, and Baptifm, in 
 which many Forms, and Rites, and Ceremonies 
 were obferved, agreeable to the Practice then 
 obtaining in the Church : But of thefe I have 
 had Occalion to fpeak largely out of St. Aufiin 
 and otheir Writers in a former Book [f[~], and 
 therefore think it needlefs to repeat them in this 
 Place. All I fhall farther add, is two or three 
 Canons of the African Councils held in St. Aufiin's 
 time, at fome of which he was prefent and af- 
 fifted. He was a Member of the third Council 
 of Carthage, in one of whofe Canons there are 
 feveral Orders and Directions given concerning 
 the publick Prayers [z~], that no one in Prayers 
 fhould name the Father for the Son, or the Son 
 for the Father. And when they flood at the 
 Altar, all Prayers fhould be directed to the Fa- 
 ther. And whatever Prayers any one writ out 
 for himfelf, or from other Books, he fhould not 
 life them before they were examined by his more 
 learned Brethren. This is as plain an Argument 
 for fet Forms as can be given, and yet fome, I 
 know not by what Means, make it an Argument 
 againft them. The Defign of the Canon was 
 plainly to prevent all Irregularities and Corrup- 
 tions creeping into the Devotions of the Church : 
 And therefore the Fathers made an Order, that 
 no Bifhop fhould ufe any Prayers in his Church, 
 but fuch as were firft examined and approved 
 by his Fellow-Bifhops in a Council. As another 
 Canon ira the African Code explains it [a], that 
 
 [i] Dc Bono Perfeverantix, cap. 7. In hac re non operofas Dif- 
 putationes cxpeftet Ecclefia, fed attendat quotidianas Orationes fuas. 
 Qrat. utCrcdentes pcrfevcrent. [f] Ibid. cap. 23. Ut magis in- 
 
 tuerentur Orationes fuas, quasfemper habuit\& habebit Ecclelia 
 
 Quando enim non oratum ell in Ecclefia pro infidelibus atque im'ci- 
 mis ejus, ut crederent? — Aut quis Sacerdotem fuper Fideles Domi- 
 num invocantem, fi quando dixit, Da illis Domine in te perfeverare 
 ufque in finem non folum voce aufus eft, fed faltem Cogitatione re- 
 prehendere; ac non potius fuper ejus taleni Bencdidionem, & cor- 
 de credente 8c ore confitente refpondit Amen: cum aliud in ipfa 
 Oratione Dominica non orant Fideles, &c. [*] Book XV. chap. 
 i. ». i. [«] Aug. Ep. 1 19. ad Paulin. cap. 18. [xj Ep. 1 07. 
 
 ad Vitalem. p. 187. (j] Ibid. p. 191. [f] Book IX. and X. 
 [z,] Cone. Carthag. 3. Can. 13. Ut nemo in Precibus vel Parrem 
 pro Filio, vel Filium pro Patre nominet. Et cum ad altare afiiftitur, 
 femper ad I'atrem dirigatur Oratio. Et quicunque fibi preces aliun- 
 de defcribit, (al. Quafcunque fibi preces aiiquis defcribit,) non eis 
 utatur, priiis quam eas cum inftruttioribus fratribus contulerit. 
 [«] Cod. Afric. can. io6\ ''Ors rdi x.tx.utta/j'lfJix.s tKiir'nti, ht<= 
 
 fuch 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 611 
 
 fuch Prayers fliould be ufed by all, as had been 
 authorized and confirmed in Synod, whether 
 they were Prefaces, or Commendations, or Im- 
 pofitions of Hands, and that no other fliould be 
 brought in againft the Faith, but thofe only be 
 faid, which were collected or examined by Men 
 of greater Abilities and UndcrftanJing. And this 
 is repeated again in the Council of Milevis [£] 
 nlmoft in the fame Words. Thefc African Fa- 
 thers probably had obferved, that there were 
 ibme Country Bifhops, who had not fuflkient 
 Abilities to compofe Orthodox Forms for the 
 Ufc of their own Churches: And therefore they 
 a little retrained the antient Liberty which eve- 
 ry Bifliop had of compofing a Form of Prayer 
 for his own Church, and obliged them to ufe 
 Inch as were compofed by Men of greater Abili- 
 ties, or fuch as had been approved in Synod, that 
 no heretical Opinions might creep into the pub- 
 lick Worfliip, either by their Ignorance or want 
 of Care in their Compofitions. By all this it 
 appears, that the publick Devotions of the Afri- 
 can Church were at this time directed by cer- 
 tain Forms of Worftiip, and thofe not left to 
 
 every Bifhop to compofe for himfclf, but he 
 muft ufc fuch Prayers as were firlt approved by 
 his Brethren, or eftablifhed and confirmed in 
 Council. And this feems to be the fir ft begin- 
 ning of that Cuftom, which afterward prevailed 
 all over the Church, as has been obferved before 
 in this Chapter [*], that all Provincial Biihops 
 fliould ufe the lame Form of Prayer that was 
 eftablifticd in the Churches of their Metropoli- 
 tans. 
 
 I need not now infift upon thefe fame Coun- 
 cils, fpeaking of the folemn Interrogatories [c] 
 and Anfwers to be made in Baptil'mj nor of 
 their mentioning the Lord's Prayer, as a Form of 
 fo ncccflary and general a Ufe (Vj, that the Pe- 
 lagians themfelves, who did not like one Petiti- 
 on in it unlefs interpreted to a very perverfe 
 Senfe, durft not prcfume to lay afide the Ufe of 
 it. For as the fu ll of thefe is a known Practice, 
 fo the fecond will have a more particular Hand- 
 ling, when wc come to coniider the Ufe of the 
 Lord's Prayer in a Chapter by it felf. And fo I 
 put an End to this Chapter concerning the Ufe 
 of Liturgies in the antient Church. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 An ExtraB of the antient Liturgy out of the Genuine Writings of 
 
 St. Chryfoftom. 
 
 sect. i. YT has often been wifhed by 
 Parts of the Li- J_ learned Men, that fome one 
 turgy in ths fir/l WQuld repre f ent the ant i en t Li- 
 turgy in its feveral Parts and Of- 
 fices, as it may be collected out of the genuine 
 and undoubted Writings of St. Chryfoftom j for- 
 afmuch as that Liturgy which goes under his 
 Name, cannot be fo certainly depended on as his 
 genuine Off-fpring : But there are a great many 
 Parts of antient Liturgy of unqueftionable Cre- 
 dit which may be gathered up out of his other 
 Difcourfes. Mr. Hales of Eaton, a diligent Rea- 
 der of Chryfoftom, is faid to have defigned fuch a 
 Collection, but he did not effect it. Therefore 
 till fome one elfe purfues his Defign more com- 
 pleatly, I think it not improper, for its relation 
 to the prefent Subject, to give the Reader in one 
 View a Specimen of fuch Paflages as plainly re- 
 fer to the feveral Parts of the antient Liturgy, 
 obferving the Order of St. Chryfoftom' s Works 
 according to the Paris Edition i6oq, and that 
 of the Commelin 1617. 
 
 In the firft Tome, Horn. 1. p. 1. he plainly 
 intimates that the Scriptures were read then in 
 fome Order by a ftated Rule of the Church, be- 
 caufe his Sermon that Day was upon a Pallage 
 that had been read in the Courfe of Morning- 
 
 Service, 1 Tim. v. 23. Drink no longer Water, but 
 ufe a little Wine. In his fecond Homily, p. 32., he 
 fays again his Text was taken out of the Epiftle 
 then read for the Day, which was 2 Tim. vi. 17. 
 Charge them that are Rich in this World, that they 
 be not high-minded. In his third Homily, p. 4$*, 
 he fays, the Lord's Prayer was by Appointment 
 of the Church the peculiar Privilege of thofe on- 
 ly who were baptized. For before their Initia- 
 tion in the holy Myfteries, they were not allow- 
 ed to ufc it. In his feventh Homily, p. 106, he 
 obferves, that the Book of Genefis was always 
 appointed to be read in Lent: And accordingly 
 it was then read for the Day, and he preached 
 upon the firft Words of it, In the Beginning God 
 created Heaven and Earth. In his fifteenth Ho- 
 mily, p. 1 pi, he fays the whole City met toge- 
 ther, and with one common Voice, rrj paa 'xoivrj 
 (pMVKi, made their Litany or Supplications to God. 
 And in the fame Difcourfe he intimates, that a 
 Portion of the Prophet Zachary v. concerning 
 the flying Roll againft Swearers, had then been 
 read for the Day, which he accommodated to 
 the Subject of vain Oaths, againft which he was 
 then difcourfing. In his eighteenth Homily, p. 
 116, he fays, he preached upon the Epiftle 
 which had been read that Day, Phil. iv. 4. Re- 
 
 [£] Cone. Miievit. can. \r. Placuit etiam Sc iilud, at Preces 
 vel Orationes feu Mifii, qux piobatx fuerint in Synodo, live Frx- 
 fariones, five Commendationes, live manus Impolitiones, ab om- 
 nibus cekbrentur, Nec ali* omnkio dicanftir, nifi qua: a pruden- 
 
 tioribus tvactatae, vel comprobatx in Synodo fuerint, ne forte 3ii- 
 quid contra Fidem, vel per ignorantiam, vel per minus flcdium 
 lit compoiitum. [ * ] See before in ibis Cbnp. n. i. 
 
 [r] Cone. Carthag. 3. can. 34. (J] Cone, AJilcvir. can. 8. 
 
 joice 
 
The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the B o o k XIII- 
 
 jeue in the Lord always, and again I fay, Rejoice. 
 And in his fixteenth Homily, p. Z34, he notes 
 the fame, that the Words upon which he preach- 
 ed out of the Epiflle to Philemon, Paul the Pri- 
 foner of Jefus Chrift, &c. had been read that 
 Day. In his twenty firfl Homily, p. z66, he 
 takes notice of the Ufe of the Hymn, called the 
 Trifagien, or Cherubical Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, 
 in the Celebration of the Eucharift-, arguing to 
 his Hearers in this manner upon it : What an 
 Abfurdity is it for a Man, after he has heard that 
 myftical Song that was brought down from 
 Heaven, brought down, I fay, by the Cheru- 
 bims, to pollute his Ears with the Songs of 
 Harlots, and effeminate Mufick of the Theatre? 
 In the lame Homily he twice takes notice of the 
 Form of Renouncing the Devil in Baptifm, p. 
 267. We are commanded to fay, iTroldojonojj coi 
 Sarava, / renounce thee, O Satan, that we may 
 never more return to him. And again, p. Z73. 
 Remember, fays he, thofe Words which you 
 fpake when you were initiated in the Holy My- 
 lleries, / renounce thee, O Satan, and thy Pomp, 
 and thy Worflrip and Service. In his twenty fe- 
 cond Homily upon Anger and Forgiving Enemies, 
 he argues for theNecefiity of pardoning Offences 
 from the neceffary Obligation that is laid upon 
 all Men to fay the Lord's Prayer. For this Rea- 
 fon, fays he, p. 2.87. we are commanded to fay, 
 Forgive us our Trefpaffes, as we forgive them that 
 iTrefpafs againfi us. And again, p. 288. When 
 you fay, Forgive us, as we forgive: If you do not 
 forgive, you ask nothing elfe of God, but that 
 he would deprive you of all Excufe and Pardon. 
 And whereas fome pleaded, that they did not 
 fay the whole Prayer, but omitted that Claufe, As 
 nee forgive them that Trefpafs againft us, he rebukes 
 them for it, and bids them not be fb vainly 
 cautious, as to think they were excufed by cur- 
 tailing the Prayer, but advifes them to ufe the 
 whole Prayer, as Chrift: appointed it to be ufed, 
 that the Neccflity of this Petition might daily 
 terrify them from Revenge, and compel them to 
 grant Pardon to their Neighbours. In his twen- 
 ty fourth Homily of the Baptifm of Chrift:, p. 
 317, he again fpeaks of the Cherubical Hymn 
 in the Communion Service. Do you think, fays 
 he, that you have any fecular Bufinefs at that 
 Hour? Do you then imagine your felf to be up- 
 on Earth, or converting among Men? Whofe 
 Heart is fo ftony, as to think, that at that time 
 he ftands upon the Earth, and is not rather in a 
 Quire of Angels, with whom you fing that my- 
 llical Hymn, with whom you fend up that tri- 
 umphal Song to God? In his twenty eighth 
 Homily (which is the third of the Incomprehen- 
 fible Nature of God) 363, he fpeaks of the 
 common Prayer, as fent up with one common 
 Voice of the whole Congregation fpeaking and 
 crying aloud to God with one accord. Some 
 would have excufed themfelves from thefe Pray- 
 ers of the Church, by this frivolous Plea, that 
 they could pray at Home, but they could not 
 hear a Sermon or Difcourfe of Inftru&ion in 
 their own Houfes and therefore they would 
 come to Sermon, but not to Prayers. To whom 
 8 
 
 he makes this Reply, You deceive your felf, O 
 Man : For though you may pray at Home, yet 
 you cannot pray there in that manner as you do 
 in the Church, where there are fo many Fathers 
 together, and where the Cry of your Prayers is 
 fent up to God with one Confent. You are not 
 heard fo well, when you pray to God by your 
 felf alone, as when you pray with your Brethren. 
 For there is fomething more here, Confent of 
 Mind, and Confent of Voice, and the Bond of 
 Charity, and the Prayers of the Priefts together. 
 For the Priefts for this very Reafon prefide in 
 the Church, that the Peoples Prayers, which arc 
 weaker of themfelves, laying hold on thofe that 
 are ftronger, may together with them mount up 
 to Heaven. This is a plain Defcription of fuch 
 common Prayers, wherein both Priefts and Peo- 
 ple joined not only in Heart, but in one com- 
 mon form of Words, whereby they cryed aloud 
 to God together. A little after, p. ^6f, he de- 
 fcribes thefe Prayers again by the Peoples fend- 
 ing up their tremendous Cry all at once, /Bo&jVc 
 t <p^j.y.oo\^d.Tnv /Bonjv. And he makes this diffe- 
 rence between the manner of the Energumens fup~ 
 plicating to God, and that of the People, that 
 the one fpake not a Word, but only fupplicated 
 by the Poftures of their Bodies, bowing down 
 their Heads, whilft the People, who were allow- 
 ed to fpeak audibly in Prayers, fpake aloud for 
 thofe who could not fpeak for themfelves. For 
 this Reafon, fays he, the Deacon at the time of 
 the Oblation brings forth the Energumens, or 
 thofe that are poffeffed with evil Spirits, and 
 bids them bow their Heads only, and fignify 
 their Supplications by this bodily Gefture: For 
 they are not permitted to pray with the com- 
 mon Affembly of the Brethren: Therefore he 
 prefents them before the Congregation, that you 
 pitying both their Vexation, and their Difability 
 to fpeak for themfelves, might by the Freedom 
 and Liberty of Speech which is allowed vou, 
 grant them your Patronage and Afliftance. From 
 this it appears that thefe Prayers for the Energu- 
 mens were in a certain Form, in which all the 
 People vocally joined together. In his twenty 
 ninth Homily, which is the fourth de Incompre- 
 hcnfibili, p. 374, he repeats the fame Account of 
 the Deacon's calling forth the Energumens, and 
 bidding them bow their Heads, and the Peoples 
 praying to God, o/mc&v//ae/\;v j£ fjMd a^ocP^ j8o«r, 
 with one Confent and with ftrong Cries, that he 
 would Jhew Mercy on them. A little after in the 
 fame Homily, p. 375-, he mentions another Form 
 ufed by the Deacon, as the Herald of the Church, 
 who was appointed to call upon the People every 
 now and then, and excite them to Fervency in 
 Devotion, by ufing this Form of Words, hp&oi 
 stipfyj xaXwr, Let us elevate our Minds, and attend 
 with Decency to our Devotions. For, as he there 
 explains it, this Admonition did not fo much re- 
 fpecl: the Body, as the Mind. When the Dea- 
 con, fays he, calls upon .us, and fays, Let us fland 
 elevated with Decency, it was not without good 
 Reafon that this Admonition was by the Rule of 
 the Church appointed, but that wc fhould 
 elevate our Thoughts that lie groveling upon the 
 
 Ground ; 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 613 
 
 Ground j that calling away the Diffraction that 
 m iles from fecular Affairs, we mould be able to 
 prefent our Souls upright and raifed to a fpiritual 
 Senfe in the prefence of God. Let no Man 
 therefore, adds he, join in thofe facred and my- 
 itical Hymns with Remiffnefs of Mind} let no 
 M:in entertain the Thoughts of this Life at chat 
 time } but driving away all earthly Concerns, let 
 him tranflate himfelf wholly into Heaven, as 
 Handing then clofc by the Throne of Glory, and 
 flying with the Seraphims: And fo let him offer 
 up t6v -sravayiov u/avov, that moft holy Hymn 
 (meaning the Trifagion, or clfe the Hymn called, 
 Glory be to God on high) to the God of Majefty and 
 Glory. It is upon this account that we are called 
 upon at this time, kavou xaX&k, to compofe our 
 felves decently, as it becomes Men who ftand in 
 the Prefence of God, with fear and trembling, 
 with a vigilant and elevated Soul. In his thirty 
 fourth Homily i which is the firft againft xhtjews, 
 p. 440, he {peaks of another Form ufed by the 
 Deacon, and that frequently, before the Partici- 
 pation of the holy Myfteries : He then cried out 
 emywwMn dWfaxs, Difcern and know one ano- 
 ther : Which was an Admonition to the People, 
 that they mould fuffer no Jew, Infidel, Here- 
 tick, Catechumen, or Penitent to communicate 
 among them. In his fortieth Homily, upon the 
 Martyrs Juventius and Maximus, p. foo, he lays, 
 the Church kept her Vigils all the Night with 
 continual Pfalmody, which was nothing but 
 Forms of Prayers and Praifes out of the Holy 
 Scriptures. In the forty feventh Homily, upon 
 Julian the Martyr, p. 613, he again mentions 
 the folemn Form of Renunciation in Baptifm. 
 You renounced, fays he, all this kind of Pomp 
 (Harlots Songs and obfeene Words ufed in the 
 Theatre) and made a Covenant with Chrift, in 
 that Day when you were initiated in the holy 
 Myfteries. Remember therefore thofe Words, 
 and your Covenant, and beware you do not 
 tranfgrefs it. In his fifty firft Homily, upon Ber- 
 nice, p. 6$f, he fays, they ufed Hymns and Pray- 
 ers and Pfalms at the Funerals of Chriftians j and 
 particularly the Words of the cxvith Pfalm, Re- 
 turn unto thy Reft, O my Soul, for the Lord hath 
 dealt bountifully nuith thee: Implying, That the 
 Death of a Chriftan was a Kindnefs and a Reft: 
 For he that is entered into that Reft, hath cea- 
 fed from his own Works, as God did from his. 
 In his fifty fifth Homily, which is the fifth of 
 Repentance, p. 672, he plainly intimates, that 
 his Difcourfe was made upon theEpiftle that had 
 been read for the Day. z Cor. xii. 21 . Left when 
 I come again, I Jhall bewail many who have finned, 
 and have not repented. In his fixtieth Homily, 
 which is his Catechetical Inftruction to thofe 
 that were preparing for Baptifm, he takes notice 
 of feveral Forms and Rules made by the Church, 
 relating to that Matter, p. 797. As firft, the 
 folemn Words by which every Man entered into 
 Covenant with Chrift. For fpeaking of the Dan- 
 ger and ill Confequents of deferring Baptifm to 
 a Sick-bed, he fays, when he that is baptized 
 knows none that are about him, when he cannot 
 hear a Word that is fpoken, when he cannot ut- 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ter thofe Words, wherewith he mould make the 
 bleffcd Covenant with our common Lord, bun 
 lies like a Stock or a Stone, differing nothing 
 from a dead Man j what Advantage is it to fuch 
 an one to be initiated in the holy Myfteries in 
 fuch a ftate of Infenfibility ? This implies, that 
 the Party baptized was to make his Compact 
 with God in a folemn and ufual Form of Words, 
 which a Man at the point of Death was not able 
 to utter. After this he goes on to fhew, that the 
 Church had appointed the time of Lent chiefly 
 above other times for Exorcifm and Baptifm ; 
 and that the Catechumens, after they were in- 
 ftructed, were remitted over to the Exorcifts, to 
 have their Exorcifms or Prayers faid over them j 
 and that during this time they were obliged to 
 walk Difcalceate, and wear only one Coat : Which 
 were Apointments of the Church, he fays, efta- 
 blilhed for good Reafons, and not without their 
 myftical Signification. In his feventy fourth 
 Homily, in which is a Panegyrick upon the Mar- 
 tyrs, p. poo, he fpeaks again of the 'Trifagion, 
 or Cherubical Hymn, as ufed to be fung in the 
 Celebration of the Eucharift. The Martyrs, fays 
 he, are now joining in Confort and partaking in 
 the myftical Songs of the heavenly Quire: For 
 if whilft they were in the Body, whenever they 
 communicated in the holy Myfteries, they made 
 Part of that Quire, finging with the Cherubims 
 the Trifagion Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy j as all ye 
 that are initiated in thofe Myfteries, very well 
 underftand : Much mbre now, being joined with 
 them, whofe Partners they were in the earthly 
 Quire, they do with greater Freedom partake in 
 thofe folemn Bleflings and Glorifications of God 
 in Heaven above. 
 
 The fecond Tome of St. Chry- sect. IT. 
 foftom's Works, is his Homilies Vara of the Litur- 
 upon Genefis, which were preach- gy *n the fecond 
 ed in Lent, when that Book was Z"»e*/ sr. Chryfo-. 
 always read in the Church, as a ° m ' s mrks - 
 appears from his firft Homily, p. 10, and from 
 what has been obferved before out of his feventh 
 Homily to the People of Antioch in the foregoing 
 Section. In his twenty feventh Homily upon this 
 Book, he plainly intimates, that the Lord's Pray- 
 er was always a Part of the Communion-Office, 
 For fpeaking of the Duty of Forgiving Enemies, 
 he fays, p. $f8, If we do this, we may then with 
 a pure Conscience come to this holy and tre- 
 mendous Table, and boldly fay the Words that 
 are contained in that Prayer. They who are 
 initiated in the holy Myfteries, know what I mean. 
 He covertly intends that Petition of the Lord's 
 Prayer, Forgive us our 'Trefpajfes^ as we forgive 
 them that trefpafs againft us. In his thirty third 
 Homily, p. 478, he acquaints us, that though the 
 Book of Genefis was by the Order of the Church 
 read in Lent, yet when they came to the Thurf- 
 day in the P ajfion-week, the Day on which our 
 Saviour was betrayed, then they had proper Lef- 
 fons for that Day, and Good-Friday, and Eafter- 
 Day, and all the time between Eafter and Pente- 
 coft, when it was cuftomary to read the Acls of 
 the Apofllcs, as a Deraonftnuion of our Saviour's 
 I i i i i Rcfurrection. 
 
614- 
 
 7 he A n t i qjj i t i b s of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 Refurrc£fcion. In his fifty fourth Homily, p. 751, 
 he fays, Chrift commanded the Ufe of the Lord's 
 Prayer, prefcribing us therein the Bounds and 
 Rules of praying for temporal Things, whilft he 
 enjoins us to fay thofe Words, Give us this Day 
 our daily Bread. In his fecond Homily upon the 
 Prayer of Hannah, in the fame Volume, p. 96 f% 
 he fays, When Chrift commanded his Difciples 
 not to pray after the manner of the Heathen, 
 ufing vain Repetitions, he alfo taught us the 
 meafure of Prayer ; meaning the Form which he 
 appointed. He repeats the fame in the third 
 Homily upon Saul and David, p. iof 3. Although, 
 fays he,*you are guilty of a thoufand Crimes, yet 
 if you fincerely offer up that Prayer, which pro- 
 mifes, that // you forgive your Enemies, your Fa- 
 ther will forgive your trefpaffes j you fliall with 
 great Confidence obtain theRemiffion of all your 
 Sins. 
 
 SECT. nr. The third Tome contains St. 
 
 Tarts of the an- Chryfoflom' s Commentaries andHo- 
 tim Liturgy in the m m es on the Pfalms and the Pro- 
 third Tome. p het ifaiahj where he frequently 
 refers to the known Parts of the Liturgy then in 
 Ufe in the Church. In his Comment upon the 
 cxiith Pfalm, he three times mentions the neceffa- 
 ry Ufe of the Lord's Prayer, p. 360 As Chrift, 
 fays he, when he would induce us to Unanimity 
 and Charity in our Prayers, enjoins us to make 
 Common Prayer, and obliges the Whole Church, 
 as if it were but one Perfon, to fay, Our Father, 
 and Give us this Day our daily Bread ; and Forgive 
 us our "trefpaffes, as we forgive them that trefpafs 
 againft us -, and Lead us not into temptation, but 
 deliver us from Evil; always ufing a Word of the 
 plural Number, and commanding every one, whe- 
 ther he pray alone by himfelf, or in common 
 with others, ftill to make Prayer for his Bre- 
 thren : So here the Prophet David calls all Men to 
 aConfent in Prayer, faying, Praife the Lord, O ye 
 Servants: Praife the Name of the Lord. Again, 
 p. $70, fpeaking of Glorifying God, he fays, 
 Chrift hath commanded us to pray for this, fay- 
 ing, whenever we pray, Hallowed be thy Name. 
 And p. 371, Chrift in his Gofpel hath command- 
 ed us to pray, and fay, thy Will be done on Earth, 
 as it is in Heaven. In like manner, on the cxivth 
 Pfalm, p. 394, fpeaking of the Life to come, and 
 how wc ought to defire it, and make all our 
 Actions tend that way* he adds, For this Rea- 
 fon we are commanded to fay in our Prayer, thy 
 Kingdom come-, that we may always have refped 
 to that Day. He repeats the fame Words on 
 the cxixth Pfalm, p. 4if . And on the exxviith 
 Pfalm, p.46"f, We are commanded to ufe a Pray- 
 er, in which there is but one Petition relating 
 to this Life, Give us this day our daily Bread. 
 Which be repeats again on the cxlth Pfalm, p. 
 fj-i. On the cxlivth Pfalm, p. fpf, he fays, we 
 are commanded to fay in our Prayer, Hallowed be 
 thy Name. And on the cxlixth Pfalm, p 633, he 
 calls it the Prayer which was offered up by all 
 in common, and always in the plural Number, 
 Our Father, &c. On theclth Pfalm, p. 6$6, he 
 
 fays, this Prayer was peculiar in its Ufe to the 
 Sons of God only, who could call God their 
 Father by venue of their Regeneration and A- 
 doption. Our Prayer, fays he, is prefaced with 
 this Title: For it belongs to them only to fay, 
 Our Father, who can give him Thanks for the 
 Gifts which they have received, and fhew forth 
 them all in that Name. For he that calls God 
 his Father, confeffes the Adoption of Sons : And 
 he that confeffes the Adoption of Sons, owns 
 and declares both Juftification, and Sanctificati- 
 on, and Redemption, and Remillion of Sins, and 
 the Gifts of the Holy Spirt. For all thefe mult 
 go before, that we may thereby enjoy the Adop- 
 tion of Sons, and be thought worthy to call 
 God our Father. By which Reafoning of St. 
 Chryfoflom it appears, that he was lb far from 
 thinking the Lord's Prayer a carnal Form, not 
 proper to be ufed by fpiritual Men, becaufe it 
 was a Form, that on the contrary he thought 
 none were truly qualified to ufe it, but fuch as 
 were regenerate, and adopted, and endowed with 
 the Gifts of the Holy Spirit, who alone had the 
 true Title to call God their Father. And this, I 
 fhall (hew in the next Chapter, was the general 
 Senfe of all the antient Writers. 
 
 But to return to St. Chryfoflom. In his Cow- 
 went on the cxvuthPfalmi p. 4,06, he takes notice, 
 that the People were ufed in their Refponfes to 
 return one Verfe of this Pfalm, which was, this 
 is the Day which the Lord hath made, we will re- 
 joice and be glad in it. This kind of Refponfes, he 
 calls uTyi^av and ^m^dWeiv, becaufe it was the 
 Peoples fubjoining their Refponfe to fomething 
 that the Minifter had read before out of the 
 fame Pfalm. And it feems to have been appoint- 
 ed for the Service of Eafler-Day, or Chriflmas- 
 Day, or the Lord's- Day, becaufe he adds, the 
 People were wont to make this Refponfe chiefly 
 on that fpiritual Affembly and heavenly Feftival ; 
 plainly referring to fome eminent Feftival then 
 well known to the People. And that this Cu- 
 ftom was introduced by a Law and Order of the 
 Church, is evident from what follows: For he 
 fays, their Fore-fathers had appointed the People 
 to fing this Verfe, v-n-nxetv Ivoixo^trma-ctv, both be- 
 caufe it was fonorous, and alfo contained a fub- 
 lime Doctrine, that for as much as they knew 
 not the whole Pfalm, they might from this one 
 Verfe be perfectly inftru&ed in the Myftery of 
 it. This was the Wifdom of the antient Church, 
 according to Chryfoflom, to teach the People the 
 Myfteries of Religion, by obliging them to bear 
 a Part in the ufual Service. 
 
 In hisComment on the exxxviith Pfalm, p. fi8, 
 he declares again, that the Pfalmody was per- 
 formed partly by the Priefts, and partly by the 
 Peoples joining with them: The Priefts began, 
 and the People anfwered to them. On the cxlth 
 Pfalm he notes, p. f44, that this Pfalm was con- 
 ftantly fung in the Order of the daily Evening 
 Service, whence it had the Name of the Even- 
 ing Pfalm; as the lxiid had the Name of the 
 Morning Pfalm, becaufe it was always fung in the 
 Morning Service. Of which , becaufe I have 
 
 given 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 given a more particular Account hereafter [*J, I 
 fay no more in this Place. On the cxlivth Pfalm, 
 p. fp4, he acquaints us, that this Pfalm was al- 
 ways fung alternately by the Prielt and People 
 at the Lord's Table, chiefly upon the account of 
 thefe Words in it, The Eyes of all wait upon Thee,^ 
 and Thou giveft them their Meat in due Sea/on. Of 
 which Cuftom we lliall have another Occafion 
 to fpeak further in its proper Place. See Book 
 XV. Chap. v. n. i o. 
 
 In his Sermon on the cxlvth Pfalm, p. 82?, he 
 tells us, that Pfalm was ufed to be fung in the 
 Paffion-week, Praife the Lord, O my Soul, while I 
 live, will I praife the Lord, &c. In his firft Ser- 
 mon on Ifaiah, p. 854, he fays, the Trifagion, or 
 Cherubical Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, was fung by 
 the Seraphims in Heaven above, and by Men on 
 Earth beneath. And p. 836*, he takes notice of 
 the Angelical Doxology, Glory be to God on High, 
 as ufed in the Church : And the Forms, xug/e 
 i\tr)<rov y and <raio-ov, Lord have mercy upon us, and 
 Lord fave us, as ufual Prayers and Refponfcs of 
 the People : And reproving the Peoples Cla- 
 mours, and Neglience, and indecent Gefticula- 
 tions in the Church, he reprimands them in this 
 manner: How dare you mix the Devil's Sport 
 with this Doxology of Angels? Why do you not 
 revere the Words, which you your felves ufe in 
 that Place, Serve the Lord in Fear, and rejoice un- 
 to Him with Reverence? Is this to ferve him in 
 Fear, when you thus theatrically tofs and ftretch 
 your Bodies, and know not what you fay your 
 felves for your diforderly Vociferation? This 
 plainly implies, that the People bare their Part, 
 though fometimes without a juft Decorum, in all 
 thefe Doxologies, Prayers and Refponfes. In his 
 Sermon upon the Seraphims, which is the fixth 
 upon Ifaiah, p. 890, he gives a large Account a- 
 gain of the Ufe of the feraphical Hymn, Holy, 
 Holy, Holy, at the Communion Table : Which, 
 becaufe I ihall recite at length hereafter, I only 
 juft barely hint it in this Place. See Book XV. 
 
 In his fecond Homily upon the Obfcurity of 
 the antient Prophecies, p. 946, in anfwer to that 
 vulgar Plea, that Men could pray at Home, he 
 replies in fuch a manner, as fhews that the Peo- 
 ple bare a Part with their own Tongues in the 
 common Prayers of the Church. You may pray 
 at Home, fays he, but your Prayer is not of that 
 Efficacy and Power, as when the whole Body 
 of the Church, with one Mind, and one Voice, 
 o/jio^u/aa^ov ixia (paw, fend up their Prayers to- 
 gether, the Prielts aflifting, and offering up the 
 Prayers of the whole Multitude in common. He 
 there alfo fpeaks of' the Deacon's Form in Bid- 
 ding Prayer for all Orders of Men in the World, 
 which I ihall not recite here, becaufe I have 
 done it more fully in its proper Place. Book XV. 
 Chap. i. 
 
 s ect. iv. The fourth Volume of. St. 
 Fans of (he ami- Chryfoflom's Works confifts chief- 
 m Liturgy in th e \y G f p r i vat e Difcourfes, which 
 
 have not much relation to the fourth Tome of stl 
 publick Liturgy of the Church : Chryfoftom'j 
 Yet fomc few PafTages are wor- Works - 
 thy to be noted among thefe. In his famous 
 Difcourfe upon Eutropius, p. f f4, among other 
 Arguments, whereby he prefles the People to 
 lay alide their Anger againft him, and pardon the 
 Injury he had done them, he urges this: How 
 will you otherwife, fiys he, take the Holy Sacra- 
 ment into your Hands, and ufe the Words of 
 that Prayer, wherein we are commanded to fay, 
 Forgive us our TrefpaJJes, as we forgive them that 
 Trefpafs againft us, if you exact Punifhment of 
 your Debtor? This fhews that the Lord's Prayer 
 was ufed then as an ufual Part of the Communi- 
 on Service. In the third Homily of Repentance, 
 p. f6z, he fpeaks of the Seraphical Hymn under 
 the Title of [xusikov the Myftical Song, 
 
 becaufe it was ufed in the Celebration of the 
 holy Myrteries. And again in his fecond Epiftle 
 to Olympias, p. 71 f, he mentions it under the 
 fame Title. And in his Sermon after his return 
 from Banifhment, p. 971, he fpeaks of the Form 
 «pn'vn waat, Peace be to you all, as a folemn Form 
 ufed frequently in the Church. 
 
 The fifth Volume of his sect. v. 
 Works affords us many more in the Fifth 
 Examples. Here he no lefs than Tome - 
 eight times mentions the Lord's Prayer as a 
 Form in common Ufe by the Commandment of 
 Chrift. In his fixth Homily upon Lazarus, p. 
 107, We are commanded in our Prayer to fay, 
 Forgive us our TrefpaJJes, that by the continual Ufe 
 of that Prayer we may be put in Mind, that we 
 are liable to Punifhment. In his eighth Homily 
 on our Saviour's Prayer, Father if it be poffible, let 
 this Cup pafs from me, p. 134, he fays, Chrift 
 prayed, to teach his Difciples to pray. But they 
 were to learn not only to pray, but after what 
 manner to pray : And therefore he delivered 
 them a Prayer in thefe Words, commanding 
 them and us to fay, Our Father which art in Hea- 
 ven, &c. In his tenth Homily, p. 1^4, he fays, 
 Chrift taught us what we are to fay in Prayer, 
 and in a few Words inftruclred us in all manner 
 of Virtue. In his fixteenth Homily upon thofe 
 Words, If thine Enemy hunger, feed him, p. 237, 
 he urges Forgivenefs of Injuries with this Argu- 
 ment, for this Reafon we are taught to fay, For- 
 give us, as we forgive, that we may learn, that 
 the Meafure of Forgivenefs takes its rife from 
 our felves. In his thirty fixth Homily upon Pen- 
 tecoft, p. ff2, he fays, praying by the Lord's 
 Praysr is praying by the Spirit : His Words are 
 thefe, If there was no Holy Ghoft, we that are 
 Believers could not pray to God: For we fay, 
 Our Father which art in Heaven. As therefore 
 we could not fay, that Jefus was the Lord, fo 
 neither could we call God our Father, without 
 the Holy Ghoft. How does that appear? From 
 the fame Apoftle, who fiys, becaufe ye are Sons, 
 God hath fent forth the Spirit of his Son into 
 
 [*] See Book XIII. Chap, x, and xi. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 i j j j 2, 
 
 youf 
 
6i6 The Antiquities of the Book XI LI 
 
 your Hearts, crying, Abba Father. In his thirty 
 eighth Homily of Repentance and the Eucharift, 
 p. fjo, he thus again argues for forgiving Ene- 
 mies. When we go into the Church, let us 
 approach God as becomes his Majefty, left if we 
 have Defigns of Revenge in our Hearts when 
 we pray, we pray againft our felves, faying, For- 
 give us, as we forgive them that Trefpafs againft us. 
 Thefe are terrible Words, and the fame as if one 
 faid to God, Lord, I have forgiven my Enemy, 
 Forgive thou me : I have loofed him, Loofe thou 
 me: I have pardoned my Enemy, Pardon me: 
 If I have retained his Sins, Retain thou mine : If 
 I have not loofed my Neighbour, do not thou 
 loofe my Offences : What Meafure I have meted 
 to him, Meafure to me again. In his fifty firft 
 Homily upon the Prayers of Chrift, p. 691, he 
 fays, Chrift taught his Difciples to pray both in 
 Words and Actions} meaning the Words of the 
 Lord's Prayer, together with his own Example. 
 And in the fixty fecond Homily upon the Paraly- 
 tica p. 934, he fays, this Prayer was the peculiar 
 Privilege of the Faithful, and not allowed to any 
 unbaptized Catechumen: For before we have 
 wafhed away our Sins in the Font of the holy 
 Waters, we cannot call God our Father : But 
 when we return from thence, having put off the 
 Burden of our Sins, then we fay, Our Father 
 which art in Heaven. 
 
 Befides this Account of the various Ufe of the 
 Lord's Prayer, he mentions feveral other Parcels 
 of the Liturgy in this Volume. In the fixteenth 
 Homily, p. zzo, he takes notice of the Ufe of the 
 Seraphical Hymn in the Euchariftical Service. 
 Confidcr, • fays he, you that are initiated, what a 
 Myftical Service you have been employed in, 
 with whom you have fent up that Myftical Song, 
 with whom you have cried out, T£fcrayt© j , Holy, 
 Holy, Holy. In the thirty fixth Homily upon Pen- 
 tecoft and the Holy Spirit, p. f 5-3 , he treats at 
 large of that antient Form of Salutation ufed in 
 every Office, Peace be with you, or, 'the Lord be 
 with you, and the Peoples anfwering always, And 
 with thy Spirit. Our common Father and Teacher, 
 fays he, meaning the Bifhop, when he goes up 
 into his Throne, fays, Peace be to you all, and you 
 all make Anfwer with one common Voice, And 
 with thy Spirit. Neither do you make this An- 
 fwer only when he goes into his Throne, or 
 when he preaches to you, or when he prays for 
 you, but when he ftands by the holy Table : 
 When he is about to offer that 'Tremendous Sacri- 
 fice (they that are initiated know what I fay) be- 
 fore he touches the Elements lying upon the Ta- 
 ble, he prays, 'The Grace of the Lord be with you, 
 and ye reply, And with thy Spirit: Reminding 
 yourfelves by this Anfwer, that it is not the Mi- 
 nifter that effects any thing in this Matter, nei- 
 ther is the Confecration of the Gifts the Work 
 of human Nature, but that it is the Grace of the 
 Spirit then prefent, and defcending upon the Ele- 
 ments, which consummates that Myftical Sacri- 
 fice. In the thirty eighth Homily on the Eucha- 
 rift and Repentance, p. f6?, he takes notice of 
 
 another known Form in the Communion-Service, 
 where the Prieft fays, Let us lift up our Minds 
 and Hearts, and the People anfwer, We lift than 
 up unto the Lord, s^oju^y -ur^s xvyov. This is the 
 fame Form as we have feen before in Cyprian, 
 Surfum Corda, & Habemus ad Dominum. In the 
 forty feventh Homily, p. 6\z, he fpeaks again of 
 the Seraphical Hymn, taken out of Ifaiah, under 
 the Name of /auriHov /juX©-, the Myftical Song. 
 And Homily the fifty fecond, in eos qui Pafchs 
 jejunant, p. 713, perfuading Men to Peace and 
 Unity, he argues again from the frequent Ufe 
 of the Form «gn'vn wa<riv Peace be with you all, 
 in every Office of the Church. There is no- 
 thing, fays he, can be compared with Peace and 
 Concord. Therefore the Biihop when he firft 
 enters the Church, before he goes up into his 
 Throne, prays, faying, Peace be with you all: And 
 when he rifes up, he does not begin to preach, 
 before he fays again, Peace be with you all. And 
 the Priefts, when they are about to fay any Prayer 
 of Benediction, do not begin the Bleffing, before 
 they have ufed the fame Form of Salutation. 
 And the Deacon, when he bids Men pray with 
 others, enjoins them this in their Prayers, that 
 they fhould pray for the Angel of Peace [*], and 
 that all their Purpofes may be directed to U a peace- 
 able End : And when he diimilfes you from this 
 AfTembly, he prays thus, faying, hoffiiS* cv Sewviy, 
 Go in Peace : And nothing is faid or done without 
 this. So that it feems, this was a Form that had 
 its Return in every particular Office, and was 
 fometimes ufed fix or feven times at one AfTem- 
 bly of the Church. In his thirty fifth Homily 
 upon the Afcenfion, p. f3f, he more particularly 
 takes Notice of this Form of the Deacon's bid- 
 ding Men pray for the Angel of Peace. In his 
 Admonition to thofe that are fcandalized at the 
 Evils which befall the Church, cap. 4. 863, he 
 has again occafion to mention the Seraphical 
 Hymn under the forefaid Title of the Myftical 
 Song of Sanctification. In his fixty third Ho- 
 mily, p. 949, he mews us, how by the Order of 
 the Church, on the Day of our Saviour's Paf- 
 fion, all fuch Portions of Scripture were read, as 
 had any relation to the Crofs ; and on the great 
 Sabbath, or Saturday following, fuch Scriptures 
 as contained the Hiftory of his being betrayed, 
 crucified, dead and buried. And he adds, p. 95- 1, 
 That on Eafter Day they read fuch PalTages as 
 gave an Account of his Refurrection, and on 
 every Feftival the Things that happened at that 
 Seafon. Only the Acls of the Apoftles, which con- 
 tain the Hiftory of the Miracles done by the 
 Apoftles after Pentecoft, after the Holy Ghoft was 
 come upon them, were for a particular Reafon 
 ordered to be read before Pentecoft, that is, im- 
 mediately after Eafter, becaufe the Miracles of 
 the Apoftles, contained in that Book, were the 
 great Demonftration of our Saviour's Refurrecti- 
 on : For which Reafon the Church appointed 
 the Book of the Atls always to be read in the 
 Time between Eafter and Whitfontide, immedi- 
 ately after the Refurrection of Chrift, to give 
 
 * Set this Form explained, Book XIV. Chap. v. n. 4. 
 
 s 
 
 Men 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 617 
 
 Men the Evidences and Proofs of that holy My- 
 ftery, which was the Completion of their Re- 
 demption. Thus according to Chryfoftom, the 
 Church in great Wifdom ordered and methodized 
 her Liturgy by exaft Rules, for the better In- 
 llruaion and Edification of the People. 
 
 SECT. vi. The fixth Tome is chiefly 
 in the fixth Tome. m ade up of fuch Tracls, as do 
 not acknowledge Chryfoftom for their Author: 
 And therefore among thefe we fhall not be very 
 curious in fcarching lor the Forms of the antienc 
 Liturgy. Some of them are fuppofed by Learn- 
 ed Men to be written by Severianus Bifhop of 
 Gabala, Co-temporary with Chryfoftom, and thefe 
 may be reckoned of the fame Authority as Chry- 
 foftom's own Writings. Among the Homilies of 
 this fort is reckoned the thirty feventh upon the 
 Parable of the Prodigal Son, where the Author, 
 p. 375, commenting upon thofe Words, they 
 began to be Merry , thus difcourfes : Ye know 
 what fpiritual Mirth is, who have tailed of it, 
 who have been Partakers of the holy Myfteries, 
 and have feen the Deacons or Minifters of Di- 
 vine Service, imitating the Wings of Angels 
 with their little Veils lying upon their Left 
 Shoulders, and traverfing the Church, and cry- 
 ing, Let no Catechumen be prefent, none of 
 thofe that may not eat, no Spie, none of thofe 
 that may not fee theFeaftof the fatted Calf, none 
 of thofe that may not look upon the heavenly 
 Blood fhed for the Remiflion of Sins, no one 
 that is unworthy of the living Sacrifice, no one 
 that is yet unbaptized, no one that may not with 
 his polluted Lips touch the Tremendous Myfte- 
 ries : Ye remember how after this, the Angels 
 from Heaven fing the Hymns and Praifes, faying, 
 Holy is the Father, who willed the fatted Calf to be 
 jlain, who knew no Sin, as faith the Prophet Ifai- 
 ah, who did no Sin, neither was Guile found in his 
 Mouth: Holy is the Son, the Calf that is always 
 willingly flain, and always lives : Holy is the Com- 
 forter, the Holy Ghoft, which perfects the Sacrifice. 
 Thefe are plain References and Allufions to the 
 ufual Forms of the Church, viz. to the Dea- 
 cons veiled in their proper Habit and Badge, cal- 
 ling to all Non-communicants to withdraws and 
 to the Seraphical Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, which 
 was always fung in the Communion Service. 
 The fame Writer a little after, p. 377, as plainly 
 alludes to the Ufe of the Lord's Prayer at the 
 Eucharift, when he brings in the Father thus 
 fpeaking to the elder Son: " Son, thou art ever 
 " with me: Thou ftandefl by the Altar, and 
 " there crieft out with Freedom, Our Father, 
 <c which art in Heaven, Hallowed be thy Name." 
 In the firft Homily in this Volume, intituled, De 
 Uno Legiftatore, p. 10, there is mention made of 
 the Ceremony of laying the Book of the Gof- 
 pels upon a Bilhop's Head at his Ordination. For 
 this Reafon, fays the Author, when Priefts are 
 ordained in the Church, the Gofpel of Chrift is 
 kid upon their Heads, that he that is ordained, 
 may learn that he receives the true Tire or Co- 
 
 vering of the Gofpel > and that he may be taught, 
 that though he be the Head of all, yet he is fub- 
 je£b to thofe Laws; though he rules over all, he 
 is under the Rule of thole Laws ; though he 
 gives Laws to all others, he is to be governed by 
 the Law himfelf. The Criticks are not agreed 
 upon the Author of this Difcourfe. Du Pin [a] 
 rejects it as none of Chryfoftom\ : But Photius 
 quotes it under his Name, and Bifhop Pearfon 
 [b~] has a long Diflertation to vindicate the Au- 
 thority of it out of Photius and feveral other an- 
 tient Writers before him, where he anfwers all 
 the Objections that Bifhop Uftjer and fome other 
 Learned Men had raifed againft it. Without de- 
 ciding this Controverfy, it is fufficient for our 
 prefent Purpofe, that the Homily either acknow- 
 ledges Chryfoftom or fome fuch other antient Writer 
 for its Author, and the Ceremony here fpoken 
 of was certainly a Cuftom obferved in the Ordi- 
 nation of Bifhops in the Time of Chryfoftom, as 
 appears not only from other Places in Chryfoftom, 
 but alfo from the Authors of the Conftitutions and 
 the Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy, and the Canon of the 
 fourth Council of Carthage, which I have had an 
 occafion to produce in a former [*] Book, to 
 which I refer the Reader, and go on with Chry- 
 foftom in order. 
 
 In the fifty fecond Homily, upon the Circus, in 
 this Volume, p. 491, the Author makes mention 
 of that antient Cuftom of faying, d'o^aaot xug/s, 
 Glory be to Thee, O Lord, at the reading of the 
 Gofpel. When we are met together, fays he, in 
 the Ecclefiaftical Theatre, as foon as the Deacon 
 opens the Book of the Gofpels, we all look up- 
 on him with Silence, and when he begins to 
 read, we prefently rife up, and fay, Glory be to 
 Thee, O Lord. 
 
 In his eleventh Homily on St. sect. vit. 
 Matthew, p. 108, he mentions 1* *be f">*»thTom$ 
 
 the Peoples joining in Pfalmo- "/ *? " omiks m 
 a ji J n° j r» Sr. Matthew, 
 
 ay ana the accultomed Prayers. 
 
 When ye have born your Part in Singing two or 
 three Pfalms, Jvo -v^aX/asr n Tg«r u-irvfflaxflis, and 
 have made your ufual Prayers, rds a-wfaus ct^ac 
 Tirots^jvof, ye think ye have done enough for your 
 Salvation. In the thirty third Homily, p. 318 
 he notes the cuftomary Form of the Minilter's 
 faying, si^'vn u/atv, Peace be unto you all, when he 
 firft enters the Church: And he forms this Ex- 
 hortation upon it: When I fay, Peace be unto you, 
 and ye anfvver again, And with thy Spirit; do not 
 fay this only in Words, but in Mind ; not with 
 your Mouth, but with your Heart. For if you 
 fay here in the Church, Peace be with thy Spirit ; 
 but as foon as you are gone out, begin to op- 
 pugn me, defpife me, accufe me, and load me 
 with a thoufand Reproaches, What Peace is this ? 
 In bis fixty ninth Homily, p. 600, fpeaking of the 
 Monks, and their Manner of worfhipping God, 
 he fays, As foon as they were out of their Beds, 
 they made a Quire, and fang Hymns to God, 
 tru/a^wvcOi axo/isr &>:tts£ elf Ivor S"o/aal{£P, all toge- 
 ther with one Voice, and as it were with one 
 
 r.<;] Du Pin Bibliothec. Cent. )-. p. 22. 
 
 [b~\ Pearfon Vindic. Ignat. Part. 1. cap. 9. p. 3 11. 
 
 [*J Bo3kll.Ch»p.*\. fj.8. 
 
 Mouth; 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 Mouth: And among thefe, they particularly ad- 
 drefled that Angelical Hymn to God, Glory be to 
 God on high, on Earth Peace, Good-will towards 
 Men. In his feventy fecond Homily, p. 624, he 
 fpeaks of three Prayers, one of which was for 
 the Demoniacks, the fecond for the Penitents, 
 and the third for the Faithful or Communicants, 
 all conceived in a certain Form of Words ; 
 which is evident from this Circumftance, which 
 he there fubjoins, That in the laft of thefe Pray- 
 ers the Children of the Church joined with the 
 reft of the People in crying to God for Mercy. 
 The People prayed alone without the Children, 
 when they prayed for the Demoniacks and Peni- 
 tents j but when they prayed for themfelves, they 
 ftrengthencd their Prayers with the Cries and In- 
 terceffions of their Children, whofe Innocence 
 and Simplicity they efteemed to be prevailing 
 Motives with God to hear them. By this Ac- 
 count it is plain, thefe Prayers muft be in certain 
 Forms known both to the People and the Chil- 
 dren : Otherwife it is impoflible to imagine, how 
 they fhould all join vocally in crying to God for 
 Mercy. In his twentieth Homily, which is upon 
 the Lord's Prayer, he not only mentions the Ufe 
 of this Form of Prayer, but fays, it was the pe- 
 culiar Privilege of Communicants or baptized 
 Perfons to ufe it. That this Prayer, fays he, 
 p. zoo, belongs to the Faithful only, is evidenced 
 both from the Laws of the Church, and the firft 
 W ords of the Prayer ic felf. For no unbaptized 
 Perfon can call God his Father. In the fame 
 Homily, he takes Notice of the Ceremonies ufed 
 in the Reception of the Eucharift, particularly 
 the Cuftom of giving one another the holy Kifs 
 of Peace. And in the feventh Homily, p. 70, he 
 alludes to the Cullom of the Pricft's faying, dXia 
 Tcli dy'tcis, in the Celebration of the Eucharift, 
 when he fays, Chrift gives holy Things to holy Men. 
 
 SECT. viii. The eighth Tome of St. Chry- 
 in the e,ghh Tome r fl om \ Works, contains his Ho- 
 mfl?!h""i't Wtks on St. John and the Acls of 
 ftks. ° ' C P °" tIoe dp°fil es - J" ms Preface to St. 
 
 John, he mentions the Form of 
 renouncing the Devil, and covenanting with 
 Chrift. Ye which are initiated, fays he, know 
 what Compact ye made with us, or rather with 
 Chrift, when he admitted you to his holy My- 
 iftery, what you faid to him concerning the Pomp 
 of Satan, how after you had renounced Satan and 
 his Angels, you renounced this alfo, and promi- 
 fed never to look toward it again. 
 
 Horn, forty fecond, he fpeaks of the Lord's 
 Prayer, as a Form of fpiritual Prayer, which 
 Chrift taught his Difciples and all Chriftians. 
 
 Horn, forty fourth, he fays, every good Chri- 
 ftian ufed this Prayer daily, faying thofe holy 
 Words, thy Kingdom come; implying a Belief of 
 the Refurredtion. 
 
 Horn, fixty firft, he makes mention of Hymns 
 and Pfalmody, as the Honour of Chriftian Funerals. 
 
 Horn, feventy feventh, he takes notice of the 
 Kifs of Peace, and the Common Prayers made 
 for the whole State of the World in the Com- 
 munion-Service. We falute one another, fays he, 
 
 in the holy Myfteries, that being many, we may 
 be made one j and we make common Prayers for 
 thofe that are unbaptized, and Supplications for 
 the Sick, and for the Fruits of the World both 
 by Sea and Land. Which plainly refers to the 
 known Forms then commonly ufed in the 
 Church. 
 
 In his nineteenth Homily on the Acls of the Apo- 
 files, he fpeaks of feveral cuftomary Forms ob- 
 ferved in the Reading of the Scriptures : The 
 Deacon, the common Minifter of the Church, 
 firft ftood up, and cried with a loud Voice, ra-^- 
 %w ( usv, Let us give Attention : And this he repeat- 
 ed over and over again. After that, the Reader 
 names the Prophet Efaias, or the like, and before 
 he begins to read, he cries out, t^e Xsfet 
 thus faith the Lord. 
 
 Horn, twenty firft, he refers to the Bidding 
 Prayer of the Deacon, in which he was ufed to 
 admonim the People in thefe Words, among ma- 
 ny other Petitions, Let us pray for thofe that fleep 
 in Chrift, and for thofe that make Commemorations 
 for them, for the Church, for the Priefts, for the 
 People, for the Martyrs, 6cc. 
 
 Horn, twenty fourth, he mentions the Hymns 
 that were ufed by all in common at the Commu- 
 nion Table. Know you not, that you then ftand 
 with Angels, and fing with them, and fend up 
 Hymns and Praifes to God with them ? Meaning 
 the trifagion or Cherubical Hymn, Holy, Holy, 
 Holy, Lord God of Hofts, 8cc. which was a known 
 Part of the Euchariftical Service. 
 
 The ninth Tome of his Works sect. IX. 
 contains his Homilies on the Epi- j n the ninth Tome 
 ltle to the Romans, and the firft on Romans, andfirji 
 and fecond to the Corinthians, and fecond to the Co- 
 in his feventh Homily on Romans, rmthlans - 
 p. 68, he fpeaks of common Prayer fent up to 
 God with one Voice for the Energumens or Per- 
 fons vexed with evil Spirits. Which was by a 
 certain Form, as we have feen before in his fe- 
 venty firft Homily on St. Matthew, and is evident 
 from the very Manner of exprefting it here : For 
 the People could not pray with one Voice, unlefs 
 a Form of Words was fome way or other dicta- 
 ted to them. This dictating of Prayers to be 
 ufed by the whole AfTembly was commonly the 
 Office of the Deacon, as Chryfoftom informs us 
 in the fourteenth Homily upon this fame Epiftle, 
 p. i6f, where he mews the different State of the 
 Church in the Apoftles Days from that of his 
 own Time. For explaining thofe Words, the 
 Spirit maketh Inter ccffion for us with groanings that 
 cannot be uttered, he fays, This was an ebfeure 
 Expreffion, becaufe many of the miraculous Gifts, 
 which were then in being, were fince crafed : 
 As the Gift of Prophecy, the Gift of Wifdom, 
 the Gift of healing the Sick, the Gift of railing 
 the Dead, the Gift of Tongues, and among the 
 reft the Gift of Prayer, which was then diftin- 
 guifhed by the Name of the Spirit : And he that 
 had this Gift, prayed for the whole Congrega- 
 tion. Upon which account the Apoftle gives 
 the Name of the Spirit both to this Gift, and 
 to the Soul that was endowed with it, who made 
 
 Interceflion 
 
Chap. VI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Interceffion with groanings unto God, asking 
 of God fuch things as were of general Ufe and 
 Advantage to the whole Congregation: The I- 
 mage or Symbol of which is now the Deacon, 
 who offers up Prayers for the People. Here, 
 according to Chryfoflom, the Spirit of praying 
 was an extraordinary Gift, likethat of Tongues i 
 and the Difference between the Apoltolical Age 
 and his own was this, that at firft both the 
 Matter and Words of their Prayers were infpired 
 in an extraordinary way, but afterward the Dea- 
 cons prayed by ordinary Forms without any 
 fuch immediate Infpiration. 
 
 In his Comments upon the firft Epiftic to the 
 Corinthians, (Horn. 14. p. f 51,) he rehearfes the 
 Heads of the folemn Thankfgiving at the Con- 
 fecration of the Eucharift. We rehcarfe, fays he, 
 over the Cup the ineffable Bleffings of God, 
 and whatever Benefits we enjoy j and fo we of- 
 fer it at the Holy Table, and communicate, 
 giving him Thanks that he hath delivered Man- 
 kind from Error j that when we were afar off, 
 he hath made us near ; that when we had no 
 Hope, and were without God, he hath made 
 us Brethren and Fellow-heirs with himfelfj 
 for thefe and all the like Bleffings we give him 
 Thanks, and fo come to his holy Table. Horn. 
 3f, p. 640, he notes the Words, as odavas 
 for ever and ever, to be the common 
 Conclufion of their Euchariftical Thank fgivings, 
 to which a Layman, if they were faid in an un- 
 known Tongue, could not anfwer, Amen. In 
 his thirty fixth Homily, p. <5fi, he mentions 
 the Form, Peace be with you all, to which the 
 People anfwered, And with thy Spirit j Which 
 he derives from Apoftolical Practice, when both 
 Minifter and People were ufed to fpeak by im- 
 mediate Infpiration of the Holy Ghoft. He 
 farther obferves, p. 6"n, that they all fang in 
 common, both in the Apoftles Days and in his 
 own Time: And that the Bifhopat the Entrance 
 into the Church, faid always, Peace be to you 
 all, as a proper Salutation when he came into 
 his Father's Houfei though he laments, that 
 whilft they retained the Name of Peace, they 
 had loft the Thing. Again, p. 6<rf, he takes 
 Notice, that when a fingle Reader fung the 
 Pfalms, all the People, as it were with one 
 Mouth, did utrn^av, return their Anfwer to 
 him, that is, either by finging the Verfes alter- 
 nately, or by joining in theClofe of every Verfe ; 
 of which more in the next Book, Chap. i. 
 Horn. 40, p. 688, he obferves, that every Perfon 
 at his Baptifm was by the Rule of the Church 
 obliged to make Profeffion of his Faith in the 
 folemn Words of the Creed j and among other 
 Articles particularly faid, / believe the Refurre- 
 Slion of the Dead : By which Form of Profeffi- 
 on Chryfojlom explains that noted Paffage of St. 
 Paul, Why are they then baptized for the Dead? 
 That is, If the Dead rife not, why do they pro- 
 feis at their Baptifm, that they believe the Re fur- 
 reblion of the Dead? Horn. 41, p. 702, he men- 
 tions part of the folemn Form of Prayer for the 
 Dead, then in ufe in the Church. It is not 
 without Realbn, fays he, that he that (lands at 
 
 the Altar, when the holy Mvfleries are cele- 
 brated, (ays, We offer for all thofe who are 
 dead inChrilt, and for all thofe who make Com- 
 memorations for them. And a little after, We at 
 that time alio make Prayers for the whole World, 
 and name the Dead, with Martyrs, and Con- 
 feflbrs, and Priefts : For we are all one Body, 
 though fome Members exceed other Members 
 in Glory. 
 
 In his fecond Homily upon the fecond Epiftle 
 to the Corinthians, p. 740, he ftiles the Lord's 
 Prayer bjy^j moyL&pktW) the Prayer which Chrift 
 brought in, and eftablifhed by Law in his 
 Church ; and fays it was the peculiar Privi- 
 lege of the Faithful to ufe it, for the Catechu- 
 mens were not allowed fo great a Favour before 
 Baptifm. There alfo he mentions feveral Forms 
 of the Deacons calling upon the People to pray: 
 As that, 7fiSf^[/ xaX&c, d^m^wjuesv-, Let us Hand 
 devoutly, and pray: Which, he fays, was ad- 
 dreffed not only to the Priefts, but alfo to the 
 People: And again, Let us pray ardently for 
 the Catechumens : after which Admonition the 
 Deacon recited the particular Petitions they 
 were to make for them, which Chryfoflom there 
 relates at length in the very Form that was u- 
 fed, which 1 (hall omit to recite here, becaufe 
 the Reader may find it whole hereafter in the 
 Service of the Catechumens, Book XIV. Chap. v. 
 A little after in this fame Homily, p. 745- he 
 mentions the ufual Form of Renunciation in 
 Baptifm: Ye that are initiated, fays he, know 
 what I fay : For ye eafily remember thofe Words 
 whereby ye renounce the Tyranny of the De- 
 vil, falling upon your Knees, and going over 
 to Chrift your King, and uttering thofe tre- 
 mendous Words, whereby we are taught to 
 pay no manner of Obedience to the Tyrant. 
 And, p. 74f, he adds, That in the Service of 
 the Faithful, that is, the Communion Service, 
 the Deacon again bid them fupplicate and ad- 
 drefs God for Bifhops, for Presbyters, for Kings, 
 for Emperors, for all by Sea and Land, for the 
 Temperature of the Air, and for the whole 
 World. Which are but fo many hints of the 
 Deacon's Bidding Prayer in the Service of the 
 Faithful, more fully related in the fifteenth Book, 
 Chap. i. Horn, fifth, f.fff, hefpeaks of the Ob- 
 ligation Men have to ufe the Lord's Prayer. Horn, 
 eighteenth, p. 872, he intimates a Form of Pray- 
 er ufed by the People at the time of ordaining 
 Minifters. The Suffrage of the People, fays he, 
 is no little Ornament to thofe who are called to 
 any fpiritual Dignity. And therefore he that 
 performs the Office of Ordination, then requires 
 their Prayers, and they join their Suffrage, and 
 cry out thofe Words, which they that are ini- 
 tiated know, for it is not lawful to fpeak all 
 things before the Unbaptized. A little after, 
 p. 873, he fays, the People had a considerable 
 (hare in the Prayers of the Church. For com- 
 mon Prayers were made both by Prieft and Peo- 
 ple for the Energumens and Penitents, and they 
 all fay one and the fame Prayer forthem, the 
 Prayer is fo full of Mercy. Again, when we 
 difmifs thofe who may not participate of the 
 
 holv 
 
620 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIII 
 
 holy Table, another Prayer is to be made, in 
 which we all fall down upon the Ground toge- 
 ther, and all rife together. He means the Pray- 
 er for the whole State of Chrift's Church, 
 which was faid jointly by the Prieft and Peo- 
 ple together. Again, when the Salutation of 
 Peace is mutually to be given and received, we 
 all in like manner ufe this Salutation. He means 
 either the Kifs of Peace, or the Form of Salu- 
 tation ufed between Prieft and People, The 
 Peace of God be with you y And with thy Spirit. 
 But more probably he means the former, be- 
 caufe it immediately follows after, When we 
 come to the tremendous Myfteries, then as the 
 Prieft prays for the People, fo the People pray 
 for the Prieft. For thefe Words, And with 
 thy Spirit^ fignify nothing elfe. Again, that 
 Prayer wherein we give Thanks, is common to 
 both. For not only the Prieft gives Thanks, 
 but all the People. For he firft receives their 
 Anfwer, they rejoyning, is meet and right fo 
 to do, and then he begins the Thankfgiving. 
 And why ftiould any Man wonder, that the Peo- 
 ple fhould fpeak together with the Prieft, when 
 they even join with Cherubims and the Powers 
 above to fend up in common thofe facred Hymns 
 to Heaven? Meaning the Hymns, Holy, Holy, 
 Holy, and Glory be to God on high, which were 
 fung by all the People in the Communion Ser- 
 vice. Chryfojlom has a good Remark upon all 
 thefe Forms, and the People's Obligation to 
 bear a Part in them, which therefore I may not 
 here omit, becaufe it fhews us the Reafon why 
 the antient Church fo ordered her Service. I 
 have mentioned all thefe Things, fays he, on 
 purpofe to excite the Vigilance of thofe that are 
 in an inferior Station, that we may learn that 
 we are all one Body, and only differ, as one 
 Member may differ from another} and that we 
 fhould not caft all upon the Priefts, but our 
 felves be concerned in the Care of the whole 
 Church, as of one common Body. 
 
 SECT. X. The laft Volume of St. Chry- 
 in the tenth fojlom's Works contains his Ho- 
 Tome. milies upon the remaining Epiftles 
 
 of St. Paul. In his firft Homily 
 on the Ephefians, p. 1037, he fpeaksof the Forms 
 of ProfefTion ufed in Baptifm : What is more 
 gracious, fays he, than thofe Words, by which 
 we renounce the Devil? By which we cove- 
 nant with Chrifl? What more gracious than 
 that Profeffion, which we make both before 
 and after Baptifm? In the third Homily, p. iOf 1, 
 he tells us the Deacons were wont to ufe this 
 Form of Words to all thofe that were under 
 the Church's Cenfures, to withdraw from the 
 Lord's Table, Ye thac are in the State of Penance, 
 depart. And, p. iofz, when they were gone, 
 they faid again to the Communicants, Let us pray 
 in common all together. And there alfo he 
 fpeaks of the Hymns, that were fung at the 
 Lord's Table. Horn, fourteenth, p. 1 1 2.7, he 
 argues from the Ufe of the Lord's Prayer, That 
 Men fhould not revile thofe, whom they there- 
 in owned to be their Brethren. If he is not 
 thy Brother, how doft thou fay, Our Father? 
 8 
 
 For that Word, Our, denotes many Perfons. 
 And farther to fhew the Indecency of fuch Con- 
 tumelious Language, he reminds them of their 
 known Cuftom in finging the facred Hymns 
 with Cherubims and Seraphims at the Commu- 
 nion. Confider with whom you ftand in the 
 Time of the Holy Myfteries. With Cheru- 
 bims, with Seraphims. For the Seraphims ufe 
 no Reviling. Their Mouth is continually em- 
 ployed in fulfilling one necefTary Office, that 
 of glorifying and praifing God. How then 
 can you fay with them, Holy, Holy, Holy, who 
 ufe your Mouth to revile your Brethren? He 
 adds, You fay, Our Father ; and what follows that ? 
 Which art in Heaven. As foon as you fay, Our 
 Father which art in Fleaven, that Word raifes 
 you up, and gives Wings to your Soul, and 
 fhews that you have a Father in Heaven. 
 Therefore do nothing, fay nothing of thofe 
 Things that are upon Earth. You ftand in 
 Heaven, and do you ufe Reviling? You con- 
 verfe with Angels, and do you ufe Reviling? 
 You are honoured with the Kifs of the Lord, 
 and do you ufe Reviling? God adorns your 
 Mouth fo many ways with Angelical Hymns., 
 with Meat, not Angelical, but above Angels, 
 with his own KifTes and Embraces, and do yosa 
 ftill accuftom your felf to Reviling? 
 
 Horn, twenty third, p. upo, he fays, Jefirs 
 the Son of the living God hath brought down to 
 us the Celeftial Hymns. For what the Cheru- 
 bims fay above, He hath commanded us to fay, 
 Holy, Holy, Holy. 
 
 On the Philippians, Horn, fifteenth, p. 1 3 1 1, 
 he pofitively afferts, That Chrift delivered the 
 Lord's Prayer as a Form of Prayer, cu^JjV, 
 teaching us to fay, Give us this Day our daily 
 Bread. 
 
 On the Coloffians, Horn, third, p. 13 37, We 
 pray, faying, Thy Will be done on Earth as it is 
 in Heaven. We give Thanks, faying, Glory be 
 to God on high, on Earth Peace, Good-will towards 
 Men. We petition in our Prayers for the An- 
 gel of Peace, and we pray for Peace upon all 
 Occafions, for nothing can be compared unto 
 it. The Bifhop in the Church gives the Bene- 
 diction of Peace, faying in every Office, in Pray- 
 ers, in Supplications, in his Homilies, once, 
 twice, thrice, and oftner, Peace be with you all. 
 Again, p. 1338, When the Bifhop enters the 
 Church, he immediately fays, Peace be with you 
 all: when he preaches, Peace be with you all: 
 when he gives the Blefling, Peace be with you all: 
 when he bids you falute one another, Peace be 
 with you all: when the Sacrifice is offered, Peace 
 be with you all: And in the Intervals, Grace and 
 Peace be with you. Is it not therefore abfurd, 
 that when we fo often hear Peace mentioned, 
 we fhould ftill be at War among our felves ? 
 We receive the Salutation of Peace, and return 
 it to him that gives it, and yet are at War with 
 him. You anfwer, And with thy Spirit: Yet 
 as foon as you are gone out of the Church, you 
 calumniate and revile him. He adds, p. 133P, 
 That it was not the Bifhop, properly fpeaking, 
 that gave the Peace, but Chrift, that vouchfafes 
 to fpeak by his Mouth. 
 
 Hem. 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 621 
 
 Horn, fixth in Colof p. Uf8, he compares the 
 Forms of Renunciation in Baptifm,and covenant- 
 ing with Chrift, to an Hand-writingorBond, fay- 
 ing, Let us beware that we be not convi&ed by it, 
 after we have faid thofe Words, We renounce 
 thee, Satan, and we make a Covenant with 'thee, 
 O Chrift. Again, p. r?f9, You are taught to 
 fay, I renounce thee, and thy Pomp, and thy Wor- 
 fhip, and thy Angels. He adds, That every new- 
 baptized Perfon, as foon as he came up out of 
 the Water, was appointed to fay, Our Father 
 which art in Heaven, 'thy Will he done in Earth, 
 as it is in Heaven. 
 
 Horn, ninth in Colof. p. 1380, onthofe Words, 
 Admonifhing one another in Pfalms, and Hymns, 
 and fpiritual Songs, he fays, The Faithful know, 
 what is the Hymn of the Spirits above; what 
 the Cherubims above fay; what the Angels 
 faid, Glory be to God on high. Meaning that thefe 
 two Hymns were fung by the Faithful in the 
 Communion Service. 
 
 Horn, tenth, p. 1387-, he gives the Lord's 
 Prayer the Title of cv^f, wiwv, the Prayer of 
 the Faithful, becaufc it was their peculiar Privi- 
 lege to ufe it. 
 
 Horn, third in z theff. p. 1 %oz, he mentions 
 two ufual Forms relating to the reading of the 
 Leflbns in the Church. When the Reader rifes 
 up, and fays, Thus faith the Lord: And the 
 Deacon Handing up, commands all Men to keep 
 filence ; he dees not fay this to honour the Rea- 
 der, but God, who fpeaks to all by him. 
 
 Horn, fixth in 1 Tm. p. iff?, he proves, that 
 Infidels are prayed for as well as others, from the 
 Ufe of the Lord's Prayer. For when he that 
 prays, fays, thy Will be done in Earth, as it is in 
 Fleaven, the Meaning is, That as there is no In* 
 fidel in Heaven, fo we pray, that there may be 
 none on Earth neither. 
 
 Horn, fecond in z tim. p. 1638, he fays, The 
 Words whereby the Priefts confecrate the Eu- 
 charift, were the fame that Chrift fpake. 
 
 Horn, fourth on Hebrews, p. I78f, he intimates, 
 that they had fet Pfalms in their Funeral Ser- 
 vice. Confider, fays he, what you fing at that 
 Time, turn again unto thy Reft, O my Soul, for 
 the Lord hath rewarded thee. And again, / will 
 fear no Evil, for thou art with me. And again, 
 ffhou art my Refuge from 'tribulation, which com- 
 pares me about. Confider what itiofe Pfalm mean. 
 You fay, turn again unto thy Reft, O my Soal: 
 And do you ftill weep? Is not this mere Page- 
 antry and Hypocrify ? If you believe the Things 
 to be true, which you fay, it is fuperfluous to 
 lament. 
 
 Horn, fourteenth, p. i8f2, fpeaking of the 
 Hymns fung at the Eucharift, he fays, Do not 
 we fing the fame Celeftial Hymns, which the 
 Quires of Incorporeal Powers fing above? 
 
 Horn, feventeenth, p. \ 870, he mentions a part 
 of the Oblation Prayer, In the Oblation we offer, 
 or bear and confefs our Sins, and fay, Forgive us 
 our tranfgrefions, whether voluntary or involun- 
 tary; that is, We firft remember them, and then 
 ask Pardon. There alfo, p. 1872, he mentions 
 
 the Deacon's folemn Form of Words, admoni- 
 fhing the People to come holy to the Holy Sa- 
 crament: For this realon the Deacon cries out 
 and calls upon the Saints, and by thefe Words 
 prompts all Men to confider their Offences, that 
 no one come unprepared. 
 
 Horn, twenty fecond, p. 1898, he tacitly refers 
 to the Form, Surfum corda, Let us lift up our 
 Hearts. For having mentioned thofe Words of 
 the Pfalmift, Let the lifting up of my Hands be an 
 Evening Sacrifice, he adds, With our Hands let 
 us alfo lift up our Hearts. Ye which are ini- 
 tiated know what I fay, you perhaps under- 
 ftand what is fpoken, and perceive what I have 
 obfeurely hinted. Let us lift up our Souls oh 
 high. 
 
 Befide thefe Paflages collected out of Chry- 
 foftom's Works, publifhed by Fronto Ducaus, 
 there are feveral others in thofe Homilies which 
 Sir Henry Savil fet forth in Greek, and others in 
 the Latin Editions only. Neither of which I 
 have had Opportunity perfectly to examine, 
 and therefore I ihall leave them to the more 
 diligent Enquiry of the curious Reader: Only 
 noting, That in the fixth Homily of Repentance 
 [c], he obferves this Difference between David's 
 Pfalms and the reft of the Scriptures, that the 
 others were read only twice a Week in pub- 
 lick, but the Pfalms were ufed by all forts of 
 Men, in all Places, and upon all Occafions. In 
 Ecclefiis pernoclantibus primus medius, & noviffi- 
 mus eft David. When they held their Vigils all 
 Night in the Church, David's Pfalms were in 
 the Beginning, and Middle, and End of all their 
 Service. The fame was obferved in their Mor- 
 ning Prayer; in their Funeral Obfequies; by 
 Virgins at their Needle; by the Illiterate and 
 Unlearned, who could not read a Letter in the 
 Book, yet could repeat David's Pfalms by Heart. 
 David was always in their Mouths, not only in 
 the Cities and Churches, but in the Courts, in 
 the Monafteries, in the Defarts and the Wilder- 
 nefs. He turned Earth into Heaven, and Men 
 into Angels, being adapted to all Orders, and all 
 Capacities, Children, young Men, Virgins, old 
 Men, and Sinners. In the Beginning of the 
 fame Homily, he fays the Book of Gene/is was 
 by Appointment of the Church read only once 
 a Year at a certain Seafon, which was the Time 
 of Lent, as we have heard before in feveral 
 places of this Author, and as we fhn.ll fee more 
 fully demonftrated from other Writers in the 
 next Book. 
 
 Among thofe publifhed in Greek by Sir H. Sa- 
 vil, the hundred and twenty third Homily, (T. y. 
 p. 800.) fpeaks of the Priefts ufing this Form of 
 Admonition to all Communicants in the Time 
 when the holy Myfteries were celebrated, ayix 
 rots dyloic, Holy things are only for holy Men. 
 And whoever will beftow the Pains to perufe 
 the reft of the Homilies which are in that Edition, 
 may doubtlefs find many other fuch Fragments 
 of the antient Liturgy, which, as appears from 
 this Collection, fo much abound in this celebra- 
 ted Writer. 
 
 [c] De Posnitent. Horn. 6. Tom. 7. p. 146. Bafil. lyzr. 
 Vol. I. 
 
 K k k k k 
 
 CHAP. 
 
622 
 
 The Ant i q^u it ibs of the Book XIII 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Ufe of the Lord's Prayer in the Liturgy of the Antient Church. 
 
 SECT. I. TF there were no other Argu- the Method and Matter of Prayer, but a Form 
 ?he Lord's Pray- X ment to prove the Lawful- to be ufed in the Words in which Chrift deli- 
 cr by all the Ami- ne f s c f f et Forms of Prayer in vered it, and to be added to all other Prayers as 
 7* eftee ?vt h the J ud S ment of the Ancients > the Foundation of a Superftrudure. After the 
 chrift J'sHfed the Opinion which they had of fame Manner St. Cyprian fays, That Chrift a- 
 byhis Difcipks. the Lord's Prayer, and their Pra- mong other wholcfome Admonitions and divine 
 dice purfuant to that Opinion, Precepts, by which he provided for the Salva- 
 would fufficiently do it. And therefore though tion of his People, has given us alfo a Form [Vj 
 feveral Things have been occafionally hinted al- of Prayer, teaching and admonifhing us what we 
 ready about this Matter, yet it will not be amifs are to pray for. And a little after We are 
 to give it a diftindt handling in this Chapter, to learn from our Lord's Information, what we 
 And firft of all I obferve, that the Ancients did arc to pray for: For he faid, pray thus: Our Fa- 
 not only cfteem it as a Rule and Pattern to con- iher 9 which art in Heaven, Hallowed be thy Name y 
 form our Prayers to, but looked upon it as a par- &c. St. Aujlin affures us, that as the Church 
 ticular Form of Prayer, which Chrift enjoined always ufed this Prayer, fo ihe ufed it by the 
 all his Difciples to ufe in the fame Words that Command [e~\ of Chrift. He faid, Pray thus: 
 he delivered it. Tertullian [a] fays, Our Lord He faid to his Difciples, Pray thus: He faid to 
 prefcribed a new Form of Prayer for his new his Difciples, he faid to his Apoftles, and to us 
 Difciples of the New T'eflament : And that tho' who are the Lambs he faid, and to the Rams of 
 John had taught his Difciples a Form of Prayer, his Flock he faid, Pray thus. In another place, 
 yet all that he did was only as a Fore-runner of This Prayer [/] is neceffary for all, which the 
 Chrift j when Chrift was increafed (as John had Lord gave to the Rams of his Flock, that is, to 
 foretold, He muft increafe, but I muft decreafe) his Apoftles, that every one of them fhould fay, 
 then the whole Work of the Servant pafTed over Forgive us our Trefpajfes, as ws forgive them that 
 to the Lord. And therefore it is not fo much as Trefpafs again/1 us. For if there is any one to 
 extant now in what Words John taught his Dif- whom thefc Words in the Prayer are not necef- 
 ciples to pray, becaufe earthly Things were to fary, he muft be faid to be Without Sin. And 
 give way to heavenly. So again, The Religion if Chrift had forefeen that there would have 
 of Prayer was ordained by Chrift himfelf, and been any fuch, fo much better than his Apoftles, 
 this Prayer being animated by his Spirit from the he would have taught them another Prayer, in 
 Time that it came out of his heavenly Mouth, which they fhould not have asked Forgivenefs of 
 afcends up to Heaven with a Privilege, com- Sins for themfelves, who had already obtained 
 mending to the Father what the Son taught. Remiffion of all in Baptifm. Again he fays, [£] 
 But becaufe our Lord, who forcfaw the Necef- If any one fay that this Prayer is not neceffary in 
 fides of Man, after he had given this Rule of this Life for every Saint of God, that knows 
 praying, find alfo, Ask, and ye pall receive 5 and and does the Will of God, except one, the Ho- 
 there are many Things which Mens particular ly of Holies, he is in a manifcft Error, and plea- 
 Circumftances oblige overy one to ask j there- fcs not that God whom he pretends to praife. 
 fore we have a Right to make Additional Re- For this Prayer [Jo] which we ufe, was given as 
 quefts, and build other Prayers upon this, al- a Rule to the Apoftles by the heavenly Law- 
 ways premifing this appointed and ordinary giver, who faid to them, Pray thus. He enjoin- 
 Prayer as the Foundation. So that according to ed the Rams of his Flock, the Leaders of his 
 tertullian \b~] it was not only a Rule prefcribing Sheep, the chief Members of the great Shep- 
 
 [a] Tcrtui. de Orat. cap. 1. Dominus nofter novis Difcipu'is 
 
 novi Teftamcnti novam Orationis Formam determinavit. Do- 
 
 cuerat 8c Joannes Difcipulos fuos adorare. Sed omnia Joannis 
 Chrifto praeftruebantur, donee ipfo aufto (ficut idem Joannes 
 prsenunciabat, ilium augeri oportere, fe vero diminuij totum Prse- 
 miniftri opus cum ipfo fpiritu tranfiret ad Dominum. Ideonec ex- 
 tat in qux verba docuerit Joannes adorare, quod Terrena Coelefti- 
 bus ceflerint. [^] Ibid. cap. 9. Ab ipfo ordinara Religio 
 
 Orationis, 8c de Spiritu ipfius jam tunc cum ex ore Divino ferre- 
 tur, animata fuo Privilegio afcendit in ccelum, commendans Pa- 
 tri quae Filius docuit. Quoniam tamcn Dominus profpeclor hu- 
 manarum necefiitatum, feorfum pod traditam orandi difciplinam, 
 Petite, inquit, 8c accipieti?, 8c funt quse petantur pro circumftan- 
 tia cujufque, prxmifla Legitima 8c Ordinaria Oratione quali Fun- 
 dameoto, accidentium jus eft defideriorum, jus eft fuperftruendi 
 extrinfecus Petitiones. [t] Cypr. de Orat. Domin. p. 139. 
 
 Inter cetera falutaria fua monita 8c prxcepta divina, quibus popu- 
 io fuo confulutt ad falutem, etiam orandi ipfe Formam deditj ipfe 
 
 quid precaremur, monuit 8c inftruxir. [J] Ibid p. 141 J 
 
 Cognofcamus docente Domino 8c quid oremus. Sic, inquit, orate: 
 Pater nofter qui es in ccelis, &c. [e J Aug. Horn. 29. de 
 
 Verbis Apoft. torn. 1 o. p. ij-o. Eccle(ia» oratio eft, vox eft de 
 Magifterio Domini veniens. Ipfe dixit, Sic orate; Difcipulis dixit. 
 Sic orate: Difcipulis dixit, Apoftolis dixit, 8c nobis, qualefcunque 
 Agniculi fumus, dixit, Arietibus gregis dixit, Sic orate. 
 If] Au g- E P- 8 9- a ^ Hilarium. Omnibus neceflaria eft Oratio 
 Dominica, quam etiam ipfis arietibus gregis, id eft, Apoltolis fuis 
 Dominus dedit, ut unufquifquc Deo dicat, Dimitte nobis debita 
 noftra, ficut nos dimittimus Debitoribus noftris, 8cc. 
 [g] Aug. de Peccator. Meritis. lib. 3. cap. 13. Quam Orat ionem 
 quifquis cuilibet etiam homini Sanc~to, 8c Dei voluntatem fcienti 
 atque facienti, praster unum fanclum fandorum, dicit in hac vita 
 neceflariam non fuifle, multum errat, nec poteft illi ipfj phcere 
 quem laudat. [k~] Aug. in Pfai. 142. p 6jf. ]pli didice- 
 
 runt orare quod oramus, ipfis data eft Regula poftubndi a Jurifpe- 
 rito ccelefti. Sic orate, inquit, 8cc. 
 
 herd, 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 623 
 
 herd, to ufe it. And they thence learned to fay, 
 Forgive us our Trcfpaffes, as we forgive them that 
 Trefpafs againft us. In his Retractations [z] he 
 confirms all this, calling it one of Chrift's Com- 
 mands to ufe this Prayer, which the whole 
 Church will continue to ufe to the End of the 
 World. St. Chryfoftom in two Volumes of his 
 Works, the third and fifth, repeats this almoft 
 twenty times, That the Lord's Prayer was a 
 common Form in Ufe among them by the ex- 
 prefs Command of Chnft. And there are many 
 other fcattered Paflages throughout his Writings 
 to the fame Purpofe, which, becaufe I have pro- 
 duced them at large in the laft Chapter, I need 
 not here repeat them. 
 
 sect. II. Evident it is beyond Dif- 
 
 And accordingly pute, that the whole Primitive 
 
 it was ufed by the Church conftantly ufed it in all 
 
 primitive church her holy Offices, out of Confci- 
 
 '^fiiTl oufnefs and Regard to Chrift's 
 
 particularly in the .» , 
 
 Admimfiration of Command This, as we have 
 Bapttfm. heard Tertullian word it, was 
 
 laid as the Foundation of all other 
 Prayers [k~]. It is the Prayer of the Church: 
 The whole Church fays, Forgive us our Trcfpaf- 
 fes, as we have it before in the Testimony of [/] 
 St. Auftin. And the Practice was fo univerfal and 
 well known from the Beginning, that Lucian 
 the Heathen is thought to refer to it in one of 
 his Dialogues \m~\, where he fpeaks, in thePer- 
 fon of a Chriftian, of the Prayer which began 
 iaw rii nar^, with Our Father. But we have 
 more certain Evidence from the Records and 
 Offices of the Church. For there was no con- 
 liderable Divine Office, in the Celebration of 
 which this Prayer did not always make a folemn 
 Parr. Particularly in Baptifm, as foon as the 
 Perfon baptized came up out of the Water, he 
 was enjoyned to fay, Our Father which art in 
 Heaven. Immediately after this, fays the Au- 
 thor of the Conftitutions [»], Let him ftand 
 and pray the Prayer which the Lord hath taught 
 us. And fo Chryfoftom [0], As foon as he rifes 
 out of the Water, he fays thofe Words, Our Fa- 
 ther which art in Heaven, &c. 
 
 sect. III. In like manner in theCclcbra- 
 
 And in the Cele- tlon f t h e other Sacrament of 
 bration of the Eu- chrift's Body and Blood, it was 
 chanft - commonly ufed at the Clofe of 
 
 the Confecration Prayer. So it is exprefly more 
 than once noted by St. Auftin : After the San- 
 ftification of the Sacrifice we fay the Lord's 
 Prayer: And again [f], The whole Church al- 
 
 moft concludes the Prayer of Benediction and 
 Sanciification with the Lord's Prayer. Upon 
 this Account he tells his Hearers, that all who 
 were Communicants [r] heard this Prayer faid 
 daily at the Altar. And he exprefly makes this 
 Difference between the Lord's Prayer and the 
 Creed, that Men might remember the former by 
 hearing it daily repeated at the Altar \ but the 
 Creed was not fo, for as yet it was never pub- 
 licity ufed, but only in the Occafional Service 
 of Baptifm j whereas the Lord's Prayer was of 
 conftant Ufe by being a daily Part of the Com- 
 munion-Service. Cyril, in his Myftagogical Ca- 
 techifm to the illuminated [s~], gives the fame 
 Account of it. After the Oblation Prayer we 
 fay that Prayer which our Saviour delivered to 
 his Difciples, calling God our Father with a 
 pure Confcience, and faying, Our Father which 
 art in Heaven. And St. Jerom [f], though he 
 do not fo precifely note what Part of the Com- 
 munion-Office it was ufed in, yet in general he 
 fays Chrift taught his Apoftles this Prayer, that 
 Believers might every Day in the Sacrifice of 
 his Body have boldnefs to fay, Our Father which 
 art in Heaven. And St. Chryfoftom [u] in a co- 
 vert way intimates the fame, when he tells his 
 Hearers, that if they forgive their Enemies, they 
 may come with a pure Confcience to the holy 
 and tremendous Table, and boldly fay the Words 
 that are contained in the Prayer. The initiated 
 know what I mean. He means that Petition 
 of the Lord's Prayer, Forgive us our Trefpaf- 
 fes, as we forgive them that Trefpafs againft us. 
 Which he exprefles thus covertly, becaufe of 
 Non-communicants, Catechumens or Infidels, 
 that might be prefent at a popular Difcourfe in 
 a general Aflembly. He fpeaks more plainly ia 
 his Sermon upon Eutropius [x], where preffing 
 the People to forgive the Injury which that great 
 States-man had done the Church, he ufes this 
 Argument to them: How otherwife will you 
 take the holy Sacrament into your Hands, and 
 ufe the Words of that Prayer, wherein we are 
 commanded to fay, Forgive us our Trefpaffes, as 
 we forgive them that trefpafs againft us. This 
 plainly fliews, that the Lord's Prayer was then 
 ufed as an ordinary and conftant Part of the 
 Communion Service. Only with this Difference, 
 that in the Greek Church and the Galilean 
 Church it was faid by the Prieft and all the Peo- 
 ple together, as Mabillon proves out of 
 Gregory of Tours, and Leontius in the Life of Jo- 
 annes Eleemofynarius Bifliop of Alexandria, and 
 the Epiftles of Gregory the Great, who exprefly 
 notes the Difference between the Greek, and La* 
 
 [i] Aug. Retra&at. lib. 1. cap. 19. In eifdem mandatis eft 
 etiam quod jubemur dicere, Dimitte nobis Debita floftra, &c. 
 Quam Orationem ufque ad finem faeculi tota dicit Ecclefia. 
 [k] Tertul. de Orat. cap. 9. cited above. [I] Aug. Horn. 
 
 29. dc Verbis Apoft. p. lyo. [jot] Lucian. Philopatris. 
 
 [»] Conftit. Apoft. lib. 7- cap. 44. [0] Chryf. Horn. 6. 
 
 in Colos. p. 155-9. It. Horn. 61. in Paralyticum torn. f. p. 914. 
 [/> ] Au g- Horn. 83. de Diverfis. p- ff<5. Poft Sanftificationem 
 faci ificii dicimus Orationem Dominicam. [q] Aug. Ep. 5-9. 
 
 ad Paulin. Quasft. f. Quam totam Petitionem fere omnis ecclefia 
 
 Vol. I. 7 
 
 Dominica Oratione concludir. [r] Horn. 41 inter So. torn. 
 
 10. p. 197. In ecclefia ad altare quotidie dicitur ifta Oratio Domi- 
 nica, & audiunt illam Fideles. [*] Cyril. Catech. Myft. y. 
 p. 198. [*] Hieron. lib. 3. cont. Pelag. cap. f. Docuic 
 Apoftolos fuos, ut quotidie in corporis illius facrificio Credentcs 
 audeant loqui, Pater nofter qui es in ccelis, &c. [«] ChryC 
 Horn. 17. in Genef. p. 3,-8. [*] Chryf. Horn, in Eutrop! 
 torn. 4. p. 574. [y~] Mabill. de Liturg. Gallic, lib. 1. 
 cap. f. n. ai. ex Gregor. Turon. de Mirac, Martini, lib. 1. 
 cap. 30. 
 
 K k k k k z 
 
624 
 
 The A n t i q_u i t i b s of the Book XIIL 
 
 tin Church in this particular: Among the Greeks, 
 the Lord's Prayer [z] is faid by all the People, 
 but with us by the Prieft alone. And in this 
 the Gallican Church chofe to follow the way of 
 the Greek Church, as we now follow the Galil- 
 ean Church, and not the Roman. The manner 
 of the Mo/arabick Liturgy in Spain is noted alfo 
 by Mablllon to be different from both thefe: 
 For there the Prieft repeated every Petition by 
 itfelf, and the People anfwercd to each Petition 
 feparately, Amen. But thefe Differences in the 
 Manner of ufing it, only ferve to confirm the 
 Ufe of it in general, and fhew us that it was 
 never omitted by any Church in the publiek 
 Service of the Altar, at leaft from the beginning 
 of the fourth Century, when Cyril of Jerufalem 
 lived, whofe myftical Catechifms are a clear E- 
 vidence for it. 
 
 sect. iv. It alfo made a part in their 
 And in their daily Morning and Evening Pray- 
 Moming and Even- ers? diftinft from the Commu- 
 mgpraym. n ion Office. Of which we have 
 
 Inftances in the Canons of the Councils of Gl- 
 rone [a] and Toledo (b~], which mall be recited 
 hereafter, when we come to confider more ex- 
 actly the feveral Parts of the Morning and Even- 
 ing Service. 
 
 SECT. v. They ufed it alfo in their 
 And in their pn- p r j va te Devotions. As is evident 
 VMtt Devotions. from thac Paffagc in Sc> Qhryfo- 
 
 flom upon the cxiith Pfalm, where he fays (/] , 
 That Chrift, to induce us to Unanimity and Cha- 
 rity, enjoyns us to make Common Prayer, and 
 obliges the whole Church, as if it were but one 
 Perfon, to fay, Our Father; and Give us this Day 
 our dally Bread; and forgive us our Trefpajfes, as 
 ive forgive them that trefpafs againfl us; and lead 
 us not into Temptation, but deliver us from Evil; 
 always ufing a Word of the plural Number, 
 and commanding every one, whether he pray a- 
 lone by himfelf, or in common with others, ftill 
 to make Prayer for his Brethren. This implies, 
 that in their private Devotions, as well as pub- 
 lick, they thought themfelves obliged by the 
 Command of Chrift to ufe the Lord's Prayer. In 
 another place he gives us an Inftance in the Pra- 
 ctice of an holy Man, who to the Form of his 
 private Devotions (which he alio there recites) 
 always added the Lord's Prayer^ or the Prayer of 
 
 the Faithful (d~], as he ftyles it, for a particular 
 Reafon, of which more by and by> Making it 
 both the Conclufion and uniting Tye of alMiis 
 other Prayers for all Men. In compliance with 
 this general Practice it is, that the Author of 
 the Confltutlons [e] orders every one to ufe the 
 Lords Prayer three times a-day. And this Co- 
 telerlus thinks was done in Honour of the Holy 
 Trinity [/], citing Theodoret and Ifidore for his 
 Opinion. St. Ambrsfe alfo writing Inftru&ions 
 to Virgins (g], direfts them to fing Pfalms in 
 Bed, and fay the Lords Prayer between every 
 Pfalm. _ And the fourth Council of Toledo makes 
 it Deprivation for any Clergyman to omit (hi 
 ufing the Lords Prayer daily, either in his pub- 
 lick or private Offices of Devotion, cenfuring 
 him as a proud Contemner of the Lord's Ini un- 
 ction. 
 
 Now this being the conftant sect. vr. 
 Ufe that was daily made of the whence it had 
 Lord's Prayer, it hence took the the N * me °f Oratio 
 Name of Oratio Quotidiana. the % uot J dhna ' the 
 daily Prayer, as is^bferved in the f^' 1 ** 
 forefaid Canon of that Council. 
 And fo we find it ftyled in Cyprian^ who thought 
 that Petition in the Lords Prayer, Give us this 
 Day our dally Bread, might be taken in a fpiri- 
 tual, as well as a literal Senfe, and refer to the 
 Eueharifl, or the Body and Blood of Chrift, the 
 celeftial Bread [*] which they then defired to 
 receive every Day. And the Council of Toledo 
 cites St. Hilary to the fame purpofe (k~\ : Give us 
 this Day our daily Bread. God defires nothing 
 fo much as that Chrift may dwell in us daily, 
 who is the Bread of Life, and the Bread thac 
 comes from Heaven. And becaufe this is our 
 daily Prayer, we therefore pray daily, that this 
 Bread may be given us. St. Auflln alfo [/] means 
 the Lords Prayer, when he fays, that the Chri- 
 ftians daily Prayer makes Satisfaction for thofe 
 leflcr and daily Failings, without which no 
 Man lives. Upon which account he fays in a- 
 nother place (m\ that this daily Prayer is a fort 
 of daily Baptifm, becaufe in the pious Ufe of it 
 Men obtain daily Remiflion of Sins, as they did 
 at firft in Baptifm. Poffidlus alfo (Yj makes this 
 Remark in his Life, upon his Praftice : and that 
 of St. Ambrofe, that they both t rutted more in 
 God's Mercy than their own Merits, being ufed 
 to pray in the Words of our Lord's daily Prayer, 
 
 [&] Greg. lib. 7. Ep. 64. Sed 8c Dominica Oratio apudGrs- 
 cos ab omni populo dicitur: apud nosvero a folo facerdote. 
 [a] Cone. Gerundens. Can. 10. [£] Cone. Toletan. 4. 
 
 can. 9. [e] Chryf. Com. in. Pfal. 112. p. 369. 
 
 [J] Chryf. Hom. jo. in Colof. p. 1 jSj-. umSeit tyiv Ivyyiv 
 icov t&isiZv, 00s Koqu/i<Pa, rtvd Xj evv^itrfj.ov tavtSv Iaj- 
 yjiv ^omucifj^jQ-. [ej Conftit. lib. 7. chap. 24. Teif 4 
 
 f.'t&f htu ts^o'^vyj.Ssz. [/J Coteler. in loc. ex Theo- 
 
 dor. Ep. 145". & Ifidor. Orig. lib. 6. cap. ult. [^] Ambrof. 
 
 de Virgin, lib. 3. p. ujp. In ipfo cubili volo Pfalmos cum ora- 
 tione Dominica frequenti contextos vice. [h] Cone. Tolet. 
 4. can. 9. Quifquis ergo Sacerdotum vel fubjacentium Clericorum 
 banc Orationem Dominicam quotidie aut in Publico aut in Privato 
 Officio praeterierit, propter fuperbiam judicatus, Ordinis fui hono- 
 re privetur. [i] Cypr. de Orat. Dom. p. 147. Hunc 
 panem dari nobis Quotidie poftulamus, ne qui in Chrifto fumus, 8c 
 
 Euchariftiam quotidie ad cibum falutis accipimus a Chrifti cor- 
 
 pore feparemur. [*] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 9. Sancius Hi- 
 
 larius dicit, Panem noftrum quotidianum da nobis h'edie. Quid e- 
 nim tarn vult Deus quam ut quotidie Chriftus habitetin nobis, qui 
 eft Panis vitae 8c Panis e Ccelo? Et quia Quotidiana Oratio eft, 'quo- 
 tidie quoque ut detur, oratur. [/] Aug. Enchirid. cap. 7 r. 
 De quotidianis autem brevibus levibufque pecratis, fine quibus hare 
 vita don ducitur, Quotidiana Oratio Fidelium fatisfacit. Eorum 
 enim eft dicere, Pater nofter qui es in cceiis, &c. [>»] Aug. 
 Hom. 119. De Tempore, p. 306. Remiflio peccatorum non 
 eft in fola ablutionc Baptifmatis facri, fed etiam in Oratione Do- 
 minica Sc quotidiana. In ilia invenietis quafi quotidianum Baptif- 
 mum. [»] Poffid. Vit. Aug. cap. 27. De bono Domi- 
 no le dicit magis quam de Meritis fuis confidere. Cui etiam in 
 Oratione Quotidiana Dominica dicebat: Dimittc nobis debita noftra, 
 
 Forgive 
 
 / 
 
Chap. VIL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 625 
 
 Forgive us our Trefpajfes, as vie forgive them that 
 Trefpafs againft us. From ail which, and much 
 more chat might be alledged upon this Head, it 
 appears, that this Prayer, in the very Words 
 which Chrift delivered it in, was not only an 
 allowed Form, but a Prayer of daily Ufc both 
 in their publick and private Devotions. 
 
 sect. vil. Neither were there any 
 And was u/ed by ggftg or Herefies, that pretend- 
 
 dl Hereticks and ^ m Timcg tQ ob > q. the 
 
 TSZr 11 Thing againft the Ufe of 
 
 it. The Donatifts broke oft from 
 the Church, and fet up Conventicles of their 
 own, but they did not alter the Way of Wor- 
 fhip : They Hill thought themfelves obliged, as 
 Optatus fays, to ufe the Lord's Prayer at the Al- 
 tar [0]. The Pelagians could not relifh well 
 one Petition in it: forgive us our TrefpaJJ'es: For 
 they proudly thought the Saints were without 
 Sin, and had nothing to ask Forgivenefs of: 
 Yet they alfo continued to ufe it, and accounted 
 for their Practice, by putting this falfe Glofs 
 upon it, that they then prayed not for their own 
 Sins, but the Sins of others. We find this often 
 objected to them in the African Councils [/>], 
 but never any Charge brought againft them, as 
 if they omitted the Lord's Prayer in whole, or 
 even this fingle Petition in it. St. Auflin indeed 
 often fays, that their impious Tenets and Dif- 
 putations tended \j] to take away the Ufe of 
 the Lord's Prayer; but then he explains himfelf 
 to mean, not that they laid afide the Ufe of it, 
 but that they taught that a Man might come to 
 fuch Perfection in Righteoufnefs in this Life, by 
 obferving all the Commands, and that by his 
 own Free-will, without the Help of the Grace 
 of Chrift, that he needed not to fay, Forgive us 
 our Trefpajfes, for himfelf, but only for others. 
 They owned [r], that the Apoftles ufed the 
 Lord's Prayer -y but then they faid, they were 
 fo holy and perfect without all manner of Sin, 
 that they did not (ay for themfelves, Forgive us 
 our Trrfpaffes, but only for other Sinners that 
 were ye: imperfect. St. Chryfoflom mentions ano- 
 ther fort of Men, who were alfo offended at this 
 Petition, becaufe of the Condition that was in it, 
 Forgive us, as we forgive others , and therefore 
 they curtailed the Prayer, by dropping this Pe- 
 tition when they faid it : But he rebukes them 
 [f] for this, and bids them not be fo vainly cau- 
 tious, as to think they were excufed by curtail- 
 ing the Prayer, but advifes them to ufe the 
 whole Prayer, as Chrift appointed it to be ufed, 
 
 that the Neceflity of this Petition might daily 
 terrify them from Revenge, and compel them 
 to grant Pardon to their Neighbours. So that 
 though there were fome Hereticks and other ill 
 Men, who did not like this one Petition for 
 different Reafons, yet they all continued to ufe 
 the Prayer either in Whole or in Part, and there 
 is no Inftance of any that totally rejected it. 
 
 There was no Objection a- SECT. vill. 
 gainft it in thofe Days, that it That '* was " 
 was a, Form, or that it was not fi ltmed a divine 
 a fpiritual Prayer, becaufe it was Jp^f *** 
 ufed in the very Words in which 
 Chrift had delivered it : But on the contrary, it 
 was recommended as the moft fpiritual and pre- 
 valent Prayer that could be ufed, becaufe of the 
 Dignity of its Author. St. Cyprian thus argues 
 for the Ufe of it : Chrift, fa ys he, had foretold 
 that the Hour was coming, when the true FForfiip- 
 persfloould worfnp the Father in Spirit and hi Truth • 
 And he fulfilled what he had promifed before 
 that we who had received the Spirit and Truth 
 by his Salification, might wdrfhip in Spirit 
 and Truth by his Tradition, or the Prayer which 
 he delivered to us. For what Prayer can be more 
 fpiritual, than that which is given us [tl by 
 Chrift, by whom the Holy Spirit is fent to us? 
 What can be efteemed a truer Prayer with the 
 Father, than that which came out of the Mouth 
 of his Son, who is Truth it felf? So that to 
 pray otherwife than he has taught us, is not on- 
 ly Ignorance bun a Crime, fince he has laid in 
 down, and faid, Ye rejeel the Commandment of God, 
 to ejiablifh your own Tradition. Let us therefore, 
 my dearly beloved Brethren, pray as our God 
 and Mafter taught us. It is a friendly and fami- 
 liar way of Praying, to befeech God in his 
 own Words, to let the Prayer of his Son come 
 up to his Ears. Let the Father hear and ac- 
 knowledge the Words of his Son: when we 
 make our Prayers, let him that dwells in our 
 Heart, be alfo in our Voice. And for as much 
 as we have him our Advocate with the Father 
 for our Sins, when we Sinners pray for the Par- 
 don of our Sins, let us bring forth the Words 
 of our Advocate. For fince he has faid, that 
 Whatever we ask the Father in his Name, he will 
 give it us: How much more efficacioufly {hall 
 we obtain what we ask in the Name of "Chrift 
 if we ask it in his Prayer? He introduces all this 
 Difcourfe with thefe Words : He that made us 
 live, taught us to pray, by the fame Kindnefs 
 that he confers all other Things upon us that 
 
 [0] Optat. lib. 2.'p. fj. Ad altare convert! Dominicam Orati- 
 onem prsetermittere non poteftis. It. lib. 3. p. 72. Oratio Domi- 
 nica apud nos 8c apud vos una eft. [/>] Cone. Milevitan. 
 Can. 8. Quicunque dixerit, in Oratione Dominica ideo dicere fan- 
 dtos, Dimittc nobis debita noftra, ut non pro feipfis hoc dicant, 
 quia non ell eis jam neceflTaria ifta Petitio, led pro aliis, qui funt 
 in populo pecaKores : Et ideo non dicere unumquemque landtorum, 
 Dimitte rnihi debita mea, fed, Dimitte nobis Debita noftra, ut hoc 
 pro aliis potius, quam pro fe Julius petere intelligatur, Anathema fit. 
 Vid. Can. 9. ibid. £c Cod. Can. African, c. 116, 8c 117. [5] Aug. 
 Ep. 92. ad Innocent. Nobis etiam Dominicam Orationem impiis 
 
 Difputationibus conantur aufcrre.— Dicunt polTe hominem in hac 
 vita, prsceptis Dei cognitis, ad tantam perfeclionem juftitise fine 
 adjutono Gratis falvatoris per folum liberum voluntatis arbirrium 
 pervenire, ut ei non fit jam neceffarium dicere, Dimitte nobis de- 
 bita noftra. j>] Id. de Peccator. Meritis, lib. 2. cap. io. 
 Quidam contra Orationem Dominicam argumentantur : O u ia etfi 
 orabant earn, inquiunt, fandti 8c perfect jam Apollol^ nullum 
 omnmo habentes peccatum, non tamen pro feipfis, fed pro im- 
 perfeftis adhuc peccatoribus diccbant, Dimitte nobis, 8cc Vid 
 Aug. Ep. 94. ad Hilarium. [,] Chryf Horn. 22. torn. 1' 
 p. 288. [/] Cypr. de Orat. Dom. p. 139. 
 
 Whilft 
 
626 The Antiqjjities of the Book XIIL 
 
 whilft we fpeak to the Father in the Prayer and 
 Oraifon which the Son taught us, we mould 
 more eafily be heard. So far was this holy Man 
 from thinking the Lord's Prayer a dead Form, 
 that could not be offered with the true Spirit of 
 Prayer, that on the contrary he labours with 
 all his Might to convince Men, that no Prayer 
 could be more juftly ftiled Worshipping God in 
 Spirit and in Truth, or with greater Efficacy 
 and Advantages be prefented to the Father. St. 
 Chryfoftom was of the fame Mind, that praying 
 by the Lord's Prayer ; might juftly be termed 
 Praying by the Spirit : For he ufes this as an Ar- 
 gument for the Holy Spirit's Operation upon 
 us. If there were [«] no Holy Ghoft, fays he, 
 we that are Believers could not pray to God : 
 For we fay, Our Father which art in Heaven. As 
 therefore we could not fay, that Jefus was the 
 Lord, fo neither could we call God our Father 
 without the Holy Ghoft. How does that ap- 
 pear ? From the fame Apoftle, who fays, Becaufe 
 ye are Sons, God hath fent forth the Spirit of his 
 Son into your Hearts : crying, Abba Father. And 
 St. Auftin [x] expounding thofe Words of the 
 Apoftle, Rom. viii. 16. We know not what to 
 ■pray for as we ought : but the Spirit helpeth our In- 
 firmities', concludes, that the Spirit's helping and 
 teaching them to pray as they ought, could not 
 mean his helping them to new Words and Ex- 
 preffionsj for both the Apoftle, and they to 
 whom he wrote, were well acquainted already 
 with the Lords Prayer; fo that there could be 
 no want of the Spirit's Affiftance in that re- 
 fpectj but the Want was this j Men are com- 
 monly ignorant of the real Benefit of temporal 
 Tribulation and Affliction, which tends either to 
 cure the Tumor of Pride, or exercife and try 
 Men's Patience, and crown it with a greater Re- 
 ward, or elfe to chaftife and aboliih fuch other 
 Sins as they are fubject to: Men being ignorant 
 of thefe Advantages, arc ufually molt inclined to 
 ask a perfect Freedom and Immunity from tem- 
 poral Affliction : But the Spirit corrects this Ig- 
 norance, and helps this Infirmity, and teaches 
 Men rather to ask Patience of God, and Sub- 
 mifflon to his Will, that they may not think 
 themfelves neglected of God, though he do not 
 remove fuch Afflictions, but with a devout and 
 pious Patience hope for greater Good arifing 
 from them. This is St. Auftm's Expofition of 
 
 that famous PafTage of the Apoftle, concerning 
 the Affiftance of the Spirit in Prayer: By which 
 he is fo far from derogating from the Lords 
 Prayer, as void of the Spirit, that he fuppofes 
 the very Knowledge of it to be antecedently a 
 Work of the Spirit: And he fays farther \_y~\, 
 that when Men believe, and hope, and defire, 
 and confider the Things they ask of God in the 
 Lords Prayer, they are then qualified with thofe 
 Graces of the Spirit, Faith, Hope and Charity, 
 which are neceffary to bring a pious Votary un- 
 to God. Men that fay fuch Things as thefe of 
 the Lords Prayer, could not conceive any mean 
 Thing about it, derogatory to the Spirit of 
 Prayer j but muft be prefumed to entertain the 
 moft high and venerable Notions of it, of any 
 that can poffibly be imagined. 
 
 And that they did foj is evi- SECT ix\ 
 
 dent from one Thing farther, ve- And the ufe of 
 
 ry obfervable in the anticnt Di- " t ecuUar Pri - 
 
 cipline and Practice: That is Z f " W °" ly 
 
 , * , , ~w t t* c i f '* Communicants 
 
 that then the Ufe of the Lords mdfer f e a chrijl,- 
 Prayer was not a Mark of Infa* am. 
 my or Reproach, but an hono- 
 rary Privilege, allowed to none but Communi- 
 cants, or compleat and perfect Chriftians. For, 
 as I have had Occaflon to remark once or twice 
 [*] in former Parts of this Work, all Catechu- 
 mens or Perfons unbaptized were abfolutely de- 
 barred from the Ufe of this Prayer They were 
 not allowed to call God Our Father, till they 
 were regenerated and made Sons by the Waters 
 of Baptifm. I have noted feveral PafTages out of 
 St. Auftin, St. Chryfoftom, and Theodoret to this 
 Purpofe, which need not here be repeated. To 
 thefe 1 fhall only add one PafTage out of Chryfo- 
 ftom [z], in his Homily upon the Paralytica 
 where fpeaking of Baptifm, he fays, Before we 
 have waffied away our Sins in the Font of the 
 holy Waters, we cannot call God Our Father: 
 But when we return from thence, having put 
 off the Load of our Sins, then we fay, Out 
 Father which art in Heaven. And upon this Ac- 
 count, as has been alfo noted before, this Prayer 
 was peculiarly called, cxr^rj -ans-cuv, The Prayer of 
 Communicants or Believers, becaufe none had a 
 Right to ufe this Prayer, but only fuch as had a 
 Right to communicate at the Altar, and there 
 hear it daily repeated. 
 
 [«] Chryf. Horn. 36. in Pentecoft. ». f . p. ff*. 
 [#] Aug. Ep. in- ad Probam. cap. 1 4. Neque enira ullo mo- 
 do credendum eft, vel ipfum, vel quibus ifta dicebat, Doraini- 
 cam nefcifle Orationem. [y] Ibid. cap. ij. Fides er- 
 
 go 8c Spes 8c Charitas ad Deum perducunt orantem hoc eft, cre- 
 
 dentem, fperantem, defiderantem, 8c quat petat a Domino in Do- 
 minica Oratione confideranrem. [*] Bosk I. Chap. ir. 
 ». 7. and Book X. Chap, v, n. 9. [>] Chryf. Horn. 
 62. torn. f. p. 934. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church, 
 
 627 
 
 • « 
 
 Of the 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Ufe of Habits, and Geflnre, and other Kites and Ceremonies m the 
 Service of the ant'ient Church. # 
 
 sect. I. 'T'HE next Things to be fpo- 
 
 No certain Evi. £ k en f ? are the CirCUm- 
 
 dmteftr the Ufe of ft ances anc j Ceremonies of Habits, 
 difltna ****** Ge(tures anJ Times appropriated 
 
 the Apoftolical Aoe, tx- • o ■ A r 11 1 r 
 
 or the two follow to DlVine SCTVICC. Of all thefe 
 
 m g. it may be faid in general, that as 
 
 they are Matters of indifferent 
 Ufagc in their own Nature, fo the Church ufed 
 her Liberty in the Appointment and Obfervati- 
 on of them. The Writers of the Romifh Church, 
 Baronius, Du SauJJay, and Bona, who will have 
 every Ceremony to be Apoftolical, pretend that 
 the Apoftles themfelves wore a diftinct Habit in 
 all their facred Miniftrations. Bona is very con- 
 fident that St. Paul's Cloak which he lefc at 
 Troas, was a facerdotal Veftment. And others 
 fpeak of St. Peter's Planeta, which is faid to be 
 fent from Antioch to Paris, and kept there as a 
 facred Relick in the Temple of St. Genouefa. 
 And others mention St. Johns, which is (aid to 
 be fent to Gregory the Great. But Bona himfelf 
 will not undertake to vouch for thefe, becaufc 
 of the Silence of all antient Writers about them 
 Yet he is very angry with Nicholas Ale- 
 mannius, for faying, that neither the Apoftles nor 
 Apoftolical Men ufed any facred Veftments [c], 
 and that the Opinion which maintains it, is to 
 be exploded as ridiculous, and as what is rejecT:- 
 cd by learned Men. Vicecomes was a diligent 
 Enquirer into Antiquity, and yet he could find 
 no Ground for this Affertion, but has fome Argu- 
 ments againft it, which Bona is put to anfwer. 
 And till fome better Arguments can be produ- 
 ced to fupport it, I think it moft prudent to 
 leave uncertain Tradition to fhift for it felf, and 
 proceed to an Age, wherein we have more Light 
 and Certainty in the Matter. 
 
 SECT. II. In the Beginning then of the 
 What Evidence fourth Age, when the Church 
 there is for them in was q U i e tly compofed by Con- 
 
 the fourth Century, j}^.^ and fctt]ed in p eacc? we 
 
 are fure a Diftinclion was made in the Habits 
 and Veftments of Divine Service. For Conflan- 
 tine himfelf is faid [cf] to have given a rich Veft- 
 ment embroidered with Gold to Macarius Bifhop 
 of Jerufalem, to be worn by him when he cele- 
 brated the Service of Baptifm. And it was one 
 of the Accufations that the Arians afterward 
 
 brought againft Cyril, that he had fold it. Fa« 
 lefius thinks that it was not indended for an or- 
 dinary Habit, whenever the Bifhop celebrated 
 the Office of Baptifm, but only when he per- 
 formed the Service of the great Day of our 
 Lord's Baptifm, which was the Feftival of Epi- 
 phany, held in great Veneration at Jerufalem. 
 This is not fo likely in my Opinion, but be it as 
 it will, it makes no Alteration in the Cafe: For 
 ftill it was a facred Veftment to be ufed in the 
 Celebration of the Liturgy or Divine Service, 
 which is enough to the prefent Purpofe. Noc 
 long after wc find Athanafuts accufed by his Ene- 
 mies for laying a Tax upon the Egyptians, to 
 raife a Fund for the Linnen Veftments of the 
 Church. The thing is mentioned both by At ha- 
 nafuts himfelf [e~\ and Sozomen [/], the one call- 
 ing them Linnen Stkharia, and the other Lin- 
 nen Tunicles, which are the fame thing. Where 
 we are to obferve, that the Accufation was noc 
 that he ufed fuch Veftments in the Church, buc 
 only that he laid a Tax upon the People to pro- 
 vide them 5 which fuppofes them to be in Ufe, 
 elfe there had been no Colour or Foundation for 
 fuch a Charge againft him. St. Jerom often men- 
 tions this Diftinction of Habits as generally ob- 
 ferved in his time. I urge not thofe Words 
 which he has in his Commentary upon Ezekiel y 
 the Religion of God has one Habit in its Mini- 
 ftry [g] and another for the common Ufes of 
 Life: Becaufe I think he is there fpeaking of 
 the Jewifh Priefts, in Oppofition to the Idol- 
 Priefts of I/is and Serapis. But what he fays in 
 his Book againft Pelagius, plainly relates to the 
 Chriftians: What Harm or Enmity, I pray, is 
 it againft God, if I ufe a more cleanly Garment ? 
 If a Bifhop, Presbyter, or Deacon, or any other 
 of the Ecclefiaftical Order, come forth in a 
 white [h~] Veftment, when they adminifter the 
 Sacraments? He fays alfo in his Epitaph upon 
 Nepotian, that Nepotian for his ordinary wearing 
 ufed the Pallium, the Cloak that was in common 
 Ufe among Chriftian Philofophers: But in his 
 Miniftrations he ufed a Tunicle [z], which he 
 ordered his Uncle Heliodore to fend as his Legacy 
 to St. Jerom. St. Chryfofiom alfo intimates than 
 the Deacons wore a peculiar Habit in their Mi- 
 niftrations, when he fays, their Honour, Crown 
 and Glory did not confift fo much in their walk- 
 
 fa] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. cap. 24. n. 1. [£] Bona 
 
 lib. 1. cap. j - . n. 1. [c] Aleman. de Parietinis Lateran. cap, 9. 
 ap. Bonam. Ibid. [d] Theod. lib. 2. cap. 27. thp hg£l> 
 
 S0\nv, ha Tauiwj iBtxC^\hti^J@-,rhv rk 0hk ^a,-^][a\J.±'rQr 
 Ki-fjzpy'i'jv cmfiKf. 8cc. [e] Athan. Apol. 2. p. 778. 
 
 Yihdi^o^at nrscorw y J a.rr\yoe>'J.v rfti <rtya.?).uv Ktvav, *Z( i- 
 M» Kav'aVA rolf ' Kiyv-ffion i^iCei^oy'lO 1 . [/] Sozom. 
 
 Jib. 2. cap. 22. fXfy&TM .'j^jh yrvovv, tu( '/jtuv'iav kivuv 
 <fbc?v Wflgii-s 'Aty-j/lhis* ' " [si Ht'eron! Com. in Ezck. 
 
 8 
 
 cap. 44. p. 668. Religio divina alteram habitum habct in mini- 
 flerio, alterum in ufu vitaquc communi. [/,] y. conr . 
 
 Pclag. Qua: flint, rogo, inimicitix contra Deum, il Tunicam ha-" 
 buero mundiorem? Si Epifcopus, Presbyter, Diaconus, & reli- 
 quus Ordo Eccleliafticus in adminiftratione Sacramentorum can- 
 dida vefte proceiTerint ? [i] Id. Ep. ? . ad Hdiodor. Hanc 
 Tunicam, qua utcbar in Minifterio Chrifti, mine difeaifilmo, Sec 
 Ir. Epift. ad Prxfidium Diaconum. Difficile eft locum Ste'phani 
 implere, & populos fubjacentes candenti defuper vefie defpicere, 
 
 ing 
 
628 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII 
 
 ing about the Church [£] in a white and fhi- 
 ning Garment, as in their Power to repel un- 
 worthy Communicants from the Lord's Table. 
 This implies that they had a diftinct. Habit 
 when they miniftred in Divine Service. And fo 
 it is remarked by Sozomen [/], when fpeaking of 
 the Aflault that was made upon the Church by 
 the Enemies of Chryfoftom, he fays, the Priefts 
 and Deacons were beaten and driven out of the 
 Church, as they were in the Veftments of their 
 Miniftration. And there is among St. Chryfo- 
 Jlom's Works an Homily upon the Prodigal Son, 
 written by Severianus Bifhop of Gabala, Co-tem- 
 porary with St. Chryfoftom, who fpeaking of the 
 Deacons miniftring in the facred Myfteries, fays, 
 they refembled [m~\ the Wings of Angels with 
 their Veils or Tippets on their left Shoulders, 
 running about the Church, and crying out, Let 
 none of the Catechumens be prefent at the Cele- 
 bration of the Myfteries, In like manner 
 Nazianzen in his Vifion of the Church of Ana- 
 ftafia, reprefents the Deacons Handing [«] cv ei- 
 fxaai 7ra/jt(pavo&)a(v, in their bright and Alining 
 Garments. And in his Will he leaves to his 
 Deacon Evagrius a xajuoo-ov and a s^ag/ov, which 
 were then the common Names for thefe Sur- 
 plices or white Garments ufed in Divine [o~] Ser- 
 vice. The Council of Laodicea has two Canons 
 concerning the little Habit called the Orarium 
 {j>], which was a Scarf or Tippet to be worn 
 upon the Shoulders, and might be ufed by Bi- 
 fhops, Presbyters, and Deacons, but not by Sub- 
 deacons, Singers or Readers, who are exprefsly 
 debarred the Ufe of it in that Council. The 
 fourth Council of Carthage \j] fpeaks of the Alba 
 or Surplice, which the Deacon is ordered to wear 
 when the Oblation is made, or the Leflbns arc 
 read. The Council of Narbo [f] mentions the 
 fame. The firfl Council of Braga fpeaks of the 
 Tunica and the Orarium [/] as both belonging to 
 Deacons. And the third Council of Braga [f\ 
 orders Priefts to wear the Orarium on both 
 Shoulders when they miniftred at the Altar. By 
 which we learn that the 'tunica or Surplice was 
 common to all the Clergy, the Orarium on the 
 left Shoulder proper to Deacons, ,and on both 
 Shoulders the diftinguifhing Badge of Priefts. 
 
 The fourth Council of Toledo is molt particu- 
 lar in thefe Diftinftions. For in one Canon it 
 fays, that if a Bifhop, Presbyter or Deacon be 
 unjuftly degraded, and be found Innocent by a 
 Synod, yet they fhall not be what they were be- 
 
 fore, unlefs they receive the Degrees they had 
 loft from the Hands of the Bifhops before the 
 Altar. If he be a Bifhop, he mult receive [*] 
 his Orarium, his Ring and his Staff: If a Pref- 
 byter, his Orarium and Planeta: If a Deacon, his 
 Orarium and Alba. And in another Canon [#], 
 that the Deacon fhall wear but one Orarium\ 
 and that upon his left Shoulder, wherewith he 
 is to give the fignal of Prayers to the People. 
 Where we may obferve alfo the Reafon of the 
 Name Orarium in the Ecclefiaftical Senfe, ab 
 orando, from praying 3 though in common Ac- 
 ceptation it fignifies no more than an Handker- 
 chief to wipe the Face, and fo comes from Ore, 
 in which Signification it is fometimes ufed by 
 St. Ambrofe (>] and St. Au/lin [z], as well as by 
 the old Roman Authors. But here we take it in 
 the Ecclefiaftical Senfe, for a facred Habit ap- 
 propriated to Bifhops, Priefts, and Deacons in 
 the Solemnities of Divine Service, in which Senfe 
 it appears to have been an Habit diftinct from 
 that of civil and common Ufe, by all the Au- 
 thorities that have been mentioned. The Au- 
 thor of the ^ueftions upon the Old and New tefta- 
 ment, under the Name of St. Auftin, fpeaks alfo 
 of the Dalmatica [a], as worn both by Bifhops 
 and Deacons : But whether it was then a Gar- 
 ment of facred Ufe, is not faid by him or any 
 other antient Writer, that I know of; and 
 therefore I content my felf with the Proofs al- 
 ready alledged, as fufficient to fhew that in the 
 fourth Age a plain Diftinftion of Habits was 
 made in the facred Service of the Church. 
 
 The next considerable Cir- sect Iir 
 cumftance in their Worfhip, was Four Poji»res of 
 the Pofture obferved in their Ad- Devotion allowed of 
 drefles and Adorations of God : h the Antients. 
 And of this we find four Kinds ^i 1 fi^dhg.whkh 
 generally pradifed and allowed, ^ttTs 
 viz. Standing, Kneeling, Bow- Day , and aU tht 
 ing, and Proftration. For Sitting, time between Eafter 
 which fome add as a fifth Sort, Pentecoft. 
 was never allowed by the Anci- 
 ents as an ordinary Pofture of Devotion. Stand- 
 ing was the general Obfervation of the whole 
 Church on the Lord's Day, and the fifty Days 
 between Eafter and Pentecoft, in Memory of our 
 Saviour's Refurrection. This Cuftom may be 
 traced as high as Irenam, who derives it from 
 Apoftolical Authority. For the Author under the 
 Name of Juftin Martyr [Z>] gives this Account 
 
 [J&] Cbryf. Horn. 82. al. 83. in Mat. p. 705*. Aivx.lv x ,TU " 
 v'ktkov 39 ~iar)TtKCov\a, 'a^a.^Kaf^Joi, 8cc. [/] Sozom. 
 
 lib. 2. cap. n. h$i»V o >y S^taxovuv TV7r\oi^!cov- >tj 
 C'ictv, 04 ely ov %»iJ.et]@~> ihax>vofj$puv. [m] Chryf. Horn. 
 37. de Filio Prodigo. torn. 6. p. 37^. tuv ixifxaf/^uv rdt r 
 tLfy'ihuv iv\'i%vy&<; Tou< hi f 7r]siji{ h&lvats rtaf cmi tZv ete*- 
 ree<SV uy-oDV nHfj^Cauf, 8cc. [»] Naz. Somnium Anaftaf. 
 
 torn. 2. p. 78. [0] Id. in Teftatnento. ap. Biifibn. de For- 
 
 mulis. lib. 7. [p] Cone. Laodic. can. 22, & 23. [q] Cone. 
 Carth. 4. can. 41. Ut Diaconus in tempore Oblationis tantum vel 
 Le&ionis Alba induatur. [r] Cone. Narbon. an. $-89. can. 12. 
 [/] Cone. Bracar. 1. can. 27. Quia Diacones abfeonfis infra Tu- 
 nicam utuntur Orariis, ita uc nihil differre a Subdiacono videantur, 
 <te cstero fuperpofito fcapuls, ficvit decet, utantur Orario. 
 
 [f] Cone. Bracar. 3. can. 3. Non aliter accedat quam Orario u- 
 troque humero circumfeptus. [«] Cone. Tolet- 4. can. 27. 
 
 Epifcopus, Presbyter aut Diaconus, fi a Gradu fuo injufte deje- 
 £tus, in lan&a Synodo innocens reperiatur, non poteft eile quod 
 fuerat, nifi Gradus amiflbs recipiat coram altario de manu Epifco- 
 porum. Si Epifcopus eft, Orarium, annulum 8c baculus. Si 
 Presbyter, Orarium & Planetam. Si Diaconus, Orarium 8c Al- 
 bam. [#] Can. 39. Unum Orarium oportec Lcviram geftare 
 
 in finiftro humero, propter quod orat, id eft, prsdicat. 
 [y] Ambrof. de Obitu Satyri Fratris. Et Epift. J4. [x] Aug' 
 de Civ. Dei. lib. 22. cap. 8. Vid. Pontium Vic. Cyprian. 
 OJ Aug. Qua:ft. Vet. 8c Nov. Teft. Q. 4 torn. 4. Quafi non 
 hodie Diaconi Dalmaticis induantur ficut Epifcopi. [£J Jullin 
 Quaeft. 8c Refponf. ad Orthodox. Q. 1 ij. 
 
 8 c£ 
 
Chap. VIII 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 629 
 
 of the Ufe of both Pofturcs in Prayer: Foraf- 
 much as we ought to remember both our Fall 
 by Sin, and the Grace of Chrift, by which we 
 rife again from our Fall: Therefore we pray 
 kneeling fix Days, as a Symbol of our Fall 
 by Sin: But our not kneeling on the Lord's 
 Day is a Symbol of the Refurrcction, whereby 
 through the Grace of Chrift we are delivered 
 from our Sins, and from Death that is mor- 
 tified thereby. And this Cuftom took its Ori- 
 ginal from the times of the Apoftles, as St. Ire- 
 nans fays in his Book concerning Eafter, where- 
 in he alio makes mention of Pentecoft, during 
 which time we kneel not, becaufe it is of the 
 fame Nature with the Lord's Day, according to 
 the Reafon that has been given. Not long after, 
 Tertullian [c~] fpeaks of it, as an Obferv.ition a- 
 mong many others handed down from antierft 
 Tradition. And Cyprian may be fuppofed to 
 hint it [d~\ when he fpeaks of their Handing in 
 Prayer. 
 
 It is mentioned alfo by Clemens of Alexandria 
 (Y], and Peter 1 Bilhop of Alexandria \_f\ who died 
 fome Years before the Council of Nice. He fays, 
 We keep rhe Lord's Day as a Day of Joy, be- 
 " caufc then our Lord role from the Dead, and 
 our Tradition is not to kneel on that Day. In 
 the time of the Council of Nice there was fome 
 Difagrccment about this Practice, and therefore 
 that Council made a Canon to bring all Churches 
 to an Uniformity in this Matter [g]. Becaufe 
 there are fome who kneel on the Lord's Day, 
 and in the Days of Pentecoft ; that all things may 
 be uniformly performed in every Parifh or Dio- 
 cefe, it feems good to the holy Synod, that Pray- 
 ers be made to God ftanding. After this St. Hi- 
 lary [h~] fpeaks of it again as an Apoftolical Pra- 
 ctice, neither to Faft, nor Worlhip kneeling on 
 the Lord's Day, or the fifty Days between Eafter 
 and Pentecoft. Epiphanius [z] fays, that on the 
 appointed Days they prayed kneeling, but du- 
 ring the whole fifty Days of Pentecoft they nei- 
 ther faded nor kneeled. St. Jerom reckons it 
 [£] among the Traditions of the univerfal Church, 
 neither to faft nor kneel on the Lord's Day or 
 Pentecoft. St.Auftin is a little doubtful as to the 
 Pra&ice of the Church univerfal [/], but he af- 
 fures us, that as far as he knew, all Churches in 
 Africk forbore Falling, and prayed ftanding, and 
 fung Hallelujah at the Altar every Lord's Day, 
 
 and all the Days of Pentecoft, in Token of out- 
 Saviour's Refurreclion. Wt find the fame in St. 
 Baft I OJ, who derives it from Apoftolical Prat 
 clice. And Caflian \n~\ teftifics of the Egyptian 
 Churches, that from Saturday Night to Sunday 
 Night, and all the Days of Pentecoft, they nei- 
 ther kneeled nor fafted. And in another Place [0] 
 he gives the Reafon of this, becaufe kneeling 
 was a Sign of deep Repentance and Mourninr, 
 which they omitted on thofe Days out of Refpect 
 and Reverence to our Saviour's Refurrection. 
 Hence it was, that the Author of the Conftitu- 
 tions [/>] makes it one of his Apoftolical Orders, 
 that all Men lhould pray three times, or three 
 Prayers, on the Lord's Day ftanding, in Memo- 
 ry of him who rofe the third Day from the 
 Dead. And from hence came that ufual Form fo 
 often mentioned by St. Chryfoftom [jf\ and o:hers 
 of the Deacons calling upon the People in Pray- 
 er, op^ur wufy Let us ftand upright with 
 Reverence and Decency j alluding to the Pofture 
 then commonly ufed in Prayer on the Lord's 
 Day. How long this Cuftom continued in the 
 Church, is not eafy to determine: But we may 
 obferve it to be mentioned by Martin Braca- 
 renfis [r] in the fixth Century, and the Council 
 of Trullo [s] in the feventh Century, and the 
 third Council of 'Tours [/] in the time of Charles 
 the Great. Nor do we meet with any Excepti- 
 on to this Rule all this Time,fave only one rela- 
 ting to the Penitents, or thofe that were under 
 the Difciplihe of the Church j who being, by 
 their falling into fcandalous Sins, reduced to a 
 State of Penance, were not allowed this Privi- 
 lege of ftanding at Prayers on the Lord's Day 
 but were obliged in Token of their Humiliation 
 to kneel at all times, not excepting the Days of 
 Relaxation, as the fourth Council of Carthage 
 [u] words it in a Canon made in this Behaff. 
 And fo we have feen the concurrent Tertimony or 
 all Writers for the Antiquity and Univerfality of 
 this Practice. 
 
 At other times Kneeling was SECT iv 
 
 the moft common and ordinary Secondly, xJ*/. 
 
 Pofture of Devotion. This may '»g « *// other 
 
 be concluded from the former timti > facially on 
 
 Exception of the Lord's Day and the Sm ' omr y n«y 
 
 Pentecoft from this Pofture: For times °f 
 that implies, that at other times 
 
 [c] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. Die Dominico jejunium ne- 
 fas ducimus, vel de geniculis adorare. Eadem immunitate a die 
 Pafchae in Pentecoften ufque gaudemus. [d] Cypr. de Orat. 
 
 p. if Quando ftamus ad Orationem, 8cc. [e] Clem. Strom, 
 p. 85-4. [/J Pet. Alex. Can. if. [g] Con. Nic. 
 
 Can. 20. [h] Hilar. Prolog, in Pfal. p. 189. Et hax qui- 
 
 dem Sabbata Sabbatorum ea ab Apoftolis Religione celebrata funt, 
 ut his Quinquagefimae diebus nullus neque in terram ftrato corpore 
 adorarec, neque jejunio Feftivitatem fpiritualis hujus beatitudinis 
 impediret : Quod id ipfum etiam extrinfecus in diebus Dominicis 
 eft conftitutum, 8cc. [/] Epiphan. Expof. Fid. n. 22, & 24. 
 [/.-] Hieron. Dial. cont. Lucifer, cap. 4. Die Dominico 8c per om- 
 nem Pentecoften, nec de geniculis adorare, 8c jejunium folvere. 
 [/] Aeg. Ep. 119 ad Januarium, cap. 17. Ut autem ftantes in 
 iilis diebus 8c omnibus Dominicis oremus, utrum ubique fervetur 
 ignoro. Ibid. cap. if. Propter hoc 8c jejunia relaxantur, 8c ftan- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 tes oramus; quod eft lignum refurreclionis. Unde etiam omnibus 
 diebus Dominicis id ad altare obfervatur, 8c Halleluia canitur 
 {m\ Bafil. de Spir. Sand. cap. 27. [„] Caflian. InftitufJ 
 
 lib. 2 cap. 18. Hoc quoque nofTc debemus, a vefpera Sabbati, 
 qua: lucefcit in diem Dominicum, ufque in vefperam fequenrem 
 apud .Egyptios genua non curvari; fed nec totis Quinquaeefima 
 diebus, 8cc. [*] Caflian. Collar, lib. u. cap. 20. Ideo in ipfis 
 diebus nec genua in Oratione curvantuf, quia inflexio genuum ve- 
 lut Pcenitentia ac Judtus indicium eft, 8cc. [p] Conftitut 
 
 lib. 2. cap. 5-9. reit vel T fSt i$8n< IW7saS>V w «nni 
 
 Xa'e.*v ii ft* tv.%v &vcL<ra.v](Q- nf*ff£r. [«] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 29. al. 4. de Incomprehenfibili Dei Natura. T. 1. p. 
 Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 740. [r] Martin. Bracar.' Coiletf:' 
 
 Canon, cap. fj. [s] Con. Trull. Can. 90. [,] Cone' 
 
 Turon. 2. Can. 27. [«] Cone. Carthag. 4, C3n , ,8. 
 
 nitentes etiam diebus remiffionis genua fle&ant. 
 
 L 1 1 1 1 
 
 they 
 
630 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 they ufed a different Pofture in their Addreffes that the Geniculations, or Prayers on the bend- 
 to God. This was the ufual Pofture of their or- ed Knee, together with the Faftings of Chri- 
 dinary Morning and Evening Service on the ftians, were always effectual in driving away 
 weekly Days, and on the Stationary or Faft- Days j Drought and Famine. It were eafie to give a 
 which were called Stationary Days, not from thoufand other Inftances [/] of the like Practice 
 their Standing at Prayer, but from their conti- out of the antient Writers} but in a Cafe fo 
 nuing and prolonging the Exercife in Imitation clear and uncontefted, I think it next to Imper- 
 of the Military Stations. The only difference tinence to trouble my Reader with them. I on- 
 betvvecn thefe Days and the Lord's Day was, ly note, that though thefe two Poftures of Pray- 
 that on the Lord's Day all Prayers were perform- er were very indifferent in their own Nature, 
 ed Standing, but on other Days fome were faid yet it was always efteemed an Inftance of great 
 Standing, fome Kneeling. In this Senfe we Negligence, or great Perverfenefs to interchange 
 muft underftand St. Chryfofiom [x], when he them unfeafonably one for the other } that is, to 
 fpeaks of the Peoples falling on the Ground when pray Kneeling on the Lord's Day, when the 
 they faid the Prayer for the whole State of the Church required Standing} or Standing on other 
 Church, and their rifing again at the Bifhop's Days, when the Rules and Cuftom of the Church 
 Invocation. And fo the Author of the Conftitu- required Men to kneel. And therefore as the Ca- 
 tions [jv] reprefents them Kneeling at the firfb nons of Nice and Trullo reflect upon thofe who 
 Prayer, and Standing up at the fecond. In like were fuperftitioufly bent upon Kneeling on the 
 manner Cajjian [z] fays the People performed Lord's Day : So others with equal Severity com- 
 their private Prayers Kneeling, and then rofe up plain of the Remifsnefs and Negligence of fuch,as 
 to the Minifter's Collect or Prayer, in which all refufed to kneel at other times, when the Church 
 joined Standing. This is to be underftood of appointed it. It is a very indecent and irregular 
 their Prayers on ordinary Days, and not of the thing, fays Cafarius of Aries [g], that when the 
 Lord's Day, on which (as we have feen before) Deacon cries out, Let us' bend the Knee, the 
 all their Prayers were performed Standing. As People fhould then ftand erect as Pillars in the 
 to the Pofture of Kneeling upon other Occafi- Church. Thefe were but fmall Obfervations in 
 ons, it would be endlefs to cite all the Teftimo- themfelves, but of great Confequence, we fee, 
 nies that may be alledgcd for it. It was fo com- when done perverfely to the Scandal and Difor- 
 mon among them, that the Author of The Afts der of the Church, whofe great Rule in all fuch 
 of Thecla [a] gives Prayer the Name of xXire Cafes, is that of the Apoftle, Let all Things be 
 yovarwv, Bending the Knees. And Arnobius, when done decently and in order. 
 he would defcribe to the Heathen the manner of 
 
 Chriftians performing their Divine Offices to A third Pofture of Devotion sect. v. 
 God, does it by faying, they all fell down \b~\ was Bowing down the Head, or Thirdly, Bowing 
 upon the Earth, as their Cuftom was, and made an Inclination of the Body be- down the Head, 
 their common Prayers to him. Eufebius [c] fpeak- tween the Poftures of Standing and Kneeling, 
 ing of the great Devotion of St. James Bifhop of This was chiefly ufed in receiving the Bifhop's or 
 Jerufalem, fays, he was wont to go into the Prieft's Benedictions, in all direct and formal Ad- 
 Temple alone, and there pray afliduoufly upon dreffes to God for his Mercy and Favour upon 
 his Knees, making Interceffion for the Sins of the People, whether Catechumens, Penitents or 
 the People, till his Knees were grown as hard and any other. Thus we find in the Conftitutions [h~] 
 callous as thofe of Camels, by continual Exercife of the Catechumens are bid to bow the Head, in orr 
 his Devotions. And fo again, fpeaking of the der to receive the Bifhop's Benediction in a Form 
 Thundering Legion, (who in the time of Mar- of Invocation there appointed to be faid over 
 cus Aurelius procured Rain by their Prayers, to them. So like wife the Energumens [f] have the 
 fave the Roman Army, and Thunder to deftroy fame Direction : Bow down your Heads, ye Ener- 
 their Enemies ) he fays, they fell upon their gumens, and receive the Benediclion. In like man- 
 Knees, as was the ufual [d~\ Cuftom of Chrifti- ner the Candidates of Baptifm [k~\ and the Peni- 
 ans in their Prayers, and fo made their Supplica- tents [/] are bid to rife up, after the Deacon's 
 tions to God at the Head of the Army as it was Prayer, and bow their Heads to receive the Be- 
 going forth to Battle. Tertullian had his Eye nediction. And this may be confirmed out of 
 upon this very Story, when he tells Scapula [<?], Chryfofiom, who fays [m], the Deacon in the 
 
 O] Chryf. Horn. 18. in 2 Cor. p. 873. Udila opo'iaf W 
 IfcLtpz; Kei^d-ct, ircLv\i<; oftoim dvis-dpiSa.. [7] Con- 
 ftit. lib. 8. cap. 9. ocroi T/ro/, KKiva/uSjJ y'ovv. It. cap. 10. 
 lyei?auzd-a. And-'ivjif- &c. [x] Caffian. Inftitut. lib. 2. 
 
 cap. 7. Cum is qui Orationcm collecturus eft, e terra furrexerir, 
 omnes paritcr furgunt, &c. [a] Ada Thecla:. ap. Grabe. 
 
 Spicileg. torn. r. p. 96. [&] Arnob. lib. 1. p. if. Hie 
 
 propofitus terminus Divinorum Officiorum, hie finis, huic omnes 
 ex more profternimur, hunc collatis precibus adoramus. [c] Eufeb. 
 lib. 2. cap. 13. Kei/j8fJ©~ e^i Tol* y'ovcto-t. &c. [</] Eufeb. 
 lib. f. cap. f . y'ovv S'iv}ct.s hm tyiv ynv kato, to otKtiov riiuv 
 ruv Ivy Zv 'i$Q-- &c. [e] Tertul. ad Scapul. cap. 4. Quando 
 non Gernculationibus 5c Jejunationibus noftris etiam liccitatis funt 
 depulfa:? [/J Vid. Hermis Paftor. Part 1. Virion. 1. n. 1. 
 
 Genibus pofitis, &c. Clem. Roman. Ep. 1. ad Corinth, n. 48. 
 n^azKo-<y,«fy.'. 8cc. Paffio Ignatii. p. 176. cum Genuflexione, &c. 
 Paflio Cypriani, p. 13. Eufeb. Vit. Conftant. lib. 4. cap. 61. 
 Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. 22. cap. 8. Chryf. Horn. 22. de Ira, torn. 1. 
 p. 278. Prudent. Cathemerin. Hymn. 2. [g] Cafar. Are- 
 
 latens. Horn. 34. [h~\ Conft. lib. 8. cap. 6. YL\iv'ov]av 
 
 twruv t«< Ki<pcc?.a,(, IvAoyeireo cW7X\j hi<7r'iffKo'7r@ m Ivkoy'ittv 
 TottLvfi. &c. [<] Ibid. KAi'mre 01 huoyvfjSfiot, £ 
 
 cA)Koy£&i. [k] Ibid. cap. 7. KAi'sw7« cA)Xoyei&u<£, 
 
 8cc. [/] Ibid. cap. 8. tzvosdvlu Kh'tvcLti >y IvKoyet&i. 
 
 O] Chryf. Horn. 28. five 3. de Incomprehenfibili. torn. 1. p. 36^. 
 
 time 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 631 
 
 time of the Oblation preferred the Energumcns, 
 and bid them bow their Heads only, to indicate 
 at lead by the Habit and Gefture of the Body, 
 that they were in a praying Pofture. And this 
 he repeats [»] in other places, where he parti- 
 cularly fpeaks of thole that were poflefled of evil 
 Spirits. 
 
 SECT vi. Th e laft Pofture of Devoti- 
 
 Fourthly, Prefl™- on was Proftration, or lying a- 
 tion. long in the humbleft manner up- 
 
 on the Ground. This feems to have been the 
 proper Pofture for extraordinary Humiliations, 
 when Men had fome lingular Requeft more ear- 
 neftly to recommend to God. We often read 
 of Mofes and other Saints falling upon their Faces 
 in Scripture, when they were to make fome ex- 
 traordinary Interceflion for the Sins of the Peo- 
 ple. And in Imitation of them the fame Gefture 
 was fometimes ufed in the Chriftian Church. 
 Some Lapfers, when they fued for Admiflion to 
 a State of Penance, did not only fill down upon 
 their Knees, but proftrate them 111 ves before the 
 Faithful, to beg their Prayers as they entered in- 
 to the Church. Which is particularly noted by 
 Socrates [o] of Ecebolius the Sophift, who having 
 lapfed in the time of Julian, denied Favour un- 
 der Jovian } and the more to move Compaffion, 
 he put himfelf into the mournfulleft Pofture, fall- 
 ing upon his Face before the Gate of the Church, 
 and crying ou:, Calcate me infipidum falem. Tread 
 me under Foot as Salt that has loft its Savour. 
 But this was not the only Cafe in which they 
 ufed this mournful Pofture, but they alfo pra- 
 £Hfed it upon other Occafions, whenever any great 
 Neceflity urged them with greater Ardency to 
 prefer their Petitions to God. Thus Socrates ob- 
 ferves of Alexander Biftiop of Conftantinople [p], 
 that when he was in a great Strait about the 
 Admiflion of Arius into the Church, he proftra- 
 ted himfelf upon his Face under the Communion 
 Table, and there prayed to God for many Days 
 and Nights together, that God would give fome 
 Token to determine which of their Do&rine 
 was true : If the Do&rine of Arius was true, he 
 defired that he himfelf might not live to fee the 
 Day appointed for the Difputation: But if his 
 own were true, then he defired that Arius might 
 fuffer thePunifhment due to his Impiety. Which 
 he accordingly did, voiding his Entrails as he 
 had occafion to go to Stool, whilft he was go- 
 ing triumphantly to the Church. Theodoret \_q] 
 makes a like Remark upon the Behaviour of 
 Itheodofius the Great, that when he firft entred 
 the Church, after he had been for fome time 
 excluded by St. Ambrofe, he would neither pray 
 to God Handing, nor kneeling, but proftrate 
 with his Face to the Ground j ufing thofe Words 
 of the Pfalmifi, My Soul cleaveth to the Duft, O 
 
 quicken thou me according thy Word. By which 
 we learn, that this Pofture was chiefly appro- 
 priated to deep Humiliations, and Expreflions of 
 Shame or Sorrow upon fome very remarkable 
 Occafion, but fcarce ever ufed as a general Pra- 
 ctife of the Church. 
 
 There is one Pofture more sect. VII. 
 which fome plead for as a Pofture sitting, no allow- 
 of Adoration ; but it never had edpofture of Devo- 
 any Allowance in the Practice of Um - 
 the antient Church : That is Sitting, which 
 Cardinal Perron and fome others in the Romifli 
 Church pretend was the Pofture in which the 
 Apoftles received the Communion at its firft In- 
 ftitution, and that this was then a common Po- 
 fture of Adoration ufed among the Heathens. 
 But the learned Mr. Daille [r] has abundantly 
 expofed this Pretence, and fliew'd the falfity of 
 it in every Particular. For neither did the Hea- 
 thens fit at their Devotions, as the Cardinal im- 
 pofed upon himfelf by a falfe Interpretation of 
 Plutarch and Tertullian, neither did the Apoftles 
 communicate Sitting, but Lying along on Beds 
 or Couches, which all Men know to be a diffe- 
 rent Pofture j neither did they worfhip the Eu- 
 charifi in any Pofture 3 neither did the primitive 
 Chriftians ever ufe, or take Sitting, for a Pofture 
 of Devotion. Tertullian indeed fays [j], there 
 were fome fuperftitious Perfons in his time, Ad- 
 mirers of the Book called Hermes Paftor, who 
 made it a Matter of Confcience to fit down for 
 fome time adjignata Oratione, that is, not in 
 time of Prayer, as fome falfely render it, but 
 when Prayer was ended, becaufe they found the 
 Example of the Pallor in that Book to that 
 purpofe. For as he fat down upon a Bed after 
 Prayer, fo they thought themfelves obliged to 
 do the fame in Compliance with his Example, 
 But this is no Proof of their Sitting at Prayer, 
 but only after Prayer was ended : And that too 
 grounded upon a very weak and fuperftitious 
 Opinion, that every Circumftance of an Attion 
 or Narration, however indifferent in it felf, was 
 to be drawn into Example, and to be made 
 Matter of neceflary Duty. According to which 
 way of Reafoning, as T'ertullian obferves, they 
 mult have worshipped no where but where there 
 was a Bed, nor fat upon a Chair or Bench, be- 
 caufe this would have been a Deviation from 
 their Example. He adds, that the Heathens 
 only were ufed to fit after Prayer before their 
 Idols, and for that very Reafon it was not fit for 
 Chriftians to imitate [/] their Practice. All 
 which fhews, that the Chriftians then were fo 
 far from ufing Sitting as a Pofture of Devotion, 
 that they did not think it proper to fit even 
 after Prayer in the Prefence of God, whilft the 
 Angel of Prayer (it is his Phrafe) ftood by them ; 
 
 [»] Chryf. Horn . 29. 1. 1 . p. 37+. [0] Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 
 
 1 j. pt^tff icwjov -arfHfi) typo rn( -arfAtK TO ovitjiein ojjck, <sra- 
 TMO-ctTS kC'oei, to oUctf to dvcLt&nToy. ^ [p~\ Socrat. 
 lib. 1. cap. 37. vsro Tiiv rt£ji-V Tpy-iti^cLV \tuf\\v \it\ rojj.a. afc- 
 TeW? lu^sjo/. 8cc. tq] Theod. lib. j. c. 1 9. ripHm 
 
 ki to JW6<Tk x«(«SW©*, Sec. [r] Dallae. de Objefto 
 
 Cultus Relig. lib. 2, cap. 2, [s] Tertul. dc Orat. cap. 12. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Item quod adfignata Oratione aflidendi mos eft quibufdam, non 
 perfpicio rationem, nifi fi Hermas ille, cujus Scriptura fere Paftor 
 inferibitur, tranfadta Oratione non fuper ledum aflediflet verum 
 aliud quid fecilTet, id quoque ad obfervationem vindicaremus, &c. 
 [;] Tertul. ibid. Porro cum proinde faciant Nationes adoratis Si- 
 gillaribus fuis refidendo, vel propterca in nobis reprehendi roeretur, 
 quod apud Idola celebratur, Sec, 
 
 L 1 1 1 1 z and 
 
63* 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the Book XIII 
 
 and becaufe it looked more like an Heathenifh. 
 than a Chriftian Practice. 
 
 SECT. vill. Tertullian in the fame Book 
 Some fuprjtiti- takes Notice of fome other fuper- 
 ous vraclkes m De- {[[ ll0US Obfervations, which fome 
 
 votionnotedbyTv- ^ ^ j n Devotions? in 
 
 Imitation of the Heathen. Some 
 thought it neceffary to put off their Cloaks 
 when they went to Prayer, which he condemns 
 as fymbolizing with Idolaters. For fo the Hea- 
 then [a] were ufed to do in Reverence to their 
 Idols. This was Superftition, not Religion ; 
 and more an Affectation and Curioflty, than any 
 thing of rational and manly Service. Others would 
 not pray without wafliing the whole Body in 
 Water, as if that made them more acceptable 
 to God} whereas the true Purity was that of 
 the Spirit, to lift up holy Hands free from De- 
 ceit, Murder, Cruelty, Witchcraft, Idolatry, 
 and other fuch Corruptions [x] which defile 
 both Flefh and Spirit. A Man that is free 
 from thefe, is always clean, being once warned 
 in the Blood of Chrift : But he that is inward- 
 ly polluted, is unclean, though he waft every 
 Member of his Body every Day. It is the Su- 
 perftition of thefe Practices that Tertullian com- 
 plains of: For otherwife, the Chriftians them- 
 felves had their Fountains before the Church in 
 many Places, for Men to wafh their Hands, as 
 a Matter of Decency, before they went to wor- 
 fhip God, as has been {hewed [*] in another 
 Place. And the Evil of fuch Practices confifts 
 not in the bare Ufe of fuch Things, but in 
 laying the Opinion of Neceffity upon them, and 
 affixing Holinefs to the Ufage, and making them 
 become Effential Parts of Divine Service. 
 
 sect. IX. Such Practices therefore as 
 That the And- were attended with Superftition, 
 ents uncovered their they difclaimed : But retained 
 Head in their De- f ucn other Rites and Ceremonies, 
 -vouons. as were either proper Expreffions 
 
 of Decency in their own Nature, or by their 
 Significancy and fymbolical Ufe might be im- 
 proved to a fpiritual Advantage. They prayed 
 with the Head uncovered, according to the A- 
 poftle's Direction, as efteeming it a great Inde- 
 cency to do otherwife. So Chryfofiom in his 
 Comment on the Place. Tertullian adds another 
 Reafon in his Apology to the Gentiles \_y], We 
 pray uncovered, becaufe we are not afhamed to 
 appear with open Face 5 making it a fort of Te- 
 
 ftimony and Symbol of their Innocency in their 
 addrefling God without Covering. On the other 
 hand, as both Nature and Cuftom had made it 
 decent for Women to be covered, fo they were 
 very p*ecife in requiring this to be obferved efpe- 
 cially in religious AfTemblies. Some pleaded an 
 Exemption for Virgins in the cafe, which gave 
 Occafion to tertullian to write his Book De 
 Velandis Virginibus^ wherein [z] he argues both 
 Virgins and Matrons to be under the fame Ob- 
 ligation of being veiled or covered in time of 
 Divine Service \ and he feverely inveighs againft 
 thofe who hanged a Fringe or Ribband about 
 their Heads, and pretended to call that a Cove- 
 ring. But fome learned Perfons [a] think he 
 was too fevere in this Reflection, and almoft An- 
 gular in applying it to the cafe of Virgins, who 
 were then allowed a greater Liberty in this Mat- 
 ter above Matrons or married Women, by the 
 general Difcipline of the African Church. 
 
 It is more uncontefted, what sect. X. 
 Tertullian obferves of another Ce- And lift up their 
 remony, that they ufually prayed Hands toward Hea- 
 with their Arms expanded and veH ' f° m "'™" m 
 their Hands lift up [>]to Heaven, th < F «"»°f«<>oj,. 
 and that fometimes in the Form of a Crofs, to 
 reprefent our Saviour's Paflion. For this is al- 
 fo noted by Minucius jY), when he fays, they 
 worfhipped God with a pure Mind, and their 
 Hands ftretched forth in the Form of a Crofs. 
 And by Afierius Amafenus, in a Fragment of his 
 Homily concerning Prayer, preferved in Pbotius 
 [/], who fays, The Chriftian reprefents the Paf- 
 fion of the Crofs by his Gefture, whilft he ex- 
 pands his Arms and liftt them up in the Figure 
 of a Crofs. After this manner Paulinus defcribes 
 St. Ambrofe [e~] in his laft Minutes praying to 
 God with his Hands expanded in the Form of a 
 Crofs. And Prudentius relating the PafTion of 
 Frucluofus a Spanifh Bifhop and Martyr in the 
 Time of Gallienus, fays, The Bands which tied 
 his Arms, were firft burnt off without touch- 
 ing his Skin} for they durft not reftrain thole 
 Arms which were to be lift up to the Father 
 [/] in the manner of a Crofs. And this pro- 
 bably is St. Cbryfofiom's meaning, when he fays, 
 the Sign of the Crofs was ufed even by the 
 Emperors upon all Occafions, on their Purple, 
 on their Diadems, in their [_g\ Prayers, on their 
 Arms, and at the Holy Table. And in refe- 
 rence to this Gefture it is that Eufebius tells 
 us, that Confiantine ordered his own Image to be 
 
 [»] Tertul. de Orat. cap. 12. Hujufmodi non Religioni, fed fu- 
 perftitioni deputantur, coafta 8c affc&ata, 5c curiofi potius quam 
 rationalis officii, certe vel e6 coercenda, quod Gentilibus adsequent. 
 Ut eft quorundam pofitis Penulis orationem facerev Sic enim ade- 
 unt ad Idola Nationes. [*] Tertul. ibid. cap. 11. Hx funt 
 verse munditia?, non quas plerique fuperftitiofe curant, ad omnem 
 orationem etiam cum lavacro totius corporis aquam fumentes, &c. 
 [*] Book VIII. chap. iii. ». 6. [y~\ Tertul. Apol. cap.30. 
 
 Capite nudo> quia non erubefcimus, precantes fumus Temper. &c. 
 [z] Tertul. de Veland. Virgin, cap. 17. Quantam caftigationem 
 merebuntur etiam illoe, qua: inter Pfa'mos, vel in quacunque Dei 
 mentione retetlx perfeverant? &c. [0] Vid. Du Pin. Bibliothec. 
 Tom.i.p.oj". [&] Tertul. Apol. cap. 30. Manibus expaniis.quia 
 
 innocuis, &c. It. deOrat. cap.i r. Nos vero non attoUimus rantum, 
 fed etiam cxpandimus, &; Dominica Paffione modulantes, 8c oran- 
 tes Chrifto confitemur. [t] Miauc. Dial. p. 90. Crucis lignum 
 eft, cum homo porrectis manibus Deum pura mente vencratur. 
 [d] After, ap. Phot. Cod. 27 1. lySjtTa./JfJa.( ^ej^KKo/u^J©- 
 
 [«] Paulin. Vit. Ambrof. p. 12. Ab hora undecima diei ufqus ad 
 illamhoram qua emifit fpiritum,expanfis manibus in modum crucis 
 orabat. [/] Prudent. Peri Stephan. Hymn. 6. in Frucluof. Non 
 aufa eft cohiberc poena palmas, in morem crucis ad Patrem Wan- 
 da?, [g] Chryfoft. Demonftrat. quod Chriftus fit Deus. cap. 8. 
 t. f. p. 838, «Ti Iv^coy rct'jebi, It} oTTKuy s xvf);. 8cc. 
 
 ftampt 
 
Chap. VIlL Christian Church. 633 
 
 ftampt on his golden Medals, reprefenting him 
 in the Pofture of a Supplicant, looking up 
 to Heaven, with his Arms ftretched forth to 
 God. Origcn fays [f\, this was to reprefent the 
 lifting up of their Hearts to God in the Hea- 
 vens. And Chryfofiom[k] more largely fets forth 
 the Ufe of it, in explaining thofe Words of the 
 Pfalmift, Let the lifting up of my Hands be an 
 Evening Sacrifice. What means, fays he, the 
 ftretching forth our Hands in Prayer ? Becaufe 
 they arc inftrumental in many forts of Wicked- 
 nefs, as Fighting, Murder, Robbery, and ra- 
 pacious Avarice, therefore we are commanded 
 to lift them up, that the Miniftry of Prayer may 
 tie them up from Vice, and deliver them from 
 Wickednefs: That when you are inclined to rob 
 orplunder, or finite your Neighbour, you fhould 
 then remember, that thefe Hands are the Advo- 
 cates, as it were, which you are to fend forth 
 to God, and by which you are to offer the 
 fpiritual Sacrifice of Prayer to him ; and there- 
 fore you ought not to dishonour them, and de- 
 ftroy their Confidence, by letting them minifter to 
 wicked Actions j but rather cletmlethem by Almf- 
 deeds and Humanity and Afiiftance of thofe that 
 are in Want, and fo lift them up to God in 
 Prayer. For if you cannot endure to lift up un- 
 wafhen Hands, how much lefs fliould you think 
 it meet to defile them with Sin? By all this it 
 appears, that thefe Ceremonies both of warning 
 Hands and lifting them up in Prayer, were of 
 fpiritual Ufe, and defigned for pious Ends, to 
 put Men in mind of internal Purity by external 
 Symbols, and that this Significancy was the chief 
 Thing that could juftify and account for the 
 Ufe of them, as Ceremonies in Divine Service. 
 
 SECT XI. But as they allowed of fuch 
 But yet were decent and fignificant Ceremonies 
 great Enemies to as thofe that have been mention- 
 all Theatrical Ge- cc j ? f c t i ie y we re great Enemies to 
 fi um - all light and Theatrical Geftures. 
 
 They required a modeft and grave and well- 
 compofed Behaviour in all external Deportment, 
 as thinking no other becoming the Majefty of 
 God, or the Character of thofe that were to 
 addrefs him. Upon this account 'Tertullian [/] 
 requires a Modefty and Humility in his Votaries, 
 even in lifting up their Hands in Prayer, that 
 they fhould not tofs them up indecently on high, 
 nor appear with a Countenance expreffing Ela- 
 tion and Boldnefs: Becaufe the Publican's Hu- 
 mility and Dejection was more commendable 
 than the Audacioufnefs of the Pharifee. He re- 
 quires alfo a gentle and fubmiflive Voice, fince 
 God did not hear Men for the Sound of their 
 Words, or the Strength of their Lungs 
 or Arteries, but the Fervency of their 
 Hearts: And they that were loud in Pray- 
 er, he tells them, did nothing elfe but hinder 
 
 their Neighbours Devotion. Sr. Cyprian [r/i] 
 expreffes himfelf much after the fame way, 
 in his Directions about the Manner of praying : 
 Let them that pray, fays he, do it with an or- 
 derly Voice, expreffing Quietnefs and Modefty. 
 Let us conlider our felves as (landing in the Sight 
 of God, and that we are to pleafe the Divine 
 Eyes both with the Habit or Gefture of our 
 Body, and with the Manner of our Voice. For 
 as it is a Sign of an impudent Man to make a 
 clamorous Noife, fo it becomes a modeft Man 
 to ufe Modefty in his Prayers. Therefore when 
 we meet together with our Brethren, and cele- 
 brate the Divine Sacrifices with the Prieft of 
 God, we ought to be mindful of Reverence and 
 Difciplinej not toflingout our Prayers with a rude 
 and diforderly Voice, nor with a tumultuous 
 Loquacity pouring forth thofe Petitions, which 
 ought to be recommended modeftly to God. 
 For God is not the Hearer of the Voice, but the 
 Heart: Neither needs he to be reminded by 
 Noife and Clamour, who fees the Thoughts of 
 Men. It appears from thefe Cautions, that 
 Men were apt to run into Diforders and Excef- 
 fes in the manner of expreffing the externa! Pare 
 of their Devotions, which needed fuch Rules and 
 Admonitions to direct them in the pureft A- 
 ges. And it appears yet more from St. Chry- 
 foftom, who has feveral {harp and fevere Inve- 
 ctives againft fome, who accuftoming them- 
 felves to fee the Roman Games and Plays, 
 brought the Manners of the Stage into the 
 Church, and corrupted their Devotions with 
 Theatrical Geftures. It will be fufficient to re- 
 late a few Words out of a fingle Paflage \jf\ 
 in one of his Homilies to this purpofe. O un- 
 happy Wretch, fays he, thou oughteft with Re- 
 verence and Fear to fend up the Angelical Hymn, 
 and with Trembling make Confemon to God, 
 and thereby ask Pardon of thy Offences. Inftead 
 of this thou bringeft into the Church the Man- 
 ners of Mimicks and Dancers, by a diforderly 
 toffing up thy Hands, and beating with thy Feet, 
 and Agitation of thy whole Body. Doft thou 
 not confider, that the Lord himfelf is prefent, 
 who meafures every Man's Motions, and exa- 
 mines their Confciences ? Doft thou not confi- 
 der, that the Angels ftaud by this tremendous 
 Table, andfurround it with Fear? But thoucon- 
 fidereft none of thefe things, becaufe thy Mind 
 is blinded with what thou haft heard and feen 
 in the Theatres; and the Things which are 
 done there thou bringeft into the Rites and 
 Ceremonies of the Church, and with infignifi- 
 cant Clamours bewrayeft the diforder of thy 
 Soul. How canft thou expect, to incline God 
 to Mercy, who offereft thy Prayer with fuch 
 Contempt ? Thou fay'ft, Lord have Mercy on me, 
 whilft thy Behaviour proclaims it felf a Stranger 
 to Mercy: Thou crieft out, Lord faveme, whilft 
 
 [h"\ Eufeb. Vit. Conftant. lib. 4.cap. i j. u>( aivu fihiw.v S'oKnv 
 J.<:a]iTct^ivQ- -3T£9f &ih» T£05roe buyofAp-i. [i] Orig. 
 
 <sfet cvyjf.n. ao. [If] Chryf. in Pfal. 140. p./fo, Vid. Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. 7. p. [/] Tcrtul. de Orat. cap. 1 3. Cum mo- 
 
 deftia 2c bumilitate adoraiues, magis commendamus Deo precos 
 
 noftras, ne ipfis quidem manibus fublimiuselatis, fed temperate ac 
 probe elatis. Ne vultu quidem in audaciam erecto, &c. [m] Cypr, 
 de Orat. Dom. p. 140. [»] Cryf. Horn. 1. de verbis Efa. 
 
 t. 3. p. 836. Vid. Horn. 19. in Mar. p. 1 9. 
 
 the 
 
s 
 
 634 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 the whole Deportment of thy Body is in Op- 
 position to Salvation. For what can thofe Hands, 
 which are always toffed up on high, and difor- 
 derly rowled about, contribute toward Prayer ? 
 WhatUfe can there be in vehement Clamour, 
 and violent Impulfe of Spirit, that has nothing 
 in it but Sound and Noife without Significati- 
 on? Thefe are more the Practices of Strumpets 
 on the Highway, or Actors on the Theater. 
 And how dareft thou to mingle the Sports of 
 Devils with that Doxology, whereby Angels glo- 
 rify God? Thus far St. Chryfoftom in his Warmth 
 and Zeal againft the Corruptions that were creep- 
 ing in upon Devotion by abfurd and ridiculous 
 Geftures. And this fnews us abundantly, that 
 as the Ancients were no way averfe to any Rites 
 and Ceremonies, Habits or Geftures, that were 
 decent and fignificant in their own Nature, and 
 had any real Tendency toward Piety : So they 
 were utter Enemies to fuch as were infignifi- 
 cant and trivial, light and theatrical, and dis- 
 countenanced them as the Effects of Superftition 
 or Vanity, arifing from Mifapprehenfions of Re- 
 ligioner evil Cuftoms of the World, which they 
 laboured to extirpate, but could not always con- 
 quer > Men's corrupt Inclinations difpofing them 
 to commute the great things of Religion for 
 thofe that were fmall in comparifon, and fome- 
 times for thofe which were a real Detriment 
 and Difadvantage to it, as in the Cafes now be- 
 fore us. 
 
 SECT. XII. But to pafs by Irregularities, 
 0/ certmonies and proceed with the Obfervati- 
 ufed at their En- ons f the Church. This were 
 trmce into the a p ro p er Place to take Notice of 
 church ' feveral other Ufages, whereby 
 
 they expreffed their Reverence to God at their 
 firft Entrance into the Church. But becaufe 
 fome of thefe have been already confidered in a for- 
 mer Book [0], where wefpeak of the Refpect and 
 Reverence which the Primitive Chriftians paid 
 to their Churches, I (hall but juft name them in 
 this Place. Such was the Ceremony of Refped 
 ufed by Kings and Emperors, who laid afide 
 their Crowns and Arms and Guards, when they 
 enter'd into the Houfe of the King of Kings. 
 Of which I have only this farther to obferve 
 here, that probably it was done in Imitation of 
 the old Roman Magiftrates, who, as fome Au- 
 thors [p] tell us, were wont to lay afide their 
 Fafees and other Enfigns of Honour, whenever 
 they went into the Schools of Philofophy at A- 
 thens. Such was that other Cuftom of Refpect 
 obferved by the Monks of Mgypt, who put off 
 their Shoes, when they went into the Houfe 
 of God : But this, I (hewed, was only a topical 
 Cuftom peculiar to that Nation, and not a ge- 
 neral one reaching the whole Church. I ob- 
 ferved alfo that there are fome Reafons to believe 
 the Ancients ufed the Ceremony of bowing to- 
 wards the Altar at their firft Entrance into the 
 
 Church, though the Arguments amount only to 
 a Probability, not a Demonftration. 
 
 It is more certain, That the Sect. xiii. 
 
 Bifhop faluted the People in the That the sifiop 
 
 ufual Form, Pax vobis, Peace be famed the People 
 
 with you, at his firft Entrance in- mth Pax vobis > 
 
 to the Church. For this is often ^ZaZTh™' 
 mentioned by St. Chryfoftom [f], 
 who derives it from Apoftolical Practice. 
 
 SECT. XIV. 
 And the Peoplt 
 gave Aims to the 
 Poor, who flood be- 
 fore the Gates of 
 the Church for this 
 Purpofe. 
 
 St. Chryfoftom alfo mentions a- 
 nother very laudable Cuftom, and 
 he ufes all his Rhetorick to pro- 
 mote and encourage the Practice 
 of it: Which was the People's 
 
 tiving Alms to the Poor, at their 
 rft Entrance into the Church. 
 For this Reafon, fays he [r], our Forefathers 
 appointed the Poor to ftand before the Doors of 
 our Churches, that the Sight of them might 
 provoke the moft backward and inhuman Soul 
 to Compaflion. And as by Law and Cuftom 
 we have Fountains before our Oratories, that 
 they who go in to worfhip God,may firft wafh their 
 Hands, and fo lift them up in Prayer : So our 
 Anceftors, inftead of Fountains and Cifterns, pla- 
 ced the Poor before the Doors of the Church 5 
 that as we wafh our Hands in Water, fo we 
 fhould cleanfe our Souls by Beneficence and Cha- 
 rity firft, and then go and offer up our Prayers. 
 For Water is not more adapted by Nature to 
 wafh away the Spots of the Body, than the 
 Power of Alms-deeds is to cleanfe the Filth of the 
 Soul. As therefore you dare not go in to pray 
 with unwalhen Hands, though this be but a 
 fmall Offencej fo neither fhould you without 
 Alms ever enter the Church for Prayer. You 
 many times, when your Hands are clean, will not 
 lift them up to God, before you have wafhed 
 them in Water: So prevalent is the Force of 
 Cuftom with us : Let us therefore do the fame 
 with refpect to Alms-deeds : And though we are 
 not confeious to our felves of any great and hei- 
 nous Crimes, yet let us by Charity clear our Con- 
 fidences of lefTer Spots and Blemifhes, which 
 we contract in our daily Bufinefs and Converfa- 
 tion. So again in another Place [f] expound- 
 ing thofe Words, Thou JhaJt not appear before 
 the Lord empty : Thefe Things, fays he, were 
 fpoken to the Jews, and how much more to 
 us? Therefore the Poor ftand before the Doors 
 of the Church, that no one fhould go in emp- 
 ty, but enter fecurely with Charity for his 
 Companion. You go into the Church to obtain 
 Mercy j Firft fhew Mercy: Make God your 
 Debtor, and then you may ask of him, and re- 
 ceive with Ufury. We are not heard barely 
 for the lifting up our Hands. Stretch forth 
 your Hands, not only to Heaven, but to the 
 Hands of the Poor: If you ftretch out your 
 Hands to the Poor, you touch the very Height 
 
 M Book VIII. Chap. x. [?] Vid. Pool.Synopf. Criticor. in in Colof. p. 1 338. 
 R« g . s . 9 . [q] Chryf. Horn. 36. in 1 Cor. p. 6fi. Horn. 3. t. j. p. 369. 
 
 [rj Chryf. Horn. if. de Veibis Apoft. 
 [1} Chryf. Horn. 1. in z Tina, p, n6j. 
 
 Of 
 
Chap. VIIL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 63$ 
 
 of Heaven. For he that firs there, receives your 
 Alms : But if you lift up barren Hands, it pro- 
 fits nothing. He repeats the fame [/] in other 
 Places, which Ihews, that it was an excellent 
 Cuftom prevailing among them, and carefully 
 recommended as a juft Preparation for Prayer, 
 among many other moral Qualifications for this 
 Duty, which being vulgar and commonly known, 
 I need not infift upon them in this Place. 
 
 sect, xv." There was one Obfervation 
 
 tJW they wor- more, which mull not be omit- 
 
 fln$ped t»w*rd the tC( j ) becaufe it was a Ceremony 
 
 Eaft. wah the almoft of gcncra i ufe and Pra- 
 
 T£e J ° r aice: And that was the Cuftom 
 of turning their Faces to the Eaft, 
 in their folemn Adorations. The Original of 
 this Cuftom feems to be derived from the Ce- 
 remonies of Baptifm, in which, as has been 
 ihewed before [*], it was ufual to renounce the 
 Devil with their Faces to the Weft, and then 
 turn about to the Eaft, and make their Cove- 
 nant with Chrift j from whence, I conceive, it 
 became their common Cuftom to worfhip God 
 after the fame way that they had firft entred in- 
 to Covenant with him. The Ancients give fe- 
 veral Reafons for this Cuftom, but they allfeem 
 to glance at this one. Some fay, the Eaft was 
 the Symbol of Chrift, who was called the Orient, 
 and Light, and Sun of Righteoufnefs in Scripture : 
 And therefore, fince they muft worfhip toward 
 fome Quarter of the World, they chofe that 
 which led them to Chrift by fymbolical Repre- 
 sentation. As Tertullian tells us in one place 
 [»], that in Fact they worfhipped toward the 
 Eaft, which made the Heathen fufpect that they 
 worfhipped the rifing Sunj fo in another place 
 [#] he fays, the Eaft was the Figure of Chrift, 
 and therefore both their Churches and their 
 Prayers were directed that way. Clemens Alex~ 
 andrinus \_y] fays, They worfhipped toward the 
 Eaft, becaufe the Eaft is the Image of 
 our fpiritual Nativity, and from thence the 
 Light firft arifes and fhines out of Darknefs, and 
 the Day of true Knowledge, after the manner of 
 the Sun, arifes upon thofc who lie buried in Ig- 
 norance. And St. Auftin [%], When we ftand 
 at our Prayers, we turn to the Eaft, whence the 
 Heavens, or the Light of Heaven, arifes : Not as 
 if God was only there, and had forfaken all o- 
 ther Parts of the World, but to put our felves 
 in mind of turning to a more excellent Nature, 
 that is, to the Lord. This Reafon exactly falls 
 in with that which is given for turning to the 
 Eaft, when they covenanted with Chrift in the 
 Solemnities of Baptifm. 
 
 2. Another Reafon given for it by fome, is 
 That the Eaft was the place of Pavadife, our 
 antient Habitation and Country, which we loft 
 in the firft Adam by the Fall, and whither we 
 hope to be reftored again, as to our native A- 
 bode and Reft, in the fecond Adam, Chrift our 
 Saviour. This Reafon is given by Gregory Nyf- 
 fen [a] and St. Bajil [b\ and by the Author of 
 the Confiitutions [/], and the Author of the §)ue- 
 ftions and An/hers to Antiochus among the Works 
 of Athanafius [d], together with Chryfoftom, as 
 he is cited by Cotelerius [e~], and Gregentius [/]» 
 and many others. Now this is the very Reafon 
 affigned by St. Cyril for turning to the Eaft, 
 when they covenanted with Chrift, and celebra- 
 ted the My fteries of Baptifm. So that hitherto 
 we find a clear Relation of thefe Ceremonies 
 one to the other, and a perfect Agreement be- 
 tween them. 
 
 5. Another Reafon afligned for this Cuftom, 
 was, That the Eaft was the moft honourable 
 Part of the Creation, as being the Seat of Light 
 and Brightnefs. The Author of the Qiieftions 
 and Anfwers to the Orthodox [g], gives this Rea- 
 fon for it. We fet apart, fays he, the moft ho- 
 nourable things to the Honour of God: And 
 the Eaft, in the Opinion of Men, is the moft 
 honourable part of the Creation: We there- 
 fore in time of Prayer turn our Faces to the 
 Eaft; as we fign thofe in the Name of Chrift, 
 that need Confignation, with the right Hand, 
 becaufe it is deemed more honourable than the 
 left, though it differ only in Pofition, not 
 in Nature. And Laclantius, without taking a- 
 ny particular Notice of this Cuftom, makes 
 this general Obfervation, That the Eaft [/;] 
 was more peculiarly afcribed to God, becaufe 
 He was the Fountain of Light, and Illuminator 
 of all things, and becaufe he makes us rife to 
 eternal Life. But the Weft was afcribed to that 
 wicked and depraved Spirit the Devil, becaufe 
 he hides the Light, and induces Darknefs al- 
 ways upon Men, and makes them fall and perifh 
 in their Sins. Now this is a Reafon that equal- 
 ly holds for turning to the Eaft in Baptifm, as 
 well as their daily Devotion. 
 
 4. There is one Reafon more affigned for 
 it, which is, That Chrift made his Appearance 
 on Earth in the Eaft, and there afcended into 
 Heaven, and there will appear again at the lair 
 Day. This is one of the three Anfwers, which 
 the Author of the Queftions to Antiochus, under 
 the Name of Athanafius [rj, orders to be given 
 to this Queftion: If aChriftianasksthe Queftion, 
 he is to be told, They looked toward Paradife, 
 befeeching God to reftore them to their antient 
 
 [t] Chryf. Horn. 9. de Pocnitcnc. t. 1. p. 704. [*] Book 
 XI. Chap. vii. ». 4- [«] Tertul. Apol. cap. 16. 
 
 Inde fuipicio, quod innotuerit nos ad Orientis regionem pre- 
 cari. [x~\ Id. cont. Valentin, cap. 3. Noftrae co- 
 
 lumbae domus (implex, etiam in editis Temper 8c apertis 8c ad Lu* 
 ccm: amat figuram Spiritus fancti, Orientem Chrifli figuram. 
 [y] Clem. Alex. Strom. 7. p. 8f6. [z] Aug. de Scrm.Dom. 
 in Monte lib. 2. cap. f. Cum ad Orationes ftamus, ad Orientem 
 convertimur, unde ccelum furgit, 8cc. ut admoneatur animus ad 
 naturam cxcellentiorem fe convertere, id eft, ad Dominum. 
 [«] NyfT. Horn. f. de Orat. Dom. t. 1. p. 757. [6] Bafil. de 
 
 Spir. fan£t. cap. 17. [c] Conftit. lib. 2. cap. $7. [d] Athan. 
 Quseft. ad Antioch. Q. 37. [«] Coteler. Not. in Conftitut- 
 
 lib. 2. cap. $j. Ex Chryf. in Dan. 6. Jo. [/] Gregent. Difput. 
 cum Herbano Judaso. Bibl. Patr. Tom. 1. p. 217. Gr. Lat. 
 [g] Juftin. Queft. ad Orthodox. Q; 1 18. M Lact. lib. 2. cap. 
 10. Oriens Deo accenfetur, quia iple Luminis fons, 8c illuftratcr 
 eft rerum, 8c quod oriri nos faciat ad vitam sternam. Occidens 
 aurem conturbatae illi pravasque menti afcribitur, quod lumen ab- 
 fcondat, quod tenebras femper inducat, 8c quod homines faciat oc- 
 cidere ac interr Deccatis, [<] Athan. Quxft. ad Antioch. Q. 37. 
 
 Country 
 
616 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XliL 
 
 Country and Region, from whence they were 
 expelled. If an Heathen put the Queftion, the 
 Anfwer ihould be, Becaufe God is the true 
 Light, for which Reafon when they looked 
 upon the created Light, they did not worfhip 
 it, but the Creator cf it. If the Queftion was 
 propofed by a Jew, he fliould be told, They 
 did ir, becaufe the Holy Ghoft had faid by Da- 
 vid, TVe will njarjhip toward the Place where thy 
 Feet flood, O Lord, Pfal. exxxii. 7. meaning the 
 Place where Chrift was born, and lived, and 
 was crucified, and rofe again, and afcended into 
 Heaven. Which feems alfo to be intimated by 
 St. Hilary on thole Words of the Ixviith Pfalm, 
 according to the Tranflation of the Septuagint, 
 Sing unto God who afcended above the Heaven of 
 Heavens in the Eaft. The Honour of God, fays 
 he [k~], who afcended above the Heaven of Hea- 
 vens in the Eaft, is now reafonably required: 
 And for that Reafon toward the Eaft, becaufe 
 
 he, according to the Prophet, is the Eaft or 
 Morning from on high ; that He returning to the 
 Place whence he defcended, might be known 
 to be the Orient Light, who fhall hereafter be 
 the Author of Mens rifing to the fame Afcenc 
 of a celeflial Habitation. 
 
 Thefe feveral Reafons have all a peculiar Re- 
 ference to Chrift: And therefore as Chriflians 
 firft ufed the Ceremony of turning to the Eaft 9 
 when they entred into Covenant with Chrift 
 in Baptifm j fo it is probable, that from thence 
 they derived this Cuflom of turning to the 
 Eaft in all their folemn Adorations. But whe- 
 ther this were fo or not, we are fure there was 
 fuch a general Cuftom among them, and that it 
 was founded upon fome or all the Reafons that 
 have been mentioned} which is as much as is 
 necefTary to be faid here for the -Illuftratioii 
 of it. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Times of their Religious Affembl'ies, and the feveral Parts of D 
 
 Service performed tn them. 
 
 Hvtne 
 
 THERE remains one Cir- 
 cumftance more of Divine 
 Worfhip, which I have pin pofc- 
 ly rcferved for this Place, beemk 
 the Confederation of ir, will lead 
 to the feveral Parts of the 
 
 SECT. I. 
 No certain Rule 
 
 for meeting tn Pub- 
 lic'*, except u t on 
 the Lord's Day in 
 Timei of Perfecution, 
 for the t wo firft Ages . U S 
 
 Worfhip it felf: That is, the 
 Circumflance of Time: Concerning which it 
 may be enquired, how often they met in a 
 Week, and how often they met in a Day for 
 Divine Worfhip? Now no general Anfwer can 
 be given to thefe Qyeftions, becaufe the Times 
 of their Affemblies varied according to the dif- 
 ferent State and Ages of the Church. At firft 
 learned Men think they held Affemblies every 
 Day in the Apoftles Time, and whilft the Jewijh 
 Temple flood : For we read of the Apoftles 
 going up to the Temple at the ninth Hour, be- 
 ing die Hour of Prayer, Atls iii. 1. And of 
 their continuing daily with one accord in the 
 Temple, and breaking Bread from Houfe to 
 Houfe, or in their Houfe, meaning the Church, 
 or Houfe of Prayer, as others render it, Alls 
 ii 46. Though their raoft folemn Meetings were 
 on the firft Day of the Week, or the Lord's 
 Day, Atts xx. '7. 1 Cor. xvi. i. In After-ages, 
 when the Perfecutions grew warm, they are 
 thought to have confined themfelves to the 
 
 Lord's Day. For the Confeflion which Pliny 
 \a\ took from the Mouths of fome apoftatizing 
 Chriflians, mentions no other: They confefTed 
 to him, that the Sum of their Crime or Error 
 was, That they were ufed to meet on a certain 
 flated Day, before it was Light, and fing an 
 Hymn to Chrift, as to their God j and to bind 
 themfelves by a Covenant or Sacrament, not un- 
 to any Wickednefs, but that they would not 
 commit any Theft, or Robbery, or Adultery, or 
 break their Faith, or deny what was commit- 
 ted to their Truftj after which they were ufed 
 to break up their AfTembly, and return again 
 to a common Feaft. Which is a plain Defcrip- 
 ton of their Worfhip and Communion, and 
 Love-Feaft, called Agape, on the Lord's Day, 
 but no other. And fo Juftin Martyr [f] defcri- 
 bing the Chriftian Worfhip, fays, That on the 
 Day called Sunday there was a general Meeting 
 of all that lived both in City and Country, when 
 they had the Scriptures read, and a Sermon 
 preached, and Prayers, and the Communion.- 
 But he mentions no AfTembly for publick Wor- 
 fhip on any other Day: Whence learned Men* (YJ 
 have concluded, That in his Time the Church 
 obferved no other Days of folemn AfTemblies, 
 but only the Lord's Day. His Silence as to ail 
 others is a Negative Argument againft them, 
 
 0] Hilar; in Pfal. 67. p. 24*. Compctenter nunc afcendentis fuper 
 
 caelum creii ad Orientern Dei Honor pofcitur. Ad Oriented ve- 
 
 ro idcirco, quia ipfe fecundum Prophetam Oriens ex alto fit : Ut 
 regreffus eo unde defccnderat, Oriens nofceretur, ipfeque fit homi- 
 nibus in hunc carleftis fcdis alcenfum rurfus autor oriundi. 
 
 [a] P.in. lib. 10. Ep. 27. Afiirmabant autem hanc fuiffe fum- 
 mam vel Gulps ft*, vel erroris, quod eflent foliti ftato die ante 
 Lucem convenire; Carmenque Chrifto, quali Deo, dicere fecum 
 
 invicem ; feque facramento non in fcelus aliquod obftringere, fed 
 ne furta, ne latrocinia, nc adulteria committerent— —quibus pera- 
 «£tis, morem libi difcedendi fuilfe, rurfufque coeundi ad capiendum 
 cibum, 8cc. [b~] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 98. t.7 to >'a/« Myo/j%jA 
 
 v'ihivatf y'irtlcu, &c. [c] Coteler. in Conftitut. Apofl. lib. 2. 
 "P-JV- 
 
 4- unlefs 
 
Cha p. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 637 
 
 unlefs perhaps fome Diftinction may be made 
 between the general Aflembly of both City and 
 Country on the Lord's Day, and the particular 
 AfTemblies of the City-Chriftians (who had bet- 
 ter Opportunities to meet) on other Days: 
 Which Diftin&ion we often meet with in the 
 following Ages, when Chriftianity was come to 
 its Maturity and Perfection. 
 
 SECT. II. However it was not long 
 
 The original of after Juftin Martyr's Time, be- 
 
 the stationary Days, fore, we are fure, the Church 
 
 or chunb AflmMfi obferved the Cuftom of meeting 
 
 2d Fridfs folenin, y for Divine Wormip on 
 
 what "Jilke ser- Wednefdays and Fridays, which 
 vice was performed Days are commonly called ftati- 
 w thofe Days. onary Days, becaufe they continu- 
 ed their AfTemblies on thefe Days 
 to a great lenth, till three a-Clock in the After- 
 noon j for which Reafon they had alfo the Name 
 of Sem-jejmia, or Half-Fafts, in Opposition to 
 the Z^-Faft, which always held till Evening; 
 and Jejuni a Quart a and Sexta Feri<e, the Fa Its 
 of the fourth and fixth Days of the Week, that 
 is, Wednefdays and Fridays. Thefe are firft men- 
 tioned by Tertullian, and Clemens Alexandrinus, 
 and Origen, and after them by moft other Wri- 
 ters, as Faft-days generally obferved by the 
 Church. But I confider them not here as Farts 
 (which will be more properly done under ano- 
 ther Head, when we come to fpeak of the Farts 
 and Feftivals of the Church) but here only look 
 upon them as Days of Religious Aflembly, to 
 difcover what publick Divine Worfhip was per- 
 formed on them. And for this we are chiefly 
 beholden to Tertullian, who allures us, that on 
 thefe Days they always celebrated the Communion, 
 from whence we may infer, that the fame Ser- 
 vice was performed on thefe Days as on the 
 Lord's Day, unlefs perhaps the Sermon was 
 wanting. Some there were, he fays, who ob- 
 jected againft receiving the Communion on thefe 
 'Days, becaufe they were fcrupuloufly afraid they 
 fhould break their Fart by eating and drinking 
 the Bread and Wine in the Eucharift j and there- 
 fore they chofe [rf] rather to abfent themfelves 
 from the Oblation Prayers, than break their 
 f^aft, as they imagined, by receiving the Eucha- 
 rift. Whom he undeceives by telling them, that 
 to receive the Eucharift on fuch Days would be 
 no Infringement of their Fall, but bind them 
 clofer to God : Their Station would be fo much 
 the more folemn for their ftanding at the Altar 
 of God j they might receive the Body of the 
 Lord, and preferve their Fart too j and fo both 
 would be fafe, whilft they both participated of 
 the Sacrifice, and difcharged their other Obliga- 
 tion. Since therefore they received the Eucha- 
 rift on thefe Days, we may conclude they had 
 all the Prayers of the Communion Office, and 
 
 what other Offices were wont to gobefore them, 
 as the Pfalmody, and Reading of the Scriptures* 
 and Prayers for the Catechumens and Penitents, 
 which together with the Sermons were the 
 whole Service for the Lord's Day. But becaufe 
 even all this could not take up near fo much 
 Time, as muft needs be fpent in thefe Stations^ 
 it feems moft probable, that in two particulars 
 they much enlarged their Service on thefe Days* 
 that is, in their Pfalmody, and private Prayers 
 and Confeffion of their Sins. The Pfalms, as! 
 we fhall fee hereafter, were fometimes lengthen- 
 ed to an indefinite Number, twenty, thirty, for- 
 ty, fifty, or more, as the Occafion of a Vigil or 
 a Fart: required, and between every Pfalm they 
 had liberty to meditate and fall to their private 
 Prayers : And by thefe two Exercifes, fo length- 
 ened and repeated, it is eafy to conceive, how 
 the longeft Station might be employed. Socra- 
 tes [e~] fiys, at Alexandria on thefe Days they 
 had Sermons and all other Service ufed at other 
 Times, except the Communion. But admitting 
 they had the whole Service entire, as on the Lord's 
 Day, yet it was not commenfurate to the Time 
 of their Stations, unlefs we fuppofe their Pfalmo- 
 dy and private Devotions in the Church to be 
 enlarged on thofe Days to a greater Length, than 
 was ufual in ordinary Service. 
 
 St. Bajil [/"] agrees with 1'ertullian in making 
 thefe Days not only Farts, but Communion; 
 Days : For reckoning up how many Days in the 
 Week they received the Communion, he makes 
 JVednefday and Friday to be two of the Num- 
 ber. Yet ftill it is hard to conceive what Bufi- 
 nefs they could have to detain the m fo long in 
 the Church : Since their Collects and publick 
 Prayers were but few in comparifon; and there- 
 fore it feems moft probable, that a competent 
 Share of this Time was fpent in Pfalmody, and, 
 as I find a learned Perfon [g] inclined to think, 
 in private Devotions, which always had a Share 
 in their Service, and was generally intermixed 
 with their finging of Pfalms, as fhall be fhewed 
 in their proper Places. See Book XIV. Chap. i. 
 Boek XV. Chap. i. «. 1. 
 
 We alfo find in antient Wri- sect. nr. 
 
 ters frequent mention made of re- Saturday, or thd 
 
 ligious AfTemblies on the Satur- fev f th D V> *** 
 
 day, or feventh Day of the Week, ^/f^ ™* 
 
 /? , . t •{% £i . / V i reat Solemnity, as 
 
 which was the Jewifh Sabbath. , Day of p i 6!ick 
 It is not eafy to tell either the Devotion. 
 Original of this Practice, or the 
 Reafons of it, becaufe the Writers of the firft 
 Ages are altogether filent about it. In the La- 
 tin Churches (excepting Milan) it was kept as 
 a Faft } but in all the Greek Churches as a Fefti- 
 val : I confider it here only as a Day of publick 
 Divine Service, on which, as the Authors who 
 mention it, aflure us, all the fame Offices were 
 
 [</] Tertul. de Oratione cap. 14. Similiter dc Stationum die- 
 bus non putant plerique Sacrificiorum Orationibus interveniendum, 
 quod ftatio folvenda lit accepto corpore Domini. Ergo devotum 
 Deo obfequium Euchariftia refolvit, an magis Deo obligat? Non- 
 ne folennior erit ftatio tua, li 5c ad Aram Dei ftecens ? Accepto 
 
 Vol. I 
 
 corpore Domini, & Re firvata, utrumque falvum eft, & partici- 
 patio facri&cii & executio officii Some Editions read it, Refer- 
 vato, in/lead of Re fervata. [e] Socrat. lib. f. cap. 22. 
 
 [/] Bafil. Ep. 289. torn. f. p. 478, f^] Stiliingfleer, Orig. 
 Britan. p. 224. 
 
 M mramns per* 
 
638 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII 
 
 performed ™ ^ere ufed to be on the Lord's Day. 
 For Athanafius (7/j, who is one of the firft that 
 mentions it, fays, they met on the Sabbath, not 
 that they were infe&ed with Judaifm, but to 
 worfhip Jefus the Lord of the Sabbath. And 
 Timotbeus, one of his Succeflbrs in the See of A- 
 lexandria, fays, the Communion was [*'] admi- 
 niftred on this Day, as on the Lord's Day. 
 Which were the only Days in the Week that 
 the Communion was received by the Chriftians 
 of his Time, at Alexandria. Socrates [k~\ is a lit- 
 tle more particular about the Service : For he 
 fays, In their Aflemblies on this Day they cele- 
 brated the Communion, only the Churches of 
 Egypt and Thebais differed in this from the reft 
 of the World, and even from their Neighbours 
 at Alexandria, that they had the Communion at 
 Evening Service. In another place, fpeaking of 
 the Churches of Confiantinople in the Time of 
 Chryfoftom, he reckons Saturday [/] and Lord's 
 Day the two great weekly Feftivals, on which 
 they always held Church Aflemblies. And Caf- 
 fian [m~] takes Notice of the Egyptian Churches, 
 that among them the Service of the Lord's Day 
 and the Sabbath was always the fame: For they 
 had the Leflbns then read out of the New Tejla- 
 ment only, one out of the Gofpels, and the other 
 out of the Epiftles or the Ads of the Apofiles- y 
 whereas on other Days they had them partly out 
 of the Old 1'efiament, and partly out of the New. 
 In another place he obferves [#], that in the 
 Monafteries of Egypt and I'hebais, they had no 
 publick Aflemblies on other Days, befldes Morn- 
 ing and Evening, except upon Saturday and the 
 Lord's Day, when they met at three a-Clock, 
 that is, nine in the Morning, to celebrate the 
 Communion. In the Council of Laodicea there 
 arc three Canons to the fame Purpofe. One [o~\ 
 appoints the Gofpels with the other Scriptures 
 to be read upon this Day. Another [/> ], that 
 the Oblation of the Bread in the Eucharift fhall 
 not be made all the Time of Lent, except on the 
 Sabbath and the Lord's Day. Which implies 
 that thofe were Communion-Days, and kept as 
 Feftivals, even in Lent itfelf. And for the fame 
 Reafon a third Canon [f] orders that no Fefti- 
 vals of Martyrs fliould be kept in Lent, but only 
 Commemorations of the Martyrs be made on the 
 Sabbath and the Lord's Day. The only Diffe- 
 rence that was then made between the Sabbath 
 and the Lord's Day, was, that Chriftians were 
 not obliged to reft from bodily [>] Labour on 
 the Sabbath, but might work on that Day (fo 
 
 far as Divine Service would permit) giving Pre- 
 ference in this Refpe6l as to the Lord? Day, 
 whereon they were to reft as Chriftians. And 
 if any tranfgrefled thefe Rules about working on 
 the Sabbath, they were to be deemed judaizers, 
 and are order'd to be anathematized by another 
 Canon of the fame Council. By which it ap- 
 pears that Saturday was kept weekly as a Day 
 of publick Worfhip, but not as a jewith Sab- 
 bath. Efiphanius [/] mentions it likewtfe as a 
 Day of publick Aflemblies in fome Places, but 
 not in all. St. Baftl [/] fays it was one of the 
 four Days in the Week, on which in his Time 
 they received the Communion. By all which 
 we may perceive that the Author of the CmJHs 
 tutions had a plain Regard to the Practice of 
 the Eaftern Church, when he prefcribed, that on 
 every Sabbath five one (that is the Saturday be- 
 fore Eafier-Day) and on every Lord's Day [«] 
 they fhould hold religious Aflemblies, and keep 
 them as the weekly Feftivals ; that is, not only 
 with Pfalmody, and reading the Scriptures, and 
 Common Prayers, which was the ordinary Ser- 
 vice of the Morning and Evening of every Day, 
 but with Sermons alfo, or Preaching the Gof- 
 pel, and the Offering of the Oblation, and Re- 
 ception of the Holy Food ; as he describes the 
 Service of the Sabbath and Lord's Day in ano- 
 ther [x] place. 
 
 Now as thefe were the two SECT. I v. 
 great Feftivals of every Week, fo 11019 theyobferv- 
 
 they were commonly ufhered in if 
 
 by the Attendance of preceding „t 1^ / 
 
 tJ n . xr . , . ,t> Bxy, and other tn- 
 
 Pernoctations or Vigils, which, clients Fefiv*is cf 
 as Harbingers, went before to Martyrs. 
 make Preparation for the Solem- 
 nities of the following Days. Thefe Vigils were 
 much of the fame nature as the common noc- 
 turnal, or daily Morning Prayer, which was ear- 
 ly before it was light : And they only differed 
 from the ufual Antelucan Service in this, that 
 whereas the ufual Morning Service never began 
 till after Midnight towards Cock-crowing in the 
 Morning, thefe Vigils were a longer Service that 
 kept the Congregation at Church the greateft 
 part of the Night. Thefe the Greeks called xav- 
 vu^WW; and the Latins, Pernoclationes £s? Per- 
 vigilia, Watchings all the Night. St. Chryfo* 
 Jlom often fpeaks of thefe : Go into the Church, 
 fays he, and there fee the Poor continuing from 
 Midnight to break of Day : Go, and fee the ho- 
 ly Perno&ations [jy] joining Day and Night 
 
 \h] Homil. de Sementc, torn.' 1. p. 1060. [i] Timoth. Ep. 
 Canon. Can. 13. ap. Bevereg. Panded. torn. 2. \k] So- 
 
 crat. lib. f, cap. 22. [/] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 8. 
 
 \m\ Caffian. inftitut. lib. 2. cap. 6. In die vero Sabbati vel Do 
 minico utrafijue Ledtiones de novo recitant Teftamento, id eft, u- 
 num de Apoftolo vel Adtibus Apoftolorum, 8c aliam de Evange- 
 liis. [»] Caffian. lib. 3. cap. 2. Exceptis Vefpcrtinis Hons 
 
 ac No&urnis congregatiouibus, nulla apud eos per diem folennitas, 
 abfque Die Sabbati vel Dominica, in quibus hora tertia facrae Com- 
 munionis obtentu conveniunt. [0] Cone. Laodic. can. 16. rise? 
 Ttt ok gclGQcLtco Ivctfy'ixtci fty r ir'iqav y&LQuv dvctyivdff- 
 [^] Ibid. can. 49. on « <Pu t« Tcoja^tK09» 
 
 tLOTQV TXeP<rtpitHV, ei pjj lv (TclSCcLTU >y KVetcLKyj y.0V0V. 
 
 ill Can. /i. oti t ft? cy 7Hxsa^.w^ fj$>TV£(ov y%vi§htw 
 
 tretCCdreii >y KvtJ.<s,y~aus. [rJCan. 29. on » <Pii yet^iM/is }«- 
 
 Xet^etv &f yzx^i&voi. tj kv^ibtZzv \*<Pct.'i?cu, \7co<ra.v clvv- 
 dipa -j^ftXe/.r«. ^ [s] Epiphan. Epitom. t. J. p. 1107. 
 \v Tift'$ tWoh >y ly t edQQeto'i o'vi'd^ta k r 7rt]iKK<riv. 
 [/] Bafil. Ep. 289. ad Csefaream Patritiam. So Auftin. Ep. 118. 
 Alibi nullus dies omittitur, quo non offeratur, alibi Sabbato tan- 
 tum & Dominico. [«] Conftit. lib. f. cap. 20. It. lib. 8. 
 cap. 33. [*] Conftit. lib. 2. cap. 5-9. p. 268. 
 
 [y] Chryf. Horn. 4. de Verbis Efais. torn. 3, p. 865-. BAeTS 
 •xavrvx'f** >h vv *li <rvyti$ 
 
 together : 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 639 
 
 together: Behold the People of Chrift, fearing 
 neiiher by Night, nor by Day, the tyran- 
 ny of Sleep or the Ncceffities of Poverty. In 
 another Place [z~] he calls them 7rdvw%oi cAMf- 
 »&%&s <sa#$s, the continued and perfect Night- 
 Stations, in Oppofition to the Stations by Day, 
 which were but partial and imperfect. By thefe, 
 he adds, you imitate the Station of the Ange- 
 lical Quire, whilft you offer up a\axa.irauso'i u,u- 
 vcXcy'tcu, Pfalmody and Hymnody without cea- 
 fing to your Creator. O the wonderful Gifcs of 
 Chrift! The Armies of Angels fing Glory to 
 God above : And on Earth Men, keeping their 
 choral Stations in the Church, fing the fame 
 Doxology after their Example. The Cherubims 
 above cry aloud, Holy, Holy, Holy, in the Trifa- 
 gion Hymn : And the Congregation of Men on 
 Earth below fend up the fame: And fo a com- 
 mon general AfTembly is made of .the Inhabiters 
 of Heaven and Earth together. Their Thankf- 
 giving is one and the fame, their Exultation 
 the fame, their joyful Choral-Station the very 
 fame. In which Words he plainly gives us to 
 underftand, that the Angelical Hymn, Glory be 
 to God on high, and the Cherubical Hymn, or 
 the Trifagion, as it was called from the Cheru- 
 bims rhrice repeating the firft Words, Holy, Ho- 
 ly, Holy, were Part of their facred Service in 
 thefe Night-Stations: Which, as I obferved be- 
 fore, were but an earlier Oblation of the ordina- 
 ry Morning-Service, wherein we mail find the 
 An ;e>ical Hymn amongft other Parts of Divine 
 Worlhip always appointed to be ufed. 
 
 It were eafy to make a long Difcourfe here 
 of the feveral forts of thefe Night-Stations, or 
 completer Vigils holding all the Night through: 
 For they were fometimes held upon extraordina- 
 ry Occafions of Prayer, upon great Emergencies 
 and Neceffities of the Church j Inftances of 
 which the curious Reader may find feveral in 
 Chryfoftom [a] and St. Auflin \b~\ and Ruffin [c] 
 and Socrates [_d~] and Sozomen [e] and I'heodo- 
 tet [/]> Sometimes again they were kept as 
 Anniverfary Vigils to ufher in the greater Fefti- 
 vals of the Nativity, Epiphany, Refurreclion, and 
 Afcenfion of Chrift, and the Defcent of the Holy 
 Ghoft at Pentecofi ; of which Sort there is men- 
 tion made in Tertullian [g], Laclantius [b]^ Chry- 
 foftom [i], Socrates [£], and many others. But 
 the Vigils we are here concerned to fpeak of, 
 are only fuch as have fome Relation to the week- 
 ly Service, of which Number we may reckon 
 thofe Vigils of the Sabbath and Lord's Day the 
 chief, becaufe they returned conftantly in the 
 weekly Revolution. Concerning which we 
 have not only the forementioned Authority of 
 Chryfoftom, but feveral others. For Socrates [/] 
 giving an Account of Athanaftus's Efcape out of 
 
 the Church of Alexandria in the Nighr, when 
 the Church was befet with Soldkrs to take him, 
 fays, it was Evening, and the People were keep- 
 ing their nocturnal Vigils, becaufe the next Day 
 was to be aSynaxis, or Church-Affembly. There- 
 fore Atbamftus fearing left the People fhould 
 fuffer upon his Account, bid the Deacon give 
 the Signal or Call to Prayer, and he commanded 
 a Pfalm to be fung, and whilft they were find- 
 ing their Pfalmody, the Soldiers were quiet, and 
 they all mean while went out at one Door of 
 the Church, and Athanafius in the mid ft of the 
 Singers efcaped untouched and fled to Rome. A- 
 thanafius himfelf [rn] has the lame Story in his 
 Apology for his Flight, where he fays, fome of 
 the People were keeping their Night-Vigil, ex- 
 pecting an AfTembly the next Day. And Socra- 
 tes in another place fpeaking of thefe no&drnal 
 Vigils kept both by the Arians, and Catholick:, 
 lays, they held them againft the weekly Fcfti- 
 vals, the Sabbath, and the Lord's Day [»], ori 
 which Days there were ufed to be general Af- 
 femblies of the Church. And becaufe the Ari- 
 ans were allowed no Churches wi chin the Wails, 
 they fung their Hymns in the Streets and Por- 
 tico's of the City till the Morning Light, and 
 then went out to their Meeting-places without 
 the Gates. And the Hiftorian obferves, that 
 Chryfoftom fearing the Arians might gain Ground 
 upon the Church by this Practice, and draw a- 
 way fome of the more fimple People, appoirred 
 fome of his own People, who were ufed to 
 nocturnal Hymnody, to meet in the Streets after 
 the fame manner - y and to make the Solemnity 
 more fplendid, the Emprefs gave them filver 
 CrofTes to let their Lamps in, appointing one 
 of her own Eunuchs, called Brifon, to be their 
 Protector. Which fo provoked the Arians, that: 
 they fell to Blows about it, and Brifon and fome 
 others were flain in the Engagement: Which 
 occafioned the Emperor wholly to put down 
 thofe Avian Meetings, and leave the Catholicks 
 quietly to go on with their Vigils in the 
 Churches, as they had done before. From thefe 
 Accounts we may eafily collect, both that there 
 were fuch weekly Vigils frequented by the more 
 zealous and religious fort of People in all Parts 
 of the Eaft, and alfo that Pfalms and Hymns 
 and Prayers were the Exercifes, wherewith they 
 entertained themfelves to the Morning Light. I 
 might add many other Testimonies out of Na- 
 zianzen [0] and other Greek Writers, but thefe 
 are abundantly fufficient to fliew us the Practice 
 of the Oriental Church. 
 
 For the Latin Church we have the Authori- 
 ty of St. Jerom, who interpreting the Word, 
 Watcher, in Daniel, fays, it fignifies the Angels, 
 who always watch, and are ready to obey the 
 
 
 
 [*] Id. Kom. 1. de Verb. Efai. p. 834. [a] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 20. de ftatuis. tores. 1. p. zr 2. & Horn. 40. in Juventinum 
 torn. 1. p. <-jp. \¥\ Aug. Confefs. lib. 9. cap. 7. Ep. 119. ad 
 Januarjum. [cj Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 12. lib. *. cap. 16. 
 
 [</] Socrat. li{?, 1. cap. 57. lib. cap. 11. [eJSozom. 
 lib. 2. cap. 29. Tib. 3. cap. 6. [/] Theod. lib. 1. cap. 14. 
 
 rg] Tertul. ad Uxor. lib. 2. cap. 4. [h] Ladtant. lib. 7. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 cap. 19. [»] Chryf. Horn, 30. in Gencf. p. 424. 
 
 |>] Socrat. lib. 7. cap. f. Vid. Eufeb. Vic. Conftant. lib. 4- 
 cap. fj. Hieronym, Com. in Mat. 25-. [/] Socrat. lib. 2. 
 cap.' 11. [mi] Athan. Apol.de Fuga. t. 1. p. 716. tt5 
 
 Acta TIVH i<&ilVVV'yj£ov, TV£?trtPo)t<Dp?f!rif ffVVet^.iCOf, 8cc. 
 
 [»] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 8. [o] Naz. Carm. Iambic. 18. t. 2; 
 p. 218. Orat. 11. de Gorgonia, t. 1. p. 183. 
 
 M m m m m z Com- 
 
640 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 Commands of God: And he adds [>], We 
 alfo by our frequent Perno&ations or Night- 
 Watches imitate the Office of Angels. And it 
 appears from him farther, that Women and Vir- 
 gins frequented this Service, as well as Men : 
 For he advifes Lata [ff\ to inure her Daughter 
 to thefe folemn Pernoclations, only cautioning 
 her to keep a Guard upon her, and not let her 
 wander from her Sidej for the fame Reafon I 
 prefume, for which the Council or Ehberts [/J 
 thought fit wholly to forbid Women the Obier- 
 vation of thefe Vigils, becaufe many under Pre- 
 tence of Frayer were found to commit Wick- 
 ednefs. There are many other Paffages in St. 
 A'lfthh and St - Hilary, and other Latin Writers, 
 which fpeak of Vigils but becaufe they may 
 be underftood either of private Watchings in 
 Prayers at Home, or of the common Vigils of 
 the Ordinary Morning Prayer before Day, I 
 omit them in this Place: Only alledging that of 
 St. Ambrofe [s] where he feems to found this 
 Practice upon the Imitation of Chrift's Exam- 
 ple!^ The Lord Jefus, fays he, continued all 
 Night in Prayer, not that he wanted the Help 
 of Prayer, but to fet thee an Example to copy 
 after: He continued all Night praying for thee, 
 that thou mighteft learn after what manner to 
 pray for thy felf. 
 
 But befides thefe Hated Vigils of the two 
 weekly Feftivals, there was another fort of in- 
 cidental ones, which came almoft every Week 
 throughout the Year, or at leali were very 
 frequent in fome parts of it : Thofe were the 
 Vigils of the Feftivals or Anniverfaries of the 
 Martyrs. Thofe Anniverfaries, as we fhall fee 
 by and by, were always in great Repute, and ob- 
 ferved with the fame Solemnities of Divine 
 Worfhip, as the Sabbath or the Lord's Dayj 
 and therefore their Vigils were alfo celebrated 
 with the fame Ceremony, as the Vigils orNight- 
 Starions of the two great weekly Feftivals. St. 
 Chryfoftom [i] is an undoubted Witnefs of this : 
 For "in an Homily made upon one of thefe Fefti- 
 vals, he takes Notice of the preceding Vigil, 
 that had continued all the Night : Ye have turn- 
 ed, fays be, the Night into Day, by keeping 
 your holy Stations all the Night: Do not now 
 turn the Day into Night again by Surfeiting and 
 Drunkennefs and lafcivious Songs. And Sidonius 
 Jpllinaris [«] will teftify the fame, at leaft for 
 fome part of the Weftern Church : For writing 
 
 about the Feftival of Jufius Biihop of Lyons, he 
 thus defcribes both the Obfervacion of the Day, 
 and the preceding Vigil : We met, fays he, at 
 the Grave of St. Jufius } it was a Morning Pro- 
 ceflion before Day > it was an anniverfary So- 
 lemnity y the Confluence of People of both 
 Sexes was fo great, that the Church, though 
 very capacious and furrounded with Cloyfters, 
 would not contain them. When the Service 
 of the Vigil was ended, which the Monks and 
 Clerical Singers performed with alternate Melo- 
 dy, we feparated for fome time, but went not 
 very far away, as being to meet again at three a 
 Clock, that is, nine in the Morning, when the 
 Priefts were to perform Divine Service, that is, 
 the Service of the Communion, as on a Feftival. 
 
 And now that we have men- sect.v. 
 tioned the Feftivals of Martyrs, of the FefthMb 
 as Days of publick religious Wor- of Martyrs, ihar 
 
 n ■ n_ i >t s> Original, and what 
 
 fhip, we muft take Notice of Blvme SlrvictVfjts 
 their Original, to find out how perform** on them. 
 early they became Days of fo- 
 lemn AddrelTes to God, and in what Offices of 
 Divine Service their Obfervation confided. 
 Thefe Feftivals were grown fo numerous in the 
 Time of Chryfofiom and Theodoret, that they tell 
 us, it was not once or twice or five Times in a 
 Year that they celebrated their Memorials, but 
 they had oftentimes one or two in the fame 
 Week [#], which occafioned frequent Solemni- 
 ties. The Original of them is at leaft to be car- 
 ried as high as the Time of Polycarp, who fuf- 
 fered abouc the Year 168. For the Church of 
 Smyrna (whereof he was Biihop) in their Epi- 
 ftlc to the Church of Philomeiium, recorded by 
 Eufebius [jy], tell them, that they intended, if 
 God would permit, to meet at his Tomb, and 
 celebrate his Birth-day, that is, the Day of his 
 Martyrdom, with Joy and Gladnefs, as well for 
 the Memory of the Sufferer, as for Example to 
 Pofterity. Tertullian fpeaks of thefe Anniverfary 
 Feftivals, as obferved in his Time. We offer, 
 fays he, Oblations for thofe that are dead, for 
 their [z] Nativities on their Anniverfary-Day. 
 And Cyprian [a] orders his Clergy to note down 
 the Days of their Deceafe, that a Commemora- 
 tion of them might be celebrated amongft the 
 Memories of the Martyrs. And in another Place 
 [b~] he fays, they offered Sacrifices for them, as 
 often as they celebrated their Paflions, or Days 
 
 [*] Hieron. Com. in Dan. 4. 1 5. Significat autem Angelos, 
 quod Temper vigilent, 8c ad Dei imperium Tint parati.^ Unde 8c 
 nos crebris Perno&ationibus imitamur Angelorum officia. 
 [q] Id. Ep. 7. ad Lxtam. Vigili-rum dies 8c folennes PemodTra- 
 tiones fic virguncula noftra celebret, ut ne tranfverfo quidem un- 
 gue a matre dilcedat. [>] Cone. Eliber. Can. & Pla- 
 
 cet .prchibcri, ne Fcemin* in Ccemiterio pervigilent ; eo quod 
 fepe fub obtentu Orationis latenter fcelera coramittant. 
 [j] Ambr. Serm. 19. in Pfal. 11S, ver. 147. p. 740. Pernodta- 
 bat in oratione Doniinus Jefus, non indigens precationis auxilio, 
 fed ftatuens tibi imitationis exemplum. Me pro te rogans perno- 
 ftabat, ut tu difecres quomodo pro te rogares. [/] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. fo. in Martyret. torn. j. p. 779- tvotntrctn ihv vv%\& 
 
 t>V nfAtpav vtlifla, J'/a t%( jte&dift. 8cc. [«] Sidon. 
 Ub. $. Epift. 17. Conveneramus ad Sancii Jufti Sepulchrum 
 
 Proceflio fuerat antelucana, folennitas anniverfaria, populus ingens 
 fcxu ex utroque, qucm capaciffima Bafiiica non caperet, 8c quam- 
 libet cin&a diffufis Cryptoporticibus. Cultu peradto Vigiliarum, 
 quas alternante mUcedine monichi ciericique Pfalmicincs concelo 
 braverant, quifque in diverfa fecellimus, non prccul tamen, utpote, 
 ad Tertiam praefto futuri, cum facerdotibus res Divina facienda. 
 [#] Vid. Chryf.- Horn. 40. in Juventinum. t. 1. p. ^46. Theod. 
 Serm. 8. de Martyribus. t. 4. p. 6oj. Chryf. Horn. 6r . de Mar- 
 tyr, t. 4. p. 971. [7] Eufeb. lib. 4. cap. tp, [fc] Tertul. 
 de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. Oblationes pro dcfun&is, pro Nataliriis, 
 annua die facimus. [a] Cypr. Ep. 12. al. 37. Deniquc 
 
 8c dies eorum quibus excectent annotare ut commemoratione s 
 eorum inter Memorias Martyrum celebrate pcflimus. 
 [6] Id. Ep. 39. al. 34. p. 77. Sacriticia pro iis temper, ut nie- 
 miniftis, offerimus, quoties Martyrum Pafliones 8c dies anniverfa- 
 ria commemoratione celebramus. 
 
 of 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 64.1 
 
 of Martyrdom by an Anniverfary Commemora- 
 tion Thcfe Sacrifices were the Sacrifices of 
 Prayer, and Thankfgiving to God for the Ex- 
 amples of the Martyrs, and the Celebration of 
 X W. Eucharifi on thefc Days, and the Offerings 
 of /Vims and Oblations for the Poor, which to- 
 gether with a Panegyrical Oration or Sermon, 
 and reading the Afts or Paflion of the Martyr, it 
 they had any fuch recorded, were the Exercilcs 
 and fpecial Ads of Devotion, in which they fpent 
 thefc Days For thefe were always efteemed high 
 Feilivals, and therefore the fame Service that was 
 performed on the Sabbath and Lord's Day, was 
 always performed on them. They never pafled 
 without a full Afiembly, nor without a Sermon 
 or a Communion, as appears trom fome of Cbry- 
 foftom't Homilies upon fuch Occafions. I o di - 
 fuade the People from Intemperance, he bids 
 them confider how abfurd it was M after fuch 
 a Meeting, after a whole Night s Vigil, after 
 hearing the Holy Scriptures, after participating 
 of the Divine Myftcries, after fuch a fpirituu 
 Repair, for a Man or a Woman to be found 
 fpendmg whole Days in a Tavern. The Foun- 
 d«t on of his Argument is built upon this Sup- 
 pofitton, that they had received the Eucharifi in 
 Sie Church before, in celebrating the Memori- 
 al of a Martyr. And fo Sidomus Apollimris re- 
 prefents the Matter in the Paflage iuifc now ci- 
 ted from him \_d\ that after they had kept the 
 Vi«il of St. Juftus the Nigta preceding, they 
 aflcmblcd again by Day at nine m the Morning, 
 when the Priefts did rem divinam jacere, otter the 
 Oblation, or confecrate the Eucharifi, as Savaro 
 [e~] rightly interprets it. ; _ 
 
 But befides the ufual Solemnities of other Fe- 
 ftivals, there was one Thing peculiar to thefc 
 Fcftivals of the Martyrs: Which was, that the 
 Hiftory of their Paflions, as they were taken by 
 the Notaries, appointed by the Church for this 
 Purpofe, were commonly read in the Aflembly 
 upon fuch Occafions. It was at lcaft the com- 
 mon Praftice of the African Churches For St. 
 
 Auftin r n f p eaks of iz as an , Thin §' , in " 
 
 dulaine his People Liberty to fit, w mill they 
 heard them read, becaufe chey were fometimes 
 of a confiderable length. And the third Coun- 
 cil of Carthage [g] made a Canon to encourage 
 the Reading of them. Mabillon [£] gives feve- 
 ral other lnftances out of Alcimus Avitus, C<efa~ 
 rius Arelatenfis, and Ferreolus, to fhew that they 
 were read alfo in the French Churches. Only 
 they were forbidden in the Roman Church by 
 the Decree of Pope Gelafius [*'] in his Synod 
 of feventy Biftiops, under Pretence that they 
 
 were written by Anonymous Authors, and fome- 
 times by ignorant Heathens, and fometimes by 
 heretical Authors, as the Parens of Cyrkus, Ju- 
 litta, and St. George. For which Reafon they 
 had by antient Cuftom prohibited the reading 
 of them in the Roman Church. But this Rule 
 it feems did not thenprefcribe to other Churches. 
 
 It may be farther obferved, sect. vr. 
 that during the whole forty Days SoUma A fc mbl <" 
 oiLent, they had continual Af- & ^ifl 
 fembhes not only for Prayers, vim mr p lip heli 
 but Preaching alfo: As is evi- every Day, during 
 dent from Chryfofiom's Sermons, the whole forty Days 
 many of which were preach- */ Lcnr > tht 
 ed by him fucceffively one Day g& Day, town 
 after another throughout the Kga^ whlt ' 
 greateft Part of that Seafon j as 
 his Homilies upon Genefis, and thofe famous Dif- 
 courfes called his av&Vtav-rsr, preached at sln- 
 tioch in Lent upon the Occalion of a Tumult, 
 wherein the Emperor's Statues were demolimed. 
 And many other lnftances may be given of the 
 fame Practice, of which more hereafter under 
 the Head of Preaching in the next Book [ : ]. 
 'Tis true indeed they did not always confecrate 
 the Eucharifi in Lent, but only upon the Sab- 
 bath and Lord's Day, as we learn from the 
 Council of Laodicea [£], which expreilv forbids 
 the Oblation of the Bread in Lent upon any o- 
 ther day befides the Sabbath and the Lord's 
 Day. The Reafon of which was, that thefe 
 two Days wee obferved as Fcftivals even in 
 Lent itfelfj and they did not ordinarily confe- 
 crate the Eucharifi upon the foiemn Fafts in the 
 Time of this Council : But inftead of the Con- 
 fecration Service, they had probably that which 
 in the following Ages is called ir^yiaTiM^v 
 Xen-sfy/a, Mijfa Prafanciificatorum, the Office of 
 the prefan&ified Elements, which was a ihorter 
 Service for Communicating on Faft-Days in the 
 Elements that were confecrated before on the 
 Lord's-Day Feftival, about which there is a 
 particular Direction in the Council of I'ruilg. 
 Can. fz. So that one way or other they feem 
 to have had both a Communion and a Sermon 
 every Day in Lent. 
 
 Then again the fifty Days between Eafter and 
 Whiifontide were a fort of perpetual Feftival, 
 and obferved with great Solemnity, as Days of 
 Joy, from the Time of Tertullian, who menti- 
 ons it, and triumphs over the Heathen upon it, 
 that befides the Sunday, which returned once in 
 eight Days, this one continued Feftival [/] of 
 Pentecofi was more than all the Feftivals the 
 
 0] Chryf Horn. $9. de Martyribus t. 7. p. 779. [</] Si- 
 don, lib. f . Ep. 17. W Savaro. Comment, in Sidon. 
 [/] A U £. Horn. 26. ex fo. t. 10. p. 174. Quando aut Paffio- 
 nes prolix ? aut c ...as aliquae Leftioaes longiores, qui ftare non 
 poflbnr, humiliter &. cum filentio fedemes, attentis auribus audiant 
 qua: legumur. [g] Con. Carth. j. can. 47. Liceat etiam 
 
 iegi Palliones Martyr u a;, cum anniverfarii dies eorum celebrantur. 
 [h] Mabillon. de Curia Gallicano. p. 403. See. [<] Ge- 
 
 laf. Decret. ap. Crab. took. » P- 99*- Singular! tfautela, fecun- 
 dum Mttiquam confuetudinem, in fandta Romana Ecclefia non le- 
 
 guntur, quia 8c eorum qui conferipfere, nomina penitus ignorantur; 
 8c ab infideiibus Idiotis fuperflua, aut minus apta, quam rei oido 
 fuerit, fcripta eiTe putantur, ficut cujufdam Cyrici & J ulitse ficut 
 Georgii aliorumque hujufmodi Pafiiones, quae ab Hasreucis perhi- 
 bentur compohtae. [*] Book XIV. Chap. iv. 
 
 \_k] Cone. Laodic. Can. 49. on « fit t'a Tiasa^^ etflov 
 
 [2] Tertul. deldololat. cap. 14. Ethnicis femel annum diesquifquc 
 feftus eft: Tibi odiavo quoque die. Excerpe fingulas folennitates 
 Nationum, 81 in ordinem texe, Pentecoften implere non poterunt. 
 
 Heathen 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 Heathen could pretend to reckon up in a whole 
 Year. He does not tell us here indeed with 
 what Solemnity they obferved this Time, but 
 in another place he aflures us [ni] they had fo- 
 lemn Wormip every Day, and paid the fame 
 RefpccT: to it as they did to the Lord's Day, in 
 that they neither failed nor prayed kneeling on 
 any Day during this whole Interval, which was 
 the Commemoration of our Saviour's Refurrecli- 
 on and Afcenfion. Whence it is no improbable 
 Conjecture, that during this Seafon they might 
 have the fame compleat Worfhip every Day, 
 that they had upon the Lord's Day. 
 
 sect. v:i. And this Confideration will 
 Snblkk Fryer } ea£ J us t0 fi x tne date of the fct- 
 ^cS^StS tin § U P Morning and Evening 
 2tbZ y cmZy W Prayer daily in the Church For 
 if the Periecutions would give 
 leave in Tertullian's Time to keep fifty Days to- 
 gcher as iolemn Feftivals; there is no Reafon 
 to imagine that they could not as well meet e- 
 very Day for their ordinary Devotions. And 
 if Wednesdays and Fridays were then obferved as 
 ftationary Days, with more than ordinary At- 
 tendance, as we have heard him declare before; 
 there is little Reafon to queftion, but that every 
 Day might have an ordinary Vigil or Morning 
 Aflembly. It was not long after Tertullians 
 Time, that Cyprian \_n\ allures us, they received 
 the Eucharift every Day; and he thinks, that 
 Petition in the Lord's Prayer may bear this Senfe, 
 when we fay, Give us this Day our daily Bread : 
 Which was alfo %'ertuUiari's Senfe of it before 
 him [0]. Now this is Demonftration then, that 
 they had AfTemblies for publick Worfhip every 
 Day, fince they received the Euchariji every 
 Day, which they did not ufe to confecrate but 
 in publick AfTemblies of the Church. From 
 this Time therefore there is no Difpute a- 
 bout the Church's daily Sacrifice of Prayer in 
 her Morning AfTemblies : Which in After-a- 
 ges are commonly called Coetus dntclucani, 
 Vigilia, Hora Notlurna, becaufe they were 
 a fort of ordinary Vigils, or Night AfTemblies, 
 held before it was light, though not fp early as 
 thofe other Sort of Vigils, or Night- Stations 
 before the Sabbath and Lord's Day, which 
 were of longer Duration, as has been noted al- 
 ready of them in its proper Place. 
 
 As to Evening Prayer, publick in the Church, 
 Mr. Mede [j>] thinks there is no mention made 
 
 of it in Cyprian or 'TertuUian, nor in any Writers 
 before the Author of the Confiitutions and the 
 Council of Laodicea: He thinks the ninth Hour 
 of Prayer mentioned by Cyprian [f], relates only 
 to private Prayer; which is very probable: And 
 that Tertullian's NoUurna Convocations , mean 
 not Evening but Morning Prayers early before 
 Day; which is undoubtedly true: But then he 
 feems not to have confidered, that in Cyprians 
 Time there was a Cuftom among fome of Com- 
 municating after Supper : For he plainly menti- 
 ons it [r], though he did not like the Cuftom j 
 And this Cuftom continued among the Egypti- 
 ans till the Time of Socrates [r], who fpeaks of 
 it then as fomething peculiar to thofe Churches. 
 Now if there was a Cuftom in Cyprian's Time 
 of Communicating after Supper, there is no 
 doubt to be made of Evening Prayer at the fame 
 Time. Rigaltius [V] and after him Bifliop Fell 
 (Vj and Dr. Cave jV] carry this Cuftom of com- 
 municating after Supper as high as Tertullian: 
 But I think they miftake his Words : For he 
 does not fay, that they communicated after Sup- 
 P er but that Chrift at Supper-time gave 
 
 the Command for the Sacrament of the Eucha- 
 riji to all, though then they communicated in 
 their Morning iifTemblies, and received it from 
 the Hands of none but their Governors. I lay 
 no Strefs therefore upon this Proof, but think 
 the Proof of Evening Prayer may be rationally 
 deduced from that of Cyprian. After whom the 
 Author of the Confiitutions not only fpeaks of ic 
 [z], but gives us the Order both of their Morn- 
 ing and Evening Service, with which I fhall 
 prefent the Reader in the following Chapters. 
 The Council of Laodicea fpeaks of the Evening 
 Service [a] together with that of the Nones, or 
 three in the Afternoon, and orders the fame Ser- 
 vice to be ufed in both. The Greeks commonly 
 call it Xu^va-^/a, and the Latins Lucernarium y 
 becaufe it commonly began at the Time when 
 the Day went off, and when they lighted Can- 
 dles for the Night. It is likewife frequently 
 flyled Sacrificium Fefpertinwm, the Evening Sa- 
 crifice, and Miff a Fefpertina, as thofe Names arc 
 ufed to fignify in general the Service or Prayers 
 of the Church. And thefe two, Evening and 
 Morning, are the moll celebrated Times of the 
 antient daily Service, which are to be found al- 
 moft in every Ecclefiaftical Writer ; fo that it is 
 altogether needlefs here to infift any farther upon 
 them. 
 
 ■ 
 
 ——————— 
 
 [ot] Tcrtul. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. Die Dominico jejunium 
 nefas ducimus, vel de geniculis adorare. Eadem immunitate a die 
 Pafcha; in Pentecoften ufque gaudemui. [»] Cypr. de Orat. 
 
 Domin. p. 14.7. Hunc panem dari nobis quoridie poftulamus, ne 
 qui in Chrifto fumus, & quotidie Euchariftiam ad cibum falutis 
 
 accipimus, intercedente aliquo graviore delidto a Chrifti cor- 
 
 pcrc iepareraur. [«] Tertul. de Orat. cap. 6. Corpus ejus 
 
 in pane cenfetur. Hoc eft corpus mcum : Itaque petendo panem 
 qpctidianum, pcrpetuitatem poftulamus in Chrifto, 8c Jndividuita- 
 tem a corpore ejus. [p] Mede Epift. 66. p. 80. 
 
 [q] Cypr. de Orat. Dom. p. 1J4. [r] Cypr. Ep. 63. 
 
 M Csecuum. p. ic6. An ilia fibi aliqm's contemplatione blandi- 
 
 tur, quod 5c fi mane aqua fola oflerri videtur, tamen cum ad cce- 
 nandum venimus, mixtum calicem offerimus? [j] Socrat. 
 
 lib. f. cap. 12. [?] Rigalt. in Cypr. Ep. 63. 
 
 [»] Fell, in dictum Cypriani locum. [#] Cave Prim. Chrift. 
 Par. r. cap. u. p. 338. \y~\ Tertul. de Cor. Mil. cap. 3. 
 
 Euchariftiae facramentum 8c inte mpore viiftus, & omnibus man- 
 datum a Domino, etiam antelucanis coetibus, nec de aliorum manu 
 quam Prasfidentium fumimus. [&] Conftit. lib. 8. c. 35-. 
 
 [*] Cone. Laodic. Can. 18. 78 thk cwtm KeiT^yictv r 
 
 iv/uv TdV/oTS ^ iv reu{ cvyjircuf 9$ 7<M{ \<jts\^r.ii «- 
 
 There 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 643 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 The Original of the 
 Canonical Hours of 
 Prayer. No notice 
 of them for pttblkk 
 Prayer, but only for 
 private, in the three 
 firft SJges. 
 
 There remains one Quefti- are all of them owing to the Rules of the Ea- 
 on more concerning thofe Times ftern Monasteries for their Original. Therefore 
 which are commonly what a Learned Man [£] among ourfelves fays, 
 
 mult be taken with a little Qualification, elfe ic 
 
 of Prayer, 
 
 called the Canonical Hours, that 
 is, befides the fore-mentioned E- 
 vening and Morning Prayer, thofe 
 that are called the Firft, the 
 Third, the Sixth, and the Ninth 
 Hours, with the Completorium or Bed-time. They 
 Sho h'Je made Z moil exad Enquiries into 
 the Original of thefc as fixed Hours of publick 
 Prayer, can find no Footfteps of them in the 
 three firft Ages, but conclude they came firft in- 
 to the Church with the Monaftick Life. So Mr. 
 Mede [*], and Bifhop Pear/on [>], , who obferves 
 that Teriullian mentions the Third, Sixth, 
 
 and 
 
 a 
 cc 
 u 
 it 
 a 
 (C 
 cc 
 
 Ninth Hours of Prayer j but then he is difputing 
 as a Montanift [rf] againft the Catholicks, and 
 urging the Neceffity of obfervmg the Rules of 
 the Montanifis in all the Heights of their Aufte- 
 rities, and Pretences of Mortification and Devo- 
 tion above the Church. And he docs not inti- 
 mate, that either the Montanifts or the Cathohcks 
 obferved thefe Hours for publick Afiembl.es. Cy 
 indeed recommends [<?] thefc Hours or 
 
 will not be true: " That the Univerfal Church 
 " antiently obferved certain fet Hours of Prayer j 
 that all Chriftians thoughout the World might 
 at the fame Time join together to glorify 
 God: And fome of them [/] were of Opini- 
 on, that the Angelical Hoft, being acquainted 
 with thofe Hours, took that Time to join 
 their Prayers and Praifes with thofe of the 
 Church." If this be underftood of any Rule 
 or Cuftom of the Univerfal Church for Hours of 
 publick Prayer, befides thofe of Morning and 
 Evening, in the three firft Ages, it will not be 
 true: But if it only mean, that there were Di- 
 rections given for the Encouragement of private 
 Prayer at thofe fet Times, and that Chriftians ge- 
 nerally obferved them in private, it may be al- 
 lowed: Since not only Origen, but Cyprian, as 
 we have heard before, writes in favour of them, 
 and Clemens Alexandrinus \_m~] fays, fome alloted 
 fet Hours for Prayer, the Third, Sixth, and 
 Ninth. So neceflary is it to diftinguilh between 
 
 votions. — 
 
 geft, that the Church had then by any Rule 
 made thefe the ftated Hours of publick Devoti- 
 That which evidently confirms this Opini- 
 
 on 
 on 
 
 Church Univerfal. For even after they were fee 
 up in the Monafteries, they were not immedi- 
 ately obferved in all the Churches. For Epipha- 
 
 n Obfervation to be made out of CaJJian, nius [»] fpeaking of the Cuftoms of the Catho- 
 who particularly defcribes the Devotions of thefe lick Church, mentions the Morning Hymns and 
 fLrA&nal Honrs, and the gradual Rife of them. Prayers, and the Evening Pfalms and Prayers, 
 
 Canonical Hours, and the & 
 For they had not all their Original at the lame 
 Time. The firft Monks of Egypt, who were 
 the Founders of the Monaftick Life, he attires 
 never obferved any other Canonical Hours 
 
 us, 
 
 for 
 
 but no other. So Chryfoftom often mentions the 
 daily Service in the Church [0] Morning and 
 Evening. And at the mo ft never fpeaks of above 
 three Times [/>] a-day for publick AlTemblies. 
 
 publick Devotion, but only Evening and For thus he brings in a fecular Man complaining, 
 
 Morning early [/] before Day: All the reft of 
 their Time they fpent at work privately, joining 
 
 bour. Not long „ 
 totamia and Palefiine fet up the Pradtce of meet- 
 ing publickly at the third, fixth, and ninth Hours 
 for performing their Pfalmody M and Devon- 
 
 and faying, How is it poffible for me, who am 
 a fecular Man, and pinn'd down to the Courts 
 of Law, to run to Church and pray at the three 
 Hours of the Day? In arifwer to which Chry- 
 foftom does not fay, that the Church had thefe 
 three Hours of Prayer for Laymen, and more for 
 others i but he tells the Man of Bufinefs, that if 
 he could not come to Church, becaufe he was 
 
 ons But as yet there was no new Morning Ser- fo fettered to the Court, yet he might pray even 
 vice diftind from that of the old Morning Ser- as he flood there j fince it was the Mind and 
 Ivfore Dav This was firft begun in the the Voice, and the Elevation of the Soul, rather 
 
 vice before Day. This was farit begu 
 
 Monaftery of Bethlecm [>], and thence propaga- than the lifting up of the Hands, that was to be 
 tec 1 into others, but not received in all. And the regarded in Prayer. For Hannah s Prayer was 
 
 Completorium or Bed-time Service was utterly un- 
 known to the Ancients, as diftind from the Lu- 
 cernaris, or Evening Service, as Bona [/] himlelr 
 proves againft Bellarmin. So that thete Canoni 
 
 For Hannah's 
 not heard for her loud Voice, but becaufe fhe 
 cry'd aloud inwardly in her Soul. This feems to 
 intimate that the Church then only obferved 
 three Hours of Prayer, that is, the Evening and 
 
 cal Hours came gradually into the Church, and Morning, and as I conceive the Nones, or Three 
 
 lb] Mide Epift. 66. [f] Pearfon Prxledi.i. in Aft. Apoft. 
 
 num. 3,+. [</] Tertul. de Jejun. cap. 10. [e] Cypr. de Orat. 
 Domin. p. 1 5-4. [/] CatTian. Inftitut. Lib. 3 . cap. 2. [g] Caff. 
 Lib. 3. cap. 3. \h] Caff. Lib. 3. cap. 4. ['] Bonade Pfalmod. 
 cap. 1 1. Sett. 1. n.2. [k] Patrick of Prayer, Part. 2. Chap. 1 1. 
 
 p. 109. [/] Origen. <zfeX efl^Jfo fl.33.3r [>] Clem. 
 
 Alex. Strom. 7. p.8/4. Ed. Oxon. £«J Epiphan. Expof Fid. 
 
 8 
 
 11.23.T. i.p.1106. 'EeSiyol ri t/jAvol lvd.v}~\ T~ StyiA hiKX^tTlet 
 
 4&\pit % '4tpw4%&i CO chr y f - Hom - iS - iri Aa. 
 
 p.174, 176 Horn. 6. in 1 Tim. p. iy;c ' [/>] Chryf. Hom , 
 
 4. de Anna. torn. 2. p. 995-. FIt?i J'uvalh' &9$<>i>rov .''t/.i; = 
 
 J in 
 
644- 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the Book XIII- 
 
 in the Afternoon. For by this Time, in fome 
 Places, the Church had received that Hour as a 
 ftated Hour of Prayer, of which more by and 
 by. Yet it was fome Time after this, before 
 thefe Hours were admitted in the Galilean and 
 Spanijh Churches. For Mabillon fhews \j] out 
 of Gregory Turonenfis, that the fixth and ninth 
 Hours of Prayer were not introduced into the 
 Church of Tours till the Time of Bifhop Inju- 
 riofus, which was not till the Year no. And it 
 appears from one of the Canons of Martin Bra- 
 carenfis, that they were not in his Time admitted 
 into the Spanijb Churches. For he calls only [f] 
 the Morning and Evening Service the daily Sa- 
 crifice of Pfalmody, at which all Clerks were 
 obliged to be prefent, under Pain of Depofition 
 without Amendment. This argues, that as yet. 
 the other Hours were not eftablifhed in the 
 Churches (but only in the Monafteries) as Cano- 
 nical Parts of the daily Service. And it is ob- 
 fervable farther, that moft of the Writers of the 
 fourth Age, who fpeak of fix or feven Hours of 
 Prayer, fpeak of the Obfervations of the Monks 
 only, and not of the whole Body of the Church. 
 As St. Jerom [j] where he defcribes the Itiftitu- 
 tions of the Monafteries erected by the famous 
 Lady Paula, fays, they fung the Pfalter in order, 
 in the Morning, at the third, and fixth, and 
 ninth Hours, and at Evening, and at Midnight. 
 And giving Directions in another Place [/] to 
 Lata, how to educate her Daughter in the Mo- 
 naftick Life, he prefcribes the fame Hours to be 
 obferved in Devotion. And the like may be feen 
 in St. Bafil, Gregory Nyjfen, Cajfian, Caffiodore, 
 and moft other Writers i nay, even St. Chryfoftom 
 himfelf who fpeaks but of three folemn Hours 
 of Prayer in the Church, when yet he has occa- 
 fion to fpeak of the Monks and their Inftituti- 
 ons, he gives in much the fame Number of Ca- 
 nonical Hours as others do. He tells us [«], 
 they had their Midnight Hymns, their Morning 
 Prayers, their third, and fixth, and ninth Hours, 
 and laft of all their Evening Prayers. But I will 
 not deny that by this Time thefe Hours of Pray- 
 ers might in fome Places of the Eaft be admitted 
 into the Churches. For the Author of the Con- 
 fiitutions has different Directions upon this Point : 
 In fome places [#] he fpeaks only of Morning 
 and Evening Prayer in the Church ; but in ano- 
 ther he prefcribes this Rule to be obferved by 
 the Bifhops in the Church : Ye lhall make Pray- 
 ers [jv] in the Morning, and at the third Hour, 
 and the Sixth, and the Ninth, and at Evening, 
 and at Cock-crowing. In the Morning giving 
 
 Thanks to the Lord for that he hath enlighten- 
 ed you, removing the Night, and bringing in 
 the Day : At the third Hour, becaufe at that 
 Time the Lord received Sentence of Condemna- 
 tion from Pilate : At the fixth Hour, becaufe at 
 that Time, after the Lord was crucified, all 
 Things were fhaken and moved with Horror and 
 Aftonifhment at the audacious Fad of the Im- 
 pious Jews, detefting the Affront that was put 
 upon their Lord : At Evening giving Thanks to 
 God, who hath given the Night to be a Reft 
 from our daily Labours : At Cock-crowing, be- 
 caufe that Hour brings the welcome News of 
 the Day, to work the W orks of Light. If you 
 cannot go to Church becaufe of the Infidels, you 
 lhall affemble in an Houfe : Or if you can nei- 
 ther affemble in an Houfe, nor in the Church, 
 then let every one fing, read, and pray by him- 
 felf i or two or three together: For where two or 
 three are gathered together in my Name, there am I 
 in the midft of them. One may conjecture from 
 this PafTage, that this Author living in the 
 Time when thefe Canonical Hours began to be 
 in requeft, in the beginning of the fourth Cen- 
 tury, found them to be admitted into the U- 
 fage of fome Churches, and therefore drew his 
 Scheme of Directions in conformity to their Pra- 
 ctice. 
 
 And it being allowed, That sect. IX. 
 about this Time they began gra- Wh*t Service was 
 dually to take Place in the Church, "Hotted to thefe ca- 
 rt will not be amifs to take a fhort by the 
 View of them in particular, and 
 examine what Parts of Divine Service were per- 
 formed in each of them. CaJJian fpeaking of the 
 firft Inftitution of them in the Monafteries of 
 Mefopotamia and Paleftine, where they had their 
 firft Birth, fays [z] they were appointed to be 
 celebrated with the finging of three Pfalms at 
 every meeting. And thefe intermixed with fome 
 Prayers were the whole Service. So that thefe 
 were but fhort Offices in comparifon of the an- 
 tient Morning and Evening Service. And there 
 is reafon to believe, that the Church did not pre- 
 cifely follow thefe Monaftick Rules, but made 
 proper Offices for herfelf to be ufed upon thefe 
 Occafions, partly becaufe the Monaftick Offices 
 were very different from one another, and not 
 always chofen with the greateft Difcretion. Of 
 which I need but give one Proof here out of the 
 Council of Braga, which made a Canon to this 
 purpofe [a], That by common Confent one and 
 the fame Order of finging fhould be obferved in 
 
 [q] Mabil. de Curfu Gallicano, p. 409. [r] Martin. 
 
 Bracar. Capitul. Synod, cap. 64. Si quis Clericus intra Civitatem 
 fuerif, aut in quohbet loco quo Ecclelia eft, 8c ad Quotidianum 
 Pfallendi Sacrificium non convenerit, deponatur a Clero, &cc. 
 f j] Hieron. Epitaph. Paulae. Epift. 27. cap. 10. Mane, hora tenia, 
 fexta, nona, Vefpere, noclis medio, per ordinem Pfalterium canta- 
 .bant. [f] Id. Ep. 7. ad Lxtam. Affuefcat exemplo ad 
 
 Orationes 8c Pfalmos no£te confurgere, mane hymnos canere, ter- 
 tia, fexta, nona hora ftare in acie, quaii bellatricem Chriftn accen- 
 iaque Lucema reddere Sacrificium Vefpertinum. [«] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 14. in 1 Tim. p. 1799. [*] Conftit. lib. 2. cap. 5-9. 
 
 lib. 8. cap. 2 f. [y] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 34. Caf- 
 
 fian. Inftitut. lib. 2. cap. 3. Itaque in Paleftinas vel Mefbpotamiaf 
 Monafteriis, ac totius Orientis, fupradi&arum Horarum folennitates 
 trinis Pfalmis quotidie finiuntur. [«] Cone. Bracarenf. i. 
 
 Can. 19. Placuit omnibus communi confenfu, ut unus atque idem 
 pfallendi ordo in Matutinis vel Vefpertinis Officiis teneatur, 5c non 
 diverfae ac private Monafteriorum confuetudines contra Ecclefiafticas 
 Regulas fint permixts , vel cum Ecclefiaflicis Regulis lint per- 
 mixt*. 
 
 the 
 
 / 
 
C H A P. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 the Morning and Evening Offices, and that the 
 private and different Cuftoms of the Monafterics 
 fhould not be mingled with the Rules of the 
 Church. 
 
 The Gallican Church in the Time of the fe- 
 cond Council of Tours, it is certain, had a very 
 different Rule from that of the Eajlern Monaftc- 
 ries about the Number of Pfalms, Hymns, and 
 Antiphona's to be faid at the feveral Hours and 
 Times of Prayer. For in one of the Cannons of 
 that Council |>] about the Year f 67, a very pe- 
 culiar Order was made, that the Method of Pfal- 
 mody and Number of Hymns mould be in pro- 
 portion to the Number of the Hours or Months 
 in which they were ufed : The new Morning 
 Service was to be performed with fix Antipho- 
 na's and two Pfalms in the height of Summer. 
 In September there were to be feven Antiphona's 
 and two Pfalms j in Oftober eight Antiphona's and 
 three Pfalms j in November nine and three Plalms; 
 in December ten and three Pfalms j and the lame 
 in 'January and February until Eafier. So again 
 at the fixth Hour there were to be fix Plalms 
 and the Alleluia, and at the twelfth Hour twelve 
 Pfalms and the Alleluia. And in the whole 
 Month of Auguft there mould be Manications, 
 that is, as Mabillon [c] explains it out of Aimoi- 
 nus [d], early Mattins or Morning Service with- 
 out any Pfalms, becaufe it was Harveft-time, 
 and Men were in hafte to be gone to their La- 
 bour, when they had performed the Solemnity 
 of the Feftivals, which in that Month were fre- 
 quent above others. This fhews, that no certain 
 Rule was at firft obferved about thefe Canonical 
 Hours, but that they varied both as to their 
 Number and Service in their firft Original. 
 
 SECT. X. The firft of thefe Offices was 
 of <^Matutina,or the Matutina, ox Prima, the new 
 Prima , called the Morning Service, fo call'd in con- 
 mv> Morning Ser- tradiftin&ion to the old Morn- 
 ing Service, which was always 
 early before Day 5 whereas this was after the Day 
 was begun. Caffian [e~] tells us, this was firft 
 fet up in the Monaftery of Bethleem, for till that 
 Time the Morning Service ufed to end with the 
 old nocturnal Pfalms and Prayers and the daily 
 Vigils, after which they ufed to betake them- 
 felves to Reft till the third Hour, which was the 
 firft Hour of diurnal Prayer, till this new Office 
 of Morning Prayer was fet up within Cajfiatis 
 Memory, to prevent fome Inconveniencics, which 
 
 he there mentions. He often gives it the Name 
 therefore of Novella folennitas, the new Solem- 
 nity, as being fo lately invented. And this is the 
 true Reafon, why in moft of the Writers before 
 Caffian, fuch as St. Jtrom, the Author of the 
 Conflitutions, St. Bafil, and others who fpeak par- 
 ticularly of the Canonical Hours, there is no men- 
 tion of this firft Hour, but they always reckon 
 them up after this manner, The Morning, mean- 
 ing the Morning Vigil before Day, the Third, 
 the Sixth, the Ninth, without mentioning the 
 Firft, becaufe it was not in their Time as \et be- 
 come an accuftomed Hour of Prayer. But when 
 it was once made a Canonical Hour, to compleat 
 the Number of feven times a-day, then there 
 were Pfalms particularly appointed for this Ser- 
 vice, which Caffian [/] fays were thefe three, 
 the fiftieth, fixty fecond, and eighty ninth ; 
 which according to our Computation are the 
 fifty firft, fixiy third, and ninetieth. The firft 
 of which is that which the Ancients called pro- 
 perly the Pfalm of Confeffion, or Penitential 
 Pfalm, which begins, Have Mercy upon me, O 
 God, after Thy great Goodnefs : According to tb« 
 Multitude of Thy Mercies do away mine Offences. 
 This, Caffian fays in the fame place, was ufed by 
 all the Churches of Italy in his Time as theClofe 
 of this Morning Service. The fecond of thefe 
 Pfalms is that which the Ancients called by a pe- 
 culiar Name, the Morning Pfalm, as we fhall fee 
 hereafter, becaufe it begins with thofe Words, 
 O God, my God, early will I awake unto Thee, or 
 early will I feek Thee-, and was always ufed in the 
 old Antelucan Service, before this new Service 
 was fet up. The third of thefe Pfalms, which 
 is the ninetieth, feems to be taken into this Ser- 
 vice upon the account of thofe Words in it, fuit- 
 ing the State of human Life, In the Morning it is 
 green, and groweth up, but in the Evening it is cut 
 down, dried up and withered: And, So teach us to 
 number our Days, that we may apply our Hearts 
 unto wifdom. 
 
 Next after this, in all fuch SECT. XI. 
 Churches as admitted the Firft, °f the Tenia or 
 was the Tertia, or third Hour, Th,rd Hoitr °f 
 that is , nine in the Morning : Pra y er - 
 This is mentioned by all the Writers that fay 
 any thing of Hours of Prayer 5 fome faying it 
 was to be obferved in regard [g] to our Savi- 
 our's being condemned by Pilate at that Time - y 
 and others, in memory of the Holy Ghoft's com- 
 
 [6] Cone. Turon. 1. Can. 19. Ifte ordo pfallcndi fervetur, ut 
 in diebus acftivis ad Matutinum fex Antiphona: binis Pfalmis expli- 
 centur. Toto Augufto Manicationes fiant, quia Feftivitates funt 8c 
 Miffa\ Septembri feptcm Antiphonae explicentur binis Pfalmis ; 
 Oftobri ofto ternis Pfalmis; Novembri novem ternis Pfalmis; De- 
 cembri decern ternis Pfalmis; Januario 8c Februario, itidem uf- 
 
 que ad Pafcha. Supercft, at vel duodecim Pfalmi expediantur 
 
 ad Matutinum, quia Patrum ftatuta prxcepcrunt ut ad Sextam fex 
 Pfalmi dicantur c«m Alleluia; 8c ad Duodecimam duodecim, item- 
 que cum Alleluia, &c. 0] Mabil.de CurfuGallicano n. $-4. 
 
 p.4,ii. [</] Aimoin Hift. Francor. lib. cap. 81. Porro 
 
 toto Augufto, propter crebras Feftivitates, Manicationes fiebant. Ma- 
 nicare autem mane furgcrc dicitur. [e] Caflian. Inftitut. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 lib. 3. cap. 4. Sciendum tamen hanc Matutinam, qux nunc ob- 
 fervatur in Occiduis vel maxime Rcgionibus, Canonicam funttio- 
 nem, noftro tempore, in noftro quoque Monafterio primitus in- 
 
 ftitutam, ubi Domi nus nofter Jefus Chriftus natus ex Virgine. 
 
 Ufquc ad illud enim tempus, hac folennitate Matutina, qux exple- 
 tis Nocturnis Pfalmis 8c Oationibus poft modicum temporis inter- 
 vallum folet in Galliae Monafteriis celebnri, cum quotidianis Vigj- 
 liis pariter confummata, reliquas horas refledioni corporum depu- 
 tatas a Majoribus noftris invenimus. [/] Caffian. lib. 3 . 
 
 cap. 6. Quinquagelirnum vero pfalmum, 8c fexagefimum fecun- 
 dum, 8c o&ogeiimum nonum huic Novella: foJennirati novimus 
 fuiife deputatos. [g ] Set the Author of the Conjlitatwns, 
 
 lib. 8. c.34.. 
 
 N n n n n i n p 
 
646 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIIL 
 
 ing upon the Apoftles \_h~] at that Hour: That 
 Men might with one Mind worfhip the Holy 
 Spirit, and beg of him the fame Sandtifi cation, 
 Direction and Protection, imitating David's Pray- 
 er, in faying, Create in me a clean Heart, O God, 
 itnd renew a right Spirit within me, Pfal. li. In 
 another Place, Let thy loving Spirit lead me forth 
 zrtto the Land of Righteoufmfs, Pfal. cxliii. This 
 is the Reafon aftigned by Cajfian and St. Baft I for 
 this Solemnity. But whether any particular Pfalms 
 were appropriated to this Service we are not told, 
 but only in general Cajfian fays, three Pfalms to- 
 gether with Prayers were appointed for every 
 Hour. But on all Feftivals this Service was 
 omitted, becaufe on Sundays the Communion 
 Service was ufed, which always began at this 
 Hour. 
 
 SE CT. Xli. The next Hour was the fixth, 
 Of the fath Hour, or Noon-day Service. At which 
 
 Noon-day Serv,ce. Time g t fays j-^ they ufed 
 
 the xc or xci Pfalm, praying for Protection a- 
 gainft the Incurfions of the Noon-day Devil,JW 
 §xov'ns fjLt<TYijjL€(yvS, for fo the Septuagint and other 
 Tranflations render the Words of that Pfalm, 
 V%ou Jhalt not be afraid for any 'terror by Night, 
 Tior for the Arrow that fieth by Day - f nor for the 
 Pefiilence that walketh in Darknefs, nor for the Sick- 
 Tiefs, nor the Devil deftroying at Noon-day. What 
 other Pfalms they ufed he tells us not, but pro- 
 bably they might be fome that had relation to 
 the Death of Chrift, becaufe it is agreed by all, 
 that this Service was appointed in Commemora- 
 tion of our Saviour's immaculate Sacrifice to the 
 Father at this Hour. 
 
 sect. kin. The Jaft Hour of Prayer in 
 of the ninth Hour, the Day-time, was the ninth 
 or three in the Af- Hour, that is, three in the Af- 
 ternoon. ternoon, at which Time our Sa- 
 
 viour expired upon the Crofs, and by his Death 
 triumphed over Death and Hell. At this Hour 
 Cornelius was praying, when he was vifited by an 
 Angel : As Peter was at the fixth Hour, when he 
 had the Vifion of the Sheet let down from Hea- 
 ven. This was the Hour when Peter and John 
 went up into the Temple, at the ninth Hour, be- 
 ing the Hour of Prayer, and the ufual Time of 
 the Jewifh Evening Sacrifice. In regard to all 
 which the Church feems to have taken this Hour 
 
 for a folemn Time of publick Prayer, before the 
 two laft mentioned. For the Council of Laodi- 
 cea [£] exprefsly mentions the ninth Hour of 
 Prayer, and orders that the fame Service mould 
 be ufed in that as was appointed for Evening 
 Prayer. And St. Chryfoftom fpeaking of three 
 Hours [/] of publick Prayer in the" Day, may 
 moft reaibnably be underftood to intend this ninth 
 Hoar as the third of themj becaufe in another 
 Place he feems \m~] to recommend it as fuch: 
 For fpeaking of the Apoftles going into the 
 Temple at the ninth Hour, being the Hour of 
 Prayer, he fays, they obferv'd this Hour not 
 without very good Reafon : For I have often 
 told you concerning this Hour, that it was the 
 Time when Paradife was opened, and the Thief 
 enter'd into it j this the Time when the Curfe 
 was taken away, when the Sacrifice of the World 
 was offered, when the Darknefs was diflblvcd, 
 and the Light, as well fenfible as fpiritual, fhonc 
 forth. It was at the ninth Hour, when others 
 aher Dinner and Drunkennefs ilcep a deep Sleep, 
 that they then being fober and vigilant, and fer- 
 vent in Love, made hafte to Prayer. And if they 
 needed to be lb cxaft and afliduous in Prayer, 
 who had fuch Boldnefs, and were confeious of 
 no Evil } what mall wc do, who are over-run 
 with Wounds and Sores, and neglect to ufe the 
 Medecine of Prayer? This Character here given 
 of the ninth Hour, makes it probable to me, 
 that this was one of thofe three famous Hours of 
 Prayer, which in the former Place he exhorts 
 all Men to frequent in publick. We have no 
 particular Account in any Writer, of the Pfalms 
 or Prayers to be ufed at this Hour, but only what 
 we have heard before out of the Council of La- 
 odicea, that it was to be the fime with the Even- 
 ing Service: And therefore we muft draw our 
 Accounts of it from thence. Now becaufe we 
 have a more ample and diftincT: Account of the 
 Morning and Evening daily Service, than of any 
 other ftated Hours of Prayer in the antienn 
 Church, (as being both more antient and more 
 celebrated than the reft) I mall give a more par- 
 ticular and exact Defcription of the feveral Parts 
 and Method of performing thofe Offices, from* 
 fuch Records as may be depended on for their 
 Truth and Fidelity: And have therefore referved 
 the Confideration of thefe for the two folio wine: 
 Chapters. & 
 
 T 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Order of Mim- 
 ing Service, as de- 
 ferred in the Con- 
 ftitutions. This be- 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 The Order of their Daily Morning Service. 
 
 THE moft noted and ufual were conftantly and regularly ob- gan with the jlxty 
 
 Times of Meeting, befides lerved. I will defcribe the Order *&rd Pfitffi. 
 
 thofe of the Lord's Day, were of thefe Services, as they are laid down in the 
 
 the Morning and Evening of eve- Conftitutions , and compare the feveral Parts of 
 
 ry Day, which in Times of Peace them with the Memorials and Accounts that are 
 
 [h] Bafil. Regul. Major. Q. J7. Caflian. Inftitut. lib. 3. c. 3. f/j Bafil. Ibid. [k] Cone. Latxiic. can. 18.. 
 
 [/J Chryf, y\om. 14. in 1 Tim. p. ifoj. [m] Cliryf, Horn. iz. De Infcriptione A6r. Apoft .T./. p. 176". 
 
 left 
 
Chap* X. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 left us by other antient Writers. The Order for 
 the Morning Service begins with the Appoint- 
 ment of the hp&yvos -^aXjuor, the Morning Pfalm, 
 as the Author of the Conftitutions [«] terms it. 
 He names not what Pfalm it was in this place, 
 but in another place he calls it the fixty fecond. 
 That is, in our Divifion, the fixty third. Which 
 (to lhew how proper it was to begin their Morn- 
 ing Service with, both in relation to the Night 
 palt, and the Day approaching) I think it not 
 improper to recite in this Place, according to 
 our old Verfion, which comes nearcft to the 
 Tranflation of the Septuagint ufed in the antient 
 Church. 
 
 Psalm LXIII. 
 
 i. f^v GOD, 'thou art my God: Early will I 
 
 V J feek Thee, 
 z. My Soul thirftetb for Thee, my Flejh alfo longeth 
 
 after Thee, in a barren and dry Land, where no 
 
 Water is. 
 
 3. Thus have I looked for Thee in Holinefs; that I 
 might behold Thy Power and Glory. 
 
 4. For Thy loving Kindnefs is better than the Life 
 itfelf: My Lips Jhall praife Thee. 
 
 f. As long as I live will I magnify Thee on this 
 manner, and lift up my Hands in Thy Name. 
 
 6. My Soul Jhall be fatisfied even as it were with 
 Marrow and Fatnefs, when my Mouth praifeth 
 Thee with joyful Lips. 
 
 7. Have I not remembred Thee in my Bed, and 
 thought upon Thee when I was waking ? 
 
 8. Becaufe Thou haft been my Helper, therefore un- 
 der the Shadow of Thy Wings will I rejoice. 
 
 o. My Soul hangeth upon Thee: Thy right Hand hath 
 Uph olden me. 
 
 10. Thefe alfo that feek the Hurt of my Soul, they 
 Jhall go under the Earth. 
 
 1 1 . Let them fall (Septuagint, They ihall fall) up- 
 on the Edge of the Sword, that they may be a 
 Portion for Foxes. 
 
 11. But the King Jhall rejoice in God; all they alfo 
 that /wear by him Jhall be commended: But the 
 Mouth of them that fpeak Lies Jhall be flopped. 
 
 SECT. II. St. Chryfoftom (hews that the 
 
 what Notice we Author of the Conftitutions does 
 
 have of this Morning not jmpofe upon us in this Morn- 
 
 pfalm in other Wri- ing p fa j m . p or fa f aySj ry] the 
 
 urs ' Fathers of the Church appointed 
 
 it to be faid every Morning, as a fpiritual Song 
 and Medicine to blot out our Sins ; to kindle in 
 us a defire of God ; to raife our Souls, and in- 
 flame them with a mighty Fire of Devotion ; to 
 make us overflow with Goodnefs and Love, and 
 fend us with fuch Preparation to approach and 
 appear before God. He names not the Pfalm, 
 but he repeats the firft Words, O God, my God, 
 early will I awake unto Thee. My Soul thirfieth 
 
 for Thee. And, Thus have I appeared before Thee 
 in Holinefs, that I might behold Thy Power and 
 Glory. By which we may know that it is the 
 fame Pfalm. He fays, he had before made an 
 Exposition upon this Pfalm; and refers his Rea- 
 der thither for a larger Account of it : But that 
 by Injury of Time is now loft, and we are be- 
 holden to this Pafiage by the Bye for all the No- 
 tice we have of this Morning Pfalm out of him, 
 upon the Occafion of his Commenting upon the 
 Evening Pfalm ; of which more hereafter in its 
 proper Place. Be fides Chryfoftom, we have the 
 Teflimony of Cajftan for the Ufe of this Pfalm; 
 For fpeaking of the feveral Hours of Prayer, and 
 afligning Reafons out of Scripture for them, he 
 makes this to be oneReafon for Morning Prayer, 
 that the Pfalm, which was daily fung [<:] in that 
 Office, did properly inftruct Men about their 
 Obligations to this Duty, faying, O God, my 
 God, early will I feek Thee. And Athanafms alfo 
 once or twice recommends this Pfalm to Virgins 
 and others, as proper to be faid privately in their 
 Morning Devotions. Rifing early in the Morn- 
 ing, fays he to Marccllinus [<5?j, fing the fixty 
 fecond Pfalm. And again [>] to the Virgins, In 
 the Morning fing this Pfalm, O God, my God 9 
 early will I feek Thee. Thefe were but private 
 Directions indeed, but probably might be fuited 
 to the Orders and Meafures of publick Wor- 
 fhip: It being evident from the forecited Au- 
 thors, that this Pfalm was the ufual Introduction 
 to their Morning Devotions. 
 
 Immediately after this sect. m. 
 Morning Pfalm, without menti- Next to the Plalm 
 
 On of any Other Pfalmody or Moved the Prayers 
 
 reading any Leflbns out of the f or th l CaUchu - 
 
 A , , *r ,-r> n t- n 1 mens. Emrgumens, 
 
 Old or New Teftament, follow the Comp ) tente f y a „j 
 Prayers for the feveral Orders of Penitents. 
 Catechumens, Energumens, Can- 
 didates of Baptifm, and Penitents, as in the ge- 
 neral Service of the Lord's Day, which becaufe 
 I {hall recite them at large in that Service [*], 
 I omit to mention any farther in this Place. On- 
 ly obferving, that thefe Prayers were performed 
 partly by the Deacons x^o-^vntrif, bidding the 
 People pray, and repeating the feveral Petitions 
 they were to make for thofe feveral Orders of 
 Men j and partly by the Bifhop's Invocation or 
 Benediction faid over them, as they bowed down 
 to receive the Blefiing before their Difmiffion. 
 
 When thefe feveral Orders sect. IV. 
 were fent away, there followed Then the Prayers 
 the Prayers, which on the Lord's for the Faithful, the 
 Day began the Communion Ser- Peace of the m>rU t 
 vice, and which upon that Ac- "f 'ke whoU state 
 count were ufually ftiled hv^cd 0J Chn/l U ,Chftnh ' 
 ■aris'wv, the Prayers of the Faithful or Commu- 
 nicants, becaufe none but they who had a Right 
 
 [«] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 37. Confer, lib. 2. c.j-o. [£] Chryf. 
 Com. in Pfal. 14,0. torn.}, p.^f . to/b thi £) ieo^-ivoi ^ct\- 
 [ioi, 8cc. [ c] CatTian. Inftitut. lib. 3. cap. 3. De Matu- 
 
 tina vero foiennitate ctiam illud nos inftruir, quod in ipfa quotidie 
 decantari folet, Deus meus ad te de luce vigilo. [</] Athan. 
 
 Ep. ad Marcellinum. T. 1. p. 975-. o?5ei£ov 4*AAs % effljcoroc 
 J-AjTi&v. [e~\ Id. de Virginit. T. 1. p. iofj. ts^ui 
 
 l^ej^u. [*] See Book XIV. Chap v. 
 
 N n n n n % to 
 
648 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIII. 
 
 to communicate in the Eucbarift, might be pre- 
 fent at them. Thefe were the Prayers for the 
 Peace of the World, and all Orders of Men in 
 the Church, which always went before the Con- 
 fecration of the Eucbarift. And though there 
 were no Confecration of the Eucbarift on thefe 
 ordinary Days , yet thefe "general Prayers were 
 always ufed in the daily Morning Service. I 
 omit the reciting of them here for the fameRea- 
 fon as I do the former, becaufe the Reader may 
 find them rehearfed at large hereafter [t] in the 
 Entrance on the Communion Service. 
 
 sect. V. I only obfervc here, that there 
 . what Netwe we j s mention made, in other Wri- 
 
 hnve of thefe Pray- ters as we ]J ag ConftitiltionS, of 
 ers in ether Wri- p rayers f Qr the who l e Statc 
 
 urs - of the World, and all Orders of 
 
 Men in the Church. For Chryfoftom writing 
 upon thefe Words of St. Paul, I exhort therefore 
 that firfi of all, Supplications , Prayers, Intercefjions, 
 and giving of Thanks, be made for all Men 5 for 
 Kings, and all that are in Authority - y fays, this 
 Word, Firfi of all, relates to the Daily Wor- 
 fhip ; wherein they that were 'initiated knew 
 what was done every Day, Morning [/] ajid 
 Evening j how we make Supplication to God 
 for the whole World, for Kings and all that are 
 in Authority. This clearly Ihews that fuch Pray- 
 ers were not only made on Communion-Days at 
 the Celebration of the Eucbarift, but every Day, 
 both Morning and Evening alfo, when it is cer- 
 tain there could be no Sacrifice but only that of 
 their Prayers. For the Confecration of the Eu- 
 cbarift in that Age was never made at Evening 
 Prayer. In this Senfe we may underftand many 
 of the antient Apologifts, when they fpeak of 
 making Prayers continually for the Roman Go- 
 vernment. Thus Dionyfius Bifhop of Alexandria, 
 tells JEmylian the Prefect, We wormip the one 
 God, Maker of all Things, who gave the Em- 
 pire to Valerian and Gallienus our divine Gover- 
 nors: To him we pray [g] continually for their 
 Kingdom, that it may be preferved free from 
 Difturbance and Commotion. And fo Tertullian 
 [h~\ acquaints Scapula: We offer Sacrifice for the 
 Emperor's Safety, but to no other God but our 
 God and hisj and in that manner as God has 
 appointed, that is to fay, by Prayer alone with- 
 out Blood. In like manner Cyprian [i~\ tells De- 
 metrian : We continually pour forth Supplicati- 
 ons and Prayers for driving away your Enemies, 
 and procuring Rain, and either for removing or 
 moderating your Calamities: And we pray in- 
 ftantly and inceflantly Day and Night for your 
 Peace and Safety, appearing God and rendring 
 him propitious unto you. Origen alfo [k~] anfwer- 
 
 ing the Obje&ion of Celfus, that the Chriltians 
 were wanting in their Duty to the Emperor, in 
 that they gave him no Aid in his Wars, and refufed 
 to fight for him, among other Things tells him, 
 that they gave him the moft feafonable Afliftance, 
 procuring him the Divine Aid, and defending 
 him with the whole Armour of God. And this 
 they did in Obedience to the Apofcle's Admoni- 
 tion, / exhort therefore firft of all, that Supplica- 
 tions, Prayers, Interceffions, and giving of Thanks 
 be made for all Men, for Kings, and all that are in 
 Authority. He adds, that keeping their Hands 
 pure, they fought in their Prayers to God for 
 their lawful Sovereign and thofe that fought 
 lawfully under him, that allOppofition and Ene- 
 mies might fall before them, whilft they were 
 lawfully employed. They by their Prayers ener- 
 vated the Power of Devils, the Authors of War, 
 and Confounders of Leagues, and Difturbers of 
 Peace j and in doing this they did the Emperor 
 more effectual Service, than they that bare Arms 
 for him. Athenagoras tells the Emperors them- 
 felves, in his Addrefs to them [/], that the Chri- 
 ftians prayed for their Government and Royal 
 Progeny, that the Son might fucceed the Father 
 in his Kingdom according to Right, and thac 
 their Empire might be extended and enlarged, 
 all Things fucceeding according to their Defire: 
 And this they did, both that they might lead a 
 quiet and peaceable Life, and chearfully pbferve 
 all that was commanded them. Now though in 
 all thefe Paflages there is no exprefs mention 
 made of Morning and Evening Prayer in the 
 Church; yet their continual Prayer, and their 
 praying Day and Night, may reafonably bepre- 
 fumed to include tfcfe, without any Prejudice 
 to other times of publick or private Devotion. 
 I now go on again with the Order of Morning 
 Prayer in the Conftitutions. 
 
 After the Prayer for the s ECT. vi: 
 whole State of the Church was After the general 
 ended, and the Deacon had faid, Pra ? er fir thevhole 
 Keep us, O God, and preferve us Stateo f tht Churchy 
 by thy Grace; which concludes ff™f*fiy™- 
 the former Prayer } he exhorted ^iZVll Z- 
 the People to pray for Peace and fuing Day. 
 Profperity the Day enfuing and 
 all their Lives, in this manner: 
 
 Let us beg of God his Mercies and CompaJJions 9 
 that this Morning and this Day, and all the Time 
 of our Pilgrimage may be pajfed by us in Peace and. 
 'without Sin : Let us beg of God, that he would fend, 
 us the Angel of Peace, and give us a Chriftian End 9 
 and be gracious and merciful unto us. Let us com- 
 mend our felves and one another to the Living God by 
 his Only-begotten Son. 
 
 [f] See Book XV. Chap. i. [/] Chryf. Horn. 6. in 1 Tim. 
 p. \$$o. t«to 't<jcto~tv 01 fflUStUt Truf Kci& incisM ny.'i^cr.v y't- 
 
 ViTCU )t) iv ifTifcL ^ Tp&lja, -STiWf "\k§> TO.v]bf <T» K0(T[XI6, >y 
 
 ficuriKicov, f ntLv\uv rcov iv \xjjpoyy ovjeov <7roix{Azda. t»p 
 fwo-tv. [s] Dionyf. Epift. ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. c. 11. tutu 
 
 TpoQ-diyJ>nid&, [A] Tertul. ad Scapulara. cap. 2. Sacrifi- 
 
 camus pro falute Imperatoris, fed Deo noftro 6c ipfius; fed quo 
 
 modo prxcepit Deus, pura Prece. Vid. Apol. cap. 30, 31, & 39. 
 [i] Cypr. ad Demetrian. p. 193. Pro arcendis hoftibus & imbri- 
 bus impetrandis, & vel auferendis vel temperandis adverfis, roga- 
 mus femper & preces fundimus: 8c pro Pace ac Salute veftra pro- 
 pitiantes ac placantes Deum, Diebus ac Noctibus jugiter atque in- 
 ftanter oramus. [k] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 8. p. 431S. 
 
 [/] Athcnag. Legatio pro Chriftianis, p. 39. 
 
 * What 
 
Chap. X. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 649 
 
 What is here faid concerning the Angel of 
 Peace, is a Petition that came often in the De- 
 votions of the antient Church, both when they 
 prayed for themfelves and others. For we fhall 
 meet with it again in the Evening Service, and 
 in the Prayer for the Catechumens [*] mention- 
 ed by St. Chryfoftom in feveral Places of his Wri- 
 tings, where he often fpeaks of the Deacons bid- 
 ding Men pray for the Angel of Peace, and that 
 all their Purpofcs may be directed to a peaceable 
 End. Which agree very well with this Prayer 
 of the Deacon in the Confiitutions. 
 
 sect. vll. Immediately after this 
 Then the Btfloofs common Prayer of the Deacon 
 commendation , or an d People together (the Deacon 
 Thank/giving. having bid the People commend 
 themfelves to God) the BLfhop makes this Com- 
 mendatory Prayer, which is there called, cu^a- 
 tysia op^v»;, the Morning Thankfgiving [«], 
 and is in the following Words. 
 
 O God, the God of Spirits and of all Flefh, with 
 'whom no one can compare, whom no one can ap- 
 proach, that giveft the Sun to govern the Day, and 
 the Moon and the Stars to govern the Night; look 
 down now upon us with the Eyes of thy Favour, and 
 receive our Morning-thankfgivings, and have Mer- 
 cy on us. For we have not fpread forth our Hands 
 to any firange God. For there is not any new God 
 among us, but 'thou our Eternal and Immortal God j 
 who haft given us our Being through Chrifi, and our 
 Well-being through him alfo. Vouchfafe by him to 
 bring us to everlafting Life, with whom unto thee 
 be Glory, Honour and Adoration, in the Holy Ghofi, 
 World without End. Amen. 
 
 SECT. vlll. After this the Deacon bids 
 And his impofie'f them bow their Heads and receive 
 on of Hands or Be- tnc Impofition of Hands, or the 
 mdinioii. Bifhop's Benediction, which' fol- 
 
 lows under the Title of ^a^S^o-ia opS^vni, the 
 Impofition of Hands in Morning Prayer, in the 
 Form of Words here annexed. 
 
 O God, Faithful and 'true, that Jheweft Mercy 
 to thoufands and ten thoufands of them that love 
 thee ; who art the Friend of the Humble, and De- 
 fender of the Poor, whofe Aid all things ftand in 
 need of, becaufe all things ferve thee: Look down 
 upon this thy People, who bow their Heads unto 
 <J?hee, and blefs them with thy fpiritual Beneditlion $ 
 keep them as the Apple of the Eye-, preferve them 
 in Piety and Righteoufnefs, and vouchfafe to bring 
 them to eternal Life, in Chrifi Jefus thy beloved 
 Son, with whom unto thee be Glory, Honour and 
 Adoration, in the Holy Ghoft, now and for ever, 
 World without End. Amen. 
 
 This faid, the Deacon difmifles the Congrega- 
 tion with the ufual Form, x^sXS-sts cm etgn'vw, 
 Depart in Peace. Which Chryfoftom takes notice 
 of as the folemn Word for difmifling every 
 Church- Aflembly. For fpcaking of the frequent 
 
 Ufe of the Salutation, Pax vobis, Peace be unto 
 you, he obferves, that it was ufed in the Begin- 
 ning of every facred Action, Prayer, Preaching* 
 Blefling, 13c. and fometimes in the middle of 
 Prayers too, fo particularly at the Bifhop's En- 
 trance into the Church, and the Deacon's final 
 Difmiffion of the Aflembly: The Deacon, fays 
 he, when he fends you away [»] from this Meet- 
 ting, does it with this Prayer, -nropsos^e ov api' vl ?> 
 Go in Peace. 
 
 But befides this Order of SECT IX. 
 
 Morning Prayer laid down in Whether the Morn- 
 
 this place by the Author of the in & H y mn was P art 
 
 Confiitutions, there is in another of the publkk ser^ 
 
 , n u vice every Day. 
 
 place a Prayer or Hymn appoint- J 
 ed for the Morning, but whether for publick 
 or private Ufe, is not faid : I fuppofe he intend- 
 ed it only for private Devotion, becaufe it is 
 placed among many other private Prayers. He 
 gives it the Name of -ar^o-su;^ Iw^tvn, the Morn- 
 ning Prayer. Other Writers call it the Hymn, 
 and the Angelical Hymn, and the great Doxology, 
 from the firft Words of it, Glory be to God on 
 high, which was the Angels Hymn at our Savi- 
 our's Birth. The Form of it in this Author runs 
 in thefe Words [0]. 
 
 Glory be to God on high, in Earth Peace, Good' 
 will towards Men. We praife thee, we laud thee, 
 we blefs thee, we glorify thee, we worfhip thee by 
 the great High- Pr left, thee the true God, the only 
 Unbegotten, whom no one can approach, for thy great 
 Glory, O Lord, heavenly King, God the Father Al- 
 mighty : Lord God, the Father of Chrifi, the Imma- 
 culate Lamb, who taketh away the Sin of the World y 
 receive our Prayer, thou that fitteft upon the Che- 
 rubims. For thou only art Holy, 'thou only Lord 
 Jefus, the Chrifi of God, the God of every created 
 Being, and our King. By whom unto thee be Glory 9 
 Honour and Adoration. 
 
 This fame Hymn is mentioned alfo by Atha- 
 nafius, in his Book of Virginity, but he gives it 
 only as a Direction to Virgins in their private 
 Devotions : Early in the Morning, fays he, fing 
 this Pfalm, O God, my God, early will I awake 
 unto thee. My Soul thirfteth for thee. fThat is 
 the lxiiid Pfalm) When it is light, fay, Blefs ye 
 the Lord, all ye Works of the Lord. (That is the 
 Song of the three Children.) And [/>], Glory be 
 to Gid on high, on Earth Peace, Good-will towards 
 Men. We laud thee, we blefs e thee, we worfhip 
 thee-, and what follows. It is great Pity this 
 Author did not give us the whole Hymn, that 
 we might have compared it with that in the 
 Confiitutions. It was always ufed in the Commu- 
 nion-Service, though not exactly in the fame 
 Form, as we fhall fee hereafter. But St. Chry- 
 foftom [f] fpeaks of it as ufed alfo daily at Morn- 
 ing Prayer. For defcribing the Devotions of 
 thofe who led an Afcetick Life, he fays, as foon 
 as they rofe out of Bed, they met together and 
 
 [ * ] See thefe Places of Chryf. cited Book XV. Chap. v. n. 4. cap. 47 . [p ] Athan. dc Virgin, T. I, p, 10/7; [q} Chryf. 
 [m] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 38. [»] Chryf. Horn. 5-2. in eos Horn. 69. in Mat. p. (Joo, 
 
 qgi Pafcha jejunant. T. f. P- ["3 Conftit. lib. 7. 
 
 made 
 
650 
 
 The A n t 1 qu 1 t 1 b s of the Book XIII. 
 
 made a Quire, and as it were with one Mouth conftantly in the daily Courfe of Morning Ser- 
 
 fang Hymns to God, praifing him , and giving vice. Caffian obferves farther in the fame Place 
 
 him Thanks for all his Bleflings both General [#], that in his Time, throughout all the 
 
 and Particular: And among other Things like Churches of Italy t their Morning Hymns were 
 
 Angels on Earth, finging, Glory be to God on high, concluded with the Penitential Pfalm, that is, the 
 
 and on Earth Peace, Good-will towards Men. And fiftieth according to his Account, but with us 
 
 Mabillon [r] obferves out of the Rules of Cafa- the fifty firft. And St. Bafil [#] remarks the 
 rius Arelatenfis and Aurelian in the Beginning of fame Thing for many of the Churches of the 
 
 the fixth Century, that it is there appointed to Eajl, that their Vigils, or Nocturnal Pfalmody, 
 
 be fung at Mattins or Morning Prayer every was concluded, when the Morning appeared, 
 
 Lord's Day, and on Eafler-dzy, and fuch other with the Pfalm of Confeffion, by which he means 
 
 noted Feftivals. Which {hews, that at leaft in no other but this fame fifty firft, or Penitential 
 
 fome Churches it was ufed in other Offices be- Pfalm, as I have evidently {hewn in another 
 
 fide the Communion-Service, and among the f_*] Place. What {hall we fay then to the Au- 
 
 Monks as an ordinary Hymn in their daily Morn- thor of the Conjlitutions, who fpeaks but of one 
 
 ing Service. And fo it is now ufed among the Pfalm in the Morning Service? I anfwer, 1.N0 
 
 Modern Greeks, as a learned Searcher of their doubt there were different Cuftoms in different 
 
 Rituals informs us in his Account oft he Churches, and in nothing did the Practice vary 
 
 Greek Church. more than in the Rules and Meafures about Pfal- 
 mody, as we fhall fee more clearly hereafter. So 
 
 sect. X. But it feems a little more that both Accounts maybe very true, only ap- 
 
 whtthtr the Pfalms difficult to account for another plying them to the State and Practice of diffe- 
 
 *nd ujfom were Thing, which is omitted in the rent Churches. z. I have obferved before [f ], 
 
 read at the daily Conjlitutions. For there is no Or- that the Primitive Morning Service, in times of 
 
 ommg ervice. ^ t k ere e i t her for Pfalms or Perfecution efpecially, was no other but the 
 
 LcfTons to be read in the Morning Service, be- Conclufion of the Vigils, or Antelucan or No- 
 
 lides that one Pfalm, which was particularly ftiled ' fturnal Service, which concluded towards break 
 
 the Morning Pfalm. Whereas other Authors, of Day with fome proper Morning Pfalm, fuch 
 
 and particularly Caffian, fpeaks of three Pfalms read as the fifty firft, or fixty third, or ninetieth, and 
 
 at every AfTembly thro' all the Canonical Hours certain Prayers or Collects proper to the Occa- 
 
 of the Day [j] 9 and he remarks precifcly for the fionj the preceding Part of the Morning having 
 
 Morning Service the very Pfalms [f] that were been fpent in Pfalms and Hymns to a greater 
 
 ufed, namely, the fiftieth, that is, our fifty firft, Meafure and Number, fometimes ten, twelve, 
 
 which they commonly called the Penitential eighteen or twenty, and thefe intermingled with 
 
 Pfalm: Have mercy upon me, O God, after thy Leflbns of Scripture, and publick or private Pray- 
 
 great Goodnefs : according to the multitude of thy Mer- ers between them} but when the Morning Ser- 
 
 cies do away my Offences : And together with that, vice was made a diftinct Office from the Vigils, 
 
 the lxiid Pfalm, that is, the lxiiid in our Divi- as it began to be in the fourth or fifth Century, 
 
 Hon, which was commonly called the Morning then fome other Pfalms were added to the Morn- 
 
 Pfalm, as we have noted before j and the lxxxixth, ing Pfalm, and three Pfalms at leaft were read 
 
 that is, our xcth Pfalm, which is appropriated to in this as well as in all other Offices ; and that is 
 
 the Funeral Office, but is as proper for the Ser- the Reafon why we meet with but one Pfalm in 
 
 vice of every Day, and fit to be ufed by all Men the Order for Morning Service in the Conflituti- 
 
 whenever they begin a new Day, becaufe of ons, and three in others, which were of latter 
 
 thofe excellent Petitions in it for God's Protc- Appointment. Caffian himfelf, who gives the 
 
 £Hon and Favour, and for Wifdom to confider beft account of thefe Things of any other Wri- 
 
 our latter End : So teach us to number our Days, ter, plainly favours this Obfervation : For he 
 
 that we may apply our Hearts unto Wifdom : And tells us in one Place \j ] that the Egyptians ne- 
 
 for that it fo familiarly puts us in mind of our ver admitted of any Morning Office diftinct from 
 
 Mortality, comparing our Life to a Sleep, which their Nocturnal Vigils, nor of any other Times 
 
 fades away fuddenly like the Grafs : In the Morn- of publick Worfhip befides the Evening Hours 
 
 ing it is green and groweth up, but in the Evening and Nocturnal Affemblies, except on the Sab- 
 
 it is cut down, dried up and withered. By which bath and the Lord's Day, when they met alfo at 
 
 we may judge both of the Wifdom and Piety of the third Hour, that is, at nine in the Morn- 
 
 the Ancients in appointing this Pfalm to be ufed ing, to celebrate the Communion on thofe Days. 
 
 [r] Mabil^de Curfu Gallicano. p. 407: [/*] Smith 
 
 cf the Grec^Church, p. 114. [j] Caffian. Inftitut. lib. 3. 
 
 cap. 3. In Palaeftina Sc Mefopotamiae Mon3fteris ac totius Ori- 
 entis fupradidtarum Horarum Solennitates tribus Pfalmis quotidie 
 finiuntur. [*] Id. lib. 3. cap. 6. Quinquagefimum vcro 
 
 Pfalmum 8c Sexagefimum fecundura & O&ogefimum nonum 
 huic novelise Solennitati novimus fuifle deputatus. [»] Caffian. 
 ibid. Denique per Italiam bodieque confum maris matutinalibus 
 Hymnis Quinquagefimus Pfalmus in univerfis Ecclefiis canitur. 
 [*] Bafil. Ep. 63. ad Neocaefar. T. 3. p. o$. ftui&f »/n \m-> 
 
 ttJ Kve'ia. [*] See below n. 10. of this Chapter. [f] Book 
 XIII. Chap. vx. n. 4, and 1a. Caffian. Inftitut. lib. 3. 
 
 cap. 2. Apud illos haec Officia, quae Domino fblvere per diftin- 
 dtiones Horarum & temporis intervalla cum admonitione compul- 
 Ibris agimur, per totum diei fpacium jugitur cum operis adjeftionc 
 
 /pontanea celebrantur. Quamobrem exceptis Vefpertinis 
 
 Horis ac Nofturnis Congregationibus, nulla apud eos per diem 
 publica folennitas abfque die Sabbati vel Dominica eclebratur, in 
 quibus hora tcrtia facrae Communionis obtcntu conveniunr. 
 
 All 
 
* 
 
 Chap. X. Christian Church. 651 
 
 All other Times they fpent in labouring private- and calls them a fculking Generation, that fled 
 ly in their Cells, joining continual Meditation from the Light, being mute in publick, but free 
 of the Pfalms and other Scriptures with their in Difcourfe with one another, when they were 
 Labour, and mingling fhort Prayers and Ejacu- got into their private Corners. Celfus [c] feems 
 lations with them> lb making the whole Day to mean the fame thing, when he objects to 
 but one continued Office of Devotion, which o- them their holding of clancular Meetings, trjiv&rr 
 thers performed by Intervals of Time, and Di- xa<r xpu'6VV. And Tertullian, to lhew Chriftian 
 ilinttion of ftated Hours of Prayer. In another Women the Inconvenience of marrying Hea- 
 place [z] he tells us, that they who firft brought thens, puts them in mind of thefe Night-AfTem- 
 in this new Morning Office, diftinct from the blies: What Husband, fays he [//], will be will- 
 Nocturnal, did not diminifh ought of the anti- ing to fuffer his Wife to rife from his Side, and 
 ent Pfalmody from the Nocturnal Service i for go to the Night- AfTemblies? And Prudentius 
 they continued ftill to conclude their Vigils be- defcribing the Martyrdom of St. Laurence, intro- 
 fore break of Day with the fame Pfalms as they duces the Heathen Judge [el telling him, that 
 were ufed to do before \ that is, with Pfalms he had heard, how they iacrificed in Silver, 
 cxlviii, cxlix, cl> only they fet a-part the Pfalms and had their Wax-lights fet in Gold for the 
 li, lxiii, and xc, for this new Office of Morning Ufe of their Night- AfTemblies. And this was 
 Service. From all which it feems very proba- the true Original of Lamps, and Oyl, and Ta- 
 ble that according to the difference of Times pers for the Ufe of fuch Meetings in time of 
 and' Places, the number of Pfalms for the Morn- Perfecution. 
 ing Service might vary, fince there were fuch dif- 
 ferent Methods in the Obfervation of this So- ^ Now, though it was Necef- sect. XII. 
 lemnity and an old and a new Office, that both fity which firlt gave Rife to Thefecontinu'dwhen 
 went by the Name of Morning Service. thefe AfTemblies j yet the Church the Perfections were 
 
 in After-ages thought fit to con- over ' 
 SECT. XT. Having thus far defcribed tinue them (transferring them from the Lord's 
 the original of An- the Order of the old Morning Day to all other Days) partly to keep up the 
 teiucan and sight Service, as it lies in the Confli- Spirit of Devotion in the Afceticks, or fuch as 
 Affemblie sin Times tut i om . a nd hinted, that the had betaken themfelves to a ftricter Life ; part- 
 of perfecution. Morning AfTemblies were origi- ly to give Leifure and Opportunity to Men of a 
 nalty the very fame with the Noclurnal or Ante- fecular Life to obferve a feafonable time of De- 
 lucan Meetings for Divine Service, which we fo votion, which they might do early in the Morn- 
 often read of in antient Writers : For the farther ing without any Diffraction j and partly to guard 
 llluftration of this Part of the Chriftian Wor- her Children againfl the Temptations and Se- 
 ftip, it will be proper to enquire a little more duction of the Arian Sect, who with great Zeal 
 narrowly into the Nature and Management of endeavoured to promote their Herefy by theif 
 them from their firfl Original} which is known Pfalmody in fuch Meetings, as appears from what 
 to have had its Rife from the Severity of the Socrates [/] and Sozomen \_g\ fay of them, and 
 Heathen Perfecutions. For the Chriftians being what Sidonius Apollinaris particularly notes [h~] of 
 afraid to meet publickly on the Lord's Day for 1'heodorick King of the Goths, that he was fo«ea- 
 Divine Worfhip, were forced to hold their Af- ger a Promoter of the Arian Caufe, that in his 
 femblies in the Night, meeting early in the Zeal for them he frequented their Morning Af- 
 Morning before Day, to avoid the Obfervation femblies before Day, with a fmall Guard attend- 
 of their Enemies. This appears from that early ing him. Now the Catholicks having fo many- 
 Account of Pliny y which he had from the Reafons to keep up thefe AfTemblies, not only- 
 Mouths of fome apoftatizing Chriftians, who continued them, but with great Zeal encouraged 
 confefTed to him, [a] that the fum of their Crime them in their Difcourfes. St. Chryfoftom ['/jj 
 or Error was, that they were ufed to meet to- commends the Widows and Virgins for frequent- 
 fher on a certain Day before it was light, and ing the Church Night and Day, and finging 
 fing an Hymn to Chrift, as to their God. Hence Pfalms in thefe AfTemblies. He fays, Men ought 
 it is, that the Heathen in Minucius more than [£] to come to the Sanctuary in the Night, and 
 once \b~\ objects to them their Night AfTemblies, pour out their Prayers there. In another place 
 
 [z] Caff. lib. 3. cap. 6. Mud quoque noffe debemus, nihil a 
 fenioribus noftris, qui eandem Matutinam Solennitatem addi debere 
 cenfuerunt, de antiqua Pfalmorum confuetudine immutatum : Sed 
 codem ordine Miffarn, quo prius in Nofturnis conventibus cele- 
 bratam. Etenim Hymnos, quos in hac regione ad matutinam ex- 
 cepcre Solennitatem, in fine nofturnarum Vigiliarum, quas pod 
 gallorum cantum ante auroram finire folent, fimiliter hodieque de- 
 cantant, id eft, Pfalmum 148, 8c reliquos qui fequuntur: Quin- 
 quagefimum vero Pfalmum, 2c fexagclimum fecundum, Sc octo- 
 gefimum nonum huic novelise folennirati novimus fuiffe deputatos. 
 [«] Plin. lib. 10. Ep. 97. Affirmabant autem hanc fuiffe fummam 
 vel culpas fuse, vel erroris, quod effent foliti ftato Die ante lucem 
 convenire ; carmenque Chrilto, quufi Deo., dicere fecum invicem. 
 
 [£] Minuc. de Idol. Vanit. p. 2f. Noc^urnis Congregationibus 
 
 faederantur, latebrofa £c lucifogax Natio, in publicum muta, 
 
 in angulis garrula. It. p. 27. Occultis ac Ncclumis facris appofita 
 fufpicio. [c] Origen. cont. Celf. lib. 1. p. 4.. [JJ Tertul. 
 ad Uxor. lib. 2. cap. 4. Quis no£turnis Convocatipnibus, Si ita o- 
 portuerit, a latere fuo eximi libenter feretJ It. de Coron. Mil. 
 cap. 3. [«] Prudent. Hymn. 2. de Laurentio. k -?Argenteis 
 
 Scyphis ferunt fumare facrum fanguinem, auroque nodlurnis facris- 
 adftare fixos Cereos. [/] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 8. [^JSozom. 
 lib. 8. cap. 8. [b~] Sidon. lib. Ep. 2. Antelucanos facerdo- 
 
 tum fuorum ccetus mininao comitatu expetit. [i] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 30. in 1 Cor. p. j-ji. [/.•] Chryf Com. in Pfal. 133. 
 T. 3. p. 488. 
 
 fpeaking 
 
 7 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIII. 
 
 S ECT XIII. 
 'I he Order of Divine 
 Service which toas 
 fer formed in them, 
 as defcribtd by St. 
 Baiil. 
 
 fpeaking ef the Excellency of the City of An- 
 tioch, he fays, it confided not in its fine Build- 
 ings or Pillars, but in the Morals of the Men. 
 Go into the Church [/], and there fee the Ex- 
 cellency of the City. Go into the Church, and 
 fee the Poor continuing there from Midnight to 
 the Morning Light. And it is remarkable what 
 Socrates [m~\ fays of him, when he was Bifliop 
 of Conftantinople, that he made additional Prayers 
 for the nocturnal Hymns, on purpofe to counter- 
 mine the Practice of the Arians. But I muft not 
 ftand to repeat all that is faid of thefe famous 
 Morning- Aflemblies: For there is fcarce an Ec- 
 etefiaftical Writer [»] that has not given fome 
 hint of them, which I need not recite, but ra- 
 ther po on to mew what were the chief Exer- 
 cifes of thefc Meetings, which ufually began 
 foon after Midnight, and continued to the Morn- 
 ing Light. 
 
 St. Bafil in one of his Epiftles 
 gives us a pretty clear Defcripti- 
 011 of them, though but in ge- 
 neral Terms, whilft he makes an 
 Apology for the Practices of his 
 own Church, againft fome who 
 charged them with Innovation. His Words are 
 thefe: The Cuftoms, fays he, which now pre- 
 vail among us [0], are confonant and agreeable 
 to all the Churches of God. For with us the 
 People rifing early whilft it is Night, come to 
 the Houfc of Prayer, and there with much La- 
 bour and Affliction and Contrition and Tears 
 make Confefllon of their Sins to God. When 
 this is done, they rife from Prayers, and difpofe 
 themfelves to Pfalmody : Sometimes dividing 
 themfelves into two Parts, they anfwer one ano- 
 ther in Singing, or fing alternately, av\i-\>a.KKx- 
 triv aXXo'Xotf : After this again they permit one 
 alone to begin the Pfalm, and the reft join in 
 the Clofe of every Verfe, uttm^so-i. And thus 
 with this Variety of Pfalmody they carry on the 
 Night, praying betwixt whiles, or interming- 
 ling Prayers with their Pfalms, ixfla^u x^o-fu%6- 
 fjjjfjoi. At laft, when the Day begins to break 
 forth, they all in Common, as with one Mouth 
 and one Heart, offer up to God the Pfalm of 
 Confefllon, f <? tfeoixokoyfows -4/aXfxov trS xug/a 
 <tvacp«eso-(, every one making the Words of this 
 Pfalm to be the ExprefTion of his own Repen- 
 tance. Here we have the plain Order of thefe 
 Nodturnal or Morning Devotions. I . Confefll- 
 on of Sins. 2. Pfalms fang alternately. Pfalms 
 fung by one alone. 4. Prayers between the 
 Pfalms. f . Laftly, The common Pfalm of Con- 
 fefllon, or the Penitential Pfalm in the Clofe of 
 all. Whether the firfl Confeffion of Sins was a 
 
 publick or private one, is not very certain : Some 
 learned Perlons [/>] take it for a publick Con- 
 feffion, like that in the beginning of our Litur- 
 gy : But I rather think it was a private Confef- 
 fion, with which we are fure their Offices gene- 
 rally began, as appears from a Canon of the 
 Council of Laodicea[ff], where it is called the fi- 
 lent Prayer, oo^n c/W trtay^, of which I have 
 given a fuller Account in the Communion Ser- 
 vice [*]. The latter Confeffion was plainly a 
 publick one, made by a certain Form, being no 
 other but the fifty fir ft Pfalm, Have Mercy on 
 me, O God, after thy great Goodnefs : According to 
 the Multitude of thy Mercies do away mine Offences. 
 For this Pfalm was particularly noted among the 
 Ancients by the Name of the Pfalm of Confef- 
 fion. Athanajius gives it [r~\ this Title, telling 
 us that the fiftieth Pfalm (which is the fifty firft 
 in our Divifion) is -^aX.aof clfojUcXoy»)cre&K, the 
 Pfalm of Confeffion. And what farther confirms 
 this Interpretation, is, that this very Pfalm by 
 Name is appointed to be ufed in the Clofe of the 
 Mattins or Morning Service, which the Weflern 
 Churches introduced as diftincl: from the Noctur- 
 nal Service, as Caffian [j] relaces, who was an 
 Eye-witnefs of it. See before, n. 10. 
 
 What Number of Pfalms or sect. XIV. 
 Prayers was ufed in this Service, The account of 
 is not particularly noted by St. ,hem «** °f c » f - 
 Bafil; nor perhaps was it ftinted fian - 
 to any certain Number, but according as ths 
 length of the Pfalms or Time required. But in 
 the Egyptian Churches they reduced it to the 
 precife Number of twelve Pfalms, from whence 
 fome other Churches afterwards took their Mo- 
 del, as Caffian informs us [f], who fays, that in 
 other Regions there were different Rules and 
 Appointments: For fome recited no lefs than 
 twenty Pfalms, and thefe by way of Antiphonal 
 or alternate Melody j others exceeded this Num- 
 ber i others had eighteen j fo that there were al- 
 moft as many Ways and Rules, as there were 
 Monafteries and Cells. Nay in Egypt, before 
 the Rule was fettled, fome were for having [«] 
 fifty, fome fixty Pfalms: But at laft upon mature 
 Advice, they fixed upon [#] the certain Num- 
 ber of twelve Pfalms both for their Evening and 
 Morning Service, interpofing a Prayer between 
 each Pfalm, and adding two LefTons, one out of 
 the Old Tejlament, and the other out of the 
 New: Which was their Cuftom on all Days, 
 except Saturdays and Sundays, when they repeat- 
 ed them both out of the New Tejlament, the one 
 out of St. Paul's Epiftles or the Atls of the Apo- 
 files, and the other out of the Gofpels, as they 
 did alfo for the whole Term of fifty Days be- 
 
 [ /] Chryf. Horn. 4. de Verbis Efaia. T. 3. p. 86;. ^ [>] So- 
 crat lib 6 'cap. 7. hvEim tp»t©- ^ t*s -nfee 7S\j vviflietvvf 
 Sum tvyd<. [»] Vid. Epiphan. in fine Panarii Htero- 
 
 „ym. Ep. 7. ad Lactam. Hilar, in Pfal. 64. p. ^^u [•] Baiil. 
 Fp. 63. ad Neocxfar. T. 3- p. 9«- M Hamon - Leftran g e > 
 
 AlUmce of Dnin. Offic. cap. 3. p. 7f- W Conc ; Laodiccn. 
 
 Can 19. f*l See Book XV. Chap. i. b. 1, [rjAthan. 
 
 Ep. ad Marcellinum. de Interpr. Pfalmor. T. 1. p. 975".' 
 [j] Cafliaa. Inftitut. lib 3. cap. 6. [/] Callian. lib. 1. 
 
 cap. I. Quidam vicenos Pfalmos. 2c hos ipfos Anriphonarum pro- 
 telatos melodiis, 8c adjun&ione qunrundam Modularionum dehere 
 did fingulis no<ftibus cenfuerunt, &c. [nj CafT ibid. cap. f. 
 [*] Id. cap. 6. 
 
 tweea 
 
Chap. X. Christian Church. 65 3 
 
 tvveen Rafter, and Whitfontide. He adds farther, 
 That they did not ufe the Alternate way of Sing- 
 ing in Rgypt y but only one amongft them fung 
 with a plain and even Voice, the reft fitting by, 
 and attending to what was faid. Neither did 
 they anfwer, Glory be to the \_y ] Father, and to 
 the Son y and to the Holy Ghoft, at the End of eve- 
 ry Pfalm, but intcrpofed a Prayer (which was 
 the Cuftom of all the Raft) and then at the End 
 of the laft Pfalm, which they called the Allelu- 
 jah, they fubjoined the Glorification of the Tri- 
 nity, which they never ufed but at the End of 
 that Antiphona, as they called the Allelujah in the 
 Raftern Church. When the Pfalms were very 
 long, they fometimes divided them into two or 
 three Parts, and at the End of every Part made 
 a Stop to interpofe a Prayer [z], thinking it bet- 
 ter to ufe frequent and ftiort Prayers to keep up 
 the Fervour of the Devotion. It does not ap- 
 pear, that thefe were publick Prayers, but rather 
 private, at the End of which the chief Minifter 
 officiating, is faid, colligere Precem, to make a 
 Collect or Prayer, recapitulating the Prayers 
 that were made before by the Affembly in pri- 
 vate j of which I mail have Occafion to give a 
 fuller Account in another place. See Book XV. 
 Chap. i. n. I. It is noted farther by Caffian [a] 
 concerning the laft of their Pfalms, called the 
 Antiphona or Allelujah, that no Pfalm was ever 
 ufed in this place but only one of thofe which 
 had the Infcription of Allelujah prefixed in the 
 Title of it, fuch as the cxlvth, and thofe that fol- 
 low, one of which was commonly the conclu- 
 ding Pfalm, repeated by way of Antiphona or 
 Refponfes. It was fomething particular in the 
 manner of performing this Pfalmody in thofe R- 
 gyptian Monafteries, that he that fung the Pfalms, 
 only flood up, but the reft heard them fitting: 
 Which Caffian [If] obferves to be Matter of In- 
 dulgence, in regard to their continual Watchings 
 and hard Labour. And it was no lefs peculiar, 
 
 that never above four Perfons were allowed to 
 repeat the twelve Pfalms in one Aftembly, and 
 that by Courfe, every one finging three in order 
 after one another. Or if there were but three, 
 then each fung four Pfalms } and if but two, 
 each of them fung fix. 
 
 And thus far of the Noclur- sect xv. 
 nal Pfalmody, which was the old This Morning str- 
 Morning Service of the Church, vice much frequent- 
 I only add, that though this Ser- ed h the Lc "'y 4 
 vice was very early in the Morn- > orts " 
 ing, yet it was frequented, not by the Clergy 
 and Monks only, but by the People alfo. For, 
 as we have feen before, St. Baftl takes notice, 
 that the People came to Church to celebrate 
 thefe Morning Devotions j and Sidonius has told 
 us alfo, that Theodorick King of the Goths, was a 
 conftant Obfervcr of them : So here it is alfo 
 remarked by Caffian \_c\ that this Part of the 
 Church's Devotions was with great Exactnefs 
 obferved by many fecular Men, who rifing early 
 before Day, would not engage themfelves in any 
 of their moft neceflary and ordinary worldly Bu- 
 finefs, before they had confecrated the Firft- 
 fruits of all their Actions and Labours to God, 
 by going to Church, and prefenting themfelves 
 in the Divine Prefence. A worthy Example, fit 
 to be recorded in Letters of Gold, to excite the 
 Emulation of the prefent Age, wherein the daily 
 Worihip of God at religious AfTemblies is fo lit- 
 tle frequented, and by many fo much defpifed 
 though the fame Service with that of the Anci- 
 ents for Subftance is ftill retained, with fome Im- 
 provements, and none of the Corruptions which 
 the Superftition of darker Ages brought into the 
 Devotions of the Church j as any one may fatisfy 
 himfelf, that will compare what has been deli- 
 vered in this Chapter with the daily Service of 
 our Church. 
 
 \_y ] Caflian. Kb. i. cap. 8. Illud etiam quod in hac Provincia 
 (Gallia) vidimus, ut uno cantante, in claufula Plalmi omnes aftan- 
 tcs concinant cum clamore > Gloria Patri, & Filio, 8c Spiritui 
 Sandto; nufquam per omnem Orientem audivimus; fed cum om- 
 nium filentio, ab eo qui cantat finito Pfalmo, Orationem fucce- 
 dere: Hanc vero Glorificationem Trinitatis tantummodo folere An- 
 tiphona terminari. leg. Antiphonam terminare. Vel ut legit Mabil- 
 lon. Glorificatione, &c. Antiphona terminari. [z] Caflian. 
 
 Inftit. lib. i. cap. li. Ne Pfalmos quidem iplbs, quos in Con- 
 gregationibus decantant, continuata ftudent pronunciatione conlu- 
 dere : Sed eos pro numero verfuum duabus vel tribus intercefiioni- 
 
 bus cumOrationum interjettione divifos diftindtim particulatimque 
 confummant. [«] Caflian. ibid Illud quoque apud eos 
 
 omni obfervantia cuftoditur, ut in Refponfione Allelujae nullus 
 dicatur Pfalmus, nifi is, qui in Titulo fuo Allelujs Infcriptionc 
 prsenotatur. [b] Id. lib. 2. cap. n.Sciz. [r] Caflian. 
 
 Collation, ii. cap. 16. Quod Devotionis genus multi etiam Sxcu- 
 larium fumma cautione cuftodiunt, qui ante lucem vel diluculo 
 confurgentcs, nequaquam familiaribus ac neceflariis mundi hujus 
 adlibus implicantur, priufquam cundtorum aftuum fuorum opera- 
 tionumque Primitias, ad Eccleliam concurrentes, divino ftudeaot 
 confecrare confpeftui. j* 
 
654 The Antiquities of the BookXIII. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 The Order of their Daily Evening Service. 
 
 Sect. !. np H E Evening Service, which 
 
 The Evening Ser- j[ was called the Hora Lucer- 
 
 vice in mcft Things ^ • becau f e [ t DCgan at t hc 
 conform! to th«t of f lighting Candles towaf d S 
 
 ine hlorumg. - <=> r <=> _ 
 
 the Clofe of the Day, was in 
 molt Parts the fame with that of the Morning, 
 only with fuch Variation of Pfalms, and Hymns, 
 afid Prayers, as were proper to the Occafion. 
 The Prayers for the Catechumens, Energumens, 
 Candidates of Baptifm, and Penitents, were all 
 the fame j fo were the Prayers for the Faithful 
 or Communicants, called the Prayers for the 
 Peace of the World, and the whole State of the Ca- 
 tholick Churchy which are defcribed at large in 
 the following Cooks, to which the Reader may 
 h ive Rccourfe. 
 
 sec: t. it. The firft Thing wherein they 
 
 But :hiy dfer el differed was, the Initial Pfalm: 
 m that a pro- F or as the Morning Service be- 
 
 fcr Pialm was ap- gan ^ pf a l m ^ f t he 
 
 pou.tcdfortheEven. Eycni $ervice j s appointed tO 
 tng, called the E- , . *? , . , , r,V , t ■ » 
 
 vening Pfalm by begm with the cxlthP/«/«, which 
 the Author of the we reckon the cxlift. Lord, I call 
 Cohftltutions. upon "thee, hafte 'Thee unto me, and 
 confidcr my Voice when I cry unto 
 Thee. Let my Prayer be fet forth in thy Sight as 
 the Incenfe, and let the lifting up of my Hands be an 
 Evening Sacrifice, Sec. This Pfalm the Author 
 of the Gonflitutions calls Emphatically f um\v%viov 
 ^aX/ioj the Evening Pfalm, in the place 
 where he defcribes the Order of this Service. 
 And though he does not in that place either 
 name the Pfalm, or mention any Words in itj 
 yet he infallibly means the Pfalm now fpoken of, 
 becaufe in another place [b~] he exprefly calls it 
 the cxlth Pfalm, requiring ittobeufedin publick 
 Affemblies at the daily Evening Service. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 This Pfalm wen- 
 tinned 
 
 And that which puts the 
 Matter beyond all Difpute, is, 
 ndir the rj.j^ chryfo/Iom in his Comment 
 
 famiphom^tion ^ pj-^ takes not ; cc of 
 
 a ■ other ditm. the Ufc of it in tnc Church upon 
 this particular Occauon. Hear- 
 ken diligently, fays he [c~], for it was not with- 
 out Reafon that our Fathers appointed this 
 Pfalm to be faid every Evening j not barely 
 lor the Sake of that fingle Exprelfion, Let the 
 Uftitjjg up of my Hands be an Evening Sacrifice: For 
 other Pialms have Expreflions of the fame na- 
 ture, as that which lays, At Evening, and Mor- 
 ning, and Noon-Day, will I flew forth thy Praife : 
 And again, The Day is thine, and the Night is 
 Thine: And again, JVeepingmay endure for a Night, 
 but Joy cometh in the Morning: And many other 
 fuch like P films may one find, that are proper 
 
 for the Evening Seafon. Therefore our Fathers 
 did not order this Pfalm to be faid upon the 
 Account of this Expreflion, but they appointed 
 the Reading of it, as a fort of falutary Medicine 
 to cleanfe us from Sin* that whatever Defile- 
 ment we may have contracted throughout the 
 whole Day, either Abroad, in the Market, or 
 at Home, or in whatfoever Place, when the 
 Evening comes, we might put it all off by this 
 fpiritual Charm, or Song, which is a Medicine 
 to purge away all fuch Corruption. 
 
 After this Pfalm was ended, sect. iv. 
 there followed the fame Prayers Secondly, vrlper 
 
 for the Catechumens, EnergU- fryers for Evening 
 
 mens, Penitents, and Common 
 Prayers for the World and the 
 Church, that there were ufed in the Morning 
 Service: But after them the Deacon bid the Peo- 
 ple pray in a certain Form proper for the Eve- 
 ning, which the Author of the Conftitutions [d~] 
 ftiles ■ar^o-qtalvflcn? (wnXu^vi©-, the Evening Bid- 
 ding Prayer, and it runs in thefe Words : Let us 
 pray to the Lord for his Mercies and Compaffions, 
 and intreat him to fend us the Angel of Peace, and 
 all good Things convenient for us, and that he would 
 grant us to make a Chriftian End. Let us pray 9 
 That this Evening and Night may fafs in Peace 9 
 and without Sin, and all the Time of our Life un- 
 blameable and without Rebuke. Let us commend 
 our felves and one another to the Living God through 
 his Chrift. 
 
 This faid, the Bifhop, if prefent, made this 
 Commendatory Collect, which is there ftiled 
 
 cm\v%vi(& cu^;a^/s-/a, the Evening Thankfgivingy 
 and is conceived in the following Words: O 
 God, who art without Beginning, and without End % 
 the Maker and Governour of all Things through 
 Chrift, the God and Father of Him before all things^ 
 the Lord of the Spirit, and King of all Things both 
 Intelleclual and Senjible; that haft made the Day 
 for Works of Light, and the Night to give Reft to 
 our Weaknefs: For the Day is Thine, and the 
 Night is Thine ; Thou haft prepared the Light and 
 the Sun-, Do Thou now, mcft Kind and Gracious 
 Lord, receive this our Evening Thankfgiving. Thou 
 that haft led us through the Length of the Day, and 
 brought us to the Beginning of the Night, keep and 
 preferve us by thy Chrift } Grant that we may pafs 
 this Evening in Peace, and this Night without Sin^ 
 and vouchfafe to bring us to eternal Life through 
 Thy Chrift ; by whom be Glory, Honour and Adora- 
 tion unto Thee in the Holy Spirit, World without 
 End. Amen. 
 
 After this, the Deacon bids the People, jt\t- 
 vali rn yeifeftiaia, bow down to receive the Be- 
 nediction with Imposition of Hands, and then 
 
 \a] Conilit, lib. 8. cap. jr. [A] Id. lib. a, cap. j-q. [r] Chryf. Horn- in Pfal. cxl. t. 3. p. 5-44. 
 
 rap. 
 
 [c] Ibid. cap. 37. 
 
 id] Conftit. lib. 8. 
 
 the 
 
 / 
 
Chap. XI. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 the Bifhop makes this following Prayer: O God 
 of our Fathers, and Lord of Mercy, that baft crea- 
 ted Man by thy Wifdom a Rational Being, and of 
 all thy Creatures upon Earth deareft unto 'Thee, 
 that haft given him Dominion over the Earth, and 
 haft made us by thy Pleafure to be Kings and Priefts, 
 the one to fecure our Lives, and the other to pre- 
 fcrve thy lawful Worfhip: Be pie a fed now, O Lord 
 Almighty, to bow down, and pew the Light of thy 
 Countenance upon thy People, who bow the Neck 
 of their Heart before Thee-, and blefs them by 
 Chrift, by whom Thou haft enlightned us with the 
 Light of Knowledge, and revealed thy /elf unto us : 
 With whom is due unto Thee and the Holy Ghoft the 
 Comforter, all worthy Adoration from every rational 
 and holy Nature, World without End. Amen. 
 
 There are two Expreffions in thefe Prayers, 
 which may feem a little unufual to a modern 
 Reader ; one, where Prayer is made for the An- 
 gel of Peace j and the other, which (tyles God 
 the Father, Lord of the Spirit : But both thefe 
 occur in the Morning Prayers for the Catechu- 
 mens hereafter [*], where I fhew out of Chry- 
 foftom, That Prayer for the Angel of Peace, was 
 a common Petition in many of the known 
 Forms of the Church : And for that other Ex- 
 preffion, which ityles the Father, Lord of the 
 Spirit, which is an harm, way of fpeaking, and 
 looks like Macedonianifm, as Cotelerius remarks 
 upon it, I have mewed out of Bifhop Bull, that 
 it may fairly be interpreted to a found and Ca- 
 tholick Senfe, from parallel Expreffions in Juftin 
 Martyr. So that we need not condemn this Au- 
 thor as an Arian or Macedonian Heretick, only 
 allowing him the Favour of a candid Interpre- 
 tation. 
 
 To return therefore to the Prayers themfelves : 
 The Deacon, after thefe Colledts made by the 
 Bifhop, difmifTes the People with the ufual Form, 
 as in the Morning Service, •ur^eX&sTs o» 'h- 
 gn'vn, Depart in Peace. And this is the Conclu- 
 sion of the Evening Service, according to our 
 Author in this Place. 
 
 SEC T. v. But in another Place [/] he 
 of the Evening fpeaks alfo of an Evening Hymn, 
 Hym*. which he ftyles cuyti Icro-s^vor, an 
 
 Evening Prayer or Thankfgiving, 
 which is a fort of Doxology to God, like that u- 
 fed before in the Morning Prayer. The Form 
 is in thefe Words : Praife the Lord, ye Servants, 
 O praife the Name of the Lord. We praife Thee, 
 we laud Thee, we blefs Thee, for thy great Glory, 
 O Lord and King, the Father of Chrift the un- 
 fpotted Lamb, that taketh away the Sin of the 
 World. All Praifes and Hymns, and Glory, are 
 jttftly rendered unto Thee our God and Father, by 
 thy Son, in the moft Holy Spirit for all Ages, 
 World without End. Amen. Lord, now letteft 
 Thou thy Servant depart in Peace, according to thy 
 
 Word: for mine Eyes have fcen thy Salvation, 
 which Thou haft prepared before the Face of all Peo- 
 ple to be a Light to lighten the Gentiles, and to 
 be the Glory of thy People Ifrael. 
 
 It is not here faid, whether this Hymn was for 
 publick or private Ufe. However, that there 
 were fuch fort of Hymns in ufe among the 
 Ancients at the firft bringing in of Candles in 
 the Evening, is evident from St. Bajil, who 
 mentions one Pnrt of fuch an Hymn, which he 
 ftiles GflnXu^vi©' aj^acjrla, the Thankfgiving at 
 fetting up Lighr^. It feemed good, fays he, 
 to our Forefathers [g] not to receive the Gifc 
 of the Evening Light altogether with Silence, 
 but to give Thanks immediately upon its Ap- 
 pearance. We cannot certainly tell, who was 
 the fir It Author of that Thankfgiving at fetting 
 up Lights: But this we are fure of, that the 
 People have of old ufed this Form of Words 
 (and no one ever charged them with Impiety 
 for fo doing) Arvs/j^v i&oOn^, uiov ^ Ayiov 
 ■ffiT/siijtia ©?», We praife the Father, and the Son 
 and the Holy Spirit of God. 
 
 Bilhop Ufher [_b~] and Dr. Smith [f\ have gi- 
 ven us an antient Form of this Kind more at 
 large, out of the Alexandrian Manufcript of th 
 Septuagint, and fomc other antient Copies of the 
 Pfalter in Greek, which it may not be improper 
 to infert in this Place. It goes in forne Books 
 under the Title of (' J uv©> Shhgpfc* the Evening 
 Hymn; and in others it is call'd #/*y©» t >:.>)/ 
 the Hymn faid at fetting up Lights. We cannot: 
 certainly fay this is the fame that St, Baft I refers 
 to, but all that St. Baft I mentions ouc of 
 antient Hymn, is now found in this 5 whi< 1 
 makes it probable that they are the very fame. 
 It is as follows: [k] O Jefus Chrift, Thou joyful 
 Light of the Sacred Glory of the Immort ■ \ Hea- 
 venly, Holy, Bleffed Father! We now being '•ome 
 to the fetting of the Sun, and feeing the Evening 
 Light, do laud and praife the Father, and S01, and 
 Holy Spirit of God. Or, the Father, Son, and Ho- 
 ly Ghoft, that is God.) Thou art worthy to have 
 Hymns at all Times fung unto thee with ho',, Vo* <-, 
 O Son of God, that give ft Life. Therefore the 
 World glorifies thee. Bifhop Ufher, by M.itake, 
 fays this Hymn was the fame as the -§,u\ ios 
 &rm\v%vi@ j , the Evening Pfalm mentioned in the 
 Conftitutions, Lib. 8. cap. }f. Whereas indeed 
 that Evening Pfalm was quite another Thing 
 from this Evening Hymn j that being one of 
 David's Pfalms, as I fhewed before out of Chry- 
 foftom and the Conftitutions themfelves > and this 
 an Hymn of human Compofkion. Neither is 
 it the fame Form with the Evening Hymn re- 
 lated before out of the Conftitutions, but ieems 
 more likely to be that mentioned by St. Baft I, 
 which I conceive was not a Form for publick, 
 but only private Devotion, to be ufed at Home 
 by all Chriftians, as a pious Ejaculation or Hymn 
 
 [*] BwfeXIV. Chap. V. n. 3. [f] Conftit.lib. 7. cap. 4.8. 
 [g~\ Bafil. de Spir. fan£r,o. cap. 19. 0] Uflerii Diatriba <defym- 
 bolis. p. 3f. [i]Smith'r Account of the Greek Church, p. 301. 
 [<tj l\ae)v £y'i*s (To^hj a-JcwctT* i?*lf}f, i&vU, iy'u, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Z<vi iazieiyov, C ij.vx,i&tJ 'srctliccf. k } Ci'qv Xj xytov mvi^ua. Qi7. 
 (al. ©5o?) cl^i@- &i cv Tsa.7i x.M?jlf v <p»ys&s s?'uu( } 
 
 G o o 2. 
 
 to 
 
656 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIIL 
 
 to Chriflr, the true Light that enlightens every 
 Man that comes into the World. But I only offer 
 this as a Conjecture, becaufe I find not this 
 Hymn mentioned as inferted into the publick 
 Offices, either by the Author of the Conftituti- 
 onsy or St. Bafil, or any other. 
 
 sect. vi. But then it may be asked. 
 Whether :h:re Were there no Hymns ufed in 
 were my Hymns, or ^ E ven j n g Service I Were there 
 
 Vfalms, or Lejfons ^ Leflbns read nor pf a!m be- 
 read m the Evening iiji r* • nrt 
 
 service befdes the fide s that called the Evening Pfalm, 
 cxli/? Pfalm. fung in the Church? I anfwer, 
 
 No doubt there were in many 
 Churches: For the Culloms of Churches varied 
 in this Matter j and though the Author of the 
 Conflitutions mentions them not in the Rituals 
 of the Churches he dcfcribes, yet other Ac- 
 counts do. For Caffian [f] defcribing the curto- 
 mary Service of the Egyptian Monalteries, fays, 
 they fung Twelve Pfaims every Morning and 
 Evening in their folemn Meetings, and had two 
 Leffons read, one out of the Old Teftament, and 
 the other out of the New, and had Prayers alfo 
 between the Pfaims ; and fung the Gloria Patri 
 at the End of the lait Pfalm. St. Jerom confirms 
 this Account, and adds, that they had a Sermon 
 made by the Abbot (who was always a Presby- 
 ter) every Day after Evening Prayer. For thus 
 he defcribes their Evening Devotions : At nine 
 a-Clock they meet together, then the Pfaims 
 are fung, and the Scriptures [m~] are read ; and 
 Prayers being ended, they all fit down, and one 
 among them, whom they call their Father, be- 
 gins to difcourfe to them, whom they hear with 
 the profoundeft Silence and Veneration. But it 
 may be faid, This perhaps was only the Cuftom 
 of the Monafteries, and not of the Churches. In 
 anfwer to which Epiphanius [«] affures us, it was 
 the Cuftom of the Church to have Pfaims and 
 Hymns continually both at Morning and Even- 
 ing Prayer. St. Aufiin alfo mentions Hymns [0] 
 as well as Prayers at Evening Service > which 
 implies, that they had more Pfaims than 
 one fang upon that Occafion. Sc. Hilary upon 
 thofe Words of the Pfalmift, the Out-goings of 
 the Morning and Evening fhall praife thee-, fhews 
 the fame, when he fays, The Progreffion of the 
 Church to her Morning and Evening Hymns 
 with Delight, is a great Sign of God's Mercy. 
 
 The Day [/>] is begun with Prayers, and the 
 Day is doled with Hymns to God. St. Hilary 
 himfelf is faid to be the Author of fome of thofc 
 Hymns, and St. Ambrofe of others, which were 
 of publick life in the Church : And though 
 fome would have rejected them, becaufe they 
 were only of human Compofure, and not to be 
 found in Scripture, yet the fourth Council of 
 'Toledo [jf] ordered them to be retained in the 
 publick Service of the Church, together with 
 the Hymns, Glory be to the Father, and Glory be 
 to God on High, which were likewife of human 
 Compofition. For the Eaftern Churches, the 
 like is faid by Chryfoftom [r], That they had 
 Hymns at Night in their Evening Prayer, as 
 well as Morning. In the Gallican Churches thev 
 had, befides their Collects and Prayers, both 
 Hymns and Antiphona's, or Chapters, as they 
 called them, collected out of the Pfaims, to be 
 faid by way of Refponfes, as appears from the 
 Council of Agde [>]. And the fecond Council 
 of Tours orders, That at Evening Prayer, which 
 they call the twelfth Hour of Prayer, Twelve 
 Pfaims fhould [f] be fung, anfwerable to the 
 Order of Morning Service, which had Twelve 
 Pfaims, as the fixth Hour of Prayer had fix 
 Pfaims, with the additional Pfalm calied the 
 Alklujah. From all which it is apparent, that 
 a confiderable Number of Pfaims and Hymns 
 were ufed together with the Prayers, to make 
 up the daily Courfe of Evening, as well as Mor- 
 ning Service in many Churches. 
 
 And in fome Churches the SECr. vn. 
 
 Lord's Prayer was always made a The Lord's pray- 
 
 Part of the daily Worfhip both "f ed m f omt 
 Morning and Evening. For the '*» 
 
 r> P c r^- r n j Concluhon of the 
 
 Council of Girone [«] made a ge- dail ^ J both ^ nin 
 neral Decree for the Spanijh audEvmmgservwt 
 Churches, That the Lord's Prayer 
 ftiould conftantly be ufed by every Prieft at the 
 Clofe of the Mattins and Vefpers in the daily 
 Service. It had always been ufed before on Sun- 
 days in the Communion-Office j but it being in 
 the very Title and Tenour of it, Quotidiana O- 
 ratio, a Quotidian or Daily Prayer, they thought 
 it proper to make it a Handing Part of their 
 daily Offices. And when fome Priefts neglected 
 to obey this Order, and ftill confined the Ufe 
 of it to the Lord's Day, the fourth Council of 
 
 [/] Cafliari. Inftitut. lib. 2. cap. 6. Exin venerabilis Patrufn 
 fenatus — decrevit hunc numerum (12 Pfalmorum) tam in Vc- 
 fpertinis, quam in No&urnis Conventiculis cuftodiri, quibus Le- 
 ftiones geminas adjungentes, id eft, unam Veteris& aliam noviTe- 
 liamenti, fcc. vid. cap. 8. [«] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Eu- 
 
 ftochium. cap. if. Poft horam nonam in commune concurritur, 
 Pfalmi refonant, Scriptural recitantur cx more. Et completis 
 Or^rionibus, cun&ifque refidentibus, medius quern Patrem vocanr, 
 incipit difputare, 5cc. , [»J Epiphan. Expofit. Fidei n. 21. 
 p. 1106. 'fc.a&ivbi Ti byLVoi <n> duly ta ayicr. McjiAwcf a ^/w- 
 viKHi yivoilcu, ^ Ts&GiuX** ta^tvtu, KuyviKo't ts etfAet 
 
 >ld.Ky. 01 >y ^ejeivx^' M Au S- dc Clv - Dei - Iib - 
 
 22. cap. 8. p. 1485-. Ad Vefpertinos illuc Hymnos & 
 Orationes cum ancillis fuis 8c quibufdam fandtimonialibus ex 
 more Domina pofleflionis intravit, atque Hymnos cantare ce- 
 
 perunt. [/>] Hilar, in Pfalm. 64. p. 221. ProgreflTis Ecc'efiae in 
 Matutinum (leg. Matutinsrum; & Vefpertinorum Hy mnorum delecta* 
 tione maximum mifericordia: Dei lignum eft. Dies in Orationibus 
 Dei inchoarur, Dies Hymnis Dei clauditur. [q] Cone. Tolet. 4. 
 Can. 12. [r] Cbryf. Horn. iS. in Aft. p. 174. [,] Cone. Aga- 
 then. Can. 30. In conclufione Matutinarum vel Vefpertinarum 
 Miflarum, poft Hymnos, Capirella de Pfalmis dici, 8c plebcm, 
 collefta oratione, ad Vefperam ab Epifcopo cum Benedicliorx di- 
 mitti. 0] Cone. Twron. 2. Can. 19. Parrum Statuta pra;ce- 
 perunt, ut ad Sextam Sex Pfalmi dicantur cum Alleluja; 8r ad 
 Duodecimara duodecim, itemque cum Alleluja. It. Can. 24. Et 
 licet Ambrofianos habeamus Hymnos inCanone, &c. [«] Cone 
 Gerundenle. Can. 10. Item nobis femper placuit obfcrvari,ut omni- 
 bus diebus poll Matutinas 8c Vefperas Oratio Dominica a Sacerdote 
 proferatur. 
 
 Toledo 
 
Chap. XI 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 657 
 
 Toledo [x~\ made a Decree, That all fuch of the 
 Clergy as contumacioufly refufed to ufe it daily 
 both in their publick and private Offices, mould 
 be degraded. 
 
 In the French Churches the Practice was the 
 fame. For by a Canon of the third Council of 
 Orleans \_y~] the People are obliged to ftay at 
 Divine Service till the Lord's Prayer was faidj 
 and if the Bifhop was prefent, to wait for him 
 to pronounce the Benediction. Which mews 
 that it was the Conclufion of the Prayers, fince 
 nothing came after but the Benediction. 'Tis 
 true, the Word ufed for Divine Service in this 
 Canon, is MiJJa: Which might feem to mean 
 the Communion Service, where the Lord's Pray- 
 er was always ufed; But it has been mewed be- 
 fore, in the firft Chapter of this Book, that 
 Mijfa is a general Name for any Part of Di- 
 vine Service j and in this Canon is particularly 
 taken for the Morning and Evening Sacrifice of 
 Prayers. For it immediately follows, that no 
 
 one mould come to the Sacrifice of Morning or 
 Evening Mafs, that is, Morning or Evening 
 Prayers, with his Arms or Weapons, which on- 
 ly appertained to the Ufe of War. Befides, that 
 in the Communion Service, as we Ihall fee 
 hereafter, the Lord's Prayer came always in the 
 middle, and not, as here, in the Conclufion of 
 the Service. 
 
 This is the Subftance of what I have ob- 
 ferved concerning the feveral Parts and Order of 
 the daily Morning and Evening Service in the 
 Writings of the Fathers and the Canons of the 
 Councils, which are at prefent the chief Rituals 
 of the antient Church s And I have been the 
 more careful to feparate thefe Offices from the 
 great Service of the Lord's Day, becaufe they 
 are too often confounded in the Accounts of 
 modern Authors. I now proceed to the Offices 
 and Service of the Lord's Day, which muft be 
 the Subject of the two following Books. 
 
 [x~] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 9. Nonnulli Sacerdotum in Hifpaniis 
 reperiuntur, qui Dominicam Orationem, quam Salvator nofter 
 docuit &. proecepit, non quotidie, fed tantum Die Dominica dicant 
 
 -Quiiquis ergo Sacerdotum, vel Subjacentium Clericorum, 
 
 hanc Orationem Dominicam quotidie aut in publico aut in privato 
 Olficio praeterierit, propter fuperbiam judicata, Ordinis fui honore 
 
 privetur. [y] Cone. Aurel. 3. Can. *8. De Miflis nullus 
 
 Laicorum ante difcedat, quam Dominica dicatur Oratio. Et fi E- 
 pifcopus prxfens fuerit, ejus Benedidtio expedtetur. Sacrificia vero 
 Matutina (leg. Matutinarum) Miflarum, vel Vefpertinarum, ne 
 quis cum armis pertinentibus ad bellorum ufem, expetat. 
 
ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS: 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
\ 
 
 si 
 
 *— — --'f-r 
 
 i I 
 
 i H T »f O 
 
 ¥ T 
 
 A T 
 
THE 
 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 Of that Part of Divine Service which the Ancients com- 
 prized under the general Name of Mijfa Catechumenorum^ 
 The Service of the Catechumens? or Ante-Com- 
 munion Service. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Psalmody of the annent Church. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 That the Service 
 of the antient 
 Church ufually 
 heganvfithPfal- 
 tnody. 
 
 T has been obferved 
 before, That the An- 
 cients comprized their 
 whole Service under 
 Two General Heads, 
 to which they gave the 
 diftinguifliing Names 
 of Miffa Catechumenorum, and Miffa Fidelium, the 
 Service of the Catechumens, and the Service 
 of Communicants or Believers 5 that is, as we 
 would now term them, The Ante-Communion 
 Service, and the Communion Service. The Ser- 
 vice of the Catechumens was that part of Di- 
 vine Worfhip, at which the Catechumens, and 
 all others who were not perfect and full Com- 
 municants, were allowed to be prcfentj and it 
 confifted of Pfalmody, Reading the Scriptures, 
 Preaching, and Prayers for fuch particular Or- 
 ders of Men, as were not admitted to partici- 
 pate of the holy Myfteries: And under thefe 
 feveral Heads we muft now confider it. 
 
 The Service ufually began with Reading or 
 Singing of Pfalms, as appears from that of St. 
 Jerom [a\ defcribing the Service of the Egyptian 
 Monks: They meet at nine a-clock, and then 
 the Pfalms are fung, and the Scriptures are read, 
 and after Prayers they all fit down, and the Fa- 
 ther preaches a Sermon to them. And fo Caf- 
 fian reprefents it [b~] That firft the Pfalms were 
 fung, and then followed two Leflbns, one out 
 of the Old Tefament, and the other out of the 
 New. Only on the Lord's Day and the fifty 
 Days of Pentecofl, and the Sabbath or Saturday, 
 they read one LefTon out of the Atts of the Apo- 
 files, or the Epifties, and the other out of the 
 Gofpels. But probably there might be a Diffe- 
 rence in the Order of Reading in differentChurches. 
 And that may reconcile the different Opinions 
 of learned Men concerning the Order, of their 
 Service. For fome think they began with Read- 
 ing the Scriptures, and others with a Prayer of 
 Confeflion. The Author of the Conftitutions, it 
 
 [«] Hicron. Ep. ^^. ad Euftoch. cap. if. Poft Tioram nonam 
 in commune concurritur, Plalmi refonant, Scripturac recitantur ex 
 more. Et completes Orationibus, cunftifque refidentibus, medius, 
 quern Patrem' vocant, incipit difputare, 8cc. [b~\ Caflian. Infti- 
 tut. lib. 2. cap. 6. Quibus (PGlmis,) Le&iones geminas adjun- 
 
 VO L, I. 
 
 gentes, id eft, unam Veteris 8c aliam novi Teftamenti, &c. la 
 die vero Sabbati vel Dominico utrafljue de novo recitant Teftamen- 
 to, id eft, unam de Apoftolo, vel A&ibus Apoftolorum, & aliam 
 de Evangeliis. Quod etiam totis Quinquagefima' diebus faciunt' 
 
 Ppppp 
 
 IS 
 
662 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XL 
 
 is certain, prefcribes [c] firft the reading of 
 the Old Teftament, and then the Pfalms, and after 
 that the Mis of the Apoftles and Epiftles, and laft 
 of all the Gofpels. So that the Pfalms were in- 
 termingled with the Leffons, according to the 
 Rules and Prescriptions which that Author had 
 obferved in fome Churches. St. Baftl [dj 
 fpcaks of a Confeffion made to God upon their 
 Knees, after which they rofe up, and betook 
 themfclves to ring Pfalms to God. But thait 
 was in their Vigils or Morning Prayers before 
 Day, and moft probably only a private Confef- 
 fion, which every Man made filently by him- 
 felf, before they began the publick Service. 
 But if we take it for a publick Confeffion, as 
 the learned Hamon Leftrange [e] does, then it 
 will argue, That the Eaftern Churches began 
 their Morning Antelucayi Service with a Prayer 
 of Confeffion, and fo went on so their Pfalmo- 
 dy, which was the great Exercife and Enter- 
 tainment of their Nocturnal Vigils. And in- 
 deed it was their Exercife at all Times in the 
 Church, as St. Auftin [/] notes, to fill up all 
 Vacuities, when neither the Reading of the 
 Scriptures, nor Preaching, nor Prayers, inter- 
 pofed to hinder them from it. All other Spa- 
 ces were fpent in ringing of Pfalms, than which 
 there could not be any Exercife more ufeful and 
 edifying, or more holy and pious, in his Opinion. 
 And upon this Account (if the Obfervation of 
 Leftfange be rightly made out \_g] of Chryfoftom) 
 the People were tiled to entertain the Time with 
 ringing of Pfalms, before the Congregation was 
 complete and fully aflembled. I take no Notice 
 here of their Pfalmody at other Times, at their 
 Meals, at their Labours, and in their private 
 Devotions : Becaufe, though this is frequently 
 mentioned by the Ancients with great and large 
 Encomiums, yet it differed in many refpe&s 
 from the common Pfalmody, and we can draw 
 little Light or Argument from that to explain 
 the publick Service. 
 
 SECT. II. As to the publick Pfalmody 
 
 The Pfalms in- of the Church, though we take 
 termixed with Lef- j t f or the firft and leading Part of 
 
 fms and Prayers m ^ g erv j ce , yet We are not fo 
 fome Churches. ^ underffcand ir? as if k was aU 
 
 performed at once in one continued Courfe of 
 Repeating many Pfalms together without Inter- 
 miffion, but rather with fome Refpite, and a 
 Mixture of other Parts of Divine Service, to 
 make the whole more agreeable and delightful. 
 At leaft, it was apparently fo in the Practice of 
 
 fome Churches. For the Council of Laodicea 
 made a Decree [h~\, That the Pfalms fhould not 
 be fung one immediately after another, but that 
 a LefTon fhould come between every Pfalm. 
 And St. Auftin plainly intimates, that this was 
 the Practice of his own Church. For in one of 
 his Homilies [f] he takes notice firft of the 
 reading of the Epiftle, then of ringing the xcvth 
 Pfalm, O come let us worfhip, and fall down, and 
 kneel before the Lord our Maker, and after that 
 of a LefTon read out of the Gofpel. And in 
 another Homily [k~] he fpeaks of them in the fame 
 Order. In the LefTon out of the Epiftle, fays 
 he, Thanks are given to God for the Faith of 
 the Gentiles. In the Pfalm we faid, 'turn us a- 
 gain, Thou Lord God of Hofls, Jhew the Light of 
 thy Countenance, and we fhall be whole. In the 
 Gofpel we were called to the Lord's Supper. 
 By comparing thefe two places of St. Auftin to- 
 gether, we may obferve, that it was not any 
 particular Pfalm that was appropriated to come 
 between the Epiftle and Gofpel, but the Pfalm 
 that was in the ordinary Courfe of Reading. 
 For the xcvth is mentioned in one Place, and the 
 Ixxxth Pfalm in the other. Mabillon has obfer- 
 ved the fame Practice in the French Churches, 
 out of the Collation between the Catholicks and 
 Arians in the Reign of Gundobadus King of 
 Burgundy, An. 409. For in the Relation of than 
 Conference [/] it is faid, That on the Vigil be- 
 fore the Day of Lifputation, in celebrating the 
 Divine Offices, it happened that the firft LefTon 
 that was out of the Pentateuch, had thofe Words, 
 / will harden PharaohV Heart, &c. After which 
 the Pfalms were fung, and then another LefTon 
 was read out of Lfaiah, in which were thefe 
 Words, Go and tell this People, Hearing ye fhall 
 hear, and Jhall not underftand. After the Pfalms 
 were fung again, another LefTon was read out 
 of the Gofpel, wherein were thofe Words of our 
 Saviour upbraiding the Jews with their Infide- 
 lity, Wo unto thee Chorazin, &V. And laft of 
 all the Epiftle was read, containing thofe Words, 
 Defpifeft thou the Riches of his Goodnefs, &c. 
 Where it is eafy to obferve, that as there were 
 four LefTons read out of the Old and Ne w Tefta- 
 ment, fo there were Pfalms fung between each 
 LefTon, except the laft which is not mentioned. 
 
 These Pfalms were ftyied by sect. III. 
 
 a peculiar Name, Refponforia, which pfalms 
 
 and Pfalmi Refponforii, the Re- ^re called by a p- 
 fponfories ; which was not a Name 
 affixed to any particular Pfalms, 
 
 culiar Name Pfal- 
 mi Refponforii. 
 
 [cj Conftic. lib. 2. cap. 57. lib. f. cap. 19. [d] Bafil. Ep. 
 63. ad Neocaefar. t. 3. p. 96. [c] Leftrange, Alliance of Div. 
 Of.c. cap. 3. p. ff. [f] Aug. Ep. 119. ad Januar. cap. 18. 
 Qu n !o 11011 eft tempus, cum in Ecclefia fratres congregantur, 
 JaivfU cantandi, nifi cum legitur, auc difputatur, aut antiftites 
 clira vo:e deprecanrur, aut communis Oratio voce Diaconi indici- 
 tur? [g] Leftrange, Alliance of Div. Offic. cap. 3. p. 77. 
 
 [h] Cone. Laodic. Can. 17. [«] Aug. Serm. 10. de Verbis 
 
 Apoftoli. p. 112. Hoc de Apoftolica Lectione percepimus. Deinde 
 cantavimus Pfalmum, exhortantes nos invicem una voce, una cor- 
 dc dicentes, Venite adoremus, &c. Pofthax Evangelica Le&io de- 
 cern leprofos mundatos nobis oftendir. [k] Aug. Horn. 2j.de 
 
 Verb. Domini, p. 49. In Lectione Apoftolica gratiae aguntur Deo 
 de fide gentium. In Pfalmo diximus, Deus virtutum convene nos, 
 &cj In Evangelio ad ccenam vocati fumus, &c. [/] Collar. &c. 
 ap. Mabillon. de curfu Gallicano. p. 399. Evenit autem ut ea node, 
 cum Lector fecundum morem inciperet Lectionem a Moyfe, in- 
 cidit in ea Verba Domini, Sed ego indurabo cor ejus, &c. De- 
 inde cum poft Pfalmos decantatos recitaret ex Prophetis, occurre- 
 runt Verba Domini ad Efaiam dicentis, Vade 8c dices populo huic 
 Audite audientcs, &c. Cumque adhuc Pfalmi fuifient decantari, gt le- 
 geret exEvangelio; incidit in Verba, quibus Salvator exprobrat Judseis 
 Incredulitatcm, Vx tibi Chorazin, &c. Denique cum Lectio fie- 
 rce ex Apoftolo, &c. 
 
 but 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 663 
 
 but was given to all fuch as happened to fall 
 in here, in the common courfe of Reading. 
 The fourth Council of Toledo is to be underftood 
 of fuch Pfalms, when it fpeaks of Refponfories 
 [«], blaming fome for neglecting to ufe the 
 Gloria Patri, after them. And Gregory Turonen- 
 fts [n] often mentions them more cxprefly under 
 the Name of Pfalmi Refponforii, making it a 
 Part of the Deacon's Office to repeat them. 
 The antient Ritualifts are not agreed about the 
 Reafon of the Name, why they were called 
 Refponforia : Some faying [o] they werefo called, 
 becaufe one finging, the whole Quire did an- 
 fwer them: Whilft others [p] fay, they had 
 their Name becaufe they anfwered to the Lef- 
 fons, being fung immediately after them. Which 
 feems to be the more likely Reafon. 
 
 sect. IV. But wc are not to imagine, 
 somt?{Ams*p- that thefe were the only Pfalms 
 proprtated to par- which the Ancients ufed in their 
 tuuiar services. pf a i mo dy. For fane Pfalms were 
 of conftant Ufe in the Church, as being appro- 
 priated to particular Services. We have feen [ # ] 
 before, that the lxiiid Pfalm, O God, my God, 
 early will I feek "Thee, was peculiarly ftyled the 
 Morning Pfalm, becaufe it was always fung at 
 Morning Service, as the xcvth Pfalm is now in 
 our Liturgy. And the cxlift Pfalm, Let my Pray 
 er be fet forth in thy Sight as the Incenfe, and let 
 the lifting up of my Hands be an Evening Sacrifice, 
 was always fung [t] at Evening Service. They 
 had alfo fome proper Pfalms adapted to the Na- 
 ture of their Communion Service, and their 
 Funeral Offices, as we ftiall fee hereafter. And 
 in the French Church, from the Time that Mu- 
 feus Presbyer of Marseilles compofed his Leclio- 
 narium, or Order of reading the Pfalms and 
 Leflbns, at the Inftance of Venerius his Bifhop, 
 the Refponfory Pfalms were all adapted to their 
 proper Times and Leflbns, as Gennadius \j] in- 
 forms us. And this, fome learned Men [f] think, 
 was at firft peculiar to the Gallican Office, and 
 a fingular Ufage of the French Church. Which 
 may be true as to the appropriating the feveral 
 Pfalms to their proper Leflbns in the general 
 Courfe of the Year : But it cannot be true, if 
 it be meant only of particular and folemn Oc- 
 casions. For the Church had not only proper 
 Leflbns, but proper Pfalms read upon greater 
 Feftivals, fuitable to the Occafion } and that 
 long before the Time of Mufeus's compofing 
 his Kakndar for the Gallican Church. For St. 
 Auftin [s~\ plainly informs us, that the xxiid Pfalm, 
 My God, my God, why haft thou forfaken me, &c. 
 
 was always read upon the Day of our Saviour's 
 Paffion in the African Church, and he fecms to 
 intimate, that the Donatifls did the fame, though 
 they were fo ftony-hearted as not to make a jutl 
 Application of it. And there is little queltion 
 to be made, but that as they had proper Pfalms for 
 this Occafion, fo they had for all the other fo- 
 lemn Feftivals. 
 
 The other Pfalms were fung SECT. v. 
 in the ordinary Courfe of Read- other sfmgin the 
 ing from End to End, in the ordimry Courfe * s 
 fame Order as they lay in the t ^ l f , f^ out f e - 
 Book, without being appropria- ^yTZTLy! 
 ted to any Times, or Leflbns, or 
 Days,except thofe particular Pfalms, which were 
 appointed as proper for each Canonical Hour. Caf- 
 fianobkrves [/"], That in Egypt, at the fir It Begin- 
 ning of the Monaftick Life, there were almoltas 
 many Types, Rules, or Orders about this Mat- 
 ter, as there were Monafteries, fome finging 
 eighteen Pfalms immediately one after another, 
 others twenty, and fome more. But at laft by 
 common Content, the Number for Morning and 
 Evening Service was reduced to twelve, which 
 were read in one continued Courfe [«], without 
 any Leflbns coming between them: For they 
 had only two Leflbns, one out of the Old Tefia- 
 ment, and the other out of the New, and thofc 
 read only when all the Pfalms were ended. He 
 tells us alfo, That in fome Places they fung fix 
 Pfalms [x] every Canonical Hour, and fome 
 proportioned the Number of Pfalms to the 
 Hour at which they met at their Devotions : 
 So that at the third Hour they had only three 
 Pfalms, but fix at the Sixth, and nine at the 
 ninth Hour> 'till upon more mature Deliberati- 
 on they came at laft to this Refolution, to have 
 only thee Pfalms at every diurnal Hour of Pray- 
 er C/]» referving the greater Number of twelve 
 for the more folemn AfTemblies at Morning and 
 Evening Prayer. Though the Cuftqm of con- 
 forming the Number of Pfalms to the Number 
 of Hours continued in Ufe in fome Parts of 
 France, or elfe was taken up in the Time of 
 thefecond Council of T'ours, An. f6j, as appears 
 from a fingular Canon of that Council [sfl, 
 which I have recited at large before in the laft 
 Book [{]. 
 
 Besides thefe, it was ufual sect. vi. 
 for the Bifhop or Precentor to And fome Appoint- 
 appoint any Pfalm to be fung <f ounfionaiiy at 
 occafionally in any Part of the tPf*?** 1 " 
 
 c . J r^-r 3 . „ Bifhop or Precentor. 
 
 Service at Dilcretion: As now 
 
 [>»] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 1 f . Sunt quidam qui in fine Ref- 
 ponforiorum, Gloria nondicunt, 8cc. [»] Greg. Turon. de Vi- 
 tis Parrum. cap. 8. DiaGonus Refponforium Pfalmum canerc ccepit. 
 It. Hift. Francor. lib. 8. cap. 3. Jubet Rex ut Diaconum noftrum, 
 qui ante diem ad Miflas Pfalmum Refponforium dixerat, canere 
 juberem. [0] Ifidor.de Offic. lib. 1. cap. 8. [/>] Rupert, 
 de Offic. lib. 1. cap. if. [*] Book XM. Chap. x. n. 1. 
 
 [|] See Book XIII. Chap. xi. ». a. [q] Gennad. de Scriptor. 
 cap. 79. Refponforia cciam Pfalmorum Capitula Tempori & Le£ti- 
 onibus congruentia excerpfit. [r] Stillingfleet, Orig. Britan. 
 
 chap. 4. p. 218. [j] Aug. in Pfal. zu in Pvxf. Serm. 2. p.43. 
 It] CalTnn. Inftit.lib. 2. cap 2. [»] CaJIian. ibid cap. 4. Per 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 univerfam jEgyptum 8c Thebaidem duodenarius Pfalmorum nu,me» 
 rus tam Vefpertinis quam Noflurnisfolennitatibuscuftoditur, itadun- 
 taxat ut poft hunc numerum duae Le£liones, Veteris fcilicet ac no- 
 vi Teftamenti fingulse fubfequantur. [*] Ibid. cap. 2. Sunt qui- 
 bus inipfis quoque Diurnis Orationum OfHciis, id eft, Tertia, Sex- 
 ta, Nonaque id vifum eft, ut fecundum borarum modum, in qui- 
 bus haec Domino redduntur obfequia, Pfalmorum etiam 8c Orati- 
 onum putarent numerum coaequandum : Nonnullis placuit fenarium 
 numerum fingulis diei Conventibus deputari. Caflian. lib. 
 
 3. cap. 3. [*] Cone. Turon. 1. Can. 10. [$] Book XIII. 
 Chap. ix. n. 9. 
 
 Ppppp * 
 
 our 
 
664 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIV. 
 
 our Anthems in Cathedrals are left to the Choice 
 of the Precentor, and the Pfalms in Metre to 
 the Difcretion of the Minifter, to chufe and ap- 
 point what Pfalms he plcafes, and what Times 
 he thinks molt proper in Divine Service. Thus 
 Mhanaftus tells us he appointed his Deacon to 
 fing an Occafional Pfalm [a] when his Church 
 was befet with thtArian Soldiers. And Sr. Au- 
 ftin [f\ fometimes fpeaks of a particular Pfalm, 
 which he ordered the Reader to repeat, intend- 
 ing himfelf to preach upon it: And it once hap- 
 pened, that the Reader miftaking one of thefe 
 Pfalms, read another in its Stead 3 which put 
 St. Auftin uponan Extempore Difcourfeupon the 
 Pfalm that was read by Miftake to the People. 
 And when we confider that they fometimes fpent 
 whole Days and Nights almoit in Pfalmody ; 
 as when St. Ambrofe's Church was befet with 
 the Arian Soldiers, the People within continued 
 the whole Night and Day (Vj in Singing of 
 Pfalms; it will eafily be imagined that at fuch 
 Times they did not Ting appropriated Pfalms, 
 but entertained themfelves with fuch as the Bi- 
 ihop then occafionally appointed, or left them 
 at large to their own Choice, to fing at Li- 
 berty and Difcretion. Sometimes the Reader 
 himfelf pitched upon a Pfalm as the Neceffity 
 of Affairs would allow him, or his own Difcre- 
 tion direft him. Thus St. Auftin tells us in one 
 of his Homilies [f], That he had P reached U P" 
 on a Pfalm, not which he appointed the Reader 
 to fing, but what God put into his Heart to 
 read, which determined his Sermon to the Sub- 
 ieft of Repentance, being the fifty firft or Pe- 
 nitential P/alm, which the Reader fung of his 
 own Accord, or rather as St. Auftin words it, 
 by God's Direction. Sulpicius Severus tells a re- 
 markable Story to the fame purpofe in the Life 
 of St. Martin [e~]. He fays, when St. Martin 
 was to be elected Bifhop, one whofe Name was 
 Defenfor among the Bifhops,wasagreat Stickler 
 againfthim. Now it happened, that in the Tu- 
 mult, the Reader, whofe Courfe it was to fing 
 the Pfalm that Day, could not come at his Place 
 in due Time, and therefore another read the 
 firft Pfalm that he lighted upon when he ope- 
 ned the Book, which happened to be the viiith 
 Pfalm, wherein were thofe Words, Out of the 
 Mouths of Babes and Sucklings thou haft perfected 
 Praife, becaufe of thine Enemies, that thou mighteft 
 deftroy the Enemy and Defenfor, as the Galilean 
 Verfion then read it, Ut deftruas inimicum fc? 
 Defenforem. And this, though it feemingly 
 were but a chance Thing, was looked upon as 
 
 providential by the People, to overthrow the 
 Machinations of Defenfor. 
 
 In fome Places, inftead of Lef- sect. VII. 
 fons between every Pfalm, they al- Wafers in f m> 
 lowed a ihort Space for private p/aces bet^en e - 
 Prayer to be made in Silence, and % p 
 amort Colled by the Minifter, 
 which Caffian [/] fays, was the 
 ordinary Cuftom of the Egyptian Fathers. For 
 they reckoned, that frequent fhort Prayers were 
 more ufeful [g~] than long continued ones, both 
 to follicit God more earneftly by frequent Ad- 
 dreffes, and to avoid the Temptations of Satan, 
 drawing them into Laflitude and Wearinefs, 
 which was prevented by their fuccinct Brevity. 
 And therefore they divided the longer Pfalms 
 into two or three Parts interpofing Prayers, 
 between every DiftindHon. 
 
 In all the Weftern Churches, sect. vnr. 
 except the Roman, it was cufto- The Gloria Pa- 
 mary alfo at the End of every tri addc <l ** the 
 Pfalm for the Congregation to ff </ // e^ '^ pfa,n, 
 ftand, and fay, Glory be to the Fa- 2*111 in thl%Z 
 ther, and to the Son, and to the ern churches. 
 Holy Ghofi: But in the Eaftern 
 Churches it was otherwife: For, as I have no- 
 ted before [ # ] out of Caffian [-f], in all the Eaji 
 they never ufed this Glorification, but only at the 
 End of the laft Pfalm, which they called their 
 Antiphona or Allelujah, which was one of thofe 
 Pfalms which had Allelujah prefixed to it, and 
 which they repeated by way of Antiphona or 
 Refponfal, and then added, Glory be to the Fa- 
 ther, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghoft. But 
 in the Weftern Churches, he fays, it was ufed 
 at the End of every Pfalm. And fo. we are to 
 underftand thofe Canons [/"] of the Council of 
 Toledo, which order, Glory and Honour be to the 
 Father, and Son, and Holy Ghoft, to be faid at 
 the End of the Pfalms and Refponfories : But 
 the Decretal of Vigilius [_k\ which orders the 
 fame at the End of the Pfalms, muft be taken 
 according to the Cuftom of the Roman Church, 
 to be ufed only at the Conclufion of all. Other 
 Differences relating to the Ufe of this Domlogy 
 and its Original, fhall be confidered in the next 
 Chapter in their proper Place. 
 
 As to the Perfons concerned sect. ix. 
 
 in this Service of ringing the The Walros/fcw*- 
 
 Pfalms publickly in the Church, m h 
 
 we may confider them in four 7 
 
 different Refpefts, according to the different 
 
 |>] Athan. Apol. p.*. 717. [*] Aug. in Pfal. 138. p.6>. 
 Pfalmum nobis brevem paraveramus, quem mandaveraraus rfintari 
 a Le<aore ; Sed ad horam, quantum videtur, perturbatus, alterum 
 pro altero legit. Malumus nos in errore Leftoris fequi voluntatem 
 Dei, quam noftram in noftro Propofuo. Vid. Aug. Prxfat. in 
 Pfal. si. M Ambrof. Epift. 33. ad Marcellinara Sororem. 
 [J] Aug. Horn. 17. ex fo. T. io. p. 175-. Proinde aliquid de 
 Pcenitentia dicere divinitus jubemur. Neque enim nos iftum Pfal- 
 mum cantandum Leftori imperavimus: Sed quod illecenfuit vobis 
 effe utile ad audiendum, hoc cordi etiam puerili imperavit. [>] Sul- 
 pic. Vit. Martin, capj.'p.iif. [/] Caffian. Inftit. lib. 1. cap.j-.Un- 
 deeim Pfalmos orationum interje&ione diftin&os, Sec. [g] Ibid. 
 
 cap. 10. Utilius cenfent breves quidem Orationes, fed creberri- 
 mas fieri, &c. [&] Ibid cap. 1 1. Et idcirco ne Pfalmos qui- 
 
 dem ipfoi, quos in Congregatione decantant, continu3ta ftudent 
 pronunciatione concludere: Sed eos pro numero verfuum duabus 
 vel tribus intcrceffionibus, cum orationum intcrjectione divi'ifos, dt- 
 ftindtim particubtimque confummant, See. [*] Booh XIII. 
 
 Chap. x. n. 14. [f] Caffian. Inftit. lib. 2. cap. 8. Strabo dc 
 
 Reb. Ecclef. cap. if. [/] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 14, & if. 
 
 [£] Vigil. Ep. 1. ad Eutherum. cap. i. In fine Pfalmorum ab om- 
 nibus CathoHcis ex more dicatur, Gloria Patri, Si Filio, & Spiritui 
 Santfo. 
 
 Ways 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 66$ 
 
 Ways of Pfilmody. I. Sometimes the Pfalms Pfalms between the Leflbns with united Voices, 
 
 were fung by one Perfon alone, the relt hearing though before his time the way of alternate 
 
 only with Attention, z Sometimes they were Pfalmody was become very common in all 
 
 fung by the whole Aflembly joining all together. Parts of the Church. 
 3. Sometimes alternately by the Congregation 
 
 divided into diilinft Quires, the one Part re- This way of finging the sect. XT. 
 
 peating on Verfe, and the other another. 4. Some- Pfalms alternately was, when the sometimes alter- 
 
 times one Perfon repeated the firft Part of the Congregation dividing themfelves mtt ^ h the Con ~ 
 
 Verfe, and the reft joyncd all together in the into two Parts, repeated the m ' 
 
 Clofe of it. The firft of thefe Ways, Cafian Pfalms by Courfcs, Verfe for ° " ' ' 
 
 notes as the common Cuftom of the Egyptian Verfe one after another, and not, as formerly, 
 
 Monafteries. For he fays, Except him [/] who all together. As the other, for its common Con- 
 
 rofe up to fing, all the reft fat by on low Seats junction of Voices, was properly called Sympho- 
 
 in Silence, giving Attention to him that fang, ny: So this, for its Diviflon into two Parts, and 
 
 And though fometimes four fang the twelve alternate Anfwers, was commonly called Anti- 
 
 Pfalms in one Aflembly, yet they did it not phony, and fometimes Refponforia, the finging by 
 
 all together, but in Courfe one after another Refponfals. This is plain from that noted lam* 
 
 \m\ each finging three Pfalms, and the reft bick [j] of Gregory Nazianzen, crufjuipcovcw, avrtyw- 
 
 keeping Silence till the lait Pfalm, which they vcv dTythm sdmv, where the Symphony denotes 
 
 all fang by way of Antiphona or alternate Song, their Singing alternately Verfe for Verfe by 
 
 adding the Gloria Patri in the Clofe. Turns. Socrates [t] calls it avl/tpwvov uow«aeAkv$ 
 
 the Antiphona! Hymnodyj and St. Ambrofe [u~\ 
 SECTX. Sometimes again the whole Refponforia, finging by way of Refponfals. For, 
 Sometimes by the Aflembly joined together, Men, comparing the Church to the Sea, he fays, 
 whole Aflembly join- Women and Children, united from the Refponfories of the Pfalms, and Sing- 
 ing all together. with one Mouth and one Mind ing of Men, Women, Virgins and Children, 
 in finging Pfalms and Praifes to there refults an harmonious Noife like the Waves 
 God. This was the mod antient and general of the Sea. He exprefly mentions Women in 
 Practice, till the way of alternate Pfalmody was other Places [*], as allowed to fing in Publick, 
 brought into the Chutch. Thus Chrift and his though otherwife the Apoftle had commanded 
 Apoftles fung the Hymn at the laft Supper, and them to keep Silence in the Church. St. Auflin 
 thus Paul and Silas at Midnight fung Praifes un- alfo frequently mentions [jy] this way of Sing- 
 to God. Bellarmin [»] indeed, and fome other ing by Parts or alternately by Refponfes : And 
 Writers of the Romifh Church, fay, this Cuftom he carries the Original of it in the Wefiern 
 was not inUfe till the Time of St. Ambrofe: But Church no higher than the Time of St. Am- 
 they plainly miftake the Introduction of the al- brofe, when he was under the Perfecution of the 
 ternate way of finging Pfalms for this more an- Arian Emprcfs Juftina, Mother of the younger 
 tient way, which derives its Original from ' the Valentinian; at which Time both he [%] and 
 Foundation of the Church. Thus St. Hilary, Paulinus, who writes [a] the Life of St. Am- 
 who lived before St. Ambrofe, takes Notice [0] brofe, tells us the way of Antiphonal Singing 
 that the People all prayed, and all fang Hymns was firft brought into the Church of Milan, in 
 together. And St. Chryfoftom comparing the Imitation of the Cuftom of the Eajlern Churches $ 
 Apoftolical Times with his own, fays [/>], anti- and that from this Example it prefently fpread 
 ently they all met together, and all fang in all over the Wefiern Churches. What was the 
 common. And fo do we at this Day. And a- firft Original of it 141 the Eajlern Church, is not 
 gain [_{], Women and Men, old Men and Chil- fo certainly agreed upon by Writers either anti- 
 dren differ in Sex and Age, but they differ not ent or modern. Theodoret fays [b~] that Flavian 
 in the Harmony of finging Hymns: For the Spi- and Diodorus firft brought in the way of finging 
 rit tempers all their Voices together, making David's Pfalms alternately into the Church of 
 one Melody of them all. After the fame man- Antioch in the Reign of Confiantius. But Socra- 
 ner St. Auflin fometimes [f] fpeaksof finging the tes [c] carries the Original of this way of Sing- 
 
 [i] Cafiian. Inftft. lib. 2. cap. 12. Abfque co qui difturus in me- 
 dium Pfalmos furrexerit, cunfti fedilibus hutnillimis iotidentes, ad 
 vocem Pfallentis omni cordis intentione dependent. [w] Ibid, 
 cap. f, 8c 8. [»] Bellarm. de Bonis Operibus. lib. 1. 
 
 cap. 16. Tom. 4. p. 1077. [0] Hilar, in Pial. 6f. p. 132. 
 
 Audiat orantis populi conliftens quis extra Ecclefiam vocem, fpec- 
 tet celebresHymnorum Sonitus. [/>] Chryf. Horn. 26. in 
 
 1 Cor. p. 6f;. Wi4** 9 " Tfdv\zi Koivn. [q] Chryf. in 
 
 Pfal. 14.7. p. 824. 0] Aug.de Verb. Apod. Serm. 10. p. 
 
 in. Cantavimus Pfalmum exhortantes nos invicem una voce, 
 uno corde, dicentes, Venite adoremus, &c. [i] Naz. 
 
 Carro. 18. de Virtute. inter Iambica. torn. 2. p. 218. [t] So- 
 crat. lib. 6- cap. 8. [«] Ambrof. Hexamer. lib. 2. cap. f. 
 
 Refpoaforiis Pfalmorum, cantu Virorum, Mulierum, Virginum, 
 
 Parvulorum, confonans undarum fragor refultat. [#] Am- 
 
 brof. expof. Pfal. 1. Mulieres Apoftolus in Ecclefia tacere juhcr : 
 Pfalmum etiam bene clamant, &c. f^J Aug. Sejm. in 
 
 Pfal. 16. in Prxfat. Voces iftae Pfalmi, quas audivimus, &' ex 
 parte cantavimus. Item in Pfal. 46. In hoc Pfal mo, qucm canta- 
 tum audivimus, cui cmtando refpondimus, ca fumus difruri hug 
 noftis. [>] Aug. Confef lib. 1 . cap. 7. Tunc Hymni & 
 
 Pfalmi ut canerentur fecundum morcm Oiientalium panium, nc 
 populus mxroris txdio contabefceret.inftitutumeft: & ex i!lo in ho- 
 diernumretentum,multis jam ac pcne omnibus Grcgibusruis & per 
 ceteras orbis partes imitanribus. [«] Paulin. v r it. Ambrof 
 
 p. 4. Hoc in tempore primo Antiphona Hymni Sc Vigih in 
 Ecclefia Mediohnenfi celebrari experunt. <kc. ^1 'paaod 
 
 lib. 2. cap. i4. [c] So;rat. lib. 6. cap. 8. 
 
 iiig 
 
666 
 
 BookXIV 
 
 ing Hymns to the Holy Trinity as high as Igna- 
 tius. Valefius thinks Socrates was miftaken: But 
 Cardinal Bona [d] and Pagi [e] think both Ac- 
 counts may be true, taking the one to fpeak of 
 David's Pfalms only, and the other of Hymns 
 compofed for the Serviee of the Church. Some 
 fay the Cuftom was firft begun by Ignatius, but 
 deftroyed by Paulus Samofatenfis, and revived a- 
 gain by Flavian. But Pagi's Conjecture fecms 
 mod reafonable, that Flavian only introduced this 
 way of Singing the Pfalms in the Greek 'Tongue at 
 Antioch, whereas it had been ufed in the Syrian 
 Language long before, as he fhews out of 'Theo- 
 doras of Mopfueftia, and Valefius himfelf con- 
 firms this out of the fame Author, whofe Tefti- 
 mony is preferved by Nicetas [/]. However this 
 Matter be as to the firft Original of this way of 
 Antiphonal Pfalmody, it is certain, that from the 
 time that Flavian either inftituted or revived it 
 at Antioch, it prevailed in a fliort time to be- 
 come the general Practice of the whole Church. 
 St. Chryfofiom [g] encouraged it in the Vigils at 
 Conftantinople, in Oppofition to the Arians. St. 
 Bafil \_h~] fpeaks of it in his time, as the received 
 Cuftom of all the Eaft. And we have feen be- 
 fore, how from the time of St. Ambrofe it pre- 
 vailed over all the Weft. And it was a Method 
 of Singing fo taking and delightful, that they 
 fometimes ufed it where two or three were met 
 together for private Devotion. As Socrates [f\ 
 particularly remarks of the Emperor Theodoftus 
 Junior and his Sifters, that they were ufed to 
 fing alternate Hymns together every Morning in 
 the Royal Palace. 
 
 sect. XII. Besides all thefe there was 
 Sometimes by a yet a fourth way of Singing, of 
 /ingle Przcentor re- p rettv common Ufe in the fourth 
 
 peafmgthe firft p*rt - Q f ^ Church . Which Was, 
 
 °L v SL when a fingle Perfon (whom that 
 
 the People all join- & ■ \ , , 
 
 mg with him in the Age called a Pbonajcus, vzroCcXsur, 
 clofe. where alfo or Pracentor) [*] began the Verfe, 
 o/Diapfalms, and anc j t he People joined with him 
 Acrotdeuticks and m t ^ e Clofe. This the Greeks 
 Acrofticks in Pfal- ca]led an d Jxaxaev, and 
 
 mody ' the Latins Succinere. And it was 
 
 often ufed for Variety in the fame Service with 
 alternate Pfalmody. Thus St. Bafil defcribing 
 the different Manners of their Morning Pfalmo- 
 dy, tells us, they one while divided themfelves 
 into two Parts, and fung alternately, anfwering 
 to one another j and then again let one begin the 
 Pfalm, and the reft joined with him [£] in the 
 Clofe of the Verfe. This was certainly in Ufe 
 
 at Alexandria in the time of ' Athanaftus, as I have 
 obferved in the laft Book f_-f]. For both he 
 himfelf [/] and all the Hiftorians [ni] who relate 
 the Story after him, in fpeaking of his Efcape 
 out of the Church when it was befet with the 
 Arian Soldiers, tell us he avoided the Afiault 
 by fetting the People to Pfalmody, which Pfal- 
 mody was of this kind: For he commanded the 
 Deacon to read the Pfalm, and the People uVa- 
 x»av, to repeat this Claufe after hfm, For his 
 Mercy endureth for ever. The common Tranfla- 
 tions of Athanafius make this uVaxsav to fignify 
 no more than the Peoples attending to what the 
 Deacon read: But Epiphanius Scholafticus, the an- 
 tient Author of the Hiftoria Tripartita, having 
 Occafion to relate this very Paflage [n] of Atha- 
 nafius, rightly renders uVaxaeii/ by Refpondere. 
 The Deacon read, and the People anfwered in 
 thefe Words, For his Mercy endureth for ever. 
 Valefius [o] thinks it fhould be read v^nyeiv, in- 
 ftead of uTaxsav, in all thofe Places of Athana- 
 fius and the Hiftorians after him: But there is 
 no need of that critical Correction i for both 
 the Words among the Greeks are of the fame 
 Import, and fignify to make Anfwer or Re- 
 fponfes, as Cotelerius a judicious Critick has [/>] 
 obferved. And fo the Word vVaxaejv is ufed 
 both by Theocritus \jf] and Homer. So that there 
 is no Reafon to difpute the Ufe of it in this 
 Senfe in Ecclefiaftical Writers. St. Chryfofiom 
 ufes the Word yro-n^av [f] when he fpeaks of 
 this Practice. The Singer fings alone, and all 
 the reft anfwer him in the Clofe, as it were with 
 one Mouth and one Voice. And elfcwhere he 
 fays [;] the Priefts began the Pfalm, and the 
 People followed after in their Refponfcs. Some- 
 times this way of Pfalmody was called finging 
 Acrofticks. For though an Acroftick common- 
 ly fignifies the Beginning of a Verfe, yet fome- 
 times it is taken for the End or Clofe of it. As 
 by the Author [/] of the Confiitutiom, when he 
 orders one to fing the Hymns of David, and the 
 People to fing after him the Acrofticks or Ends 
 of the Vcrfes. This was otherwife called Hypo- 
 pfalma and Diapfalma, and da^TiXdjTicv, and ^u'^i- 
 vicv, which are all Words of the fame Significa- 
 tion. Only we muft obferve, that they do not 
 always denote precifely the End of a Verfe, but 
 fometimes that which was added at the End of a 
 Pfalm, or fomething that was repeated frequent- 
 ly in the Middle of it, as the Clofe of the' feve- 
 ral Parts of it. Thus St. Auftin compofed a 
 Pfalm for the common People to learn againft 
 the Donatifis, and in Imitation of the cxixth 
 
 rABonade Pfalmod. cap. 16. Sefl. mo. n. u [e] Pagi 
 
 Critic in Baron, an. 400. n. 10. [/] Nicer. Thcfaur. Orthod. 
 Fid lib. f . cap. 30. [g] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 8. [A] Bafil. 
 
 Ep. 6 ? . ad Ncocacfar. [i] Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 22. [*] See 
 Book III Chap. vii. n. 3. 8c Sidoo. Apollin. lib. 4.. Ep. 11. Pfalmo- 
 rum hie modulator & Phonafcus. [*] Bafil. Ep. 63. ad Neo- 
 exfar Hvv /A> <^'X» JWe/*n-^i/7«f, dv}t -IcLkkww ahhn\ot<' 
 
 uVnvSff/. [f] Book xm - cha P- V - 6 - W Athanaf. Apol. 2. 
 d 717 ' M Thcodor.lib. i.eap. 13. Socrat.lib. 2. cap. 11. 
 Sozora. lib. 3. cap. 6. [»] Hift. Tripart. lib. S . cap. 2. Pr«- 
 
 ccpi ut Diaconus Pfalmum legeret, Populi refponderent, 8cc. 
 [0] Valef. Not. in Theod. lib. 2. cap. 13. [p] Coteler. Not. 
 
 in Conftit. Apoft. lib. 2. cap. 77. p. 262. Thcocrit. Idyl. 
 
 14. de Hyla. rei< ^ <zrauf \>nrd,K.*Giv. Ter puer refpondip. 
 Vid. Homer. OdylT. 4. & Stephani Lexicon. [r] Chryf. Horn. 
 36. in 1 Cor. p. 65-$-, 'o 4dhKm p'ovQ-, k<xv wailis 
 
 ATtiyaeiv (leg. uirnx*' '' 1 ') ®f ivof ro^t«T©- » ipuvw ^ejt- 
 tbu. Vid. Horn. 11, in Mat. p. 108. vtirr\ytia&v]if. Sec. 
 j>] Chryf. in Pfal. 137. p. fi8. Mtri ffi Wicov Kctl&ryjtfjBfiw, 
 t^^myffj^fjuv i\oy.Ai, >tj dLMht^nfa, a!,<ru aqi. Sec. 
 [/j Conftit. lib. 2. cap. 57. haU t« AKgifiyitt \ r sx^x\\irc:: 
 
 Pfalm 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 Pfalm he divided it into fo many Parts according 
 to the Order of the Letters in the Alphabet 
 (whence fuch Pfalms were called Abecedarii) each 
 Part having its proper Letter at the Head of it, 
 and the Hy pop f alma (as he calls it [u] ) or An- 
 fwer, to be repeated at the End of every Part of it, 
 in thefe Words, Omnes qui gaudetis de Pace, modo 
 verum judicate ; as the Gloria Patri is now repeat- 
 ed not only at the End of every Pfalm, but at the 
 End of every Part of the cxixth Pfalm. And in 
 this refpect the Gloria Patri it felf is by fome an- 
 tient Winters called the Hypopfalma, or Epode, 
 and Acroteleutick to the Pfalms, becaufe it was al- 
 was uftd at the End of the Pfalms. Thus Soza- 
 mcn, giving an Account of the Avians Manage- 
 ment of their Pfalmody at Conjlantinople in their 
 Morning Procerfions, fays, they divided them- 
 felves into Parts, and fung after the manner of 
 Antiphona, or alternate Song, adding in the Clole 
 their Acrotclcuticks [x], framed and modelled after 
 their own way of Glorification. Where, as V z- 
 lefius rightly obferves, 'tis plain, Acroteleutick is 
 but another Name for the Gloria Patri, which 
 they added at the End of the Pfalms, but per- 
 verfely modelled to favour their own Herefyj 
 not laying, Glory be to the Father, and the Son, 
 and the Holy Ghoft ; but Glory be to the Father, by 
 the Son, and in the Holy Ghoft. Again Sozomen, 
 fpeaking of the Pfalmody with which the Chri- 
 itians brought the Body of the Martyr Babylas 
 from Daphne to Antioch in the time of Julian, 
 lays, they who were beft skilled, began the 
 Pfalms, and the Multitude anfwered them with 
 one harmonious Confent, making thefe Words 
 the Epode of [jy] their Pfalmody, Confounded be all 
 they that nvorjhip graven Images, and boa ft them- 
 fel-ves in Images or Idol-gods. Meaning that this 
 Sentence was frequently repeated in the (everal 
 Paufes of their Pfalmody j which the Ancients, 
 we fee, fometimes called an Epode or Diapfalm, 
 like that of the cviith Pfalm, O that Men would 
 therefore praife the Lord for his Goodnefs, and de- 
 clare the Wonders that he doth for the Children of 
 Men! Which in the diftinct Parts of that one 
 Pfalm is four times repeated. 
 
 SECT. XIII. From all this, it is as clear 
 An jinfwertoan as the Sun at Noon-day, that the 
 objeBwn made a- p e0 pl e generally had a Share in 
 
 2art 'a'plr/t the Pfalmod y ° f the antienc 
 
 ffalmody X Church} and that this was not 
 an Exercife ftrictly confined to 
 the Canonical Singers, or any particular Order 
 in the Church ; but that Men, Women, and 
 Children were all allowed to bear a Part in it, 
 under the Direction and Conduct of Precentors, 
 or thofe who prefided in this and all other Of- 
 fices of the Church. Therefore the Reflexion 
 which I have formerly made upon Cabaffutius 
 
 [*], I cannot chufc but here again repeat, who 
 charges this way of Singing as a mere Novelty 
 and Proteftant-whim, becaufe it differs from the 
 prefent practice of his own Church j though it 
 be exactly agreeable to the Practice of the anti- 
 cnt Church in all its feveral Methods, and in all 
 Ages iince the Apoftles. Neither is there any 
 one Thing can be objected againft it, fave a fin- 
 glc Canon of the Council of Laodicea \z\, which 
 forbids all others to fing in the Church, except 
 only the Canonical Singers, who went up into 
 the Ambo or Reading- Desk, and fung out of a 
 Book. This I have explained to be only a Tem- 
 porary Provilion of a Provincial Council, defign- 
 ed to reftore or revive the antient Pfalmody, 
 when it might be in fome meafure corrupted or 
 neglected, and not intended to abridge or de- 
 ltroy the primitive Liberty of the People. Or 
 if any thing more was intended by it, it was an 
 Order that never took place in the Practice of 
 the Church : It being evident, beyond all Con- 
 tradiction, from what has now been faid, that 
 the People always enjoyed their antient Privi- 
 lege of joining in this Divine Harmony, and were 
 encouraged in it by the greateft Luminaries of 
 the Church. 
 
 To proceed then: We are to sect. xiv. 
 confider farther, that Pfalmody vfalmody always 
 was always efteemed a confiJera- P er f yi »^d in the 
 ble Part of Devotion, and upon fiimdmg Po ^ re - 
 that Account was ufually, if not always, per- 
 formed by thofe that were ingaged in it, in the 
 Handing Pofture. Caffian indeed feems to make 
 an Exception in the Way of the Monafteries of 
 Egypt: But his Exception helps to clear the con- 
 trary Rule, and iTiews alfo that their Devotion 
 was in the main performed in the itanding Po- 
 fture. For he fiys, though by reafon of their 
 continual Fallings and Labour Night and Day, 
 they were unable to Hand all the time, while 
 twelve Pfalms were reading, yet they that read 
 in Courfe, always Mood [a] up to read: And at 
 the laft Pfalm, they all ltood up [£] and repeat- 
 ed it alternately, adding the Gloria Patri at the 
 End. In other Places it was always the Cuftom 
 to ftand, as is plain not only from this Excepti- 
 on, but from the Teftimony of St. Auftin \f], 
 who fpeaks of the Pfalmody as an Act of Devo- 
 tion, which all the People performed ftanding in 
 the Church. 
 
 As to the Voice or Pronunci- SECT. xv. 
 
 ation ufed in Singing, it was of of the ufe of 
 
 two Sorts, the plain Song, and f Mn Sor> z> > ts 
 
 the more artificial and elaborate comme»d*twn a- 
 
 Tc _l \t • mong the Ancients. 
 
 uning or the Voice to greater 
 
 variety of Sounds and Meafures. The plain Song 
 
 was only with a little gentle Inflexion, and a- 
 
 [u] Vid. Aug. Pfalmum contra partem Donati. torn. 7. p. 1. 
 Et Retraift. lib. 1. cap. 10. [*] Soz,om. lib. 8. cap. 8. £«cfei 
 
 irffy Ti\v avtuv fk£.ety T'l-nomiM*.. [_y~\ Sozom. lib. y, 
 
 cap. 19. £,vvi7Tiix& To 7rA"-3"©" <^ vvutpw'tq. >y tojjtm inv 
 fiiftv vJA^iv. &c. [*] JSoek III, Chap. vii. ». 2. 
 
 [z.] Cone. Laodic. Can. if, [a] Cafiian. Inftit. lib. 1. cap. 12- 
 Abfque eo qui dicturus in medium Pfalmos furrexerit, cundti fedi- 
 libus humillimis intidentes, &c. [^] Cad ir>id. cap. 8. 
 
 [c] Aug. Serm. 3. in Pfal. 36. p. iti. Certe verum eft quod 
 cantsvi, certe verum eft quod in Ecc.'elia itans tarn devota voce 
 perfonui, Sec. 
 
 1 graeable 
 
66% 
 
 greeable Turn of the Voice, with a proper Ac- 
 cent, not much different from Reading, and 
 much refembling the mufical way of Reading 
 the Pfalms now in our Cathedral Churches. This 
 was the way of Singing ax. Alexandria in the time 
 of Athanafius. For St. Aufiin fays [/], he or- 
 dered the Reader to fing the Pfalm with fo lit- 
 tle Inflexion or Variation of the Tone, that it 
 looked more like Reading than Singing. And 
 this, St. Aufiin [<?] feems to intimate to have 
 been the common way of the African Churches, 
 as moll agreeable to the flow Genius of the Afri- 
 can People. Whence fomc of the warmer Do- 
 natifts made it a Matter of Objection, that the 
 Calholicks fung the Divine Hymns of the Pro- 
 phets foberly in the Church, whilft they fung 
 their own Pfalms of human Compofition in a 
 ranting way, and even trumpeted our, like Men 
 that were drunk, their own Exhortations. St. 
 Aufiin does not fpeak this, as if he wholly difap- 
 proved the other more artificial and melodious 
 way of Singing, but only as it was intemperate- 
 ly abufed by many, and particularly by the Do- 
 natifis. For otherwife he commends this way of 
 Singing, as very ufeful to raife the Affections, 
 when performed with a clear Voice [/] and a 
 convenient Sweetnefs of Melody: And fays, it 
 was that that melted him into Tears, when he 
 firft heard it in the Beginning of his Converfion, 
 in the Church of St. Ambrofe. 
 
 SECT. XVI. This plainly implies, that the 
 
 Artificial and me- artificial and melodious way of 
 
 Mwus Tumng of Singing, with Variety of Notes 
 
 the voice allowed m f or greater Sweetnefs, was ufed 
 
 Singing, ^enma- j n d as n a$ { { g 
 naved with Sobriety . » ^ \ o' 
 
 and Difcretion. ln the Itahck Churches : And 
 they miftake St. Aufiin, who 
 think he fpeaks in Commendation of the one, to 
 the Derogation of the other. For he profefTes 
 to admire both Ways for their Ufefulnefs, and 
 particularly the more melodious way, for this, 
 Ut per ObleElamenta aurium infirmior animus in af- 
 fetlum Pietatis ajfurgat, that weaker Minds may 
 be raifed to Affections of Piety, by the Delight 
 and Entertainment of their Ears. And whilft it 
 kept within due Bounds, there is nothing plainer 
 than that it had the general Approbation of pious 
 Men throughout the Church. 
 
 SECT. xvn. Neither was it any Obje- 
 made ction againft the Pfalmody of 
 Mgainft TUfms and the Church, that She fometimes 
 
 Hymns of human made u f e of pf a 1 ms an( \ Hymns of 
 
 human Compofition, befides thole Compofition, barely 
 
 of the facred and infpired Wri- Al- 
 ters. For though St. Aufiin, as we have juft 
 heard before, reflects upon the Donatifis for their 
 Pfalms of human Compofition, yet it was not 
 merely becaufe they were human, but becaufe 
 they preferred them to the divine Hymns of 
 Scripture, and their indecent way of Chanting 
 them, to the grave and fober Method of the 
 Church. St. Aufiin himfelf made a Pfalm of ma- 
 ny Parts, in Imitation of the cxixthP/^/w, as has 
 been obferved above in this Chapter, n. 1 1. And 
 this he did for the Ufe of his People, to preferve 
 them from the Errors of Donatus. And it would 
 be abfurd to think, that he who made a Pfalm 
 himfelf for the People to fing, fhould quarrel 
 with other Pfalms merely becaufe they were of 
 human Compofition. It has been demonftrated 
 in the fifth Chapter of the laft Book, that there 
 were always fuch Pfalms, and Hymns, and Do- 
 xologies compofed by pious Men, and ufed in 
 the Church from the firft Foundation of it} nor 
 did any, but Paulus Samofatenfis, except againft 
 the Ufe of them : Which he did not neither be- 
 caufe they were of human Compofition, but be- 
 caufe they contained a Doctrine contrary to his 
 own private Opinions. St. Hilary and St. Am- 
 brofe made many fuch Hymns, which when fomc 
 muttered againft in the Spanifh Churches, becaufe 
 they were of human Compofition, the fourth 
 Council of Toledo [g] made a Decree to confirm 
 the Ufe of them, together with the Doxology, 
 Glory be to the Father, &c. and Glory be to God on 
 high: Threatning Excommunication to any that 
 fhould reject them. The only thing of Weight 
 to be urged againft all this, is a Canon of the 
 Council of Laodicea [h~], which forbids all jVio- 
 tikvs •sJ/aXjusr, all private Pfalms, and all unca- 
 nonical Books to be read in the Church. For it 
 might feem, that by private Pfalms, they mean 
 all Hymns of human Compofition. But it was 
 intended rather to exclude Apocryphal Pfalms, 
 fuch as went under the Name of Solomon, as Bal- 
 zamon and Zonaras underftand it ; or elfe fuch as 
 were not approved by publick Authority in the 
 Church. If it be extended farther, it contradicts 
 the current Practice of the whole Church be- 
 fides, and cannot in Reafon be conftrued as any 
 more than a private Order for the Churches of 
 that Province, made upon fome particular Rea- 
 fons unknown to us at this Day. Notwithstand- 
 ing therefore any Argument to be drawn from 
 this Canon, it is evident the Ancients made no 
 fcruple of ufing Pfalms or Hymns of human 
 
 [V/] Aug.Confef. lib. i o. cap. 3;. Tam modico flexu vocis fa- 
 ciebat fonare Ledtorem Pfalmi, ut pronuncianti vicinior eflet quam 
 canenti. [e] Aug. Ep. 119. ad Januar. cap. 18. Pleraque in 
 
 Africa Ecclefix membra pigriora funt: Ita ut Donatiftac nos repre- 
 hendant, quod fobric Pfallimus in Eccleiia divina cantica Propbe- 
 tarum, cum ipli ebrietares fuas ad canticum Pfalmorum humano 
 ingenio compolitorum quad tubas Exhortationis inflamment. 
 [/] Aug. Confel" lib. io. cap. 33. Veruntamen cum reminifcor 
 
 lachrymas meas, quas fudi ad cantus Ecclefiae tuac Et none 
 
 ipfo commoveor Cum liquida Voce 8c convenientilTTima 
 
 Modulatione cant3titur, magnam Inftituti hujus utilitatem agnofco. 
 [g] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 1 z. Quia a nonnullis hymni humano 
 
 ftudio compofiti efle nofcuntur in laudem Dei, 8c Apoftolorum ac 
 Martyrum triumphos, ficut hi quos beatiffimi Do&ores Hilarius 
 atque Ambrofius ediderunt, quos tamen quidam lpecialiter repro- 
 bant, pro eo quod de Scripturis finclorum Canonum, vcl Apofto- 
 lica Traditione non exiftunt: Refpuant ergo & ilium Hymnum, 
 quern quotidie publico privatoque Officio in fine omnium Pfalmo- 
 rum dicimus, Gloria 8c Honor Patri, 8cc. — — Sicut ergo Ora- 
 tiones, ita 8c Hymnos in laudem Dei compofitos nullus noftrum 
 ulterius improbet, fed pari modo in Gallicia Hifpaniaque celebrent, 
 Excommunicatione pleftendi, qui Hymnos rcjicerc fuerint aufi. 
 [h] Cone. Laodic. Can. jo. 
 
 * Compo- 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 60S 
 
 Compofition, provided they were pious and Or- 
 thodox for the Subftance, and compofed by 
 Men of Eminence, and received by juft Autho- 
 rity, and not brought in clandeftincly into the 
 Church. 
 
 SECT, xvill. But there were fome Difor- 
 Bm two Corrup- ders and Irregularities always apt 
 tlons feverely in- to crC ep into this Practice, and 
 
 Tfrt* ve? a 'feat corm P l tbe Pfolmody and Devo- 
 irj. Over great t j p t ^ Church : And a- 
 
 Nicenefs and Curio- . n , r . _ 
 
 fay m siting, in gainft thefe the Fathers frequent- 
 lmitation of the ly declaim with many fharp and 
 Modes and Mufick of fevcre Invectives. Chiefly they 
 the Theatre. complain of the Lightnefs and 
 
 vain Curiofity which fome ufed 
 in Singing, who took their Meafurcs from the 
 Mean and Practice of the Theatres, introducing 
 from thence the Corruptions and Effeminacy of 
 fecular Mufick into the grave and folemn Devo- 
 tions of the Church. We have heard St. Chry- 
 fojlombefore [*] complaining of Mens ufing thea- 
 trical Noife and Gestures both in their l J rayers 
 and Hymns. And here I fhall add the Refle- 
 ction which St. Jerom makes upon thofe Words 
 of the Apoftle, Ephef. v. Singing, and making Me- 
 lody in your Hearts to the Lord. Let young Men 
 hear this, let thofe hear it, who have the Office 
 of Singing in the Church, that they fing not 
 with their Voice, but with their Heart to the 
 Lordj not like Tragedians phyfically preparing 
 their Throat and Mouth, that they may fing 
 after the Fafhion of the Theatre in the Church. 
 He that has but an ill Voice, if he has good 
 "Works, is a fweet Singer before God. 
 
 SECT. XIX. The other Vice complained 
 
 And idly, Plea- of, was the regarding more the 
 
 fmgtbt Ear,withoHt Mufick of the Words, and Sweet- 
 
 ra,fing the A pai- nefs of the Compofurc, than the 
 
 ons of the Soul. or jn/r • r i i 
 
 4 benie and Meaning or them j plea- 
 
 fing the Ear, without railing the Affections of 
 
 the Soul, which was the true Reafon for which 
 Pfalmody and Mufick was intended. St. Jerom 
 takes Notice of this Corruption in the fime 
 place [z], giving this Caution againft. it: Let the 
 Servant of Chrilt fo order his Singing, that the 
 Words that are read, may pleafe more than the 
 Voice of the Singer: That the Spirit that was 
 in Saul, may be call out of them, who are pof- 
 feffed with it, and not find Admittance in thofe 
 who have turned the Houfe of God into a Stage 
 and Theatre of the People. St. jiuftin [_k~] con- 
 fefles he was for fome time thus moved to a faul- 
 ty Complacency in the Sweetnels of the Song, 
 more than the Matter that was fung, and then 
 he rather wifhed not to have heard the Voice of 
 the Singer. St. Ijidore of Pelujium brings the 
 Charge of thefe Abufes more elpecially againft 
 Women, and goes fo far as to fay, that though 
 the Apoltle had allowed them to fing in the 
 Church, yet the perverfe and licentious Ufe they 
 made of this Liberty, was a fufficienr. Reafon [f] 
 why they fliould be totally debarred from it. 
 And fome are of Opinion, that it was Abufes of 
 this Kind, in Excels, and not in Defect, that 
 made the Council of Laodicea forbid all but the 
 Canonical Singers to fing in the Church ; as 
 thinking, that they might be better regulated 
 and reftraintd from fuch Abufes by the immedi- 
 ate Dependence they had upon the Rulers of the 
 Church. But the Experience of later Ages ra- 
 ther proves, that this was not the true way to 
 reform fuch Abufes j fince there are greater 
 Complaints made by confidering Men, of the 
 ExcefTes committed in Church Mufick after it 
 was wholly given up to the Management of 
 Canonical Singers, than there were before. Wit- 
 nefs the Complaints made by Poly dor e Virgil [«fj, 
 Maldonat [n] , Durantus [c] and others in the 
 Romifh, Church, and Bifhop IVettenhal \jp] in 
 the Proteftant Communion, which it is none of 
 my Bufinefs in this place any farther to purfue. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 A Particular Account of fome of the mofl noted Hymns m Ufe in the Service 
 
 of the antient Church, 
 
 SECT. I. UT there is one Thing more common was that which was called the lefTer 
 
 of the leffer J3 ma y be of Ufe for the better Doxology, Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, 
 
 be° X to°fhe F«hw " nderftandin § the Pfalmody of and to the Holy Ghoft. Concerning which we arc 
 
 ^ ' the antient Church, which is, to to note in the firft place, that it was fomething 
 
 give a dillinct Account of the fhorter than it is now: For the moil antient 
 
 raoft noted Hymns that made a Part of her Ser- Form of it was only a fingle Sentence without a 
 
 vice. Among thefe, one the m oft antient and Refponfe, running in thefe Words, Glory- fa; to 
 
 [*] Book XIII. Chap. viii.B. n. [»] Hieron.in Ephef f. quae canitur moveat, pcenaliter me peccare confiteor, & tunc ma!- 
 
 Sic cantet Servus Chrifti, ut non vox canentis, fed verba placeant lem non audire cantantem. [/] Iiidor. lib. i. Ep. 90. 
 
 qua: leguntur: Ut Spiritus qui erat in Saule, ejiciatur ab iis, qui [m] Polyd. Virgil, de Rer. Invent, lib. 6. cap. 2. p. 25-9. 
 
 fimiliterab eo poffidentur, & non introducatur in eos, qui de Do- [a] Maldonat. de 7 Sacramentis. t. 2. p. 22S. [0] Durant. 
 
 mo Dei fcenam fecere populorum. [k~\ Aug. Confef. lib. 10. de Ritibus, lib. 2. cap. 21. n, 1 1. [/>] Wettenhai, Gift of Sing~ 
 
 cap. 32. Cum mihi accidit, ut me amplius Cantus, quam res ing. Chap.i.p. 277 8c 247. 
 
 Vol. L Q_q q q q the 
 
670 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the Book XI V 
 
 the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghoft, 
 World without End. Amen. Pare of the latter 
 Claufe, As it was in the Beginning, is now, and e- 
 ver jhall be, was inferted fome time after the firft 
 Compofition. This appears from the molt an- 
 tient Form ufed both in the Greek and Latin 
 Church without thofe Words in it. The fourth 
 Council of Toledo, An. 6\\, reads it thus [a]: 
 Glory and Honour be to the Father, and to the Son, and 
 to the Holy Ghoft, World without End. Amen. 
 Where we may obferve, that not only the Words, 
 As it was in the Beginning, &c. are omitted, but 
 the Word Honour is added to Glory, according 
 [f] to another Decree made in that Council j 
 that it mould not be faid, as heretofore fome did, 
 Glory be to the Father, but, Glory and Honour be to 
 the Father: For as much as the Prophet David 
 fays, Bring Glory and Honour to the Lord, Pfal. 
 xxviii. i. And John the Evangelifi in the Reve- 
 lations, heard the Voice of the heavenly Holt, 
 faying, Honour and Glory be to our God, who fitteth 
 on the Throne, Rev. v. 15. From whence they 
 conclude, that it ought to be faid on Earth as it 
 is fung in Heaven. The Mozarabick Liturgy, 
 which was ufed in Spain a little after this time, 
 has it in the very fame [c] Form : Glory and Ho- 
 nour be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the 
 Holy Ghoft, Wot Id without End. Amen. Which 
 fhews, that that was the received way of ufing 
 this Hymn in the Spanijh Churches. The Greek 
 Church alfo for feveral Ages ufed it after the 
 fame manner, only they did not infert the Word 
 Honour, which feems to be peculiar to the Spanijh 
 Church. Athanaftus, or whoever was the Au- 
 thor of the Treatife of Virginity among his 
 "Works \_d~\, repeats it thus, Glory be to the Father, 
 and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghoft, World with- 
 out End. Amen. And Strabo [e] fays of the 
 Greeks in general, that they omitted thofe Words 
 in the latter Claufe, As it was in the Beginning. 
 So that it is not eafy to tell what time they firft 
 began to be ufed in it. Some fay, the Council 
 of Nice ordered them to be inferted againft Ari- 
 us: Others, that the Church by common Con- 
 tent admitted them, in compliance with the 
 Doctrine of that Council, to confront the Arian 
 Tenet, which afferted, that the Son was not in 
 the Beginning, and that there was a time, when 
 He was not. But if fo, it is ftrange we fhould 
 not hear of this additional Part of the Hymn in 
 any Greek or Latin Writer for above two whole 
 Centuries after. The firft exprefs mention that 
 is made of it, is in the fecond Council of \_f~\ 
 Vaifon, An. f ip, which fays, it was then fo ufed 
 at Rome, and in Italy, and Africk, and all the 
 Eaft, and therefore is now fo ordered to be ufed 
 
 in the French Churches. Whence it is plain, it 
 was not in the French Churches before, And 
 there is Reafon to conjecture, that the Eaft is 
 here put for the Weft, by a Miftake of fome 
 Transcriber, fince it appears from Strabo, that in 
 his time the Cultom of the Greek Church was 
 ftill otherwife: And how long it had been the 
 Cuftom of the Weftern Churches before the 
 time of this Council, is uncertain. The Spanijh 
 Churches, as we have feen, did not admit it till 
 afterwards. 
 
 There goes an Epiftle indeed under the Name 
 of St. Jerom to Pope Damafus, which, if it were 
 genuine, would make this Addition more anti- 
 ent, than now it can be allowed to be: For 
 there he advifes Damafus to order, that in the 
 Roman Church at the End of every Pfalm there 
 fhould be added, Glory be to the Father, and to the 
 Son, and to the Holy Ghoft : As it was in the Be- 
 ginning, is now, and ever Jhall be World without 
 End. Amen [g]. But this Epiftle is rejected as 
 fpurious by learned Men of all Sides, Bellarmin, 
 Baronius, Bona, and others of the Romanifts, as 
 well as Proteftants in general, becaufe it contra- 
 dicts the known Practice of the Roman Church 
 in another Particular: For at Rome they did not 
 ufe the Gloria Patri at the End of every Pfalm 
 long after this, in the time of Walafridus Strabo 
 [£], neither do they now by the Rubricks of the 
 Roman Breviary at this Day : Whereas, if Dama- 
 fus had made thofe Orders, as this Epiftle di- 
 rects, the Gloria Patri would have been ufed at 
 Rome at the End of every Pfalm-, which it was 
 not, either there or in any of the Eaftern 
 Churches, but only in France and fome few other 
 Churches, as we have heard before in the laft 
 Chapter. 
 
 There was another fmall Difference in the Ufe 
 of this antient Hymn, which yet made no Di- 
 fpute among Catholicks, till the Rife of the Ari- 
 an Herefy, and then it occafioned no fmall Di- 
 fturbance. The Catholicks themfelves of old were 
 wont to fay, fome, Glory be to the Father, and to 
 the Son, and to the Holy Ghoft; Others, Glory be 
 to the Father, and to the Son, with the Holy Ghoft ; 
 and others, Glory be to the Father, in or by the 
 Son, and by the Holy Ghoft. Now thefe different 
 ways of expreffing, were all allowed, fo long as 
 no heterodox Opinion was fufpected to be couch- 
 ed under them, as Valefius [f] has obferved in 
 his Notes upon Socrates and Theodoret, and St. 
 Bafil [£] fhews more at large in his Book De 
 Spiritu Sanclo. But when Arius had broached 
 his Herefy in the World, his Followers would 
 ufe no other Form of Glorification but the laft 
 and made it a diftinguifhing Character of their 
 
 [a] Cone. Tolcr. 4. Can. 12. In fine omnium Pfalmorum dici- 
 mus, Gloria 8c Honor Patri, 8c Filio, 8c Spiritui fancto in fscula 
 frculorum'. Amen. [b] Ibid. Can. 14.. In fine Pfalmorum, 
 
 rion ficut a quibufdam hue ulque, Gloria Pa*ri, fed Gloria 8c Ho- 
 nor Patri, dicatur, 8;c. [rj Miffa Moznrab. in Nativ. Chrifti. 
 ap. Mabillon. de Liturg. Gallic, p. 45-3. Gloria 8c Honor Patri, 8c 
 Filio, tic Spiritui fan<5to in ferula feulorum. Amen. [J] Athan. 
 de Virgin, p. lori. [e] Strabo.de Reb. Ecclef. cap. 2$-. 
 [/] Cone. Valion. 2. Can. f. Quia non folum in led: Apoftoli- 
 ca, fed etiam per totum Oiientem 8c totam Africam vel Italiam, 
 
 propter hxreticorum aftutiam, qua Dei Filium non femper cum 
 Patre fuiffe, fed a tempore fuiffe blafphemant, in omnibus claufu- 
 Jis pod, Gloria Patri, Sec. ficut erat in principio, dicitur, etiam 8c 
 nos in univerlis Eccleliis nofhis hoc iia cfTe dicendum decrepimus. 
 [g ] Hieron. Ep. ad Damafum. $-3. 8c inter Decreta Damafi ap. 
 Crab. Cone. torn. 1. p. 383. Ifiud carmen laudis omni Pfalmo 
 conjungi prxcipias, 8cc. [h] Strabo de Reb. Ecclef cap. 2 $\ 
 [/'] Valef. Not. in Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 21. 8c Thcod. lib. 2l cap. 24. 
 [k[ Balil de Spir, Sandt. cap. 7, 2 <-, 8c 20. 
 
 Party, 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 671 
 
 Party, to fay, Glory be to the Father, in or by the 
 Son, and Holy Ghoft: Intending hereby to de- 
 note, that the Son and Holy Ghoft were inferior 
 to the Father in Subftancc, and, as Creatures, 
 of a different Nature from him, as Sozomen [/] 
 and other antient Writers inform us. And from 
 this time it became fcandalous, and brought any 
 one under the Sufpicion of Heterodoxy, to ufe 
 it, becaufe the Arians had now, as it were, made 
 it the Shibboleth of their Party. Philojlorgius in- 
 deed fays [m~], that the ufua-1 Form of the Ca- 
 tholicks was a Novelty, and that Flavian at An- 
 tioch was the firft that brought in this Form of 
 laying, Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and 
 to the Holy Ghoft; whereas all before him faid ei- 
 ther, Glory be to the Father, by the Son, in the 
 Holy Ghoft: Or, Glory be to the Father, in the 
 Son and in the Holy Ghoft. But this is no more 
 ihan what one might expe£r. from the Partiality 
 of an Arian Hiftorian, and it is abundantly con- 
 futed by the antient Teftimonies which St. Bafil 
 produces [n Jin his own Vindication againftfome, 
 who charged him with the like Innovation - y in 
 anfwer to which, he fays, he did no more than 
 what was done before by Iren£us, Clemens Roma- 
 nus, the two Dionyfti of Rome and Alexandria, 
 Eufebius of C<efarea, Origen, Africanus, Atheno- 
 genes, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Firmilian and Mele- 
 tius, and what was done in the Prayers of the 
 Church, and with the Confent of all the Eaftern 
 and Weftern Churches. Which would make a 
 Man amazed to hear Cardinal Bona [0] charging 
 St. Bafil as Blame-worthy, for difpleafing the 
 Catholicks in ufing the Form of the Heterodox 
 Party i when it is plain, it was the Heterodox 
 Party that quarrelled with him for ufing the Ca- 
 th&lick Form of the Church. And yet though 
 he blames St. Bafil without Grounds, telling us, 
 That a Catholick Doftor ought to be without 
 Rebuke, and abftain from Terms that have a 
 fufpe6ted Senfe, and offend pious Ears; yet he 
 has nothing to fay to Pope Leo, who, if either, 
 was more certainly liable to his Cenfure, for ufing 
 the Arian Form of Doxology, though in a Catho- 
 lick Senfe, in one of his Chriftmas Sermons, 
 which he thus words, Let us give thanks, Be- 
 loved, to the Father [/>] by his Son, in the Holy 
 Ghoft. St. Bafil never ufed this fufpe&ed Form 
 (though he fays it might be ufed with an Ortho- 
 dox Meaning) but always, Glory be to the Father, 
 with the Son and Holy Ghoft. For which he was 
 charged by fome Heterodox Men as an Innova- 
 tor j but there was no room for Bona's Cen- 
 fure. 
 
 Having thus ftated the antient Form and Mo- 
 dification of this Hymn in its firft Original, and 
 fubfequent Progrefs, that it made in the Church, 
 we are next to fee to what Ufe it was applied, 
 and in what Parts of Divine Service. And here 
 we may obferve, that it was an Hymn of moil 
 
 general Ufe, and a Doxology offered to God in 
 the Clofe of every folemn Office. The Weftern 
 Church repeated it at the End of every Pfalm, 
 and the Eaftern Church at the End of the laft 
 Pfalm, as we have feen in the former Chapter. 
 Many of their Prayers were alfo concluded with 
 it, as we fhall find in various Inftances in the 
 following Parts of this and the next Book} par- 
 ticularly the folemn Thankfgiving or Confecra- 
 tion-Prayer at the Eucharift, to which Irenaas 
 \jf] and Tertullian [f] refer, when they mention 
 the Clofe of it ending in thefe Words, otwvar r 
 atojvcov, World without End. Amen. The whole 
 Doxology commonly running thus: To Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghoft, be all Glory, Worjhip, Thankf- 
 giving, Honour and Adoration, now and for ever, 
 throughout all Ages, World without End. Amen. 
 As it is in the Conftitutions [/]. Or, if the Pray- 
 er ended, by the Inter ceffion of Chrift, then it was, 
 To whom with Thee, or, with whom unto Thee and 
 the Holy Spirit, be all Honour, Glory, &c. World 
 without End. [f\. Amen. This was alfo the or- 
 dinary Conclusion of their Sermons, That we may 
 obtain eternal Life through Jefus Chrift, To whom 
 with the Father, and the Holy Ghoft, be all Glory 
 and Power, World without End : As may be feen 
 in the Homilies of Chryfoftom, Auftin, Leo, and all 
 others, of which more in the fourth Chapter of 
 this Book. 
 
 Another Hymn of great SECT. II. 
 Note in the antient Church, was of the Great 
 
 that Which they commonly call- Doxology, Glory 
 
 ed, The Angelical Hymn, or Great * h to God oa 
 Doxology, beginning with thofe s ' 
 Words which the Angels fung at our Saviour's 
 Birth, Glory be to God on High, 6cc. This was 
 chiefly ufed in the Communion-Service, as it is 
 now in our Church j and there we fhall fpeak of 
 it again in its proper Place. It was alfo ufed at 
 Morning Prayer daily at Mens private Devoti- 
 ons, as I have fhewed before out of Athamfius 
 and the Conftitutions [*], where the Reader may 
 find it repeated at length under the Title of 
 ■m^auyA Ico^tvrj, the Morning Prayer. In the 
 Mezarabick Liturgy it is appointed to be fung in 
 publick before the LefTons on Chrift mas-Day. 
 St. Chryfoftom [«] often mentions it, and in one 
 Place particularly obferves [#] of thofe who re- 
 tired from the World to lead an Afcetick Life, 
 that they met together daily to fing their Morn- 
 ning Hymns with one Mouth to God, among 
 which they fung this Angelical Hymn with the 
 Angels in Heaven. But I have obferved before, 
 that this was not the common Practice of all 
 Churches, to fing it every Day at Morning 
 Prayer, but only in the Communion-Service 3 or 
 at lean: only upon Sundays, and Eafter-day, and, 
 fuch greater Feftivals of the Church. Who firft 
 compofed this Hymn, adding the remaining Part 
 
 [/] Sozom. Hb. 5. cap. 20. i£'u~etCov <sretT««* Iv Cim, £d>- 
 iii>&m t viiv "&n>Qcuvev]i{. Philoftorg. lib. 3. cap. 13. 
 
 [n] Bafil. de Spir. fan6t. cap. 29. [0] Bona, Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. 
 cap. 1. a'. 2. [/>] Leo. Serm. 1. de Nativ. Agamus, dile&if- 
 fimi, grati s Deo Patri, per Filium ejus, in Spiritu fan&o. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [q] Irenae. lib. 1. cap, 1. 
 [j] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 12. 
 Book XIII. Chap. x.n. 9. 
 1337. Horn. 9. in Colof. p. 
 69. in Mat. p. 600. 
 d q q q q ? 
 
 [r] Tertul. de Spr.:hc. cap, if. 
 [t] Ibid, cap, ij. [*J see 
 
 0] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Colof. p. 
 13S0. [*] Chryf. Hom.6S. vel 
 
 to 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 to the Words lung by the Angels, is uncertain. 
 Somefuppofe [y] it to be as antient as the time 
 of Lucian, who lived in the beginning of the fe- 
 cond Century, and is thought to mean it in one 
 of his Dialogues, where he fpeaks of the Hymn 
 with many Names, xoAxwvu/jtov wefyiv, as ufed by 
 the Chriftians: Others take it for the Gloria Pa- 
 tri', which is a Difpute as difficult to be deter- 
 mined, as it is to find out the firft Author and 
 Original of this Hymn. And all I mall fay far- 
 ther of it, is only what was faid heretofore by 
 the fourth Council of Toledo [z] againft fome, 
 who rejected the Hymns of St. Hilary and 
 St. Ambrofe and others, becaufe they were of hu- 
 man Compofition: That by the fame Reafon 
 they might have reje&cd both the lefler Doxolo- 
 gy, Glory and Honour be to the Father, and to the 
 Son, and to the Holy Ghoft, which was compofed 
 by Men* and alfo this greater Doxology, part of 
 which was fung by the Angels at our Saviour's 
 Birth, Glory be to God on High, and on Earth 
 Peace to Men of good Will (fo they read it, as ma- 
 ny other Greek and Latin Writers did 5) but the 
 reft that follows, was compofed and added to it 
 by the Doctors of the Church. 
 
 SECT. III. A third Hymn of great Note 
 of the Trilagi- in the Church was the Cherubi- 
 on or Cherubical ca j j^y mn , or the Trifagion, as it 
 Hymn, Holy, Holy, was ca n e( j j becaufe of the thrice 
 Holy, &c. repeating, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord 
 
 God of Hofls, in Imitation of the Seraphims in 
 the Vifion of Ifaiah. The Original Form of this 
 Hymn was in thefe Words, Holy, Holy, Holy, 
 Lord God of Hofls, Heaven and Earth are full of 
 thy Glory, who art Blejfed for ever. Amen. Thus 
 it is in the Conflitutions [_a\ and frequently in St. 
 Chryfojlom [f], who fays always, that it was in 
 the fame Words that the Seraphims fung it in 
 Jfaiah. Afterward the Church added Jbme Words 
 to it, and fung it in this Form, ctyi@> 6 <Btbj, 
 ayi(& Wv&i «V 1 ©' a.SrdvalQ', i\tr\acv 
 Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, have 
 Mercy upon us. This Form is afcribed by fome 
 to Proclus Bifhop of Conftantinople and Thcodofius 
 Junior, An. 446*. And in this Form not long 
 after we find it ufed by the Fathers of the Coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon [c] in their Condemnation of 
 Diofcorus. Which is alfo noted by Damafcen 
 [d~], who fays, the Church ufed this Form to de- 
 clare her Faith in the Holy Trinity, applying 
 the Title of Holy God to the Father, and Holy 
 Mighty to the Son, and Holy Immortal to the Holy 
 Ghoji: Not as excluding any of the three Perfons 
 from each of the Titles, but in Imitation of the 
 Apoftle, who fays. To us there is but one God the 
 
 Father, of whom are all 'Things, and we by him$ 
 and one Lord Jefus Chrifl, by whom are all Things, 
 and we by him. And thus this Hymn continued 
 to be applied to the whole Trinity, till Anafla- 
 fius the Emperor, as fome [e] fay, or as others 
 relate [/], Peter Gnapheus Bifhop of Antioch, cau- 
 fed the Words, 6 s-augcoSvH? &\ lf/xar, that was cru- 
 cified for us, to be added to it. Which was in- 
 tended to bring in the Herefy of the Theopafchi' 
 tes, who aflerted that the Divine Nature it felf 
 fufFered upon the Crofs, and was in effecT: to fay, 
 that the whole Trinity fufFered, becaufe this 
 Hymn was commonly applied to the whole Tri- 
 nity. To avoid this Inconvenience, one Calan- 
 dio Bimop of Antioch, in the time of Zeno the 
 Emperor, made another Addition to it, of the 
 Words, Chrifl our King, reading it thus, Holy 
 God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, Chrifl our King, 
 that was crucified for us, have Mercy on us, as Theo- 
 dorus Letlor [g] and other Hiftorians inform 
 us. Thefe lalt Additions occafioned great Con- 
 fufion and Tumults in the Eafiern Church, 
 whilft the Confiantinopolitans and JVejlern Churches 
 ftifly rejected them j and fome of the European 
 Provinces, the better to confront them and 
 maintain the old Way of applying it to the 
 whole Trinity, inftead of the Words, crucified 
 for us, exprefly faid, Holy Trinity, have Mercy on 
 us, as we find it in Ephrem Antiochenus [Jf\ re- 
 corded in Photius. 
 
 This is the fhort Hiftory and Account of the 
 Rife and Progrefs of this celebrated Hymn in 
 the Service of the Church, and of the heretical 
 Corruptions and Interpolations that were intend- 
 ed to be made upon it. As to its Ufe, it was 
 chiefly fung in the Middle of the Communion- 
 Service, as we fhall fee more exprefly hereafter 
 in the next Book: But it was fometimes ufed 
 upon other Occafions, as we have heard in the 
 Council of Chalcedon before: And (ome Greek Ri- 
 tualifts [z] tell us, that it was always fung before 
 the Reading of the Epiftle, which was antiently 
 a Part of the Service of the Catechumens. But 
 then they diftinguifh between the Trifagion and 
 Epinicion or Triumphal Hymn j calling the fimple 
 Form, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Hofls, the 
 Epinicion, which was fung in the Communion- 
 Service; and the other, the Trifagion, which 
 was fung in the Service of the Catechumens: 
 But the more antient Writers do not obferve 
 this Diftindtion j and therefore I have here put 
 both Forms under the common Name of the 
 Trifagion. He that would fee this Hiftory more 
 at large, may confult Chriftianus Lupus [£] upon 
 the Council of Trullo, and Mr. Allix [/] who has 
 written a peculiar Treatife upon the Subject. 
 
 [y] Smith'* Account of the Greek Church, p. 226. [z] Cone. 
 Tolet. 4.. Can. it. Nam 8c illc Hymnus, quern nato in carne 
 Chrifto, angeli cecinerunt, Gloria in excelfis Deo, & in terra Pax 
 hominibus bonae voluntatis, reliquaque quae ibi fequuntur, Eccldi- 
 aftici Dodiores compofuerunt. [«] Conft. lib. 8. cap. 12. 
 
 p. 401. [>] Chryf. Horn. 1. de Verb. Efai. t. 3. p. 834. 
 
 Horn. 6. in Seraphim, ibid p. 890. Horn, tu ad Pop. Antioch. 
 1. 1. p. 266. 8c pafiim. Vid. Cyril. Catcch. Myft- $. n. s Cone. 
 
 Vafens. 1. can. 4. [r] Cone. Chalced. Act. t. p. jio. t. 4. 
 Labbe. [d] Damafcen. de Orthod. Fide, lib. 3. C3p. 10. 
 
 [e] Evagr. lib. 3. cap. 44. [/] Damafcen. ibid. [g] Theod. 
 Left. lib. ». p. f66. Cedren. an. 16. Zenonis. [h~] Phot. 
 
 Bibliothec. Cod. 228. p. 773. [»J German. Thcoria Ecclef. 
 
 Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. torn. 2. p. 14^. [<?] Lupus, Not. in Can. 
 81. Trullan. [/] Alix de Trifcgio. 
 
 Next 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 673 
 
 sect. IV. Next to the Trifagion there 
 
 of the Mlch'ph and \ s frequent mention made among 
 Alleluatick Pfalms. the ant j ent Writers of finging the 
 Allelujah. By which they fometimes mean the 
 Repetition of this fingle Word, which fignifies, 
 Praife the Lord: Which they did in imitation of 
 the Heavenly Hoil, finging and faying, again and 
 again, Allelujah, Rev.xix. Sometimes they mean 
 one of thole P faints, which were called Allelua- 
 tick Pfalms O], becaufe they had the Word Al- 
 lelujah prefixed before them in the Title, fuch as 
 thecxlvth, and thofe that follow to the End. The 
 Tinging of thefe, was fometimes called finging the 
 Allelujah, as has been obferved out of Cajfian [»] 
 more than once in the foregoing Parts of this 
 and the former Book. But the more common 
 Acceptation of Allelujah, is for the finging of the 
 Word itfelf by a frequent folemn Repetition of it 
 upon certain Days, and in fpecial Parts of Divine 
 Service j it being a fort of Invitatory, or mutual 
 Call to each other to praife the Lord. There- 
 fore, as St. Aujlin [0] obferves, they always ufed 
 it in the Hebrew Language, becaufe that was the 
 known Signification of it : And fo it was in our 
 firft Liturgy, though now we fay, Praife ye the 
 Lord, with a Refponfe of the People, 'The Lord's 
 Name be praifed. Antiently there was no Difpute 
 about the Lawfulnefs of the Hymn itfelf, but 
 fome Variation and fome Difpute there was about 
 the Times of ufing it. St. Aujlin fays, in fome 
 Churches it was never fung but upon Eajler Day, 
 and the fifty [/>] Days of Pentecofi: But in other 
 Churches it was ufed at other Times alfo. Vigi- 
 lantius contended fiercely againft St. Jerem, 
 that it ought never to be fung but only upon Ea- 
 jler Day- And in this, he feems to have follow- 
 ed the" Practice of the Church of Rome, where 
 Sozomen [f] aflures us, it was never fung but once 
 a Year, and that was upon Eajler Day : In fo 
 much that it was the common Form of an Oath 
 among the Romans, As they hoped to live to fing 
 Allelujah on that Day. Cardinal Bona [*] and 
 Baronius [f] are very angry^ at Sozomen for this: 
 But Valefius [«] honeftly defends him, forasmuch 
 as Cajfwdore, who was a Roman, reports the fame 
 in his Hijloria Tripartita. But we muft note, that 
 antiently in thofe Churches, where it was moft 
 frequented, there were fome Exceptions in point 
 of Time and Seafon. For in the Time of Lent 
 
 it was never ufed, as appears from St. Aujlin [x~], 
 who fays, That was a Time of Sorrow, and 
 therefore from the Beginning of Lent till Eajler 
 Day they always omitted it : The antient Tradi- 
 tion of the Church, being only to ufe it at cer- 
 tain Seafons. The fourth Council of Toledo [_y~\ 
 forbids the Ufe of it not only in Lent, but upon 
 other Days of Falling, as particularly upon the 
 firft of January, which was then kept a Fart in 
 the Spanijh Church, becaufe the Heathen obferved 
 it with great Superftition of many idolatrous Rites 
 and Practices. In the fame Council the Allelujah 
 is mentioned under the Name of Laudes [z], and 
 appointed to be fung after the Reading of the 
 Go/pel; which, as Bona [a] and Mabillon [_b~] ob- 
 ferve, was according to the Mozarabick Rite ; 
 for in other Churches it was fung between the 
 Epijlle and the Gofpel. It was alfo fung at Fune- 
 rals, as St. jferom acquaints us [c] in his Epitaph 
 of Fabiola, where he fpeaks of the whole Mul- 
 titude finging Pfalms together, and making the 
 golden Roof of the Church {hake with eccho- 
 ing forth the Allelujah. The Author under the 
 Name of Dionyfius [//], fpeaks of it alfo as ufed 
 in the Confection of the Chrilm, or holy Oil to 
 be ufed in the Unction of Confirmation. St. 
 Aujlin \e~\ fays, it was fung every Lord's Day ar. 
 the Altar, for the fame Reafon that they prayed 
 (landing, as a Memorial of Chrift's Refurrection, 
 and as a Figure of our future Reft and Joyfulnefs, 
 to fignify that our Bufinefs in the Life to come, 
 will be nothing elfe but to praife God, according 
 to that of the Pfalmi ft, Bleffcd are they that dwell 
 in Thy Houfe, O Lord, they will be always praifmg 
 Thee. The meaning of Allelujah being nothing 
 elfe but Praife the Lord, as both he and others 
 [/] reprefent it. In the fecond Council of Tours 
 \_g~\ it is appointed to be fung immediately after 
 the Pfalms both at the fixth Hour, that is, Noon- 
 day, and the twelfth Hour, that is Evening Prayer. 
 But whether they mean the fhorter Allelujah, or 
 one of thofe Pfalms called the Alleluatick Pfalms? 
 of which St. Auftin and Cajfian fpeak, is not very 
 eafy to determine. Ifulore [hi fays, it was fung 
 every Day in Spain, except upon Faft-Days : 
 Though it was other wife in the African Churches. 
 St. Jerom [/] fays, it was ufed in private Devo- 
 tion: For even the Plow-man at his Labour fung 
 his Allelujahs. And this was the Signal or Call 
 
 [w] Aug. in Pfal. 105-. p.yo;. Pfalmi Alleluatici. It. in Pfal. 118. 
 p. 5-41. [»] CalTian. Inftit. lib. 2. cap.j 8c 11. [0] Aug. 
 Ep- 178. 8c Horn. 16. ex fo. T. 10. p. i6j. [/>] Aug. 
 
 Ep. 119. ad Januar. cap. 17. Ut Alleluia per folos dies Quinqua- 
 ginta cantetur in Ecclelia, non ufquequaque obfervatur. Nam 8c in 
 aliis diebus varie cantatur alibi atque alibi. Vid. Ep.8<5. 8c Horn, in 
 Pfal. 106. 8c Scrm. 1 f 1. de Tempore. [q] Hieron. cont. 
 
 Vigilanr. cap. 1. Exortus eft fubito Vigilantius, qui dicat nun- 
 
 quam nifi in Pafcha Alleluia cantandum. [r] Sozom. 
 
 lib.7. cap. 19. [*] Bona de Pfalmod. cap. 16. § 7. n.4. 
 
 [7] Baron, an. 384. n. 28. [«] Valef. in Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 19. 
 [x] Aug. in Pfal. 1 1 o. Venerunc dies ut jam cantemus Alleluia, See. 
 Vid. in Pfal. 1 06 8c 1 4.8. [7] Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. 1 o. 
 
 In omnibus Quadragefima: diebus ('quia tempus non eft gaudii, fed 
 
 moeroris) Alleluia non decantetur Hoc enim Ecclefiae univerfa- 
 
 lis confenfio roboravit. In temporibus vero reliquis, id eft, Ka- 
 {endis Januarii, qux propter errorem Gentilitatis aguntur, omnino 
 Alleluia non decantabitur. [z.] Ibid. Can, 1 1. Laudes ideo 
 
 Evangelium fequuntur propter gloriam Chrifti, qua: per idem Evan- 
 gelium prxdicatur. [a] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap.6. 0.4, 
 
 [b] Mabil. de Liturg. Gallican. lib. 1. cap.4. n. 12. [c] Hieron, 
 Ep. 10. cap.4,. Sonabant Pfalmi, aurata te£ca templorum reboans in 
 fublime quatiebat Alleluja. [</] Dionyf. de Hierarch. Eccle£ 
 
 cap.4. ['] Aug. Ep. 1 1 9. ad Januar. cap. if. Omnibus 
 
 diebus Dominicis ad Akare ftantes oramus, 8c Alleluja canitur, quod 
 fignificat actionem noftram futuram non efle nili Laudare Deum„ 
 &c. [/] Vid. Juftin. Qiueft. ad Orthodox. Q. 
 
 [g~\ Cone. Turon. 2. Can. 1 9. Patium ftatuta prxcepcrunt, ut ad 
 fextam, fex Pfalmi dicantur cum Alleluja; 8c ad Duodecimam duo« 
 decim, itemque cum Alleluja. [h] Ifidor. de Offic. lib. 1. 
 
 c. 13. In Africanis Eccleliis non omni tempore, fed tantum Do- 
 minicis diebus 8c fo poft Domini refurre&ionem Alleluja cantatur : 
 Verum apud nos fecundum antiquam Hifpaniarum traditionem pra- 
 ter dies Jejuniorum 8c Quadrageilimae omni tempore canitur Alle- 
 luja. [i] Hieron. Ep. 18. ad Marcellam. Quocunquc tc 
 verteris, arator ftivam retinens Alleluia decantat. 
 
 among 
 
674 "The Antiquities of the Book XIV 
 
 among the Monks [k~\ to their Ecclefiaftical Af- 
 fcmblics. For one went about and fung Allelu- 
 Jah, and that was the Notice to repair to their 
 Solemn Meeting. Nay Sidonius Apollinaris feems 
 to intimate [/], that the Seamen ufed it as their 
 Signal or Celeufma at their common Labour, 
 making the Banks eccho while they fung Allelu- 
 jah to Chrift. I only obferve farther, That in 
 the Church AUclujah was fung by all the People, 
 as appears not only from what is faid before by 
 St. Jerom, that the Church ecchoed with the 
 Sound of it> but alfo from that of Paulinus in 
 his Epiftle to Severus \_m~\, Alleluja novis balat 
 Ovile aborts, The whole Sheepfoldof Chrift fings 
 Alklujah in her new Chotres. And St.Aufiin\n~\ 
 alluding to this, fays, it was the Chriftians fweec 
 Celeufma or Call, whereby they invited one ano- 
 ther to fing Praifes unto Chrift. 
 
 sect. v. I do not here infift upon the 
 
 of the Hofanna Hofannah, or the Evening Hymn, 
 
 and the Evening b f k does not appear thaC 
 Hymn, and Nunc . , n , r V , . , 
 
 dimhth.ertheSong eithcr of thefc wcre ufed 111 thc 
 
 of Simeon. Service of the Catechumens. The 
 
 Hofannah was but a Part of the 
 great Doxology, Glory be to God on high, and only 
 ufed in the Communion Service, where we fhall 
 fpeak of it hereafter. And the Evening Hymn 
 has been mention'd [*] before in the former 
 Book, where we have given an Account of the 
 daily Evening Service, and fhewed it to be ra- 
 ther a private Hymn, than any Part of the pub- 
 lick Worftiip of the Church. In it was con- 
 tained the Nunc iimittis, or Song of Simeon, Lord 
 Tioiu lettefi I'hou thy Servant depart in Peace accord- 
 ing to thy Word, Sec. But whether any of this 
 was ufed in publick, or only by Chriftians in 
 their private Devotions in their Families at their 
 fetting up of Lights, is what I ingenuoufly con- 
 fefs I am not yet able from any antient Records 
 to determine. For though there is frequent men- 
 tion of the Xv^va-^ia among the Greeks, and of 
 the Lucernarium among the Latins, as of a pub- 
 lick Office, for Vefpers or Evening Prayers j yet 
 I will not aflat, that this Hymn was a Part of 
 that Office, without clearer Proof, bun leave it 
 to farther Difquifition and Enquiry. The only 
 Thing we find more of the Nunc dimittis, is in 
 the Life of Maria JEgyptiaca, who died about 
 the Year f zf, of whom it is faid, that a little 
 before her Death me received the Eucharijl, re- 
 peated the Creed and the Lord's Prayer, and fung 
 the Nunc dimittis, Lord now lettefi 'thou thy Ser- 
 vant \_o~\ depart in Peace according to thy Word. 
 But this was only an Acl: of private Devoti- 
 
 on, and whether it was then received into the 
 publick Offices of the Church, remains uncer- 
 tain. 
 
 But we are more certain of sect. vr. 
 the Ufe of the Hymn, called Be- °f th « Benedict, 
 neclicite, or Song of the Three or the Sm S of the 
 Children in the burning fiery Fur- three ch,ldren - 
 nace. For not only Athanafius [/»] directs Vir- 
 gins to ufe it in their private Devotions, but the 
 fourth Council of Toledo \_q~] fays, it was ufed in 
 the Church over all the World, and therefore 
 orders it to be fung by the Clergy of Spain and 
 Galhcia every Lord's Day, and on the Feftivals of 
 the Martyrs, under Pain of Excommunication 
 Leftrange [r] thinks this is the firft Time there 
 is any mention made of this Hymn, as of pub- 
 lick Ufe in the Church: But Chryfoftom lived 
 two hundred Years before this Council, and he 
 makes the fame Obfervation as the Council does 
 that it was fung in all Places \f] throughout 
 the World, and would continue to be fung in 
 future Generations. The Leclionarium Gallica- 
 num publifhed by Mabillon [f] appoints this 
 Hymn to be fung after the Reading of the 
 Prophets, much after thc fame manner as it is 
 now ordered to be fung between the firft and fe- 
 cond Leflbn in the Liturgy of our Church. 
 
 The Ufe of the Magnificat, sect. vii. 
 or Song of the Holy Virgin, My °f the Magnifi- 
 Soul doth magnify the Lord, &c. cat ' or Son S. °f the 
 is not quite fo antient: For the Hol y v,r & m - 
 firft Time we meet with it as prefcribed for 
 publick Ufe, is in the Rules of Cafarius Arela- 
 tenjis and Aurelian [u], who order it to be fung 
 in the French Churches at Morning Service. 
 And that was about the Year fo6. 
 
 Some learned Perfons reckon sect. virr. 
 the finging of the Creed into the whm firft the 
 Pfalmody of the Church, and fpeak Creed be i m t0 be 
 of it as an antient Cuftom : But ^fCcZ V 
 herein they miftake, by fuffering ' 
 themfelves to be impofed upon by modern Au- 
 thors. Bifhop Wettenhal [#] fays, it is no im- 
 probable Conjecture, that the Hymn which the 
 Primitive Chriftians are faid by Pliny to have 
 fung to Chrift as God, was their Creed; and that 
 it is certain, the Nicene Creed has been fung in 
 the Church in a manner from the very compiling 
 of it. For this he cites Platina in the Life of 
 Pope Mark, who affirms, that it was ordained 
 by that Pope, that on all folemn Davs imme- 
 diately after the Gofpel, the Creed mould be fung 
 
 [fc] Id. Ep. 17. Epitaph. Paula:, cap. 16. Poft Alleluja canta- 
 tum, quo figno vocabanturad Colle&am. nulli relidere licitum erat. 
 [/} Sidon. lib. 2. Ep. 10. Curvorum hinc Chorus helciariorum, 
 Refponfantibus Alleluja ripis, ad Chriftum levat amnicum Celeufma. 
 \tri] Paulin. Ep. n. ad Sever. [22] Aug. de Cantico Novo, 
 
 cap. 2. Tom. 9. Celeufma noftrum dulce cantemus Alkluja. 
 [*] Book XIII. Chap. xi. n. f [0] Vita Maria: ^Egypc. ap. 
 
 Durantum de Ritibus lib. 1. cap. 16. n. 9. [/>] Athan. de Vir- 
 gin, p. 1 of 7. [q] Cone. Tolet. 4. can. 13. Hymnum quo- 
 que trium puerorum, in quo univerfa coeli terraque creatura 
 Deum collaudat, & quem Ecclefia Catholica per totum orbem dif- 
 
 I 
 
 fufa celebrat, quidam facerdotes in Mifla Dominicorum dierum & 
 in folennitatibus Martyrum canere negligunt. Proinde fenfUim 
 Concilium inftituit, ut per omnes Hifpanix Ecclefias vel Gallicia:, 
 in omnium Miflarum lolennitate idem in publico (al. Pulpito,) de- 
 cantetur, 8cc. [r] Leftrange alliance ofViv. Offic. Chap. 
 
 3- P- 79- H Chryf. Quod nemo lxdicur nilia feipfo.tom. 4. 
 P- S9i- 'neU'leiXx htKvt/tynf dcPov&w, a.&yi<ro/ud&nv 
 
 elf rcti /y-ild TcLUTct yiH&<- [t] Mabillon.de Liturg. Gal- 
 
 lic, lib. 2. p. ia8. O] Apud Mabillon. dc Curfu Gallican. 
 
 p. 4C7. [*] Wettenhal, Gift of Singing, Chap. 3. p. 330, 
 
 with 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 67$ 
 
 with a loud Voice by the Clergy and People, 
 in that Form wherein it was explained by the 
 Nicene Council. When yet it is certain on the 
 other hand, that the Creed was never fo much 
 as barely repea:ed in the Roman Church in 
 Time of Divine Service, till the Year 1014, 
 when Benedict the eighth brought it into Ufe, 
 to comply with the Pra&ice of the French and 
 Spanijh Churches, as has been (hewed at large in 
 a former Book [*], where we have noted, that 
 it was never read publickly in the Greek Church, 
 but once a Year, till Peter Fullo brought it in- 
 to the Church of Antioch, An. 471 ; and Timo- 
 theus into the Church of Conflantinople, An. fii. 
 From whofe Example it was taken by the third 
 Council of Toledo, An. f8o, and brought into 
 Cuftom in the Spanijh Churches. After which 
 it was four whole Centuries before it gained 
 Admittance in the Church of Rome. So little 
 Reafon is there to depend upon the Authority 
 of modern Authors, in Cafes where they plainly 
 contradict the Teftimony of more antient and 
 credible Writers. And this is a good Argu- 
 ment, as Bifhop Stillingfleet \_y] well urges it, 
 to fhew the Differences betwixt the old Gallican 
 and Roman Offices, and that the Church of 
 England did not follow precifely the Model of 
 the Roman Offices, but thofe that were more 
 antiently received in the general Practice of the 
 Gallican and Britijh Churches. 
 
 SECT. IX. There remains one Hymn more, 
 of the Author tne ^ Deum, which is now in Ufe 
 cndorigmdofthe among us, the Author and Original 
 Hymn TcDeum. of which is varioufly difputed. The 
 common Opinion afcribes it to St. 
 Ambrofe and St. Auflin jointly ; others to St. Am- 
 hrofe ilngly [z], becaufe he is known to have 
 compofed Hymns for the Ufe of the Church. 
 Two things are chiefly faid in Favour of thefe 
 Opinions, which have no real Weight or Force 
 in them. 1. That the Chronicle of Darius, one 
 of St. Ambrofts Succeflbrs, fays, He compofed 
 it. 2. That it is approved as his Hymn in the 
 fourth Council of Toledo, An. 65 J. But to the 
 fir it it is reply'd by learned Men, That the pre- 
 tended Chronicon of Dacius is a mere Counter- 
 feit, and altogether fpurious. Mabillon [a] proves 
 it to be at lead f 00 Years younger than its re- 
 puted Author: Whence the Story that is fo 
 formally told in it, is concluded to be a mere 
 Fiction and Invention of later Ages. The Sto- 
 ry is this, as Spondanus [b~], a Favourer of it, 
 reports it out or Dacius : That when St. Auflin 
 was baptized by St. Ambrofe, whilft they were 
 at the Font, they fungthis Hymn by Infpiration, 
 
 as the Spirit gave them Utterance, and fo pub- 
 limed it in the Sight and Audience of all the 
 People. But the Authority of the Story retting 
 merely upon the Foundation of this fabulous 
 Writer, there is no Credit to be given to it. 
 Neither is there any greater Weight to be laid 
 upon what is alledged from the Council of To- 
 ledo: For the Council only lays, That fome 
 Hymns were compofed for the Ufe of the 
 Church, by St. Hilary and St. Ambrofe 5 without 
 any particular mention of this Hymnj fo that 
 it might as well be afcribed to St. Hilary, as St. 
 Ambrofe, for any thing that is faid in that Coun- 
 cil. The Truth of the Matter is, that it was 
 compofed by a French Writer about an hundred 
 Years after St. Ambrofe 's Death, for the Ufe of 
 the Gallican Church. Pagi [c~] fays, Gavantus 
 found it in fome MSS. afcribed to St. Abundius; 
 and others have the Name of Sifebuius prefixed 
 to it. Bifhop XJ flier [d] found it in two MSS. 
 afcribed to Nicettus Bifhop of Triers, who liv'd 
 about the Year f 35. And he is now by learned 
 Men generally reputed the Author of it. The 
 learned Benediclins, who lately publifhed St. dm- 
 brofe\ Works, judge St. Ambrofe not to be the 
 Author of it: And Dr. Cave, though he was once 
 [<?] of a different Judgment; yet upon maturer 
 Confideration [/] fubferibes to their Opinion. 
 Wherefore the moft rational Conclufion, is that 
 of Bifhop Stillingfleet, [g] That it was compo- 
 fed by Nicettus, and that we muft look on this 
 Hymn as owing its Original to the Gallican 
 Church j fince not long after the Time of Ni- 
 cettus it is mentioned in the Rule of St. Benedicl^ 
 cap. 1 1. and the Rule of Cafarius Arelatenfis y 
 cap. 11. and the Rule of Aurelian, where they 
 prefcribe the Ufe of it: But Menardus 
 \h~\ is confident, there is no mention of 
 this Hymn in any Writers of Credit before 
 them. 
 
 But though St. Ambrofe cm- SECT. X. 
 not be allowed to be the Author The Hymns of 
 of this Hymn, yet there is no St - Ambrofe. 
 doubt to be made but that he com- 
 pofed Hymns for the Ufe of the Church, fome 
 of which are yet extant. For St. Auflin [f) 
 mentions one of his Evening Hymns in feveral 
 Places, Deus Creator omnium, &c. Which I for- 
 bear to relate here at length, becaufe I have 
 done it in the former Book [f]. Again, St. Au- 
 flin in his Retraclations [£] fpeaks of another 
 Hymn compofed by St. Ambrofe upon the Re- 
 pentance of Peter after the crowing of the Cock, 
 Part of which he there relates, and fays, it 
 was ufed to be fung by many in his Time. 
 
 [*] Booh X. Chap.iv. n. 17, [jy] Stilling. Orig. Briton, 
 
 chap. 4. p. 237. [z.] Comber of Liturgies, p. 180. [a] Ma- 
 bil. Anale£h Veterum. Tom. 1. p. f. [f\ Spondan.an. 388. 
 n. 9. In quibus Fontibus, prout Spiritus fan&us dabat eloqui illis, 
 Te Deum laudamus, cantantes, cun&is qui aderant audientibus 8c 
 videntibus, ediderunt. Ex Chronico Dacii, lib. i. c. 10. [c] Pagi 
 Critic, in Baron, an. 388. n. 11. [rf] Ufler.de Symbolo p. 3. 
 j-e] Cave Hift. Liter. Vol f 1. p. aif. [/] Id. Hift. Liter. 
 
 Vol. 2. p. 75-. Ambrofii effe, nullo idoneo teftimenio probari po- 
 teft, 8c Fabulam pro origine habere videtur. [g] Stityingfl. Orig. 
 Britan. chap 4. p. 222. [h] Meaard. Not. in Gregor. Sacramen- 
 tar. p. 3jr. [/] Aug. Confers, lib. 9. cap. 12. It, de xMufica lib. 
 6. cap. 2. 8c 17. [f] Book XIII. Chap. v. ». 7. [&] Aug 
 Retraft. lib. 1. cap. 21. Cantatur ore mulcorum in verfibus Bea- 
 tiflimi Ambroiii, ubi de gallo gallinicco ait, Hoc, ipfa Petra Ec- 
 clefia, canente, cu'pam diluit. 
 
 s Da 
 
The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 Du Pin thinks \J\ moft of thofe Hymns which 
 are now the daily Office of the Roman Service, 
 are taken from St. Ambrofe, but that the reft 
 are in a different Style, and owing to other Au- 
 thors. Particularly that the Hymn, Vexilla Re- 
 gis prodeunt, is none of his, which is now ufed 
 in the Romiih Church in the fourth Week of 
 Lent, fo notorious for their kneeling down to 
 the Crofs, and wormipping it in thefe Words 
 \m~) : Hail, Crofs, our only Hope, in this 'time of 
 Pajfion, increafe the Righteoufnefs of the Pious, and 
 grant Pardon of Sins to the Guilty. We are fure 
 this could not be the Compofition of St. Am- 
 brofe, nor any Writer of that Age; being fo 
 much the reverie of the Practice of the antient 
 Church, in whofc Hymns or other Devotions 
 there is not the leaft Footftep of worihipping 
 the Crofs, or any Material Image of God, as 
 has been detnonltrated in a former Part ["f ] of 
 this Work, where the Hiftory of Images has 
 been handled ex profeffb, in considering the Way 
 of adorning the anticnt Churches. 
 
 s ECT. XI. There were many other 
 
 The hymns of st. Hymns, and fome whole Books 
 
 Hilary, Claudia- of Hymns compofed by other Wri- 
 
 nus Marcus, rer s of the Church, of which we 
 
 Mothers. haye lktle remaining befides the 
 
 bare Names, and therefore it will be fufficient 
 juft to mention them. St. Jerom fays \n~], St. 
 Hilary Bifhop of Poicliers. compofed a Book of 
 Hymns : And thefe we are fure were many Years 
 after his Death of famous Note and Ufe in the 
 Spanifh Churches, being ratified and confirmed in 
 the fourth Council of Toledo [o]. But none of 
 thefe are come to our Hands, except a Morning 
 Hymn [/>] prefixed before his Works, which 
 he fent with an Epiftle to his Daughter Abra. 
 It is a Prayer to Chrift for Prefervation from 
 the Perils of Day and Night, favouring of anti- 
 ent Piety, and concluding with the common 
 Glorification of Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. 
 
 Sidonius Apollinaris fays alio that Claudianus 
 Mamercus collected the Pfalms and Hymns and 
 Leflbns proper for the Feftivals in the Church of 
 Vienna in France, and made fome Hymns of his 
 own, one of which he highly [r] commends for 
 its Elegancy, Lofcinefs, and Sweetnefs,as exceed- 
 ing any of the antient Lyricks, in the greatnefs of 
 its Compofureand Hiftorical Truth. Savaro fays 
 in his Notes upon the Place, that it is the fame 
 which is now in the Roman Breviary j and be- 
 caufe it anfwers the Character which Sidonius 
 gives it, and has none of the Su perdition of a 
 modern Compofure in it (fuch as the Vexilla Re- 
 gis, fathered upon St. Ambrofe) I think it noc 
 improper to tranferibe in the Margin here \s\ 
 for the Ufe of the learned Reader. And fay far- 
 ther, that if every Thing in the Roman Brevi- 
 ary had been in this Strain, it had much more 
 rcfembled the Piety and Simplicity of the antient 
 Hymns, and been free from thofe Marks of Su- 
 perftition and Idolatry, which now it labours 
 under, by mixing the Follies of the modern fu- 
 perftitious Admirers of the Worfhip of the Vir- 
 gin Mary and the Crofs, which were fo great a 
 Deviation from the antient Worfhip, and ftoo<3 
 fo much in need of Reformation. There were 
 many other Hymns for the Ufe of particular 
 Churches, compofed by learned Men, as Nepos y 
 and Athenogenes, and Ephrem Syrus, not to men- 
 tion thofe fpoken of by Pliny and Tertullian, and 
 frequently by Eufebius-, nor thofe which Paulus 
 Samofatenfis caufed in his Anger to be caft out of 
 the Church of Antioch; nor thofe which Sozo- 
 men [?] fays were made upon a fpecial Occalion, 
 when the People of Antioch had incenfed Fheodo- 
 fius by throwing down his Statues > which were 
 both fung in the Church, and before Theodofus 
 himfelf by the finging Boys as he fat at Table. 
 Of all which we have no farther Account bur- 
 only the bare mention of them in their feveral 
 Authors. As for thofe compofed by Gregory Na- 
 zianzen,Paulinus, Prudentius, and other Chriftian 
 
 [/] Du Pin. Bibliothec. Cent. 4. p. 23 f. j>] Brcviar. 
 
 Rom. Hebdom. 4. Quadragefima:. Die Sabbati. 
 
 O Crux ave fpcs unica, 
 Hoc Paflionis tempore, 
 Auge piis juftitiam, 
 Reifque dona veniam. 
 
 [f] Book VlWChzp. viii. n.6. 8cc. [»] Hieron. descriptor. 
 Eccl. cap. 100. [0] Cone. Tolet. 4. can. 12. [/>] Hilar. E- 
 pift. ad Fil. Abram. Interim tibi Hymnum Matutinumi8c Sero- 
 tinum mifi, ut memor mei femper fis. The Hymn begins thus : 
 Lucis Largitor optime, 8cc. And ends in thefe Words of the Do- 
 xology: 
 
 Gloria tibi Domino, 
 Gloria Unigenito, 
 Cum Spiritu Paracleto 
 Nunc 8c per omne fasculum. 
 
 [q] Sidon. lib. 4. Ep. 11. Pfalmorum hie modulator 8c Pho- 
 nafcus, Inftrudtas docuit fonare clafies. Hie folennibus annuis pa- 
 ravit, Quae quo tempore lefts convenirent. [r] Id. lib. 4. Ep. 
 3. Jam vero de Hymno tuo fi percunclere quod fentiam, comma- 
 ticus eft, copiofus, dulcis, elatus, 8c quofiibet lyricos Dithyrambos 
 amcenitate poetica 8c hiftorica vcritate lupereminet. [*] Breviar. 
 
 Rom. Dominica f. Quadragefimse, five in Paflione Domini adMa- 
 tutiuum. 
 
 Pange lingua gloriofi 
 Prxlium certaminis, 
 Et fuper crucis trophxum 
 Die triumphum nobilem, 
 Qualiter Redemptor orbis 
 Irnmolatus vicerit. 
 
 De Parentis Protoplafti 
 Fraude Factor condolens, 
 Quando pomi noxiaiis 
 Morfu in mortem corruit, 
 Ipfe lignum tunc notavit, 
 Damna Jigni ut folveret. 
 
 Hoc opus noftrse lalutis 
 Ordo depopofcerat, 
 Multiformis Proditoris 
 Ars ut artem falleret, 
 Et medelam ferret inde, 
 Hoflis unde taferar. 
 
 [t] Sojom. lib. 7. cap. 23. 
 
 Quando venit ergo facri 
 Plenitudo temporis, 
 Miflus eft ab arce Patris 
 Natus orbis Conditor : 
 Ac de ventre Virginali 
 Caro fadtus prodiit. 
 
 Vagit infans inter ajcta 
 Conditus prefepia: 
 Membra pannis involuta 
 Virgo mater alligat} 
 Et manus pedefque 8c crura 
 Striate cingit fafcia. 
 
 Gloria 8c honor Deo 
 Ufquequaque altiflimo, 
 Una Patri, Filioque, 
 Inclyto Paraclyto, 
 Cui Laus eft 8c Poteftas 
 Per aeterna fxcula. Amen. 
 
 Poets, 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 677 
 
 Poets, they were not defigned for publick Ufe 
 in the Church, but only to antidote Men againft 
 the Poifon of Herefies, or fet forth the Praifes 
 of the Martyrs, or recommend the Practice of 
 Virtue in a private way: For which Reafon I 
 take no Notice of them in this Place, being on- 
 
 ly concerned to give an Account of fuch Hymns 
 as related to the antient Pfalmody, as a Part of 
 the publick Service of the Church. And fo I 
 have done with the firft Part of their Worfliip 
 in the Mijfa Catechumenorum, or Service of the 
 Catechumens. 
 
 C H A P. III. 
 
 Of the Manner of Reading the Scriptures in the publick Service of the Church. 
 
 f. XT EXT to the Pfalmody and 
 bescri- Hymns, we are to take a 
 
 SECT. 
 Leffons of the Scri- 
 pture fmetimtf view of their way of Reading 
 tntxtdmth Vfdms fc g j t whjch was ano . 
 
 and Hymns, and ^ * r ' 
 
 fomeuLmJ after ther Part of the Service of the 
 them. Catechumens, at which (as has 
 
 been obferved before) all forts 
 of Perfons were allowed to be prefent for In- 
 ilrudtion. Which is an Argument of it felf, 
 fufficient (if there were no other) to prove, that 
 they were always read in a known Tongue : Of 
 which I need fay no more here, becaufe it has 
 been fo fully evinced by great Variety of Argu- 
 ments in the laft Book. What we are now to 
 obferve farther, relates to the Manner and Cir- 
 cumftances of this Service. Where firlt. of all 
 it is proper to remark, that tho' many times the 
 Pfalms, and Leflbns, and Hymns, were fo in- 
 termixed (as now they are in our Liturgy) that 
 it is hard to tell which came firft. in order, or 
 with which the Service began j yet in fome 
 Places it was plainly otherwife : For the Pfalms 
 were firlt fung all together, only with ftiort 
 Prayers between them, and then the LefTons 
 were read by themfelves, to fuch a Number as 
 the Rules of every Church appointed. Of 
 which I have given fufficient Proof out of Caf- 
 fian and St. Jerom in the Beginning of the laft 
 Chapter, which may fuperfede all farther Con- 
 firmation in this Place. 
 
 SECT. II. The next Thing worthy of 
 
 The Leffons rend our Obfervation, is the Number 
 
 ioth out of the Old of tfac Leflbns which were al _ 
 and New Tefta- i n. j r 
 
 m m,e X cepti»the ways two at leaft, and fometimes 
 church of Rome, three or four, and thole partly 
 where only Epiftle out of the Old Teftament, and 
 and Gofpel were partly out of the New. Only 
 read - the Church of Rome feems to 
 
 have been a little lingular in this Matter: For, as 
 Biftiop Stilling fleet obferves [a] out of W ilafridus 
 Strabo [b~\ and others of her old Ritualifts, for 
 400 Years, till the Time of Pope Celeftine, they 
 had neither Pfalms nor Leffons out of the Old 
 Teftament read before the Sacrifice, but only 
 
 Epiftle and Gofpel. In other Churches they 
 hr.d Leflbns out of the Old Teftament as well 
 as the New. Cafftan [c] fays, in Egypt, after 
 the Singing of the Pfalms, they had two Lef- 
 fons read, one out of the Old Teftament, and the 
 other out of the New: Only on Saturdays and 
 Sundays, and the fifty Days of Penlccoft they were 
 both out of the New Teftament, one out of the 
 Acls of the Apoftles, or the Epiftks, and the o- 
 thcrout of the Gofpels. The Author of the Con- 
 ftitutions [ft] fpeaks of four LelTons, two out of 
 Mofes and the Prophets, befides the Pfalms, and 
 then two out of the Epiftks or Acls of the A- 
 poftks, and the Gofpels. Again [e], he mentions 
 the Reading of the Prophets on Sundays. An# 
 in another Place [/], the Law and the Pro- 
 phets, the Pfalms and the Gofpels. And again, 
 the Law and the Prophets [g], and the Epiftks, 
 and the Acls, and the Gofpels. So Juftin Martyr 
 defcribing the Bufincf3 of the Chriftian Aflemblies 
 on the Lord's Day, fpeaks of the Reading 
 of the Writings of the Prophets, as well 
 as the Apoftles \h~\. In like manner Chry- 
 foftom reproving fome who were very neg- 
 ligent at Church, fays p], Tell me what Pro- 
 phet was read to-day, what Apoftle? implying 
 that the one was read as well as the other. 
 Particularly he tells us, that the Book of Ge- 
 nefis was always read in Lent, of which more 
 by and by, in the following Obfervation. St. 
 Baftl in one of his Homilies [£] upon Baptifm 
 in Lent, takes notice of the feveral Leflbns that 
 were read that Day, befides the Pfalms, where- 
 of one was out of the firft of Ifaiah, the fecond 
 out of Alls ii, and the third out of Matthew xi. 
 And in another Homily [/] he fpeaks of the 
 Pfalms, and Proverbs, and Epiftks and Gofpels, as 
 read that Day. Maximus Taurinenfts in one of his 
 Homilies upon the Epiphany [»] fays, The Lef- 
 fons were out of Ifaiah lx. Matthew ii. and 
 John i. for that Feftival. St. Auftin fometimes 
 only mentions Epiftle and Gofpel. But in other 
 Places he exprefly mentions [»] the Reading of 
 the Prophets, and particularly mentions the Pro- 
 phet Micah, and thofe Words of the vith Chap- 
 
 [«] Stilling. Orig. Britan. chap. 4. p. 2ij". [6] Strabo de 2. p. 98. 
 
 [i] Chryn Horn. 24.. in Rom. p. 270. Horn 2 
 Reb. Eccl. cap. 12. [c] Caflian. Inftit. lib. 2. cap. 6. [d] Con- de David 8c Saul. T. 2. p. 1037. [£] Balil. Horn 
 ftit. lib. 2. cap. $7. j>] Idem. lib. 2. cap. 5-9. [/] Idem T. 1. p. 4.09. [/] Baftl. Horn. 21 
 
 lib. j-. cap. 19. [g] Idem. lib. 8. cap. f, 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 13. de Bapt. 
 
 r -r l-j — - •• inLacizis.p. 460. [m\ Maxim. 
 
 0] Juftin. Apol. Taurin. Horn. 4. inEpiphan. \n\ Aug. Horn. 237.de Temp.p. 3 8 + 
 
 R r r r r 
 
 ter. 
 
678 The Antiquities of the Book XIV 
 
 ter, What doth the Lord require of thee, but to 
 do juftly, to love Mercy, and to walk humbly with 
 thy God\ which were the Theme for his Dif- 
 courfe upon the LefTon for the Day. In the 
 French Churches there is ftill more Evidence for 
 this Practice: YoxCafarius Arelatenfis [o], in one 
 of his Homilies cited by Mabillon, ufes this Argu- 
 ment to the People, why they mould flay the 
 whole Time of Divine Service, becaufe the Lef- 
 fons were not fo properly called MiJJa or Divine 
 Service, as was the Oblation or Confecration of 
 the Body and Blood of Chrift: For they might 
 read at Home, or hear others read the LefTons, 
 whether out of the Prophets, or Apoftles, or Evan- 
 gelifts j but they could not hear or fee the Confecra- 
 tion any where elfe but only intheHoufeof God. 
 Where it is plainly implied, that the LefTons 
 were then read in the Church as well out of 
 the Prophets, as the Epiftles and Gofpels. And 
 fo in the Relation of the Conference between 
 the Catholicks and Arians in the Time of Gun- 
 dobadus King of Burgundy, which we have 
 had Occafion to mention before [*] out 
 of the fame learned Writer, it is faid, that in 
 the Vigil held the Night before the Conference, 
 four LefTons were read, one out of Mofes, ano- 
 ther out of the Prophet Efaias, a third out of 
 the Go/pel, and the laft out of the Epiftles. And 
 in the old Leblionarium Gallicanum, publifhed by 
 Mabillon, there is always a LefTon out of the 
 Old <Te ft anient before the Epiftle and Go/pel: And 
 on the Sabbatum fanclum, or Saturday before 
 Eafter [/»], there are no lefs than Twelve LefTons 
 appointed out of Genefis, Exodus, Jojhua, Ifaiah, 
 Ezekiel, Daniel and Jonah, befide the Epiftle and 
 Go/pel which follow after. It farther appears 
 from the Canons of the Council of Laodicea \_q~\ 
 and the third Council of Carthage [r~\, and St. 
 Cyril's Catechetical Difcourfes [j], that all the Books 
 of the Old feftament were then read in the 
 Church, as well as the New. For they give us 
 Catalogues of what Books might, or might not 
 be read in the Church, among which all the 
 Books of the Old Teftament are fpecified as fuch 
 as were then actually read in the publick Service} 
 and Cyril allows his Catechumens to read no o- 
 ther Books in private but the Books of the Old 
 and NewTeftament, which he thought they might 
 fafely read, becaufe they were both publickly 
 read in the Church. 
 
 sect. III. The next Obfervation to be 
 
 Troper Lejfons for made is, upon their Method of 
 
 certain Times and reading the Scriptures, which 
 
 Teftivds. feems always to be done by fome 
 
 Rule, though this might vary in different 
 Churches. St. Auftin tells us [t] there were 
 fome LefTons fo fixed and appropriated to cer- 
 tain Times and Seafons, that no others might 
 be read in their Stead. And he particularly 
 inftances in the Feftival of Eafter, when for four 
 Days fucceflively the Hiflory of Chrift's Refur- 
 re&ion [u] was read out of the four Go/pels. On 
 the Day of his PafTion [x] they read the Hiflo- 
 ry of his Sufferings out of St. Matthew's Go/pel 
 only. And all the Time between Eafter and 
 Pentecoft \_y] he fays, they read the Ails of the 
 Apoftles. This laft Particular is frequently men- 
 tioned by St. Cbryfoftom, who has a whole Ser- 
 mon to give an Account of the Reafons of it. 
 There he takes Notice of many Things together 
 relating to this Matter of Reading the LefTons 
 by Rule and Order. Firfl he tells us [z] how 
 by the Appointment of the Church, on the Day 
 of our Saviour's Paffion all fuch Scriptures were 
 read, as had any Relation to the Crofs j then 
 how on the great Sabbath, or Saturday before 
 Eafter, they read all fuch Portions of Scripture 
 as contained the Hiflory of his being betrayed, 
 crucified, dead and buried. He adds alfo \a], 
 that on Eafter Day they read fuch PafTages as 
 gave an Account of his Refurre&ion ; and on 
 every Feftival the Things that related to that 
 Feftival. But it feemed a Difficulty, why then 
 the Acls of the Apoftles, which contain the Hi- 
 flory of their Miracles done after Pentecoft, fliould 
 not rather be read after Pentecoft, than before it ? 
 To this he anfwers, that the Miracles of the 
 Apoftles, contained in that Book, were the great 
 Demonftration of our Saviour's Refurreftion : 
 and therefore the Church appointed that Book 
 to be read always between Eafter and Pentecoft^ 
 immediately after our Saviour's Refurreftion, to 
 give Men the Evidences and Proofs of that holy 
 Myftery, which was the Completion of their 
 Redemption. So that though the LefTons for 
 other Feftivals related the Things that were 
 done at thofe Feftivals, yet for a particular Rea- 
 fon the Acls of the Apoftles, which contained the 
 Hiflory of Things done after Pentecoft, were read 
 before Pentecoft, becaufe they were more proper 
 for the Time immediately following our Saviour's 
 Refurre&ion. And upon this Account it became 
 a general Rule over the whole Church to read 
 the Acls at this Time, as not only Chryfoftom 
 teftifies here, but in many other Places of his 
 Writings. In his Homily upon thofe Words, 
 Saul yet breathing out Threatnings and Slaughter a- 
 gainft the Difciples, A£ls ix. he gives this Reafon 
 why he could not preach in order upon every 
 
 [o] Cxfar. Arelat.De non recedendo ab Ecclefia, &c. ap. Mabillon de 
 Liturg. Gallic, lib. i. cap. 4..11. 4. Non tune fiuntMif&.quandodivina: 
 Leftiones in Ecclefia recitantur, fed quando munera offeruntur, 8c Cor- 
 pus vel Sanguis Domini confecratur : Nam Leftiones, five Pro- 
 pheticas, five Apoftolicas, five Evangelicas, etiam in domibus ve- 
 ftris aut ipfi legere, aut alios legentes audire poteftis; Confecratio- 
 nem vero Corporis 8c Sanguinis Domini non alibi, nifi in Domo 
 Dei, audire vel videre poteritis [*] Book XIV. Chap i. n. a. 
 [/>] Ledtionar. Gallican. ap. Mabillon. de Liturg. Gallic lib. 2. p. 
 1 j8. [q] Cone. Laodic. Can. y 9, & 60. |>3 Cone. Carth. 
 
 3. Can. 47. [j] Cyril Catech. 4. n. 12. p. 67. [/] Aug 
 Expof in 1 Joan, in Praefat. T. 9. p. 23$-. Interpofita eft folennitas 
 fan&orum dierum, quibus certas ex Evangelio Lc£tiones oporte,: 
 in Ecclefia recitari, quae ita funt Annua, ut alia: cfle non pofiint. 
 [«] Vid. Aug. Serm. 1 39, 140, 141, 144. 148. de Tempore. Item 
 Chryf. Horn. 88. in Mat.p. 731. [*] Aug.Serm. 144. deTem- 
 pore. p. 320. [y] Aug Trad. 6. in Joan. Tom. 9. p. z$. 8c 
 Horn. S3, de Diverfis. [*] Chryf. Horn. 63. Cur in Pcntecofte 
 Acta legantur. T. 5-. p. 949. [«] Chryf. ibid. p. 9s i. 
 
 part 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 679 
 
 Part of that Book \b\ becaufe the Law of the 
 Church commanded it to be laid afide after Pen- 
 tccofl, and the Reading of it to conclude with 
 the End of the prefent Feftival. In another 
 Place [c~] he fays, it was appointed by Law to 
 be read on that Feftival, and not ufually read 
 in any other Part of the Year. And in another 
 Place [d~] he gives this Reafon why he broke 
 off his Sermons upon Genefis in the Pajjion Week, 
 becaufe the Intervention of other Solemnities 
 obliged him to preach then upon other Subjects, 
 agreeable to what was read in the Church, as a- 
 gainft the Traitor Judas, and upon the Paftion, 
 and our Saviour's Refurrection, at which Time 
 he took in hand the Atls of the Apoftles, and 
 preached upon them from Eafter to Pentccofl. 
 CaJJian [Y] fays, the fame Order was obferved a- 
 mong the Egyptians: And it appears from the 
 anticnt Letlionarium Gallicanum, that it was fo in 
 the French Churches : For there almoft on every 
 Day between Eafter and Pentccofl, except the 
 Rogation Days, and fome few others, two Lef- 
 fons are ordered to be read out of the Apocalyps 
 and the Acts of the Apoftles. Whence it may be 
 concluded farther, that the Reading of the Apo- 
 calyps was alfo in a great meafure appropriated 
 to this Seafon in the Galilean Church. And fo 
 it was in the Spanift) Churches by an Order of 
 the fourth Council of 'Toledo, which enjoyns the 
 Reading of it [/] in this Interval under Pain of 
 Excommunication. In Lent they ufually read 
 the Book of Genefis, as is plain from Chryfofiom, 
 whofe famous Homilies called dvc/tpfavrts, (becaufe 
 they are about the Statues of the Emperor, which 
 the People of Antioch had feditioufly thrown 
 down,) were preached in Lent : And in one of 
 thefe [_g~\ he fays, he would preach upon the 
 Book that had been read that Day, which was 
 the Book of Genefis; and the firft Words, In the 
 Beginning God created Heaven and Earth, were the 
 Subject of his Difcourfe. In another Sermon [b~] 
 preached upon the fame Text in the Beginning 
 of Lent, he fays, the Words had been read in 
 the Leffon that Day. And for this very Reafon 
 he preached two whole Lents upon the Book of 
 Genefis, becaufe it was then read of courfe in the 
 Church. For the thirty two firft of thofe Ho- 
 milies were preached at Conftantinople in Lent in 
 the third Year after he was made Biihop, ##.400, 
 or 401 i but the Feftivals of the Paffion, and Ea- 
 fler, and Pentccofl coming on, this Subject was 
 interrupted, and he preached upon other Sub- 
 jects, as he himfelf [/] tells us, fuitable to thofe 
 Occafions. Afterward he refumed his former 
 
 Work, and finiihed his Comment upon Genefis in 
 t™^™ Sermons more in the Year enfuine. 
 Which makes it plain, that Genefis was then read 
 in Lent, as the Atls were in Pentecoft, and that 
 Chryfofiom conformed his Difcourfcs according to 
 the Order of Reading then eftablilhed in the 
 Church. It appears farther from St. Ambrofe 
 that the Book of Job and Jonah were both read 
 in the Paffion Week. For fpeaking of a Sermon 
 which he made to the People at this Time, he 
 fays [k~], Ye have heard, Children, the Book 
 of Job read, which is in Courfe appointed to be 
 read at this Time. And [/] again, fays he, the 
 Book of Jonah was read. That is, as Pagi [ml 
 critically remarks, on the third Day of the Paffion 
 W ?ek. And that this was an antient Rule of the 
 Church, appears from Origcn's Comment upon 
 Job, which St. Jerom [«] fays, St. Hilary tran- 
 flated into Latin. For there [ 0] he not only tells 
 us, that the Book of Job was read in the Church 
 m Paffion Week, but alfo gives us the Reafon of 
 it, becaufe it was a Time of Falling and Abfti- 
 nence, a Time in which they that faded and ab- 
 ftained, had as it were a fort of Fellow-Suffer- 
 ing with admirable Job, a Time in which Men 
 by Falling and Abftinence followed after the 
 Paflion of Chrift Jcfus our Lord: And becaufe 
 the Paftion of Job was in a great meafure a Type 
 and Example of the Paffion and Refurrection of 
 Chrift, therefore theHiftory of Job's Paffion was 
 with good Reafon read and meditated upon in 
 thefe Days of Paffion, thefe Days of Salifica- 
 tion, thelc Days of Fading. Thus far Origen. 
 But in the [p] Letlionarium Gallicanum there is 
 no mention of the Book of Job, butonly of Jonab 
 on the Sabbat urn magnum, or Saturday before Eafter 
 Day. \_q] St. Jerom feems to fay, that the Prophet: 
 Hofea was alio read on the Vigil of our Saviour's 
 Paffion. For he mentions a long Difcourfe of Pieri- 
 us, which he had read, made by that Martyr on the 
 Beginning of that Book, in an elegant but ex- 
 temporary Style, on the Vigil before the Paffion 
 St. Chryfofiom [r] in one of his Homilies upon 
 the Gofpel of St. John, which he was then ex- 
 pounding, advifes his Auditors to read- at Home 
 in the Week-days before, fuck Portions of the 
 Gofpel as they knew were to be read and ex- 
 pounded on the Lord's Day following in the 
 Church. Which implies fome certain Rule and 
 Order. So that though we have not any com- 
 plcat Letlionarium, or Kalendar of Leffons now 
 remaining, yet we are lure their Reading of 
 Scripture was fome Way methodized and brought 
 under Rule, efpecially for the greater Solemni- 
 
 ty] Chryf. Horn. 47. torn. p. 637. $S tclt'^uv c^®- 
 Kihkvet [lira, riw T-vliKo^riv ^mrt-^iS^ 10 [ItCh'iov^ &c. 
 [c] Horn. 4.8. In Infcriptioncm Altaris. Aft. 17. t. 5-. p. 6;©. 
 
 7 It iOCT/i TfiU/Ti) I H OIxO-^iTtfjaj OJjli oLt'*yilto<T>l<Zoj{,. 8cc. 
 
 [ J] Horn. 33. in Gen. p. 47R. [e] Cafiian.'lnftic. lib. 2. 
 
 cap. 6. [/] Cone. Tolet. 4. can. 16. Si quis Apoca- 
 
 lypfin a Pafchi ufque ad Penreeoften Miffarum tempore in Eccle- 
 lia non pnsdicavcrit, Excommunicationis fententiam habebit. 
 ! j] ChryC Horn. 7. ad Pop. Antioch. t. 1. p. 107. to g\\\ja&v 
 v[j.iv wa-yvugih /t/«7 streets y.cu fitCh'iov. [A] Serm. 1. 
 
 in Gen. 1. t. 2. p. 880. tjZto. yc> nptiv a.^.yvuSsw anpieyv- 
 Vid. Chryi". Horn. 6. de Poenitcntia in Edi£t. Latinis. 
 [i] Chryf. Horn. 33. in Gen. p. 480. Vid. Severiani Gabalcnfis 
 Horn. 1 in Gen. ap. Combefif. Audtar. NovilT. p. 214. Ec Au". 
 
 Vol. I. ° 
 
 Serm. 7 1. de Temp. [*] Ambrof Ep. 33. ad Marcellin. 
 
 Soror. p. 160. Audiftis, Filii, librum legi Job, qui folenni & mu- 
 nerecftdecurfus & Tempore. [/] Ibid . p. ,6z. Sequent! 
 
 die ledus eft de more Liber Jon*. [ m ] Pagi c m j c in 
 
 Baron, an. 387. n. 4. [«] Hicron. cont. Vigilant. 
 
 [0] Ongen in Job. lib. 1. p. 366. In conventu Ecdeiw in diebus 
 fandhs .egitur Palfio Job, in diebus Jejunii, in diebus AblHnemiar 
 &c. [p] Leftionar. Gallic, ap. Mabillon. de Liturg. Gal- 
 
 llc - P- '39- [qj Hieron. Procem. in Hofea ad Pammach 
 
 Piem quoque leg. Tratiatum longiffimum, quern in exordio hu' 
 jus Prophet* die Vigiliarum Dominic* Paffionis extemporali & 
 diforto Sermone profudit. [r] Ch f> H ^ 
 
 Joan. su. li. edic. Savil. p. f$j. 
 
 Rrrrr z, 
 
 ties 
 
630 
 
 he Antiquities of the Book XIV 
 
 lies and Feftivals of the Church. The firft Ka- 
 lendar of this Kind is thought by fome to be Hip- 
 pclytus's Canon Pafchalls, which, as I have {hewed 
 before £*], no leis Men than Scallger zndGotho- 
 fred take to be a Rule appointing Leflbns pro- 
 per for the Feftivals. But Bucherius and others 
 give another Account of it, which leaves the 
 Matter uncertain. There goes alio under the 
 Name of St. Jerom, a Book called his Comes or 
 Lecllonarltm ; but Criticks of the beft Rank [j] 
 reckon this a Counterfeit, and the Work of a 
 much later Writer, becaufe it mentions Leflbns 
 out of the Prophets and Old Teftament, whereas 
 in St. Jeronis Time, as we have noted before, 
 there were no Leflbns read befides Epifiles and 
 Go/pels in the Church of Rome. However, fome 
 Time after there were feveral Books of this kind 
 compofed for the ufe of the French Churches. 
 Sidonius Apollinarls [f] fays, Claudianus Mamercus 
 made one for the Church of Vienna, An. 4fo. And 
 Gennadius [//] fays, Mufieus made another for the 
 Church of Mar fellies about the Year 4f8. 
 But both thefe are now loft, and the ol- 
 deft of this kind is the LetHonarium Galllcanum, 
 which Mabillon lately publifhed from a Manu- 
 fcript, which he judges by the Hand to be above 
 a thoufand Years old, but wrote after the Time 
 of Gregory the Great, becaufe it mentions the 
 Feftival of Genouefa [x], who is fuppofed to live 
 after his Time. But though we have no more 
 antient Kalendar now remaining, yet the Autho- 
 rities alledged before do indifputably evince the 
 Thing it felf, that the Leflbns of Scripture were 
 generally appropriated to Times and Seafons, ac- 
 cording as the Feftivals required : And for the 
 reft, they were either read in order as they lie in 
 the Bible, as Mabillon [y~] ftiews from the Rules 
 of Cafarlus and Aurellan; or elfe were arbitrari- 
 ly appointed by the Biftiops at Difcretion, as 
 fomctimes particular Pjalms were upon emergent 
 Occafions, according to the Obfervation that 
 has been made \jf~) in fpeaking of that Subject. 
 St. Auflln fays exprefly [z], he fometimes orde- 
 red a Leflbn to be read agreeable to the Subject 
 of the Pfahn upon which he was preaching. And 
 Ferrarius [a] gives feveral other Inftances both 
 out of St. Auflln [b~] and Chryfologus [c\ to the 
 fame Purpofe, which need not here be repeated. 
 
 SECT. IV. The next Queftion may be 
 By whom the Scrip- concerning the Perfons by whom 
 
 W es were ana- ^ Scriptures were publickly 
 
 read in the Church. Which is 
 
 ently read in the 
 Church. 
 
 a Queftion that has been in fome 
 
 meafure anfwered before, in fpeaking of the 
 Order of Readers [{] : Where I fhewed, that 
 for the two firft Centuries, before the Order of 
 Readers was inftituted, it is probable the Scrip- 
 tures were read by the Deacons, or elfe in Imi- 
 tation of the Jewlflj Church, by fuch as the Bi- 
 fhop or Prefident for that Time appointed. But 
 in the Time of St. Cyprian it was the peculiar 
 Office of the Readers, which were become an 
 inferior Order of the Clergy, to read all theLef- 
 fons of Scripture, and even the Gofpel, as well as 
 other Parts, as appears from feveral [d~] of Cy- 
 prian's Epiftles. Here I muft add, that in Af- 
 ter-ages the Reading of the Gofpel was in fome 
 Churches confined to the Office of the Deacons 
 and Presbyters. For fo the Author of the Con- 
 filtutlons [e~] words it, After the other Leflbns are 
 read by the Readers, let a Deacon or a Presby- 
 ter read the Gofpels. And fo St. Jerom reminds 
 Sablnianus [/] the Deacon, how he had read 
 the Gofpels in the Church. And Socrates [g] notes 
 the fame of Sabbatlus, a Presbyter in the Nova- 
 tlan Church. Sozomen fays [h~], at Alexandria 
 the Gofpel was read only by the Archdeacon ; 
 in other Places by the Deacons j in others only 
 by the Presbyters j and on the greater Feftivals 
 by the Bifliop, as ztConJlantlnople on Eafler Day. 
 In the French Churches it was the ordinary Of- 
 fice of Deacons, as appears from that Canon of 
 the Council of Valfon, which [z] fays, that if 
 the Presbyter was fick, the Deacon might read 
 an Homily ^ giving this Reafon for it, that they 
 who were thought worthy to read the Gofpels of 
 Chrift, were not unworthy to read the Expofitl- 
 ons of the Holy Fathers. Yet in the Spanlfh 
 Churches the antient Cuftom continued, that 
 the Readers read the Gofpel as well as other Lef- 
 fons. Which may be collected from that Canon 
 of the firft Council of 'Toledo [£] which allows 
 no one that had done publick Penance, ever to 
 be ordained, unlefs it were to the Office of a 
 Reader, in cafe of great Neceflity, and then he 
 fhould read neither the Eplftle nor the Gofpel. 
 Which implies, that other Readers who were 
 never under Penance, read both the Gofpel and 
 all other Leflbns, as Albafpinaus [/] in his Notes 
 rightly obferves upon it. 
 
 But in one Thing that Learn- sect. v. 
 ed Perfon feems to be miftaken, whether the E- 
 when hefuppofes that [ml Read- P mIc and Gof P el 
 
 ~C-u.. h r i f V • werereadtiv.ee, firfl 
 
 ing o\ the Go pel to have been in ,„ L 
 
 , ° g-y • i o • t-. to the Catechumens 
 
 the Communion-Service. For andthentothcFmh- 
 antiently the Scriptures, and even /«/ at the Altar. 
 
 [*] Book XIII. chap. v. n. 6. \_s] Vid. Stilling. Orig. Bri- 
 
 tan. chap. 4. p. 129. 8c Cave Hid:. Literar. Vol. 1. p. zij-. 
 [f] Sidon. lib. 4. Ep. it. Hie folennibus annuis paravit, qux quo 
 tempore lefta convenirent. [«] Gennad. de Scriptor. cap. 
 
 79. Excerpfit dc Scripturis Leftiones totius anni Feftivis diebus ap- 
 tas; Refponforia Pfalmorum Capitula Temporibus 8c Ledtionibus 
 congruentia. [at] Lectionar. Gallic, ap. Mabil. p. 114. 
 
 [y] Mabil. de Curfu Gallicano. p. 406. [f] Book XIV. 
 
 chap. i. n. 6. [z,] Aug. in Plal. 90. Ser. 2. p. +12. Prop- 
 
 terea fecimus ipfam Ledtionem Evangelii recitari, ubi Dominus 
 tentatus eft, per ea verba Pfalmi qua: hie audiftis. [a] Fcrrar. 
 Ritu Coicionum. lib. 1, cap. 17. [6] Aug Ser. 23. 
 
 de Verbis Domini. Ser. 121. de Diverfi. Tradt. 12. in Joan. 
 (Y) Chryfolog. Ser. 66, 8c 118. [£] Book III, Chap. v. 
 
 8 
 
 [d] Cypr. Ep. 34. al. 39. Ep. 38. [ e ] Conftit. lib. 2. 
 
 ca P- 57- [/] Hieron. Ep. 48. id Sabinian. Evangelium. 
 
 Chrifti quafi Diaconus ledtitabas. [g] Socrat. lib. 7. cap. c, 
 
 [h] Soiom. lib. 7. cap. 19. [j] Cone. Vafeiis. 2. Can. 2. 
 
 Si enim digni funt Diaconi, quse Chriftus in Evangelio locutus eft, 
 legeie. quare indigni judicentur fanctorum Patrum Expofitiones 
 publice recitare ? [k] Cone. Tolet. 1. Can. 2. Pcenitentes 
 
 non admittantur ad Clerum, nil tantum fi necefiitas aut ufus ex- 
 egerir, 8c tunc inter Ledtores deputentur, ita ut Evangelia aut A- 
 poftolum non legant. Vid. Can. 4. ibid. [/] Albafpin. 
 
 Not. in Cone. Tol. 1. Can. 2. Liquido ex his conftat Ledtores 
 non Evangelium tantum, fed 8c Ledtiones pronunciafle. 
 [m] Albafpin. Not. in Can, 4. Cone. Carttag.j. 
 
 the 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 681 
 
 the Go/pel it fclf, were only read in the 
 Service of the Catechumens. Cardinal Bo- 
 na [»] indeed fays, the antient Cuftom was to 
 read the Go/pel only to the Faithful, and that the 
 Council of Orange in France [p],and the Council 
 of Valentia in Spain[p^, were the firft that or- 
 dered it otherwifc. But nothing is plainer, than 
 that the Reading of thcGofpel was always before 
 the Sermon, and the Sermon was always before 
 the Communion- Service began, in the Prefence 
 of the Catechumens, and before their Difmiffion 
 ordinarily, being defigncd chiefly for their Jn- 
 ilru&ion. Therefore though fome ill Cuftom 
 might have crept into the Churches of France 
 and Spain, excluding the Catechumens from 
 hearing the Go/pel and the Sermon, which thofe 
 Councils endeavoured to correct: ; yet that is far 
 from proving it to be the antient Cuftom, to 
 confine the Hearing of the Gofpel to the Faith- 
 ful only : And a Man cannot look into the Ho- 
 milies of Sr. Aufiin or St. Chryfoftom, but he will 
 find this Mi Make every where confuted. For 
 they always fpeak of reading the Gofpel before 
 the Homily, and the Homily made in the Prefence 
 of the Catechumens: And the contrary Suppo- 
 fition is merely owing to a common Prejudice 
 and Conceit, that the antient Service was in all 
 Things like the modern, where the Gofpel is 
 twice read, firft among the Leflbns, and then 
 with the Epiftle, by itfelf in the Communion- 
 Service } whereas antiently they were both read 
 in the ordinary Courfe of the Leflbns, in that 
 Part of the Service only, which was properly 
 called the Service of the Catechumens. 
 
 SECT VI. The next Thing worthy our 
 
 The Solemnity Obfervation is the Solemnity and 
 and Ceremonies of £eremony, with which the An- 
 Readingthe Lfflbns. c i ents appointed the Scriptures 
 Where firft of the to be read. The Reader, be- 
 fore he began to read, was com- 
 monly ufed to fay, Pax vobis, 
 Peace be with you, which was the 
 ufual Form of Salutation at the Entrance of all 
 Offices in the Church. St. Cyprian [_q] plainly 
 alludes to this, when fpeaking of a new Reader 
 whom he had ordained to the Office the Lord's 
 Day before, he fays, Aufpicatus eft Pacem, dum 
 dedicat Letlionem, he began to ufe the Salutation, 
 Peace be with you, when he firft began to read. 
 I know none of the Commentators that take No- 
 tice of this Cuftom in Cyprian, or make any Re- 
 mark upon the Phrafe: But this is evidently the 
 Senfe of it, and fo the learned Albafpinaus [f] 
 underftands it. This Cuftom feems to have con- 
 tinued in Africk, till the third Council of Car- 
 
 Salutation, Pax vo- 
 bis, before Read- 
 ing- 
 
 thage [f] made an Order to the contrary, that 
 the Readers fhould no longer falute the People. 
 This Form of Salutation, Peace be with you, to 
 which the People ufual ly anfwered, And with 
 thy Spirit, was commonly the Office of a Bifhop 
 or Presbyter or Deacon in the Performance of 
 their feveral Functions in the Church, as is no- 
 ted by Chryfoftom [s] in many Places: And there- 
 fore this Council took away this Power from the 
 Readers, and put it into the Hands of the Dea- 
 cons or the other fupcrior Minifters of the 
 Church. So that as the Reader had ufed to fay 
 before Reading, Peace be with you, this Canon 
 only ordered that it fhould be laid by fome other 
 Miniftcr. For that it was ufed either by the 
 Reader, or fome other Minifter before he began 
 to read, appears from St. Aufiin, who writing 
 againft the Donatifts, fays \f\, nothing could be 
 more perverfe than their own Practice, who be- 
 fore the Reader began to read the Epiftle, faid to 
 him, Peace be with thee, and yet feparated from 
 the Peace of thofe Churches to which the Epiftles 
 were written. 
 
 St. Auftin in another Place sect. vil. 
 mentions the Bifhop's ufing this Th,s Salutation 
 Form of Salutation as foon as he *> 
 
 , f~ , . . ,. the Bibot> imme- 
 
 came into the Church, immedi- im ' be p re the 
 ately before the Reader began Reader began t» 
 to read the Leflbns, which in read, 
 Africk in thofe Days was the firft 
 Part of the Service, with a Refponfory Pfalm be- 
 tween every Leflbn. I went to Church, fays 
 he [a], I faluted the People, that is, faid Peace 
 be unto you, and then Silence being made, the 
 folemn Leflbns of the Holy Scriptures were read 
 in Order. This Cuftom of faluting the People 
 in this Form is alfo mentioned by Chryfoftom in 
 feveral Places. When we are come [#] into 
 the Church, fays he, we fay immediately, Peace 
 be unto you, according to this Law, and ye an- 
 fwer, And with thy Spirit. Again [>], the Bi- 
 fhop at his Entrance into the Church fays al- 
 ways, Peace be unto you, as a proper Salutation 
 when he comes into his Father's Houle. And 
 in another Place [z], When the Bifhop enters 
 the Church, he immediately fays, Peace be with 
 you all: When he begins his Sermon, he fays a- 
 gain, Peace be with you all, Stc. Now consider- 
 ing that this was the common Salutation at the 
 Beginning of all Offices, and that the Scriptures 
 began to be read as foon as the Bifhop came in- 
 to the Church, it is plain that fuch a Form of 
 Salutation was always ufed by one or other be- 
 fore the Reading of the Scriptures. 
 
 [«] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 7. n. 1. [0] Cone. A- 
 
 raulican. 1. Can. 18. [p ] Cone. Valentin. Can. 1. 
 
 [<j] Cypr. Ep. 33. al. 38. ad Cler. Carthag. p. 75-. [r] Al- 
 
 balpin. Not. in Cone. Carthag. 3. can. 4. [f] Cone. Carth. 
 
 3. can. 4. Ut Le&ores Populum non falutent. [j] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 18. in 2 Cor. p. 873. Horn. 3. in Colof. p. 1337, & 1338. 
 [t] Aug. Ep. i6j\ Quid autem pervertius & inianius, quam 
 Le£toribus eafdem Epiftolas legentibus dicere, Pax tecum, 8c ab 
 earum Ecclefiarum Pace feparare, quibus ipfat Epifto'.se fcriptx funt. 
 
 [«] Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. 22. cap. 8. p. 1489. Procedimus ad 
 populum, plena e at Ecclefia, perlonabat vocibus gaudiorum : Deo 
 
 gratias, Deo Laudes. Salutavi populum. Fado tandem filen- 
 
 tio, Scripturarum divinarum funt ie&a foleonia. [*] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 33. in Mat. p. 318. koiva tsS.at tjv a?rtm» i7n\i- 
 yofj^fJ &atby]ti c-vdkai; tov vofj.av wjtSj'or. 
 [j] Chryf Horn. 36. in 1 Gor. p. 6/3. [z.] Chryf Horn. 
 
 3 . in Colof. p. 1338. 
 
 St. 
 
682 The Antiqjjitibs of the Book XIV. 
 
 sect. viii. St. Chryfoftom takes Notice of 
 
 The Deacon in- two otner CulloiDS relating tO 
 joined Sdence be- ^ MaU a§ i ntro d UC T:ory to 
 fore tbj Reader be- , . . ■» , , . i o • 
 
 g *v, and reared the reading and hearing the Scrip- 
 Attmuon-. As the tures with greater Advantage: 
 Reader alfo did be- That is, the Deacons enjoining 
 jore every Lejfon, Silence and requiring Attention, 
 faying, Thus faith and t j ie R ea d e r himfelf after the 
 the Lo.d. naming any Leflbn, faying, Thus 
 
 faith the Lord. The Deacon, fays he, who is 
 the common Minifter of the Church, firft ftands 
 up [a] and cries with a loud Voice, •zzr^^oojUEv, 
 Let us give Attention: This he repeats leveral 
 times, and after that the Reader names the Pro- 
 phet, Ifaiah fuppofe, or any other > and before 
 he begins to read, he alfo cries aloud, raVs \kya 
 xiig/©-', Thus faith the Lord. So again in another 
 Place [b~], When the Reader rifes up and fays, 
 Thus faith the Lord: and the Deacon ftands up, 
 and commands all Men to keep Silence j he does 
 not fay this to honour the Reader, but God who 
 fpeaks to all by him. This enjoining of Silence 
 is fpoken of by St. Ambrofe [c] and others: But 
 it differed from another Act. of the Deacons un- 
 der the fame Name, Silentium indicere, which 
 was calling upon the People to fill to their pri- 
 vate Prayers, of which we fhall have Occafion 
 to fay more in the next Book, Chap. i. 
 
 sect. ix. MABILLON [d~\ obferves, 
 At the nammg That at the naming of the Lef- 
 ef the Prophet or f ons out ohhc Prophets or Epifiles 
 
 Ep.ftk, the People ^ p Jc fometimes fa j d De0 
 in tome Places (aid ^ . r _~ , , ^ 1 ' . . 
 
 Deo gntias, and Gratias, Thanks be to God, as it is 
 Amenf at the End in the Mozarabick Liturgy. But 
 of it. we have little Notice of this]elfe- 
 
 where. Only St. Auftin fays, it 
 was a very common Phrafe among the Monks 
 \c~\ when they met a Brother-Chriltian, to fay, 
 Deo Gratias, Thanks be to God; for which the 
 Circumcellions, or Agoniftici, as they called them- 
 felves, among the Donatifts, were wont to in- 
 fuic them, though they themfelves often ufed to 
 fay, Deo Laudes, which in their Mouth was 
 more to be dreaded than the roaring of a Lion. 
 Is appears alfo from the Acts of Eradius his Ele- 
 ction to be his Succeflbr, that it was an ufual 
 Acclamation upon many other Occafions : For 
 as foon as he had nominated Eradius to be his 
 Succeflbr, the People cried out [/] for a long 
 Time together, Deo Gratias y Chrifto Laudes, 
 Thanks be to\ God, Praife be to Chrift. What 
 therefore was fo common upon other Occafions, 
 might very probably be faid by way of Accla- 
 mation at the naming of the LefTons of the Ho- 
 ly Scriptures. Grotius \_g] fays it was alfo cufto- 
 mary at the End of the Epiftle for the People to 
 anfwer Amen : And that hence it was, that at 
 
 the End of all St. Paul's Epiftks the Word, A- 
 men, was added by the Church. I know not 
 upon what Grounds he aflerts this, and there- 
 fore I mail let it reft upon the Authority of that 
 learned Man, without affirming or denying his 
 AfTertion. 
 
 A t the reading of the Go/pel SECT.X. 
 it was a general Cuftom for all -<* the reading 
 the People to ftand Up And */ Gofpel all 
 fome of the middle hezRitualifts ^ ood uf ' and 
 take Notice of their faying, do- *£^ G £ 
 ry be to Thee, O Lord, at the na- Lord 
 ming of it. The Author of the 
 Homily de Circo vet Hippodromo [hi under the 
 Name of St. Chryfoftom, frys, When the Dea- 
 con goes about to read the Gofpel, we all pre- 
 fently rife up, and fay, Glory be to Thee, O Lord. 
 But as that Homily is known to be none of Chry- 
 foftom's, we cannot certainly fay, it was the Cu- 
 ftom in his Days. But the Cuftom of rifing up 
 at the reading of the Gofpel is certainly as old as 
 Chryfoftom : For he fpeaks of it in one of his Ho- 
 milies [/] on St. Matthew. If the Letters of a 
 King are read m the Theatre with great Silence- 
 Much more ought we to compofc our felves, 
 and itand up with attentive Ears, when the Let- 
 ters not of an earthly King, but of the Lord of 
 Angels are read to us. 
 
 The Author of the Conftitutions [*] mentions 
 the fame : When the Gofpel is read, let the Pref- 
 byters and Deacons and all the People ftand with 
 profound Silence. And fo Ifidore of Pelufium U\ 
 When the true Shepherd appears at the opening 
 of the Holy Go/pels, then the Bimop himfelf ri- 
 fes up and lays afide his Paftoral Habit or Au- 
 thority, fignifying thereby, that then the Lord 
 himfelf, the Author of the Paftoral Fundion, 
 his God and his Matter, is prefent. This was e- 
 vcry where obferved, except at Alexandria, where 
 it is noted by Sozomen [m\ as a lingular Thine 
 in that Church, That the Bifhop did not ufe to 
 rife up, when the Gofpel was read. And (Mm 
 W obferves it as no lefs lingular in the Monks 
 or Egypt, that excepting the Reader who always 
 flood up, the reft fat upon low Scats both when 
 the Pfalms and the LefTons out of the Old or New 
 Teftament were reading. Which was only in- 
 dulged them becaufe of their exceffive Watch- 
 ings and Failings and Labours. In other Places 
 b tl } n &* l r the Gofyt\ was reckoned a Corruption 
 and Abufe : Infomuch that Philoftorgius m tells 
 us, That Theophilus the Arian Bimop, who went 
 to the Indies, corrededit as an Indecency that 
 had crept in there againft the Rules of the 
 
 r j • A L nd f™M™ did the fame at Rome, 
 as is faid in his Life by the Author [/>] of the 
 Pontifical. For he made a Decree that as often 
 
 [a] Chryf. Horn. 19. in Aft. Apod. [b] Chryf. Horn. 
 
 3. in 1 Thcd [c] Ambrof. Prxfat. in Plalmos. Quan- 
 
 tum hboratur in Ecclelia ut fiat filentium, cum lecliones 
 leguntur, &c. Vid. Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib. 22. c. 8. [d] Ma- 
 bil. de Liturg. Gallic, lib. 1. cap. 2. n. 10. [*] Aug. in 
 
 Pfal. 132. p. <5jo. A quibus plus timetur, Deo Laudes, quam 
 fremitus leonis, hi etiam infultare nobis audent, quia fra;res,cum 
 vident homines, Deo gratias, dicunr. [/J Aug. Ep. no.de 
 
 A&is Eradii. A populo acdamatum eft trigeiies fexiesj Deo gra- 
 
 tias, Chrifto Laudes. UJGrot.Annot.inPhiIem.ver 2f 
 
 [A] Chryf. Horn. S z. de Circo. torn. 6. p. 49, r'n chrvf 
 
 Horn. 1. in Mat. p. 1 1. [ k ] Conftir. lib. z cap L ' 
 
 cap. , 9 . [»] Caflian I„ft,t. Kb z. cap. , 2. W PMq(1 * 
 3- c.f. [/>] Pont.fical. Vic. Anaftaf. Hie conftitj, 
 
 ut quoticfcunque fanda Evangelia recirarentur, facerdotes no« fc' 
 derent, fed curvi ftarerit. 
 
 as 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 683 
 
 as the Holy Go/pels were read, the Pricfts fhould 
 not fit. but Hand in a bowing Pofture. In A- 
 frick the general Cuftom was, not only to (land 
 at the Go/pel, but at all the other Leflbns out of 
 Scripture: For they gave equal Honour to every 
 Part of the Word of God, inlbmuch as that 
 their Sermons and Homilies and whatever was re- 
 hearfed in the Church, was heard (landing, as 
 we fhall fee more in the next I Chapter. Here it 
 will be fufficicnt to obferve, that Cyprian's Rea- 
 ders not only flood up to read, but that all the 
 People flood \jf] about them when they read 
 the Scriptures. And in St. Auftiris Time the 
 Cuftom was the fame : For he fays [r] the lon- 
 geft Leflbns were then heard by all Sorts and 
 Sexes Handing, except only fuch as through fome 
 Infirmity in their Feet or Weaknefs or' Body 
 were d -fabled, who upon that Account were in- 
 dulged fitting, but no others whatfoever. Bona 
 \f\ thinks there was no certain Anfwer made, 
 when the Go/pel was ended. For fome faid only, 
 Amen, as it is in the Mozarabick Liturgy and the 
 Rule ot St. Benedict. Which Alexander Hales 
 interprets the fame as faying, God grant we may 
 fcrfevere in the Doclrine of the Gofpel. Others 
 laid, Deo Gratias, -Thanks be to God; and others 
 Laus tibi Chrifte, Praife be to Thee, O Chrifi. But 
 all this is faid only out of the Middle-age Wri- 
 ters, whilfl there is a perfect Silence as to this 
 Matter in the more antient Writers of the 
 Church. 
 
 and no farther. DwCave [«] judges, it might 
 not be much elder than his Time 5 however it 
 was, it is no Argument to patronize the burning 
 
 SECT. XI. 
 
 Lights carried 
 before the Gofpel 
 in the Eaftern 
 Churches. 
 
 of Lamps and Wax-Candles, without the 
 Reafon, in Churches at Noon-day. 
 
 fame 
 
 sect. xn. 
 
 Three or four Lef~ 
 foil fometimes read 
 out of the Golpels 
 on the fame Day, 
 
 There was one Ceremony 
 more antient, which St. Jerom 
 makes peculiar to the Eaftern 
 Churches, which was the carry- 
 ing Lights before the Gofpel when 
 it was to be read. He fays [/], they had no 
 fuch Cuftom in the Weftern Church, either as 
 burning Candles by Day at the Monuments of 
 the Martyrs (as Vigilantius falfely accufed them) ; 
 nor at any other Time, fave only when they 
 met in the Night, to give Light to their Af- 
 femblies: But in the Eaftern Church it was 
 otherwife : For without any Regard to the Re- 
 licks of the Martyrs, whenever the Gofpel was 
 read, they lighted Candies, partly to demon- 
 llrate their Joy for the good News which the 
 Gofpel brought, and partly by a corporeal Sym- 
 bol to reprefent that Light of which the Pfal- 
 
 I t is farther obfervable, That 
 in fome Churches, upon fome 
 folemn Occalions, they had three 
 or four Leffons read out of the 
 Gofpels on the fame Day. St. Au- 
 flin [#] fays, he would have had four Leflbns 
 read out of the four Gofpels on the Day of our 
 Saviour's Paffionj but the People were diflurbed 
 at it, as what they had not been accu Homed to, 
 fo he was forced to wave it. But the Cuftom 
 prevailed in the Trench Churches. For in the 
 old Leclionarium Gallicanum publillied by Mabil- 
 Un, the Leflbns of feveral Feftivals are thus ap- 
 pointed : On the Feaft of Epiphany, there is one 
 Leflbn out of St. Matthew ii. for Morning Ser- 
 vice, and three more out of Matthew, Luke and 
 John, for the Communion- Service. So on the 
 Parafceve or Day of our Saviour's Paffion, there 
 is one LelTon of the Gofpel for Morning Service, 
 another for the fecond, another for the third, a- 
 nother for the fixth, another for the ninth 
 Hours [_y~] of Prayer, collefted out of the four 
 Gofpels byway of Harmony or Catena. Whence 
 we may obferve, that the old Gallic an Liturgy 
 (from whence our EngliJJj Service is thought 
 chiefly to be derived, and not from the Roman 
 [*], by learned Men) had diftinct Offices for 
 Morning and Communion-Service, and diftin6t 
 Gofpels for each Service on folemn Days, as ours 
 now has for all the Feftivals, which probably 
 were defigned at firft for diftin<5b Offices, tho' 
 they are now commonly read together in the 
 greateft Part of our Churches. 
 
 SECT. XIII. 
 Of longer and 
 fhorter Leffons, and 
 their diftina Uft, 
 according to Du- 
 rantus. 
 
 There is another Diftin&i- 
 on made by fome between the 
 longer and fhorter Leflbns. The 
 longer Leflbns are faid by 
 Durantus to be ufed at the long 
 Nocturnal or Antelucan Service, 
 and the lefler at the other Canonical Hours of 
 Prayer. So that this DiflincTrion could have no 
 Place till the Canonical Hours were fettled in 
 the Church. Which was not till the fourth or 
 fifth Century, as has been fhewed in another 
 [t] Place. Radulphus Tungrenfis [a], whom Du- 
 rantus cites, fpeaks fomewhat of this Diflinclion 
 as h ; s Authority will prevail, it may be credited, in his Time, and fays the lefTer fort of Leflbns 
 
 mift fpeaks, Thy Word is a Lamp to my Feet, and 
 a light unto my Paths. I know no other Author 
 beiiue St. Jerom, thai mentions this, and as far 
 
 [9] c )'P r E P- 54- a1- ?9- p< 78, In loco altiore conftitui 
 oportet, ubi ab omni populo circumftante confpedti, 8cc. 
 [r] Aug. Horn. 26. ex fo. t. 10. p. 174. Quando Pafliones 
 prolixa: aut certe aliquae Le&iones longiores leguntur, qui ftare 
 non pofiunt, humilitcr 8c cum filentio fedentes, attentis auribus 
 audiant quse leguntur, 8to Note that this Homily is by Ma- 
 hillon and the Benedictins m their New Edition ascribed to Cae- 
 Cirius Arelatenfis: If it be his, it proves the Cuftom of fianding 
 to hear the Leffons, to haze been according to the Ufage of the 
 French Churches. 0] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. z. cap. 
 
 - n- + . [t] Hicron. cont. Vigilant, cap. 3. Cereos 
 
 autem non clara luce accendimus, ficut fruftra calumniarit, 
 
 fed ut nodtis tenebras hoc folatio temperemus Abfque 
 
 Martyrum reliquiis per totas Orientis Ecclefias, quum legendum 
 eft Evangelium, accenduntur Luminaria jam fole rutilante, non uti- 
 que ad fugandas tenebras, fed ad lignum lstitise demonftrandum, 
 8cc. [«] Cave Prim. Chrift. lib. 1. c. 7. p. 203. 
 
 [x] Aug. Serm. 144. de Tempore, p. 320. [j] vid. 
 
 Mabillon.de Liturg. Gallic, p. 116, & 134. [*] Vid. 
 
 Stillingfleet. Orig. Britan. chap. 4. [z] Durant. de Ritib. 
 
 lib. 3. cap. 18. n.4, 8c f. [f] Book XlU.Chap.ix. »,8. 
 [«] Radulph. de Canon. Obfervant. Propof 8, &c 1 3. 
 
 were 
 
684 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 were called vulgarly Capitula, Chapters, and 
 defigned for the Praife of God. Which makes 
 it more probable, that thefe lefler Leflbns were 
 no other than the Pfalms, or Antiphonal Hymns 
 collected out of the Pfalms for the Service of 
 the feveral Hours of Devotion. Which are ex- 
 prefly called Capitella de Pfalmis, Chapters out 
 of the Pfalms, by the Council of Agde [b~], and 
 were the fame as Antiphonal Hymns, colle&ed 
 out of the Pfalms, and to be faid alternately by 
 way ofRefponfes. So that whatever may be 
 faid of the middle Ages, there feems to be no 
 Ground for this Diftin&ion of greater and lefler 
 Leflbns in the antient Service, fave only as we 
 take the Reading of the Pfalms for Leflbns of 
 Scripture. 
 
 sect. xiv. 'Tis true indeed, St. Aujlin'm 
 what might or one f his Homilies [c], which 
 might not be read Ma foij on an d t h e Benediclins in 
 
 luchtl n their late Edition afcribe to c * m 
 farius Bifliop of Aries, fpeaks of 
 
 longer and fliorter Leflbns j but it is not in re- 
 lation to the long Morning Service, and the 
 fhorter Service of the Canonical Hours, but up- 
 on a quite different Occafion. For there it is 
 fuppofed, that befide the Leflbns of Scripture, 
 fometimes other Leflbns were read out of the 
 Homilies of the Fathers, or the Acls of the 
 Martyrs, which becaufe they were fometimes 
 very prolix, an Indulgence was therefore grant- 
 ed to infirm Perfons to fit down to hear them 
 read. And this leads us to a new Obfervation 
 and farther Remark upon the antient Practice, 
 that in fome Churches at leaft other Things were 
 allowed to be read by way of Leflbn and In- 
 ftruction befide the Canonical Scriptures, fuch 
 as the Paflions of the Martyrs on their proper 
 Feftivals, and the Homilies of the Fathers, and 
 the Epiftles and Trails of pious Men, and the 
 Letters Communicatory of one Church to ano- 
 ther, with other Things of the like nature. 
 That the Paflions of the Martyrs were fometimes 
 read among the Leflbns in the Church, appears 
 not only from the forefaid Homily of Cafarius or 
 Sc. Aujtin, but from a Rule made in the third 
 Council \_d~\ oifiarthage, which forbids all other 
 Books to be read in the Church befides the Ca- 
 nonical Scripture, except the Paflions of the 
 Martyrs on their Anniverfary-Days of Comme- 
 moration. Eufebius probably collected [e~] the 
 Paflions of the Martyrs for this very Purpofej as 
 Paulinus Bifliop of Nola did after him, which 
 Johannes Diaconus [/] fays were ufed to be read 
 
 in the Churches. Thus Gelafus [£] fays the A£h 
 of Pope Sylvefler were read in many of the Ro- 
 man Churches, though not in the Lateran, be- 
 caufe they were Apocryphal and written by an 
 unknown Author. And Mabillon [/;] gives fe- 
 veral other fuch Inftances out of Avitus and Fer- 
 reolus; and in the old Leclionarium Gallicanum, 
 which he publiflied, there are frequently Leflbns 
 appointed out of St. Anflin and others upon the 
 Feftivals of St. Stephen and the Holy Innocents, 
 and 7&r//^ the Martyr, on Epiphany, and the Fefti- 
 vals of St. Peter and St. Paul. Wh ence iome 
 learned Men [J] conjecture not improbably, 
 that fuch fort of Hiftorics and Paflions of ihc 
 Martyrs had particularly the Name of Legcnda, 
 Legends: For though now that Name be com- 
 monly taken in a worfe Scnfe, for a fabulous Hi- 
 ftory, becaufe many Lives of Saints and Martyrs 
 were written by the Monks of later Ages in a 
 mere fabulous and romantick Way, yet antiently 
 it had a good Signification, and in its original 
 Ufe denoted only fuch A&s and Monuments ot 
 the Martyrs as were allowed by Authority to be 
 read in the Church. The curious Reader may 
 find frequent References made by St. Aufiin in 
 his Homilies [f] to fuch Leflbns read out of the 
 Paflions of the Martyrs on their Anniverfary- 
 Days in the Church: As alfo in the Homilies of 
 Pope Leo [||] and others, which it is needlels to 
 recite in this Place. 
 
 But befides the Paffions of the Martyrs and Ho- 
 milies relating to them, there were alio many c- 
 ther pious Books read by way of moral Exhor- 
 tation in many Churches. Thus Eufebius p] fays 
 the Book called Hermes Pafior, was antiently 
 read in the Church. He fays the fame of Cle- 
 mens Romanus's firft Epiftle [k~] to the Corinthi- 
 ans, that it was read in many Churches, both hi 
 his own Time, and the Ages before him. And 
 Dionyfius Bifliop of Corinth [/] fays, they read 
 not only that Epiftle of Clemens, but another 
 written by Soter Bifliop of Rome, which they 
 would always continue to read. Sozomen fays 
 O], The Book called the Revelations of Peter, 
 was read once a Year on Good-Friday in many of 
 the Churches of Paleftine. Athanafius [»] telti- 
 fies the fame of the Book called J^Vpj 'Atjtos-6- 
 Xwv, The Doclrine of the Apoftles. And St. Jerom 
 [0] fays, The Homilies of Ephrem Syr us were in 
 fuch Honour as to be read in the Church after 
 the Reading of the Scriptures. St. Aufiin [/>] 
 aflures us, That the Alls of the Collation of Car- 
 thage, were read always in the Church in Lent. 
 And in one of his Epiftles \_f] he defires of Mar- 
 
 \b] Cone. Agathen. can. 30. in conclufionc Matuti- 
 narura vel Vefpertinarum 8c Miflfarum, poft Hymnos Capitella de 
 Pfalmis dici, 8cc. [c] Aug. Horn. 26. ex fo. qua; eft Horn. 
 300. in Appendice Edit. Benedidtin. [d] Cone. Carth. 3. 
 
 can. 47. Liceatlegi Pafliones Martyrum cum anniverfarii eorum dies 
 celebrantur. [e] Eufeb. lib. cap. 4. Speaks of thefe Collecli- 
 ens. /] Joan. Diac. Prsefat. ad Vit. Gregor. Magni. 
 
 [g] Gelas. Decree ap. Crab. cone. torn. 1. p. 992. [h] Mabil. 
 de curfu Gallicano. p. 403, 8c 407. [|] Vid. Chamier. Pan- 
 itratia. torn. 1. de Canon. Script, lib. 1. cap. 4. n. 1. p. 101. 
 [f] Vid, Aug. Serm. 12. de SanSis. p. 408. Serm. 4?. de Diver- 
 
 i 
 
 lis. p. j-o8. Item Serm. 63. p. 573. Serm. 93. p. 56$. Serm. ior. 
 103. 105-. 109. de Diverfis. [||J Leo. Serm. de Maccabsis. 
 [i] Eufeb. lib. 3. cap. 3. Hieron. de Scriptor. cap. 10. [k] Eu~ 
 feb. lib. 3. cap. 16. [/] ap. Eufeb. lib. 4. cap. 23. [m] So- 
 zom. lib. 7. cap. 19. [»] Athan. Ep. ad Ruffin. torn. 2. p. 39. 
 [0] Hieron. de Scriptor. cap. ny. [j>] Aug. de Geftis cum E- 
 merito. t. 7. p. iif. [q] Aug. Ep. 15-8. Gefta quse pro- 
 
 mifit Praeftantia tua, vehementer expefto, 8c in Ecclefia Hippo- 
 nenfi jam jam cupio recitari, ac fi fieri potcft, per omnes Eccle- 
 fias etiam m noftra Diceceli conftituas. 
 
 cellinus 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 685 
 
 ccUinus Comes, that the Acls of the Tryal of the 
 Donatifts, who were convicl: of the Murder of 
 the Catholicks, might be lent him, to be read in 
 all the Churches of his Diocefe. And it is re- 
 markable, that in the Accounts we have of the 
 burning of the Bible in the Diocletian Perfecmi- 
 on, there is fometimes mention [r] made of burn- 
 in" the Salutary or Communicatory Letters, 
 which were fent from one Church to another. 
 St. Aufiin adds farther, that when any one re- 
 ceived a lignal Mercy from God, the Relation 
 of it was many times [j] read publickly in the 
 Church. Of which he gives feveral Inftances 
 in his own and other Churches of Africk. And 
 St. Chryfoflom (ays, fometimes the Emperor's 
 Letters I/] were read in the Church, and heard 
 with great Attention, which he urges as an Ar- 
 gument, why Men mould hear with Reverence 
 the Writings of the Prophets, becaufe they come 
 from God, and their Epiftles are from Heaven. 
 Such circular Epiftles alfo as were fent from 
 one Church to another, to notify the Time of 
 keeping Eafler (which were called Heortaflical or 
 Feftival Epiftles) were generally publiflicd [j-] in 
 their Churches: But thefe I mention not as Lef- 
 fons, but only hint the Cuftom incidentally, 
 correfponding to that of our reading Briefs for 
 Charity, or the circular Letters of Bifliops, or 
 notifying Holidays, or Bans of Marriage, or 
 Things of the like kind relating to the Publick. 
 
 SECT. XV. As to thofe Books which we 
 ihofe which we now call Apocryphal, they were 
 now call Apoay- reac | j n f Q me Churches, but not 
 
 phal Bocks, were ^ aU p or }„ the Church of Je- 
 antiently read in r , , \ r 
 
 tome cLches, but rufalem they were utterly for- 
 mt in all. bidden, as appears plainly from 
 
 Cyril's Catechifms, where he di- 
 rects [«] the Catechumens to read no Apocry- 
 phal Books, but only fuch Books as were fe- 
 curely read in the Church : And then he fpeci- 
 fies what Books were then read in the Church, 
 viz. all the Canonical Books which are now in 
 our Bibles, except the Revelations, without any 
 mention at all of the Apocryphal Books ; which 
 is a certain Argument that they were not allow- 
 ed to be read in the Church of Jerufalem, as I 
 have more fully demonftrated in another Place 
 [*]. The like Determination was made for fome 
 other Churches by the Council of Laodicea [_x~\, 
 which forbids all but the Canonical Books to be 
 read in the Church, and likewife fpecifles what 
 
 flic means by Canonical Books, viz. Gcnefis, Ex- 
 odus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joftjua, 
 Judges, Ruth, Eft her, 4 Books of Kings, z of Pa- 
 ralipomsm or Chronicles^ z Of Efdras, "The Book 
 of if i PfalmS} Proverbs, Ecslfi.i/les, Canticles, 
 Job, 1 z Prophets, Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Lamentations 
 an I Epiftles of Baruch, Ezekiel, Daniel, the 4 Gof- 
 pels, 'The Acls of the Apoftles, the 7 Catholick E- 
 fifties, 14 Epiftles of St. Paul. Where none of 
 the Apocryphal Books nor the Revelations are 
 mentioned, which is a plain Evidence that none 
 of them were read in the Churches' of that Di- 
 ltri£t. After the fame manner the Author of 
 the Confutations [jy] giving Orders about what 
 Books of the Old 'left anient fhould be read in the 
 Church, mentions the five Books of Mofes, and 
 jqpua r md Judges, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra and 
 Nehcmiah (which he means by the Hiltories of 
 their Return from Babylon) the Books of Jsfr 
 and Solomon, the fix teen Prophets and the P 'films: 
 But fays nothing of any of the Apocryphal Books j 
 which argues, that he did not find them to be 
 read in the Rituals of thofe Churches whence he 
 made his Collections. 
 
 However in other Churches they were allow- 
 ed to be read [2] with a Mark of Dirti notion, as 
 Books of Piety and moral Inftrudion, to edify 
 the People j but they neither gave them the 
 Name of Canonical Books, nor made Ufe of 
 them to confirm Articles of Faith. This is ex- 
 prefly (aid by St. Jerom. And Ruffin [a], who 
 was Presbyter of Aquileia, delivers the fame as 
 theantient Tradition and Practiceof that Church, 
 when thefe Books were neither reckoned Cano- 
 nical, nor yet in the wont Senfe Apocryphal, but 
 called Ecclefiaftical, becaufe they were read in 
 the Church, but not ufed to confirm Matters oc 
 Faith. Among thefe he reckons the Wifdom 
 of Solomon, and Ecclefiafticus, and Tobit and Judith 
 and Maccabees, and Hermes Paftor, and the Book 
 called the two Ways, or the Judgment of Pe- 
 ter. Athanafius [£] alfo ranks thefe Hooks, not 
 among the Canonical, but among thofe that 
 might at leaft be read to or by the Catechu- 
 mens, among which he reckons Wifdom and Ec- 
 clefiafticus, and Tobit and Judith and Efther, and 
 the Doctrine of the Apoflles, and the Shepherd, 
 that is, Hermes Paftor. So in the Leclionariunt 
 Gallicanum publifhed by Mabillon, there are Lef- 
 fons appointed out of Tobit and Judith and Efther y 
 particularly in the Rogation- Week for feveral Days 
 together. 
 
 [r] Gefta Purgationis Felicis 8cCa2ciliani.adcalcemOptati.p.27<5. 
 IndeCathedram tulimus, &. Epiftolasfalutatorias, 8c oftia omnia com- 
 burimus fecundum facrum prseceptum. [*] Aug. de Civ. Dei. 
 lib. 22. cap. 8. p. 1489. Ltbelli coram, qui beneficia percipiunr, 
 recitantur in populo, &c. M Chryf Horn. 3. in Thef. 
 
 p xypi. [f] Vid. Caffian. Collat. 10. cap. 2. 
 
 [ft] Cyril. Catech. 4. n. n. p. 66, 8c 67. [*] Book X. 
 
 Chap. i. «. 7. [*] Cone. Laodic. can. fg. [y] Conftit. 
 
 Jib. 2. cap. 57. W Hieron. Pracfat. in Libros Salomonis. 
 
 Sicut ergo Judith 8c Tobiae 8c Macchaba:orum libros legit quidem 
 Eceleiia, fed eos inter Canonicas fcripturas non recipit; Sic 8c ha;c 
 duo volumina ("Sapientiam 8c Ecclefiafticum) legit ad aedificatWh- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 nem plebis, non ad audtoritatem Ecclefiafticorum Dogmatum 
 confirmandam. [a] Ruffin. in Symbolum. ad calcem 
 
 Cypriani. Oxen. p. 26. Sciendum tamen eft, quod 8c alii Libri 
 funt, qui non Canonici, fed Eccleiiaftici a Majoribus appellatifuntj 
 Ut eft Sapientia Solomonis, 8c alia Sapientia qua: dicitur Filii Sy- 
 rach — Ejufdem ordinis eft Libellus Tobia?, 8c Judith, 8c Macca- 
 baeorum libri. In novo vero Teftamento Libellus, qui dicitur, Pa- 
 ftoris five Herman's, qui appellatur, Duae Viae, five judicium Pe- 
 tri; qua: omnia legi quidem in Ecclefiis voluerunt, non tamen pro- 
 ferri ad au&oritatem ex his fidei confirmandam. Atban. Ep. 
 
 Heortaftic. ad Ruftm, t, *. p. 30. It, Synops, Scriptur.. ib. p. 
 
 Sffff 1^ 
 
686 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV* 
 
 SECT. xvl. In fome Churches thefe Books 
 And in fome were alfo read under the general 
 churches, under the Name of Canonical Scripture, ta- 
 
 Title of Canonical ]• that Wor£ j m a j Senfe? 
 
 S f pt "Z' j * "I for fuch Books as were in the Rule 
 
 that Word tn a . 
 
 larger senfe. or Canon or Catalogue or Books 
 
 authorized to be read in the 
 Church. Thus at leaft we muft underftand the 
 Canon of the third Council of Carthage, [c] which 
 ordered that nothing but the Canonical Writings 
 fhould be read in the Church under the Name of 
 the Divine Scriptures j among which Canonical 
 Scriptures there are reckoned Wifdom and Eccle- 
 fiaftkus under the Name of Solomon, together 
 with Tobit, Judith, Hefter, and the Maccabees. 
 St. Auflin feems to have followed this Canon, 
 making all thefe Books Canonical, but giving 
 Preference to fome above the other, as they 
 were more or lefs generally received by the 
 Churches. In his Book of Chriftian Doclrine [d~] 
 he calls all the Apocryphal Books Canonical, but 
 he does not allow them fo great Authority as 
 the reft, becaufe they were not generally recei- 
 ved as fuch by the Churches. He fays the Books 
 [e~] of Wifdom and Ecclefiafticus were none of So- 
 lomon's, but yet received into Authority by the 
 Weftern Church. By which he muft mean the 
 Roman Church, where Pope Innocent had [/] 
 received them. For in the Eaftern Church their 
 Canonical Authority was always rejected: And 
 in many of the Weflern Churches : For neither 
 Ruffin at Aqiiileia nor Philafirius at Brixia in Italy 
 [g], nor Hilary at Poicliers in France [h~] grant 
 them any Authority in the Canon of Scripture. 
 Nay Hilary of Aries [/'] exprefly told St. Auflin, 
 That the Churches of France were offended at 
 him, becaufe he had ufed a Proof out of the 
 Book of Wifdom, which was not Canonical. 
 And it is remarkable, that at Rome it felf Gre- 
 gory the Great, having Occafion to quote a 
 Text out of Maccabees, makes a Prefatory Ex- 
 cufe for alledging a Text out of a Book that was 
 not Canonical [it], but only publilhed for the 
 
 Edification of the Church. And even St. Auflin 
 himfelf [/] in anfwer to the French Divines, 
 pleads no farther for the Divine Authority of the 
 Book of Wifdom, which he had cited as Cano- 
 nical, but that it was fo received by the Chrifti- 
 ans of Africk before him. Which by his own 
 Rule, laid down before in his Book of Chriftian 
 Doclrine, did not make it in the higheft Senfe 
 Canonical, becaufe it was rejected by all the 
 Churches of the Eajl, and a great part of the Weft, 
 from the Authority of Canonical Scripture. So 
 that though thefe Books were read in the Afri- 
 can Church under the Name of Canonical Scrip- 
 ture, yet they were not efteemed of equal Au- 
 thority with the reft, becaufe they were reputed 
 by all the World befides as Apocryphal, or as fome 
 call them, Ecclefiaftical only, being fuch as were 
 allowed to be read in the Church for Moral In- 
 ftruction and Edification, but not ufed to con- 
 firm Articles of Faith. And this is the Account 
 which Cajetan himfelf gave of the Practice of 
 the Church, before the Council at 'Trent defined 
 a new Canon of Scripture. He fays, They are 
 not [ni] Canonical, that is, Regular, to confirm 
 Articles of Faith : Yet they may be called Cano- 
 nical, that is, Regular, for the Edification of 
 the People, as being received and authorized in 
 the Canon of the Bible only for this End. And 
 with this Diftinction he thinks we are to under- 
 ftand both St. Auftin and the Council of Car- 
 thage, all whole fayings are to be reduced to the 
 Rule of St. Jerom. But if any think that St. 
 Auflin or the African Church meant more, ic 
 may be faid, their Authority is of no Weight 
 againft the general Confent of the whole Church 
 in all Ages befides, from the firft fettling of the 
 Canon down to the Council of Trent ; the Proof 
 of which Confent is fo fully and unanfwerably 
 made out by Bifhop Cofins in that excellent Book, 
 called his Scholaftical Hiftory of the Canon of 
 Scripture, where he produces the Teftimonies of 
 the Writers of every Age diftinctly in their Or- 
 der, that little more can be added [*] to it, and 
 
 [f] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 47. Praeter Scripturas Canonicas nihil 
 in Eccldia legatur fub nomine Divinarum Scripturarum. Sunt 
 autem Canonical fcripturx, id eft, Genefis, &c. Salomonis libri 
 
 quinque Tobias, Judith, Hefter, Efdrae libri duo, Maccabse- 
 
 orum libri duo. [d] Aug. de Doclrin. Chrift. lib. 2'. cap 8. 
 
 Tenebit hunc modum in fcripturts Canonicis, ut cas qux ab om- 
 nibus accipiuntur Ecclefiis, praeponat eis quas quaedam non accipi- 
 unt. In eis vero quae non accipiuntur ab omnibus, praeponat eas 
 quas plures graviorefquc accipiunt, eis quas pauciores minorifque 
 authoritatis Ecclefia: tenent. [«] Aug.de Civ. Dei. lib. 17. 
 
 cap. io. Non efte ipfius, non dubitant doctiores, eos tamen in 
 authorkatem maxime Occidentalis antiquitus recepit Ecclefia. 
 [/] Innocent. Ep. 3 . ad Exuper. cap. 7. [g] Philaftr. de 
 
 Haeres. cap. 4.0. de Apocryphis. Et cap. 9. [h~\ Hilar. Prajfat. 
 in Pfalmos. [i] Hilar. Arelat. Epift. ad Aug. inter Oper. Aug. 
 t. 7. p. J4f. Mud etiam teftimonium quod pofuifti, Raptus eft 
 ne malitia mutaret intelie&um ejus, tanquam non Canonicum de- 
 finiunt omittendum. [it] Greg. Magn. Moral, in Job. lib. 19. 
 
 cap. 13. Qua de re non inordinate agimus, fi ex libris licet non 
 Canonicis, fed tamen ad sedificationem Ecclefia; editis, teftimoni- 
 um proferamus. [/J Aug. de Praedeftin. lib. 1. cap. 14. t. 7. 
 p. 17?. Non debuit repudiari fententia libri Sapientiae, qui me- 
 ruit in Ecclefia Chriftr de gradu Ledtorum Ecclelise Chrifti tarn 
 Jonga annofitate recitari, 8c ab omnibus Chriftianis, ab Epifcopis 
 Efque ad extreme* Laicoj, Fidelcs, Pcenitentes, Catechumeno;, 
 
 cum veneratione Divinse authoritatis audiri. [»»] Cajmn. in 
 fine Comment, in Hiftor. Vet. Teft. Ad Hieronymi limam re- 
 ducenda font tarn verba Conciliorum quam Do&orum. Et juxta 
 illius fententiam Libri ifti non Cunt Canonici, id eft, Regulares, 
 ad firmandum ea quae iunt fidei: poftunt tamen dici Canonici, 
 id eft, Regulares, ad i'Edificationeni fidelium, utpote in Canone 
 Biblia? ad hoc recepti 8c authorati. Cum hac diftinclione dtf- 
 cernere poteris dicta Auguftini 8c fcripta in Provinciali Concilio 
 Carthaginenfi. [*] To the Teftimonies cited by Biflwp Cofins 
 
 the learned Reader may add this of Francifcus Georgius Venetus, a, 
 Francifcan, who lived a little before the Reformation : Problem, in 
 Scriptur. torn. 6. Sect. f. Problem. 184. Par. 1622. 4 . Cur 
 Raphael venit in comitatum Tobiae? Refpond. Quamvis Hiftoria 
 fit fine certo auctore, nec in Canone habeatur, tamen quia admit- 
 titur legenda in Ecclefia tanquam vera, hujus quoque rei rationem 
 aflignare conabimur. Here he plainly rejecls the Book of Tobit out 
 of the Canon, and f peaks of it no othermife than as of a common Hi- 
 Jlory, which was allowed to be read in the Church. Which Words 
 are fo dtfpleafing to the Curattrs of the Roman Index Expurgato- 
 rius, that they order it to be flruck out, with many other Paffiges 
 of the fame Auther where he refltds on the -vulgar Tranjlat ion as cor- 
 rupt and falfe, and corveBs Hi Errors from the Original Hebrew, of 
 which he was » confiderable Mafter, though in other Things he had 
 his Failings. Vid. Index Libror. Prohibitorum 8c Expu^gandorum. 
 per Sotomajor. p. 417. Madrid. 1667. Fol. 
 
 it 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 687 
 
 it is wholly needlefs to detain the Reader upon 
 that Subject* it being fufficient to our prefent 
 Purpofe, to have obferved, that thefe Books of 
 controverted Authority were read, either under 
 the Name of Apocryphal, or EccleSiaStical, or Ca- 
 nonical, in moll of the antient Churches. 
 
 se ct. xvu. There is one Thing more, 
 
 a (i>ort Account of which it will not be improper 
 
 the TrMjiviovs of to give a Short Account of, be- 
 
 Smptttrtufcd in the forc wc ut an fr nc j tQ this Qiap- 
 
 mtmtdntrcb. ter . That iSj of the Tranflacions 
 
 of Scripture that were commonly ufed in the 
 antient Church. I mean not here to prove again 
 (what has been abundantly done before in the 
 lad Book) that the Scriptures were tranflated 
 and read in the vulgar Language in every Church: 
 But the Thing I would obferve in this Place, is 
 only this: That they generally read the Transla- 
 tions of the Septuagint, where Greek was the vul- 
 gar Language, or elfe fuch Translations into .0- 
 ther Languages, as was derived from it. For 
 they had no Translation of the Bible from the 
 Hebrew, till the time of St. Jerom in the Latin 
 Church, but only fuch as were made from the 
 Greek Translation of the Scptuagint. The Septua- 
 gint was ufed all over the Greek Church, except 
 perhaps that Part of Syria where Syriack was the 
 moll vulgar Language, that is, in Ofdroene and 
 Afefopotamia^ where they had a Syriack Transla- 
 tion made from the Hebrew not long after the 
 time of the ApoStles. This was called the old 
 Translation,- in opposition to another, which 
 was made from the Septuagint in After-ages. In 
 all other Parts of the Eafi the Septiivgint was the 
 common Translation. But this by Tract of 
 Time and Vaiiety of Copies was much corrupt- 
 ed, upon which Account it was rcvifed and cor- 
 rected by Several Learned Men, which laboured 
 in this Work, particularly by Origen, and Hcfy- 
 chius the Egyptian, and Lucian or Antioch, two 
 Martyrs who fuffercd in the Diocletian Persecu- 
 tion. Hence, as St. Jerom [»'] informs us, there 
 came to be three famous Exemplars or Editions 
 of the Septuagint ufed in the Enftern Churches. 
 Alexandria and Egypt followed the Copy revifed 
 by Hejychius. Conflantimple and all the Afiatick 
 Churches as far as Antioch ufed that of Lucian: 
 The Churches of Palefline and Arabia, read the 
 Copy corrected by Origen and published by Eu- 
 febius and Painphilus. And So between thefe 
 three Editions, the whole World was divided. 
 Origen did two Things farther in this Matter. 
 1. He published an Edition of the Bible, which 
 he called his Hexapla, becaufe it was in fix Co- 
 lumns, the firft was the Hebrew in Hebrew Cha- 
 racters [0], the fecond the Hebrew in Greek 
 Characters, the third the Translation of Aquila 
 
 the Jew, the fourth the Translation of Symma- 
 chus, the fifth the Translation of the Septuagint, 
 and the Sixth the Translation of Tbeodotion the 
 Ebionite. To thefe he afterward added two o- 
 ther Translations found at Nicopolis and Jericho, 
 and thefe made up his Oclapla. And in procefs 
 of time, he published another leSTcr Edition con- 
 taining, only the four Translations, of the Sep- 
 tuagint, Aquila, Symmachus and 'tbeodotion, which 
 he called his Tetrapla. Secondly, He published 
 the Septuagint with the Additions of Tbeodotion 
 mixed with it, to Supply the Places where it was 
 defective, which Additions he marked with an 
 Aflerisk to distinguish them ; and fuch Places as 
 were redundant in the Scptuagint, and not to be 
 found in the Hebrew, nor in Tbeodotion, he alfo 
 marked with an Obelisk or Strait Line for Distin- 
 ction alfo. But this mixing of the two Transla- 
 tions together in procefs of time occasioned Some 
 ConfuSion, and St. Jerom complains of it [_p~\ as 
 a bold Undertaking, and therefore he fet about 
 a new Edition and Translation [7] of the Sep- 
 tuagint for the Ufe of the Latin Church. Hi- 
 therto all Churches ufed the Translation of the 
 Septuagint, except the Syrian Churches, as was 
 faid before, and except on the Book of Daniel, 
 which in all Churches was read according to the 
 Translation of Tbeodotion, as the fame ;St. Jerom 
 [r] informs us in Several Places, particularly in 
 his Preface upon Daniel [s~\, becaufe by fome Means 
 or other, the Septuagint Translation of that Book 
 was more corrupt than any other Part of Scrip- 
 ture. But there were abundance of Faults in 
 that Translation in other Places, partly by the 
 Defign of the interpreters (who added fome 
 Things of their own, and left out others, and 
 often changed the Senfe at Pleafure, efpecially in 
 Texts that had any Relation to the Holy Trini- 
 ty, as St. Jerom Shews at large in his Preface up- 
 on the Pentateuch, where he expoSes the Story 
 of their having diStinct Cells, and their being 
 efteemed infpired Writers}) and partly from the 
 great variety of Copies, and the great Corrupti- 
 ons that were crept into them by the Ignorance 
 or Negligence of Transcribers : And this both 
 in the Septuagint Copies themfelves, and the La- 
 tin Translations that were made from them. Up- 
 on this Account St. Jerom, by the Instigation of 
 Chromatius and Heliodore, and other pious Bi- 
 fhops of the Latin Church, fet about a Transla- 
 tion of the Pfalms and Old Teftament from the 
 Original Hebrew: But this met with great ^Op- 
 position for fome time: For though many ap- 
 plauded it, and read it in the Churches, yet o- 
 thers oppofed it, and Ruffin and others bitter- 
 ly inveighed againft it, as reflecting on the 
 Church, which had ufed and recommended the 
 Septuagint, and the Translations made from it, 
 
 [»] Hieron. Praefat. in Librum Paralipomenon. Alexandria & 
 jEgyptus in Scptuaginta fuis Hefychium laudat Auctorem. Con- 
 ftantinopolis ufque Antiochiam Luciani Martyris cxemplaria probat. 
 Media: inter has Provinciae Pateftinos Codices legunt, quos ab Ori- 
 gene elaborates Eufebius 8c Pamphilus vulgaverunt .- Totufque or- 
 bis hac inter fe veritate compugnat. [0] Vid. Eufeb. lib. 6. 
 
 cap. li. [/>] Hieron. Prsefat. in Paralipom. [<j] Hieron. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Prarfat. in Jofue. [f] Hieron. Pratfat. in Jofue. It. Com. in 
 
 Daniel. 4. & Apolog. z. cont. Ruffin. [j] Hieron. Prxfar. 
 
 in Daniel. Danielem Propheram juxta Septuaginta Interpretes Do- 
 mini falvatoris Ecclefias non legunt, utentes Theodotionis Editione- 
 
 Et hoc car accident nefcio. Hoc ur.um affirmare po,Tum] 
 
 quod multum a veritate difcordet, & refto judicio repudiate fit. ' 
 
 S f f f f 2 
 
 erer 
 
The AuriQvniES of the Book XIV. 
 
 ever fince the time of the Apoftles. St. Auftin 
 [t] himfelf diffuaded him from the Undertaking, 
 and when it was finimcd, he would not fuffer it 
 to be read in his Diocefe for fear of giving Scandal 
 to the People 5 telling him farther [if\ what a 
 Tumult had been railed in one of the Churches 
 of Africa, by a Bifhop's introducing his Tranfla- 
 tion, which he was forced to lay aiide again for 
 fear all his People mould have defened him. But 
 in other Places it met with a kinder Reception. 
 For by degrees it came to be ufed by learned 
 Men in their Expofitions. Gregory the Great makes 
 ufe \x~\ of both Tranflations, calling St. Jerom's 
 the New Tranflation, and the other the Old ; 
 which was otherwife called the Jtala, and Vul- 
 gata, and Communis, becaufe it was the moft 
 common and vulgar Tranflation ufed in all the 
 Latin and Italick Churches. The prefent vulgar 
 Latin Tranflation is fuppofed by learned Men 
 neither to be the antient Vulgar, nor St. Jeromes 
 NeivOne, but a Mixture of both together [jy]. 
 The Pfalms in the prefent Vulgar, are not from 
 the Hebrew, but are of St. Jerom's Tranflation 
 from the Septuagint of Lucian's Emendation. The 
 other Books come nearer the Hebrev:, than they 
 do to the Septuagint, which fhews that they have 
 fomething of St. Jerom's Tranflation. But the 
 Pfalms were always read at Rome according to 
 the old Verfion, and continued fo to be ufed till 
 Pope Pius V. ordered St. Jeromes Verfion with 
 Emendations from the Septuagint to be put in its 
 Place. And fo the old Tranflation of the Pfalvis 
 came to be called the Roman F falter; and Sr. 
 Jerom's new Tranflation, the Galilean Pfalter, 
 becaufe it was immediately received in the Galil- 
 ean Church. This is obferved both by Mabillon 
 [z] and Bona [*] out of Eerno Augienfis and 
 Strabo, who fay, the French and Germans took 
 the new Tranflation of the Pfalms corrected from 
 
 the Septuagint by St. Jero?n, whilfl: the Romans 
 continued to ufe the old vulgar corrupt Edition : 
 Which is ftill read in the Vatican Church at 
 Rome, and the Ambrofian Church at MiUm\ and 
 St. Mark's at Venice: And Bona is fo free as to 
 fay, he thinks it had been more for the Honour 
 and Benefit of the Church to have kept liill to 
 the old Verfion of the Pfalter, fince now there 
 is a great Dik.grccment between the Breviary and 
 the Miffal, whilfl: the lame Pfalms arc fung dif- 
 ferent ways in the Miffal according to the 
 Old Tranflation, and in the Breviary according 
 to the New one: Which he i'peaks of as a Mi- 
 ftake, but tenderly, becaufe though it was a De- 
 viation from the old Rule obferved in Gregory's 
 Sacramentarium, and the Mijja Mozarabica, and 
 the Ambrofian LHurgy, yet it was Pope Pius's 
 Order that made the Correction . 
 
 I might here have added feveral other Things 
 relating to the antient way of dividing the feve- 
 ral Books of Scripture into Chapters, and Verfes, 
 and Canons, and Sections and Sub-fcctions, very 
 much differing from the prcfcnt way of dividing 
 them into Chapter and Verfc: But becaufe Ob- 
 fervations of this kind are very intricate of them- 
 felves, and have no Relation to the Service of 
 the Church, which is the Subject in hand, I 
 lhall omit them here, with many other Milccllany 
 Rites of the fame nature, which will be more 
 proper to be explained in a Critical Difcourfe by 
 themfelves} and now proceed to the next Pare 
 of the Service of the Church in the Miffa Cate- 
 chumenorum, which was the Sermon or Homily, 
 immediately after the Reading of the Pfalms and 
 other Scriptures, before any Prayers were made 
 either for particular Orders of Men, fuch as Ca- 
 techumens, Energumens, Penitents, &c. or for 
 the General State of Chrilt's Church. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of Preaching, and the Ufages relating to it y in the antient Church. 
 
 therj though we now generally refixain it to 
 the latter Senfe in our modern way of fpeaking. 
 Among the Latins, they were frequently called 
 e traclatus, as appears from many Paffages of Cy- 
 prian, Optatus, St. Ambrofe, St. Auftin, St. Jerom, 
 Gaudentius, Chryfologus, and many others collect- 
 ed by Ferrarius [a], which I think it needlefs to 
 recite. Only I fliall obferve one Thing, that 
 this Word fignifics any Expofition or handling 
 of Scripture, as well by way of Writing, as 
 Preaching: And in both Senfes the Traclatores, 
 the Preachers and Expositors of Scripture, were 
 oppofed to the Canonici £5? Authentici, the Pro- 
 phets, Evangelijls and Apoftles, who wrote by In- 
 fpiration, and whofe Authority was abfolutely 
 
 [/] Aug. Ep. 19- ad Hieron. [»] Aug. Ep. 10. ad Hicron. cap. 3. n. 4. [j] Bona ibid. n. j, Ksrcautem Diflbnantia, 
 
 .[*] Greg. M. Ep. ad Leandr. ante Moral, in Job. 8c lib. 10. Moral, ablato nunc Vcteri Pfalterir, fxpe occurrir, Cseterum ifia hoc loco 
 dip. 5. [y~\ Vide Walton. Prolegom. 10. n. 9. [*.] Mabil. notare libuit, non utquenquam carperem, fed ne prifra Ecckfix 
 
 Curfu GaUicano. p. 396. [*] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. i. Difciplina ignoraretur. [a] Ferrar. de Ritu Concion. lib. 1. cap. 1. 
 
 4 Infallible 
 
 SECT. I.) TMMEDIATELY after the 
 All strmms an- \ Reading of the Pfalms and 
 uently called Ho- Lefrons out of the Scriptures, be- 
 milies, Difputati- r , ~, , r 7 ,. r 
 
 ons, Allocutions, fore the Catechumens were dif- 
 Traaatus, &c. miffed, followed the Sermon, 
 which the Bilhop, or fome other 
 appointed by him, made to the People. This 
 being done in the Prefence of the Catechumens, 
 was therefore ufually reckoned a Part of the 
 Miffa Ca-techumenorum , or Ante-Communion Ser- 
 vice. Such Difcourfes were commonly termed 
 Homilies from the Greek b<j.iK<ax, which fignifies 
 indifferently any Difcourfe of Inftruction to the 
 People, whether compofed by the Preacher him- 
 felf, or read out of a Book compofed by ano- 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 689 
 
 Infallible and Authentickj which could not be 
 laid of any Expofitors, however excellent or 
 learned, who dictated their Thoughts without 
 any fuch peculiar Affillance. This Diflinction is 
 often inculcated by Si.Auftti; I confefs, fays 
 he, writing to St. Jerom [£], I have learned to 
 pay this Reverence and Honour only to thofe 
 Books of Scripture which arc called Canonical, 
 that I moll firmly believe none of the Authors 
 of them was guilty of any Error in Writing. 
 And if I find any thing in thofe Books, which 
 fcems contrary to Truth, I make no doubt but 
 that it is either a Corruption of the Copy, or 
 that the T ran flat or did not hit the Senfe, or that 
 I myfelf do not underftand it. But I read all 
 others with this Caution and Rcferve, that 
 however eminent they be for Piety and Learn- 
 ing, I do not believe what they lay to be true 
 merely becaufe it was their Opinion 5 but becaufc 
 they perfuade me either by thofe Canonical Au- 
 thors, or by probable Reaibn, which carries the 
 Appearance of Truth. So again, in his Book 
 De Catechizandis Rudibus [c'j he diftinguillies the 
 Jnfpircd Writers, by the Name of Canonical, from 
 all others, whom he calls I'raclators and Expofi- 
 tors of Scripture. As Claudianus Mamcrtus fpeaks 
 [//] of all Expofitors under the Name of Tracla- 
 tvrs, but of the holy Pen-men themfelves under 
 the Title of Authtnticks. St. Atifiin [e] and St. 
 Jerom [/] often fpeak of Preaching under the 
 Name of Difputations; Tertullian [g] calls them 
 Allocutions', dividing the whole Service into thefe 
 four Parts, reading the Scriptures, finging the 
 Pfalms, making Allocutions, and fending up 
 Prayers. Among the Greeks they are frequently 
 called \hyoi, which anfwers to the Latin Word, 
 Sermones, and the Englifi Sermons. The mofr. 
 antient Name is that oi Evangelium, and cvafyi- 
 >J£s<%j appropriated more peculiarly to the 
 Preaching of the Apofllesj and therefore feldom 
 or never afcribed to any others by Ecclefiaftical 
 Writers. A more general Name In Scripture, 
 is that of c/VJWaaX/a , .Doctrine and Teaching: 
 Whence Preachers of the Word are called dli- 
 cVicrxaXoi, Doctors and Teachers by St. Paul, 
 1 Cor. xii. 28, 19. which Vincentius Lirinenfis ob- 
 ferves to be the fame as Traclatores [h~] in After- 
 ages. St. Paul alfo ufes the Word y.nfvyij.a, for 
 Preaching, I Cor. ii. 4 and in many other Places 
 [i] of his Epiftles. And ib it is fometimes ufed 
 
 by Ecclefiaftical Writers after him. But we 
 muft carefully note, that more commonly the 
 Words y.nswxrav and xripoyixa among the Greeks, 
 as alfo Pradicatio and Pradicare among the La- 
 tins, fignify a very different thing, viz,. That 
 Part of the Deacon's Office, which he performed 
 as the common xjfpuS; or Praco of the Church, 
 dictating the tifual Forms of Prayer to the Peo- 
 ple, in which they were to join, and calling up- 
 on them as their Guide and Director in all other 
 Parts of Divine Service. This I have had Oc- 
 cafion to fpeak more largely of in a former Book 
 [*], where we have particularly confidered the 
 ordinary Office of Deacons, and fhewed, that 
 they had no Authority in ordinary Cafes either 
 to preach, or confecrate the Eucharift, or bap- 
 tize, but whatever they did of this Kind, was 
 either in cafe of great Neceffity, or by fpecial 
 Commiffion and Direction. And therefore thofe 
 antient Canons which fpeak of their Predication 
 [£], are not to be underftood of their Preaching 
 Sermons, but of their Proclaiming to the People 
 fuch Directions in performing Divine Offices, as 
 they were concerned to give them by vertue of 
 their Office, as the common Heralds and Cryers 
 of the Church. 
 
 The Deacons indeed, in cafes sect. II. 
 
 of Exigence, were allowed to read ^reaching the 
 
 the Homilies of the Fathers, as WW°M ce °f Ei ~ 
 
 they did the Leffions of Scrip- ^preshyuts 
 
 ture: Which is the Reafon af- ZJ&tZ 3 ^"' 
 
 r j 1 , ^ c rr -r ™d not of Deacons. 
 
 ligncd by the Council or yaijon 
 [/] for permitting them fo to do, when the 
 Presbyter was lick or infirm. For if Deacons 
 were worthy to read what Chrift has s ^oken in 
 the Go/pel, why fhould they be thought unwor- 
 thy to rehearfe publickly the Expofitions or Ho- 
 milies of the Fathers ? But excepting fuch Gates, 
 we very rarely find any PermilTion fo much as to 
 read an Homily granted them. For Preaching 
 antiently was one of the chief Offices of a Bi- 
 fliop: Infomuch that in the African Churches 
 a Presbyter was never known to preach before a 
 Bifhop in his Cathedral Church till St. Auftitis 
 time, but the Bifhop always difcharged this Of- 
 fice himfelf, and St. Auftin was the firft Presby- 
 ter in that Part of the World, that ever was al- 
 lowed to preach in the Prefence of his Bifhop, 
 as has been fhewed out of Pojjidius [m\ the Wri- 
 
 [&] Aug. Ep. 19. ad Hieron. cap. 1. Ego cnim fateor Charitati 
 tua?, folis eis Scripturarum Libris qui jam Canonici appellantur, 
 didici hunc timorem honoremque deferre, Sc nullum eorum Au- 
 dlorem fcribendo aliquid errafle firmiffime credam. Ac fi aliquid 
 in eis offendero Literis, quod videatur contrarium veritati: Nihil 
 aliud, quam vel mendofum efle codicem, vel Interprctem non af- 
 fequutum efie quod dictum eft, vel me minime intellexiiTc, non 
 ambigam. Alios autem ita lego, ut, quanta libet Sandtitate Do- 
 dtrinaque praepolleanr, non ideo verum puterrt, quia ipfi ita fenfe- 
 runt ; led quia mihi per illos audtores Canonicos, vel probabili ra- 
 tione, quod a vero non abhorreat, perfuadere potuerunt. 
 fc] Aug. de Carechiz. Rudibus. cap. 8. t. 4. p. 298. Si libris ei 
 perfuafum efle vidcris, five Canonicis fire utilum Tradtatorum, 
 See. [//] Mamerr. de Statu Animse, lib. 2. cap. 10. Sed nunc 
 locus 8c tenipus eft, ut ficut a Philofophis ad Tradtatores, a Tra- 
 clatoribus ad Authenticos gradum coniequar. ita. It. lib. 1. cap. 2. 
 Poft Authcnticorum plurimos Tradtatores, 8cc. [<•] Aug. 
 
 Tradt. 89. in Jsan. ConfefT lib. f. cap. 13, Horn, j-o, £c 81. de 
 Diverfis. [/] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. cap. if. 
 
 [i] Tertul. de Anima, cap. 9. Jam vero pront Scriptura: legun- 
 tur, aut Pfalmi canuntur, aut Adloc iones profsruntur, aut Petiti- 
 ones deiegantur, 8cc. So frequently in Gregory the Great the Ser- 
 mon is called [imply, Locutio. Horn, f, 9, 14, 8c 22, in Ezekiel. 
 [/;] Vincent. Commonitor. cap. 40. Dolores, qui Traftator.-.. 
 nunc appellantur. [i] Vid. 1 Cor. 1. 21. It. 1 Cor. 14.. ^, 
 
 2 Tim. 4. 17. Tit. 1. 2.. [*] Book 11 Chap. '.x. n. io» Sc 11. 
 [k] Cone. Ancyran. Can. 2.' Cone. Tolet. 4. Can. $c>. 
 [/] Cone. Vafenf. 2. Can. 2. Si Presbyter, aliqua infirmitate pro- 
 hibente, per feipfum non potuerit prardicare, landtorum Parrum 
 Homilix a Diaconibus recitentur. Si enim digni funt Diaccni, 
 quae Chriftus in Evangelio loquutus eft, legere: Quare indigni ju- 
 dicentur, fandrorum Patrum Expoiitiones publice recitare? 
 [m] PolTid. Vic. Auguft, cap. f , 
 
 ter 
 
690 The Antiqjjities of the Book XIV. 
 
 . ter of his Life, in a former [*] Book. 'Tis ctrine, or Teaching Throne, becaufc Preaching 
 true, in the Eafiern Churches Presbyters were found Doctrine was fo necefTary a Part of the Bi- 
 fometimes allowed to preach in the great Church fhop's Office, that he could not be without it. 
 before the Bifhop* but that was not to dif- St. Ambrofe Iikewife defcribing the Office of a 
 charge him of the Duty ; for (till he preached a Bifhop, does it chiefly by fiyling it the Office of 
 Sermon at the fame time after them, as we Ihall Teaching j complaining modeftly of his own 
 fee from the Practice of Chryfofiom and Flavian hard Fate, in being forced again ft his Will 
 at Antioch, and other Examples hereafter. to take upon him the Office of' the Priefthood 
 In the leffer Churches of the City, and Coun- [_p], that is, to be made a Bifhop; which ob- 
 try about, this Office was devolved upon Pref- liged him to teach others, before he had well 
 byters, as the Bifhop's proper Affiftantsj and the learned himfelf. For he was made Bifhop of a 
 Deacons, except in the forcmentioned Cafes, were Catechumen. Sidonius Jpbttiwrh makes the fame 
 not authorized to perform it. So that this Office defcription of the Office of a Bifhop, complain- 
 of Preaching the Go/pel, was then efteemed the ing in the like modeff. wa-_ with St. Ambrofe, of 
 proper Office of Bifhops and Presbyters ; the Bi- the Weight of the Profeffion that was laid upon 
 fhop difcharging it perfonally in his Cathedral his Shoulders, when by being made a Bifhop 
 Church, in Conjunction with his Presbyters, or againft his Will, he was forced to teach before 
 alone without them j and vicarioufly by his Pref- he had learned, and preach Good to ochers", be- 
 byters, where he could not be prefenr, in the fore he had done any himfelf: Like a barren 
 lefTer Churches. There are a great many ferious Tree, when he had no Works to fhew for Fruit, 
 PafTagcs in the antient Records relating to this he was forced to fcatter Words for Leaves : 
 Matter, as well in the Imperial Laws, as the Ca- Meaning the Neceffity of Preaching, that was 
 nons of the Church, and the Writings of the laid upon him by taking the Office of a Bi~ 
 molt confiderable Fathers, partly impreffing this fhop. St. Cyril of Alexandria in like manner 
 as a necefTary Duty of the Epifcopal and Paftoral calls the Office of a Bifhop [r] d%wtxd cA/c&xcr- 
 Function, and partly complaining of the Neglect: xaXtxov, the Dignity or Honour of Teaching 
 of it, and partly threatning Cenfures and Pu- And in the fixth general Council, where Maxi- 
 nifhments to the Offenders. St. Chryfofiom [»] mm Bifhop of Antioch was degraded for his He- 
 on thofe Words to Timothy, A Bifijop mufi be apt refy, he is faid to be removed jT) from the Throne 
 to teach, oVaxlixcv, fays, Other Qualifications, of Teaching, that is, from "the Epifcopal Of* 
 fuch as thofe, He mufi be fiber, vigilant, of rood fice, of which Preaching was a fpecial Iii^redi- 
 Behaviour, given to Hofpitality, Sec. may be in ent. The Rule of the Apoftolical Canons is,°That 
 Subjects: But becaufe a Bifhop ought to have a Bifhop who neglects his Clergy or his People, 
 thofe Qualifications that belong to Rulers, the and teaches them not [/] the Rules of Piety, 
 Apoftle therefore added, He mufi be apt to teach : fhall be fufpended ; and if he perilits in his 
 For this is not required of Subjects j but is moft Neglect, fha.ll be depofed. For it was his Office 
 cfpecially required of thofe who have the Office to teach the Clergy as well as the People, and 
 of Governing committed to them. And again, to expound the Scriptures to them. Whence 
 on thofe Words to Titus, Holding fafi the faithful St. Jerom gives it as Part of the Character of 
 Word, as he hath been taught (or, ivhich relates to Gregory Nazianzen, That he was an Eloquent 
 Teaching, tx e/V/a^rJv Xcys) that he may be able Teacher, and the Matter under whom he Icarn- 
 by found Doclrine both to exhort and to convince the ed the Scriptures, as he explained [u~] them. 
 Gainfayers, he fays, St. Paul converted the World, Some would have excufed themfelVes, by" faying 
 not fo much by his Miracles, as by his continual They would teach the People by their Example. 
 Preaching : and therefore a Bifhop mufi be able To which St. Jerom replies [ v J, That a Bi- 
 to exhort by found Doctrine, that is, to preferve fhop's innocent Convention without Preaching 
 his Flock, and overthrow its Enemies. And un- did as much Harm by its Silence, as it diu Good 
 lefs he be fuch an one, all is loft. For he that by its Example. For the Barking of the Do^s 
 knows not how to oppofe the Enemy, and cap- is as necefTary as the Shepheid's Staff, to terrify 
 tivate every Thought to the Obedience of Chrift, and beat off the Fury of the Wolves. Athanafi- 
 and pull down the vain Imaginations of Men, as us \_y] gives a very pathetical Exhortation to 
 he knows not how to teach according to found Dracontius a Bifhop newly ordained : Now that 
 Doctrine, fo he ought to be far \_o~] from the you are made Bifhop, fays he, the People expect: 
 Teaching Throne, -nroppw S^vs chs/WxaXrjts 5 that you fhould bring them Food from the Do- 
 where it is obfervable, that Chryfofiom therefore ctrine of the Scriptures : But if while they ex- 
 calls the Bifhop's Throne, the Throne of Do- pc6b it, they fuffer Want, and you only feed 
 
 [*] Bpokll. Cba$S\\.n.$. [»] Chryf. Horn. 10. in chos in Cone. Ephef Part. 1. cap. 18. [s] Conc.6. Gener. 
 
 1 Tim. 3. p. 1569. [a] Chryf Hom.i. in Tit. p. 1703. A£t. 11. p. 937. ifapSf S£Q- tutvuv <3&^iyJ\ei rk kokb* 
 
 [p ] Ambvol'. de Oflic. lib. 1. cap. i. Titul. Capitis. Epifcopi propri- #i&tt<rKci.KiK(>9 Kocd-'ia-eu Sp'wov &c. " [t] Canon, 
 
 um munus doccrc populum. Item, Cum jam effugere non pof- Apcft. c.fS. [«] Hieron de Scriptor. cap. 1 1 7. Vir elo- 
 
 fimus Officium docendi, quod nobis rcfijgientibus impofuit facer- quentiffimus Prarccptor meus, quo Scnpturas explanante didici. 
 
 dotii necelTitudo, &c. [q] Sidon. lib. j-. Ep. 3. Indignif- [x] Id. Ep.83. ad Oceanum. Sacerdotis innocens, fed abfque fer- 
 
 fimo tantae Profeflionis pondus impa&um eft, qui mifer ante com- mone Convertatio, quantum Exemplo prodett, tantum lilentio no- 
 
 pulfus dortre, quam difcere, 6c ante pra?fumens bonum prxdicare, cet. Nam & latratu canum, baculoque Paftoris luporum rabies de- 
 
 quam faccre, tanquam (lerilis arbor, cum non habcam opera pro terrenda eft. Vid. Ep.a. adNepotian. [j] Athan. Ep. ad 
 
 pomis, fparc;o verba pro foliis. [>] Cyril. Ep. ad Mona- Dracont. torn. 1. p. 054. 
 
 yourfelfj 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 69 1 
 
 youiTclfj what Excufe will you have, when the 
 Lord Jefus (hall come, and find his Sheep ltarv- 
 ing for want of Food ? St. Auftin, in one of his 
 Homilies \_z] upon the Anniverfary of his Ordi- 
 nation, reprefents this Part of a Bifhop's Office 
 with great Concern, as a Matter in which he 
 was deeply intcrefted, and nearly affected. Firff, 
 he tells his People what a Burden was laid upon 
 him by God in the Prophet Ezekiel Chap, xxiii, 
 which was the LefTon appointed for that Solem- 
 nity, wherein were thefe Words fo full of Ter- 
 ror : / have made thee a Watchman. If I fay to 
 the Sinner, 'Thou fhalt furely die, and thou holdeft 
 thy Peace, and he die in his Sins 5 he indeed dies 
 juftly, and according to his Defert in his Sins : but 
 his Blood will I require at thy Hands, &c. Upon 
 which he makes this Reflection with regard to 
 his own Office: I am a Steward: If I lay not 
 out my Lord's Money, but keep it by me, the 
 Gofpel terrifies me. I might fay indeed, What 
 have I to do to be troublefome unto Men, to fay 
 to the Wicked, Do not thus 3, Do thus: Defilt 
 from doing Evil? What have I to do to be thus 
 troublefome unto Men? I have received, how I 
 ought to live myfelf, as I am enjoined, as I am 
 commanded. I will return what I have received. 
 What have I to do to give Account of others? 
 But the Gofpel terrifies me. There is nothing 
 more pleafant than to feek after the Divine Trea- 
 fure in quiet. This is fweet and good : But to 
 preach, to reprove, to correct, to edify, to take 
 the Care of every other Man upon myfelf, this 
 is a great Burden, a great Weight, a great La- 
 bour. Who would not fly from fuch a Labour? 
 But the Gofpel terrifies me. There we read of a 
 certain Servant, who faid to his Lord, / knew 
 thee to be an hard Man, reaping where thou hafi not 
 fowed, therefore I kept thy Money, I would not lay 
 it out, Take that which is thine. To whom the 
 Lord anfwered, Out of thine own Mouth will I con- 
 demn thee, O thou wicked Servant. Thou oughtefl 
 to have given my Money to the Bank, that when I 
 came, I might have received my own with Ufury. 
 The Curious Reader may find a great deal more 
 to the fame Purpofe in St. Baft's Epiftles [0], 
 and Gregory Nazianzerts [_b~] Complaints, and 
 thofe of Cyprian [f], which I care not hereto 
 tranferibe. But nothing is more remarkable than 
 what is faid by St. Chryfoftom [d~] in his Homily 
 upon the Man, who was to account to God for Ten 
 thoufand Talents: Where he thus reprefents the 
 Account which Biihops muff, make to God: Not 
 only fecular Magistrates, fays he, but the Rulers 
 of the Church, rm ok>i\yi7i<js-j -nr^s scores - , must 
 render an Account of their Government and Ad- 
 ministration > and they above all others fhall fuf- 
 fer bitter and grievous Punifhment. For they 
 who are intrusted with the Ministry of the Word, 
 fhall be examined mod strictly and feverelyin the 
 next World, Whether they have not through 
 
 Sloth or Envy neglected to fpeak any Thing 
 which they ought to have fpokenj and whether 
 they have demonstrated by their Works and La- 
 bour, that they have delivered all Things faith- 
 fully, and concealed nothing that was profitable 
 unto Men. Again, He that has obtained the Of- 
 fice of a Bifhop, by how much he is exalted to 
 greater Dignity, fo much the more ample Ac- 
 count fhall he be required to give, not only of his 
 Doctrine or Teaching, and Care of the Poor, 
 but alfo of his Examination and Tryal of thofc 
 who are ordained, with a thoufand otherThings 
 of the like nature. Where it is evident, that 
 Teaching is reckoned as neceffary a Part of the 
 Bifhop's Fuaction, as Ordination : And as he proves 
 the one from thofe Words of St. Paul to Timo- 
 thy, Lay Hands fuddenly on no Man, neither be Par- 
 taker of other Mens Sins\ fo he proves the other 
 from thofe Words of the fame Apoftle to the 
 Hebrews, Obey them that have the Rule over you, 
 and fubmit yourf elves unto them : for they watch for 
 your Souls, as they that muft give Account, Heb. 
 xiii. 17. Which, as he truly obferves, is an Ar- 
 gument full of Terror. St. Chryfoftom has abun- 
 dance more to the fame Purpofe in thofe excel- 
 lent Books of the Priesthood, which were com- 
 pofed on purpofe to defcribe the Offices and Du- 
 ties of a Bifhop, among which he reckons the 
 laborious Work of making continual Homilies [e~] 
 and fet Difcourfes to the People. And whereas 
 fome were ready to plead, That a good Life was 
 the main Thing required, to excufe their vvant 
 of Knowledge, and Study, and Preaching, and 
 Difputing, he anfwers, That both thefe Qualifi- 
 cations were required j They muft not only do, 
 but teach the Commands of Chrift, and guide 
 others [/] by their Word and Doctrine, as well 
 as their Practice: Each of thefe had their Part in 
 the Epifcopal Office, and were neceffary to aflift 
 one another, in order to confummate Mens Edi- 
 fication. With much more to the fame Purpofe, 
 which 1 here omit, becaufe I have more fully 
 reprefented it in another Book [*], where I had 
 occafion to treat of the general Duties of the 
 Ecclefiaflical Function. 
 
 What is thus pathetically prefs'd by private 
 Men, is more authoritatively enjoyned by the Laws 
 of the Church and State, both concurring to 
 enforce this Duty. The Council of Laodicea 
 [g] fpeaks of it as a customary Thing, for the 
 Bifhop to make always a Sermon before the Ca- 
 techumens were difmifTed. And the Council of 
 Valentia in Spain does the fame, when it orders, 
 that Catechumens and Penitents, and even Hea- 
 thens, mould be allowed to hear the Bifhop's 
 Sermon becaufe they had experienced how 
 that by this means many Infidels had been brought 
 over to the Faith. Thefe Councils do not fo 
 much enjoyn Bifhops to preach, as prefuppofe h 
 to be their constant and general Practice. But 
 
 [z.] Aug. Serm. if, exj-o. T. ic. p. 17?. [a] Bad!. 
 
 Ep. 61, 69, 187, 19$. [£] Naz. Orat. 1. de Fuga p. 1 j-, 
 
 &c. It. Tract, de Epifc Latine. T.i. p. 504. 5c Orat. 52. p.; 19. 
 [c] Cypr. de Lapfis, p. 1 ij. [</] Chryf, Horn. 1. torn. f. 
 
 p. 9. 0] Chryf. de Saccriot. lib./, cap. 1. [f] Chryf, 
 
 ibid. lib. 4.. cap. [*] Book VI. Ckitp. 'm. n. i. [g\ Cone. 
 
 Laodicean. 19. <rk J\?e, v.na. rat o^/Aiaj*^/ wio-hottm, 
 }y <ffl Kcfln^upfyvv «T/T5Xei^. [£] Cone 
 
 Valentin. Can.i. Sic enim Pontrficum Praxficatione audita nonnul- 
 ios attra&os ad Fidera evidemer fcimus, 
 
 t$9 
 
692 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 the Council of Trullo [i] fpeaks more exprefly 
 by way of Injunction, that the Rulers of Churches, 
 -ion; oxxXno-iaiv to ^^ci/rar, ought every Day, but 
 efpecially on the Lord's Day, to teach all the 
 Clei-gv and People the Words of Truth and 
 Godlinefs, gathered out of the Holy Scriptures. 
 And in the Imperial Laws there are feveral E- 
 di&s of the Secular Power to the fame purpofe. 
 In the Theodofian Code there is one jointly made 
 by the three Emperors, Gratian, Falentinian and 
 Theodoftus, which bears this Title, De Munere 
 feu Officio Epifcoporum in pradicando Verbo Dei, 
 Of the Duty and Office of Bifhops in preaching 
 the Word of God. And the Body of the Edict 
 [£] charges all thofe with Sacrilege, who either 
 confound the Sanctity of the Divine Law by Ig- 
 norance, or violate it by neglecting to preach it. 
 And the fame Law now Hands inferted [/] into 
 the Juftinian Code under the Charge of Sacrilege, 
 both in the Title, and the Body of it alfo. In 
 another Law of Arcadius and Honorius Bi- 
 fhops are ftiled, the Men, who in their feveral 
 Diftricts are to govern the People, by inflilling 
 into them the Doctrines of the Chriftian Religi- 
 on, and more efpecially the Principles of Sub- 
 jection and Obedience to Civil Magiftrates, 
 which were often violated by the tumultuous 
 Practices of the Monks, who were under their 
 Infpection. And in another Law \n~] of Tfoodo- 
 fius, all Hereticks are forbidden either to teach 
 or hear their profane Doctrines in their unlawful 
 Afiemblies : More particularly they, who were 
 called Bifhops among them, fhould not prefume 
 to teach the Faith, which they themfelves had 
 not, nor ordain Minifters, when they themfelves 
 were really none. This fuppofes that the Offi- 
 ces of Ordination and Preaching were equally 
 the Duties of Catholick Bifhops, and that the 
 Pretence in Heretical Bifhops to perform them, 
 was mere Ufurpation. And upon the whole it 
 appears, that as Preaching was an Office origi- 
 nally invefled in Bifhops, as fupreme Paftors of 
 the Flock of Chrift: So by all the Rules and 
 Laws of Church and State, and all the Ties of 
 Religion, they were obliged to perform this 
 Duty with all Afliduity and Diligence, as we 
 find they generally did out of the Senfe of the 
 great Obligation that was laid upon them. And 
 fome in the Romijb Church (where this Part of 
 the Epifcopal Function was for many ^ges fcan- 
 daloufly neglected) have earneftly wifhed and 
 laboured for the Reftoration and Revival of it. 
 Habertus pleads hard for it, and fays one Thing 
 f_o] particularly remarkable, to excite thofe to 
 whom he writes, that he could aver upon cer- 
 
 tain Experience in France, that there was more 
 Weight in the Words of every Bilhop to the 
 People, than in fix hundred of the mofi eloquent 
 and elaborate Difcourfes of other Men. But I 
 return to the antient Church. 
 
 It being thus certain from sect. nr. 
 
 what has been related, that the The frngular Vra- 
 
 Work of Preaching was ordina- 8*™ of the church 
 
 rily performed by Bifhops them- °f Rome ' " ^ 
 
 r i ■ s • /">i f • t/tn? no Sermons for 
 
 lelves in their own Church, ei- >■ * „ , ■ A {. 
 
 , . _ . «ii . feveral Ages, noted 
 
 ther in Conjunction with their 0Ht c j socmen 
 Presbyters, or without them : It and Caffiodore. 
 is very wonderfully ftrange, and 
 even aftonifhing and furpraing to hear what So- 
 zomen [/>] relates of the Church of Rome in his 
 Time, that they had no Sermons either by the 
 Bifhop, or any other; which was contrary to 
 the Cuflom of all other Churches. For at Alex- 
 andria, the Bifhop alone preached without his 
 Presbyters from the Time of Arius: And in other 
 Churches it was done by the Bilhop and Presby- 
 ters together: But in the Church of Rome by 
 neither the one nor the other. Pagi [_q] and 
 ghiefnel [r] think Sozomen muff needs be mifta- 
 ken, and that being a Greek, he took this Re- 
 port up by uncertain Rumour ; becaufe Pope 
 Leo, in whofe Time Sozomen lived, not only 
 preached conftantly to the People, but declared 
 it his Duty fo to do, profeffing that he was a- 
 fraid [j] it fhould be imputed to him as a Crime, 
 if he was wanting in this Part of his Office and 
 Miniftry. But Valefius, on the other hand, is ve- 
 ry confident that Sozomen % Relation is true, be- 
 caufe Cajjiodore, who was a Senator and Conful, 
 and Prafeclus Prsetorio at Rome, has the fame out 
 of Sozomen in his Hiftoria 'Tripartita, without 
 any Correction ; and he fays farther, that no one 
 can produce any Sermons preached to the Peo- 
 ple by any Bifhop of Rome before thofe of Leo, 
 which were not preached till after Sozomen wrote 
 his Hiflory. I will not pretend to decide this 
 Controverfy among thefe learned Men; but on- 
 ly fay, that however it was in Sozomen's Time, 
 it feems to have been otherwife in the Days of 
 Jufiin Martyr, when he prefented his Apology 
 to Antoninus Pius and the Senate of Rome, where 
 he lived and wrote at that Time : For there de- 
 ferring the Bufinefs of the Chriftian AfTemblies 
 on the Lord's Day, he exprefly fays, that after 
 the reading of the Writings of the Apoftles and 
 Prophets, the •sr^ss-w;, the Bifhop or Prefident 
 of the AfTembly [/] made a Sermon to exhort 
 and excite the People to the Imitation of the good 
 Things they had heard yead out of them. Where 
 
 [i] Cone. Trull, can. 19. See alfo in Cone. Nic. 2. can. 2. & 
 Cone. Ticinenfe. can. f . [k] Cod. Theod. lib. 1 6. tit. 2. 
 
 de Epifcopis. leg. xf. Qui divina: Legis fan&itatem, aut nefcien- 
 do confundunt, aut negligendo violant & offendunt, Sacrilegium 
 committunt. [/] Cod. Juftin. lib. 9. tit. 29. de Crimine Sa- 
 crilegii. leg. 1. [tn\ Cod. Theod. lib. 9. tit. 40. de Pce- 
 
 nis. leg. 16. Ad Epifcoporum fane culpam Cut caetera) redundabit, 
 fi quid forte in ea parte Regionis, in qua ipfi populo Chriftianx 
 Religionis, Do&rinae infinuatione moderantur, ex his quas fieri hac 
 Lege jubemus, a Monachis perpetratum elTe cognoverint, nec vin- 
 dicaverint. [»] Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. f. de Hajreticis. 
 
 leg. 24. Nufquam profana prarcepta vcl docere vel difcere : Ne 
 Antiftites eorundem audeant fidem infinuare, quam non habent, 8c 
 Miniftros creare, quod non funt. [0] Habert. Archieraric. 
 
 Part. f. Obferv. 7. p. 91. Id fcio expertufque fum, plus efle nw 
 raenti in unius Epifcopi ad Populum, quam in feffcentis aliorum 
 quantumvis Orationibus atque elaboratis. [p] Sozom. lib. 7. 
 
 cap. 19. [q~] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. $7. n. 3. 
 
 {>] Quefnel. DilTert. 6. de Jejunio Sabbati. 8c Diflert. 1. de Vita 
 Leonis. [j] Leo Serm. 3. de Epiphania. Ut noftri nihil de*. 
 
 fit Officii, 8cc. [t] Juftin. Apol. 2, p. 98. 
 
 8 it 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 693 
 
 it muft reafonably be fuppofed, that writing at 
 Rome, and to the Roman Senate, he fpake at leaft 
 of the ufual Cuftom and Practice of the Roman 
 Church. And if it was other wife in the Time 
 of Sozomen, fome Alteration muft have happened 
 in the Interval. Perhaps they might have taken 
 up the Cuftom of Reading the Homilies of fa- 
 mous Writers among the Leflbns, or immedi- 
 ately after, by the Deacon, (as I have fhewed be- 
 fore, they read in fome Churches the Homilies of 
 Ephrem Syrus, and the Books of Clemens Roma- 
 nus and Hermes Pajlor [*] ; and in the old LecJio- 
 nariums, there are frequently Leflbns appointed 
 out of the Homilies of St. Auftin, St. Ambrofeand 
 others, as it is now in the Roman Breviary) and 
 this might fupply the Place of a Sermon, till 
 Leo brought up the antient Way of Preaching 
 in the Roman Church again, which was after- 
 wards difcontinued for five hundred Years toge- 
 ther, till Pius Quintus, like another Leo, revived 
 the Practice, as we are told by Surius one of 
 their own Writers («). 
 
 sect. iv. But there is another Quefti- 
 
 Whethtr Laymen Qn mu ft. re f lved with rela- 
 vtre ever allowed tQ ^ antient Church, that 
 
 to breach in the an- . , « T 
 
 lit ch^ch. is, whether Laymen were ever 
 
 allowed by Authority to make 
 Sermons to the People ? That they did it in a 
 private Way as Catechifts, in their Catechetick 
 Schools at Alexandria and other Places, there is 
 no Queftion. For Origen read Lettures in the 
 Catechetick School of Alexandria, before he was 
 in Orders [#], by the Appoiucraent of Demetrius, 
 and St. Jerom fays \_y~\ there was a long Suc- 
 ceflion of famous Men in that School, who were 
 called Ecclefiaftical Dottors upon that Account. 
 But this was a different Thing from their pub- 
 lick Preaching in the Church. Sometimes the 
 Monks, who were only Laymen, took up- 
 on them to preach publickly in the Church : But 
 this was oppofed, and cenfured as an Ufurpation 
 of an Office that did not belong to them. All 
 Monks antiently, confidered only as Monks, 
 . were no more than Laymen, as I have fully 
 ihewed [X] in another Place : And therefore, as 
 Monks, they had no Title to any Part of the 
 Ecclefiaftical Office or Funftion. Particularly 
 St. Jerom [z] fays, The Office of a Monk was 
 not to teach, but to mourn. And that the cafe 
 of the Monks and Clergy was very different from 
 each other : The Clergy [f] are thofe that feed 
 the Sheep, the Monks are among thofe that are 
 
 fed. And therefore when fome Monks in the 
 Eafiem Parts about Antioch, prefuming on their 
 own Qualifications and Knowledge, took upon 
 them to preach publickly in the Churches, Pope 
 Leo wrote two Letters to Maximus Bifliop of 
 Antioch [a] and Ttheodoret, to ingagc them to lay 
 a Reftraint upon them, telling them, that befides 
 the Priefts of the Lord, none ought to prefume 
 to take upon them the Power of Teaching or 
 Preaching, whether he were Monk or Layman, 
 whatever Knowledge he could pretend to. Yet 
 in fome Cafes a fpecial Commiffion was given to 
 a Layman to preach, and then he might do ic 
 by the Authority of the Bifhop's Commiffion 
 for that Time. Thus Eufebius [b~\ fays Ori- 
 gen was approved by Alexander Bifhop of Jeru- 
 falem and Theotliftus of Cafarea, to preach and 
 expound the Scriptures publickly in the Church, 
 when he was only a Layman. And when De~ 
 metrius of Alexandria made a Remonftrance a- 
 gainft this, as an Innovation, that had never been 
 leen or heard of before, That a Layman fhould 
 preach to the People in the Prefence of Bifhops s 
 Alexander replied in a Letter, and told him, he 
 was much miftakenj for it was an ufual Thing 
 in many Places, where Men were well qualified to 
 edify the Brethren, forBifnops to intreat them to 
 preach to the People. As Euelpis -was requeftedby 
 Neon at Laranda, and Paulinus by Celfus at Iconium, 
 and 'Theodorus by Atticus at Synada. Thefe had 
 all fpecial Directions from their Bfhops to 
 preach : And therefore whatever other Irregula- 
 rity or Novelty there might be in the Thing, ic 
 was not liable to the Cha'ge of Ufurpation. 
 Hallier, a famous Sorbon Doctor, is of Opinion, 
 that they might do it [<r] by Permiffion : and he 
 thinks this may be deduced from that Canon of 
 the fourth Council of Carthn^ [i] which for- 
 bids a Layman to teach in the Prefence of the 
 Clergy, except they requeft him to do it. If 
 this relate to publick re tching in the Church, 
 it implies, that they might do it by fpecial In- 
 dulgence and Conceflion. The antient Author 
 of the Comment [e~\ upon the Epiftles, under the 
 Name of St. Ambrofe, fay::, that in the Begin- 
 ning of Chriftianity, for the Augmentation and 
 Increafe of the Church, a general Commiffion 
 was granted unto all, both to preach the Gofpel, 
 and baptize, and explain the Scriptures in Ec- 
 clefiaftical Aflemblies. But when the Church 
 had fpread itfelf into all Places, Buildings were 
 erected, and Rulers and other Officers were ap- 
 pointed, that no one among the Clergy fhould 
 
 [*] Chap. iii. n. 14. [«] Surius Hift. ap. Blondel. Apo- 
 
 log. pro Sentent. H :ronymi. p. f8. [*] Vid. Eufcb, lib. 6. 
 ca p. 3. [y~\ Hieroft de ^criptor. rap. 36. [if] Book 
 
 III. Chap. ii. n. 7. [*] Hitron. Ep. f f . ad Riparium. Mo- 
 nachus non Docentis, fed plangentis habet Officium. [f] Id. 
 Ep 1. ad H.'liodor. A!'a Mop- Riorum cit caufa, alia Clertcorum: 
 Clerici pafcunc oves, ego paCror. [*] Leo Ep. 60. al. 6i. 
 
 ad Maximum Antioch. KhSJ quoquc conveni: prxcavere, ut pra- 
 ter eos qui funt Domini iaceidotes. nullus fibi jus Docendi 8c Prae- 
 dicaudi audeat <• endicare, fi/e 'it ille Monachus, five Laicus, qui 
 alicujus Scientix nomine glorietur. It. Ep. 61. al. 63. ad Theo- 
 dorit. [6] Eufeb lib. 6. c. 19. Epiphan. Hxr. 64. feems 
 
 to fay he was then a Presbyter: But it mufi be a Mifiake. 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 [f] Hallier. de Hierarch. Ecclefiaft. lib. 1. cap. 7. p. 67. Laicis non 
 nifi ex Indulgentia illud attiogere debere. Jr. p. 79. ibid. 
 [</] Cone. Carth. 4. can. 98. Laicus, pratfentibus Clericis, nifi ip- 
 fms rogantibus, docere non audeat. [e] Ambrof Com. in E- 
 phef. 4. p. 948. Ut crefceret Plebs & mukiplicaretur, omnibus in- 
 ter initia conceffum ert; 8c Evangelizare 8c Baptizare, 8c Scripturas 
 in Ecclefia explanare. At ubi autem omnia loca circumplexa eft 
 Ecclefia, Conventicula conftituta funt, 8c Re&ores 8c camera Offi- 
 cia in Ecclefiis funt ordinata, ut nullus de Clero auderet, qui ordi- 
 natus non eflet, praefumere Officium, quod fciret non fibi creditum 
 vel conceflum. Hinc ergo eft, unde nunc neque Diaconi in po~ 
 pub praedicant, neque Clerici vel Laid baptinnt. 
 
 T t t 1 1 prefume 
 
The Ant i quit ibs of the Book XIV. 
 
 prefume to meddle with any Office, which he 
 knew was not committed to his Truft. And 
 hence ir was that Deacons in his Time did not 
 preach to the People, nor the inferior Clergy or 
 Laymer. baptize. What he fays of the Apollles 
 Days, muft reft: upon his Authority: If he means 
 an unlimited Commiffion to all in general with- 
 out previous Qualifications, and Examination of 
 them, his Opinion is certainly fingular. But if 
 he means only, that all who had extraordinary 
 Meafures of fpiritual Gifts, were allowed to ex- 
 ercife thofe Gifts fometimes in Preaching in pub- 
 lick AfTemblies, without any external Ordina- 
 tion, befides the Gift of the Spirit of Prophecy 5 
 that is no more than what the beft Interpreters 
 of thofe Words of St. Paul, i Cor. xiv. 51. Ye 
 may all prophecy one by one, commonly allow : 
 That is, all who had the Gift of Prophecy, not 
 every Chriftian, might ufe the Word of Exhor- 
 tation in the Church [/]. But then, as fuch 
 extraordinary Gifts of the Spirit of Prophecy 
 were in a manner peculiar to the Apoftolical 
 Age, this could not be a Rule to the following 
 Ages of the Church. And therefore when once 
 thefe Gifts were ceafed, the Church went pru- 
 dently by another Rule, to allow none but fuch 
 as were called by an ordinary Commiffion, to 
 perform this Office, except where fome extraor- 
 dinary natural Endowments (fuch as were in O- 
 rigen) anfwering in fome meafure to thofe fpiri- 
 tusl Gifts, made it proper to grant a Licence to 
 Laymen to exercife their TaJents for the Benefit 
 of the Church. Or elfe when Neceffity impo- 
 fed the Duty on Deacons to perform the Office 
 of Preaching, when the Bifliop and Presbyters 
 were by Sicknefs or other Means debarred from 
 it. For the forefaid Author plainly fays, That 
 Deacons in his Time did not ordinarily Pradica- 
 re in Populo, Preach to the People 5 as being an 
 Office to which they had no ordinary Commiffi- 
 on. And the fame is faid by the Author of the 
 Conftitutions [g], and many others. Therefore 
 fince Deacons were not allowed this Power, 
 but only in fome fpecial Cafes, it is the left to be 
 wonder'd that after the ceafing of fpiritual Gifts, 
 it fhould generally be denied to Laymen. 
 
 sect. v. A s to Women, whatever Gifts 
 Womtn never al- t fiey could pretend to, they were 
 
 lowed to preach. nevef a U owe( i t0 pre ach publick- 
 
 ly in the Church, either by the Apoftlcs Rules, 
 or thofe of fucceeding Ages. The Apoftle fays 
 exprefly, Let your Women keep Silence in the 
 Churches: for it is not permitted unto them to [peak: 
 hut they are commanded to be under Obedience, as 
 alfo faith the Law, 1 Cor. xiv. 34. And, if they 
 
 ivill learn any Thing, let them ask their Husbands at 
 home : for it is a fhame for Women to fpeak in the 
 Church. And again, 1 Tim. ii. 11. Let the Wo- 
 man alfo learn in Silence with all Subjection. But I 
 fuffer not a Woman to teach, nor to ufurp Authori- 
 ty over the Man, but to be in Silence. And this 
 Rule was always ftrictly obferved in the antienc 
 Church. The fame Council of Carthage, which 
 allows Laymen to teach by Permiffion, exprefly 
 forbids Women to do it in any Cafe : Let not a 
 Woman, however learned [h~] or holy, prefume 
 to teach Men in a publick Aflembly. But they 
 might teach Women in private, as private Ca- 
 techifts, to prepare Catechumens for Baptifm. 
 For the fame Council of Carthage requires [i[J 
 this as one Qualification in Deaconefles when 
 they were ordained, that they fhould be fo well 
 inftru&ed and expert in their Office, as to be 
 able to teach the ignorant and ruftick Women, 
 how to make their Refponfes to the Interroga- 
 tories, which the Minifter fhould put to them 
 in Baptifm, and how to order their Converfation 
 afterward. And the Author of the Short Notes 
 upon St. PaulV Epifiles, under the Name of St. 
 Jerom fays, that Deaconefles were thus em- 
 ployed in all the Eaftern Churches, both to mi- 
 nifter to their own Sex in Baptifm, and in the 
 Miniftry of the Word, to teach Women pri- 
 vately, but not in publick. This Matter was 
 carried much farther in many heretical Aflem- 
 blies : For they ordained Women-Priefts, which 
 the Author of the Conftitutions calls an heathen- 
 ilh, [/] Practice : For the Chriftian Law allowed 
 of no fuch Cuftom. Tertullian fays, they allowed 
 [ni] Women to teach and difpute in their Af- 
 fcmblies, and to exorcife Demoniacks, and ad- 
 minifter Baptifm : All which was exprefly, he 
 lays [rT\, againft the Rule of the Apoftle, 1 Cor. 
 xiv. 3 f . which is fo far from allowing them to 
 teach, that it does not allow them to ask Que- 
 ftions or difpute publickly in the Church. And 
 whereas fome pretended the Authority of St. 
 Paul for this, from a Book called, The Atls of 
 Paul and Thecla, he fays, that was a fpurious 
 Book, and the Author of it was convict, and 
 confefled the Forgery, and was cenfured for it 
 by the Church. The Montanifis were a noted 
 Seel: for giving this Liberty to Women, under 
 Pretence of Infpiration by the Spirit : So that 
 they had not only their Propheteftes, fuch as 
 Prifca and Maximilla, the firft Followers of Mon- 
 tanus, but alfo their Women Bifhops, and Wo- 
 men-Presbyters, as 6)uintilla and Prifcilla, who, 
 as Epiphanius [0] and St. Auflin [/>] inform us, 
 were dignified among the Pepuzians (a Subdivifion 
 of the Montanifis) with the higheft Offices of 
 
 [/] Vide Bezam 8c Eftium in Loc. [g] Conftit. lib. 3. 
 
 cap. 10. Vigil. Ep. ad Rufticum. Cone. torn. f. p. 174. 
 [b] Cone. Catthag. 4. can. 09. Mulier, quamvis dofta 8c fancta, 
 viros in conventu docere non pracfumat. [ i] Ibid. can. 12. 
 
 Vidua: vel fan&imoniales, qua: ad Minifterium baptizandarum mu- 
 lierum eliguntur, tam inftruftae fint ad Officium, ut poflint apto 
 Sc fano Sermone docerc imperitas 8c rufticas mulieres, tempore 
 quo baptizandas funt, qualiter Baptizatori interrogate refpondcant, 
 |c qualiter, accepto baptifmate, vivant. {k] Hieron, Com. 
 
 in Rom. 16. 1. Sicut etiam nunc in Orientalibus Diaconifla: mu- 
 lieres in fuo Sexu miniftrare videntur in Bapiifmo, five in Mini- 
 fterio Verbi, quia privatim docuifle feminas invenimus, 8rc. 
 [I] Conftit. lib. 3. cap. 9. [m] Tertul. de Pra:fcript. cap. 41. 
 [wj Idem deBaptifmo. cap. 17. Vid. De Velandis Virgin, cap. 9 ~ 
 [o] Epiphan. Hser. 49. Pepuzian. n. 2. [p] Aug. Hser. 27. 
 
 Pepuzian. Tantum dantes mulicribus Prjncipatum, ut Sacerdotio 
 quoque, apud eos honorentur. 
 
 the 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 695 
 
 the Priefthood. Epiphanius brings \j] the fame 
 Charge againft the Collyridians, fo called from 
 their offeiing Collyria or Cakes, in Sacrifice to 
 the Virgin Mary, againft whom he difputes at 
 lug?, not only for their Idolatry in offering Sa- 
 crifice to her, but alfo for their Preemption in 
 putting Women into the Prieft's Office; which 
 was a Thing never done among the People of 
 God from the Beginning of the World; and if 
 it had been allowed to any, would doubtlcfs have 
 been granted to the Virgin Mary. Firmilian in 
 his Letter to Cyprian [/], mentions another fuch 
 Woman among the Cataphrygians, who pretend- 
 ed by the Spirit of Prophecy, to preach, and 
 pray, and baptize, and offer the Eucharifl in 
 their publick AfTemblies. So that this was a 
 common Practice among the Hereticks, but al- 
 ways refuted and oppofed by the Church of God, 
 which always kept iinctly to the Apoftle's Rule, 
 not to fuffer a Woman to teach publickly in the 
 Church, whatever Sanctity or Learning fhe 
 could pretend to, but to referve this Office to 
 Men, for whom it was originally appointed. 
 
 sect. vr. Having thus examined what 
 
 Two or thy e Ser> p cr ; ons were allowed to execute 
 
 mons fomeumes m ^ Qffi w£ are n ^ tQ £n _ 
 
 tot fumt Auemoly r 1 
 
 1 qu re after what manner it was 
 
 performed. And here we may obferve, that they 
 had fometimes two or three Sermons preached 
 in the fame AfTemb'y, firft by the Presbyters, 
 and then by the C;fhop', who ufually, when pre- 
 fent, clofed up this Part of the Service with his 
 Paternal Exhortation. The Author of the Con- 
 futations \_s~\ gives this Rule about it: When 
 the Go/pel is read, let the Presbyters one by one, 
 but not all, fpeak the Word of Exhortation to 
 the People, and lad of all the Bifhop, who is 
 the Governor or Pilot of the Ship. And that 
 thus it was in the Eajlern Churches, whole Cu- 
 lloms that Author chiefly reprefents, appears e- 
 vidently from St. Chryfofiomh Sermons which he 
 preached when he was Presbyter at Antioch. For 
 in thefe he plainly fpeaks of Flavian the BifTiop 
 as defigning to preach after him, whom he ufu- 
 ally complimented in fome fuch Form as this: 
 It is now time [f\ for me to keep Silence, that 
 our Matter may have time to fpeak. And again 
 (Y],Let us remember thefe Things, and now at- 
 tend to the more perfect Admonition of our good 
 Matter. It would be as endlefs, as it is needlefs, 
 to relate all the Paffages that [x~] occur in Chry- 
 foftom or other Writers, fuch as St. Bafil, Gre- 
 gory NyJJhi, Theodoret, St. Aujlin [jy] and St. 
 
 Jerom [z], who particularly reflects upon the 
 contrary Practice in fome Churches, (meaning 
 Egypt and Africa) where the Bifhops allowed 
 none to preach bun themfelves ; which he 
 thought was an indecent Contempt of their 
 Presbyters, as if they either envied or difdained 
 to hear them ; when yet the Apoftolical Rule 
 was, If any thing be revealed to another that fttteth 
 by, let the firfl hold his Peace : for ye may all pro- 
 phecy, one by one, that all may learn, and all may 
 be comforted, 1 Cor. xiv. 30, 31. When two or 
 more Bifliops happened to be prefent in the fame 
 Affembly, it was ufual for feveral of them to 
 preach one after another, referving the laft Place 
 for the mod honourable Perfon ; as St. Jerom [t] 
 tells us, that Epipbanius and John Bifhop of Je- 
 rufalem preached together in the Church of Je- 
 rufalem: And nothing was more common than 
 this Practice at Conflantinople, where a Multi- 
 tude of Bifliops were often prefent to attend the 
 Court, or advife with the Patriarch about the 
 Affairs of the Church. 
 
 In fome Places they had Ser- sect. VII. 
 mons every Day, efpecially in sermons every 
 Lent, and the Fettival Days of v*ym fomt Times 
 Eajler. St. Chryfoflom's Homilies Md Plat "' 
 upon Gene/is were preached in a running Courfe 
 of two Lents one Day after another, as any one 
 may perceive that perufes them. His famous Ho- 
 milies de Statuis were preached in Lent after the 
 fame manner. And it were eafy to note fome 
 Scores of Paflages in hk other Sermons, efpeci- 
 ally in his firft, third and fifth Volumes [«], 
 which^ make mention of their being preached 
 fucceflively one Day after another. St Jerom [b~] 
 obferves the fame Practice among the Monks of 
 Egypt, where it was cuftomary every Day, after 
 the Singing of the Pfalms, and Reading of the 
 Scriptures, and Repeating of their Prayers, for 
 the Father (that was the Title of the Presbyter 
 that prefided over them) to make them a Ser- 
 mon to elevate their Minds to the Contempla- 
 tion of the Glory of the next World, which 
 made every one of them, with a gentle Sigh, 
 and Eyes lift up to Heaven, to fay within him- 
 felf, O that I had Wings like a Dove, for then 
 would I flee away and be at Reft! Pamphilus, in 
 his Apology for Origen, relates the fame Thing 
 of him, that he was ufed to make Sermons Ex- 
 tempore almoft every Day [c] to the People : And 
 a Man cannot look into St. Auftin's Homilies 
 but he will find References made almoft every 
 where to the Sermon made Heri, fc? Heflerna 
 
 [q] Epiphan. Hser. 78. Antidicomarian. n. 23. be Uxt. 79. 
 Collyridian. [r] Firmil. Ep. 75-. ad Cypr. p. 223. 
 
 (Y) Conftit. lib, 2. cap. yj. [t] Chryf. Horn. 2. de Ver- 
 
 bis El'ai. t. 3. p. 8f3{. [«] Horn. 3. ibid. p. 864. 
 
 [#] Horn. 31. de Philogonio. t. r. p. 399. Horn. 48. dc Roma- 
 no, t. 1. p. 621. Hom. 53. de Pcenir ntia. tit. i. p. 662. Horn. 
 '5-9. deBabyla. p. 721. Hom. 31. de Natali Chrifti. t. f. p. 476. 
 Hom. 47. 8c 66. ibid. Horn, in Pfal. 48. p. 813. Hom. 36. in 
 1 Cor. p. 6f 2. [y] Batil. Hom. 18. in Barlaam. torn. j. 
 
 p. 44.3. NyfTen. Orar. in fui Ordinat torn 2. p. 41. Theod. in 1 
 Cor. 14. 31. Aug. Ser. in Pfal. 94, 8c of, 8c rjt. [*] Hie- 
 
 VOL. i. 
 
 ron. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. [f] Hieron. Ep. 61. ad Pam- 
 
 mach cap. 4. W Chryf. t. 1. Hom. 9, 27, 32, 40, 
 
 42, 46, 49, 71. torn. 3. in Pfal. 44, 8c 50. Hom. i, 2, 4, 8c f 
 de Verbis Efaiae. torn. f. Hom. 2. de Lazaro. Hom. 30, 34, 4.8* 
 5<5, 61, 63, 8cc. [*J Hieron. Ep. 22. ad Euftoch.' cap. ij\ 
 Poft horam nonam in commune concurritur, Pfalmi refonant, 
 Scripture recitantur ex more. Et complex's Orationibus, cunclifque 
 relidentibus, medius, quern Patrem vocant, incipit djfputare, &e. 
 [c] Pamphil. Apol. pro Orig. inter Opera Ong. t. f. p '7W 
 Tradatus pene Quotidie habebat in Ecclefia, 8c c. 
 
 T 1 1 1 1 i 
 
 Die, 
 
696 
 
 The A n t 1 qu 1 t 1 e s of the Book XI V. 
 
 Die, the Day before [<-/], which either denotes 
 fome Day in the weekly Courfe, or at lead 
 fome Fcftival of a Martyr. For the Feftivals of 
 the Martyrs were always kept with great So- 
 lemnity, and they never omitted to make a Pa- 
 negyrical Homily upon thofe Days, to excite the 
 People to imitate the Virtue of the Martyrs. As 
 appears from St. Aufiin's Sermons de SancJis, and 
 Abundance throughout St. Chryfoflom's Works 
 upon fuch [e] Occafions. In France alfo Cafa- 
 rius the famous Bifhop of Aries preached almoft 
 every Day. For he is laid, by the Writer of 
 \_f~\ his Life, to have made Homilies to the Peo- 
 ple frequently both at Morning and Evening 
 Prayer, that none of them might have the Ex- 
 cufe of Ignorance to plead in their Behalf. And 
 the Council of Trftlla [g] has a Canon to pro- 
 mote this Pra&ice. 
 
 day 
 
 SECT. viii. And this leads us to another 
 Sermons twice a- Obfervation proper to be made 
 many p/a- j n this M atterj w hich is, that in 
 many Places they had Sermons 
 twice a-da'y for the better Edification of the 
 People. Mr. Thorndike [h~\ and Hamon Lejlrange 
 [/] make a little Queftion of this, as to the 
 Extent of the Practice. The former fays, there are 
 Examples of Preaching as well Evening as Morn- 
 ing in the antient Church, but only at particu- 
 lar Times, and on particular Occafions, and 
 therefore he is not fatisfied of any Rule or Cu u 
 Horn of the Church. The other fays, the Cu- 
 ftom only prevailed at Ctefarea in Cappadocia, 
 where St. Bafil lived, and at Cyprus. St. Bafil 
 preached fome of his Homilies upon the Hexame- 
 ron [f] at Evening Prayer. But he thinks So- 
 crates [7] confines the Cuftom to thofe Places, 
 becaufe he fpcaks of it as a peculiar Ufage of 
 thofe Places to have Sermons made by Bilhops 
 and Presbyters on Saturdays and Sundays at Can- 
 dle-light in the Evening. Bifhop JVettcnhal was 
 of a different [m~] Judgment: He thinks that in 
 Cities and greater Churches, it was ufual for the 
 Pallors to preach on Sundays both Morning and 
 Afternoon. And he fupports his Opinion from 
 feveral Teftimonics of Chryfofiom, who entitles 
 one of his Homilies [»] An Exhortation to thofe 
 •who were aflmmed to come to Sermon after Dinner. 
 And in another [0] he inveighs againft them who 
 condemned his Ufage of Preaching after Dinner, 
 as a new and ftrange Cuftom, telling them he 
 had much more Reafon to condemn that wick- 
 ed Cuftom then prevailing among fome, to rife 
 from Table to flecp. In another Place he de- 
 
 fends his Practice from our Saviour's long Ser- 
 mon to his Difciples after his laft Supper [/>]. 
 And in another Homily preached to the People 
 of Antioch [Vj, he highly commends them for 
 coming to Church in the Afternoon in a full 
 Audience. AH thefe are cited by Wettenhal, to 
 which may be added what he fays in his Homily of 
 Satan's "Temptations [f], that the Bilhop attend- 
 ed his Sermons which he preached both Morn- 
 ing and Afternoon. For that Sermon was preach- 
 ed in the Afternoon the fame Day tfi it he had 
 preached his twenty firft Sermon to the newly 
 Baptized, as he there exprefly cells us. So again 
 it appears that the fifteenth and nineteenth ^Ho- 
 milies to the People of Antioch againft Oaths 
 were preached on the fame (Vf Day. And his 
 Homily of bearing Reproof patiently >, was an Even- 
 ing Sermon. For there [/] he thus addrefles him- 
 felf to the People. Be not weary, though the 
 Evening now be come upon us. For all our 
 Difcourfe is in Defence of Paul, that Paul, who 
 taught his Difciples three Years Night and Day. 
 In his Homily [«] upon Ettas and the Widow, he 
 fays, One of his Lent Difcourfes was broken off 
 by the Evening coming upon them. And in one 
 of his Homilies upon Genefis [#],■ he as plainly 
 intimates,, that he was then preaching an Even* 
 ing Sermon. For he makes this Apoftrophe to 
 the People : I am expounding the Scriptures, 
 and ye all turn your Eyes from me to the Lamps, 
 and him that is lighting the Lamps. What Neg- 
 ligence is this ? fo to forfake me, and fet your 
 Minds on him? For I am lighting a Fire from 
 the holy Scriptures, and in my Tongue is a burn- 
 ing Lamp of Doctrine. This is a greater and a 
 better Light than that. For we do not fet up a 
 Light like that moiftened with Oil, but we in- 
 flame Souls that are watered with Piety, with 
 a Defire of Hearing. The whole Allufion and 
 Similitude ftiews, that he was preaching an Even- 
 ing Sermon, when Candles were lighting, which 
 gave him the Hint to draw the Comparifon be- 
 tween the material Light of the Lamps, and the 
 fpiritual Light of the Scriptures. And in his 
 third Homily of Repentance [y], to name no more, 
 he fays, he would continue his Difcourfe to the 
 Evening, ias senrs^;, that he might finifh the 
 Subject he was then handling. From all which 
 it is apparent, this was no occasional Ufa^e in 
 St. Chryfoflom's Church, but his conftant and or- 
 dinary Practice. And in the Latin Church we 
 fometimes meet with Examples of this Kind 
 though not fo frequent. St. Auftin not only 
 preached every Day, but fometimes twice on the 
 
 [d~\ Vid. Aug. Serm. in Pfal. j-o. Serm. 2. in Pfal. 5-8. Serm. 
 in Pfal. 63. Serm. 2. in Pfal. 68. Serm. 2. in Pfal. 70. Serm. 2. 
 in Pfal, 90. Serm. 2. in Pfal. iot. 8s pafllm in Sermonibus de 
 Tempore &c de Sanctis. [e] Chryf. torn. 1. Serm. 31. de 
 
 Philogonio. Serm. 40. de Juventino. Et fequentes de Pelagia, Ig- 
 natio, Romano, Melitio, Juliano, Luciano, Bernice, Euftathio, 
 8cc. Aug. Serm. in Pfal. 81. See alfo -what has been obferved be- 
 fore of their Preaching on Saturday;, and the Stationary Days, in the 
 former Book. [/] Cyprian. Tolonenfis, Vit. Caeiarii. cap. 4. 
 
 ap. Mabillon. de Curfu Gallicano. p. 404. Frequenter etiam ad Ma- 
 tutinos, & Luccrnarium propter advenienres recitabat Homilias, 
 ut nullus eflet qui fe de Ignorantia excufaict. [g] Cone. 
 
 Trullan. Can. 19. [h] Thorndike of Religious JJfembHes, 
 
 chap. i*. p. 40/. [» ] Leftrange of Divine Offices, chap. 4. 
 
 p. 98. [*] Vide Baiil. in Hexameron. Horn. 2, 7, 9. 
 
 [.'] Socrat. Hb. 6. cap. 21. [/»] Wettenhal Duty of Preach- 
 
 ing, chap. 3. p. 779. [«] Chryf. Horn. 10. in Genef. 
 
 [0] Horn. 1. de Lazaro. [/>] Horn. 9. ad Pop. Antioch. 
 
 P- [q] Horn. 10. ad Pop. Antioch. p. 132. 
 
 0] Horn. 2;.de Diabolo Tentatore. 1. 1. p. 318, 8c 319. 
 [s] Chryf. Horn. 1 5-. ad Pop. Antioch. t. 1. p. 198. [t] Horn. 
 13. d e ferendis Rcpreben. t. 5. p. 194. [«] Horn. 74. in Heliam 
 8c Viduam. t. y. p. 722. [x] Horn. 4. in Gen-, r. 2. p. 901. 
 
 [y] Chryf Horn. 3. de Paenit. t. 4. p. j-jj/. 
 
 lame 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 697 
 
 fame Day. As is evident from the two Sermons 
 on the lxxxviiith Pfalm, in the latter of which 
 [z] he fiiys, He had preached before in the 
 Morning, and remained in their Debt for the 
 Afternoon. Gaudentius alfo Bifhop of Brixia [a] 
 fpeaks of his having preached twice on the Vi- 
 gil before Eafier. And it is probable, the fame 
 Solemnity was obferved in like manner in other 
 Places. For at this Solemnity efpecially they 
 made a Diftinction in their Sermons, preaching 
 one to the Catechumens, and another to the 
 Neophytes, or Perfons newly baptized. As Gau- 
 dentius fays in the fame Place, that his fecond 
 Sermon was preached to the Neophytes. The like 
 is faid by St. Ambrofe [£], and Theodoret [c], and 
 St. Auftin [_d~\, as 1 have had Occr.fion to fhew 
 in another Place in fpcaking of the Diftinction 
 that was made [f "] between the Catechumens 
 and the Faithful : To the former they preached 
 only upon moral Subjects, to the latter upon 
 myftical Points of Religion, and abftrufer Arti- 
 cles of Faith. Therefore St. Auflin [e] fays in 
 another Place, There were fome Points which 
 required more intent Auditors, and therefore the 
 Preacher was not to haften them, but defer them 
 to another Opportunity. And in another Homily 
 [/] upon Rafter Day, he excufes the Shortnels 
 of it, becaufe he was to preach again to the In- 
 fants, as they then called all Perfons newly bap- 
 tized. Cyril\ Myftical Catechifms were of this 
 kind. And probably thofe Myftical Homilies of 
 Origen, whereof he wrote two Books, men- 
 tioned by Ruffin [g] and St. Jerom, were of the 
 fame Nature. However, we have feen fuffici- 
 ent Evidence otherwife for more Sermons than 
 one upon the fame Day upon many Occafions. 
 
 sect. ix. But this is chiefly to be un- 
 Not fo freqkeni derftood of Cities and large 
 in country villages. Churches. For in the Country 
 Parifhes there was not fuch frequent Preaching. 
 St. Chryfoftom fays, they that lived in the City 
 [h~] enjoved continual Teaching* but they that 
 dwelt in' the Country, had not fuch Plenty: 
 Therefore God compenfated this Want of 
 Teachers with a greater Abundance of Martyrs, 
 and fo ordered it, that more Martyrs lay buried 
 in the Country, than in the City: Where tho' 
 they could not hear the Tongues of their Teach- 
 ers continually, yet they always heard the Voice 
 of the Martyrs fpeaking to them from their 
 Graves, and that with greater Force of Elo- 
 quence and Perfuafion, than living Teachers 
 could do ; as he there goes on after his manner 
 to defcribe it. There were fometimes great Af- 
 
 fembliesheld at thefe Monuments of the Martyrs: 
 For on their Anniverfary Feftivals the whole 
 City went forth to celebrate their Memorials iri 
 the Churches where they lay buried ■> as Chryfo- 
 ftom tells us both here and in other Places [f\ \ 
 But at other times their chief Refort for Preach- 
 ing was to the City Churches. It was not till 
 the beginning of the fixth Century, that Preach- 
 ing was generally fet up throughout the Coun- 
 try Parifhes in the French Church : But about 
 that time an Order was made in the Council of 
 Faifon, An. 519, That for the Edification of all 
 the Churches, and the greater Benefit of the 
 whole Body of the People, Presbyters fhould 
 have Power \k\ to preach not only in the Cities, 
 but in all the Country Panihes: And if the Pref- 
 byterwas infirm, a Deacon fhould read oneofthe 
 Homilies of the holy Fathers. So that in this 
 refpect the State of the prefent Church may be 
 reckoned happier than that of the antient Church j 
 fince there is fcarce a Country Parifh among us 
 but has a Sermon preached every Lord's Day 
 throughout the Year by a Presbyter or Deacon. 
 
 The next Thing to be ob- SECT. x. 
 ferved, is, Their different Sorts of their different 
 of Sermons, and different Ways w*y> of Preaching. 
 of Preaching. I have already noted [*] fome 
 Difference to have been made between Sermons 
 to the Catechumens, and Sermons to the Faith- 
 ful } but that was chiefly in the Matter and Sub- 
 ject of them. What I obferve here, relates more 
 to the Manner and Method of Preaching, in 
 which refpect they were diftinguifhed into four 
 Kinds. 1. Expositions of Scripture, z. Pane- 
 gyrical Difcourfes upon the Saints and Martyrs. 
 3. Sermons upon particular Times, Occafions 
 and Feftivals. 4. Sermons upon particular Do- 
 ctrines, and moral Subjects, to illullrate the 
 Truth againft Herefy, and recommend the Pra- 
 ctice of Virtue in Oppofition to Immorality and 
 Ungodlinefs. There are Examples of all thefe 
 Kinds in St. Chryfoftom' s and St. Auftin s Homilies^ 
 the two great Standards and Patterns of Preach- 
 ing in the Greek and Latin Church. St. Auflin 
 has fome Homilies upon whole Books of Scrip- 
 ture, as thofe upon the Pfalms, and St. John's 
 Go/pel. He has others, flyled, De SantJis, which 
 are Panegyricks upon the Saints and Martyrs: 
 Others, ftyled, De 'Tempore, which are upon the 
 Feftivals and great Solemnities of the Church, 
 fuch as the Nativity, Epiphany, Lent, Paffion, 
 Eafier, Pentecoft, and the Lord's Days through- 
 out the Year > others, flyled, De Dherfis, which 
 are a Mifcellany upon Doctrinal Points and Mo- 
 
 [z] Aug. Serm. 2. in Pfal. 88. Ad reliqua Pfalmi, de quo in 
 Matutino locuti fumus, animum intendite, 8c pium debitum exi- 
 gite. M Gaudent. Traft. 4. Carnalem Judaicae Pafcha: ob- 
 
 fervantiam, fpiritualibus Typis refertam, trino jam Tra&atu docui- 
 mus; femel hefterno die, 8c bis in Vigiliis. It. Traft. jr. Oporte- 
 
 bat in ilia nodte Vigiliarum fecundo Tra&atu congriia 
 
 Neophytis explanari. [£J Ambrof. de iis qui Mylierijs initian- 
 tur, cap. 1. [c] Tbcod. Quaefl:. 15-. in Num. [</] Aug. 
 
 Serm. 1. ad Neophytos. in Append, t. 10. p. 845-. [f] Book I. 
 Chap. iv. n. 8. [«] Aug. Tratt. 62. in Joan. Intentior fla- 
 
 giratur auditor : Et idso eum prxcipitare non debet, fed differre 
 
 potius Difputator. [/] Aug. Horn. 8>. de Diverfis. Satis 
 
 lint vobis pauca ifta, quoniam 8c poll laboratuii fumus, 8c de Sa- 
 cramentis altaris hodie Infar.tibus difputandum eft. [g~] Ruffin. 
 Invedt. 2. cont. Hieron. cited by Valefius Not. in Eufeb. lib. 6. cap. 
 24. \h~\ Chryf. Horn. 6j\ de Martyribus. t. f . p. 97 3. 
 [i] Chryf. Horn. 67. de S. Drofide. t. y. p. 989, 8c 99*. 
 k] Cone. Vafenf. 2. Can. 2. Hoc etiam pro sedificatione omnium 
 Esclefiarum, 8c pro utilitatc totius populi nobis placuit, 8c non fo- 
 lum in Civitatibus, fed etiam in omnibus Tarochiis, verbum faci- 
 endi daremus Presbyteris proteftatem, 8cc, [*] See before, 
 
 Num. 8, 
 
 ral 
 
698 
 
 7/^? Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 ral Subjects. So likewife in Chryfofiom, we have 
 his Homilies by way of Expofition on the whole 
 Book of Genefis* the Pfalm, the Go/pels of St. 
 Matthew and St. John, and all St. Paul's Epijlles. 
 Then again, his Panegyricks upon the Saints and 
 Martyrs i his Homilies upon the noted Feftivals, 
 Eafier, Pentecoft, 6cc. and laftly, his Moral and 
 Doctrinal Difcourfes upon various Subjects, Re- 
 pentance, Faith, Charity, Humility, the Truth 
 of the Chriftian Religion, the Divinity of Chrift, 
 and fuch important Subjects, as the Occafion of 
 the Times, and the Oppofition of Jews, Gentiles 
 and Hereticks required him to difcourfc upon, in 
 a plain and familiar way to the People. His 
 Homilies by way of Expofition of any Book of 
 Scripture, ufually confift but of two Parts, an 
 Expofition of fome Portion of a Chapter, and 
 an Ethicon, or Moral Conclufion upon ibme ufe- 
 ful Subject, which the laft Part of the Words 
 expounded gave him the Hint or Occafion to 
 difcourfe upon. But his other Homilies are com- 
 monly introduced with an ufeful Preface, not re- 
 lating always to the Subject that was to follow, 
 but fuch as the Occafional Neceflities of his Au- 
 ditory, either in Matters of Reproof or Com- 
 mendation feemed to require. But in both thefe 
 Ways, he dill excelled in this, that he always 
 expounded the Scripture in its moft natural and 
 genuine Senfe (not giving way to Topological 
 Defcants, as too many others did) and made fuch 
 ufeful Obfervations and Reflexions upon it, as 
 were pertinent and proper, which he applied to 
 his Hearers with the itrongeft Reafoning, and 
 utmoft Force of divine Eloquence, becoming 
 the Serioufnefs and Gravity of a Christian Ora- 
 tor. 'Tis a juft Character, which a late learned 
 Critick [/] gives him, and therefore I think it 
 not improper here to tranferibe it for the En- 
 couragement of all young Students to read him. 
 44 His Eloquence is popular, and very proper for 
 " Preaching* his Style is natural, eafy and grave j 
 44 he equally avoids Negligence and Affectation * 
 44 he is neither too plain, nor too florid * he is 
 " Smooth, yet not Effeminate * he ufes all the 
 44 Figures that are ufual to good Orators very 
 44 properly, without employing falfe Strokes of 
 44 Wit* and he never introduces into his Dif- 
 « courfes any Notions of Poets or Prophane 
 " Authors* neither does he divert his Auditory 
 44 with Jefts. His Compofition is noble, his Ex- 
 44 prcflions elegant, his Method juft, and his 
 44 Thoughts fublime* he fpeaks like a good Fa- 
 44 ther, and a good Paftorj he often directs his 
 44 Words to the People, and exprefles them with 
 44 a Tendernefs and Charity becoming an holy 
 " Bifhop j he teaches the principal Truths of 
 44 Chriftianity with a wonderful Clearnefs, and 
 44 diverts with a marvellous Art, and an agreeable 
 44 way of ranging his Notions, and perfuades by 
 46 the ftrength and folidity of his Reafons* 
 <c his Inftructions are eafy, his Defcriptions and 
 44 Relations pleafant* his Inducements fo meek 
 " and infinuating, that one is pleafed to be fo 
 44 perfuaded* his Difcourfes, how long foever, 
 
 are not tedious, there are Hill fome new Things 
 that keep the Reader awake, and yet he hath 
 no falfe Beauties nor ufelefs Figures* his only 
 Aim is to convert his Auditors, or to inftruct 
 them in neceflary Truths j he neglects all Re- 
 flections that have more of Subtilty than Pro- 
 fit} he never bufies himfelf to refolve hard 
 Queftions, nor to give myftical Senfes, to 
 make a fnew of his Wit or Eloquence j he 
 fearches not into M> fteries, neither endeavours 
 to comprehend them* he is contented to pro- 
 pofe, after an eafy Way,- palpable and fenfible 
 Truths, which none can be ignorant of with- 
 out danger of failing of Salvation j he particu- 
 larly applies himfelf to Moral Heads, and very 
 feldom handlcth Speculative Truths* he af- 
 f cts not to appear Learned, and never boafts 
 of his Erudition* and yet whatever the Sub- 
 ject be, he fpeaks with Terms fo ftrong, fo 
 proper, and fo well chofen, that one may ea- 
 fily perceive he had a profound Knowledge 
 of all forts of Matters, and particularly of true 
 Divinity." This is the Character which that 
 judicious Critick gives that famous and eloquent 
 Preacher: And he that will diligently perufe his 
 Homilies fefpecially thofe of his firft and fifth 
 Volumes, which contain his moft elaborate Dif- 
 courfes, as alfo thofe on St. Matthew, St. John y 
 and St. Paul's Epiftlcs, where he excels in his 
 Moral Applications) will find his Sermons to an- 
 fvver the Character that is given of them, only 
 making fome Allowances for the different Way 
 and Method then ufed, not fo agreeable to the 
 Model of Sermons in the prefent Age. I had 
 once fome Thoughts of publifhing a Volume of 
 his felect Difcourfes, which I tranflated for my 
 own Entertainment, when I was unfortunately 
 cut off from other Studies for a whole Year; 
 But becaufe they are not altogether of the pre- 
 fent Stamp, and many Men have a different 
 Tafte and Relifh of Things, I chufe rather to 
 encourage Men to read them in the Original, 
 where they may fried what they find proper for 
 their Ufe or Imitation. As for thofe who can 
 endure to read nothing but what is either Mo- 
 dern, or drafted up in the modern Drefs, I nei- 
 ther court them to read Chryfoflom, nor any o- 
 ther antient Father* but to others, who can be 
 at Pains to perufe, and judicioufly felect the 
 Beauties of Style, the Strains of Piety, and the 
 Flights of divine and manly Eloquence, that al- 
 molt every where difplay themfelves in this Au- 
 thor, I dare venture to fay, they will never 
 think their Time loft, nor find themfelves whol- 
 ly difappointed in their Expectation. St. BafJs 
 Homilies come the neareft to St. Chryfoftom's in 
 folidity of Matter, beauty of Stile, ingenuity of 
 Thought, and fharpnefs and vivacity of Expref- 
 fion. A Vein of Piety runs equally through 
 them both, and by fome St. BaftPs are reckoned 
 to come nearer to the Attick Purity and Perfe- 
 ction. Next after thefe, the two Gregories, Nyf- 
 fen and Nazianzen, are elteemed the greatcft 
 Mafters of divine Eloquence* though the latter 
 
 [/] DuPin Bibliothcc. Vql. 3. p. 34. 
 
 is 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church, 
 
 699 
 
 is rather luxuriant and tedious, by his too fre- 
 quent and long Similitudes and Digreflions. 
 Thofe of Ephrem Syrus were alfo of great Re- 
 pute in the antient Church, having the Honour 
 to be read as Leflons after the reading of the 
 Scriptures in many Churches, as has been noted 
 before out of St. Jerom [m\ They are highly 
 commended by Sozomen [n] and Photius [0] for 
 the beauty of their Style and fublime Thoughts, 
 which were not wholly loft by being tranllated 
 out of Syriack into Greek. Gregory Nyjfen [/>] is 
 more copious in his Praife, and he particularly 
 obferves, that his Difcourfes of Morality were 
 fo full of companionate and affecting Expreflions, 
 that they were able to move the hardeft Heart. 
 For who that is proud, fays he, would not be- 
 come the humbleft of Men, by reading his Dif- 
 courfe of Humility? -Who would not be inflamed 
 with a divine Fire, by reading his Treatife of 
 Charity? Who would not wiiTi to be chafte in 
 Heart and Spirit, by reading the Praifes he has 
 given to Virginity? Who would not be fright- 
 ed, to hear the Difcourfc he has made upon the 
 laft Judgment, wherein he has reprefented it fo 
 lively, that nothing can be added to it but the 
 real Appearance of'judgment it felf? This is a 
 Character thar would tempt any Man to look 
 into them : 'Tis difputed now among the Cri- 
 ticks, whether thofe Homilies thac go under his 
 Name, be his genuine Off-fpring? Some utterly 
 reject, them, and they who fay moft in their 
 Defence, own that they may have loft fomeihing 
 of their native Beauty and Majefty, by being 
 translated firft out of Syriack into Greeks and then 
 out of Greek into Latin. And therefore I will 
 not lb confidently affert, they deferve the Cha- 
 racter which Gregory Nyjfen gives of thofe that 
 were fo much admired in his time. As for thofe 
 of Origen, and others who followed him, though 
 they have fome Flights of Rhetorick, and a Vein 
 of Piety in them, yet they are fo full of Allego- 
 rical and Tropological Interpretations, that they 
 are neither good Expofitions, nor good Homilies, 
 and fall far fhort of the Majefty and Simplicity 
 of thofe of Chryfoftom. Among the Latins, thofe 
 few moral Difcourfes we have of Cyprian's, whe- 
 ther Homilies or treatifes, are excellent in their 
 Kind. And fo are many of St. Auftin\ and St. 
 Ambrofe, and Leo the Great, and Petrus Ravennas, 
 who for his Eloquence had the Name of Chryfo- 
 logi.s, or the Latin Chryfoftom; though his Elo- 
 quence is of a different Kind, being more like 
 that of Seneca, than of fully or Demofthenes, 
 whom Chryfojlom copied after. 
 
 SECT. XI. But of all thefe we muft ob- 
 0/ Extempore ferve another Diftinction, that 
 
 though many of them were ftu- Dftourjes frequent 
 died and elaborate Difcourfes, among the Ancients. 
 penned and compofed before-hand, yet fome 
 were alfo Extempore, fpofcen without any previ- 
 ous Composition, and taken from their Mouths 
 by the ra^uy^j,poi, or Men who underftood the 
 Art of writing Short-hand in the Church. Ori- 
 gen was the firft that began this way of Preach- 
 ing in the Church. But Eufebius \jf] fays, he did 
 it not till he was above fixty Years old, at 
 which Age, having got a confirmed Habit of 
 Preaching by continual Ufe and Excrcife, he fuf- 
 fered the ra^vy^i^oi, or Notaries, to take down 
 his Sermons which he made to the People, which 
 he would never allow before. Pamphilus in his 
 Apology [f] for Origen, fpeaks the Matter a little 
 more plainly: For he makes it an Inftance of 
 his Sedulity in Studying and Preaching the 
 Word of God, that he not only compofed a 
 great number of laborious Treatifes upon it, but 
 preached almoft every Day Extempore Sermons in 
 the Church, which were taken from his Mouth 
 by the Notaries, and fo conveyed to Pofterity 
 by that Means only. The Catechetical Difcourfes 
 of St. Cyril are fuppofed to be of this Kind: 
 For at the beginning of every one almoft, it is 
 faid in the Title to be c^iJia^aaa, which Suidas 
 and other Criticks expound, An Extempore Dif- 
 courfe. St. Jerom fays, Pierius thus expounded 
 the Scripture [s\. St. Chryfoftom alfo fometimes 
 ufed this way of Preaching, being of a ready In- 
 vention and fluent Tongue. Sozomen [t] fays, 
 after his Return from Baniftiment , the People 
 were fo defirous to hear him, that he was forced 
 to go up to the Epifcopal Throne, and make an 
 Extempore Difcourle to them, which is now ex- 
 tant [it] in his fecond Tome in Latin. Suidas 
 alfo gives him this Character [x], that he had a 
 Tongue flowing like the Cataracts of Nile, 
 whereby he fpake many of his Panegyricks upon 
 the Martyrs Extempore, without any Hesitation. 
 And it appears from feveral of his Sermons, that, 
 he often took Occafion in the middle of a Dif- 
 courfe, from fome accidental Hint that was carn- 
 ally given, to turn his Eloquence from the Sub- 
 ject in hand, and make fome Extempore Apo- 
 ftrophe to the People, cither of Praife and Com- 
 mendation, or of Reproof and Correction, as the 
 Occafion of the Thing required j as in that Ser- 
 mon we have already mentioned, n. 8. where he 
 takes Occafion, from the Peoples turning their 
 Eyes to fee the lighting of the Candles, to re- 
 prove their Negligence [y] in turning away 
 their Attention from him, who was holding 
 forth to them a greater Light from the Holy 
 Scriptures. And there are many other fuch Apo- 
 ftrophes and Occasional Reflections throughout 
 
 [w] Hieron. de Scriptor. cap. 1 if. [»] Sozom.lib. 3. cap. 16. 
 [0] Phot. Cod. 196. [/>] Nyflen. Vit. Ephrem Syn. t. 3. p. 
 
 603. [q] Eufeb. lib. 6. cap. 36. 0] Pamphil. Apol. 
 
 pro Orig. inter Opera Origen. t. 1. p. 7f6- Quod prae cxteris 
 Verbo Dei & Do&rinae operam dederit, dubium non eft 8c ex his 
 qua: ad nos iaboris 8c ftudii ejus certiffima defignantur Indicia ; 
 Prsecipue vero per eos Tra&atus, quos pene Quotidie in Ecclefia 
 habebat Extempore, quos 8c defcribentes Nptarii ad monimentum 
 
 Pofteritatis tradebant. Dr. Cave reckons his Homilies upon Gen. 
 Exod. Levit. and Numbers, to be all Extempore. Vid. Cave Hift, 
 Liter. Vol. 1. p. 78. [j] Hieron. Procem. in Hofe. [t] Sozom. 
 lib. 8. cap. 1 8. [»] Chryf. Sermo poft Reditum. t. 2. p. 4,9. in 
 Appendice. [#] Suidas, Voce Joannes, t. 1. p. i2f8. t&s tZ>v 
 
 firus, 8cc. [7] Chryf. Horn. 4., in Gen, t. 2, p. 902. 
 
 his 
 
70O The Antiquities of the Book XIV 
 
 his Homilies, which muft needs be Extempore,be- 
 caufe the Occafion of them could not be fore- 
 feen, being they were pure Contingencies, and 
 Things altogether accidental. But Chryfoftom 
 was not the only Man, whofe Fluency inabled 
 him to make Extempore Difcourfes. For Ruffin 
 fpeaking in Praife of Gregory Nazianzen, and St. 
 Bafil, fays, there were feveral of their Sermons 
 extant [z], which they fpake Extempore in the 
 Church, twenty of which he himfelf had tranf- 
 lated into Latin. Socrates gives the fame Ac- 
 count of At thus, that though whilft he was a 
 Presbyter, he was ufed to preach compofed and 
 ftudied Sermons, yet afterwards by Induftry and 
 continued Exercife having gained Confidence and 
 a Freedom or Fluency of Speaking, he preached 
 Extempore to the People [_a~] : And his Sermons 
 were fo well received by his Auditors, that they 
 took them down in Writing. Sozomen indeed 
 gives a different Account of them : For he fays 
 [b~], his Performances were fo mean, that though 
 they had a Mixture of heathen Learning in 
 them, yet his Auditors did not think 'em wonh 
 Writing. However, they both feem to agree 
 in this, that whatever Characters they bare, they 
 were Extempore Difcourfes. Sidonius Apollinaris 
 leems to give the like Account of Fauftu, Bi- 
 ihop of Riez in France: For he fays [f], fome 
 of his Difcourfes were Repenting and others E- 
 lucubrata, that is, the one fpoken off-hand, and 
 the others elaborate and ftudied. And there is 
 nothing more certuin, than that St. Aufiin did 
 often ufe the Extempore way. For he fometimes 
 preached upon Places of Scripture that were ac- 
 cidentally read in the Church, and which he 
 lenew nothing of before he came thither. Of 
 which we have an undeniable Inftance in one of his 
 Homilies [/], where he tells us, he was determi- 
 ned to preach upon a certain Pfalm about Re- 
 pentance, which he thought nothing of before 
 the Reader chanced to read it of his own Accord 
 in the Church. And in another place he tells us 
 [>], when he had appointed the Reader to read 
 a certain Pfalm, upon which he intended to 
 preach, the Reader in fome Hurry read ano- 
 ther in its room } and this obliged him to preach 
 an Extempore Sermon upon that Pfalm that was 
 fo accidentally read in the Church. Poffidius alfo 
 in his Life mentions a Sermon, wherein he left his 
 Subject that he was difcourfing upon, to difpute 
 againft the Manichees, which he had no Thoughts 
 £/] to have done when he firfl began to preach j 
 but he reckoned it was the Providence of God 
 
 that directed him fo to do, to cure the Error 
 of fome latent Manichee in the Congregation. 
 And it is very probable, that many of his Ser- 
 mons upon the Pfalms were Extempore, becaufe 
 he fo often ufes the Phrafe, Quantum Deus dona- 
 verit , as God fhould inable him to fpeak : 
 Which feems to imply, that he fpake without 
 any previous Study or Compofition. It is evi- 
 dent his Sermon on the lxxxvith Pfalm was of 
 this kind : For he fays, he would explain it [£\ 
 as God fhould inable him, feeing it was appoint- 
 ed by his holy Father the Bifhop then prefent : 
 But fuch a fudden Appointment would have 
 been an Opprefllon, were it not that the Prayers 
 of the Proponent gave him continual Afliftance. 
 For indeed they looked upon it as fo neceflary a 
 Work to preach continually, that when they had 
 not time to compofe before-hand, they doubted 
 not but that the Grace of God, and a peculiar 
 Afliftance of the Spirir, would concur with their 
 honeft Endeavours in fuch fudden Undertakings. 
 Nay, Gregory the Great, 'vvho alfo ufed this way 
 in explaining fome of the mod difficult Books of 
 Scripture, as particularly Ezekiel, fcruples [h~\ 
 not fo fay, that he often found thofe obfeure 
 Places of Scripture, which he could not compre- 
 hend in his private Study, to flow in upon his 
 Underftanding when he was Preaching in pub- 
 lick to his Brethren. 
 
 And in regard to this, they SECT. XII. 
 are wont frequently to mention w*«* meant by 
 the Afliftance of the Spirit, both h the 
 
 in compofing and pi tching their ^ Int ' 
 Sermons. Thus Chryfoftom [f] fays in one of his 
 Sermons, when he had the Happinefs to fee a 
 large Auditory and a Table well furnifhed with 
 Guefts, that then he expected the Grace of the 
 Spirit to found in his Mind. In another [k\ I 
 do not think that I fpake thofe Words of my 
 felf, but God that forefaw what would happen 
 put thofe Words into my Mind. And again [/], 
 fpeaking of the Preaching of Flavian his Bifhop, 
 he fays, It was not human Thought that poured 
 forth his Difcourfe, but the Grace of the Holy 
 Spirit : As it was not the Nature of the Vine, 
 but the Power of Chrift, that made the Water 
 Wine. St. Auftin alfo often fpeaks of fuch Illapfes 
 and Afliftances of the Spirit in Preaching j which 
 he fometimes calls the Gift of God [m], fome- 
 times the Revelation of the Spirit [n] j and 
 fometimes the Help of God, and his Divine Af- 
 liftance. In one place more particularly, fpeak- 
 
 [z,] Ruffin. Hift. lib. z. cap. 9. Extant quoque utrkifque iu- 
 genii monimenta magnifica Tradtaruum, quos extempore in Ec- 
 cleiiis declamr.bant ; 8cc. [a] Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 2. 
 
 [b~\ Scxom lib. 8. cap. 27. [c] Sidon. lib. 9. Ep. 3. ad Fau- 
 ftuiu '.cgienlerr- Licet Prsedicationes tuas, nunc Repentinas, nunc, 
 cum '<.itio proponent, Elucubratas, raucus plaufor audierim, &c. 
 Gennadius de Scriptor. cap. 4©. gires the fame Account of Maximus 
 Taurinenrn. [</] Aug. Serm. 27. ex 5-©. 1. 10. p. vff. S£e 
 
 before Book XIV. Chap. i. n. 6. [e] Aug. in Pfil. 1 38. p. 6fO. 
 [/] Poffid. Vit. Aug. cap. t f. [g] Aug. in Pfal. 86. p. 390. 
 
 Hie nobis, quantum Dominus donare dignatur, cum veftra Chari- 
 tate tra&andus mode eft, propofitus a Beatiflimo prjefente Patre 
 noftro. Repentina propolitio me gravaret, nifi me continue pro- 
 
 ponents fublevaret Oratio. [h] Greg. magn. Horn. 14. in Ezek.p. 
 1 144' N° n h° G temeritate aggredior, fed humilitate. Scio enim, 
 quia plerumque multa in facro Eloquio, qux folus intelligere non 
 potui, coram Fratribus meis pofitus intellexi, &c. [<] Chryf. 
 Horn. 13. de Verbis Apoft. Habentes eandem Fidem, 2cc. t. y p. 
 331. <zr£j>5"JW«' Triv n i 7rnv[Act}@- y^cL&v vsvsy rwcu nuwv r>J 
 <Pia,voicL. [&] Horn. 2. ad Pop. Antioch. t. 1. p. 39. 
 
 [/] Horn. 2. de Verbis Efaiar, t. 2. p. 331. [m~\ Aug. Serm. 
 17. de Verbis Apoft. 1. 10. p. 132. Donante illo, &c. Et paflim 
 Sermon, in Pfalmos, 34, 96. [»] Aug. Serm. iy. de Verb. 
 
 Apoft. Ut ea qua: ille nobis revelare dignaotur, ad vos apte 8t fa- 
 lubriter proferre poflimus. Vid. ibid. Serm. 1 4, 8c ly. 
 
 1 ing 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 701 
 
 ing of his Unwillingnefs to preach before certain 
 Bifhops when he was but young, he brings them 
 in making this Anfwcr : If thou art in Want of 
 Words, Ask and it Jhall be given [o] thee : for it 
 is not ye that /peak, but ye minifter what is given 
 unto you. If a Man would difingenuoufly inter- 
 pret thefe and the like Expreflions of the Anci- 
 ents, he might make them feem to countenance 
 that Preaching by the Spirit, which fome fo 
 vainly boaft of, as if they fpakc nothing but 
 what the Spirit immediately dictated to them, 
 as it did to the Apoftlcs, by extraordinary Infpi- 
 ration. Which were to fct every Extempore, as 
 well as compoied Difcourfe upon the fame Level 
 of Infallibility with the Go/pel. Which fort of 
 Enthufiafm the Ancients never dreamed of. For 
 notwithstanding the Afliftance of the Spirit they 
 fpeak of, they always put a wide Difference be- 
 tween the Apoftlcs Preaching and their own, 
 ftyling the one infallible and authentick, as we 
 have heard before [/>] out of St. Aujlin and o- 
 thers, and themfelves only fallible Expofitors of 
 the Scripture. All therefore they pretended to 
 from the Afliftance of the Spirit, was only that 
 ordinary Afliftance which Men may expect from 
 the concurrence of the Spirit with their honeft 
 Endeavours, as a Blefling upon their Studies and 
 Labours j that whilft they were pioufly ingaged 
 in his Service, God would not be wanting to 
 them in fuch Afliftance as was proper for their 
 Work, efpecially if they humbly asked it with 
 Sincerity by fervent Supplication and Prayer. 
 
 sect. xni. And upon this Account it was 
 What fort of Fray ufual for the Preacher many times 
 trs they ufsd befort to u fher in his Difcourfe with a 
 stmmt,mdm,md fc on p rave Y for fuch divine Af- 
 tftnthm. fiftance, and alfo to move the 
 
 People to pray for htm. St. Aujlin in the a- 
 forefaid Homily having mentioned the Afliftance 
 of the Spirit, immediately adds, Whither fhall I 
 betake my felf, thus violently prefled in thefe 
 Straits, but to theFootftool of Charity, or Grace 
 of the Holy Spirt? And to that I make \j] now 
 my Supplication, that he would grant me Abili- 
 ty to fpeak fomething worthy of him, whereby 
 1 may at once fulfil my Miniftry, and fatisfy your 
 Defire. And in his Book of Inftructions of the 
 Chriftian Orator [f], where he prefcribes many 
 excellent Rules for Preaching, he lays down this 
 among others, that the Chriftian Orator ftiould 
 pray both for himfelf and others before he begins 
 
 to Teach ; that he may be able to fpeak thofe 
 Things that are Holy, Juft, and Goodj and that 
 his Auditors may hear him with Underftanding, 
 with Willingnefs, and with an obedient Heart. 
 To this End, before he loofes his Tongue to 
 fpeak, he fhould lift up his thirfting Soul to 
 God, that he may be able to difcharge what he 
 has imbibed, and pour forth to others that 
 wherewith he has filled himfelf. And this the 
 rather, becaufe both we and all our Words are 
 in the Hand of God, who teaches us both what 
 to fpeak, and after what manner to fpeak. And 
 therefore though Ecclefiaftical Men ought to 
 learn what they are to Teach, and to get the 
 Faculty of Speaking j yet when the Hour of 
 Speaking comes, they fhould imagine that what 
 our Lord fays [/], belongs to every good Soul: 
 Take no thought how or what ye Jhall /peak, for it 
 Jhall be given to you in that Hour what ye fhall 
 fpeak. : for it is not ye that fpeak, but the Spirit of your 
 Father that fpeaketh in you. If therefore the Holy 
 Spirit fpeak in them, who are delivered up to 
 Perfecutors for the Name of Chrift, why fhould 
 he not alfo fpeak in thofe who preach Chrift to 
 them that are difpofed to learn him? I have re- 
 lated thisPaflage at length, both becaufe it Ihews 
 us, to what Degree they depended on the Spirit's 
 Afliftance in Preaching, and alfo what fort of 
 Prayers thofe were which they commonly made 
 before Sermon: viz. not the Common Prayers 
 of the Church, (as fome miftake, who meafurc 
 all Ufages of the antient Church by the Cuftoms 
 of the prefent) but thefe ftiort Prayers for the 
 Afliftance and Conduct of the Spirit, to direct 
 both them and the People in Speaking and Hear- 
 ing. And where-ever we meet with any mention 
 of Prayer before Sermon, it is to be underftood 
 only of this fhort fort of Prayers, in antient Wri- 
 ters. Such as that of St. Auflin's in one of his 
 Homilies upon the Pfalms, which begins with 
 thefe Words : Attend to the Pfalm, and the Lord 
 [t] grant us Ability to open the Myjleries that are 
 contained in it. He begins another thus; My Lords 
 and Brethren, (meaning the Bifhops then prefent) 
 and the Lord of all by them, have commanded me to 
 difcourfe upon this Pfalm, that you may under fiani 
 it [a] fo far as the Lord fhall grant us Underftand- 
 ing. And may he by your Prayers afpft me, that I 
 may fpeak fuch Things as I ought to fpeak, and fuch 
 as ye ought to hear : that the Word of God may be 
 profitable to us all. In this Senfe we are to under- 
 ftand St. Chryfojlom, when he fays, we muft firfl 
 
 [0] Aug. Serm. 46. de Tempore, t. 10. p. 240. Si Sermo 
 deed, pete 8c accipies. Non enim vos eftis qui loquimini: Sed 
 quod datur vobis, hoc miniftratis nobis. It. de Doftrina Chrifti. 
 lib. 4. cap. if. he has more to the fame Pttrpofe. [p~\ Aug. 
 
 Ep. 19. ad Hieron. See before in this Chap. n. 1. [q] Aug. 
 
 Horn. 46. de Tempore, His coat&atus anguftiis, quo me confe- 
 ram.nili ad fantta Veftigia Charivaris? Eamque deprecor, ut donet 
 mihi aliquid dignum de fe dicere, quo 8c meum Minifterium, 8c 
 Veftrum fatiem Defiderium. Vid. Horn. <f t. de Diverfis. 
 [r] De Doftrin. Chrift. lib. 4. cap. 1 j% Nofter Eloquens, orando 
 pro fe, ac pro illis quos eft allocuturus, fit Orator antequam Di&or. 
 (al. Do&or,,) Ipfe hora jam ut dicat accedens, priufquam exarat 
 proferentem Linguara, ad Deum jevet animam iuientem, uterudtet 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 quod biberit, vel quod impleverit fundat, &c. [s] Ibid. Ad ho- 
 ram vero ipfius Di&ionis illud potius bona; menti cogitet convc- 
 nire quod Dominus ait: Nolite cogitare quomodo aut quid loqua- 
 mini: dabitur enim vobis in ilia hora quid loquamini: Non enim 
 vos eftis qui loquimini, fed Spiritus Patris veftri qui loquitur in vo- 
 bis. Si ergo loquitur in eis Spiritus Sandlus qui perfequentibus tra- 
 duntur pro Chrifto, cur non & in eis qui cradunt difcentibus Chri- 
 ftum ? [/] Aug. in Pfal. 9 1. p. 41 7. Attendite ad Pfalmum : 
 Det nobis Dominus aperire myfteria quse hie continentur. [»] In 
 Pfal. 139. Juflerunt Domini fratres, 8c in fpfis Dominus omnium, 
 ut ipfum Pfalmum afferam ad vos intelligendum, quantum Domi- 
 nus donat. A^juvet orationibus veftris, ut ea dicam quse oportet me 
 dicere 8c vos audjrs: uti omnibus nobis fit utilis fermo divinus. 
 
 U u u u u [£] pray 
 
702 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 [a] pray, and then preach : So Sr. Paul does, 
 praying in the Prefaces of his Epiftles, that the 
 Light of Prayer, as the Light of a Candle, may 
 lead the way to his Difcourfes. Such is that 
 Prayer, which St. Ambrofe [jy] is faid to life be- 
 fore his Sermons: I befeech thee, O Lord, and earn- 
 eftly intreat thee, give me an humble Knowledge, 
 which may edify ; give me a meek and prudent Elo- 
 quence, which knows not how to be puffed up, or 
 vaunt it felf upon its own Worth and Endowments 
 above its Brethren. Put into my Mouth, I befeech 
 thee, the Word of Confutation, and Edification, and 
 Exhortation, that I may be able to exhort thofe that 
 are Good to go on to greater Perfection, and reduce 
 thofe that walk pcrverfely to the Rule of thy Righte- 
 oufnefs, bsth by my Word and by my Example. Let 
 the Words, which thou givefl to thy Servant, be as 
 the Jharpefl Darts and burning Arrows, which may 
 penetrate and inflame the Minds of my Hearers to 
 thy Fear and Love. But this feems rather to have 
 been a private Prayer of St. Ambrofe between 
 God and himfclf, as Bifhop Wettenhatt [z] and 
 Mr. Thorndike under ftand it: Who are yet 
 mistaken in one Thing, when they fuppofe that 
 the Common Prayers of the Church came before 
 the Sermon, and that there were no other Pray- 
 ers before Sermon but thofe: For nothing is 
 more certain, than that the Common Prayers did 
 not begin till the Sermon was ended 5 and yet 
 there were fuch fhort Prayers for Grace and Af- 
 fiftance, as we are fpeaking of, peculiarly adapt- 
 ed to the Bufinefs of Preaching and Hearing, 
 and not refpedling any other Subject. And fome- 
 times the Peoples Prayers were required to be 
 joyned with them, as appears from that of St. 
 Auflin [a] in one of his Homilies upon the Pfalms, 
 where he defires the People to aflat him with 
 their Prayers to the Lord, that he would grant 
 him Ability to explain the latent Myfteries and 
 Difficulties of the Pfalms, as well for their Sakes 
 as his own. In Or i gens Homilies upon Genefts, 
 Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Kings, Jeremy, Eze- 
 kiel and St. Luke, there are abundance of fuch 
 fhort Prayers, not only in the beginning of his 
 Difcourfes, but fomecimes alfo in the middle of 
 them, when any more abftrufe PaflTage of Scrip- 
 ture prelented it felf to Confidciution ; and general- 
 ly in the Clofe, he makes another fuch fhort Pray- 
 er in a few Words fuitable to the Subjecl ; fome- 
 times praying for himfelf and ihe People, and 
 fometimes exhorting them to pray for themfelves 
 and him. All which being produced at large in 
 a noted Book of Mr. Daille's [b~\, I fliall not 
 think it needful to tranferibe them in this Place. 
 But I cannot omit to obferve, that as St. Auflin 
 
 often began his Sermon with a fliort Prayer, fo 
 he ufually ended it with another of the like Na- 
 ture: The Forms of which are fome of them 
 now to be found at the end of feveral of his Ho- 
 milies. In fome of them [c] we have this Form 
 at length, Let us now turn to the Lord God, our 
 Father Almighty, with a pure Heart, and give him 
 'Thanks with all our Might, befeeching his fingular 
 Clemency , with our whole Soul, that of his good 
 Plea fur e he would vouch fafe to hear our Prayers-, 
 that he would drive away the Enemy from all our 
 "Thoughts and Atlions by his Power; that he would 
 tncreafe our Faith, govern our Minds, grant us fpi- 
 ritual Thoughts, and conduct us to everlafiing Hap- 
 pinefs, through Jefus Chrifl his Son, our Lord, who 
 liveth and reigneth with him in the Unity of the 
 Holy Ghojl, one God, World without End. Amen. 
 And in many other Homilies this Prayer is refer- 
 red to as a known Form [d~\ ufed frequently by 
 him in the Clofe of his Sermons. Converfi ad 
 Dominum, Sec. But he fometimes varied and 
 fliortned this Form, as the Matter of his Sermon 
 required. Thus in his long Sermon upon the 
 Refurre&ion [e], having faid that the Saints in 
 the next World will keep a perpetual Sabbath, 
 and have nothing to do but to fing Allelujah ; 
 and applying the Words of the Pfalmijl to this 
 Purpofe, Bleffed are they that dwell in thy Houfe, 
 for they will be always praifing Thee j he concludes 
 his Sermon with this Prayer: Let us turn to the 
 Lord, and befeech him for our felves, and all the 
 People that ft and with us in the Courts of his Houfe : 
 Which Houfe may he vouchfafe to preferve and pro- 
 tect, through Jefus Chrifl his Son, our Lord, who 
 liveth and reigneth with him, World without End. 
 Amen. In another of his Homilies (a Fragment 
 of which is cited by Sirmond [/] as it is prefer- 
 ved in Eugippius's Collections out of St. Auftin's 
 Works) he has another Form in thefe Words: 
 Let us turn to the Lord, and blefs his Name, that 
 we may have Grace to perfevere in his Command- 
 ments, to walk in the Way of his Lift ructions, and 
 pleafe him in every good Work, &c. From all 
 which it is manifelt, they ufed fuch fliort Pray- 
 ers both in the Beginning and Conclufion of their 
 Sermons, and fometimes, as Occafion required, in 
 the Middle of them alfo, and that thefe were di- 
 ftin£fc from the Common Prayers of the Church. 
 
 Before they began to preach, SECT. Xiv. 
 
 it was ufual alio in many Places, Tj e Salutation, 
 
 to ufe the common Salutation, Pax vobis > The 
 
 Pax vobis, Peace be unto you, or, ™" ih - y0 ' u 
 
 The Lord be with you, which was f on Sermon^ ^' 
 the ufual Preface and Introducli- 
 
 \x~\ Cbryf. Horn. 18. de Incomprehenlibili Dei Natura, t. 1. 
 p. 363. jrfbTTt&v cvy yi k, ran Koy&i 6cc. [y] Ambrof. 
 Orat. ap. ferrarium de Concionib. Veter. lib. 1. cap. 8. Obiecro 
 Domine, ge fupplicicer rogo, da mihi Temper humilem Scientiam, 
 qua: aedificef, ad mitiflimam lapientem Eloquentiam, qua: nefciat 
 inflari, tc de fuis bonis fuper Fratres extolli, &c. [fc] Wettenhal, 
 Gift of Prayer, Chip. 4. p. 116. [f] Thcrnd-ke's J'tfl mights 
 and Meafures, Chap. 16. [a] Aug. in Pfal. 147. p. 699. AfTit 
 ergo nobis apud Dominum Deum noftrum ifte atteftu: I'recum ve- 
 ftrarum : Etfi non propter nos, certe propter vos donare dignetur, 
 quod hid abfeonditum latet. Vid. Homil. jo. de Diverlis. Orate ut 
 
 poflimus, Sec. [£] Dallas de Obje&o Cultus R.elig. lib. 3. cap. 13. 
 [c] Aug. Scrm. 30. de Verb. Dom. t. 10. Et Serm. 102.de Diver- 
 fis, 81 120. Et Serm. 18. ex editis a Sirmondo. [d] Aug. de 
 Verb. Dom. 1, f, 7, 8, 1©, 14, 31, 32, 37, 40, 8c pafiim Homiliis 
 de Diver lis. [e] De Diverf. Ser. 1 2 1 . [f] Fragment. 
 
 Homii. ex Eugippii Thefauro. lib. 2. cap. 288. ap. Sirmoad. Nor. in 
 Aug. Homil. 18. a ft edit. Audiltis me. credo, rratres mei, quar.do 
 dico, Converfi ad Dominum benedicamus nomen ejus, de nobis 
 perftverare in mandatis fuis, ambulare in via Erucitionis iux, pia- 
 cere illi in omni opere bono, Sec. ne vos line caula Amen iublcri- 
 batis. 
 
 6 on 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 703 
 
 on to all holy Offices, to which the People an- 
 iwered, And with thy Spirit. This the Author 
 of the Conflitutions calls vr^ja-pwtv, the Salutation, 
 giving this Rule to the BTfhop newly ordained : 
 After the reading of the Law, and the Prophets, 
 and the Epiftles, and the Atts, and the Go/pels, 
 let him Qf] Valine the Church, faying, The Grace 
 of our Lord J c fits Chrift, and the Love of God the 
 Father, and the Fellowjloip of the Holy Ghoft, be 
 with you all: And let all the People anfwer, And 
 with thy Spirit: And after this Salutation, jxtrd 
 t 1 7T£c)'a-pwnv, let him fpeak to the People the 
 Words of Exhortation. And that this Au- 
 thor did not impofe any new Cuflom upon the 
 Church, appears from Chryfoftom, who in feveral 
 of his Homilies makes mention of it. In his third 
 Homily upon the Goloffians, he fays, The Bifhop 
 when he firft entred the Church, laid, Peace be 
 unto you all; and when he began \_h~] to preach, 
 Peace be unto you all. And a little before he fays, 
 the Bifhops ufed it cWa/V x^ppnVf m, by which he 
 means their Sermons, or at leait, the Form of Sa- 
 lutation it felf uihering in the Sermon, as we have 
 feen the Author of the Conflitutions underflands 
 it. Ghryfoflom [i] adds, that the People return- 
 ed the Salutation of Peace to him that gave it, 
 laying, And with thy Spirit. In another place he 
 fays, nothing is comparable to Peace and Unity : 
 And for this Reafon the Father, the Bifhop, 
 when he enters the Church, before he goes up 
 to his Throne, prays for Peace to all 5 and when 
 he rifes up to preach, he does not begin to Dif- 
 courfe before he has given the Peace to all. 
 In other places he opens the Reafon of this Pra- 
 ctice by declaring the original Intent and Defign 
 of it. For, he fays, it was an antient Cuflom 
 in the Apoftles Days, when the Rulers of the 
 Church had the Gift of Infpiration, and fpake 
 as they were moved by the Holy Ghoft, for the 
 People to fay to the Preacher, Peace be with thy 
 Spirit : Therefore now when we begin to preach 
 [/], the People anfwer, And with thy Spirit: 
 Shewing, that heretofore they fpake not by their 
 own Wifdom, but as they were moved by the 
 Spirit. And though this Gift of extraordinary 
 Infpiration was ceafed, yet all Preachers flill were 
 prefumcd to be under the Conduct, and Affiftance 
 of the Spirit in a lower Degree: And therefore 
 he fays [ni] in another Place, that the Holy 
 Ghoft was in their common Father and Teacher, 
 meaning the B.fhop, when he went up into the 
 Epifcopai hrone, and gave the Peace to them 
 all, and they with one Voice anfwered, And with 
 thy Spirit. And this, not only when he went 
 into his Throne, but alfo when he preached to 
 them, when 1 prayed, and when he flood by 
 the Holy Tabic to offer the Oblation. And by 
 this we may underftand what Sozomen [n~] and o- 
 
 thcrs fay of Chryfoflom after his Return from Ba- 
 nifhment, that the People forced him againft his 
 Will, before he was Synodically re-inltated, to 
 go up into the Throne, and give them the Peace 
 in the ufual Form, and preach to them. Opt a- 
 tus fpeaks of the fame Cuflom in Africk both in 
 the Beginning and End of their Sermons. For 
 he fays [0], they ufed a double Salutation: The 
 Bifhop never began to fpeak to the People, be- 
 fore he had firft faluted them in the Name of 
 God. Every Sermon in the Church began in the 
 Name of God, and ended in the Name of the fame 
 God. And by this he proves, that Macarius, the 
 Emperor's Officer, did not take upon him the 
 Office of a Bifhop among the Catholicks, as the 
 Donatiflsh\fc\y objected againft them. For tho'he 
 fpake to the People in the Church, yet it was upon 
 fome other Bufinefs, and not by way of Preach- 
 ing, which was the Office of Bifhops, which 
 they always began and ended with this Salutati- 
 on : But Macarius ufed no fuch Salutation : And 
 from thence he argues that he did not preach. 
 Bona cites alfo Athana/ius's Epiftle to Eufta- 
 thius, where he inveighs againft the Arian Bi- 
 fhops, who in the beginning of their Sermons 
 ufed that kind Word, Peace be with you^ and yen 
 were always haraffing others, and tragically in- 
 gaged in War. But as there is no Epiftle under 
 that Title among Athanaflus's Works, I let it 
 reft upon the Credit of our Author. 
 
 But I cannot but obferve, sect, xv: 
 That among all the fhort Pray- But the ufe of 
 ers ufed by the Ancients before Ave Maries before 
 their Sermons, there is never a- Sermons, unknowns 
 ny mention of an Ave Mary, now ,be Ancienti - 
 fo common in the Practice of the RomiJJj Church. 
 Their Addreffes were all to God} and the In- 
 vocation of the holy Virgin for Grace and Af- 
 fiftance before Sermons, was a Thing not 
 thought of. They who are moft concerned to 
 prove its Ufe, can derive its Original no higher 
 than the Bcgmnmg of the fifteenth Century 
 For Ferrarius [fj ingenuoufly confeffes, that 
 Vmcentius Ferrenus was the firft Ecclefiaftical 
 Writer that ever ufed it before his Sermons 
 Baronius has not a Syllable of its Antiquity in 
 all his Twelve Centuries j there being a perfect: 
 Silence both among the Ancients and all the 
 Ritualilts about it, till that Dominican Preacher 
 in his abundant Zeal for the Worfhip of the ho- 
 ly Virgin, began to ufe it before his Sermons - 
 from whofe Example (for he was a celebrated 
 Preacher in the Age he lived) it gained fuch 
 Reputation and Authority, as not only to be 
 prefixed before all their Sermons, but to be 
 adapted and joyned with the Lord's Prayer 
 in the Roman Breviary. Ferrarius fays all h e 
 
 ' [£\ Conftit. lib. 8. cap. f . Aana.ca.Sico o yetgflovn^At Ttiv 
 ly,)ihw'id.v, hiyvv, i) yAtti t« x.veix. Sec. \h'\ Chryf 
 
 Horn. 3. in Colof. p. 1338. '6ra.v outht!, K'^ya «j>'ij<h kagiv, 
 8cc. [»] Ibid. p. 1339. cLfl'^'ovli 1 ; t$ J'tJ^'ovji triv efynvny, 
 8cc. [ft] Horn. p. in eos qui Pafcha jejunant, t. 5-. p. 713. 
 dvaScLs « 6t«£jc c£f Xr TCU f/^sif J^tS'cf.ay.a.Kicti; , %af 
 
 av 1<7so.giv vfj.lv eifnvnv 4 t<$£i'£ht oj. [/] Chryf. Horn. 36. 
 
 in 1 Cor. p. 6;z 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [m] Horn. 36. de Pentecoft. t. $•. p. 5-5-3. 
 
 [n] Sozom.l.b. 8. cap. 18. [<,] Optar. lib. 3. ad calcem. lib 7 
 p. 112 Epifcopalis Tradtatus probatur Saiutatione geminaca. Noti 
 enim aliquid incipit Epifcopus ad populum dicere, nifi prime, in 
 nomine Dei populum falutaverit. Similes fbnt Exirus Initiis 
 Omnis Tradtatus in Ecclefia a nomine Dei incipitur, & eiufdem 
 Dei nomine rerminatur, 8cc It. iib. 3. p. 73. Salutas de Pace 
 qui non amas. [p] Bona. Rerum Liturgic. lib. 2 . cap r n , ' 
 [q] Ferrar. de Ritu Concion. lib. 1. cap. u. p. 30. 
 
 U u u u u z cail 
 
70+ 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the Book XIV. 
 
 can to juftify a Novelty i but nothing can clear 
 this Hyperdulia of Idolatry ; and he might have 
 fpared his Cenfure of Erafmus, who fays a wit- 
 ty Thing upon it, That their Preachers were 
 ufed to invoke the Virgin Mother in the Be- 
 ginning of their Difcourfes, as the Heathen Poets 
 were ufed to do their Mufes: For Epiphanius 
 would have faid much feverer Things againft it, 
 had he had the like Occafion given him to in- 
 veigh againft this Idolatry, as he had to cenfure 
 that of the Collyridians : But then this Idolatry 
 was confined to the weaker Sex, and had not 
 yet made its way into the Pulpirs, or any part 
 of the Liturgy of the antient Church, when 
 Preachers were ufed to pray for Grace and Af- 
 fiftance only from Him, who is the proper 
 Donor of it. 
 
 SECT. xvi. I obferve farther, That as their 
 sometime; their Sermons were thus ufually pre- 
 faced with a fhort Prayer, fo 
 they were fometimes introduced 
 withafhort Form of Benedidfcion. 
 This feems to have, -been peculiar to Times of 
 Calamity and Diftrefs, or to happy Deliverances 
 out of them. There are Inftances of both 
 kinds in Chryfofiom's Sermons to the People of 
 Antioch, when they were under Apprehenfions of 
 being deftroyed by the Emperor's Difpleafure. 
 His fourth Sermon begins thus : Blefled be God, 
 who hath comforted your forrowful Souls, and 
 comforted your wavering Minds. His eleventh, 
 twelfths thirteenth, and twentieth Homilies begin 
 much after the fame manner. And his Homily 
 after his return from Banifhment [r] is thus pre- 
 faced: What {hall I fay? What mall Ifpeak? 
 Blefled be God. This was the Word which I 
 fpake when I went away} and this I repeat now 
 at my Return. And this he tells them, he did 
 after the Example of Job, who in Adverfity, 
 as well as Profperity, faid always, Blejfed be the 
 Name of the Lord. 
 
 Sermons were pre 
 faced with a Bene- 
 diftion. 
 
 SECT. xvii. It appears farther from thofe 
 Sometimes preach- Homilies [/], and feveral others 
 eel without any Text, both - him and other Writers, 
 *• they fometimes preached 
 without any Text} only treat- 
 ing of fuch Matters as they thought moft pro- 
 per for the Occafion. But moft commonly 
 they took their Text out of fome Paragraph of 
 the Pfalms or Leflbns, as they were read. And 
 fometimes they fo ordered the Matter, as to 
 preach upon the Pfalm, the Epiflle and Go/pel all 
 together, when they were either accidentally, 
 or by their own Appointment, upon the fame 
 Subject. Thus St. Auftin preached upon the 
 Subject of Praife and Thankfgiving out of the 
 
 Epiflle, the Pfalm, and the Gofpel [f] together, 
 becaufe they had all fomething relating to his 
 Subject. But they never fliewed fo little Refe- 
 rence for Scripture, as to chufe their Text out 
 of AriflotWs Ethicks, as Sixtinus Amama [u~] tells 
 us one of the Romifh Preachers did at Paris 
 in the hearing of Melantlhon. 
 
 SECT. XVIII. 
 
 Their Sermons al- 
 
 Neither did they enter- 
 tain their Auditory with light 
 and ludicrous Matters, or fabu- ways Im ? or ~ 
 
 , , . . r» . • tMt Subjects. 
 
 lous and romantick Stones, luch 
 as thofe with which Preaching fo much abound- 
 ed in the Age before the Reformations of which 
 Erafmus [x], and Faber [jf], and Hot linger [z] 
 and many other learned Men have made To great 
 and fo juft Complaints. There is one Inftance 
 given by Hottinger out of one of their authentick 
 Books of Homilies, which for its Angular Vanity, 
 and to fhew the Difference between the anti- 
 ent and the modern Way of Edifying a Popular 
 Auditory, I mall here tranferibe out of him, as 
 he relates it in hisHiftory. He fays, in a Book 
 of Sermons [a] compofed by the Theological Fa- 
 culty of Vienna, An. 1450, which was read in 
 their Monafteries and their Churches, this ri- 
 diculous Story is told, to recommend their Re- 
 liques to the People} That the 30 Pieces of 
 Gold (though the Scripture calls them Silver^ 
 which Judas had for betraying his Mafter, were 
 coined by Terah, Abraham's Father} who was a 
 famous Artificer under King Nimrod; that he 
 gave them to his Son Abraham ; that Abraham 
 therewith purchafed the Field of Ephron the 
 Hittite; from whence they came into the Hands 
 of the Ifhmaelites, who therewith bought Jofeph 
 when his Brethren fold him into Egypt; that 
 JofepWs Brethren paid them to Jofeph, when 
 they went to buy Corn in Egypt, zndfo they came 
 into the King of Egypt's Treafury} that hence 
 they were given to Mofes, when the King of 
 Egypt fent him with an Army to fubdue Ethio- 
 pia; that Mofes upon this Occafion gave them 
 as a Dowry to the Queen of Sheba ; and the Ethi- 
 opian Queen afterward made a Prefent of them 
 to King Solomon; who put them into the Treafury, 
 where they continued, till Nebuchadnezzar among 
 the Spoil feized them in the Devastation of Je- 
 rufalem; Nebuchadnezzar having an Arabian King 
 among his Auxiliaries, made a Prefent of them 
 unto him-, and of him fprang one of thofe 
 Eaflern Kings, who came to worfliip Chrift at 
 his Birth, and made a Prefent of them to the 
 Virgin Mary; and the Virgin, when fhe 
 presented her Son in the Temple, made 
 them an Offering for her Purification. 
 So this very Silver fwhich was Gold before) was 
 the Price which Judas had for betraying his 
 
 [r] Ch:yf. Homil. pott Reditura. T. 2. [s~] Chryf. Horn. 3, 
 4, j-, 6. ad Popul. Antioch. [r] Aug. de Verbis Apoft. Serm. 
 10. T. 10. p. i n. Has tres Leftiones, quantum pro tempore pof- 
 fumus, pertrattemus, dicentes pauca de iingulis, 8c quantum co- 
 nari poflumus, adjuvante Domino, tion in aliqua earum immoran- 
 tes, &c. [«] Sixtin. Amama, Orat. de Barbaric Cited by Mr. 
 Seller, Life of Juftin Martyr, p. 123. [*] Erafm. Moris Enco- 
 
 mium, p. 176, Sec. [y] Joannes Faber, Dcclamat. de Huma- 
 na: Vitse miferia. ap. Hottinger. Hift. Eccl. Sarcul. 16. Part. 4. p. * 
 1271. [z,] Hotting. 16. Sarcul. Par. 3. p. 265, &c. 
 
 [a] Id. Ssecul. vf. p. 62. St. Bernard's Cenfure of fuch Trifles is. 
 Inter Seculares nugse> nuga: funt : in ore Sacerdotis Blafphemix. 
 De Confider. lib. 2. cap. 13. 
 
 * Mafter. 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 705 
 
 Matter. And thefe filver Pieces are there faid to 
 bedifpcrfedoverallthe World, and kept as facred 
 Relicks, one of which in Gold as big as an En- 
 glijl) Noble is fhewed at Rome in the Entrance 
 of St. Peters Church. One would hardly be- 
 lieve, that fuch abfurd and ridiculous Fictions 
 ftiould have been authorized from the Pulpit a- 
 mong the Rules of Eternal Life, had not unde- 
 niable Proof been often made [//), that their 
 Breviaries and Legends, as well as Sermons, be- 
 fore the Reformation, were fluffed with fuch Fa- 
 bles > though I believe, this Story out-does any 
 in the Golden Legend, (of which Ludovicus Vives 
 \c~\ and Mclchior Canus [d~\ fo much complain) 
 and Jacobus de Voragine was but an Afs to thefe 
 Men for Invention. Now let us fee how the 
 antient way of Preaching differed from this. 
 Juftin Martyr makes it a plain, but a very edifying 
 Way of Instruction. For he fays, When the 
 Writings of the Apottles and Prophets were read, 
 the Bifhop made a Difcourfe to exhort and ex- 
 cite the People to imitate and tranferibe into 
 their Practice the good [e~\ Things they had 
 heard read out of them. Their Subjects, as Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen [/] defcribes the Choice of 
 them, were commonly fuch as thefe, Of the 
 World's Creation, and the Soul of Man j of Angels, 
 as well thofe that kept, as thofe that loft their 
 firft Integrity of Providence, and its wife Laws 
 and Constitutions * of the Formation of Man 
 and his Reftoration-j of the two Covenants, the 
 Types of the Old, and the Antitypes of the 
 New 5 of Chrift's firft and fecond Coming; of 
 his Incarnation and Paflion ; of the general Re- 
 lurrection and End of the World of the Day 
 of Judgment, and the Rewards of the Juft, and 
 the Puniftiment of the Wicked; and above all 
 of the Doctrine of the Trinity, which was the 
 principal Article of the Chriftian Faich. In 
 like manner Chryfoftom puts his Auditors [Vj in 
 mind of what Matters he had ufed to preach 
 to them, of the Nature of the Soul, of the Fa- 
 brick of the Body, of the State of Immortality, 
 of the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Torments 
 of Hell, of the Long-faffering of God, and the 
 Methods of Pardon, of the Powers of Repen- 
 tance, of Baptifm, and the Forgivenefs of Sins, 
 of the Creation of the Superior and Inferior 
 World, of the Nature of Men and Angels; of 
 the Subtilty of Satan, and his Methods and Po- 
 licies; of the different Opinions of the Chrifti- 
 an World ; of the true Faith, and the Gangrene 
 of Herefies, and other fuch Myfteries, which 
 it behoves a Chriftian to be acquainted with. 
 
 SECT. XIX. And as they were thus careful 
 And delivered in in the Choice of their Subjects, fo 
 aWaymo/1 *ffec~H ng they were no lefs careful to put 
 
 their well-chofen Matter into the avJ fusible to the 
 moil ufeful and pleafing Drefs ; C*jft*«>;« of their 
 that they might anfwer the true ? earer '' * ; f Per ~ 
 Ends of Chnftian Oratory, and ^IJftl 
 (as the wife Man words it) make mm. 
 their Apples of Gold appear the 
 more beautiful by being fee in Pictures of Sil- 
 ver. The Defign of Chriftian Oratory, as St. 
 Juftin \h~\ obferves, is either to instruct Men 
 in the Truth, or to refute their Errors, or to 
 perfwade them to the Practice of Holincfs and 
 Virtue, and difiuade them from the contrary 
 Vices. The firft of thele requires plain Nar- 
 ration: The fecond, Strength of Argument and 
 Ratiocination: And the third, the Art and Pow- 
 er of moving the Mind and Affections. And in 
 doing each of thefe, the Chriftian Orator, as he 
 never fpeaks any thing but what is holy, juft, 
 and good, fo he endeavours to fpeak thele in 
 fuch a Manner, as that he may be heard with 
 Understanding, with Plealure, and with Obe- 
 dience [/'l, as the chief Thing of all. That he 
 may be heard with Underftanding, he fpeaks 
 every thing with a natural Plainneis and Per- 
 fpicuity, and alfo a Regard to Mens Capacities 
 and Apprehenfions. He reckons thegreateft O- 
 ratory of no Ufe, if it cannot be underftood: 
 For what fignifies a golden Key [£], if it can- 
 not open what we intend ? A wooden Key is 
 of more Ufe, if it will anfwer the true Defign 
 of a Key, which is only to open what is lock- 
 ed up and ftiut before. Therefore the Chri- 
 ftian Orator labours chiefly at Perfpicuky in his 
 Speech, never thinking he has done Juftice to 
 any Truth by his Eloquence, unlefs he has alfo 
 delivered it with a furficient Evidence to Men 
 of reafonable Capacities and Comprehenfions. 
 There are fomc things, which are unintelligible 
 in their own Nature, or not to be underftood 
 by the ordinary Sort of Men, though they 
 be fpoken with never fo much Plainneis of the 
 Orator: And therefore fuch things are feldom 
 or never, without great Necefficy, to be hand- 
 led in a popular [/] Audience. For the fame 
 Reafon, he that ftudies Perfpicuity and Evidence, 
 will fometimes neglect rhetorical Expressions' 
 and not regard how fonorous, but how fignifi- 
 cant his Words are, to intimate and declare his 
 Senfe to the Minds of his Hearers. For there is 
 a diligens Negligentia, an ufeful Negligence, proper 
 in this Cafe to Ecclefiaftical Teachers, who mult 
 fometimes condefcend to Improprieties of Speech, 
 when they cannot fpeak otherwife to the Appre- 
 henfions of the Vulgar. As he notes, that they 
 were ufed to fay OJfum inftead of Os, to di- 
 ftinguifh a Mouth from a Bone in Jfrick, to 
 comply with the Understandings O] of their 
 Hearers. For what Advantage is there in Pu- 
 
 [£] See Patrick'* Devotions of the Rom. Church. Lond. 1674. 8°. 
 [c] Lud. Vive; de Tradend. Difciplinis. lib. f. p. 560. [d Ca- 
 nus, Loci Theolog. lib. 11. cap. 6. p. jij. [ej Juftin. A- 
 pol. 1. p. 98. [/] Naz. Orat. 1. de Fuga. p. if. 
 
 [g] Chryf. Horn. 24. de Baptifmo Chrifti. t. £. p. 309. 
 
 [h] Aug.de Doftrina Chrift. lib. 4. cap. 4. [1] Ibid. cap. if. 
 Agit nofter Eloquens, cum St jufta, 8c fanfta 8c bona dicit (neque 
 
 enim alia debet dicere): Agit ergo quantum poteft, cum ifta digit' 
 ut Intelligenter, ut Libenter, ut Obedienter audiatur. [k] Ibid 
 cap. 1 1. Quid enim prodeft clavis aurea, ii aperire quod volumus 
 non poteft? Autquid obeft lignea, fi hoc poteft, quando nihil quar- 
 rimus.nifi paterequod claufum eft? [/] Aug, Ibid, lib.4. cap.o, 
 O] Ibid. cap. 10. Cur Pietatis DoCtorem pigeac imperitis Ioquen- 
 tem Oflum potius quam Os dicere, 8tc. 
 
 rity 
 
706 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XIV. 
 
 rit'y of Speech, when the Hearer underftands 
 it not, feeing there is no Occafion at all of 
 fpeaking, if they, for whofe fake we fpeak to 
 be underftood, apprehend not what we fay ? 
 And for this Reafon, I doubt not, there are fo 
 many Africanifms, or Idioms of the African 
 Tongue in St. Auftin, becaufe he thought it more 
 commendable fometimes to deviate a little from 
 the ftrict Grammatical Purity and Propriety of 
 the Latin Tongue, than not be underftood by 
 his Hearers. This was a laudable Condefceh- 
 fion in every refpect, and much valued by the 
 Ancients, who thought it the firft Office of a 
 Preacher, to fpeak always to the Capacity and 
 Underftanding of his Hearers. 'Tis this, which 
 Nazianzen (Vj fo highly commends in Athana- 
 Jius, That he tempered his Style according to 
 the Difference of his Auditory: He condefcend- 
 ed to fpeak to mean Capacities in a lower way, 
 whilft to the Acute, his Words and Notions 
 were more fublime. And there was but one 
 Cafe in which they affected to fpeak any thing 
 darkly and obfeurely, and that was when they 
 preached in a mixed Auditory, where the Ca- 
 techumens were prefent, from whom they pur- 
 pofely intended to conceal the profounder 
 Knowledge of fome of the Chriftian Myfteries 
 for a Time, and therefore they ufually fpake 
 of them in a covert Way, with an 'foetpiv oi 
 juurijusvof, the Initiated know what we mean, as 
 being well underftood by them, though they 
 fpake only by Hints and dark Terms upon the 
 account of the Catechumens: Of the Rea- 
 fons of which Difcipline and Practice, I 
 have fpoken largely ? heretofore [*], and 
 therefore need fay no more of it in this 
 Place. 
 
 The next Thing which St. Auftin commends 
 in his Chriftian Orator, is, That he labours to 
 be heard with Pleafure. Ut Intelligenter, ut Li- 
 benter. For though a plain Declaration of 
 Truth may fatisfy thofe, who regard nothing 
 but Truth yet the greater Part of Men love 
 Sweetnefs and Ornament of Speech : And there- 
 fore if it be unpleafunt, the Benefit of it will 
 reach but very few, who are defirous to hear 
 what they ought to learn, though it be in a 
 mean and uncomely [o] Drefs: But the Genera- 
 lity of Men are not pleafed with this: Some 
 Similitude between Eating and Speaking : And 
 therefore becaufe weak Stomachs cannot relifh 
 their moft neceffary Food, without which they 
 cannot live, their Food is to be feafoned to make 
 it pleafant for them. Upon this account he 
 commends the Saying of an antient Orator, who 
 faid truly, That an Orator \_p] ought fo to 
 
 fpeak, as not only to teach and inftruct, but al- 
 fo to delight and move. And fome Hearers are 
 to be induced to hear by the Pleafure of a Dif- 
 courfe, which arifes from the Sweetnefs, and 
 Beauties, and Ornaments of it. St. Chryfoftom 
 inculcates the fame Rule, in defcribing the Of- 
 fice of a Biihop, whofe Task, he fays, was fome- 
 thing the more difficult upon this Account [^], 
 becaufe Men had generally nice and delicate Pa- 
 lates, and were inclined to hear Sermons as they 
 heard Plays, rather for Pleafure than Profit: 
 Which added to the Preacher's Study and La- 
 bour j who, though he was to contemn both, 
 popular Applaufe and Cenfure, yet was he alfo 
 to have fuch a Regard to his Auditory, as that 
 they might hear him with Pleafure, to their Edi- 
 fication and Advantage. It was not required, 
 indeed, that every Preacher fhould fpeak with 
 the Smoothnefs of Ifocrates, or the Loftinefs of 
 Demofthenes, or the Majefty of Thucydides, or the 
 Sublimity of Plato, as the fame St. Chryfoftom 
 [f] words it. Lower Degrees of Eloquence, 
 fays St. Auftin, would pleafe a Chriftian Audito- 
 ry, provided he had a decent Regard to the 
 common Rules of Eloquence, to fay nothing 
 Obtuse, Deformiter, Frigide y nothing that was 
 blunt, nothing that was indecent or unbecoming, 
 nothing that was cold or languid j but every 
 thing Acute, Ornate, Vehementer, with Sharp- 
 nefs, and Handfomenefs, and Force: Which are 
 St. Auftin' s Rules in this very Cafe [s~\. Or if 
 Men could not attain to this Perfection of exo- 
 tick Eloquence, yet there was a manly and ma- 
 jeftick Eloquence, an Art of Speaking wifely, 
 which no one could fail of, that would dili- 
 gently ftudy the Holy Scriptures. For there 
 the Subject is not only great and divine, but 
 the Diction alfo eloquent and beautiful, as St. 
 Auftin fhevvs in feveral [/] In fiances out of the A- 
 poftles and Prophets j the Style not glittering 
 with Sallies, and Flames of Juvenile Wit (which 
 would not become a manly Eloquence) but al- 
 together agreeable to the Dignity and Authority 
 of the Perfons who were the infpircd Authors 
 of it; who fpake with an Eloquence becoming 
 both themfelves and their Subje&S; fuch as is no 
 ways inferior to the Eloquence many times of the 
 greateft Mafters and Pretenders to it, and for its 
 Wifdom (which is the moft true divine Eloquence ) 
 far exceeds them. They therefore who were 
 well verfed both in the Phrafe and Senfe of the 
 Scriptures, and knew how to make a proper 
 Ufe and Application of them, could never want 
 true Eloquence to recommend their Difcourfes 
 with Pleafure to their Hearers. And indeed 
 the very Cuftom of applauding the Preachers 
 
 [»] Naz. Orat. zi. de Laud. Athan. p. 396. [*] Book x. 
 
 Chap. v. [0] Aug. de Do£trin. Chrift. lib. 4. cap. 11. Si fiat 
 
 infuaviter, ad paucos quidem Studioliflimos fuus pervenit fructus, 
 qui ea qua: difc-enda funt, quamvis abjefle incultequc dicantur, fci- 
 
 re deliderant Sed quoniam inter fe habent nonnuilam limilitudi- 
 
 nem Vefcentes atque Dicentes, propter faftidia plurimorum etiam 
 ipfa fine quibus vivi non poteft, aliroenta condienda funt. 
 [ f] Aug. ^id. cap. 1 1. Dixit ergo quidam Eloquens, 8c verum dix- 
 it, ita dicere debere Eloquentem, ut doceat, ut delectet, ut flcclat.— 
 
 Ut teneatur ad audiendum, delectandus eft Auditor: Et delec"ratur- 
 fi fuaviter loquaris. [<j] Chryf. de Sacerdotio. Jib. f. cap. 1. ' 
 0] Chryf. ibid. lib. 4. cap. 6. j>] Aug. de DoS. Chrift. 
 
 lib. 4. cap. f . Cum alii faciant Obtuft, Deformiter, Frigide; alii 
 Acute, Ornate, Vehementer; ilium ad hoc opus )zm oportet acce- 
 dere, qui poteft difputare vel dicere Sapienter, etiamfi non 
 
 poteft Eloquenter. Sapienter autem dicit homo tanto magis 
 
 vel minus, quanto in Scripturis l^nctis magis minufve profecit. 
 [/] Ibid. C3p, 6. & 7. 
 
 publickly 
 
Chap. IV, 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 707 
 
 publickly in the Church (of which more by and 
 by) is a certain Evidence that they were com- 
 monly heard with Pleafure. 
 
 The latt Thing which St. Auflin commends 
 in the Chriftian Orator, is, That he endeavours 
 to be heard Obedienter ; that is, fpeaks to the 
 Conviction and Pcrfuafion of his Hearers; Con- 
 vincing their Judgments by found and folid Rea- 
 fonings; and raifing the Affections, and drawing 
 them into Compliance, by fuch Motives, and 
 Methods, and Addreffes, as are proper to work 
 upon the feveral Paffions of human Nature, and 
 bend and fubdue the Will, and lead it Captive 
 into the Obedience of Faith. When the facred 
 Orator has done this, he is at his utmoft Height : 
 Then he leads his Hearers, as it were willingly 
 in Triumph, having gained a compleat and plea- 
 fing Victory over them. For, as St. Auflin a- 
 gain obierves, till Men are wrought into Com- 
 pliance and Obedience by the Orator, they are 
 not properly conquered by him. For they may 
 be taught [«] and plcafed, and yet yield no 
 Compliance or practical Affent ; without which, 
 the two former are of no Advantage: But when 
 his Oratory has gained their Wills, it has then 
 fubdued all Opposition, and gotten a compleat 
 Victory. Now this is done, as St. Auflin there 
 goes on to intimate, when the Orator can bring 
 Men to love what he promifes, to fear what he 
 threatens, to hate what he rebukes, to embrace 
 what he commends, to forrow for what he ag- 
 gravates as forrowful, to rejoice at what he am- 
 plifies as Matter of Rejoicing, to commiferate 
 thofe whom he reprefents before their Eyes as 
 Objects of Companion, to avoid and fly from 
 thofe whom he brands and ftigmatizes as dangerous 
 Perfons, and gives them terrible Apprehenfions 
 of, as Men with whom it is not fafe to converfe: 
 And whatever elfe may be done by Force of 
 grand Eloquence, to move the Minds of the 
 Hearers, not to know what they are to do, but 
 to do what they already know to be their 
 Duty to do. This he calls by the Name of 
 Grandis Eloquent ia, & gravis [x], grand and grave 
 Eloquence, and oppofes it to what he calls 
 fpumeus Verborum ambitus, that light and frothy 
 fort of Eloquence, which confifts only in a jing- 
 ling Multiplicity of Words, which does not be- 
 come any Subject, much lefs the Gravity of a 
 Chriftian Difcourfe upon the weightieft and moll 
 ferious of all Subjects, where nothing is faid 
 but what is great, as having no regard to the 
 Affairs of this temporal Life, but to the Things 
 of eternal Happinefs and eternal Mifery. For if 
 a Chriftian Orator fpeaks of temporal Things, 
 though they be fmall in themfelves, yet they 
 are great in his way of handling them; be- 
 caufe he treats of them with Refpect to Juftice, 
 and Charity, and Piety in the ufe of them, 
 
 which are great Things in the fmalleft Matters. 
 As when the Apoftle fpeaks of going to Law 
 for pecuniary Matters, i Cor. vi. i, &c. he ufes 
 all the Force of grand Eloquence, raifing his 
 Indignation, Correcting, Upbraiding, Rebuking, 
 Threatning, and mewing the Concern of his 
 Soul by fharpning his Style into the utmoft 
 Keenefs and Quicknefs of Expreflion ; not be- 
 caufe fecular Affairs deferved all this, but for 
 the fake of Juftice, Charity and Piety, that 
 were fo deeply concerned in them. Thus he 
 obferves again [ y], That a Cup of cold Water 
 is but a fmall Thing in it felf, but it was great 
 in our Lord's Mouth, when he laid, He that 
 gives it to a Difciple, mail not lol'e his Re- 
 watd. He adds, That he him felf once fpake 
 fo movingly and affection itely, by the Help of 
 God, upon that Subject to the People, that out 
 of that cold Water there arofe a Flame, which 
 warmed the cold Hearts of Men, and inflamed 
 them to do Works of Mercy in Hopes of an 
 heavenly Reward. But he obierves farther, 
 That although a Preacher upon this account 
 ought never to fpeak but of great Things, yet 
 he is not always obliged to do this Granditer, 
 in the way of vehement and grand Eloquence, 
 or the elated and lofty Style; but when he 
 fpeaks only to inform the Judgment jTzJ, the 
 fubmifs or low Style is to be ufed, as more 
 proper for doctrinal Inftruction ; and the tem- 
 perate or middle Style, when he fpeaks to praife 
 ordifpraife: But when any thing is to be done, and 
 they to whom he fpeaks are unwilling to do it,when 
 they ought to do it, then thofe Things which are 
 Great in themfelves, are to be fpoken Granditer, in a 
 grand and vehement Style, or in fuch a way as 
 is proper to incline and bend the Wills of the 
 Hearers. And fometimes every one of thefe three 
 Ways is ufed about the fame Subject; The fub- 
 mifs Style, when any Doctrine is delivered about 
 it; The temperate Style, when any Commenda- 
 tion is to be given to it ; and the grand Style, 
 when the Mind that is averfe from its Duty is 
 to be converted and forcibly induced to practifc 
 it. Thus; if a Man is difcourfing concerning 
 God: To fhew the Unity of the Trinity, he 
 ought only to reafon in the fubmiis and plain 
 Way, that what is difficult to be conceived, 
 may be underftood, as far as Men are capable of 
 understanding it. Here is no Ornament required, 
 but only plain Documents and Inftruction. But 
 when God is to be praifed, either in himielf 
 or his Works, then there is a fair Occafion for 
 beautiful and fplendid Oratory, to extol him 
 whom no Man can fufHciently praife. And a- 
 gain, if his Worftiip be neglected, or other 
 Things be taken in to rival him in his Wor- 
 fhip, whether they be Idols, or Devils, or any 
 other Creature, than the Evil of the Practce is 
 
 [«] Aug. de Do£V. Chrift. lib. 4. cap. 1 2. Ideo autem Victoria; 
 eft fle&ere, quia fieri poteft ut doceatur, 8c deleftetur, 8c non af- 
 fentiatur. Quid autem ilia duo proderint, li defit hoc tertium? 
 [*] Ibid. cap. 1 j, 8c 1 4. [y] Aug. ibid. cap. 1 8. [>] Aug. 
 de Do&. Chrift. lib. 4. cap. 1 9. Ec tamen cum Doctor ifte debeat 
 rerum Di&or effe magnarum, non Temper eas debet Granditer di- 
 
 cere; fed Submifse, cum aliqu ; d docetur; Temperate, cum aliquid 
 vituperatur live 'audatur. Cum vero aliquid agendum eft, 8r ad eos 
 loquitur, qui hoc agere debenr, nee tamen volunt, tunc ea qux 
 
 Magna funt, dicenda ibat Granditer, & ad fle&enJos animos con- 
 
 gruenter, 
 
 to 
 
708 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 to be aggravated with all the Grandeur and Ve- 
 hemence of Oratory, to dilTuade and turn Men 
 from it. And he gives us feveral Inftances of 
 of all the three Kinds, both out of Scripture and 
 the antient Writers, Cyprian and Jmbrofe> af- 
 furing us, in the End, That what he had faid 
 or thole two, might be found in the Writings and 
 Difcourfes of other Ecclefiaftical Men [a\ who 
 treated always of weighty Subjects in a proper 
 Manner, that is, as the Matter required, with 
 Perfpicuity and Acutenefs, with Ornament and 
 Beauty, with Ardency and Grandeur in their 
 Applications. So that if we will take St. Au- 
 Jan's Character of the antient Preachers, it was 
 in moit this > That their Difcourfes were al- 
 ways upon weighty and heavenly Matters, and 
 their Style anfwcrable to the Subject, that is, 
 Plain, Elegant, Majeftick and Nervous j fitly a- 
 dapted to Inftruct, to Delight and Charm, and 
 to Convince and Perfuade their Hearers. And 
 if their Method was different from ours, or not 
 fo exact, and vifible to the Hearers j that muft 
 be imputed to Cuftom and the Times they lived 
 in : For every Age has its Peculiarities and pro- 
 per Tafte of Things : And though I believe the 
 modern Way of methodizing Sermons to be 
 mod ufeful to the Hearers: yet if the Queftion 
 were to be determined by the Rules and Practice 
 of the moft famous Orators, Whether an open 
 or a concealed Method were fitteft to be chofen, 
 the Judgment and Decifion would fall upon the 
 Side of the Ancients. However, if they failed 
 in this, they made it up in other Excellencies, 
 by their Perfpicuity and Clearnefs, their Elegan- 
 cy and Finenefs, their Sublimity of Thought 
 and Expreflion, and above all, by the flaming 
 Piety of their Lives, correfponding to their Do- 
 ctrine, and giving the greateft Force and Energy 
 to all their Difcourfes. For, as St. Auftin truly 
 obferves in the laft Place [£], The 
 Life of the Preacher has more Weight in it, 
 than the greateft Grandeur and Force of Elo- 
 quence, to induce his Hearers to Obedience: 
 For he that preaches wifely and eloquently, 
 but lives wickedly, may edify fome, who are 
 defirous to learn and obferve the Commands of 
 Chrift ; as many will learn from the Scribes and 
 the Pharifees, who fit in Mofes\ Chair, and 
 fay, and do not > but he that lives as he fpeaks, 
 will advantage Abundance more. For Men are 
 very apt to ask this Queftion, Quod mihi praeci- 
 pis t cur ipfe non facis? Why doll not thou do 
 that which thou commanded: me to do? And 
 fo it comes to pafs, that they will not obedient- 
 ly hear him, who does not hear himfelf, but 
 contemn both the Word of God and the Preach- 
 er together. But he whofe Life is un- 
 blameable, his very Example is grand Oratory, 
 and his Form of Living, an eloquent Dilcourfe. 
 
 Copia dicendi) Forma vivendi [r.] And by thefe 
 Methods, what by their Oratory, what by their 
 Example, the Ancients gained fo much upon 
 their Hearers, as often to receive their ptiblick 
 Acclamations, and hear their Groanings, and fee 
 their Tears, and what was moft delightful of 
 all, found the happy Effects of their Labour in 
 their holy Obedience, and fincere Converfioa. 
 But of thefe, more prefently, when we come 
 to the Hearers, having made two or three Re- 
 marks more concerning the Preachers. 
 
 And among thefe, I muft ob- sect. xx. 
 ferve one Thing negatively, That "Tom it was no part 
 it was no Part of the antient Ora- °f tbe mtimt ° m ~ 
 tory to raife the Affections of their t0 ™™ * he . 
 Hearers, either by Gefticulations, $2* L vl 
 or the Ule of external Shews and images of Things. 
 Reprefentations of Things in their 
 Sermons, as is now very common in the Romijh 
 Church, efpecially when they preach upon our 
 Saviour's Paflion, to produce a Crofs, and the 
 Image of Chrift bound to a Pillar, and whip it 
 to Death, and fhew the Nails, and tear a Veil, 
 and many other the like Things to create Sor- 
 row in their Hearers. Ferrarius \_d] owns, there 
 was no fuch Practice among the Ancients, and 
 confefTes, that except it be done very appofitely 
 and prudently, it is more apt to excite Laughter 
 than Sorrow. And which of the two it oftner 
 produces, is eafy to guefs, as well from the Na- 
 ture of the Thing, as the Complaints of wife 
 Men againft it. What Ferrarius produces out of 
 Chryfoftom [>], bidding the People take St. John 
 Baptifi^s Head into their Hands, and carry it home 
 With them, and hear it fpeak, is nothing to the 
 Purpofe : For this is only a Rhetorical Scheme, 
 made up of two ufual Figures among Orators, an 
 Hypotypofis and Profopopoeia, that is, a lively De- 
 fcription of a Thing, and an Introduction of a 
 Perfon fpeakingj which are Figures that have a 
 mighty Influence upon the Mind to raife in it a 
 juft Concern, but are no Precedents for fuch Pra- 
 ctices as rather incline Men to Ridicule and 
 Laughter, of which there is no Footftep in the 
 antient Oratory of the Church. 
 
 Next to the Matter and Style sect. XXI. 
 of their Sermons, the Queftion °f the Len i th °f 
 may be ask'd concerning the **■*"■"■«■ 
 Length of 'em. Ferrarius [/] and fome others 
 are very pofitive, that they were generally an 
 Hour long : But Ferrarius is at a Lofs to tell by 
 what Inftrument they meafured their Hour* for 
 he will not venture to affirm, that they preached, 
 as the old Greek and Roman Orators declaimed, 
 by an Hour-glafsj which yet he might have faid 
 with as much Truth, as that all their Sermons 
 were an Hour long, from no better Proof, than 
 
 [«] Aug. ibid. cap. 21. In his autem, quos duos cx omnibus 
 proponere volui, & in aliis Eccleliafticis Viris, & Bona 8c Bene 
 id eft ficut res poftulat, Acute, Ornate, Ardenterque dicentibus, 
 per multa eorum Scripta vel Dicta poilunt haec tria genera reperiri, 
 & aflidua Le&ione vel Auditionc, admixta etiam Exercitatione, 
 Studcntibus inolefcere. [b Aug. dc Do£t. Chrift. lib. 4,. cap. 
 
 27. Habet autem ut obedienter audiatur quantacunque gnnditate 
 di&ionis majus pondus Vita c'/centis, Sec. [«] Aug. ibid. cap. 
 29. [d] Ferrar. de Ritu Concion. iib. i.eap. 31. 
 
 [e] Chryf. Horn. 14. ad Pop. Antioch. p. 177. [/J Ferrar. 
 
 de Ritu Concion. lib. 1. cap. 33. 
 
 their 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 709 
 
 their mentioning fometimes the Hour of Preach- 
 ing, which fignifies no more than the Time in 
 general} as, the Hour of 'Temptation, and the Hour 
 cometh, and my Hour is not yet come, are often ufed 
 in Scripture. It is a more juft and pertinent Ob- 
 fervation of Bifliop WettenhaVs [£f, That their 
 Sermons were often very fliort : There are many 
 in St. Aufttn's tenth Tome, which a Man may 
 pronounce diftinclly and deliver decently in eight 
 Minutes, and fome almoft in half the Time: And 
 fuch are many of thofe of Leo, Chryfologus, Max- 
 imus, Cafarius Arelatenfts and other Latin Fathers. 
 Some of St. Juft la's are much longer, and fo are 
 the greater Part of Chryfoftom's, Nazianzen\, 
 Ny fen's and BaJtPs ; but fcarcc any of them 
 would laft an Hour, and many not half the Time: 
 And when it is confidered, that they had many 
 times two or three Sermons at once, as I have 
 fliewed it was very ufual in Chryfoftom's Church, 
 it would be abfurd to think, that each of them 
 was an Hour long, when the whole Service laft- 
 ed not above two Hours in the whole } as Chry- 
 foftom [hi] often declares in his Sermons, making 
 that an Argument to the People, why they ftiould 
 cheerfully attend Divine Service, fince of feven 
 Days in the Week God had only referved one to 
 Himfelf, and on that Day, exacted no more than 
 two Hours, like the Widow's two Mites, to be 
 fpent on His Service. 
 
 sect. XXII. It may be enquired farther, 
 whether every Man Whether all Preachers were ob- 
 TvasiMgeJ to preach ijg ec j to deliver their own Gom- 
 hisownco^pofitbn, pofltions or wcrc at Liberty to 
 
 er the Homilies and r r . r - c 
 
 s C rmons compofed the Compositions of others? 
 by ethers. To this, it has been already an- 
 
 fwered in fome meafure, That the 
 Homilies of famous Preachers, fuch as Chryfoftom, 
 and Ephrem Cyrus, were often read inftead of o- 
 ther Sermons from the Pulpit in many Churches. 
 And MabiUon fays [z], Thofe of Cafarius Arela- 
 tenfis were read in the French Churches ; where 
 alfo Deacons were authorized by the Council of 
 Vaifon \_k~\ in Cafes of Neceflity, when the 
 Preaching Presbyter was difabled, to read the Ho- 
 milies of the antient Fathers in Country Churches. 
 Neither was this only the Practice of Deacon*, 
 but Bifliops fometimes alfo did the fame. For 
 Gennadius [/] fays, Cyril of Alexandria compofed 
 many Homilies, which the Grecian Bifliops com- 
 mitted to Memory, in order to preach them. He 
 fays the fame of Salvian [nf\, the Eloquent Pref- 
 byter of Marfeilks, That he wrote many Homi- 
 lies for Bifliops, Homilias Epifcopis facias multas, 
 which Ferrarius [n] and Dr. Cave underftand, not 
 of Homilies made before Bifliops, but for their 
 
 Ufc : Whence he is alfo ftyled by Gennadius in 
 the fame Place, Epifcoporum Magijler, the Teacher 
 or Matter of Bifliops, becaufc they preached the 
 eloquent Homilies which he compofed. Ferra- 
 rius and Sirmondus [0] obferve the fame of fome 
 of the Dittiones Sacra, or Sermons of Ennodius, 
 which are faid to be written by him, and fpoken 
 by others : Honoratus Bifliop of Novaria is named 
 for one. St. Auflin more particularly confiders 
 this Queftion, and makes a Cafe of Confcience 
 of it. For having laid down all the Rules of 
 Chriltian Oratory for thofe who had Ability to 
 compofe, he at laft confefTes, there were fome, 
 who though they could fpeak well, were not 
 able to invent and compofe an handfome Difcourfe 
 of their own: And he does not feverely condemn 
 them, or with a magifterial Air debar them from 
 Preaching, but with a great deal of Tendernefs 
 fays favourably in their Cafe [/>], That if they 
 take that which was elegantly and wifely written 
 by others, and commit it to Memory, and preach 
 it to the People, if they are called to that Of- 
 fice, they are not to be blamed as doing an ill 
 Thing. For by this Means there are many 
 Preachers of Truth, which is very ufeful, and 
 not many Malters, whilft they all fpeak Things 
 of the one true Mafter, and there are no Schifms 
 among them. Neither ought fuch Men to be 
 deterred by the Words of the Prophet Jeremy 
 (xxiii. 30.) by whom God rebukes thofe who 
 Ileal his Words every one from his Neighbour. 
 For they which fteal, take away that which they 
 have no Right or Property in: Which cannot 
 be faid of thofe who obey the Word of God, 
 but rather belongs to thofe who fpeak well, and 
 live ill. From whence he concludes, it is ve- 
 ry lawful for a Man to preach the Compofi- 
 tion of other more eloquent Men, provided 
 he compofe his own Life anfwerable to God's 
 Word, and earneftly pray to God, that He 
 would make his Word in his Mouth edifying to 
 others. 
 
 I muft note alfo, That they sect, xxiii. 
 always concluded their Sermons, Their Sermons al- 
 as We nOW do, with a Doxology roays concluded with 
 
 to the Holy Trinity, as may be * Doxology to the 
 feen not only in the Sermons of rm "> 
 St. Auflin, Chryfoftom, Bafil, Leo, Fulgentius, and 
 others who lived after Arius broach'd his Herefy 
 againft the Divintty of our Saviour j but alfo in 
 thofe of Origen, and others who lived before, fuch 
 as Dionyfius of Alexandria, and the reft that are 
 mentioned by St. Bafil, who had feen their Ho- 
 milies, out of which he wrote a Vindication 
 of that antient Form againft fome, .who pretended 
 
 [g] Wettenhal'* Gift of Preaching, chap.i. pM6. [h] Chryf. 
 Hom.48.de Infcript. Altaris. T.j\ p. 648. Horn. fo. de Util. Leftion. 
 Script, ibid. p. 676. Horn. 14. de Bapt. Chrifti. T. 1. p. 309. 
 [<] Mabil. de Liturg. Gallican. lib. 2. p. 99. O] Cone. Va- 
 
 fens.2. Can. a. [/] Gennad. de Scriptor. cap. ft. Homilias 
 
 etiam compofuit plurimas, quae ad declamandum Grxcia: Epifcopis 
 commendantur. [>] Gennad. ibid. cap. 67. [»] Ferrar. 
 
 de Ritu Condon, lib. a., cap. 7. Cave Hift.Literar. Vol.1, p. 346. Du 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Pin. Centur. f. p. 146. [0] Sirmond. Not. in Ennodium, 
 
 Diclio 2. miila Honorato in Dedicatione Bafilicae, 8cc. [p] Aug. 
 de Doftrin. Chrift. lib. 4. cap. 29. Sunt fane quidam, qui bene pro- 
 nunciare pofTunt, quid autcm proouncient, excogitare non poflTunt. 
 Quod fi ab aliis fumunt cloqnenter fapientcrque conferiptum, me- 
 morixque commendent, atque ad populum proferant, li earn Per- 
 fooam gerunt, non improbe faciunt, &Ci [g] Bafil. de 
 
 Spir. fan&o. cap. 29. 
 
 X X X x x to 
 
7IO 
 
 The Ant i quit ibs of the Book XIV< 
 
 to charge him with Innovation for ufing a Form, 
 which, he fays, the Ancients had always ufed be- 
 fore him. 
 
 sect. xxiv. There are fome other inci- 
 sermons delivered by dental Things taken notice of by 
 the Treacher fitting, Ferrarius^ which are either very 
 for the mofi part. minute in themfelves, or are more 
 proper to be fpoken of in other Places j fuch as 
 the Deacons caufing Silence to be made before 
 Sermonsj and the Preacher's Reading his Text 
 over again after the Readers} and his Appointing 
 Leflbns to be read agreeable to his Subject} and 
 giving Notice of them the Week before to the 
 People} as alfo the Reading of the Acls of the 
 Martyrs before Sermon upon their proper Fefti- 
 v.ilsj the giving Notice of Eafier and Lent on 
 the Day of Epiphany in their Sermons } the No- 
 tification of Vigils, and Fafts, and Festivals } and 
 Appointing Collections for the Poor} Preaching 
 covertly of the Myfteries of Religion before the 
 Catechumens} Complementing the Bifhops that 
 were prelenr, in the Sermons } the Diftinction 
 of Places for their Hearers } the ufual Appellati- 
 ons of Love and Refpect that were given them } 
 the ufual Place of the Sermon, fome Eminency 
 in the Church, the Ambo or Reading Desk, or 
 elfe the Bifhop's Throne, or the Steps of the Al- 
 tar j the ufual Days of Preaching, the Lord's 
 Day, the Saturday or Sabbath, the Vigils and 
 Feftivals, the Anniverfaries of Bifhops Confecra- 
 t-ions, and Dedication of Churches} with fome 
 other Things of the like Nature, fome of which 
 are fo minute, that they are fcarce worth the 
 Reader's Notice } and others that are more mate- 
 rial, are accounted for and explained in other 
 Parts of this Work. I mall therefore fpeak of 
 one Thing more relating to the Preachers : Which 
 is, of the Pofture, in which their Sermons were 
 delivered. The general received Cuftom now is 
 for the Preacher to ftand, and the People to fit : 
 But the antient Cuftom was ufually the Reverfe 
 of this. For the Preacher commonly delivered 
 his Sermon Sitting, and the People heard it Stand- 
 ing } though there was no certain Rule about 
 this, but the Cuftom varied in feveral Churches. 
 In Africk the Preacher commonly fat, as appears 
 from that of Optatus [f] to the Donatift Bifhops : 
 When God reproves a Sinner, and rebukes him 
 that fits, the Adminition is fpecially directed un- 
 to you } for the People have not liberty to fit in 
 the Church. He fays this upon occafion of thofe 
 Words of the PfaJmifi, 'thou fatteft and fpakeft 
 againft thine own Mother's Son. St. Auftin in like 
 manner fpeaks of his own Preaching Sitting : 
 
 Why do I fit here ? Why do I live, but with 
 this Intention [j], that I may live with Chrift? 
 And again [/], That I may not detain you, efpc- 
 cially confidering that I fpeak Sitting, and ye la- 
 bour Sanding. And he intimates, that in fome 
 [«] Churches Sitting was allowed both to the 
 Preacher and the People. St. Chryfoftom alfo [x~] 
 fpeaks of his own Sitting when he preached. 
 And this he did ufually in the Ambo or Reading- 
 Desk, where he fat when he preached that fa- 
 mous Sermon upon Eutropius, when he fled to 
 take Sanctuary in the Church [_y], and lay trem- 
 bling before the Altar, as all the Hiftorians in- 
 form us. Gregory Nyjjen fpeaks alfo of himfclf 
 as Sitting when he preached, and riling up to 
 Prayer [z] in the Conclusion. Which is alfo 
 noted by Juftin Martyr [V], and Origen [£], and 
 Athanafius [c] 9 and Chryfoftom [^], whom Fer- 
 rarius cites, and remarks upon them, That their 
 Rifing up in the Clofe of the Sermon to Prayer, 
 implies that they preached Sitting before. Which 
 is certainly a very juft Obfervation. Yet, after 
 all, he pretends to aflert, That Standing to preach 
 was the more common Pofture, and that they 
 never ufed Sitting but only in cafe of Infirmity 
 or old Age. Which mews us only how far Pre- 
 judice will carry a Man, againft the cleared Evi- 
 dence, in Favour of a modern Cuftom. The 
 Obfervation made by the Author of the Com- 
 ments upon St. Paul'* Epifiks [*] under the Name 
 of St. Ambrofgy has much more of Truth and 
 Solidity in it, That the Chriftian Bifhops ufed 
 to preach Sitting, and that this Cuftom was 
 taken from the Tradition of the Synagogue : 
 Where Ferrarius himfelf owns, and proves it to 
 have been the more ufual Cuftom for the Scribes 
 and Doctors of the Law to expound the Scrip- 
 tures Sitting, though there may be fome In- 
 ftances to the contrary. Matth. xxiii. 2. it is faic^ 
 That the Scribes and Pharifees fat in Mofes'i Chair. 
 Luke ii. 46". Our Saviour was found Sitting andDif- 
 puting among the Doclors in the 'temple. Again, 
 Chap. iv. 20. After he had flood up to read the Pro- 
 phet Efaias, he fat down to teach the People. And 
 Chap. v. 2. He fat down and taught the People out 
 of the Ship. Joh.viii. 2. He fat down and taught 
 the People in the Temple. Matth. v. t. He fat and 
 taught his Difciples in the Mountain. And Matth. 
 xxvi. f y. I fat daily with you teaching in the Temple. , 
 This was according to the Cuftom of the Jewifl* 
 Synagogue, which was generally followed by the 
 Chriftian Church. And the Inftances which Fer- 
 rarius brings out of St. Chryfoflom's [e~] and St. 
 Auflin's Homilies [/] to the contrary, are rather 
 Exceptions to a general Rule, than proper Evi- 
 
 [>•] Optat. lib. 4. p. 78. Dum peccatorem arguit, 8c fedentem 
 increpat Deus, fpecialiter ad vos dictum efle conftat, non ad Popu- 
 lum, qui in Ecclefia fedendi non habent licentiam. [j] Aug. 
 
 Hom.z8. exyo. T. 10. p. 179. Quareloquor? Quare hie ftdco ? 
 Quare vivo, nil! hac intentione, ut cum Chrifto fimul vivamus? 
 [/] Horn. 4.9. de Diverfis. Ut ergo vos non diu teneam, praefertim 
 quia ego iedens loquor, vos ftando laboratis. [»] Aug. de 
 
 Catechizandis Rudibus. cap. 1 3. torn. 4. p. 300. Longe confultius in 
 quibuidam Eccleiiis tranfmarinis non folum Antiftites fedentes lo- 
 quuntur, Ted ipfi etiam populo fedilia fubjacent. [#] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 1, de Pcenit. T. i, p. 662. [y] Socrat, lib. 6, cap.f. 
 
 Soz,om. lib. 8. cap. 5". Cafiiodor. Hift. Tripartita, lib. 10. cap. 4. Re- 
 fidens fuper Ambonem, &c. [z,] Nyflen. Horn. f. de Orat. 
 
 Dominica. T. i.p.761. [«] Juftin. Apol. 2. p.97. 
 
 [£] Orig. Horn. 20. in Num. Horn. 5. in Efai. Horn. 36. in Luc. 
 Horn. 19. in Jerem. [«] Athan. Horn, de Sememe. 
 
 [<i] Chryf. Horn. cont. Hsreticos. ap. Ferrarium. lib.*, cap. 9. 
 [*] Ambrof Com. in 1 Cor. 14.29. Hax Traditio Synagogx eft, 
 
 quam nos vult fe&ari ut fedentes difputent Seniores dignitate in 
 
 Cathedris, &c. [e] Chryf. Horn. 16. ad Pop, Antioch. Ss 
 
 Horn. 23. in Mat. [/] Aug. Ser. 122. de Diverfis. Tradhip. 
 
 in Joan. & Ser. 2. in Plalm. 32, ap, Ferrar. lib, 2. cap. 9. 
 
 z dences 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 711 
 
 dences for his own Affertion. The Matter is not 
 indeed great in itfelf, it being a very indifferent 
 Thing/whether a Preacher delivers his Sermon 
 Standing or Sitting: But when Men are repre- 
 senting antient Practices, they ought not to make 
 every Thing conform to the Cuftoms and Model 
 of the prefent Age, but reprcfent Things nakedly 
 as they find them. 
 
 SECT. xxv. We have hitherto confidered 
 And heard by tlx w hat relates to the Preachers, and 
 jiuiittrs banding, a few Things mu ft be added con- 
 infome ChHrche,, ccrnin „ the Hearers. Of whom 
 
 but not vi all. . . ? , . , r i • t 
 
 it has been already oblerved in the 
 
 Jaft Paragraph out of Optatus and Si. Auflin, That 
 in the African Churches the People had no Li- 
 cenfe to fit down, but were generally obliged to 
 {land to hear the Sermon. Ferrarius [g] has col- 
 lected a Multitude of Teftimonics more out of 
 St. Auflin to the fame Purpofe, which it is need- 
 Icfs to relate here. But we may obferve, that the 
 fame Cuftom prevailed alfo in many other Churches. 
 Sidonius Apollinaris fpeaks of it as the Ufage of the 
 Gallican Church in thofc Lines to Fauftus Bifhop 
 of Riez, where he fpeaks of his Preaching from 
 the Steps of the Altar, the People {landing about 
 him [//] : Seu te confpicuis gradibus venerabilis Ara 
 Concionaturum Plebs fedula circumfijiit. Which is 
 farther confirmed hy an Homily, that ufed to go 
 under the Name of St. Auflin [if], but is now 
 more certainly determined by Mabillon and the 
 Beneditlines in their new Edition of St. Auflin's 
 Works, to belong to Cafarius Bifhop of Arks, 
 where he grants an Indulgence to fuch as were 
 difeafed or infirm in their Feet, that they mould 
 have liberty to fit, when the Paffions of the Mar- 
 tyrs, or long Leflons were read, or the Sermon 
 was preached : But to all others, Women as well 
 Men, this Privilege is utterly denied. Which 
 implies that Standing was then the ufual Pofture 
 of the Hearers in the French Churches. And that 
 it was ufual alfo in fome of the Greek Churches, 
 may be inferred from that famous Story which 
 Eufebius repons of Conftantine, That when he 
 made a Difcourfe before him in his own Palace, 
 he Hood all the Time [£] with the reft of the 
 Hearers : And when Eufebius requefted him to fit 
 down in the Throne that was prepared for him, 
 he refufed, faying, It was fit that Men mould 
 Hand to hear Difcourfes of divine Things. But 
 in the Churches of Italy the contrary Cuftom pre- 
 vailed: For St. Auflin fays, in the 'Tranfmarine 
 
 Churches (by which he certainly means thofe of 
 Italy) it was prudently ordered, That not only 
 the Bifhops fat when they preached to the Peo- 
 ple, but that the People alfo had Seats to fit up- 
 on, left any weak Perfon through Wearinefs grow 
 remifs in his Attention [/], or be forced to leave 
 the Aflembly. And he thinks it more advifable, 
 that the fame Indulgence mould be granted, 
 where it could prudently be done, in the African 
 Churches. That it was fo in Rome in the Time 
 of Juflin Martyr, feems pretty plain from his Se- 
 cond Apology, where he fays [?»], That as foon as 
 the BHhop's Sermon was ended, they all rofe up 
 to Prayer together. And the fame Thing being 
 noted by Origen [n~], and Athanafius [o], makes 
 it probable, that the fame Cuftom prevailed in 
 many of the Eaftern Churches. Cyril of Jerufa- 
 lem fays cxprefsly [p], That the People heard his 
 Difcourfes Sitting. Confider, fays he, how ma- 
 ny fit here now, how many Souls are prefent j 
 and yet the Spirit works conveniently in them 
 all. He is in the Midft of us, and fees our Be- 
 haviour, and difcerns our Hearts and Confciences, 
 and what we fpeak, and what we think. And 
 the Author of the Conflituthns [#], who chiefly 
 relates the Cuftoms of the Eaflern Churches, re- 
 prefents the People as Sitting alfo to hear the 
 Sermon. And fo Caffian [r] and St.Jerom \_s~\ 
 fay, it was in all the Monalleries of Egypt, where 
 they fat not only at Sermon, but at the Reading 
 of the Pfalms and other Leflons out of Scripture. 
 So that this mull be reckon'd among thofe indif- 
 ferent Rites and Cuftoms, about which there was 
 no general Rule of the univerfal Church j but 
 every one followed the Cuftom of the Place 
 where he lived, and every Church appointed 
 what She judged moft proper for the Edification 
 of the People. 
 
 It was a peculiar Cuftom in SECT. XXVI. 
 the African Church , when the A P ecnliar Cli - 
 Preacher chanced to cite fome re- ^ of ; f Afncatl 
 
 ^ r JS ble T? C °c Scri P tur ^ in the thlZLnuZftl 
 Middle ot his Sermon, for the Hearers. 
 
 People to joyn with him in Re- 
 peating the Clofe of it. St. Auflin takes Notice 
 of this in one of his Sermons [/], where having 
 begun thofe Words of St. Paul, the End of the 
 
 Commandment is before he would proceed any 
 
 farther, he called to the People to repeat the Re- 
 mainder of the Verfe with him j upon which 
 they all cried out immediately, Charity out of a 
 
 [g~\ Ferrar. lib. i. cap. if. ex Aug. Tract. 19, 5c 112. in Joan. 
 Horn. 28. ex fo. Ser.49, 8c 112. de Diverfis. Ser. 2. in Pfal.j.1, 8c 
 14.7. Ser. 20. de Verb. Domini, 8cc. [h] Sidon. Carmen 16. 
 
 ad F3uftum Reienfem. [1] Aug. Ser. 26. ex fo. qui eft 300. 
 
 Novae Editionis. Propter eos qui aut pedibus dolent, aut aliqua cor- 
 poris iiiEcqualitate Jaborant, paterna pietate folicitus confilium dedi, 
 & quodam modo fupplicavi, ut quando aut Pafiiones prolixae, aut 
 certe aliqux Leftiones longiores leguntur, qui Stare non polTunr, 
 humiliter 8c cum fiientio ledentes, attentis auribus audiant qua; le- 
 guntur, Sec. Ut quando aut Le&iones legun'ur, aut Verbum Dei 
 prxdicatur, nulla (Faemina) ie in terram projiciat, nifi forte quam 
 rimium gravis infirmitas cogit. [k] Eufeb. de Vit. Con- 
 
 ftant. lib. +. cap. 33. [/] Aug. de Catechiz. Rudibus. cap. 1 3. 
 
 Sine dubitatione melius fiat, ubi decentcr fieri poteft, ut a principio 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 fedens audiat, Longeque confultius in quibufdam Ecclefiis Tranf- 
 marinis non folum Antiftites ledentes loquuntur, fed ipfi etiam po- 
 pulo fedilia fubjacent, 5cc. [m] juflin. Apol. 2. p 98. 
 
 [«] Orig. Horn. 3. in Efai. Horn. 1 9. in Jerem. [0] Athan. 
 
 Horn, de femente. [f] Cyril. Carech. 1 6. n.i 1. x'oytaeu 
 
 Ts.aoi jcct6i>;*<&? vZv, 8cc. [q] Conftit. lih.2. cap. j-8. 
 
 O] Cairian.Inft.it. lib. 2. cap. 12. [s] Hieron. Ep. 22. ad 
 
 Euftoch. cap. if. Completis Orationibus, cundrifque reiidentibus, 
 medius quern Patrem vocant, incipit difputare, See. [f] Aug. 
 36. ex editis a Sirrnondo. T. 1 o. p. 837. Finis praecepti eft (Jam vos 
 dicite mecura: A populo acclamatum eft) Caritas de corde puro. 
 Omnes dixiftis, quod non infruftuofe femper audiftis. Vid. Ser. 1 3, 
 de Verbis Dom. Ser. 2. de Verb. Apoft. 
 
 j\ x x x x 2. pun 
 
712 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 pure Heart. By which, he fays, they fhewed 
 that they had not been unprofitable Hearers. 
 And this, no doubt, was done to encourage the 
 People to hear, and read, and remember the Scrip- 
 tures, that they might be able upon Occafion to 
 repeat fuch ufeful Portions of them, having then 
 Liberty not only to hear, but to read and repeat 
 them in their Mother Tongue. Whether this 
 was a Cuitom in any other Place, I cannot fay -, 
 having met with it only in St. Auftin: For which 
 Reafon I have fpoken of it only as a particular 
 Curtom of the African Church, defigned to 
 quicken the Attention of the Hearers, and {hew 
 that they read and remembred the Holy Scrip- 
 tures. 
 
 sect, xxvil. It was a much more general 
 Hm the peoplt Cuftom for the People to teftify 
 w Z u f Vi g r their Efteera for the Preacher, 
 
 publick Applttufes , /- t • * i • • r 
 
 and Acciamatms and ex P refs their Admiration of 
 to the Preacher in his Eloquence, or Approbation 
 the church. of his Doctrine, by publick Ap- 
 
 plaufes and Acclamations in the 
 Church. This was done fometimes in expreis 
 Words, and fometimes by other Signs and Indi- 
 cations of their Confent and Approbation. The 
 Greeks commonly call it x^'t©', which denotes 
 both Kinds of Approbation, as well by clapping 
 of Hands, as by vocal and verbal Acclamations. 
 The firft Ufe of it, as Suicerus [u] obferves out 
 of Cafaubon [#], was only in the Theatres. 
 From thence it came into the Senate > and in 
 procefs of time, into the Acts of the Councils, and 
 the ordinary Affemblies of the Church. We are 
 not concerned at prefent to enquire after Syno- 
 dical Acclamations, but only fuch as were ufed 
 toward the Preachers in the Church. This was 
 fometimes done in Words of Commendation, as 
 we find in one of the Homilies of Paulus Emife- 
 nus [_y\ fpoken in the Prefence of Cyril at Alex- 
 andria, where when Paul had ufed this Expref- 
 fion, agreeing with Cyril's Doctrine that had 
 been preached before, Mary, the Mother of God, 
 brought forth Emanuel-, the People immediate- 
 ly cried out, O Orthodox Cyril, the Gift of 
 God, the Faith is the fame, this is what we de- 
 fired to hear, if any Man fpeak othcrwife, let 
 him be Anathema. Sometimes they added other 
 Indications of their Applaufe, as clapping of their 
 Hands, Thus St. Jerom tells Figilantius, 
 
 the Time was [z] when he himfelf had applau- 
 ded him with his Hands and Feet, leaping by 
 
 his Side, and crying out, Orthodox, for his Ser- 
 mon upon the Refurrection. And fo George of 
 Alexandria tells us [a], the People applauded 
 the Sermons of St. Chryfoftom, fome by tofling 
 their thinGarments, others moving their Plumes, 
 others laying their Hands upon their Swords, 
 and others waving their Handkerchief 5 :, and 
 crying out, Thou art worthy of the PricflhooJ, 
 thou art the thirteenth Apoftle, Chrift hath fent 
 thee to fave our Souls, &c. In like manner, 
 Gregory reprefents in his Dream [b~], how the 
 People were ufed to applaud him when he 
 preached, fome by their Praifes, and others by 
 their filent Admiration, fome in their Words, 
 and fome in their Minds, and others moving 
 their Bodies as the Waves of the Sea railed by 
 the Wind. St. Jerom refers to this, when he 
 tells us [V], how Gregory Nazianzen, his Ma- 
 tter, once anfwered a difficult Qiieftion, which 
 he put to him concerning the Sabbatum, JWs^- 
 xgfUTov, the fecond Sunday after the firft, menti- 
 oned Luke vi. I will inform you, fays he, of 
 this Matter in the Church, where when all the 
 People are applauding me, you fhall be forced 
 to confefs, you understand what you do not or 
 if you alone be filent, you fhall be condemned 
 of Folly by all the reft. The fame Cuftom is 
 often hinted by Sidonius Apoll'maris [i], and I- 
 fidore of Pelujium [e], and in abundance of Pla- 
 ces of St. Auflin [/] and St. Chryfoftom, cited at 
 length by Ferrarius [g], which after what has 
 been faid, I think it needlefs to recite in this 
 Place. The Curious Reader may either confult 
 Ferrarius, or the Paffages referred to in their 
 Authors. To which he may add many other 
 Paffages of Chryfoftom [h~\, and Socrates [/J, 
 and Proffer [k], not mentioned by that diligent 
 Writer, though he fpends four whole Chapters 
 upon this Subject. 
 
 I think it more material to SECT. XXVirr; 
 
 obferve out of the chief of thofe But more chri ~. 
 
 Paffages, that though the And- fi\ an ' l,ke e T efs 
 
 ents did not utterly refufe or dif- f Z 4t"£™ 
 
 ,. , r r J _ by Tears and Groans 
 
 allow thofe forts of Applaufes, and compm&ha 
 but received them with Humili- and obedience. 
 ty and Thankfulncfs to God, as 
 good Indications of a towardly Difpofition in 
 their Hearers j yet forafmuch as they were of- 
 ten but fallacious Signs, they neither much com- 
 mended thofe that gave them, nor thofe Preach- 
 ers that barely by their Eloquence obtained 
 
 [«] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. voce K?h®-, Vol. 2. p. 173. 
 [#] Cafaub. Notis in Vulcatium Gallican. Vit. Avidii Caflii, p. 89. 
 [y~] Paul. Emifcn. Horn, de Incarnat. Cone. torn. 3. p. 1096. 
 in A&is Concilii Ephef. Par. 3. cap. yr. [2.] Hieron. Ep. 
 
 7f. cont. Vigilant. Recordare quaefo illius diei, quando, me de 
 Refurre£hione 8c Veritate corporis prsedicante, ex latere fubfultabas, 
 8c plaudebas manu, 8c applodebas pede, 8c Orthodoxum conclama- 
 bas. [a] Georg. Alex. Vit. Chryf. ap. Ferrar. de Ritu Con- 
 
 cioourn. lib. 2. cap. 20. [6] Naz. Somnium de Templo 
 
 /natblix. t. 2. p. 78. [c] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepot. Pre- 
 
 ceptor quondam meus Gregorius Nazianzenus rogatus a me, ut 
 exponcret, quid fibi vellet in Luea Sabbatum J^evrtpi^urov, ele- 
 ganter lulit, Docebo te, inq\ iens, fuper hac re in Ecclefia ; in qua, 
 mihi omni populo acclamante, cogeris invitus fcire quod nefcis; 
 aut «rte, ii folus tacueris, folus ab omnibus Stultitise condemns 
 
 8 
 
 beris. [</] Sidon. lib. 9. Ep. 3. \e~\ Ifid. lib. 3. Ep. 343, 
 8c 382. [/] Aug. Serm. j-. de Verb. Domini. Serm. 19,8c 
 28. de Verb. ApouVi. Serm. 25-. ex Quinquaginta. Serm. 45- . de 
 Tempore. Tra£t. $7. in Joan. Serm. 27. de Diverfis. Serm. in 
 Pfal. 147. De Catechiz. Rudibus. cap. 13. de Do£lr. Chrift. lib. 4. 
 cap. 26. [g~] Chryf. Horn. 1, 4, 8c 5-4. in Genef. Horn. 2, 
 y, 6. ad Pop. Anr. Horn. 2. in Lazar. Horn. 2. in Joan. Horn. 3, 
 8c f. De Incomprehenfib. Horn. 30. in Act. ap. Ferrar. lib. 2. 
 cap. 18. [h] Chryf. Horn. 1. de Verbis Efai. t. 3. p. 910. 
 
 Horn. 6. in Gen. p. 918. Horn. 27. in Gen. p. 35-8. Horn. 1. cont. 
 Judaros. t. 1. p. 433. Horn. 16. in illud, Si efurierit inimicus. t. 
 p. 220. Horn, j 6. Quod non fit defperandum. t. 5-. p. 742. 
 [/] Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 13. [k] Profper. de Vita Contem- 
 
 plativa. lib. 1. cap. 23. 
 
 them j 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church, 
 
 715 
 
 them} much lcfs thofe that out of a worldly 
 Spirit, and a popular and vain Ambition laboured 
 at nothing elfe but to court and affect them: But 
 what they chiefly defired to effect by their grand 
 Eloquence, was to warm their Hearts, and melt 
 them into Tears, to work them into Groans, 
 and Sorrow, and Compunction for Sin, to bring 
 them to Refolutions of Obedience, and Compli- 
 ance with the Holy Rules they preached to 
 them, to work in them a Contempt of earthly 
 Things, and raife their Souls, by all the Arts of 
 moving the Affections, to a longing Defire and 
 Afpiration after the Things of another World. 
 This was their grand Aim in all their elaborate, 
 and all their free and fluent Difcourfes, and this 
 they valued far above all the popular Applaufes 
 that could be given them. This they reckoned 
 their grand Eloquence , and rejoiced in nothing 
 more, than when they could triumph in the 
 Conviction and Converfion of their Hearers. 
 To this purpofe, St. Jerom [/] in his Directions 
 to Nepotian, lays it down as a Rule, that in 
 Preaching, he fhould labour to excite the Groans 
 of the People, rather than their Applaufes; and 
 let the Tears of the Hearers be the Commen- 
 dation of the Preacher. And fo he obferves [pi] 
 it was in fact among the Fathers of Egypt ; 
 when they difcourfed of the Kingdom of Chrift 
 and the Glories of the World to come, then 
 one might behold every one, with a gentle Sigh, 
 and Eyes lift up to Heaven, fay within himfelf, 
 Oh that I had Wings like a Dove, for then I would 
 flee away, and be at Reft ! In like manner Profper 
 [»] bids the Preacher, not place his Confidence 
 in the Splendor of his Words, but in the Power 
 of their Operation; nor be delighted with the 
 Acclamations of the People, but their Tears; 
 nor ftudy to obtain their Applaufes, but their 
 Groans. St. Auftin did not refufe thefe Accla- 
 mations of the People, yet he always takes Care 
 to remind them rather to repay him with the 
 Fruit of their Lives and Actions. You praife 
 the Preacher [o] of the Word, fays he, but I 
 defire the Doer of it. Thofe Praifes [j>] are 
 but the Leaves of the Tree, I defire the Fruit 
 of it. I would not be praifed by ill Livers \_q~], I 
 abhor it, I deteft it ; it is a Grief to me, and not 
 a Pleafure. But if I fry, I would not be praifed 
 by good Livers, I fhould tell a Lie; if I fhould 
 fay, I defire it, I am afraid of feeming defirous 
 more of Vanity than Solidity. Therefore what 
 lhall I fay ? I neither perfectly defire it, nor per- 
 fectly refufe it. I do not defire it abfolutely, 
 for fear I fhould be infnared by humane Praife ; 
 I do not utterly refufe it, for fear I fhould be 
 ungrateful to thofe, to whom I preach. In his 
 Book of Chriftian Dotlrine [f], where he fpeaks 
 of that fort of Ecclefiaftical Rhetorick, which is 
 
 called Grand Eloquence, he fays, A Man fhould 
 not think he had attained to it, becaufe he fre- 
 quently received the loud Acclamations of the 
 People : For thofe were often gained by the A- 
 cumens and Ornaments of the fubmifs and mo- 
 derate Style; and the grand Eloquence did often 
 fupprefs thofe Acclamations by its Weight, and 
 extort Tears in their room. He gives there a 
 remarkable Inftance of his own Preaching once 
 an Occafional Sermon with fuch Effect to the 
 People of Cafarea in Mauritania. It feems, in 
 that Place a very barbarous and unnatural Cuttom 
 had for a long time prevailed, that at a certain 
 Seafon of the Year for fome whole Days toge- 
 ther, the whole City dividing themfelves into 
 two Parties, were ufed to maintain a bloody 
 Fight by throwing Stones at one another ; and 
 this without any Regard to Kindred or Relation. 
 For fometimes a Man flew his Brother, or a 
 Father his Son, or a Son his Father. Now, fays 
 St. Auftin, I let my felf with all the Force of 
 grand Eloquence to root out and expel this cruel 
 and inveterate Evil out of their Hearts and Pra- 
 ctice : Yet I did not take my felf to have made 
 any Impreflion to purpofe upon them, whilfr. I 
 heard their Acclamations, but when I faw their 
 Tears. For they fhewed indeed by their Accla- 
 mations, that they were inftructed and pleafed* 
 but by their Tears, that they were fenfibly af- 
 fected and really converted. Which when t 
 perceived, I then began to think I had got the 
 Victory over that barbarous Cuftom, which had 
 fo long by Tradition from their Anceflors pof- 
 fefled their Souls ; before I faw any more vifible 
 Proof in their Actions. Whereupon, as foon as 
 Sermon was ended, I turned both their Mouths 
 and Hearts to give God Thanks for it. And fo 5 
 by the Help of Chrifl:, there are nowalmofl: eight 
 Years pafs'd, fince any Thing of this Kind was 
 ever attempted among them. He adds, that he 
 had made many other Experiments of the like 
 nature, by which he had learned, that Men or- 
 dinarily fliewed what Impreffions the Force of 
 wife and powerful Rbetorick made upon them, 
 not fo much by their Acclamations as by their 
 Groans, and fometimes by their Tears, and fi- 
 nally by their real Change of Life and fincere 
 Converfion. So that in the Judgment of this 
 pious Father, the belt Praife of a Sermon, and 
 its Rbetorick, is the Compunction of its Hearers, 
 and melting them into Tears, and fubduing 
 their Minds by bending them to Obedience, 
 which far exceeds the Honour of the greatefl: 
 Acclamations and Applaufes. After the fame 
 manner the great Orator of the Eaft, St. Chry- 
 foftom, often tells his Hearers, he rejoiced not in 
 their Applaufes, but in the Effects which his 
 Difcourfes had on their Minds, in making them 
 
 [/] Hieron. Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. Docente te in Ecclefia, non 
 Clamor populi, fed Gemitus fufcitetur; Lachrymae auditorum Lau- 
 des tux lint. [w] Ep. 22. ad Euftoch. cap. if. 
 
 [«] Profper dc Vita Contemplativa, lib. 1. cap. 23. Non in ver- 
 boram fplendore, fed in operum virtute totam prxdicandi fiduciam 
 ponat ; Non vocibus deledtetur populi acclamantis fibi, fed Fieti- 
 bus : nec Plaufum a populo ftudeat cxpe&are, fed Gemitum. 
 [0] Aug. Serm, 19, de Verbis Apoftoli. Tu laudas trattantem 
 
 Ego quxro faclentem. [/>] Serm. 7. De Verbis Domini. 
 
 Laudes iftx folia Hint arborum, fruftus quseritur. [q] Horn, if, 
 ex fo. Laudari a male viventibus nolo, abhorreo, deteftor, dolori 
 mihi eft, non voluptati, 8cc. [r\ De Do£trina Chrift. 
 
 lib. 4. cap. 24. Non fane, li dicenti crebrius & vehementius ac- 
 clametur, ideo Granditer putandus eftdicere: Grande autem genus 
 plerurccjue pondere fuo voces premit, fed Lachrymas exprirnic. 
 
 become 
 
714 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV. 
 
 become new Men. He fays in one place f/j, 
 they had made him happy in receiving his Dif- 
 courfes about Prayer with a ready Mind. For 
 happy is the Man that fpeaks to an obedient Ear. 
 And he judged of their Obedience, not fo much 
 from their Acclamations and Praifes, as from 
 what he had obierved in their Actions. For when 
 he had ufed this Argument, why they mould 
 not pray againft their Enemies, becaufe it was a 
 Provocation of God, and fetting up a new Law 
 in Oppofition to his Law: (For God fays, Pray 
 for your Enemies j but they that pray againft them 
 do in Effect pray God to dhanul his own Law:) 
 he fays, upon his mentioning this and the like 
 Arguments, he had obferved many of them to 
 fmite upon their Face and Breaft, and mourn 
 bitterly, and lift up their Hands to Heaven, and 
 ask God Pardon for fuch unlawful Prayers. 
 Which made him at the fame time lift up his 
 own Eyes to Heaven, and give God Thanks, 
 that the Word of his Doctrine had fo quickly 
 produced Fruit in them. In another place [/], 
 fays he, What do your Praifes advantage me, 
 when I fee not your Progrefs in Virtue? Or 
 what Harm mall I receive from the Silence of 
 my Auditors, when I behold the Increafe of 
 their Piety ? The Praife of the Speaker is not 
 the H£jT©-, the Acclamations of his Hearers, 
 but their Zeal for Piety and Religion } not their 
 making a great Stir in Time of Hearing, but 
 fhewing Diligence at all other Times. Applaufe, 
 as foon as it is out of the Mouth, is difperfed 
 into the Air, and vanifhes; but when the 
 Hearers grow better, this brings an incorrupti- 
 ble and immortal Reward both to the Speaker 
 and the Hearers. The Praife of your Acclamations 
 may render the Orator more illuftrious here, 
 but the Piety of your Souls will give him great 
 Confidence before the Tribunal of Chrift. There- 
 fore if any one love the Preacher (or if any 
 Preacher love his People) let him not be ena- 
 moured with Applaufe, but with the Benefit of 
 the Hearers. It were eafy to tranferibe many 
 other fuch Parages out of Chryfojlom, where he 
 fhews a great Contempt of fuch popular Ap- 
 plaufes, in Comparifon of their Obedience. I 
 will only relate one Paffage more, where he 
 gives a fevere Rebuke to all Preachers, who 
 made this the only Aim of their Difcourfes. 
 Many, fays he (V), appear in publick, and la- 
 bour hard, and make long Sermons to gain the 
 Applaufe of the People, in which they rejoice 
 as much as if they had gained a Kingdom j but 
 if their Sermon ends in Silence, they are more 
 tormented about that Silence, than about the 
 Pains of Hell. This is the Ruin of the Church, 
 that ye feek to hear fuch Sermons, as are apt 
 not to move Compunction, but Pleafure, hear- 
 ing them as you would hear a Mufician or a 
 Singer, with a tinkling Sound, and Compofition 
 of Words. And we aft miferably and coldly, 
 whilll we indulge our own Affections, which 
 we ought to difcard. We curioufly feek after 
 
 Flowers of Rhetorick and Compofition and Har- 
 mony, that we may fing to Men, and not pro- 
 fit them j that we may be had in Admiration by 
 them, and not teach them> that we may raife 
 Delight, and not godly Sorrow} that we may 
 go off with Applaufe and Praife, and no ways 
 edify them in their Morals. Believe me, for I 
 would not otherwife fay it, when I raife Ap- 
 plaufe in Preaching, I am then fubject to hu- 
 man Infirmity (for why mould not a Man con- 
 fefs the Truth ?) I am then ravifhed and highly 
 pleafed. But when I go home, and confider, 
 that my Applauders are gone away without 
 Fruit, though they might have done otherwife, 
 I weep, and wail, and lament that they perifh in 
 their Acclamations and Praifes, and that I have 
 preached all in vain : And I reafon thus with my 
 lelf, What Profit is there in all my Labours, 
 if my Hearers reap no Fruit from my Words ? I 
 have often thought of making it a Law to for- 
 bid fuch Acclamations, and to perfuade you to 
 hear in Silence. By this it appears, that St. 
 Chryfoftom could rather have wifhed to have had 
 this Cuftom wholly banifned out of the Church, 
 becaufe it was fo frequently abufed by vain and 
 ambitious Spirits, who regarded nothing elfe but 
 to gain the Applaufe of their Hearers: To which 
 Purpofe they fometimes fuborned Men to ap- 
 plaud them in the Church, as is complained of 
 Paulus Samofatenfis by the Council of Antioch 
 [#] : And fometimes affected to preach in fuch 
 a manner upon abflrufe Subjects, as neither the 
 People nor themfelves underftood, only to be 
 admired by the ignorant Multitude, who, as St. 
 Jerom complains in this very cafe, are com- 
 monly mod prone to admire what they do not 
 underftand. For which Reafon, it was the Care 
 of all pious Preachers, to mew a tender Regard 
 to the Understandings of Men j and, whether it 
 gained Applaufe or not, ro fpealc ufefully, and as 
 far as might be, to the Capacities and Apprehen- 
 fions of their Hearers j and by all the Powers of 
 divine Eloquence, and proper Arts of Edificati- 
 on and Perfuafion, incline them to Obedience 
 and an heavenly Temper. Without which they 
 imagined the Succefs and Event of their Preach- 
 ing, however eloquent and pleafing to the Ear, 
 w*s no better received than that of the Prophet, 
 complained of Ezek. xxxiii. }Z. Thou art unto 
 them as a very lovely Song of one that hath a very 
 pleafant V 9/ce, and can play well on an Inflrument ; 
 for they hear thy Words , but they will not do them. 
 
 There is one Thing more SECT. XXIX. 
 mull be taken Notice of with re- Sermons amiemfy 
 lation to the Hearers, becaufe it 
 exprefTed a great deal of Zeal and * 
 Diligence in their \ttention: Which is, that 
 many of them learned the Art of Notaries, (the 
 Greeks call them o^uc/y^por and ra-^uy^^o;, ready 
 Writers) that they might be able to take down 
 in Writing the Sermons of famous Preachers, 
 Word for Word, as they delivered them. By 
 
 [j] Chryf. f<5. Quod non fit defperandum. t. f. p. 74.1. A£t. [x] Ap. Euleb. lib. 7. cap. 30. 
 
 [r] Horn. 16 Ibid. p. no. [«] Chryf. Horn. p. in Ep. 2. ad Nepotian. 
 
 [^] Hieron. 
 this 
 
Christian Church. 
 
 this Means fome of their Extempore Difcourfes 
 were handed down to Poftcrity, which other- 
 wife muft have died with the Speaking. As 
 has been obferved before \_a~\ out of Eufebius 
 concerning fome of Origen's, which he preached 
 in his latter Years. St. Auftin makes the fame 
 Obfervation [b~] concerning his own Sermons 
 upon the Pfalms, that it pleafed the Brethren 
 not only to receive them with their Ears and 
 Heart, but with their Pens likewife : So that he 
 was to have Regard not only to his Auditors, 
 but his Readers alfo. [c] Socrates fays the fame 
 of Chryjofiom's Sermons, that fome of them were 
 publifhed by himfelf, and others by Notaries, 
 who took them from his Mouth as he fpake 
 them. But they did not thus honour all Preach- 
 ers, but only thole that were raoft celebrated 
 and renowned. For Sozomen [^] obferves of the 
 Sermons of Atticus, that they were fo mean af- 
 ter he gave himfelf to preach Extempore when he 
 was Bifliop of Conftantinople, that the Notaries 
 did not think fit to write them. Thefe Nota- 
 ries were fome of them allowed by the Preacher 
 himfelf, and were therefore a Sort of publick 
 Notaries appointed for this Purpofe: But others 
 did it privately, according to their Inclination and 
 Discretion. This Difference is hinted by Eufe- 
 bius, when he fays, Origen allowed no Notaries 
 to take his Sermons, till he was fixty Years old* 
 and by Gregory Nazianzen in his Farewel Ser- 
 mon j where he thus takes his Leave of his 
 Church, Farewel ye Lovers of my Sermons, 
 and ye Pens [e] both publick and private. In 
 which he plainly alludes to the two Sorts of No- 
 taries that wrote his Sermons in the Church. 
 The publick Notaries were generally allowed by 
 the Author's Confent to publifh what they 
 wrote: In which cafe, it was ufual for the 
 Preacher to review his own Dictates, and cor- 
 rect fuch Miftakes, and fupply fuch Deficien- 
 cies, as might be occafioned by theHafle of the 
 Scribe, or fome Things not fo accurately fpoken 
 by themfelves in fudden and Extempore Difcour- 
 fes. This is evident from what Gregory the Great 
 [/] f avs m n * s P re f ace to h* s Homilies upon E- 
 zekiel, That thofe Homilies were firft taken from 
 his Mouth, as he fpake them to the People, and 
 after eight Years he collected them from the 
 Papers of the Notaries, and reviewed, and cor- 
 rected, and amended them. So again, in his 
 Preface upon Job, he fays, fome of his Homilies 
 were compofed by himfelf, and others taken by 
 the Notaries i and thofe which were taken by 
 the Notaries, when he had Time, he reviewed, 
 
 adding fome [g] Things, and rejecting others, 
 and leaving many Things as he found them, and 
 with fuch Emendations he compofed them into 
 Books, and publifhed them. But many Times 
 the Notaries publifhed what they had Written, 
 without the Author's Knowledge or Confent. 
 In which cafe, we fomeiimes find them remon- 
 ftrating againft this as a clandeftine Practice [h\ 
 Thus Gaudentius fays, he did not own thofe Ho- 
 milies, which were firlt taken by the Notaries 
 latently and by ftealth, and then publifhed by 
 others imperfectly, and only by Halves, with 
 great Chafms and Interruptions in them. He 
 would not acknowledge them for his Difcour- 
 fes, which the Notaries had written in extreme 
 Halle, and publifhed, without giving him any 
 Opportunity to fupervife and correct them. And 
 probably, there may be Realbn for the fame 
 Complaint in other Writers. However, it fhews 
 a great Diligence and Attention in the Hearers 
 of thofe Days, and a great Refpect and Honour 
 paid to their Teachers, that they would be at 
 fo much Pains to treafure up and, preferve their 
 pious Inftructions. 
 
 These Things may be juftly sect. XXX. 
 
 fpoken to their Honour, and it Two Reflections 
 
 is no Reflection on them, or Di- made h the Anct - 
 
 minution of their good Chara- 'f . "P" f em ' / 
 
 rt , i r , their corrupt Audt- 
 
 cter, that there were fome others ton , j~ he B _ 
 in thofe Times (as there will be gmt pr opbxnt 
 in all Times) who deferved a Hearers. 
 contrary Character, either for 
 their Deficiency and want of Zeal in this Mat- 
 ter, or for their indifcreet and intemperate Zeal, 
 in placing all Religion in a Sermon, and fpeak- 
 ing contemptuously of Prayer, or other Parts 
 of Divine Service without it. The two Errors ' 
 in the contrary Extremes, the one in Excefs, the 
 other in Defect, the Ancients had fometimes oc- 
 cafion to rebuke, and they did it with a becom- 
 ing Sharpnefs. Though St. Chryfofiom was fo 
 much admired, that the People generally faid, 
 when he was fent into Banifhment, that it was 
 better [*"] the Sun mould withdraw its Rays, 
 than his Mouth be fhut up in Silence; yet he 
 was often forced with Grief to complain of fome 
 for their abftaining from religious AfTemblies 
 where they were fcarce feen once a Yearj 
 of others, that they fpent their Time there in 
 nothing but idle Difcourfe, or Laughing and 
 Jefting, or tranfacting worldly Bufinefs [/], lay- 
 ing themfelves open to the AfTaults of the wick- 
 ed Spirit, who found their Houfe fit for his 
 
 [a] Eufeb. lib. 6. cap. 36. 8c Pamphil. Apol. pro Orig. cited 
 before n. 11. [6] Aug. in Pfal. jm. p. 201. Placuit fratri- 
 
 bus, non tantum aure 8c corde, fed 8c ftylo excipienda quae dici- 
 mus: Ut non Auditorem tantum, led 8c Le&orem cogitare debe- 
 amus. [c] Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 4. [</] Sozom. 
 
 lib. 8 cap. 27. 0] Naz. Oiat. 32. p. $-28. Xai^e ypatpl- 
 «Te< Qctvif Jit W&mimw> [/] Greg. Prafat. in E- 
 
 zek. Homilias, quae in Beatum Ezekielem Prophetam, ut coram 
 populo loquebar, excepts lunt, mukis curis irruentibus in abolitio- 
 ne reliqueram. Sed poft annos o£to, petentibus fratribus, notario- 
 rum Schedulas requirere ftudui, eaique favente Domino tranfeur- 
 rens, in quantum ab anguftiis tribulationum licuit, emendavi, See. 
 
 [g] Id. Praefat. in Job. Cumque mihi ipatia largiora fuppeterenr, 
 mcita augens, pauca fubtraheris, atque ira ut inventa furit nonnul- 
 la derelinquenj, ea, qux me loquente excepta fub oculis fuerarjf, 
 per Libros emendando compofui, 8tc. [b] Gaudent. Pras- 
 
 fat. ad Bencvolum. Bibl. Patr. torn. 2. p. 3. De illis vero Tradk- 
 tibus, quos Notariis, ut comperi, latentur adpoiitis, proculdubio in- 
 terruptos 8c femiplenos otiofa quorundam ftudia coiligere Drrsfurhp- 
 ferunt, nihil ad me attinet. Mea jam non funt, quae conftat pra> 
 cipiti Excipientium feftinatione efle conferipta. [i] Chryf. 
 
 Ep. 12J-. ad Cyriacum. [k] Horn. 4,6. in Lucian. Martyr, 
 
 t. 1. P-S97- Horn. 48. In Infcript. Altaris. t. f. p. 648. 
 [/] Horn. 4. De Incomprehenlibiii. t, 1. p. 374. 
 
 Reception, 
 
7i6 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XIV» 
 
 Reception, empty, fwept and garnifhed } of o- 
 thers, that they turned the Church into a The- 
 atre fj»], and fought for nothing there, but to 
 plcafe their Ears, without any other Advantage} 
 and finally, of others, who extolled his Difcour- 
 fes by great Applaufe in Words, but difgrae'd 
 them by the Difobedience of their Lives and 
 Actions } of whom we have heard fo much be- 
 fore. In one Place he more particularly reproach- 
 es them that abfented from Church, with the 
 Example of the Jews, who could abftain from 
 Work, for Ten, Twenty, or Thirty Days to- 
 gether, without Contradiction [»], at the Com- 
 mand of their Priefts, and neither open their 
 Doors, nor light a Fire, nor carry in Water 
 for any necefTary Ufe, which yet they fubmit- 
 ted to, though it was an intollerable corporal 
 Slavery, whereas Chriftians were only required 
 to fet apart one Day in feven, and only two 
 Hours of the Day for religious Afiemblies, to 
 obtain the greateft fpiritual Advantages to the 
 Soul} and yet they neglected fuch Opportuni- 
 ties, and chofe any Meetings rather than the 
 Church . St. Ambrofe in like manner upbraids 
 thofe, who fpent their Time in Talking in the 
 Church, from the Example of the Heathen [0], 
 who reverenced their Idols by their Silence, 
 whilft Chriftians even drowned the Voice of the 
 Divine Oracles, and the Declaration of them, 
 by their conmfed Noife and Confabulations in 
 the Church. This, Cafarius tells them [/>], 
 was in effect to offer Men Poyfon or a Sword. 
 For fuch an one neither heard the Word of 
 God himfclf, nor fuffered others to hear it: 
 And fuch muft expect not only to give Account 
 of their own, but other Men's Deftrudtion at 
 the Day of Judgment. Origen [q] and fome 
 others tell thefe Men, their own Practice, in 
 another Cafe, would rife up in Judgment againft 
 them: For they themfelves (hewed a great Re- 
 verence to the Body of Chrift in the Eucharijl; 
 and yet it was no lefs a Piacular Crime, to fhew 
 Contempt to the Word of God, than to his 
 Body } and they would be held guilty for a Dif- 
 relpect in the one Cafe as well as the other. 
 Thus they fhewed Men, what Reverence was 
 due to the Preaching of the Word of God, by 
 fetting before them the Sin and Danger of thole 
 Abufes fome were apt to run into, by an Error 
 in Defect and Want of a juft Reverence to it. 
 
 SECT. XXXI. On the other hand, they 
 And fuondly, the were no l e fs careful to guard Men 
 intemperate Zea- aga j n ft Superftition in the other 
 Reii latest Extreme. For there was an Er- 
 w 'Jf ror in Excefs, as well as in Defect 
 
 of Reverence for Preaching. Some 
 were fo over-run with an indifcreet Bigotry and 
 intemperate Zeal for Preaching, as to reckon all 
 other Parts of Divine Service ufelels and infigni- 
 ficant, if they were not accompanied with a 
 
 Sermon. Thefe Men had their Arguments to 
 plead in their own Behalf, which arc thus pro- 
 pofed and anfwered by St. Chryfojlom [r]: Why 
 fhould I go to Church, faid they, if I cannot 
 hear a Preacher? This one Thing, fays St. Chry- 
 fojlom, has ruined and deftroyed all Religion. For 
 what Necellity is there of a Preacher? That Ne- 
 ceffity arifes only from our Sloth and Negligence. 
 For why otherwife fhould there be any Need of 
 an Homily? All Things are clear and open in the 
 Holy Scriptures} all Things necefTary are plainly 
 revealed. But becaufe ye are Hearers that ftudy 
 only to delight your Ears and Fancy, therefore 
 ye defire thefe Things. Tell me, I pray, with 
 what Pomp of Words did St. Paul preach? And 
 yet he converted the World. What Pomp did 
 the illiterate Peter ufe? But, fay they, we can- 
 not underftand the Things that are written in 
 Scripture. Why fo? are they fpoken in He- 
 brew, or Latin, or any other ftrangc Tongue? 
 Are they not fpoken in Greek, to you that un- 
 derftand the Greek Tongue? Yea, but they are 
 fpoken darkly. How darkly? What Difficul- 
 ties do the Hiftories contain ? You underftand 
 the plain Places, that you may take Pains and 
 enquire about the reft. There are a thoufand 
 Hiftories in the Bible : Tell me one of them. 
 But you cannot tell one of thefe. Therefore all 
 this is mere Pretence and Words. Oh but, fay 
 they, we have the fame Things read to us every 
 Day out of Scripture. And do you not hear the 
 fame Things every Day in the Theatre ? Have 
 you not the fame Sight at the Horfe-race ? Arc 
 not all Things the fame? Does not the fame 
 Sun rife every Morning? Do you not eat the 
 fame Meat every Day? I would ask you, feeing 
 you fay you hear the fame Things every Day, 
 What Portion of the Prophets, what Apoftlc, 
 what Epiftle was read? But you cannot tell: 
 They are perfectly new and ftrange to you. 
 When therefore you are difpofed to be idle, you 
 pretend the fame Things are read : But when 
 you arc asked concerning them, you are as Men 
 that never heard them. If they are the fame, 
 you fhould have known them : But you know 
 nothing of them. This is aThing to be lament- 
 ed, that the Workman labours in vain. For this 
 Reafon you ought to attend, becaufe they are 
 the fame, becaufe we bring nothing ftrange or 
 new to your Ears. What then, becaufe ye fay 
 the Scriptures are always the fame, but what we 
 preach are not fo, but always contain fomething 
 new, do ye attend to them ? In no wife. Ana 
 if we ask you, why do you not remember them ? 
 Ye anfwer, How fhould we, feeing we hear 
 them but once? If we fay, Why do you noc 
 remember the Scriptures? Ye anfwer, They 
 are always the fame. Thefe are nothing but 
 Pretences for Idlenefs, and mere Indications of a 
 fceptical Temper. Thus that holy Father re- 
 bukes that intemperate Zeal, which fet up 
 
 [m] Hom. x. *d Pop. Antioch. t. I. p. 31. [»] Horn. 48. 
 De Infcript. Alraris. t. f. p. 6+8. [0] Ambrof. de Virgin, 
 
 lib. 3. An quicquim eft indignius, quam Oracula divina circum- 
 ftrepi, ne audianrur, ne credantur, ne revelentur? circumfonare Sa- 
 eramenta soafufis vocibus, cum Gentiles Idolis fuis Reverentiara 
 
 tacendo deferant? [p~] Csefar. Arelat. Horn. 34. 
 
 [g] Orig. Hom. 13. in Exod. t. i. p. 101. Quomodo putatis 
 minoris efle Piaculi, Verbum Dei neglexifle, quam Corpus ejus? 
 Vid. Aug. Hom. 16, ex fo. [r] Chryf. Hom. 3. in 
 
 z Thef. p. ij-ci. 
 
 2 Preaching 
 
* 1 I ' 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 717 
 
 Preaching inOppofition to Reading of the Scrip- 
 tures, under various Pretences of their being ob- 
 fcurc, or tedious Repetitions of the fame things, 
 when in Truth a fanatical Affe&ation of Novel- 
 ty, and a fantaftical Scepticifm, and a vicious 
 Defire of being freed from all the Burden of 
 Attending upon religious Aflemblies, was really 
 at the Bottom of all their Objections. 
 
 SECT. XXXII. There is but one thing more 
 How Men were to be obferved upon this Head : 
 treat e J, who thought w hich is, That as there were fome 
 their sermons too who com pl a i ne d, that their Ser- 
 long - mons were not frequent enough, 
 
 or too fhortj fo there were others that com- 
 plained, they were too long, and were difpofed 
 to leave the Aflembly before Sermon was ended. 
 Some Canons are pretty fevere upon fuch Audi- 
 tors. The fourth Council of Carthage orders 
 them to be proceeded againft [s] with Excom- 
 munication. But others ufed a more gentle way, 
 contenting themfelves to admonifh their Audi- 
 tors of their Duty, and fometimes ufing ingeni- 
 ous Stratagems, and feign'd Apologues to detain 
 them 5 and fometimes ordering the Doors of the 
 Church to be kept rtiut, till all was ended. 
 Which is particularly remarked of Cafarius Are- 
 lattnfts, by the Author of his Life [/]. St. Chry- 
 fofiom confiders the Matter with fome Diftin&i- 
 on. He makes fome Allowance for the Weak- 
 nefs of fuch as were unable to hold out the whole 
 time at a long Sermon : And for as much as ma- 
 ny were more defirous of long Sermons than 
 ihort ones, he thinks the Matter was fo to be 
 ordered, as to accommodate both. Seeing there 
 are fome, fays he, in fo great a Multitude, who 
 cannot [«] bear a long Difcourfe, my Advice to 
 fuch is, that when they have heard as much as 
 they can contain, and as much as fuffices them, 
 they fhould depart, (for no one hinders them, or 
 compels them to flay longer than their Strength 
 
 is able to bear) that they may not impofe a Ne- 
 ceflity on us of making an End before the proper 
 time. For thou art fatisfied, but thy Brother is 
 yet hungry : Thou haft drunk thy Fill of what 
 is fpoken, but thy Brother is yet athirft. There- 
 fore neither let him burden thy Weaknefs, by 
 compelling thee to receive more than thy Strength 
 will bear j neither be thou injurious to his De- 
 fire of Hearing, by hindring him from taking as 
 much as he is able to receive. For fo it is at a 
 common Table, fome are filled fooner, fome la- 
 ter, and neither do thefe accufe thofe, nor they 
 condemn the other. But there is a Commenda- 
 tion to depart quickly) but here to depart quick- 
 ly is not commendable, but only pardonable. To 
 ftay long at a carnal Feaft, is a Matter worthy 
 of Reproof, becaufc it proceeds from an intem- 
 perate Appetite: But to ftay long at a fpiritual 
 Feaft, deferves the higheft Praife and Commen- 
 dation, becaufe it proceeds from a fpiritual De- 
 fire and holy Appetite, and argues Patience and 
 Conftancy in giving Attention. Thus that holy 
 Father decides the Controvcrfy about long and 
 (hort Sermons, and prudently divides the Matter 
 between ftrong and weak Hearers j commending 
 the one, without condemning the other; and 
 making fome Apology for the length of his Ser- 
 mons, without Offence to either Party. I Tnall 
 make the fame Apology to my Readers for the 
 length of this Chapter: If there be any whofe 
 Curiofity leads them to know all that relates to 
 the Preaching of the Ancients, they may read 
 the whole, and perhaps will not think it 
 too long j but they whofe Appetite is not fo 
 fharp, may fhorten it as they pleafe, and accom- 
 modate it to their own Ufe, by fele&ing fuch 
 Parts as are molt agreeable to their own Tafte* 
 and proper for their own Inftruftion. ^nd fo I 
 end the Difcourfe about Preaching in the antient 
 Church. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Prayers for the Catechumens, Energumens, Competentes or Candidates of 
 
 Baptifm, and Penitents, 
 
 SECT, t 
 
 •that Trayers m J~\ ended, the publick Prayers 
 tit antient church Q £ t ^ c Church began, and not be- 
 w*t not before, but fore For antiently the Order of 
 tht Sermn - Divine Service was a little diffe- 
 rent in its Method from what it is ufually now 
 in the Church. For antiently the greateft Part 
 of the publick Prayers came after Sermon. This 
 is exprefly faid by Juftin Martyr in his Apology, 
 where he is giving an Account of the Chriftian 
 
 Worftiip on the Lord's Day. He fays, they firft 
 read the Scriptures, then the Prefident or Bi- 
 fhop made a Difcourfe or Exhortation j after 
 which they rofc up all together and made their 
 common [a] Prayers : And then when thefe were 
 ended, the Biftiop prayed again, and gave Thanks 
 for the Confecration of the Bread and vV ine in 
 the Eucharifti the People anfwering, Amen. And 
 fo St. Cbryfoftom affirms alfo, faying in one place 
 [£], the Exhortation comes firft, and then im- 
 
 [j] Cone. Carth. 4. Can. 14. Saccrdote Verbunv faciente in 
 Ecclcfia, qui egreflus de Auditorio fucrit, excommunicetur. 
 0] Cyprian Vit. Cxfar. cap. 12. Saipiflime oftia, le&is Evangeliis, 
 ocdudi juflit; donee propitio Deo ipfi gratularentur, ea coercitione 
 fc profecifle, qui folebant cfle fugitiri. Vid. Csslar. Horn. 11. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [«] Chryf do. Daemones non gubernare Mundum. t. . p. 784. 
 [a] Juftin. Apol. i. p. 98. *rp<*r«>$ T »r vxSnrUv woiSr^- fan- 
 to. avird/jieStt koivu 'Xd.ifjzs, Kj iou^ac viu^ofSp. 8cc. 
 lb] Chryf. Horn. 18. quae eft 3. de Incomprehenfibili. t. 1. p. 364. 
 
 Y y y y y mediately 
 
7i8 The Antiquities of the Book XIV 
 
 mediately Prayer. And in another [c~] place, 
 You need both Advice and Prayer : Therefore we 
 advife you firft, (meaning in the Sermon) and then 
 we make Prayers for you. They that are initia- 
 ted know what I fay. So that when Chryfofiom, 
 or any others fay, Prayer went before Sermon, 
 they are to be underflood either of that fhort 
 Salutation, which the Minifter ufed at the En- 
 trance upon every Office, The Lord be with you, 
 the People anfwering, And with thy Spirit: Or 
 of fome fhort Prayer of the Preacher ; or of the 
 private Prayers of People intermingled with the 
 Pfalmody> and not of the common Prayers of 
 the Church. For many Orders of Men might 
 be prcfent at the Sermon, and to hear the Scrip- 
 tures read, who might not join in Prayers with 
 the Faithful > and for that Reafon the Sermon 
 and reading of the Scriptures went before, that 
 fuch Perfons might have the Benefit of them, 
 who were to be difmhTed when the Prayers be- 
 gun, becaufe they had as yet no Title to com- 
 municate in them. 
 
 SECT. n. These Prayers were of two 
 
 Who might, or Sorts: Prayers peculiar to the 
 might not be pre- Faithful or Communicants only, 
 
 fent at thefe Fray- ^ which neither Catechumens, 
 ers. Infidels and -n • t> 
 
 mereuearersobliged nor Penitents, nor Energumens, 
 to withdraw. nor any Perfons yet unbaptized 
 might be prefent: And Prayers 
 made particularly for thefe feveral Orders, at 
 which therefore they were allowed to be pre- 
 fent, and both hear the Prayers, and pray for 
 themfelves. But even from thefe Prayers fome 
 were obliged to withdraw, who were allowed 
 to be prcfent at Sermons for their Inftruction 
 Such were all Jews and Infidels, and fuch of the 
 Catechumens and Penitents as were known by 
 the diftinct Name of dn^jj^oi among the 
 Greeks, and Auclientes among the Latins, that is, 
 Hearers only. Therefore as foon as Sermon was 
 ended, before any of thefe Prayers began in the 
 Service of the Catechumens, a Deacon was ufed 
 to make Proclamation from fome Eminency in 
 the Church. Ne quis Audientium, Ne quis Infide- 
 lium, Let none of the Hearers, Let none of the Un- 
 believers be prefent, as it is worded in the Confuta- 
 tions \_d~]. 
 
 sect III. This faid, and Silence being 
 Of the Triers made, the Deacon cried again, 
 
 for the catechu- Pray, ye Catechumens: And, Let 
 mens. The genuine ^ t j Je faithful with Attention pray 
 
 57 chr'Sl f° r thm > f a y^ Lorcl have mer£ y 
 
 Conftitdff. upon them. Then the Deacon be- 
 ons gan a Prayer for them, which in 
 
 the Confiitutions is called x^o-tpw- 
 
 vr\<ris r y-arm^isfj^jw, a Bidding Prayer for the 
 Catechumens, becaufe it was both an Exhorta- 
 tion and Direction how they were to pray for 
 them. We have two antient Forms of this Pray- 
 er ftill remaining, one in St. Chryfofiom, and ano- 
 ther in the Confiitutions. That in the Confiituti- 
 ons is in thefe Words [e] : Let us all befecch God 
 for the Catechumens ; that he who is Gracious, and 
 a Lover of Mankind, would mercifully hearken to 
 their Supplications and Prayers, and accepting their 
 Petitions would help them, and grant them the Re- 
 quefis of their Souls according to what is expedient 
 for them ; That he would reveal the Gofpel of Chrifi 
 to them ; That he would enlighten and inftrucl them, 
 and teach them the Knowledge of God and divine 
 Things ; That he would infirufi them in his Precepts 
 and 'Judgments; That he would open the Ears of 
 their Hearts to be occupied in his Law Day and 
 Night; That he would confirm them in Religion; 
 Th t he would unite them to, and number them with 
 his holy Flock, vouch fafing them the Laver of Rege- 
 neration, with the Garment of Incorruption, and true 
 Life ; That he would deliver them from all Impiety, 
 and give no place to the Adverfary to ge! Advantage 
 againfi them ; but that he would cleanfe them from 
 all Pollution of Flefh and Spirit, and dwell in them, 
 and walk in them by Chrifi; That he would blefs 
 their going out and their coming in, and direct all 
 their Defigns and Purpofes to their Advantage. Far- 
 ther yet, Let us earnefily pray for them, that they 
 may have RemiJJion of Sins by the Initiation of Bap" 
 tifm, and be thought worthy of the holy Myfieries 9 
 and remain among his Saints. 
 
 Then the Deacon addreffing himfelf to the 
 Catechumens themfelves, faid, Catechumens arife. 
 Pray for the Peace of God, that this Day, and all 
 the time of your Life may pafs in ghtietnefs and with- 
 out Sin ; that you may make a Chriftian End, and 
 find God propitious and merciful, and obtain Remif- 
 Jion of your Sins. Commend your [elves to the only 
 unbe gotten God by his Chrifi. 
 
 To every Petition of this Bidding Prayer, 
 the People, and efpecially Children, are ap- 
 pointed to fubjoin, xu£/s Wi^aov, Lord have mercy 
 upon them. 
 
 After this the Deacon bids them bow down, 
 and receive the Bifhop's Benediction ; which is in 
 the following Form of direct Invocation. 
 
 O Almighty God, who art without Original and 
 Inacceffible, the only true God, thou God and Father 
 of Chrifi thy only-begotten Sin, Gqd of the Comforter 
 [*], and Lord of all things; who by Chrifi didfi 
 make Learners become Teachers for the Propagation of 
 Chrifiian Knowledge ; Look down now upon thefe thy 
 Servants, who are Learning the Infiruclions of the 
 Gofpel of thy Chrifi : And give them a new Hearty 
 and renew a right Spirit within them, that they may 
 
 know 
 
 [e] Id. Horn. II. in i Thef. p. 1 480. Tforepoi' ovfj-CzxAjotfn, 
 
 T07S TU.; vyJp cVycii T0/K//SU*. )tj T8T0 Iff&fftW 01 (li- 
 
 y.vv/j%joi. [d] Conftir. Apoft.lib. 8. c. f. [>] Conftit. 
 
 lib. S. c. 6. [*] This Thrafe, o ©so? n <j^kAmtk, and 
 
 a like Vhrafe, which occurs in the Vrayer of this Author in the Daily 
 Evening Service, lib. 8. cap. 37. where the Father is Jlyled, 'tis 
 nrydimcilQ- Jtvpi©", the Lord of the Spirit, are harflj Exprejfions, 
 mi not very ufual in Catholick Writers ; which makes fome fufpeSl 
 
 this Author, as if he were tainted with the Macedorian Herefy, 
 which denies the Divinity of the Holy Ghofi, and makes him a mere 
 Creature. But this feems not to have been the Intent of our Author, 
 who no where denies the true Divmity of the Son or Holy Ghofi, but 
 only gives fuch Titles of Pre-eminence to the Father, as Juftin Martyr 
 did before him, in regard to the Father s being the Fountain of the- 
 Deity, and the Origin of Exifience in the Son and Holy Spirit, not as 
 Creatures, but as his Eternal Son and Eternal Holy Spirit, equal to 
 1 £ him 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 719 
 
 know and do thy Will with a perfebl Heart and a 
 'Willing Mind. Fouchfafe them thy holy Baptifm, 
 and unite them to thy holy Church, and make them 
 Partakers of thy holy Myfteries, through Chrift our 
 Hope, who died for them, by whom be Glory and 
 Worfhip unto thee, World without End. Amen. 
 After this, let the Deacon fay, Catechumens, de- 
 part in Peace. 
 
 St. Chryfojlom in one of his Homilies gives us a 
 like Form of the Deacons Bidding Prayer for the 
 Catechumens. The Law \_g~] of the Church, 
 fays he, moves the Faithful to pray for thofe who 
 are yet unbaptized. For when the Deacon fays, 
 Let us pray fervently for the Catechumens, he does 
 nothing elfe but excite the whole Multitude of 
 the Faithful to pray for them. For the Cate- 
 chumens are as yet Aliens : They are not yet en- 
 grafted into the Body of Chrift, nor made Par- 
 takers of the holy Myfteries, but remain divided 
 from the fpiritual Flock. And for that Reafon 
 he (ays, Let us pray fervently, that you may not 
 reject them as Aliens, that you may not difown 
 them as Strangers. For they are not yet allow- 
 ed to ufe the Prayer that was introduced and 
 eftabliihed by the Law of Chrift. He means the 
 Lord's Prayer. They have not yet Liberty or 
 Confidence enough to pray for themlelves, but 
 need the Help of thofe that are already initiated. 
 For they ftand without the Royal Gates, and at 
 a diftance from the holy Rails. And for that 
 Reafon arc fent away when the tremendous 
 Prayers are offered at the Altar. Upon this Ac- 
 count the Deacon exhorts you to pray for them, 
 that they may be made Members, and be no 
 longer Foreigners and Aliens. For that Word, 
 Let us pray, is not fpoken to the Priefts only, but 
 alfo to the People. For when he fays, kol- 
 X&k, c/^^c»'/juv, Let us ftand decently, Let us pray, 
 he exhorts all to pray. And then he begins the 
 Prayer in thefe W ords : 
 
 that the Merciful and Gracious God would vouch- 
 fafe to hear their Prayers ; that he would open the 
 Ears of their Hearts-, that they may hear what 
 Eye hath not feen, nor Ear heard, neither hath 
 it entred into the Heart of Man -, that he would 
 inftil into them the Word of his truth-, that he 
 Would fow the Word of his truth in their Hearts -, 
 and confirm his Faith in their Minds; that he would 
 reveal unto them the Go/pel of Righteoufnefs ; that 
 he would give them a divine and heavenly Mind, 
 pure and holy thoughts, arid a virtuous Converfati- 
 ons always to mind, always to regard, and medi- 
 tate upon the things that belong to him, and to be 
 occupied in his Law Day and Night. Let us pray 
 yet more ardently for them, that he would deliver 
 
 them from all evil and abfurd Employments, from all 
 diabolical Sin, and all the Circumventions of the 
 Adverfary j that he would vouchfafe to bring them 
 in due time to the Laver of Regeneration, and grant 
 them Remiftion of Sins, and the Clothing of Incor- 
 ruption; that he would, during their whole Lives, 
 blefs their Going out and their Coming in, their Houfes 
 and families that he would encreafc and blefs their 
 Children, and bring them to the Meafure of perfect 
 Age with the Tnftrublion of Wifdom; and that he 
 would direcl all their Purpofes to their Advan- 
 tage. 
 
 After this, the Deacon bids them rife up and 
 pray for themfelves, dictating what they were to 
 pray for: Pray, ye Catechumens, for the Angel of 
 Peace -, that all your Purpofes may be peaceably di- 
 re died : Pray, that this prefent Day and all the 
 Days of your Lives may be fpent in Peace, and that 
 you may make a Chriftian End. Commend your [elves 
 to the Living God and to his Chrift. 
 
 This being done, fays Chryfoflom, we bid them 
 bow their Heads, and receive the Benedi&ion of 
 God, as a Sign that their Prayers are heard. For 
 it is not Man that blefles rhem, but by his Hands 
 and Tongue we prefent their Heads, as they 
 ftand there, to the heavenly King and then all 
 the Congregation with a loud Voice cry out, 
 Amen. 
 
 Here is a plain Account of the fecond Prayer 
 that was made for the Catechumens by the Bi- 
 fhop, which is ftyled here, as it is alfo in the 
 Conftitutions, the Bijhop's Commendation or Bene- 
 diction. 
 
 Learned Men think this Homily was preached 
 by Chryfoflom when he wasBifhopof Conftantinople. 
 And if fo, we muft conclude that thefe Prayers 
 were the Forms that were ufed then in the Li- 
 turgy of Conftantinople. 
 
 And I the rather incline to this sect. IV. 
 Opinion, becaufe there is fome What meant by 
 little Difference between this tbeir Praying for 
 Form of Chryfoftom\ and that in tht An & d *f peace 
 the Conftitutions. For in this of ^ ftB '^- 
 Chryfoftom y s the Catechumens are * r * 
 bid to pray for the Angel of Peace, which is not 
 mentioned in the Form of the Conftitutions-, tho* 
 it be in another place [h~] where Directions are 
 given for the Ordinary Morning and Evening 
 Service. St. Chryfoflom often mentions this fame 
 Petition for the Angel of Peace in his other Ho- 
 milies. As in his third Homily upon the Coloffians, 
 where he fays, every Man has Angels attending 
 him, and alfo the Devil very bufy about him. 
 Therefore we pray [f\ and make our Supplicati- 
 
 him in all Ejfential Verfeftions, but only deriving thofe Divine Terfe- 
 Siontfrom him, as the Author and Fountain of their Being, as God of 
 God, and Light of Light, by eternal Generation and TroceJJion. In this 
 fenfe, Bijhop Bull has observed, that Juftin Martyr in his Dialogue 
 ■with Tryphon, p. 3 f 8. ufes the very fame Expreffon, in fpeaking tf 
 the Son, as our Author does of the Spirit : For he fays, The Father 
 is Kuei« Kv'et©". «? irc£\na ©iof, curios n ajJ-m <rHs Vt) >y 
 fuvctrS, )y Kupiiy, it, Qiu, The Lord of the Lord, as Father 
 and God, and Caufe of his Being, of and from whom he has even 
 this, that he is Omnipotent and Lord and God. Where Bijhop Bull 
 rightly obferves, That God the lather is faid to be God and Lord of 
 
 VO Li I, 
 
 his Son, not as he is Lord of the Creatures, but quatenus eft Fons 
 Divinitatis gc Caufa Filio, ut fit, As he is the Fountain of the Deity 
 and Caufe of his Son's Exijlence: Which does not make the Son A 
 Creature, but the True. Confubjlantial, and Eternal Son of God; or 
 as our Author exprejfes himfelf accurately elfewhere, he is hereby 
 Gisf f^ovoywnf, God the Only- beget ten; that is, the true Son of 
 the Father, who is Jlyled Lord of the Sen, not us a Creator, but at 
 a Father. [g] Chryf. Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 740. [h] Conftit. 
 lib. 8. cap. 36, 8c 37. [/'] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Colof. p. 1 338. 
 cP/a tbto ovxhp^a,, £ Kkyo^fJ mtsvIh t aifyihov tjk «« 
 
 Y y y y y * ons 
 
720 The A n t i Q.U i t i b s of the Book XI V« 
 
 ons for the Angel of Peace. And fo in his Ser- 
 mon [£] upon the Afcenfion: Speaking of the 
 Air being filled with good and bad Angels, the 
 one always raifing War and Difcord in the 
 World, and the other inclining Men to Peace, 
 he tells his Auditory, they might know there 
 were Angels of Peace, by hearing the Deacons 
 always in the Prayers bidding Men pray for the 
 Angel of Peace. This undoubtedly refers to the 
 forementioned Form of Prayer, wherein the Ca- 
 techumens are directed to ask of God the Prote- 
 ction of rhe Angel of Peace. In like manner in 
 another [/] place, When the Deacon bids Men 
 pray with others, he enjoins them this among 
 the red: of their Petitions, to pray for the An- 
 gel of Peace, and that all their Purpofcs may be 
 peaceably directed. Which are the very Words 
 of r e Citechumens Prayer abovefaid. 
 
 The Defign of all which was, not to teach 
 their Catechumens to pray to their Guardian 
 Angels (according ro the modern way of inftru- 
 cting in the Romuh Church [m~] j though this 
 had been a very proper Seafon to have admoniih- 
 ed the Catechumens of it, had there been any 
 fuch Practice in the antient Chijrchs) but it was 
 to teach them to pray to the God of Angels: 
 That he who makes his Angels to encamp about 
 his Servants, would by their Miniftry defend 
 them from the Incurfions of wicked Spirits, 
 thoie Fomenters of War and Divifion and En- 
 mity among Men, and fo keep them and all their 
 Purpofcs in a Courfe of perpetual and uninter- 
 rupted Peace, that they might finally make a 
 Chriftian and a Peaceable End. 
 
 SECT. v. 
 
 Children in fntne 
 Churches appointed 
 to fay this Prayer 
 with the reft of the 
 Feople. 
 
 Another Thing wherein 
 the Form in the Conftitutions dif- 
 fers from that in St. Chryfoftom, 
 is, that it appoints the Children 
 of the Church particularly and 
 more efpecially to join in this 
 common Prayer for the Catechumens-, whereas 
 the Form ufed in St. Chryfoflom's Church menti- 
 ons no fuch thing: And Cbryfoftom himfelf in a- 
 nother place [»] lays plainly, that Children were 
 not called upon to join in the Prayers for the 
 Energumens and Penitents (which were of the 
 fame fort with thefe for the Catechumens) but 
 only in the Prayers for the Communicants at the 
 Alrar. As thefe Differences prove the two Forms 
 not to belong to the Liturgy of one and the 
 fame Church} fo they make it probable, that 
 St. Chryfojlom gives us the Form ufed in the 
 Church of Conftantinople, and the Author of the 
 Conftitutions the Form that was ufed at Antioch, 
 or fome other eminent Church, whofe Rituals 
 he tranferibed and put together. 
 
 sect. vi. Now by having fixed this 
 what Notice we Prayer in its proper place, we 
 
 may interpret all other Paflages We of this prayer 
 in the antient Writers, which in other antient Wtt- 
 fpeak of praying over the Cate- tmgs ' 
 chumens, or praying with them. As that of the 
 Council of Nice, which orders, that if any of 
 thofe, who were Catechumens properly fo call- 
 ed, that is, of that Rank who had thefe Prayers 
 faid over them, became Lapfers, then they fhould 
 for three Years be thruft down to the Rank of 
 Hearers only, and after that be admitted [0] to 
 pray with the Catechumens again. And that Ca- 
 non of the Council of Neocaefarea [/>], which 
 orders, that if any fuch Catechumens, as were 
 called yovu hX/vo/W, that is, Proftrators or Kneel- 
 ers, who bowed down to have thefe Prayers faid 
 over them, fhould fall into any fcandalci - Sin, 
 then they fhould be excluded from the Prayers, 
 and be ranked among the Hearers only : "And if 
 they fell again when they were Hearers, they 
 fhould be excluded from the very Entrance of the 
 Church. 
 
 The next fort of Perfons for sect. vii. 
 whom Prayers were now made, of the Prayers 
 were the Energumens, that is, f° r the Energumens, 
 fuch Perfons as were feized or or Fer f ons r°M e<l 
 poffeffed by an evil Spirit. For The 
 though thefe were under the pe- J™*"-'' e -> ePra J~ 
 culiar Care of the Exorcifts, an 
 Order fet apart particularly to attend them, and 
 pray over them in private, as has been mewed 
 more fully in a former [*] Book} yet their Cafe 
 being pitiable and deplorable, it was thought art 
 Act of becoming Mercy and Charity to let them 
 have the publick Prayers of the Church, and 
 grant them Liberty to be prefent at fuch Prayers 
 as immediately refpected their Condition. There- 
 fore as foon as the Deacons had difmifTed the Ca- 
 techumens, with the ufual Form, Catechumens, 
 depart in Peace : He faid again, Pray, ye Energu- 
 mens, who are vexed with unclean Spirits. And ex- 
 horting the Congregation alfo, he faid, Let us 
 ardently pray for them, (as the Form of this Bid- 
 ding-Prayer runs in the Conftitutions) \_q] that the 
 Merciful God, through Chrift, would rebuke the un- 
 clean and evil Spirits, and deliver his Supplicants 
 from the Opprefion and tyranny of the Adversary 
 that he who rebuked the Legion of Devils, and the 
 Prince of Devils, the Fountain of Evil, would now 
 rebuke thefe Apojlates from Piety, and deliver the 
 Works of his own Hands from the Moleftations and 
 Agitations of Satan, and cleanfe them which he hath 
 created in great IVifdom. Let us farther mofi ar- 
 dently pray for them. Save them, and raife them up, 
 O God, by thy Power. 
 
 Then he bids them bow down their Heads, 
 and receive the Bifhop's Benediction, which is 
 in the following Form of Words, immediately 
 addrefTed to Chrift. 1 
 
 O thou Only-begotten God, the Son of the Great 
 
 [&] Horn. 35". in Afcenfion. Domini, t. y. p. yjf. %v* //a'^/i? oti 
 a.fy-\ai awrtlf efolVt a.x.yo'ov ha Tout •wyovdjyals etei Kiy'ov- 
 7uv tsov S'tad'ivtoVf t f-pysAoc (Hpnvm ouTrto~tt}i. [I] Hom. 
 fi, in eos qui Pal'cha jejunant, t. f. p. 713.' £ibLkov@- j Ktr 
 
 ytiv, airSv r aifyiXov $ «? htlf, ^ ret ffpoxe^* t«V7* «pH* 
 vikcL. [m\ Vid. Drexel. de Cultu Coelitum. lib. a. cap. a. 
 [»] Chryf Hom. j\. in Mat. p. 624. [0] Cone. Nicen. can. 14. 
 [p] Cone. Neocaefar. can. 6. [*] Bwk tit, Ghtp. iv. n. 6, and p 
 [<f\ Conftit, lib. 8. cap. 6. 
 
 Father-, 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 721 
 
 Father ; Thou that bindeft the ftrong one, and fpoileft 
 his Goods ; that give ft Power unto us to tread on 
 Serpents and Scorpions , and over all the Power of 
 the Enemy: that haft delivered up the murdering 
 Serpent unto us a Prifoner, as a Sparrow unto Chil- 
 dren ; Thou, before whom all Things pake and trem- 
 ble at the Prefence of thy Power; that make ft Satan 
 to fall from Heaven to the Earth as Lightning, not 
 by a local Fall, but by a Fall from Honour to Dif- 
 grace, becaufe of his voluntary Malice ; Thou whofe 
 Looks dry up the Deep, and Threaxnings make the 
 Mountains melt, whofe Truth endures for ever; 
 whom Infants praife, and Sucklings blefs, and An- 
 gels celebrate and adore ; that lookeft upon the Earth, 
 and makeft it tremble ; that toucheft the Mountains, 
 and they fmoke ; that rebukeft the Sea, and drieft it 
 up, and turneft the Rivers into a IVildernefs ; that 
 makeft the Clouds to be the Duft of thy Feet, and 
 walkeft upon the Sea as upon a Pavement: Rebuke 
 the evil Spirits, and deliver the Works of thy Hands 
 from the Vexation of the adverfe Spirit : For to Thee 
 belongs Glory, Honour, and y/doration, and by Thee 
 to thy Father in the Holy Spirit, World without 
 End. Amen. 
 
 SECT. viil. St. Chtyfoftom has not this 
 An Account of whole Form, but he often refers 
 thefe Prayers out to j[ as one of the publick Pray- 
 of st. chryfoftom ers Q r t i ie Church. Common 
 md others. payers, fays he, are made by 
 
 the Priefts [f] and People together for the Ener- 
 gumens, and ifor the Penitents} we all fay one 
 and the fame Prayers, the Prayer that is fo full 
 of Mercy. And again, For this Reafon [s~] the 
 Deacon at this time brings thofe that are vexed 
 with evil Spirits, and commands them to bow 
 down their Heads only, and in that Pofture of 
 Body make their Supplications. For they may 
 not pray with the whole Congregation of the 
 Brethren. And for this Reafon he prefents them 
 before you, that you having Mercy on them, both 
 in regard of their Vexation, and their Difability 
 to fpealc for themfelves, may by your Freedom 
 of Accefs give them Patronage and Afliftance. 
 In another place [f\ he more fully explains the 
 Reafon why this Prayer for the Demoniacks 
 came before the Oblation of the Eucharift, and 
 why at that time the Deacon commanded them 
 to be brought forth and bow their Heads. Their 
 being poflefled of the Devil, fays he, is a cruel 
 and grievous Chain, a Chain harder than any 
 Iron. As therefore when a Judge is about to 
 come forth, and fit upon the Judgment-feat, the 
 Keepers of the Prifon bring forth all the Prifo- 
 ners, and place them before the Rails and Cur- 
 tains of the Tribunal, in all their Filth and Na- 
 ftinefs, with their Hair undrefTed, and clothed in 
 Rags : So our Forefathers appointed, that when 
 Chrift was in a little time about to fit as it were 
 upon the high Throne, and fliortly to appear in 
 the holy Myfteries, then the Demoniacks mould 
 
 be brought forth as fo many Prifoners in Chains- 
 not to be condemned or fuffer Punimment for their 
 Sins, as other Prifoners ; but that when the Peo- 
 ple and whole City are prefent together in the 
 Church, common Prayer might be made for 
 them, whilll they all with one Confent befought 
 the common Lord for them, and with loud 
 Voices entreated him to fhew Mercy on them. 
 Here though he does not fpecify the whole 
 Form, yet he plainly intimates both the Time, 
 and Subject Matter of the Prayer, and alfo the 
 manner of Addrefs} that it was a Prayer fent up by 
 the common Voice of the People, fome time be- 
 fore the Appearance of Chrift in the Eucharift, 
 and that as an Addrefs to God to implore his 
 Mercy on thofe pitiable Objects that lay in that 
 forlorn Condition before him. In which refpect 
 he elfewhere llyles it [u] the firft Prayer of Mer- 
 cy, faying, The firft Prayer is full of Mercy, 
 when we pray for the Energumens. The fecond 
 alfo, wherein we pray for the Penitents, fues 
 equally for Mercy. And the third, when we 
 pray for our felves, prefents the Children of the 
 People before God, crying out to him for Mercy. 
 Where by the firft Prayer, he does not abfolute- 
 ly mean the firft Prayer that was made in this 
 Part of Divine Service} for it is plain, the Pray- 
 er for the Catechumens came before it : But be- 
 caufe the Energumens were in a more miferable 
 Condition than the Catechumens, and greater 
 Objects of Pity than they were, he therefore 
 llyles the Prayer for them the firft Prayer of 
 Mercy, as he does the Prayer for the Penitents, 
 the fecond Prayer for Mercy, though it was in 
 order the fourth } and the Prayer for the Faith- 
 ful, the third Prayer for Mercy, though it be- 
 longed to another Part of the Service, of which 
 we mall fpeak more particularly in the firft 
 Chapter of the next Book. 
 
 The third Prayer that came SECT. IX. 
 in the ordinary Courfe of this Part of the third fort of 
 of the Service, was the Prayer for layers for theCom- 
 the Competentes, or Candidates P etentes " Candt - 
 of Baptifm, that is, fuch as had dates °f**W m - 
 now given in their Names, and exprefled their 
 Defire of receiving Baptifm at the next ap- 
 proaching Fcftival. This, I conceive, was but 
 an occafional Prayer, appropriated to certain 
 Seafons, as the time between Mid-Lent and Ea- 
 fter-Day, or other folemn Times of Baptifm, 
 when Men were more than ordinarily intent in 
 preparing themfelves for the Reception of that 
 facred Myftery. The Forms of thefe kind of 
 Prayers we have alfo in the Conftitutions [#], 
 where, as foon as the Deacon has difmiffed the 
 Energumens, he is appointed to cry our, si^ac^h 
 cl cpwTs^o/jisvof, Pray, ye Candidates of Baptifm: 
 And we that are already Believers, let us ardently 
 pray for them ; That the Lord would make them wor- 
 thy to be baptized into the Death of Chrift, and to 
 
 [r] Chryf. Horn. 18. in a Cor. p. 873. $ $ Im?^k- 
 rh feti y'wiW. 03 W- Horn. 3. de Incomprehenfibili. 
 
 t. I. p. JW rsro t&j Ivifyx/dpei jc*T z%£vov ir«57 
 7&V Kcupsi' JW;cop©-, Sec. [f] Chryf. Horn. 4. de Ia- 
 
 comprehenf. t. 1. p. 374. [u] Chryf, Horn. 71. a!. 71. in Mat 
 p. 624. [*] Conft, lib. 8. cap. 7. 
 
722 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XIV 
 
 rife again with him, and to be made Members of 
 his Kingdom, and Partakers of his Myfieries ; that 
 he would unite them to his Holy Churchy and num- 
 ber them with thofe that Jhall be faved therein. 
 Save thenty and raife them up by thy Grace. 
 
 Then they are ordered to bow down their 
 Heads, and receive the Bifhop's Benediction, 
 which is exprefled in the following Words: 
 
 God, who didfi by the Prediclion of thy holy 
 Prophets, fay to them that are to be initiated, Wajh 
 ye, make yeu clean ; and by Chrifl didfi appoint a 
 fpiritual Regeneration: Look down now upon thefe 
 Perfons, who are to be baptized; blefs and fanclify 
 them ; fit and prepare them, that they may be wor- 
 thy of thy fpiritual Gift, and the true Adoption of 
 Sons, and thy fpiritual Myfieries, and be defervedly 
 numbred among thofe that are faved, by Chrifl our 
 Saviour, through whom be all Glory, Honour, and 
 Adoration unto Thee, and the Holy Ghofi, World 
 without End. Amen. 
 
 1 have nothing farther to remark concerning 
 thefe Prayers, becaufe neither Chryfoftom nor any 
 other antient Writer, as far as I know, have faicl 
 any thing particularly about them. Only this 
 Author in another place \_y~] makes them part 
 of the daily Morning and Evening Service, as 
 has been noted before in fpeaking of That, under 
 & former Head. 'Tis probable in many Churches 
 they were included in the Forms for the Cate- 
 chumens in general. For the Council of Lao- 
 dicea [z], which fettles the Order of the Divine 
 Service in the Church, and appoints in what 
 M^hod ir fliould proceed, fpeaks of the Prayers 
 of the Catechumens, as immediately following 
 the Sermon, and then the Prayers for the Peni- 
 tents, and after thofe the Prayers for the Faith- 
 ful, which began the Communion Service} but 
 makes no mention of any Prayers for the Candi- 
 dates of Baptifm, as diftinct from thofe of the 
 Catechumens. And this might be one Reafon, 
 why other Writers make no mention of them. 
 In other Churches they were but occafional 
 Prayers, for the particular Times of Baptifm, 
 and therefore it is as little Wonder that other 
 Authors pafs them over without the lead Notice 
 taken of them. However, that the Author of 
 the Conflitutions found them diftinct in the Ri- 
 tuals of fome Churches, is not at all unlikely, 
 becaufe fuch Forms for the Candidates of Bap- 
 tifm are now in Ufe in the Greek Church, as may 
 be feen in Goar [a~\ ; and Cardinal Bona [b~\ has 
 obferved the like in a very antient Ordo Sacramen- 
 torum, lately in the PofTerlion of the Queen of 
 Sweden, where in the Office for the third Sunday 
 in Lent there is a fpecial Prayer inferted for 
 thofe who were then examined and elected to 
 receive Baptifm at Eafier. But I proceed with 
 the Service of the antient Church. 
 
 sect. X. The laft fort of Prayers in 
 
 of the laft sort this Part of the Service were 
 
 $f prayers fur the thofe which were made for the 
 
 penitents. Penitents, who were under the 
 
 Difcipline and Cenfures of the Church. Sorrwr 
 of thefe, called Hearers only, were lent away 
 with that Order of Catechumens, which 
 were diftinguiihed by the fame Denomination of 
 Hearers: But others of them, called Kneelers or 
 Proftrators, were permitted to ftay longer, to 
 receive the Prayers of the Church and the Bi- 
 fhop's Benediction. Therefore as foon as the 
 Candidates of Baptifm were difmhTed, the Dea- 
 con cryed out, Orate Paenitentes, Ye that are un- 
 der Penance, make your Prayers : And let us ar- 
 dently pray for our Brethren that are doing Pe- 
 nance? That the God of Mercy [c] would Jhew 
 them the way of Repentance j that he would admit 
 their Recantation and Confeffion ; that he would 
 Jloortly bruife Satan wider their feet; and deliver 
 them from the Snare of the Devil, and the Incur- 
 fton of evil Spirits, and preferve them from all evil 
 Words, all abfurd Practices, and all impure Thoughts; 
 that he would grant them Pardon of all their Sins, 
 V oluntary and Involuntary, and blot out the Hand- 
 writing that is againfi them, and write them in the 
 Book of Life ; that he would cleanfe them from all 
 Pollution of Flefh and Spirit, and unite and refiore 
 them to his holy Flock ; for he knows our Frame ; 
 for who can glory that he has a clean Heart ? Or 
 who can fay, that he is pure f om Sin ? For we are 
 all liable to Punifhmenf. Let us fiill pray more ar- 
 dently for them, becaufe there is Joy in Heaven over 
 one Sinner that repenteth ; that they may turn fr»m 
 every evil Work, and accufiom themf elves to all that 
 is good; that the merciful God receiving them kind- 
 ly, may refiore to them the Joy of his Salvation, 
 and confirm them with his Principal Spirit,, that they 
 may never fall or be Jhaken again; that they map 
 Communicate in his holy Solemnities, and be Par- 
 takers of his facred Myfieries ; that being made wor- 
 thy of the Adoption of Sons, they may obtain Eter- 
 nal Life. Let us all farther fay for them, Lord 
 have Mercy upon them: Save them, O God, and 
 raife them up by thy Mercy. 
 
 This laid, the Deacon bids them rife up, and 
 bow their Heads to receive the Bifliop's Bene- 
 diftion, which is ftyled alfo Impofition of Hands 
 and Prayer for the Penitents, and is conceived in 
 the following Words [d], 
 
 O Almighty and Eternal God, the Lord of the 
 whole World, the Maker and Governor of all Things, 
 who haft made Man to be an Ornament of the World 
 through Chrifl, and haft given him both a Natural 
 and a written Law, that he might live by the Rules 
 thereof, as a Rational Creature; that haft alfo, 
 when he hath finned, given him a Motive and En- 
 couragement to repent, even thy own Goodnefs : Look 
 down now upon thofe Men, who bow the Necks of 
 their Souls and Bodies unto Thee ; for thou defireft 
 not the Death of a Sinner, but his Repentance, that 
 he fhould turn from his evil way, and live. Thou 
 that acceptedft the Repentance of the Ninivites ; that 
 would fl have all Men to be faved, and come to the 
 Knowledge of the Truth ; that receivedft again the 
 Prodigal Son, who had fpent his Subftance in rio- 
 tous Living, with the Compaffionate Bowels of a 
 
 fjr] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 3$-, 8c 37. [z] Cone. Laodic. Liturg. lib. z. cap. 12. n. 4. p. 630. [c] ConfHt. Apoft. 
 
 can. 19. W Goar. Eucholog.p. 339, [£] Bona Rer. lib. 8. cap. 8. [d] Ibid. cap. o. 
 
 * Father, 
 
C H A P. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 723 
 
 Father, becaufe of his Repentance: Accept now the 
 Repentance of thefe thy Supplicants-, for there is no 
 Man that finneth not againfl 'thee : If thou, Lord, wilt 
 mark what is done amifs, O Lord, who may abide 
 it ? For there is Mercy and Propitiation with thee. 
 Reftore them to thy Holy Church, in their former 
 Dignity and Honour, through Chrifl our God and 
 Saviour-, by whom be Glory and Adoration unto 
 *thee\ in the Holy Ghojl , World without End. 
 Amen. 
 
 SECT. XI. St. Chryfoflom does no where 
 What Notice we give us thefe Prayers entire, but 
 have of thefe Pray- ne frequently refers to them as 
 trs in Chryibftom then ukd m the Church in this 
 and other inters. ^ Qf Servke We 
 
 have heard him fay before [e], that Common 
 Prayers were made by the Prielt and the People 
 jointly together, as well for the Penitents as the 
 "Energumens -, and that they all faid one and the 
 fame Prayer, the Prayer full of Mercy. In ano- 
 ther Place [/], The firft Prayer is full of 
 Mercy, when we pray for the Energumens: 
 The fecond Prayer likewife, wherein we pray 
 for the Penitents, makes Interceflion for Mercy. 
 I have given the Reafon already why both thefe 
 Prayers were ft) led Prayers for Mercy by Chry- 
 foflom, and I need here only obferve, that they 
 were ufed before the Prayers for the Faithful or 
 Communicants, as Chryfoflom fays exprefly in the 
 fame Place j and that they were by a certain 
 Form, becaufe they were offered by the common 
 Voice both of Minifter and People. The 
 Council of Laodicea [g] alfo mentions this Pray- 
 er for the Penitents, as coming after the Ser- 
 mon, next to the Prayers for the Faithful. And 
 in all antient Canons [h~\ where-ever we meet 
 with the Names of y'ojv xX/vovtss-, \^7rnrrovTs?,and 
 Proftrati, Kneelers or Proftrators, we are to ut.- 
 derftand this Order of Penitents, who in this 
 Part of the Service bowed down to receive 
 the Church's Prayerrs and the Bifhop's Bene- 
 diction. 
 
 sect. XII. As to the Greek Church then, 
 in what Tart of it is demonstrated beyond all 
 the church thefe Contradiction, that there was a 
 prayers were made. p art icular Service of Prayers for 
 the Catechumens, Energumens, and Penitents, 
 diftinct from the Communion Service, in which 
 they were again prayed for, though abfent, a- 
 mong all other States and Conditions of Men. 
 But there remain two Queftions, which have a 
 little more Difficulty in them. 1. In what Part 
 of the Church thefe Prayers were made ? z. Whe- 
 ther there were any fuch Prayers at all in Ufe 
 in the Latin Church ? As to the firft Queftion, 
 fome learned Perfons [i] are of Opinion, that 
 
 not only the Oblations were made at the Altar, 
 and the Communion received there, but that 
 all the Prayers of the Church were made at 
 the Altar likewife. Which is certainly true of 
 all the Prayers in the Communion Service, but 
 not fo certain of thefe Prayers in the Service of 
 the Catechumens. For firft, the fcveral Orders 
 for whom thefe Prayers were made, and over 
 whom they were made with Impofition of 
 Hands alfo, had their Sration in a different part 
 of the Church ; and we do not read that they 
 were ever called up to the Altar to receive their 
 Benediction; but in fome Canons are exprefly 
 ordered [k~] to receive Impofition of Hands even 
 in Abfoluiion before the Apjis, or Reading- 
 Desk, in cafe of fcandalous Offences > though 
 Abfolution was ufually given in ordinary Cafes 
 at the Altar. Now if the Prayer of Abfolution, 
 which was their Reconcilement to the Altar, 
 was fometimes made before the Reading- Desk, 
 there is little Queftion, but that the other 
 Prayers, which were but the Introduction to 
 their Reconcilement, were made there alfo. z. 
 This Service of the Catechumens and Penitents 
 was altogether a diftinct Service from that of 
 the Fideles or Communicants, and a final Dif- 
 miffion of them was al vays made before the lat- 
 ter Service began. 5. There is an exprefs Or- 
 der in the third Council of Carthage, that all 
 Prayers made at the Altar fhould be directed to 
 the Father only, and not to the Son [7] : And 
 yet it is evident, that the Prayer for the Ener- 
 gumens was directed to the Son, as we have feen 
 before in the Form cited [m~\ out of the Con- 
 flitutions. So that either the Difcipline of the 
 Eajlern Churches differed very much from thofe 
 of the JVefl; or elfe we muft neceffarilv con- 
 clude, that thefe Prayers, fome of which are 
 directed to the Son, were not made at the 
 Altar. 
 
 But it may be faid, the Pray- SECT. XIII. 
 ers in the Latin Church were wither there were 
 never directed to the Son: Or an y f uch M' m & 
 perhaps they had no fuch Pray- Vr T n f or the c *~ 
 
 C ^1. r> ~ \- Jr» tecbumens andPeni- 
 
 ers tor the Catechumens and re- > ■ , . 
 
 , 111 teits m *" e Latin 
 
 niteins in particular, as they had church. 
 
 in the Oriental Liturgies, di- 
 ftinct from thofe which were made for all Or- 
 ders of Men both before and after the Confecra- 
 tion in the Communion Service. The Matter 
 indeed is not fo clear, I confefs, in the Latin 
 Church, as I have {hewed it to be in the Ea- 
 jlern: And that which increafes the Difficulty, 
 is, that fome Authors feem to intimate, that as 
 foon as the Sermon was ended, the Catechu- 
 mens were difmiffed, and then the Communi- 
 cants betook themfelves to Prayers at the Altar. 
 
 [e] Chryf. Horn. 18. in 2 Cor. cited above, n. 8. [/] Chryf. 
 Horn. 71. in Mat. p, 624. [g] Cone. Laodic. can. 19. 
 
 \k] Vid. Cone. Nic. can. 11. Cone. Ancyran. can. 4, f, 6, 7, 8, 
 9, 8c 2$-. Cone. Neocsfar. can. 6. Bafil. Epift. Canon, can. 7$-. 
 [i] StUHngfl. XJnreafon. of Separat. Part III. Se&. 9. p. zfo. 
 [*] Cone. Carthag. 3. can. 32. Cujufcunque Pcenitentis publi- 
 
 cum 8c vulgatitTimum crimen eft, quod univerfam Ecclefiam 
 commoverit, ante Apfidem manus ei impooatur. [/] Cone. 
 
 Carthag. 3. can. 23. Ut nemo in Precibus vel Patrem pro Filio, 
 vel Filium pro Patre nominet : Et cum ad altare afTiftimr, fempcr 
 ad Patrem dirigatur Oratio. [m] See before, n. 7. 
 
 Behold, 
 
72* 
 
 The A nt i qui tibs of j Book XIV. 
 
 Behold, fays St. Auftin, after the Sermon the 
 Catechumens have their Difmiflloa : But the 
 Faithful abide ftill, and come [»] to the place 
 of Prayer : meaning the Altar, where the Lord's 
 Prayer was according to Cuftom to be repeat- 
 ed by the Communicants only. And St. Am- 
 ir ofe [0], fpeaking of the fame Matter, fays, 
 When the Sermon was done, he difmhTed the 
 Catechumens, and rehearfed the Creed to fome 
 Candidates of Baptifm in the Baptiftery of the 
 Church. But thefe do not amount to a Proof, 
 that the Communion Service fucceeded immedi- 
 ately after the Sermon, and that no other Pray- 
 ers or Bufinefs came between them. For this 
 very place of St. Ambrofe fhews, that at leaft 
 fome times the Repetition of the Creed to the 
 Candidates of Baptifm was in the Interval. And 
 one of the forecited Cartons of the Council of 
 Carthage makes it evident, that at other Times 
 the Prayer for the Abfolution and Reconcile- 
 ment of a fcandalous Offender was made in the 
 Apjis or Reading-Desk, before the Communion 
 
 Service likewife. And the other Canon as plain- 
 ly intimates^ that fome Prayers were directed to 
 the Son as well as the Father, by the Prohibiti- 
 on that is made of not changing the Name of 
 the Son for the Father, or the Father for the 
 Son. Which Prohibition had been needlefs, had 
 there been no Prayers directed to the Son. Now 
 admitting there were fome Prayers directed to 
 the Son, thefe muft be made before the Com* 
 munion Service, fince at that Time by the fame 
 Canon all Prayers are ordered to be directed to 
 the Father only. For thefe Rcafons I conclude, 
 that the Practice of the Greek and Latin Churches 
 was the fame, and that there were Prayers in 
 both for the Catechumens, Energumens and Pe- 
 nitents in their Prefence, diftinct from thofe 
 which were afterwards made for them in their 
 Abfence at the Altar. And fo I have done with 
 the firft Part of Divine Worihip, which the an- 
 tient Church called her MiJJa Catechumenorum^ or 
 Ante-Communion Service. 
 
 [»] Aug. Horn. 157. de Tempore, torn. 10. p. 385". Ecce poft 
 Sermonem fit Miffa Catechumenis. Manebunt Fideles, venietur 
 *d locum Orationis. Scitis quo accefliiri fumus, quid prius Deo 
 dicturi fumus ? Dimitte nobis debita ooftra, ficut nos dimittimus 
 
 debitoribus noftris. [«] Ambrof. Ep. 33. ad Marcellinam 
 
 Sororem. Poft Lefh'ones 8t Tra&atum, dimiflis Catechumenis, 
 fymbolum aliquibus Competentibus in Baptifteriis tradebam Ec- 
 clefias. 
 
 k. • ^^^^ • * "^^^ • j 
 
 BOOK 
 
BOOK XV. 
 
 Of the Mijfa Fidelium ; or Communion Service. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Prayers preceding the Oblation. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Of the Prayers 
 called 'tf id ff/»T>iff, 
 «r filtnt Prayer. 
 
 HEN the feveral Or- 
 ders of the Catechu- 
 Penitents, and 
 
 mens, 
 
 Energumens were dif- 
 mifled, which was the 
 Completion of the Mijfa Catechumenorum; then 
 immediately began that Part of the Service, which 
 is properly called Mijfa Fidelium, or Communion 
 Service, becaufe none but Communicants (or at 
 leaft fuch of the Penitents as had gone through 
 all the Stages of Repentance, and were now 
 waiting for Abfolution, called therefore 
 fxtvoi, or Co-ftanders) might be prefent at it. The 
 Entrance on this Service was made by a Mental 
 or filent Prayer, made by the People in private, 
 and thence called cuxv o-iuTrfc, the filent 
 Prayer, and oo^*J 2^voi#v, the Mental Prayer. 
 This we learn from a Canon of Laodicea, which 
 gives a fummary Account of the whole Order of 
 the Service of the Church : And therefore for 
 our clearer Proceeding in this Matter, I think it 
 not improper to put it down entire in this place, 
 as being one of the moft remarkable Canons in 
 the whole Code, and that which will give great 
 Light to the fubfequent Difcourfe. The Words 
 of the Canon are thefe : That after the Homily 
 of the Bifliop [a] firft the Prayer of the Cate- 
 chumens is to be made; and after the Catechu- 
 mens are gone forth, then the Prayer for the Pe- 
 nitents; and when they have received their Be- 
 nediction by lmpofition of Hands, and are with- 
 drawn, then the three Prayers of the Faithful are 
 to be made ; the firft of which is to be perform- 
 ed in Silence, the fecond and third by the Bid- 
 ding and Direction [of the Deacon.] After thefe 
 the Kifs of Peace is to be given j Presbyters fa- 
 luting the Bifhop, and Laymen one another: 
 And then the holy Oblation mall be celebrated ; 
 thofe of the Clergy only communicating in the 
 Chancel. 
 
 Some learned Pcrfons take the Prayer in Silenct 
 here to mean no more than Prayers made over 
 the Communicants by the Minifter alone, the Peo- 
 ple not making any Refponfes 5 and by the Pray- 
 ers called cu%cu <Pia T^o-<p&jvnV?a)r, they understand 
 Prayers made by way of Refponfes, the Minifter 
 and People mutually anfwering one another. But 
 this Explication does not come up to the Senfe 
 of this Canon. For by the Prayer in Silence we 
 are here to underftand fuch private Prayers as 
 each particular Perfon made by himfelf; and by 
 the Prayers SfgL x^crtpwvnVsoK, fuch Prayers as the 
 whole Church made in Common by the Call 
 and Admonition of the Deacon, who repeated 
 the feveral Forms, directing them what Things 
 they were to pray for, to each of which Petiti- 
 ons they fubjoined their xu^s iKfuroy, Lord have 
 Mercy, and grant the Petitions we ask ; ?Jid then 
 the Bifliop added the 6mx.\nai<;, or Invocation, 
 which was alfo called Collegia, the Colled, be- 
 caufe it was a Collection or Repetition of all the 
 Prayers of the People. That there were thefe 
 three Sorts of Prayers in the antient Church, is 
 evident from the Accounrs that are given of 
 each of them. And firft that there were fuch 
 private Prayers of every particular Perfon by 
 himfelf, appears not only from this Canon, but 
 from feveral antient Writers. St. Chryfofiom [b~\ 
 takes Notice that fome in thefe private Prayers 
 fpent their Time in nothing elfe but praying for 
 Revenge upon their Enemies. Many Men, fays 
 he, fall proftrate upon the Ground, and beat the 
 Earth with their Foreheads, and fhed abundance 
 of Tears, and groan bitterly within themfelves, 
 ftretching forth their Hands, and fliewing great 
 Zeal, and yet ufe all this Fervour and Earncftnefo 
 only againft their own Salvation. For they pray 
 to God, not for their own Offences, they do not 
 befeech him to pardon their own Sins, but they 
 fpend all this Labour againft their Enemies. 
 
 [«] Cone. Laodic. Can. 19. n«et <nt ftiv tJ^id. ^(Utov, r$ 
 VOL. I. 
 
 tt cMyai yiviS^ r?£f, (/.Uv 
 Trie vfuTYiv A'ta. aioTHK, t»v o ftifliytv £ re/rue //^ 
 
 j>] Chryfoftom. J7. De non evulgandis Pcccatis. torn.?, p. 761. 
 
 Zznz Which 
 
726 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 Which is the fame Thing, as if a Man fhould 
 whet his Sword, and then not ufe it againft 
 his Adverfaries, butthruftitinto his own Throat. 
 For fo thefe Men ufe their Prayers, not to ob- 
 tain Pardon of their own Sins, but to accelerate 
 the Puniihment of their Enemies: Which in 
 EffecT: is to run the Sword into their own 
 Bowels. A little after he tells us the very words of 
 their Prayers, which were thefe : Revenge me of 
 my Enemies, O Lord, and Jhew them that I have a 
 God. By all which it appears, that thefe were 
 the private Prayers of the People, which they 
 might abufe, and not the publick Prayers 
 of the Church : For the Church never taught 
 her Children to curfe their Enemies, buttoblefs 
 and pray for them. But in thefe private Pray- 
 ers, which were defigned for Confeflion of Sins 
 and Deprecation of God's Judgments, Evil Men 
 took Liberty to tranfgrefs all Rules, and grati- 
 fy their Patfions by asking Revenge upon their 
 Enemies. Now though this was a grand Abufe 
 of thefe private Prayers, yet it ferves to fhew 
 us both what the Cuftom was in the Church's 
 Allowance of fuch Prayers, and what in her 
 Defignation was the true Ufe of them. St.Ba- 
 // fpeaking of their Vigils or Night AfTemblies 
 (V], intimates as plainly, that they were fpent in 
 fuch private Prayers intermingled with divers 
 forts of Pfalmody. And Cafifiian gives the fame 
 Account of them both in the Eaftem and Weft- 
 em Churches, as I have fhewed at large in fpeak- 
 ing of the Daily Morning and Evening Service, 
 which began with private Confeflion in the Eaft- 
 tm Churches mentioned by St. Bafiil, and ended 
 with publick Confeflion made in the Words of 
 the LI. Pfialm, which was thence called the 
 Pfalm of Confiefifion, or the Penitential Pfalm [*] 
 for the Morning Service. But as to the pri- 
 vate Confeflions, we are now fpeaking of, with 
 which the Communion Service here began, we 
 are to note farther, that they were not only 
 made by the People in Silence by themfelves, 
 but by the Minifter in private alfo. And the 
 Footfteps of this Practice remain in fome of the 
 oldeft Liturgies of feveral Churches, quite diffe- 
 rent from the prefcnt Confeflions in the Roman 
 Miffal: For whereas now in the Roman Miffal 
 the Confeflion of Sins is made to Saints and An- 
 gels, as well as God, all the Offices for at leaft 
 a Thoufand Years after Chrift had their Con- 
 feflions only to God. Thus it is in the Forms 
 of Confeflion in Gregory's Sacrament avium, and 
 others publifti'd by Menardus. And this is that 
 Manuficript, which Cardinal Bona fo much mag- 
 nifies in the Queen of Sweden's Library, as con- 
 taining the Offices of the old Gallican Lituvgy. 
 To fhew that thefe Confeflions were made on- 
 ly to God, and not to any Saints or Angels, and 
 withal that they were particular Confeflions made 
 by the Prieft only in private, Jid o-iwx^r, as the 
 Laodicean Canon words it, I will here tranfcribe 
 
 that which Bona gives us out of that Antient MS. 
 as the Confeflion of the Gallican Office. It is 
 there called apologia [cT\ Sacerdotis, The Apo- 
 logy of the Prieft, or the Confeflion of his Sins, 
 and it runs in thefe Words. 
 
 O "Thou moft admirable Majefty, and great God, 
 Almighty Father, who art of infinite Goodnefs and 
 Power, I who am a moft vile Sinner, and condem- 
 ned by the Teftimony of my own Confidence, do ap- 
 proach Thee, and prefient my fielfi in the Sight ofi thy 
 Greatnefis, before the Eyes ofi thine ineffable Majefty, 
 before thy holy Face, not without due Reverence, 
 yet with great Unworthinefis and Neglect of Duty. 
 I do not excufie, but accufie my fielfi unto thee. I 
 confiefis, I fiay I confefis the Unrighteoufinefis of my 
 Impiety, that thou may' ft forgive the Wickednefis of 
 my Sin. I confefis, that ifi thou doft not forgive, 
 thou matffi punifih me. I confiefis my fielfi a Crimi- 
 nal before Thee, and yet I know my Amendment is 
 only in Words. In Words I endeavour to appeafie 
 thee, but in Works I offend thee. Iam fienjible of 
 my Faults, and yet I defer the Amendment. Affift 
 me therefore, afifift me, O thou ineffable Goodnefis. 
 Pardon me, pavdon me, O moft adovable Trinity. 
 Spave me, [pave me, fipave me, I befieech thee, O 
 merciful God. Hear me, hear me, hear me, I be- 
 fieech thee, when I cry in the Words of that prodigal 
 Son, O Father, Eternal God, I have finned againft 
 Heaven and before Thee : I am no more worthy to 
 be caird thy Son, make me as one ofi thy hired Ser- 
 vants. And now, merciful Father, I fly to the on' 
 ly Refuge and Haven of thy Mercy under the Pro- 
 tection ofi Chrift, that what is vile in me, thou may 1 ft 
 favourably vouchfiafie to accept in him, who liveft 
 and reigneft for ever and ever. Amen. 
 
 It is plain here, that as there is no Addrefs 
 to either Saint or Angel in this Prayer, fo it is 
 a private Prayer of the Prieft alone, for him- 
 felf, whilft the People were likewife employed 
 in making their private Confeflions to God : 
 Which fhews us the meaning of that filent 
 Prayer fpoken of in the Council of Laodicea, 
 which is called the firft Prayer in the Entrance 
 of the Communion Service. 
 
 All I fhall add farther here concerning thefe 
 private Prayers, is to make an Obfervation up- 
 on two ancient Forms of Speech, which have 
 fome Relation to this Matter, and help to con- 
 firm it : That is, the Forms, Silentium indicere, 
 and Orationem dare, both which are ufed to de- 
 note the Cuftom of bidding the People fall to 
 their private Devotions. Sometimes the Bifhop 
 was ufed to give the Signal, by faying, Oremus, 
 Let us pray j and then the People betook them- 
 felves to their private Devotions, after which 
 the Bifhop fummed up their Prayers in a fhorc 
 Colled by way of lblemn Invocation. Thus 
 Uranius [e~] defcribes the Rite in the Life of 
 Paulinas Bifhop of Nola, when he tells us, how 
 a certain Bifhop went into his Throne, and there 
 faluting the People, and being faluted by them 
 
 0] Bafil. Ep. 63. ad Neocsefar. t. 3. p. 96. [*] See Book 
 
 XIII. cap. 10. n. 13. [</] Bona. Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 
 
 1. n- 1. ,M Uran. Vit. Paulini. Ad Ecclefiam procefiit, 
 
 8c afcenfo Tribunali populum cx more falutavit,' refaiutatufque a 
 populo Orationem dedit, & coikdta Orationc Spiritum exha- 
 lavic. 
 
 again, 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 727 
 
 again, be then according to Cuftom gave the 
 Signal for Prayer, and afterward fummcd up 
 their Prayers in a Collect, and fo breathed out 
 his Laft. Sometimes the Deacon gave the Sig- 
 nal, and this was called Silentium indkere. Thus 
 it was in the Galilean Churches, as Bifhop Stil- 
 ling fleet has o ferved out of Gregory [/] of 
 fours ; and the Prieft did it by the Mozarabick 
 Liturgy. Where he rightly concludes, that this 
 Phrafe, Silentium indkere, does not barely figni- 
 fy making the People attentive, but there was 
 a farther meaning in it, that they were for a 
 Time there to attend to their own private Pray- 
 ers. Which he thinks not improbable on thefe 
 Confiderations. " i. Gregory Turonenfis faith, in 
 «* the place before-mentioned, That the King 
 " took that Time to fpeak to the People, who 
 " immediately brake forth into a Prayer for the 
 u King} not that any Collect was then read for 
 " biff), for that was not the proper Time for 
 " it} but it being a Time of fecret Prayers, 
 " they were fo moved with what the King faid, 
 " that they all prayed for him. 2. Among the 
 " Heathens, when they were bidden favere Lin- 
 " guis, yet then Briffonius [g] faith, They 
 "made their private Prayers } and as the Dea- 
 " cons commanding Silence feems to be much 
 ** of the fame Nature, it is not probable that 
 " the Chriftians ftiould fall ftiort of their Devo- 
 " tions. 3. The great Argument, fays he, to 
 " me, is the fmall Number of Collects in the 
 " ancient Churches j for the Chriftians fpent a 
 " great deal of time in the publick Service, on 
 " the Lord's Day, and the Stationary Days (I add 
 " alfo their Vigils j) but all other Offices could 
 w not take up that Time, there being no long 
 " Extemporary Prayers, nor fuch a Multitude of 
 " tedious Ceremonies in all paps, as the Roman 
 " Breviary and Mijfal introduced } and the Col- 
 " lefts of greateft Antiquity being very few and 
 " Ihort, it feems moll probable, that a com- 
 « petent part of the Time was fpent in private 
 « Devotions. A Remainder whereof is ftill pre- 
 " ferved in the Office of Ordination of Priefts 
 " in our Church, whereby Silence is command- 
 " ed to be kept for a Time, for the People's 
 « fecret Prayers. And the fame Cuftom was 
 " obferved at the bidding of Prayers, which 
 « was a Direction for the People what to pray 
 " for in their private Devotions \h\ 
 
 SECT. II. And this leads us in the next 
 
 of the Trayers y\ zce to confider the fecond fort 
 taUed , of Prayers mentioned in the La- 
 
 topiriytrs" ' " odicean Canon, which are there 
 ftiled co^ai eha Tzr^atywiavsis, 
 which we may Englifh, Bidding-Prayers. For 
 they were not only a Call to the People to pray, 
 but a Direction what particulars they were to 
 pray for. We have a Form of this fort of 
 Prayer in the Apoftolicar Conftitutions, immedi- 
 ately after the Difmiflion of Catechumens and 
 
 Penitents, where it is called nr(>a<r$<»vn<ns -hsrlo r 
 isrkSiv, a Direction or Bid ding- Prayer for the 
 Communicants or Believers. It is there ufhered 
 [f] in with thefe Words : Let no one of thofe 
 that are not allowed, come near. As many as 
 are Believers, let us fall upon our Knees. Let 
 us pray to God through his Chrift. Let us all 
 intenfely befeech God through his Chrift. Then 
 follow the feveral Petitions in this Order. 
 
 Let us pray for the Peace and Tranquillity of 
 the World and the holy Churches-, that the God 
 of the whole World would grant us his perpetual 
 and lafting Peace; and keep us pcrfevering to the 
 End in all the Fulnefs of Piety and Virtue. 
 
 Let us pray for the Holy Catholick and Apofto- 
 lick Church from one End of the Earth to the 0- 
 ther } that the Lord would keep it unflmken and 
 undiflurbed with Storms and Tempefts, founded 
 on a Rock to the End of the World. 
 
 Let us pray for the Holy Church (-rra^iyJ.a,-) in 
 this Place ; that the Lord of all would grant us 
 Grace to purfue his heavenly Hope without ceafing ; 
 and that we may render him the continual Debt and 
 Tribute of our Prayers. 
 
 Let us pray for the whole Epifcopate or Compa- 
 ny of Bifliops under Heaven, that rightly divid tks 
 W ord of Truth. And let us pray for James out 
 Bijhop and his Churches : 
 
 Let us pray for Clemens our Bifliop and his 
 Churches : 
 
 Let us pray for Euodius our Bijhop and his 
 Churches: That the merciful God would preferve 
 them in Safety, Honour, and Length of Days for 
 the Benefit of his Holy Churches 5 and grant them 
 a venerable old Age in all Piety and Right eoufnefs. 
 
 Let us likewifc pray for our Presbyters, that 
 God would deliver them from every abfurd and wick- 
 ed thing, and preferve them fafe and honourable in 
 their Presbytery. 
 
 Let us pray for the whole Order of Deacons and 
 Sub deacons in Chrift-, that the Lord would keep them 
 unblameable in their Miniflry. 
 
 Let us pray for the Readers, Singers, Widows 
 and Orphans. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that live in Matrimony and 
 Procreation or Education of Children, that God would 
 have Mercy upon them all. 
 
 Let us pray for the Eunuchs that walk in Ho- 
 linefs. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that live in Continency or 
 Virginity and lead a pious Life. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that make Oblations in the 
 holy Church, and give Alms to the Poor. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that offer their Sacrifices 
 and Firft-fruits to the Lord our God ; that the moft 
 gracious God would reward them with heavenly 
 Gifts, and reft ore them an hundred-fold in this World, 
 and grant them everlafting Life in the World to 
 come^ giving them heavenly Things for their earthly, 
 and for their Temporal Things thofe that are Eter- 
 nal. 
 
 Let us pray for our Brethren that are newly bap- 
 
 [f] Stillingfl. Orig. Britan. cap. 4. p. ex. Greg Turon. Mat. Parker Concion. in Obit. Buceri. [ij Conftit. Apoft. 
 
 Kb. 7. c. 8. [g] BrilTon. de Formulis p. 9, 10. [h] Vid. lib. 8. c. 9, & 10. Vid. lib. z. cap. $7. 
 
 Vol. I. Zzzzai tized; 
 
7*8 
 
 The Ant i qjj it ibs of the Book XV. 
 
 tized; that the Lord would confirm and eflablifo 
 them. 
 
 Let us pray for our Brethren that are afflicted 
 with Sicknefs j that the Lord would deliver them 
 from all their Diftempers and Infirmities, and re- 
 (lore them again in Health to his Holy Church. 
 
 Let us pray for all thofe that travel by Sea or 
 by Land. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that are in the Mines, and 
 in Banifhment, and in Prifon and in Bonds for the 
 Name of the Lord. 
 
 Let us pray for our Enemies and thofe that hate 
 
 us. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that perfecute us for the 
 Name of the Lord : 'that the Lord would mitigate 
 their Fury, and diffipate their Anger conceived a- 
 gainfl us. 
 
 Let us pray for thofe that are without, and led 
 away with Error, that the Lord would convert 
 them. 
 
 Let us remember the Infants of the Church ; that 
 the Lord would perfect them in his Fear, arid bring 
 them to the Meafure of adult Age. 
 
 Let us pray mutually for one another j that the 
 Lord would keep and preferve us by his Grace unto 
 the End, and deliver us from the evil one, and from 
 all the Scandals of thofe that work Iniquity, and 
 conduct us fafe to his heavenly Kingdom. 
 
 Let us pray for every Chriflian Soul. 
 
 Save us, O God, and raife us up by thy Mercy. 
 
 It is here to be fuppofed, that as in the for- 
 mer Prayers for the Catechumens and Peni- 
 tents [*], fo here at the End of every Petition 
 the People anfwered, xug/s Wkwcv, Lord have 
 Mercy upon them. Or, as it is in the Clofe of 
 this Prayer, Save them, O God, and raife them 
 up by thy Mercy. 
 
 Any one that will compare either our Litany 
 or the Prayer for the whole State of Chrifs 
 Church in the Beginning of our Communion 
 
 Service, will readily perceive, that there is a 
 near Affinity between them and this general 
 Form of the Antient Church. We have not 
 fo compleat a Form either in Chryfoflom\ genu- 
 ine Works, or any other Antient Writer, to 
 compare this with, as we did before in confide- 
 ring the Form for the Catechumens: But there 
 are two very antient Forms of fuch a Prayer, 
 without any Addition of Invocation of Saints 
 ftill preferved, one in the Ambrofian Liturgy, and 
 the other in an Amient Office tranferibed by 
 IVicelius out of the Library of Fulda, which be- 
 caufe they come near this Antient Form in the 
 Confiitutions, I will here infert them [£] in the 
 Margin for the Ufe of the learned Reader, out 
 of Pamelius his Liturgicks, Tom. 3. p. 307. and 
 Cardinal Bona Rerum Liturgicarum, lib. 1. cap. 4. 
 n. 3. and then fee what Remains of this antient 
 Prayer we meet with in the undoubted Writings of 
 the Fathers. For though none of them gives 
 us the fame Form entire, yet one may eafily 
 perceive by the near Alliance of the Fragments 
 that remain, that they all refer to the fame O-* 
 riginal. For there are, both in Chryfoflom and 
 other Writers, feveral Fragments of fuch a 
 Prayer, and plain Intimations that either this 
 or a like Form was in ufe in many Churches. 
 And therefore it will not be amifs to colle6b 
 thefe References and Fragments before we pro- 
 ceed any farther. 
 
 S t. Chryfoflom in one of his 
 Sermons, fpoken to the People 
 of Antioch, plainly fliews that 
 they had fuch a Form of Bidding- 
 Prayer in Ufe in that Church : 
 For he relates fome of the Pe- 
 titions of it, which are fo like 
 the Form in the Confiitutions, 
 that he will not judge amifs, that thinks the 
 
 SECT. in. 
 
 The Form of this 
 Sort of Prayers in 
 the Confiitutions, 
 compared with the 
 Fragments that oc m 
 cur in Chryfoftomj 
 and other Writers. 
 
 [*] See Book XIV. Chap. v. [k] In Codice Fuldenfi Lita- 
 
 nia Miflalis. 
 
 Dicamus omnes ex toto corde totaque mente: Domine Miferere. 
 Qui refpicis tcrram, 8c facis earn tremere. Oramus te Domine, 
 
 exaudi & miferere. 
 Pro altiflima Pace 8c tranquillitate temporum noftrorum. Oramus 
 
 te Domine, Sec. 
 
 Pro Sancta Ecclefia Catholica, quae eft a finibus ufque ad terminos 
 
 orbis terrarum. Oramus te Domine, 8cc. 
 Pro Patre noftro Epifcopo, pro omnibus Epifcopis ac Presbyteris 
 
 8c Diaconis, omnique Clero. Oramus te Domine. 
 Pro hoc Loco 5c habitantibus in eo. Oramus te Domine, 8cc. 
 Pro piiiYimo Imperatore 8c toto Romano Exercitu. Oramus te 
 
 Domine, 8cc. 
 
 Pro omnibus qui in fublimitate conftituti funt, pro Virginibus, 
 Viduis 8c Orphanis. Oramus te Domine. 
 
 Pro Pcenitentibus 8c Catechumenis. Oramus te Domine. 
 
 Pro his qui in Sandta Ecclefia fruttus mifericordia; largiuntur, Do- 
 mine Deus Virtutum exaudi preces noftras. Oramus te Domine. 
 
 Sandtorum Apoftolorum 8c Martyrum memores fumus, ut oranti- 
 bus eis pro nobis veniam mereamur. Oramus te Domine. 
 
 Chriftianum ac pacificcm nobis finem concedi a Domino compre- 
 cemur. Prs/la Domine, prefia. 
 
 Et divinum in nobis permanere vinculum Charitatis, Dominum 
 comprecemur. Vr&fta Domine, pr&fa. 
 
 Confcrvare Sanftitatem ac Puritatem Catholicae Fidei, Sandtum 
 Deum comprecemur. Tr&fia Domine, pr&fla. 
 
 Dicamus omnes, Domine exaudi miferere, 
 
 Altera Formula ex Ritu Ambrofiano in Dominica prima 
 Quadragefimae, incipiente Diaccno, 8c Choro ref- 
 pondente. 
 
 Divinaj pacis 8c indulgentiae munere fupplicantes ex toto corde 8c 
 
 ex tota mente precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro Ecclefia Sancia Catholica, qux hie 8c per univerfum orbem 
 
 diffufa eft, precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro Papa noftro N. 8c Pontifice noftro N. 8c omni Clero eornm, 
 
 omnibufque Saccrdotibus ac Miniftris precamur te. Domine 
 
 miferere. 
 
 Pro famuli's tuis N. Imperatore 8c N. Rcge, Duce noftro, 8c omni 
 
 exercitu eorum precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro Pace Ecclefiarum, Vocatione Gentium, 8c quiete populorum, 
 
 precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro Civitatc hac 8c confervatione ejus, omnibufque habitantibus 
 
 in ea precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro aeris temperie, ac fruclu 8c fcecunditate terrarum precamur te. 
 
 Domine miferere. 
 
 Pro Virginibus, Viduis, Orphanis, Captivis ac Pcenitentibus, pre* 
 
 camur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro Navigantibus, iter agentibus, in carceribus, in vinculis, in me- 
 
 tallis, in exiliis conftitutis, precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro iis qui diverfis Infirmitatibus detinentur, quique Spiritibus 
 
 vexantur immundis precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Pro iis qui in Sanda Ecclefia tua fruitus mifericordiae iargiuntur, 
 
 precamur te. Domine miferere. 
 Exaudi nos in omni Oratione atque Dcprecatione noftra, precamur te, 
 
 Domine miferere. Dicamus omnes, Domine miferere. 
 
 Author 
 
.. f I .. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 72# 
 
 Author of the Conjlitutions had his Form front 
 the fame Original, whence we are fure St. Chry- 
 foftom had his, viz. the Liturgy of the Church 
 of Antioch. For, fays he, when you all [/] in 
 common hear the Deacon bidding this Prayer, 
 and faying, Let us fray for the Bifhop, and for 
 his old Age, and for Grace to afftfi him, that he may 
 rightly divide the Word of Truth, and for thofe 
 that are here, and thofe that are in all the 
 World y you refufe not to do what is 
 commanded you, but offer your Prayers 
 with all Fervency, as knowing what Power 
 there is in Common Prayer. They that are 
 initiated know what I fay. For this is not 
 yet allowed in the Prayer of the Cate- 
 chumens. For they are not yet arrived to this 
 Boldnefs and Liberty of Speech. But the Dea- 
 con, who minifters in this Office, exhorts you 
 to make Prayers for the whole World, and 
 for the Church extended from one End of the 
 Earth to the other, and for all the Bifhops that 
 rule and govern it> and ye obey with Readi- 
 nefs, tellifying by your A&ions, that great is the 
 Power of Prayer, when it is offered up by the 
 People with one Voice in the Church. Here 
 we may obferve, That this was the Bidding- 
 Prayer j for it was done by the Celeufma, or Call 
 and Admonition of the Deacon, telling them 
 what they were to pray for. Then again, that 
 it was a Prayer peculiar to the Communicants, 
 and ufed only in the Communion Service: For 
 the Catechumens were not allowed to join in 
 it. And farther, that the Petitions for the whole 
 World, for the Church over all the Earth, for 
 all Bifhops wherefbever governing the Church, 
 and particularly for the Bifhop of the Place, 
 that he might live to a good old Age, and have the 
 help of God's Grace to enable him rightly to divide 
 the Word of Truth, are the fame Petitions that 
 occur in the Confiitutions : Which makes it evi- 
 dent that thefe Forms of Bidding- Prayer were 
 then commonly ufed in the Catholick Church. 
 Chryfofom in another Place fpeaks of this fame 
 Prayer as performed in common both by Mini- 
 fters and People j and by both of them in the 
 Pofture of kneeling or Proftration. For giving 
 an Account of the feveral Prayers of the Church, 
 in which the People bear a Part with the Mi- 
 ni fler, he fays, They prayed in common for 
 Perfons poffeft with evil Spirits, and for the 
 Penitents j and then after they were excluded, 
 who could not partake of the holy Table, they 
 made another Prayer j>], in which they all fell 
 proftrate upon the Earth together, and all in 
 like manner rofe up together. This is a plain 
 Reference to that Bidding-Prayer, before which 
 the Deacon commanded all to fall down upon 
 
 the Ground, and make thofe feveral Petitions 
 in that Pofture, and then gave the Signal to 
 rife again, by faying, avarwjutsv, Let us Rife, as 
 it is worded in the Confiitutions. Chryfoflom has 
 many other PafTages, which fpeak of Prayers 
 for the whole State of the Church, for Bifhopsj 
 for the Univerfe, and the Publick Peace; but 
 becaufe thefe refer more peculiarly to the Pray- 
 er immediately following the Confecration and 
 Oblation (where a more folemn Commemoration 
 of all States was again made) I will refer the 
 Notice of them to the Difcourfe upon that Pray- 
 er in its proper place. 
 
 However I cannot omit mentioning one re- 
 markable Thing more out of St. Chryfoflom re- 
 lating to this Prayer, which is, That this Pray- 
 er was efteemed fo much the Common-Prayer 
 of the People, that the Children of the Church 
 were particularly enjoined to bear a Part in it. 
 For in one of his Homilfes upon St. Matthew 
 fpeaking firft of the Prayer for the Demoniacks, 
 fecondly of the Prayer for the Penitents, thirdly 
 of this Prayer for the Communicants, he obferves, 
 That the two former were offered by the Peo- 
 ple alone, as Interceffors for Mercy for others; 
 but this Prayer, which was for themfelves, was 
 prefented alfo by the innocent Children of the 
 People [»], crying to God for Mercy : It be- 
 ing fuppofed, that their Innocency and Humi- 
 lity, the Imitation of which qualifies Men for 
 the Kingdom of Heaven, were good Recom- 
 mendations of their Prayers, when they folemn- 
 ly implored the Divine Mercy. Which plainly 
 ihews, that this was a general Prayer of all De- 
 grees of Perfons in the Church. We may note 
 farther out of St. Auftin, that the univerfal 
 Church, or the greateft Part of it, had fuch 
 Prayers preceding the Corifecration of the Eu- 
 charift, which were properly called Precationes y 
 or Deprecationes, Supplications for themfelves and 
 others, Communis Oratio, Common- Prayer, 
 becaufe they were performed by the common 
 Voice of the Deacon and the People. In one 
 of his Epiftles [o] he divides the whole Service 
 of the Church into thefe five Parts, i. Sing- 
 ing of Pfalms. 2. Reading of the Scriptures. 
 3. Preaching. 4. The Prayers of • the Bifhops 
 and Presbyters, f. The CommorkPrayers in- 
 dicted by the Voice or Direction of the Deacons: 
 Which were the Bidding-Prayers we are now 
 difcourfing of. Whence we learn the meaning of 
 the Deacon's being faid, Indicere Communem O- 
 rationem, that it means not barely his command- 
 ing them to pray, but his going before them 
 in a Form of Words, to which they might joyn 
 their common Refponfes. 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. i. de Obfcurit. Prophetiarum. tern. 3. p. 946. 
 
 t© , cTjm-S-w^ v& to crms-Hon-v, )y yrifut, }y t«? dv]i-^ 
 A«4.;»f, xHftf i?d-°TofJ.ii To;' h'oyw t»j dM$&cts >y r 
 
 cVTtf.U-9-; , Kj "v£p T A'TS-^vlctyJi, i IT trleJi TSOlekv to h/m- 
 
 Tttyu*, 8cc. [»»] Chryf. Horn. 18. in i Cor. p. 873. tsixiy 
 
 [n] Chryf. Horn. 7*- Mat. p. 614,. jj j T exT» nfdhtv 
 
 cAjyn ysfi nuffi *'JT<Zt>. ,iy dvrti id^aj^la. rd apcoisA <fk c/Y)-,:* 
 ^fgCdA^ijaj, t (Efi'ov cm Sasqj/ a^aKa\^vra. [0] Aug. Ep. 
 no. ad Januar cap. 18. Quando autem non eft tempus (cum in 
 Ecclefia fratres congregantur) Sandra cantandi, nifi cum legitur, 
 aut difputatur, aut Antiftites clara, voce deprecantur, aut Commu' 
 nis Oratio voce Diaconi indicitur ? 
 
 In 
 
730 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i b s of the Book XV. 
 
 In another [/>] Epiftle, he divides the Com- 
 munion Service into four Parts, according to 
 that Divifion of St. Paul, I Tim. ii. i. 1 ex- 
 hort therefore, that firft of all, Supplications, Pray- 
 ers, Inter cefiions, and giving of Thanks, be made 
 for all Men-, taking Supplications for thefe Com- 
 mon Prayers made for all Men before the Con- 
 fecration of the Elements 5 and Prayers, in the 
 Greek called ou^oi, for the Prayers of Confecra- 
 tion, of which the Lord's Prayer was one, be- 
 caufe the People did then folemnly dedicate them- 
 felves to Chrift, which is the moll: common No- 
 tation of the Word cu^n', a Vow. By Intercef- 
 ilons, he underftands the Benedictions of the Peo- 
 ple by Impofition of Hands, ufed at that time 
 by the Bifhops and other chief Minifters, recom- 
 mending them to the Mercy of Godj and by 
 Thankfgiving, the Doxologies and Returns of 
 Praife after the Participation was over. So that 
 here we have a plain Account of the Church's 
 Service, and particularly that the Prayers before 
 the Confecration were thole folemn AddrelTes, 
 which were made chiefly by the Deacon and 
 People, and therefore were called, Communis Ora- 
 tio voce Diaconi indicia, The Common Prayers of the 
 People, enjoyned and ordered by the Bidding of the 
 Deacon. In another Place he mentions fome of 
 the Particulars then prayed for. For writing to 
 one Vitalis of Carthage, who maintained that In- 
 fidels were not to be prayed for, he urges him 
 with the known Practice of the Church. Dif- 
 pute then, fays he, againft the Prayers of the 
 Church, and when you hear the Prieft of God 
 \_q~] exhorting the People of God at the Altar, 
 to pray for Infidels, that God would convert 
 them to the Faith •> and for Catechumens, that 
 God would infpire them with a Defire of Rege- 
 neration j and for the Faithful, that they may 
 perfevere by his Grace in that wherein they have 
 begun j Mock at thefe pious Words, and fay you 
 do not do what he exhorts you to do, that is, 
 that you do not pray to God for Infidels, that he 
 would make them Believers. Here we fee the 
 Prayers for the Conversion of Infidels, and the 
 Perfeverance of Believers are the fame with thofe 
 that occur in the Conjlitutions, and in both Places 
 are faid to be done at the Bidding or Exhortation 
 of the Minifter. 
 
 St. Bafil alfo fpeaks of thefe Prayers, under the 
 Name of Knguyiuala cwtXrutas-ixa, which is not to 
 be underftood of Preaching in the Church, but 
 of thefe Prayers, which the Deacon, as the com- 
 
 mon K^u| or Proclaimer and Director of the Ser- 
 vice, appointed the People to make for all Or- 
 ders of Men in the Church. And fo St. Bafil 
 himfelf explains his own Meaning. For writing 
 to a Friend in a Foreign Country, he tells him it 
 was impoflible he fhould forget him in his Pray- 
 ers, unlefs he fhould forget the Work to which 
 the Lord had appointed him. For you, fays he, 
 who are by the Grace of God a Believer, re- 
 member very well the Bidding-Prayers of [r] the 
 Church 5 How we there pray for all our Bre- 
 thren that travel in Foreign Countries, and for 
 all thofe that are muttered in the Camp, and for 
 thofe that undertake any brave and bold Thing 
 for the Name of the Lord, and for all fuch as 
 fhew forth any Fruits of the Spirit : For all thefe 
 we make Prayers in the Holy Church. And he 
 tells his Friend, that he being a Perfon Angularly 
 eminent, and in all thofe Capacities, as a Tra- 
 veller, as a Warrior, as a ConfefTor, as a virtu- 
 ous Man, was always remembred in the publick 
 Prayers of the Church. He mentions no other 
 Particulars, becaufe he had no occafion to fpecify 
 any more but what related to this particular Man's 
 Cafej but we need not doubt but that there were 
 many other fuch Petitions in the Liturgy of the 
 Church of Ctfarea, as there were in thofe of An- 
 tioch, and the African Churches. Cafarius Arc- 
 latenfis alfo fpeaks of thefe Bidding-Prayers, as ufed 
 in the Galilean Churches. For in one of his Ho- 
 milies to the People [*] he exhorts them, that as 
 often as the Clergy prayed at the Altar, or Prayer 
 was enjoined by the Bidding of the Deacon, they 
 fhould bow not only their Hearts, but their Bo- 
 dies alfo. For it was a very irregular thing, and 
 unbecoming Chriftians, that when the Deacon 
 cryed out, Let us bend the Knee, the greatefi: part 
 of the People fhould /land erect like Pillars, as 
 he had obferved them to do in their Devotions. 
 Here though we have none of the particular Pe- 
 titions, yet there is a plain Reference to them, 
 and two of the Circumftances mentioned, that is, 
 that they were to be made Kneeling, and by the 
 Indiction or Direction of the Deacon. 
 
 And in thefe Circumftances sect. iv. 
 they differed from the following °f the i»vocatim 
 Prayer, made by the Bifhop or °\ r , CelUa f° ll °™''2 
 chief Minifter, which the Greeks fj^ ° } tb§ 
 called Ix/xXkjo-k, the Invocation, and 
 the Latins Collecla, the Collet!, becaufe it was the 
 Recollection or Recapitulation of the preceding 
 
 [ f] Aug. Ep. f 9. ad Paulin. Quad. f. Eligo in his verbis hoc 
 intelligere, quod omnis vcl pene omnis frequentat Ecclefia, ut Pre- 
 eationes accipiamus di&as, quas facimus in celebratione Sacramento- 
 rum, antequam illud quod eft in Domini menfa, incipiat benedici: 
 Orationes, cum benedicitur 8c fandificatur, & ad diftribuendum 
 comminuitur quam totam petitionem fere omnis Ecclelia Dominica 
 Oratione concludit. — Interpellationes autem, five ut veftri Codices 
 habent, Poftulationes, fiunt cum Populus benedicitur. Tunc enim 
 Amiftites, velut Advocati, fufceptos fuos per manus Impofitionem 
 mifericordiffimae offerunt Poteltati. Quibus pera&is, & participnto 
 tanto Sacramento, Gratiarum aftio cunfta concludit, quam in his 
 etiam verbis ultimam commendavit Apoftolus. [q] Aug. 
 
 Ep. 107. ad Vital, p. 187. Exercere contra Orationes Ecclelia: Difpu- 
 tationes tuas, 81 quando audis facerdotem Dei ad altare exhortantem 
 
 populum Dei, orare pro Incredulis, ut eos Deus convertat ad Fidc?n 5 
 8c pro Catechumenis, ut eis defiderium Regenerationis infpiret ; St 
 pro Fidelibus, ut in eo quod eile cceperunt, ejus munere perfeve- 
 rent ; fubfanna pias voces, 8c die te non ficere quod hortatur, 8cc. 
 [r] Bafil. Ep.J4». ijh[xvAacu ya,$ <&dlifa& T-Mfvyy-cLTM r \x.~ 
 KhwieistKb'v, <ms-bs uv t7\ ri 05& 5/«'p;r/, oti jo r a* 
 a.-!roh)(j.'iajif tLPiKtycov ft'c^Q*. &c. [f] Gdar. Arelat. 
 
 Horn. 34. Rogo vos 8c admoneo, Fratrcs ChariiTimi, ut quoticf- 
 cunque juxta altare a Cleric's oratur, aut Oatio Diacono chmante 
 indicitur, non folum corda, fed etiam corpora inclinetis. Nam dum 
 frequenter, ficut oportet, 8c diligenter aticndo, Diacono clamanre, 
 Fieclamus genua, maximam partem popuii velut coiumnas crs&as 
 ftare conlpicio, quod Chriftianis omnino nec licet nee expsdit. 
 
 Prayers 
 
Chap. I 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 731 
 
 Prayers of the People. As the former Prayer 
 was faid by the Deacon and People kneeling, fo 
 this was prcfented by the Bifhop ftanding. And 
 therefore the Deacon was ufed to fay immediately 
 after the former Prayer, lyu^ixi^a^ Let us rife 
 up, and praying earneftly, Let us recommend our [elves 
 and one another to the living God by his Chrifi. Af- 
 ter 'which, the Bifhop makes this Prayer, as the 
 Form runs in the Conftitutions [/]. 
 
 O Lord Almighty and mofi High, thou that dwel- 
 left in the Highefi, thou holy One that refiefi in thy 
 Saints, (or Holy Places) that art without Original, 
 the great Monarch of the World ; who by thy Chrifi 
 hajl caufed thy Knowledge to be preached unto us, to 
 the Acknowledgment of thy Glory and Name, which 
 he hath manifefied to our Underftandings : Look down 
 now by him upon this Thy Flock, and deliver it from 
 all Ignorance and wicked W wks. Grant that it may 
 fear thee, and love thee, and tremble before the Face 
 of thy Glory. Be merciful and propitious unto them, 
 and hearken to their Prayers ; and keep them Un- 
 changeable, Unblameable, and without Rebuke : That 
 they may be holy both in Body and Soul, not having 
 Spot or IVrinkle or any fuch thing; but that they may 
 be perfetl, and none among them deficient or wanting 
 in any refpebl. O thou their Defender, thou Almighty, 
 that regardefi not Perfons, be thou the help of this 
 thy People, whom thou hajl redeemed with the preci- 
 ous Blood of thy Chrift. Be thou their Defence and 
 Succour, their Refuge and Keeper •, their impregnable 
 Wall, their Bulwark and Safety. For no one can 
 pluck them out of thy Hand. There is no other God 
 like Thee : In thee is our Hope and Jlrong Confolati- 
 cn. Sanclify them by thy Truth : For thy Word is 
 Truth. Thou, that dofi nothing out of Partiality and 
 Favour ; thou that canft not be deceived, deliver them 
 from Sicknefs and Infirmity, from Sin, from all In- 
 jury and Fraud, and from the Fear of the Enemy, 
 from the Arrow that flieth by Day, and the Dan- 
 ger that walketh in Darknefs ; and vouch fafe to bring 
 them to eternal Life, which is in Chrifi thy only-be- 
 gotten Son, our God and Saviour ; by whom be Glory 
 and Worfhip unto thee in the Holy Ghofi, now and 
 for ever, IVorld without End. Amen. 
 
 This, I conceive, is of the fame nature with 
 that Prayer mentioned by the Council of Lao- 
 dicea[u], as thefecond of thofe that are faid to be 
 made Jtd -z^o-qWo-'OK : For though the Author 
 of the Confiitutions diftinguifhes between the Dea- 
 cons Bidding-Prayer and the Biihop's Invocation, 
 calling the former •ur^cr^alvnc-i?, and the latter 
 &jrijiX«o-i?$ yet they both agreed in feveral Things 
 to diftinguifh them from the filent Prayer that 
 went before. For firft they were both pro- 
 nounced audibly by the Minifter, fo as the whole 
 Congregation might join with them, either by 
 making Refponfes to every particular Petition of 
 the Deacon's Prayer, or by faying Amen at the 
 Conclufion of the Bifhop's Prayer 5 whereas the 
 
 filent Prayers of the People were fuch as every 
 Man faid privately by himlelf, and might be very 
 different from one another, and fometimes were 
 fuch as were not fit to be heard, becaufe fome 
 Men abufed this Opportunity to pray to God for 
 Revenge upon their Enemies, z. Both thefe 
 Prayers were made at the Call or Admonition of 
 the Deacon, and fo might have the Name of 
 •ar^a-^'Jjvna-is. For he (aid before the one, Let us 
 fall down upon our Knees and pray to God: And be- 
 fore the other, Let us rife and commend our/elves to 
 God. tB^S-w/jts^a \axiT€i tzS 0€w. Whence alio this 
 and all fuch Prayers of the Bifhop had the Name 
 of '<%!$4a--:if, Commendations, becaufe they re- 
 commended the People to the Mercy and Pro- 
 tection of God. As we find in one of the Canons 
 of the African Code [x], which made an Injuncti- 
 on that no Prayers fhould be ufed in the Church 
 but fuch as were authorized by a Synod, whe- 
 ther they were Prefaces, or Commendations, or 
 Impofitions of Hands, left any Prayers contrary 
 to the Faith fhould furreptitioufly creep into the 
 Church. Where, as by Prefaces are meant cer- 
 tain proper Prayers ufed at the Eucharift ; and by 
 Impofitions of Hands, Prayers made over the Pe- 
 nitents or People by way of Benediction ; fo by 
 Commendations are to be underftood partly Pray- 
 ers for the Catechumens, and partly thefe Prayers 
 of the Bifhop for the People, recommending their 
 Perfons, and Prayers, and Concerns to the Favour 
 of God. This Canon was firft made in the 
 Council of Milevii, where what the Greeks call 
 rS^^rfcet;, is by the Latins [^] called Commenda- 
 tiones. But the more ufual Name in the Latin 
 Church was Colleblte, Collects, becaufe thefe 
 Prayers of the Bifhop, which in any part of the 
 Service followed the joint Prayers of the Deacon 
 and Congregation, were both a Recollection and 
 Recommendation of the Prayers ot the People- 
 In this Senfe Cajfian takes the Phrafe, Colligere 
 Orationem, when fpeaking of the Service in the 
 Egyptian Monafteries and Eaflern Churches, he 
 fays, After the Pfalms they had private Prayers, 
 which they faid partly ftanding, and partly kneel- 
 ing: Which being ended, he that collected the 
 Prayer [%] rofe up, and then they all rofe up to- 
 gether with him ; none prefuming to continue 
 longer upon the Ground, left he fhould feem ra- 
 ther to purfue his own Prayers, than go along 
 with him who collected the Prayers, or clofed 
 up all with his concluding Collect. Where we 
 may obferve, that a Collect is taken for the Chief 
 Minifter's Prayer at the clofe of fome Part of Di- 
 vine Service, collecting and concluding the Peo- 
 ples preceding Devotions. As here in Caffian it 
 is the Clofe of the Ordinary or Daily Morning- 
 Service, which was the fame as the Clofe of that 
 part of the Communion- Service, which imme- 
 diately comes before the Confecration, as has been 
 
 It] Conftit. Apoft. lib.S. cap. n. [«] Cone. Laod. O] Caffian. Inftitut. lib. i. cap. 7. Cum autem is qui Orationem 
 
 Can. 19. [x] Cod. Afric. can. 106. rifivzf ^ 7-370, »rs colle&urus eft, e terra furrexerit, omnes pariter furgunt, ita ut nu!- 
 
 rtsLs aiKv^ufAvcti a> n> crw'ofu hie'icti, t<T5 %i(/.ict, &t& Ius remorari prxfumat, ne non tarn fecutus fuifle illius Conclufio- 
 
 Siffett, bt? 7!?? x<*P°< zv$'fr&{> &™ ixifav W/]^^. Sec. nero, qui Precem colligit, quarn fuam celebrafle credatur. 
 Vid. Cone. Toletan.4.. can. ix. \f[ Cone. Milevitatucan.12. 
 
 /hewed 
 
732 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV 
 
 fhewed before, in fpeaknig of the Daily Morn- 
 ing-Service, more fully in another Place. Book 
 XIII. Chap. x. 
 
 Parallel to this Paflage in Caftan, is that of 
 Uranius [a~\, where fpeaking of one John Biihop 
 of Naples, who died in the Celebration of Divine 
 Service, he fays, He gave the Signal to the Peo- 
 ple to pray, and then having fummed up their 
 Prayers in a Colled, he yielded up the Ghoft. 
 The Council of Agde \_b~] in France made it a 
 Handing Rule for the Gallican Churches, that af- 
 ter all other things were performed in the daily 
 Courfe of Morning and Evening Service, the 
 Biihop mould conclude the whole Office, Col- 
 lecla Oratione, with his Collecl, and difmifs the Peo- 
 ple with his Benediction. From which it ap- 
 pears, that thefe Collects among the Latins were 
 the fame fort of Prayers, which the Greeks called 
 l7r»iXy]'cr«f and 'ze^S-fcrets-, Invocations and Commen- 
 dations, with which the Biihop concluded the 
 Prayers of the Deacon and People in each di- 
 ftinct part of Divine Service. As we have feen 
 it in the Service of the Catechumens and Peni- 
 tents, and in the Offices for the Daily Morning 
 and Evening Prayer, and here now in this part 
 of the Communion Service which goes before 
 the Confecration. Of which I have nothing 
 more to add, but only a fhort Paflage [c] of St. 
 Auflin, who in his Book of the Gift of Perfeve- 
 rance, feems plainly to intimate, that it was one 
 Petition in this Prayer, of common Ufe in the 
 African Churches, to pray for God's Grace to 
 enable Believers to perfevere to the end of their 
 Lives. For writing of the Ncccflity of Grace, 
 to guard Men againlt the Error of the Pelagians, 
 he puts them in mind of the Common Prayer of 
 the Church, wherein the Prieft makes Invocation 
 for the Faithful or Communicants in thefe Words, 
 Grant them Grace, O Lord, to perfevere in thee un- 
 
 to the End. And who is there, fays he, that hear- 
 ing the Prieft thus praying, dares either in Word 
 or Thought reprehend him, and is not rather 
 ready, both with a Believing Heart and a Con- 
 fefling Mouth, to anfwer Amen to fuch a Benedi- 
 ction ? 'Tis obfervable here, i. That this Prayer 
 has the fame Name which the Greeks gave it in 
 the Eajlern Church, The Invocation of the Bijhop or 
 Prieft over the Faithful. And therefore, idly, That 
 it was a Part of the Communion Service, where 
 fuch Prayers were only made. 3. That it was not 
 the Deacon's Bidding- Prayer, which had the Peo- 
 ples Refponfes to every particular Petition, but a 
 Prayer to which in the End they only anfwered 
 Amen. 4. That it was a direft Invocation of 
 God, by way of Benediction, fuch as the Bifliop 
 ufed to make, and not an Exhortation to pray, 
 which was the Office of the Deacon. f . That 
 the Petition in Subftance is the fame with that 
 of the Bifhop's Prayer in the Conftitutions, Keep 
 them Unchangeable, Unblameable, and without Re- 
 buke i that they may be Perfecl both in Body and 
 Soul, not having Spot or Wrinkle, or any fuch things 
 but that they may be perfecl, and none among them 
 be found wanting in any Re/peel. All wh ; i:h Cir- 
 cumftances make it highly probable, that this 
 Prayer referred to by St. Auflin, was the very 
 Prayer we arc fpeaking of, as ufed in the Clofc 
 of the firft Part of the Communion Service in 
 the African Churches. Thefe are the Frorfteps, 
 by which we are to trace the Practice of the an- 
 tient Church in that Part of her Devotions, which 
 was appropriated to the Communicants or Be- 
 lievers only, in the Entrance of the Communion 
 Service, and which anfwers to the Prayer for the 
 whole State of Chrift's Church Militant here up- 
 on Earth, in the Beginning of our Communion 
 Service. 
 
 CHAP. If. 
 
 Of the Oblations of the People, and other Things introductory to the Confecra- 
 tion of the Eucharifi. 
 
 sect. 1. 
 
 Of the Cuflomary 
 Oblations which the 
 Teople made at the 
 Altar. 
 
 THE next Part of this Ser- 
 vice, was the great Thankf- 
 giving and the Confecration of 
 the Elements of Bread and Wine 
 for the Eucharift. Which be- 
 caufe they were generally taken out of the Obla- 
 tions which the People made at the Altar, it will 
 be neceffary to give fome Account of thefe Ob- 
 lations, and of the Elements of Bread and Wine 
 taken out of them. It was an antient Cuftom, 
 
 derived from Apoftolical Practice, for all Com- 
 municants, that were of Ability, to make their 
 Oblations of Bread and Wine, and fometimes 
 other Things, at the Altar } out of which both 
 the Elements were taken, and a common Feaft 
 was made for the Poor. This the Apoftle plain- 
 ly refers to in that Reproof which he gives the 
 Corinthians for their Excefs, 1 Cor.xi. n. In eat, 
 ing every one taketh before others his own Supper^ 
 and one is hungry , and another is drunken. Jitftin 
 
 0] Uran. Vit. Paulio. Populo Orationem dedit, & CollecTra Ora- 
 tionefpiritum exhalavit. [ b ] Cone. Agathen. can. 30. In 
 
 concluiione Matutinarum vel Vefpertinanm Miflarum, port Hym- 
 no, Capitella dc Pfalmis dici, 6c plebem, Golle&a Oratione ad vef- 
 perara ab Epifcopo cum Benedi&ione dimitti. [c] Aug. dc 
 
 Dono Perfeverantiae, cap. 23. torn. 6. An quis Sacerck tem fuper Fi- 
 deles Dominum invocantem, li quando dixit, Da Hit. , Dommt, in 
 te perfeverare ufque infinem, non folum voce aufus eft, fed filccm 
 cogitatione reprehendere, ac non potius fuper ejus talcm Benedittio- 
 nem & corde credente & ore confitentc refpondit, Amen. 
 
 2 Martyr 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 733 
 
 Martyr\a~] cakes notice of thefe Oblations, faying, 
 They that are wealthy, and they that are wil- 
 ling, give according as they are difpofed; and 
 what is collected, is depofited with the Bifhop, 
 who out of it relieves the Orphansand Widows 
 and thole that are in Sicknefs, or in Want, or 
 in Bonds, and Strangers and Travellers: In a 
 word, he is the Curator of all that are in Need. 
 Tertulitan gives the like Account of this Practice 
 [/>] in his Time, only he diftinguilh.es between 
 the weekly and the monthly Collection. Every 
 one, lays he, offers a frhall Alms monthly, or 
 when he will, and as he will, and as he can; 
 for no one is compelled, but makes a voluntary 
 Collation. This is our Bank for Piety. For it 
 is not expended in Feafting and Drinking, and 
 abufive Excefles, but in feeding and burying 
 the Poor, in providing for Orphans that are be- 
 reft of their Parents, and aged People, and fuch 
 as fuffer Shipwrack, or languish in the Mines, 
 or in Baniihmenr, or in Prifon. Only one Part 
 of it, he adds, was fpent upon a fober Feaft of 
 Charity, where the Poor had a Right to feed 
 as well as the Rich. St. Cyprian \c~\ alfo fpeaks 
 of this, when he asks a rich Woman, how fhe 
 could think fhc celebrated the Lord's Supper, 
 who had no Refpect to the Corban; or how fh.e 
 could come into the Lord's Houfe without a Sa- 
 crifice, and eat part of the Sacrifice which the 
 Poor had offered ? Parallel to which is that of 
 St. Auflin [d~], that a Man of Ability ought to 
 be afhamed to communicate of another Man's 
 Oblation ; and therefore he exhorts every one to 
 bring their own Oblations to be confecrated at 
 the Altar. 
 
 sect. IL There was a very near Al- 
 
 mat Perfom were liance and „ reaC A ffi nity between 
 
 S^JUA. V hef ? 0^ion V ndthatof the 
 Euchanfly and therefore as they 
 had the fame common Name of Oblation and 
 Sacrifice, fo in many refpects the fame Rules 
 were obferved about them. As firft, that none 
 but actual Communicants fhould have the Pri- 
 vilege to offer them. For in thofe Days it was 
 a Privilege to be allowed to make their Oblati- 
 ons, and a fort of leffer Excommunication to be 
 debarred from it. They would not receive the 
 Oblations of Perfons that were at Enmity or 
 Variance with their Brethren (Vj, neither at 
 the Altar, nor into the Treafury. And this, as 
 Optatus [/] tells us, was grounded upon that 
 Rule of our Saviour, that no Mens Gifts fhould 
 be offered at the Altar, but thofe which were 
 feafoned with Peace and Reconciliation with 
 their Brethren. If thou bring thy Gift to the Al- 
 ia] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 98 & 99. |T| Tertul. Apol. 
 cap. 39. Modicani unufquifque ftipem menflruadie, vel quum ve- 
 lit, 8c fi modo velit, 8c fi modo poflit, apponit: Nam nemo com- 
 pellitur, led fponte confert. 8cc. [cj Cypr. de Opere 8c E- 
 leemof. p. 20 3. Locuples 8c Dives es, 8c Dominicum celebrare te 
 credis, quse Corbonam omnino non refpicis; quse in Domini- 
 cum fine Sacrificio venis, quae partem de Sacrificio, quod Pauper 
 obtulit, fumis? [d] Aug. Ser. 2 If . de Tempore. 
 Oblationes, quse in altario confeaentur, offerte : Erubefcere debet 
 homo idoneus, fi de aliena Oblatione communicaverit. 
 0] Cone. Carthag. 4. can. 93. Oblationes difiidentium Fratrum, 
 Vol. I. 
 
 tar, and there remember" ft that thy Brother hath 
 ought againft thee : Leave there thy Gift before the 
 Altar, and go, firft be reconciled to thy Brother, 
 and then come and offer thy Gift. Matth. v. 2.3. 
 For the fame Reafon they refufed the Oblations 
 of noted and known Oppreffors of the Poor, as 
 appears from another Canon [g] of the Coun- 
 cil of Carthage. With which agrees the Rule 
 in the Conftitutions, that \h~\ they fhould not re- 
 ceive the Gifts of a Thief or an Harlot. Which 
 is repeated again with an Addition of many o- 
 ther fuch like Criminals [*"]. A Bilhop mud 
 know, whole Gifts he ought to receive, and 
 whofe not. He fhall not receive the Gifts of 
 Fraudulent Huckfters, y.a.irrihoi: For an Huckfter 
 Jh all not be free from Sin. Ecclus xxvi. zo. And 
 Efaias fpeaks of thefe, when he upbraids Ifrael, 
 faying, Thy Huckfters mix Wine with Water, (fo 
 the Scptuagint reads it. Efai. i. 2.2,.) Neither Jliall 
 he receive the Oblations of Whore-mongers. For 
 thou Jhall not offer to the Lord the Hire of a Whore. 
 Deut. xxiii. 18. Nor the Oblations of Covetous 
 and Adulterers : For the Sacrifices of fuch are A~ 
 bomination to the Lord. Nor the Oblations of 
 fuch as afflict the Widow, and opprefs the Fa- 
 therlefs by their Power, and fill the Prifons 
 with innocent Perfons, and evil intreat their 
 Servants with Stripes, Famine, and hard Bon- 
 dage; and lay wafte whole Cities: All fuch are 
 to be rejected, and their Offerings are abomina- 
 ble. He fhall alfo refufe all Corrupters, and 
 Lawyers that plead for Injuftice, and Makers 
 of Idols, and Thieves, and unrighteous Publi- 
 cans, and thofe that ufe Frauds in Weight or 
 Meafure; all Soldiers that are falfe Accufers, 
 and not content with their Wages, but op- 
 prefs the Poor; all Murderers and Hangmen, and 
 unrighteous Judges, Drunkards, Blafphemers, and 
 Abuiers of themfelves with Mankind; allUfurers 
 and in a Word every wicked Man, that lives in 
 Rebellion againft the Will of God. St. Chryfo- 
 fiom particularly inveighing againft Opprelfors, 
 who offered Alms out of what they had violent- 
 ly taken from others, fays elegantly that 
 God will not have his Altar covered with Tears: 
 Chrift will not be fed with Robbery; fuch fort 
 of Suftenance is molt ungrateful to him : It is 
 an Affront to the Lord, to offer unclean Things 
 to him : He had rather be neglected and perifli 
 by Famine ( in his poor Members) than live by 
 fuch Oblations. The one indeed is Cruelty, but 
 the other is both Cruelty and an Affront. It is 
 better to give nothing, than to give that which 
 is the Property of others. What the Author 
 of the Conftitutions obferves of Idol- makers is 
 confirmed by Tertullian [/] who wrote his whole 
 
 neque in Sacrario, neque in Gazophylacio recipiantur. [/] Op- 
 tat. lib. 6. p. 93. Altaria, in quibus Fraternitatis munera non juflit 
 falvator poni, nifi qua: eflent de Pace condita. [g] Coac. 
 
 Carth. 4. can. 94.Eorum qui pauperes opprimunt, Dona a facer- 
 dotibus refutanda. [b] Conftit. lib. 3. cap. 8 [<] Id 
 
 lib. 4. cap. 6. [*] Chryf Horn. 86. al. 87. in Mat. p. 722! 
 
 Vid. Horn. 72. in Joan. p. 466. Et Epiph^n. expofit. Fidei. n 21 
 [/] Teitul. de Idololat. cap. f. Refpondcbimus ad excufationes hu- 
 jufmodi Artificum, quos nunquam in Domum Dei admitti orortct, 
 fi quis earn difciplinam norit. 
 
 A a a a a a 
 
 Book 
 
734- 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 Book of Idolatry in a manner againft them, 
 where among many other Things, he fays, they 
 that followed that Trade were not to be ad- 
 mitted into the Houfe of God. And it is very 
 remarkable what St. Ambrofe told Vakntinian^ 
 when he was about to reftore the Heathen Al- 
 tars at the Interceflion of Symmachus^ that if he 
 fo far contributed toward the Re-fettlement of 
 Idolatry, the Church would no longer receive 
 his Oblations : What will you anfwer, fays he, 
 to the Prieft: when he fhall fay unto you, 
 The Church requires not your Gifts, becaufe 
 you have adorned the Temples of the Heathen 
 with your Gifts. The Altar of Chrift refufes 
 your Oblations, becaufe you have erected an Al- 
 tar to the Idol-gods. By which it is plain, they 
 rejected the Oblations not only of profeft Ido- 
 laters, but all fuch as were Abetters of them, 
 or any ways inftrumental in giving Aid or En- 
 couragement to Idolatrous Practices. Again, it 
 was a ftanding Rule among them not to admit 
 the Oblations of thofe, who having a Right to 
 communicate, would not Hay to participate of 
 the Communion. This is exprefly ordered by 
 the Council of Eliberis [»] : And the Rule ex- 
 tended farther to all thofe that for any Crime or 
 Herefy were excluded from Communion by the 
 Difcipline of the Church, or were not in full 
 Communion with her. Such as all excommuni- 
 cate Perfons, all Catechumens, Penitents, Ener- 
 gumens, and Strangers that travelled without 
 Commendatory Letters, and fuch of the Clergy 
 as for fome leffer Offences were reduced to the 
 Communion of Strangers. For, as Albafpinctis 
 notes rightly upon that Canon, all thefe were 
 in fome meafure Non-communicants, as not be- 
 ing in the perfect and full Communion of the 
 Church. The Energumens are particularly fpe- 
 cified [o~] in the next Canon of that Council, as 
 Perfons whofe Oblations fhould not be received, 
 nor their Names mentioned at the Altar, whilft 
 they were actually under the xAgitation of an e- 
 vil Spirit. And all Penitents, whilft they were 
 under Difcipline, were in the fame Clafs } only 
 they had this Privilege, that if they chanced to 
 die fuddenly whilft they were doing Penance, 
 and were defirous to be reconciled, by fome Ca- 
 nons [_p~] their Oblations were allowed to be re- 
 ceived alter Death, as a Teftimony of their Re- 
 conciliation and Admiflion into the Communion 
 of the Church again : Except they were of that 
 fort of Penitents, to whom the Church thought 
 
 fit in the Severity of her Difcipline to deny all 
 External Communion at the hour of Death 5 of 
 which there arc many Inftances in the Councils 
 of Sardica, Eliberis, and others: For then their 
 Oblations were not received either living or dy- 
 ing : or elfe when they had been fo carelefs as 
 not to defire Reconciliation at the hour of Death. 
 In which Cafe, as Pope Leo fays [y], their 
 Caufc was referved to the Judgment of God, in 
 whofe Hand it was that their Life was not pro- 
 longed till they could have the Remedy of Com- 
 munion. As to the Church, fhe did not com- 
 municate with thofe after Death, with whom 
 fhe did not communicate when they were alive. 
 Nay fometimes they would not receive the Ob- 
 lations of thofe that died in their Communion, 
 if their laft A<5b happened to have any Thing ir- 
 regular in it. As appears from a Cafe in Cyprian 
 [V], who tells us, That it had been determined 
 by an African Synod, that no one mould appoint 
 any of God's Minifters a Curator or Guardian 
 by his Will, becaufe they were to give them- 
 felves to Supplications and Prayer, and to attend 
 only upon the Sacrifice and Service of the Al- 
 tar: And therefore when one Geminius Viclor 
 had made Geminius Fauftinus, a Presbyter of the 
 Church of Furni, Guardian or Truftee by his 
 laft Will and Teftament, Cyprian wrote to the 
 Church of Furni, that they fhould make no Ob- 
 lation for him, or name him in the Sacrifice of 
 the Altar. But in After- ages this piece of Dif- 
 cipline was a little moderated in France: For by 
 a Canon of the fecond Council of Orleance it was 
 ordered [i], that if any one died in the Commu- 
 nion of the Church, his Oblation fhould be re- 
 ceived, though he happened to be flain in fome 
 Fault, provided he had not laid violent Hands 
 upon himfelf. But this Privilege was not allow- 
 ed the Catechumens that died without Baptifm, 
 becaufe they never were perfectly in the Com- 
 munion of the Church. Therefore Chryfoftom [f] 
 fays, no mention was ever made of them after 
 Death in the Prayers of the Church, as was u- 
 fual for Believers, in the Oblation or Sacrifice 
 of the' Altar. The only Thing that could be 
 done for fuch, was to give private Alms to the 
 Poor. If they had not the Benefit of Baptifm, 
 they were to be buried as Perfons who laid vio- 
 lent Hands upon themfeives, or fell by the Arm 
 ofjuftice, without any Solemnity [«] of Bu- 
 rial, or Commemoration at the Altar. In fhort, 
 the Oblations of all Perfons who were not in 
 
 [«>] Ambrof. Ep. 30. ad Valent. Quid refpondebis facerdoti di- 
 centi tibi: Munera tua non quxrit Ecclefia, quia Templa Gentili- 
 um muneribus ornafti. Ara Chrifti Dona tua refpuit, quia Aram 
 fimulacris fecifti. [»] Cone. E'.iber. can. 28. Epifcopos, 
 
 placuit. ab eo qui non communicat, munera accipere non debere. 
 [0] Cone. Eliber. can. 29. Energumenus, qui erratico fpiritu ex- 
 agitatur, hujus nomen neque ad Altare cum Oblatione recitandum, 
 nccjue permittendum ut fua manu in Ecclefia miniflret. 
 [/>] Cone. Arelatenfe 2. can. 12. Vafenfe 1. can. 2. Tolet. 11. 
 can. 12. [<j] Leo Ep. 92. ad Rufticum cap. 6. Horum 
 
 Caufa Dei Judicio refervanda eft, in cujus manu fuit, ut talium 
 obitus non ufque ad communionis rcmedium differretur. Nos 
 •utem, quibus viventibus non communicavimus, mortuis commu- 
 
 nicate non polTumus. [r] Cypr. Ep. 66. tl. 1. ad Cler. Fur- 
 
 nitan. p. 3. Ideo Victor cum contra Formam nuper in Conci- 
 lio a Sacerdotibus datam, Gerninium Fauftinum Presbytcrum au- 
 fus fit Tutorem conftituere, non eft quod pro Dormitione ejus a- 
 pud vos fiat Oblatio, aut Deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclefia 
 frequentetur. [j] Cone. Aurelian. 2. can. 14. Oblatio- 
 
 nem defundtorum, qui in aliquo crimine fuerint intercmpti, recipi 
 deberc cenfemus, fi tamen non ipli fibi mortem probentur propriis 
 manibus intulifle. [?] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Philip, p. i22f. 
 
 Vid. Horn. 1. in A&. 8c Horn. 24. in Joan. [«] Cone. 
 
 Bracar. 1. can. 3^. Catechumcnis fine redemptione Baptifmi de- 
 funftis, fiinili modo, non Oblationis fancise commemoratio.neque 
 Pfallendi impeudatur OrHcium. 
 
 z aclual 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 735 
 
 actual or full Communion with the Church, 
 were abfolutely rejected: And therefore thofc 
 Penitents who had gone through all the Stages 
 of Difcipline, and were now allowed to flay, 
 and hear the Prayers with the reft of the Faith- 
 ful, were not yet allowed to make any Oblati- 
 ons, as being not yet fully reconciled to the 
 Communion of the Altar. Upon this Account 
 the antient Canons ftyle them xoivwvsv- 
 
 reLS -w^a-^o^ji;, fuch as communicated 
 
 in Prayers only, without any Oblation. But 
 this was more preciicly obferved in the Begin- 
 ning of their Cenfures. For if a great Delin- 
 quent, an Heretick or other Excommunicate 
 Perfon, would have given his whole Eftate to 
 the Church, in fuch a cafe they would not ac- 
 cept his Oblation. There goes an Epiftle un- 
 der the Name of St. Auflin to Count Boniface 
 [jy], wherein he tells him, he had forbidden all 
 his Clergy to accept the Oblation of hisHoufe, 
 and intcrdi&ed him all Communion, till he had 
 done Penance for a certain bold Attempt, and 
 offered to God firft the Sacrifice of an humble 
 and contrite Heart for his Error. The Epiftle 
 probably is not St. Aujlins, but it contains no- 
 thing difagreeable to the Difcipline of thofe 
 Times, when the greateft Gift would not be 
 accepted from an Emperor, if he were an Here- 
 tick, or under the Cenfure of Excommunicati- 
 on. As it is clear, not only from what has been 
 obferved before out of St. Ambrofe\ Epiftle to 
 Valentinian, but from what Gregory Nazianzen 
 [z] fays of St. Bafil, That he refufed the Obla- 
 tions of the Emperor Valens, becaufe he was a 
 profeft Enemy of the Divinity of Chrift, and a 
 furious defender of the Arian Herefy. So Libe- 
 rius refufed the Offering of Eufebius the Arian 
 Statefman under Conflantius, as we are told by 
 Athanafius \_a~\ and Theodoret [£] who reports 
 the Story with all its Circumftances in this man- 
 ner: When Conjlantius drove Liberius into Ba- 
 nifhment, becaufe he would not fubferibe the 
 Condemnation of Athanafius with the Nicene 
 Faith, he fent him Five hundred Shillings (6X0- 
 xoTiviss) to bear his Charges. But Liberius bid 
 the Meflcnger that brought them, return them 
 to the Emperor, for his Soldiers had more need 
 of them. The Emprefs alfo fent him the fame 
 Sum, which he returned to the Emperor with a 
 like Anfwer, That he might keep them for his 
 own Expeditions. Laft of all, when he had re- 
 fufed both the former, Eufebius the Eunuch was 
 fent to make him another Offer. To whom Li- 
 berius replied, Thou haft haralTed and laid wafte 
 
 the Churches over all the World, and doft thou 
 now offer me an Alms as a condemn'd Crimi- 
 nal? But go thou firft, and learn to become a 
 Chriftian. 'Tis no lefs remarkable what Tertul- 
 lian tells us of the Church's Treatment of Mar- 
 cion the Heretick, when he was excommunica- 
 ted with Falentinus for his Herefy : They caft 
 him out with his two hundred [c] Seftertia, 
 which he had brought into the Church. They 
 were fo far from receiving the Gifts of fuch 
 Men, that they rejected them with Scorn, as 
 St. Peter did Simon Magus, T'hy Money perijb 
 ivitb thee : Or as Abraham rejected the Gifts of 
 the King of Sodom, faying, / will not take from a, 
 Thread even to a Shoe-latchet, I will not take any 
 Thing that is thine, lefi thou JhoaWfi fay, I have 
 made Abraham rich. 
 
 And as they thus made aDi- SECT. HI. 
 ftinction in thePerfons, of whom mat obUtmu 
 they received, fo fecondly they migh f b ° rece,ve { 
 
 j r\ rL- o_- • 1 ^.1 1 at the Altar, ana 
 
 made a Diftinction xn the Obla- mh;lt notm 
 tions themfelves, which were to 
 be received. For the moft antient Cuftom was 
 only to offer fuch Things at the Altar, as were 
 proper for the Service of the Altar. To this 
 purpofe there are feveral Canons among thofe 
 called the Apoftolical Canons. One fays [d\ 
 No Bifhop or Presbyter under pain of Depofi- 
 tion fhall offer any Thing in the Sacrifice on 
 the Alcar contrary to the Lord's Command, as 
 Honey, Milk, or ftrong Beer inftead of Wine, 
 or Birds, or living Creatures, excepting only 
 the Firft-fruits of Corn and Grapes in their pro- 
 per Seafon. Another forbids any Thing to be 
 brought to the Altar [e] befides Oyl for the 
 Lamps, and Incenfe in the Time of the Oblati- 
 on. And a Third [/] orders all other Firft- 
 fruits to be carried home to the Bifhop and 
 Presbyters, to be divided between them and the 
 Deacons and the reft of the Clergy. Some of 
 the African Canons are to the fame purpofe. The 
 Third Council of Carthage orders Qg] that in the 
 Sacraments of the Body and Blood of the Lord 
 nothing elfe be offered but what the Lord com- 
 manded, that is, Bread and Wine mingled with 
 Water. Nor in the Oblation of Firft-fruits any 
 Thing more be offered but only Grapes and 
 Corn. The Collections of African Canons [_h~\ 
 both Greek and Latin give us this Canon a little 
 more at large in thefe Words: Nothing fhall be 
 offered in the Sacraments of the Body and Blood 
 of the Lord, but what the Lord himfelf com- 
 manded, that is, Bread and Wine mingled with 
 
 [#] Cone. Nicen. can. 11. Cone. Ancyr. can. 4, f, 8, &c. 
 fy] Aug. Ep. 6. ad Bonifac. in Appendice. Tom. 2. Oblatio do- 
 mus fuse a Clericis ne fufcipiatur, indixi, Communionemque tibi 
 
 interdico, donee ■ pro hoc facto corde contrito 2c humiliato 
 
 (lignum offeras facrificium Deo. f z.] Naz. Orat. 20. de 
 
 Laud. Bafil. p. 35- 1- 0] Athan. Ep. ad Solitarios. p. 834. 
 [6] Theod. lib. 2. cap. 16. [c] Tertul. de Prsefcript. cap. 50. 
 Marcion £c Valentinus feniel 8c iterum ejetti : Marcion quidem 
 cum ducentis feftertiis, quae ecclefrs intulerat. [a"] Canon. 
 
 Apoft. can. 3. [e] Can. 4. [/] Can. f. Vid. Cone. 
 
 Eliber. in can. 49. [g] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 24. Ur in 
 
 Sacramentis corporis 8c fanguinis Domini nihil ampJius offeratur. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 quam ipfe Dominus tradidit, hoc eft, Panis 8c Vinum aqua mix- 
 tum. Nee amplius in facrificiis ("al. in Primitiisj offeratur, quam 
 de Uvis 8c Frumentis. [h'j Cone. African, can. 4. ap. Crab,, 
 
 t. 1. p. J03. Ut in facramentis corporis 8c fanguinis Domini ni- 
 hil amplius offeratur, quam quod ipfe Dominus tradidit, hoc eft, 
 panis 8c vinum aqua mixtum. Primitiaj verb, feu Mei 8c Lac, 
 quod u-no die folenniflimo in Infantum Myfteriofolet offerri, quam- 
 vis in altari offerantur, fuam tamen propriam habeant Benedidlio- 
 nem, ut a Sacramento Dominici corporis 8c fanguinis diftinguan- 
 tur. Nee amplius in Primitiis offeratur, quam de uvis 8c frumen- 
 tis. Vid. Cod. Ecclef. Afric. can, 37. ap. Juftellum, 
 
 A a a a a a 2 
 
 Water. 
 
Book XV. 
 
 IValcr. But the Firft-fruits, and Honey and tius curries the Charge a little higher, and ob- 
 Milk, which is offered on one moll folemn Day je&s to them, that they offered it together with 
 for the Myftery of Infants, though they be of- the Body of Chrift upon the Altar. But this is 
 fered at the Altar, mail have their own peculiar commonly [p] faid to be an Aggravation of the 
 Benediclion, that they may be diftinguifhed from Thing, and therefore is rejeded by Cardinal Bo- 
 the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the na as a Slander. But he owns the Fad fo far 
 Lord. Neither ihall any Firft-fruits be offered as is related by Strabo, becaufe the old Ordo Ro- 
 but only of Grapes and Corn. Here we fee, manus has fiich a Form for the Confecration of 
 Milk and Honey was only to be offered on one a Lamb on Eafter Day, and it is agreeable to 
 folemn Day, that is, on the great Sabbath, or their prefent Practice. Only he blames Strabo 
 Saturday before Eafter, which was the molt fo- for being too zealous in his Cenfureof this Rite, 
 lemn Time of Baptifm ; and that for the Myfte- and inveighing againft it as a fuperftitious and 
 ry of Infants, that is, Perfons newly baptized, erroneous Practice. Which only fhews how much 
 who were commonly called Infants in a myfti- Bona was inclined to defend the Superftitions 
 cal Senfe, from their new Birth, in the African that were crept into his Church, without any- 
 Church : For it was ufual to give them a Tafte Foundation in antient Pradice. 
 of Honey and Milk immediately after Baptifm, 
 
 as has been mewed in a former Book [*] j and But I proceed with the Pra- SECT. IV. 
 
 upon that Account an Oblation of Honey and ctice of the antient Church, and J he N * mes °f 
 
 Milk is here allowed to be made for this Myfte- obferve thirdly, that when their ™* de °t l * * 
 
 ry of Infants, which was to be offered and con- Oblations were receiv'd, it was ™ll vlLl,n- 
 
 fecrated with a peculiar Benediction, that it ufual in many Places to rehearfe hearfed at the Al- 
 
 might not be thought to come in the Room of the Names of fuch as offered, tar. 
 
 the Eucharift. And no other Firft-fruits are al- that a Commemoration of them 
 
 lowed to be offered at the Altar but only Grapes might be made, and Prayers and Praifes be offer- 
 
 and Corn, as being the Materials of Bread and ed to God for them at the Altar. I have alrea- 
 
 Wine, out of which the Eucharift was taken. In dy had Occafion to fay fomething of this Cu- 
 
 the Time of the Council of Trullo the Offering ftom [+] out of St. Cyprian [/] and St. Je- 
 
 of Milk and Honey at the Altar was univerfally rom [^], in fpeaking of Deacons, whofe Office 
 
 [£] forbidden. But the Oblation of the Firft- it was to recite the Names. To thefe, I fhall 
 
 fruits of Grapes was ftill allowed : Only, where- now add fome farther Evidences both out of 
 
 as a corrupt Cuftom prevailed in fome Places, thefe and other Writers. Cyprian in one of his 
 
 to join them in the fame Sacrifice with the En- Epiftles to the Churches of Numidia, fpeaking 
 
 charift, and diftribute them together with it to of a Collection that had been made at Carthage 
 
 the People, the Rule of the African Code is re- for them [V], fays, he had fent them the Names 
 
 vived, and Orders given [/], That they ftiall of every Brother and Sifter, that had contribu- 
 
 have a diftincl: Confecration, and a diftincr. Di- ted willingly to fo neceffary a Work (it was to 
 
 ftribution, if the People were defiroas to eat redeem Captives) that they might remember 
 
 their Firft-fruits in the Church. In the mean them in their Prayers, and requite their good 
 
 Time we may obferve, that in other Churches Work in their Sacrifices and folemn Supplica- 
 
 not only the Firft-fruits of Grapes and Com, tions ; he had alfo added the Names of fuch of 
 
 but all other Things which the People were vo- his Fellow-Bifhops as were then prefent, and 
 
 luntarily difpofed to offer, whether Money or had contributed both in their own Names, and 
 
 the like Gifts, were received at the Altar. For the Names of their refpective Churches j and he 
 
 in France the firft Council of Orleans made it a had fignified the Sums that every one gave, 
 
 Rule [*»], that of fuch Oblations one Moiety that as the common Faith and Charity required, 
 
 iliould fall to the Bifhop, and the other be di- Mention might be made of them in their Sup- 
 
 vided among the reft of the Clergy. But it is plications and Prayers. St. Jerom fays \_s~] the 
 
 fevcrely cenfured by Strabo [n~\ as a grofs Piece fame in another Place, That now the Names of 
 
 of Superftition in the Roman Church, that they fuch as offered were publickly rehearfed, and 
 
 were ufed to offer and confecrate a Lamb, and that which was the Redemption of Sins, was 
 
 eat the confecrated Fiefh of it, out of a pretend- made matter of Praife and Glory : And Men did 
 
 ed Reverence to the Immaculate Lamb of God, not remember the Widow in the Gofpel, whofe 
 
 which was {lain for the Sins of the World. Pho* two Mites caft into the Treafury, exceeded all 
 
 [*] Book XII. Chap. iv. n. 6. [k] Cone Trull, can. fj. 
 
 [I] Ibid. can. 28. [m] Cone. Aurelian. 1. can. 16. An- 
 
 tiquos Canones relegentes, priora ftatuta credimus renovanda, ut de 
 his quae in Altario Oblatione Fidelium conferuntur, medietatem fibi 
 Epifcopus vendicet, £cc. Vid. ibid. can. 17. [»] Strabo de 
 
 Rebus Ecclef. cap. 18. Du Pin fays alfo, that there is an 
 "Example of this Ufage in the Life of St. Uldarick, and that both 
 Ratramnus and /Eneas Parifieniis wrote in Defence of it agawjl 
 Photius but he fays, it was not authorized in all the Latin Churches. 
 Du Pin. Cent. 9. p. 1 « 3. [0] Nicolai Papce Epift. ap. 
 
 Baron, torn. 10. an. 867. Bona. Rer. Liturg. lib, 2. cap. 8. 
 n. f. Hoc putidum mendacium eft, See* [f] Book II. 
 
 Chap. xx. n. f. [/>] Cypr. Ep. 10. al. 16. p. 37. 
 
 [q] Hieron. Com. in Ezek. 18. p. 5-37. [rj Cyprian. Ep. 
 
 6o- al. 62. ad Epifcopos Numidas. p. 147. Ut autem Fratres 
 noftros ac forores, qui ad hoc opus tarn neceflarium prompte ac 
 libenter operati funt, ut femper operentur, in mentem habeatis ia 
 Orationibus veflris, & eis vicem boni operis in facrificiis 8c preci- 
 bus reprefentetis, fubdidi nomina fingulorum, 8cc. [j] Hie- 
 
 ron. in Jerem. 11. lib. i. p. 25-4. Nunc publice recitantur ofle- 
 rentium nomina, 8c redemptio peccatorum mutatur in Laudem: 
 nec meminerunt viduae illius in Evangelio, qua: in Gazophylacium 
 duo sera mittendo, omnium divitusn vicit donaria. 
 
 the 
 
/ 
 
 Chap.II. Christian Church. 737 
 
 the Gifts of the Rich, who call in of their A- 
 bundancc. Some think [/] St. Jerom here re- 
 flects upon the Practice of the Church, as if he 
 diflikcd the mentioning of the Sums offered, 
 which they fay without doubt was a Corrup- 
 tion. But they miftake St. Jerom's Meaning: 
 For he is not blaming the Practice of the Church, 
 but the Practice of thofe who gave out of O- 
 fecntation and Vain-glory > and when they were 
 privately guilty of Thefc or Oppreflion, thought 
 to get Elteem and Reputation, by giving a lit- 
 tle of their ill-gotten Goods to the Poorj plea- 
 fing themfelves with the Applaufe of the Peo- 
 ple, whilft their own Confciences muft needs 
 lafh and torment them, as he expreffes it in ano- 
 ther [u~\ Place. It was fit for them to remem- 
 ber the Widow's Mites, which were a more 
 acceptable Sacrifice to God than the greatelt 
 Gifts of Injuftice that they could offer him. So 
 he does not condemn the Cultom of rehearling 
 the Names of the Donors as a Corruption, but 
 only the private Abufes that by the Vicioufnefs 
 of Men did fometimes accompany it. St. Chry- 
 fofiom [>;] and the Author of the Conflitutions 
 [jy] have fome Reference to the fame Cuftom : 
 The latter orders the Biihop to acquaint the 
 Poor, who were their Bcnefa6tors, that they 
 might pray for them by Name. And Cotelerius 
 obferves [_z] a like PafTage in the Ads of Ceci- 
 lian and Felix, where the Form runs thus : Such 
 an one gives fo much of his Subftance to the 
 Poor j for which thofe A<5ts appeal to the Peo- 
 ple's own Eyes and Ears. When the Oblations 
 were thus prefented, and the Names of the Do- 
 nors rehearfed, then it was ufual in fome Places 
 to make a commendatory Prayer, by way of Ob- 
 lation to God, antecedent to thofe Eucharifti- 
 cal Prayers which were appropriated to the Con- 
 fecration of the Eucharifi. This may be col- 
 lected from the Epiftle of Pope [a] Innocent to 
 Decentius a neighbouring Bifhop of Eugubium, 
 where he fpeaks of fuch an Oblation by a com- 
 mendatory Prayer going before the Confecra- 
 tion: Which, he fays alio, in the Reman Church 
 was ufed to be made before the Recital of the 
 Names of the Offerers, which were not rehear- 
 fed till they came to the Confecration. But 
 whether fuch a diftin£t Oblation of the Creatures 
 was made in all Churches, feems not fo very 
 clear, becaufe other Writers, Jufiin Martyr, I- 
 rerueus and the Conflitutions, fay nothing of it. 
 
 SECT. V. Fourthly, we are to ob- 
 
 Tbe EHcbarifli- ferve upon this Head, that fo 
 
 tal Elements ufual- long as the People continued to 
 
 l y taken out of the ma k e Oblations of Bread and 
 
 copies QUattm. ^ E j emems for the TJf e 
 
 of the Eucharifi were ufually ta- -And confequentty, 
 ken out of them} and by Con- noU f e of Wafers or 
 fequence fo long the Bread was 2W - 
 that common leavened Bread, which they ufed 
 upon other Occafions } and the Ufe of Wafers 
 and unleavened Bread was not known in the 
 Church till the eleventh or twelfth Centuries, 
 when the Oblations of common Bread began to 
 be left off by the People. This will feem a 
 great Paradox to all who look no farther than 
 the Schoolmen, and only read their Difputes with 
 the Greeks about leavened and unleavened Bread, 
 which are fierce enough on both Sides, and have 
 little of Truth on either: As commonly fuch 
 Difputes evaporate into Smoke, and end in bit- 
 ter and falfe Reproaches, the Greeks terming 
 the Latins Azymites, for confecrating in Azymis, 
 that is, unleavened Bread ; and the Latins on the 
 other hand charging the Greeks with deviating 
 from the Example of Chrift, and the Practice 
 of the antient Church. I will not enter into 
 the Detail of the Arguments on both Sides, 
 which belongs not to this place j but only ac- 
 quaint the Reader, that now the moll wife and 
 learned Men in the Roman Church, who have 
 more exa£tly fcanned and examined this Matter, 
 think fit to defert the Schoolmen, and maintain 
 That the whole Primitive Church, and the Ro- 
 man Church herfelf for many Ages, never confe- 
 crated the Eucharifi in any other but common 
 and leavened Bread. The firft that ventured to 
 break the Ice, and confront the Schoolmen, was 
 Latinus Latinius in an Epiltle to Antonius Augu- 
 ftinus. After him Sirmondus wrote a particular 
 Difquifition upon it, which was followed and 
 commended by Cardinal Bona [_f\, who has a 
 long DhTertation to eftablifh the Opinion, 
 wherein he expofes the Prejudices and falfe Ar- 
 gumentations of 'Thomas Aquinas and the reft of 
 the Schoolmen. And though Chriflianus Lupus \f\ 
 fet himielf again with all his Might to defend 
 the common Opinion of the Schoolmen againft 
 Sirmondus j yet his Arguments are of no 
 Weight with Schelfirate [d'] and Pagi, who 
 readily give into the Pofition of Bona and Sir- 
 mondus, as founded upon the jufteft Reafons. 
 The chief Argument of the Schoolmen is no ways 
 conclufive, That the Primitive Church followed 
 the Example of Chrift, who celebrated his laft 
 Supper with unleavened Bread. For that was 
 only upon the Account of the Pajfover, when 
 no other but unleavened Bread could be ufed a- 
 mong them. After his Refurreftion he probably 
 celebrated in leavened Bread, and fuch as was 
 in common Ufe at all other Times, except the 
 Time of the Pajfover. And that the Church 
 always ufed common Bread, appears from the 
 
 [t] Comber of Liturgies, p. 196. [u] Hieron. in E- 
 
 zek, ,8. O] Chryf. Horn. 18. in Aft. p. 175-. 
 
 [ y ] Conrtit. lib. 3. cap. 4. [x] Gefta Purgationis Cseci- 
 
 liani 8c Fclic. Vel audifti, vel vidifti, fi didum eft pauperibus, 
 Dat St vobis de re fua Lucilla. [«] Innoc. Ep. 1 . ad De- 
 
 centium. cap. i. De nominibus vero recitandis, antequam preces 
 Sicerdos faciar, atque eorum Oblationes, quorum nomina recitanda 
 funt, fua Oratione commendet, quam fuperfluum fit, 8c ipfe per 
 tuam prudentiam recognofcis, ut cujus Hoftiam necdum Deo of- 
 
 feras, ejus ante nomen infinues, quamvis illi incognitum fit nihil. 
 Prius ergo Oblationes funt commendandae, ac tunc eorum nomina, 
 quorum funt Oblationes, edicenda, ut inter Sacra Myfteria nomi- 
 nentur, non inter alia, qua: ante prxmittimus, ut ipfis Myfteriis 
 viam futuris precibus aperiamus. [6] Bona Rer. Liturg. 
 
 lib. 1. cap. 23. [«] Lupus Not. in Concil. torn. 3. p. 686. 
 
 8cc. [</] Pagi Critic, in Baron, an. 3 r 3 . n. if. Si Schel- 
 
 ftrate Difciplina Arcani. cap. 7. Par. ap. P3gi. ibidem. 
 
 following 
 
73* 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XV 
 
 following Arguments, if. That the Elements 
 were ukully taken out of the Oblations of the 
 People, where doubtleis common Bread and 
 Wine were offered, z. It is noted by Epipba- 
 mus [c] as a peculiar Rite of the Ebionite Here- 
 ticks, that they celebrated in unleavened Bread 
 and Water only. Which plainly argues, that 
 the Church did otherwifc. 3. The Ancients fay 
 exprefly their Bread was common Bread, fuch. 
 as thev made for their own Ufe [/] upon other 
 Occasions. To which purpofe there is a remark- 
 able Story in the Life of Gregory the Great [g] 
 of a Woman who, when he gave her the Eu- 
 cbarifl in the ufiial Form of Words, The Body 
 of our Lord Jefus Cbrifl preferve tby Soul, laughed 
 at the Form, and being asked the Reafon of her 
 fo doing, faid, it was becaufe he called that the 
 Body of thrift, which ihe knew to be Bread 
 that fhe had m;nie with her own Hands 4. The 
 Ancients are wholly filent as to the Ufe of un- 
 leavened Bread in the Church. But they many 
 Times fpeak of leavened Bread, and fometimes 
 the Eucbarifl is called Ferment urn, Leaven, upon 
 that Account. As appears from the Pontifical in 
 the Lives \ h~] of Melcbiades, and Siricius, and a 
 Letter of Pope Innocent, where he fays, it was 
 the Cuftomat Rome to confecrate the Fermentum, 
 (that is, the Eucbarifl) in the Mother Church, 
 and fend it thence on the Lord's Day to the 
 Presbyters in the Tituli, or leffer Churches, that 
 they might not think themfelves feparated from 
 the Bifhop's Communion. But they did not 
 fend it to any Country Parifhes, becaufe the Sa- 
 craments were not to be carried to places at any 
 great Diftance. What is here called the confe- 
 crated Fermentum, is by Baronius and others, who 
 tread in the Track of the Schoolmen, interpreted 
 of the Eulogia, or Panis BenediElus, the Bread 
 that was blefled for fuch as did not communi- 
 cate. But Innocent plainly fays, he meant it of 
 the Sacrament, which was confecrated by the 
 Bifhop, and fent to the Presbyters for the Ufe 
 of letfer Churches. Which fhews, that at that 
 Time, even in Rome itfclf, the Eucbarifl was 
 confecrated in common or leavened Bread, j-. It 
 is obfervable, That neither Photius, nor any o- 
 ther Greek Writer, before Michael Cerularius^ 
 An. ioyi, ever objected the ufe of unleavened 
 Bread to the Roman Church : Which argues, 
 that the Ufe of it did not prevail till about that 
 Time ; elfe there is no doubt but Photius would 
 among other Things, have objected this to them. 
 Thefe Arguments put the Matter beyond all 
 Difpute, that the Church for a thoufand Years 
 
 ufed no other but common or leavened Bread in 
 the Eucbarifl; and how the Change was made, 
 or the Time exactly when, is not eafy to deter- 
 mine. But Bond's Conjecture is very probable, 
 That it crept in upon the Peoples leaving off to 
 make their Oblations in common Bread, which 
 occafioned the Clergy to provide it themfelves, 
 and they, under pretence of Decency and Re- 
 fpedt, brought it from leaven to unleaven, and 
 from a Loaf of common Bread, that might be 
 broken, to a nice and delicate Wafer, for- 
 med in the Figure of a Denarius, or Penny, to 
 reprefent the Pence (as fome Authors [z] about 
 that time will have it) for which our Saviour 
 was betrayed : And then alfo the People, inltead 
 of offering a Loaf of Bread, as formerly, were 
 ordered to offer a Peny, which was either to be 
 given to the Poor, or to be expended upon fome- 
 thing appertaining to the Sacrifice of the Altar. 
 This is the fhort Hiftory of a great Change 
 made infenfibly in a matter of fmall Moment, if 
 we confider barely the Queflion about the Ufe 
 of leavened and unleavened Bread: For it is ve- 
 ry indifferent in itfelf, whether is ufed, fo long 
 as Peace is preferved in the Church : But in the 
 Confequences and Progrefs of the Difpute it was 
 no fmall Matter: For the Eafl and Weft divided 
 about it, and the Weftern Church ran fo far into 
 an Extream, as almoft to lofe the Nature of the 
 facramental Element, by introducing a Thing 
 that could hardly be called Bread, inftead of 
 that common Staff of Life which the Lord had 
 appointed to be the Reprefentation of his Body 
 in the Eucbarifl. 
 
 There wanted not fome dif- sect. vi. 
 cerning and judicious Men in a The uje of mfers 
 dark Age, who complained of m ft'* J 
 
 x au r r 1 1 condemned in their 
 
 the Abuleasioonas it began to be ^ 0r<<7| -,^/ 
 introduced For Bernoldus, a learn- 
 ed Presbyter of Conflance, about the Year io8p, 
 wrote a Book De Ordine Romano, wherein he 
 thus reflects upon thefe Wafer- Hofls or Oblati- 
 ons: If no lefs Meafure than an Handful be 
 found mentioned in all the Old and New Tefla- 
 ment\ and nothing ought to be done in the Tem- 
 ple of the Lord without Meafure and Reafon j 
 thefe minute Oblations feem not [_kj to apper- 
 tain to Chrift or his Church, becaufe they are 
 without Meafure and Reafon. This Author was 
 a little too bold and free with the Corruptions 
 and Abufes of the Roman Church, ever to fee 
 the Light. But Trithemius mentions [/] the 
 Book, and gives an honourable Character of the 
 
 [e] Epiphan. Hsr. jo. Ebionir. n. 16. [/] Ambrof.de 
 
 Sac am lib. 4. cap. 4. Tu forte dicis, Meus Panis eft ufitatus, &c. 
 [g~\ Greg. Vita. lib. 2. cap. 4r. [h] Pontifical. Vit. Melchi- 
 adis. Hie fecit ut Oblationes confecratse per Ecclefias ex confecra- 
 tu Epifcopi dirigentur, quod declaratur Fermentum. Id. Vit. Si- 
 ricii. Hie conflituit ut nullus Presbyter Miflas celebraret per om- 
 nem Hebdomadam, nifi confecratum Epifcopi loci defignati fufci- 
 peret dedaratum, quod nominatur Fermentum. Innoc. Ep. ad 
 Decentium. cap. f. Presbyteri Fermentum a nobis confectum per 
 Acolythos accipiunt, ut fe a noftra Communione maxime ilia die 
 non judicent feparatos. Quod per Parochias fieri debere non puto, 
 quia non longe porcanda funt Sacramenta, Sic, [i] Hono~ 
 
 rius Gemma Animx lib. 1. cap. 66. ap. Bonam. Quia populo non 
 communicante non erat necefle Panem tam magnum fieri, Statu- 
 tum eft eum in modum Denarii formari vel fieri; 8c ut populuspro 
 oblatione farinas Denarios offerret, pro quibus traditum Dominum 
 recognofcerent, 8cc. [fc] Bernoldus de Ordine Romano, ap. 
 
 Caflandrum in Liturgicis. cap. 27. Si minor menfura quam pugjl- 
 lus non invenitur in toto fcrie Veteris 8c Novi Teftamenti ; 8c fi 
 nihil omnino debet fieri intra vel extra Templum Domini abfque 
 Menfura 8c Ratione; videntur Oblatarum Minutiae ad Chriftum 8c 
 ad Ecclefiam nihil pertinere, quia iunt abfque Menfura 8c Ratione. 
 [ / J Trithem. de Scriptor. Ecclef. Fo). 66. 
 
 * Author. 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 739 
 
 Author. And Cajfander faw it in Manufcript, lufiration of this Matter, in that curious DiiTerta- 
 and published this Fragment of it in his Litur- tion of his upon the Subject. 
 gicks [nf\ j where he alfo makes a fevere Refle- 
 ction upon the Corruption and Vanity of that Th e other Part of the Sacra- sect. vii. 
 Age, for departing from the antient Practice, ment was always Wine, and that winemwimh 
 and introducing an imaginary fort of Bread, which taken alfo out of the Oblations E^JjJJJ? *-I 
 defcrved more the Name of the Shadow than of the People. Some of the an- * 
 the Subftance. Which juft Reflection is re- tient Hereticks, under Pretence 
 peated from Caffander, not only by KoJJius [_»], of Abllinence and Temperance, changed this 
 but ingenuoufly alfo by Cardinal Bona [o] in Element into Water, and confecrated in Water 
 his Animadverfions upon this unwarrantable Alte- only. Thefe were fome of them Difciplesof E- 
 ration. Yet fome there are who pretend Anti- bion, and fome the Followers of 1'atian, com- 
 quity for this alfo. Durantus \_p] thought he monly called Hydroparaftata, and Aquarii, from 
 had found this Wafer-Bread in Epiphanius, be- the Ufe of Water } and fometimes Encratita, 
 caufe he fays, the Bread was a%T@> s^yiihca^ns from their abftaining wholly from Flefh and 
 k, ctva/cS'nT©' [q~], which they render, Bread of Wine. And this feems to have been the Ground 
 a circular Figure, and fo minute that it could of their Errors, that they thought it univerfally 
 hardly be perceived by the Senfes. Whereas it unlawful to eat Flefh or drink Wine. Under this 
 Ihould be render'd, Bread of a folid, round, glo- Character they are frequently condemned, by 
 bular Figure, without Life or Senfe, which yet Epiphanius \_y\ who terms them Encratites, and 
 might rcprefent him, who is all Life, and Infi- by St. Auflin \z] under the Name of Aquarians, 
 nitc, and Incomprehenfible. Which agrees well and by Thodoret [a], who fays they fprung from 
 to the Character of the Euchariftical Bread ufed 1'atian, and were called Hydroparaftata, becaufe 
 in Epipbanius's Time, when it was the Cuftom they offered Water in ftead of Winej and En- 
 to offer round and whole folid Loaves of Bread, cratita, becaufe they wholly abftained (from Wine 
 but has no Relation to the Wafer-Bread of later and living Creatures. St. Cbryfoftom [b~\ calls it 
 Ages. Durantus urges farther the Teftimony of the pernicious Herefy of thofe that ufed only 
 Gregory the Great [r], who calls the Oblations, "Water in their Myfteries, whereas our Lord in- 
 Oblationum Coronas, Crowns of Bread j which ftituted them in Wine, and drunk Wine at 
 may imply, that they were round Loaves of his common Table after his Refurreetion, to 
 Bread j bu^t not therefore Wafers, unlefs every prevent the Budding of this wicked Herefy. The 
 Thing that is round be a Wafer. He adds St. like may be read in Philafirius \_c], and long be- 
 Chryfoftom alio, but he mifquotes him, for the fore in Irenteus and Clemens Alexandrinus, not to 
 Greek [s~] has nothing of what is cited. But he mention the Council of Trullo [d] or any later 
 might have added truly Cafarius, Gregory Nazi- Writers. But it is to be obferved, that befide 
 anzen's Brother [/], who comparing the natural thefe there were another fort of Aquarians, who 
 and the facramental Body of Chrift together, did not reject the Ufe of Wine as limply unlaw- 
 faySj the one was diftinguifhed into feveral Mem- ful either in itfelf, or in the Eucharift : For in 
 bers, but the other was round. And Jfo the their Evening Service they confecrated the Eu- 
 Monk [_u~], who calls the Oblations, Rotulas charifl in Wine, but not in their Morning Af- 
 Panis, Rowls of Bread, no doubt from the femblies, for fear the fmell of the Wine fhould 
 Roundnefs of their Figure : And the fixteenth difcover them to the Heathen. St. Cyprian gives 
 Council of Toledo [x], which fpeaks of their a long Account of thefe in one of his Epiftles 
 Rotundity alfo. But as Cardinal Bona rightly [e], which is particularly deflgned againft them, 
 obferves, this Rotundity implies round Loaves From which it alfo appears, that the Cuftom of 
 of Bread, and not round Wafers > of which the Church then was to ufe Wine mixed with 
 there was no Ufe or Knowlege in former Ages, Water, and he pleads for both as neceffary from 
 when they ufed fuch Loaves of common Bread the Command and Example of Chrift j adding 
 as the People offered, or elfe fuch as were pre- fome other Reafons why it fhould be fo, as that 
 pared particularly for the Purpofej yet ftill the Water reprefents the People, as the Wine 
 Loaves of Bread, not Wafers j and common or [/] does the Blood of Chrift: And when in 
 leavened Bread, not unleavened, of which there the Cup the Water is mingled with the Wine, 
 is not the leaft Intimation given in any part of Chrilt and his People are united together. And 
 the Church for above a thoufand Years, as that fo, he fays, in fanctifying the Cup of the Lord, 
 learned Cardinal has proved beyond all Excepti- Water cannot be offered alone : as neither can 
 on, to whofe Diligence we chiefly owe the II- the Wine be offered alone : For if the Wine be 
 
 [m] Caffander. Liturgic. cap. 27. [»] Vofs. Thef. Theol. 
 de Symbolis ccens Domin. p. 441. [0] Bona Rer. Liturg. 
 
 ]ib. 1. cap. 23. n. u. [/>] Durant. de Ritibus. lib. 2. cap. 38. 
 n. 6. [q] Epiphan. Anchorat. n. ij. [r] Greg. Dialog, 
 
 lib. 4. cap. 5-5-. [*] Chryf. Horn. 83. in Mac. 
 
 [t] Cxfar. Dialog. 3. Quxft. 169. [«] lib de Miraculis 
 
 S. Othmari. cap. 3. [#] Cone. Tolet. 16. can. 6. 
 
 [y] Epiph Hser. 46. Encratit. Ha;r. 30. Ebionit. n. 16. 
 [z,] Aug. de Haeref. cap. 64. [»] Theod. de Fabulis Hseret. 
 
 lib. 1. cap. 2©. [£] Chryf. Horn. 83. in Mat. p. 700. 
 
 [cj Philaftr. de Hseref. cap. 77. Iren. lib. f. cap. g. Clem. Strom," 
 1. p. 37f. Padag. lib. 2. c. 2. [J] Cone. Trull, can. 32. 
 
 Vid. Cod. Theodofian. lib. 16. tit. f. de Haeretiais. leg. 7. It. The- 
 odofii Novel. 3. ad calcem torn. 6. [*] Cypr. Ep. 63. ad 
 
 Caecilium. [/] Ibid. p. 1^3. Videmus in aqua populum in- 
 
 telligi, in vino verd oilendi fanguinem Chrifti Sic autem in 
 
 San&ificando calice Domini, offerri aqua fola non poteft, quomo- 
 do nec vinum folum poteft: Nam fi viiium tantum quis of&rat, 
 fanguis Chrifti incipit efte fine nobis : ii vero aqua fit fola, plebs 
 incipit effe fine Chrifto, 
 
 offered 
 
740 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the Book XV. 
 
 offered by itfelf, the Blood of Chrift begins to 
 be without us: And if the Water be alone, the 
 People begin to be without Chrift. The third 
 Council of Carthage feem to have had the fame O- 
 pinion of the Neceffity of Water, when they de- 
 termined, as we have heard before, that nothing 
 fhould be offered at the Altar [g] but what the 
 Lord himfelf commanded, that is, Bread, and 
 Wine mingled with Water. And St. Auflin was 
 a Member of that Council, and therefore may 
 be fuppofed to have been of the fame Judgment. 
 He alio quotes the forefaid Epiftle of Cyprian 
 with Approbation \_h\ Gennadius [z] affigns 
 two Reafons for the Ufe of mixing Water with 
 Wine} firft becaufe it is according to the Ex- 
 ample of Chrift} and fecondly becaufe when our 
 Saviour's Side was pierced with the Spear, there 
 came forth Water and Blood. This later Rea- 
 fon is alfo afiigned by St. Ambrofe, or whoever 
 wrote the Book de Sacramentis under his Name 
 [k~] } and by Martin Bracarenfis [/] in his Colle- 
 ction of Greek Canons. The Author of the E- 
 pirtle to the Egyptians under the Name of Pope 
 Julius [m~\ infills upon Cyprian's Reafon, that it 
 is to fhew the Union of Chrift with his People. 
 And the third Council of Braga relates Cyprian's 
 Words, correcting feveral other Abufes that were 
 crept into the Administration of this Sacrament 
 \jT\-, as of fome who offered Milk inftead of 
 Wine} and others who only dipped the Bread 
 into the Wine, and fo denied the People their 
 Complement of the Sacrament} and others who 
 ufed no other Wine but what they preffed out 
 of the Clufters of Grapes that were then prefent- 
 ed at the Lord's Table. All which they con- 
 demn, and order that nothing but Bread, andWine 
 mingled with Water, fhould be offered, according 
 to the Determination of the antient Councils. 
 The Council of Auxerre notes fome others who 
 offer Mead, or Honey and Water mixed toge- 
 ther (V), who are alfo condemned, as going a- 
 gainft the common Rule of offering nothing but 
 Wine and Water in the Sacrifice of the Altar. 
 The Author of the Commentaries upon St. Mark 
 under the Name of St. Jerom \_p\ gives ano- 
 ther Reafon for mixing Water with Wine, that 
 by the one we might be purg'd from Sin, and 
 by the other redeemed from Punifliment. Thefe 
 Reafons indeed are no waysdemonftrative} how- 
 ever that the Practice was both antient and gene- 
 ral, is evident from Jujlin Martyr [_q~] and Ire- 
 tutus [V], who mention it as the Cuftom of the 
 
 Church, without afligning any farther Reafon for 
 it; And fo likewife Gregory Nyjfen \j] and Thc- 
 odoret [t~] v/ith fome others produced by Vojjius 
 in his Differtation [u] upon this Subject. The 
 Armenians are faid to have confecrated only in 
 Wine, but that is reckoned an Error in them by 
 c theophylacl [x], and they are equally condemned 
 with the Hydroparafiata or Aquarians by the 
 Council of Trullo which produces the Au- 
 
 thority of St. James and St. BafiVs Liturgy a- 
 gainft them. To which may be added the Li- 
 turgies under the Name of St' Mark and St. Chry- 
 fofiom, and the Cunflitutions [z]. Yet after all, 
 as there is no exprefs Command for this in the 
 Inftitution, notwithftanding this general Con- 
 fent of the antient Church, it is commonly de* 
 termined by modern Divines, as well of the Ro- 
 man as Proteftant Communion, that it is not ef- 
 fential to the Sacrament itfelf, as the Reader that 
 is curious may find demonftrated in Vofiius [a] 
 in his Differtation upon this Subject. 
 
 As to the Ancients, they are sect. vill. 
 not to be blamed in keeping offomeHeretwks 
 ftrictly to this Cuftom, becaufe v> ho made <*l"ra- 
 they thought it a Part of the tiom , or ^daim 
 Inftitution. Upon which Ac- 5*£2? » 
 count theycenfured all that made 
 any Alteration in the Elements, either by Addi- 
 tion, or Subtraction, or changing one Element 
 for another. The Aquarians, as we have heard, 
 were condemned, for taking away the Wine 5 
 the Armenians and others for not ufing Water 
 alfo} others were condemned for changing the 
 Wine into Milk, or Honey mixed with Water; 
 others fubftituted Grapes inftead of Wine, o- 
 thers Pulfe inftead of Bread. Of all which be- 
 caufe we have fpoken before in the two fore- 
 going Sections, I need fay no more in this place. 
 But befide thefe there was once a fenfelefs Sect, 
 which thought they did not celebrate the Eu- 
 harifi in Perfection, unlefs they offered Cheefe 
 together with the Bread. Whence they had the 
 Name of Artotyrita, from a%T(&, which in 
 Greek fignifies Bread, and rv^js Cheefe. This is 
 the Account which Epiphanius [b~] gives of them, 
 and after him St. Aujtin [c] faying, The Artoty- 
 rites are fo called from their Oblation : For they 
 offer Bread and Cheefe, faying, That the firft 
 Oblations that were offered by Men in the In- 
 fancy of the World, were of the Fruits of the 
 Earth and of Sheep. 
 
 [g] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 14.. [h] Aug. de Doclrina Chrift. 
 lib. 4. cap. it. [i] Gennad. dc Ecclef. Dogm. c. jf. In Eu- 
 cha'iftia non debet pura aqua offerri, ut quidam fobrietatis fallun- 
 tur imagine, fed vinum aqua mixtum : quia 8c vinum fuit in re- 
 demption's r.oftra; myfterio, cum dixit, Non bibam amodo de hoc 
 genimine vitis, 8c aqua mixtum, quod poft ccenam dabatur, fed 
 & de latere ejus lancea perfoflb aqua cum fanguine egrelTa, See. 
 [k] Ambrof. de Sacram. lib. f. cap. i. [I] Martin. Bracar. 
 
 Colled. Cancnum. cap. ff. [m] Julii Epift. ap. Gratian. 
 
 de Conttrcrat. Did. 2. cap. 7. [n] Cone. Bracar. 3. can. f. 
 
 Audivimus quofdam Schifmatica ambitione detentos, Lac pro vino 
 in divi lis Sacrifices dedicare; alios quoque intinc~ram Euchariftiam 
 populis pro Comp'emento Communionis porrigere ; quofdam etiam 
 expreflum vinum in Sacramento Dominici calicis oflferre. 8cc. Ideo 
 nulii deinctps liciturr. lit, aliud in Sacrifices divinis offerre, niii jux- 
 ta antiquorum fentcntiam Conciliorum paoem tantum, & calicem 
 
 vino 8c aqua permixtum. [0] Cone. Antiffiodor. can. 8. Non 
 licet in altario in Sacrificio divino niellitum, quod mulfum appella- 
 tur, nec ullum aliud poculum, extra vinum cum aqua mixtum, of- 
 ferre. [/>] Hieron. in Marc. 14. Accepit Jefus panem, 8cc. 
 formans fanguinem fuum in calicem vino 8c aqua mixtum, ut 
 alio purgemur a culpis, alio redimamur a pcenis. [^] Juftin. 
 Apol. 2. p. 97. 0] Iren. lib. 4. cap. 57. 8c lib. f. cap. 1. 
 [s] Nyifen. Orat. Catechet. c. 37. [t] Theod. Dialog. 1. 
 [«] Voir. Thef. Theol. p. 494.. [*] Theophyl. Com. in 
 Joan. 19. [7] Cone. Trull. Can. 32. [*] Conftit. 
 lib. 8. cap. 1 2. [a] Vofl: Thef. Theol ibid. [6] Epiphan. 
 Haer. 49. [r] Aug. de HaereC cap. 48. Artotyrirse funt, quibus 
 Oblatio eorum hoc nomen dedit: Offerunt enim Panem 8c Cafeum, 
 dicentes, a prirais hominibus oblationes de fru&ibus terrs 8c ovium 
 fuifie celebratas. 
 
 There 
 
Chap. III. Christian Church. 74* 
 
 sect. IX. There were others who 
 And of others who wholly rejected the Ufe of all 
 rejeeied the ufe of external Symbols or Sacraments 
 tbeStcramm alto- m gcnci ^ and confequcntly both 
 tr ' Baptifm and the Eucbarift, upon 
 
 a Pretence that Faith and Knowledge and fpiri- 
 tual Worfhip were the only Things that were 
 required of Christians. Upon this Pretence the 
 Afcodruta, who were a fort of Gnofticks, neither 
 adminiftrcd Baptifm nor the Eucbarifi in their 
 Society: They laid the Divine Myfteries were 
 incorporeal and invisible Things, and therefore 
 not to be reprefented by fuch corporeal and vi- 
 lible Things as Water, or Bread and Wine} but 
 perfect Knowledge was their Redemption. So 
 Theodoret [d~] defcribes them. And fo both he 
 and Epiphanius [e] defcribe another abominable 
 Sect, who from one of their principal Tenets 
 were called Archonticks. They taught, that the 
 
 World was not made by the Supreme God, but 
 by certain Inferior Powers, feven or eight in 
 Number, whom they called Arcbontes, Rulers of 
 the feveral Orbs of the Heavens one above ano- 
 ther, to the chief of which they gave the Name 
 of Sabaotb : And they pretended, that Baprifm 
 and the Eucbarift were only Institutions of this 
 Sabaotb) the God of the Jews and Giver of 
 the Law, and not the Ordinances of the Supreme 
 God} for which Reafon they wholly rejected 
 the Ufe of them. Some other fuch Sects there 
 were among the antient Herefiesj who defpifed 
 the Eucbarift [/] upon the like Pretences : But 
 thefe are Sufficient to {hew us what fort of Men 
 they were, that antiently contemned this holy 
 Ordinance } and therefore without farther digref- 
 fing to make any nicer Enquiry after them, I 
 now return to the Bufinefs and Service of th? 
 Church. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Oblation and Confecratton-Prayers. 
 
 £^ S foon as the Peoples Offer- 
 
 SECT, I. 
 
 The Form of £\ ings were made, " and Bread 
 
 Thankfovmg and ^ Wmc ^ fe£ for ^ 
 
 Confecrtt ton Prayers r . .„ , ' , , , 
 
 defrribedoutofthe ^cbanft, .they proceeded to the 
 Conftitutions. folemn Conlecration of them. 
 
 The Manner of which is defcri- 
 bed at large in the Conftitutions } which I will 
 firft let down here, and then compare the feve- 
 ral Parts of it with the authentick Accounts we 
 have in other antient Writers. Immediately then 
 after the firft Prayers for the Faithful are ended, 
 the Deacon is ordered [a] to give a folemn Ad- 
 monition, faying, Tr^cr^ojjusv, Let us give Atten- 
 tion. Then the Bilhop or Prieft (alutes the 
 Church, faying, The Peace of God be with you 
 all: And the fcople anfwer, And with thy Spi- 
 rit. After this, the Deacon fays to them all, 
 Salute ye one another with an holy Kifs. Then the 
 Clergy falute the Bifhop, and Laymen their Fel- 
 low-Laymen, and the Women the Women 5 
 the Children (landing before the Bema, that is, 
 either the Reading-Desk or the Altar j with a 
 Deacon attending them, to fee that they keep 
 good Order} others of the Deacons walking a- 
 bout the Church, and inspecting the Men and 
 Women, that there be no Tumult, nor making 
 of Signs to one another, nor Whifpcring, nor 
 Sleeping} and others Handing at the Mens Gate, 
 and the Subdeacons at the Womens Gate, that 
 the Doors be not opened for any to go in or 
 out in the time of Oblation. After this, the 
 Subdeacon brings Water to the Priefts to wafli 
 their Hands, as a Sign of the Purity of thofe 
 Souls that are confecrated unto God. Immedi- 
 ately after this [b~\ a Deacon cries out, Let none 
 
 of the Catechumens be prefent, none of he 
 Hearers, none of the Unbelievers, none of the 
 Heterodox Party. Ye that have made the firft: 
 Prayer, go forth, tt^sX&sts (or rather, as Cotele* 
 rius thinks it ought to be read, w^ciX^tn, Ye 
 that have made the firft Prayers, draw near : For 
 this fcems to be fpoken to the Communicants, as 
 an Invitation,) Ye Mothers, take your Children, 
 and bring them with you. Let no one come 
 with Enmity againft another } no one in Hypo- 
 crify. Let us ftand upright before the Lord 
 with Fear and Trembling, to offer our Sacrifice. 
 ThiViaid, the Deacons bring the rd (the 
 Elements) to the Bifhop at the Altar} the Pref- 
 byters ftanding on each Hand of him, and two 
 Deacons with their Fans to drive away the little 
 Infects, that none of them fall into the Cup. 
 Then the Bifhop ftanding at the Altar with the 
 Presbyters, makes a private Prayer by himfelf, 
 having on his white or bright Veftment, and 
 Signing himfelf with the Sign of the Crofs in 
 his Forehead. Which done, he fays, 'The Grace 
 of Almighty God, and the Love of our Lord Jefus 
 Chrift, and the Fellow/hip of the Holy Ghoft be with 
 you all. And the People anfwer with one Voice, 
 And with thy Spirit. Then the Bifhop fays, 
 Lift up your Hearts : And they all anfwer, We lift 
 them up unto the Lord. The Bifhop fays again, 
 Let us give Thanks to the Lord: And the People 
 anfwer, It is meet and right fo to do. Then the 
 Bifhop fays, It is very meet, and right, above all 
 Things, to praife Thee the true God, who art before 
 all Creatures, of whom the whole Family in Heaven 
 and Earth is named, who art the only Unbegotten, 
 without Original, without King, without Lordy who 
 
 \_d] Thsod. de Fabulis Hacret. lib. 1. cap. 10. [*] Theod. cipiuntur, nec Baptifmum nec EuchariAjam ufurpantes, 8cc. 
 
 ibid. cap. 11.Epiphan.H3er.40.de Archonticis, n. x. [/] Vid. [a] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. it. [6] Ibid. cap. 1a. 
 
 Qrig. <nfei lv/»i, n. 13, Est penitus auferentes quae fenfibus per. 
 
 Vol. I, Bbbbbb baft 
 
742 The A nt i qjjitibs of the Book XV. 
 
 haft need of Nothing, who art the Author of all 
 Good, who art above all Caitfe and Generation, and 
 always the fame, of whom all 'Things have their O- 
 riginal and Exiftence. For Thou art Original Know- 
 ledge, Eternal Sight, Hearing without Beginning, 
 and Wifdom without Teaching; the firft in Nature, 
 and the Law of Exijling, exceeding all Number. 
 Who madeft all Things to exift out of Nothing by 
 Thy Only-begotten Son, whom Thou didft beget before 
 all Ages by Thy Will, and Power, and Goodnefs, 
 without the Intervention of any, who is Thy Only- 
 begotten Son, the Word that is God, the living Wif- 
 dom, the Fir ft- born of every Creature, the Angel of 
 Thy great Counfel, Thy High-Prieft, but the King 
 and Lord of all the Creatures both vifible and invifible, 
 who is before all Things, and by whom all Things 
 confift. For Thou, O Eternal God, didft create all 
 Things by Flim, and by Him thou doft vouchfafe to 
 rule and govern them in the orderly Ways of thy 
 Providence. By whom Thou didft give them Being, 
 by Him alfo Thou didft give them a Well-being. O 
 God and Father of Thy Only-begotten Son, who by 
 Him didft create the Cherubims and Seraphims, the 
 Ages and Hofts, the Dominions and Powers, the 
 Principalities and Thrones, the Archangels and An- 
 gels, and after them didft by Him create this vifible 
 World, and all Things that are therein. For Thou 
 art He that haft eftablifhed the Heavens as an Arch, 
 and extended them like a Curtain ; that haft found- 
 ed the Earth upon Nothing by thy fole Will; that 
 haft fixed the Firmament, and formed Night and 
 Day, that haft brought the Light out of thy Trea- 
 fures, and fuperadded Darknefs for a Covering, to 
 give Reft to the Creatures that move in the World; 
 that haft fet the Sun in the Heaven to govern the 
 Day, and the Moon to govern the Night; and or- 
 dered the Courfe of the Stars, to the Praife of thy 
 Magnificent Power ; that haft made the Water for 
 Drink and Purgation, and the vital Air both for 
 Breathing and Speaking ; that haft made the Fire to 
 be a Comfort in Darknefs, to fupply our Wants, and 
 that we Jhould be both warmed and enlightened there- 
 by; that haft divided the great Sea from the Earth, 
 and made the one Navigable, and the other P affable on 
 Foot ; that haft filled the one with fmall and great 
 Animals, and the other with tame and wild Beafts; 
 that haft crowned the Earth with Plants and Herbs 
 of all forts, and adorned it with Flowers, and en- 
 riched it with Seeds ; that haft eftablifhed the Deep, 
 and fet a great Barrier about it, walling the great 
 Heaps of fait Water, and bounding them with Gates 
 of the fmalleft Sand; that fumetimes raifeft the fame 
 Deep to the Magnitude of Mountains by thy Winds, 
 and fometimes layeft it plain like a Field; now ma- 
 king it rage with a Storm, and then again quieting 
 it with a Calm, that they which fail therein may 
 find a fafe and gentle Paffage ; that haft begirt the 
 World, which Thou createdfi by Chrift, with Rivers, 
 and watered it with Brooks, and filled it with 
 Springs of living W iter always flowing, and bound 
 up the Earth with Mountains, to give it a firm and 
 immoveable Situation. Thou haft filled thy World, 
 and adorned it with odoriferous and medicinal Herbs, 
 with a Multitude and V uiety of Animals, weaker 
 and ftronger, fome for Meat, and fome for Labour, 
 fome of a mild and fome of a fiercer Nature with 
 
 the hiffing^ of Serpents, and fwecter notes of Birds of 
 divers Kinds; with the Revolutions of Years, and 
 Numbers of Months and Days, and Orders of ftated 
 Seafons ; with flying Clouds producing Rain, for the 
 Procreation of Fruits, and Prefervation of Animals ; 
 with Winds to blow in Order at thy Command, and 
 a multitude of Plants and Herbs. Neither haft thou 
 only made the World, but created Man in it to be 
 Citizen of the W nld, and made him the Ornament 
 -of thy beautiful Struclure. For thou faidft to thy 
 own Wifdom, Let us make Man in our own Ima^e 
 and Likenefs, and let them have Dominion over the 
 Fiftj of the Sea, and over the Fowl of the Air. And 
 therefore Thou madeft him of an Immortal Soul, and 
 a diffolvable Body ; creating the one cut of nothing, 
 and the other out of the four Elements : And gavefil 
 him in his Soul a rational Knowledge, a Power to 
 difcern between Piety and Impiety, and a Judgment 
 to diftinguift) between Good and Evil; and in his 
 Body the Privilege and Faculty of five feveral Senfes, 
 with the Pozuer of local Motion. For Thou, O God 
 Almighty, didft by Chrift plant Paradife in Eden 
 towards the Eaft, adorning it with all Kinds of 
 Plants meet for Food, and placing Man therein as in 
 a well-furniftoed Houfe : And in his Creation Thou 
 gaveft a natural Law implanted in his Mind, that 
 thereby he might have within himfelf the Seeds of 
 Divine Knowledge. And when Thou hadft placed 
 him in the Paradife of Delights and Pleafure, Thou 
 gaveft him Power to eat of all Things, only forbid- 
 ding him to tafte of one Kind, in Expectation of 
 fomething better: That if he obferved that Command, 
 he might attain to Immortality, as the Rezvard of 
 his Obedience. But he neglecting this Command, and 
 by the Fraud of the Serpent and the Counfel of the 
 Woman tafting the forbidden Fruit, Thou didft juftly 
 drive him out of Paradife ; and yet in Goodnefs didft 
 not defpife him, when he had defiroyed himfelf; for 
 he was thy Workmanflrip ; but Thou who didft put 
 the Creatures in Subjetlion under him, didft appoint 
 him to get his Food by Labour and Sweat, thy Pro- 
 vidence concurring to produce, augment and bring all 
 Things to Maturity and Perfection. Thou didft fuf- 
 fer him for a wbile to Jleep the Sleep of De.ith, and 
 then with an Oath calledft him again to a Regenera- 
 tion : Diffolving the Bands of Death, and promifin* 
 him Life by a Refurreclion. And not only fo; but 
 giving him an innumerable Pofterity, Thou didft glo- 
 rify fuch of them as adhered to Thee, and punifhedft 
 thofe that apoftatized from Thee ; receiving the Sa- 
 crifice^ of Abel as an holy Man, and rejecting the 
 Offering of Cain as abominable for murdering his 
 Brother. Thou didft alfo receive Seth and Enos 
 andtranflate Enoch. For Thou art the Creator of 
 Men, and the Author of Life, and the Supplier of 
 all their Wants, their Lawgiver , that rewardeft 
 thofe that keep thy Laws, and puniftjeft thofe that 
 tranfgrefs them. Thou didft bring an univerfal De- 
 luge upon the World becaufe of the multitude of the 
 Ungodly, but deliver edft righteous Noah out of the 
 Flood with eight Souls in thy Ark, making him the 
 End of the preceding Generation, and the Father of 
 thofe that were to come. Thou didft kindle a dread- 
 ful lire againft the five Cities of the Sodomites, and 
 turn a fruitful Land into a Vale of Salt for the 
 Wickednefs of them that dwelt therein, but didft dc- 
 1 liver 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 743 
 
 liver righteous Lot from the Burning. Thou art he 
 that didft deliver Abraham from the Impiety of his 
 Anceflors, and madefl him to become Heir of the 
 World, and didft manifeft thy Chrift unto him. Thou 
 didfi appoint Melchifedech to be the High-Prieft of 
 thy Service. "Thou didft declare thy Servant Job, 
 after many Sufferings, to be Conqueror of the Ser- 
 pent, that firft Author of Evil. 'Thou madefl Ifaac 
 to be the Son of Promife. Thou madefl Jacob to be 
 the Father of twelve Children, and his Off-fpring to 
 be innumerable, and broughteft Threefcore and fif- 
 teen Souls into Egypt. Thou, Lord, didjl not de- 
 fpife Jofeph, but for his Chaflity madefl him to rule 
 over the Egyptians. Thou, Lord, didft not forget 
 the Hebrews, when the Egyptians oppreffed them, 
 becaufe of the Promife made to their Fathers; but 
 didfl punijh the Egyptians, and deliver thy People. 
 And when Men had corrupted the Law of Nature 
 written in their Minds, and fome began to think the 
 Creatures had their Exifience of them/elves, and ho- 
 noured them above what was meet, placing them in 
 the fame Rank with Thee the God of all ; T hou didft 
 not fujfer them to wander in Error, but raifing up 
 thy holy Servant Vloles, Thou didft by him promulge a 
 written Law to revive and fupport the Law of Na- 
 ture ; /hewing the Creatures to be the Work of thy 
 Hands, and thereby expelling the Error of Poly- 
 theiim out of Religion. Thou didft honour Aaron 
 and his Pofterity with the Dignity of the Priefthood. 
 Thou didft chaftize the Hebrews, when they finned ; 
 and receive them into Favour, when they turned un- 
 to Thee. Thou didft punifth the Egyptians with ten 
 Plagues ; and dividing the Sea, madefl the Ifraelitcs 
 to pafs through it; drowning the Egyptians that 
 purfued them. Thou madefl the bitter Water fweet 
 with Wood; Thou broughteft Streams out of the 
 Rock when thou hadft divided the Top of if; Thou 
 didft rain down Manna out of Heaven, and give 
 them Food out of the Air, a . Meafure of Quails for 
 every Day ; fetting up a Pillar of Fire to give them 
 Light by Night, and the Pillar of the Cloud to Sha- 
 dow them from Heat by Day. Thou didft con flit ute 
 Jofliua the Captain of thy Armies, and by him de- 
 ft roy the feven Nations of the Canaanites, dividing 
 Jordan, and drying up the Rivers of Ethan, and 
 laying flat the Walls (of Jericho) without any En- 
 gines of War or Concurrence of human Power. For 
 all thefe Things we glorify Thee, O Lord Almighty. 
 The innumerable Armies of Angels adore Thee; the 
 Archangels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities, Dig- 
 nities, Powers, Hofts and Ages ; the Cherubims, and 
 Seraphims alfo with fix Wings, with two of which 
 they cover their Feet, and with two their Faces, and 
 two fly, faying, with thoufand thoufands of Arch- 
 angels, and ten thoufand times ten thoufand Angels, 
 all crying out without reft and intermiffion : And let 
 all the People fay together with them, Holy, 
 Holy, Holy, Lord of Hofts : Heaven and Earth are 
 full of thy Glory; Bleffed art Thou for ever. Amen. 
 And after this let the Bifhop lay : For Thou truly 
 art Holy, the moft Holy, the moft High, far exalted 
 above all Things for evermore. Holy alfo is thy 
 Only-begotten Son, our Lord and God, Jefus Chrift; 
 who miniftring to Thee his God and Father in all 
 Things, both in various Works of Creation and Pro- 
 vidence, did not defpife loft Mankind j but after the 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Law of Nature, after the Admonitions of the writ- 
 ten Law, after the Reprehenfions of the Prophets, 
 after the Adminiftrations and Prefidency of Angels ; 
 when Men had corrupted both the natural and writ- 
 ten Law, and era fed the Memory of the Flood, and 
 the Burning of Sodom, and the Plagues of Egypt, 
 and Devaftations and Slaughters of Paletime, and 
 were now all ready to periflo ; He, who was the 
 Creator of Man, chofe by thy Will to become 
 Man; the Lawgiver, to be under the Law; the 
 High-prieft, to be the Sacrifice; the Shepherd, to be 
 made a Sheep: Whereby he appeafed Thee his God 
 and Father, and reconciled the World, and deliver- 
 ed all Men from the Wrath that hanged over their 
 Pleads, being born of a Virgin, and made Fieflj, God the 
 Word, the beloved Son, the Firft- born of every Crea- 
 ture ; according to the Prophecies which he himfelf 
 predicled of himfelf, made of the Seed of David and 
 Abraham, and of the Tribe o/Judah: He wbo was 
 the Former of all Things that are made, was formed 
 himfelf in the Virgitfs Womb ; he who is without 
 Flefh, was made Fleftj ; and he who was begotten, 
 d%(ijvw, btfore all Time, was born in Time: Fie 
 lived an holy Life, and taught an holy Doclrine; 
 expelling all manner of Sickneffes and Infirmities 
 from the Bodies of Men, and working s'igns and 
 Miracles among the People ; He who Feeds all that 
 have need of Food and fills every living Creature of 
 his own good Pleafure and Bounty, did himfelf par- 
 take of Meat and Drink and Sleep ; he manifefted 
 thy Name to them that knew it not ; he put Igno- 
 rance to flight, and revived true Piety and Go'dli- 
 nefs, fulfilled thy Will, and finifhed the Work 
 which Thou gave ft him to do: And when all Things 
 were thus fet in Order and r eel'. fie d by him, he was 
 betrayed by the incurable Malice of one of his own 
 Difciples, and apprehended by the Hands of the 
 Wicked, Priefts and High-priefls falfely fo called, 
 together w-th a finful People; of whom he fufered 
 many Things, and underwent all manner of Indigni- 
 ties by thy Permiflion ; he was delivered to Pilate 
 the Governour ; the Judge himfelf was judged - y the 
 Saviour of the World condemned; He who is Impaf- 
 fible, was nailed to the Crofs ; He who is Immortal 
 by Nature, was made fubjeel to Death; and the 
 Author of Life, who quickens all Things, was laid 
 in the Grave, that he might deliver thofe from Suf- 
 fering, for whofe Sake he came, and fet them free 
 from Death, and break the Bonds of the Devil 
 and deliver Men from his Frauds and Impoftures\ 
 He rofe again the third Day from the Dead, and 
 converfed forty Days with his Difciples, and was 
 taken up into Heaven, and fet at thy right Hand 
 his God and Father. 
 
 We therefore in Commemoration of thefe Things, 
 which he fuffered for us, give Thanks to Thee, Al- 
 mighty God, not as thou deferveft and as is our 
 Duty, but (oVov Jvvdixtba,) as far as we are able, Jo 
 fulfilling his Command. For in the fame Night that 
 he was betrayed, he took Bread in his Holy and 
 Immaculate Hands, and looking up to Thee his God 
 and Father, he brake it, and gave it to his Difci- 
 ples, faying, This is the Myftcry of the New Tcfta- 
 ment; Take of it, and eat it; This is my Body, 
 which is broken for many for the Remiffion of Sins. 
 Likewife he mixed a Cup of Wine and Water, and 
 B b b b b b z f anm ^ 
 
744 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i b s of the Book XV. 
 
 fanclifying it, he gave it unto them, faying, Drink ye 
 all of this : For this is my Blood, which is fhed for 
 many for the Remiffton of Sins, this do in Remem- 
 brance of me. For as often as ye eat this Bread, 
 and drink this Cup, ye do pew forth my Death, till 
 I come. TVe therefore being mindful of his Paffion, 
 and Death, and Refurretlion from the Dead, and his 
 Return into Heaven ; and alfo of his fecond coming, 
 when he fit all return with Glory and Power to judge 
 the Quick and Dead, and to render to every Man ac- 
 cording to his IVorks, do offer unto thee, our King 
 and God, this Bread and this Cup, according to his 
 appointment, giving Thanks to Thee by him, for that 
 thou dofi vouch fafe to let us fiand before thee, and 
 Minifter unto thee ; and we befeech Thee to look pro- 
 pit ioujly upon thefe Gifts here fet before thee, our God, 
 who haft need of nothing, and to accept them fa- 
 vourably to the Honour of thy Chrifi, and to fend 
 thy Holy Spirit upon this Sacrifice, who is the Wit- 
 nefs of the Suffering of our Lord Jefus, that it may 
 make this Bread the Body of thy Chrifi, and this 
 Cup the Blood of thy Chrifi ; that they who partake 
 of it, may be confirmed in Godlinefs, and obtain Re- 
 mijfion of Sins, may be delivered from the Devil 
 and his Impoftures, may be filled with the Holy 
 Ghoft, and be made worthy of Chrift, and obtain 
 eternal Life, thou being reconciled to them, O Lord 
 Almighty. 
 
 We befeech thee farther, O Lord, for thy holy 
 Church from one End of the Earth to the other, 
 which thou haft pur chafed with the precious Blood 
 of thy Chrift, that thou wouldfi be pleafed to keep it 
 unjbaken and immoveable by any Storms or tempefts 
 to the End of the World. We pray alfo for the 
 whole Epifcopacy (or univerfal College of Bifhops) 
 rightly dividing the Word of truth. We pray for 
 me thy unworthy Servant, who am now Offering 
 unto thee, and for the whole Presbytery, and Dea- 
 cons, and all the Clergy, that thou wouldfi give 
 them all Wifdom, and fill them with thy holy Spirit. 
 We pray thee, O Lord, for the King and all that 
 are in Authority, and for the whole Army, that our 
 Affairs may be tranfacled in Peaee : that paffmg our 
 time in guietnefs and Concord, we may glorify thee 
 through Jefus Chrift our Hope all the Days of our 
 Life. We offer unto thee for all thy Saints, that 
 have lived well-pleafeng in thy Sight from the Foun- 
 dation of the World, for Patriarchs, Prophets, holy 
 Men, Apofiles, Martyrs, Bifhops, Confeffors, Pref- 
 byters, Deacons, Subdeacons, Readers, Singers, Vir- 
 gins, Widows, Laymen, and all whofe Names thou 
 knoweft. iVe offer unto thee for this People, that 
 thou wouldfi make them, to the Glory of thy Chrifi, 
 a Royal Priefihood, and an holy Nation-, for all 
 that live in Virginity and Chaftity; for the Widows 
 of the Church ; for all that live in honejl Marriage 
 and Procreation of Children; for the Infants of thy 
 People, that none of us be a Caft-away. We pray 
 thee for this City, and all that dwell therein ; for 
 thofe that are in Sicknefs, in cruel Bondage and 
 Slavery, in Banifhment, or under Confifcation and 
 Profcription, for all that travel by Sea or by Land, 
 that thou wouldfi be their Succour, and an univer- 
 
 fal Helper and Defender to them all. We pray thee 
 for thofe that hate us, and per fe cute us for thy 
 Name, for them that are yet without, and wander- 
 ing in Error, that thou wouldfi convert them to 
 Good, and mitigate their Fury. We pray thee for 
 the Catechumens of the Church ; for the Energu- 
 mens, that are toffed and tormented by the Adverfa- 
 ry the Devil; for all our Brethren that are doing 
 Penance, that thou wouldfi perfect the former in, 
 Faith, and cleanfe and deliver the fecond from the 
 Power and Agitation of the wicked One; and re- 
 ceive the Repentance of the laft, and pardon both 
 them and us whatever Offences we have committed 
 againft thee. We offer unto thee likewife for the 
 temperature of the Air, and the Increafe of the 
 Fruits of the Earth, that we continually partaking 
 of thofe good things which thou beftoweft on us, may 
 without ceafing praife thee, who give ft Food unto 
 all Flefh. We alfo pray for thofe, who upon any 
 juft and reafonable Caufe are now abfent, that thou 
 wouldfi vouchfafe to preferve us all in Godlinefs, and 
 keeping us without Change, Blame, or Rebuke, to 
 gather us into the Kingdom of thy. Chrift, the God of 
 all things in Nature, vifible and invifible. and our 
 King For to thee, Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, 
 is due all Glory and Worjhip and Thankfgiving and 
 Honour and Adoration, now and for ever throughout 
 all Ages World without End. And let all the Peo- 
 ple anfwer, Amen. 
 
 After this the Biftiop is appointed to fay again, 
 the Peace of God be with you all: To which the 
 People anfwer, And with thy Spirit. And then 
 the Deacon calls upon the People to join with 
 him in another Prayer, which is termed ra-^o-^cJ- 
 vjjJir, &V. A Bidding-Prayer for the faithful af- 
 ter the Divine Oblation, in thefe Words: Let 
 us pray [c~] yet again and again to God by his 
 Chrift, for this Gift which is offered to the Lord 
 God ; that the good God would receive it to his Al- 
 tar in Heaven for a fweet-fmelling Savour by the 
 Mediation of his Chrift. Let us pray for this 
 Church and People; for the whole Society of Bi- 
 fhops, and Presbyters, and Deacons, and Minijlers, 
 and the whole Catholick Church; that the Lord 
 would keep and preferve them all. Let us pray for 
 Kings and all that are in Authority ; that our Af- 
 fairs may go on with tranquillity^ and that we 
 may lead a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godlinefs 
 and Hone fly. Let us commemorate the Holy Mar- 
 tyrs, that we may be thought worthy to have Fel- 
 lowfhip in their Conflicts and Engagements. Let 
 us pray for thofe that reft in Faith; Let us pray 
 for the temperature of the Air, and Increafe of the 
 Fruits of the Earth, that they may grow to Perfe- 
 ction. Let us pray for thofe that are newly Bap- 
 tized, that they may be confirmed in Faith. Let us 
 all exhort and excite one another. Let us rife and 
 commend our felves to God by his Grace. Then let 
 the Bifhop fay : O God, that art Great, great in 
 Name, great in Counfel, and mighty in Works; the 
 God and Father of thy Holy Son Jefus cur Saviour ; 
 look favourably upon us and this thy Flock, which 
 
 [*] Conftit. lib. S. cap. 13. 
 
 they. 
 
Cha p. IIL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 74S 
 
 thou haft chofen in him to the Glory of thy Name. 
 Santlify our Bodies and Souls ; and grant, that we 
 being pure from all Filthinefs of Flejb and Spirit 
 may obtain the good 'things that are Jet before us ; 
 and that thou may" ft judge none of us unworthy, 
 but be our Helper, Defender and Proteclor, through 
 thy Chri/ly to whom with thee and the Holy Spi- 
 rit, be Glory, Honour, and Praife, Doxology and 
 Thank/giving for ever. Amen. 
 
 And when all the People have faid, Amen: 
 Let the Deacon cry again, -nr^'^^, Let us 
 give Attention. Then the Bifhop mall fpeak to 
 the People, faying, rd ayia rcls dyiois, Holy 
 Things for thofe that are Holy. And the People 
 fhall anfwer, There is one Holy, one Lord, one Je- 
 fus Chrifl, to the Glory of God the Father, Blejfed 
 for ever. Amen. Glory be to God on high, and in 
 Earth Peace., good Will towards Men. Hofanna to 
 the Son of David : Blejfed be the Lord God, that 
 came in the Name of the Lord, and manifefied him- 
 felf unto us : Flo f anna in the Highefl. 
 
 This is the whole Service preceding the Act 
 of Communicating, as it is delivcrd in the Con- 
 futations ; which t have here reprefented all to- 
 gether as it lies there, that the Reader may fee 
 it in one View. I mail now compare the fe- 
 veral Parts and Branches of it with the certain 
 Accounts we have of them in other Authentick 
 Writers j beginning with that which was the 
 firft in Older, the Minifter's Salutation of the 
 People. 
 
 SECT. II. It has been obferved before 
 This Account com- [*] that this Form of faluting 
 fared with what is the People, by faying, Peace be 
 
 faul in other Ah- w}fb ^ Qr ^ £^ y g w ; t fr 
 thps Ttrfl As to Gra(;e Q r QM Lord 
 
 the FormofSxluttt- ^ ' ' „ . f\ 
 
 Peace be with Jefus Chnfl, &c. be with you, was 
 you, &c the ufual Preface and Introducti- 
 
 on to all Holy Offices, and there- 
 fore always ufed before Prayers, efpecially thofe 
 that were offered up at the Altar. Theodoret 
 fays, it was ufed both at the Entrance of their 
 Sermons and the Myftical Service [d], by which 
 he means this part of the Communion-Office. 
 Cyril of Alexandria fays the fame, that they ufed 
 it in the Beginning [e ] of their Myfteries ; and 
 that Chrift made it a Law, as it were unto the 
 Church by faying lb often to his Difciples, Peace 
 be unto you. But noonefpeaks more fully of it than 
 St. Ghryfoftom. He fays, they ufed it in all their 
 Offices; when they firft came into the Church ; 
 when they preached; when they gave the Be- 
 nediction; when they commanded the People to 
 lalute one another with the Kifs of Peace-, when 
 the Sacrifice [/] was offered ; and at other 
 times in the Communion-Service. Where it is 
 obfervable, that hefpeaks of this Salutation as u- 
 
 fed four times at lead in this part of the Com- 
 munion-Office, befides other Occafions. In a- 
 nother place exhorting Chriltians not to follow 
 the Cuftoms of the Jews, but to be at Unity 
 and Peace among themfelves, he ufes this Argu- 
 ment, There is nothing comparable to Peace and 
 Concord. Therefore when the Bifhop firft enters 
 the Church, before ever he goes up to his Throne, 
 he fays, Peace be unto you all: When he rifes up 
 to preach, he does not begin, before he has gi- 
 ven the Peace to all: When the Priefts are about 
 to make the Benediction -Prayers, they firft [g~] 
 ufe this Salutation, and then begin their Bene- 
 dictions. So alfo the Deacon, when he bids 
 you pray in common, among other things he 
 reminds you to pray for the Angel of Peace ; and 
 when he difmifles you from this AfTembly, he 
 prays for you in the fame manner, faying, Go 
 in Peace. And there is nothing at all faid or 
 done without this. In another Homily upon the 
 Defcent of the Holy Ghoft, [/?] he gives the 
 Reafon, why it was more particularly ufed at 
 the Lord's Table. The Bifhop, fays he, not 
 only when he goes into his Throne, and when 
 he preaches, and when he prays, ufes this Form, 
 but when he ftands at this Holy Table, when 
 he is about to offer the tremendous Sacrifice, 
 he does not touch the Oblation, before he has 
 prayed that the Grace of the Lord may be with 
 you, and ye have anfwered, And with thy Spirit: 
 By which Anfwer ye remind your felves, that 
 it is not the Minifter who effects any thing in 
 this Matter, neither is the Confecration of the 
 Gifts there lying the Work of Human Nature, 
 but that it is the Grace of the Spirit then pre- 
 fent, and defcending upon the Elements, that 
 makes this Myftical Sacrifice. There are feve- 
 ral other PafTages to the fame Purpofe in his o- 
 ther Homilies [z] upon the Gofpelsand St. Paul's 
 Epiftles, which becaufe the Reader may find 
 them at large in the Extract of the Liturgy a- 
 bove [t] out of St. Chryfoftom's Works, I will 
 not here repeat them. The fame Cuftom was 
 always obferved in the Latin Church. For Ter- 
 tullian [k] plainly refers to it, when he objects 
 it to the Hereticks, that they gave the Peace 
 to all without Exception; implying that the 
 Church ufed it, but with fome Diftinction. 
 Optatus fays,[/] the Donatifts retained the Form' 
 but grofly abufed it in their Practice. They 
 could not omit the folemn Words: They faid 
 Peace be unto you. But why, fays he, dofi thou 
 falute Men with that, which thou haft not ? JVhy 
 do ft thou name Peace, that haft deftroyed it ? Thou 
 faluteft Men with the Words of Love and Peace 
 who haft nothing of the Reality and Subftance of it. 
 In the Spanifh Church they ufed a like Form" 
 though not altogether the fame. For by an Or- 
 
 [*] Book XIV. Chap.iv. ». 14. • [<f| Theod. Ep. 146. p. 
 1032. TttTo <wa.cautf iciuii bmhwyxrut; tjjj /xv^in'rii b£t At.- 
 7^y'id.f ^ejo'i^iov. f 0] Cyril, lib. 12. in Joan. 20. p. 1093. 
 
 9*wV- Vid. Ilidor. Peluf. lib. 1. Ep. 112. [/] Chryf. Horn. 
 3. in Coiof. p. 1 338. [g] Chryf. Horn. 72. in eos qui Pafcha 
 jejunant. t. j. p. 713. [h] Chryf. Horn. 36. de Pentecoft. t.y. 
 
 P- Sn- El Chryf. Horn. 1 8. in 2 Cor. p. C/3. Horn. -.6 j n 
 1 Cor. p. 6fi. Horn. 33. in Mat. p. 31 8. [fj Book XUlchap 
 vi. [A] Tertul. de Przfcript. cap. j. f. Pacem cum omnibus 
 mifcenr. [/] Optat. lib. 3. p. 73. Non potuiftis prstermittere 
 
 quod Legitimum eft. Utique dixiftis, Pax vobifcum Quid 
 
 falutas, de quo non habes? Quid nominas, quod exterminafti ? Sa- 
 lutas de Pace, qui non arms, 
 
74<* 
 
 The A n t i qu i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XV. 
 
 e'er of the firft Council of Braga [m~] it was ap- 
 pointed that both Bifhops and Presbyters fhould 
 ufe one and the fame Form of Salutation, that 
 is, The Lord be with you, as it is in the Book of 
 Ruth-, and that the People fhould anfwer, And 
 with thy Spirit: As all the Eaft receive it by 
 Tradition from the Apoftles, and not as the 
 Prifcillian Herefy hath changed it. What 
 Change the Prifcillianifts had made in this mat- 
 ter, is not very clear : Some learned Men are of 
 Opinion [»] that they would allow the Bifhops 
 to ufe no other Form but Pax vobis, and the 
 Presbyters only to hy,Domimis vobifcum: Whence 
 they conclude that the Word Oriens, the Eaft, 
 mult have crept into the Canon inftead of the 
 Weft, becaufe it is fo evident, that all the Eaft- 
 em Church ufed the Form, Pax vobis, both in 
 the Salutation of Bifhops and Presbyters. But 
 I mould rather think the Prifcillian Pravity here 
 complained of, was their denying ihe People the 
 Liberty of making their proper Refponfc, and 
 bearing their part in the Service, by faying, And 
 with thy Spirit, as had been the Cuftom of all the 
 Eaft from the time of the Apoftles. However this 
 be, I cannot forbear to fay, it is the verv Error 
 and Pravity which the Church of Romt has 
 fince run into. For Bona owns himfelf [c], that 
 though it was cuftomary in the antient Church 
 for all the Congregation, and not only the Clerks, 
 to anfwer the Prieft, by faying, And with thy 
 Spirit : Yet now it is othet wife in the Church 
 of Rome, where the Clerks only make this Re- 
 fponfe, and the People are wholly excluded from 
 it. For which no other Reafon can be affigned, 
 but the Magifterial Authority of that Church, 
 pretending to prefcribe what fhe pleafes to the 
 People, with a Non obftante to any Rule or Tra- 
 dition of the antient Church. St. Chryfoftom's 
 Reafoning in behalf of the People's bearing a part 
 in Prayer with the Prieft, is of much more weight, 
 and with it I will conclude this Paragraph. 
 
 Great is the Power of the Congregation, that 
 is, of the whole Church, fays he [/>]• It was 
 their Prayer that delivered Peter from his Bonds, 
 and opened the Mouth of Paul. Their Suffrage 
 is a peculiar Ornament to thofe who are called to 
 the Spiritual Offices of Government. And there- 
 fore he who is about to perform the Office of Ordi- 
 nation, at that time requires their Prayers, and they 
 joyn their Suffrage, crying out in thofe Words, 
 which they that are initiated in the holy Myfteries 
 know : For we may not fpeak all things openly 
 before the Unbaptizcd. There are fome things 
 wherein there is no Difference between Prieft 
 and People, as when they are to partake of the 
 tremendous Myfteries. For we are all alike ad- 
 mitted to them: Not as under the Old Teftament, 
 when the Prieft eat one thing, and the People 
 another ; and it was not lawful for the People 
 to partake of thofe things which the Prieft alone 
 
 might partake of. It is not fo now, but there 
 is one Body, and one Cup propofed in common 
 to all. So alfo in the Prayers, one may now ob- 
 ferve the People to contribute a great deal. For 
 Common-Prayers are made for the Energumens, 
 and for the Penitents, both by the Priefts and 
 People. For they all fay that one and the fame 
 Prayer, the Prayer fo full of Mercy. Again, 
 when we exclude thofe from the Sandt.uary, 
 who cannot partake of the Holy Table, we are 
 all obliged to make another Prayer, in \. h-ch 
 we all fall down alike on the Earth, and all rife 
 up together. Again, when we are to give and 
 receive the Peace, or Kifs of Peace, we all in like 
 manner falute each other. And rgain in cele- 
 brating the Holy Myfteries the Prieft prays for 
 the People, and the People for the Prieft. For 
 thefe words, And with thy Spirit, are nothing 
 elfe but the People's Prayer. In like manner 
 the Prayer of Thankfgiving is a Common-Pray- 
 er. For not only the Prieft gives Thanks, but all 
 the People alfo. For when he has firft received 
 their Anfwer, declaring their Confent, that it is 
 meet and right fo to do, then he begins the Thankf- 
 giving. And why mould jou wonder, that the 
 People fometimes fpeak with the Prieft, when 
 they are allowed to fend up thofe holy Hymns 
 in common with the very Cherubims and Ccc- 
 leftial Powers above? I have fpoken ail this^ adds 
 he, to make every Member of the Church, 
 though he bean Inferior, to become watchful and 
 vigilant j and to teach us, that we are all One Bo- 
 dy, and on y differ from each other, as Members 
 do from the Members of the fame Body; and that 
 we mould not eaft all upon the Priefts, but every 
 one bear his Share in his concern for the whole 
 Church, as one common Body. I will now 
 leave any ingenuous Reader to judge, whofe 
 Reafons are ftrongeft andmoft Rational ; thofe of 
 Chryfoftom, who thus pleads the People's Right 
 in bearing a part in the publick Service of God j 
 or theirs, who by an overbearing Authority deny 
 them their juft Right j and as they have taken 
 away the Cup, and the Bible, and the Key of 
 Knowledge from them, fo have alfo denied them 
 the Liberty of joining in Common-prayer with 
 the Prieft, which was their uncontcfted Privilege 
 in the antient Church. 
 
 But I proceed with the Con- sect. nr. 
 ftitutions. As there immediately StconMy, The Kifs 
 after the Prieft has given the of p<nce - 
 Salutation of Peace, and the People have return- 
 ed their Anfwer, a Deacon goes onto proclaim fo- 
 lemnly, that they fhould falute ox\z another with 
 an Holy Kifs: And fo the Clergy falute the Bi- 
 fhop, and Laymen their Fellow-Laymen, and 
 Women one another: It is in the very fame 
 manner reprefented in other Writers. The Coun- 
 cil of Laodicca defcribing the Order of the an- 
 
 Cone. Bracar.i. can. n. Placuit ut non aliter Epifcopi, 
 &c aliter Presbyteri Populum, fed uno modo falutent, dicentes, 
 Dominus fit vobifcum : ficut in Libro Ruth legitur, 8c ut refpon- 
 deatur a populo, Et cum Spiritu tuo: Sicut 8c ab ipfis Apoftolis 
 waditum omnis retinet Oriens, 8c non ficut Prifcilliana pravitas im- 
 
 mutavit. [»] Garfias Loaifa in Loc.Booa de Reb. Lirurg. lib. 2. 
 cap. n. i. Habertus Archieratic. p. 530. Hamon Leitrange, Alli- 
 ance of Div. Offic. cap. 3. p. 82. [0] Bona ibid. p. roi. Nunc 
 foli Clerici vel Miniltri refpondent. ft>] Chryf. Horn. 18. in 2 
 Cor. p. 872, 
 
 tient 
 
Chap. III. Christian Church. 747 
 
 tient Service, fays, after the Prayers [g] of the 
 Faithful, the Peace mould be given: And after 
 the Presbyters have given the Peace to the Bi- 
 fhop, and Laymen the Peace to one another, the 
 Holy Oblation mould be offered. After the fame 
 manner, Cyril of Jerufalem [r] fpeaks of it as 
 coming before the Surfum Corda, Lift up your 
 Hearts to the Lord. A Deacon cries, Receive one 
 another, falute one another with an Holy Kifs. 
 Which, he fays, was a Symbol of Reconcilia- 
 tion, and forgiving all Injuries whatfoever. St. 
 Chryfofiom [j] often mentions it among other 
 Arguments to excite Men to Unity and Charity } 
 reminding them of this Symbol of Peace and Re- 
 conciliation, and how great a Piece of Pageantry 
 and mere Hypocrify it was to give this Kifs, as 
 Judas did, without cordial Love, and fincere 
 Affection. Particularly in one Place [f] he 
 notes the Circumftance of Time when this Ce- 
 remony was ufed, that is, before the Oblation, 
 when the Sacrifice was about to be offered: 
 Which agrees exactly with the Time fpecified 
 in the Conftitutions. The fame is noted long be- 
 fore by Juftin Martyr [t], that it was between 
 the Common-Prayers for the whole State of 
 ChrifVs Church, and the Prayers of Confecration. 
 For, fays he, when Prayers are ended, we falute 
 one another with a Kifs: And after that, Bread 
 and Wine and Water is brought to the Presi- 
 dent of the Brethren, who receiving them, gives 
 Praife and Glory to the God of all things, in 
 the Name of the Son and the Holy Spirit. In 
 the Latin Church the fame Cuftom was ob- 
 ferved, only with this Difference, that it came 
 not before, but after the Confecration-Prayers, 
 and the Lord's Prayer, immediately before the 
 Distribution. For fo S. jiuflin or Ctefarius Are- 
 latentis reprefents it, in defcribing the Order of 
 the Service. When the Confecration [u] is en- 
 ded we fay the Lord's Prayer : and after that, 
 Peace be with you: And then Christians falute one 
 another with an Holy Kifs, which is a fign of 
 Peace, if that be really in their Hearts, which 
 they pretend with their Lips. He mentions the 
 thing in other Places, and feems to inti- 
 mate, that the Donatijls obferved the fame Cere- 
 mony, though they had nothing of the Peace 
 that was intended by it. In his Books againft 
 
 Petilian [V] fpeaking of one Optatus Gildonianus 
 a Donatifi bifhop, who had been a great Op- 
 preflbr of Widows and Orphans, and infamous 
 for many other barbarous Cruelties, he fays, 
 Notwithstanding all this, they gave hitn the Kifi 
 of Peace, when they received the Sacrament at 
 his Hands. In another place [_y~] he compares 
 the Donatijls to Crows, and the Catholicks to 
 Doves j becaufe they both gave the Kifs of Peace, 
 yet the one tare the Church in pieces, and fed 
 upon its Ruins, but the other were innocent 
 and harmlefs as Doves j and by thofe Characters 
 they might be diftinguiih'd from each other. 
 It appears alfo from Pope Innocenfs Letter [z] 
 to Decentius Bifhop of Eugubium, that it was 
 the general Cuftom of the Italick Churches to 
 give the Kifs of Peace, not before the Confe- 
 cration, but after: For it blames thofe that 
 gave it before, and fays, it ought to come after, 
 as a Teftimony of their Confent to all that was 
 done, and as a Seal of the Confecration- Prayer, 
 to signify that all was ended. Tertullian [a] 
 probably upon this account gave it the Name of 
 Signaculum Orationis, the Seal of their Prayers > 
 as being in his Time ufed when all the Prayers 
 of Confecration were ended. He feems to inti- 
 mate alfo that it was given promifcuoufly, and 
 without Diftin&ion between Men and [b~] Wo- 
 men. For among other Arguments, which he 
 ufes why a Chriftian Woman lhould not marry 
 an Heathen, this is one, that he would be un- 
 willing to fuffer her to go into the Prifons to 
 kifs the Martyrs Chains, or at any other times 
 to give the Kifs of Peace to a Brother. And 
 this is as plainly intimated by the antient Wri- 
 ter of the Passion of Felicitas and Perpetua, about 
 Tertullian's Time, when he fays [c~\ that Felicitas, 
 Perpetua, and Saturus did mutually kifs each o- 
 ther before they fuffered, that they might con- 
 summate their Martyrdom by the folemn Rite 
 of Peace. Alluding to the ufual Cuftom of gi- 
 ving the Kifs of Peace without Diftin&ion, 
 though it was otherwife obferved in the Greek 
 Church. There is one thing more proper to be 
 obferved out of 'tertullian \_d~\* that fome made a 
 Scruple of giving the Kifs of Peace upon a Faft- 
 Day, though it were but a private Faft of their 
 own j whom he reproves, telling them that the 
 
 \a \ Cone. Laodic. 19. sld' «t»? W *V mv <fr<M<&$- *5 
 ts\} -wfefff t/ii?w ^ ©Bifl-jtSTw fw hfjmv, -rin ™* 
 Kcuwi tJ» s/piW Wov<u. xj «t» rtiv ctyictv v&vqo&.v 
 ZmfaSSk. W Cyril. Catech. Myft. f . n. 2. [,] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 20. in Mat. p. 2c j\ Horn. 22. in Rom. p. 2yi. Horn. 30. 
 in 2 Cor. p.99;. Horn. 14. in Ephef. p. 1128. Horn. 77. in Joan, 
 p. foo. Horn. 30.de Proditore.t. f. p. f6f. Horn. fo. ibid. p. 686. 
 [f ] Chryf. dc Compunft. Cordis lib. 1. cap. 3. t. 4. p. 1 18. *Wa- 
 
 „jyxv. <ry<7yi?i\cu -rod vyvFSri r£v 
 
 dftwSvapl©- $ vrolnvw v<?&1Q- ***f**J©-. Vid.Clem. 
 Alex. Psedagog. lib. 3. cap. 11. Athenag. Legat. p. 36. Dionyf. 
 Eccl. Hierarch. cap. 3. Sett. 8. [«] Aug. Horn. 83. de Diver- 
 fis. t. 10. p. 576. Ubi perafta eft fanttificatio, dicimus Oratio- 
 nem Dominicam. Poll ipfam dicitur, Pax vobifcum, & ofculantur 
 fe Chriftiani in Ofculo fanfto, quod eft lignum Pacis, fi quod often- 
 dunt labia, fiat in Confcientia. [#] Aug. cont. Literas Petilian. 
 lib. 2. cap. 23. Cui Pacis Ofculum inter facramenta copulabatis, &c. 
 
 [y] Id. Tra£r.. 6,, in Joan. p. 21. Ofculantur Corvi, fed laniant.- 
 a laniatu innocens eft natura Columbarum. Ubi ergo Laniatus, non 
 eft vera in Ofculis Pax, e^c. [z,] Innoc. Ep. 1. ad Decent, 
 
 cap. 1. Pacem ergo afleris ante confe&a Myfteria quoiciam po- 
 pulis imperare, vel fibi inter facerdotes tradere : cum poft omnia, 
 quae aperire non debeo, Pax fit neceflfario indicenda, per quam 
 conftet populum, ad omnia quae in Myfteriis aguntur, atque in 
 Ecclefia celebrantur, praebuifle confenfum, ac finira efle Pacis con- 
 cludentis fignaculo demonftrentur. [<?] Tertul. de Orat. cap. 14. 
 [6] Ad Uxor. lib. 2. cap. 4. Quis patietur alicui Fratrum ad Of- 
 culum convenire? [c] Paflio Perpetuse ad calcem La&ant. de 
 Mort. Periec. p. 37. Ante jam ofculati invicem, ut Martyrium 
 per folennia Pacis confummarent. [d] Tertul. de Orat. cap. 14. 
 Alia jam confuetudo invaluit, jejunantes habita Oran'one cum fra- 
 tribus fubtrahunt Ofculum Pacis, quod eft iignaculum Orationis. 
 Quando autem magis conferenda cum fratribus Pax eft, nifi cum 
 Oratione commendabilior afcendit?— • Qax Oratio cum divortio 
 fanfti Ofculi integra ? Quern Domino officium facientem impedit 
 Pax? Quale facrificium eft, a nuo fine Pace receditur? &c. 
 
 Kifs 
 
748 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 Kifs of Peace was the Seal of Prayer j that it was 
 never more proper than when joined with Pray- 
 er} that there was no Prayer perfect without 
 Peacej that Peace was no Impediment to a 
 Man in doing his Duty to the Lord } that what- 
 ever Reafon they had for it, their Reafon was 
 not ftronger than the Obfervation of the Precept 
 which obliges us to conceal our Falls. Where- 
 as when we refrain from the Kifs of Peace, that 
 difcovers us to be Falling. We may at home 
 omit this Ceremony of Giving the Peace, becaufe 
 there our Falls cannot be wholly concealed 
 from the Family: But in other places where 
 you may conceal your Action, you ought to re- 
 member the Precept of the Lord } and fo you 
 mayobferve the Discipline of the Church abroad, 
 and your own Cuflom at home. Tertullian, we 
 fee, fpeaksthisof private Falls, which he thinks 
 no reafon for Men's refuling the Kifs of Peace in 
 publick. As to publick Falls the Cafe was o- 
 therwile. For by the Laws of the Church, 
 this Ceremony was omitted on fome morefolemn 
 Days of Fading. As upon the Day of our Sa- 
 viour's Paffion. For Tertullian adds immediately in 
 the next Words, that on that Day [<?], becaufe it 
 was a publick and common Fall, ordained by the 
 Laws of the Church, they omitted the Kifs of 
 Peace, and no one then regarded the OmifHon, 
 becaufe it was done by general Confent and A- 
 greement. And this feems to have been an Ex- 
 ception of Univerfal Extent in the Church : For 
 Procopius notes it in the Life of Juflinian and The- 
 odora, who began their Reign on this Day, An. 
 f 17, that they began it with an ill Omen, on a 
 Day [/] that no one ufed the Kifs of Peace in the 
 Church. And thus much of this antient Cere- 
 mony, fo often enjoined by the Apoftle, Rom. 
 xvi. 1 6. 1 Cor. xvi. 20. 2. Cor. xiii. 12. 1 Thef. v. 
 2.6. 1 Pet. v. 14. Of which fome have written 
 [f] whole Volumes : But I content myfelf to have 
 {aid fo much, as may ferve to confirm the Obfer- 
 vation made upon the Author of the Confutati- 
 ons, that this was an antient Rite univerfally ob- 
 fcrved in the Church in one part or other of the 
 Communion Service. 
 
 SECT. iv. The next Thing mentioned 
 
 Thirdly, Wtfhmg of j n t ^ e Conftitutions, is the Cere- 
 
 7ecmion f0n ^ m0n y ° f the PlieftS filling his 
 
 jecratwn. Hands before Confecration. This 
 
 is alfo noted by Cyril of Jerufalem in his Myftago- 
 gical Explication of the Communion Service, where 
 fpeaking to the newly Baptized, he fays. Ye 
 have feen the Deacon bring Water to the Bilhop 
 and Presbyters [g] (landing about the Altar, to 
 wain their Hands. Did he give it to walh the 
 Filth of their Bodies ? By no means. For we 
 do not ufe to go into the Church with Bodies 
 
 defiled : But that Walhing of Hands is a Sym- 
 bol, that you ought to be pure from Sin and 
 Trangreflions of the Law. For the Hands arc 
 the Symbol of Action, and Walhing them de- 
 notes the Purity and Cleannefs of our Actions. 
 Have you not heard holy David explaining this 
 Myllery, and faying, / will wafh my Hands among 
 the Innocent, and fo will I compafs thine Altar, O 
 Lord. Therefore Warning the Hands, is a Sym- 
 bol or Indication that we are not obnoxious or 
 liable unto Sin. The Author of the Queftions 
 upon the Old and New Teftament under the Name 
 of St. Aufiin [Jj] takes notice of the fame Cu- 
 flom as ufed in all Churches, only with this Dif- 
 ference, that whereas in other Churches it was 
 commonly the Office of the Deacons to bring 
 Water to Priefls, in the Roman Church it was 
 devolved upon the Subdeacons, becaufe there 
 was a Multitude of inferior Clergy in that Church 
 above many others. And in the Author under 
 the Name of Dionyfius the Areopagite, a great 
 deal more may be read to the fame Purpofe. 
 
 In the next Place, whereas in sect. v. 
 
 the Conftitutions the Deacon is ap- Fourthly, The De*- 
 
 pointed again to make a folemn con's Admonition to 
 
 Proclamation, ordering all Non- Non-communi- 
 
 communicants, Catechumens, Pe- cmu 10 * >it "< lr ""i 
 
 nitens, and Unbelievers to be ex- *" d t0 allCommu ' 
 
 1 1 < j 1 . n . „ « nicants to come m 
 
 ciuaea } ana aamomining all torn- charit md 
 
 Since- 
 
 municants to approach in Chari- r ,ty. 
 ty and Sincerity, not in Enmity 
 with their Brethren, or in Hypocrify towards 
 God, but in Reverence and Fear : The very fame 
 is fuggefled by Chryfoftom : Doft thou not hear 
 the Deacon, the Herald of the Church, Handing 
 and crying, All ye that are [i] under Penance, 
 be gone. All they that do not partake of the 
 Communion, are in Penance. If thou art in Pe- 
 nance, thou mayft not partake. And Severianus 
 Bilhop of Gabala, in one of his Homilies among 
 St. Chryfoftom's Works [£] fpeaks of the famel 
 Ye have feen the Deacons traverfing the Church, 
 and crying, Let no Catechumen be prefent, none 
 of thofe that may not fee the heavenly Blood 
 fhed for the Remiffion of Sins, Ye remem- 
 
 ber after this how the Angels from Heaven fing 
 the Hymns and Praifes, faying, Holy is the Fa- 
 ther, Holy is the Son, Holy is the Holy Gho/l. By 
 which it is plain, thefe Admonitions of the Dea- 
 con were here repeated as preparatory to the Ob- 
 lation. 
 
 The Circumftance of the pi- sect. vi. 
 Trivia or Fans to drive away the °f tl,e p'^'^"* ° r 
 Infects, is fo minute, that it is drive away 
 
 no great Wonder it fhould be lnfeSs ' 
 omitted in raoft other Writers befide the Confli- 
 
 ct] Ibid. Die Pafchx, quo communis & quafi publica Jejunii 
 rcligio, deponimus Ofculum; nihil curantes de Ofculando, quod cum 
 omnibus faciamus. [f~\ Procop. Hi ft. Arcana, cap. 9. 
 
 ("-(-] Mullerus de Ofculo fan&o. Jenae 1677. 4*0. Martin Kempius 
 de Ofculo, 8cc. Lipfis, i66f. [g] Cyril. Catech. Myft.f. 
 
 n. 1. J Aug. Quarft. Vet. & Novi Teftamenti. Q.101. 
 
 Uc autcra non omnia minifteria obfequiorum per ordinern agant, 
 
 multitudo facit Clericorum. Nam utique 8c altarc portarent & 
 Vafa ejus, 8c aquam in manus funderent Sacerdoti, ficut videmus 
 per omnes Ecclefias, &>c. [i] Chryf. Horn. 5. in Ephef. 
 
 p. 1 oj- 1. [fc] Ap. Chryf. torn. 6. Horn. 37. de Filio Prodigo. 
 
 p. 37f . See before BookXlll. Chap.vi.n 6. Vide Chryf. Horn. 1, 
 contra Judseos. T.i. p.4«o. trrtytywfKtV- ctMi')A«j. 8cc. 
 
 tutions. 
 
G H A P. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 749 
 
 tutions. Bona [f] fays, they are mentioned mjobius- 
 [w] zndGermanus Theoria, and the Liturgies that go 
 under the Name of St. Chryfoftom and St. Bafil. Sui- 
 cerus [»] thinks, that in mod of thofe Writings 
 the Word pi7r/^ia fignifiesoneof their holy Vcflels, 
 a Basket or the like, in which they were ufed to 
 carry the facred Elements to and from the Altar j 
 fuch as that fpoken of by St. Jerom, when de- 
 fcribing the glorious Poverty of Exuperius Bifhop 
 of Tholoufe, he fays [0], he was ufed to carry the 
 Lord's Body in a Basket of Ofiers, and the Blood 
 in a Glafs Cup. And indeed in Herodotus the 
 "Word fuirlcPiov is by fome Lexicographers fa id to 
 fignify a Basket: But in the Liturgies of St. Chry- 
 foftom and Bafil, it is taken in the common Senfe 
 of Greek Authors, and as it is ufed in the Confti- 
 tutions, for a Fan to blow with. For in Chry- 
 foftom^ Liturgy the Deacon is to ventilate [/>] or 
 blow over the Elements with a Fanj or if there 
 be no Fan, then to do it with the Covering of 
 the Cup. And in St-Baftl's Liturgy there is men- 
 tion \jf\ made of the fame Utenfils, pnr'tJiov r, k«- 
 Xuju/aa, either the Fan or the Covering of the 
 Cup, to be ufed for the fame Purpofe. And fo 
 the Word pnricP'tcv [/] is taken both by Germanus, 
 and Jobius, and Suidas. So that there was no 
 reafon for Suicerus to reckon the Author of the 
 Conftitutions fo lingular in this Opinion. But as 
 thefe Authors arc not very antient, I have men- 
 tioned them rather to explain an hard Word, 
 than eftablifh an EccleGaftical Cuftom. St. Je- 
 romes Authority is produced by Durantus [s~], but 
 it is nothing to the Purpofe : For though he 
 mentions the Ufe of Mufcaria [t], that is, Fans 
 yet it is plain he fpeaks of them not as any Ec- 
 clefiaftical Utenfil, but as a Civil Prefent made 
 by Marcella to the Matrons, though he gives a 
 Tropological Turn of Wit, to draw fomething 
 of a myttical Meaning out of them. So I let 
 this Matter pals as a minute Circumftance in the 
 Conftitutions , about which it is not worth our 
 while to be farther folicitous in our Inquiries, to 
 give collateral Evidence out of the antient Wri- 
 ters. 
 
 SECT. VII. The next Thing mentioned 
 of the Ufe »f the j n t i ie Conftitutions, is, the Ufe of 
 Sign of the Oofs at ^ g- of thfi Crof before the 
 the Lords TM. Minift * r procccds to the Confe- 
 
 cration. And of this there is more certain Evi- 
 
 dence in the antient Writers. For Chryfoftom fays 
 exprefly [«] that it was not only ufed by Chri- 
 ftians every Day, but particularly at the holy Ta- 
 ble, and in the Ordinations of Priefts, and that 
 its Glory mined with the Body of Chrift in the 
 Myitical Supper. Which implies, that it was ufed 
 more than once in the time of Celebration. St. 
 Auflin fays likewife, that it was ufed [*] in all 
 their Offices, in confecrating the Waters of Bap- 
 tifm, in the Unition of Confirmation, and in the 
 Sacrifice of the Eucharift; without which none 
 of them were iblemnly performed. 
 
 Next after this, immediately sect. VIII. 
 before the great Thankfgiving in °f the J!M l re ' 
 the Conftitutions, the Prieft having ^ffrfhetZ 
 given the People another Saluta- ^hntothlgZt 
 tion in the Words ol St. Paul, Thankfgiving. 
 The Grace of our Lord Jefus Chrift, 
 &c, be with you; and they anfwering again, And 
 with thy Spirit : The Pried goes on and lays, Lift 
 up your Hearts : To which the People anfwer, 
 We lift them up unto the Lord. The Prieft fays 
 again, Let us give Thanks to the Lord; and the 
 People anfwer, is meet and right fo to do. Now 
 this is mentioned almoit by all Ecclefiaftical 
 Writers, that have faid any thing of the Eucha- 
 rift or Prayer. St. Cyprian \_y~\ calls it the Pre- 
 face that was premifed by the Prieft 4 to prepare 
 the Brethrens Minds to pray with an heavenly 
 Temper. St. Auftin mentions it above ten times 
 in his Writings : The Places have been noted 
 above [*] in the general Difcourfe of Liturgies^ 
 and therefore I need not here repeat them. I 
 will only remark, that he fays, It was the Cu- 
 ftom of the whole Church throughout the World 
 [z] to fay daily almofl with one Voice, We lift 
 up our Hearts unto the Lord. And that therefore 
 the Hearts [a~] of Chriftian People were a forE 
 of Heaven, becaufe they are daily lift up to Hea- 
 ven, whilft the Prieft fays, Lift up your Hearts ; 
 and they anfwer, We lift them up unto the Lord. 
 St. Chryfoftom alfo \b~\ frequently mentions the 
 Ufe of this Preface in his Homilies, which becaufe 
 I have related at length in a former Book [f], I 
 forbear to repeat them again in this Place. The 
 Reader that is curious, may find the fame Forms 
 related in Cyrifs Myftical Catechifms \c], and Ana- 
 ftafius Sinaita \_d~\, and Cafarius Arelatenfts [e], 
 and Eligius Noviomenfts [/], not to mention the 
 
 [/] Bona Rcr. Liturg. lib. 1. cap. if. n.6\ [>] Jobius 
 
 ap. Photium. Cod. 222. [»] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. voce 
 
 pnr'ifiav. Tom. 1. [0] Hieron. Ep. f. ad Rufticum. Nihil 
 
 illo ditius, qui Corpus Domini caniftro vimineo, fanguinem portat 
 in vitro. [/> ] Chryf. Liturg. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. T. 2. 
 
 p. 78. p/Tt^n inr&vu r^f ay'icov y.i]a. fi-ni^'i* lvha.£ui. ei ix. 
 *<ri p/Ti'JW. ts-o/rt TtiTO (jl<-}£ x.cthvuiJ.a}©- . [q] Balil. 
 
 Liturg. ibid. p. fj. [r] German. Conremplatio Rer. Ecclef. 
 
 ibid. p. ifj. Jobius ubi fupra. Suids Lexicon. T. 2. p. 636. 
 [*] Durant. de Ritib. lib. 1. cap. 10. n.2. [/] Hieron. 
 
 Ep. 50. ad Marcellam. Quod autem 8c Matronis offertis Mufcaria 
 parva, parvis animalibus evcntilandis, elegans fignificatio eft, debere 
 Iuxuriam cito reftinguere, quia Mufcs moritura; oleum fuavitatis 
 exterminant. [«j Chryf. Demonftrat. Quod Chriftus fit 
 
 Deus. cap. 9. T. 5. p. 840. irQ- cv t» («£jt t^vi^n, kt©- cv 
 
 ToT< ffi Up'iUV y&eiloVllUf* KT@- TO.KIV {*-{\d. T4 QufJ-o]®- <TH 
 
 Xe« r « ™ wrtaiv S^e.-trvw <Piabawjr&. [#] Aug. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Horn. 1 1 8. in Joan. p. 22$-. Quid eft lignum Chrifti nifi Crux 
 Chrifti? Quod lignum nifi adhibeatur five Frontibus credentium, 
 five ipfi aqua: ex qua regenerantur, five Oleo quo Chrifmate ungun- 
 tur, live Sacrificio quo aluntur; nihil horum rite perficitur. 
 [jK] Cypr. de Orat. p. 15-2. [«] See Book XIII. Chap. v. n. 7. 
 
 £ s] Aug. de vera Relig. cap. 3. torn. 1. p. 202. Quotidie per uni- 
 verfum orbem humanum genus una pene voce refpondet, furfum 
 corda fe habere ad Dominum. [«] Serm.44. de Tempore. 
 
 Corda Fidelium caelum funt, quia in coelos quotidie eriguntur, di- 
 cente Sacerdote, Surfum Corda; fecuti refpondent, Habemus ad Do- 
 minum. [£] Chryf. Horn. 18. in 2 Cor. p. 873. Horn. 22. 
 in Heb. p. 1898. Horn. f. dc Pcenirent. T.6. Edit. Savil. Horn. 24. 
 in 1 Cor. p. j 26. Horn. 38. de Euchar. T. f . p. $-69. [|] See 
 Book XIIT. Chap. vi. [ c ] Cyril. Catech. Myft. f . n. 3. 
 
 [d] Anaftaf. Serm. de Synaxi. ap. Albertin. de Euchariftia. p. 729. 
 
 [e] Caefar. Horn. 1 2. [/] Eligius. Horn. 11.de Ccena 
 Domini. Ex verbis Cypriani. 
 
 C c c c c c Greek 
 
750 
 
 The A n t i ojj it ibs of the Book XV. 
 
 Greek Liturgies or any later Writers. I only ob- 
 ferve farther out of the Council of Milevis [g], 
 where there is mention made of Prefaces among 
 other Prayers, it is commonly fuppofed by Learn- 
 ed Men, that thefe Forms are meant, Lift up your 
 Hearts : We lift them up unto the Lord. Let us give 
 Thanks unto the Lord : // is meet and right fo to do. 
 Which, as Mabillon [b] obferves, in the old Gal- 
 ium Liturgy is called Contefiatio, becaufe by thefe 
 Anfwers the People gave in their Atteftation or 
 Teftimony of their Compliance with the Prieft's 
 Exhortation } declaring that their Hearts were 
 now in Heaven, and that it was meet and right 
 to praifc the Lord. 
 
 sect. IX. After this the Prieft went on 
 
 Of the lvx*etrU w i tn tne ajyapis'ia, properly fo 
 cr great Thankfg.v- ^ fa ■ ^ Than kf- 
 .ngproperlyfocalM. ^.^ ^ Q ^ f . Mer _ 
 
 cies both of Creation, Providence, and Redemp- 
 tion j where a Commemoration was made of all 
 that God had done for Man from the Foundation 
 of the World, and more particularly in the great 
 Myftcry of Redemption : Upon which a folemn 
 and magnificent Glorification of God was fra- 
 med, always including the Trifagion, or Seraphical 
 Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord of Hofls, &c. which 
 was fung by the Minifter and People jointly j 
 and then the Minifter went on alone to finifh 
 the folemn Thankfgiving. We have no where elle 
 indeed fo long a Thankfgiving as is that in the 
 Confiitutions : But the Subftance of it is not only 
 in the Liturgies that go under the Names of 
 St. James, Chryfofiom and Bafil, but may be dis- 
 covered in more Authentick Writings. For 
 Juftin Martyr defcribing the Christian Rites and 
 Myfteries, fays, as foon as the Common- Prayers 
 were ended, and they had faluted one another 
 with a Kifs, Bread* and Wine and Water was 
 brought to the Prefidentj who receiving them 
 [7], gave Praife and Glory to the Father of all 
 Things by the Son and Holy Spirit, and made 
 Ivxayslav Itti to -arcXu, a long Thankfgiving for 
 the Bleflings which he vouchlafed to beftow up- 
 on them. And when he had ended the Prayers 
 and Thankfgiving, all the People that were pre- 
 fent, anfwered with Acclamation, Amen. After 
 the fame manner Irenaus [k~], We offer unto 
 him his own Gifts, thereby declaring the Com- 
 munication and Truth both of Flefh and Spirit. 
 For as the Bread, which is of the Earth, after 
 the Invocation of God upon it, is no lon- 
 ger common Bread, but the Eucharijl, confilling 
 of two parts, the one earthly, the other heaven- 
 ly: So all our Bodies, receiving the Eucharijl, 
 are no longer corruptible, whilft they live in 
 hopes of a Refurre&ion. But we offer thefe 
 Things to him, not as if he flood in need of 
 
 them, but as giving him Thanks for his Gifts, 
 and fandtifying the Creature. So Origen [/] fays, 
 They eat the Bread that was offered to the Crea- 
 tor with Prayer and Thankfgiving for the Gifts 
 that he had bellowed on them, which Bread 
 was made an Holy Body by Prayer, fandtifying 
 thofe that ufed it with a pious Mind. Cyril of 
 Jerufalem more particularly fpecifies the Sub- 
 fiance of this Thankfgiving in his myflical Ca- 
 techifms, faying [»], After this, (that is, after 
 we have faid, Let us give 'Thanks to the Lord, and 
 /'/ is meet and right fo to do,) we make mention of 
 the Heaven and Earth and Sea, and the Sun, 
 Mbon and Stars, and all the Creatures, Ratio- 
 nal and Irrational, Vifible and Invifible, Angels, 
 Archangels, Hofls and Dominions, Principalities 
 and Powers, Thrones and Cherubims coyering 
 their Faces, faying with David, Magnifie the Lord 
 with me. We alfo make mention of the Che- 
 rubims, which Efaias faw in the Spirit, brand- 
 ing about the Throne of God, and with two 
 Wings covering their Faces, and with two their 
 Feet, and flying with two, and faying, Holy, 
 Holy, Holy, Lord God of Hop. This is much 
 the fame with the Thankfgiving in St. James's 
 Liturgy, which was ufed in the Church of Je- 
 rufalem, in this Form : // is very meet and right y 
 becoming u% and our Duty [»], that wc fliould 
 ptaife thee, and celebrate thee with Hymns, 
 and give Thanks unto thee, the Maker of all 
 Creatures, vifible and invifible, the Treafure of 
 all Good, the Fountain of Life and Immortality, 
 the God and Lord of all Things, whom the 
 Heavens, and the Heavens of Heavens praife, and 
 all the Hofl of them 3 the Sun and Moon and 
 the whole Company of Stars 5 the Earth and 
 Sea and all that are in them 5 the Celeflial Con- 
 gregation of Jerufalem; the Church of the Firft- 
 born, who are written in Heaven j the Spirits 
 of jufl Men and Prophets, the Souls of Martyrs 
 andApofllesj Angels and Archangels, Thrones 
 and Dominions, Principalities and Powers, the 
 tremendous Hofls and Cherubims with ma- 
 ny Eyes, and Seraphims with fix Wings, with 
 two whereof they cover their Faces, and with 
 two their Feet, and with two they fly, crying 
 out incefTantly one to another, and ringing with 
 loud Voices the triumphal Song of the Magni- 
 ficence of thy Glory, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord of 
 Hofls, Heaven and Earth are full of thy Glory. 
 Hofanna in the Highefl. Blejfed be he that cometh 
 in the Name of the Lord. Hofanna in the Higbeft. 
 
 St. Chryfofiom [0] alfo fpeaks of this Thankf- 
 giving, though he does not give us the whole 
 Form of it, but only the Introduction, faying, 
 The Prayer of Thankfgiving is common both 
 to Prieft and People. For not only the Priefl 
 gives Thanks, but all the People. For firfl he 
 
 [g~] Cone. Milevit. can. i2.Placuit,utPrecesvelOrationes vclMiflse 
 five Praefationes, qua: probata? fuerint in Concilio.ab omnibus celcbren- 
 tur. [h] Mabillon. de Liturg. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 3. n. 1 7. [i] Juftin. 
 Apol. 2. p. 97. [k] Iren. lib. 4,. cap. 34,. Offerimus ei quae 
 funt ejus, congruenter Communicationem 8c Veritatem pra»dican- 
 tes carnis 8c Spiritus. Quemadmodum enim qui eft a terra Panis, 
 percipiens Invocationem Dei, jam non communis Panis eft, fed 
 Euchariftia, ex duabus rebus conftans, terrena fic ccelefti: Sic 8; 
 
 corpora noftra, percipientia Euchariftiam, jam non funt corrupti- 
 bilia, fpem refurreftionis habentia. Offerrimus autem ei, non qua- 
 fi indigenti, fed gratias agentes Donationi ejus, 8c fandtificantes 
 Creaturarr. [/] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 8. p. 399. |>] Cy- 
 ril. Careen. Myft. j-. n. f . [»] Liturg. Jacobi Bibl. p a tr. Gr. 
 Lat. Tom. 2. p. 11. [0] Chryf. Horn. 18. in 2 Cor. p. 873. It. 
 Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 739. rTiioinvyfynf ^ ruv kwuv Iaj- 
 
 receives 
 
Chap. Ill 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 75i 
 
 receives their Anfwer and Atteflation, That it is 
 meet and right to praife the Lord, and then he be- 
 gins she Thankfgiving. And why ihould you 
 wonder, that the People fhould fomctimes fpcak 
 with the Pried, when they do even with the 
 Cherubims and Celeftial Powers fend up thofe 
 facrcd Hymns to Heaven above? He means thole 
 Hymns, Holy, Holy, Holy, &c. And Glory be to 
 God on high: Which, as we ihall prelently Tee, 
 were one part of this great Thankfgiving. 
 
 Among the Latin Writers this previous giving 
 of Thanks is mentioned by Fulgentius alio [/>], 
 who fays, in the Chriftian Sacrifice there was 
 both a Thankfgiving and a Commemoration 
 made of the Fiefh of Chnlt, and of his Blood 
 which he Ihed for our fakes. And fo St. Jm- 
 brofe, or whoever was the Author of the Books 
 de Sacramentis among his Works: Diftinguilh- 
 ing between the Thankfgiving and the Confe- 
 cration, heasks [q], With what Words, and with 
 whofe Words is the Confecration made? And 
 anfwers, With the Words of the Lord Jefus. 
 For all that goes before, is either the Glorifica- 
 tion and Praife of God, or Prayer for the Peo- 
 ple, for Kings, and the rclt of Mankind. But 
 when the Priefl comes to the Confecration of 
 the Holy Sacrament, then he ufes not his own 
 Words, but the Words of Chrift. By all which 
 it is indifputably evident, that the Confecration 
 of the Sacrament was uftiered in with a folemn 
 Thankfgiving or Glorification of God for all his 
 Gifts and Benefits, whence the whole Action 
 had the Name of lu^ag/n'a, the Eucharifl or 
 Thankfgiving, becaufe this was always premifed 
 as a neceflary part of the facred Myfteryj and 
 the whole Action and Ceremony was concluded 
 with anotherThankfgiving after communicating, 
 as we {hall fe*e hereafter. 
 
 S E C T. X. At prcfent we are to obferve 
 
 of theUfeofthe tnat one Part of this Glorifica- 
 Trifagion, or Sew t j on or Thankfgiving was the 
 phical Hymn, Ho- j_j n cal r> d ? r ifagion, and 
 tS^i" theSeraphical and Tn- 
 
 umphal Hymn, Holy, Holy, Ho- 
 ly, Lord God of Hop, Heaven and Earth are full 
 of thy Glory. This is evident from the laft men- 
 tioned Paffages of St. Cyril [r] and St. Chryfoflom 
 [s], who in other places gives a more particular 
 Account of the Ufc of it at the Lord's Tabic. 
 Heretofore, fays he, this Hymn was only fung 
 in Heaven [/] ; but after that the Lord vouchsa- 
 fed to come down upon Earth, he brought this 
 Melody to us alfo. Therefore the Bifliop, 
 when he ftands at this Holy Table, to 
 prefent our rational Service, and offer the Un- 
 bloody Sacrifice, does not fimply call upon us to 
 
 joyn in this Glorification, but firft naming the 
 Cherubims, and making mention of the Sera- 
 phims, he then exhorts us all to fend up thefe 
 tremendous Words, and withdrawing our Minds 
 from the Earth by intimating with what Company 
 we make a Quire, he cries out to every Man, and 
 fays, as it were in thefe Words, " Thou fingeft 
 " with the Seraphims,ftand together with the Se- 
 " raphims, flretch forth thy Wings with them, 
 " with them fly round the Royal Throne." In ano- 
 ther place [u~] mewing the Obligation which the 
 Eucharijl lays upon Men to keep every Member of 
 the Body pure from Sin, the Hands and Mouth that 
 
 receive ir, t he Eyes that view it, the Tongue 
 
 that minifters in thofe Myfteiies and is dy'd in 
 Blood, he argues thus particularly with refpecl: 
 to the Ears: How abfurd is it alter that myfti- 
 cal Hymn, which was brought by the Cheru- 
 bims from Heaven, to pollute your Ears with 
 Songs of Harlots, and the effeminate Melodies 
 of the Theater? Which plainly implies, that this 
 Seraphical Hymn was one part of this great 
 Thankfgiving. He fays the fame in his firft: 
 Homily upon Ifaiah [xj : The Seraphims above 
 ling the holy Trifagion- Hymn : The holy Con- 
 gregation of Men on Earth fend up the lame: 
 The general AfTembly of Celeftial and Earthly 
 Creatures joyn together: There is one Thankf- 
 giving, \x\cl bv%a.(n<;ia., one Exultation, one Quire 
 of Men and Angels in one Station rejoycing to- 
 gether. In another place reproving thofe who 
 flayed at the Communion-Service, when they 
 would not communicate, he tells them [jy] It 
 was better that they fhould be abfent, for 
 they did but affront him that invited them, whilft 
 they flayed to fing the Hymn, profefling them- 
 felves to be of the Number of the Worthy, 
 whilft they did not recede with the Unworthy. 
 How could you flay, and not partake of the 
 Table? I am unworthy, fay you. If fo, you 
 are unworthy to communicate in Prayers alfo. 
 For it is not only the bare Elements, but thofe 
 Hymns that caufe the Spirit to defecrid upon 
 them. Though he does not here name the Hymns, 
 he plainly intimates however that they were 
 commonly ufed in this part of the Euchariftj- 
 cal Service. And elfewhere [£] he fpeaks more 
 plainly: The Faithful, fays he, know what are 
 the Hvmns of the Powers above j what the 
 Cherubims fing in Heaven j what the Angels fang. 
 Glory be to God in the higheft. Therefore Hymns 
 come after the Pfalmody, as a Thing of greater 
 Perfection. He means, that Pfalmody was on- 
 ly a Part of the Service of the Catechumens f 
 but thefe Hymns were ufed by the riXuot, the 
 Communicants, in the Service of the Alrar. 
 He mentions the fame in many other places [_\\ 
 
 [p] Fulgent, de Fide ad Petrum. cap. 19. In ifto autcm Sacri- 
 ficio Gratiarum Adio, atque Commemoratio eft carriis Chrifti, quam 
 pro nobif obtulit, fanguinis quem pro nobis idem Deus effudit. 
 [<j] Ambrof. de Sacrament, lib. 4. cap. 4. Confecratio igitur qui- 
 bus verbis eft, 8c cujus fermonibus? Domini Jefu. Nam reliqua 
 omnia qua: dicuntur, Laus Deo defertur, Oratione petitur pro Po- 
 pulo. pro Regibus, pro cxteris. Ubi venitur ut conficiatur vene- 
 rable Sacramentum, jam non fuis fermonibus facerdos, led utitur 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 fermonibus Chrifti. [r] Cyril. Catecfi. Myfl.f. n. [j] Chryf 
 Horn. 18. in a Cor. p. 873. [/] Chryf. Horn in Seraphim, 
 
 r. 5. p. 890. [«] Chryf. Horn. 11. ad Pop. Antioch. r. 1. p. 166. 
 [x] Horn. 1. in Elai. c. j. p. 834. [y] Chryf. Hum. 3. in 
 
 Ephef. p. ioj-i. *[z-] Horn. 14. de Baprifrrio Chrifti. t. 1. p.317. 
 [f] Horn. 4. de Incomprthcniibili. t. i. p. 37+. Horn 16. Si e- 
 lurierit Inimicus. r. r. p. 219. Horn. 3. de Pcenitenr. r. 4. p.f6i. 
 Epift. a. ad Olympiad, t. 4. p, 71^. Horn, 14 \n Fphc!". p. in;, 
 
 C c c c c c 1 which 
 
75* 
 
 The ^ n t i qjj i t i b s of the Book XV. 
 
 which the Reader may find above [*] in the 
 Collection of the antient Liturgy out of St. Chry- 
 r ojlora > s Works : I will only repeat one Paflage 
 more out of his Homily upon the Martyrs. The 
 Martyrs, fays he [a], are now joyning in Con- 
 fort, and partaking in the myftical Songs of the 
 Heavenly Quire. For if whilft they were in 
 the Body, whenever they communicated in the 
 facred Myfteries, they made part of the Quire, 
 finging with the Cheruhims the Trifigion-Hymn, 
 Holy, Holy, Holy, as all ye that are initiated in 
 the holy Myfteries, very well know; much more 
 now, being joyn'd with them whofe Partners 
 they were in the earthly Quire, they do with 
 greater Freedom partake in thofe folemn Blef- 
 lings and Glorifications of God in Heaven above. 
 There needs no Recourfe now after this to be 
 had to the Liturgy of Sr. Chryfoftom, to prove 
 that this divine Hymn was always a Part of 
 the folemn Thankfgiving, fince it is more folid- 
 ly proved out of his genuine Writings. To 
 which we may add Severianus of Gabala [b~\ for 
 the Greek Church, and the Council of Vaifon [c~\ 
 for the Latin, which fays, that in all Communion- 
 Services, whether they were Morning-Services, 
 or Qiiadragefimal, or Commemorations for the 
 Dead, the Hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy, fhould be 
 ufed in the fame Order, as in the publick Ser- 
 vice. 
 
 SECT. X. Next after this, there fol- 
 
 a particular lows in the Conftitutions a parti- 
 ihmkfgivmg for Gu i ar Enumeration of the Mer- 
 
 the Merc.es of God $ of Qod vouchfafed tQ Man _ 
 tn the Redemption of .... , , . r . 
 
 Maniandbychrd kind in the Redemption of the 
 J World by the Death of Chrift, 
 
 and a more fpecial Thankfgiving with refpect to 
 them ; wherein alio is contained a fort of Creed, 
 or Summary of the chief Articles of the Chri- 
 stian Faith. Which was all the Creed that the 
 Church in that Age made ufe of in that Service. 
 For as yet the formal Repetition of the Bap- 
 tifmal Creed was no part of the Communion-Ser- 
 vice, as it was in After-ages, but only fuch Do- 
 ctrines were related as were the Subject of a par- 
 ticular Thankfgiving for the great Myfteries of 
 the Incarnation and Redemption. Thus it is re- 
 prefented in the Conftitutions, with which St. 
 Chryfoflom exactly correfponds. For commenting 
 on thofe Words of the Apoftle, 'The Cup of 
 Ble fling which we blefs, is it not the Communion 
 of the Blood of Chriftf he brings in the Apo- 
 ftle thus explaining himfelf: When I fpeak of a 
 Blefiing, I unfold all the Treafure of God's Be- 
 neficence, and commemorate all his great and 
 glorious Gifts. And he adds, We alfo in offer- 
 ing the Cup recite the ineffable Mercies and 
 Kindnefs of God, and all the good Things we 
 enjoy: And fo we offer it, and communicate j 
 giving him Thanks for that he hath delivered 
 
 Mankind from Error i that He hath [d~] made 
 us near who were afar off j that when \v£ were 
 without Hope, and without God in the World, 
 He hath made us the Brethren of Chrift, and 
 Fellow-Heirs with him. For thefe and all the 
 like Bleflings we give him Thanks, and fo come 
 to his holy Table. We cannot have a plainer 
 Proof of a particular Thankfgiving than this is, 
 and therefore I fhall feek for no farther Evidence 
 in the Cafe ; but proceed to the immediate Form 
 of Coniecration. 
 
 Now this anciently was not SECT. XI 
 a bare Repetition of thofe Words, The Form of con- 
 Hoc efi Corpus meum, This is my faction always 
 Body, which for many Ages has com P°f ed of a Re- 
 been the current Doftrine of the ZfiS^'W 
 Romijh Schools j but a Repetition VrafeT'uGoTi 
 of the Hiftory of the Inftstution, fanaify the Gifts 
 together with Prayers to God, his Holy spirit. 
 That he would fend his Holy 
 Spirit upon the Gifts, and make them become 
 the Body and Blood of Chrift j not by altering 
 their Nature and Subftance, but their Qualities 
 and Powers, and exalting them from fimple Ele- 
 ments of Bread and Wine to become Types and 
 Symbols of Chrift's Flefh and Blood, and effica- 
 cious Inftruments of conveying to worthy Re- 
 ceivers all the Benefits of his Death and Paffion, 
 Thus it is evidently fct forth in the Conftitutions, 
 which, for the Reader's Eafe, I will here again 
 repeat: We therefore in Commemoration of thefe 
 things [e] which Chrift fuffered for us, give thanks 
 to Thee, Almighty God, not as Thou deferveft, and 
 as we ought, but as we are able, fo fulfilling his 
 Command. For he, in the fame Night that he was 
 betrayed, took Bread in his holy and immaculate 
 Hands, and looking up to Thee his God and Father, 
 he brake it, and gave it to his Difciples, faying, 
 This is the Myftery of the New Teftamentj take 
 of it, and eat it. This is my Body, which is bro- 
 ken for many for the Remijfion of Sins. This do 
 in Remembrance of me. For as oft as ye eat this 
 Bread, and drink this Cup, ye do Jhew forth my 
 Death till I come. We therefore being mindful of 
 his Paffion, and Death, and RefurrecJion from the 
 Dead, and his Return into Heaven; and alfo of 
 his fecond Coming, when he ftjall return with Glory 
 and Power to judge the Quick and Dead, and ren- 
 der to every Man according to his Works; do offer 
 unto Thee, our King and God > this Bread and this 
 Cup, according to his Appointment; giving Thanks 
 to Thee by Him, for that Thou doft vouchfafe to let 
 us ftand before Thee, and minifter unto Thee: and 
 we befeech c Ihee to look propitioufty upon thefe Gifts 
 here Jet before Thee, and to accept them favourably 
 to the Honour of Thy Chrift, and to fend thy Holy 
 Spirit upon this Sacrifice, the Spirit that is Witnefs 
 of the Suffering of the Lord Jefus, that it may maks 
 this Bread become the Body of Thy Chrift; that 
 
 [*] Biook XIII. chap. vi. [a] Horn. 74. de Martyr, t. 1. 
 
 p. goo. [&] Horn. 37. de Filio Prodigo. inter Opera Chry- 
 
 foft. t. 6. p. 375-. |V] Cone. Vafens. 2. can. 3. Ut in omnibus 
 Miffis, feu in Matutinis, feu in Quadragelimalibus, feu in illis quae 
 mo Defunclorum Commemcratione fiunt, femper Sanitus, San- 
 
 itus, San£tu$, eo ordine quo ad Miflas publicas dicitur, dici debeat. 
 [</] Chryf. Horn. 24. in 1 Cor. p. f$i. So Cyprian. Ep. 63. p. 
 1 ?6. Pafilonis ejus mentionem in omnibus Sacrifices facimus. 
 [e] Conftit. Jib. 8. cap. n, p. 402. 
 
 they 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 753 
 
 they who partake of it, may be confirmed inGodlinefs, 
 and obtain Remiffton of Sins ; may be delivered from 
 the Devil and his Impoftures; may be filled with 
 the Holy Ghoft, a nd be made worthy of Chrift, and 
 obtain eternal Life, Thou being reconciled to them, O 
 Lord Almighty. 
 
 Who fees nor, that the Confecration in this 
 Form is made by a Repetition of the Hiftory of 
 the Inftitution, and Prayer for the coming of 
 the Holy Ghoft on the Elements to fanctify 
 them ? And for this there is the concurrent Te- 
 ltimony of all Antiquity. Juftin Martyr [/] 
 makes the Confecration to contift in Thanksgiv- 
 ing and Prayers, which being ended, all the 
 People anfwer, Amen. Iren<eus lays more exprefs- 
 ly [g"] that it is done by Invocation of God: For 
 the Bread, which is taken from the Earth, has 
 the Invocation of God upon it, and then it is no 
 longer common Bread, but the Eucharift. Ori- 
 gen\_h~] fays, It is fanctified by the Word of God 
 and Prayer. Cyril of Jernfalem tells his Catechu- 
 mens, That before the Invocation of the Holy 
 Trinity [/'] the Bread and Wine of the Eucharift 
 is common Bread and Wine ; but after the Invo- 
 cation it is no longer bare Bread, but the Body 
 of Chrift : As the holy Oil is not bare Oil after 
 the Invocation, bur the Gift of Chrift. So again 
 [k~], After we have fanctified our felves by thofc 
 Spiritual Hymns, we then pray the merciful God, 
 that he would fend forth his Holy Spirit upon 
 the Elements lying upon the Altar, that he may 
 make the Bread the Body of Chrift, and the 
 Wine the Blood of Chrift. Which manifertly 
 declares that the Confecration was made by Pray- 
 er and Invocation. And the fame is imply'd by 
 St. Baftl [/], when he asks, which of the Saints 
 hath left us in Writing the words of the Invo- 
 cation, by which the Bread of the Eucharift and 
 the Cup of Blcffing is confecrated ? Gregory Nyf- 
 fen [m~], St. Baftl's Brother, lays, the Bread is 
 fanctified by the Word of God and Prayer. Theo- 
 philus of Alexandria, that the Bread and Wine, 
 which reprefent the Lord's Body and Blood up- 
 on the Table, are confecrated by Invocation and 
 coming of the Holy Ghoft [/;] upon them. And 
 Theodoret moft plainly in one of his Dialogues 
 [o], What do you call the Gift that is offered, 
 
 before the Prieft has made the Invocation over 
 it? Bread made of fuch Seeds. What do you call 
 it after San&ification ? The Body of Chrift. The 
 Latin Fathers are as plain in their Verdict. St. 
 Ambrofe [p] fays, the Sacraments which we take, 
 are transformed into Flcih and Blood by the My- 
 ftery of Holy Prayer. And Optatus [3] defcri- 
 bing the Fury of the Donatifis, aliens the fame, 
 when he asks them, what greater Sacrilege they 
 could be guilty of, than to pull down the Altars 
 of God, where God Almighty was invocated, 
 and the Holy Spirit came down at the Supplica- 
 tion of the Prieft? St. Jerom [_r~] fays, it was the 
 peculiar Office of the Presbyters to confecrare 
 the Body and Blood of Chrift by Prayer. And 
 again, that Prayer was neceftary for this Purpofe 
 [j]. The Author of the Books de Sacramentis, 
 under the Name of St. Ambrofe, [/] gives us the 
 very Form of Words ufed in this Prayer: Make 
 this our Oblation a chofen, rational, acceptable 
 Oblation, which is the Figure of the Body and 
 Blood of our Lord Jefus Chrift. Juvencus [u~\ 
 fays, Chrift himlelf conlecrated it by Prayer. And 
 Gregory the Great [x] was of Opinion, that the 
 Apoltles ufed only the Lord's Prayer as the Form 
 of their Confecration. And Cyprian probably was 
 of the fame Opinion. For he thinks, that Peti- 
 tion in the Lord's Prayer, Give us this Day our 
 daily Bread, may be underftood both in a ipi ri- 
 tual [7] and common Senfe, to denote the Body 
 of Chrift, which is our Bread, that we pray may 
 be given us every Day. A great many other Fa- 
 thers fpeak of the [z\ Benediction or Thanks- 
 giving as that which confecrates the Eucharift. 
 Which is not much different from this; for the 
 Thankfgiving was always a part of the Euchari- 
 ftical Prayers. And therefore fome join them 
 both together, as Juftin Martyr and Irenceus, in 
 the Places now mentioned. And fo Origen jV] 
 tells Celfus, that by Thankfgiving and Prayer 
 they made Bread an Holy Body, fan&ifying fuch 
 as received and eat ic with a pure Mmd. ' And 
 St. Auftin, who in fome places calls it barely the 
 Benediction [f] or Thankfgiving, in other places 
 fays more exprelly that the Eucharift was confe- 
 crated by Prayer. We call that "the Body of 
 Chrift, which is taken from the, Fruits of the 
 
 [/] Juftin. Apo!. %■ p. 97. [g] Iren. lib. 4. cap. 34. Qui 
 
 eft a terra panis, ptrcipiens Invocationem Dei, jam non communis 
 panis eft, led Euchariftia. [h] Orig. in Mat. t. 2. p. 27. 
 
 Sanftifkatur per Verbum Dei, perque Obiecrationern. [i] Cyril. 
 Catech. Myft. 3. n. 3. ptjtl r WixMffiv <rs a.y'ia wdJi/.ctl&, 
 & Irt hnh, tfAAct Xei^. 8cc \_k] Id. Catech. 
 
 Myft. s- n - f ■ W Bafl1 ' de S P ir - 1 " an(fto - ca P- z 7* M Nyffen. 
 Orat. Catechetic. cap. 37. [»] Theoph. Ep. Pafchal. 1. Pa- 
 
 nem Dominicum, quo Salvatoris corpus oftend tur, 8cc. per Invo- 
 cationem 8c adventum San£ti Spiritus confecran. [e] Theodor. 
 DiaL 2. t. 4. p. 85-. [/>] Ambrof. de Fide lib. 4. cap. f> 
 
 Quotiefcunque facramenta fumimus, qux per facra Orationis my- 
 fterium in carnem transfigurantur 8c fanguinem, mortem Domini 
 annunciamus. ' [q] Optat. lib. 6. p. 93. Quid tam facrile- 
 
 gum, quam altaria Dei frangere quo Deus omnipotens in- 
 
 vocatus lit, 8c poftulatus defcendic Spiritus Sanclus? [r] Hieron. 
 Ep. 85-. ad Ev3grium. Ad quorum Preces Chrifti Corpus fanguif- 
 que conficitur. [/) Id. Com. in Zephan. cap. 3. p. 98. iky *- 
 
 eje tar imprecantis facere verba, &c. [t] Ambrof. de facram. 
 
 lib. 4. cap. f . Vis fcire, quia verbis Cceleftibus confecrarur? Ac- 
 cipe qua; funt verba. Dicit facerdos.- Fac nobis, inquit, hanc Ob- 
 lationem afcriptam, rationalem, acceptabilem, quod ell Figura cor- 
 poris 8c fanguinis Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti. f«J Juvencus 
 Hift Evangel, lib. 4 Bibl. Patr. t. 8. p. 6^4. San&cque precatus, 
 Dilcipulos docuit proprium fe tradere corpus. [#] Greg. lib. 
 7. Ep. 63. Orationem Dominicam idcirco mox poft Precem dici- 
 mus, quia mos Apoftolorum fuit, ut ad ipfam folummodo Oratio- 
 nem oblationis hoftiarn confecrarent. [ y ] Cypr. de Orat 
 
 p. 146. Quod poteft 8c fpiritalitcr 8c fimpliciter intelligi- q U] j 
 
 Chriftus nofter panis eft. Hunc autem panem dari nobis quotidie 
 poftu'amus. [z] Tertul. cont. Marcion. lib. 1. cap. 23.Ck.-m 
 
 Alex. Paedagog. lib. 2, cap. 2. Chryf. Horn. 82. in Mat. Vi&or! 
 Antioch. in Marc. 14. Facundus Hermianenlis Derenf. Trium Capi- 
 tulor. lib. 9. Cyril. Alexandria Com. in Efa. 2)-. item paffim in 
 Glaphyris fuper Genef. Exod. Levit. fi'iles it Eulogia, which it t he 
 fame as Eucharift or Benediclion. Vid. Albtrtin. de Euchjrift. lib i 
 cap. 6. p. ii. ^ ^ W Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 8. p. 390 . 
 lvy_ae*$'ias x) Ivyj'-. Sec. \j>] Aug. Ep. 5-9. ad Paulia. 
 
 Earth, 
 
754- 
 
 The A N T I QV I T I E s of the 
 
 Book XV. 
 
 Earth, and confecrated [/] by myftical Prayer in 
 a folemn manner, and fo received by us unto 
 Salvation in Memory of our Lord's Suffering for 
 us. And writing againft the Donatifts, [d~] who 
 deny'd the Validity of the Sacraments when they 
 were confecrated and adminiftred by Sinners, he 
 asks them, How then does God hear a Murderer, 
 when he prays either over the Water of Baptifm, 
 or the Oil for Unction, or over the Eucharifi, or 
 over the Heads of thofe that receive Impofition 
 of Hands? Implying, that the Confecration of 
 the Eucharifi, as well as the reft of the Things 
 mentioned, was performed by Prayer. 
 
 To this mighty Cloud of WicnefTes, the Ro- 
 manifis have nothing material to oppofe, but a 
 few miftaken Paffages of the Ancients, which the 
 Reader may find related with proper Anfwers in 
 that excellent Book of Mr. jiubertine upon the 
 Eucharifi [e~\. I fhall only take notice of one, 
 which carries the faireft Pretence, out of Chry- 
 fofiom, who in one of his Homilies [/] fpeaks of 
 the Confecration after this manner: It is not 
 Man that makes the Elements become the Body 
 and Blood of Chrift, but Chrift himfelf that was 
 crucified for us. The Prieft ftands fulfilling his 
 Office, and fpeaking thofe Words j but the Power 
 and Grace is of God. Chrift faid, 'this is my 
 Body: This Word confecrates the Elements. And 
 as that Word, which faid, Increafe, and multiply, 
 and replenijh the Earth, was fpoken but once, yet 
 at all Times is effectual in Deed to ftrengthen 
 our Nature to beget Children: So this Word 
 once fpoken, from that Time to this Day, and 
 until his coming again, perfects and confummates 
 the Sacrifice on every Table throughout the 
 Churches. The Meaning of which is not, as the 
 Komanijls miftake, that the pronouncing of thefe 
 Words by the Prieft, is the Thing that makes 
 the Sacrifice i but that Chrift, by firft fpeaking 
 thofe Words, gave Power unto Men to make his 
 fymbolical Bodyj as by once fpeaking thofe 
 Words, Increafe and multiply, he gave them Pow- 
 er to procreate Children. Chrift's Words are the 
 original Caufe of the Confecration \ but ftill 
 Prayer, and not the bare Repetition of his Words, 
 is the inftrumental Caufe and Means of the San- 
 ctification. As Chryfollom himfelf fays plainly in 
 another place [g], where he attributes the Confe- 
 cration of the Elements to the Invocation of the 
 Spirit, and the Spirit's Defccnt purfuant to fuch 
 Invocation. What meaneft thou, O Man, fays 
 he ? When the Prieft ftands by the holy Table, 
 lifting up his Hands to Heaven, and invocating 
 the Holy Spirit to come down and touch the 
 Elements, there ftiould then be great Tranquilli- 
 ty and Silence. When the Spirit grants his Grace, 
 when he comes down, when he touches the Ele- 
 
 ments, when thou feeft the Lamb (lain and of- 
 fered, doft thou then raile a Tumult nnd Com- 
 motion, and give way to Strife and Railing? In 
 which Words, it is plain, Chryfofiom attributes 
 the Confecration to the Power of Chrift and the 
 Holy Spirit, as the principal and efficient Caufe; 
 to Prayer and Supplication, as the inftrumental 
 Caufe, operating by way of Condition and Means, 
 to fancrily the Elements according to Chrift's 
 Command, by a folemn Benediction, and to the 
 Words, This is my Body, and This is my Blood, as 
 fpoken by Chrift in the firft Inltitution, imply- 
 ing a Declaration of what was then doue, and 
 what fhould be done by his Power and Concur- 
 rence to the End of the World. So that in all 
 Things relating to the Confecration, we find the 
 Practice of the Ancients exactly correfponding 
 and agreeing to the Order prefenbed in the Con- 
 fiitutions. And whereas the Author of the Con- 
 filiations makes it a very great part of the Confe- 
 cration-Praycr, that they who partake of the Eu- 
 charifi may be confirmed inGodlinefs, and obtain 
 Remiffion of Sins, may be delivered from the De- 
 vil and his Impoftures, may be filled with the Holy 
 Ghoft, and be made worthy of Chrift, and ob- 
 tain eternal Life: St. Chryfofiom \_h~\ evidently 
 refers to fuch a Prayer, when he fays, In the Ob- 
 lation we offer up our Sins, and fay, Pardon us 
 whatever Sins we have committed either willingly or 
 unwillingly. We firft make mention of them, 
 and then ask Pardon for them. And fo it is in 
 the Liturgy which goes under St. Chryfofionfs 
 Name: We offer unto Thee this Rational and Un- 
 bloody Service, befeeching T'hee to fend Thy Holy 
 Spirit pTJ upon us and thefe Gifts; Make the Bread 
 the precious Body of Thy Chrift ; and that which is 
 in the Cup, the precious Blood of Thy Chrift ; tranf- 
 muting them by Thy Holy Spirit, that they may be 
 to the Receivers for the IVafiung of their Souls, for 
 Pardon of Sins, for Participation of the Holy Ghofi, 
 for obtaining the Kingdom of Heaven, for Boldne/s 
 towards Thee, and not for Judgment and Condem- 
 nation. 
 
 Immediately after the sect. XII. 
 Confecration, followed Prayer for tftn ibis fi- 
 the whole Catholick Church, as loweJ Fr *y er f or 
 redeemed by the precious Blood, tb j wlme Ciit&olicl * 
 of Chrift, which was then com- Cmrt ' 
 mcmorated in the Oblation and Sacrifice of the 
 Altar. Thus it is reprefentcd in the Confutations, 
 and thus alfo in St. Chryfofiom [£], whoYpeaking 
 of Eufiathius, Bifhop of Amioclo, fays, he had the 
 Care of the whole Church upon him; which he 
 learned to be his Duty from the Prayers of the 
 Church. For if Prayers ought to be made for 
 the Catholick Church from one End of the Earth 
 
 [c] Aug. de Trinitate. lib. 5. cap. 4. Corpus Chrifti dicimus il- 
 lud, quod ex frugibus terra: accepcum, 8c Myftica Prece confecra- 
 tum rite, fumimus ad Spiritalem Salutem, in memoriam Domi- 
 nica: pro nobis PaiTionis. [*/] De Baptifmo. lib. cap. 20. 
 Quomodo ergo exaudit homicidam deprecantem, vel fuper aquam 
 Baptifmi, vel fuper Oleum, vel fuper Euchariftiam, vel fuper capita 
 eorum quibus raanus imponitur? [*] Albertin. de Eucha- 
 
 riftia. lib. 1. cap. 7. [/] Chryf Horn. is. de Proditiore 
 
 Juda:. t. f. p. 463. [«] Chryf. Horn. 32. in Cccmeteni Ap- 
 
 pellationem. t. f . p. 4F7. It. de Sacerdot. lib. 6. C3p. 4.. p. 02 . t. +. 
 Et de Sacerdot. lib. 3. cap. 4. [/;] Chryf. Horn. 17. in Hcbr. p. 
 187©. [<] Chryf. Liiurg. r. 4. p. 614. It. p. 610. 2o/Wp»<r« 
 fj.oi Tw a/xitf/9A<M <ra. l*>(/.etTa, u.\< to. tK*.<Tia 75 k< a,-.i- 
 
 fficr, Sec [It] Chryf. Horn ; i. in EoitSth. :. r, p. 649. 
 
 to 
 
Ch Al\ III. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 755 
 
 to the other, much more did he think it his 
 Duty to {hew his Concern for the whole Church, 
 and watch for their Prefervation. In another 
 place [/] he fays, the Prieft, when the Sacrifice 
 was offered, bid the People to pray, or give 
 Thanks rather, for the whole World, for thofe 
 that were abfent, and thofe that were prefent* 
 for thofe that were before them, and for thofe 
 that were then living, and for thofe that mould 
 be after them. And again [ni], he fpeaks of 
 Prayer for the World, the Church, and the 
 common Peace and Tranquillity of Mankind. He 
 fays [«], the Prieft prayed at the Altar in the 
 time of Oblation for the whole City, and not for 
 the whole City only, but for the whole World. 
 So Cyril of Jerufalem [o] fays, As foon as the fpi- 
 ritual Sacrifice was offered, they befought God 
 for the common Peace of the Church, and the 
 Tranquillity of the World, &V. And Vigilius in 
 a Letter \oJuftinian[j>\ reminds him, how it was 
 cuftomary, from anticnt Tradition, for all Bi- 
 lhops in offering the Sacrifice, to befeech God to 
 unite all Men in the Catholick Faith, and to pro- 
 tccT: and keep it throughout the World. Nay, 
 Optatus fays [^], the Donates continued to ufe 
 this Prayer in the Celebration of the Sacramental 
 Myfteries, though their Doctrine and Pra&ice 
 were the abfolute Reverfe of it. They faid, they 
 offered for the Church, which was one, diffufed 
 over all the World: But their Practice gave their 
 Prayers the Lye : For they divided it into two, 
 and confined the true Church td a Corner of 
 Africk, and the Party of Donatus. However this 
 {hews, it was the Practice both of Donatifts and 
 Catholicks to pray for the Univerfal Church. 
 
 SECT. XIII. More particularly they now 
 More particularly repeated their Prayers again for 
 for the Bi/hops and the Bifhops and Clergy of the 
 whole Catholick Church, and 
 that Church efpecially whereof they were Mem- 
 bers. Which is not only noted it* the Conftitu- 
 tions, but by Epiphanius [r~] in his Letter to John 
 Bifhop of Jerufalem, where he wipes off a {lan- 
 der, which fome had falfely fuggefted to the Bi- 
 fhop of Jerufalem, as if he had prayed publickly, 
 that God would grant hilh an Orthodox Faith, 
 implying that he was in Error : Which he de- 
 nies, telling them, that however he might pray 
 for him after that manner privately in his Heart, 
 yet he never did fo in the Oblation of the Sacri- 
 fice i for in offering thofe Prayers, according to 
 the Order of the holy Myfteries, they were ufed 
 to fay both for him and all other Bifhops : Keep 
 him, O Lord, that preacheth the Truth : Or elfe 
 
 after this manner: Preferve him, O Lord, and grant 
 that he may preach the Truth; according as the 
 Occafion and Order of Prayer required. St. 
 Chryfojlom alfo takes notice of this folemn pray- 
 ing for Bifhops and the Clergy, and among many 
 other Particulars, when the Oblation was offer- 
 ed. Some, fays he |YJ, are fo inconfiderate, dif- 
 folute and vain, as to ftand and talk, not only in 
 the time of the Catechumens, (that is, when 
 Prayers were made for them in the firft Service) 
 but alfo at the time of the Faithful (or when 
 their Prayers were offered at the Altar.) And 
 this, fays he, is the Subverfion and Ruin of all 
 Religion, that at that time when Men ought 
 chiefly to render God propitious to them, they 
 go away provoking his Wrath againft them. For 
 in the Prayers of the Faithful, we are command- 
 ed to fupplicate the Merciful God for Bifhops, 
 for Presbyters, for Kings, for all that are in Au- 
 thority > for the Earth and Sea, for the Tempe- 
 rature of the Air or good Weather, and for the 
 whole World. When therefore we, who ought 
 to have fo much Boldnefs and Freedom as to pray 
 for others, are not vigilant enough to pray for 
 our felves with an attentive Mind j what Excufe 
 can we make? What Pardon can we exped? 
 We cannot defire a plainer Evidence than this of 
 Chryfojlom, that all thefe Things were the fub- 
 je6t Matter of their Petitions, wh^n the Oblati- 
 on was made upon the Altar. 
 
 And therefore hence it ap- SECT. xiv. 
 pears, that as they prayed for the For King S and 
 Bifhops and the Clergy, fo they 
 repeated their Supplication for 
 Kings and Magiftrates in this Prayer alfo. I have 
 noted before [*] the feveral Authors that take 
 Notice of their praying for Kings in the Prayers 
 before the Oblation, and here I will fubjoin fuch 
 as mention it in the Oblation-prayer. Eufebius 
 defcribing the Dedication of the Church which 
 Conflantine built at Jerufalem, fays, fome of the 
 Bifhops then prefent made Panegyrical Orations 
 upon Conftantine's great Refpeft for the common 
 Saviour, and the Magnificence of his Temple j 
 others preached upon Points of Divinity proper 
 to the Occafion j others explained the myftical 
 Senfe of Scripture} and others, who could not 
 attain to this, celebrated the myftical Service and 
 offered the Unbloody Sacrifice to God, making 
 Prayers for the common Peace [t] of the World, 
 for the Church of God, for the Emperor himfelf 
 the Founder of the Church, and for his pious 
 Children. In like manner Cyril of Jerufalem de- 
 fcribing the Order of the Communion Service, 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. 26. in Mat. p. 2^9. [m] Horn. 27. in 
 
 A&. p. j 29. [»J Chryf. de Sacerdot. lib. 6 cap. 4.. t. 3. p. 9 3. 
 [0] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 5-. n. 6. [f] Vigil. Ep. 4. ad Jufti- 
 nian. Imperator. Cone. torn. $■. p. 2 if. Omnes Pontifices, antiqua 
 in otferendo Saaihcia tradiriotie, depofcimus, ut Catholicam Fidem 
 adunare, regere Dominum, & cuftodire toto orbe dignetur. 
 [q] Optat. lib. 2. p. j;. Vos illud Legitimum in Sacramentorum 
 Myfterio praeterire non poflt\ Offerre vos dicitis pro Ecclefia, quae 
 Una eft. Hoc ipfum mendacii pars eft, unam vocare, de qua fc- 
 ceris duas. Et offerre vos dicitis pro una Ecclefia, quae fit in toto 
 terrarum 01 be difFufa, 8cc. [r] Epiphan. Ep. ad Join. Hie- 
 
 rofol. p. 31;. Dixerunt quod in Oratione, quando offerimus lacri- 
 ficia Deo, foleamus pro te dicere : Domine praefta Joanni, ut redte 
 credat. Noli nos in tantum putare rufticos, 8cc. Quando autem 
 complemus Orationem fecundum Ritum Myfteriorum, & pro om- 
 nibus & pro te quoque dicimus : Cuftodi ilium qui prardicat verita- 
 tem. Vel certe ita: Tu prsefta Domine, & cuftodi, ut il!e ver- 
 bum praedicet veritatis, ficut Occalio Sermonis fe tulerit, & habu- 
 erit Oratio Confequentiam. [/) Chryf Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. 
 
 P- 7<*f • [*] Book XIII. Chap. x. n. f. It. Book XV. Chap, i, 
 
 n. 3. 0] Eufeb. Vit, Conftant. lib. 4. cap. 4^. 
 
 2 fays, 
 
7$6 
 
 The A nt i qju i ties of the Book XV* 
 
 fays, After the fpiritual Sacrifice, and the Un- 
 bloody Service of the propitiatory Oblation is 
 compleated, we befeech God for the common 
 Peace of the Churches, for the Tranquillity of 
 the World, for Kings, for their Armies, for their 
 Allies, for thofe that are fick and afflicted, and 
 in fhort for all that ftand in need of Help and 
 Atfiftance. St. Chryfojlom elfcwhere mentions 
 both private and publick Prayers [*] for Kings, 
 the latter of which may be underftood of thefe 
 Prayers after the Oblation, as well as any others. 
 Armbius fays exprefly [x] they prayed at once 
 for the Magiftrates, for their Armies, for Kings, 
 for their Friends, and for their Enemies, for the 
 Living, and for the Dead. Where his mention- 
 ing the Dead plainly fhews, that he fpeaks of 
 thofe Prayers which were made after the Eucha- 
 rijl was confecrated, in which, as we lhall fee by 
 and by, a particular Commemoration was made 
 of all thofe that were departed in the Faith. 
 
 SECT. xv. Next after Prayer for Kings 
 Tor the Dead in followed Prayer for the Dead, 
 i t>!tral - that is, for all that were depart- 
 
 ed in the true Faith in Chrift. For fo it is in the 
 Conjlitutions. We offer unto Thee for all thy Saints 
 that have lived well- pie afing in Thy Sight from the 
 Foundation of the World, for Patriarchs, Prophets, 
 Holy Men, Apoftles, Martyrs, Confeffors, Bifhops, 
 Presbyters, Deacons, Subdeacons, Readers, Singers, 
 Virgins, Widows, Laymen, and all ivhofe Names 
 thou knoivefi. And that this was the general Pra- 
 ctice of the Church, to pray for all without Ex- 
 ception, appears from the concurrent Teftimony 
 of all the Writers of the Church. We have 
 heard Arnobius fay already that they prayed 
 for the Living and the Dead in general. And 
 long before him Tertullian [z~] fpeaks of Oblati- 
 ons for the Dead, for their Birth-days, that is, 
 the Day of their Death, or a new Birth unto 
 Happinefs, in their annual Commemorations. He 
 fays every Woman [_a~] prayed for the Soul of 
 her deceafed Husband, defiling that he might 
 find Reft and Rcfrtfhment at prefent, and a part 
 in the firft Refurreclion, and offering an annual 
 Oblation for him on the Day of his Death. In 
 like manner [b~] he fays the Husband prayed for 
 the Soul of his Wife, and offered annual Obla- 
 tions for her. St. Cyprian often mentions the 
 {lime Practice, both when he fpeaks of Martyrs 
 and others. For the Martyrs they offered the Ob- 
 lation of Prayer, and of Praife and Thankfgiving ; 
 for others, Prayers chiefly. Thofe for the Mar- 
 tyrs he calls \_c\ Oblations and Sacrifices of Com- 
 
 memoration, which they offered efpecially on 
 the Anniveriary-days of their Martyrdom [d~], 
 giving God Thanks for their Victory and Coro- 
 nation. But for others they made folemn Sup- 
 plications and Prayers, as appears from what he 
 fays of one Geminius Vittor [ej, that becaufe he 
 had appointed a Presbyter to be his Executor, 
 contrary to Law, no Oblation mould be made 
 for his Reft or Sleep, nor any Deprecation be 
 ufed in his Name according to Cuftom in the 
 Church. The Author under the Name of Ori- 
 gen upon Job [/] fays, they made devout men- 
 tion of the Saints, and their Parents and Friends, 
 that were dead in the Faith i as well to rejoice 
 in their Refreshment, as to defire for themfelves 
 a pious Confummation in the Faith. And Origen 
 \_g~] himfelf fays, they thought it convenient 
 to make mention of the Saints in their Prayers, 
 and to excite themfelves by the Remembrance of 
 them. Cyril of ' Jerufalem, in defcribing the Prayer 
 after Confecration, fays, We offer this Sacrifice 
 in Memory of all thofe that are fain afleep [h~\ 
 before us, firft Patriarchs, Prophets, Apoftles, 
 and Martyrs, that God by their Prayers and In- 
 terceffions may receive our Supplications j and 
 then we pray for our holy Fathers and Biftiops, and 
 all that are fain afleep before us> believing it to 
 be a confiderable Advantage to their Souls to 
 be prayed for, whilft the holy and tremendous 
 Sacrifice lies upon the Altar. Epiphanius difputes 
 at large againft the Aerians, who ridiculed all 
 Prayers for the Dead. For they faid, if the 
 Prayers of the Living will advantage the Dead, 
 then it was no Matter for being pious or virtu- 
 ous } a Man only needed to get his Friends to 
 pray for him after Death, and he would be lia- 
 ble to no Punifhment, no would his moft enor- 
 mous Crimes be required of him. To whom E- 
 piphanius replies, that they had many good Rea- 
 fons for mentioning the Names of the Dead 5 
 becaufe it was an Argument that they were ftill 
 in Being, and living with the Lord; becatife it 
 was fome Advantage to Sinners, though it did 
 not wholly cancel their Crimes ; becaufe it put a 
 Distinction between the Perfection of Chrift, 
 and the Imperfection of all other Men: There- 
 fore they prayed for righteous Men, Fathers, Pa- 
 triarchs \J\ Prophets, Apoftles, Evangelifts, 
 Martyrs, Confeflbrs, Bifhops, Hermits, and all 
 Orders of Men. And it appears from all the an- 
 tient Liturgies under the Names of St. Bajil y 
 Chryfojlom, Gregory Nazianzen and Cyril \_k~\, 
 that they prayed for all Saints, the Virgin Mary 
 herfelf not excepted. And it is remarkable, that 
 
 f«] Chryf. Horn, 20 ad Pop. Antioch. t. i. p. if8. 
 [x] Arnob. lib. 4. p. 181. Cur immaniter Conventicula noftra di- 
 rui mcruerint? In quihus fummus oratur Dcus, Pax cun&is 8c ve- 
 nia poflulatur Magiftvatibus Exerntibus, Regibus, Familiaribus, 
 Inimicis, adhuc vitam degemibus, 6c relblutis corporum vindtione. 
 [ v 1 Arnob. lib. 4. p. 181. cited in the lafi Seflion. [z,] Ter- 
 
 tul do Coron. MiKtis, cap 3. Oblationes pro Defun£tis, pro Na- 
 talitiis, anmu die farimus [a] De Monogamia. cap. 10. 
 
 Pro anima ejus ofat, & R< frigerium interim adpoftulat ei, 8c in 
 prima Refurrectione confortium, & offcrt annuis diebus dormitio- 
 nis ejus. l^J Exhortat ad Caftitat. cap. 11. Jam repeic 
 
 a-pird Deum pro cujus Spiritu poftu.'es, pro qua Oblationes annuas 
 reddas. [f] Cvpr. F,p. 37. al. 22. ad Clerum. p. 18. Ce- 
 
 lebrentur hie a nobis Oblationes 8c Sacrirkia ob Commemorationes 
 eorum. Ep. 34. al. 39. p. 77. Sacrifkia pro eis Tem- 
 
 per, ut merr.iniftis, ofTerimus, quotics Martyrum Pafllones 8c Di- 
 es Anniverfaria commemoratione celebramus. [e] Ep. 66. 
 al. 1. p. 3. Non eft quod pro Dormitione ejus apud vos fiat Ob- 
 latio, aut Deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclefia frequentetur. 
 [/] Orig. in Job. lib. 3. t. 1. p. 427. [g] Orig. lib. 9. 
 in Rom. 12. t. 2. p. 607. Meminifle Sanctorum five in Collee- 
 n's folennibus, five pro eo ut ex Recordation eorum proficiamus, 
 aptum 8c conveniens videtur. \h] Cyril. Catech. Myft. f. 
 n. 6. [/] Epiphan. Hser. jf. Aetian. n. 7. 
 [I;] See thefe quoted by Bi/hop Ufher'j Anfaer to tbeChallenge. p. 136. 
 Et Dallas de Ptrnis 8c Satisfaction, lib. f. cap. 8. 
 
 in 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 757 
 
 in the old Roman Mijfal they were ufed to pray 
 for the Soul of St. Leo, as Hincmar [/],a Wri- 
 ter of the ninth Age, informs us, who fays the 
 Prayer ran in this Form, Grant, O Lord, that 
 this Oblation may be of Advantage to the Soul of 
 thy Servant Leo, which thouhafl appointed to be for 
 the Relaxation of the Sins of the whole World. But 
 this was thought fo incongruous in the follow- 
 ing Ages, that in the later Sacrament aries or 
 Miffals, it was changed into this Form : Grant 
 O Lord, we befeech Thee, that this Oblation may be 
 of Advantage to us by the Intcrceffion of St. Leo, as 
 Pope Innocent the Third aflures us it was 
 in his Time. And fuch another Alteration was 
 made in Pope Gregory % Sacramentarium. For in 
 the old Greek and Latin Edition [«] there is this 
 Prayer: Remember, O Lord, all thy Servants, 
 Men and Women, who have gone before us in the 
 Seal of the Faith, and Jleep in the Sleep of Peace : 
 We befeech Thee, O Lord, to grant them, and all 
 that reft in Chrift, a Place of Refrejhment, Light 
 and Peace, through the fame Jefus Chrift our Lord. 
 But in the new reformed Miffals [o] it is altered 
 thus, Remember, Lord, Thy Servants and Hand- 
 maids N. and N. that have gone before us, &c. 
 that they might not feem to pray for Saints as 
 well as others that were in Purgatory. Which 
 makes it very probable, that St. Cyril's Cate- 
 chifm has alfo been tampered with, and a Claufe 
 put in, which fpeaks of their Praying to God 
 by the Interceflion of Patriarchs, Prophets, A- 
 poftles and Martyrs : Since the antient Liturgies 
 prayed for them as well as for all others. St. 
 Chryfoftom fays exprefly \_p] they offered for the 
 Martyrs. And fo it is in his Greek Liturgy [jf], 
 We offer unto Thee this reafonable Service for the 
 Faithful deceafed, our Fore-fathers, Fathers, Pa- 
 triarchs, Prophets and Apoftles^ Evangelifts, Mar- 
 tyrs, Confeffors, Religious Perfons, and every Spirit 
 pcrfetled in the Faith ; but especially for our moft 
 Holy, Immaculate, moft bleffed Lady, the Mother of 
 God, and ever Virgin Mary. Though, as Bp. 
 TJfher [f] has obferved, fome of the Latin Tran- 
 flators have alfo given a perverfe Turn to thefe 
 Words, rendring them thus, We offer unto thee 
 this reafonable Service for the faithful Deceafed, our 
 Fore- fathers and Fathers, by the Interceffion of the 
 Patriarchs, Prophets, Apoftles, Martyrs, and all the 
 Saints. For it founded ill to the Latin Ears to 
 hear St. Chryfoftom fay, the antient Church pray- 
 ed for Sainti and Martyrs. And yet he fays it, 
 not only in the fore-mentioned Places, but over 
 and over again in others. In his forty firft Ho- 
 mily upon the firft of Corinthians [j], fpeakinga- 
 gainft immoderate Sorrow for the Death of Sin- 
 ners, he fays, they are not fo much to be lament- 
 ed, as fuccoured with Prayers and Supplications 
 and Alms and Oblations. For thefe Things were 
 
 not defigncd in vain, neither is it without Rea- 
 fon that we make mention of thofe that are de- 
 ceafed, in the Holy Myfteries, interceding for 
 them to the Lamb that is (lain to take away the 
 Sins of the World > but that fome Confolation 
 may hence arife to them. Neither is it in vain, 
 that he who ftands at the Altar when the tre- 
 mendous Myfteries are celebrated, cries, We of- 
 fer unto Thee for all thofe that are afleep in Chrift, 
 and all that make Commemorations for them. For 
 if there were no Commemorations made for 
 
 them, thefe Things would not be laid. Let 
 
 us not therefore grow weary in giving them our 
 Afliftance, and offering Prayers for them. For 
 the common Propitiation of the whole World 
 is now before us. Therefore we now pray for 
 the whole World, and name them with Mar- 
 tyrs, with ConfeiTbrs, with Priefts, for we are 
 all one Body, though one Member be more ex- 
 cellent than another} and we may obtain a ge- 
 neral Pardon for them by our Prayers, by our 
 Alms, by the Help of thofe that are named to- 
 gether with them. He fuppofes here that the 
 Saints prayed for Sinners, though at the fame 
 time the Church prayed both for the Saints 
 and Martyrs and Sinners together. In another 
 Place [/] he fays, Prayers were made in general 
 for all thofe that were deceafed in the Faith, and 
 none but Catechumens dying in a voluntary Neg- 
 lect of Baptifm, were excluded from the Benefit 
 of them. At that Time, fays he, when all the 
 People ftand with their Hands life up to Hea- 
 ven, and all the Company of Priefts with them, 
 and the tremendous Sacrifice lies upon the Al- 
 tar, how fhall we not move God to Mercy, 
 when we call upon him for thofe that are de- 
 ceafed in the Faith? I fpeak of them only: For 
 the Catechumens are not allowed this Confola- 
 tion, but are depriv'd of all Afliftance, except 
 only giving Alms for them. This then was a 
 Punifhment inflicted upon the Catechumens, of 
 which Chryfoftom fpeaks in other Places [ti] ; 
 and it appears to have been a fettled Rule by 
 fome antient Canons [*] of the Church, of which 
 I have had Occafion to fpeak in a former Book 
 [*], to deny Catechumens the Benefit of the 
 Church's Prayers after Death. Chryfoftom fays 
 again [>] that a Biihop is to be Interceflbr for 
 all the World, and to pray to God to be merci- 
 ful to the Sins of all Men, not only the Living, 
 but the Dead alfo. Caffian lavs alfo, the Biotha- 
 nati, as they called them, tha't is, Men that laid 
 violent Hands upon themfelves, were excluded 
 from the Benefit of the Church's Prayers. And 
 therefore when one Hero an old Hermit had by 
 the Delufions of Satan caft himfelf into a deep 
 Well, Paphnutius the Abbot could hardly be 
 prevailed upon to let him be reckoned any other 
 
 [/] Hincmar. de Prsedeftin. lib. i. cap. 34.. Annue nobis, Do- Aft. t. 4. Edit. Savil. p. 736. [<j] Chryf. Liturg. t, 4 
 
 mine, ut aniaia; famuli tui Leonis hsec profit Oblatio, quam im- p. 614. [r] Ufher'j Anfwer to the Challenge, p. 1 JO \ ' 
 
 molando totius mundi tribuifti relaxari deliifta. torn. 1. p. 297. [t] Chryf. Horn. 4 1. in 1 Cor. p. 701. [>] Chryf. Horn. 
 
 O] Innoc. Epift. in Decretal. Gregor. lib. 3. tit. 41. cap. 6. p. 3. in Philip, p. 1225-. [«] Chryf Horn. 24. in | an! 
 
 1372. Annue nobis, quxfumus Domine, ut Interceflione Beati p. 1 f 9. Horn. 1. in Acl. p. 14. [*] Cone. Bracar. 1' 
 
 Leonis, hxc nobis profit Oblatio. Miflal. Fed. Leonis. Jun, 28. can. 35-. [*] Book X. chap.W. n. 18. ChryH 
 
 [»] Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. t. 2. p. 119. [«] Miflal. Roman, de Sacerdot. lib. 6. cap. 4. Vid. Horn. 32. in Mat. p. 307, 
 
 in Canone Miflse. p. 301. [?] Chryf. Horn. 11. in 
 
 Vol. L Dd dd d d than 
 
The A N T I Q.U I T I E s of the 
 
 Book XV 
 
 than a Self-murderer, and unworthy [z~] of the 
 Memorial and Oblation that was made for all 
 thofe that were at Reft in Peace. Which is al- 
 io noted in the Council of Braga [a], where 
 Catechumens and Self-murderers are put in the 
 lame Oafs together, as Perfons that deferved nei- 
 ther the Solemnities of Chriftian Burial, nor the 
 ufual Prayers and Commemoration that was made 
 for the Reft of Chriftians at the Altar. 
 
 St. Aiifiin indeed had a lingular Opinion in this 
 Matter about Prayer for the Dead. For he 
 thought the Martyrs were not properly to be 
 prayed for as other Men, bccaufe they were ad- 
 mitted to the immediate Fruition of Heaven. 
 There goes a common Saying under his Name 
 (which Pope Innocent the Third quotes [F] as ho- 
 ly Scripture) That he who prays for a Martyr, 
 does Injury to the Martyr, becaufe they attained 
 to Perfection in this Life, and have no need of 
 the Prayers of the [c] Church, as all others 
 have. Therefore he fays [d~], when they were 
 named at the Altar, and their Memorials celebra- 
 ted, they did not commemorate them as Perfons 
 for whom they prayed, as they did all others that 
 refted in Peace, but rather as Men that prayed 
 for the Church on Earth, that we might follow 
 their Steps, who had attained to the Perfection 
 of Charity in laying down their Lives forChrift, 
 according to that Aphorifm of Chrift himfelf, 
 Greater Love than this hath no Man, that he lay 
 down his Life for his Friend. Upon this Account 
 St. Auflin thought the Oblations and Alms, that 
 ■were ufually offered in the Church for all the 
 Dead that had received Baptifm, were only 
 Thankfgivings for fuch as were very good [e~\-> 
 and Propitiations for thofe that were not very 
 bad j and for fuch as were very Evil, though 
 they were no Helps to them when they were 
 Dead, yet they were fome Confolation to the 
 Living. But as Bifhop Ufher [/] rightly ob- 
 ferves, this was but a haiih Interpretation of the 
 Prayers of the Church, to imagine that one and 
 the fame Acl of Praying mould be a Petition 
 for fome, and for others a Thankfgiving only: 
 And therefore it is more reafonable to fuppofe, 
 that the Church defigned to pray for all j efpe- 
 cially fince St. Auftin [g] himlelf owns that the 
 Church made Supplications for all that died in 
 the Society of the Chriftian and Catholick Faith, 
 as all the ancient Forms of Prayer do manifeftly 
 ^evince beyond all Poffibility of Exception. 
 
 Supposing then, that the sect. xvi. 
 Antient Church made Prayers for u P on Grounds 
 Saints and Martyrs, as well as all the A f;>" church 
 
 i • ■ i j prayed for the Dead. 
 
 others, it remains to be enquired s J ntu mrt rT 
 Upon what Grounds and Reafons confeflbrs, aslliias 
 fhe obferved this Cuftom : whe- all others. 
 ther upon the modern Suppositi- 
 on of a Purgatory-Fire, or upon Reafons more 
 agreeable to fuch a general Practice ? That fhe 
 did not do it upon the Supposition of Purgato- 
 ry, appears evidently from what has been alrea- 
 dy obferved out of the publick Offices of the 
 Church, that {he prayed for all the Saints, Mar- 
 tyrs, Confefibrs, Patriarchs, Prophets, Apoftles, 
 and even the Virgin Mary herfelf, and all other 
 holy Men and Women from the Foundation of 
 the World, who were fuppofed to be in a Place 
 of Reft and Happinefs, and not in any Place of 
 Purgation or Torment. And this appears far- 
 ther from the private Prayers made by St. Am- 
 brofe [h] for the Emperors Theodofius and Valen- 
 tinian, and Gratian, and his own Brother Satu- 
 rusy and the Directions he gives to Fauftinus [/'] 
 not to weep for his Sifter, but to make Prayers 
 and Oblations for her. For all thefe were Per- 
 fons, of whom he had not the leaft Doubt, but 
 that their Souls were in Reft and Happinefs. As 
 all the Fulieral Service of the Ancients fuppofes, 
 where they ufually fung thofe Verfes of the 
 Pfalms, Return again unto thy Reft, O my Sou/, 
 for the Lord hath rewarded thee : And again, I 
 will fear no Evil, becaufe 'thou art with me: And 
 again, Thou art my Refuge from the Affliclion that 
 compajfeth me about. Which St. Chryfojlom [k~] 
 often bids his Hearers remember, that whilft 
 they prayed for the deceafed Party, they mould 
 not weep and lament immoderately, as the Hea- 
 then did, but give God Thanks for taking him 
 to a Place of Reft and Security. Which is ut- 
 terly inconfiftent with their going into the 
 dreadful Pains of Purgatory. Sr. Auftin both 
 prayed in private for his Mother Monicha [/] } 
 and alfo fpeaks of the Church's Prayers for her at 
 her Funeral, and afterward at the Altar 5 and yet 
 he made no queftion of her going hence from a 
 State of Piety here to a State of Joy and Felicity 
 hereafter. And after the fame manner Gregory 
 Nazianzen \m] prays God to receive the Soul of 
 his Brother Cafarius, who was lately regenera- 
 ted by the Spirit in Baptifm. It is certain thefe 
 Prayers were not founded on a Belief of a Pur- 
 
 [z] Cafilan. Collat. 2. cap. f . Vix a Presbytero Abbatc Paphnu- 
 tio potuit obtincri, ut non inter Biothanatos reputatus, etiam Me->- 
 moria 8c Oblatione pauiantiuro judic3mur indignus. [a] Cone. 
 Bracar. 1. can.'ij-. [t] Innoc. in Decretal. Gregorii. lib. 3. 
 
 tit. 41. cap. f. Sacrse Scripturae dicit au£toritas, quod injuriam 
 facit Martyri, qui orat pro J/Lrryre. [cj Aug. Ser. 17. de 
 
 Verbis Apoftoli. t. 1 o. p. 122. Pepfefitio in hac vita nonnulla eft, 
 ad quam Sanfti Martyres peri'enerunt. Ideoque habet Ecclefiaftica 
 Difciplina, quod Fideles novci unt, cum Martyres eo loco recitan- 
 tur ad altare Dei, ubi non pro ipfis oretur, pro cacteris autem com- 
 memoratis defun&is oratur. Injuria eft enim pio Martyre orare, 
 cujus nos debemus Orationibus commendari. [</] Aug. 
 
 Tract. 84. in Joan. r. 9. p. i8f. Ad ipfam mcnfim non fie eos 
 commemoramus, quemadmodum alios qui in Pure retjuiefcunt, fed 
 magis ur forenr) ipli pro nobis, ut eorum veftighs adhsereamus, 
 quia impleverunt ipfi Charitatem, &c, [e] Aug. Enchirid. 
 
 ad Laurent, cap. no. Cum ergo facrificia five Altaris five qua- 
 rumcumque Eieemofynarum pro baptizatis defunclis omnibus offe- 
 runtur, pro valde bonis Gratiarum adtionesfunt: pro non valde ma- 
 il's Propitiationes funt: ipro valde malis etfi nulla funt adju- 
 menta mortuorum, qualefcunque vivorum Confolationes funt. Qui- 
 bus autem profunt, aut ad hoc profunt, ut fit plena Remiffio, aut 
 certe tolerabilior fiat ipfa Damnatio. [/] Ufber'j Anfwer to 
 
 the Challenge, p. 1 42. [g\ Aug. de Cura pro Mortuis. cap. 4. 
 
 Non funt praetermittendaj fupplicationes pro Spiritibus mortuorum : 
 quas faciendas pro omnibus in Chriftiana 8c Catholica focietate de- 
 functis, etiam tacitis nominibus quorumque, fub generali Com- 
 memoratione fufcepit Ecrlefia. [h] Ambrof. de Obitu Theo- 
 
 dofii De obitu Valentin. De Obitu Frarris. [i] Ep. 8. ad 
 
 haulfin. [k] Chryf. Horn. 4. in Hebr. p. 1785-. Horn. 29. deDor- 
 mientibus. t. j-. p. 422. Vid. Cafilan. Collat. 2. cap. f. [I Aug, 
 Confefs. lib. 9. cap. 12. & J 3. [>] Naz. Orat. 10. p. 176. 
 
 5" gatory- 
 
Chap. III. Christian Church. 759 
 
 gitory-Fire after Death, but upon a Suppofition but ftje would anfwer, 'That her Sins were forgiven 
 that they were going to a Place of Reitand Hap- her by Him, to whom no Man can return what he 
 pinefs> which was their fir It Reafon for praying gave to us without any Obligation. Let hp-r therefore reft 
 for them, That God would receive them to him- in Peace with her Husband, and do Thou, my Lord 
 felf, and deliver them from Condemnation, z. God, infpire all thofe Thy Servants that read this, 
 Upon the fame Preemption fome of their Pray- to remember thy Handmaid Monicha at thy Altar 
 ers for the Dead were always Euchariftical, or with Patricius her Confort. This was not a Prayer 
 Thankfgivings for their Deliverance out of the for Perfons in the Pains of Purgatory j but for 
 Troubles of this finful World. As appears not fuch asrefted in Peace, only without Dependance 
 only from the forcmcntioned Tcllimonies of Chry- upon their own Merits, and with an humble Re- 
 fofiom, but from the Author under the Name of liance upon God's Mercy, that he would not fuf- 
 Dionyjius [«], who in dcfci ibing their Funeral- fer them to be devoured by the roaring Lion, 
 Service, (peaks of the ou%n cv%d(y<>ri(>}@', the nor deal extreamly with them for the Sins of 
 Euchariftical Prayers, whereby they gave God human Frailty. 4. Another like Reafon for 
 Thanks not only for Martyrs, but all Chrifti- thefe Prayers, is that which we have heard be- 
 ans that died in the true Faith and Fear of God. fore out of Epiphanius [/>], that it was to put a 
 A third Reafon of praying for them, was, be- Diftinction between the Perfection of Chrift, 
 caufe they jultly conceived all Men to die with and the Imperfection of all other Men, Saints, 
 fome Remainders of Frailty and Corruption, and Martyrs, Apoftles, Prophets, ConfetTors, &c. 
 therefore defned that God would deal with them He being the only Perfon, for whom Prayer 
 according to his Mercy, and not in ftrict Juftice was not then made in the Church, f. They prayed 
 according to their Merits. For no one then was for all Chriftians, asaTeftimony both of their Re- 
 thought to have any real Merit or Title to eter- fpect and Love to the Dead, and of their own Bc- 
 nal Happinefs, but only upon God's Promifes lief of the Soul's Immortality 5 to {hew, as Epi- 
 and Mercy. St. Auftin difcourfes excellently up- phanius words it in the fame Place, that they bc- 
 on this Point in the Cafe of his Mother Monicha, lieved, that they who were deceas'd were yet a- 
 after this manner : I now pour out unto Thee, my live, and not extinguished, but Hill in Being, and 
 God, another fort of Tears for Thy Handmaid, flow- living with the Lord. 6. Whereas the Soul is 
 ing from a trembling Spirit; in Coufideration of the but in an imperfect State of Happinefs till the 
 Danger that every Soul is in that dies in Adam. Refurrection, when the whole Man {hall obtain 
 For although ftje was made alive in Chrift, and lived a compleat Victory over Death, and by the laft 
 fo in the Days of her Flejh, as to bring Glory to thy Judgment be eftablifhed in an endlefs State of 
 Name by her Faith and Practice : let I dare not confummate Happinefs and Glory j the Church 
 fay, that from the Time fhe was regenerated by Bap- had a particular Refpect to this in her Prayers for 
 tifm, no Word came out of her Mouth againft Thy the Righteous, that both the Living and the 
 Command. And Thou haft told us by him who is Dead might finally attain this bleffed Eftate of a 
 Truth it felf, That whofoever {hall fay to his Bro- glorious Refurrection. It is obferved by fome 
 ther, Thou Fool, {hall be in danger of Hell-fire. [7], that there are fome Prayers yet extant in 
 And wo to the mo ft laudable Life of Man, if Thou the Roman Mafs, which are conformable to this 
 fliould ft fift and examine it without Mercy . But becaufe Opinion, as that which prays, that God would 
 Thou art not extream to mark what is done a- abfolve the Souls of his Servants from every Bond of 
 mifs, we have Hope and Confidence to find fome [0] Sin, and bring them to the Glory of the Refurretlion, 
 place and room for Indulgence with Thee. But who- &c. 
 
 ever reckons up his true Merits before Thee, what does All thefe were general Reafons of Praying for 
 
 be more than recount thy own Gifts ? O that all the Dead, without the leaft Intimation of their 
 
 Men would know themfelves, and they that glory, being tormented in the temporary Pains of a Pur- 
 
 glory in the Lord! I therefore, O my Praife, and gatory-Fire. Befides which, they had fome par- 
 
 rnyLife, the God of my Heart, fetting afide a little ticular Opinions, which tended to promote this 
 
 her good Aclions, for which I joyfully give Thee Practice. For firft, a great many of the Anci- 
 
 Thanks, now make Interceffion for the Sins of my ents believed, that the Souls of all the Righteous, 
 
 Mother. Flear me through the Medicine of his except Martyrs, were fequeftred out of Heaven 
 
 Wounds, who hanged upon the Tree, and now fitteth in fome Place invifible to mortal Eye, which 
 
 at thy Right Hand to make Interceffton for us. He they called Flades, or Paradife, or Abraham's Bo- 
 
 adds, a little after, that he believed God had fom, a Place of Refreshment and Joy, where 
 
 granted what he asked : Yet he prays, That the they expected a compleater Happinefs at the End 
 
 Lion and the Dragon might not interpofe himfelf, ei- of all Things. This is the known Opinion of 
 
 ther by his open Violence or Subtilty. For fhe would Hermes Paftor, Juftin Martyr, Pope Pius, Irena- 
 
 not anfwer That fhe was no Debtor, left the crafty us, Tertullian, Origen, Caius Romanus, Viblorinus 
 
 Adverfary Jhould convitl her and lay hold of her; Martyr, Novatian, Laclantius, Hilary, Ambrofe, 
 
 [»] Dionyf. Ecclef. Hierarch. cap. 7. p. 4.08. [0] Aug. inea, Deus cordis mei, fepofitis paulifper bonis ejus actibus, pro 
 
 Contsfs. lib. 9 cap. i 3. V.t» etiam hudabili vitae hominum, fi re- quibus tibi gaudens gratias ago, nunc pro peccatis matris mese de- 
 
 mora mifericordia difcutias earn. Quia vero non exquiris deiicta precor te, See. Et credo jam feceris quod te rogo, &c. 
 
 vehememer, fiducialirer fperamus aliquem apud te locum invenirc [/>] Epiphan. Haer. 7$-. Aerian. n. 7. [q] Vid. du Moulin, 
 
 lndulgentise. Quifquis autem tibi enumerat vera Merita fua, quid Novelty of Popery, lib. 7. chap. i. p. 45-9. 
 tibi enumerat niii munera tua? &c. Fgo itaque, Laus mea & Vita 
 
 Vol. I. D d d d d d z Gregorx 
 
760 The Antiquities of r& Book XV. 
 
 Gregory Nyffen, Pradcntim, Auftin and Chryfojlom. 
 Therefore in praying for the Dead, they may be 
 fuppoied to have fome Reference to this, and to 
 defire that the Souls of the Righreous, thus fe- 
 qucftred for a Time, might at laft be brought to 
 the perfect Fruition of Happinefsin Heaven, z. Ma- 
 ny of the Ancients held the Opinion of the 
 Millenium, or the Reign of Chrilt a thoufand 
 Years upon Earth, before the final Day of Judg- 
 ment: And they fuppofed likewife, that Men 
 fhould rife, fome fooner, fome later, to this happy 
 State, according to their Merits and Preparati- 
 ons for it. And therefore fome of them prayed 
 for the Deceafcd on this Suppofition, that they 
 might obtain a Part in this Refurrection, and a 
 fpecdier Admittance into this Kingdom: It being 
 reckoned a fcrt of Punifhment, not to be admit- 
 ted with the firft that fhould rife to this State 
 of Glory. Tertullian plainly refers [r] to this, 
 when he fays, Every little Offence is to be pu- 
 nifhed by delaying Men's Refurrection. And 
 therefore he fays [s\ they were wont to pray 
 for the Souls of the LVceafed, that they might 
 not only reft in Peace for the prefent, but alfo 
 obtain Part in the firft Refurrection. And for 
 this Reafon St. Ambrofc \_t \ prayed for Gratian 
 and Valentinian, that God would raife them with 
 the firft, and recompenfe their untimely Death 
 with a timely Refurrection. And he fays elfe- 
 where [«], that they that come not to the firft 
 Refurrection, but are referved unto the fecond, 
 fhall be burned until they fulfill the Time be- 
 tween the firft and fecond Refurrection or if 
 they have not fulfilled that, they fhall remain 
 longer in Punifhment. Therefore let us pray, 
 that we may obtain a part in the firft Refurrecti- 
 on. Bifhop UJher [x] alfo fhews, out of fome 
 Gothick Mijjais, that the Church had antiently 
 feveral Prayers directed to this very purpofe. 3 . Ma- 
 ny of the Ancients believed, that there would 
 be a Fire of Probation, through which all mult 
 pafs at the laft Day, even the Prophets and A- 
 poftles, and even the Virgin Mary her felf not 
 excepted. Which is afferted not only by Origen 
 [jy], Irenaus jjz], and Laffantius [a], but alfo 
 by St. Ambrofe, who fays [b~\ after Origen, that 
 all mult pafs through the Flames, though it be 
 John the Evangelift, though it be Peter. 'The 
 Sons o/Levi Jhall be purged by Fire [c], Ezekiel, 
 
 Daniel, &c. And thefe having been tried by 
 Fire, fhall fay, We have p.iffed through Fire and 
 Water. And St. Hilary much sfter the fame 
 manner [_-f], They that are baptized with the 
 Holy Ghoft, are yet to be perfected by the Fire 
 of Judgment. For fo he interprets thofe Words 
 of the Evangelift, He jhall baptize you with the 
 Holy Ghoft and with hire. And again [//], Do 
 we defire the Day of Judgment, in which we 
 muft undergo the exact Scrutiny of Fire? in 
 which we muft give an Account of every idle 
 Word : in which thofe grievous Punifhments for 
 expiating Souls from Sin, muft be endured? If 
 the Virgin herfclf, who conceived God in her 
 Womb, muft undergo the Severity of Judgment, 
 who is fo bold as to defire to be judged by God? 
 There are many like Paffages in Gregory Nazian- 
 zen [<?], and Nyjfen [/], and Sc. Jcrom [g], 
 and St. Auftin \h\ which the Romijh Writers 
 commonly produce for the Fire of Purgatory, 
 when-as they plainly relate to this purging Sacra- 
 ment, as Origen [ # ] calls it, or in St. Auftin's 
 Language, the purging Pains of the Fire of 
 Judgment at the laft Day. And the Fear of this 
 was another Reafon of their praying for the 
 Dead. 4. Some of the Ancients thought like- 
 wife that the Prayers of the Church were of 
 fome Ufe to mitigate the Pains of the damned 
 Souls, though not effectual for their total Deli- 
 verance. And laftly, That they ferved to aug- 
 ment the Glory of the Saints in Happinefs. St. 
 Auftin [/'] fays, they were of Ufe to render the 
 Damnation of the Wicked more tolerable. And 
 this was the Opinion of Prudentius [k~] and St. 
 Chryfoftom [/], who advifes Men to pray for the 
 Dead upon this Account, that it would bring 
 fome Confolation to them, though but a little; 
 or if none at all to them, yet it would be ac- 
 cepted of God as a pleafing Sacrifice from thofe 
 that offered it. And the like may be read in 
 Paulinus [m~], and the Author of the Queftions 
 to Antiochus, under the Name of Athanaftus [»]. 
 St. Chryfoftom fays [0] farther, that their Prayers 
 and Alms were of ufe to procure an Addition to 
 the Rewards and Retribution of the Righteous. 
 Thefe are all the Reafons we meet with in the 
 Ancients for praying for Souls departed, none 
 of which have any Relation to their being tor- 
 mented in the Fire of Purgatory, but moft of 
 
 \r~\ Tertul.de Anima, cap. j8. Modicum quodquc delictum mo- 
 ra Refurredtionis luendum, 8cc. [s] De monogam. cap. 
 10. Pro anima ejus orat, 8c Refrigerium interim adpoftulat ei, 8c 
 in prima Refurredtione confortium. Confer. L. 3. contr. Marci- 
 on. cap. 24. Pod mille annos, intra quam aetatem conciuditur 
 Sanctorum Refurreitio pro mentis maturius vel tardius refurgen- 
 tium, 8cc. [r] Ambrof. de Obitu Valentin, ad finem. 
 Te quaefo fumme Deus, ut chariflimos Juvenes matura rcfurredfi- 
 one fufcites 8c refuicites; ut immaturum hunc vitae iftius curfum 
 matura refurredtione compenfes. [«] Id. in Pfal. !. Qui 
 non veniunt ad primam Refurredb'onem, fed ad lecundam refervan- 
 tur, ifti urentur donee impleant tempora inter primam 8c fecundam 
 refurredtionem : aut fi non impleverint, diutius in fupplicio per- 
 manebunt. Ideo ergo rogemus, ut in prima refurredtione partem 
 habere mereamur. [#] Uflier. Anfwer to the Challenge. 
 p. if 1. Orig. Horn. 3. in Pfal. 36. p. 446. 
 [z.] Iren. lib. 4. cap. 9. [a] La&ant. lib. 7. cap. 21. 
 [b] Ambrof. Ser. zo. in Pfal. 118. [>] Id. Horn. 3. in Pfal. 36. 
 
 [f] Hilar, in Mat. Canon. 2. p. 148. Quia baptizatis in Spirifu 
 Sandfo reliquum fit confummari igne Judicii. [</] i<j. 
 
 Enarrat. in Pfal. 118. voce Gimel. p. 25-4. Cum ex omni ocio- 
 fo verbo rationem fimus praeftituri, diem Judicii concupifcemus, 
 in quo nobis eft indefeflus ignis obeundus ; in quo fubeunda funt 
 gravia ilia expiandae a peccatis animac fupplicia? 8cc. 
 [e] Naz. Orat. 42. [/] Nyflen. de Dormientibus. 
 
 [g ] Hieron. in Eia. 66. [A] Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. 20. 
 
 cap. if. [*] Orig. Horn. 14. in Luc. p. 223. [<] Aug. 
 
 Enchirid. ad Laurent, cap. 1 1 o. pro valde malis valerc, ut tolerabi- 
 lior fit damnatio. [k] Prudent. Cathemerinon. Cairn. f . 
 
 de Cereo Pafchali. Sunt 8c Spiritibus fkpe nocentibus Pcenarum 
 eclebres fub Styge Ferise, 111a no&e facer qua rediit Deus Sr^nis 
 ad fuperos ex Acheronticis. [/] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Phil, 
 
 p. 1 u f. Vid. Horn. 2 1. in Adt. 8c Horn. 31. in Mat. 
 [m] Paulin. Ep. 19. [«] Athanaf. Quasft. ad Antioch. Q. 34. 
 
 [0] Chryf. Horn. 31. in Mat. p. 307. -r^imn yinfjcu ^ 
 
 them 
 
C H A Pi If f. 
 
 hristian Church. 
 
 761 
 
 them tend directly to overthrow it. Whence 
 we may fafely conclude, That though the An- 
 cients generally prayed for the Dead, at lealt 
 from the Time of fmullian, who fir ft (peaks 
 of it} yet they did it not upon thofe Principles, 
 which are now fo ftifly contended for in the 
 Romijl) Church. Which is alfo evident from ma- 
 ny antient Forms It ill remaining in the Mafs- 
 Book, and the Liturgies of the modern Greeks, 
 who continue to pray for the Dead without any 
 Belief of Purgatory, as it were eafy to demon- 
 flrate out ot their Rituals, but that it is wholly 
 foreign to the Defign of the prefent Difcourfe. 
 
 sect xvn There is one thing more to 
 a {hort Account be noted upon this Matter, That 
 of the Diptychs, fome Time before they made 
 and Ujetn the Oblation for the Dead, it was u- 
 antient church. fual in fome Ages to recite the 
 Names of fuch eminent Bifhops, 
 or Saints or Martyrs, as were particularly to be 
 mentioned in this part of the Service. To this 
 purpoie they had certain Books, which they cal- 
 led their holy Books, and commonly their Dip- 
 tychs, from their being folded together, where- 
 in the Names of fuch Perfons were written, 
 that the Deacon might rehearfe them, as Occa- 
 lion required, in the time of Divine Service. 
 Cardinal Bona [/>] and Schelftrate make three forts 
 of thefe Diptychs; one, wherein the Names of 
 Bifhops only were written, and more particular- 
 ly fuch Buhops as had been Governors of that 
 particular Church : A 2d, wherein the Names 
 of the Living were written, who were eminent 
 and confpicuous either for any Office and Dig- 
 nity, or fome Benefaction and good Work, 
 whereby they had deferved well of the Church } 
 in this Rank were the Patriarchs and Bifhops 
 of great Sees, and the Bifhop and Clergy of 
 that particular Church i together with the Em- 
 perors and Magi Urates, and others moft confpi- 
 cuous among the People: The 3d was, the 
 Book containing the Names of fuch as were 
 deceafed in Catholick Communion. The firft 
 and the laft of thefe feem to be much the fame, 
 and t he Confideration of them is only proper to 
 this place. For the Recital of the Names of 
 the Living, as Benefactors by their Oblations, 
 has been ipoken of already [*], and here we are 
 only concerned with the Dead. Of this there 
 is no mention made in the Conftitutions, which 
 feems to argue, that the Cuftom of rehearfing 
 the Diptychs was not brought into the Rituals 
 of that Church whence the Compiler of that 
 Book made his Collections. But Cyprian [q] 
 and fertullian {/] fpeak of them under another 
 Namej and Theodoret mentions them in the 
 Cafe of St. Chryfoftom, whofe Name for fome 
 
 time was lefc out of the Diptychs, becaufe he di- 
 ed excommunicate (though unjuftly) by Theophi- 
 lus Bifhop of Alexandria, and other Eaftern Bi- 
 fhops, with whom the IVeftem Church would 
 not communicate [s] till they had reftored his 
 Name to the Diptychs again. The Author un- 
 der the Name of Dionyfius [/] gives this Ac- 
 count of them : That after the Salutation of 
 the Kifs of Peace, the Diptychs were read, which 
 fet forth the Names of thofe who had lived 
 righteoufly, and had attained to the Perfections 
 of a virtuous Life} which was done, partly to 
 excite and conduct the Living to the fame hap- 
 py State by following their good Example} and 
 partly to celebrate the Memory of them as (till 
 living, according to the Principles of Religion, 
 and not properly dead, but only tranflated by 
 Death to a more divine Life. It appears from 
 this Author, that thefe Diptychs were then read 
 before the Confecration, immediately after the 
 Kifs of Peace. And fo it is in the Acts of the 
 Council of Conftantinople under Mennas, which 
 makes frequent mention of them, and par- 
 ticularly in one place [a] notes the Time 
 of reading them, namely after the reading 
 of the Go/pel and the Creed : For by this time 
 the Creed was alfo become a part of the Com- 
 munion-Service in the Eaftern Church : There- 
 fore it is faid, after the reading of the Gofpel, 
 when the Communion-Service was begun (not 
 ended, as the La//»Tranflation falfely renders it) 
 the Creed was read according to Cuftom, rx dyiv 
 
 Xs^Sv/]©' (not the 
 Prayers and Prefaces goi ngb erore the Oblation, 
 fome learned Men [#], notunderftanding the true 
 meaning of the Word jxd^ixa, render it Letlio, 
 and interpret it Prayers and Prefaces, which moft 
 certainly [*] fignifies the Creed in this Place:) 
 Then, after the Reading of the Creed, in the 
 time of the Diptychs, all the People ran and 
 Hood about the Altar with great Silence, to give 
 Attention} and when the Deacon had named the 
 four holy Synods, and the Archbifhops of blef- 
 fed Memory, Euphemius, Macedonius and Leo, 
 they all with a loud Voice cried out, Glory be to 
 Thee, O Lord, and after that with great Tran- 
 quility the Divine-Service was pioufly perform- 
 ed. It is here obfervable, that the Recital of the 
 Diptychs was before the Confecration- Prayer, as 
 it is reprefented in the Hierarchy of Dionyfius 
 (though in the Latin Church it feems to hive 
 been otherwife) and that now it was ufiial to 
 mention the four firft general Councils, to fhew 
 their Approbation of them. Which may be al- 
 fo evidenced from one of Juftinian's Letters to 
 Epiphanius, Bifhop of Conftantinople, now extant 
 in the Code [y], wherein he allures him, That 
 it was in vain for any one to trouble him upon 
 
 [p] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. a. cap. u. n. i. Schelftrat. de Con- 
 cilio \ntiocheno. Can. z. cap. 6. p. 116. [*) Book XV. Chap. 
 ii. n. 4. and Book II. Chap. xx. n. [q] Cypr. Ep. 66. al. 1. 
 
 ad Plebem Furnitan. [r] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. [j]The- 
 od. lib. f. cap. jf. [r] Dionyl. Ecclef. Hierarch. cap. 5. p. 
 
 15-3. 8c 2f4. [«] Cone. Conftant. fub Menna. an. f 36. Aft. 
 
 f. Cone. Tom. $•. p. 181. [*] Schelftraf. de Concil. Amioch. 
 
 I 
 
 p. 117. [*] See this proved before. Book X. Chap. iii. n. 3. 
 \_y\ Cod. Juftin. lib. 1. tit. 1. de fumma Trinitate, Leg. 7. Nullus 
 fruftra nos turbet, fpe vana innixus. quafi nos contrarium cjuatuor 
 Conciliis fecerimus, aut fieri a quibufdam permittamus, aur aboleti 
 eorundem San&orum Conciliotum piam Memoriam ex Ecclelix 
 Diptychis fuftineamus. Vid E vagrium . lib. 4. c. 4. 8c 11. 
 
 any 
 
7<>2 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 Book XV. 
 
 any fclfe Hopes, as if he had done, or ever 
 would do, or fuffer any other to do any thing 
 contrary to the four Councils, or allow the pious 
 Memory of them to be crafed out of the Dip- 
 iychs of the Church. Thefe therefore were of 
 Ufe, partly to preferve the Memory of fuch e- 
 minent Men as were dead in the Communion 
 of the Church, and partly to make honourable 
 mention of fuch General Councils as had eftabliih- 
 ed the chief Articles of the Faith : And to e-^ 
 rafe the Names either of Men or Councils out of 
 thefe Diptychs, was the fame thing as to declare 
 that they were Heterodox, and fuch as they 
 thought unworthy to hold Communion with, 
 as Criminals, or fome ways deviating from the 
 Faith. Upon this Account St. Cyprian ordered 
 the Name of Geminius Ficlorto be left out among 
 thofe that were commemorated at the holy Ta- 
 ble [a\ bccaufe he had broken the Rules of the 
 Church. And Evagrius obferves [b~\ of Theo- 
 doras Bifhop of Mopfuejlia, that his Name was 
 ftruck out of the holy Books, that is, the Dip- 
 tychs, upon the Account of his heretical Opini- 
 ons, after Death. And St. Auflin fpeaking of 
 Cacilian Bifhop of Carthage, whom the Dona- 
 tifts falfely accufed of being ordained by Tradi- 
 torcs, or Men who had delivered up the Bible to 
 be burned in the Time of Perfecution, tells them, 
 that if they could make good any real Charge 
 againft him, they would no longer name him a- 
 mong the reft of the Bifhops, whom they be- 
 lieved to be faithful and innocent, at the Altar. 
 
 SECT. XVIII. Having made thisfhort Di- 
 Next to the Bead, g re {fi on concerning the Diptychs 
 
 Trayer made for of the Churcb \ now return to 
 ^e OrderoftheServicelaiddown 
 church, and every in the Conflitutions. Where next 
 Order in it. after Prayer for the Dead, Sup- 
 
 plication is made for the living 
 Members of that particular Church then aflem- 
 bled, and every diftincl: Order of Perfons in it. 
 We offer unto Thee [d] for this People, that Thou 
 wouklft make them, to the Glory of Thy Chrift, a 
 Royal Priefthood and an holy Nation ; for all that 
 live in Virginity and Chaflity ; for the Widows of 
 the Church ; for all that live in honeft Marriage ; 
 for the Infants of thy People; that none of us may 
 be cafl away, We pray Thee for this City, and all 
 that dwell therein. St. Auflin likewife fpeaks [e] 
 of thefe Prayers at the Altar, for the Faithful, 
 that they by the Gift of God may perfevere in 
 that wherein they have begun. Again [/], 
 Who ever heard the Prieft praying over the 
 Faithful, and faying, Grant, Lord, that they may 
 perfevere in Thee unto the End,znd durft either in 
 Word or Thought reprehend that Prayer, and 
 
 not rather anfwer Amen to fuch a Benediction? 
 Chryfoflom in like manner defcribing the Bimop's 
 Office, fays [g], it is his Bu finds to pray for a 
 whole City, and not for a whole City only, but 
 as an Ambaflador for the whole World, That 
 God would be propitious and merciful both to 
 the Sins of the Living and the Dead. Which 
 makes it the more probable, that the Prayers of 
 the like kind that occur in St. Chryfoftom's Li- 
 turgy\_h~j,mc but a Copy of fuch Prayers as were 
 then commonly ufed in the antient Church. 
 
 The next Petition in the sect. xix. 
 Conflitutions is for all that are in For thofe that are 
 Affliction, whether by Sicknefs, 
 
 01 -r, -n Banifcnent, ami 
 
 or Slavery, or Banifhment, or v J criptm , and 
 Confifcation and Profcription : that travel by Sea 
 And for all that are expofed to or Land. 
 any Perils upon the Account of 
 their neceflary Travels by Sea or by Land. 
 Of thefe Petitions I find no particular mention 
 made in other Writers, fave only in Cyril of 
 Jerufalem, who fays [i], after they had 
 prayed for the common Peace of the Church, 
 and the Tranquillity of the World, for Kings, 
 and for their Armies and Allies, they alfo be- 
 fought God for all that were fick and afflicled, 
 or in any kind of Want: And laft of all they 
 prayed for the Dead. By which we may judge, that 
 though the Order of the Petitions was a little 
 varied in the Liturgies of different Churches, yet 
 the Subftance was the fame. And there is little 
 queftion but the Sick and DiftrefTed were re- 
 member'd in thefe Prayers in all the Churches; 
 fince in the Deacon's Bidding-Prayer before the 
 Oblation, there is exprefs Direction given to the 
 People, -to pray for the Sick, and thofe that tra- 
 vel by Sea or by Land, and thofe that are in the 
 Mines, in Banifhment, in Prifon, in Bonds and 
 in Slavery, as I have fhewed out of feveral Paf- 
 fages in St. Chryfoflom, St. Eafil, and St. Auflin, 
 comparing them with the Form of Bidding- 
 Prayer for the whole State of Chrift's Church 
 in the Conflitutions, related before in the firft 
 Chapter of this Book, n. t. and 3. 
 
 The next Petition in the Con- sect. XX. 
 flitutions is for their Enemies and For ^ emies 
 Perfecutors, for Hcreticks and ^fecntors Here^ 
 
 Ul l- 1 /- 1 -t ticks and Unbelte- 
 
 nbelievers, thofe that are with- vers 
 
 out the Pale of the Church, and 
 wandring in Error; that God would convert 
 them to good, and mitigate their Fury. And 
 of this there are frequent Examples in the Wri- 
 tings of the Ancients. For nothing was more 
 ftrictly obferved by the Ancients than to pray 
 for their Enemies and Perfecutors, for Jews, In- 
 
 [a] Cypr. Ep. 66. al. i. ad Pleb. Furnitan. [b~] Evagr. 
 
 lib. 4. cap. 38. zx. %S hqav d-rvih&Vei fih]vv. Sec. [«] Aug. 
 Serm. 37. ex editis a Sirmondo. t. 10. p. 840. Inventus fit pror- 
 fus reus, See. deinceps eum ad altare inter Epifcopos, quos fideles 
 8c innocentes credimus, non recitabimus. [</] Conftit. lib. 
 
 8. cap. 12. [«] Aug. Ep. 107. ad Vitalem. Pro Fidelibu?, 
 
 ut in co quod efle cseperunt, ejus munere perfeverent. [/] De 
 
 Dono Perfeverantix, cap. 23. torn. 7. p. fji. Quis Sacerdotem fu- 
 per Fideles Dominum invocantem, li quando dixir, Da illis Domi- 
 ne in te perfeverare ufque in fiiiem, non folum voce aulus eft, fed 
 faltem cogitatione reprehenderc, ac non potius fuper ejus taleni 
 Benedictionem 8c corde credente 6c ore confiteme relpondit, A- 
 men ? [g] Chryf. de Sacerdot. lib. 6. cap. 4. p 93 . [h] Chryf. 
 Uturg. t. 3. p, 616. [<] Cyril. Catech. My&.j. n. 6. 
 
 fidels 
 
Christian Church. 
 
 fidels and Hereticks j of which Dr. Cave \k~) has 
 given fcveral Inftances out of Cyprian [/], Juftin 
 Martyr [«], and Irenaus [»]. Which becaufe 
 they may feem only to refer to their private Pray- 
 ers I will add a few more which more exprefs- 
 ly relate to their publick Devotions. Tertullian 
 [ol tells the Heathen, they were taught by the 
 Scriptures (which they themfelves might read) 
 to exhibit a more than ordinary Kindnefs toward 
 Men in praying to God for their Enemies, and 
 wifhing all good to their Pcrfecutors. For they 
 had no & greater Enemies or Perfccutors in thofe 
 Days than thofe very Emperors for whom they 
 made Supplications to God [/>] as oft as they 
 met in publick, and for their Officers, and for 
 the State of the World, and for the Peace and 
 Tranquillity of their Affairs, and for the Dura- 
 tion of their Empire. Jnwbius fays their Chur- 
 ches were Oratories [y], wherein they prayed for 
 Peace and Pardon, for the Magift races and Prin- 
 ces for their Armies, for their Friends and for 
 their Enemies. St. Juftin [r] particularly notes, 
 that the Prieft was wont to exhort the People 
 at the Altar to pray for Unbelievers, that God 
 would converc chem co the Faith. And again, 
 When does not the Church [f] pray for Infidels 
 and her Enemies, that they may believe? In 
 like manner Pope Celeftine [i] fays, the whole 
 Church prayed with the Prieft for Infidels, that 
 Faith might be given unto them ; for Idolaters, 
 that they might be delivered from the Errors of 
 their Impiety j for Jews, that the Veil being^ 
 taken away from their Heart, the Light of 
 Truth may appear unto them* for Hereticks, 
 that they may repent by returning to the Ca- 
 tholick Faith for Schifmaticks, that they may 
 receive the Spirit of Charity, reviving from the 
 Dead. And the fame is repeated by Gennadi us 
 Vf\ or whoever was the Author of the Book 
 de Ecclefiafticis Dogmatibus under the Name of 
 St Juftin. And in both places it is faid, that 
 this Practice was derived from the Apoftles, and 
 uniformly obferved in the whole Catholick 
 Church throughout the World. Nay it is evi- 
 dent they prayed for many Hereticks, whom 
 thev looked upon as guilty of the Sin againft 
 the Holy Ghoft. For they did not efteem that 
 Sin abfolutely unpardonable, but only punifhable 
 in both Worlds, on Suppofition that Men did 
 not repent of it. Therefore St. Juftin [*] and 
 others fay, chey prayed that they might repent 
 and be favedj and accordingly admitted them 
 to the Peace and Communion of the Church up- 
 
 on their Repentance. In a Word, as Chryfoftom 
 fays (V), they prayed for the whole World 
 without Exception j they prayed that all Men 
 whatfoever mighc be converted. 
 
 Next after Hereticks and sect. XXI 
 Unbelievers, Prayer is made in For tbec*t>chu- 
 the Confutations for the Catechu- mem, Energumens, 
 mens of the Church, that God and Penitents. 
 would perfect them in the Faith j 
 for the Energumens, that were vexed with evil 
 Spirits, that God wou'd cleanfe and deliver them 
 from the Power and Agitation of the wicked 
 Onej and for the Penitents, that God would 
 accept their Repentance, and pardon both them 
 and the whole Church whatever Offences they 
 had committed againft him. Whence we may 
 obfervc, that thefe feveral Orders were three di- 
 ftincl: Times prayed for in Divine Service j firft 
 in the Prayers that were faid for them in their 
 Prefence, in the firft Service, called, the Ser- 
 vice of the Catechumens j feeondly in the Dea- 
 con's Bidding- Prayer for the whole State of the 
 Church before the Oblation-, and now again 
 thirdly after the Oblation, when all Orders of 
 Men were prayed forat the Sacrifice of the Altar. 
 This laft is particularly noted by St. Juftin [jyj, 
 who fays, the Prieft at the Altar was ufed to 
 exhort the People to pray for the Catechumens, 
 that God would infpire them with a Defire of 
 Regeneration. And fo it is faid by Celeftine [z], 
 and Gennadius [a] in the fame Words, that they 
 prayed for the Lapfers, that God would grant 
 them the Remedy of Repentances and for the 
 Catechumens, that God would bring them to 
 the Sacrament ot Baptifm, and open to 
 them the great Treafure of his heavenly 
 Mercy. 
 
 In the next Place they prayed sect xxrr 
 for Health and Provifion ; for the Tor bedthfuUnd 
 Temperature of the Air, and the fruitful stafon*. 
 Increafe of the Fruits of the 
 Earth, as the Conftitutions word it, that they par- 
 ticipating of the good Things which God be- 
 ftows upon Men, might without ceafing praife 
 him, who giveth Food to all Flefh. St. Chry- 
 foftom among other particulars of this Prayer notes 
 the fame [£], when he fays they prayed for the 
 Earth and Sea, for the Air, and for the whole 
 World. And though Tertullian does not parti- 
 cularly fpeak of this Prayer, yet he intimates in 
 general, that they were ufed to pray for Tem- 
 
 [*] Cave Prim. Chrift. Part. 3. chap. i. p. 24*- [/]Paflio 
 Cypriani. [»] Juftin. Dial, cum Tryphnn. p. if 4. 313, 333. 
 [»] Iren. lib. 3. cap. 46. H Tertul. Apol. cap. 31. 
 
 [»] Tertul. Apol. cap. 39. Coimus in ccemm— Oramus pro Im- 
 peratoribus.pro miniftriseorum, pro Statu S*culi, pio rerum quiete, 
 pro mora finis. [q] Arnob. lib. 4. p. 18.. [r] Aug. 
 
 Ep. 107. ad Vitalem. Audis facerdotern Dpi ad airare exhortantem 
 populumDei, orare pro Incredulis, ut cos Deus convertat ad fidem, 
 &c [tl ^ e Dono Pcrfeverantiae cap. 2. 3 . Quando n on ora- 
 
 tum eft in Ecclefia pro Infidelibus atque Inimicis ejus ur crederent? 
 \$~\ Cceleftin.Ep. >• ad Gallos. cap. ti. Poftulant 6c precantur, ut 
 Infidelibus donetur fides, ut Idololatrce ab impietatis iu-x liberentur 
 errore, ut Judans, ablato cordis velamine, lux velamine appareat, 
 Ht Hxretict Catholics: fidei perception rciipifcant, ut Schifmatici 
 
 Spiritum redivivae charitatis accipiant. Sec. [?] Gennad. de 
 
 Ecclef. Dogmat. chap. 30. [«] Aug. Retra&at. lib. 1. cap. 59. 
 De quocunque peffimo in hac vita conftituro non eft utique def- 
 perandum; nec pro ilio imprudenter oratur, de quo non defpera- 
 tur. [#] Chryf. Horn, in 1 Thef p. 1 + 1 3. Horn. 6. in 1 Tim. 
 p. iffo. [y] Aug. Ep. 107. ad Vitalem. Audis faccrdorem 
 Dei ad altare exhortantem populum Dei, orare pro Incredulis utcos 
 Deus convertat ad fidem, 6c pro Catechu menis ut eis defiderium 
 Regenerations infpiret. [z.] Celeft in. Ep. 1. ad Gallos, cap. 
 
 1 1. Poftulant 8c precantur, ut Lapfis pcenitentix remedia conferan- 
 tur; ut denique Catechumenis ad rcgenerationis Sacramenta pcr- 
 duclis, cceleftis mifericordix aula referetur. [a] Gennad. de 
 
 Ecclef. Dogmat. cap. 30. [0] Chryf Horn. 1. in 1 Cor. p. 74^ 
 
 poral. 
 
The Ant i q^u i ties of the Book XV 
 
 poral Bletfings, and among thefe for Rain, as in 
 the German Expedition of Marcus Aurelius, when 
 his Army was favcd from perifhing for want of 
 Water by the Prayers of the Christians, which 
 never failed [c] to drive away Drought upon 
 other Occafions. The like Obfervation is made 
 by Cyprian [d~], that they offered continually 
 Supplications and Prayers Night and Day for 
 Victory over their Enemies, for obtaining Rain, 
 for averting or moderating all Adverlities, and 
 for the Peace and Safety of the Publick. Which 
 being their continual Prayer Night and Day, 
 'tis not to be doubted but that it was part of 
 thofe Prayers which they now more folemnly 
 offered at the Altar. 
 
 sect. XXIII. The laft Petition, mentioned 
 For all their ah- j n t h e Conftitutions, is for all thofe 
 pnt Brethren. th ^ u?Qn j uft and rea f onab i e 
 
 Caufe were then abfent from the AfTembly, that 
 God would preferve both the abfent and prefent 
 in Godlinefs, and keep them without Change, 
 Blame, or Rebuke, and finally gather them all 
 into the Kingdom of his Chrilt, the univerfal 
 King, and God of all Things in Nature both 
 vifible and invifible. The like Petition is men- 
 tioned by Chryfoftom in one of his Homilies upon 
 St. Matthew [e~\, according to the old Tranfla- 
 tion of Anianus: The Prieft, fays he, when he 
 itands at the Altar, bids us give Thanks for the 
 whole World, for thofe that are abfent and thofe 
 that are prefent, for thofe that are gone before 
 us, and thofe that fhall be after us, while the 
 Sacrifice lies upon the Altar. 
 
 sect. xxiv. The Conclufion of this long 
 concluding v ith p rayer j n t h e Conftitutions is a 
 MeTrml " Doxology to the whole Trinity : 
 r "' y ' And this was of old the constant 
 
 CuStom of the Church, as is evident from what 
 has been largely difcourfed before [*] both con- 
 cerning the Adoration of the whole Trinity, as the 
 true and only Object of Divine Worfhip, andalfo 
 concerning theUfe of Divine Hymns kvl&DoxoIo- 
 gies to the Father, Son, and HolyGhoft. Of which 
 I need fay no more in this Place to confirm the 
 Order laid down in the Conftitutions, fave only 
 to obferve, That two of the moSt antient Wri- 
 ters we have, Irenaus and Tertullian [/], do both 
 mention one part of this Doxology, as particular- 
 ly ufed at the Confecration of the Eucharift. 
 Irenaus fays the Valentinians made it an Argu- 
 ment for their JEones, that the Catholicks ufed 
 to fay «? atojvar t ap'vcov in their Euchariflical 
 Service; referring to the laft Words of this 
 Doxology, World without End. And 'Tertullian 
 particularly asks thofe who frequented the Ro- 
 man Games, how they could give Teftimony to 
 a Gladiator, with that Mouth wherewith they 
 
 had anfvvered Amen at the Eucharift} Or fay, 
 World without End, to any other but Chrift their 
 God ? implying, that the Glorification of Chrift 
 with this Doxology was then a noted Clofe of 
 the Confecration Prayer, as the Author of the 
 Conftitutions reprefents it. 
 
 And from this Paflage of Ter- SECT. xxv. 
 tullian it is no lefs apparent, that To ' wh ' ch the 
 the People were ufed to fubjoin F ' ople ™ :h ™ 
 their Amen to the End of this men t 
 Prayer. Which was a Cuftom 
 as antient as the Apoftles. For St. Paul feems 
 plainly to allude to it, I Cor. xiv. 16. When 
 thou malt blefs wir.h the Spirit, that is, blefs 
 the Cup of Blefling, or the Eucharift, in an un- 
 known Tongue, How Jhall he that occupieth the 
 Room of the Unlearned, fay Amen at thy giving of 
 thanks, feeing he underftandcth not what thou fay' ft ? 
 Juftin Martyr ["["], in defcribing the Christian 
 Rites in celebrating the Eucharift, takes notice 
 of this among the reft, that when the Prefident 
 had ended his Prayers and -Thankfgivings over 
 the Bread and Wine, all .the People afTented 
 with their Acclamations, faying, Amen. And 
 Dionyftus of Alexandria [g] (peaking of one who 
 had never been truly baptized, but had often 
 notwithstanding been Partaker of the Eucharift^ 
 fays, they would not rebaptize him, becaufe he 
 had for a long time heard the Thankfgiving, and 
 joined with the People in the common Amen. 
 And fo Chryfoftom interpreting thofe Words of 
 the Apoftle, How fhall he that occupieth the Room 
 of the Unlearned, fay Amen at thy giving of 'Thanks^ 
 feeing he underftandeth not what thou fatffi ? plain- 
 ly refers to this Cuftom : For he fays, ic/Wnr, 
 which we render unlearned, Signifies a private 
 Man or Lay-man: And if thou blefleft in an un- 
 known Tongue [h~\, not understanding whan 
 thou fiy'ft, nor being able to interpret it, the 
 Lay-man cannot anfwer, Amen. For he not 
 hearing thofe W ords, World without End, which 
 is the Clofe of the Thankfgiving, cannot fay, 
 Amen. Where we may obferve, both that the 
 Confecration-Prayer ended with a known Doxo- 
 logy to the Holy Trinity, whereof thofe Words, 
 World without End, were a Part; and that the 
 People hearing them anfwered, Amen. 
 
 There is no mention made SECT. XX vr. 
 in the Conftitutions of the formal Then followed the 
 Rehearfing either of the Creed C / eed V?^"': 
 
 . T °j, ~ . , . , ches as had made it 
 
 or the Lord s Prayer in this place a Part of their Li . 
 
 immediately after Confecration ; turgy. 
 
 A.nd the reafon is, That when 
 
 that Author made his Collections, it was not 
 
 yet become the Cuftom to ufe the Creed in any 
 
 other Service, but only that of Baptifm, in any 
 
 Church whatfoever. The firft that brought the 
 
 [c] Tertul. ad. Scapul. cap. 4. Quando non Geniculationibus 8c 
 Jejunationibus noftris iiccitates funt depuIHe? [d] Cypr. ad 
 
 Demetrian. p. 193. Pro arcendis hoftibus 8c imbribus impetrandis, 
 & vel auferendis vel temperandis adverfis, rogamus temper 8c pre- 
 ces fundimus, 8cc. [ej C/iryf. Horn. 16. in Mat. p. 25-9. Alta- 
 ri afliftens Sacerdos, pro univerfo orbe terrarum, pro abfentibus at- 
 que praefentibus, pro his qui poftca futuri funt, Sacrificio iJJo pro« 
 
 pofito, Deo nos gratias jubet ofterre. [*J Book XIII. Chap. ii. 
 Book XIV. Chap. ii. n. 1. [/] Iren. lib. 1. cap. 1. Tertul. de 
 
 Spectac. cap. if. Quale eft ex ore quo Amen in Sandrum 
 
 protulen's, Gladiatori reftimonium reddere ? «V clivvols alii omnino 
 dicere, nifi Deo Chrifto? See Chryfoftom. Horn. 35-. in 1 Cor. in 
 the next Seclion. [f] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 97. [g] Ap 
 
 Eufeb. lib. 7. cap. o. [h] Chryf. Horn. 3;. in iCor. p. 640. 
 
 Rehearfing 
 
Chap. 111. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 765 
 
 Rchenrfing of the Creed into the Liturgy, was 
 Peter Fullo Bilhop of Antioch, about the Year 
 471. And after that, about the Year fit, Ti- 
 motheus Bilhop of Conflantinople brought it in- 
 to Life in the Liturgy of that Church, as we 
 learn from the Hiftory of Theodoras [/] Leclor. 
 After that we find it mentioned in the Council 
 of Conftaniinople under Mennas, An. f 56, as be- 
 ing rehearled according to Cuftom between 
 the Reading of the Go/pel and the Diptychs. Af- 
 ter this, about the Year 589, it was brought in- 
 to the Spanijh Church at the Petition of King 
 Recaredus, by the Order of the third Council 
 of Toledo, and that after the Example of the 
 Eaficrn Churches: And then it was ordered to 
 be laid [/] with a loud Voice after the Confe- 
 cration, immediately before the Lord's Prayer, 
 to be an Inftruction, and Declaration of the Peo- 
 ple's true Faith, who were lately converted from 
 Arianifm, and to prepare their Hearts, thus pu- 
 rified by Faith, to the following Reception of 
 the Body and Blood of Chrift. It was not thus 
 ufed in the Gallican Liturgy till the time of 
 Charles the Great; nor in the Roman Liturgy, till 
 the Beginning of the eleventh Century, as I 
 have more fully (hewed [*] in a former Book. 
 But as it had earlier Admittance in the Spanijh 
 Churches, fo the Rehearfal of it appears to have 
 been appropriated to the Time after Confecra- 
 tiun, between that and the Lord's Prayer, which 
 in moil Churches they were ufed to repeat alfo 
 toward the Conclufion of thefe Prayers follow- 
 ing the Oblation. 
 
 And the Lord's 
 
 Prayer. 
 
 sect, xxvii. For though there be no men- 
 tion made of the Lord's Prayer in. 
 this part of the Service in the 
 Conflitutions, (as probably not in Ufe in that 
 Church whence the Author made his Collections) 
 yet we are allured it was almoft generally ufed 
 in all Churches. For not only the foremention- 
 ed Council of Toledo, and the fourth of the 
 fame Name [«], fpeak of the Lord's Prayer as 
 coming before the Reception of the Bread and 
 Wine in the Spanijh Churches j but St. Aufiin 
 fays [Vj, the whole Church almoft concluded 
 the Oblation Prayers with it. And I have al- 
 ready confirmed his Obfervation from feveral o- 
 ther PalTages of St. Chryfofiom, and Cyril of Je- 
 rufalem, and St. Jerom, and Gregory the Great [f], 
 who was alfo of Opinion that the Apoftles ufed 
 no other Prayer to confecrate the Eucharifi [0], 
 
 but the Lord's Prayer. In which he was fome- 
 thing lingular. For there is little queftion, but 
 that the Apoftles confecrated as the Lord had 
 done before them. As to the Praftice of the 
 Church in ufing the Lord's Prayer at this Time, 
 Optatus [/>] fays it was become fo cuftomary by 
 neceftary Prefcript, that the Donatijls themfelves 
 did not pretend to omic it. And in fome of 
 the French Councils \jf\ an Order was made, 
 That no Lay-man, even of thofe that did not 
 communicate, ftiould leave the AlTembly before 
 the Lord's Prayer was faid. 
 
 It appears from the laft men- sect, xxviii. 
 tioned Place of Optatus, that Abfolution of 
 when any Penitents were to re- ? mitmtl 'mmedi- 
 ceive a folemn Abfolution, in the f % b ' [or l tht 
 African Church, it was ufually JSi^fE 
 given them about this time, be- nediSions. 
 tween the offering of the Obla- 
 tion and the Lord's Prayer. For he tells the 
 Donatijls [r] that the very Moment after they had 
 given Penitents Impofition of Hands and Pardon 
 of Sins, they were obliged to turn to the Hltar, 
 and fay the Lord's Prayer. Which implies that 
 Abfolution was commonly given at this Seafon. 
 And here we may fuppofe feveral of thofe Pray- 
 ers of Thankfgiving or Benediction, mentioned 
 in the feventh and eighth Books of the Confli- 
 tutions, to have had their place } fuch as the Bc- 
 nedictiom of the holy Oyl, and the Thankfgiving 
 for the Firft-fruits of the Earth [s] : There be- 
 ing no Time more proper for fuch Things, than 
 the Time of the Oblation. But as nothing is faid 
 pofitively and exprefsly of this Matter, I only 
 mention it by way of Conjecture. 
 
 But there is more Evidence sect. XXIX. 
 of another fort of Benediction Benediabn after 
 following the Lord's Prayer in Lord ' s Pra / er - 
 many of the tVeftern Churches. For the third 
 Council of Orleance [/] had a Canon which 
 orders all Lay-men to ftay till they had heard 
 the Lord's Prayer, and received the Bifhop's Be- 
 nediction. Cardinal Bona [u] underftands this of 
 the final Benediction, which followed the Com- 
 munion j but Mabillon more truly interprets it of 
 the Benediction before Communion [#], imme- 
 diately following the Lord's Prayer. Concerning 
 which there is a Canon in the Council of Toledo 
 O], which cenfures fome Priefts for communi- 
 cating immediately after the Lords Prayer, with- 
 
 [»] Theodor. Lector, lib. 2. p. j<Si. 8c f66. [k] Cone. Con- 
 ftant. fub Meana. Act. 1. p. 41. Edit. Crab, qua: eft AQ. f. Edit. 
 Labbe. [/] Cone. Tolet. 3. can. 2. Confultu Reccaredi Regis 
 conftituit Synodus, ut per omnes Ecclefias Hifpanise 8c Gallicia?, 
 fecundum formam Orientalium Ecclefiarum, Concilii Conftantino- 
 politani. hoc eft, centum quinquaginta Epifcoporum Symbolum Fi- 
 dei recitetur: Ft priufquam Dominica dicatur Oratio, voce clara 
 prxdicetur, quo fides vera manifefta fit 8c teftimonium habeat, 8cc. 
 [*] Book X. Chap iv. n. 17. [m\ Cone. Tolet. 4. can. 17. 
 
 [»] Aug Ep. 5-9. ad Paulin. [f ] See thefe cited at large, 
 
 Book XIII. Chap. vii. ». 3. [o] Greg. lib. 7. Ep. 64. Ora- 
 
 tionem Dominicam idcirco mox pod precem dicimus, quia mos 
 Apoftolorum fuit, ut ad ipfam folummodo orationem Oblationis 
 hoftiam confecrarcnt. [/>] Optat. lib. 2. p. $7. [q\ Cone, 
 
 V.O.L. I. 
 
 Aurelian. 3. can. 28. De Miffis nullus Laicorum ante difcedat, quam 
 Dominica dicatur Oratio, 8cc. [r] Optat. ibid. Inter vici- 
 
 na momenta, dum raanus imponitis, 8c delicta donatis, mox ad a!- 
 tare convcrii, Dominicam Orationem praetermittcre non poteftis. 
 [i] Vid. Conftit. lib. 7. cap. 42. lib. 8. cap. 40. M Cone. 
 
 Aurel. 3. can. 28. De Miflls nullus Laicorum ante difcedar, quam 
 Dominica dicatur Oratio, 8c fi Epifcopus fuerit prsgfens, ejus Bene- 
 didtio cxpedtetur. [«] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 16. 
 
 n. 2. O] Mali!, de Liturg. lib. 1. cap. 4. n. 14. 
 
 [y] Cone. Tolet. 4. can. 17. Nonnulli Saccrdotes poft didram Ora- 
 tionem Dominicam ftatim communicant, 8c poftea Benedidtionem 
 in populo dant: quod deinceps interdicimus: fed poft Orationem 
 Dominicam Benedidtio in populum fequatur, & tunc demum Cor- 
 poris 8c Sanguinis Dominici Sacramentum fumatur, 
 
 Eeeece ouc 
 
y66 
 
 The A nt i qjj i ties of the Book XV 
 
 out giving the Benediction to the People ; and 
 orders, That for the future, the Benediction 
 ftiould follow the Lord's Prayer, and after that 
 the Communion. And by this we are to in- 
 terpret fome [z] other Canons of the Councils of 
 Agde and Orleance, which order the People not 
 to depart till the Bimop has given his Benedi- 
 ction. Which is to be underftood of the Bene- 
 diction before the Communion, and not that 
 which came after it. And this agrees with the 
 Order in the Conftitutions ; where after the long 
 Prayer of the Confecration and Oblation is end- 
 ed [a], the Bifhop is appointed to give this 
 fhort Benediction, The Peace of God be with you 
 all: And then after the Deacon has rehearfed a 
 Bidding-Prayer (much to the fame purpofe with 
 the former, for the whole Church and every 
 Order in it, and particularly for the Sacrifice 
 then offered, That God would receive it to his 
 Altar in Heaven for a fweet-fmelling Savour by 
 the Mediation of Chrift) the Bifhop again re- 
 commends the People to God in another Pray- 
 er, which the Greeks call^S-scnr, and the Latins 
 Commendatio, and Benedictio, the Commendation 
 or Benediction, befeeching God to fanctify their 
 Bodies and Souls, and to make them worthy of 
 the good Things he has fet before them which 
 relates both to their worthy Reception of the 
 Eucharift, and their obtaining eternal Life. This 
 is what I conceive thofe Latin Councils call the 
 Bifhop's Benediction, of which there are fome 
 Inftances in the Mozarabick Liturgy, and many 
 more in the old Gothick and Gallican Mijfals late- 
 ly publifhed by Mabillon, where the Prayer that 
 follows the Collect after the Lord's Prayer, is 
 always ftyled Beneditlio Populi, the Benediction 
 of the People: And thefe are commonly diffe- 
 rent Prayers, compofed with fome refpect to the 
 feveral Feftivals to which they were appropria- 
 ted, like the Collecls before the Epiftles and Gof- 
 pels in our prefent Liturgy. But I return to the 
 antient Service. 
 
 SECT. XXX. There is one Petition in 
 of the Deacos's t h e Deacon's Bidding-Prayer af- 
 BiMng-Trayerafier ter t h e Confecration in the Con- 
 the OmficrMtm. jfotf^ wh i c h is not to be paf- 
 fed over in Silence; that is, That God would 
 receive the Gift that was then offered to Him, 
 to his Altar in Heaven, as a fweet-fmelling Sa- 
 vour, by the Mediation of his Chrift. This 
 Formfeemsas antient as Ireneus: For he fays, 
 We have an Altar [f\ in Heaven, and thither 
 
 our Prayers and Oblations are directed. And fo 
 it is in all the Greek Liturgies, with a fmall Va- 
 riation. And frequently in the Mozarabick Li- 
 turgy [c~] and the old Gothick Mifjal publifhed 
 by Mabillon [d], there are Prayers for the Dc- 
 fcent of the Holy Ghoft to fanctify the Gifts, 
 and make them the Body and Blood of Chrift, 
 even after the Repetition of the Words, This is 
 my Body, and, This is my Blood; which evident- 
 ly fhews, that the antient Formers of the Li- 
 turgy did not think the Confecration to be ef- 
 fected by the bare Repetition of thofe Words, 
 but by Prayer for the Defcent of the Holy Ghoft 
 upon the Elements of Bread and Wine. And it 
 is very remarkable, that even in the prefent Canon 
 of the Roman Mafs, there is fbll fuch a Prayer 
 as this remaining after what they call Confe- 
 cration: The Prieft offering the Haft, fays, Be 
 pleafed to look upon thefe Things with a favsurable 
 and propitious Eye {/], as Thou wert pleafed to ac- 
 cept the Gifs of Abel thy righteous Servant. He 
 adds, IVe be feech Thee, Almighty God, to command 
 that thefe Things mcky be carried by the Hands of thy 
 Holy Angels to Thy Altar on high. Concluding, 
 By Cbrifi our Lord, by whom Thou dofi always 
 create, fanblify, quicken and blefs thefe good Things 
 unto us. Thefe Words in this Prayer, as our 
 Polemical Writers [/] have rightly obferved, 
 were ufed before Tranfubfiantiation was invented, 
 and when the Confecration was thought to be 
 made by Prayer, and not barely by pronouncing 
 the Words, This is my Body. And then they 
 were good Senfe, when they were faid over Bread 
 and Wine, to confecrate them into the Memo- 
 rial and Symbols of Chrift's Body and Blood. 
 But now they are become abfurd and contraiy to 
 ihe primitive Intention. For how can the real 
 Body and Blood of Chrift be called thefe Gifts? 
 or be compared to the Sacrifice of Abel, who 
 offered a Beaft? How can Men pray (without 
 Indignity to the Son of God) That the Sacrifice 
 of God's only Son may be as acceptable to God 
 as the Sacrifice of Abel was? Or how does Chrift, 
 who fits at the Right Hand of the Father, need 
 the Mediation of Angels to be carried or pre- 
 ferred to his Father at the heavenly Altar? With 
 what Propriety of Speech can Chrift be called, All 
 thefe good Things? And the good Things which 
 God createth always, and quickneth, and fanclifieth 
 always ? Doth God create, and quicken, and blefs 
 Jefus Chrift by Jefus Chrift? It is proper to fay 
 all this of the Gifts, fuppofing them ftill to be 
 real Bread and Wine; but altogether improper, 
 
 [z,] Cone Agathen. Can. 44.. 2c 47. Cone. Aurelian. 1. can. 18. 
 [ai] Conftit. 'lib. 8. cap. 13. [£] Iren. lib. 4. cap. 34. Eft al- 
 tare in ccelis, illuc Preces noflrae & Oblationes diriguntur. 
 [e] Mifla Mozarab. in Natali Domini. Item Dominica 2. 8c y. Poft 
 Epiphan. 8c Domin. 1. 8c j.Quadragefimae. Die Pafchalis.Sc Domin. 
 3. poft Pafch. cited by Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 13. n. f. 
 [d~\ Mifial. Gothic, ap. Mabil. lib. 3. p. 314. in Fefto Afliimptionts. 
 Defcendat, Domine, in his Sacrifices tuae benedicl:ionis coaeternus 
 & cooperator Paraclitus Spiritus : ut Oblationem quam tibi de tua 
 terra fruclificante porrigimus, ccelefti permutatione, te San&ifican- 
 te, fumamus. ut tranQata fruge in Corpore, Calice in Cruore, pro- 
 ficiat mentis, quod obtulimus pro deli&is, Sec. It. Mifla in Circum- 
 cifione ibid. p. 202. Hoc Sacrificium iufcipcre & bencdiccre 85 San- 
 
 ftificare digneris, ut fiat nobis Euchariftia Legitima, 8cc. Vtd. ibid. 
 Mifla 20. in Cathedra Petri, p. 228. 8c Mifla 6~f. in Fefto Leode- 
 garii. p. 28^. 8c Mifla 27, in Symboli Traditione. p. 23$-. Mifla77. 
 Dominicalis. p. 296. [<] Miflal. Roman, in Canone Mi£ 
 
 fse. p. 300. Antwerp. 1^74. Supra quae propitio ac iereno vultu 
 refpicere digneris, ut accepta habere dignatus es muncra pueri tui 
 
 jufti Abel Supplices te rogamus Deus Omnipotens, jube hxc 
 
 perferri per manus fanfti angcii tui in fublime altare tuum. -■ • 
 Per Chriftum Dominum noftrum, per quern Domine hxc omnia 
 fempcr nobis bona creas, fan£tificas, vivificas, benedicis. 
 [/] Vid. Du Moulin. Novelty of Popery, Lib. 7. chap. f. p. 730. 
 md Buckler of Faith, p. fie. 
 
 if 
 
Cha p. III. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 767 
 
 if they arc tranfubftantiated into the natural Flefh 
 and Blood of Chrift. Whence we may conclude, 
 that the firft Compilers of this Grayer knew no- 
 thing of the new Do&rine of Tranfubflantiation, 
 ■which makes this Prayer abfurd in every Sylla- 
 ble of it 5 to enter here no farther upon a De- 
 bate concerning the Change which is made in 
 the Elements by Confccration, which every one 
 knows where to find difcuffed at large in our 
 Polemical Writers, and fomething will be faid of 
 it hereatter under che Head of Adoration, Chap. 
 V. n. 4. 
 
 sect. XXXI. Immediately after the 
 ofth For,», Sanfta Benedi&ion of the Bilhop, the 
 Sanftis, and the Deacon in the Conftilutions is ap- 
 H>»,Glqrybcto poimec j to foy xpoW^, Let us 
 God on high. r, . J S-J J~ ' . „• 
 
 & give Attention And then the Bt- 
 
 fhop calling to the People, fays, clyia rols ekymsj 
 Holy Things for thofe that are Holy. To which 
 the People inl'wer, There is one Holy, one Lord, 
 one Jefus Chrifl, to the Glory of God the Father, 
 who is bleffed for ever, Amen. Glory be to God in 
 the Higheft, and on Earth Peace, Good-will towards 
 Men. Hofanna to the Son of David. Bleffed be 
 God the Lord, that came in the Name of the Lord, 
 and appeared unto us ; Hofanna in the Higheft. Cyril 
 of Jerufalem takes Notice of one part of this 
 in the Church of Jerufalem, where it came im- 
 mediately after the Lord's Prayer. After that, 
 fays he [g], the Pnell fays, Holy Things for 
 Holy Men. Holy are the Elements which lie 
 before us, when they have received the Illapfe 
 of the Holy Ghoft upon them. Holy are ye alio, 
 when ye are endowed with the Holy Gholl: 
 AnJ therefore holy Things agree to holy Men. 
 Then ye lay, There is one Holy, one Lord Jefus 
 Chntt. There is one truly Holy, who is Holy 
 bv Nature: Ye alfo are Holy, not by Nature, 
 but by Participation, by Exercife and Prayer. St. 
 Chryfollom alfo \_h~] takes Notice of the fame, 
 comparing the Service of the Church to the Olym- 
 pick Exercifes, where the Herald Hands and cries 
 with a loud Voice, Does any one accufe this 
 Man? Is he a Thief? Is he a Slave? Is he an 
 Immoral Man? So the Ecclefiaftical Herald, the 
 Prieft, Handing on high, calls fome, and rejects 
 others, not with his Hand, but with his Tongue: 
 For when he fays, Holy things for Holy Men, 
 he fays this, If any one be not Holy, let him 
 not come here. He does not barely fay, if he be 
 free from Sin, but, if he be Holy: For it does 
 not make a Man Holy, merely to be free from 
 Sin, but to be endowed with the Spirit, and to 
 abound with good Works. Therefore he fays, 
 I would not have you only free from Mire, but 
 White and Beautiful. St. Chryfoftom alfo often 
 fpeaks of the Hymn, Glory be to God on High, 
 and tells us particularly that it was fung at the 
 Eucharift, as well as upon other Occafions. God, 
 fays he [f], firft brought the Angels down hi- 
 
 ther, and then carried Men up to them. The 
 Earth was made an Heaven, becaufe Heaven was 
 about to receive theThings of the Earth. There- 
 fore, lu^a^/s^'/hf A.syc/juv, when we give Thanks, 
 or celebrate the Eucharift, we fay, Glory be to 
 God on high, in Earth Peace, Good-will towards 
 Men. And that by the Thankfgiving he here 
 means the Eucharift, is evident from another 
 place, where he more precifely fpecifies the time 
 of tiling it in the Communion-Service: tVanv 61 
 TTts-of, Sec. They who are Communicants know 
 [£] what Hymn is fung by the Spirits above; 
 what theCherubims fay above ; what the Angels 
 faid, Glory be to God on high. Therefore our 
 Hymns come after our Plalmody, as fomething 
 more perfe£t. Meaning that Pfalms were fung 
 in the Service of the Catechumens ; but thefe 
 Hymns, the Cherubical Hymn and the Angelical 
 Hymn, more peculiarly in the Communion-Ser- 
 vice. 
 
 St .Cyril adds [/] that after SECT xxm 
 the Hymn, One Holy, a Pfalm of the pf*!,> m- 
 was fung inviting them to parti- vitmgto the com- 
 cipate of the holy Myfteries, »""«. 
 which was the thirty firft Pfalm, 
 and particularly thofe Words, Ta(le and fee that 
 the Lord is gracious. Which, he tells them, was 
 not to be eltimated or difcerned by their corpo- 
 real Tafte, but by the certainty of Faith. For 
 they were not bid to tafte Bread and Wine, but 
 the Antitype or Sign of the Body and Blood of 
 Chrift. This was a diftin6fc Pfalm from thofe 
 which were ufed to be fung afterward whilft the 
 People were communicating: For this was an 
 Invitatory to communicate, but r he other were 
 for Meditation and Devotion whilft they were 
 actually partaking} of which there will be Occasi- 
 on to lay fomething farther in the next Chapter. 
 
 Here we muft note two SECT. XXXIir. 
 Things more which concern the The confecratw'n 
 Confecration in general, in Op- always performed 
 pofition to the Corruptions of an 
 later Ages. Firft, That as all Voice - 
 Divine Service was in a known Tongue, fo par- 
 ticularly the Confecration of the Eucharift was 
 ordered to be pronounced both intelligiblv and 
 audibly, that the People might hear it, and an- 
 fwer, Amen. The contrary Practice now pre- 
 vails in the Roman Church; But both Habertus 
 [«] and Bona [»] own it to be an Innovation, of 
 which there is no Footftep till the tenth Ase, 
 when firft the antient Cuftom was fuperfeded. ll 
 would be Impertinent to produce Authorities for 
 a Thing that is fo plainly confefs'd, and beyond 
 Difpute. And therefore I lhall only note one Thin 
 
 upon this Point, that when fome little grumbling 
 of this Difeafe began to appear in the Time of 
 Juftinian, he checked it in its firft Svmptoms 
 by a fevere Law, commanding all Bifhops and 
 
 Cyril.Catech.Myft.j-.il. 16. [A] Chryf. Horn. 17. 
 
 in Hebr. p. 1P73. See <*\fo Horn. 123. Tom. j. p. 800, 810. Edit. 
 Savil. [«] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Colof. p. 1337. [k] Horn. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 9. in Co'.of p. 13S0. [/] Cyril. Cstech. Myft. j-. n . 17. 
 
 [;»] Haher:. Archierstic. Par. S. Obicr. 9. p. q.y. f tf ] Bona 
 
 Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 13. n, 1. 
 
 E e e e e e z Presbyters 
 
768 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 Presbyters [p] to make the divine Oblation, and 
 the Prayers us'd in Baptifm, not in fecret, or 
 with a low and muttering Voice, but fo as all the 
 faithful People might hear them, to the greater 
 Devotion of their Souls, and the greater Praife 
 and Glory of God. For fo the Holy Apoftle 
 teaches, faying in the firftEpiftle to the Corinthi- 
 ans, If thou floalt blefs with the Spirit only, how 
 Jball he that occupieth the Room of the Unlearned, 
 fay Amen at thy giving of Thanks, feeing he under- 
 Jlandeth not what thou fay ft? For thou verily giveft 
 Thanks well, but the other is not edified. Therefore 
 if any Bifhop or Presbyter contemn this Rule, 
 they muft give an Account hereof in the dread- 
 ful Judgment of our God and Saviour Jefus 
 Chrifti and we, when they come to our Know- 
 ledge, will not fuffer them to remain quiet and 
 unpunimed. It is well for the Roman Church, 
 that the Canon Law is fuperior to the Civil : 
 Elfe fuch an horrible Abufe of all righteous both 
 Divine and Human Laws would not go without 
 its juft Revenges. This is one of thofe many 
 oood Laws for which the Church is beholden to 
 that learned Emperor; whom yet Baronius [j>] 
 for the fake of thefe very Laws does befpatter 
 and rally, as an ignorant Analphabetus, an impi- 
 ous Heretiek, an Invader of Divine Rights, a 
 Man fick of the common Diftemper of Kings, 
 and whatever a partial Hiftorian could think of, 
 that was indecent to be faid, who was himfelf 
 indeed fick with Prejudice in favour of the com- 
 mon Abufes and Corruptions of his own Church, 
 among which this is one of the moft flaming and 
 intolerable, to pray every Day in an unheard and 
 unknown Tongue, fo contrary to the Authority 
 of the Apoftle, and the Rules of the Primitive 
 Church, and the Edification of Chriftian Peo- 
 ple, and the common Senfe and Reafon of Man- 
 kind. [_q] 
 
 SECT xxxiv. The other Ceremony to be 
 And v>uh treating noted in the Praftice of the An- 
 •/ Breal to repre- cients is, that in confecrating the 
 fent our Saviour's Eucharift they always brake the 
 Faffon. Bread in Conformity to our Sa- 
 
 viour's Example, to reprefent his Paffion and 
 Crucifixion. Clemens Alexandrinus fpeaks of this 
 as a general Cuftom [r], when the Eucharift was 
 divided or broken, to let every one of the Peo- 
 ple take his Part. And St. Juft in [s] fays the 
 whole Church obferved it, in Blefling the Bread, 
 to break it for Diftribution. The Reader that 
 pleafes may find other Teftimonies collected by 
 Hofpinian [f] out of Irenaus [«], Dionyftus the 
 Areopagite [#], Theophilus of Alexandria [_y \ and 
 Cyril of Alexandria [z], and St. Chryfofiom [a]. 
 
 Neither does Bona \b~] himfelf deny this, but 
 proves it farther from Gregory Nazianzen [c] and 
 Cafarius Arelatenfis, and all the older Ritualifis 
 and Liturgies, of which he fays there is not any 
 that does not prefcribe this breaking of Bread, 
 the Greeks into four Parts, the Latins into three, 
 and the Mozarabick Liturgy into nine Parts. 
 Which is alio noted by Mabillon \jf\, who adds, 
 that thefe nine Parts in that Liturgy are chara- 
 cterized by fo many feveral Names, viz. Incarna- 
 tion, Nativity, Circumcifion, Epiphany or Ma- 
 nifestation, Paffion, Death, Refurrection, Glory, 
 and Kingdom. Which is a little Deviation from the 
 Simplicity of the antient Church, yet not fo culpa- 
 ble as the Practice of the prefent Roman Church, 
 where inftead of breaking Bread for the Com- 
 municants to partake of it, they only break a 
 lingle Wafer into three Parts (of which no one 
 partakes) only to retain a Shadow of the antient 
 Cuftom. Bona indeed calls this Breaking of Bread 
 according to Chrift's Inftitution, or rather break- 
 ing of Chrift's Body under the Species of Bread, 
 when yet according to their Doctrine Chrift's 
 Body is not broken, neither is it Bread, but the 
 Species of Bread, nor common Bread, but a 
 Wafer, whereof the Species is only broken, not 
 the Subftance, and that not for communicating, 
 but a Show, to make Men believe they are Re- 
 tainers of an antient Cuftom. The firft Difpu- 
 tets againft the Reformation are more Ingenuous. 
 They freely own, that the Roman Church has 
 made an Alteration [e\ only they fay fhe had 
 good Reafons for it, left in breaking the Bread 
 fome Danger might happen, and fome Crumbs 
 or Particles of it perifh 5 and then again, becaufe 
 the Pope has Power to alter any Thing relating 
 to the Sacrament, according to the Exigency of 
 Time and Place, if it only concerns the Orna- 
 ment or Accidentals of it. As if Chrift himfelf 
 could not have forefeen any D ingers that might 
 happen, or given as prudent Orders as the Pope 
 concerning his own Inftitution ! But it is fuffici- 
 ent to have obferved this Variation of the Church 
 of Rome, though in a fmaller Matter, from the 
 Primitive Practice, together with their Reafons 
 for fuch a Change j of which the Reader may fee 
 more in Chamier or Bifhop Jewel, who have more 
 particularly canvaffed and examined all the Pleas 
 that are offered on the other fide by the Advo- 
 cates of that Church for this and many other 
 Alterations [/]. I now go on with the Primi- 
 tive Account, which leads us next to confider 
 the Communicants themfelves who were allowed 
 to receive this Sacrament, and the Manner of 
 communicating and receiving it. 
 
 [0] Juftin. Novel. 137. cap. 6. Jubemus omnes Epifcopos 8c 
 Presbytcros non in Secreto, fed cum ea Voce qua: a fideli Populo 
 exaudiatur, Divinam Obiationem 8c Precationem quae fit in Bap- 
 tifm ate Sando, facere, ut inde audientium animi in majorem De- 
 yotionem & Dei Laudationem 5c Benedictionem efferantur, &c. 
 (>1 Baron, an. fi8. torn. 7. p. 144- Dj] See Chamier aga'mfi 
 
 Beilarmia, and Jewel agmnji Harding upon this Subjecl. [r] Clem. 
 Strom, lib. 1. p. 318. [j] Aug. Ep. fo. ad Paulin. 
 
 U] Hofpio. Hift. Sacrament, p. 30. [«] Iron. lib. 4. cap. 54. 
 
 [x] Dionyf. Eccl. Hier. cap. 3. [>] Tbeoph Ep. Pafchal. 1. 
 [z.] Cyril, in Joan. lib. 14, [a] Chryf. Horn. 24. in 1 Cor. 
 [£] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. [r] Naz. Ep. 240. ad Amphiloc. 
 [d] Mabil. de Liturg. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 2. p. 12. Sub hacc frangit 
 Hoftiam in novem particulas, quae his nominilius defignantur, 
 Corporatio, Nati vitas, Circumciiio, Apparitio, PalTio, Mors, Re- 
 furredrio, Gloria, Regnum. [e] Salmero. Tract. 30. in Act. 
 
 ap. Chamier. de Euch. lib. 7. cap. 11. n. 26. p. 284. [/] Vid. 
 Chamier. ubi/upra. Jewel. Reply to Harding, Artie- 11. p. 227. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 769 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of Communicants, or Perfons who were allowed to receive this Sacrament, 
 
 and the Manner of receiving it, 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 All Perfons, ex- 
 tept Catechumens 
 and Penitents, obli- 
 ged to receive the 
 Eucharift. 
 
 N 
 
 O W that we are come to 
 the Act. of Communicating, 
 we muft firft confider what Per- 
 fons were allowed, or rather ob- 
 liged, to receive this Holy Sacra- 
 ment, and then after what Man- 
 ner they received it. For the firft, we are to 
 remember, what has been often obferved before, 
 that as loon as the Service of the Catechumens 
 was ended, a Deacon was ufed to call upon all 
 Catechumens and thofe that were under Penance, 
 to withdraw} and admonifli all others to ftay at 
 the Prayers of the Faithful, and make their Ob- 
 lation, and receive the Communion. Whence 
 it is evident, that the mod antient and primitive 
 Cuftom was for all that were allowed to ftay 
 and communicate in Prayers, to communicate in 
 the participation of the Eucharift alfo, except 
 only the laft Clafs of Penitents, who were ad- 
 mitted to hear the Prayers, but not to make 
 their Oblation, nor receive the Communion} 
 whence they had the Name of Conjiftentes, Ho- 
 llanders, becaufe they might ftay to communi- 
 cate in the Prayers, but ftill S-^a. x^o-tpo^s-, 
 without the Oblation, as the antient Canons 
 word it. Thefe only excepted, all other bapti- 
 zed Perfons were not only permitted, but by the 
 Rules of the Church obliged to communicate in 
 the Eucharift, under Pain of Ecclefiaftical Cen- 
 fure. The m ft antient Canons are very exprefs 
 to this Purpofe. Among thole called the Apofto- 
 lical Canons [a] there is one runs in thefe Words : 
 " All fuch of the Faithful as come to Church, 
 " and hear the Scriptures read, but ftay not the 
 " Prayers, and to partake of the Holy Commu- 
 " nion, ought to be fufpended as Authors of 
 " Diforder in the Church. " Which the Coun- 
 cil of Antioch \b~] repeats with a little Enlarge- 
 ment: "All fuch as come into the Church of God, 
 " and hear the Holy Scriptures read, but do not 
 " communicate with the People in Prayer, and 
 <c refufe to partake of the Eucharift, which is a 
 « diforderly Practice, ought to be caft out of the 
 " Church, 'till they confefs their Fault, and 
 « bring fonh Fruits of Repentance } when if 
 " rhey a?k Pardon, they may obtain it. " Mar- 
 tin Br >.carenfis [c~] purs this Canon into his Col- 
 lection for the Ufe of the Spanijh Church. And 
 Gratian [f\ alledges a Decree of Pope Anacktus, 
 which orders all to communicate when the Con- 
 fecration was ended, if they would not be caft 
 out of the Church: For fo the Apoftles appoint- 
 ed, and the holy Roman Church obferved that 
 Order. Which though it be a fuppofititious De- 
 
 cree, yet it is made in Conformity to the antient 
 Difcipline, and {hews the Practice that was then 
 prevailing even in the Roman Church. 
 
 In St. Chryfoftom's time fome sect. II. 
 began to defire they might have when and how 
 Liberty to ftay during the Per- this Difcipline began 
 formance of the whole Office, fi r fi t0 reUx - 
 and yet not be obliged to com- 
 municate. They were not willing to be accounted 
 Penitents, and be driven out with them } and yet 
 they would not be Communicants, and orderly 
 partake with the Church. Againft thefe St. Chry- 
 foftom inveighs, after his ufual manner, with a 
 great deal of Eloquence, and becoming Shurp- 
 nefs. Are you unworthy of the Sacrifice, and un- 
 fit to partake [e~] of it? (For that was their Plea:) 
 Neither then are you worthy of the Prayers. Do 
 you not hear the Church's Herald (landing, and 
 proclaiming, All ye that are Penitents, withdraw ? 
 All they that do not communicate, are Peniten s. 
 If thou art of the Number of Penitents, thou 
 mayft not partake. For he that is not a Partaker, 
 is a Penitent. Why does he fay, All ye that can- 
 not pray, be gone? And why do you impudent- 
 ly ftay ? You are not one of thofe, you'll fay, but 
 of thofe that may partake. ConfiJer, I prav, 
 and ferioufly weigh the Matter. The Royal 
 Table is prepared, the Angels ftand mimllnng 
 by, the Lord himfelf is prefent, and do you ftand 
 yawning as an idle Spectator only? Your Gar- 
 ments are defiled, and are you under no ( .on- 
 cern? Yea, but, fay you, they are clean. Then 
 fit down, and partake. The King comes daily 
 to fee the Guefts, and difcourfes with them all: 
 And now he fays in your Confciences, Friends, 
 How come you to ftand here, not having on a 
 Wedding Garment? He faid not, Why art thou 
 fet down ? But before he was fet down, before 
 he was entred, he pronounced him unworthy. 
 For he faid not, Why art thou fet down? Bur, 
 Why camefi thou in hither? The fame now he fays 
 to every one of us, that ftand here with an im- 
 pudent Boldnefs. For every one that does not 
 partake, is fhamelefs and impudent. They that 
 are in Sin, are for this Reafon firft caft out. As 
 therefore none of thofe, who are not initiated, 
 ought to be prefent} fo neither any of thofe who 
 are initiated, if they be defiled. Tell me, if any 
 one that is invited to a Feaft, waffles his Hands, 
 and fits down, and is ready for the Table, and 
 yet after all eats not, does he not affront him 
 that invited him ? Were it not better, that fuch 
 a Man ftiould not be prefent? Like wife thou al- 
 
 0] Canon. Apoft. lo.Vid. can. 8. ibid, for the Clergy, 
 [b] Cone. Antioch. can. i. 0] Martin. Bracarenf. Collect". 
 
 Canon, c. 18. [</] Gratian. de Confecrat. Dift. i, cap. 1 ©. 
 
 Perafla Confecratione omnes communicent, qui noluerint Ecclefi- 
 afticis carere liminibus. Sic enim & Apoftoli lhtuerunt, gc San&a 
 Romaaa tenet Ecrlelia, [<?1 Chryf. Horn. 3. in Ephcf. p iofi. 
 
 fo 
 
770 
 
 The Antiqjjities of the Book XV. 
 
 fo art prefent, thou haft fung the Hymn, and 
 made Profeflion with the reft that thou art one 
 of thofe that are Worthy, in that thou didft not 
 depart with the Unworthy. How is it that thou 
 remaineft, and yet doft not partake at the Table? 
 Thou fayftj I am unworthy. Thou art then un- 
 worthy alfo of the Communion of Prayers. I 
 have tranfcribed this long, but elegant Paflage of 
 Chryfofiom, to {hew, that in his Time by the 
 Rules of the Church none were allowed to 
 refrain from partaking of the Eucharifi upon 
 the Pretence of Unworthinefs, who were not 
 deemed unworthy to be prefent at the Prayers 
 alfo. 
 
 But in the very next Age this Difcipline was 
 a little relaxed, and Men who would not com- 
 municate, were not only permitted, but injoined 
 to ftay during the whole Service, till after the 
 Lord's Prayer and the Bifhop's Benediction ; 
 which, as has been {hewed in the laft Chapter 
 (n. 2,9.) was not till the whole Confecration was 
 ended, immediately before the Act of Partaking: 
 At which time this fort of Non-Communicants 
 were difmhTed with a folemn Prayer, called the 
 Benediclion, as appears from the Councils of Or~ 
 leance and dgde, before referred to. For the 
 Council of Agde gives fpecial Order [/], that 
 all fecular Men on the Lord's Day fhould ftay to 
 hear Mafs, and not depart before the Bifhop's 
 Benediction. And the Council of Orleance [_g~\ 
 fays the fame, that the People fhould not depart 
 before the Solemnity of the Mafs was ended j 
 that is, till the Confecration-Prayers were corn- 
 pleated -, and then, if the Bifhop were not pre- 
 fent, they fhould receive the Benediction of the 
 Prieft. So that what in Chryfofiom** time was 
 reckoned a Crime, was prefently after accounted 
 a Piece of Devotion, for the People to ftay and 
 hear the whole Solemnity of the Service to the 
 time of Communicating, and then they might 
 depart without partaking of the Communion. 
 Which was plainly a Relaxation of the antient 
 Difcipline, and a Deviation from the primitive 
 Practice. 
 
 SECT. III. And this brought in another 
 When firfl the Innovation along with it, that 
 ufe of Eulogy f ucn as would not communicate, 
 
 TVV^/ might yet partake of the Eulo- 
 
 the Eucharift, for . 1 r r r i r\ 1 
 
 fiuh as VO uU not or a fort of confecrated Bread 
 commttmcatt. diftinct from the Eucharifi. The 
 Eulogia in the more antient Wri- 
 ters, is the very fame with the Eucharifi, and 
 ufed by them to flgnify the fame Thing as St. 
 Paul means, when he fays, The Cup of Bleffing, 
 vto%^}o-j T?]V 00X07 /as-, which we blefs, is it not the 
 Communion of the Blood ofChrifi ? i Cor. x. io\ And 
 
 fo it is always ufed by Cyril of Alexandria and 
 Chryfofiom, as learned Men \Ji\ have oblerved out 
 of many places of their Writings. But in After- 
 ages it was dillinguifhed from the Eucharifi^ as 
 fomething that after a fort fupplied the room of 
 it. The Council of Nante [ij, about the Year 
 800, ordered the Presbyters to keep fome part 
 of the Peoples Oblations till after the Service, 
 that fuch as were not prepared to communicate, 
 might on every Feftival and Lord's Day receive 
 fome of this Eulogia, when blefTed with a proper 
 Benediction. Some Collectors of the Canons [kj 
 afcribe this Decree to Pope Pius the Martyr, 
 who lived in the fecond Century : But Bona in- 
 genuoufly owns [/] that to be a Forgery, and 
 lays farther, that the Men who father this De- 
 cree upon him, confidcred not that in his time 
 there was no iuch Thing as rhis kind of Eulogia 
 in the Church, about which Tertullian, Cyprian, 
 and all their Co-temporanes are altogether filent> 
 becaufe in thofe Days all that were prefent at 
 the Sacrifice, were wont to communicate} but 
 thefe Eulogia were invented in After-ages for 
 thofe who could not or would not be Partakers 
 of the Holy Myfteries. This is an ingenuous 
 Confeffion of that learned Writer, who,, where 
 the Caufe of his Church is not deeply concern- 
 ed, commonly fpeaks his Mind with a great 
 deal of Freedom, and ufes a juft Liberty in taxing 
 the Innovations of the Monks and School-men. 
 
 But in the Bufinefs of private sect. iv. 
 or folitary Mafs, where the Cre- The corruption of 
 dit and lntereft of the Roman private and folitary 
 Church is more immediately con- Mafs ' ,inkno *>» w 
 cerned, he acts a little more like f ormer ^ es ' 
 an Artift, and labours to palliate 
 what he cannot either heartily or folidly defend. 
 That we call folitary Mafs, where the Prieft re- 
 ceives alone without any another Communicants, 
 and fometimes fays the Office alone without any Af- 
 fiftants: Such are all thofe private and folitary 
 Majfes in the Roman Church, which are faid 
 at their private Altars in the Corners of their 
 Churches, without the Prefence of any but the 
 Prieft alone j and all thofe publick Maps, where 
 none but the Prieft receives, though there be 
 many Spectators of the Action. As there is no 
 Agreement of either of thefe with the Inftituti- 
 on of Chrift, but a direct Oppofition to it: (For 
 that was defigned to be a Communion among 
 many : We being many are one Bread and one Body, 
 for we are all Partakers of that one Bread: Which 
 is impoffible where there are no Communicants:) 
 So there is not the leaft Footftep of any fuch 
 Practice in the Primitive Church. Bellarmin of- 
 fers faintly fome poor Conjectures about it, 
 
 [/] Cone. Agathen. can. 44. Miffas die Dominica Secularibus 
 audire fpeciali Ordine praecipimus, ita ut ante Benedidlionem Sa- 
 cerdotis egredi populus non prxfumat, 8cc. [j] Cone. Au- 
 
 relian. 1. can. 18. Cum ad celebrandas Miffas in Dei nomine con- 
 venitur, populus non ante difcedat, quam Miffsc fb'ennitas complc- 
 atur: Et ubi Epifcopus non fuerit, Beuediclionem accipiat lacer- 
 dotis. [h] Vid. Cafaubon. Exercit. 1 6. in Baron, n. 33. 
 
 Albertin. de Eucharift. p. 749. Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. voce lv\c- 
 y 'tct. And Bona hi mfelf owns it. [i] Cone. Nannetens. can. 
 
 9. Partes incifas habeat in vafe nitido Sc convenient, ut pofl Mif- 
 larum Solennia, qui commutiicare non fuerint parati, Eulogias 
 omni die Dominico, & in diebus Feflis exinds accipiant, quse cum 
 Benedictione prius faciat. [k] Crab. Cone. torn. 1. p. 87. 
 
 [/J Bona. Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. cap. 23, n. 12. 
 
 • whilft 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 C hristian Church 
 
 771 
 
 whilft he fairly owns [*»], that t here is no ex- ants, is a very antient and laudable practice. Firft 
 
 prefr Teftimony to be found among the And- he tells us, that the very Tenour of the Mafs, 
 
 entf-, that they ever offered the (Sacrifice with- and the Practice of the antient Church evince, 
 
 out. the Communion of one or m ore Perfons be- that the Sacrifice was originally inftituted pi in - 
 
 fide the Prieft. All his Conjectures are meer cipally to be publickly and folemnly perform- 
 
 Triflcs, and the firft of them directly againft ed by the Clergy and People (landing, offering 
 
 himfelf. For he would have hi;; Reader conje- and communicating together [/>]. For all the 
 
 dture from the Council of Natite cited by Ivo Prayers, and the very Words of the Canon are 
 
 F«], that the Ancients allowed of folitary Mafs fpoken in the Plural Number, as in the Name of 
 
 by the Prieft alone, becaufe that Council takes many. Hence it is, that the Prieft inviting the 
 
 Occafion to mention the Practice, only to forbid People to pray, fays, Let us pray. And when he 
 
 and cenfureit. Which it does in very fevere Terms, falutes them, he fays, The Lord be with you. And 
 
 which it will not be amifs here to tranfcribe, then the People being admonifhed to lift up their 
 
 to {hew what Oppofition the Corruption met Hearts unto God, anfwer, We lift them up unto 
 
 with, as foon as it began to appear among the the Lord. Hence it is, that in the very Canon 
 
 Monks, who were the firft inventors of it. The he always prays in the Name of the People ga- 
 
 holy Council, fay they, gives ftrict Order, that thered together 5 of which giving feveral In- 
 
 no Presbyter mall pi efume to celebrate Mafs by fiances, he infers, that from thence it is clear, 
 
 himfelf alone. For to whom fhall he fay, the that the Mafs is nothing elfe but the Action of 
 
 Lord be with you \ or Lift up your Hearts j or Let the Prieft and whole Congregation} which he 
 
 us give 'Thanks to ou r Lord God; when there is fays, is prov'd farther from thofe Words of the 
 
 none to anfwer him J Or how fhall he fay thofe Prayer, Omnium circumftantium, &c. All that ft and 
 
 Words in the Canon it felf, All that are here pre- here, whofe Faith and Devotion is known to Thee: 
 
 fent, when there is no one prcfent with him? Which cannot be wrefted to any other Senfe. 
 
 Or whom does he invite to pray, when he And that all that were prefent did communicate, 
 
 fays, Let us pray, when there is no one to pray he fays appears from thofe Words of the Prieft, 
 
 with him? Therefore he muft either pafs over when he prays, That the Body and Blood of Chrift 
 
 thefe Things in Silence } and fo not only make may be to all that receive to Eternal Life. And af- 
 
 the Sacrifice imperfect, and incur that terrible ter the Communion, he fays, What we have re- 
 
 Sentence which faysi, If any one fhall take away ceived with our Mouths, let us receive with a pure 
 
 from this, God fhall Hike away his Part out of the Mind: And, Thou haft filled Thy Family with Thy 
 
 Book of Life : Or elfe, if he mutters thefe Things Gifts : And almoft all the Prayers, which are 
 
 to the bare Stones and Walls, it will be ridicu- faid after Communicating, are of the fame Te- 
 
 lous. Therefore this dangerous Superftition is nour, becaufe no others could be prefent but 
 
 by all means to be exterminated, efpecially out fuch as could offer and partake of the Sacrament, 
 
 of the Monafteries of the Monks. And let all Which he proves from Cyprian and Pope Leo, 
 
 Prelates take care, that the Presbyters in Con- and the Apoftolical Canons, and the Council of 
 
 vents and other Churches have always fome Fel- Antioch. To thefe he adds the Teftimonies of 
 
 low- workers or Attendants in the Celebration of Micrologus, and Odo Cameracenfis, and Stephanus 
 
 Mafs. One muft needs conclude, that Bellarmin Eduenfis, concerning the fame Practice of the 
 
 was driven to very hard Shifts in Defence of a Primitive Church, which they own was diffe- 
 
 defperatc Caufe, when he was forced to alledge rent from that of their own Times, when folita- 
 
 this Canon as a Proof of the Practice of folitary ry Mafs was brought in by the Monks. Nay, 
 
 Mafs among the Ancients, which does not fo he adds, that folitary Mafs was forbidden by fe- 
 
 much as prove it to be a lawful Practice among veral Councils and Canons exprefsly, when it be- 
 
 the Moderns, but is fuch a flaming Evidence a- gan to appear. Among which he relates the 
 
 gainft it, as a Novelty, that makes Nonfenfe of all forementioned Canon of the Council of Natite, 
 
 their Service, and makes them fpeak to the Walls, and the Council of Mets under Leo IIL Can. 
 
 and is by all means to be exterminated out of the 45. and the Capitular of the Kings of France, 
 
 Monafteries, where it firft began, as a dangerous collected by Benediclus Levita, lib. f. cap. 05. 
 
 and ridiculous Superftition. Cardinal Bona is not and the Capitular of Theodulphus Aurelianenfis, 
 
 much happier than Bellarmin in his Management cap. 7. And the Synodical Epiftle of Ratherius Fe- 
 
 of this Point. For in one Chapter he undertakes ronenfis, publifhed by Dacherius. Spicileg. Tom. 
 
 [0] to prove folitary Mafs a Novelty, unknown II. And the Synod of Paris under Gregory IV. 
 
 to the antient Church, and againft the very Te- An. 820. Which is moft remarkable, becaufe 
 
 nour of the prefent Roman Canon: And in the it fhews us both the Original, and the Grounds 
 
 very next Chapter he pretends to prove, that and Motives that introduced this Corruption, 
 
 private Mafs, without Communicants, or Aflift- A very culpable Cuftom, fay they, is crept in 
 
 \m~\ Bellarmin. dc Mifla. lib. a. cap: 9. p. Szi\ Nulquam ex- Si hxc muris & parietibus infufurraverir, ridiculofum erit. Qua- 
 
 preffe legitur a Veteribus oblatum Sacrifkium fine Coramunione propter ilia periculofa Superftitio maxim e a Monafteriis Monacho- 
 
 alicujus vel aliquorum prater ipfum Sacerdotem. [»] Cone, rum exterminanda eft, 8cc. [ ] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. 
 
 Nannetenf. apud Ivonem. Part. 3. cap. 70. Definivit San£him cap. 13. n. 2. [ p ] Et quidem a b initio fie Sacrificium priii- 
 
 Concilium, uc nullus Presbyter folus pracfumat Miflam celebrare. cipaliter inftitutum fuifie, ut publice ac folenniter fieret, Clero 8c 
 
 Cui cnim dicit, Dominus vobifcum, furfum Corda, aut Gratias a- Populo aftante, offerente, at communicante, ipfe Tenor Miffx 8c 
 
 gamus Domino Deo noftro, cum nullus fit qui refpondeat?— Veteris Ecclefise Praxis evincunt, 8cc. 
 
The A n t i qjj i t i b s of the Book XV. 
 
 in many Places [?], partly by Negligence, and 
 partly by Covetoufnefs, which ought by all 
 means to be reformed, that fome Presbyters cele- 
 brate Mafs without any Attendants. Whence it 
 is proper to convene, and ask every fuch buify 
 Confecrator of the Body and Blood of the Lord, 
 to whom he ufes thole Words, The Lord be with 
 you? And who anfwers him, And with Thy Spi- 
 rit? Or for whom he liipplicates the Lord, when 
 he fays among other Things, Remember thofe that 
 ftand about me ; when there are none (landing a- 
 bout him? Which Cuftom therefore, being con- 
 trary to Apoftolical and Ecclefiartical Authority, 
 and bringing a Reproach upon fo great a Myfte- 
 ry, it feems good to us all in common to inhibit 
 it for the future j and that every Bifhop take 
 Care, that no Presbyter within his Diocefe fhall 
 prefume to celebrate Mafs by himfelf alone Bona 
 owns, that all thefe Councils prohibited folitary 
 Mafs upon this Ground, that it made all fuch 
 Expreflions as thofe, The Lord be with you j and, 
 Lift up your Hearts, &c. to be Nonfenie and ab- 
 furd. And he adds fome Canons out of Gratian 
 [r~] under the Name of Pope Soter and Anacletus, 
 which ordain, That no Presbyter fhould prefume 
 to celebrate Mafs, except there be at lean: two 
 prefent befide himfelf. Upon which he takes 
 Occafion to make this juft Reflection, that thefe 
 could not be the Decrees of thofe antient Bi- 
 fhops, becaufe [j] folitary Mafs was a thing ne- 
 ver heard of in their Age, and he could not 
 think they would make Laws to take away an 
 Abufe, which crept not in till fome Ages after 
 among the Monks. Would it not now perfectly 
 amaze a Man after all this, to hear the fame Au- 
 thor declare in the very firft Words of his next 
 Chapter, that the laudable Cuftom of private 
 Mafs, without any Communicants, or the pre- 
 fence of any but one Prieft, was always the pra- 
 ctice of the Church? And that the Hereticks 
 who hate Liturgy (fo he wrongfully [?] flanders 
 the Protectants) could never demonftrate that it 
 was prohibited i when he himfelf has fo fully de- 
 monftrated it to their Hands. But now he will 
 undertake to demonftrate on the contrary, that 
 private Mafs, in whatever Senfe we take it, was 
 always lawful and in ufe, from the molt appro- 
 ved Teftimonies and Examples cf the primitive 
 Fathers. And yet when he comes to the Proof, 
 he offers not fo much as one Inftance of that 
 fort of private Mafs, where the Prieft minifters 
 alone without the Prefence of the People, which 
 is called folitary Mafs, though he approves of it } 
 
 nor fays he amy thing material for that fort of 
 private Mafs, where the Prieft partakes without 
 any other Communicants, though in the Pre- 
 fence of all the People ; but only urges a miftaken 
 Paflage of Chryfoftom (urged before by Bellarmin 
 and Harding, and anfwered by Chamier) where 
 he fays, In vain do we ftand at the Altar, in vain 
 is the daily Sacrifice offered, there is [u] no one 
 that communicates. As if Chryfoftom had had 
 neither Presbyter, nor Deacon, nor any of the 
 People to communicate with him above once a 
 Year in the great Churches of Antioch or Con- 
 ftantinople, becaufe many were fo negligent as not 
 to communicate oftnerj whom he juftly reproves 
 in an hyperbolical way of fpeaking, whieh does 
 not mean that he communicated by himfelf a- 
 lone, but that many were guilty of a grofs Neg- 
 lect, whilft others, as Chryfoftom himfelf fays, 
 were more affiduous and zealous. And yet this 
 is one of the beft Proofs Bona can give after all 
 his Boafts of Demonftratiorj. j which fhews, that 
 he was as hard put to it to defend an indefcnfible 
 Caufe, as Pope Innocent III. was, when to an- 
 fwer the Objection that is urged in this very Ar- 
 gument, How the Prieft can fay, Orate pro me 
 Fratres, Pray for me Brethren; feeing he is alone 
 without Afliftants? he is forced to fay [*], That 
 it is pioufly to be believed, that the Angels ;of 
 God are our Affociates in Prayer. Which An- 
 fwer does not untie the Knot [_y~] : For though 
 they are prefent, they are not prefent as Com- 
 municants to eat and drink with us the Body 
 and Blood of Chrift. Neither can the Prieft be 
 fuppofed to fay to the Angels, Take, eat, this is 
 my Body, according to Chrift's Command. Evi- 
 dent therefore it is beyond all Contradiction, 
 that whether we confider the Inftitution it felf} 
 or the Practice of the Apoftles and the Primitive 
 Church j or the Tenour of all the antient Litur- 
 gies, which the Reader may find collected in 
 Chamier [z], with the Teftimonies of the Fa- 
 thers upon the Subject j or even the Tenour of 
 the Roman Mafs it fclfj or the Oppofition this 
 Corruption met with at its firft Appearance} the 
 Eucharift was not intended as a Sacrifice to be 
 offered by a fingle Prieft in a Corner without 
 Communicants or Afliftants, or for the Intenti- 
 on, or at the Coft of fome particular Perfon pay- 
 ing for itj but for a Communion to the whole 
 Church, as the primitive Church always ufed it; 
 and there is not an Example to be found of the 
 contrary Practice. 
 
 \q] Cone. Paris, lib. r. cap. 48. Irrcpfit in plerifque locis par- 
 tial Incuria partim Avaritia, reprehenfibilis ufus 8c congrua emen- 
 datione dignus, eo quod nonnulli Presbyterorum fine Miniftris Mif- 
 farum folennia frequentent. Unde conveniendus, imo interrogan- 
 dus nobis videtur hujufmodi Corporis 5c Sanguinis Domini follita- 
 rius Confecrator, quibus dicit, Dominus vobilcum, 8c a quo illi 
 refpondetur, Et cum Spiritu tuo: Vel pro quibus fupplicando Do- 
 mino inter cartera, Memento Domine, 8c Omnium circumftanti- 
 um, cum nullus circumftet, dicit? Qux confuetudo, quia Apofto- 
 licse 8c Ecclefiafticx authoritati refragatur, 8c tanto Myfterio quan- 
 dam Dehonorationem irrogare videtur, omnibus nobis in com- 
 mune vifum eft, ut deinceps hujufmodi ufus inhibeatur, provideat- 
 que unufquifque Epifcoporum, ne in fua Parocht'a quilquam Pref- 
 byterorum Mifiam folus celcbrare prasfumat. [r] Grat, De 
 
 Confecrat. Dift. 1. cap. 61. [j] Bona. lib. 1. cap. 13. n. 6. 
 
 [r] Bona. ibid. cap. 14. n. 1. Semper viguit in Ecclefia Privata: 
 Miflae, uno faltem praefente 8c miniftrante, laudabilis confuetudo, 
 quam Haeretici Mifoliturgi aliquando prohibitam fuifle nunquam 
 poterunt demonftrare. Sive enim dicatur Privata ex eo quod lolus 
 facerdos in ea communicet; live quia vel unus duntaxat vel pauci 
 ei interfint, live alia quacunque ex caufa: Semper earn licitam, 
 femperque in ufa fuifle, probatiflimis Pntrum Teftimoniis 8c ex- 
 em plis demon ftrabo. [«] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Ephef. 
 [#] Innoc. de Offic. Miflse. lib. 2. cap. if. ap. Juel. An. 1. p. ft, 
 [y~\ Bona. lib. 2. cap. f . n. 1. fays, This Anfmr of the Tope is pi- 
 oufly meant, but not folid and true. [2.] Chamier. de Euchar. 
 lib. 7. chap. 17, 18, 19. 
 
 I But 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 773 
 
 SECT. V. 
 Other Corruptions 
 countenanced Jome- 
 Xime in the Roman 
 Church, as t he Mifla 
 Sicca and Nautica, 
 &nd thole call' d Bifa- 
 ciata 8c Trir'aciata. 
 
 But this was not the only A- 
 buie which crept into the Church 
 in later Ages againft the antient 
 v/ay of celebrating the Holy^ 
 Communion. For Bona, himlelt 
 [a~] takes Notice of two more, 
 which he cenfures as heartily as 
 one could wifli, tho' they found 
 great Encouragement in their Time. They are 
 Corruptions not commonly met with in other 
 Authors, and therefore I will give the Reader an 
 Account of them from him. The one was called 
 Mifla Sicca, Dry Mafs, which, he fays, took its 
 Original from the indifcreet and private Devo- 
 tion of fome, to which the Prieits were too indul- 
 oent It is a mere Mask and Counterfeit ot the 
 true Mais, properly dry and jejune, as wanting 
 not only the Confecration, but the Participation 
 of the Body of Chrift, like that Supper of Wood 
 and Stones, which Lampridius and other Hiito- 
 rians tell us was exhibited by Heliogabalus to his 
 Guefts Yet it fo prevailed, that tor tome time 
 it was not difplcafing to holy and learned Men 
 Gulielmus de Nangiaco the Monk, in his book of 
 the Aftions of St. Lewis, tells how that moll re- 
 ligious King, returning from beyond Sea into 
 France, had the Body of Chrift in the Ship with 
 him, and there ordered all the whole Divine 
 Office and the Mais, except the Canon, to be 
 daily celebrated. Genebrard commenas the fame 
 in his Book of the Apoftolical Liturgy, cap. 50. 
 for thofe that cannot be in the Morning at the 
 whole Mafs, and for thofe that are at Sea, and 
 for the Sick, and for any that are buried in the 
 Afternoon > to which purpofe he fays it was u- 
 fed in his Time, and he himfelf was prefent at 
 Turin, an. if87, at the Funeral of a Nobleman, 
 who was buried in the Evening with fuch a Mafs 
 fung by a Deacon and a Subdeaaon. Durandus 
 defcribes the Manner of celebrating it in his Ra- 
 tionale, lib. 4. cap. 1. where he fays the who e 
 Office may all be ufed except the Canon, al- 
 though in the Preface the Angels feem to be 
 invocated to the Confecration of the Body and 
 Blood of Chrift. This, Durantus in his Book 
 de Ritibus lib. 2. cap. 4. fays, is called the Sea- 
 mens Mafs, Miffa Nautica, becaufe it was ufed 
 to be celebrated at Sea and upon the Rivers, 
 where by reafon of the Motion and Agitation o 
 the Waves the Sacrifice could hardly be offered 
 without danger of Effufion. EJlius declaims bit- 
 terly againft it in his thirteenth Theological Ora- 
 tion, and Laurentius Laudmeter lib. z. de Veten 
 Clerico fc? Monacho cap. 84. who both think it 
 be^an a little before the Time of Gmdo de Monte 
 Rocherii, who commends and approves it in his 
 Book, called, Manipulus Curatorum, Trad. 4. 
 cap 7. which he wrote, an. 1253. but they 
 were mifhken, becaufe, as we have feen, it was 
 in Ufe in the Time of King Lewis the Saint, 
 who died An. 1 270 j and Durantus defcribes it, 
 who lived at the fame Time. And Petrus Cantor, 
 
 who flourifhed an 12.00, mentions it in his Book 
 called, Verbum Abbreviatum, c. 29. where he 
 fays, Dry Mafs is without the Grace and Moi- 
 fture of the confecrated Eucharift, and profits 
 the Faithful nothing. Bona adds, that now by 
 the provident Care of Bifhops, he thinks, this 
 Abufe is abrogated and deftroyed all over the 
 World. But he forgets to tell his Reader one 
 Thing, which Duranlus tells us [_b~] freely out 
 of Navarre, that the Book called [c] Liber Sa- 
 cerdotalis, where this Mtffa Nautica is defcribed, 
 was approved by Leo the tenth, and that St. An- 
 tonine fpeaks of it as ufed at tfholoufe by way of 
 Funeral Office in the Afternoon. By which we 
 may judge, how great Corruptions may creep 
 into the Church, and then gain the Approbati- 
 on both of their Popes and Saints, by their 
 own Confeffion. And when it is fo, they will 
 never want Advocates to plead their Caufe, and 
 put the Face of Antiquity upon them. As in 
 this very Cafe, though Bona and others cenfure 
 this Abufe as an Innovation, yet Durantus derives 
 its Original from the Primitive Church, and tells 
 us, it was pra6lifed at Alexandria in the time of 
 Socrates, becaufe he fays [d~] that on Wednefdays 
 and Fridays they had the Scriptures read, and 
 Expofitions made upon them, and all other 
 Things belonging to religious Aflemblies, ex- 
 cept the Celebration of the Myfteries: Which 
 indeed is very true* but altogether foreign to his 
 Purpofe, unlefs we fhall fay, that there can be 
 no Prayers, nor Sermons, nor Pfalmody, nor 
 Reading the Scriptures in the Church, but pre- 
 fently it muft be called dry Mafs, that is, ufing 
 the Confecration-Service without a Confecration. 
 
 The other Corruption, which Bona cenfures 
 as a deteftable Abuie, is that which they call 
 Miffa Bifaciata and "Trifaciata, which he fays, 
 Petrus Cantor, in the forementioned Book, fharp- 
 ly rebukes. For fome Priefts in his Time had 
 got a Trick of throwing many Majfes into one, 
 laying the Mafs of the Day, or fome fpecial 
 Mafs as far as the Offertory, and then beginning 
 another as far as the fame Place j and after that 
 a third and a fourth in the fame manner. After 
 that they (aid as many fecret Prayers as they had 
 begun Maffes, and then made one Canon ferve 
 them all, adding as many Collects in the End, as 
 they had repeated in the Beginning. Petrus Can- 
 tor afcribes the Original of this Abufe to the Co- 
 vetoufnefs of the Priells, who knowing it to be 
 unlawful for them to celebrate more than once 
 in one Day, invented this Grafting of manyA/tf/^ 
 fes upon one Stock, that by once Celebrating 
 they might fatisfy the Devotion of many toge- 
 ther, who defired the Sacrifice to be offered for 
 them, by which means they got the Pay of fe- 
 veral Maffes for one Sacrifice. Thefe Maffes, Pe- 
 trus Cantor calls by a barbarous Name, Bifaciatas 
 and Trifaciatas, becaufe they had a double and a 
 triple Face: Which he abominates and deteits as 
 monftrous, and contrary to the Inltitution and 
 
 M Bona Rcr Liturg. Lib. 1. cap. n. 6. [£] Du- tione. Mifcel. f ? . Anronin. Part 3. Tit, 13. cap. 6. n. 4. 
 
 rant, de Ritib. Lib. i. cap. 4. 8. 0] Navar. cc Ora- {d\ Socrat. Lib. f. cap. 
 
 Vol. I. Ffffff CuW 
 
774 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 Cuftom of the Church. 'Tis great Pity we have 
 not this Book of Petrus Cantor, called his Ver- 
 bum Abbreviation, or Short Work, here at hand 
 in fome of our Libraries. It is a Book fo rare s 
 that I find no mention made of it in Dr. Cave. 
 But Du Pin gives a ihort Account (VJ of the 
 Author. He fays, he was a Chanter of the 
 Church of Paris in the Beginning of the thir- 
 teenth Century j that he compofed a Book called 
 The Word abridge!, a Work of great Renown a- 
 mong the Authors of the next Centuries, of 
 which a Part was written againlf. the Proprieta- 
 ry Monks. He likewife wrote a Grammar for 
 Divines, very neceffary for understanding the 
 Scriptures a Book of Difintlions; a Treatife 
 about fome Miracles; three Books of the Sacra- 
 ments^ and divers Sermons, mentioned by Trithe- 
 tnius. Du Pin adds, that in their Libraries they 
 had his GloJJes upon the Bible, and A Collection 
 of Cafes of Confcience. But none of them are print- 
 ed befide the Verbum Abbreviatum. Trithemius 
 [/] f avs ne was a Bifhop afterwards, as he had 
 heard reported, and he gives him this Character, 
 that he was excellently well learned in the Scrip- 
 tures, and eminent in all Philofophical Know- 
 ledge > that he was Rector of the Theological 
 School at Paris for many Years, where he train- 
 ed up many eminent Difciples. Were his Books 
 now to be feen, we might doubtlefs find many 
 other fuch Abufes of the Monks as feverely hand- 
 led in them, as thofe which we have here noted 
 out of Bona. 
 
 Whilft I am upon this Head of Abufes, the 
 Reader will not be difpleafed, if I note another 
 of this Kind, which Baronius himfelf takes no- 
 tice of [g] out of the 17th Council of Toledo, 
 where there is a Canon to cenfure and correct it. 
 Some Pricfts in Spain were fo corrupt as to gra- 
 tify revengeful Men by faying the Service of the 
 Dead for the Living, for no other End, but 
 that they for whom the Office was faid might 
 incur the Danger of Death, by having a Sacri- 
 fice offered for them ; and fo that which was 
 defigned for Mens Salvation, was perverfely a- 
 bufed at the Inftigation of wicked Men to their 
 Deftrudtion. Againft fuch Compilers with the 
 deteftable Requefts of wicked Men, the Coun- 
 cil \_h~] pronounces the fevere fentence of Depo- 
 fition and Excommunication. We may alfo note 
 another Abufe mentioned in the twelfth Coun- 
 cil of Toledo \_i~\, which was, that fome Priefts 
 having Occafion to confecrate the Eucharifl more 
 than once in a Day, would not communicate 
 themfelves every time, but only at the laft Con- 
 fecration. Which was another Sort of private 
 Mafs, but as it were the Reverfe of that of the 
 Romijh Church. For as now the Prieft com- 
 municates without the People : (pardon the Ab- 
 
 furdity of the Expreflion, when I call that Com- 
 municating where there is no Communion:) So 
 then the People were forced to communicate 
 without the Prieft : Both which the Council 
 thought prepoiterous and abfurd, and therefore 
 re-inforces the antient Difcipline, that both 
 Prieft and People Ihould communicate together: 
 Which was ever the conftant and univerlal Pra- 
 ctice of the whole Primitive Church, to whofe 
 Laws and Rules about Communicants, leaving 
 thefe Abufes and Innovations, I now return. 
 
 A s all Perfons were obliged to sect. vr. 
 
 receive the Communion cenftant- "Tne Communion 
 
 ly, who were within t he Pale of mt z iven t0 Kere ' 
 
 the Church in ihe largeft A^cep- t,ch , s and , Schsfm *' 
 
 _ • c fc L iTr j „' ticks without Con- 
 
 ration Gl the Word, except Ca- ftJ p on and Reconci . 
 techumens and excommunicate iuam. 
 Perfons: So we mull note, to a- 
 void Ambiguity, that Hereticks and Schifma- 
 ticks were commonly ranked in the fame Clafs 
 with excommunicate Perfons j fometimes being 
 formally cut off from the Church by her Cen- 
 fures, and fometimes voluntarily by their own 
 Separation} and therefore till they had made 
 Confeffion and Renunciation of their Errors, and 
 were reconciled by Impofition of Hands and Ab- 
 folution, they were reckoned in the number of 
 thofe to whom the Communion of Prayers and 
 this Holy Sacrament was denied j and that whe- 
 ther they had been baptized in the Church, or 
 were baptized in Herefy and Schifm. Sometimes 
 they were allowed with all others to hear the 
 Scriptures read, and the Sermon preached, as 
 has been mewed [f] in a former Book : But 
 then when the Service of the Catechumens was 
 over, they were obliged to depare with them ; 
 the Deacon's Admonition commonly running in 
 thefe Terms, as we have often heard before, Let 
 no Catechumen, no Penitent, no Unbeliever, no He- 
 retick or Heterodox Per/on be prefent at the Holy 
 Myfteries. After what manner they were recei- 
 ved and reconcil'd upon their Confeffions, be- 
 longs to another Subject; which has in fome 
 mealure been handled already [k~], and will come 
 again under Confideration in the next Volume 
 when we treat of the Difcipline of the Church ! 
 At prefent it is fufficient to obferve, that whilft 
 they continued in Herefy or Schifm, they were 
 of the Number of thofe to whom the Church 
 refufed to give the Sacrament, as Perfons not be- 
 ing in full Communion with her. 
 
 On the other hand it is be- sect. vii. 
 yond Difpute, that as Ihe bapti- let given to in- 
 zed Infants, and gave them the f mu and ch ' ldrm 
 Unftion of Chrifm with Impo- f or f e ™* lA ^- 
 lition of Hands for Confirmation, fo me imme- 
 
 [e] Du Pin. Biblioth. Cent. 13. p. <;\. [/] Trithem. 
 
 Ac Scriptor. p. 81. [^] Baron, an. 694.. n. 9. 
 
 [h] Cone. Tolet. 17. can. f. Miflam pro requie Defunctorum 
 promulgatam fallaci voto pro vivis iludent celebrare hominibus, 
 noh 00 aliud, nifi ut is, pro quo idipfum offertur Officium, ip- 
 fius facrofanfti libaminis interventu, mortis ac perditionis incurrat 
 periculum: & quod cunftis datum eft in falutis remedium, illi hoc 
 perveuo inftinclu quibufdam efle expetunt in interitum, &c. 
 
 [/'] Cone Tolct. 12. can. f. Quale erit illud Sacrificium cui nec 
 ipfe Sacrificans particeps efTe cognofcitur? Ergo modi's omnibus 
 eft tenendum, ut quotiefcunque Sacrificans corpus 8c fan^uinem 
 Jefu Chrifti Domini noftri in alrario immolat, toti'es perceptionis 
 corporis 6c i'anguinis Chrifti participem fe praebeat. Vid. Grati:n. 
 De Confecrat. Dift. 2. cap. 10. [f] Book XIII. Chap. i. 
 
 ». 2. Ik] Scholaft. Hijf. of Bnptifm, Part 1, chip. 1. n. 21. 
 
 6 diatelv 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 775 
 
 diatcly admitted them to a Participation of the 
 Eucharift, as foon as they were baptized, and e- 
 ver after without Exception. Some Evidence 
 has been given of this already) for at leaft eight 
 Centuries, in fpeaking of Confirmation [f], out 
 of Gennadius and Ahum, and the Ordo Romanus, 
 and Jejje Ambianenfts, and other publick Offices 
 of the Church containing the Rules of Baptifm 
 and Confirmation, where Orders are alfo given 
 to communicate Infants as foon as they were 
 baptized. Here I will add the Teftimony of the 
 more antient Writers, that it may not bethought 
 a Novelty and Invention of latter Ages. [7] Cy- 
 prian often mentions it as the common Practice : 
 Jn his Book of thofe that lapfed in time of Per- 
 fection, he fpeaks of fome Parents, who took 
 their little Children in their Arms, when they 
 went to facrifice at the Heathen Altars : And he 
 brings in thole Infants thus complaining: We 
 did nothing our felves, neither did we" leave the 
 Bread and Cup of the Lord to run of our own 
 accord to the profane Conragions: It was the 
 Treachery of others that deftroyed us, we fell 
 by the Hands of our Parents. A little farther 
 he fpeaks of another Infant, who was carried by 
 her Nurfe, unknown to her Parents, to the Ma- 
 gi fixates to partake of the Idol Sacrifice; who 
 when me was brought by her Mother afterwards 
 \rn\ to receive the Eucharift, vomited up the 
 Wine that was given her to drink in the Com- 
 munion. By which it is undeniable that Infants 
 were then admitted to communicate in both 
 Kinds, if they were capable of receiving them. 
 Upon this Account the Author of the Confiitu- 
 tions \n\ in his Invitation of the Faithful to the 
 Communion, bids Mothers bring their Children 
 with them. And again [o], deicribing the Or- 
 der in which they communicated, he fays, Firfl: 
 let the Bimops receive, then the Presbyters, Dea- 
 cons, Subdeacons, Readers, Singers, and Afce- 
 ticksj among the Women, the Deaconefles, 
 Virgins and Widows; after that the Children, 
 and & then all the People in their Order. The 
 Author under the Name of Dionyftus [>] fays 
 the fame, that Children were admitted not only 
 to Baptifm, but the Eucharift, though they did 
 not underftand the Reafons of either Myftery. 
 St. Aufiin not only mentions the Practice in Cy- 
 prian's Time citing the forefaid PafTages out 
 
 of his Book De Lap/is ; but alfo fecms to fay it 
 was neceiTary for Infants in order to obtain eter- 
 nal Life; grounding upon tha r Saying of our 
 Saviour, Job. vi. Except ye eat the Flejh of the Son, 
 of Man, and drink his Blood [f], ye have no Life 
 in you. Which, he fays, is to be underftood not 
 of the Sacrament of Baptifm, but of the Sacra- 
 ment of the Lord's-Table, where no one is right- 
 ly admitted but he that is baptized. And dare 
 any one be fo bold, as to fay, that this Sentence 
 does not appertain to little Children, or that they 
 can have Life without partaking of this Body 
 and Blood ? He repeats the fame frequently in 
 his Difputes with the Pelagians [j], and" his 
 Sermons on the Words of the Apoftle [/], and 
 in his Epillle to Boniface, [u] written joyntly by 
 him and Alipius againfl: the Pelagians. And Pope 
 Innocent his Co-temporary feems to have had the 
 fame Opinion: For he argues in his Epiftle to 
 St. Aujlin and the Council of Milevis [#] for 
 the Neceffity of Baptizing Infants, from the Ne- 
 ceffity of their eating the Flefh, and drinking 
 the Blood of the Son of Man. There is great 
 Difpute among the Romifh Doctors about the 
 Senfe of St. Aufiin and this Pope Innocent upon 
 this point. Bona \_y~] and others think it would 
 be a great Reproach to their Church, to have 
 it thought that the Council of Trent mould con- 
 demn the Opinion of the Neceffity of Commu- 
 nicating Infants, whilft two fuch great Men as 
 St. Aufiin and their own Pope Innocent were 
 conceived to be of that Opinion : And therefore 
 they fay, though the Ancients gave the Com- 
 munion to Infants, yet they did not think it ne- 
 ceflary to Salvation. This is the Salvo which 
 the Council of Trent put into their Mouths: For 
 having condemned the Opinion itfelf as Hereti- 
 cilj yet to bring off the Antient Church, which 
 was known to pracrife it, me adds [z], We do 
 not hereby intend to condemn Antiquity for ob- 
 ferving this Cuftom in fome Places. For as thofe 
 holy Fathers had a probable Reafon, confidering 
 the State of the Times they lived in, for their 
 Practice ; fo it is certainly and without all Con- 
 troverfy to be believed, that they did not do it 
 upon any Opinion of its being neceflary to Sal- 
 vation. But Maldonate would not take the Coun- 
 cil's Word for this : For without any Regard to 
 their Interpretation or Authority, he affercs round- 
 
 [f] Book XII. Chap. i. ». 2. [/] Cypr. de Lapfis. p. 125-. 
 
 Infantes quoque Parentum minibus vel impoiiti vel attracli, amife- 
 runt parvuli, quod in primo ftatim nativitatis exordio fuerant con- 
 fecuti. Nonne illi, cum judicii dies venerit, dicent ; Nos nihil fe- 
 ci mus, nec dereii&o Cibo 8c Poculo Domini ad profana contagia 
 fponte properavimus. Perdidit nos aliena perfidia, Parentes fenfi- 
 mus Parricidas. [m] Ibid. p. 152. In corpore atque ore 
 
 violato Euchariftia permanere non potuit. Sandificatus in Domini 
 Sanguine potus de pollutis vifceribus erupit. [»] Conft. lib. 8. 
 
 cap. 12. [0] Ibid. cap. 13. [p] Dionyf. Eccl. 
 
 Hierar. cap. 7. p. 360. [q] Aug. Ep. 23. ad Bonifac. 
 
 [>] Aug. de Peccator. Merit, lib. 1. cap. 20. Dominum audiamus 
 non quidem hoc de Sacramento SandH Lavacri dicentem, fed de 
 Sacramento Sanctx Menfse fuae, quo nemo rite nili baptizatus ac- 
 cedit, Nili manducaveritis carnem meam, 8tc. An vero quifquam 
 audebit eciam hoc dicere, quod ad Parvulos hxc fententia non per- 
 tineat, poffuntque fine participatione corporis hujus & fanguinis in 
 fe habere vitam? [i] Cont. duas Epifh Pelag. lib. 1. cap. 22. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Nec illud cogitaris, eos vitam habere non pofle qui fuerint expertes 
 corporis & fanguinis Chrifti, dicente ipfo, Nili manducaveritis, &c. 
 [f] Serm. 8. de Verbis; Apoftoli, p. 110. Infantes funt, fed men- 
 fas ejus participes hunt, ut habeant in le vitam. [«] Ep. it>6, 
 ad Bonifac. p. 1 8j. Nullus qui fe meminit Catholicae fidei Cnri- 
 ftianum, negat aut dubitat Parvulos non accepta gratia regeneration 
 nis in Chrifto fine cibo carnis ejus 8c fanguinis potu, non habere 
 in fe vitam. [#] Innoc. Ep. 93. inter Epift. Auguftini. 
 
 Parvulos xternz vitie premiis etiam fine Baptifmatis gratia donsri 
 pofle, perfatuum eft: Nifi enim manducaverint fanguinem ejus, 
 non habebunt vitam in femetipfis. [y] Bona rer. Liturg. 
 
 lib. 2. cap. 19. n. 1. [2,] Cone. Trident. Sell 21. cap. 4. 
 
 Neque ideo tamen damnanda eft Antiquitas, fi eum morem in qm- 
 bufdam locis fervavit. Ut enim fandtiflimi illi Panes fui fatli 
 probabilem caufam pro illius temporis ratione habuerunt ; ira certe 
 eos nulla falutis neceflitate id fecifle line controverlia credendurn 
 eft. 
 
 Ffffff 1 
 
776 
 
 The Ant i quit ibs of the Book XV. 
 
 ly, that the Ancients, and particularly St. Au- 
 Jlin, and Pope Innocent, did believe, that Infants 
 could not be faved without partaking of the Eu- 
 charift [f], and that they were induced to be- 
 lieve this by thofe Words of our Saviour, Ex- 
 cept ye eat the Flejb of the Son of Man and drink 
 his Bloody ye have no Life in you. And indeed 
 any one that reads but with half an Eye the Te- 
 ftimonies of St. Auftin now alledged (which Bo- 
 na thought fit to conceal from his Reader, on- 
 ly making a fhort Reference to fome of them) 
 may ealily perceive what was his Opinion in the 
 Matter, And it were abfurd to think, that the 
 whole Primitive Church Greek and Latin from 
 St. Cyprian's Time, fhould give the Communion 
 to Infants without imagining any manner of Ne- 
 ceffity from any Divine Command to do it. But 
 Bona endeavours to fupport his and the Coun- 
 cil's Senfe from the Authority of Fulgentius, who 
 was one of St. Auftin's Difciples, and who, 
 as he reprefents him, fays, that actual Commu- 
 nion after Baptifm is not neceflary to Salvation. 
 But he only abufes his Reader with a falfe State 
 of the Cafe, and a falfe Aflertion grounded on 
 it. For Fulgentius does not fay that the actual 
 Participation of the Eucharifl is not neceflary af- 
 ter Baptifm for Infants : For he is not fpeaking 
 of Infants, but Adult Perfons, who die as foon 
 as they are baptized, without having Opportu- 
 nity to receive the Communion: Concerning 
 whom he concludes favourably, that though 
 they die before they receive outwardly the Ele- 
 ments of Bread and Wine, yet they are not to 
 be defpaired of, becaufe they were made Parta- 
 kers of the Body and Blood of Chrift, in Bap- 
 tifm: Which in fuch Cafes of great Neceffity 
 [a] was fufficient to anfwer the End of the 
 Communion, when Men were defirous of it, 
 but had no Opportunity to receive it. So that 
 he believed the Eucharift ordinarily to be necef- 
 fary both for Infants and Adult Perfons, but in 
 extraordinary Cafes of extreme Neceffity, not to 
 be neceflary for either. 
 
 But to fet afide the Queftion of Right, and 
 only purfue Matter of Fa£t, we find that this 
 Cuftom continued even in the Roman Church 
 for many Ages: Maldonate fays for fix Centuries, 
 but Bona makes it double the Number; for he 
 fays, it was not abrogated in France till the 
 twelfth Century. In Gregory's Sacramentarium \b~\ 
 
 there is an Order concerning Infants, That thev 
 fhould be allowed to fuck the Bread before the 
 holy Communion, if Neceffity fo required. And 
 the old Ordo Romanus [c], a Book compofed in 
 the ninth Century, has a Dire&ion to the fame 
 Purpofe; That Infants after they were baptized, 
 fhould not eat any Food, nor fuck the Breaft 
 without great Neceffity, 'till they had commu- 
 nicated in the Sacrament of the Body of Chrift. 
 So Alcuin, or whoever wrote under his Name in 
 the Time of Charles the Great, fays, the Order 
 then was [i], That when Infants we're baptized, 
 they were immediately confirmed by the Bifhop, 
 if he were prefent, and admitted to communi- 
 cate; but if the Bifhop was abfent, they mould 
 receive the Communion from the Presbyter. Ba- 
 luzius [<?] alledges two Manufcript Pontificals of 
 the fame Age, which have Rubricks to the fame 
 Purpofe. And the Orders of Jetfe Bifhop of A- 
 miens [/] call it Confirming Children with the 
 Body and Blood of Chrift, as they were con- 
 firmed before with Impofition of Hands and 
 Chrifm. And it is remarkable of Walter Bifhop 
 of Orleance in the fame Age, that among his Sy- 
 nodical Rules there is one to this Purpofe: That 
 a Presbyter [g] mall always have the Eucharift 
 ready by him, that in cafe any one be infirm, or 
 a young Child fick, he may give him the Com- 
 munion, and not let him die without his Viati- 
 cum or Provifion for his Journey into the next 
 World. The fecond Council of Mafcon, which 
 was held An. f88, and the third Council of 
 Tours [£], in the Time of Charles the Great, or- 
 der the Remains of the Eucharift to be given to 
 innocent Children. Radulphus Ardens, who lived 
 in the beginning of the twelfth Century, fpeaks 
 of it ftill as the Cuftom to give little Children 
 [if] the Sacrament, at leaft in the fpecies of Wine, 
 immediately after they were baptized, that they 
 might not go without the necefTary Sacrament. 
 And Hugo de Sanclo Viclore at the fame time re- 
 commends the giving of it to Children [k], if it 
 might be done without Danger: Tho' he inti- 
 mates now the Cuftom was almoft generally laid 
 afide; there being only a mere Form and Sha- 
 dow of it remaining, which was to give Chil- 
 dren newly baptized common Wine inftead of 
 confecrated, which he thinks a fuperfluous Rite 
 that ought to be laid afide. And fo it was, not 
 long after: For Odo Bifhop of Paris, An. n 7 f, 
 
 [f] Maldonat. Com. in Joan.6. p.526. [a] Fulgent, 
 
 de Baptifmo iEthiopis. cap. 1 1. p.6u. Nullus debet movcri Fide- 
 lium in illis, qui etfi legitime fana mente baptizantur, prxveniente 
 velocius morte, carnem Domini manducare, & fanguinem bibere 
 non finuntur, propter illam videlicet fententiam faivatoris qua dixit, 
 
 Nifi manducaveritis carnem Filii hominis, 8cc. Quod quifquis . 
 
 Myfterii verkatem confiderare poterit, in ipfo Lavacro fandtee Re- 
 generationis hoc fieri providebit. [}] Gregor. Sacramentar. 
 
 in Officio Sabbati Sandti. Non prohibentur ladtari ante facram 
 Communionem, fi necefle fuerit. [c] Ordo Rom. Bibl. 
 
 Patr. T. 10. p. 84.. De Parvulis providendum, ne poftquam baptizati 
 fuerint, ullum cibum accipiant, neque ladtentur fine fumma necef- 
 fitate, antequam communicent Sacramento corporis Chrifti. 
 [d~] Alcuin. de Officii?. Cap. de Sabbato Sandto. ibid. p. 2fo. Si 
 Epifcopus adeft, ftatim confirmari oportet (Inrans tindtus) Chrif- 
 raate, 5c poftea communicare: Et fi Epifcopus deeft, communice- 
 
 tur a Presbytero, &c. Sed Sc hoc providendum eft ut nullum ci- 
 bum accipiant, neque ladtentur antequam communicent. 
 [e] Baluz. Not. in Reginonem. lib. 1. cap. 69. [fj j e ffe 
 
 Ambianenfis Epift. de Ordine Bapt. ap. Baluz. ibid. Epifcopus Pue- 
 rum Chrifmate confirmct; noviffime autem corpore & fanguine 
 Chrifti confirmetur feu communicetus, ut Chrifti membrum efle 
 poflit. [g] Walter. Aurelian. Capitul.7. Cone. Tom. 8. 
 
 p. 639. Presbyter Euchariftiam femper habeat paratam, ut quando> 
 quis infirmatus fuerit, aut Parvulus ccgrotaverit, ftatim cum com- 
 municet, ne line Viatico moriatur. Tb? fame is m Anfegifus hhbz\ 
 de Legibus Francorum. lib. 1. cap. 15-5-. al. 161. [/>] Cor.c. 
 
 Matifcon.2. can. 6. Cone. Turon. 3. C3n. 19. [«] Radulph. 
 
 Serm. in Die Pafchze. de Eucharifiias neceditate Statutum eft ut pu- 
 eris mox baptizatis faltern in fpecie vini tradatur, ne fine necefls- 
 rio faciamcnto difcedant. [k~] Hugo de S. Vidtore, de Sa- 
 
 crament, lib. 1. cap. so. 
 
 6 ordered, 
 
Chap. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 777 
 
 ordered, That neither confecrated nor unconfe- 
 crated Bread lliould by any means be given to 
 little Children [/]. And fo fays Bona [»], The 
 Cuftom of giving the Communion to Infants was 
 fuperfeded in the twelfth Age in the Galilean 
 Church. It continued a little longer in Germa- 
 ny, if Suicerus does not miftake [»] in his Au- 
 thor • For he quotes Joannes Semeca, firnamcd 
 <Teutmicus, who wrote the Glofs upon Gratian, 
 as faying, that the Cuftom prevailed in fome 
 Places in his Time to give the Eucharift to Chil- 
 dren. But there is no fuch Glofs in the Place [o] 
 he alledges, in the Roman Edition ; fo that either 
 he miftakes the Place, or elfe fome Fraud has 
 been ufed to expunge the Paflage by the Roman 
 Correctors. Zuinglius fpeaks of the Cuftom con- 
 tinuing long among the Helvetians: For he fays, 
 in the Ritual Book of Claron, called their Ob- 
 fequial, there was thisRubrick: That a newly- 
 baptized Child fhould have If] the Eucharift in 
 both Kinds miniftred unto him. And Hofpinian 
 allures us from his own Knowledge that in 
 Lorrain and the adjacent Parts it was ufual for the 
 Prieft, when he had baptized a Child, to dip his Fin- 
 gers in the Cup, and drop the Wine into the Child's 
 Mouth, faying, The Blood of our Lord Jefus 
 Chriltbe of Advantage unto thee to Eternal Life. 
 
 The Greek Church was a little more tenacious 
 of the antient Cuftom. For not only Bafilius 
 Cilix [r] and Evagrius [5] and Johannes Mofchus 
 [/] mention the Communion of Children, and 
 the giving the Remains of the Eucharift to Chil- 
 dren after the Communion was ended ; but alfo 
 Nicephorus, who lived in the fourteenth Century 
 [«], mentions the fame : And Suicerus tells us out 
 of Metrophanes Critopulus, a Modern Greek Writer 
 {*], that they ft ill continue to obferve the Cu- 
 itom to this Day. As he alfo obferves out of 
 Oforius de Geftis Emanuelis, lib. p. that it conti- 
 nues to be the Practice of the Ethiopick or Abyf- 
 fin Churches. And he cites Sigifmundus Baro's 
 Hiftory of Mufcevy for the fame in the Ruffian 
 Churches. Mr. Brerewood [y] notes the like of 
 the Ruffian Churches out of Guaguinus. And Dr. 
 Smith [z] tells for the prefent Greek Church, that 
 they give the Eucharift in both Kinds to little 
 Children of one or two Years of Age, and fome- 
 times to new-born Infants after Baptifm, in cafe 
 of imminent danger of Death; grounding their 
 Belief of an abfolute Neceffity or this Sacrament 
 upon the Words of our Saviour, John vi. f 5. 
 Except ye eat the Fleftj, &c. and pleading the Pra- 
 ctice of the Primitive Church in their own Jufti- 
 fication. I have not faid any Thing of all this 
 to reduce the Cuftom into Pra&ice again: (Tho' 
 Bifhop Bedle and fome others have declared in- 
 tirely for it :) Becaufe, as Learned [a] Men have 
 
 fhewed, there are good Reafons to perfuade the 
 contrary; i. Becaufe it has no firm Foundation 
 in the Word of God. 2. Becaufe Infants, which 
 are baptized, are in Effed thereby Partakers of 
 the Body and Blood of Chrift, which are exhi- 
 bited fpiritually in Baptifm as well as the Eucha- 
 rift, according to St. Auftin himfelf and all the 
 antient Fathers, of which I have made full Proof 
 in another [*] Place. Becaufe Infants cannot 
 do this in Remembrance of Chrift, which he re- 
 quires all that partake in this Sacrament to do. 
 4. Becaufe there is the fame Analogy and Agree- 
 ment between the Pafchal Lamb and the Lord's 
 Supper, as there is between Circumcifion and 
 Baptifm : An Infant Ifraelite had a Right to en- 
 ter the Covenant by Circumcifion, as it was the 
 Seal of it : But he was not to partake of the 
 Paflbver, till he could ask his Parents the mean- 
 ing of the Myftery, Exod. xii. z6. So an Infant 
 may enter the Chriftian Covenant by Baptifm, 
 but not partake regularly of the Eucharift, till 
 he can do it in Remembrance of Chrift. What 
 I have therefore difcourfed upon this Head, by 
 deducing the Matter hiftorically from firft to laft, 
 is rather to ftiew the Vanity of that Pretence to 
 Infallibility and unerring Tradition in the Church 
 of Rome in Matters of Do&rine and necefTary 
 Practice; fince they themfelves have thought fit 
 to alter one Point, which their infallible Popes 
 and Forefathers for fo many Ages obferved as ne- 
 cefTary, in communicating Infants upon a Divine 
 Command ; and withal to ftiew, that any other 
 Church has a better Pretence than they, to re- 
 form any Practice, however generally obferved, 
 if upon better Examination it be found not to be 
 grounded upon a good Foundation in the Word 
 of God. I now return to the Bufinefs of the 
 antient Church j 
 
 Where we find that not only SECT. vill. 
 the prefent Members were all Sent t0 the ab f ent 
 Communicants, but they that Members °f, their 
 were abfent had it fent to them ZIZ,^ 
 by the Hands of a Deacon, to 
 teftify^ that while they were abfent upon any 
 lawful Occafion, they were ftill reputed to be in 
 the Communion of the Church. Thus Juftin 
 Martyr fays [_b~] the fame Eucharift, which was 
 received by them that were prefent, was carried 
 by the Deacons to the abfent. For as they pray- 
 ed for thofe that were abfent upon a probable or 
 reafonable Caufe, fo they allowed them to com- 
 municate in the fame Sacrament alfo. Upon this 
 Account, as we have feen before [f ], the Eucha- 
 rift at Rome in the time of Melcbiades, Siricius, 
 and Innocent, was ufually fent from the Bifhops 
 Church to the Tituli, or lefTer Churches, for the 
 
 [J] Odo Statut. Synodal, cap. 39. [w] Bona Rer. Li- 
 
 turg. lib. 2. cap. 19. n. 2. [»] Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. T. 2. 
 
 p , , ? g. [0] Grat. de Confecrat. Dift.4. cap. 4. cited alfo 
 
 by Holpinian. [?] Zuingl. Explanat. Artie. 18. Oper. 
 
 Tom.t. Baptizato puero mox detur Euchariftise Sacramentum, fi- 
 militer 8c Poculum Sanguinis. Hofpinian. Hift. Sa- 
 
 cram. lib. 2. cap. 2. p. 60. [r] Bafil. ap. Photium Cod. 107. 
 
 [s] Evagr. lib. 4. c. 37. [*] Mofchus, Viridarium. cap. 196. 
 
 [u] Niceph. lib. 14. a?. [#] Suicer. T.2. p. 1 118. Ex 
 
 Metroph. ConfeflT. Eccl. Orient, cap. 9. [y] BrerewoodV 
 
 Enquiries, cap 18. [z.] Smith. Account of the Greek 
 
 Church, p. 161. [0] Vid. Hofpin. 8c Suicer. locis citatis. 
 
 [*] Book II. Chap. x. ».4. ■[*] Juftin. Apol. 2. p.98. Vid. 
 
 Juftinian. Novel. 123. cap. 36. Aut fanftam eis Communionem 
 portandam, [+] Book XV. Chup.'n. n.f. 
 
 Presbyters 
 
778 
 
 The A N T I QV I T I E s of the 
 
 Book XV 
 
 Presbyters miniftring in thofe Churches to com- 
 municate with him, and as fome think [/] for 
 the whole Congregations alfo. For they fup- 
 pofe, that at firtt there was but one Altar in a 
 City, and That at the Mother Church, where 
 the Biihop miniftred, and confecrated the Eucha- 
 rifi, and lent it thence to the lefler Congrega- 
 tions. And fo they understand even that PafTage 
 in Jufiin Martyr. I rather think, the Presbyters 
 had the Privilege to confecrate the Eucharifi in 
 their own Churches 5 but however a Portion of 
 the Eucharifi was for all that fent them by the 
 Biihop from his own Church, to teftify that 
 they were in Communion with him : He did not 
 fend to the Country Churches, becaufe the Sa- 
 craments were not to be carried to Places at too 
 great a Diftance, as Innocent words it in his Let- 
 ter to Decentius. Yet in cafe of teftifying their 
 Communion with foreign Biihops, they were 
 wont to fend it to far diltant Churches As Ire- 
 n<eus in his Epiftle to Pope Viclor \d~], when he 
 menaced the Jfiatick Churches with Excommu- 
 nication for their different Way of obferving 
 Eafier, tells him his PredecefTors never thought 
 of fuch rough Proceedings againft them, but not- 
 withftanding this Difference always fent (hem 
 the Eucharifi, to teltify their Communion with 
 them. Valefius [<?] and others obferve the fame 
 in the Acts [/] of Lucian the Martyr, and Pau- 
 linus's [g] Epiftle to Severas. This was chiefly, 
 if not folely done at the Pafchal Feftival, in token 
 of their Unity, Love and Charity. But the 
 Council of Laodicea [h~\, for fome Inconvenien- 
 cies attending the Practice, abfolutely forbad itj 
 ordering that the Holy Sacraments ffiould not 
 be fent from one Diocefe to another under the 
 Notion of Eulogia, or Benedictions, at the Ea- 
 fter Feftival. Yet in fome Places the Cuftom 
 continued for feveral Ages after. For Johannes 
 Mofchus [f] fpeaks of the Communion being fent 
 from one Monk to another at fix Miles diltance : 
 Not to mention again the Cuftom of fending the 
 Eucharifi by Paulinas; and the Biihops of Rome 
 from the Mother Church to all the other 
 Churches throughout the City in every Region. 
 But where they left off this Cuftom of fending 
 the Eucharifi^ they introduced another Way of 
 teftifying their mutual Love and Amity to one 
 another by certain Symbols of Bread, which they 
 bleffed and fanctified alfo in Imitation of the Eu- 
 charifi^ but with a different Benediction. And 
 to thefe alfo they gave the Names of Eulogia & 
 Panis benediclus, confecrated Bread, which the 
 modern Greeks call ^vt/JW^, vicarious Gifts, be- 
 caule they were given in many Cafes inftead of 
 the Eucharifi. It has been obferved [f] already, 
 
 that they were often given to fuch as would not 
 communicate, when the antient Fervour of po- 
 pular and general Communions began to decay. 
 Here we are to obferve, that they were ufed to 
 be fent from one Country to another, inftead of 
 the Eucharifi, as Teftimonies of their Amity and 
 Affection. Some not improbably [k~] thus un- 
 derftood that Canon of the Council of Laodicea. 
 [/], which forbids any to receive the Eulogia, or 
 Bleflings of Hereticks, which were to be reck- 
 oned Curfes and Abfurdities rather than Bleflino-s. 
 As alfo that other Canon [»] which forbids 
 them to receive either from Jews or Hereticks 
 ret ■artix-TroiJ.tva lo^ra^ixd^ fuch Gifts or Prefents as 
 were ufed to be fent in Feftivds. Of this kind 
 was that Bread which Phidmrn [n] and Therafia. 
 fent to St. Jufiin as a Telt:mony of their Una- 
 nimity and cordial Affection, which they defire 
 him to blefs by his Acceptance. Some learned 
 Men miftake, whci they fay, the fending of the 
 Eucharifi came in the Room of this: For it was 
 plainly the Reverfe : Thefe Eulogia were invent- 
 ed in the Room of the Eucharifi, as appears from 
 the Teftimony of Irenaus, which fpeaks of fend- 
 ing the Eucharifi as the more antient Cuftom. 
 
 Among the abferit Members sect. ix. 
 of the Church they had a more And t0 tho f e *&f 
 efpecial regard to thofe that were— w J re Slck ' orinVri ~ 
 Sick, or in Prifon, or under any £V m4tr an ? 
 
 r ,» Confinement, or m 
 
 Confinement, as the Martyrs and rename at the pmt 
 Confeflors, who daily expected of Death. 
 their Diffolution ; and fuch alfo 
 of the Penitents as were feized with Sicknefs arid 
 in imminent danger of Death. To all thefe they 
 commonly fent the Eucharifi, which in this cafe 
 is more peculiarly ftiled the lq>6cPtov, or Viaticum, 
 their Preparation or Provifion for their Journey 
 into the next W r orld. Thus in the Council of 
 Nice [0] th ere is a Canon which orders, that all 
 Penitents mould have their neceflary and final 
 tfiov or Viaticum, when they were at the point 
 of Death. Which though Albafpinaus [pi in- 
 terprets only of Abfolution, yet all others with 
 better Reafon underftand it of the Eucharifi, be- 
 caufe it is added in the end of the Canon, that 
 the Biihop mall impart the Oblation to them. 
 And fo the Council of Agde fays [q], the Viati- 
 cum fhall not be denied to any Penitents at the 
 point of Death. The firft Council of Vaifon [r] 
 makes a Proviflon for fuch Penitents as were 
 matched away by fudden Death without the Vi- 
 aticum of the Sacrament, whilft they were pre- 
 paring for it, that their Oblations mould be re- 
 ceived, and their Funerals and Memorials cele- 
 brated according to the Rites of the Church 
 
 [c] Maurice ef Dioccfao Epifcopacy, p. 39. [d] Ap. 
 
 Eufeb. lib.j-. cap.24. [*] Valef. in Locum. [/] Afta 
 
 Lucian. ap. Metaphraft. 7. Jan. [g] Paulin. Ep. 1. ad 
 
 Severum. [&J Cone. Laodic. c.i.ij. -zfci to ptj} 7ct 
 
 ay-t <rk hiyov luMytuiv th iofrh 7s is»<x<l iri^i 
 <Ba.e°ix.'ttts JW-W^. [»] Mofch. Pratura. Spiritual 
 
 cap. 29. [f] See before in this Chapter, n. 3. \k] Ha- 
 
 fccrt. Archteratic. Part. 1 1. Obfer. 3. [/] Cone. Lacdic. can. 
 
 31. vel 32. « <^rt a.t^i]tx.M> zVAoyicti Aa.y.Q ci< *v . a- . - ~i<stv 
 dtoyiat f.*AA»^ n IvAoyleu. [m] Ibid. can. 37. 
 
 [»] Paulin. Ep. 31. inter Epift. Aug. Panem unum, quem unani- 
 miratis indicio milimus charitati tux, rogamus accipiendo benedi- 
 Cas. Vid. Aug. Ep. 34. ad Paulinum. [ ] Cone. Nic. 
 
 can. 1 3. [p] Albafpin. Not. in Locum. [q] Cone. 
 
 Agathen. can. ij\ Viaticum tamen omnibus in morte pofuis non 
 eft negandum. [r] Cone. Vafens i. can. i. Nefas eft 
 
 eorum commemorationes excludi a ialutaribus Sacris, Cjui a d eadeni 
 Sarra rldeli affeclu contendentes— «■ abfquc Sacramentorum Viatico 
 intercipiantur. £cc. 
 
 And 
 
Cha p. IV 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 779 
 
 And the nth Council of Toledo \f\ makes ano- 
 ther Provifion for fuch as by reaion of extreme 
 Weakads could not take the whole Viaticum of 
 the Communion, nor fwallow the Bread, but 
 only drink the Cup, that fince this proceeded 
 not from any Infidelity, but from mere Infir- 
 mity, they mould not be cut off from the Body 
 of the Church. The 4th Council of Carthage 
 mentions it in feveral Canons, and in one Canon 
 particularly [/] fpeaks of a very remarkable Cafe, 
 which fometimes happened, that a Penitent who 
 defired to be admitted to Penance in time of 
 Sicknefs, was fometimes fuddenly taken fpcech- 
 lefs, or turned delirious by the Paroxyfm of his 
 Diftemper, before the Prieft could come to him : 
 In which cafe, if they that heard him, could 
 teftify his defne, he was to be admitted: And if 
 it was thought he would immediately die, he was 
 to be reconciled by Impofition of Hands, and then 
 the Eucharijl was to be poured into his Mouth. 
 Which is called the Viaticum of the Eucharift 
 [«] in the two following Canons. As it is alfo 
 in the Council of Orange [*], and Girone [y\ and 
 many other Places. The Eucharijl in thefe cafes 
 was commonly carried and delivered by a Pref- 
 byter or a Deacon, as has been noted out of Jw 
 ftin Martyr : Yet in Cafes of great Neceffity it 
 might be carried and given by any other. As 
 appears from that Cafe in Eujebius [z] related 
 out of an Epiftle of Dionyfius Bifhop of Alex- 
 andria to Fabian Bifhop of Rome, where he tells 
 of one Serapion, who having facrificed in Time 
 of Perfecution, could not die till he had fent 
 for the Presbyter to reconcile him : But the Pref- 
 byter being fick, fent him a fmall Portion of the 
 Eucharift by the Hands of the Melfenger that 
 came for him, giving him orders to dip it firft 
 and put it into his Mouth, which he had no 
 fooner done, but the Man gave up the Ghoft in 
 Peace. But this was forbidden by the Canons 
 [a] in ordinary Cafes. 
 
 sect. X. Sometimes indeed they ufed 
 Tke&uchmitfome- private Confecrations of the Eu- 
 
 times consecrated in c ] oar lfi j n tri e Houfes of fick Men 
 private Houfes for qy m p rifons to an f we r thefe pi- 
 tbefi Furpofcs. ^ ^ ^ p urpofes . But moft 
 
 commonly they referved fome fmall Portion of it 
 in the Church from Time to Time for this Ufe, 
 as moft expeditious and convenient for fudden Ac- 
 cidents and Emergencies. There are very antient 
 
 Inftances and Examples of both Kinds. Cyprian 
 fpeaks of private Confecrations made in Piifons 
 for the Martyrs and Confeffors in time of Per- 
 fecution. For he gives Orders, That neither 
 mould the People vifit them glomcratim, in great 
 Multitudes, to raife Envy j nor the Presbyters, 
 who went to offer [b~] the Eucharift with them, 
 go more than one at once, and that by Turns, 
 accompanied only with a fingle Deacon, to de- 
 cline Envy and Obfervation. There is nothing 
 more certain, than that in Times of Perfecution 
 the Chriftians perfomed all Divine Offices in 
 every Place whither NecefTity drove them: Every 
 Place was then a Temple, as Dionyfius j c] of A- 
 lexandria words it in Eujebius, for them to hold 
 Religious AfTemblies in, whether it were a Field, 
 or a Wilderncfs, or a Ship, or an Inn, or a Pri- 
 fon. Lucian's Prifon was his Church, and his 
 own Breaft his Altar to confecrate the Eucharift 
 upon, for himfelf and thofe that [d~] were with 
 him in Confinement. In fuch a cafe, TertulUan 
 [e] fays, Three were enough to make a Church, 
 when Neceffity would not allow them a greater 
 Number. It is as evident private Confecrations 
 were made in private Houfes upon the account 
 of Sicknefs. St. Ambrofe was thus invited to 
 offer the Sacrifice in a private Houfe at Rome, 
 as we are told by the Writer of his Life [/]. 
 And Paulinus Bifhop of Nola is fiid to have or- 
 dered an Altar to be prepared for himfelf in his 
 Chamber, where he confecrated the Eucharift [_g~] 
 in his Sicknefs not many Hours before his Death. 
 Thus Gregory Nazianzen \h~\ tells us, That his Fa- 
 ther confecrated it in his own Chamber ; and 
 that his Sifter Gorgonia [f] had a Domeftick Al- 
 tar. Therefore we have no Difpute with Bona 
 upon this Point, nor fhould we have any with 
 his Church, if this were all that were meant by 
 private Mafs in the Roman Communion. The 
 Reader may hence obferve the Miftake of thofe 
 Learned Men [£], who affert, That the Primi- 
 tive Fathers, though paflionately indulgent to- 
 wards their fick Brethren in granting them their 
 fpiritual Viaticum, yet always took a Care that 
 the Elements mould be confecrated in the Church. 
 For the Inftances that have been given, both 
 concerning the Martyrs and the Sick, are un- 
 deniable Evidence to the contrary. And there 
 want not fome Inftances of private Confecrati- 
 ons upon other Occafions. Such as that men- 
 tioned by St. Auftin in a private Houfe at Zubediy 
 
 [j] C0nc.T0let.11.can.il. In multorum exitu vidimus, qui 
 optatum fuis votis facrx Communionis Viaticum expetentes, col- 
 latam fibi a Sacerdote Euchariftiam rejecerunt. Non quod Infide- 
 litate hxc agerent, fed quod prauer Dominici Calicis hauftum, tra- 
 ditam fibi non poffent Euchariftiam deglutire. Non ergo hujuf- 
 modi a corpore Ecdelias feparandi funt, 8cc. [ t ] Cone. 
 
 Carth.4. can. 76. Is qui pcenitentiam in infirmitate petit, fi cafu, 
 dum ad eum facerdos invitatus venit, oppreffus infirmitate obmu- 
 tuerit, vel in phreneiim verfus fuerit, dent teftimonium qui eum 
 audierunt, & accipiat pcenitentiam. Et fi continuo creditur mori- 
 turus, reconcilietur per manus Impofitionem, 8c infundatur ori ejus 
 Euchariftia, &c. [»] Can. 77. Pcenitentes qui in Infir- 
 
 mitate funt, Viaticum accipiant. Can. 78. Pcenitentes qui in Infir- 
 mitate Viaticum acceperint, non fe credant abfolutos fine manus 
 Impofitione, fi fupervixerint. [*] Cone. Araufican. 1. 
 
 can. 3. [y] Cone. Gerundens. can. 9. [z,] Eu- 
 
 feb. lib. 6. cap. 44. [a] Vid. Gratian. de Confecr. Ditt.2. 
 
 cap. 29. [£] Cypr. Ep.y. ad Cler. p. 1 1. Presbyteri quo- 
 
 que, qui illic apud Confeflbres ofFerunt, finguli cum fmgulis Dia- 
 conis per vices alternent : quia 8c mutatio Perfonarum 8t viciflitudo 
 convenientium rr.iuuit invidiam. [c] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. cap.22. 
 [tl] Vita Luciani. Philoftorg. lib. 2. cap. 13. [ej Tertul. 
 
 de Fuga. cap 14. Non potes difcurrere per iingulos, lie tibi 8c in 
 nibus Ecclelia. [/] Paulin. Vic. Ambrof. Per idem tern- 
 
 pus cum trans Tyberim apud quendam clariffimum invitaretur, ut 
 facrificium in domo oFferret, &c. [g] Uranius. Vit. Pau- 
 
 lirai. [b] Naz. Orat. 1 9. de Laud. Patris. p. 305- . [/] Naz. 
 
 Orat. 11. de Gorgonia. p. 187. [k] Hainan Leftiange,^/- 
 
 lyance of Div, Offic. Chap. 1 o. p. 299. 
 
 a Place 
 
780 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 a Place in his Diocefe, which was vexed with 
 evil Spirits, whither one of his Presbyters went 
 to pray and offer the Sacrifice [/] of the Body 
 of Chrift, at the requeft of the Owner, that it 
 might be delivered from them. And what the 
 Hiftorians [nf] tell us of Conftantims Tabernacle, 
 which he carried about with him in his Camp, 
 where all Divine Offices and the Holy Mytteries 
 were celebrated, may be reckoned another In- 
 ftan'ce of fuch private Confecrations. 
 
 sect. xi. It was alfo very ufual for the 
 
 And commonly re- Miniflers to referve fome part 
 (erved in the church of the con f e crated Elements ei- 
 
 forthef,me Ufe. ^ ^ thcChurch>orwith them 
 
 at their own Houfe, to be in great Readinefs 
 upon all fuch preffing Occafions. As is evident 
 from the forementioned Story of Serapion in Eu- 
 febius. And Optatus [n~] intimates as much in 
 that remarkable Story which he tells of the Do- 
 natifl Bifhops, who in their mad Zeal againft the 
 Catholicks threw the Eucharift, which they found 
 in their Churches, to the Dogs, but not with- 
 out an immediate Sign of Divine Vengeance : 
 For the Dogs, inftead of devouring the Ele- 
 ments, fell upon their Matters, as if they had 
 never known them, and tore them to pieces, 
 as Robbers and Prophaners of the Holy Body of 
 Chrift. The fame is evident from the like Com- 
 plaint of Chryfoftom concerning the Tumult that 
 happened in his Church at Conftantinople, when 
 the Soldiers broke into the Sanctuary [o] where 
 the Holy Myfteries were repofked, and many 
 of them who were not initiated, faw the Se- 
 crets that were concealed within, and the Holy 
 Blood of Chrift: was fpilt upon the Soldiers 
 Cloaths, as is ufual in luch Tumults and Con- 
 fufion. We may collecl: the fame from what 
 Victor Uticenfis f_/>] fays of Valerian an African 
 Bifhop, that he was bammed by Geifericus King 
 of the Vandals, becaufe he would not deliver up 
 the Sacrament that was kept in his Church. Cy- 
 ril of Alexandria, in one of his Epiftles [_q] re- 
 proves thofe who faid the Eucharift^ was not to 
 be referved to the next Day. And in the Coun- 
 cil of Confiantinople under Mennas [r] there is 
 mention made of Silver and Golden Doves hang- 
 ing at the Altar, which moft probably were then 
 ufed as the Repofitories of the Sacrament kept in 
 the Churches. Which is alfo mentioned in Am- 
 phitoihiusS Life of St. Bafil; but no ftrefs need 
 be laid upon that, becaufe it is a fpurious Wri- 
 ting 5 nor need we defcend to the fecond Coun- 
 cil of Tours [V), or other modern Decrees, for the 
 Proof of that which has fo good Authority a- 
 mong the more antient Writers. 
 
 It appears alfo from a Canon sect. xn. 
 of the Council of Trul/o, that *<-nd alfofor Fub- 
 the Eucharift was fometimes re- l,ck uf " T n fo ? e 
 ferved for the Publick Ufe of the g£ J£ c$Z 
 Church, to be received fome motion. This called 
 Days after its Confecration, par- Mifla Prasfanftitka- 
 ticularly in the Time of Lent, torurn - lu ufe and 
 when they communicated on ° ri i' ml - 
 fuch Elements as had been confecrated the Sa- 
 turday or Sunday in the foregoing Week, which 
 were the only Days in Lent on which they ufed 
 the Confecration Service, though they commu- 
 nicated on other Days on fuch Elements as they 
 referved out of the former Confecration. The 
 Words of the Canon are thefe [t~], That on eve- 
 ry Day in the Holy Fall: of Lent, except Satur- 
 days and Sundays, and the Feaft of the Annun- 
 ciation, the Liturgy of the pre-fanctified Gifts 
 mail be performed. This is beft underftood 
 from another Canon of the Council of Laodicea 
 [«], which orders, that the Eucharift mould not 
 be offered in Lent on any other Day except the 
 Sabbath and the Lord's Day. Not that they 
 prohibited the Communion to be received on o- 
 ther Days (for it was received every Day) but 
 on thefe Days they received only that which 
 had been confecrated before on the Sabbath and 
 Lord's- Day,and what was referved for the Commu- 
 nion of thefe Days without any new Confecration. 
 This is commonly reckoned by learned Men 
 the Beginning of this Sort of Communions up- 
 on referved Holts, though it is hard to guefs 
 at the Reafon of the Obfervation. Leo Allatius, 
 who has written [*] two peculiar DifTertations 
 upon this Subject, tells us the Reafon which 
 the Greeks themfelves alledgc for it, is, that the 
 Confecration Service is proper only for Feftivals, 
 and therefore all other Days in Lent befides Sa- 
 turdays and Sundays being Faffc-Days, they did 
 not confecrate on thofe Days, but only commu- 
 nicated in the Elements which had been confe- 
 crated before. This he fhews at large [_y] out 
 of Alexius Ariftenus, Matthew Blaftares, Balza- 
 mon, Zonaras, Michael Cerularius and Simeon Thef- 
 falonicenfis. Whether this was the true 
 Reafon, or whether it be a good Reafon, 
 is none of my Bufinefs to enquire. 1 only ob- 
 ferve, that it was an antient Practice in the J Greek 
 Church, as it continues to be [z] at this Day, 
 though the Latin Church never adopted it into 
 her Service : For they ufed to confecrate, as well 
 as communicate, about Three in the Afternoon, 
 all the Days of Lent, as is evident from Tertul- 
 lian [a], St. Ambrofc [b~], and many others, of 
 which there will be Occalion to fpeak more ful- 
 ly when we come to the Fafts and Feftivals of 
 the Church. Leo Allatius thinks this Mijfa Pr<z. 
 
 Aug. de Civ. Dei. lib. 22. cap. 8. p. 148,-. Perrexit unus, 
 obtulit ibi Sacrificium corporis Chrifti, orans quantum potuit, ut 
 cellaret ilia vexatio: Deo protinus miferante ceflavit. [w] Eufcb. 
 Vit. Conft. lib. 4. c. ?6. Sozom. lib. 1. cap. 8. [»] Optat. lib. 
 
 2. P-5"f- W Chryf. Ep. ad Innocent, t. 4. p. 681. %vSa 7<£ 
 HyiA ttiks/pTC, &c. [p] Viaor.de Perfecut. Vandal, lib.i. 
 Bibl. Patr. Tom. 7. p. [q] Cyril. Ep. ad Calofyrium in 
 
 Prafat. lib. cont. Anthropomorph. t. 6. p. 36$-. [r] Cone, 
 
 fub Menna. Aft. f. Tom - S • P- l S9- l s l Con c Turon. 1, 
 
 can. 3. [/] Cone. Trullan. can. $-2. » ffi ■■^^nytw^uv 
 htf\^y\a. yiviSiK. [«] Cone. Laodic. can. 49. * S'h 
 
 [j.'ovoi>. [*] Leo Alhr. Epift. ad Niudsum deLibris Ecclef. 
 
 Grxcorum. It. Diflert. de Mifla Pnufandtificatorum ad olcem libri 
 de Confenfu Eccl. Orient. 8c Occident. [7] Leo Allat de Mif^ 
 fa Pra-fanehf. n. 12. [*,] See Dr. Smith of the Greek 
 
 Church, p. 175-. [a] Tertul. de Orat. cap. 14. \_b~] Am- 
 
 brof. Ser. 8. in Pfal. 118. p 6?6. 
 
 fanHificatorum 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 7$i 
 
 fanttificatorum is intended by Socrates [Y], when 
 he fays on JVedncfdays and Fridays ac Alexandria, 
 they had all Divine Service except the Conle- 
 cration of the Encharifl : But it does not appear 
 that they communicated at all upon thofe Days, 
 much lels upon pre-confecrated Elements. 
 However he rightly concludes, that Durantus 
 and others, who confound this MiJJa Prafan- 
 ftificatonm with the Mijfa Sicca, or Dry Mafs, 
 us they called it, are wholly miftaken : Bccaufe 
 Dry Mafs was a Corruption peculiarly crept in- 
 to the Latin Church, which was condemned by 
 many of their own Divines, Eckius, Efiius, Laud- 
 meter, and the Bclgick Bifhops [d\ as a mere 
 Novelty, a counterfeit, and a perfect piece of 
 Pageantry j whereas this Miffa Prafanclificatorum 
 was an antient and approved Ufage of the Greek 
 Church, upon the account of which a certain Por- 
 tion of the confecrated Elements were refcrved for 
 the publick Uleofthe Church upon thofe Days of 
 Lent) on which they made no new Confecration. 
 
 SECT. XIII. But befides this Refervation 
 2*cEucharift/flwe. of the Elements for publick Ufe 
 
 iimb reeved m . ^ M ; mfters of the Church, 
 private b</ private J , - ' 
 
 Men for Jaily parti- t hei 'e was another private Reler- 
 eipadon. vation of them allowed fome- 
 
 times to religious Perfons, who 
 were permitted to carry a Portion of the Eucha- 
 rifi home with them, and participate of it eve- 
 ry Day by themfelves in private. This Cuftom 
 feems to owe its Original to the Times of Per- 
 fection, when Men were willing to commu- 
 nicate every Day, but could not have the Con- 
 venience of daily Affemblies. To compenfate 
 for the Want of which, they took a Portion of 
 the Eucharifi home with them, and participated 
 thereof every Day in private. This feems very 
 plainly to be intimated by Tertullian [<?], when 
 fpeaking of a Woman marrying an Heathen 
 Husband, he asks heij Whether her Husband 
 would not know what it was that ihe eat before 
 all her other Meat? And in another place [/], 
 anfwering the Objection which fomemade againft 
 receiving the Eucharifi on a Faft Day for fear 
 of breaking their Faft, he tells them (according 
 as fome Copies read it) They might take the Bo- 
 dy of the Lord and referve it ; and fo they might 
 both participate of the Sacrifice and fulfil their 
 .Duty of Falling. But I lay no ftrefs upon this, 
 becaufe it is a doubtful Reading. The Teftimo- 
 ny of Cyprian [g] is more full and pregnant, who 
 tells us a molt remarkable Story of a Woman, 
 
 who having facrificed at the Heathen Altars^ 
 when flie came afterward to open her Cheft* 
 where Ihe kept the Holy Sacrament of the Lord' 
 flie was fo terrified with afudden Eruption of Fire' 
 that flie durft not touch it. And the antien? 
 Author who writes againft the Roman Shows, 
 under the Name of Cyprian [/?], brings in one 
 going immediately from Church, as foon as he 
 was difmift, to the Theater, carrying the Eucha- 
 rifi with him, according to Cuftom, even among 
 the obfeene Bodies of Harlots. Gregory Nazian- 
 zen alfo [*] fpeaks of his Sifter Gorgonia having 
 the Eucharifi in her Chamber. And Bafil [JR 
 fays, it was cuftomary in Times of Perfecution 
 for Chnftians, when they could not have a Prieft 
 or a Deacon prefent with them, to take the Eu- 
 charifi with their own Hands. As they who led 
 a fohtary Life, at a great Diftance from the 
 Prieft, commonly took the Eucharifi with their 
 own Hands alfo. And it was cuftomary at Alex- 
 andria and throughout Egypt for the People every 
 one to take the Sacrament home with them. St. Je- 
 rom\f] alfo intimates the fame, when he asks thofe 
 who thought they might fafely take the Sacrament 
 at home, when they were not prepared to do it 
 m the Church, whether they thought there was 
 one Chnft m publick, and another in private? 
 Why were they afraid to go to Church? If it 
 was not . lawful to receive it in the Church, ic 
 was not lawful to receive it at Home. St. Am- 
 brofe hkewife in his Funeral Oration upon his 
 Brother Satyrus [»] f ays of him, that he obtain- 
 ed the Body of Chrift of fome that had it in 
 the Ship, wherein he fuffered Shipwrack. It is 
 true indeed this Cuftom was difcouraged in Spain 
 in the Beginning of the fifth Century upon the 
 Account of the Prifcillianifis, who made Ufe of 
 it as a Pretence to cover themfelves among the 
 Cathohcks, and yet never eat the Eucharifi at all 
 In Oppofition to whom the Council of Saram/fr 
 [»], about the Year 581, made a fevere Decree, 
 
 in the Church, and not eat it, he mould be 
 anathematized. And this was feconded by a like 
 Decree W ,n the firft Council of Toledo. But as 
 thefe Canons were only made upon a particular 
 Occafion, and for a particular Country, the£ 
 did not much affea the reft of the World In- 
 fomuch that A™ M himfelf obferves, out of 
 Johannes Mofchus and Anafiafius Bibliothecarius, 
 feveral Inftances of the Cuftom continuing in the 
 feventh and eighth Centuries. And doubtlefs it 
 was the Dodrine of Tranfubfiantiation, and the 
 
 [c] Socrat. lib. cap. 21. ap. Allatium. Ep. ad Naudaeum. 
 [</] Allat. de Miffa Pnefandt. n. 10. Miffa Sicca, recens, & Simu- 
 lata 8c Hiftrionica, confertur cum Ccenis Heliogabali. [e] Ter- 
 tul. ad Uxor. lib. 2. c. f. Non fciet maritus quid fecretoanteomnem 
 cibum guftes ? [/] De Oat. cap. 14.. Accepto corpore Do- 
 mini. 8crefervato {others read it, Re (ervata) utrumque falvum eft, 
 & Participatio facrificii, 8c executio officii, [g] Cypr. deLap- 
 fis. p. 132. Cum quxdam mulier arcam fuam, in qua Domini 
 San£tum fuit, indignis manibus tcntaflet aperire, igne inde furgen- 
 te deterrita eft, ne ou^ret attingere. [b] Cypr. de Spedtaculis. 
 p. j, in Append. Qui fcftinans ad fpeclaculum, dimiffus, 8c adhuc 
 gcrens fecum, ut affolet, Euchariftiam inter corpora obfecena me- 
 
 ' Vol. I. G 
 
 retricum tulit. [i] Naz. Orat. 11. de Go^onia n ,8 T 
 
 « p Bafil - E P- lS >-Z d Cx£ T m PatHciam - W Hieron': Ep ,o 
 ad Pammachmm Quare ad Martyres ire non audent? Qu.ue non 
 ingred.untur Ecclefias? An alius in Publico, alius in Domi Chriftus 
 eft ? Quod in Ecclefia non licet, nec domi licet. r m i Am fer„r 
 Orat.de Obitu ^tris. t. 3 . p „. „ Cone. Sa^gut 
 
 can. 3. Euchariftia; gratiam fi quis probatur acceptam in Eccleiia 
 non fumpfiffe, anathema fit in perpetuum. [„] Cone Tolet 1 
 can. I4 . Si quis acceptam a facerdote Euchariftiam non fumDferit' 
 velut Sacnlegus propellatur. [f] Bona Rer. Liturg lib 2 cap" 
 
 17. n.4. 
 
 ggg 
 
 gg 
 
 Adoration 
 
X 
 
 782 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 Adoration of the Hoft that perfectly aboliftied 
 this Cuftom, which was thought inconfiftent 
 with them. 
 
 sect. xiv. I T mud be noted under this 
 ret this never al- Head, that -chough the Church 
 sZi'e lheftli>l ' ck for the Reafons aforeiaid allowed 
 the People to cany the Eucharift 
 home with them, and participate of it in private 
 by themfclves j yet (he never permitted any Lay- 
 man to have any hand in the Administration of 
 it in her pubiick Service. As the Bifhops and 
 Presbyters were the only Perfons that were al- 
 lowed to confecrate the Eucharift) fo it was the 
 ordinary Office of Deacons to minifter it [*] to 
 the People. And when any Laymen prefumed 
 to adminifter it to themfelves in the Church, 
 they were corre&ed for it \j] by Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Cenfures. And more efpecially Women 
 were debarred from this \Y] and all other Offi- 
 ces in the pubiick Miniftrations, except what 
 belonged to the inferior Service of the Deaco- 
 neffes, of which I have given a full Account [jr] 
 in another Place. 
 
 Here I cannot omit the pertinent Obfervation 
 made by Morinus [$•], and approved by Bona [f] 
 as a judicious and true Remark, That the Men- 
 dicants were the firft that introduced the Cuftom 
 of keeping the Sacrament in the Church for 
 private Men in health to partake of extra Sa- 
 crificium, out of the time of pubiick Service in 
 the Church. They freely own this to be a No- 
 velty, and that againft the Rules of the Roman 
 Ritual, which orders the Sacrament to be kept 
 in the Church only for the Sick. They fay, 
 the Ancients kept it in the Church only upon 
 this account, for the Sake of the Sickj and that 
 they allowed no ufe of the Communion to Men 
 in health out of the time of the Oblation, fave 
 only when they permitted the People to carry 
 it home with them, and participate thereof in 
 private, which was a different thing from pub- 
 lick Communicating in the Church [}]. 
 
 SECT. xv. Whilst we are fpeaking of 
 A novel cuftom re ferving the Sacrament, it may 
 
 noted, of Refervmg be tQ make a Remark 
 
 the Eucharift for , . i <-> n. 
 
 forty Days, and the by the way upon a novel Cuftom 
 inconveniences at- which is related by fome of the 
 tending it. Roman Ritualifts about the Time 
 
 of Charles the Great. They tell 
 us, it was ufual in thofe Days, in the Ordina- 
 tion of a Biftiop or Presbyter, not only to give 
 
 the new ordained Perfon the Communion at that 
 time, but alfo as much of it in referve as would 
 ferve him to partake of for forty Days after. This 
 Cuftom is mentioned by Alcuin and the Or- 
 do Romanus, and Fulbertus Carnotenfis^ and B ona. 
 [x] does not pretend to find it in any more an- 
 tient Writers. It is hard to guefs at the Rea- 
 fons of this Cuftom, and therefore I content my 
 felf barely to mention it, without farther Enqui- 
 ry into the Myftery of it. I only obferve, that 
 fometimes great Inconveniences follow'd upon 
 this long Refervation of the Sacrament : For it 
 would often grow mouldy, corrupt and ftink, 
 and then they were hard put to it to determine 
 which way to difpofe of it. Sometimes by the 
 Negligence of the Prieft it was devoured by 
 Mice or other Animals, in which cafe the Prielt 
 was to do Penance forty Days for his Neg- 
 lect, as Gratian [jy] cites a Canon out of fome 
 Council of Aries or Orleance to this puroole. 
 But if it grew ftale and corrupted, then it 'was 
 to be burnt, by other Canons cited by Ivo [z] 
 and Burchardus [a] out of the Council of Aries, 
 ordering, That in this Cafe it mould be burnt, 
 and the Allies of it buried under the Altar. 
 Which Algerus [b~\ aflures us was the Cuftom in his 
 Time, as Bona [c~] confeffes out of him. And the very 
 Canon of the Mafs [_d~\ has a Rubrick ftill in 
 being, That if a Fly or Spider, or any fuch A- 
 nimal, falls into the Cup after Confecration, the 
 Prieft, when Mafs is ended, muft take it out and 
 warn with it Wine, and burn it in the Fire. Andfo 
 he muft do, if it be fpilt upon the Ground, he 
 muft gather up the Earth and burn it. And 
 yet fome of the Schoolmen [/] cry out againft 
 th is as an horrible Sacrilege, to burn the con- 
 fecrated Hoft, though it be grown mouldy, 
 which, according to their Opinion, would be 
 to burn the Body of God. He that would fee 
 to what Difficulties the Roman Cafuifts are dri- 
 ven upon this Point, to tell, what becomes of 
 the Body of Chrift, when the Sacrament hap- 
 pens to be thus corrupted, and how they di- 
 ftrefs and confute one another j may confult the 
 learned Aubertin [/], who has particularly con- 
 fidercd their feveral different Anfwers, no lefs 
 than feven in Number, and fhewed the Vanity 
 of them all, in that elaborate Work of his upon 
 the Eucharift againft the Do&rine of the Ro- 
 mljh Church. I will not lead my Reader too 
 far out of his Way with long Digreifions about 
 fuch Things} but return to the Bufinefs of the 
 antient Church. 
 
 [*] See Book II. Chap. xx. ». 7. and 8. [q] Cone. Trullan. 
 can. $8. [r] Vid. Firmil. Ep. jf. inter Epift. Cypr. Cone. 
 Paris, an. 819. lib. I. cap. 4?. [f] Book 11. Chap.xm. 
 
 |"i] Morin. de Pceniten. lib. 8. cap. 14. [*] Bona Rer Liturg. 
 lib. 2. Chap. 17. n. 6. The Reader that ■would fee more A- 
 
 bufes crept into the Roman Service, may confult the twenty firft SeJJi- 
 on of the Council of Bafil. Cap. De Spe&aculis in Ecclefh non tacien- 
 dis; or Mr. Gregory'/ Dijfertatton, call'd, Epifcopus Puerorum, 
 •where he will fee how the Epifcopal Office was ufed to be mimicked 
 in Pageantry on Innocents Day in many Churches. [«] Alcuin. 
 de Offic. cap. 37. Pontifex ad communicandum porrigit ei Forma- 
 tam 8c ficram Oblationem, quam accipiens communicat fuper al- 
 tare, cxtera vero refcryat fibi ad communicandum ufque ad dies qua- 
 
 draginta. It. Ordo Roma, in Ordinar. EpiTcopi. Et Fulbert. Ep. 
 ad Finandum. [x] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. cap. 13. n o. * 
 [y] Gratian. de Confecrat. Dift. 2. cap. 94. Qui bene non rufto- 
 dierit, Sacrificium, & mus vel aliquod aliud animal illud comederir, 
 quadraginta diebus pceniteat. [z] Ivo. Decret. Par. 2. 
 
 cap. f 6. [a] Bi:rchard. lib. f. c. j-o. [6] Alger, de 
 
 Euchar. lib. 2. cap. 1. [ C J Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. 
 
 cap. 19. n. 2. [d] Miflal. de DeteSibus Miflx. can. 5-. Si 
 
 mufca vel aranea vel aliquid aliud ceciderit in caiicem facerdos 
 
 extrahat earn 8c lavet cum vino, finitaque Mifla comburat. 8cc. 
 0] Petrus Paludanus, in Sent. lib. 4. Dift. 9. Quxft. 1. art. 3. 
 Hoftias conlecratas quamvis mucidas comburere immane Sacrilegi- 
 uai. [/J Albertin. de Euchar, lib, 1. c. 19. p. 122. 
 
 6 Though 
 
Chap.IV. Christian Church. 783 
 
 SECT. XVI. 
 The Eucharift 
 fometimes given to 
 Energumens in the 
 Intervals of their 
 Diftemper. 
 
 Though they did not receive 
 Energumens, or Pcrfons vexed 
 with evil Spirits, promiicuoufly to 
 the Communion, yet neither did 
 they wholly reject them ; but in 
 the Intervals of their Diftemper, 
 if they {hewed any Signs of Piety and Sobrie- 
 ty, they admitted them to partake of it. This 
 we learn from the Canons of timothy Bifliop of 
 Alexandrian who propofes this Queftion, whe- 
 ther a Communicant may communicate, if he be 
 pofleflcd? and anfwers it, If he does not ex- 
 pofe or blafpheme [g] the Myfteries, he may 
 communicate now and then. And Caffian \_h] 
 fays, the fame Refolution was given to the Que- 
 ftion by the Egyptian Fathers, who did not ufe 
 to interdict them the Communion, but rather 
 defired they fhould, if poflible, communicate 
 every Day. For by this means they had relieved 
 one Abbot Andronicus and many others of their 
 Diftemper. So that though the Canons and 
 Rules of the Church feem to drive away the 
 Energumens together with the Catechumens and 
 Penitents, they are to be underftood with this 
 Exception : Or at leaft we muft fay, the Church 
 obferved a different Difcipline in different Places. 
 
 I t would be endlefs to enume- 
 rate here all the particular Crimes 
 for which Men were debarred the 
 holy Communion i wefhall have 
 a more proper Occafion to fpecify 
 them in the next Volume, when 
 we come to treat more per- 
 fectly and diftinctly of the Church's Difcipline : 
 It may be fufficient to note here in general, 
 That all who were guilty of any notorious 
 Crimes, were rejected from participating at the 
 holy Table, whatever Rank or Degree they were 
 of, even tho' it were the Emperor himfelf, as 
 appears from the Cafe of Theodoftus, whom St. 
 Ambrofe refolutely and abfolutely refufed, for a 
 barbarous Murder committed by his Authority 
 upon feven thoufand Men at Thefalonica, till he 
 had both confeffed his Fault, and made ample 
 Satisfaction, as the Reader may find the Story 
 at large excellently related by Theodore t {f\ in his 
 Hiftory, and which I will relate from him in 
 the next Volume in its proper plae. Some other 
 particular Cafes are propos'd and anfwered in the 
 Canons of Dionyftus [*], and Timothy [/], and 
 by St. Jerom [*»], which becaufe they are rather 
 private Cafes of Confidence than Matters of pub- 
 lick Difcipline, I refer the Reader to their pro- 
 per Authors for them. 
 
 SECT. xvill. There is one Queftion in a 
 The Quejlion of doubtful Cafe, which the Obfcu- 
 
 Digamy, or fecond 
 Marringe, /fate I. 
 Whether it debarred 
 Men any time fro'n 
 the Communion. 
 
 SECT XVII. 
 
 All Men debar- 
 red from it, thai 
 ■were guilty of any 
 notorious Crime, of 
 what Rank or De- 
 gree foever. 
 
 rity of fome antient Canons has 
 made very perplexed and intricate 
 in the Refolutions of learned Men, 
 which therefore may not be filent- 
 ly pafs'd over: That is, the Que- 
 ftion about Digamy or fecond Marriage, in whac 
 Senfc it excluded Men for fome time from the 
 holy Communion? The Penalty inflicted upon 
 them, is Abftinence from the Sacrament for one 
 Year or tvvoj which I freely own, as it is orde- 
 red and worded by the Canons of Neocafarea, 
 [»], Laodicea [0], and St. Baft I [/>], is one of 
 the hardefl: Cafes we meet, with in all the Hifto- 
 ry of the antient Church. Bifliop Beveridge and 
 fome others think they mean only fecond Mar- 
 riages that are contracted whilft the firft remains 
 undiflblved. And if fo, there would be no Diffi- 
 culty in the Cafe : For a feverer Penance might 
 be laid upon fuch as retain two Wives at once. 
 And therefore others think, they intended to dif- 
 courage, though not abfolutely to forbid, fecond 
 Marriages made fuccefllvely after the Obliga- 
 tion of the firft was cancelled by Death : But 
 then, how to reconcile this with the Apoftoli- 
 cal Rules, is not very eafy to determine. Nei- 
 ther can it be excus'd from inclining to the Er- 
 rors of the Nov.it ians and Montanifts, for which 
 Tertullian pleads fo itifly againft the Church in 
 his Book De Momgamia^ and other Places. 1 
 fhould rather think thefe Canons intended no 
 more but to difcountenance marrying after an 
 unlawful Divorce, which was a fcandalous Pra- 
 ctice, however allowed by the Laws of Jews and 
 Gentiles. And this the rather, becaufe Tertullian^ 
 Arguments againft the Catholicks imply, That 
 they allowed of fecond Marriages fuccefllvely in 
 all except the Clergy, and many Churches ad- 
 mitted Digamifts (in that Senfe) even into Or- 
 ders too, as I have fhewed out of Tertullian him- 
 felf, and Chryfoftom, and Theodoret more fully 
 in another Place. And if thefe Canons in- 
 tended any thing more, they muft be looked up- 
 on as private Rules, which could not prefcribe 
 againft the general Senfe and Practice of the Ca- 
 tholick Church. 
 
 SECT. XIX. 
 The corrupt Cu- 
 ftom of fome mho 
 gave the Eucharift 
 to the Dead, cenfu. 
 red by the Ancients. 
 
 There was one very corrupt 
 and fuperftitious Practice began 
 to creep pretty early into the Afri- 
 can Churches and fome others, 
 which the Fathers cenfure very 
 heartily, as it juftly deferved : that 
 was, Giving the Eucharift to the Dead. The 
 third Council of Carthage has a Canon to this 
 Purpofe That the Eucharift fhould not be 
 given to the Bodies of the Dead : For the Lord 
 faid, Take this and eat: But dead Bodies cau 
 
 [g] Timoth. Refponf. Canon, c. 3. ap. Bevereg. torn. 2. 
 [h] Caffian. Collat. 7. cap. 30. Communionem vero eis facro- 
 fanftam a fenioribus noftris nunquam meminimus interdidtam: 
 Quinimo, fi poffibile eflet, etiam quotidie eis impartire eam de- 
 
 bere cenfebant. ■ ■ — Hoc namquc modo curatum 8c Andro- 
 
 nicum Abbatem nuper afpeximus, aliofque quamplures. 
 
 [t] Theod. lib. f. cap. 17. [*] Dionyf. Can. 2. md 4- 
 
 [/] Timoth. Can. f, 7, 12. [m] Hieron. Ep. 20. ad 
 
 Vol. I. Gg 
 
 Pammach. cap. 6. [»] Cone. Neocxf. can. 7. [0] Cone. 
 Laod. can. 1. [f] Baiil. can. 4. [*] Book IV. Chap. 
 
 v. ». 4. [q] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 6. Placuit ut corporibus 
 
 defunftorum Euchariftia non detur. Di£rum eft enim a Domino, 
 Accipite 8c edite: Cadavcra autem nec accipere pofTunt nec edere. 
 Cavendum eft etiam, ne mortuos baptizari pofle fratrum infirmitas 
 credat, quibus nec Euchariftiam dari ]ickum eft. 
 
 g g g g * neither 
 
The A n t i qv i t i b s of the Book XV 
 
 neither take nor eat. Caution alfo is to be ufed, 
 that the Brethren may not through Ignorance 
 believe, that dead Bodies may be baptized, fee- 
 ing the Euchariji may not be given to them. 
 And this with a little Variation is repeated in 
 the African [r~\ Code, where the Caufe of both 
 Errors, as well in Baptifm as the Euchariji^ is af- 
 cribed to the Ignorance of the Presbyters mif- 
 guiding the People. A like Canon was made in 
 the Council of Auxerre in France, An. fyS, a lit- 
 tle [j] before the Time of Gregory the Great. 
 Which lhews that the fame Abufe had got fome 
 footing there alfo. St. Chryfofiom alfo fpeaks a- 
 gainft it [?], though he does not intimate that 
 it was practifed by any Catholicks, but rather (if 
 by any) by the Marcionite Herericks, who as 
 they gave a vicarious Baptifm to the Living for 
 the Dead, fo perhaps might give the Euchariji 
 to the Dead themfelves: Both which Abfurdicies 
 he refutes at once from the Words of our Sa- 
 viour. To whom did he fay, Except ye eat my 
 Flefh, and drink my Blood, ye have no Life in you ? 
 Did he fpeak to the Li'/ing, or to the Dead? 
 And again, Except a Man be bom of Water and 
 of the Spirit, he cannot fee the Kingdom of God. It 
 appears alfo that long after St. Chryfoftom's Time 
 there were fome Remains of this Error in the 
 Greek Church : For the Council of Trullo [u] re- 
 peats the Prohibition in the Words of the Coun- 
 cil of Carthage: Let no one impart the Euchariji 
 to the Bodies of the Dead} for it is written, Take, 
 and eat j but the Bodies of the Dead can neither 
 take nor eat. 
 
 sect. XX. Bona does not undertake to 
 
 Parallel to which defend th j s Abuf but he does 
 
 rfm g the Eucharift , anoth 7 , wh ' ch » s no^lefs abfurd, 
 #ith the Dead. becaufe he found it in the Pra- 
 ctice of St. Benedicl, and related 
 with Approbation by Gregory the Great: that is, 
 The Cuftom of burying the Euchariji with the 
 Dead. Bona \_x~) fays, this was done by St. Ba- 
 fil in the Greek Church, as is reported in his Life: 
 But all Men know the Author of that Life to 
 be both a fpurious and a Legendary Writer. 
 That which he alledges out of Gregory \_y~\ is 
 more authentick : For he fays, St. Benedicl or- 
 der'd the Communion to be laid upon theBreaft 
 of one of his Monks, and to be buried with him. 
 He reckons thefe Things were done either by 
 divine Inftinct, or by Compliance with received 
 Cuftom, which is fince abrogated. But he pro- 
 duces no Rule of his Church to fhew its Abro- 
 gation. And whatever Rules there may be to 
 the contrary, it is certain the Practice continued 
 ftill. For not only Balzamon [z] and Zonaras 
 
 fpeak of it in their Time ; But Ivo [_a~\ fiys, 
 When the Body of St. Othmar was tranflated, 
 the Sacrament was taken up out of the Dormi- 
 tory with him. And a Learned Man [b~\ now 
 living aflures us, that he himfelf with many o- 
 thers have feen the Chalice in which the facred 
 Blood was buried, dug out of the Graves of di- 
 vers Bifhops buried in the Church of Sarurn. So 
 that whatever the Laws might prohibit, the Pro- 
 fanation continued under Pretence of Piety among 
 the greateft Men, but without any Foundation 
 or real Example in the Practice of the Primitive 
 Church. 
 
 We have hitherto confidered sect. XXI. 
 v.' hat related to the Communi- The order of com- 
 cants themfelves } we are now to mur " cl,tm &- 
 examine the Manner of their communicating. 
 Where, firft of all, the Order of their communi- 
 cating occurs to our Obfervation : Which is 
 thus defcribed in the Conflitutions : Firft let the 
 Bifhop receive [Y), then the Presbyters, Dea- 
 cons, Sub-deacons, Readers, Singers, and Afce- 
 ticlfs.j among the Women, the Deaconefies, 
 Virgins- and Widows- after that the Children, 
 then all the People in Order. In Juflin Mar- 
 tyr's Time [d~\ when the Bifhop had confedera- 
 ted, the Deacons diftributed both the Bread and 
 the Cup among the Communicants: But in After- 
 ages the Bifhop or Presbyter commonly mini- 
 ftred the Bread, and the Deacons the Cup after 
 them. And there are fome Canons that exprefly 
 [e~] forbid a Deacon to minifter the Body of 
 Chrift, when a Presbyter is prefent, and others 
 enjoining them not [/] to do it without Ne- 
 ceflity, and a licence from the Presbyter to do 
 it. And it was ever accounted fo great an Ab- 
 furdity for a Presbyter to receive from the Hands 
 of a Deacon, that the Council of Nice [g~] thought 
 fit to make a particular Canon to forbid it. But 
 by Permiflion and Cuftom it became their ordi- 
 nary Office to minifter the Cup [#], and fome- 
 times both Species [/] to the People, obfer- 
 ving the Method prefcribed to communicate 
 every one in their proper Order. 
 
 Another Diftinction was SECT. XXII. 
 made in placing the Communi- Somt B -' 4les <> b - 
 cants in their proper Stations. f er " jed f° r Dijlinai- 
 For though no Diftinftion was mo f FlMes - 
 made in this Cafe between Rich and Poor; they 
 being all called alike to partake together of the 
 fame Communion, as Friends of one common 
 Lord [*] } yet fome Diftinction of Place for Or- 
 der's fake was generally obferved, though not 
 exactly the fame in all Places, but with fome 
 
 [r] Cod. Afric. can. 18. [*] Cone. Antifliodor. can. 12. 
 
 Non licet mortuis nec Euchariftiam nec Ofculum tradi. &c. 
 [r] Chryf. Horn. 40. in 1 Cor. p. 688. [«] Cone. Trull, 
 
 can. 8}. [x~] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 17. n. 6. 
 
 [y] Greg. Dial. lib. 2. cap. 24. Juflit communionem Dominici 
 corporis 111 pectus defan&i reponi atque fic tumulari. 
 {>] Not. in Can. 13. Cone. Trull. [a] Ivo. Vita Oth- 
 
 mari. lib. 2. c. 3. ap. Surium die 16. Nov. Dr. Whitby, 
 
 Idolatry of Ho/I Wor flip. Chap. i. p. 26. [cj Conftit. lib. 8. 
 
 cap. 13. ' [d] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 97. [e] Cone. 
 
 Arelat. 2. can. if. Diaconi corpus Chrifti, prselente Presbytero, 
 tradere non prsiumant. f /] Cone. Carthag. 4. can. 38. 
 
 Diaconus, prsefente Presbytero, Euchariftiam corporis Chrifti popu- 
 lo, fi neceffitas cogat, juffus eroget. [g] Cone. Nic. can, 18. 
 [h] Vid. Cyprian, de Lapfis. p. 132. Conftit. lib. 8. c. 13. 
 [« J Cone. Ancyr. can. 2. [k] Vid. Chryfoft. Horn. 10. 
 
 in 1 Thef, p. 148$-. 
 
 Variety 
 
Chap. V- 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 7%s 
 
 Variety according to the different Cuftoms of 
 different Churches. In the Spamjb Churches it 
 was cuftomary for the Presbyters and Deacons to 
 communicate at the Altar, and the reft of the 
 Clergy in the Quire, and the People without 
 the Rails of the Chancel, as is plain from a Ca- 
 non of the fourth Council [/] of Toledo, and to 
 this a Reference is made, as to an antient Cu- 
 llom, fettled long before by former ' Canons, in 
 the firft Council of Brag* [«]• Which implies 
 that there were Rules of old about this Matter, 
 fince the Council of Braga could not mean the 
 Council of Toledo, for that was after it, An. 6^. 
 The Reference mull be to more antient Canons, 
 fuch as that of the Council of Laodicea, which 
 f>1 orders, that none but the Clergy only mould 
 come to communicate within the Chancel. And 
 this feems to have been the conftant Practice or 
 the Greek Church, where no Layman from that 
 Time, befides the Emperor, was allowed to 
 come to the Altar, to make his Oblations, and 
 communicate there j but this Privilege was al- 
 lowed the Emperor by antient Tradition J' J, as 
 the Council of truth words it. And yet even 
 this was denied the Emperor in the Italick 
 Church. For St. Ambrofe would not permit the 
 
 Emperor Theodojius himfelf to communicate in 
 this Place, but obliged him to retire as foon as 
 he had made his Oblations at the Altar. But 
 Valefius \_p] has obferved out of the Epiftles of 
 Dionyfeus Bifhop of Alexandria, that in the third 
 Century it was cuftomary both for Men and Wo- 
 men to come and ftand at the Altar to commu- 
 nicate: And Mabillon {hews \_q] out of Gregory 
 of Tours [r] that the fame Cuftom prevailed in 
 the Galilean Churches. And it is very evident 
 from the fecond Council of Tours, which has a 
 Canon to this purpofe: That though Laymen at 
 other Times fhould not come into the Chorus or 
 Chancel, yet when the Oblation was offered [j], 
 both Men and Women might come into the Ho- 
 ly of Holies to communicate at the Altar. So 
 that this was plainly one of thofe Rites which 
 varied according to the Difference of Times and 
 Places, and the various Ufages and Cuftoms of 
 different Churches. There are a great many o- 
 ther Cuftoms relating to the Manner of commu- 
 nicating, which are of greater Moment, and 
 become Matters of great Difpure in thefe latter 
 Ages, and therefore it will be neceflary to confi- 
 der and examine them a little more particularly, 
 which I (hall do in the following Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 A Refolution of fever al Queftions relating to the Manner of Communicating 
 
 the Antient Church. 
 
 in 
 
 *-j-*HE firft and mojl momen- 
 
 SECT I- ' I xn JCi ai* *** w»» — 
 
 That the Feople J[ tous Queftion of this Kind 
 were always admit- j s? w hether the People, and fuch 
 
 ted to receive in ^ ^ Q er gy as did not COnfe- 
 
 ioth Kinds. crate ^ wcre generally admitted 
 
 to communicate in both Kinds? The principal 
 Advocates of Popery at the Beginning of the 
 Reformation [a] were not willing to own, that 
 Acunivcrfal Pradice of the Primitive Church 
 was againft the modern Sacrilege of denying the 
 Cup to the People: And therefore tho' they 
 coTfefTed there were fome Inftances in Antiquity 
 of Communion underboth Kinds, yet they mam 
 tained the Cuftom was not Univerfal. So Echus 
 ^Harding and many others. But they who 
 hive fince confidered the Practice of the antient 
 Church more narrowly, are aftiamed of this Pre- 
 
 tence, and freely confefs, that for twelve Cen- 
 turies there is no Tnftance of the People's being 
 obliged to communicate only in one Kind, in 
 the publick Adminiftrationof the Sacrament [T], 
 but in private they think fome few Inftances may 
 be given. This is Cardinal Bono's Diftindtion, 
 whofe Words are fo remarkable, that I cannot 
 forbear to tranferibe them : It is very certain, 
 fays he, that antiently all in general, both Cler- 
 gy and Laity, Men and Women, received the 
 Holy Myfteries in both Kinds, when they were 
 prefent at the folemn Celebration of them, and 
 they both offered and were Partakers. But out 
 of the Time of Sacrifice, and out of the Church, 
 it was cuftomary always and in all Places to com- 
 municate only in one Kind. In the firft part of 
 the Affertion all agree, as well Catholicks as Sec- 
 
 m Conc.Tolet. 4. can. \ 7 . Sacerdos 8c Levita ante altare 
 
 j_,aoaic. iy. ( ^ r , Cone. Tru I can. 09. 
 
 7 cap. 9. M MablL , d , e Lltur S" G ^\l' 
 
 cap f i> L W Greg.Turon. lib. 9. cap 3. & lib. 10. 
 
 «n 8 ' M Cone. Turon. 2. can; 4. Ad orandura 5c 
 
 communicandumLaieisScFeminis, ficut mos eft, pateanc fandla 
 
 fanftorunx Enchirid . cap . 10 . de Euchar. p. 130. Hard- 
 
 Z 
 
 mg's Anfatr to Jewel'* Challenge. Art. 2. p. 30. Bellarmin. is 
 Euchar. lib. 4. cap. 24. W B °na Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. c. 
 
 18. n. 1. Certum eft omnes paftim Clericos 8c Laicos, viros &. 
 mulieres fub utraque fpecie facra Myfteria antiquitus fumpfiflTe, cum 
 Solemni eorum celebrationi aderant, 8c ofterebant 8c dc oblatis par- 
 ticipabant. Extra facrificium vero, 8c extra Ecclefiam femper 8c 
 ubique Communio fub una fpecie in ufu fuit. Prims parti aiTerti- 
 onis confentiunt omnes, tarn Catholici, quam fe<aarii; nec earn 
 negare poteft, qui vel levifiima rerum Ecclefiafticarum notitia imbu- 
 tus fit. Semper enim 8c ubique ab Ecclefia: primordiis ufque ad 
 Sseculum duodecimum fub fpecie panis 8c vini communicarunt Fide- 
 les ; ccepitque paulatim ejus Sxculi initio ufus calicis obfoiefcere, pie- 
 rifque Epifcopis eum populo interdicentibus ob periculum irreve- 
 rentioe 2c effulionis. 
 
 taness 
 
786 The Antiquities of the Book XV 
 
 taries ; nor can any one deny it, that has the 
 lead Knowledge of Ecclefiaftical Affairs. For 
 the Faithful always and in all Places from the ve- 
 ry firfb Foundation of the Church to the twelfth 
 Century, were ufed to communicate under the 
 fpecies of Bread and Wine > and in the Begin- 
 ning of that Age the Ufe of the Cup began by 
 little and little to be laid afide, whilft many Bi- 
 fliops interdicted the People the Ufe of the Cup 
 for fear of Irreverence and Effufion. And what 
 they did firft for their own Churches, was after- 
 ward confirmed by a canonical Sanction in the 
 Council of Conftance. This is as fair and ample 
 a Confeffion for the Pra&ice of the Univerfal 
 Church as we defire, and it ferves to {hew the 
 Vanity of all thofe Arguments, from Scripture 
 and Antiquity, that were offered at by the firft 
 Managers of this Difpute, to prove the Practice 
 of communicating in both Kinds not to be Uni- 
 verfal. It fuperfedes alfo all farther Trouble of 
 citing Authorities in this Difpute, as unneceflary 
 in a Matter fo much beyond all Doubt and Ex- 
 ception by the Adverfaries own Confeffion. Tho' 
 the Reader that defires to fee the Authorities 
 produced at large, may find them in Voffius [e] 9 
 and Du Moulin [i], and more amply in Chamier 
 [e\ and a late Treatife of a learned Writer^ [/] 
 in our own Tongue, fhewing, that there is no 
 Catholick Tradition for Communion in one Kind. 
 But Bona not only grants us all this, but tacitly 
 anfwers all the plaufible Arguments ufed by Bel- 
 larmin [g] and others, to perfuade their Rea- 
 ders into a Belief of the antient Church giving 
 the Communion only in one Kind. Bellarmin 
 urges the frequent mention of reducing delinquent 
 Clergymen to Lay-Communion > which he in- 
 terprets Communion in one Kind. But Bona re- 
 jects this Notion of Lay-Communion as utterly 
 falfe \h~] j reflecting tacitly upon Bellarmin and 
 other modern Writers of his own Church, as ig- 
 norant of the antient Difcipline, who no fooner 
 hear of the Name, Lay-Communion, but pre- 
 fently they take it in the Senfe that it now bears, 
 and interpret it Communion in one Kind* which 
 how falfe it is, fays he, we may learn from 
 hence, that we often read of Clergymen being 
 thruft down to Lay-Communion at that time, 
 when Laymen communicated in both Kinds. O- 
 thers draw an Argument from that which the 
 Ancients call Communio Peregrina, the Commu- 
 nion of Strangers, which they interpret Com- 
 munion in one Kind : But Bona [i] takes a great 
 
 deal of Pains to ftiew the Ignorance of thefe 
 Men, and makes an accurate Enquiry into the 
 true Notion of this fort of Communion, con- 
 eluding that whatever it meant, it did not mean 
 Communion in one Kind. Bellarmin draws ano- 
 ther Argument or two from the Refervation of 
 the Eucharifi for the Ufe of the Sick, and from 
 that private and domeftick Communion which 
 we have fecn before was allow'd to private Chri- 
 ftians in their own Houfes, or in a Journey, or 
 in the Wildernefs : All which Bellarmin will have 
 to have been only in one Kind. But befides that 
 this is falfe in itfelf: {'For they referved not only 
 one, but both Kinds for thefe Ufes, as we lhall 
 fee more by and byj Bona [£] fays, it is altoge- 
 ther befide the Queftion: For the Queftion is 
 not about private and extraordinary Communion 
 in Cafes of great Exigency, but about the pub- 
 lick, folemn and ordinary Communion of the 
 Church : Concerning which he concludes no In- 
 ftance can be produced before the twelfth Cen- 
 tury of its being celebrated only in one Kind. 
 
 But then, that he may not feem to give up 
 the Caufe of his Church, and defert it as wholly 
 defperate, he pretends that the Change that was 
 made by the Council of Conftance, and confirmed 
 by the Council of Trent) was againft no divine 
 Law j for Communion in both Kinds was nei- 
 ther inftituted by God, nor did the antient Fa- 
 thers ever teach it to be neceffary to Salvation. 
 One would wonder to fee difcerning Men fo in- 
 fatuated. What Words can be able to exprefs a 
 divine Inftitution, if thofe of our Saviour are 
 not, Drink ye all of this? Or how fhould the Fa- 
 thers believe Communion in both Kinds not to 
 be neceffary, who thought it neceffary for Chil- 
 dren, and actually communicated them in botli 
 Kinds, whenever they were capable of receiving 
 it, as we have feen before ? But he was fenllble 
 fome of their own Popes have called it a grand 
 Sacrilege to divide the Myftery. Gelajius [/] com- 
 plains, that fome received the Bread, but ab- 
 ftained from the Cup, whom he condemns as 
 guilty of Superftition, and orders, that they 
 fliould either receive in both Kinds, or elfe be 
 excluded from both : Becaufe one and the fame 
 Myftery cannot be divided without grand Sacri- 
 lege. Leo the Great [m~] declaims againft them 
 after the fame manner : They receive the Body 
 of Chrift with an unworthy Mouth, but refufe 
 to drink the Blood of our Redemption. Such 
 Mens facrilegious Diffimulation being difcovered, 
 
 [c] VotT. Thef. Theol. Difp. $. de Symbolis Coenae Domin. 
 [</] Mouiin. Hovelty of Popery. Book 7. Controverfy 1 2. 
 \e] Chamier de Eucharift. lib. 8. cap. 9. [/] Demonftrati- 
 
 c» that the Church of Rome has erred in her Decrees about Commu- 
 nion in one kind. [g] Bellarm. de Euchar lib. 4. cap. 24. 
 |7>] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 19. n. 2. Recentiores, qui au- 
 dico nomine Communionis, ejus veteri notione neglefta, id folum 
 concipiunt quod hodie ea voce fignificatur, Laicam Communionem 
 nihil aliud e(Te putant, quam perceptionem Euchariftix fub unica 
 fpecie, aut extra Cancellos more Laicorum; Quod quam falfum fit 
 vel ex eo liquet, quod faepe Clericos ad Laicam Communionem 
 detrufos legimus, eo tempore, quo etiam Laici fub utraque fpecie 
 communicabant. [ » ] Bona. ibid. n. f. Quidam, inter 
 quos Biniusi n notis ad Concilium Herdenfe, communionem Pcre- 
 2 
 
 grinam cum Laica confundunt. Alii exiftimarunt nihil aliud efle 
 quam perceptionem Euchariftise fub una tantum fpecie. Verum 
 quid magis alienum a Difciplina veterum Patrum ? &c. 
 [£] Bona ibid. n. 1. [/] Gelaf ap. Gratian. de Confecrat. 
 
 Dift. 2. cap. 12. Comperimus quod quidam fumpta tantumtnodo 
 corporis facri portione, a Calice facri cruoris abftineant. Qui pro- 
 culdubio, quia nefcio qua fuperftitione docentur obftringi, aut in- 
 tegra Sacramenta percipiant, aut integris arceantur : quia divifio u- 
 nius ejufdemque Myfterii fine grandi Sacrilegiononpoteftprovenire. 
 [m] Leo Ser. 4. de Quadrageiima. Ore indigno corpus Chrifti 
 accipiunt, languinem autem redemptionis noflras haurire omnino 
 
 declinant. quorum deprehenfa fuerit facrilega Simulatio, notati 
 
 St prohibit! a Sao&orum Societate Sacerdotali automate pellantur. 
 
 let 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church, 
 
 787 
 
 let them be marked, and by the Authority of 
 the Priefthood call out of the Society of the 
 Faithful. It is in vain to fay here, as Bona does, 
 that thefe Decrees were only made againft the 
 Mankhees, who believed Wine to be the Gall of 
 the Prince of Darknefs, and the Creature of the 
 Devil, and therefore refufed to drink it : For 
 their Rcafons are general againft all Superftiiion 
 whatfoever, and in their Opinion the Sacrament 
 may not be divided without grand Sacrilege, and 
 thwarting the Rule of the firft Inttitution. 
 Which Bona might alfo have learned from ano- 
 ther Decree related in their Canon Law [«] un- 
 der the Name of Pope Julius, who fays, the 
 giving of the Bread and the Cup, each distinct- 
 ly by themielves, is a divine Order and Apofto- 
 lical Inftitution, and that it is as much againft 
 the Law of Chrift to give them joyntly by dip- 
 ping the one into the other, as it is to offer 
 Milk inftead of Wine, or the Juice of the Grape 
 immediately preffedout of the Clufter: all which 
 are equally contrary to the Evangelical and Apo- 
 ftolical Doctrine, as well as the CufUm of the 
 Church, as may be proved from the Fountain of 
 Truth, by whom the Myfteries of the Sacra- 
 ments were ordained. Does not this plainly im- 
 ply, that Communicating in both Kinds diftindt- 
 ly, was according to the Laws of Chrift, and a- 
 greeable to his Rule and Doctrine, as well as his 
 Example ? With what Face then could Bona 
 fay, that Communion in both Kinds was neither 
 inftituted by God, nor did the antient Fathers 
 judge it necefTary? when even fome of their an- 
 tient Popes have told us fo plainly, that Commu- 
 nion diftinctly adminiftred in both Kinds, is a 
 divine Order, and that it is grand Sacrilege to 
 divide them. And the Ancients always admini- 
 itred in both Kinds upon this Principle, becaufe 
 it was the Law of Chrift, whatever Bona or his 
 Partizans can fay to the contrary. 
 
 As to the other Part of the Queftion, whe- 
 ther the Ancients did not in fome private or ex- 
 traordinary Cafes adminifter the Sacrament in 
 one Kind, we have no Difpute with Bona, as 
 being nothing to the Difpute of publick Com- 
 munion, by his ownConfeffion. Though all the 
 Arguments made ufe of by him and Bellarmin in 
 this Cafe, are far from being exactly true and 
 conclufive. For whereas they argue for Com- 
 munion in one Kind from private and domeftick 
 Communion, it appears from feveral Inftances 
 that this fort of Communicating was often in 
 both Kinds. Thus Nazianzen [oj fays of his Si- 
 fter Gorgonia, that fhe laid up the Antitypes both 
 of the Body and Blood of the Lord. And St. 
 Ambrofe fpeaking of his Brother Satyrus \_p ] and 
 
 others at Sea, expreffes the Matter in fuch Terms 
 as plainly imply that they both eat the Bread 
 and drunk the Wine. And whereas again they 
 fay, the Communion referved in the Church for 
 the Ufe of the Sick was only in one Kind: The 
 contrary is evidently proved from Juftin Martyr 
 [_q\ who fays, The Deacons were ufed to carry 
 both the Bread and Wine to the Abfent} and 
 from St. Chryfoftom's Complaint [f] to Pope/«- 
 nocent, that in that horrible AfTault that was 
 made upon his Church, the holy Blood of Chrift 
 was fpilt upon the Soldiers Cloaths. Which Ba- 
 ronius himfelf [/} brings as an Argument to prove, 
 that they were ufed to referve the Sacrament in 
 both Kinds in the Church for the Ufe of the 
 Sick. They argue farther, from the Example of 
 fuch as took long Journeys, or went to Sea, that 
 they always communicated in one Kind. But 
 Baronius [t] proves in the fame Place, from the 
 Authority oi Gregory the Great, that they who 
 went to Sea, carried both the Body and Blood 
 of Chrift along with them in the Ship. And 
 Bona himfelf [«] tells us, there are fome Inftan- 
 ces of the Communion being carried in both 
 Kinds to Hermits and Reclufes in the Wilder- 
 nefs, as he gives an Example in Maria Mgypti- 
 aca out of Sophronius. They urge likewife the 
 Ufe of the Prefanctified Sacrament, which the 
 Greeks ufed all Lent, except on Saturdays and 
 Sunday's, as has been noted before > and the La- 
 tins on the Parafceue or Good-Friday ; and this 
 they pretend to tell us, with great Confidence, 
 was only Communion in one Kind : For they 
 referved only the Bread and not the Wine for this 
 fort of Communion. Bellarmin refers us to a- 
 bundance of Authors for this, as Pope Innocent, 
 Ep. i. Cap 4, who has not a Word about it 5 
 and Gregory's Sacramentariutn, and the Ordo Ro- 
 manus in Officio Parafceues, and Rabanus Maurus 
 and Micrologus. But Cafander [*] has unluckily 
 fpoiled this Argument, and inverted it upon 
 them. For he has obferved, and Voffius [>] af- 
 ter him, that the Ordo Romanus in the Office of 
 Good-Friday, appoints Wine to be confecrated 
 with the Lord's Prayer, by putting fome of the 
 pre-confecrated Body into it, Ut Populus plene 
 poffit communicare, that the People may have the 
 full Communion in both Kinds. And the fame 
 is to be faid of the Greeks pre-fanctified Commu- 
 nion: For in that Liturgy Wine and Water is 
 ordered to be put into the Cup, and then in their 
 Prayers before the Communion, the Elements 
 are called the Body and Blood of the Lord. So 
 Cajfander. But Leo Allatius [z~], who wrote a 
 peculiar Differtation upon this Subject, has mora 
 effectually ruined this Argument, which it is a 
 
 [»] Jul. Ep. ad Epifc ■''Egypt, ap. Gratian. de Confecr. Dift. 2. 
 cap. 7. Audivimus quofdam Schifmatica ambitione detentos, con- 
 tra Divinos ordines, 8c Apoftolicas Inftitutiones, iac pro vino in di- 
 vinis facrificiis dedicare; alios quoque intinftam Euchariftiam po- 
 pulis pro complemento communionis porrigere. — - Quod quam fit 
 Evangelicx 8c Apoftolicx do&rinae contrarium, 8c confuetudiniEc- 
 clefiafticae adverfum, non difficile ab ipfo fonte vematis probabitur, 
 a quo ordinata ipfa Sacramentorum myfteria proceflerunt. 8cc. 
 [0] Naz. Orat. 11. de Gorgon, p. 187. [/>] Ambrof. Orat. 
 
 <je Obicu Fratris. t a. p. 19. Toto pectoris hauriret arcano, &c. 
 
 Vid. VoiT. Thefes. p. $-17. ex Tappero. [q] Juftin. Apol. 2. 
 
 p. 97. Thus alfo fome think we may take St. Jerom fpeaking ofExu- 
 perius Bifhop of Tholoufe, Nihil illo ditiu r , qui corpus Domini ca- 
 niftro vimineo, Sanguinem porrat in vitro, meaning his carrying* 
 both kinds to the Sick. [r] Chryf. Ep. ad Innoc. t 4. p. 681. 
 
 M Baron, an. 40+. t. j\ p. [t] Baron, ibid, ex Gre- 
 
 gor. Dial. 2 . cap. 16. [«] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. x, cap. 18. 
 
 n. 2. ex Vita Maria; ^gyptiaca;. [ x ] Cafland. de Commu- 
 
 nione fub utraque Specie, p. 1027. [ r ] Voff. Theies The- 
 
 ol. p. j-io. [z.] Allat, dt Mifla Pfsfanclificatorum. n. 7. p. ij-fo. 
 
 Wonder 
 
788 
 
 The A n t i qv i t i e s of tin 
 
 Book XV, 
 
 Wonder Bona mould not obferve, who fo often 
 refers to his Difjertation and commends it. For 
 he lhews out of the Greek Writers, Nicolas Ca- 
 bajilas [a], and Simeon Theffalonicenfis [Ji], that 
 in this Communion there were both the Ele- 
 ments of Bread and Wine, either confecrated 
 before, or by the Touch of one another. So 
 that this Argument not only proves nothing to 
 their Purpofe, but ruins the Hypothefis of the 
 Objectors. For this pre-fanctified Communion 
 of the Greeks was in both Kinds. And the very 
 Prayers in this Liturgy, both before and after 
 the Communion, (as Allatius [c] there obferves) 
 evidently mew it. For the Prieft thus prays be- 
 fore Communion: Vouchfafe by thy mighty Power 
 to impart to us Thy immaculate Body and Thy preci- 
 ous Blood, and by our Miniflry to all the People. 
 And after Communion, We give Thee Thanks, O 
 Lord, the Saviour of all, for all the good Things 
 Thou haft given us, and for the Participation of the 
 Holy Body and Blood of Thy Chrift. And Alla- 
 tius obferves farther [d~], that the fame fort of 
 Communion in both Kinds was ufed on Good- 
 Friday in Spain by the Order of the Mozarabick 
 Liturgy, which agrees with what CaJJander ob- 
 ferved before out of the Latin Church. And 
 that which led Bellarmin and Bona into the Mi- 
 ftake, to take this for Communion in one Kind 
 was, that both the Greek and Latin Church re* 
 ferved only the Bread, and not the Wine, for 
 this Service > but when they came to communi- 
 cate, they put the pie-confecrated Bread into a 
 Cup of Wine, and faid the Lord's Prayer and 
 fome other Prayers, and that was efteemed a Con- 
 fecration of it, and lb they proceeded to communi- 
 cate in both. I have been a little more parti- 
 cular in explaining this Rite, becaufe it is the 
 only Inftance our Adverfaries can urge with any 
 Colour, of publick Communion in one Kind} 
 which yet when rightly underftood, we fee, is 
 no Argument for them, but directly againft 
 them. And at this Day the Greeks, and Maro- 
 rites, and Abyffins, and all the Orientals, never 
 communicate but in both Kinds, as Bona [e~\ him- 
 felf confefles out of Abraham Echellenfis, and o- 
 ther Writers. And as to other Inftances of the 
 Sick or Infants, or Men in a Journey, who com- 
 municate only in one Kind ( if they were never 
 fo true, as we fee many of them are falfe ) they 
 are private and extraordinary Cafes, that relate 
 not to the publick Communion of the Church, 
 and fo come not within the State of the prefent 
 Quellion, which is only about publick Commu- 
 nion, and not what was done in fome very par- 
 ticular and extraordinary Cafes. 
 
 SECT. II. Having thus difpatched this 
 That in receiving grand Queftion about Commu- 
 
 nion in one Kind, and fiiewed mboth Km<ir, they 
 
 the Practice of the Church to be alwa ) s m&tnl the 
 
 conftantly to receive in both E- Elements -*Vwa. 
 
 lements, we are next to enquire, Tf, '""J"' c ' ied 'P- 
 
 tit • j • ' r« '* ths other. 
 
 whether they received tnem both 
 feparately and diftinctly, or the one dipped into 
 and mixed with the other. The modern Greeks 
 have a Cuftom, which they have retained for 
 fome Ages, of dipping the Bread into the Wine, 
 and miniftring it fo mixed in a Spoon to the Peo- 
 ple [/]. Some learned Men, among whom arc 
 Latinus Latinius [g] and Arcudius \h\ make this 
 Cuftom as antient as the Time of Pope Innocent 
 and St. Chryfoftom: But Habertus [*] and Bona, 
 [_k~\ prove there could be no fuch Cuftom in 
 thofe Days, it being altogether contrary to the 
 Ufage of the Church in that Age to mingle the 
 Elements together, or minifter them any other- 
 wife than feparate to the People. And indeed 
 there is nothing more evident than this in all the 
 Writings of the Ancients, who (peak of deliver- 
 ing the Bread flrftwith a certain Form of Words, 
 and after that the Cup with another Form (as 
 we fhall fee more by and by) and that com- 
 monly by diftinct Perfons, a Biftiop or a Presby- 
 ter miniftring the one, and a Deacon the other. 
 So that it is needlefs to multiply Teftimonies to 
 fliew, that mixing of the Elements is a novel 
 Invention. I only note one PafTage of an Epiftle 
 that goes under the Name of Pope Julius [/] in 
 Gratian's Collection, which leems to hint at the 
 Beginning of the Practice, and condemns it as 
 a great Corruption, contrary to the Primitive In- 
 ftitution of our Saviour. Whereas, fays he, fome 
 give the People the Eucharift dipt in the Cup 
 for a Complement of the Communion, this has 
 no Authority to be produced for it out of the 
 Gofpel, where Chrift commended his Body and 
 Blood to his Difciples. For the Gofpel (peaks 
 of the Bread being apart, and the Cup apart by 
 themfelves. This is repeated in the fame Words 
 in the third Council of Braga, An. 6jf [_m~\ 
 Bona tells us farther, out of Micrologus [nl, that" 
 it was forbidden by the old Roman Ordo; and 
 that Humbertus de Sylva Candida, who wrote a- 
 gainft the Greeks in the middle of the eleventh 
 Century, declaims [o] bitterly againft it> tho* 
 he thinks, with more Zeal than he needed to do, 
 for a very good Reafon we may be fure, becaufe 
 the fame Practice, as much an Abufe as ir. was, 
 and contrary to the firft Inftitution, was not long 
 after authorized in the Roman Church. For Pope 
 Urban the Second in the Council of Clermont or- 
 dered it in cafe of Neceftity fo to be admini- 
 ftred to the Sick, and in other Cafes out of a- 
 bundant Caution, for fear the Blood fhould at 
 any time be fpilt. However it had various For- 
 tune in the Roman Church. For Pafchai the Se- 
 
 ll*] CahaGlas Expof. Miflk. cap. 24. [b~] Simeon. O- 
 
 pufc. cont. Haerefes. Et Refp. ^6. ad Gabriel. Pentapolitan. 
 [c] AHat. ibid. n. 19. [</] Ibid. n. 18. Ex Mifla Mozarab. 
 
 in die Parafceues. [«] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 18. n. 2. 
 If] Vid. Dr. Smith'* Account of the Greek Church, p. 14.2. 
 [g ] Latinius Ep. ad Anton. Auguftin. [h ] Arcud. de 
 
 Concord, lib. 3. cap. 73. [/] Habert. Archieratic. Par. 10. 
 
 Obferv. 10. p. 271. [k~\ Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. i. cap. 23. 
 
 n. 8. 5c lib. t. cap. »3. n. 3. [/] Gratian. <te Confe- 
 
 crat. Dift. 2. cap. 7. Quod vero pro Complemen'o Communio- 
 nis intinftam tradunt Euchariftiam populis, nee hoc proiarum ex E- 
 vangelio teftimonium recipit, ubi Apofcolis Corpus fuum 5c San- 
 guinem commendavit. Seorfum enim Panis, Sc feorfum Calicis 
 commendatio memoratur. [m] Cone. Bracarenf. 7 can. 1. 
 0] Microlog. cap. i 9 . Non eft Authenticum c,ucd "'cjuidJm ' cor- 
 pus Domini intingunt, & intindium pro Complemento Commu- 
 nionis populo diftribounr, nam Ordo P^omami'; contradicit. 
 [0] Humbert. Ref'utat. Calumniar. Michael. Gerularii. 
 
 cond 
 
Chap. V* 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 ■■—< — ■ — a 
 
 789 
 
 cond not long after revoked the Licence of his 
 Prcdeccffor, and ordered \_p] that neither In- 
 fants nor the Sick mould have the Communion 
 mixed, but rather take the Blood alone, which 
 he thought more decent than to give the Bread 
 dipt in the Cup. Yet this did not fatisfy the 
 Council of tours [_q] mentioned by A>o, for they 
 thought ftill, that the Sick in cafe of Neceffity 
 ought to have it dipt, that they might have it 
 in both Kinds, and that the Presbyter who ad- 
 miniftrcd it, might fay with Truth, The Body 
 and Blood of our Lord Jcfus Chrift be unto 
 thec for Remiffinn of Sins and Eternal Life. The 
 Men of this Age did not yet think it lawful to 
 communicate even the Sick in one Kind only, 
 nor that the Prieft could lay with Truth to the 
 Communicant, The Body and Blood of Chrift, 
 when he did not give him both Kinds. But Bo- 
 na here pities their Ignorance: For they, poor 
 Men ! had not yet learned that noble Secret in 
 Divinity, the Doctrine of Concomitancy, to 
 know, that the Body of Chrift cannot be with- 
 out the Blood. But lie goes on to acquaint us 
 out of an old, Ritual of Joannes Abrincatenfis, 
 that this mixt Communion was ordered to be 
 given to all the People likewife, for Fear of Ef- 
 fufion. And in the antient Cuftoms of the Mo- 
 naftery of Cluny publifhed by Dachcrius there is 
 an Order, that the Novices fhould thus com- 
 municate, for fear that if they took the Blood 
 by itfelf, they might incur fome Negligence and 
 ihed it. Though it is intimated in a Marginal 
 ISTote there, that the old Cuftom of giving both 
 Kinds feparately was ufed in other Churches. In 
 England the Cuftom of mixing the Elements fo 
 far prevailed, that Ernulphus or Arnulphus Bifhop 
 of Rochefter, An. 1 1 zo, wrote a Letter in De- 
 fence of it, which is alfo publifhed by Dachcri- 
 us in his Spicilegium, torn. z. where one Lambert 
 propofes the Queftion to him, why the Eucha- 
 rifi was adminiftred at prefent after a different 
 and almoft contrary manner to that which was 
 obferved byjefus Chrift j becaufeit was cuftomary 
 at that Time to diftribute anHoftfteept in Wine 
 to the Communicants} whereas Jefus Chrift 
 gave his Body and Blood feparately ? To this Ar- 
 nulphus anfwers, that this was one of thofe Things 
 that might be altered, and therefore though an- 
 tiently the two Species of Bread and Wine 
 were given feparately, yet now they were given 
 together, left any ill Accidents fhould happen 
 in the Distribution of the Wine alone, and left 
 it fhould ftick on the Hairs of the Beard or the 
 Whiskers, or fhould be fpilt by the Minifter. 
 Yet for all this not long after Richard Arch- 
 bifhop of Canterbury, in a Synod held at Wefimin- 
 fier, An. H7f, prohibited [r~\ the giving the 
 Eucharifi fteept in Wine as a Complement of the 
 
 Communion. Thus this Matter was bandied zr 
 bout, and difputcd backwards and forwards in 
 the Latin Church} fome allowing it, others 
 condemning it} now a Council fettling it, and 
 then another unfettling it, and condemning all 
 that went before them } till at laft the Council 
 of Confiance came in with her Paramount Autho- 
 rity, and, as Bona thinks, very wifely put an End 
 to all thefe Difputes and Inconveniencics at once, 
 by taking the Cup wholly from the People, and 
 ordering that they fhould neither have it fepa- 
 rately nor conjunctly : And fo this Abufe of gi* 
 ving the Eucharift fteept in Wine, after a long 
 Courfe and Struggle of various Fortune, was cu- 
 red with a worfe Error, which took away the 
 Cup from the Laity, and denied one Part of 
 the Sacrament wholly to the People. Let us 
 now return again to the antient Church. 
 
 The next Queftion may be SECT. III. 
 concerning the Pofture in which That tke 
 they received. The Refolution ""™ d 
 of which muftbein thefe three kneehng, but never 
 Conclufions. 1. That they fome- fitting. 
 times received Handing. 2. Some- 
 times kneeling. 5. Never fitting, that we read 
 of. That they frequently received the Commu- 
 nion ftanding, may be evidenced two Wavs: By 
 a direct, and by a collateral Argument. The di- 
 rect Argument is their pofitive Aflerfibns con- 
 cerning the ftanding Pofture. Thus Dionyfius of 
 Alexandria fpeaking of one who had often com- 
 municated among the faithful, reprefents him, 
 Tga7rs£)j <3$y.sdvTa 1 as ftanding [s~\ at the Lord's 
 Table. Upon which Valcfius [*] makes this Re- 
 mark, that antiently they received the Eucharifi 
 ftanding, not kneeling, as now the Cuftom is. 
 And Habertus undertakes to prove againft the It a" 
 lian Divines [f] as he calls them, that the whole 
 Divine Liturgy was celebrated ftanding, and that 
 they both confecrated ftanding, and received ftand- 
 ing. And Bona [[|] acknowledges the fame for 
 the Greek Church, though he is a little more 
 doubtful of the Latin. For the Greek Church 
 he produces the Authority of Chryfoftom (Orat. 
 in Encanid) and Cyril of Jerufalem, who bids his 
 Communicant [/] receive it bowing his Body in 
 the Pofture of Worfhip and Adoration. Some 
 interpret this Kneeling [«], but it fignifies ftand- 
 ing with Inclination, or bowing of the Body in 
 the manner of Adoration. And fo St. Chryfoftom 
 [x] reprefents both Prieft and People as ftanding 
 at the Altar. This Altar, fays he, (fpeaking of the 
 Altar of a Man's own Soul, fending up devoutly 
 Prayers and Alms to God) is a more tremendous 
 Altar than that whereat thou who art a Layman 
 ftandeft. And again, As the Prieft ftands in- 
 voking the Spirit, fo thou invokeft him alfo. 
 
 [f>] Pafchal. Ep. 2*. ad Pontium. [q] Cone. Turon. 
 
 ap. Ivonero. Par. 2. cap. 19. Sacra Oblatio intinfta debet efle in 
 fanguine Chrifti, ut veraciter Presbyter poffit dicere infirmo, Cor- 
 pus & Sanguis Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti proficiat tibi in remiffio- 
 nem peccatorum 8c vitam anernam. [r] Cone. Weftmo- 
 
 nafter. can. n. Inhibemus ne quis quafi pro complemento Com- 
 munionis intinftam alicui Euchariftiam tradat. [j] Dionyf. Epift. 
 ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. cap. o, [*] Valef. in Loc. Stantes, non 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 ut hodie genibus flexis, accipiebant. ff] Haberr. .Arcliiera- 
 
 tic. Par. 8. Obferv. 10. p. i/o. Bona Rcr. Licurg. 
 
 lib. 2. Chap. 17. n. 8. [/] Cyril. Cutech. Myft, j. n. ijj. 
 
 KVTrjai' Kj Tfj>'7ru i*fc<rj:-\<>T-'U< >y triCda vit&-, ^iya-t', Auiiv. 
 [«] Hamon L'EItrange, Altyance of Div. Offic. Chap. 7. p. 209. 
 [x] Chryf Horn. 20. in 2 Cor. p. 886. 7*70 <t'pMa>H'><ie$\i -3x- 
 ffinrneio-/ frstetVtf, a av <wetf 'atix.a( twy.U, It. KetflaVsj vs"B« 
 
 H h h h h h no% 
 
790 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 not by thy Words, but by thy Works. In like 
 manner Sr. Jujlin reprefenting the Chriftians 
 way of Worfhipping God at the Altar, to an- 
 fwer the Calumny of the Heathen, who accufed 
 them of giving divine Worfhip to their Martyrs, 
 fays, Which of the Faithful ever heard the Prieft 
 when he (lands \_y] at the Altar fay in his Pray- 
 ers, / offer Sacrifice unto thee, O Perer, or Paul, 
 or Cyprian, when he' offers to God at their Mo- 
 numents or Memorials? Which I produce here 
 only to fhew, that their Prayers were then offer- 
 ed in a {landing Pofture at the Altar. Upon 
 which Account it was ufual for the Deacon at 
 fuch Times, efpecially on fuch Days as this Po- 
 fture was ufed, to call upon the People in fome 
 fuch Form of Admonition as that mentioned fre- 
 quently by St. Chryfofiom [z] and the Author of 
 the Confiitutions o^ci <;6i\j?p xaXwr, Let us 
 
 Hand rightly and devoutly to offer our Sacrifices 
 and Oblations. Some think Tertullian alfo refers 
 to this Pofture, when he fays [b~], Nonne folcn- 
 tiior erit fiatio tua, ft & ad Aram Dei fteteris ? 
 Will not your Station be the more folemn, if 
 you alfo ftand at the Altar of God ? But to fpeak 
 freely, I think Tertullian in that Place ufes the 
 Word fianding, not to diftinguifh. any particular 
 Pofture of Prayer, but only to denote a longer 
 Continuance in it on the Stationary Days, or 
 Half-Fafts, when they continued their religious 
 Affemblies till three in the Afternoon: For on 
 thefe Days, as we fhall hear prefently, they pray- 
 ed always kneeling, though on other Days they 
 did not; and therefore 'tertullian could not mean 
 that they prayed Handing on thofe Days, but on- 
 ly that they extended their Devotions to a great- 
 er length on thofe Stationary Days beyond others. 
 But without this controverted Paflage of Tertul- 
 lian, there is fufficient Evidence from the fore- 
 going Teftimonies, of their ftanding to receive 
 the Eucharifi at the Lord's Table. 
 
 And this is farther confirmed by a collateral 
 Argument, which is, that on the Lord's Day, 
 and all the Days of Pentecofl, they were obliged 
 to pray ftanding, and in no other Pofture, as has 
 been fhewed [*] at large above : Therefore it is 
 very reafonable to believe, that at all fuch Times 
 they received the Eucharifi in the fame Pofture they 
 were obliged to pray, that is, ftanding at the Altar. 
 
 But then the ufual Cuftom was, on all other 
 Days, and particularly on the Stationary Days, 
 for the whole Church to pray kneeling, as has 
 likewife been fully [t] evinced before : And 
 therefore it is no lels reafonable to believe, that 
 they received rhe Communion in the fame Po- 
 fture as they prayed, though there are not fuch 
 
 pofitive Evidences of their Practice. What fome 
 alledge out of "Tertullian, that the People did Arts 
 Dei adgeniculari, kneel down to the Altars of 
 God [f], is no good Proof: For that is only 
 a corrupt Reading of the firft Editions, which, 
 others fince read more correctly, Caris Dei adge- 
 niculari, falling at the Knees of the Favourites 
 of God $ alluding to the Cuftom of Penitents 
 falling at the Feet of the Minifters and People, 
 to beg their Prayers for them when they went 
 into the Church. Nor is the Argument much 
 more folid that others bring out of Cyril's Cate- 
 chifm, where he bids his Communicant receive 
 the Eucharifi v.uvflw. For that, as I have oberv- 
 ed juft now, fignifies not kneeling, but ftanding 
 in a bowing Pofture. What St. Chryfofiom fays 
 in one of his Exhortations to Communicants, 
 feems more nearly to cxprefs it : Let us come with 
 trembling, let us give thanks, let us fall down \_d J 
 and confefs our Sins, let us zveep and lament for cur 
 Mifcarriages, let us -pour out fervent Prayers to God, 
 and let us come •with a becoming Reverence as to our 
 heavenly King. But if there were none of thefe 
 Expreffions, the very Cuftom of kneeling at 
 Prayers on thefe Days is a fufficient Indication of 
 the Pofture in which at the fame time they re- 
 ceived the Communion. 
 
 As to Sitting, there is no Example of it, nor 
 any Intimation leading toward it in any antienc 
 Writer. I have fhewed before, that in many 
 Churches they allowed no fitting at all in time 
 of Divine Service, neither in Prfaching, nor 
 Reading the Scripture, nor in Pfalmody, nor 
 in Praying, nor after Praying neither. And ic 
 would be unreafonable to imagine, that what 
 Was rejected at all other Times, ihould be allow- 
 ed in receiving the Communion. Cardinal P er- 
 ron indeed labours hard to prove, that the Apo- 
 ftles received fitting, and that fitting was alfo a 
 Pofture of Adoration But his Vanity is abun- 
 dantly chaft'fed and expolcd by the learned D ill- 
 le, as I have noted before [_%] upon another Oc- 
 casion. So that this Pofture is wholly without 
 Example in the antienr Church. Nor are there 
 many Examples of it among the Moderns ; and 
 of thofe that be, fome of them are fuch, as con- 
 fidering their Moti.es, one would leaft of all 
 chufe to imitate them. The Arians in Poland are 
 faid to receive the Communion fitting, to ihew 
 that they do not believe Chrift to be their God, 
 but_ only their Fellow-Creature. For which 
 reafon fome of the Proteftant Polijh Synods [e~\ 
 exprefsly forbid this Pofture, as peculiar to the 
 Arians, and obliged all their People to receive 
 either ftanding or kneeling, not fitting, as being 
 
 \~y] Aug. de Civ. Dei lib. 8. cap. 17. Quis audivit aliquando Fi- 
 
 ddium ftantem Sacerdotern ad altare dicere in Precibus, Offero 
 
 tibi Sacrificium Petre, vel Paule, vel Cypriane, cum apud eorum 
 Mcmorias ofreratur Deo, 8cc. If. com. Fauftum. lib. 20. cap. 21. 
 Quis Antulitum alTittens altari, aliquando dixir, OrTerimus tibi Petre 
 aut Paule aut Cypriane? led quod effertur, offertur Deo, 8cc. 
 
 Chryf. Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 740. Horn. 29. de Incomprehen- 
 fibili. T. 1. p.37f. [*] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 12. [f] Tcrcul. 
 de Orat. cap. 14. [*] B ok Xlii. Chap.vm, n. 3. 
 
 [f] EookXIU. Chap.v'iW. n.+. [c] Tcrtul. de Pcenitenr. 
 
 cap. 9. id] Chryf. Horn. Ser. 3 1. in Natal. Chrifti. T.j. 
 
 4 
 
 p. 480. ■w/5?fl-'7ric-<»,aV 'J^ouohoyvfjfyo!, &c. Book 
 XIII. Chap. viii. n.7. j>] Synod. Wiodifla v. an. 15-83. 
 
 Artie. 6. in Corpore Confeffion. Par. 2. p. 309. Sententia jam olim 
 in Sendomirienii Synodo agitata, Sc Concluiio in generali Crarovienfi 
 atque Pctricovienii Synodo facia ac repctita, in hoc ctiam Confeffu 
 approbata eft: nempe ne in ufu fit fefllo ad fflcnfim Dominican* 
 in ullis hujus noftri Conlenfjs Eccleliis. Nam hsec Ceremonia, li- 
 cet cum cacteris libera, Eccleliis Chriflianis 8c Caeribus EvangeKds 
 non eft ufuata, tantumque Infideiibcs Arianis, cum Domino pari 
 folio fefe collocantibus propria, &c. Vid. Synod. Petricovcnf. Art. 4. 
 ibid. p. 305. Synod. Cracovinef. Art. 4. p- 303 . 
 
 a Pofture 
 
Cha p. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 79i 
 
 a Pofturc taken up by the Ariam, and contrary 
 to the Practice of all Proteftant Churches. We 
 are likewife told, that it is the Angular Privilege 
 of the Pope to communicate fitting, whenever he 
 performs the Office of Confecration. Bona [/] 
 not only tells us this, but defcribes the whole Ce- 
 remony out of the Book called Ceremoniale Ro- 
 mani Pontificis, and the old Or do Romanus y which 
 they that are curious in fuch Matters may con- 
 fult in their proper Places. I go on with the 
 Practice of the antient Church. 
 
 sect. iv. There is no one Thing that 
 N» Elevation of the has made greater Stir and Confu- 
 Hofl fir dhine A- f lon m t he Chriftian World, for 
 
 deration in the an- fome A than the Ado . 
 ttent Church for u n. . J J 
 
 m,ny Ages, tdi the ration or the Hoft, grounded up- 
 Wfe of Tranfub- on a falfe Preemption, that it is 
 ftamiation. not Bread and Wine, but tran- 
 
 fubftantiated into the real Body 
 and Blood of Chrift. I intend not to enter up- 
 on the Hiftory of Tranfubflantiatlon (which is a 
 Doctrinal Point, and comes not properly into 
 this Work, which only inquires into the Pra- 
 ctice of the Church) but lhall content myfelf to 
 fay, that in Fact the moft eminent of the antient 
 Fathers have declared, as plain as Words can make 
 it, that the Change made in the Elements of 
 Bread and Wine by Confecration, is not fuch a 
 Change as deftroys their Nature and Subftance, 
 but only alters their .Qualities, and elevates them 
 to a fpiritual Ufe, as is done in many other Gon- 
 fecrations, where the Qualities of Things are 
 much altered without any real Change of Sub- 
 ftance. Thus Gregory Nyffen [g], This Altar 
 before which we ltand, is but common Stone in 
 its Nature, differing nothing from other Stones 
 wherewith our Walls are built j but after it is 
 confecrated to the Service of God, and has re- 
 ceived a Benediction, it is an holy Table, an im- 
 maculate Altar, not to be touched by any but by 
 the Priefts, and that with the greateft Reverence. 
 The Bread alfo at firft is but common Bread, but 
 when once it is fanctified by the holy Myftcry, 
 it is made and called the Body of Chrilt. So the 
 myftical Oyl, and fo the Wine, though they be 
 Things of little value before the Benediction, yet 
 after their Sanctification by the Spirit, they both 
 of them work Wonders. The fame Power of 
 the Word makes a Pried become honourable and 
 venerable, when he is feparated from the Com- 
 munity of the Vulgar by a new Benediction. For 
 he who before was only one of the common People, 
 is now immediately made a Ruler and Prefident, 
 a Teacher of Piety, and a Minifter of the holy 
 Myfteries : And all thefe Things he does without 
 any Change in his Body or Shape ; for to all out- 
 ward Appearance he is the fame that he was, 
 but the Change is in his invifible Soul, by an in- 
 vifible Power and Grace. Cyril of Jerufalem [h~\ 
 ofes the fame Similitude and Illuftration : Beware 
 
 that you take not this Ointment to be bare Oint- 
 ment. For as the Bread in the Eucharift, after 
 the Invocation of the Holy Spirit, is not mere 
 Bread, but the Body of Chrift : So this holy 
 Ointment after Invocation, is not bare or com- 
 mon Ointment, but it is the Gift or Grace of 
 Chrift and the Holy Spirit, who by his Prefence 
 and Divine Nature makes it efficacious ; fo that 
 the Body is anointed fymbolically with the vifi- 
 ble Ointment, but the Soul is fanctified by the 
 Holy and Quickening Spirit. St. Chryfoflom in 
 his famous Epiftle to Cafarius makes a like Com- 
 parifon, to explain the two Natures of Chrift 
 againft the Apollinarians , to fhew that he had 
 both an Human and Divine Subftance in reality 
 without any Transformation or Confufion : As 
 the Bread, fays he, before it is fanctified, is cal- 
 led Bread, but after the Divine Grace has fancti- 
 fied it by the Mediation of the Prieft, it is no 
 longer called Bread, but dignified with the Name 
 of the Body of the Lord, though the Nature of 
 Bread remain in it, and they are not faid to be 
 two, but one Body of the Son : So here the Di- 
 vine Nature refiding or dwelling in the Human 
 Body, they both together make one Son and one 
 Perfon. When this Paflage was firft produced 
 by Peter Martyr, it was looked upon as fo unan- 
 fwerable, that they of the Romiflj Church had 
 no other way to evade the Force of it, but to 
 cry out, It was a Forgery. Peter Martyr left it 
 in the Lambeth Library, but it was ravilh'd thence 
 in the Reign of Queen Mary. Bigotius a Learn- 
 ed French Papift publifhed the Original, but the 
 whole Edition was fupprefied. Yet Le Moyne 
 publifhed it again in Latin among his Varia Sa- 
 cra: And a Learned Prelate, who now fo de- 
 fervedly holds the Primacy in our own Church, 
 and whofe indefatigable Induftry againft Popery 
 will never be forgotten, having procured the 
 Sheets which the Sorbon Doctors caufed to be 
 fupprefs'd in Bigotius's Edition of Palladius, pub- 
 lifhed it [/] in our own Tongue, with fuch of 
 the Greek Fragments as are now remaining. And 
 in thefe Monuments it will ftand as the unan- 
 fwerable Teftimony of St. Chryfoflom, and a Key- 
 to explain all other Paflages of the Greek Writers 
 of that Age, who were undoubtedly in the fame 
 Sentiments of the Bread and Wine ftill remain- 
 ing unalterable in their Subftance. 
 
 Theodoret lived not long after St. Chryfoflom, 
 and he as plainly fays, that the Bread and Wine 
 remain ftill in their own Nature after Confecra- 
 tion. Our Saviour, fays he, would have thofe 
 [k] who are Partakers of the divine Myfteries, 
 not to mind the Nature of the Things they fee, 
 but by the Change of Names to believe that 
 Change which is wrought by Grace. For he that 
 called his own Natural Body Wheat and Bread, 
 and gave it the Name of a Vinej he alfo ho- 
 noured the vifible Symbols or Elements with the 
 Name of his Body and Blood, not changing 
 
 [/] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib.*, cap. 17. n.8. [g ] Nyffen. 
 
 de Bapt. Chrifti. Tom. 3. p. 369. [h] Cyril Catech. My ft. 3 . 
 
 Hi 5. [i] Defence of the Expoftion of the VoSr'me of the 
 
 Vol,. I. 
 
 Church of England, againft Mr. de Meaux. Lond. 1686. 
 [k] Theod. Dialog. 1. tom.4. p. 17. Vid. Ep. 130, & 1+/, 
 
 H h h h h h z their 
 
792 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 BookXV 
 
 their Nature, but adding Grace to Nature. In 
 another Place [/] he ufes the very fame Weapon 
 to foil an Eutychian Heretick, who to prove that 
 ChrihVs Human Nature was changed into the 
 Divine Nature after Union, ufes this Argument : 
 As the Symbols of the Lord's Body and Blood 
 are one Thing before the Invocation of thePrieft, 
 but after Invocation are changed, and become 
 another Thing : So alfo the Body of our Lord 
 after its Affumption was changed into the Divine 
 Subftance. To which Theodoret thus replies, 
 Thou art taken in thy own Nets which thou 
 haft made: For neither do the myftical Symbols 
 depart from their own Nature after Confecra- 
 tion, but remain in their former Subftance, Fi- 
 gure and Form, and are vifible and palpabkj as 
 they were before j yet they are underftood and 
 believed to be what they are made, and are re- 
 verenced as thofe Things which they are made. 
 Compare therefore the Image with the Original^ 
 and thou fhalt fee their Likenefs. For the Type 
 mult anfwer to the Truth. That Body has the 
 fame Form and Figure and Circumfcription, and 
 in a word has the fame Subftance of a Body that 
 it had before, but it is immortal after the Refur- 
 re&ion, and is freed from all Corruption, and fits 
 at God's Right Hand, and is adored by every 
 Creature, as being called the Body of the Lord 
 of Nature. Thefe Words are fo plain, that the 
 Bread continues in its own Subftance after Con- 
 fecration, as the Body of Chrift continues in the 
 Subftance of Human Nature after its Affumpti- 
 on, that as Bifhop Cofins [ni] has obferved, iVz- 
 colin the Pope's Printer, who fet forth thefe Dia- 
 logues at Rome, An. if 47, owns that 'Theodorefs 
 Opinion, as to what concerns Tranfubflantiation, 
 was not found, but he might be excufed, becaufe 
 the Church had made no Decree about it. 
 
 Ephrem Bifhop of Antioch lived about a hun- 
 dred Years after 'theodoret, An. f40, and he wrote 
 againft the Eutychians in the fame manner. No 
 Man, fays he, that hath any Reafon [«], will 
 fay, the Nature of palpable and impalpable, of 
 vifible and invifible, is the fame. For fo the Bo- 
 dy of Chrift, which is received by the Faithful, 
 does not depart from its own fenfible Subftance, 
 and yet it is united to a fpiritual Grace : And fo 
 Baptifm, though it becomes wholly a fpiritual 
 Thing and but one Thing, yet it preferves the 
 Property of its fenfible Subftance, I mean Water, 
 and does not lofe what it was before. 
 
 The Latin Fathers are not lefs plain and full 
 in their Teftimony about this Matter. Tertulli- 
 an not only frequently fays it is Bread repre- 
 fenting [0] the Lord's Body* and the Figure of 
 
 his Body [/>] j but alfo teaches us to truft to the 
 Teftimony of our Senfes in this and many other 
 Things relating to Chrift. We are not to call 
 in Queftion thofe Senfes \_q] of ours, left we be- 
 gin to doubt of the Certainty of the very Things 
 that are related of Chrift, whether he was not 
 deceived, when he faw Satan fall from Heaven, 
 or when he heard the Father's Voice teftifying 
 of him, or when he touched the Hand of Peter's 
 Mother, or when he fmelled the Spirit of the 
 Ointment which he accepted to his Burial, or 
 when he tafted the Wine that he confecrated to 
 be the Memorial of his Blood. St. John argues 
 upon the Teftimony of our Senfes, 'what we have 
 feen^ what we have heard, what we have feen with 
 our Eyes, and our Hands have handled of the Word 
 of Life. But this Atteftation is falfe, if our Senfes 
 may be deceived in the Nature of Things, which 
 we fee with our Eyes, and hear with our Ears, 
 and touch with our Hands. It is plain from thefe 
 Words of Tertullian, that he never thought of 
 Tranfubflantiation, which contradicts four of the 
 five Senfes of all Mankind, the Sight, the Touch, 
 the Tafte and the Smell -> and that he mult be 
 the moft abfurd Man that ever wrote, if after all 
 he could believe that not to be Bread, which ac- 
 cording to his own Rule had the Teftimony of 
 fo many feveral Senfes. 
 
 St. A«$in ufes the fame Argument with Tertul- 
 lian in one of his Homilies to the newly baptized • 
 which though it be not now among St. Aufiin's 
 Works, yet it is preferved by Fulgentius [f] and 
 Bede and Bertram. Here inftru&ing them about 
 the Sacrament, he tells them, that what they 
 faw upon the Altar was Bread and the Cup, as 
 their own Eyes could teftify [f] to them : Bun 
 what their Faith required to be inftrufted about, 
 was, that the Bread is the Body of Chrift, and the 
 Cup the Blood of Chrift. But fuch a Thought 
 as this will prefently arife in your Hearts : Chrift 
 took his Body into Heaven, whence he fhall 
 come to judge the Quick and the Dead. And 
 there he now fits at the Right-hand of the Fa- 
 ther. How then is Bread his Body ? Or bow is 
 the Cup, or that which is contained in the Cup, 
 his Blood? Thefe Things, my Brethren, are 
 therefore called Sacraments, becaufe in them one 
 Thing is feen, and another is underftood. That 
 which is feen, has a bodily Appearance ; that 
 which is underftood, has a fpiritual Fruit. If 
 therefore you would underftand the Body of 
 Chrift, hear what the Apoftle fays to the Faith- 
 ful, Ye are the Body of Chrift and his Mefffoers. 
 If therefore ye be the Body and Members of 
 Chrift, your Myftery or Sacrament is laid upon 
 
 [ /] Id. Dial. i. p. 8f. O] Cofins Hijl. ofTranfubftan. p. 77. 
 [n] Ephrem ap. Photium. Cod. 119. [0] Tertul. cont. Marc, 
 lib. 1. cap. 14.. Panem quo ipfum corpus fuum repraefentat. 
 [f] Cont. Marc. 1. 4. cap. 40. Pahem corpus fuum fecit, hoc eft 
 corpus meum dicendo, id eft, Figura derporis mei. [q] De 
 
 Anima. cap. 17. Non licet nobis in dubium fenfus iftos vocare, 
 
 ne 8c in Chrifto de fide eorum deliberetur ne forte deceptus fit, 
 
 cum Petri focrum tetigit, aut alium peftea untigucn fenferit fpiri- 
 tum.quod in fepulturam fuam acceptavit, alium poftea vini laporem, 
 quod in fanguinis fui Memoriam confecravit, &c. Falfa utique 
 Teftatio, fi oculorusrs 8c aurium 8c manuum fenfus natura menti- 
 
 f 
 
 tur. [r] Fulgent.de Bapt. ./Ethiopis. cap. 11. Beda in 1 Cor* 
 10. Bertram, de Corpore & Sanguine Dom. [s~\ Quod ergo 
 videtis, Panis eft 8c Calix, quod vobis etiam oculi veftri renunciant. 
 Quod autem Fides veftra poftulat inftruenda, Panis eft Corpus Chri- 
 fti, Calix fanguis Chrifti.— — Quomodo eft Panis Corpus ejus? 
 Et Calix, vel quod habet Calix, quomodo eft Sanguis ejus? Ifta, fra- 
 trcs, ideo dicuntur Sacramenta, quia in eis aliud videtur, aliud in- 
 telligitur. Quod videtur, fpeciem habet corporalcm ; quod intelli- 
 gitur, fruftum habet fpiritalem. Corpus ergo Chrifti fi vis intel- 
 ligere, Apoftolum audi dicentem Fidelibus, Vos eftis Corpus Chrifti 
 8c Membra, 8cc. 
 
 the 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 793 
 
 the Lord's Tabic, ye receive the Sacrament of 
 the Lord. Ye anfvver, to what ye are, 
 
 and by your Anfwcr fubfcribe to the Truth of it. 
 Thou heareft the Minifter fay to thee, the Body 
 cf Chrift, and thou anfwereft, Amen. Be thou a 
 Member of the Body of Chrift, that;thy Amen 
 may be true. But why then is this Myftery in 
 Bread ? Let us here bring nothing of our own, 
 but hear the Aportle fpeak again. When he 
 therefore fpeaks of this Sacrament, he fays, We 
 being many, are one Bread, and one Body. Under- 
 rtand and Rejoice. We being many, are Unity, 
 Piety, Truth and Charity, one Bread and one 
 Body. Recoiled and confider, that the Bread is 
 not made of one Grain, but of many. When ye 
 were exorcifed, ye were then, as it were, Ground j 
 when ye were baptized, ye were, as it were$ 
 fprinkled, or mixed and wet together into one 
 Mafsj when ye received the Fire of the Holy 
 Ghoft, ye were, as it were, baked. Be ye there- 
 fore what ye fee, and receive what ye are. Here 
 St. Auftin firft fays plainly, That it was Bread 
 and Wine that was upon the Altar, for which he 
 appeals to the Teftimony of their Senfes. z. 
 That this very Bread and Wine is the Body and 
 Blood of Chrift. Confequently it could not be 
 his natural Body in the Subftance, but only Sa- 
 cramemally. 3. He fays, the natural Body of 
 Chrift is only in Heaven : But the Sacrament has 
 the Name of his Bodyj becaufe tho' in outward, 
 vifible, and corporeal Appearance it is only 
 Bread, yet it is attended with a fpiritual Fruit. 
 4. Laftly he fays, that the Sacrament not only is 
 a Reprefentative of the natural Body of Chrift, 
 but alfo of the Myftical Body, the Church 5 and 
 that, as a Symbol of the Church's Unity, it is 
 called the Body of Chrift in this Senfe, as well as 
 the other. So that if there were any real Tran- 
 fubfiantiation, the Bread mult be changed into 
 the Myftical Body of Chrift, that is, his Church, 
 as well as into the Body natural. Thefe Things 
 might be confirmed from abundance of parallel 
 Paflages in St. Auftin's Works, but this one is 
 funic lent to fhew his meaning. 
 
 The next irrefragable Teftimony is that of 
 Pope Gelafius, who wrote againft the Neftorians 
 and Eutychians about the Reality of the two Na- 
 tures in Chrift, An. 490, where he thus proves 
 them : Doubtlefs the Sacraments of the Body and 
 Blood of Chrift which we receive, are a Divine 
 Things and therefore by them we are made Par- 
 takers of the Divine Nature, and yet the Sub- 
 ftance and Nature [/] of Bread and Wine do not 
 ceafe to be in them. And indeed the Image and 
 Similitude of the Body and Blood of Chrift is 
 celebrated in the myilerious Action. By this 
 therefore is evidently {hewed us, that we are to 
 
 believe the fame Thing in our Lord Chrift, as 
 we profefs and celebrate and take in his Image .* 
 That as by the perfecting Virtue of the Holy 
 Ghoft the Elements pafs into a Divine Subftance, 
 whilft their Nature ftill remains in its own Pro- 
 priety j fo in that principal Myftery (the Union 
 of the Divine and Human Nature) whofc Effica- 
 cy and Power thefe reprefent, there remains one 
 true and perfect Chrift, both Natures, of which 
 he confilis, continuing in their Properties un- 
 changeable. He muft be blind that cannot fee, 
 how the Force of this Argument fuppofes, that 
 Bread and Wine continue in their proper Na- 
 ture and Subftance in the Eucharift, notwith- 
 standing the Sacramental Union that is made be- 
 tween them and the Body of Chrift by the fa- 
 cred Ufe of them. Without this it had been of 
 no Force againft the Eutychians, and they might 
 with a very obvious Reply have inverted the Ar- 
 gument upon him, by faying, that as the Bread 
 was changed from its own Nature into the very 
 Subftance of the natural Body of Chrift, and re- 
 mained no longer Bread > fo the Human Nature 
 was really changed into the Divine Nature, and 
 continued no longer in its own Subftance after 
 its Aflumption into the Godhead. Which Ar- 
 gument in the Mouth of an Eutychian had been 
 unanfwerable to Gelafius^ had he with his Suc- 
 ceflbrs given into the Doctrine of 1'ranfubftantia- 
 tion. 
 
 Some time after Gelafius, lived Facundus, an 
 African Biftiop; about the Year ffo, he wrote to 
 excufe 'Theodorus of Mopfueftia, for faying, That 
 Chrift received the Adoption of Sons: Which 
 he does after this manner : Chrift vouchfafed to 
 receive the Sacrament of Adoption, both when 
 he was circumcifed, and when he was baptized. 
 Now the Sacrament of Adoption may be called 
 Adoption, as we call the Sacrament of his Body 
 and Blood, which is in the conlecratcd Bread and 
 Cup, his Body and Blood, not becaufe the Bread 
 is properly [a] his Body, or the Cup his Blood, 
 but becaufe they contain the Myftery of his Body 
 and Blood. Whence our Saviour, when he ble£ 
 fed the Bread and Cup, and gave them to his 
 Difciples, called them his Body and Blood. It 
 is plain, according to Facundus, that the Bread 
 and Wine are not properly the Body and Blood 
 of Chrift, but properly Bread and Wine ftill 
 and only called his Body and Blood, as Baptifrn 
 and Circumcifion are called Adoption, becaufe 
 they are the Sacraments of Adoption, and not 
 the very Thing which they reprefent. 
 
 To thefe I only add the Teftimony of FfidoreKi- 
 fhop of Sevil, who lived in the Beginning of the 
 feventh Century, An. 630. He fpeaking of the 
 Rites of the Church [#], fays, the Bread, becaule 
 
 [/] Gc'laf. de duabus Natur. com. Neftor. 8c Eutych. Bibl. Pat. 
 t. 4. p. Certe lacramenta qua: fumimus Corporis 8c Sangui- 
 
 nis Domini divina res eft, propter quod 8c per eadem Divinae effi- 
 cimur confortes naturae, 8c tamen efie non definit fubftantia vel 
 Natura Panis £c Vini. Et certe Imago 8c Similitudo Corporis 8c 
 Sanguinis Chrifti in aftione Myfterwrum celebrantur, 8cc. 
 \u~] Facund. lib. 9. cap. f. Poteft ftcramentum Adoptionis adoptio 
 nuncupari, ficut Sacramentum corporis 8c fanguinis ejus, quod eft 
 in pane 8c poculo confecrato, corpue ejus 8c fanguinem dicimus; 
 
 non quod Proprie corpus ejus fit panis 8c poculum fanguis, fed 
 quod in fe Myfterium corporis fanguinifque contineant. Hinc 8c 
 ipfe Dominus benediclum panem 8c calicem, quern Difcipulis tra- 
 didit, corpus Sc fanguinem fuum vocavit. 8cc. \x~\ Ilidor. 
 
 Hifpal. de Ecclef. Oftic. lib. 1. cap. 18. Panis quia confirmat cor- 
 pus, ideo Chrifti corpus nuncupatur; Vinum autem, quia Sangui- 
 nem operatur in came, idco ad Sanguincm Chrifti refertur. Msec 
 autem duo funt vilibilia, 8cc, 
 
794- 
 
 The A nt i clu it ies of the 
 
 Book XV. 
 
 it nourifhes and ftrengthens our Bodies, is there- 
 fore called the Body of Chrift ^ and the Wine, 
 becaufe it creates Blood in our Flefh, is called 
 the Blood of Chrift. Now thefe two Things are 
 vifible, but being fanctified by the Holy Ghoft, 
 they become the Sacrament of the Lord's Body. 
 Bertram alfo [_y~] quotes a like Expreffion out of 
 Ijidore's Origmes: That as the vifible Subftance 
 of Bread and Wine nourifh the outward Man* 
 fo the Word of Chrift, who is the Bread of 
 Life, refrefheth the Souls of the Faithful, being 
 received by Faith. ;But as Bifhop Co/ins and Mr. 
 Aubertin have obferved, this Paflage by foifle pi- 
 ous Fraud is not to be found in its proper Place. 
 Now if the Bread be fuch Bread in Subftance as 
 nourifhes the Body, then it muft be fuch as is 
 properly Bread ftill, and not the incorruptible 
 Body of Chrift, which cannot be faid to be caft 
 out into the Draughty which yet Origen fays of 
 it [z~], that the material Part of the Sacrament, 
 the typical and fymbolical Body of Chrift, which 
 goes in at the Mouth, goes into the Belly 5 but 
 the real Body of Chrift is only received by thofe 
 that are worthy, and by Faith . By all which it 
 is evident, the Ancients did not know any thing 
 of the new Doctrine of Tranfubjlantiation, but 
 believed that the Bread and Wine ftill remained 
 in the Euchariji in their proper Nature. He that 
 Would fee more of this, may confult Biftiop Cojins's 
 Hiftory of Tranfubjlantiation, and Mr. Aubertin's 
 elaborate Book of the Euchariji, where he may 
 find all the other Arguments againft this Do- 
 ctrine propofed, and the Teftimonies of every 
 Father vindicated againft the Sophiftry of Perron 
 and Bellarmin, and all other Romijh Writers up- 
 on this Subject 3 and alfo fee what Oppofition 
 was made to the new Hypothefis of Pafchajius 
 Rathhertus (which was rather a Confubjiantiation 
 than a Tranfubjlantiation) as foon as it appeared, 
 by Rabanus Maurus, Amalarius, Walafridus Strabo, 
 Heribaldus, Lupus, Frudegardus, Joannes Erigena, 
 Prudentius Tricajfm, Chriftianus Druthmarus, Al- 
 fricus and the Saxon Homilies, Fulbertus Carnoten- 
 fts, Leuthericus Senonenfis, Berno Augienfis and o- 
 thers, to the time of Berengarius, after whom it 
 met with greater Oppofition from Honorius Au- 
 guftodunenfis, Amalricus, Peter and Henry de Bruis, 
 Guido Groffus Archbifhop of Narbo, Francus Ab- 
 bas, the IValdenfes and Albigenfes, the Bohemians 
 and Followers of John Hufs and Jerom of Prague, 
 the Wicklevifls here in England, among whom 
 was the famous Riginald Peacock, and many other 
 learned Men to the time of the Reformation. The 
 firft Inventor of the name Tranfubjlantiation was 
 Stephanus Eduenfts [a], as Albertin there fhews: 
 And he lived not long before the Council of La- 
 teran, which firft dogmatically eftablifhed it, 
 An. izif. He fiiews, that before this they ra- 
 ther believed an Impanation, or Concomitancy of 
 the Body with the Bread ftill remaining. Bi- 
 
 fhop Cofins has many curious Remarks of the 
 fame Nature, and particularly he obferves of the 
 Recantation which Pope Nicholas II. obliged 
 Berengarius to make, that it was fo crude and 
 abfurd, that even the prefent Romanifts cannot 
 digeft it: For there he was obliged to profefs, 
 that the very Body and Blood of Chrift was 
 touched and broken by the Hands of the Prieft, 
 and ground with the Teeth of the Faithful, not 
 facramentally only, but in truth and fenfibly. 
 Which the GlofTer upon Gratian, John Semeca, 
 marks with this Note [£], that unlefs you under- 
 ftand it cautioufly, it will lead into a greater Herefy 
 than that of Berengarius ; for it exceeds Truth, 
 and is fpoken hyperbolically. So little Ufider- 
 ftanding was there of this monftrous Doctrine, 
 when firft it began to make its Appearance in the 
 World. 
 
 But I friall purfue this Matter no farther, ha- 
 ving fufficiently demonftrated that the Ancients 
 knew nothing of this Doctrine, fince they unani- 
 moufly declared, that the Bread and Wine con- 
 tinued in their own . proper Subftance after Con- 
 fecration. Whence it follows, that they could 
 not adore the Euchariji with divine Adoration, 
 which they did not believe to be any otherwife 
 than typically and fymbolically the Body of 
 Chrift. Indeed they did not fo much as elevate 
 it upon any Account for many Ages, much lefs 
 for Adoration. Some pretend to cite St. BafiVs 
 Authority for lifting it up to fhew it to the Peo- 
 ple in order to Adoration. So Schelfirate [_c], and 
 Bona [d~] after Bellarmin. But his Words will 
 bear no fuch Senfe : For he neither fpeaks of A- 
 doration, nor yet of Elevation to fhew it to the 
 People, but only of Confederation, as the Greek 
 Word, avdJeifys, properly fignifies, both in Fo- 
 reign and Ecclefiaftical Writers, as Mr. Aubertin 
 proves by various Examples [e]. St. BaJiPs 
 Words are thefe, rd >? (W.Xn'crews ftixcfla. 6m -f 
 avacM^swr tS d^ra t 1 co^ag/s'/af, rts r dy'im lyT^J,- 
 (pwc y)V7v xalahtXcnriv } [/]. Which Bellarmin, 
 following a corrupt Latin Tranflation, renders 
 thus: Which of the Saints has left us in Wri- 
 ting the Words in which the People invocate 
 the Euchariji, when it is fhewed to them? 
 Whereas they ought to be rendered thus: Which 
 of the Saints has left us in Writing the Words 
 of the Invocation, or Prayer, wherewith the 
 Euchariji is confecrated ? And fo Perron \jg~] him- 
 felf with more than ordinary Ingenuity confeffes, 
 telling us, That St. Bajil's Words are not to be 
 underftood of the Peoples praying to the Eu- 
 chariji, but of the Minifter's praying to God in 
 a folemn Form of Invocation to confecrate the 
 Euchariji. Which, as I have fhewed before [*], 
 was not done barely by pronouncing thofe Words, 
 This is my Body, as now it is in the Roman. 
 Church j but by a formal Invocation and Thankf- 
 giving, befeeching God to fanctify the Gifts 5 
 
 [y~\ Bertram, de Corp. & Sang. Dom. ex Ifidor. Grig, lib. 6. 
 cap. 19. M Origen. Com. in Mat. if. t. 2. p. 27. [a] Al- 
 bertin. de Euchar. lib. 3. p. 969. [£] Grat. de Confecr. Dift. 
 2. cap. 42. [c] Schelftrat. de Cone. Antioch. p. 219. 
 
 [d] Bom Rer, Licurg. lib. 2. cap. 13. n, 2, Bellarm. de Euchar, 
 
 lib. 2. cap. 17. [e] Albertin. de Euchar. lib. 2. p. 446. 
 
 [/] Balil. de Spir. San&o. cap. 27. \g] Perron, de Euchar. 
 
 lib. 2. Author, if. cap. 3. ap. Albertin. ibid. [*] Book XV. 
 
 Chap, Hi, n. 11. 
 
 which 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 which Form, St. Baft I rightly fays, was not by 
 any of the Evangeliils left in Writing. Some a- 
 «*ain urge the Teitimony of Gcrmanus Bifhop of 
 Conflantinople, as one who fpeaks of elevating the 
 Holt after Confccration. And indeed he does fo 
 [//]: Bat then he gives another Reafon for it, 
 and not that of the Peoples Adoration. He fays, 
 It was to rcprcfent our Saviour's Elevation upon 
 the Crofs, and his Dying there, together with 
 his Rifing from the Dead. Which was far from 
 the modern Intent of Elevation. This Author 
 lived about the Year 71 f, and he is the firft that 
 mentions this Elevation among the Greeks, with- 
 out any notice of Adoration. And for the Latin 
 Church, there is a perfect Silence in all the older 
 Ritualids about it till the eleventh Century, 
 when it is mentioned by Jvo Carnotenfis and 
 Hugo de fantlo Vittore [k], tho' ftill for the fame 
 Reafon given by Gcrmanus, and not for Adorati- 
 on. The full Writer that affigns the Reafon of 
 it to be for Adoration, as Mr. Daille [/] proves 
 at large, is Guliclmus Durantus, who wrote his 
 Rationale [ni] about the Year 1386. So that 
 Itranfubftantiation and Adoration of the Eucharifl, 
 as Mother and Daughter, came within an Age 
 of one another. The molt Learned now in the 
 Roman Church, confefs the main of this. Bona 
 [»] fays very frankly, he cannot trace the Origi- 
 nal of elevating the Sacrament immediately after 
 Confecration in the Latin Church, higher than 
 Jvo, and Gulielmus Parifienfts, and Hildebert of 
 Tours, who make mention of ringing a Bell at 
 this Elevation, in the twelfth and thirteenth 
 Century when they lived : But he owns the old 
 Sacramentaria, whether Printed or Manufcript, 
 and the old Ritualifts, Alcuin, Amalarius, Strabo, 
 Micrologus and the reft, have not a Syllable about 
 it. And whereas Stephen Durantus [0] boalls of 
 its Antiquity, and fays it begun with the very 
 Infancy of the Church, he corrects his Miftake, 
 as relying only upon the Greek Writers, who 
 prove nothing of the Cuftoms of the Latin 
 Church. So that here we have a plain Acknow- 
 ledgment of its Novelty: And DailU [/>] takes 
 the fame Confefiion under the Hand of Morinus 
 \jf\ and Goar [f], two other learned Writers of 
 the Roman Church, as Biftiop Stilling fleet [*] 
 does alfo from Menardus. 
 
 ■ SECT. V. But it maybe faid, Though 
 
 No Monition of there was no Elevation of the 
 the Hofi befere Hoft, nor Ringing of a 'ell be- 
 tbe twelfth or thir- f ore this time in t he LatinChurch, 
 tunth Century. ^ might be diyine Mq _ 
 
 ration for all that paid to the Eucharifl from the 
 
 Beginning. Cardinal Perron was fo conGJent of 
 this, that he makes Sitting a Pollute of Devo- 
 tion, on purpofe to prove that the Apofclcs ado- 
 red it Sitting. The Vanity of which Pretence 
 has been {hewed before. A great many other 
 Proofs are alledged out of the Ancients to prove 
 this Adoration. But they prove no more, but 
 cither that a Veneration was paid to the Sacra- 
 ment, as to the Books of the Gofpsl, and the Wa- 
 ter of Baptifm, and the Lord's Table, and many 
 other facred Things, which no one denies •> or 
 elfe, that the Adoration was given to Chrift, as 
 divinely prcfent every where, or as Sitting at 
 the Right-hand of God in Heaven, whither they 
 were directed, by the Admonition of ' SurfumCorda, 
 to lift up their Hearts, and to elevate their own 
 Souls, to adore him there. St. Jerom fpeaks of 
 common and ordinary Veneration, when he faysj 
 Men were taught [t~] by the Scriptures, with 
 what Veneration they ought to receive holy 
 Things, and ferve in the Miniilry of Chrill's Al- 
 tar, and not to eftcem the holy Cups, and holy 
 Veils, and other Things pertaining to the Set- 
 vice of the Lord's Pafhon, to be without Hoh- 
 nefs, as inanimate Things and void of Scnfe, but 
 as Things, which for their Relation to the Body 
 and Blood of the Lord, were to be venerated 
 with the fame Majefty and Reverence as his 
 Body and Blood. Such Reverence as this, which 
 was given to the Cups and other Utcnfils oi the 
 Altar, no doubt was given ro the Sacrament, as 
 the fymbolical Body and Blood of Chrift; But 
 this could not be a Veneration of divine Wor- 
 fhip and Adoration, unlefs we can think that 
 they gave divine Worfhip to the Cups and Uten- 
 fils of the Altar, which he fays were venerated 
 with the fame RefpecT: as the Body and Blood of 
 Chrift. Mr Aubertin \_u~\ gives a great many 
 Inftances of this kind of Veneration paid to 
 Churches, and the Book of the Law, and Bap- 
 tifm, which can fignify no more than their re- 
 verend Uie of them as facred and venerable 
 Things. And fuch a Veneration they pxid to the 
 Sacrament j never putting confecrated Bread to 
 any prophane or common Ulej much lefs viola- 
 ting its Sacrednefs by any more indecent Pra- 
 ctice, as was that Outrage of the Donatifs, 
 when they threw it to the Dogsj never touch- 
 ing it with unwafhen Hands 5 being extreamly 
 cauious not to let any Particle of it fall to the 
 Ground: Which is a particular Caution, noted 
 by many of the Ancients, 'Tertullian (VJ, St. Au- 
 fiin [_)»], Cyril of Jerufikm [z], and Origen [*], 
 who ftiles it a Veneration in exprefc Terms. 
 Whence Bellarmin very wifely concludes, they 
 
 [h] German. Theoria Rer. Divin. Bibl.Patr. Gr. Lat. t. 2 p. 163. 
 \i] Ivo, Epift. de Sacram. Miflse. [/;] Hugo de S. Vi£t. de 
 
 Mifias Obfervat. lib. 2. cap. 18. [/] Dallae de Obje&o Cultus, 
 
 ]ib. 2. cap. 6. [m\ Durant. Rational, lib. 4. de 6. Parte Ca- 
 
 nonis. [»] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. chap. 13. n. 2. [0] Bona, 
 ibid. [/>] Dallse, ubifupra. [q] Morin.de Ordinat. Par. 
 3. Exercit. 9. cap. 1. [r~\ Goar. Not. in Eucholog. p. 146. 
 [j] Stilling. Orig. Erit. p. 2r6. ex Menardo, Not. in Gregor. Sa- 
 cram. p. 374. [*] Hieron. Ep. ad Theophil. Difcant, qui igno- 
 rant, erudici teftimoniis Scripturarum, qua debeant Veneratione 
 
 Sancta fufcipere, 8c alcaris Chrifti minifterio defervire, iaciofoug 
 Calices, & fancla Velamina, &; caetera qua: ad cultum pertinent 
 Dominicae PalTionis, non quad inanima 8c fenfu carentis fanctimo^ 
 niam non habere, fed ex confortio corporis 8c ftnguinis Domini, 
 eadem qua corpus ejus 8c fanguis majeftate veneranda. [»] Al- 
 bertin. de Euchar. p. 412. [x] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. op. 3. 
 [y] 4ug. Horn. 26. ex 5-0. [z] Cyril. Catech. Myft n. 18. 
 [*] Orig. Horn. 13. in Exod. Cum lufcipitis corpus Domini, cum 
 omni Cautela 8c Veneratione lervatis, ne ex eo parum quid ue- 
 cidat, 8cc. 
 
 muffc 
 
tm i 
 796 
 
 The A n t 1 qu 1 t 1 e s of the 
 
 BookXV 
 
 muft needs believe it to be Chrift's natural Body, 
 and adore it. As if holy Things could not be 
 ufed with fuch Caution and Reverence, but pre- 
 fently it mult be interpreted an Ad of Adora- 
 tion. 
 
 But the Ancients fometimes fay, they wor- 
 fhipped Chrift in the Eucharift. Which we do 
 not deny neither. St. Auflin fays, no Man eats 
 \a~] the Flefh of Chrift, but he that firft worfnips 
 it. And there are like Expreffions in Ambrofe^ 
 Chryfoftom) and fome other antient Writers. But 
 then they fufficiently explain their own meaning, 
 giving us to underftand, that they neither fpeak 
 of Oral Manducation, nor of adoring Chrift as 
 corporeally prefent in the Eucharift) but as fpiri- 
 tually prefent, or elfe as corporeally abfent in 
 Heaven. St. Chryfoftom \f\ fays, they fell down 
 before Chrift their King as Captives in Baptifm, 
 and that they caft themfelves down upon their 
 Knees before him. And yet no one would con- 
 clude therefore that they worftiipped him as cor- 
 poreally prefent in [Baptifm, although Baptifm 
 made them Partakers of his Body and Blood alfo. 
 He fays farther [c] that the King himfelf bowed 
 his Body, becaufe of God fpeaking in the Holy 
 Gofpels. But it would be ridiculous hence to 
 infer, either that they worfhipped the Gofpels, 
 or Chrift as corporeally prefent in them. Mr. 
 Auhertin [ft] has demonftrated out of St. Auftin's 
 Works thefe feveral Propositions, which are all 
 Point Blank contrary to the Adoration of Chrift 
 as corporeally prefent in the Eucharift. t. That 
 Bread and Wine are not properly and fubftan- 
 tially the Body and Blood of Chrift, but only 
 Sacramentally and Figuratively, t. That Chrift 
 is not fubftantially and corporally prefent in the 
 Eucharift^ but corporally prefent only in Heaven. 
 3. That true Bread remains and is eaten in the 
 Eucharift. 4. That the Manducation of Chrift 
 in the Eucharift is not oral, but fpiritual. f.That 
 the Wicked do not eat or drink the proper Body 
 and Blood of Chrift in the Eucharift. 6. That 
 the fame Body cannot be in different Places at 
 one and the fame time; and that this is particu- 
 larly alTerted of the Body of Chrift. 7. That a 
 Body muft necelTarily occupy fome Place and 
 Space, and be extended by Parts, with Longi- 
 tude, Latitude, and Profundity. 8. That Acci- 
 dents cannot fubfift without a Subject. All which 
 directly overthrow the corporal Prefence of 
 Chrift in the Eucharift) and confequently fhew, 
 that the Adoration which was given to Chrift in 
 the Eucharift-, was not to his corporal Prefence, 
 but his fpiritual Prefence, or to his Body as ab- 
 fent in Heaven. 
 
 But Durantus [e] undertakes to prove, that the 
 Body of Chrift was not only worfhipped as cor- 
 porally prefent in the Eucharift in the Ufe and 
 Time of Celebration, but at other Times by 
 Non-Communicants alfo. For this he alledges 
 Chryfoftom [/] , who fays that the Energumens 
 
 at that time were brought by the Deacon and 
 made to bow their Heads. Which Durantus in- 
 terprets of bowing to the Eucharift. But Chryfo- 
 ftom unluckily fpoils his Argument. For at that 
 time, he fays, the Eucharift was not confecrated, 
 but only about to be confecrated j and thefe E- 
 nergumens were not allowed to ftay to hear the 
 Prayers of Confecration with the Faithful, but 
 were difmiiTed with the Catechumens and other 
 Non-Communicants before the Communion-Ser- 
 vice began. So that if they worfhipped the Hoft, 
 it muft be an unconfecrated Hoft, which accord- 
 ing to Durantus himlelf would be plain Idolatry. 
 So unfortunate are thefe Gentlemen in the bell 
 Arguments they can produce for Hoft-worfhip 
 among the Ancients, that their own very Proofs 
 manifeftly overthrow it. 
 
 On the other Hand there are moft certain De- 
 monftrations, that there could be no fuch thing 
 as Hoft-worfhip in the antient Church, not only 
 taken from their not believing Tranfubftantiation 
 and the corporal Prefence, but from many other 
 Topicks folidly deduced and fubftantially proved 
 by two learned Writers, Mr. Dailli [g] and Dr. 
 IVhitby [h~] in two excellent Difcourfes upon this 
 very Subject, to which I will commend the Rea- 
 der, contenting my felf to mention the Heads of 
 the principal Arguments, which they have more 
 fully drawn out and proved. Mr. Dailli ranks 
 his Arguments under two Heads, fome general 
 ones againft the Worfhip of the Eucharift^ Saints^ 
 Relicks, Images and CrofTesj and others more 
 particularly levelled againft the Worfhip of the 
 Eucharift. Among thofe of the firft Kind he 
 urges this as very remarkable, that in all the an- 
 tient Relations of Miracles, there is never any 
 mention made of Miracles being wrought by the 
 Eucharift^ as is now fo common in later Ages, 
 efpecially in the Book called The School of the 
 Eucharift) which is a Collection of Legends un- 
 der the Name of Miracles wrought by the Hoft 
 upon fundry Occafions. z. He urges another 
 general Argument from the Silence of all fuch. 
 Writers of the Church as fpeak of Traditions, 
 that the Worfhip of the Eucharift is never once 
 named among them. 3. That among the Hea- 
 then Objections and Calumnies which they raifed 
 againft them, fuch as their worfhipping the Sun 
 and an Afs's Head, and the Genirals of their 
 Priefts, and a crucified and dead Man, they ne- 
 ver objected to them the Worfhip of Breaci and 
 Wine, which yet had been very obvious and na- 
 tural, and invidious enough to have accufed them 
 of, had there then been any fuch plaufible Ground 
 for an Accufation, as there has been in later 
 Ages. 4. The Chriftians ufed to object to the, 
 Heathens, that they worfhipped Things than 
 were dumb and void of Life> Things that muft 
 be carried upon Mens Shoulders, and if they fell, 
 could not rife again Things that muft be guard- 
 ed by Men, to fecure them from Thieves ; 
 
 [a] Aug. in Pfal. 98. [£] Chryf. in illud, Simile eft Reg- n. f. [/] Chryf. Horn, j, Sc 4. de Incomprehenfibili, p. %6fl 
 nutn Coelorum, &c. [e] In illud, Attendite ne Eleemorynarn & 574. torn. 1. [g] Dallas de Objefto Cu'tus Religioli. 
 
 faciatis. ap. Albertin. de Euchar. p. 431. [</] Albertin. de cont. Latinos lib. 1, & i. [/>] Whitby, Idolatry cf HoJt- t 
 
 Ruchar, p. 601, &c. f_e] Durant. de Ritibus, lib. *, cap. 40. Worjhif, Lond. 1670. 8vo, 
 
 Things 
 
Chap. V 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 797 
 
 Things that might be carried Captive, and were 
 not able to prefervc and deliver thcmfelves 
 Things that might be laid to Pawn, (as the Eii- 
 charijl has been by fome Princes in later Ages 3) 
 Things that are expofed to Fire and Weather, 
 and Ruft and Moth and Corruption and other 
 Injuries of Nature j Things that might be de- 
 voured by Mice and other Animals, and might 
 be gnawed and dunged upon by the moft con- 
 temptible Creatures. All which Obje&ions might 
 eafily have been retorted by the Heathen upon 
 the Chriftians, had they then worfhipped the 
 Eucharift, or Images, or Relicks, or Croffes, 
 which are liable to all the fame Reproaches. 
 Thefe are general Arguments againft Hoft-wor- 
 iliip, together with the reft of that idolatrous 
 Worfhip which now fo abounds in the Church 
 of Rome. But there are a great many more fpe- 
 cial Arguments urged in particular againft the 
 Hoft-worfhip by that learned Man. As firft from 
 the Silence of all antient Writers about it. z. 
 From their uling no Elevation of the Hoft for 
 Worfliip for many Ages, as we have {hewed at 
 large out of Bon* before. The Ancients knew 
 nothing of ringing a Bell to give Notice ot the 
 time of Adoration to the People. 4. There are 
 no Hiftories of Beads miraculoufly worshipping 
 the Eucharifi, which fort of Fictions are fo com- 
 mon in later Ages, f . The Ancients never car- 
 ried the Eucharift to the Sick or Abfent with 
 any Pomp or Signs of Worfhip } never expofed 
 it to publick View in Times of folemnRejoycing 
 or Sorrow } never adored or invoked its Affift- 
 ance in Diftrefs, or upon any great Undertaking} 
 which are now fuch common Practices in the 
 Roman Church. 6. The Ancients never enjoin- 
 ed Perfons newly baptized and Penitents to fall 
 down before the Eucharifi and worfhip it, as is 
 now commonly done in the Roman Church. 7. 
 The Ancients never allowed Non-Communicants 
 to ftay and worfhip the Eucharift, as the Pra&ice 
 now is 5 which yet had been very proper, had 
 they believed the Eucharift to be their God. But 
 they ufed it only for Communion, not for Ado- 
 ration. 8. The Ancients never ufed to carry the 
 Eucharifi publickly in Proceffions, to be adored 
 by all the People } which is a novel Practice in 
 the Judgment of Krantzius [t] and Cajfander. p. 
 The Ancients lighted no Lamps nor Candles by 
 Day to the Eucharift, nor burned Incenfe before 
 it, as is now the Praftice. 10. They made no 
 little Images of the Eucharift, to be luffed and 
 worfhipped as the Images of Chrift. 1 1 . They 
 had no peculiar Feftival appropriated to its more 
 folemn Worfhip. This is of no longer Date 
 than Pope Urban IV, who firft inftituted it, An. 
 1264, and it is peculiar only to the Roman 
 Church. 12,. The antient Liturgies have no 
 Forms of Prayers, Doxologies, or Praifes to the 
 Eucharift, as are in the Roman Mijfal. 13. The 
 Adoration of the Eucharift was never objected 
 by the Heathens to the Primitive Chriftians } 
 nor were they reproached, as the Romanifts have 
 
 been fince, as Eaters of their God. It is a noted 
 Saying of Avcrroes, Quandoquidem comedunt Chri- 
 fii'ani quod colunt, fit animci mea cum Philofophis, 
 Since Chriftians eat what they Worfhip, let my 
 Soul rather have her Portion among the Philofo- 
 phers. This learned Philofopher lived about the 
 Year iifo, when the Hoft- worfliip began to be 
 pradtifed, which gave him this Prejudice to the 
 Chriftian Religion. 14. The Chriftians object- 
 ed fuch Things to the Heathens, as they never 
 would have objected, had they themfelves wor- 
 fhipped the Hoft> as that it was an impious 
 Thing to eat what they worfhipped, and Wor- 
 fhip what they eat and facrificcd. Which Ob- 
 jections might eafily have been retorted upon 
 them. if. The Chriftians were accufed by the 
 Heathens of eating Infants Blood in their fo- 
 lemn Myfteries, but never any mention is made 
 of eating the Blood of Chrift, either in the Ob- 
 jection or Anfwer to- it. The Ground of the 
 Story arofe from the Practice of the Carpocrati- 
 ans and other Hereticks, and not from the Chri- 
 ftians eating the Blood of Ch'rift. 16. Laftly, 
 the Chriftians never urged the Adoration of the 
 Eucharifi in their Difputes with the Ebionites and 
 Doceta, which yet would have been very proper 
 to confute their Errors, who denied the Reality 
 of the Flefh of Chrift. To thefe Arguments of 
 Mr. Daille, Dr. Whitby has added thefe farther. 
 I. That the Scriptures and Fathers deride the 
 Heathen Deities, and fay, that we may know 
 they are no Gods, becaufe they have no Ufe of 
 their outward Senfes. 2. Becaufe thev are made 
 Gods by Confecration, and by the Will of the 
 Artificer, part of that Matter which is confecra- 
 ted into a God, being expofed to common Ufes. 
 3. Becaufe they were imprifoned in their Images, 
 or fhut up in obfeure Habitations. 4. Becaufe 
 they clothed their Gods in coftly Raiments. 5" . 
 Becaufe they might be metamorphofed or changed 
 from one Shape to another. All which might 
 have been retorted upon the Chriftians, had they 
 worfhipped the Eucharift, without any Poflibili- 
 ty of Evafion. Soto and Paludanus own, that the 
 whole Eucharifi, Subftance as well as Species, 
 may be vomitted up again, or voided at the 
 Draught. Which to affirm of the real Body of 
 Chrift, the Ancients would have accounted the 
 greateft Blafphemy. For thefe and the like Rea- 
 fons we may fafely conclude, that there was no 
 fuch Practice among the Ancients, as giving di- 
 vine Honour to the Hoft upon Prefumption of 
 its being the real Body of Chrift, though they 
 treated it as the facred Symbol and Antitype of 
 his Body with all imaginable Refpect and Vene- 
 ration. To deduce thefe Arguments at their full 
 Length would fill a Volume, and therefore it is 
 fufficicnt here to have hinted the Heads of them 
 in this fummary Account, referring the Reader 
 to thofe two learned Authors, who have proved 
 every Thing they fay, for fuller Satisfaction. I 
 now go on with the Practice of the antient 
 Church. 
 
 [i] Krantz,. Metropol. lib it. cap. 39, CaflTander. Confultat. Sedl. de Circumgeftat. 
 
 Voi». I. I i i i i i 
 
 In 
 
798 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 BookXV. 
 
 SECT. vi. I N diftributing the Elements 
 The People allow- the People were allowed to re- 
 «l to receive the ccive them into their own Hands. 
 EucKjrift into their which now, fincc the belief of 
 ewn Hands. Tranfubjlantiation and the Adora- 
 
 tion of the Holt came in, is fevercly prohibited 
 in the Roman Church. And this is at lealt ano- 
 ther ftrong Prefumption, that the Ancients had 
 very different Sentiments of the Eucharift from 
 thofe which now prevail in the Roman Church. 
 As to Fact:, there is no Difpute of the Matter. 
 The Thing is confeft by Baronius [k~] and Mori- 
 nus [/] and Garfias Loayfa [/»], as Daille [»] has 
 noted out of them. And Bona [o~\ confeffes he 
 cannot tell when the contrary Cuftom firft came 
 in, but he thinks it very probable, that it began 
 at the fame time that they firft brought into the 
 Wcflern Church the Ufe of Unleavened Bread, and 
 Wafer- Holts-, which, as he proves before, wasnot 
 till the twelfth or thirteenth Century. But that the 
 Reader may not wholly depend upon thefe Con- 
 ceffions, I will note a few Places in the Margin 
 out of Tertullian [/>], Clemens Alexandrinus [^], 
 Cyprian [r], Origen [j], Dionyftus Alexandrinus 
 Cyril of Jerufalem [«], Nazianzen [#], Bafil [jy], 
 Ambrofe [z], Auftin [*], Chryfofiom [f] and the 
 Council of Trullo[a\: Which I think it need- 
 lefs to repeat at length in a Matter fo plain and 
 uncontested. The very Cuftom of Warning the 
 Hands before Communion, in order to receive it, 
 the frequent Admonitions to beware of letting it 
 fall, the Allowance of private Men to carry it 
 home with them and communicate in private, the 
 fending it to the Sick fometimes by private Men, 
 which we have fpoken of before, do all bear 
 Teftimony to the fame PrarStice. But all thefe 
 Cuftoms are perfectly antiquated and abolifhed in 
 the Roman Church, fince the Practice of Hoft- 
 worfhip came in, partly by forbidding the Peo- 
 ple to touch the Bread with their own Hands, 
 but fuffer it to be dropt into their Mouths, and 
 partly by withdrawing the Cup wholly from 
 them. Many wife and pretty Reafons are ufed 
 to be given for abolishing this antient Cuftom, 
 as that it is to prevent Mens Negligence and Ir- 
 reverence and other Abufes: But the Fathers had 
 much better Reafons for allowing it. For then 
 it afforded them a noble Argument to keep in- 
 nocent and holy Hands, free from Idolatry, Mur- 
 der, Rapine and Extortion, and other the like 
 Vices, when they muft with thofe very Hands 
 receive the immaculate Body and Blood of their 
 Lord. A Man might declaim, fays Tertullian 
 [£], [all the Day long with the Zeal of Faith, 
 and bewail thofe Chriftians, who work with 
 
 their Hands at the Trade of making Idols for 
 the Heathen Gods, and come immediately from 
 the Shop of the Adverfary to the Houfe of God, 
 to lift up thofe Hands to God the Father, which 
 are the Makers or Mothers of Idols, and ftretch 
 forth thofe Hands to receive the Body of the 
 Lord, that were inftrumental in carving Bodies 
 for Devils. With what Eloquence does Si. Chry- 
 foflom inveigh againft Rapine and Bloodfhed, and 
 Strife and Contention, upon this very Topick? 
 Confider, fays he [c], what thou takeft into thy 
 Hand, and never dare to finite any Man : Do not 
 difgrace thofe Hands, which are adorned with 
 fo great a Gift, by the Crime of Fighting and 
 Contention. Confider what thou takeft into thy 
 Hands, and keep them free from ! all Rapine and 
 Extortion. Confider that thou not only takeft 
 it in thy Hands, but putteft it to thy Mouth; 
 therefore keep thy Tongue pure from all filthy 
 and contumelious Words, from Blafphemy, Per- 
 jury, and all fuch kinds of evil Difcourfe. So 
 again, Reproving thofe who in time of Sicknefs 
 went to the Jews to get Charms and Amulets to 
 cure their Diftemper, he asks them, What Apo- 
 logy they would [d~] make to Chrift for thus 
 flying to his Enemies in their Diftrefs? How 
 they could call upon him in their Prayers? With 
 what Confcience they could come into the 
 Church ? With what Eyes they could look up- 
 on the Prieft? With what Hands they could 
 touch the holy Table? And in another Place, re- 
 prefling the Peoples Fury againft Eutropius (who 
 having procured a Law to be made againft Mens 
 taking Sanctuary at the Altar, was himfelr not 
 long after, by falling under the Emperor's Dif- 
 pleafure, forced to fly thither for Refuge j and 
 then fome of the People clamoured againft him 
 with revengeful Thoughts, and cried out it was 
 but juft that he fhould fuffer the Effedts of his 
 own Law}) to fupprefs the Peoples Anger in this 
 Cafe, and incline them to Thoughts of Mercy 
 and Pardon, he asks them, How other wife they 
 could take [e~\ the Sacrament into their Hands, 
 when Sermon was done, and fay that Prayer, 
 which commands them to beg of God, That he 
 would forgive them their Trefpaffes, as they forgave 
 them that trefpaffed againft them, if they perfifted 
 to call for Juftice upon their Enemy ? Thefe are 
 handfome Turns of Eloquence, grounded upon 
 this innocent and pious Cuftom of the Peoples 
 taking the Sacrament into their own Hands, and 
 they had often their due Weight and Force even 
 upon the greateft Minds, as may appear from the 
 Effect: of that Speech which St. Ambrofe made to 
 the Emperor Theodojius, when he had caufed 
 
 [k] Baron, an. $7. n. 147. [/] Morin. de Ordinat. Par. 3. 
 
 Exercit. 12. c. 3. [m] Loayfa in Cone. Tolet. 1. can. 14. 
 [»] Dallx. de Obje&o Cult. Relig. lib. 2. cap. 20. [0] Bona 
 
 Rer. Liturg. lib. 2. cap. 17. n. 7. Vid. Valef. Not. in Eufeb. lib. 7. 
 c-9- [p] Tertul. de Coron. Mil. cap. 3. de Idololatr. cap. 7. 
 
 [q] Clem. Alex. Strom, i.p. 318. [r] Cypr. de Lapfis. p. 132. 
 De Patient, p. 216. Ep. f6. al. $-8. ad Thibaritanos. p. i2f. 
 [j] Orig. Horn. 13. in Exod. [f] Ap. Eufeb. lib. 7. cap. 9. 
 
 [«] Cyril. Catech. Myft. n. 18. [#] Naz. Carmen de Ornatu 
 Mulier. t. 2. p. , [y ] Bafil. Ep. 289. ad Caefaream Pa- 
 
 triciam. [z] Ambr. Orat. ad Theodof. ap. Theodoret. 
 
 lib. f. cap. 18. [*] Aug. cont. Liter. Petil. lib. 2. cap. 23. 
 
 Horn. 26. ex yo. [f] Chryf. Horn. 21. ad Pop. Antiocb. 
 
 t. 1. p. 266. Horn. 22. p. 28^, & 290. Horn. 24. p. 316. Horn. 
 6. cont. Judasos. t. 1. p. ^40. Horn. 6. in Seraphim. Horn. [3. in 
 Ephef. & pafiim. |>] Cone. Trul c. 101. 0] Tertul. 
 
 de Idololat. cap. 7. Vid. Tertul. de Speftac. c. 2f. Cypr. Ep. $-6. 
 al. fS. ad Pkb. Thibarit. p. 125-. [c] Chryf. Horn. 21. ad 
 
 Pop. Antioch. t. 1. p. 266. Vid. Horn. 31. de Natali Chrifti. t. f. 
 p. 479. [d] Chryf. Horn. 6. cont. Jud, t. 1. p. 5-39. [e] Chryf. 
 Horn, in Eutrop. t 4. p. f f4, 
 
 feven 
 
C H A P. V. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 799 
 
 fcven thoufand Men to be Slaughtered without 
 any formal Tryal at Theffalonica : St. Ambrofe 
 met him as he was entring the Church, and 
 thus accofted him : With what Eyes wilt thou 
 behold the Houfe of our common Lord? With 
 what Feet wilt thou tread his holy Pavement ? 
 Wilt thou ftretch out thofe Hands yet drop- 
 ping with the Blood of that unjuft Slaughter^ 
 and with them lay hold [/*] of the molt ho- 
 ly Body of the Lord? Wilt thou put the Cup 
 of that Blood to thy Mouth, who haft fhed fo 
 much Blood by the hafty Decree of an angry 
 and impetuous Mind? This jull Reproof of the 
 Pious Biihop, fo handfomely addrefled to the 
 Emperor, made fuch a deep Impreffion on his 
 Mind, that it melted him into Tears, and made 
 him refrain from Church as a Penitent, till by 
 way of Satisfaction, among other Things, by 
 St. Ambrofe's Direction, he made this good Law, 
 That no Sentence of Death or Profcription 
 for the future mould be executed till thirty 
 Days after its Promulgation, that Reafon, and 
 not Paflion, might judge of the Equity and Rea- 
 fonablenefs of it. Such brave Speeches, and 
 fuch worthy Effects did that antient pious Cu- 
 ftom minifter the Occafion to of old, which is 
 now laid afide in the Roman Church, and chan- 
 ged into another Cuftom, that has neither Pre- 
 cedent nor Ufej ferving only to feed Superfti- 
 tion, and keep Men under the monftrous and 
 inveterate Prejudices of Tranfubjlantiation, which 
 this innocent Rite ferved in fome meafure to 
 keep out of the Minds of Men in the Primitive 
 Church 
 
 sect. vir. It is farther obfervable, That 
 
 Whether the fame in this Cafe nQ Diftindion Was 
 
 Cufiomwasobferve^ madebetween Meilj Women, and 
 
 mmenZd 'chit Children, but all received into 
 (j re ; U their own Hands who were capable 
 
 of fo doing. Only in the latter 
 End of the fixth Century, we find a Rule made 
 about Women, that they Ihould not receive it 
 in their bare Hand, but in a fair Linnen Cloth. 
 Some think this as antient as St. Auftin's Time, 
 becaufe in one of the Sermons De Tempore [g] 
 that go under his Name, there is mention made 
 of it. For there it is faid, it was cuftomary for 
 Men to wafh their Hands when they communi- 
 cated, and for Women to bring their little Lin- 
 nen Cloths to receive the Body of Chrift. But 
 as many of thefe Sermons are fpurious, fo this 
 in particular is fometimes afcribed to other Au- 
 thors, and therefore no Weight can be laid up- 
 on it. However the Council of Auxerre [h~] in 
 France, An. fpo, made a Rule, That no Wo- 
 
 man mould receive the Eucharift in her bare 
 Hand. But after what manner me mould re- 
 ceive it in her Hand, is not faid. A great many 
 learned Perfons think that another Canon in that 
 Council [/] orders them to receive it in a Lin- 
 nen Cloth, becaufe there is mention made of 
 Womens wearing a Dominicale when they com- 
 municate : Which they interpret a Linnen Cloth 
 upon their Hand. So not only Baronius, and 
 Binnius, and Sylvius^ but alfo Bona [k] and Ha- 
 bertus [/], and even Mabillon [*#], and Fojjius 
 [ri] underftand it. But Baluzius, who is often 
 more fagacious than the reft in telling the Mean- 
 ing of hard Words, fays, it means only the 
 Womens Veil, which they were obliged to wear 
 upon their Heads by antient Canons, conforma- 
 ble to the Rule of the Apoftle [0]. And for 
 this he quotes an antient Collection of Canons, 
 where in the Council of Mafcon the Dominicale 
 is exprefsly ltyled the Veil which the Women 
 wore upon their Heads at the Communion. So 
 that whatever Covering the Women ufed for 
 their Hands, when they received the Communi- 
 on, it is plain it was a different Thing from the 
 Dominicale. The Council of Trullo [/>] fpeaks 
 of fome in the Greek Church, who would not 
 receive the Sacrament in their Hands, but in 
 fome little Instrument of Gold or other precious 
 Material, out of a pretended Reverence to it, 
 but they condemn, and forbid it as a fuperftiti- 
 ous Practice j ordering all Perfons to receive the 
 Communion in their own Hands fee in the Form 
 of a Crofs, as is appointed in CyriFsCatechifins [_q~\ 
 and fome others before them : and for thofe that 
 pretended to bring thofe little Trinkets to receive 
 the Communion with, they order them to be re- 
 jected, as Perfons who preferred inanimate Mat- 
 ter to the living Image of God. And withal 
 they threaten Sufpenfion to any Prielb that (hall 
 admit any Communicants to receive in fuch man- 
 ner. By which it is plain no Alteration was as vet 
 allowed in this Matter in the Greek Church. 
 
 The next Thing obfervable, sect. viii. 
 is, That the Prieft in delivering K?« Eucharift 
 
 the Elements to the People ufed «f**Uy delivered to 
 
 a certain Form of Words, to the Veo P le with * 
 
 which the People anfwered, A- Z"? Fj ™< 
 
 mi T-i r n r Woidi, to -which 
 
 men. I he b orm at hrlt leems to t ^. y ^mtud, A- 
 have been no more than this: The men. 
 Body of Cbrijl j and, The Blood of 
 Chrijl; to each of which the People fubjoyned, 
 Amen. Tertullian is thought to refer to this, 
 when he asks a Chriftian [r] who was ufed to 
 frequent the Roman Theaters, How he could 
 give Teftimony to a Gladiator with that Mouth 
 
 [/] Ap.Theodor. Hi ft. lib. f. cap. 18. [g] Aug. Ser. 
 
 2f2. de Temp. Omnes Viri, quando communicare deliderant, la- 
 vant manus : Et omnes Mulieres exhibent Linteamina, ubi corpus 
 Chrifti accipiant. [>] Cone. Antiffiodor. can. 36. Non licet 
 
 mulieri nuda manu Euchariftiam acciperc. [/] Ibid. can. 42. 
 
 Unaquseque mulier, quando communicat, Dominicalem fuum ha- 
 beat. Quod fi non habuerit, ufque in alium Diem Dominicum non 
 communicet. 0] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. 1. cap. i 7 .n. 3. 
 
 [l] Habert. Archieratic. Par. 10. Obferv. 8. p. 264. [m] Ma- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 bil. de Liturg. Gallic, lib. 1. cap. f. a. 25. [»] VofT Thef. 
 
 Theol. de Symboiis Ccense Dom. p. 477. [ ] Baluz. Not. in 
 
 Gratian. Cauf. 33. Quxlr. 3. cap. 19. Si mulier commumcans 
 Dominicale fuum fuper caput fuum non habuerit, ufque ad alium 
 diem Dominicum non communicet. [p] Cone. Trull, can 
 
 101. [q] Cyril. Catech. Myft. f. n. 18. [r] Ter ul.de 
 
 Spedac. cap. 2$-. Quale eft ex ore quo Amen in fandtum p ro - 
 
 tuleris, gladiatori teftimonium reddere? 
 
 wherewith 
 
 1 
 
800 
 
 The A N T I QJU I T I B s of the 
 
 Book XV 
 
 wherewith he was wont to fay Amen in the 
 holy Myfteries? But that may refer as well to 
 the Amen which they ufcdat the End of the great 
 Consecration Prayer, as to this Form at the De- 
 livery. However Cornelius Bifhop of Rome not 
 long after fpeaksexpreisly of it. For he fays [i] 
 Novatian was ufed to make the People of his 
 Party fwear by the Body and. Blood of Chrift, 
 when he delivered the Eucharift to them, that 
 they would not forfake his Party and go over 
 to Cornelius. So, fays he, every Man inftead of 
 fiying Amen, when he takes the Bread, is forced 
 to fay-} I will not return to Cornelius. The Au- 
 thor of the Conftitutions fpeaks of the Form in 
 this manner [f] : Let the Bifhop give the Ob- 
 lation, fiying, the Body of Chrift: And let the 
 Receiver anfwer, Amen. Let the Deacon hold 
 the Cup, and when he gives it fay, The Blood 
 of Chrift, The Cup of Life: And let him that 
 drinks it fay, Amen. So St. Cyril [_u~] bids his 
 Communicant receive the Body of Chrift, and 
 fay, Amen. And St. Ambrofe [#], The Prieft 
 lays to thee, The Body of Chrift, and thou an- 
 Cwereft, Amen. The like, as to the People's An- 
 swering Amen, is noted by St. Auftin [jy] as the 
 general Practice of the whole World. And lb by 
 St. Jerom [zj, Leo Magnus [a] and many others. 
 By the Time of Gregory the Great, the Form of 
 Delivery was a little enlarged: For then they 
 laid, The Body [b~\ of our Lord Jefus Chrift pre- 
 ferve thy Soul. And by the Time of Alcuin and 
 Charles the Great, it was augmented into this 
 Form, The Body of our Lord Jefus [c~\ Chrift, 
 preferve thy Soul unto everlafting Life. Which is 
 much the fame with the former Part of that 
 which is now ufed in our Liturgy. The Scotch 
 Liturgy alfo orders the People to anfwer, Amen-, 
 which, we fee, is conformable to ant ient Practice. 
 The Romanifts generally draw this Anfwer of 
 the People into an Argument for Tranfubflantia- 
 tion. Becaufc faying Amen implies as much as 
 the true Body of Chrift. But they might as well 
 argue, that the Bread is tranfubftantiated into 
 the Bodies of the People, and that they too are 
 but one proper, fubftantial, true, numerical Bo- 
 dy with their Lord j Becaufe St. Auftin fiys this 
 is one Meaning of the Body of Chrift, to which 
 when the Prieft fpakc it, they anfwered, Amen: 
 Ye anfwer, Amen, fays he \d~\, to what ye are 
 (that is, the Body of Chrift;, and by your An- 
 fwer fubferibe to the Truth of it. Thou hear- 
 eft the Prieft fay, The Body of Chrift, and thou 
 
 anfvvereft, Amen: Be thou a Member of the 
 Body of Chrift, that thy Amen may be true. 
 In another Place he fays, it denoted their Be- 
 lief of the Reality of Chrift s Suffering for them, 
 that his Blood was truly ftied [ # ] for their Sakes, 
 and that they made Profeflion of this by faying 
 Amen, This is true. And again [-p], Chrift 
 ftied his Blood upon the Crofs for our Sakes : 
 And ye who are Communicants, know what Te- 
 ftimony ye bear to the Blood which ye receive: 
 For ye fay Amm to it. Ye know what that 
 Blood is, which was Jhed for many, for the Re- 
 miffton of Sins. So that in whatever Senfe we 
 take it, there is no Neceffity of making it to 
 fignify a corporeal and fubftantial Prefence, 
 which it is certain St. Auftin never thought of. 
 
 It is here proper, before we SECT. IX. 
 pals on, to make a juft Reflecli- Horn Novatian 
 on upon the horrible Abufes of «»<J others abxfed 
 the Communion committed by thc communkn to 
 fome againft the true End and F{iy ^ es - 
 Defign of it, which was intended by Chrift to 
 reprefent our Union with himfelf and one ano- 
 ther, but wicked Men made Ufe of it to bafe 
 Ends and Purpofes. We have already heard 
 how Novatian abufed it to ftrengthen his Schifm, 
 and bind Men over by an Oath upon it, that 
 they would not defert his Intereft and Party. 
 And it was a like Abufe that was fome time al- 
 lowed in the fuperftitious Times of Popery, under 
 the general Notion of many other fuperftitious 
 Practices, called, Canonical Purgations. Which 
 was, that when any one was fufpe&ed of a 
 Crime, he was to purge himfelf by taking the 
 Sacrament upon it. Gratian cites a Canon out: 
 of the Council of Worms [e] to this purpofe: 
 Whereas it often happens, that Thefts are com- 
 mitted in Monafteries, and they that commit 
 them arc not known : We therefore order, That 
 when the Brethren are to purge themfclves of 
 fuch Sufpicions, Mafs fhall be celebrated by the 
 Abbot or fome other appointed by him, and 
 when it is ended, every one of them fhall com- 
 municate, faying thefe Words, Let the Body of 
 Chrift be my Purgation this Day. But though 
 this was allowed by a Council, it isjuftly reck- 
 oned a great Abufe by all fober Men. Antonius 
 Augufiinus in his Emendations upon Gratian [/] 
 pafies this Cenfure upon it, That it is to be as- 
 cribed to the great Corruption and Filth cf the 
 Times which allowed it. For even as the old 
 
 [i] /p. Eufc'n. lib. 6. cap. 45. p. 24.5-. [f] Conilit. lib. 8. 
 cip. 15. [«] Cyril. Catech. Myft. 5-. n. 18. [#] Am- 
 
 bror.de facram. lib. 4. cap.,-. Dick tibi faccrdos, Corpus Chrifti: 
 Et tu dicis, Amen, id eft, verum. It. de Initiatis. cap. 9. 
 DO Aug. conr. Fault lib. 12. cap. 10. Habet magnam vocem 
 Chrifti fanguis in terra, cum eo accepto ab omnibus gentibus ref- 
 pondetur Amen, [z] Hieron. Ep. 62. ad Theophil. [«] Leo 
 Ser. 6. de Jcjunio iqnimi Menfis. [£] Joan. Diacon. Vit. 
 
 Gregor. lib. 2. [cj Alcuin. de Offic. & Helgaldus Vita R.0- 
 
 berti Regis Gallix. ap. Bonam. Liturgic. lib. 2. c. 17. n. 3. 
 [r/] Aug. Serm. ad Infantes, ap Fulgent, de Baptifmo /Ethiopis. 
 cap. ri. Ad id quod eftis; refpondetis, Amen, & refpondendo fub- 
 fcribitis. Audis Corpus Chrifti, & refpondes, Amen. Efto mem- 
 brum Corporis Chrifti, ut lit verum Amen tuum. [*] Aug. 
 
 Ser. de 4. Fcm live Cukura agti. t. 9. p. 317. Quid dick om- 
 
 nis homo, quando accipit Sanguinem Chrifti? Amen dick. Quid 
 eft Amen? Verum eft. Quid eft verum? Quia fufus eft Sanguis 
 Chrilli. [fj Id. Ser. 29.de Verbis Apoft.t. 10. p. 15-0. Ia 
 
 cruce pro nobis Sanguinem fudit: Et noftis Fideles quale teftimo- 
 nium pcrhibeatis Sanguini quern accepiftis. Ccrte enim dicitis A- 
 mcn. Noftis qui fit Sanguis qui pro multis effuibs eft in iemifli- 
 onem peccatorum. [«] Con. Wormar. can. if. ap. Grat. Cauf, 
 2. Quxft. f. cap. 22. Sspe con;ing't, ut in Manafteriis furta per- 
 pctrentur, Sc qui hate commiuanr ignorentur. Idcirco ftatuimus, 
 ut quando ipli fraties de talibus fe expurgare debucrinr, MiOa ab 
 Abbate celebretur, vel ab aliquo cui ipie Abbas prxceperit, prxfen- 
 tibus Frairibus: Sc fic expk"a JvIifTa, omnes communicait in base 
 verba ; Corpus Domini lit mihi ad Probationem hodie. [f] An- 
 ton. Auguft. dc Etncnclat. Grat. iib.i. Dial. tf. p. 172. Hxc om- 
 nia fun; iilorum temporum fordibus adicribenda, 
 
 f GlofTer 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 801 
 
 GlofTcr uponGratian obferves [g], The Commu- 
 nion was not to be given to lufpe&cd Pcrfons, 
 as he proves from other Laws, particularly the 
 Extravagant de Purgatione Canonica. cap. Cum 
 dileclis. And therefore he fays, this Canon in 
 Gratian was of no Force, being difannullcd in 
 Law. So that we need not fcruple to call this 
 a great Abufe of the Holy Communion, though 
 it had fynodical Authority fome time to enjoyn 
 the Practice of it. I know nothing hardly that 
 exceeds it under Pretence of Religion, unlefs it 
 be that more horrible Abufe which Baronius [h~] 
 himfelf relates out of the Greek Hiftorians, con- 
 cerning Pope 'Theodore, and the Roman Council, 
 An. 648, who in their Cenfure of Pyrrhus and 
 Paulas the Monothelite Hereticks, took Blood out 
 of the Cup, and mingled it with Ink, and there- 
 with fubferibed their Condemnation. An unpa- 
 rallel'd Inftance of intemperate Zeal, for which 
 there was neither Law nor Example in the Ro- 
 man Church, as Baronius confeffes, nor any In- 
 ftance like it, fave one in the Greek Church, 
 when Ignatius in the Council of Constantinople, 
 An. 869, made Ufe of the Blood in the facred 
 Cup inftead of Ink to condemn his Adverfary 
 Photius, as Baronius alfo tells us [/] out of Ni- 
 cetas in his Life of Ignatius. But I pafs over 
 thefe horrible Abufes, more becoming Draco, and 
 his fanguinary Laws, than the Pens and Practi- 
 ces of Chriftian Bifhops, and go on with the 
 more innocent Practices of the Primitive Church. 
 
 SECT. X. During the Time of com- 
 
 Troper Ffalmsfor municaring, while the Elements 
 
 the Occafion ufmlly di ft nbutec l to tne People, 
 
 ffnZZ '- it was ulual in moft Places for 
 eM j„ g . the Singers or all the People to 
 
 ling fome Pfalm fuitable to the 
 Occafion. The Author of the Confiitutions [k~] 
 prefcribes the Thirty third Pfalm, which in our 
 Divifion is the Thirty fourth, for this Purpofe: 
 I will hlefs the Lord at all Times, his Praife pall 
 be always in my Mouth. Which was chiefly lung 
 upon the Account of thofe Words relating to the 
 Sacrament, O Tafte, and fee that the Lord is gra- 
 cious &c. For fo St. Cyril more plainly declares, 
 when he fays [/], After this you hear one ring- 
 ing with a Divine Melody, and exhorting you 
 to partake of the Holy Myfterics, and laying, 
 O Tap, and fee that the Lord h gracious. St. 
 Jerom [ni] feems alfo to intimate, that they fung 
 both this and the xlvth Pfalm, when he lays, They 
 received the Eucharift nl vays with a good Con- 
 fcienc e, hearing th Pfitmfi fmg, O Tafte and 
 fee that the Lord is gracious : And ringing with 
 
 him, My Heart is inditing of a good Matter, I 
 /peak of the Things which I have made unto the 
 King. This being a Pfalm peculiarly faring 
 forth the Praifcs of Chnft, and the Affection 
 of the Church toward him: Hearken, O Daugh- 
 ter, and confider, incline thine Ear, forget alfo thine 
 own People and thy Father's Houfe : So Jhall the 
 King have Pleafure in thy Beauty ; for he is thy 
 Lord God, and ivorjhip thou Him. In A f rick they 
 feem to have delighted much in this Cuftom, in 
 fo much that when one Hilarius a Tribune rail- 
 ed againft it and all other Singing of Pfalms at 
 the Altar, St. Auftin wrote a "Book particularly 
 in Vindication of it, which is now loft, but he- 
 mentions it [»] in his Retraclations. And both 
 he and Tertullian feem to intimate, that amono- 
 other Pfalms they fung the One Hundred Thirty 
 third. Behold how good and joyful a thing it 
 is, Brethren, to dwell together in Unity. For ^Ter- 
 tullian [0] lays, They' were ufed to fing this 
 Pfalm when they fupped together: By which 
 moft probably he means the Lord's Supper. And 
 St. Aujlinhys, it was a Pfalm [p~] fo noted and well 
 known by its conllant Ufe, that they who knew 
 nothing of the Pfalterj could repeat that Pfalm, 
 as having often heard it fung, probably at the 
 Altar. And he feems to fiy | q\ that they fun? 
 the xxxiiid Pfalm upon the lame Occafion. For 
 he fays exprefsly they fung it daily, / will blefs 
 the Lord at all Times, his Praife Jhall ever be in 
 my Mouth. Which confidering how many Wri- 
 ters before fpeakof it as fung at the Diftribution 
 of the Elements, it is probable St. Auftin means 
 the fame, that it was fung daily at the Altar. 
 St.Chryfoftom fays they fung the cxlvth Pfalm up- 
 on this Occafion, chiefly upon the Account of 
 thofe Words in it, The Eyes of all wait upon Thee, 
 and thou giveft them their Meat in due Seafon. For 
 he interprets this of their Spiritual Meat at the 
 Lord's Table. This Pfalm, fays he [Vj, is dili- 
 gently to be noted: For this is the 'Pfalm which 
 has thefe Words, which they that are initiated 
 in the holy Myfteries fing continually in Con- 
 fort, faying, The Eyes of all wait upon Thee and 
 Thou giveft them their Meat in due Seafon 
 For he that is made a Son, and Partaker of the 
 fpintual Table, does juftly give Glory to his 
 Father. Thou art a Son, and Partaker of the 
 fpintual Table j thou feedeft upon that Flefli 
 and Blood which regenerated thee: Therefore 
 give Thanks to him that vouchfafes thee fo great 
 a Bleffing, glorify him who grants thee Thefe 
 Favours: When thou readeft the Words, corn- 
 pofe and tune thy Soul to what is laid and 
 and when thou fay'ft, I will exalt Thee, my God 
 
 [g\ Glofli in Loc. Gratiani. Huic Capiti eft derogatum, quia 
 fufpectis non eft danda Eucharifth. [>] Baron, an. 648. n. ij. 
 ex Theopiwne. [>] Baron, an. 869. t. io. p. 418. 
 
 [A] Conft. lib. 8. cap. 1 y, [/] Cyril. Myft. Catech. j-. n.17. 
 
 [?«] Hieron. Ep. 28. ad Lucin. Boeticum. [n] Aug. Retradt. 
 lib. 2. cap. 11. Morem qui tunc efte apud Carthaginem cceperat,ut 
 Hymni adakare dicerentur de Pfalmorum libro, live ante Obkticnem, 
 five cum diftribueretur populo quod fuiflet oblatum, maledica re- 
 preheniione ubicunque poterat lacerabat, &c. Huic refpondi, 8c 
 voctur Liber contra Hilarium. [«] TertuL dc Jejun. cap .13. 
 
 Vide quam bonum & quam jucundum habitare fratres in unurtj 
 Hoc tu pfallerc non faciie nofti, nil! quo tempore cum coraplun 
 bus ccenas. [/»] Aug. in Pfal. i 32, p. 629. Fiaimus brcvis eft" 
 led vaide notus Sc nomtnatus. Ecce quam bonum gj q'udfti j u - 
 cundum, Sec. Ita fonus ifte dulcis eft, ut & qui Pfilterium L' 
 fciunt, ipfum verfum cantent. [q] Ibid. p. 6X0. ImpletLrri 
 
 eft in eo quod quotidie cantamtis.fi Sc moribus coaSmemm: Brae* 
 dicam Dominum in omni tempore, Semper Laus ejus in ore meO 
 [r] Chryf, in Pfal. 144.. t. 3. p. 5-94, 
 
802 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 my King (which are the firft Words of this Pfalm,) 
 ihew thy great Love and Affection to him, that 
 he may fay to thee, as he faid to Abraham, I am 
 thy God. In the Liturgy which goes under St. 
 Chryfoftom's Name \j\ there is mention made 
 of the People's Singing at this Time, but no 
 Pfalm fpecified, as here in his genuine 
 Works. In the ^Liturgy called St. James's [t~] of 
 Jcrufalcm, the Words of the Thirty fourth 
 Pfalm, O Tafte and fee that the Lord is gracious, 
 are appointed to be fung by the Singers. St. 
 Mark's Liturgy [u] appoints the Forty fecond 
 Pfalm, As the Hart defireth the Water Brooks, fo 
 panteth my Soul after Thee, O God. And Cotele- 
 rius [x~] has obferved, that in fome antient Ritu- 
 als at the End of Gregory's Sacrament arium the 
 cxxxix Pfalm is appointed: O Lord thou hafl 
 
 fearched me out and known me, &c. So that 
 though the Cuftom of Singing Pfalms in this 
 Part of the Service was Univerfal, the particu- 
 lar Pfalms varied according to the Wifdom and 
 Choice of the Precentor, or the different Rules 
 and Ufages of different Churches. I have now 
 ftated and refolved the feveral Queftions and Ca- 
 fes that may be put concerning the manner of 
 communicating in the antient Church: And 
 there remains but one Thing more to be con- 
 sidered, which was the folemn Thankfgiving and 
 Prayers after receiving, which may be included 
 with fome other Concomitant Rites in the ge- 
 neral Name of their Poft-Communion Service- 
 of which we will difcourfe in the following 
 Chapter. ° 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of their Fojl-Commumon Service. 
 
 ^HEN all the People had 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 ihe ccmmt.mon VV communicated, and the 
 Service dofed with Deacons had removed the Re- 
 iZrfr^viT mainder of the Elements into the 
 »«Tw/i Paftophoria, or Place appointed 
 dtng Frayer and for their Reception j it was ufual 
 Tl.ankfgnmg. firft for a Deacon toadmonifti the 
 
 People to return Thanks for the 
 Benefits which they had received. The Form of 
 this Exhortation in the Confiitutions [«] runs thus : 
 Now that we have received the precious Body and 
 ihe precious Blood of Chrift, let us give Thanks to 
 him that hath vouch fafed to make us Partakers of 
 his Holy Myfleries ; and let us befeecb him that they 
 way not be to our Condemnation, but Salvation, for 
 the Benefit of our Soul and Body, for the Preferva- 
 tion of us in Piety-, for the Rem'ijfion of our Sins, 
 and obtaining of the Life of the World to come. 
 Then he bids them rife up, and commend them- 
 felves to God by Chrift. Upon which the Bi- 
 ihop makes a Prayer of Thankfgiving and Com- 
 mendation of the People to God in the following 
 Words. 
 
 SECT. II. O Lord God Almighty, the Father 
 
 ifoBiftofsthankf- gf jfoy chrift, Thy bleffed Son; who 
 
 gn'mg or Commen- h( ,n t jr £ fhaf ^ m upright 
 
 dattoit of ihe People TT J ,/ i l a 
 
 , r Heart call upon Thee, who knoweft 
 
 the Supplications of thofe that m 
 
 Silence pray unto Thee; we give Thee Thanks for 
 
 that thou haft vouchfafed to make us Partakers of 
 
 thy Holy Myfleries, which Thou haft given us for 
 
 the Confirmation or full Affurance of thofe Things 
 
 which we fialfoftly believe and know, for the Pre- 
 
 fervation of our Piety, for the Remiffton of our Sins ; 
 
 "becaufe the Name of Thy Chrift is called upon us, and 
 
 we are united unto Thee. Thou that haft feparated 
 
 us from the Communion of the Ungodly, unite us with 
 them that are fanclified unto 'thee-, confirm us m 
 Thy Truth by the coming of 'thy Holy Spirit and 
 his refting upon us j reveal un(o us what Thing we 
 are ignorant of, fupply what we are deficient in y and 
 ftrengthen us in what we know. Preferve Thy Priefts 
 nnblameable in Thy Service, keep our Princes in 
 Peace, our Governours in Right eoufnefs, the Air in 
 good temperature, the Fruits of the Earth in Plenty^ 
 and the whole World by thy Almighty Providence. 
 Pacify the Nations that are inclined to War j con' 
 vert thofe that go aftray JancJify Thy People ; pre- 
 ferve thofe that are in Virginity ; keep thofe that are 
 married in thy Faith ; ftrengthen thofe that are in 
 Chaftity, bring Infants to mature Age; confirm thofe 
 that are newly baptized; inftrucl the Catechumens , 
 and make them fit and worthy of Baptifm : And ga- 
 ther us all into the Kingdom of Heaven, through Je- 
 fus Chrift our Lord, with whom unto Thee and the 
 Holy Spirit be Glory, Honour, and Adoration World 
 without End. Amen. 
 
 After this the Deacon bids SECT. III. 
 the People bow their Heads to The Bijlioff Be : 
 God in Chrift, and receive the ne ' m ' m - 
 Benediction. Then the Bilhop pronounces the 
 Benediction in this following Prayer: Almighty 
 God, and true, with whom no one can compare, 
 who art every where, and prefent unto all, yet not 
 in them as Things of which they confift, who art 
 circumfcribed by no Place, not grown old with time, 
 nor bounded by Ages ; who art without Generation, 
 and needefi no Preferver; who art above all Cor- 
 ruption, uncapable of Change, and unalterable by Na- 
 ture j that dwelleft in Light which no one can ap- 
 proach unto, and art invifible by Nature ; that art 
 known to all Rational Natures that feek thee wity 
 
 [s] Chryf. Liturg. c A. p. <Si3. [/] Jacob. Liturg. Bibl. \x] Coteler. in Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 13. [a] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 
 
 Patr. Gr. Lat. t. 2 . p. 20. [«] Marci Liturg. ibid. p. 4c. 14, it u called -a &<t$ who- 1; rh u{]a.hv-in- 
 
 an 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 803 
 
 an upright Heart, and art apprehended by thofe that 
 fearch after Thee with a Pure Mind; Thou God 
 of Ifracl, the Iff ad that truly fees Thee, and the 
 People that believes in Chrift, ftoew thy felf propi- 
 tious, and hear me for Thy Name's Sake ; Blefs 
 this People that bozv their Necks unto Thee, and 
 grant them the Petitions of their Heart that are Ex- 
 pedient for them, and fuffer none of them to fall from 
 Thy Kingdom j but fantlify them, keep and protect, 
 help ancfdeliver them from the Adverfary, and from 
 every Enemy; preferve their Houfes, and defend their 
 going out and their coming in : For to Thee belongs 
 Glory, Praife, Majefty, JVorfhip and Adoration: 
 And to Thy Son Jefus, thy Chrifi, our Lord and 
 God and King and to the Holy Spirit, now and 
 for ever, World without End. Amen. 
 
 sect. iv. After this the Deacon ufed 
 ihe Deacon's Form a {hort Form of Words in the 
 of dtfmtjjhg the N arure f a Prayer for Peace, 
 
 Yeophntbthefart ^ ^ ^ { wherewhh 
 
 p e fce. '' he difmifled the whole Aflembly } 
 
 intimating that the whole Service 
 was now finifhed, and therefore praying that the 
 Peace of God .might continue with them, and 
 preferve them, he faid, &7ro\'Js<9's cv etgn'vij, De- 
 part in Peace. This was the ufual Form of 
 breaking up all religious Affemblies in the Greek 
 Church, as we have noted before in fpeaking [*] 
 of the Daily Morning Service out of this Au- 
 thor: And we are affured of it from St. Chry- 
 foflom [b~], who fpeaking of the frequent Ufe of 
 that fhort Prayer of Salutation, Peace be with 
 you, particularly takes notice of the Deacon's u- 
 ling it at the Difmiflion of the Affembly : The 
 Deacon, fays he, when he difmifles you from this 
 Meeting, does it with this Prayer, •nrogsuscS'e on 
 h^n, Go in Peace. Whence we may learn, that 
 they did not ufe it as an empty Form, but as a 
 fhort folemn Prayer, to fend them away with a 
 Benediction, or the Bleffing of God upon 
 them. 
 
 SECT. v. As for the other Prayers ufed 
 What Account j n t hi s p art c f tne Service, we 
 we have cf thefe no particular Account of 
 
 mZs " them in other Writers. But they 
 
 tell us in general, that fuch 
 Forms of Praife and Thankfgiving were always 
 ufed after the Communion. St. Auftin fays [c], 
 when all was ended, and every one had received 
 the Communion, a folemn Thankfgiving con- 
 cluded the whole Action. And fo Cyril of Jeru- 
 falem [d~] bids his .newly-baptized Communicant 
 flay, when the Communion was done, to give 
 Thanks to God, who had vouchfafed to make 
 him a Partaker of fo great Myfteries. St. Chry- 
 fofiom has a long Invective [e~\ againft thofe who 
 would not flay thefe laft Prayers, but as foon as 
 they had communicated themfelves, would be 
 
 gone, and leave their Brethren to give Thanks 
 alone: Whom he compares to Judas, who left the 
 Apoftles after Supper before the laft Hymn was 
 fungj but all the other Apoftles ftaid to fing the 
 Hymn with their Lord, from whofe Example the 
 Church took up the Cuftom of making thefe laft 
 Prayers after the Communion. It is an excellent 
 Paflage, and therefore I will tranferibe it at length 
 in his own Words: " Would you have me tell you 
 " what is the Caufe of Noife and Tumult in the 
 " Church ? It is becaufe we (hut not the Doors 
 tc upon you all the Time of Divine Service, but 
 t£ fuffer you to draw off and go home before the 
 ££ laft Thankfgiving j which is a great Contempt 
 tc of God's Ordinance. What meaneft thou, O 
 <c Man, in fo doing? Chrift is prcfent, the An- 
 <c gels ftand by him, the tremendous Table is 
 " Iprcad, thy Brethren are yet communicating, 
 <{ and doft thou defert them and fly off? If thou 
 <£ art called to a common Entertainment, thou 
 <£ doft not prefume, whilft the reft are fitting, 
 <£ to depart before thy Friends, though thou haft 
 " filled thyfclf before them : And doft thou here 
 " leave all and depart, whilft the Holy Myfteries 
 t£ of Chrift are celebrating, and the facred Of- 
 " fices performing ? What Pardon can be ex- 
 " pe£ted, what Apology can be made for this? 
 " Shall I tell you plainly, whofe Work they are 
 tc a doing, who thus depart before all is finifhed, 
 " and wait not for the Euchariftical Hymns ac 
 ££ the End of the Supper? It may perhaps feem 
 <c an hard and odious Saying, but it is neceffary 
 C£ to be faid, to reprove the Negligence of ma- 
 £c ny. When Judas communicated at the laft 
 u Supper in that laft Night, whilft all the 
 ££ reft were fitting at Table, he ftole off and 
 ££ went out : And they imitate him, who go 
 " away before the laft Thankfgiving. For if he 
 <£ had not gone out, he had not been made the 
 ££ Traytorj if he had not deferred his Fellow- 
 " Difciples, he had not perifhedj if he had not 
 " broken away from the Flock, the Wolf had 
 " not found him alone; if he had not feparated 
 " himfelf from the Shepherd, he had not been a 
 " Prey to the wild Beaft. Upon this Account 
 " we find him among the Jews, but the reft ftay 
 " to fing an Hymn, and go forth with their 
 " Lord. Do you not now fee, that the laft 
 £C Prayers after the Sacrifice take their Rife from 
 " that Example?" Thus far St. Chryfoftom, who 
 feems to intimate, that they had not only Pray- 
 ers, but alfo Pfalms and Hymns of Thankfgiving, 
 in Imitation of our Saviour's ringing an Hymn 
 after his laft Supper with his Difciples. And 
 it is very probable, from what St. Chryfoftom tells 
 us in another Place, that the Church had fuch an 
 Affeftion for David's Pfalms, that fhe ufed and in- 
 terfperfed them in all her Offices. Primus 6? me- 
 dius & noviffimus eft David [/], David was in 
 the Beginning, and Middle, and End of her Ser- 
 
 [*] Book XIII. Chap. x. ». 8. [£] Chryf. Hom.fz. in 
 
 eos qui Pafcha jejunant. T. ? . p. 7 > 3- . . W Au g- S 9- ad 
 Paulin. Quxft. sr. Quibus pera&is, & participate* tamo Sacramento, 
 Gratiarum a£tio cunda concludit. Id] Cyril. Catech, 
 
 Myft. s- n. 19. 0] Chryf Horn. 34. de Bapt. Chrifti. T. 1. 
 
 p.317. It. Horn. 82. al. 83. in Mat. n. 700. [f] Chryf. 
 
 Horn 6, de Pcenitentia, in Edit. Latinis. 
 
 vicesi 
 
80+ 
 
 The ANTIQ.UITIBS of the Book XV. 
 
 vices. 'Tis true, the Author of the Conftitutions 
 takes no notice of Pfalms or Hymns in the fore- 
 mentioned Place : But in another Place [g], 
 where he has alfo a Prayer fxsla try ixflahir^iv, 
 after Participation, befides the Thankfgiving, 
 there is order to fing Maranatha, that is, The 
 Kingdom of God, or the Lord cometh : And alfo, 
 Hofanna to the Son of David. Bleffed is he that 
 cometh in the Name of the Lord : Blejjed be the 
 Lord our God, tvho was manifefted to us m the Flefh. 
 Which feems to imply, that there were different 
 Ufages in different Churches, and that this Au- 
 thor made his Collections vary fometimes from 
 themfelves, by interpofing the Rites of different 
 Churches. In the old Gothick Miffal publiflied 
 by Mabillon, there is nothing appointed after the 
 Communion but only two Prayers, the one cal- 
 led Poft-Communionem-y and the other Colleclio, the 
 Colled or concluding Prayer. And it is much 
 after the fame manner in the Mozarabick Liturgy, 
 of which Mabillon gives a Specimen or two in 
 his Appendix. But in the Greek Liturgies, as that 
 under the Name of St. James befides the 
 
 Prayers, there are feveral fhort Hymns and Praifes 
 collected out of the Pfalms and other Scriptures 
 appointed to be faid after the Communion: As 
 that of the lvii Pfalm, Set up fhyfelf, O God, a- 
 love the Heavens, and thy Glory above all the Earth. 
 And, Bleffed be the Name of the Lord from this 
 time forth for evermore. And, Bleffed be he that 
 cometh in the Name of the Lord. Save Thy Peo- 
 ple, O God, and blefs thine Heritage. And, O let 
 our Mouth be filled with Thy Praife, that we may 
 fing of thy Glory and Honour all the Day long, Pfal. 
 lxxi. 7. So in St. Chryfofiom's Liturgy [i], the 
 People are appointed to fing thofe Words of the 
 cxiii Pfalm, Bleffed be the Name of the Lord from 
 this time forth for evermore. And the whole xxxiv 
 Pfalm, I will always give Thanks unto the Lord, his 
 Praife fhall ever be in my Mouth. 
 
 SECT. VI. And it is obfervable, That in 
 
 The Thankfgwings %\\ tne antient Forms, the Thankf- 
 
 always made in the giving Prayers are always in the 
 
 Tlurai Number by ^ Number rep refenting the 
 
 the chth y ° f whole Body of the Communi- 
 cants as returning their Praifes to 
 God for the Mercies they had received. For 
 then there were no private nor folitary Majfes, 
 where the Prieft fays the Office alone by himfelf 
 without any Hearers, or communicates alone 
 without any Partakers ; but they all affifted and 
 communicated together : And fo long it was ve- 
 ry rational and proper to return a general Thankf- 
 giving for the Benefits of the Communion which 
 they had all received. But fince private and fo- 
 litary Maffes came in, all thefe Forms are very 
 improper and abfurd, to tell God, they have all 
 received the Sacrament, and blefs him for it, 
 when none has received it but one, and fome- 
 times none has fo much as heard the Office, but 
 the Prieft alone that repeats it. Yet thefe Of- 
 
 fices now ftand in the Roman Mafs, to the eter- 
 nal Reproach of thofe that abufe them. For they 
 ftill fay, Quod ore fumpfimus, &c. That which we 
 \_k~] have received with our Mouths, O Lord, grant 
 that we may receive with a pure Mind; and of a 
 temporal Gift, make it unto us an eternal Remedy. 
 And there are many other Prayers in the fame 
 Tenourj all which fuppofe many to have com- 
 municated, when yet no one has received but 
 the Prieft alone. Bona [/] confeffes this is not 
 according to the Primitive Cuftom. For thofe 
 Prayers were inftituted at firft for Communi- 
 cants, when all or a great Part of the Church 
 communicated together j for other wife the very 
 Name of Communion would here be improperly 
 uled, if more than one did not partake of the 
 Sacrifice. And all he has to fay for their retain- 
 ing thofe Prayers in the Mafs, when the ufe of 
 them by private Mafs is become fo improper, is 
 only this: That though the antient Cuftom of 
 many Communicating together be left off, yet 
 no Change is made in the Prayers * but they are 
 retained ftill, to fhew us what was done antient- 
 ly, and to excite us by the very Tenour of the 
 Prayers to return to the Primitive Fervour. How 
 happy would it be, if the Roman Church would 
 in all Things obferve this Rule, and return to 
 the laudable Practice and Simplicity of the an- 
 tient Church j reforming her Offices by the Pri- 
 mitive Standard, and cafting away all thofe Cor- 
 ruptions, which appear from the whole Series 
 of this Hiftory to be manifeft Innovations, ei- 
 ther privately crept in by Connivance and Neg- 
 ligence in Times of Ignorance, or elfe forcibly 
 impofed by Tyranny and Power, contrary to the 
 Ufages of the antient Church, and many times 
 to the very Defign of Divine Service, and the 
 natural Intent of holy Inftitutions ! As it is plain 
 in the cafe of having Divine Service in an un- 
 known Tongue, and worfhipping Saints and An- 
 gels, and Images and CrofTes with divine Wor- 
 lhip, and dividing the Sacrament, and miniftring 
 it only in one Kind, and many other Things of 
 the like Nature j which as they contradict the 
 very End of the divine Ordinances, and the na- 
 tural Defign of God's Inftitutions fo they run 
 counter to the whole Practice of the antient 
 Church, as any one may fee by confidering the 
 Allegations produced in thefe Collections, in 
 which I have endeavoured to point out as well 
 the Rife of Errors, and the Original of Corrup- 
 tions in latter Ages, as the true antient Practice 
 of the Primitive Church in all the feveral Parts 
 of Divine Service relating to the ordinary Wor- 
 fhip of God. 
 
 And here I fhould have put an End to this Ac- 
 count, but that there are a few Queftions more 
 that may be asked concerning fome Appendages 
 and Circumftances of the Communion, which 
 it will be proper to anfwer in this Place. As 1 . 
 How they were ufed to difpofe of the Remains 
 of the Eucharifi after Communicating? 2. What 
 
 [ g ] Conftit. lib. 7. cap. 26. 
 Patr. Gr. Lat.T. 1. p. 21. 
 
 I 
 
 [h] Liturg. Jacob. Bibl. [£] MiflTal. Roman, p. 24. de Ritu celebr'andi Miffam, & in Canons 
 [i] Chryf. Litur. T. 4,. p.621. Miffs, p. 306, [/] Bona Rerum Liturgic. lib. 2, cap. 20. n. 1. 
 
 was 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 80S 
 
 was their Ufage and Praftice in regard to their miniftred the Lord's Supper, and how often they 
 
 Agape or Fea(t of Charity, fo famous in antient exhorted or obliged all Perfons to receive it ? I 
 
 Hiftory? 3. What Preparation they required as will give as ftioit an Anfwer as I can to thefe 
 
 neceflary to Communicants, to qualify them for Queftions, and therewith put an End to this Dif- 
 
 a worthy Reception? 4. What Time they ad- courfe. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 How the Remains of the Eucharift were difpofed of. And of their common En- 
 tertainment called Agape, or Feafi of Charity. 
 
 SECT. I. \T 7E have obferved before in 
 some p.irt of the \y fg v eral Places of this Book, 
 
 Eucharift anciently ^ fome p art of the £ uc }j ar ift 
 
 rt ularure° r was common ty referved for feve- 
 
 ral particular Ufes, to be fent to 
 the Abfent, and communicate the Sick, and to 
 teftify the Communion of diftant Churches one 
 •with another. And this was one Way of dil- 
 poling of the Remains of the confecrated Ele- 
 ments when the Communion was ended : To 
 which, I conceive, the Author of the Conftituti- 
 ons had regard when he orders the Deacon [a] 
 to carry what remained into the Paftophoria or 
 Veftry, which was the Repofitory for all Holy 
 Things belonging to the Church. 
 
 sect. IT. If any Thing remained over 
 The reft divided a- an j a b ove wnat: was neceflary for 
 
 ZZ! he Commu ' thefe Ufcs ' then b y other RuIes 
 
 it was to be divided among the 
 Communicants. As appears from the Canons of 
 Theophilus Biihop of Alexandria, one of which is 
 to this Purpofe [£]: Let the Clergy and the 
 Faithful, that is, the Communicants, divide a- 
 mong themfelves the Oblations of the Eucharift, 
 after all have participated, and let not a Cate- 
 chumen eat or drink of them. 
 
 SECT. III. Some learned Perfons [/] con- 
 
 This Bivifon of tht found this Divillon or Confump- 
 confecmed Ele- tl0n f tne confecrated Elements 
 
 menu a dfmB w j th that other Divifion of the 
 
 33f*£ Oblations among the Clergy, and 
 obUtions. alledge the Author ot the Conjh- 
 
 tutions for ir, as if he intended 
 this when he fays, [d~\ Let the Deacons divide 
 what remains of the myftical Eulogize, by the Or- 
 ders of the Biihop or Presbyters, among the 
 Clergy j to the Biihop four Parts, to the Pref- 
 byter three Parts, to the Deacon two Parts, to 
 the reft of the Clergy, Subdeacons, Readers, 
 Singers, Deaconefles, one Part. For this is ac- 
 ceptable to God, that every one mould be ho- 
 noured according to his Dignity. It is plain, he 
 fpeaks not here of the confecrated Elements, but 
 of the Divifion of the Peoples Oblations among 
 
 the Clergy, as Cotelerius rightly expounds it. For 
 this was one Way of maintaining the Clergy in 
 thofe Days, as has been more fully fhewn [*] in 
 another Place. And though he calls thefe by the 
 Name of the myftical Eulogize, yet that does not 
 determine it to the confecrated Elements : For, as 
 has been noted before, Eulogia is a common Name 
 that fignifies both. And Socrates [e] takes it for 
 the Oblations in this very Cafe, when fpeaking 
 of Chryfanthus the Novatian Bifhop, he fays, he 
 never received any Thing of the Church favc 
 two Loaves of the Eulogize on the Lord's Day, 
 Where he certainly means not two Loaves of 
 the Eucharift, but of the other Oblations of the 
 People, which it was cuftomary for the Clergy 
 to have their proportioned Shares in. 
 
 Sometimes what remained of sect. iv. 
 the Eucharift was diftributed a- The Remain, of the 
 mong the innocent Children of Euchanft f ome \ 
 
 , R-,, , _ , times given to in- 
 
 the Church. For, as I have „^„/ cM/ ^ 
 
 briefly hinted before, whilft the 
 Communion of Infants continued in the Church, 
 nothing was more ufual in many Places than both 
 to give Children the Communion at the Time 
 of Confecration, and alfo to referve what remain- 
 ed unconfumed, for them to partake of fome Day 
 in the Week following. Thus it was appointed by 
 the fecond Council of Mafcon [/] in France, An. 
 f 88. That if any Remains of the Sacrifice, after 
 the Service was ended, were laid up in the Ve- 
 ftry, he who had the Care of them mould on 
 Wcdnefday or Friday bring the Innocents to Church 
 falling, and then fprinkling the Remains with 
 Wine, make them all partake of them. And 
 Evagrius [g] fays it was the Cuftom of old ac 
 Conftantinople to do the fame : For when they had 
 much Remains of the Body of Chrift left, they 
 were ufed to call in the Children that went to 
 School, and diftribute them among them. And 
 he tells this remarkable Story upon it, That the 
 Son of a certain Jew happening one Day to be 
 among them, and acquainting his Father what 
 he had done, his Father was fo inraged at the 
 Thing, that he caft him into his burning Fur- 
 nace, where he was ufed to make Glafs. But 
 
 O] Conftit. lib.8. cap. 13. |>] Thcoph. can. 8. 
 
 [c] Leftrange, Allyance of Div. Offic. Chap. 7. p.113. 
 [A] Conftit. lib. 8. cap. 31. [*] Book V. Chap. iv. n. 1. 
 
 [e] Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 12. [/] Cone. tMatilcon. 1. can. 6. 
 
 Quarcunque reliquiae facrirkiorum port peractara Aliflam in Sacra- 
 
 VOL. k 
 
 rio fuperfederint, quarta vel fexta feria Innocentes ab il!o, cujus ;'n- 
 tereft, ad Eccleliam adducantur, 8c indicto eis Jejunio, eifdem re- 
 liquias coniperfas vino percipianc. [g] Evagr. lib. 4,. 
 
 cap. 36. 
 
 K k k k k k 
 
 die 
 
806 
 
 The A n t i qv itibs of the 
 
 Book XV- 
 
 the Boy was preferred untouched for fome Days, 
 till his Mother found him : And the Matter be- 
 ing related to Juftinian the Emperor, he ordered 
 the Mother and the Child to be baptized} and 
 the Father, becaufe he refufed to become a Chri- 
 ftian, to be crucified as a Murderer of his Son. 
 The lame Thing is related by Gregory of 'Tours 
 [/?], and Nicephorus Calliflus [/], who alfo adds, 
 that the Cuftom continued at Confiantinople to 
 his own time, that is, the Middle of the four- 
 teenth Century j for he fays, when he was a 
 Child, he was' often called to partake of the Re- 
 mains of the Sacrament after this Manner among 
 other Children. 
 
 sect. v. In fome Places they obferved 
 And foretimes the Rule given by God for dil- 
 bumt in the F»e. pofing of the Remainders of the 
 Sacrifices of Peace-Offerings and 
 Vows under the old Law, which was to burn 
 them with Fire. Lev. vii. 17. This was the Cu- 
 ftom of the Church of Jerufalem in the fifth Cen- 
 tury, when Hefychius a Presbyter of that Church 
 wrote his Comment upon Leviticus , where he 
 fpcaks of it [_k~] in thele Words : God command- 
 ed the Remainder of the Flefh. and the Bread to 
 be burned with Fire. And we now fee with our 
 own Eyes the fame Thing done in the Church : 
 Whatever happens to remain of the Eucharift 
 unconfirmed, we immediately burn with Fire, 
 and that not after one, two, or many Days. 
 From hence our learned Writers [/] generally 
 obfei ve two Things : 1. That it was not the Cu- 
 ftom of the Church of Jerufalem to referve the 
 Eucharift fo much as from one Day to another, 
 though they did in fome other Churches, z. 
 That they certainly did not believe it to be the 
 natural Body and Subftance of Chrift, but only 
 his typical or fymbolical Body : For what an 
 horrible and facrilegious Thing mud the very 
 Jews and Heathens have thought it for Chrifti- 
 ans to burn the living and glorified Body of their 
 God? And how muft it have fcandalized fimple 
 and plain Chriftians themfelves, to have feen the 
 God they worshipped burnt in the Fire? And 
 with what Face could they have objected this to 
 the Heathen, that they worihipped fuch Things 
 as might be burnt (which is the common Argu- 
 ment ufed by Arnobius, Laclantius, Athanaftus, 
 and mod others) if they themfelves had done the 
 fame Thing? If there were no other Argument 
 againft Tranfubjiantiation and Hoft-worfhip, this 
 one Thing were enough to perfuade any Ratio- 
 nal Man, that fuch Doctrines and Practices were 
 never countenanced by the antient Church. 
 
 We have feen how they dif- sect. vi. 
 
 pofed of the confecrated Ele- The other obhr.- 
 
 mentsj and are next to examine ons P ml y ftfpofU 
 
 what they did with their other m a Fea P </ 
 
 Oblations. It has been already f*'?'. Wouh f 
 
 . r 1 1 r t-> r 1 r the Ancients reckon 
 
 obferved, that tome Part of thefe an Apo pi, ca i Ritt 
 (by what Diftinction made, is not accompanying the 
 very eafy to tell) went toward Communion. 
 the Maintenance of the Clergy. 
 Out of the reft a common Entertainment was 
 ufually made, which from the Nature and Cir- 
 cumftances of it was ufually called Agape, orFeaft 
 \m~] of Charityj becaufe it was a liberal Collati- 
 on of the Rich to feed the Poor. St. Chryfoftom 
 gives this Account of it, deriving it from Apo- 
 ftolical Practice : He fays [»], the firft Chrifti- 
 ans had all Things in common, as we read in the 
 Alls of the Apoftles; and when that ceafed, as ic 
 did in the Apoftles Time, this came in its Room, 
 as an Efflux or Imitation of it. For though the 
 Rich did not make all their Subftance common, 
 yet upon certain Days appointed they made a 
 common Table, and when their Service was end- 
 ed, and they had all communicated in the Holy 
 Myfteries, they all met at a common Feaft 5 the 
 Rich bringing Provifions 3 and the Poor and 
 thole who had nothing, being invited, they all 
 feafted in common together. In another Place 
 [0] he repeats the fame Thing, faying, from this 
 Law and Cuftom (of having all Things common) 
 there arofe then another admirable Cuftom in 
 the Churches. For when all the Faithful met 
 together, and had heard the Sermon and Pray- 
 ers, and received the Communion, they did not 
 immediately return home upon the breaking up 
 of the Aifembly, but the Rich and Wealthy 
 brought Meat and Food from their ownHoufes, 
 and called the Poor, and made a common Table, 
 a common Dinner, a common Banquet in the 
 Church. And fo from this Fellowfhip in eating, 
 and the Reverence of the Place, they were all 
 ftrictly united in Charity one with another, and 
 much Pleafure and Profit arofe thence to them 
 all : For the Poor were comforted, and the Rich 
 reaped the Fruits of their Benevolence both from 
 thofe whom they fed and from God. The fame 
 Account is given by the Author under the Name 
 of St. Jerom [/>], who fays, when they met in 
 the Church, they made their Oblations feparate- 
 ly, and after the Communion whatever remained 
 of thofe Sacrifices, they eat and confumed in a 
 common Supper together. The like is faid by 
 Theodoret [_q], OEcumenius, TheophylacJ, and others 
 upon that Place of the Apoftle. From whence 
 it appears that this was a Rite always accompa- 
 
 [h] Gregor. Turon. de Glor. Martyr, lib. 1. cap. 1 o. [i] Ni- 
 ceph. lib. 17. rap.2f. [k] Hefych. in Levit. lib. 1. Quod 
 
 reliquum eft de carnibus 8c panibus, in igncincendipraecepit. Quod 
 nunc videmus etiam fenlibiliter in Ecclelia fieri, ignique tradi qua:- 
 cunque remanere contigerit incenfumta, non omnino ea quae una 
 die, vel duabus aut multis fervata funt. [/] Vid. Du Mou- 
 
 lin, Novelty of Popery, lib. 7. Controv. 11. chap. 10. Albertin. de 
 Euchar. p 85-3. Whitby, idolatry of Hoft Worfhip. [m] Ignat. 
 
 Ep. ad Smyrn. a. 8. dy*7TM inotSv. Ep. Interpol, calls it S'oyjiv. 
 
 Conftit. lib. i. cap. 18. Clem. Alex. Paedag. lib. i. cap. 1, p. i6f. 
 [«] Chryf. Hom. 27. in 1 Cor. p. ff$. [0] Id. Horn. 21. 
 
 Oportet Hxrefcs efle, 8cc. T. r. p. 310. [p] Hieron. in 
 
 1 Cor. 1 1. 20. In Ecdefia convenientes Oblationes fuas feparatim 
 offerebant, 2c pod Communionem quaxunque eis de Sacrifices Su- 
 perfuiflent, illic in Ecclelia communcm coenarn comedentes pariter 
 confumebant. [<j] Theod. in 1 Cor. 11. 16. fAcra, T;;r 
 
 (jlv? tuiw heiT^y\av ietctSK. &c. OEcumen. in 1 Cor. 11. T. 1. 
 p. jio. Theophylad. in 1 Cor. 1 1. 1 7. 
 
 nying 
 
Chap. VII 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 8o 7 
 
 nying the Communion. And it is a fingular O- 
 pinion of Albafpinaus, when he aliens [r] that 
 thefe Agapa and the Communion were never ce- 
 lebrated at the fame time, which he maintains 
 without any Foundation againft the concurrent 
 Senfe both of antient and modern Writers. 
 
 sect. vil. There is fome Difference in- 
 
 ivhahtr this Fajl deed between the antient and mo- 
 
 vas before or afttr dern Interpreters concerning one 
 
 the communion in Qrcumftance of the Love-Feafts 
 
 the Apoftles Days. ^ pojnt of TimC) as pra aif e d in 
 
 the Apoftles Days. The Ancients, as we have 
 heard already out of St. Chryfojlom and the reft, 
 generally fay, thefe Feafts were not till after the 
 Communion, when the whole Ceremony of 
 Preaching, Praying, and participating of the fa- 
 cred Elements was over, and the Remainders of 
 the Oblations were to be difpofed of. But many 
 of the Moderns think otherwife : Dr. Cave [f\ 
 fays 'tis probable that in the Apoftles Time, and 
 the Age after them, this Feaft was before the 
 Communion, in Imitation of our Saviour's Infti- 
 tution, who celebrated the Sacrament after Sup- 
 per - and St. Paul taxing the Abufes of the 
 Church of Corinth, reproves them that when 
 they came together for the Lord's Supper, they 
 did not tarry one for another, but every one took 
 his own Supper, and one was hungry, and ano- 
 ther was drunken. All this, he fays, muft needs 
 be done before the Celebration of the Eucharift, 
 which was never adminiftred till the whole 
 Church met together. In this Opinion he has 
 the Concurrence of Sukerus [f], and Daille [«], 
 and Eftius [#], who fays that Pelagius, Primajius, 
 Haimo, Hervaus, Aquinas, Lyra, Cajetan, and 
 others of the Latins were of the fame Opinion. 
 That which feems moft probable is, that they 
 obferved no certain Rule about this Matter, but 
 bad their Feaft fometimes before, fometimes af- 
 ter the Communion, as it appears to have been 
 in fome meafure in the following Ages. 
 
 SECT. VIII. For when the Chriftians in 
 
 H m obferved 'in Time of Perfection were ob- 
 
 the following Ages, liged to meet early in the Morn- 
 
 TheEuchanAcom- J n g before Day to celebrate the 
 
 monly received fa(l- £ uc harifi in their religious Aflem- 
 
 ing, and before this y. then p ea iti n g before 
 
 ftST Communion could not well com- 
 cafions. port with the Circumftances and 
 
 Occafion of their Meeting. And 
 therefore in the Beginning of the fecond Centu- 
 ry we find the Eucharift was received before, and 
 the Feaft poft-poned. For fo Pliny [j] repre- 
 fents it in the Account which he had from the 
 Chriftians in the Entrance of this Century : For 
 having faid, that they met on the Lord's Day to 
 
 fing Hymns to Chrift, they bind themfelves by a 
 Sacrament, 'tis added, When this is done, our 
 Cuftom is to depart, and meet again to partake 
 of an Entertainment - , but that a very innocent 
 one, and common to all. 'Tis plain here the Com- 
 munion was firft, and the Agape fome time after. 
 And fo T'ertullian, who gives the moft particular 
 Account of it, fpeaks of it as a Supper a little 
 before Night : Our Supper, which you accufe 
 of Luxury, fhews its Reafon in its very Name : 
 For it is called dyairn which fignifies Love a- 
 mong the Greeks. Whatever Charge we are at, 
 it is Gain to be at Expcnce upon the account of 
 Piety. For we therewith relieve and refrefh the 
 Poor. There is nothing vile or immodeft com- 
 mitted in it. For we do not fit down before we 
 have firft offered up Prayer to God j we eat only 
 to fatisfy Hunger j and drink [%] only fo much as 
 becomes modeft Perfons. We fill ourfelves in fuch 
 manner, as that we remember It ill that we are 
 to worfhip God by Night. We difcourfe as in 
 the Prefence of God, knowing that He hears us. 
 Then after Water to wafii our Hands, and Lights 
 brought in, every one is moved to fing fome 
 Hymn to God, either out of Scripture, or as he 
 is able, of his own Compofing: And by this we 
 judge whether he has obferved the Rules of 
 Temperance in Drinking. Prayer again con- 
 cludes our Feaft i and thence we depart, not to 
 fight and quarrel, not to run about and abufe all 
 we meet, not to give ourfelves up to lafcivious 
 Paftime ; but to purfue the fame Care of Mo- 
 defty and Chaftity, as Men that have fed at a 
 Supper of Philofophy and Difcipline, rather than 
 a corporeal Feaft. As this is a fine Defcription 
 of thefe holy Banquets, where Charity is the 
 Foundation, and Prayer begins and ends the Feaft, 
 and finging of Hymns and religious Difcourfes 
 feafon the Entertainment, and Modefty and Tem- 
 perance runs through the whole : So the parti- 
 cular mention made of Lights, and Worfliipping 
 God by Night, {hews that they came after the 
 Communion, and not before, inTertullian' sTimc, 
 when they were ufed to receive the Communion 
 in the Morning, and always Falling, even upon 
 thofe Days when they deferred it till three in the 
 Afternoon, as upon the Stationary Days, or till 
 fix at Night. For it was a Rule in the African 
 Church to receive the Eucharift falling at all 
 Times, except one Day, which was the Thurfday 
 before Eafter, commonly called Coena Domini, 
 becaufe it was the Day on which our Saviour ce- 
 lebrated his laft Supper, and inftituted the Eu- 
 charift after Supper : In Imitation of which, it 
 was the Cuftom to celebrate the Eucharift after 
 Supper on this Day, in the African Churches, 
 but on no other Day whatfoever, as we learn 
 from the third Council of Carthage and St. Au- 
 
 [r] Albafp. Obfervat. lib. 1. cap. 1 8. p. ff. [s] Cave 
 
 Prim. Chrift. Par. 1. c. 1 1. p. JH- W Suicer - Thefaur. Ec- 
 
 cief. voce Ayavtl. M Dalls. de Objefto Cult. Relig. 
 
 lib. *. cap. 19. [*] E fti "s in 1 Cor. 1 1. 20. [y] Plin. 
 
 Irb. 10. Ep. Quibus peractis morem fibi difcedere, rurfufque coeundi 
 ad capiendum cibam, promifcuum tamen 8c innoxium. [z.] Ter- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 tul. Apol. cap. 39. Ita faturantur, ut qui meminerint etiam per no* 
 clem adorandum fibi efle; ita fabulantur, ut qui fciunt Dominum 
 audire. Port aquam rnanualem St lumina, ut quifque de Seripfri- 
 ris Sanftis vel de proprio ingcr.io potsft, provocatur in medium 
 Deo canere, See. 
 
 K k k k k k z M»„ 
 
80S 
 
 The A n t i qjj i t i e s of the 
 
 Book XV. 
 
 ftin. The Council of Carthage had an exprefs 
 Canon [a] to this purpofe : That the Sacrament 
 of the Altar be never celebrated by any but fuch 
 as are Fading, except on one Anniverfary Day, 
 when the Supper of the Lord is folemnized. 
 And purfuant to this they order, That if any 
 Commendation of the Dead was to be made in 
 the Afternoon, it fhould only be done with Pray- 
 ers, and not with the Celebration of the Eucha- 
 rift, if they that affifted at the Funeral-Office 
 had dined before. St. Auftin was a Member of 
 this Council, and he allures us, that this Decree 
 was conformable to the Practice of the Univcrial 
 Church in his Age, which he thought to be de- 
 rived from the Appointment of the Apoftles. 
 For though it be very apparent, that when the 
 Difciples fir ft received the Body and Blood of the 
 Lord, they did not receive Falling j yet does any 
 one now accufe the Univerfal Church [f} 9 be- 
 caufe all Men receive Falling? For fo ir. pleikd 
 the Holy Gholl, that for the Honour of fo great 
 a Sacrament the Lord's Body fhould enter into 
 the Mouth of a Chriftian before any other Food. 
 And therefore this Cultom is obferved by the 
 whole World. For neither becaufe the Lord 
 gave it after Meat, ought the Brethren to meet 
 after Dinner or Supper to receive it, or to imi- 
 tate thofe whom the Apoftle reproves and cor- 
 rects, who mingled it with their Tables. Our 
 Saviour, to commend the Greatnefs of this My- 
 ftery, was minded indeed to fix it in the Hearts and 
 Memory of his Difciples as the laft Thing, before 
 He went from them to his Paflion: But He did 
 not therefore order in what Manner it fhould be 
 received, that he might referve this for his Apo- 
 ftles to do, by whom he intended to order his 
 Church. For if he had appointed, that Men 
 fhould receive it after Meat, 1 fuppofe no one 
 would have altered that Cuftom. But when the 
 Apoftle fpeaking of this Sacrament, fays, The reft 
 uuill I fet in order when I come, i Cor. xi. 34. we 
 are given to underltand, that he then appointed 
 this Cuftom of Receiving fafting, which now 
 the whole Church over all the VVorld obferves 
 without any Variation or Diverfiry. But adds, 
 that fome upon a probable Reafon were delight- 
 ed to offer and receive the Body of 1 e Lord af- 
 ter Meat on one certain Day in the v rar, when 
 the Lord himfelf gave his Sapper. make the 
 Commemoration of it more rem. 1 >le. \ni 
 becaufe fome on that Day chc-fe to fall, and o- 
 thers nor, therefore in mam Places it was cufto- 
 mary to offer the Sacrifice twice, to ferve the 
 Ends of both. St. Chryfoftom alfo frequently 
 fpeaks of their receiving the Communion Faft- 
 ing [c]. Thou fafteft, fays he, before thou re- 
 ceiveft the Eucharift, that thou mayft be worthy. 
 
 [a] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 29. Uc Sacramenta altaris non nil; a je- 
 junis hominibus celebrentur, excepto uno die Anniverfario, quo 
 Cccna Domini celebratur. Nam fi aliquorum pomeud.ano tempore 
 defunclorum, five Epifeoporum five cxterorum, Commendatio fa- 
 cienda eft, foiis Orationibus tiat, fi qui faciunt, jam pranii inve- 
 niantur. \_b] Aug. Ep. 1 iS. ad Januar. cap. 6. Liquido 
 
 apparst, quando primum acceperunt Difcipuli corpus 8c .nguinem 
 Domini, eos non accepifle jejuuos. NunquiJ tamen propterea ca- 
 iumniandum eft univcrfe Ecclenae quod a jejunis Temper accipitur? 
 lit hoc enim placuit Spiritui faafto, ut in honorerft tanti Sacra- 
 
 And in one or two Places he vindicates himfelf 
 from an Objection which his Adverfaries brought 
 againft him, as if he was uled to tranfgrefs this 
 Rule both in adminiftring Baptifm and the Ea- 
 ch ari ft. They lay, I gave [rf] the Communion 
 to fome after eating. If I have done this, let my 
 Name be wiped out of the Catalogue of Bifhops, 
 and not be written in the Book of the Orthodox 
 Faith. If I have done any fuch thing, let Chrift 
 call me out of his Kingdom. But if they Mill 
 go on to objeft this, let them alfo degrade St. 
 Paul, who baptized a whole Houfe after Supper. 
 Let them alfo depofe the Lord himfelf, who gave 
 the Communion to his Apoftles after Supper. So 
 again [>], they objeft againft me, Thou didft 
 firft eat, and then adminifter Baptifm. If I did 
 fo, let me be Anathema ; Let me not be numbered 
 in the Roll of Bifhops j Let me not be among 
 the Angels j Let me never pleafe God. But if 
 I had done fo, what Abfurdity had I committed? 
 Let them depofe Paul, who baptized the [aylor 
 after Supper. Yea, I will fay a bolder Thing, 
 Let them depofe Chrift himfelf, for he gave the 
 Communion to his Difciples after Supper. This 
 fhews the Cuftom of the Church was to admini- 
 fter both Sacraments before eating, though at 
 the fame time it intimates, that to do otherwife 
 was not an unpardonable Crime. Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen hints alfo at this Cuftom [/], when hefays, 
 Every Aclrion of Chrift is not neceflary to be i- 
 mitated by us : For he celebrated the Myftery of 
 the Paffbver with his Difciples in an Upper 
 Room and after Supper, but we do it in the 
 Church, and before Supper. The like is faid by 
 St. Bajil [_g] and many other of the Greek Wri- 
 ters. And among the Latins there are feveral 
 Canons of the Councils of Braga [h~\, Mafcon 
 Auxcrre [£], and Toledo [ft] to this purpofe. Some 
 of which allow the African Cuftom of Commu- 
 nicating after eating on the Thurftday in Pa/fton 
 Week, but others upon the account of the Prif- 
 cillianifts forbid it. And therefore Socrates notes 
 it O] as a lingular Thing in the Churches of 
 Egypt and Thebais, that on Saturdays they were 
 ufed to adminifter the Eucharift after eating in 
 the Evening. Which is prohibited by the Coun- 
 cil of Trullo [»], not excepting the Thurftday in 
 Paffton Week, which though the African Fathers 
 for probable Reafons might allow, yet they ut- 
 terly forbid it. By all which it appears, that the 
 general Cuftom of the Church was to celebrate 
 the Eucharift Fafting: And confequently that 
 thefe Love-Feafts we are fpeaking of, muft be 
 held after the Communion, and not before ic. 
 Yet it is but a forry Argument in Mabillon to 
 conclude hence [0] that the Ancients muft needs 
 believe Tranfubfiantiation, becaufe they received 
 
 menti, in os Chriftiani prius Dominicum corpus intrarct, quanx 
 cxteri cibi. Nam ideo per univerfum orbcm mos ifte fcrv2tur, &c. 
 [cj Chryf. Horn. 27. in 1 Cor. p. f6j. [d] Chryf. Ep. 125-. 
 
 ad Cyriacum. T. 4.. p. 868. [e] Sermo ante quam iret in 
 
 Exilium. T.4. p.969. [/] Naz,. Orat.40. de Oap:ilmo. 
 
 [g] Balil. Horn. 1 . de jejunio. [h] Cone. Bracar. .1 . can. 16. 
 
 Bracar. 2. cjn. ic. [i] Cone. Matifcon. 2. can. 6. [A] Cone. 
 AnriiTiodor. can. 9. [/] Cone. Tclet. 7. can. 2. [m] s - 
 crat. lib. 5-. cap. 2». [»] Cone. Trull, can. 29. 
 
 [cj iMabil. de Liturg. Gnllicana. Jib. 1. cap. 6. n. 7. 
 
 the 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 809 
 
 the Communion Fafting. For he might as rca- 
 fonably have concluded from Chryfoftom, that the 
 Water in Baptifm was tranfubftantiatcd, becaufe 
 we have heard him fay before, that they always 
 adminiftred Baptifm Fading. And fome learned 
 Men [/>] arc of Opinion, that for the three firft 
 Ages, though they generally received the Ea- 
 ch art jl Fafting in the Aflcmblies before Day, yet 
 fometimes they received after Supper. For Cy- 
 prian difputing again (I the Aquarians, who cele- 
 brated in the Morning in Water only, and in 
 the Evening in Wine and Water mixed toge- 
 ther, does not contend with them about cele- 
 brating after Supper, but only becaufe they did 
 not at both Times mix Wine with Water after 
 Chrift's Example. He would not fo eafily have 
 palled over the Practice of the Aquarians in cele- 
 brating in the Evening, had there been no In- 
 ltances of the like Practice in the Church : But 
 as it was cuftomary in Egypt to celebrate the 
 Eucharift on Saturdays after Dinner, and in A- 
 frick one Day in a Year after Supper ; all he pleads 
 for upon this Point, is only this [f], That the 
 general Cuftom of the Church to celebrate the 
 Eucharift in the Morning only, was not againft 
 the Rule of Chrift, though he gave it in the 
 Evening after Supper: Becaufe Chrift had a par- 
 ticular Reafon for what he did, which he did 
 not intend fhould oblige the Church : Chrift of- 
 fered in the Evening, to fignify the Evening or 
 End of the World; but we offer in the Morn' 
 
 to celebrate our Saviour's Refurrection. 
 
 And he gives another Reafon why they did not 
 celebrate in the Evening generally as in the 
 Morning, becaufe the People could not fo well 
 all come together in the Evening as in the Morn- 
 ing. By which it is plain, in Cyprian's Time 
 there was no abfolute Rule to forbid Communi- 
 cating after Supper, though the Practice began 
 generally to be difufed, and the common Cuftom 
 was to receive Fafting and at Morning Service. 
 
 SECT. IX. There is one Thing more to 
 Thefe Love-Feap \> e 0D ferved of their Love Feafts, 
 
 at firft held in the ^ ^ w „ re defiffned for 
 
 Church: But after- , ~ .- frT . j r^r 
 
 forbuUet by the Promotion of Unity and Cha- 
 OrJers of Councils, nty, they were commonly held 
 in the Church for the three firft 
 Centuries, as learned Men [r] conclude from 
 that Canon of the Council of Gangra [.<•], which 
 was made againft the Euj'Iathi.ins, if any one de- 
 fpifes the Feafts of Charity which the Faithful 
 
 make, who for the Honour of the Lord call 
 their Brethren to them, and comes not to the 
 Invitation, becaufe he contemns them, let him 
 be Anathema. Thefc Euftathians were Men who 
 held their Meetings in private Houfes, and de- 
 fpifed the Church j which is the Reafon of this 
 Canon made againft them. However fuch Abu- 
 fes were fometimes committed in thefe Feafts, 
 that the Council of Laodicea not long after made, 
 a Law againft having them in the Church |Yj, 
 forbidding any to eat or fprea'd Tables in the 
 Houfe of God or the Church. And a like De- 
 cree was made in the third Council of Carthage 
 [u], forbidding the Clergy to feaft in the Church, 
 unlefs it were by chance in a Journey for want of 
 other Entertainment: And Orders are given 
 to reftrain the People as much as might be 
 from fuch Feafting in the Church. But the 
 Cuftom was too inveterate to be rooted out at 
 once; And therefore we find by Sr. Aujiin's [*j 
 Anfwer to Fauftus the A r anichee, that they were 
 ftill kept in the Church: For whereas Fauftus 
 objected two Things againft them: i. That 
 they were but the Spawn of the Gentile Ban- 
 quets turned into Chriftian Feafts: i. That the 
 Catholicks were ufed to make themfelves drunk at 
 them in the Memorials of the Martyrs: St. A li- 
 ft™ rejects the firft Charge as a mere Calumny, 
 telling him, That the End of their Agape was on- 
 ly to feed the Poor with Flefh, or the Fruits of 
 the Earth: But the fecond Charge he owns in 
 Part as true, that the People ftill held thefe 
 Feafts in the Church, and that fome Excefs was 
 committed in them ; But then, fays he, there is 
 a great deal of Difference between Tolerating 
 and Approving: We do not approve of DrunlS 
 ennefs even in a private Houfe, much lefs in a 
 Church : It is one Thing which we are com- 
 manded to teach, and another what we are for- 
 ced to tolerate and endure, till we can correct 
 and amend it. St. Auftin [yj f ays all kind of 
 Feafting in the Church was prohibited by Sr. 
 Ambrofe at Milan with good Succefs: And it was 
 he himfelf that gave the Advice to Aurelius B:'- 
 fhop of Carthage to make the forefaid Canon a- 
 gainft it [%], in hopes to extirpate it, after the 
 Example of St. Ambrofe. In France it was pro- 
 hibited by the fecond Council of Orleance [a] an. 
 f4i. Yet for all this, there were fome Remains 
 of it in the feventh Century, when the Council 
 of Trullo [b~] was obliged to reinforce the Canon 
 of Laodicea againft Feafting in the Church under 
 
 [/>] Vid. Dalbe. de Obje&o Cult. Relig. lib. 2. cap. 19. p. 297. 
 Fell. Not. in Cypr. Ep. < 3. p if 6. [q] Cypr. Ep. 62. ad 
 
 Cxcilium. p. *$6. The Objeaton cf the Aquarians.- An ilia fibi all - 
 quis contemplaticne blanaicur, quod etfi mane aqua fola offerri vi- 
 detur, tamen cum ad ccena-'dum venimus, mixtum calicem offeri- 
 mus ? CyprianV Anfwer: Sed cum ccenamus, ad convivium no- 
 ftrum plebem convocare non pofTumus, ut facramenti veritatem 
 Fraternitate cmni prasfente celebremus. The Aquarians Objeft: At 
 enim non mane, fed pofl ccenam mixtum cnlicem obtulit Domi- 
 nus. Cypr. Anfoers: Nunquid ergo Domir.icum poll ccenam cele- 
 brare debemws, ut lit mixtum cal'cem foequentandis Domimcis of- 
 feramus? Chriftum ofierre oporrebat Hrca vdperam diei, ut hora 
 ipfa facrificii oftenderet Occalum Sc Veiperam mundi. — Nos au- 
 tem refurre&ionem Oom ni mane celebramus. [r] Bevereg. 
 
 Not. in Can, 74. Trull. Suicer. Thefaur. Ecclef. t. 1. p. 27. 
 
 [*] Cone. Gangren. can. 11. [t] Cone. Laodic. can. 28. 
 [«] Cone. Carth. 3. can. 30. Ut nulii Epifcopi vel Clerici in Ec- 
 clelia conviventur, nil! forte tranfeuntes hofpitiorum neceffitate il- 
 lic reficiant: Populi etfarri ab hujufmbdi convisriis, quantum fieri 
 poteti, prohibeantur. [x] Aug. cont. Fauft. lib. 20. cap. 20. 
 
 Nec facrificia eorum vcrtimus in Agapes,- -Agapes enim noftrae 
 
 Paupere:. pafcunt five frugibus, five carnibuf, Sec It. cap. 21. Qui 
 autem fe in Memoriis Martyrum inebriant, quomodo a nobis ap- 
 probari pofTunt, cum eos, etiamfi in domibus fifis id feciant, fana 
 doctrina condemnet? Fed aliud eft quod docemus, aliud quod fuf-t 
 tinemus: aliud quod pra:cipcre jubemur, aliud quod emendare pr.x- 
 cipimur, & donee eniendemus, folerare compcllimur. Aug. 
 ConfefT. lib. 6. cap. 2. [2.] Aug. Ep. 64. ad Aurcliu'm. 
 [a] Cone. Aure'. 2. can. 12. [b] Cone. Trull, can. 74. 
 
 Pain 
 
8iO 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV 
 
 Pain of Excommunication. So difficult a Mat- 
 ter was it to extirpate the Abufes of antient Cu- 
 ilom, without deftroying the Cuftom itfelf, 
 which was innocent in its Original, and of fo 
 great Service to the Chriftian Church, whilft it 
 continued free from Abufes, that it was the En- 
 vy and Admiration of the Heathen. 
 
 sect. X. SoxME indeed were malicioufly 
 
 How the chrifti- difpofed to calumniate and tra- 
 ms were at firfi a- duce thc Chriflians upon the 
 
 accoul ? of t h vr centCuftc r 
 
 Heathen, but admi- as guilty of I know not what 
 red and envied by black Defigns. Origen [f] fays, 
 ethers, upon account Celfus charged them with hold- 
 
 of thefe Feafi of j ng c l ancu l ar an d feditioUS Ca- 
 
 chamy. fc^g up0 n the fcore of thefe Aga- 
 
 pes, or Meetings to fhew Kindnefs to one ano- 
 ther. Which is alio noted by 7ertullian in that 
 Chapter of his Apology, where he gives [i] us 
 that fine Defcription of the Chriftian Feafts, in 
 anfwer to this Suggeftion. Others charged thefe 
 Feafts with the Practice of abominable Unclean- 
 nefs: In anfwer to which Minucius [e] tells them, 
 their Feafts were not only chafte, but fober > 
 for they did not indulge either Gluttony or 
 Drunkennefs j but tempered their Mirth with 
 Gravity j with chafte Difcourfe, and chafter Bo- 
 dies. Others added that monftrous Fable of their 
 Feeding upon human Flefh, and Feafting upon 
 Infants Blood. Which is mentioned and refuted 
 by all the Apologifts, Athenagoras [/], Theophi- 
 Jus [g], T'ertullian \h\ Minucius [i], Origen [k], 
 Jufiiri Martyr [/] and many others, whom the 
 Reader may find at large, collected by the learn- 
 ed Kortholt [m~\ in his Book De Calumniis Paga- 
 mrum, &c. The Reafon of this Charge is by 
 many of the Ancients afcribed to the vile Practi- 
 ces of the Carpocratians [»], and other Hereticks, 
 at leaft tacitly or indirectly, whilft they accufe 
 them of this Crime which the Heathens turned 
 upon the Chriftians in general. And fo it is 
 faid upon their Authority by many modern [o] 
 Authors. OEcumenius afenbes it to ano- 
 
 ther Reafon: He fays, in the Perfecution of the 
 Chriftians at Lyons under Antoninus, the Hea- 
 thens having apprehended fome Servants of cer- 
 tain Chriftian Catechumens, put them to the 
 Rack to make them confefs fome Secret of the 
 Chriftians j and they having heard their Mafters 
 fay, that the Holy Communion was the Body 
 and Blood of Chrift, and fuppofing it to be tru- 
 ly Flefh. and Blood (aurot vo/ju^o/hf irf jSvrt cujma 
 K, a-apxa IT) ) to gratify the Inquifitors they told 
 them what they had heard. And the Heathens 
 underftanding this, as if the Chriftians had really 
 (aur6^g»)^a) eat Flefh and Blood, put two of the 
 
 Martyrs, Sanclus and Blandina, to the Rack to 
 make them confefs it j to whom Blandinci fmart- 
 ly reply'd, How mould they indure to do this, 
 who for Exercife fake abftain from fuch Flefh as 
 they might lawfully eat ? If this were true, it 
 would prove that the Heathens grounded their 
 Calumny upon a falfe Apprehenfion they had of 
 the Chriftian Sacrament : But it would by no 
 means prove what Perron and many of the Ro- 
 manifts would have, that the Ground of the Fa- 
 ble was the real Belief of Chriftians, as if they 
 believed the Eucharift to be the real proper Flefh 
 and Blood of Chrift ; For this is exprefly faid to 
 be only a falfe Apprehenfion of the Heathens, 
 and utterly deny'd by the Chriftians, according 
 as OEcumenius relates the Story. Which yet is 
 fomething different from the Genuine Ads in 
 Eufehius [_{], for there is no Mention made of 
 the Eucharift in the Story, but it is only faid, 
 that when fome of the Chriftian's Servants, who 
 were Heathens, were apprehended, they fearino- 
 to be tormented, did by the Motion of Satan^ 
 and the Inftigation of the Soldiers prompting 
 them to it, falfely accufe the Chriftians, as if 
 they were ufed to feaft upon Man's Flefh, and 
 commit Inceft, and other the like Things, which 
 it is not fit either to fpeak or think, and which 
 we can hardly believe were ever done by any 
 Men whatfoever. So that the Chriftians Belief 
 about the Eucharift could not be the Ground a- 
 bout this Story, but it either fprung from the 
 Practices of the Carpocratians, or elfc (as the 
 learned Kortholt [f] not without fome probable 
 Reafons inclines to believe) it took its Rife from 
 the pure Malice and Fidion of the Heathens 
 themfelves, fome of whom never ftuck at faying 
 any Thing that would render the Chriftians odi- 
 ous. However though there were many who 
 thus calumniated thefe Chriftian Feafts by this 
 Variety of Charges, yqt there were fome alfo 
 who could difcern the good Effects of them, 
 and the great Influence they had not only on 
 their own Members, but the very Heathen, who 
 fometimes would cry out and fay, See how thefe 
 Chriftians love one another, wfertullian (VJ notes 
 in fpeaking of their Collations and Charity. Nay, 
 Julian himfelf, though the bittereft Enemy the 
 Chriftians ever had, could not help bearing Te- 
 ftimony to the Ufefulnefs of this Practice, which 
 he looked upon with an envious Eve, as that 
 which he imagined chiefly to uphold the Chri- 
 ftian Religion, and undermine the Religion of 
 the Gentiles. For thus in one of his Letters to 
 his Gentile Priefts he provokes them to the Ex- 
 ercife of Charity by the Example of the Chrifti- 
 ans and their Feafts of Charity : There is the 
 more Reafon to be careful in this Matter, fays 
 
 [c] Orig. cont. Cclf. lib. i. p. 4. &hircu fta.Ca.Aeiv rfo [I] Juft. Apol. 1. 8c z. 8c Dial, cum Tryph. [»] Kor- 
 
 x,'X*a/4o'«" a.ya.-w- See. [</] Tertul. Apol. c. 39. tholt. de Calumn. Pagan, cap. 18. p. 1/8. &c. [»] Epi- 
 
 [e] Minuc. p. 91. De incefto Convivio fabulam grandem adverfum phan. Ha:r. 16. Gnoftic. n. f. Eufeb. lib. 4,. cap. 7. Aug. de Hx- 
 
 nos Daemonum coitio mentita e(r.- 
 
 -At nos Conwivia non tan- 
 
 tura pudica colimus, fed 8c fobria cafto fermone, corpore cafti- 
 
 ore. [/] Athenag. Legat. p. 4. [g] Theoph. ad 
 
 Autolyc. lib. 3. [h] Tertul. Apol. cap. 7. 8c 11. 
 
 { »] Minuc. Oftav. [*] Orig. cont. Celf. lib. 6. 
 
 ref. cap. 27. [ ] Dalla;. de Objeao Cult. Relig. lib. 2. 
 
 cap. 28. Baron, an. izo. n. 12.6c 179. n. 44. [p] OEcu- 
 men. in 1 Pet. 3. \6. [q\ Eufeb. lib.>-. cap. 1. p. ijtf. 
 
 [r] Kortholt. ubt fupra. p. 163, [x] Tertu!, Apol. cap. 3^. 
 
 he 
 
Chap. VIH. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 8 ji 
 
 lie [/ !, becaufe it is manifeftly the Neglect of 
 thisYlumanity in the Priefts, which has given 
 Occafion to the impious Galileans (fo he com- 
 monly ityles the ChriftiansJ to ftrengthen their 
 Party by the Practice of that Humanity, which 
 the others have negleftcd. For as Kidnappers 
 Ileal away Children, whom they fir ft allure with 
 a Cake : So thefe begin firft to work upon ho- 
 ncft-hearted Gentiles, with their Love-Feafts and 
 Entertainments and miniftring of Tables, as they 
 call them, till at laft they pervert them to A- 
 theifm and Impiety againft the Gods. This is a 
 full Vindication of them from all thofe Afperfi- 
 ons, which the former Heathens had caft upon 
 them, and an ample Teftiraony of their Ufeful- 
 
 nefs from the Mouth of an Adverfary, who faw 
 and envied the Progrefs which Chriftianity made 
 in the World by means of thefe Feafts of Chari- 
 ty, which he was minded to introduce into his 
 own way of Heathen- Worfhip, with many other 
 fuch Rites, in Imitation of the Chriftian Inftitu- 
 tion. Happy had it been for the Chriftian Re- 
 ligion, if Chriftians had never had Occafion to 
 object more againft their own Feafts of Charity, 
 than Julian their bittereft Enemy could find to 
 object againft them ! They might then have 
 gone on with Innocence and Glory, and have 
 continued an ufeful and laudable Rite to this 
 Day. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 What Preparation the Ancients required as necejfary in Communicants , to 
 
 qualify them for a W orthy Reception. 
 
 SECT. I. T CANNOT better anfwer 
 A general An [wer J[ this Queftion in general Terms 
 to this Qhieflion, by than f a yi n g, The Preparati- 
 
 referringtothePro- ^ . required as ne _ 
 
 feffions made by e- . J ^f, 
 
 iery chriftiJ in ceffary in every Chriftian, was 
 Baptifm, of Re- the Performance of the Conditi- 
 fentance, Faith, and ons and Obligations, which eve- 
 Holy obedience. r y M an \$\& upon hirafelf in Bap- 
 tifm \ the Obfervation of which put a Man in a 
 Chriftian State, and the Favour of God j and 
 was a continual Preparation for Death and Judg- 
 ment j and confequcntly a continual and habitu- 
 al Preparation for Approaches to God in Prayer 
 and Holy Myfteries (between which, as to what 
 concerns Preparation, the Ancients made little 
 or no Diftindion) fince it was a Preparation 
 that qualified a Man for a conftant daily or 
 weekly Communion, which was proper for thofe 
 who were to receive the Communion in a man- 
 ner every day, according to the Rules and Pra- 
 ctice of thofe Primitive Ages, as we ftiall fee in 
 the next Chapter. Now the Obligation which 
 every Man laid upon himfelf in Baptifm, as we 
 have {hewed in a former Book, was the Profef- 
 fion and actual Performance of thefe three things. 
 
 1. Repentance, or a Renunciation of all former 
 Sin, together with the Author of it, the Devil. 
 
 2. Faith, or Belief of the feveral Articles of the 
 Chriftian Inftitution or Myftery of Godlinefs. 
 3,. An holy and conftant Obedience paid to the 
 Laws of this Holy Religion. In the Perform- 
 ance of which fincerely and without Diffimula- 
 tion, every Man was fuppofed to be truly quali- 
 fied for Baptifm : And what qualified him for 
 Baptifm, alfo qualified him for the Communi- 
 on} of which there is this certain Evidence, 
 that as foon as any Man was baptized, he was 
 immediately communicated : Which could not 
 regularly have been done, but upon Prefumption, 
 
 that he that was duly qualified for Baptifm, was 
 qualified for the Communion alfo. So that he 
 that continued in the ftrict Obfervance of all 
 the Particulars of his Baptifmal Covenant, was 
 prefumed to be in a conftant habitual Preparati- 
 on for the Communion every Day: And this was 
 that happy State of a Chriftian Life, which qua- 
 lified thofe Primitive Saints for fuch frequent 
 Reception} when frequency of Communion 
 kept up a flaming Piety and Univerfal Holir.efs 
 in their Souls, and fuch a State of continual Ho- 
 linefs made them always fit for, and defirous of 
 frequent Communion. For thefe mutually acted, 
 in a holy Combination, and reciprocally aflifted 
 each other: An habitual Holinefs was a conftant 
 Preparation for the Communion} and frequent 
 Communion was one of the beft Helps to keep 
 them in a continual Preparation for it. And to 
 Men of this Character and Behaviour there could 
 be no great Labour needful, befides the conftant 
 Tenour of a pious Life} nor any long Time ne- 
 neflary to prepare for the Lord's Table, when 
 the whole Bufinefs of their Lives was but as in 
 were one continued A& of Preparation for it. 
 They lived as Men that always expected Death, 
 yet uncertain of the Time, and therefore were 
 in a continual Preparation for it, which is the 
 beft Preparation for the Communion. Their 
 Loins were girded about, and their Lamps burn- 
 ing} and they themfelves like unto Men that 
 waited for their Lord, that when he came and 
 knocked, they might open to him immediately. 
 And to them belonged the Bleffing of Chrift, 
 Luke xii. 37. BleJJed are thofe Servants, whom 
 the Lord when he cometh, jhall find watching : In 
 was true of them, if ever of any, that Chrift 
 came and found them watching: And he girded 
 himfelf, and made them fit down to Meat, in 
 the fpiritual Feaft, and came forth and ferved them. 
 
 [t\ Julian, Fragment. Epift. p. SfS- 
 
 But 
 
The Antiquities of the 
 
 BookXV. 
 
 SECT. II. But it may be faid, there is 
 
 What Failmp are no fuch Thing poffible as con- 
 conjipent with this ft mz Preparation for the Commu- 
 
 Vrofeffion and a For 110 Mail HvCS without 
 
 State of Grace, and . . , c 7 
 
 a tonlud Prep*- Sin to be repented of. In many 
 ration for the com- Things we offend all: And, If we 
 munion. fay that we have no Sin, we de- 
 
 ceive our [elves, and the Truth is 
 not in us. But notwithstanding this fuppofed Dif- 
 ficulty, the Fathers aflure us there were anti- 
 ently many that were in a continual Preparation 
 for the Communion, and did actually communi- 
 cate every Day. For thole Sins which unqualify 
 Men abfolutely for the Communion, are not 
 thofe letter Sins of human Frailty and Infirmity, 
 which are called Sins of daily Incurfion, without 
 which no Man lives; but habitual and reigning 
 Sins, which Men indulge, or fuch fingle Acts of 
 greater Sins, as are anfwerable to Habits of Sin, 
 and require a more fevere Repentance ; fuch as 
 Adultery, Murder, and the like, which wound 
 the Confcience to an high degree, and are not 
 ordinarily cured in an Inilant, but by a longer 
 Courfe of Difcipline, exacting both greater Se- 
 verities in Repentance, and a longer Time of 
 Probation. But thofe Sins of human Frailty, 
 which the be ft of Men daily commit in fome 
 Degree or other, are not of this Nature, but 
 are fuch as are confident with the Profeflion of 
 a good Chriftian, and a State of Grace, and a 
 continual Preparation for the Communion ; and 
 they do not exclude Men from God's Favour, 
 ib long as Men labour and ftrive againft them, 
 and mourn for them, as for Infirmities, in a ge- 
 neral and daily Repentance, upon which God is 
 willing to pardon them. If it were not fo, there 
 could be no fuch Thing as Preparation for the 
 Communion at all : And it would not only de- 
 ftroy frequent and daily Communion, but Com- 
 munion in general ; fince no Man lives without 
 fuch Infirmities; and if he were' not to com- 
 municate till he had perfectly cured them, he 
 muft for ever abftain from communicating, and 
 never come at the Lord's Table: Which were 
 at once to deftroy the very Ordinance itfelf, by 
 making the Qualification for it Impracticable, 
 and rendring it Impoffible for any Man to be 
 perfectly and truly prepared for it. And it is to 
 be feared that fome in thefe later Ages, by over- 
 training the Point, have done this great difler- 
 vice to Religion, by obliging Men to fuch a 
 Preparation for the Communion as is impractica- 
 ble in itfelf, and frighting tender Confciences 
 from the Holy Ordinance under Pretence of 
 cxreater Reverence to it. By which Means it has 
 fometimes happened, that they who perhaps have 
 been the beft prepared to receive it, have by 
 needlefs Scruples or Terrors been kept at the 
 
 greateft Dillance from it. But the Ancients were 
 extreamly cautious of this Delufion, and care- 
 fully taught Men to diitinguifh between fuch 
 Sins as lay wafte the Continence, and deftroy 
 a State of Grace, and unqualify Men for the 
 Communion; and fuch Sins of Infirmity and Hu- 
 man Frailty, as are confident with a State of 
 Grace, and do not unqualify Men for conftant 
 Communion ; being fuch as are done away by a 
 general Repentance and daily Prayer for Pardon 
 and Forgivenefs. This Doctrine and Diftinction 
 of Sins is often inculcated by St. Aufiin and o- 
 thers. It will be fufficient to hear their Senfe in 
 St. Auftiris Words upon [a] the Article of Re- 
 mifTion of Sins in the Creed: Where fpeaking 
 to the Catechumens, he tells them, when they 
 had received Baptifm, they fhould be careful to 
 preferve a good Life in the Commands of God, 
 that they might keep their Baptifm to the End. 
 I do not fay, that ye fhould live here without 
 Sin: But there are fome venial Sins, without 
 which we cannot live in this Life. Baptifm is 
 appointed for all Sins great and fmall : But for 
 letter Sins, without which we cannot live, Prayer 
 is appointed. What fays the Prayer? Forgive us 
 our Trefpaffes, as we forgive them that trefpafs a- 
 gainft us. We are once cleanfed by Baptifm, we 
 are every Day cleanfed by Prayer. But do not 
 commit thofe Things, for which it will be ne- 
 cefTary for you to be feparated from the Body of 
 Chrift; which God forbid. For thofe whom 
 ye fee doing Penance, have committed great 
 Crimes, either Adultery, or fome other grievous 
 Sins, for which they do Penance. For if their 
 Tranfgrellions had been light, the daily Prayer 
 had been fufficient to blot them out. By this we 
 may judge, that Sins of Infirmity, to which all 
 Men arc liable, and which were pardoned by 
 their Daily Prayers, were reckoned no formal 
 Breaches of the Baptifmal Covenant, nor confe- 
 qucntly any juft Impediments to debar any Man 
 from receiving the Communion every Day, (fince 
 none, except the Pelagians, thought it poffible 
 for Men to live in fuch Angelical Perfection, as 
 to be above all manner of Failings in this mortal 
 State of Human Frailty:) and therefore they did 
 not require of Men, in order to communicate, 
 fuch a Perfection as humane Nature was not 
 capable of attaining. 
 
 sect nr. 
 
 What Repentance 
 required for fuch 
 Failings. 
 
 Yet for as much as lefTerSins, 
 even of Infirmity, are Tranfgref- 
 fions of the Law, and the Re- 
 mainders of Corruption in our 
 Nature, and in Strictnefs defervc Punifliment, it 
 God lliould be extream to enter into Judgment 
 with us for them; nay, and if they be indulged 
 and neglected, may commence greater and deadly 
 
 O] Au». de Symbolo. lib. i. cap. 7. Cum baptizati fueritis. 
 tenete vitam bonam in prxceptis Dei : ut baptifmum caftodiatis uf- 
 que in finem. Non vobis dico, quia fine peccato hie viveris: fed 
 hint Venialia, fine quibus vita ifta uon eft. Propter omnia pecca- 
 ta Baptilmus inventus eft: propter Levia, fine quibus efle non pof- 
 lumus, Oratio inventa. Sec. Vid. Aug. Enchirid. ad Laurent, cap. 
 71. 8c Horn. 119. de Tempore. Ep. 108. ad Seleucianum. Horn. 17. 
 ex yo. cap. z. Horn. 12. in Joan. p. 47. Serm. 3. in Pfal. 118. 
 
 Horn. 26. in Joan. p. 93. But efpecially his Bool; de Fide 8c Ope- 
 ri-bus. cap. 26. where he diflingui flies three forts of Sins. I. Such 
 great Sins for which Men did Publick Penance. 2. Such great Sins as 
 deferveel to be corrtcled and puniflied with fevere Reproof, though they 
 did not bring Men under Publick Penance: fuch as Anger and E- 
 vil-f peaking. 3. Sins of Human Frailty and Dai!) Incurfion, for 
 which the D.«ily Prayer was the Daily Med'cine. This triple Difi'.niii' 
 on of Sins i: the mofi exact" of any oth;r. 
 
 Sins 
 
Chap. VIIL 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 813 
 
 Sins of Wilfulnefs and Contempt* therefore up- 
 on this Account they advifed, that Men fhould 
 not only ask Pardon daily for them, and confels 
 them with Humiliation, and deplore them with 
 Sorrow j but alio itrive and labour againft them 
 with Care, and Diligence, and a perpetual Watch- 
 fulnefs, and pray againft them, and yield no 
 Confent to them, but have their Wills continu- 
 ally bent againft them, and hunger and thirft af- 
 ter the Perfection of Righteoaincis, and defire to 
 be rilled therewith when they came to the Lord's 
 Table. For as Gregory the Great expreffes it [/>], 
 none are filled b it thofe that hunger j who rait 
 perfectly from Sin, and receive the Holy Sacra- 
 ment with a Plenitude of Virtue. Therefore 
 feeing the bed of Men cannot be wholly with- 
 out Sin, what remains, but that they fhould en- 
 deavour daily to evacuate and purge thcmfelvcs 
 from thofe Sins, with which humane Frailty 
 never ceafes to defile them? For he that does not 
 daily draw off the Dregs of Sin, though they 
 be but little Sins which he amaffes together, they 
 will by Degrees fill his Soul, and deprive him 
 of the Benefit of in; errul Satisfaction. In like 
 manner Gennadius [c] pcrfuades thofe who are 
 guilty of no grols Sins, but only of thefe letter 
 Sins of Infirmity, to communicate every Lord's 
 Day, or oftner if they plcafe> only with this 
 Caui ion, that their Mind be free from all Af- 
 fection and Love to fuch Sins. For he that It ill 
 retains a Willingnefs to commit them, will find 
 himfelf more oppreffed than purified by receiving 
 the Eucharifi. And therefore let fuch an one, 
 when he is fmitten or bitten in Mind for his Sin, 
 cherifh no Will or Inclination to his Sin for the 
 future j and before he communicates, let him 
 fatisfy with Prayers and Tears j and fo confi- 
 ding in the Mercy of the Lord, who ufes to 
 pardon Sins upon a pious Confeflion, let him 
 come to the Eucharifi in Security and without 
 doubting. But this I fpeak only of him who is 
 not prefled with capital and deadly Sins. 
 
 sect. iv. But, fays he, if any Man is 
 What crimes un. prefled with the Commiffion of 
 qualified Men abfo- morta i sins after Baptifm, I ad- 
 
 Iv.telyfortheCom- ^ fuch aQ Qne tQ make g adf . 
 tnunwn, and what , n . A 11 11 • 1 
 
 fort of Repentance faction or Amends by pubhek 
 mm required for Repentance, and to be rcconci- 
 them. led to Communion by the Judg- 
 
 ment of the Bifhop or Pried, if 
 he would not receive the Eucharifi to his own 
 Judgment and Condemnation. This he fpeaks of 
 fuch heinous Offences as were direct Violations 
 of the Baptifmal Covenant, upon the Account 
 of which Men were then by the ufual Difcipline 
 of the Church debarred from Communion and 
 Prayers, till they had for a long time gone thro' 
 the feveral Stages of publick Penance, and given 
 
 fuch evident Teftimonies of their Abhorrence of 
 Sin, and fincere Converfion, as were requifite 
 arid proper to fatisfy the Church that they were 
 real and hearty Penitents. In which State of 
 Probation they were held a Year, or two, cr 
 three, or five, or ten, or twenty, according to 
 the Nature and Quality of their Offence ; and 
 fometimes all their Lives, if their Crime was ex- 
 treamly great and fcandalous, when they were 
 allowed Communion only at the Hour of Death. 
 And during this Courfe of Difcipline, they were 
 obliged conftantly to attend the Church, to hear 
 the Scriptures read, and the Sermon preached 
 for their Inltruction ; and to exercife themfelves 
 in Prayers, and Confeflion, and Tears, and 
 Watchings, and Fallings, and Almfiieeds, and 
 Good- works, and whatever was proper to de- 
 monftrate that they were acting a fincere Part, 
 and not playing the Hypocrite, in the Bufinefs 
 of Repentance. Then according to their Zeal 
 and Earneftncfs in fuch Employments, a Judg- 
 ment was made upon their Sincerity ; and the 
 Time of their Penance was lengthened or fhort- 
 ncd according to the Meafures of their Activity, 
 and when they were deemed perfectly to have 
 amended their Lives and become new Men, an- 
 fwerable to the Tenour of their firfl Covenant, 
 then they were reconciled and abfolved, and ad- 
 mitted again to the Privilege of the Communi- 
 on. This was the flanding Rule of the Church 
 with refpect to thofe who had Committed grofs 
 and fcandalous Crimes, for which th^y were cut 
 off from the Body as putrified Members, and 
 kept at a Diftance from the Prayers of the 
 Church, and the Communion of the Faithful at 
 the Lord's Table. 
 
 I need not ftand here to enu- sect. v. 
 merate all the particular Crimes Scandalous and 
 that were deemed Breaches of ~"'f*™' 
 
 , ■ r 1 , to bs admitted to 
 
 the Baptifmal Covenant, and un- eommmicaUt with . 
 qualified Men for the Com'mu- out g lvmg fajfo. 
 nion. Some Account has been aory Evidences of 
 given already [*] of them, in their Repentance. 
 fhewing what Perfons might, or 
 might not make their Oblations at the Altar: 
 For they who might not offer, might much lefs 
 communicate j And this Matter will come to be 
 confidered more exactly in the next Volume, 
 when we treat of the Difcipline of the Church. 
 Here I fhall only obferve in general, that the 
 Rules of the Church laid an Obligation upon all 
 Minifters of the Altar, to refufe the Communion 
 to all fuch notorious Offenders, as were declared 
 uncapable and unworthy of it by the Handing 
 Laws of Communion, then well known to all in 
 the Church : And that an over-hafty Admittance 
 of fuch Criminals, without fufficient Time of 
 Probation and fatisfictory Evidence of their fin- 
 
 [£] Greg. lib. 1. in Reg. cap. i'. torn. 1. p. i$g. Non fatu- 
 rantur ergo nifi Famelici, qui a vitm perfe&e jejunantes divina Sa- 
 cramenta percipiunt in plenitudine virtutis. Et quia fine peccato E- 
 le£ii eciam viri effe non poffunt, quid reftat, nifi ut a peccatis qui- 
 bus eos humana fragilitas maculare non definit, evacuare qcotidie 
 conentur? &c. Vid. Aug. Trad. 1. in 1 Joan. [c] Gen- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 nad. de Ecclef. Dogm. cap. 5-5. Quotid'e Eucharlftise communio- 
 ncm nec laudo nec reprehendo. Omnibus tamen Dominicis diebus 
 communicandum fuadeo gc hortor, (I tamen mens fine affeclu pec- 
 
 candi fit. ■ Sed hoc de illo dico quern capitalia 8c mortalia pec- 
 
 cata non gravant. &c. [*3 fyok XV. Chap. ii. n. z. 
 
 L 1 1 1 1 1 cere 
 
8i4 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 cere Converfion, was always reckoned a great 
 Tranfgreffion and Failure in the Exercife or the 
 Miniftenal Function. It will be fufficient at pre- 
 fent to give two or three plain Evidences of this 
 out of Chryfoftom and fome others. Let no cruel 
 Perfon, hys Chryfoftom [</], no unmerciful, no 
 impure Soul, come near this Table. I fpeak this 
 as well to you that receive the Eucharift, as to 
 you that minifter. For it is neceflary to fay this 
 to you that minifter, that ye may diftribute the 
 Gifts wich great Care. There is no fmall Pu- 
 Bifhuient hangs over your Head, if ye give the 
 Eucharift knowingly to any flagitious Man. 
 His Blood mall be required at your Hands. 1 ho 
 it be a General, though it be a Conful, though 
 it be him that wears the Crown, if he comes 
 unworthily, reftrain him: Thou haft greater 
 Power than he. But you will fay, how mall I 
 know what fuch or fuch an one is? I fpeak not 
 of thofe that are unknown, but of thofe that are 
 known. I will fay a fearful Word: it is not fo 
 bad to admit Energumens, or Perfons poffeffed 
 with a Devil, to this Holy Place, as thofe Men, 
 who, as St. Paul fays, tread Chrift under Foot ; 
 and count the Blood of the Covenant an unholy Thing, 
 and do defpight to the Spirit of Grace. Let us not 
 therefore call out Demoniacks only, but all fuch 
 as come unworthily to be Partakers of this Ta- 
 ble. It is a remarkable Saying of St. Ambrofe [e] 
 upon this Occafion : Some Men defire to be ad- 
 mitted to Penance only for this Reafon, that 
 they may prefently receive the Communion a- 
 sain : Thefe Men do not fo much defire to be 
 abfolved themfelves, as to bind the Prieft : For 
 they do not put off their own evil Confcience. 
 Such a ram Ad in a Prieft, in receiving a noto- 
 rious Criminal without any clear Evidences and 
 Fruits of Repentance, puts him in the Sinner's 
 Condition, and makes him a Criminal before 
 God for the Abufe of the Authority committed 
 to him Therefore as the Novatians were gene- 
 rally condemned for being too rigorous in deny- 
 ing the Communion for ever to all fuch as fell 
 info great Sins after Baptifm: Soon the other 
 hand the Audian Hereticks are cenfured [/J for 
 being too hafty, in aiTuming Authority to par- 
 don Sins by their own Power, and granting 
 Remiffion upon a bare Confeffion, without pre- 
 fcribing a Time for Repentance, as the Laws of 
 the Church always required. Cyprian gives as 
 fevere a Reproof to fuch of the Clergy, as were 
 over-hafty in admitting thofe that had lapfed in- 
 to Idolatry in Time of Perfecution, before they 
 had gone through a due Courfe of Penance, and 
 had taken time to bewail and confefs their Sin, 
 and give fufficient Evidences of their Repent- 
 ance. When-as, fays he [g], Sinners for much 
 letter Crimes take a juft 'l ime to do Penance, 
 and according to the Order of Difcipline come 
 
 to Confeffion, and by Imposition of Hands gi- 
 ven them by the Bifliop and Clergy receive a 
 Right to communicate : Now they are very hafti- 
 ly and unfeafonably admitted to Communion, 
 and their Name is offered j and before they have 
 done Penance, before they have made their Con- 
 feffion, before they have received Impofition of 
 Hands, the Eucharift is given them, although it 
 be faid, That Whofoever eats the Bread, and drinks 
 the Cup of the Lord unworthily, is guilty of the Bo- 
 dy and Blood of the Lord. The Martyrs, who 
 lay in Prifon, were a little concerned in this Ir- 
 regularity : For they were ufed to interceed for 
 fuch Criminals, to gain them Admiffion before 
 their Time : and therefore he wrote another [h~] 
 Letter to the Martyrs, to fliew them the Dan- 
 ger and Inconveniencies of fuch precipitated 
 communicating of Sinners, and to difluade them 
 from fuch unfeafonable interpofing in their Be- 
 half, before they had done their regular Penance. 
 And he alfo wrote a long Difcourfe to the Lap- 
 fers [z'J themfelves, wherein he more largely 
 fets forth the Fallacy that was put upon them by 
 this too indulgent Facility in granting them fuch 
 a prepofterous Peace, which did not really give 
 them Peace, but deftroy itj nor grant them true 
 Communion, but hinder their Salvation. By all 
 which, and Abundance more that might be ad- 
 ded upon this Head, it is evident that to recon- 
 cile a Sinner to the Altar, after the Commiffion 
 of any heinous and publick Crimes, they requi- 
 red him to go through a long Courfe of Penance 
 publickly in the Church, in Order to give clear 
 Satisfaction and Demonftrationby manifeft W orks 
 and Fruits of Repentance, that he was a real 
 Convert, and worthy of the Communion which 
 he deiired : And to admit him before, was only 
 to impofe upon the Sinner, and incur the Dif- 
 pleafure of God by proftituting his Ordinance, 
 and fuffering the Vile to tread under Foot the 
 Son of God. 
 
 But betide thefe heinous Sins, which put Men 
 under the publick Cenfures of the Church, there 
 were alfo many other Crimes of an heinous Na- 
 ture, which unqualified Men for worthy recei- 
 ving, though they did not ordinarily bring them 
 to a State of publick Penance, either becaufe 
 Men could not be fo directly and formally con- 
 victed of them, or becaufe they did not feem to 
 carry fo great Malignity and Contempt of God 
 in them as the former. Among thefe St. Au- 
 ftin [k~] reckons Anger and Evil-fpeaking j and 
 others add, rafh Swearing, Breach of Promife, 
 Lying, Covetoufnefs, Drunkennefs, and Sins of 
 the like Nature. Now though thefe did not or- 
 dinarily fubject Men to publick Penance, yet 
 they were confefled on all Hands to be grievous 
 and deadly Sins, and fuch as Men ffiould not prc- 
 fume to come with, unrepented of, to the Lord's 
 
 [d~\ Chryf. Horn. S3, in Mat. p. jof. Vid. Chryf. in Pfal. 49. 
 p. 3°3- l e ] Ambrof. de Poenit. lib. 2. cap. 9. Nonnulli idco pof- 
 cunt pcenitcntiam, ut ftatim libi reddi communionem vclint. Hi 
 non tarn fe folvere cupiunt, quam facerdotem ligare, 8cc. 
 [/] Theodor. de Fabulis Haeret. lib. 4. cap. 13. [g~\ Cypr. 
 
 Ep. 10. al. i(3. ad Cler. p. 37. Cum in minoii'uis peccatis agant 
 peccatores pecnitentiam jufto tempore, & fecundum Difciplins or- 
 
 dinem ad exomologefin veniant, 8c per manus Impofitioncm E- 
 pifcopi gc Cleri jus Communicationis accipiant: nunc crudo tem- 
 pore — ad Communicationem admittuntur, 8c offertur nomen eo- 
 runa, 8c nondum poenitentia acta, nondum exomologefi fa£b, 
 nondum manu cis ab Epifcopo 8c Clero impofita. Euchariftia i!- 
 lis datur, See. [h] Cypr. Ep. al. if. ad Martyr, p. 34. ['] Id. 
 de Lapfis, p. 118. 8cc. [fcj Aug. de Fide 8c Operibus. cap. 16. 
 
 Table. 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 8i5 
 
 Table. And therefore though the Ancients did 
 not forcibly repel fuch Sinners from communica- 
 ting, yet they never failed to ftave them off by 
 Admonitions and Reproofs, declaiming fharply 
 againft all fuch Vices, and mewing Men the 
 Danger of them as well as thofe of the higheft 
 Nature. 
 
 sect. vi. This was their conftant way 
 Whtther they re- f proceeding with great and hei- 
 qwred oonfejjion of nQUS Sinners, when their Crimes 
 Mvaje sms to the p u bUck, Notorious, and 
 
 Scandalous, in order to qualify 
 'commwu n. them for a worthy Participation 
 
 of the Eucharift after anymanifeft 
 Breach or Violation of their Baptifmal Covenant. 
 As to private Crimes, they laid no Neceffity up- 
 on the Confcience of Men to make either pub- 
 lick or private Confeffion of them to any befide 
 God, to qualify them for the Communion. They 
 ibmetimes advifed Men to publick Confeffion 
 for private Crimes, and many times Men volun- 
 tarily confeffed their private Crimes, and fub- 
 mitted to do publick Penance for them, as think- 
 ing this the fecureft Way to obtain perfeft For- 
 givenefs of God : And in fome Places a publick 
 Minifter, called the Penitentiary, was appointed 
 to hear Mens Confeffions, and dire<5t them in 
 their publick or private Repentance. But as yet 
 no indifpenfable Obligation was laid upon Men 
 to make Confeffion of their private Crimes as a 
 neceffary Condition of Communion: Much lefs 
 did they injoin Men auricular Confeffion in order 
 to obtain private Abfolution of a Prieft, and do 
 Penance afterward, without giving at prefent 
 any evident Demonstrations of Repentance. Their 
 private Confeffions were all Voluntary, and thefe 
 chiefly in order to publick Penance : But whe- 
 ther for publick or private Penance, the Confef- 
 fion of private Sins was a Matter of Advice and 
 Prudence and free Choice, and not forced upon 
 Men by any Laws of Neceffity or indifpenfable 
 Obligation. I {hall have farther Occafion to 
 handle this Matter more fully in the next Book 
 about the Difcipline of the Church: And there- 
 fore I will only mention a Paffage or two here, 
 that relate to Mens Preparation for the Commu- 
 nion. Chryfoftom explaining thofe Words of the 
 Apoftle, Let a Man examine himfelf, and fo let him 
 eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup : fays, He 
 does not [/] bid one Man examine another, but 
 every one himfelfj making the Judgment pri- 
 vate, and the Tryal without Witneffes. And a- 
 gain O] expounding the very fame Words, The 
 Apoftle, fays he, does not reveal or lay open 
 the Sore, he does not bring the Accufation up- 
 on the open Stage, he does not fet Witneffes of 
 thy Crimes againft thee : But bids thee, within 
 
 thy own Confcience, none being prefent but 
 God who knows all Things, to fet up a Judg- 
 ment and fearch after thy Sins - y and recounting 
 thy whole Life, to bring thy Sins to the Bar of 
 thy own Mindi to reform thy Exceffes, and fo 
 with a pure Confcience to come to the facred 
 Table, and partake of the Holy Sacrifice. And 
 it is remarkable, that under Neclarius, St. Chry- 
 foftom's Predeceffor, a Law was made (upon Oc- 
 cafion of a Scandal that was given by the Con- 
 feffion of a Gentlewoman, defiled by a Deacon 
 at Conftant inople) that the Office of the Peniten- 
 tiary Prieft, which had been for fome Time in 
 that Church, fhould be laid alidej and that Li- 
 berty fhould be given to every one, upon the 
 private Examination of his own Confcience, to 
 partake of the Holy Myfteries. Which evident- 
 ly ffiews, that they did not then believe there 
 was any Divine Law for the Neceffity of Auri- 
 cular Confeffion, but that it was a Matter of 
 Liberty and Prudence only. Socrates, who re- 
 lates [»] the whole Story, fays, he had it from 
 the Mouth of Eudamon the Presbyter, who gave 
 Neclarius this Advice 3 and Sozomen [o~] adds, 
 that the Bifhops of moil other Churches follow- 
 ed Neclarius his Example. In the Latin Church, 
 it appears alfo from Gennadius [/>], that the ge- 
 neral Rule for great Crimes of a publick Nature 
 was, to do publick Penance in the Church: 
 But for private Crimes no other was neceffarily 
 required but private Satisfaction by a Change of 
 Life from fecular to religious, by continual 
 Mourning to implore God's Mercy, by doing 
 Things contrary to thofe whereof the Sinner re- 
 pents, and by receiving the Eucharift every Lord's 
 Day to the End of his Life. And Laurentius 
 Bifnop of Novaria [_q\ fpeaking of Repentance, 
 fays, After Baptifm God hath appointed thee a 
 Remedy within thy felf, he hath put Remiffion 
 in thy own Power, that thou needeft not to feek 
 a Prieft when Neceffity requires} but thou thy 
 felf now, as a skilful Mafter always at hand, 
 mayft correct thy own Error within thy felf, and 
 wafh away thy Sin by Repentance. It were eafy 
 to add Abundance more Testimonies both out of 
 the Greek and Latin Writers, but thefe are fuf- 
 ficient at prefent to ihew that they did not re- 
 quire private Confeffion, as any neceffary Part 
 of that Preparation which Men were obliged to 
 make for the purging of private Sins before they 
 came to the Lord's Table: But their Direction 
 was the Apoftle's Rule, Let a Man examine him- 
 felf and fo let him eat of that Bread and drink of 
 that Cup. 
 
 Yet they did not hereby dif- SECT. vir. 
 charge Men of all Obligation to ^ Preparation 
 cleanfe themfelves from Sin, but cm ^ s not in com - 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. 28. in 1 Cor. p. ;6o. [w] Chryf. Horn. 
 8. de Pcenirent. t. 1. p. 7*0. [»] Socrat. lib. f. cap. 19. 
 [0] Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 16. [?] Gennad. de Dogmat. Kcclef. 
 cap. f J. Sed 8c fecreta fatisfadione folvi mortalia cnmina non ne- 
 gamus, fed mutato prius feculari habitu, 8c conteflb Religionis ftu- 
 dio per vitae corre&ionera, 8c jugi, imo perpetuo luftu miferante 
 Deo ita duntaxat, ut contraria pro iis qua: poenitet agat, &. Eu- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 chariftiam omnibus Dominicis dicbus fupplex fubmuTuftjue ufque ad 
 mortem fufcipiat. [q] Laurent. Horn. 1. de Pcenit. Bibl. 
 
 Patr. torn. 2. p. 1 29. Poft baptifma remedium tuum in teipfo fta- 
 tuit, remitficnem in arbitrio tuo pofuir, ut non quxras Jacerdotcm, 
 cum neceiTitas flagitaverit : Sed ipfe jam, ac ii fcitus perlpicuuique 
 Magifter, errorem tuum intra te emendes, 8c peccatum tuum pce- 
 nitudine abluas. 
 
 LI 1111 z 
 
 carefully 
 
816 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV 
 
 ing to Communion carefully prefled upon the Con- of the Soul by the Purity of a Man's Confcience 
 at certain My sea- fcience the Neceflity of univerfal and a fanctified Life. Many Chriftians now-a 
 fo»s, but in Mi- Purity W hen they came to Feafl days, fays he, are funk into fo great Stupiditv 
 " u P° nthe Body and Blood of and Contempt, that though they be laden with 
 Chrift, at his Table. Let a Man Sins, and take no manner of Care of themfelves 
 examine himfelf: For he that eateth and drinketh un- yet they come to the Holy Table at the folemn 
 worthily, is guilty of the Body and Blood of the Feftivals Hand over Head, and juft as mere 
 Lord, and eateth and drinketh Damnation to him- Chance directs them : Not confiderino- that 
 felf, not difceming the Lord's Body. There were what makes it feafonable to communicatees not 
 fome fo vain as to think, that a formal Appear- merely a Feftival, or the Time of a more fo- 
 ing at the Lord's Table at fome certain holy lemn AlTembly, but a pure Confcience and a 
 and folemn Seafons was all the Preparation that Life free from Sin. For as he, who is c'onfcious 
 was needful : As if the Circumftance of Time to himfelf of no enormous Crime, ought to come 
 added any real Qualification to their Souls. A- every Day; fo on the other Hand, he who is 
 gainft thefe Mens Extravagance, St. Chryfoftom fettered in Sins, and does not repent, cannot 
 inveighs with the greateft Sharpnefs: I obferve fafely come upon a Feftival. For it is' not our 
 many, fays he, who are Partakers [r] of the coming once a Year that difcharges us of our 
 Lord's Body inconfiderately and at all Adven- Sins, if we come unworthily: But this very 
 tures, more out of Cuftom than by any Rule, or thing rather increafes our Condemnation, that 
 Reafon, and Underftanding. If the holy Time though we come but once a Year, yet we' come 
 of Lent comes, or the Day of Chrift's Epiphany, not even then with a pure Confcience. Where- 
 or Nativity, then they partake of the Holy My- fore I exhort you all, not to come to' the Holy 
 fteries, whatever Condition they are in. But E- Myfteries barely upon the Account of a Fefti- 
 piphany is not the Time of Approaching: Nei- val; but whenever ye defign to partake of this 
 ther does Lent make Men worthy to come, but Holy Sacrifice, to purge your felves many Days 
 the Sincerity and Purity of their Souls. With before by Repentance, and Prayer, and Alms 
 this come at all Times; without it come never, and Attendance upon fpiritual Things ^ and not 
 Confider thofe who were Partakers of the Sacri- to return again like the Do<* to his Vomit. Is 
 fices under the old Law; What Abftinence did it not abfurd to fpend fomuch Care upon corpo- 
 they ufe? What did they not do? What did real Things, as that when a Feftival approaches 
 they not perform, to purify themfelves in every you will bring forth your beft Clothes out of 
 Refpecl:? And doft thou, when thou comeft to your Wardrobe, and make them ready many 
 the Sacrifice, at which the Angels are even ama- Days before, and buy you Shoes, and prepare a 
 zed and tremble, meafure the Bulinefs by the more fplendid Table, and think of many Ways 
 Revolution and Periods of certain Times and to deck and adorn yourfelf; But in the mean 
 Seafons? How wilt thou ftand before the Tri- time have no Regard to your Soul, which lies 
 bunal of Chrift, who dareft to touch his Body neglected in Filth and Naftinefs, and ready to pe- 
 with polluted Hands and Lips? Thou wouldft rifli with Famine, and over-run with Impurity? 
 not prefume to kifs the King with a ftinking How abfurd is it to prefent the Body here finely 
 Mouth : And doft thou kifs the King of Hea- adorned, but your Soul naked and vilely clothed ? 
 ven with a ftinking Soul? That is the higheft When yet none fees your Body but your Fellow- 
 Affront that can really be offered to him. Tell Servants; but your Soul is nicely viewed by the 
 me, wouldft thou chufe to come to the Sacri- Lord, who will alfo feverely punifh your Ne^- 
 fice with unwaftien Hands ? I fuppofe not, but left of it. Know you not, that this Table 
 wouldft rather not come at all, than with un- is filled with fpiritual Fire, and fends forth fe- 
 clean Hands. Since therefore thou art fo fcru- cret Flames, as Fountains do their Water in A- 
 pulous and religious in a fmall Matter, how da- bundance? Bring not therefore hither Wood 
 reft thou to come and touch the Sacrifice with a Hay, Stubble, left you increafe the Flame and 
 polluted Soul? When-as thy Hands only hold it burn your Soul by fuch a Participation:' Bun 
 for a time, but thy Soul has it wholly diflblved bring hither Gold, Silver, precious Stones, that 
 into it. At other times ye come not to it, tho' ye may make thofe Materials ftill more' pure 
 ye be clean; but at Eafter ye come, although and go hence with greater Gain and Advantage', 
 ye be defiled with Sin. Oh Cuftom ! Oh Pre- If any Evil remains in your Soul, chafe and drive* 
 judice ! Thus St. Chryfoftom reproves thofe who it thence. Has any one an Enemy, from whom 
 contented themfelves with an outfide, formal he has fuffered great Injuries and Injuftice? Let 
 Preparation, to comply with the general Cuftom him diflolve his Enmity, and reftrain his fla- 
 of receiving at fome of the holy Feftivals; which ming, fwelling Mind, that there be no Tumult 
 was a mere corporeal Purification, like the Pha- or Perturbation within. For thou art now about 
 rifaical Righteoufnefs : For they made clean the to receive a King by Communion : And when a 
 mtfide of the Cup and Platter, ivhilft their inward King enters into thy Soul, there ou^ht to be 
 Part was full of Corruption and all Uncleannefs. In a perfect Calm, Tranquility, and Silence and 
 another Place [i] he thus oppofes this fantaftical a profound Peace in thy Thoughts. But thou 
 Preparation, and defcribes the true Preparation haft been exceedingly " injured, and canft not 
 
 [/•] Chryf. Horn. 3. in Ephcf. p. iojo. [ij Chryf Horn. 31. de Philogonio. t. 1. p. a.ox. Vid. Horn. p. in eos qui 
 
 PaJcha jejunant. t. 1. p. 710. 1 
 
 bear 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 817 
 
 bear to moderate thy Anger againft him. What 
 then? Wilt thou therefore more grievoufly in- 
 jure thy felf ? For thy Enemy, whatever he does, 
 cannot do thee fo much Harm, as thou doft to 
 thy felf, if thou art not reconciled to him, but 
 trampled on the Laws of God. He has injured 
 and affronted thee, and wilt thou injure and af- 
 front God ? For not to receive an Enemy to 
 Pardon and Favour, is not fo much to take Re- 
 venge on him, as to affront God, who has given 
 us this Law of Reconciliation. Therefore look 
 not to thy Fellow-Servant, nor to the Greatnefs 
 of the Injuries that he hath done theej but look 
 unto God, and putting his Fear into thy Mind, 
 confider this, that the greater Violence thou of- 
 fereil- ro rhy Soul, by compelling it to be recon- 
 ciled after fuffering a thoufand Indignities, fo 
 much the greater Honour malt thou obtain from 
 him who prohibits thee Revenge. And as thou 
 receiveft God with great Honour here, he will 
 receive thee with great Glory hereafter, and re- 
 compence thee a thoufand-fold for this Obedi- 
 ence. Thus did this holy Man explain in gene- 
 ral the due Manner and Method of Preparing to 
 receive the Eucharift, and with the ftrongeft 
 Arguments of Piety, and the utmoft Force of 
 Eloquence and Reafon endeavour to perfuade his 
 Hearers to the Pra&ice of it. 
 
 sect. vin. I nave not room to transcribe 
 W'j*t FMth is re- all that this Author [t] and the 
 quired in Comma- re ft have faid farther in the gene- 
 ntcanu. ra j Exhortations to make a due 
 
 Preparation for the Communion : 
 Much lefs will it confift with the Defign of this 
 Work to defcend to all the particular Cafes and 
 Queftions that might be moved about it, the 
 handling of which would eafily fwell into a Vo- 
 lume: And the Reader may find it already done 
 in a great meafure by our learned Biihop 2lzy/w" in 
 his Worthy Communicant, where he ftates all the 
 Puties required in order to a worthy Participa- 
 tion, together with the Cafes of Confcience oc- 
 curring in the Duty of him that minifters, and 
 in the Duty of him that communicates, out of 
 the antient Writers. I mall content my felf to 
 fuggeft a few Things relating to thefe Particu- 
 late, which are: V. Faith, a. Repentance and 
 Obedience. 5-Juftice. 4. Peace and Unity, f. 
 ( harity and Beneficence. 6. Pardoning of Of- 
 fences. 7. Laftly, Mens Behaviour at the time 
 of C "municatirig and afterwards, which I Ihall 
 chiefly reprefent in the Words of St. Chryfoftom, 
 who has fpoken fo largely upon this Subjeft. And 
 firft with refpeft to Faith, they required in eve- 
 ry Communicant, that was of Years of Difcreti- 
 on, not only an Orthodox Profeffion of the feve- 
 ral Articles of the Chriftian Faith in general, but 
 alfo a particular Faith with relation to the My- 
 
 ftical Eating and Drinking of Chrift's Body and 
 Blood in the Holy Sacrament. The former is 
 evident from that ufual Form of Words in the 
 Deacon's Admonition to all that had not a Right 
 to communicate, to withdraw j among whom all 
 Heterodox or Heretical Perfons were admonilhed 
 to be gone : /ucn tis t Its^c/'o^wv, Let no Heterodox 
 Perfon be prefent. And in regard to this St. Chry- 
 foflom (V), or whoever was the Author of the 
 Sermon of Binding and Loojing Sin, fpeaking of 
 Mens private Examination of themfelves, fays, 
 God hath given thee the Power of Binding and 
 Loofing. Thou haft bound thy felf with the 
 Chain of Covetoufnefs } Loofe thy felf with the 
 Injunction of the Love of Poverty. Thou haft 
 bound thy felf with the furious Defire of Plea- 
 furej Loofe thy felf by Temperance. Thou haft 
 bound thy felf with the Heterodox Belief of Eu- 
 nomius-y Loofe thy felf with the religious embra- 
 cing of the Orthodox Faith. But they did not 
 only require an Orthodox Faith in general, but a 
 particular Faith with refpect to the Sacrament it 
 felf, teaching Men, not the monftrous Doctrine 
 of Tranfubftantiation, but that under the vilible Ele- 
 ments of Bread and Wine, fandtified by the Spi- 
 rit, the worthy Communicant by Faith might 
 receive the fpiritual Food of Chrift's Body and 
 Blood, and all the blefTed Effects and Benefits of 
 his Death and Paffion. To this Purpofe, they 
 required Men to come with the Mouth of Faith, 
 fpiritually to eat Chrift's Flefh and Blood j and 
 to fee him facrificed with the Eyes of their 
 Mind, whilft his real bloody Sacrifice once of- 
 fered was daily reprefented and commemorated 
 in the vifible Images and Symbols of Bread and 
 Wine. St. Aufiin is very copious in fetting forth 
 this neceflary Doctrine of fpiritual Manducation 
 by Faith, as that which makes both Senfe and 
 Piety of fo many Expreflions in the Gofpel, 
 which otherwife would feem horrible and abfurd. 
 Explaining thofe Words of our Saviour, Except 
 ye eat the Flejh of the Son of Man, and drink his 
 Blood, ye have no Life in you, he fays [#], This 
 feems to command a Crime. Therefore it is a 
 figurative Speech, commanding us to communi- 
 cate in the Paffion of our Lord, and with Plea- 
 fure and Profit to lay it up in our Minds, that 
 his Flefti was crucified and wounded for our Tranf- 
 greffions. So again [jy] he brings in our Savi- 
 our telling his Difciples, *« Ye are not to eat this 
 " Body which ye fee, and drink that Blood 
 " which my Crucifiers ftiall fhed. But I have 
 " commended to you a certain Sacrament, which 
 " being fpiritually underftood will quicken you ; 
 " and though it be celebrated vifibly, it is invi- 
 " fibly or fpiritually to be underftood." Mean- 
 ing this Faith, with which the Body of Chrift 
 was to be received, to make it fpiritually and 
 really the true Body, and Life to the Receiver, 
 
 [/] Vid. Chryf. in Pfal 133. p. 488. Horn. 17. in 1 Cor. p. 5-56. 
 Ho- 17. in Hebr. p. 1872. [«] Chryf. Horn, in illud Quod- 
 
 cunque ligaveris, t. 7. Edit. Savil. p. 268. [*] Aug. de Do- 
 
 • > ne -h i^. lib. 3. cap. 10. Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere. 
 1 i eno efie, prsecipiens Paffioni Domini eft communicandum 
 
 ,'^ivlteratque utiliter in Memoria recondendum quod Caro ejus. 
 
 pro nobis crucifixa 8c vulnerata eft, [y~\ Aug. in Pfal. 98. 
 
 t. 8. p. 4j"2. Non hoc corpus quod videtis, manducaturi eftisj 8c 
 bibituri ilium fanguinem, quod fuiuri funt qui ma crucifigent. Sa- 
 cramentum aliquod vobis commendavi; fpiritaliter intelleftum vi- 
 vificabit vos, 8c ii necefle eft illud vifibiliier celebran", oportet tamen 
 itivifibiliter inteHigi. 
 
 For 
 
818 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 For the true Body of Chrift could no other ways 
 be eaten but fpir'itually by Faith [z], whilft it 
 was really abfent in Heaven. The Hand could 
 not reach that Body, nor the Teeth confume it 5 
 but Faith [a] could afcend up to Heaven, and 
 there touch the Body of Chrift; and with the 
 Heart it might be eaten, though not with the 
 Teeth and oral Manducation. This is therefore 
 that fpecial Faith which the Ancients Co often 
 require in every pious Communicant, to qualify 
 him to eat the Flefli of Chriil to Life and Sal- 
 vation; a Faith whereby in Heart he afcends to 
 Heaven, (according to the ufual Phrafe of the 
 Church in her Sacramental Prayers, Surfum Cor- 
 da, Lift up your Hearts; We lift them up unto the 
 Lord-,) and whereby he receives the real Body of 
 Chrift by fpiritual Eating, which no wicked 
 Man can receive, though he receive the Sacra- 
 ment of his Body both in his Hand and Mouth 
 to his Condemnation. Therefore St. Aufiin bids 
 all Communicants prepare [b~\ their Heart, and 
 not their Mouths, to eat the Bread of Life, which 
 came doivn from Heaven. And St. Chryfoftom [c~] 
 calls upon them to imitate Eagles, and fly up to 
 Heaven. For where the Carcafs is, there will the 
 Eagles be gathered together, fays our Saviour, call- 
 ing his Body the Carcafs becaufe of Death. For 
 if he had not fallen, we had not rifen. But he 
 calls us Eagles, (hewing, that he that comes to 
 this Body, ought to foar aloft, and have nothing 
 to do with the Earth, nor move downward and 
 creep upon the Ground, but always to fly up- 
 ward, and look to the Sun of Righteoufnefs, and 
 have the Eyes of his Mind quick-fighted. For 
 this Table is the Table of Eagles, not of Jack- 
 Daws. And they who thus worthily receive him, 
 may expeft to meet him when he fliall come 
 down again from Heaven. 
 
 SECT. IX. 2. But St. Chryfoftom [d] ob- 
 
 What Vurity of ferves, that to come unto Chrift 
 
 Soul by Repentance by Faith, is not barely to receive 
 
 andobediente. How in the outward Element, but 
 
 far Vaftmg ufef Hi or [q mm w j th a pure Heart 
 
 necejfary to this ^ he difcourfes ex- 
 
 lurpoje. cellently upon this moft necefla- 
 
 rv part of Preparation, to fome who put great 
 Confidence in their Obfervation of the Lwtf-Faft, 
 as if that were a juft Preparation for the Com- 
 munion. Let us give up our felves, fays he, to 
 the Praftice of Virtue. For at this End [e] aims 
 all our Falling, and Lent, and religious Aflem- 
 blies fo many Days together, and our Hearing, 
 and Prayers, and Preaching; that by thefe Ex- 
 ercifes we may wafti away the Guilt and Stain of 
 whatever Sins t we have any ways contrafted du- 
 ring the whole Year, and fo come with Piety 
 and: fpiritual Aflurance to partake of that Unbloody 
 
 Sacrifice. But if we do not thus purify our 
 felves, all that other Labour is in vain and to no 
 Purpofe, we reap not the leaft Advantage from 
 it. Let every one therefore confider with him- 
 felf, and examine in his Account, what Defect 
 he has amended, what Virtue he has acquired, 
 what Vice he has waftied away, in what Part he 
 is grown better: And if he finds any confidera- 
 ble Advantage of this Kind arife from his Fall- 
 ing, and that many of his Wounds have been 
 cured by it, let him come : But if he has been 
 negligent, and has nothing to fhew but his Fad- 
 ing, without any other Goodnefs or Amend- 
 ment, let him keep off and abide without, and 
 then come when he has purged himfelf from all 
 his Sins. Let no Man place his Confidence in 
 Falling only, who adheres to his Sins without 
 Amendment. For 'tis poflible a Man that does 
 not fall, may obtain Pardon, having the Excufe 
 of bodily Infirmity : But he that does not corre£fc 
 his Faults, cannot poffibly have any Excufe. 
 Thou haft omitted to fall, by reafon of the In- 
 firmity of thy Flefli: But why haft thou not 
 been reconciled to thy Enemies? Canft thou here 
 pretend bodily Infirmity alfo ? Thou ftill retain- 
 eft Hatred and Envy: What Excufe, I pray, 
 canft thou plead for thefe? There is no flying 
 for Refuge to bodily Infirmity in Behalf of fuch 
 Sins as thefe. Thus Chryfoftom fliews the Ne- 
 ceflity of correcting every evil Way, in Thought, 
 Word and Deed, in order to prepare Men for a 
 worthy Reception at God's Table ; and that no 
 Pretences of other Qualifications without Holi- 
 nefs, nor any Excufes for Sin will be accepted, 
 whilft Chrift has made his Commandments very 
 practicable, and recommended his Yoke as eafy, 
 and his Burden as Light. 
 
 3. A nd becaufe there are fome sect. X. 
 great Sins, to which Men have a Hownecejfaryju- 
 more than ordinary Propenfity fi ,ce and Reftitution 
 and Affection, and are ready to t0 a worth y Com - 
 find out a thoufand Arts to pal- mmicanu 
 liate and retain them with a Semblance of Piety 
 and pretended Devotion: The fame Author is 
 always very careful to particularize about thefe 
 in Mens Preparation, pulling off the Vizard and 
 falfe Colours they were apt to lay upon them. 
 Thus in the Cafe of Injuftice, many were incli- 
 ned to impofe upon themfelves by that old Pha- 
 rifaical Pretence of giving fomething to the Cor' 
 ban, to make a full Atonement, as they thought, 
 for their manifold Rapines and Oppreffion. 
 Whom he thus reproves, and lays open their 
 Folly. Let no Judas, no Simon Magus come 
 near this Table [/] : For they both perilhed in 
 their Avarice and Love of Money. Wherefore 
 let us fly from this Pit, and not imagine it fuffici- 
 
 [z] Id Set. i. de Verb. Apoft. t. 10. p. 94. Manduca vitam, 
 bibe vitam. Tunc autem hoc erit, id eft, vita unicuique erit Cor- 
 pus & Sanguis, fi quod in Sacramento vifibiliter fumitur, in ipfa 
 veritate fpiritaliter manducetur, fpiritaliter bibatur. It. Trad. 16. 
 in Tor.n. t. 9. p. 94- Q. ui manducat intus, non qui manducat fo- 
 ri* ; oui manducat in corde, non qui premit dente. [«] Aug. 
 Traft. 1. in 1 Joan. p. 136. Ipfum jam in ccelo fedentem manu 
 
 contredtare non poflumus, fed Fide contingere. [b] Aug. 
 
 Ser. 33. de Verb. Dom. p. 40. Nolite parare fauces, fed Cor. &c. 
 [e] Chryf. Horn. 14. in 1 Cor. p. f 36. Vid. Horn. 14. in Ephef. 
 p. 1127. [d] Chryf. Horn. $1. in Mat. p. 4f4- [e] Chryf. 
 Horn. n. de Simultate. 1. 1. [/] Chryf Horn. yi. in Mat. 
 p. 44f . It. Horn, 8$, p 721. cited before, Chap. ii. n. 2. 
 
 ent 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 815 
 
 ent for our Salvation, that when we have fpoiled 
 Widows and Orphans, we offer a Golden Cup 
 adorned with Jewels to this Table Wouldft 
 thou honour this Sacrifice? Offer thy Soul, for 
 which Chrift was offered, and make it a Golden 
 Soul But if thy Soul remain worfe than Lead 
 or Earth, what will thy Golden Veffcls profit 
 thee? Let us not therefore labour to offer Golden 
 Veffels only, but offer what we acquire by our 
 tuft and honeft Labour. For thefe arc more pre- 
 cious than Gold, which arc not the Fruits of 
 Covetoufnefs and Injuftice. The Church is not 
 the Work-houfe of Silver and Gold, but the 
 Congregation of Angels. Therefore the Purity 
 of our Souls is required: For God receives thele 
 Things upon the Account of our Souls. Doubt- 
 lefs that Table was not of Silver, nor that Cup 
 of Gold, wherein Chrift gave his Blood to his 
 Difciples: Yet all was precious and full ot Ke- 
 verencc, becaufe they were filled with the Spi- 
 rit St Chryfojlom fpeaks this to Mens own Con- 
 fciences in private, who knew their own Extor- 
 tions, when perhaps the Church knew nothing 
 of them j and he lays upon them the Neceffity 
 of Juftice and Reftitution in their private Ac- 
 counts with God, before they could hope to 
 gain his Favour, or be accepted at his Altar, bor 
 as to publick Offences of this kind, we have no- 
 ted before [*], That when they were fuch as 
 the Church could take Cognizance of, they tell 
 under her publick Difcipline: And it was a (land- 
 ing Law, that the Oblations of known Oppref- 
 fors fhould not be received } much lefs their Per- 
 fons to the Communion of the Altar. 
 
 sect xr 4. Another Thing they 
 
 The Neceffity of much infilled on, was Unity and 
 ?mt and Unity. a peaceable Spirit : By which 
 they chiefly intended that fort of 
 Peaceablenefs, which preferves the Unity of the 
 Church, not only in Oppofition to formed and 
 profeffed Schifms, but all Factions and Divifions 
 within the Bofom of the Church. As to formal 
 and profeft Schifmaticks, they were Objeds of 
 the publick Difcipline, and not to be admitted 
 to Communion without publick Recantation and 
 formal renouncing of their Errors. But betides 
 thefe there were another fort of turbulent Spirits, 
 who without breaking forth into profeft Separa- 
 tions, were often the Occafion of great Tumults 
 and Difquiet in the Church. Such were thofe 
 Corinthians, whom the Apoftle fo often rebukes 
 for their fadious Zeal and unneccffary Deputati- 
 ons and Contentions one with another } which 
 proceeded from many evil Caufes, and were at- 
 tended with as bad Effeds. For they fprung 
 from the bitter Roots of Envy and Pride and 
 Ambition, and Covetoufnefs and Self-mtcreft, 
 and Self-love, and a blind, or elfe crafty and de- 
 fining Admiration of one Teacher above ano- 
 ther. For one [aid, I am 0/ Pauls and another, I 
 ofApollosj I of Cephas } and I of Chrift. And 
 the Effefts were Debates, Envyings, Wraths, 
 
 Strifes, Backbitings, Whifperings, Swellings, 
 Tumults. Infomuch that in their Sidings and 
 Partyings, they came to exprefs a Difdain and 
 Contempt of one another in that, which fhould 
 have taught them the quite contrary Leffon, the 
 Celebration of the Lord's Supper and their Feafts 
 of Charity. For in eating, every one took be- 
 fore others his own Supper: And one was hun- 
 gry, and another was drunken. Upon which 
 the Apoftle gave them that moft folemn Admo- 
 nition, 1 Cor. xi. 2,8. Let a Man examine himfelf, 
 and fo let him eat of that Bread, and drink of that 
 Cup. For he that eateth and drinketh unworthily, 
 eatcth and drinketh Damnation to himfelf, not Dif- 
 cerning the Lord's Body. It was not long after St. 
 Paul's Death, that Clemens Bifhop of Rome had 
 Occafion to write a long Epiftle to thefe Corin- 
 thians upon the very fame Subject of their fediti- 
 ous Factions and Divifions, where among many 
 other Arguments to perfuade them to Unity and 
 Peace, he bids them \_g\ beware, that the mani- 
 fold Bleffings of God did not turn to their Con- 
 demnation, if they walked unworthy of him, and 
 neglected to do what was good and pleafing in 
 his Sight with Unanimity and Concord. There- 
 fore he bids them, quickly remove this Evil, 
 and fall down before the Lord, and weep and 
 pray to him, that he would be merciful and re- 
 conciled to them, and reduce and reftore them 
 to the pure and comely Way of Brotherly Love. 
 For this is the Gate of Righteoufnefs which 
 opens unto Life. Charity unites us [z] unto 
 Godj Charity covers a multitude of Sins> Cha- 
 rity beareth all Things: Charity has nothing of 
 Pride or Bafenefs in it} Charity has no Schifm; 
 Charity raifes no Sedition Charity does all 
 Things in Concord. By Charity all the Elect: 
 of God are made perfect} without Charity no- 
 thing is acceptable unto God. Therefore he ad- 
 viles the Ring-leaders of the Sedition and the 
 Heads of Faction to be fubject to their Rulers, 
 and repent, and to lay afide all arrogant [k~\ and 
 proud Boafting of the Tongue ; fince it was bet- 
 ter to be found little and approved in the Fold of 
 Chrift. than to be high-minded and rejected 
 from the Hope of his Kingdom. He bids them 
 facrifice their own Interelt to the Peace of the 
 Church. Who among you is of a noble and ge- 
 nerous Temper? Who [/] has any Bowels of 
 Companion? Who is filled with Charity? Let 
 him lay : If upon my Account there be Sedition, 
 and Difcord, and Schifm} I will willingly de- 
 part, and go away whitherfoever you pleafe } I 
 will do what the People command me} only let 
 the Fold of Chrift be in Peace under the Elders 
 that are fet over them. He that does this, fhall 
 purchafe to himfelf great Honour in the Lord, 
 and every Place will receive him. For the Earth 
 is the Lord's, and the Fulnefs thereof. Thus did 
 that holy Man exhort the feditious Corinthians to 
 lay afide their factious and turbulent Spirit, and 
 betake themfelves to the Ways of Unity and 
 Peace, as ever they hoped to find Mercy and Fa- 
 
 [*] Book XV. Chap, ii- »• *■ [g] Clem, Rom, Ep. i. ad Cor. n. 1 1 . 0] Ibid, n. 48. [;] Ibid. n. 49. 
 
 [*] Ibid. n. $7. [/] Ibid. n. 74. 
 
 vour 
 
820 
 
 The A n t i qv itibs of the 
 
 Book XV. 
 
 vour at the Hands of the Lord. And the Anci- 
 ents generally ufe this Argument againft unchari- 
 table Strife and Contention, and Schifm and Di- 
 vifion, that ^they are Crimes of that Magnitude, 
 that without Repentance even the Blood of 
 Martyrdom will not warn away and blot out the 
 Stain and Guilt of them. Which is a noted Say- 
 ing of Cyprians repeated and approved by 
 Chryfofiom Sc. /lufiin [0], Fulgent ius \_p] and 
 many others. 
 
 sect. XII. f- Another Thing they 
 of chan. y and much recommended as a neceffa- 
 Mercy to the Poor. rv Qualification in a worthy 
 Communicant, was the Exercife 
 of Beneficence and Chanty to the Indigent, e- 
 fpecially to the poor Members of Chrift. For 
 when they ihemlelves were about to receive the 
 greater! Bleffmgs in the World, they thought it 
 but reafonable that they fhould fhew Kmdnefs, 
 according to their Ability, to his and their 
 Brethren. This was the Foundation of their 
 Oblations and Love-Feafts mentioned before > 
 and the Neglect, or Abufe, or Partiality ufed in 
 them, was always reputed a capital Mildemeanor. 
 But this was not all: They not only required 
 Men to be charitable in the A6t of Communica- 
 ting, but at all Times j and allowed not the moft 
 plaulible Pretences that could be offered to the 
 contrary. Some apologized for their Uncharita- 
 blenefs, as they did for their Injufticej they 
 wiped their Mouths, and cried out Corhan, It is 
 a Gift to Chrift, wherewith thou mighteft be 
 profited by me: And fo they thought themfelves 
 difcharged by Commutation : They gave to 
 God's Ufe fome Gift which he required not, and 
 let the Poor perifh, whom he had commanded 
 them to fuftain. To thefe St. Chryfofiom [jf] thus 
 elegantly difcourfes. Would you honour the 
 Body of Chrift ? Do not then defpife him when 
 he is naked. Do not honour him here in the 
 Church with Veftments of Silk, and neglect him 
 without Doors, when ready to perifh with Cold 
 and Nakednefs. For he that laid, 'This is my 
 Body, and confirmed the Thing with his Word, 
 faid alfo, Te faw me an hungred, and fed me not : 
 And, for as much as ye did it not to one of the kafi 
 of thefe, ye did it not unto me. For this Body of 
 Chrift (the Eucharifi) needs no Clothing, but a 
 pure Mind: But that other Body of his needs 
 much of our Care. Therefore let us learn to be 
 wife, and honour Chrift according to his own 
 Will. Give him that Honour which he has 
 commanded j diftribute your Riches among the 
 Poor. God has no need of golden VefTels, but 
 of golden Souls. I fay not this, to forbid any 
 Man to offer fuch Gifts j but becaufe I judge it 
 proper^ together with thefe, and before thefe, 
 to do Works of Charity. For God indeed re- 
 ceives thefe, but the other are much more ac- 
 ceptable to him. VefTels only profit him that 
 offers them, but Works of Charity profit both 
 
 the G iver and Receiver. The one is often an 
 Occafion of Oftentation, but the other is all 
 Humanity and Mercy. What Profit is it to 
 Chrift, that his Table is filled with golden Cups, 
 whilft he himfelf is famifhed by Want? There- 
 fore firft feed him when he is hungry, and then 
 of your Superfluity and Abundance adorn his 
 Table. You make him a golden Cup, but will 
 not give him a Cup of cold Water. What does 
 this profit him? You prepare Coverings for his 
 Table embroidered with Gold} but he himfelf is 
 naked, and you cover him not with necefiary 
 Clothing. What Advantage is there in all this? 
 Tell me, I pray : Suppofe you fhould fee a Man 
 want necefiary Food, and you inftead of reliev- 
 ing his Hunger, fhould only adorn his Table 
 with Gold: Would he take this as any Kindncfs,, 
 and not rather look upon it with Indignation? 
 Or, if you law a Man clnathed in Rags, and fro- 
 zen with Cold, and you inftead of giving him 
 Raiment, fhould erect golden Pillars, and fay, 
 you did it for his Honour: Would he not rather 
 fay you mocked him, and think you put the 
 greateft Affront imaginable upon him? You may 
 apprehend the Cife to be the very fame with 
 Chrift: When he wanders about as a Stranger, 
 having no Houfe to cover his Head, then thou 
 negle&eft to take him in} thou contemned: his 
 Perfon, but beautifieft his Pavement and his 
 Walls, and the Heads of his Pillars: Thoumakeft 
 his Lamps to hang on Silver Chains, but wile 
 not vouchfafe to vifit him when he is chained in 
 Prifon. I fpeak noc this to prohibit thee from 
 doing thefe Things, but to excite thee to do 
 the other together with them, or rather before 
 them. For no Man was ever condemned for not 
 building magnificent Temples, but for neglect- 
 ing the Poor Hell is threatned, and the Fire that 
 fhall never be quenched, and Punifnment with 
 Devils. Whilft therefore you adorn God's Houfe, 
 do not neglecl: your afflicted Brother. For he is 
 more properly the Temple of God than the o- 
 ther. For thofe may be plundered of all their 
 Treafure by Infidel Kings, and Tyrants, and 
 Thieves: But what thou doft to a Brother that 
 is hungry, or a Stranger, or naked, the Devil 
 himfelf cannot rob thee of, but it is laid up in a 
 fafe Repofitory, where no Violence can make a 
 Prey of it. It were eafy to give the Reader 
 many other fuch affecting Paffages out of Chry- 
 fofiom [r~] and others, but this one is fufficient to 
 fhew what Strefs they laid upon Charity or Be- 
 neficence to the Poor, in order to qualify Men 
 for a worthy Reception of the Holy Commu- 
 nion. 
 
 6*. But this was not the only sect xill 
 kind of Charity they required to of chamy j* 
 be cxercifed upon this Occafion : Forgiving Enemies, 
 There was another more difficult md p f^ni»g of- 
 to be pract-ifed, and yet no lefs f" :C "' 
 necefiary to be performed by all that would lay 
 
 [w] Cypr. de Unit. Ecclef p. 113. [»] Chryf Horn. 1 1. [<j] Chryf. Horn. 5-1. in Mat. p. 4; {■. [?•] Vid. Chryf. Rom. 1. 
 
 in Ephef. p. 1107. [0] Aug. de Bapt. cont. Donat. lib. 4. in 1. Tim. p. 1631. Horn. 9. de Poenitent. r. 1 p. 70.;.. Horn. zy. 
 
 ctfp. 17. [/>] Fulgent- dc Fide ad Pctrum. cap. 39. t. j-. p. 369. 
 
 anv 
 
Cha p. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 821 
 
 any juft Claim to the Mercy of God in the Sa- 
 crifice of Chrift's Body and Blood: And that 
 was the Duty of Pardoning and Forgiving Ene- 
 mies, without which it was abfurd and impudent 
 to prefume to ask God Pardon at the Holy Ta- 
 ble. Therefore St. Chryfoftom [j] explaining 
 thofe Words of our Saviour, Matth. v. If thou 
 bring thy Gift to the Altar, and there remcmbrefl 
 that thy Brother hath ought againft thee ; leave 
 there thy Gift before the Altar, and go thy way, fir ft 
 be reconciled to thy Brother, and then come and of- 
 fer thy Gift: fays, By all this Chrift intended to 
 flgnify, that the Holy Table would not receive 
 Men that were at Enmity with one another: 
 No, nor yet could they fo much as offer their 
 Prayers acceptably to God. Therefore hear this, 
 fays he, all ye that are initiated in the Holy My- 
 fleries, and come not in Enmity to the Commu- 
 nion of the Altar. Let them alfo hear it, who 
 are not yet initiated. For they have a common 
 Concern in thefe Words alfo. For they offer 
 likewife their Gifts and their Sacrifice, I mean 
 their Prayers and their Alms* which the Pfalmift 
 often calls Sacrifice: The Sacrifice of Praife fhall 
 honour me: And, Offer unto God the Sacrifice of 
 Praife: And, Let the lifting up of my Hands be 
 an Evening Sacrifice. Whence he concludes, 
 That if a Man come to pray with fuch a Mind, 
 he had better leave his Prayers, and go firft and 
 be reconciled to his Brother, and then come 
 and offer his Prayers. It is ufual with Chryfo- 
 jiom upon this account to tell his Hearers, that 
 they [f] who are unqualified for the Com- 
 munion, are unqualified for their Prayers 
 likewife : Becaufe they in effeel: pray to God to 
 curfe themfelves, whilft they pray for Forgive- 
 nefs of Sins only in the fame manuer as they 
 forgive their Enemies. If we have Defigns of 
 Revenge in our Hearts, fays he [if], when we 
 pray, we pray againft our felves, faying, For- 
 give us our 'Trefpaffes, as we forgive them that tref- 
 pafs againft us. Thefe are terrible Words, and 
 the fame as if one faid to God : " Lord, I have 
 " forgiven my Enemy, forgive Thou me: I 
 " have loofed him, loofe Thou me: I have par- 
 " doned my Enemy, pardon me : If I have re- 
 " tained his Sins, retain thou mine: If I have 
 " not loofed my Neighbour, do not thou loofe 
 " my Offences: What Meafure I have meted to 
 " him, meafure thou to me again." It was 
 with this Argument that he induced the People 
 to {hew Mercy to their great Enemy Eutropius, 
 when he was fled for Sandtuary to the Altar. 
 How will you be able to take the Holy Sacra- 
 ment into your Hands, and ufe the Words of 
 that Prayer, wherein we are commanded to fay, 
 Forgive us our Trefpaffes, as we forgive them that 
 trefpafs againft us, if you exa£b Punifhment of 
 your Debtor? In another Place [x] he tells them 
 if they forgave their Enemies, they might then 
 come with a pure Confcience to the Holy and 
 Tremendous Table, and boldly fay the Words 
 
 contained in that Prayer, Forgive us, as we for- 
 give. But if they retained Anger or Malice in 
 their Hearts [jy], they were no fitter to par- 
 take of that Holy Table than Fornicators, or 
 Adulterers, or Blafphemcrs. For how canftthou 
 defire God to be gracious and merciful to thee, 
 who art fo implacable and inexorable to thy 
 Fellow-Servant? Admit he has injured and af- 
 fronted thee. Haft thou not often injured and 
 affronted God ? And what Compavifon is there 
 betwixt the Lord and a Servant? It may be al- 
 fo thy Fellow-Servant was firft injured by thee, 
 and only returned the Complement, and payed 
 thee in thy own kind, and thou art incenfed at 
 that: But thou, without any Injury or Provo- 
 cation received from God, treateft him contu- 
 melioufly j nay, not only when He docs thee no 
 Harm, but when He daily loads thee with Blef- 
 fings, and continually pours forth his Benefits 
 upon thee. He adds [z], that this Sin of Ma- 
 lice and Revenge was the more dangerous and 
 inexcufable, becaufe it had none of the little Pleas 
 which were commonly urged in the Behalf of o- 
 ther Sins, to be offered in its Favour. If I bid 
 you faft, you plead the Excufe of bodily Infir- 
 mity j if I bid you give to the Poor, you plead 
 Poverty your felf, and the Care of your own 
 Children: If I call upon you to attend divine 
 Worfhip, you pretend the Avocations of world- 
 ly Care and fecular Bufinefs j If I bid you hear 
 Sermons, and confider the Power of the Do&rine 
 contained in them, you plead Difability and 
 want of Learning to underftand them; If I ad- 
 vife you to admonifh. and correct your Brother, 
 you tell me, he will not hearken to your Coun- 
 felj you have admoniftied him, and he defpifes 
 you. Thefe are but cold Excufes, yet they are 
 Excufes in fomc fort. But if I bid you lay afide 
 your Anger, which of thefe Excufes can you 
 make? You cannot plead bodily Tnfirmity, nor 
 Poverty, nor Want ofUnderftanding, nor Want 
 of Time and Leifure from worldly Bufinefs, nor 
 any other fuch Excufe : Therefore this of all o- 
 thers is a moft unpardonable Sin. How then 
 will you hold up your Hands to Heaven, or 
 move your Tongue, or ask Pardon of your Sins, 
 when if God were difpofed to pardon them, you 
 will not fuffer him to do it, while you refufe 
 to pardon the Offence of your Fellow- Servant ? 
 Having ufed thefe and many other excellent Ar- 
 guments to fhew Men the Neceftity of Recon- 
 ciliation and mutual Forgivenefs, when they came 
 to the Holy Communion, which is the Cove- 
 nant of Forgivenefs, and Peace with God and 
 Man, he takes notice of two Evafions, which 
 fome Men ufed in this Cafe to palliate and folter 
 ftill fomething of an ill-natured Temper, and 
 make it feem confident with their Duty. Some 
 were indeed afraid to fay thofe Words of the 
 Lord's Prayer, Forgive us our Trefpaffes, as we 
 forgive them that trefpafs againft us ; as being fen- 
 fible it was no better than curfing themfelves, 
 
 [»] Chryf. Horn. 16. in Mat. p. 166. [/] Chryf. Horn. 3. t. f. p. $70. [*] Chry£ Horn. 27. in Gen. p. 35-8. 
 
 in EpheCp. ioyi. Horn. 22. de Ira. t. 1. p. 288. [«] Chryl. [y] Horn. 22. de Ira. t. 1. p. 277. [z,] Ibid. p. 282. 
 Horn, in Eutrop. t. 4.. p. Horn. 38. de Pcenitent. 81 Euchar. 
 
 Vol. I. Mmmmmm while 
 
822 
 
 The Antiquities of the 
 
 BookXV 
 
 while they continued in fuch an evil Difpofition: 
 And therefore they only faid the firft Claufe, 
 Forgive us our Trefpajfes, and drop'd the fecond, 
 which contains the Condition of their forgiving 
 others : And they were fo vain as to think, this 
 was a fufficient Salvo to their Confciences, and 
 a Security againft the Menaces that were threat- 
 ned to a revengeful Temper. To whom he re- 
 plies [«], That this was but a vain Caution, 
 for whether they faid the Words or not, God 
 would deal with them according to their Acti- 
 ons j Chrift having told them in the very next 
 Words, If you forgive not Men their 7refpaJ/es, 
 neither will your Heavenly Father forgive you your 
 Vrefpajfes. Others excufed themfelves by faying, 
 I bear no Hatred or Malice againft my Enemy, 
 I am not concerned or troubled at his Enmity, 
 I will have nothing to do with him. But fays 
 Cbryfoftom^ this is not enough, that thou wilt 
 give him no Trouble, that thou wilt do him no 
 harm, that thou wilt bear no rancorous Mind 
 againft him j but thou mult endeavour to reftore 
 him to a friendly Temper. For God has not 
 commanded us to have nothing to do with our 
 Enemy, but to have many things to do with 
 him. For this Reafon he is our Brother: and 
 for this Reafon God faid not, Forgive thy 
 Brother what thou haft againft him} but 
 Go, and be reconciled to him^ if he hath ought a- 
 gainfi thee ; and ceafe not, till thou haft brought 
 that Member to its proper Harmony and Con- 
 cord. He has alfo there [£] thefe remarkable 
 Words, I tell you before, I proteft, I proclaim 
 it aloud, Let no Man that has an Enemy, come 
 to the Holy Table, and receive the Body of 
 the Lord. Let no Man come that has an Ene- 
 my. Haft thou an Enemy? come not. Wouldft 
 thou come ? Be reconciled, and then come and 
 receive the Holy Body. Thy Lord, to recon- 
 cile thee to his Father, refufed not to be flain, 
 and fhed his Blood for thy Sake : And wilt not 
 thou fpeak a Word, nor go to make the firft 
 Offer, to reconcile thy Fellow-Servant? This 
 he fays to thofe, who thought it below them, 
 and an A& of Pufillanimity and Difgrace, to 
 feem to make the firft Step toward reconciling 
 an Enemy, by being firft in the Offer and Mo- 
 tion of Peace. But he affures them it was a 
 Duty, and an honourable Duty, thus to imitate 
 Chriftin a charitable Condefcenfion ? And what- 
 ever might be the Effe& of it here, it would 
 have a double and a triple Crown hereafter. Fi- 
 nally he tells them with a folemn Proteftation 
 0], in the Clofe of all, that if after Forty Days 
 Warning he found any ftill perfift irreconcilable 
 to one another, he would no longer ufe Admo- 
 nitions, but proceed to feverer Methods, and 
 order them to be kept back from the Holy 
 Myfteries, till they ftiould amend their Fault, 
 and come to the Holy Table with a pure Con- 
 fcience, which was the only proper Way to 
 partake of the Communion. 
 
 These were fome of thofe ne- sect. xiv. 
 ceffary Qualifications they requi- °f their Beha ' 
 red in Men before they came to viour . at the , <?»- 
 
 ■ t t i a i mumon and after- 
 
 the Holy Communion. And at war j^ 
 the Time of Celebration, the ve- 
 ry Offices of the Church were fo framed as to 
 elevate Mens Souls to the higheft Pitch of Reve- 
 rence, Devotion and Thankfulnefs to God for 
 his Mercies in the Sacrifice of Chrift his only 
 Son. To which purpofe the Reader may re- 
 collect what has been faid of the great Thankf- 
 giving in the Confecration of the Eucharifi-, and 
 the Surfum Corda, or Call to lift up their Hearts 
 to the Lord j and of the Seraphical Hymns and 
 Angelical Glorifications intended to fet forth 
 the Praifes of God in this excellent Myftery. 
 To which may be added that Advice of Origen 
 [/], That Men fhould approach it with the 
 profoundeft Humility, imitating the good Cen- 
 turion, and faying, Lord I am not worthy that thou 
 Jhouldft come under my Roof. That they fhould 
 then quit all Thoughts of earthly Things, and 
 confider they were then in the midft of Che- 
 rubims and Seraphims, Angels and Archangels, 
 and all the Powers above. For this Myfte- 
 ry, [tf] in Chryfoftom\ Phrafe, turns Earth in- 
 to Heaven. Open the Gates of Heaven, and 
 feej or rather not Heaven, but the Heaven of 
 Heavens, and then you fhall fee what I fay. 
 For that which is the moft honourable of all 
 Things there, that I will now fhew you upon the 
 Earth} not Angels, or Archangels, not the 
 Heavens, or the Heaven of Heavens, but the 
 Lord of them all, whom you not only fee, but 
 touch, and eat, and carry Home with you. 
 Therefore upon this he grounds feveral excellent 
 Exhortations. Let us become Eagles [/] and 
 fly up to him in Heaven} let us have nothing 
 to do with the Earth, but look upward to the 
 Sun of Righteoufnefs } let us not receive him 
 with polluted Hands, but come to him with 
 Reverence and all imaginable Purity 5 faying, By 
 this Body I am no longer Earth and Afhes } I 
 am no longer a Captive, but free : For this I 
 hope to receive Heaven and all the good Things 
 therein, Immortal Life, the Condition of Angels, 
 the Society of Chrift. Cleanfe therefore and wafh 
 thy Soul, prepare thy Mind for the Reception 
 of thefe Myfteries. If the Son of a King in all 
 his Ornamental Robes, his Purple and his Dia- 
 dem, were put into thy Hands to carry, thou 
 wouldft contemn all earthly Things. But now 
 thou receiveft not the Son of a Mortal King, 
 but the Only-begotten Son of God : And art 
 thou not afraid ftill to retain the Love of world- 
 ly Things ? Why is not this Ornament alone fuf- 
 ficient for thee, but thou muft yet needs, look 
 to the Earth, and be in love with Riches? Know- 
 eft thou not that thy Lord has an Averfion to 
 all the Pomp and Magnificence of this Life? 
 Was he not therefore born of a poor M.other, 
 and at his Birth laid in a Manger? And was 
 
 [a] Ibid. p. 189. 0] Ibid. p. 1%. [<] Ibid. [«] Chryf. Horn. 14. in x Cor. p. 38. [/] Ibid. p. 
 
 294. [4] Orig. Horn. f, de Divcrfis. t, 2. p. 441. ftf. & 738. 
 
 not 
 
Chap. VIII. 
 
 Christian Church 
 
 82? 
 
 not his Anfwer this, to the Man who thought 
 to make a gain of his Service, 7#<? Son of Man hath 
 not -where to lay his Head? Let us therefore imi- 
 tate him j and paffing by the Beauty of Pillars 
 and Marbles, let us feek for Manfions in Hea- 
 ven above > and trampling upon all worldly 
 Pride, and the love of Riches, let us take to 
 our felves lofty Souls, and mind the Things 
 that are on high. When you come to the holy 
 Table and the facred Myftcrics, fays he [g] in 
 another Place, do it with Fear and Reverence, 
 with a pure Confcience, with Falling and Prayer. 
 Confider what a Sacrifice you partake of, what 
 a Table you approach unto. Confider, that 
 thou who art but Duft and Allies, received the 
 Body and Blood of Chrift. God calls thee to 
 his own Table, and fets before thee his Sonj 
 where the Angelical Powers ftand about with Fear 
 and Trembling, and the Cherubims cover their Fa- 
 ces, and the Seraphims cry with Reverence, Ho- 
 ly, Holy, Holy, Lord of Hofis. Let us therefore 
 come with the greateft Reverence alfo, and give 
 Thanks, and fall down and confefs our Sins, and 
 with Tears bewail our Offences, and offer up 
 fervent Prayers to God. And fo purifying our 
 felves in Quietnefs and decent Order, let us come 
 as to an heavenly King j and receiving the Ho- 
 ly and Immaculate Sacrifice, let us kits and em- 
 brace it with our Mouths and Eyes, and there- 
 with warm our Souls > that we come not to- 
 gether to Judgment and Condemnation, but to 
 create in us Sobriety of Mind, and Charity and 
 Virtue, and reconcile our felves to God, and ob- 
 tain a lafting Peace, and whatever other Blef- 
 lings arife from thence j that we may both fan&i- 
 fy our felves and edify our Neighbours. 
 
 And as they thus taught Men, with what Ve- 
 neration and ferious Deportment they ought to 
 behave themfelves at the Lord's Table •, fo they 
 endeavoured to make lafting Impreflions of Vir- 
 tue upon Men's Minds by this Argument, fhew- 
 ing them what Obligations of Holinefs and Pu- 
 rity the Reception of the Body and Blood of 
 Chrift laid upon every Member of the Body, and 
 every Faculty of the Soul. It was an Oblation 
 of their Bodies and Souls to God ; it was an Oath, 
 or Bond and Covenant to do no Evil, but to ex- 
 ercife themfelves in all manner of Virtue, as Pli- 
 ny [h~] reprefents it from the Mouths of fome 
 Chriftians. Therefore Chryfoftom elegantly re- 
 prefents it as an Obligation laid upon every 
 Member of the Body, the Hands, the Eyes, the 
 Lips and Tongue, the Heart and Soul efpecially, 
 to abftain from all Pollution and Impurity of Sin. 
 Thou fafteft, before thou doft communicate, 
 that thou may'ft appear worthy [t] : And doft 
 thoudeftroy all after Communicating, when thou 
 oughteft to be more temperate? I do not enjoyn 
 thee to faft, but to abftain from Luxury and 
 all the evil Effects of it, immoderate Laughter, 
 diforderly Words, pernicious Jefting, foolilh and 
 vain Difcourfe, and whatever a Chriftian ought 
 
 not to fpeak, who has been entertained at Chrift's 
 Table, and touched his Flefh with his Tongue: 
 Whoever thou art therefore, purify thy Hands, 
 thy Lips and thy Tongue, which have been the 
 Gates at which Chrift ecrer'd into thee. When thou 
 litteft down to a common Table, remember that 
 fpiritual Table, and call to mind that Supper of 
 the Lord. Confider \k~] what words thy Mouth 
 hath fpoken, Words worthy of fuch a Table, 
 what Things thy Mouth hath touched and ta- 
 iled, what Meat it has fed upon. Doft thou 
 think it no harm with that Mouth to fpeak e- 
 vil of and revile thy Brother? How canlt thou 
 call him Brother? If he is not thy Brother, 
 how couldft thou fay, Our Father? For that im- 
 plies more Perfons than one. Confider with 
 whom thou ftoodft in the time of the Holy My- 
 fteriesj with Cherubims, with Seraphims. But 
 the Cherubims ufe no Reviling. Their Mouth 
 is filled with one Office, Glorifying and Praifing 
 God. How then canft thou fay with them, Ho- 
 ly, Holy, Holy, who ufeft thy Mouth to Revi- 
 ling? Tell me, if there were a royal Veffel, al- 
 ways filled with royal Dainties, and fet apart 
 only for this Ufej and one ot the Servants fhould 
 ufe it to put Dung inj would he dare after 
 that to put it, thus filled with Dung, among the 
 other Veffels appointed for royal Ufe? No, cer- 
 tainly. Yet this is the very Cafe of Railing and 
 Reviling. You fay at the Holy Table, Our Fa- 
 ther, and then immediately add, which art in 
 Heaven. This Word raifes you up, and gives 
 Wings to your Soul, and fhews that you have 
 a Father in Heaven. Therefore do nothing, 
 fpeak nothing of earthly Things. He hath pla- 
 ced you in the Order of Spirits above, and ap- 
 pointed you a Station in that Quire. Why then 
 do you draw your felf downward ? You ftand 
 by the Royal Throne, and do you revile your 
 Brother? How are you not afraid, left the King 
 fhould take it as an Affront offered to himfelf ? 
 If a Servant beats or reviles another in our Pre- 
 fence, who are but his Fellow-Servants, though 
 he does it juftly, we rebuke him for it. And 
 dare you ftand before the Royal Throne, and 
 revile your Brother? See you not thefe holy 
 Veffels? Are they not always appropriated to 
 one peculiar Ufe? Dares any one put them to 
 any other ? But you are more Holy than thefe 
 Veffels, yea, much more Holy. Why then do 
 you pollute and defile your felf? You ftand in 
 Heaven, and do you ftill ufe Railing ? You con- 
 verfe with Angels, and do you yet revile ? You 
 are admitted to the Lord's Holy Kifs, and do you 
 yet revile? God hath honoured and adorned 
 your Mouth fo many ways, by Angelical Hymns, 
 by Food, not Angelical, but Super-angelical, by 
 his own Kiffes, and by his own Embraces, and 
 do you after all thefe revile ? Do not, I befeech 
 you. Let that which is the Caufe of fo many 
 Evils, be far from the Soul of a Chriftian. With 
 what Force and Eloquence does this holy Wri- 
 
 [g] Chryf. Horn. 51 de Nativ. Chrifti. t. f . p. 4.79. 
 [k] Id. Horn. 14,. in Ephef. p. 1127. 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 [b] Plin. lib. ic. Ep. 97. [1] Chryf. Horn. 27. in i Cor. P./67. 
 
 M m m rn m m z ter 
 
824 
 
 The Ant i quit ibs of the Book XV. 
 
 ter here fliew us the Obligation, which the Re- 
 ception of the Eucharifi lays upon Men to abftain 
 from Evil-fpeaking ? But it equally lays a Re- 
 ftraint upon all the other Members of the Body, 
 and Operations of the Soul, as well as the Tongue. 
 Which Chryfofiom excellently deduces after this 
 manner in another Place: Be grateful to thy Be- 
 nefactor by an excellent Converfation [/] ; Con- 
 fider the Greatnefs of the Sacrifice, and let that 
 ingage thee to adorn every Member of thy Bo- 
 dy. Confider what thou takeft in thy Hand, and 
 never after endure to ftrike any Man : Do not 
 difgrace that Hand by the Sin of Fighting and 
 Quarrelling, which has been honoured with the 
 Reception of fo great a Gift. Confider what 
 thou takeft in thy Hand, and keep thy Hand 
 free from all Rapines and Injuftice. Think again, 
 how thou not only receiver!: it it in thy Hand, 
 butputteft it to thy Mouth, and keep thy Tongue 
 pure from all filthy and contumelious Speech, 
 from Blafphemy and Perjury, and all Words of 
 the like Nature. For it is a mod pernicious 
 Thing, that the Tongue, which minifters in fuch 
 tremendous Myfleries, and is dyed with the Pur- 
 ple of fuch precious Blood, and made a golden 
 Sword, mould be put to the vile Practice of 
 Railing and Reviling, and fcurrilous and abufive 
 Language. Regard with Veneration the Ho- 
 nour wherewith God has honoured it } and do 
 not debafe it to fuch mean Offices of Sin. 
 Confider again, that after thy Hand and thy 
 Tongue, thy Heart receives that tremendous 
 Myftery : Then never devife any Fraud or De- 
 ceit againft thy Neighbour, but keep thy Mind 
 pure from all malicious Defigns. After the fame 
 manner guard thy Eyes and thy Ears. For is it 
 not moil abfurd, after that myftical Hymn that 
 
 was brought from Heaven by the Cherubims, to 
 defile thy Ears with the Songs of Harlots, and 
 effeminate Mufick? And what Punifhment can 
 be too great for thee, if thou fuffereft thofe Eyes, 
 which have feen the unfpeakable and venerable 
 Myfleries, to wander gazing after Harlots, and 
 committeft Adultery in thy Mind? 'Tmullian, a- 
 mong many other Arguments which he ufes a- 
 gainft a Chriftian's going to be a Spectator at the 
 Roman Games, ufes this as one, taken from the 
 fame Topick : What an Abfurdity is it [ni] for 
 a Man to go from the Church of God into the 
 Church of the Devil ? Out of Heaven, as the Say- 
 ing is, into the Mire? Firft to lift up his Hands 
 in Prayer to the Lord, and then to tofs thofe ve- 
 ry Hands to wearinefs in the Praife of a Stage- 
 Player? To make that Mouth, which was ufed 
 to fay Amen at the Holy Eucharifi, give Testi- 
 mony to a Gladiator ? To cry out, World with- 
 out End, to others befides Chrift his God ? By 
 fuch familiar Arguments drawn from the Nature 
 of the Sacrament, and the Inconfiftency of all 
 vicious Actions with the Defign, and Circum- 
 ftances, and whole Tendency of it, did the An- 
 cients endeavour to pofTefs Mens Minds with the 
 Senfe of their Duty, and their great Obligation 
 to perfevere in Holinefs, and glorify God both 
 in Body and Spirit all their Days. Which as it 
 was but their reafonable Service, fo it was the 
 only Way to make this Holy Sacrament effectual 
 to their Salvation, and ufeful in their prefent 
 State, by keeping up a perpetual and flaming 
 Love for Chrift, which qualified them for a fre- 
 quent Reception, and almoft daily Repetition of 
 it J which is the laft Thing to be confidered in 
 this whole Enquiry. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of frequent Communion, and the Times of celebrating it in the antient Church. 
 
 J T has been {hewed before, in 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 All Terfons, ex- J- fpeaking againft private and 
 
 tept Penitents under folitary MafTes, that though it be 
 
 cen/ure, antiently no w the Cuftom in the Church 
 
 obliged to receive of Rome f or the p rie fl. tQ rece i ve 
 
 %*5tt$. ^ EM fi " ith ? ut ° ther 
 
 bjthecarmsofihe Communicants, either Clergy or 
 church. Laity, how many foever be pre- 
 
 fent at the Action, yet there was 
 no fuch Cuftom ever heard of in the antient 
 Church. And tho' in moft other Churches this 
 Corruption be reformed, yet there remains a great 
 Defect: ftill uncorrected, which is the Want or 
 Neglect: of frequent Communion. I ftiall make 
 no farther Enquiry into the Caufes of this Neg- 
 lect, whether it proceed from a general Decay of 
 
 Chriftian Piety, or from a Want of ftrict Dis- 
 cipline in the Church, but only obferve that it is 
 a great Declenfion from the Zeal and Fervour of 
 the Primitive Ages. For then it is certain it was 
 both the Rule and Practice for all in general both 
 Clergy and Laity to receive the Communion e- 
 very Lord's Day, except fuch as were unqualifi- 
 ed for it either as Catechumens or Penitents, who 
 of courfe for want of a due Preparation were 
 obliged to abftain from it. Among the Apofto- 
 lical Canons there are two to this Purpofe. The 
 firft fays, If any Bifhop, Presbyter or Deacon, 
 or any other of the Clergy, does not communi- 
 cate, when the Oblation is offered [a], let him 
 fhew Caufe why he docs not, that if it be a rea- 
 fonable Caufe, he may be excufed s but if he 
 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. ii. ad Pop. Antioch. T.i.p.a66. 
 [»»] Tertul. de fpeftac. cap. if . Quale eftde Ecclefia Dei in Diaboli 
 Ecclefiam tendere? de ccelo, ut aiunt, in ccenum? illas imnus 
 quas ad Dominum extuleris, poftmodura Hiftrionem laudando fa- 
 
 tigare ? Ex ore quo Amen in fanftum protuleris, Gladiatari teftimo- 
 nium reddere ? eif tLiZvcti alii omnino dicere nifi Deo Chrifto? See- 
 more fuch Arguments in Cyprian. Ep. 36. a!, 38. p. itf. 
 [a] Can. Apoft. Can. 8. 
 
 fhew 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 825 
 
 fhcw no Caufc, let him be excommunicated as 
 giving Scandal to the People, and raifing Sufpi- 
 cion againft him that offers. And the next Ca- 
 non fays, If any of the Faithful come to Church 
 to hear the Scriptures read, and ftay not to join 
 in the Prayers and receive the Communion, let 
 them be excommunicated, as the Authors of Dif- 
 ordcr in the Church. The Council of Antioch, 
 which was held in the Middle of the fourth Cen- 
 tury, repeats rhis Decree: Let all thofe be call 
 out of the Church, who [b~\ come to hear the 
 Scriptures read in the Church, but do not com- 
 municate with the People in Prayer, or diforder- 
 ly turn away from the Participation of the Eu- 
 charift, till by Confeflion and Fruits of Repen- 
 tance and Interceflion they have obtained Par- 
 don. Thefe Canons fhew, that as often as they 
 met together for Divine Service on the Lord's 
 Day, they were obliged to receive the Eucharifi 
 under Pain of Excommunication. And all other 
 Canons which fpeak of the Order of Divine Ser- 
 vice, plainly fhcw that the Celebration of the 
 Eucharift was always one infcparable Part of it. 
 The Council of Laodicea [c~], as has been often 
 noted before, defcribes the whole in this Order. 
 Firft after the Sermon the Prayers of the Cate- 
 chumens, and then the Prayers of the Penitents, 
 and after their Departure, the Prayers of the 
 Faithful, and then the Kifs of Peace, and laft of 
 all the Offering of the Holy Oblation. And all 
 fuch Canons as forbid the Penitents to be Par- 
 takers of the Eucharifi do plainly fuppofe 
 all the reft of the People to be Partakers of it. 
 And if any Man did not partake of it, it was an 
 Intimation either that he was doing Penance, or 
 at lead was confeious to himfclf of fome great 
 Crime, for which he ought to do Penance: For 
 no others were allowed to abftain from the con- 
 front Participation of the Eucharifi. All they 
 that do not communicate, fays St. Chryfoftom [<?], 
 are Penitents : If thou art of the Number of 
 thofe who do Penance, thou mayft not partake. 
 For whoever does not partake, is one of that 
 Number. Which implies, that all were obliged 
 conftantly to communicate, who were not doing 
 Penance publickly or privately for their Offen- 
 ces. And this was fo much the Practice of thofe 
 Days, that the Council of Either is [/] orders, 
 that they who would not communicate, fhould 
 not be allowed to make their Oblations. Which 
 was a Sort of Excommunication of them. For 
 the Oblations and the Eucharifi commonly went 
 together. The firft Council of Toledo [g] or- 
 ders thofe who come to Church, but neglect to 
 communicate, to be admonifhed : And if they 
 amend not upon Admonition, then to be reduced 
 to the State of formal Penance for their Crime. 
 It were no hard Matter to fhew the like Pre- 
 
 fcriptions in many other [h~] Councils, but thefe 
 are fufficient to fhew what was the ftanding Rule 
 of the firft Ages, as to Mens Obligations to be 
 conftant in receiving the Communion once a 
 Week in their folemn Affembly on the Lord's 
 Day. 
 
 And if we run over the whole sect. TI. 
 Hiftory of the three firft Ages, This Jl,emd to be 
 wc fhall find this to have been f'T'T'fn 
 the Church s conltant Practice. Ates% 
 Ignatius exhorts the Ephefians [t] 
 to be diligent in affembling frequently to cele- 
 brate the Eucharifi^ and glorify God. For when 
 ye often meet together, ye demolifh the Power 
 of Satan j and the Harmony of your Faith de- 
 ftroys the Deftruction which he meditates againft 
 you. This Frequency of Communion may rea- 
 ibnably be fuppofed to be then, according to the 
 known Practice, once a Week, on every Lord's 
 Day. For on this Day, (as Pliny, who was Co- 
 temporary with Ignatius, informs us [£], from 
 the Teftimony and ConfefTions of fome Chrifti- 
 ans, whom he as Proconful of Bithynia examin- 
 ed) they were ufed to meet before it was Light 
 by reafon of the Perfecutions, and then not on- 
 ly fing Hymns to Chrift their God, but alfo to 
 bind themfelves by a Sacrament againft the Com- 
 miffion of all manner of Wickednefs. Juflin 
 Martyr fays [/] more exprelsly in his Apology to 
 the Emperors, that on the Day called Sunday 
 they were all ufed to meet together both out of 
 City and Country, and hold a religious Affembly 
 in this manner : Firft a Reader read the Writings 
 of the Prophets and Apoftles : Then the Prefi- 
 dent of the Affembly made a Sermon j after 
 which they all rofe up to common Prayers j and 
 when thofe were ended, Bread and Wine were 
 brought to the Prefident, who confecrated them 
 with Prayer and Thankfgiving, to which all the 
 People faid Amen. Then all the prefent Mem- 
 bers participated of the Eucharifi, and it was car- 
 ried to the Abfent by the Deacons. The like 
 Account is given by Clemens of Alexandria, when 
 he fays \m\ that as foon as the Bread was broken 
 in the Celebration of the Eucharift, they permit- 
 ted every one of the People to take Share of it. 
 And we fhall prefently fee more of this Cuftom 
 of communicating every Lord's Day in the Wri- 
 tings of Tertullian, and Cyprian, and Eufebius, and 
 many others, who fpeak of other Days as well 
 as the Lord's Day, appropiated in fome Churches 
 to this Service: But about thefe the Cuftom va- 
 ried : For on other Days fome Churches cele- 
 brated the Eucharift, and others did not} but on 
 the Lord's Day it was univerfally celebrated in 
 all Churches, and never omitted by any Affembly 
 of Chriftians whatfoever. In fo much that fome 
 
 [b] Cone. Antioch. can. 2. [c] Cone. Laodic. can. 19. 
 
 8c 49. [</] Vide Cone. Nicen. can. 1 1. 8c 15. Cone. Ancyr. 
 
 can. 4., f, 6. Koivwvr\Tco(Tctv S^'ty^et <w(>$<r$o (£.<;. [e] Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 5. in Ephef. p. toy 1. [/] Cone. Eliber. Can. 28. 
 
 Placuit ab his qui non communicant, Epifcopos munera accipire 
 non debere. [g\ Cone. Tolet. 1. can. 13. De his qui in- 
 
 trant in Ecclefiam, £c deprehenduntur nunquam communicare, ad- 
 
 moneantur. Quod li non communicant, ad Pcenitentiam accedant, 
 [6] Vid. Cone. Matifcon. 2. can. 4. Cone. AntilTiodor. can. 39. 
 [i] Ignat. Ep. ad Ephef. n. 13. <m>sJ'a£i}; nvuvlnejiv <rt/c?p- 
 y'e/t&t «f ooya&t^'ietv. &c. [£] P!in. lib. 10. Ep. 97. 
 
 [/] Juftin. Apol. 2. p. 97, & 9S. [m\ Clem. Sirom. 1. 
 
 p. 318. Vid. Cone. Laodic. can. 49. Innocent. Ep. 1. ad Decent. 
 Gaudent. Ser. 2. de Paich2. 
 
 have 
 
82tf 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 have obferved [»] out of Chryfoftom [o], that 
 Sunday was antiently among other Names called 
 Dies Panis, the Day of Bread, becaufe the Break- 
 ing of Bread was fo general a Cuftom in the 
 Church on that Day. 
 
 sect. III. As to other Days, we may ob- 
 Tbe Eucharift ce- out of Tertullian, that in his 
 
 lebmted on other t h e y not only received the 
 
 f&5RJS Eucharift on Sunday! j>] in.their 
 JSSt " Morning Aflimbl.es before Day, 
 but alfo at other Times on other 
 Days-, particularly on the Anniverfary Feftivals 
 of the Martyrs j and the fifty Days between Ea- 
 fter and Pentecoft, which were but one continued 
 Feftival j and all their Stationary Days, that is, 
 IVednefdays and Fridays in every Week through- 
 out the Year. Thefe Things are not commonly 
 obferved by Writers on this Subjed, but they 
 add confiderably to the Argument about frequent 
 Communion. 'TertuWan fays exprefsly of thefe 
 Stationary Days, that they were always obferved 
 with Receiving the Eucharift. For he tells fome, 
 who objected againft it on thefe Days, That their 
 Station would be fo much the more folemn [?] 
 for their Standing at the Altar. And whereas 
 they fcrupled to communicate becaufe they were 
 afraid that Receiving the Eucharift would be a 
 breaking of their Faft : (For thefe were Semi- 
 jejunia, Half Fafts, which they obferved till three 
 in the Afternoon :) He takes away [r] this Scru- 
 ple alfo, and tells them, that Receiving the Eu- 
 charift would be fo far from breaking their Faft, 
 that it would the more recommend it to God, 
 and by doing this they would perfeftly perform 
 both Duties together. St. Bafil [s] agrees with 
 Tertullian in making the Stationary Days not on- 
 ly Faft Days, but Days of Communion. For 
 reckoning four Days in the Week on which they 
 received the Communion, he counts IVednefdays 
 and Fridays with Saturdays and Sundays, to com- 
 plcat the Number. And Socrates [t] notes it as 
 a peculiar Cuftom in the Church of Alexandria, 
 that though they had religious AfTemblies on 
 thefe Days, and all other Divine Service per- 
 formed on them, yet they had not the Commu- 
 nion. Which Exception implies, that to receive 
 the Communion on thofe Days, was the general 
 Cuftom of other Churches. 
 
 Tertullian as plainly intimates that they receiv- 
 ed the Communion upon all the Feftivals of the 
 
 Martyrs [«]. And the fame is noted by Cyprian 
 \x\ and Chryfoftom [j], and Sidonius Apollinaris 
 [z]. The Paflages have been cited at large in 
 another Place [*], and therefore I need not here 
 repeat them. Tertullian [a~] fays farther, that the 
 fifty Days of Pentecoft, or all the Days between 
 Eafter and Pentecoft, were one continued Feftival. 
 And fince all Feftivals were Communion Days, 
 we may conclude that the Communion was cele- 
 brated every Day during this Interval. 
 
 Saturday alfo, or the Sabbath, in every Week, 
 was obferved as a religious Feftival in many Chur- 
 ches. And therefore on this Day likewife they 
 generally received the Communion. This is ex- 
 prefsly laid by Socrates [b~], and Cajfian [c], and 
 St. Bafil [d~\, and 'Timothy of Alexandria \ e\ and 
 St. Auftin [/], and the Author of the Apoftolical 
 Conftitutions [g], and the Council of Laodicea \h~]. 
 I have already [t] produced the feveral Tefti- 
 monies of thefe Writers at large upon another 
 Occafion, and therefore it is mfficient here to 
 make a fhort Reference to them. By all this it 
 appears undeniably, that in many Churches they 
 had the Communion four times every Week, on 
 Wednefdays, Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays, be- 
 fides incidental Feftivals, which were very fre- 
 quent, for as Chryfoftom [z] tells us, there was 
 fcarce a Week pafled in the Year but they had 
 one or two Commemorations of Martyrs. 
 
 But we are affured farther, sect. IV. 
 that in fome Places they received And in fome vkces 
 the Communion every Day. St. every Day. 
 Auftin fays \_k] in fome Places on- 
 ly on the Saturday and the Lord's Day ; and in 
 other Places only on the Lord's Day. For this 
 was left to the Liberty of every Church: But 
 they that communicated the feldomeft, did it at 
 leaft every Lord's Day. So again [/], The Sa- 
 crament of his Body, the Church and its Unity, 
 is in fome Places prepared and taken every Day 
 at the Lord's Table ; in other Places only on cer- 
 tain Days with an Interval of Time between 
 them. In the greater Churches probably they 
 had it every Day, in the lefler only once or twice 
 a Week. Carthage feems to have been one of 
 thofe Churches which had it every Day [m] from 
 the Time of Cyprian. For Cyprian and Auftin 
 [»] after him fpeak of it as the Cuftom of that 
 Church to receive it Daily, unlefs they were un- 
 der fome fuch grievous Sin as feparated them. 
 
 r»l See Bilhop Taylor'i conftant Commun. p. 462. [0] ChryC 
 Horn. «• • de Refur. in Edit. Latinis. [/>] Tertul. de Coron. 
 
 Mil cap 3. Antelucanis ccetibus Euchariftiam fumimus, 8cc. 
 r a l Tertul. de Orat. cap. 14.. Nonne folennior erit ftatio tua, fi 
 & ad aram Dei fteteris? [r] Ibid. Ergo devotum Deo ob- 
 
 fequium Euchariftia refolvit, an magis Deo obligat? [j] Bafil. 
 Ep 219. ad Cxfaream Patriciam. T. 3. p. 27 s - M Socrat - 
 
 lib ' cap. 21. [«] Tertul. de Coron. cap. J, [*] Cypr. 
 
 Ep 12. al. 37. Ep. 39- A 34- W Ch ^ { - Hom - «>' de Mart y r J 
 
 p 779 . [*] Sidon. lib. f. Ep. 17 . [*] Book XIII. 
 
 Chap ix. n.j. O ] Tertul. de Coron. cap. 3 . De Idololat. 
 
 cap 14 [*] Socrat - lib -f- ca P-"- lib ' 6 - ca P- 8, 
 
 r e K CaflTian. Inftit. lib. 3. cap. 2. [ d ] Bafil. Ep- 289. 
 
 le] Timoth. Can. 1 3. [/] Aug. Ep. 1 18. ] Con- 
 
 ftit. lib. 2. cap. 5*9, [h] Cone. Laodic. Can. 49. [f] Book 
 XIII. Chap. ix. w.3. [ij Hom. 40. in Juventin. T. 1. p. $4.6. 
 
 Hom.6j\ de Martyr, &c. [k] Aug. Ep. 118. ad Januar. 
 
 cap. 2. Alii quotidie communicant corpori St fanguini Dominico, 
 alii certis diebus accipiunt: alibi nullus dies intermittitur quo non 
 offeratur, alibi Sabbato tantum 8c Dominico : alibi tantum Domini- 
 co, &c. [/] Id. Trad. 26. in Joan. p. 94. Hujus rei Sacra- 
 mentum, id eft, unitatis corporis 8c fanguinis Chrifti alicubi quo- 
 tidie, alicubi certis intervallis dierum in Dominica menfa prxpara- 
 tur 8c fumitur. See alfo Aug. Ser. 29. de Verb. Dom. al. 5-. in Ap- 
 pendice. It. lib. 2. de Serm. Dom. in monte. cap. 7. T. 4. 
 [w] Cypr. de Orat. Dom. p. 147. Euchariftiam quotidie ad cibum 
 falutis accipimus, 8tc. [»] Aug. de Dono Perfeveranti*. 
 cap. f . 
 
 from 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 827 
 
 from the Body of Chrift, and kept them as Pe- 
 nitents from Communicating. Therefore Cypri- 
 an gives this as one Senfe or that Petition in the 
 Lord's Prayer, Give us this Day our Daily Bread, 
 as if it might be understood in the fpiritual Senfe, 
 as well as the natural, as a Petition to be Daily- 
 fed with the Flefh of Chrift in the Eucharift, 
 which was the Bread of Life. In another Place 
 [0] he exhorts the Martyrs to prepare themfelves 
 for the Fight of Perfeeution, confidering that 
 they therefore drink the Cup of Chrift's Blood 
 every Day, that they may be able to fhed their 
 Blood for Chrift. Therefore, fays he [p] a lit- 
 tle after, Let us arm our Hand with that fpiri- 
 tual Sword, that it being mindful of the Eucha- 
 rift, (the Chriftian Sacrifice) may valiantly refufe 
 thofc abominable and deadly Sacrifices of the 
 Heathen ; Let that Hand, which has received 
 the Body of the Lord, embrace the Lord him- 
 felf, being afterward to receive the Reward of 
 an eternal Crown from the Lord in Heaven. To 
 which may be added what he fays in another 
 Place [7], That the Priefts who celebrated the 
 Daily Sacrifices of God, did alfo prepare the 
 Martyrs to offer themfelves as Vi&ims and Obla- 
 tions unto God. Where by the Daily Sacrifice 
 he certainly means the Eucharift, which is often 
 called the Daily Sacrifice [r] by the Ancients, 
 for the fame Reafon as the Lord's Prayer is cal- 
 led the Daily Prayer, becaufe they were both 
 daily celebrated at the Altar. St. Jerom aflures 
 us [j] it was the Cuftom at Rome for the Faith- 
 ful to receive the Body of Chrift every Day. 
 Which he neither abfolutely commends, nor dif- 
 allows, but leaves every Man to abound in his 
 own Senfe, only requiring Men to receive it with 
 due Preparation. In another Place [/] he fays, 
 it was not only the Cuftom at Rome, but of the 
 Spanijh Church to communicate every Day. And 
 to one who propofed the Queftion to him as a 
 Cafe of Confcience, Whether he ought to com- 
 municate every Day? he gives this Anfwer, That 
 the Cuftoms and Traditions of every Church, 
 which did not prejudice the Faith, were to be 
 obferved in fuch manner as they were handed 
 down by their Forefathers j and the Cuftom of 
 one Church was not to prefcribe to, or over- 
 throw the contrary Cuftom of another. And he 
 wiih.es that all Men might receive the Eucharift 
 every Day, provided they might do it with Con- 
 demnation and Pricks of Confcience for unwor- 
 thy Receiving. Which is the fame Refolution 
 as St. Auftin gave in the Queftion : For having 
 ftated the Arguments on both Sides, for and 
 againft daily Receiving} the one Pleading, That 
 
 Men ought to abftain for a few Days, that they 
 might prepare to receive more worthily when 
 they came to it : And the orther arguing, That 
 unlefs their Sins were fuch as deferved Excom- 
 munication, and the Cure of a more folemn Re- 
 pentance, they ought not to feparate themfelves 
 from the Daily Medicine of Chrift's Body - y he 
 divides the Matter between them, determining 
 that each Party might air. according as their own 
 Judgment and Faith in this Cafe pioufly directed 
 them. For neither of them [u] intended to dis- 
 honour the Body and Blood of the Lord, whilft 
 they ftrove earneftly who fhould do the grcatcft 
 Honour to the Holy Sacrament of their Salva- 
 vation. In like manner as Zacchaus and the Cen- 
 turion were at no Variance between themfelves, 
 neither did the one prefer himfelf before the 
 other, when the one received the Lord into his 
 Houfe Rejoycing, and the other faid, Lord, I 
 am not worthy that thou Jhouldft come under my 
 Roof: For they both really honoured their Savi- 
 our, though in a different, and as it were, in a 
 contrary Way, being both miferable in their Sins, 
 and both alike obtaining Mercy. So it is with 
 Pious Chriftians in this Cafe j The one out of 
 Honour dares not receive the Sacrament every 
 Day, and the other out of Honour dares not let 
 any Day pafs without Receiving it. This was 
 an holy Strife indeed, and we fee the Difpute 
 was not, Whether they fhould receive it only once 
 or twice a Year, but whether they fhould re- 
 ceive it once or twice a Week, or rather every 
 Day. We have heard Gennadius fay before (V)> 
 that he neither praifes nor difpraifes Receiving 
 the Eucharift every Day, but he perfuades and 
 exhorts all to receive it every Lord's Day, if their 
 Minds be pure from Affections to Sin. St. Am- 
 brofe was more peremptory in his Advice to re- 
 ceive it every Day. If it be our daily Bread \_y], 
 fays he, why doft thou receive it once a Year 
 only, as the Greeks are ufed to do in the Eaft ? 
 Receive that daily, which is for thy daily Ad- 
 vantage: And fo live that thou mayft deferve 
 daily to receive it. He that does not deferve to 
 receive it every Day, does not deferve to receive 
 it after a Year. Again [z], I ought always to 
 receive that which is fhed for the Remiffion of 
 Sins, that my Sins may always be forgiven me : 
 I that am always finning, ought always to have 
 my Medicine at hand, as he that has a Wound, 
 feeks without delay for a Cure. St. Ambrofe here 
 is very plain, that the Communion was admini- 
 ftred daily in the Wcftern Church, but he feems 
 to reflect upon the Greek Church, as if they had 
 left off" that Cuftom. But he is to be interpre- 
 
 [°] CyP r - Ep.36. al. 38. ad Thibaritanos. p. 110. Confiderantes 
 idcirco fe quotidie calicem fanguinis Chrifti bibere, ut pofiint 8c ipfi 
 propter Chriftum fanguinem fundere. [/>] Ibid. p. itf. Ar- 
 
 memus dexteram gladio fpiritali, Sec. [9] Cypr. Ep.f4. 
 
 al. J7- ad Cornel, p. 118. Sacerdotes qui facrifkia Dei quotidie ce- 
 lebramus, hoftias Deo 8c vi&imas praeparemus. [r] So Chryf. 
 
 Horn. 3. in Ephef. p. loyi. d-veia y.ttS'Yi^'.dtvn, Jtce-3 - ' IjcarMp. 8cc. 
 [*] Hieron. Ep. 5-0. ad Pammachium. cont. Jovin. cap. 6. Scio 
 Romae hanc efTe confuetudinem, ut fidelet femper Chrifti corpus 
 accipiant : quod nec reprebendo nec probo. Unufquifque enim in 
 
 fuo fenfu abundat. [f] Ep. a8. ad Lucinium Bceticuml 
 
 De Euchariftia quod quaeris, an accipienda quotidie, quod Romanac 
 Ecclefia; 8c Hifpaniae oblervar'e perhibentur, &c. [«] Aug3 
 
 Ep. 118. ad Januar. cap. 3. [x] Gennad. de Dogmat. Ec- 
 
 clef. cap.fj. See the laji Chapter, n. 3. [^J Ambrof. dc 
 
 Sacram. lib. f. cap.4. Si quotidianus eft Panis, cur poft annum il- 
 ium fumis, quemadmodum Grxci in Oriente facere confueverunt ? 
 8cc. [z] Id. lib. 4. c. 6. Qui femper pecco, Temper debeo 
 
 habere Mcdicinam, 8cc. 
 
 ted 
 
I 
 
 828 
 
 The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 ted by St. Jujlin who fpeaks the fame 
 
 Thing, but does not charge the whole Greek 
 Church, nor any Pare of it with this Innovation, 
 but only fome particular Men in fome Parts, who 
 did not think themfelves under any Obligation 
 to receive it daily. And indeed it appears from 
 St. Chryfoflom and others, that about this time 
 many began fcandaloufly to neglect frequent 
 Communion, and contented themfelves to receive 
 once or twice a Year upon fome folemn Feftival. 
 But the Church was far from encouraging this 
 Contempt: For fhe kept ftill to the Cuftom of 
 daily Communion in many Places, and in all 
 Places to the Celebration of it on Saturday and 
 the Lord's Day, and in many Places on Wednef- 
 days and Fridays alfoj and they that were piouf- 
 ly difpofed, were conftant Communicants at thefe 
 Times } and they that were negligent and pro- 
 phane, were earneftly invited to be more fre- 
 quent in communicating j and there are many fe- 
 vere Invectives againft their Remifsnefs. Eufe- 
 bius [b~] fays exprefsly, that they celebrated the 
 Memorial of Chrift's Body and Blood, ocmijul^ai, 
 every Day. And it appears from the Council of 
 Laodicea [c] that they had it twice in the Week, 
 on Saturdays and Sundays, in Lent, and at all o- 
 ther Times of the Year more frequently. St. 
 Bafil [d~] fpeaks of four Days in the Week on 
 which it was ufual to receive the Communion, 
 befides incidental Feftivals of Martyrs. And he 
 commends it as good and ufeful to communicate 
 and participate of the Holy Body and Blood of 
 Chrift every Day, y.a& IxaViiv jj/uu^v. Palladius 
 tells us [<?] how Macarius advifed a Woman that 
 had been under the Power of Inchantment, ne- 
 ver to omit receiving the Communion, telling 
 her, that that Judgment had befaln her becaufe 
 that for five Weeks fhe had neglected to partake 
 of the Holy Myfteries. But none is more exprefs 
 in this Matter, nor more vehement againft the 
 Neglect of frequent Communion, than St. Chry- 
 foftont. He tells us fometimes that they had 
 Communions every Day for thofe that were more 
 devoutly difpofed > fometimes on the three more 
 folemn Days in the Week, Fridays, Saturdays and 
 Sundays, on which Days the whole Church was 
 expected : though for all this many came not a- 
 bove once a Year. In vain, fays he [/], is the 
 daily Sacrifice, xaShjusg/vri &uo7a, in vain do we 
 Hand at the Altar: There is none to participate. 
 He fpeaks this againft thofe who came but once 
 a Year out of mere Cuftom at fome folemn Fe- 
 ftival, whilft in the mean time the Sacrifice was 
 daily offered, though they refufed to partake of 
 it. In another place difcourfing of the Diffe- 
 rence between the Jewijb and Chriftian Pajfover 
 [g], he fays, The Jewijb Pajfover comes but once 
 a Year, but the Chrijlian Pajfover is celebrated in 
 every Synaxis or Affembly. And a little after, 
 
 Lent comes but once a Year, but the Pajfover is 
 celebrated three times a Week, and fometimes 
 four, or as often as we pleafe. Again, This is 
 what deftroys [h~] all Religion, that Men mea- 
 fure their Worthinefs not by the Purity of their 
 Souls, but by the length of Time, and take this 
 for Piety and Reverence, that they come not 
 frequently to the Lord's Table } not confidering 
 that if they come unworthily, though but once 
 a Year, they are worthy of Punifhment. It is 
 not Boldnefs to come frequently, but to come 
 unworthily, though a Man do it but once in all 
 his Life. But we are fo ftupid and infenfible as 
 to think, that when we have wallowed in Sin 
 all the Year without any Care to repent, it is 
 fufficient that we have not daily prefumed in 
 a contumelious manner to touch the Body of 
 Chrift : Not confidering that the Jews who 
 crucified Chrift, but it did once. But was 
 their Sin ever the lefs for that? And Judas be- 
 trayed him but once. But did that excufe him? 
 Why therefore do we meafure this Matter by 
 Time only? Let the feafonable Time of our co- 
 ming be a pure Confcicnce. The Communion 
 is the lame now as it is at Eajler, there is the 
 fame Grace of the Spirit, it is the Pajfover eve- 
 ry Day. The fame Sacrifice is offered on Fri- 
 days, and Saturdays, and Sundays, and the Fefti- 
 vals of the Martyrs. It is plain by all this, that 
 the Communion was celebrated ordinarily three 
 or four times a Week, if not every Day$ tho' 
 fome were fo vain as to think, they were the 
 more refpectful to it, in not coming above once 
 a Year, out of a pretended Reverence for it} who 
 yet when they did come, came only to eat it to 
 their Condemnation, for want of a Mind duly 
 prepared to receive it. Whom he thus reflects 
 upon in another Place : Many partake of this Sa- 
 crifice only once a Year, others twice, and o- 
 thers frequently. Which of thefe are the moft 
 acceptable? They only who do it with a pure 
 Confcience, with a pure Heart, with a Life un- 
 blameable. With this Qualification come [i] 
 always > without it come not fo much as once. 
 For they that do fo, take only Judgment, Con- 
 demnation and Punifhment to themfelves. This 
 he repeats over and over again in his Homilies. 
 He that is confeious to himfelf of no Crime, 
 ought to come to the Lord's Table: But if Men 
 are laden with Sin, and do not repent [£], it is 
 not fafe for them to come even once upon a Fe- 
 ftival. The Jews have their annual Memorials 
 of God's Benefits on their Feftivals, but thou 
 who art a Chriftian, haft a daily [/] Memorial, 
 as I may fay, in thefe holy Myfteries. The beft 
 Preferver of Kindneffes is the Remembrance of 
 them, and perpetual Thankfgiving for them. 
 Therefore thofe venerable and falutary Myfteries, 
 which we celebrate every Day [ni] in our Af- 
 
 [*] Aug. de Scrmone Dom. in monte, lib. 2. cap. 7. t. 4. Plu- 
 rimi in Orientalibus partibus non quotidie ccense Dominica: com- 
 municant, cum ifte panis Quotidianus didtus fit. Eufeb. 
 Demonftr. Evangel, lib. 1. cap. 10. p. 37. 0] Cone. Laodi- 
 
 cen. can. 49. [J] Bafil. Ep. 289. ad Gefaream. 0] Pallad. 
 Hift. Laufiac. cap. 19. Bibl. Patr. Gr, Lat. t. ». p. 9x3. See alfi 
 1 
 
 Caffian. Collat. 7. cap. 30. Where he /peaks of Daily Communion. 
 [/] Chryf. Horn. 3 in Eph. p. ioyi. [g] Chryf. Horn fi. 
 
 in cos qui Pafcha jejunanr, t. f. p. 705-, 8c 709. [h] Horn. f. 
 in 1 Tim. p. 15-48. [»] Chryf. Horn. 17. in Hebr. p. 1872. 
 [k] Chryf. Horn. 3'. de Philogon, t. 1. p. 4*3. [/] Horn. fi. 
 in Mat. p. 4J7. [m] Horn, 26. in Mat. p. 279. 
 
 femblie?. 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 - — 4 
 
 829 
 
 fcmblics, are called the Eucharift or Thanksgi- 
 ving: Becaufe they arc the Memorial of God's 
 Kindnefs to us. It were eafy to collect Abun- 
 dance more fuch Paflages out of this ancient Wri- 
 ter, but I will only add one Place more, where 
 he thus fliarply taxes the Peoples Negligence of 
 frequent Communion : I often obferve, fays he, 
 a great Multitude flock together [»] to hear 
 the Sermon, but when the Time of the Holy 
 Myfteries comes, I can fee few or none of them: 
 Which makes me figh from the Bottom of my 
 Heart, that when I your Fellow- Servant am dif- 
 courling to you, you are ready to tread upon one 
 another for Earneftnefs to hear, and continue 
 very attentive to the Endj but when Chrift our 
 common Lord and Matter is ready to appear in 
 the holy Myfteries, the Church is in a manner 
 empty and defcrted. What Pardon or Excufe 
 can be allowed for this? By this Neglect you 
 lofe all the Praife that is due to your Diligence 
 in Hearing. If you had hid up in your Hearts 
 what I preach to you, it would retain you in 
 the Church, and prompt you to receive the Ho- 
 ly Myfteries with Piety and Veneration: But 
 now, as if you were hearing one play upon an 
 Inftrument, the Preacher has no fooner done, 
 but ye are all gone out of the Church. This, 
 I confefs, proves that in Chryfoftoni's Days there 
 was a great Abatement of the Primitive Zeal, and 
 a great Declenfion from the Original Practice : 
 But ftill it is evident that frequent and daily 
 Communions were in fome meafure kept up by 
 the Clergy and devouter Sort of Laity, who 
 conftantly frequented them, though many care- 
 lefs Chriftians had no other Regard to them, 
 but only to come formally once or twice a Year, 
 and that with Superftition enough inftead of Re- 
 ligion, at fome of the folemn Feftivals. 
 
 sect. v. W h en Matters were come to 
 
 when firft it t jjj s Degeneracy, fome Councils 
 
 came to be fettled inftead of revivin „ tne antient 
 to Three Times , 
 
 the rear Difcipline, and quickning Men 
 
 by juftCenfuresto frequent Com- 
 munion, contented' themfelves to oblige the Lai- 
 ty to receive three Times a Year, at the three 
 great Feftivals, Chrifimas, Eafler, and Pentecoft, 
 under the Penalty of not being reputed Catho- 
 lick Chriftians, if they neglected to communi- 
 cate at thofe three noted Seafons. Thus it was 
 firft determined in the Council of Agde [0] a- 
 bout the Year fo6. And fo Things continued 
 to the Time of Charles the Great, when the third 
 Council of Tours \_p~] made a Decree to the like 
 Purpofe, An.%\i>. That all Laymen, who were 
 not under the Impediment of greater Sins, fhould 
 
 receive three Times a Year at leaft, if not more 
 frequently. And yet the Clergy continued to 
 communicate frequently with fome of the devou- 
 ter Laity every Lord's Day, as appears from the 
 Writers of that Age, particularly Rabmus Mau- 
 rus [7], and Bcrtram[r~], who fays the Sacrament 
 was adminiftred not only at the Pafchal Solem- 
 nity every Year, but on every Day throughout 
 the Year, when as yet the Corruption of private 
 and folitary Mafs did not prevail, which came 
 not in till fome Ages after. And it is remark- 
 able, that even in this Age the Council of Aix 
 la Chapelle [j] made fome Attempt to rcftore the 
 antient Pradtice to its Primitive Luftre, by re- 
 viving the Decree of the Council of Antioch y 
 which orders all fuch as come to Church to 
 hear the Scriptures, but refufe to receive the 
 Holy Communion, to be caft out of the Church, 
 till they fhould amend their Fault by Confeflion 
 and Repentance. 
 
 But the Difcafe was grown too SECT. vi. 
 epidemical and inveterate to be A,ld *fterwar& 
 eafily corrected ; and therefore ". m " * 
 
 J i \ 1 the Council of La- 
 
 in a degenerate Age the Corrup- teran> 3 
 
 tion went on and increafed, and 
 the Council of Later an under Innocent the 1 1 Id 
 added Strength and Confirmation to it> redu- 
 cing the Obligation to communicate ftill within 
 narrower Bounds. For whereas before all Men 
 were obliged to communicate at leaft three 
 Times a Year, this Council made it neceflary to 
 do it no more than once at Eafier, when every 
 Man and Woman that was come to years ot 
 Difcretion, was bound to make Auricular Con- 
 feflion of all his Sins to his own Prieft, and re- 
 ceive the Communion [/], unlefs the Prieft ad- 
 vifed that for fome reafonable Caufe he fhould 
 abftain from it. This Rule was afterward taken 
 into the Body of their Canon Law [«]. And 
 here we may Date the utter Ruin of the Anti- 
 ent and Apoftolical Practice of frequent and ge- 
 neral Communions. For from this time People 
 began to think themfelves difcharged of the 
 Duty of frequent communicating, and content- 
 ed themfelves with receiving once a Year at Ea- 
 fter, leaving their Priefts to communicate alone > 
 which quickly was attended with another Cor- 
 ruption of private and folitary Majfes, which 
 ufurped the Room of the antient general Com- 
 munions of the whole Church one with ano- 
 ther, and made the antient Prayers a perfect 
 Heap and Mafs of Abfurdities, whilft they pray- 
 ed and gave Thanks to God for the whole Con- 
 gregation as Communicants, when there was 
 not fo much as one Communicant properly fpeak- 
 
 [»] Horn. 5. de Incomprchenfibili. t. 1. p. 262. 
 [o] Cone. Agathen- can. 18. Seculares, qui in Natali Domini, Paf- 
 cha, 8c Pentecofte, non communicaverint, Catholici non credantur, 
 ncc inter, Catholicos, habeantur. [f>] Cone. Turon. 3. 
 
 can. 5-0. Ut fi non frequentius, vel ter Laici homines in anno 
 communicent, nifi forte quis majoribus criminibus impediatur. 
 [q] Raban. de Propriet. Sermonis. lib. i. cap. 10. It. de Inflit. 
 Cleric, lib. i. cap. 31. [r] Bertram.de Corp. 8c Sanguine 
 
 Dom. in Praefat. Sacraments — non folum per omnes Pafchx fo- 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 lennitates celebrantur fingulis annis, verum fingulis in anno diebus. 
 [i] Cone. Aquifgran. cap. 70. ex Cone. Antioch. can. 2. 
 [/] Cone. Lateran. 4. can. 21. Omnis utriufque Sexus fidelis, 
 poftquam ad annos difcretionis pervenerit, omnia fua lolus peccata 
 confiteatur fideliter faltem femel in anno proprio Sacercoti, 8c in- 
 junclam libi pcenitentiam ftudeat pro viribus adimpiere, fufcipiens 
 reverentur ad minus in Pafcha Euchariftise Sacramentum, 8cc. 
 [«] Decretal. Gregor. lib. j. tit. 58. de Pcenitent. & Remiffion. 
 cap. 12. 
 
 Nnnnnn 
 
 m 
 
 g 
 
8?o The Antiquities of the Book XV. 
 
 ing among them, but all mere Spectators of the 
 Pneft pretending to a£t in the Name of the 
 whole Church, and communicate in Pageantry 
 without any real Communion. This was the ge- 
 neral State of the Romijh Service at the time of 
 the Reformation, except in fome few Collegiate 
 Churches, where, if Bona [*] fay true, the Cler- 
 oy continued to communicate with the officia- 
 ting Pricft, according to antient Cuftom, with- 
 out which, he confeffes, it is hard to make in- 
 telligible Scnfe of many of their Prayers that are 
 daily ufed in their Service. 
 
 sect. vll. Some Attempt was made by 
 
 Want Attempt the fir ft Reformers to rectify 
 
 was made to reftore tnc f e Abufes, and reltore frequent 
 
 frequent and full anc j general Communions in ma- 
 
 Gommmms at the p]aces And they happily 
 
 Reformation. J . , , • n • r r -1 
 
 earned their Point io tar, as to 
 abolifh private Maps in all Places: But the 
 reftoring the antient W ay of the whole Church's 
 communicating every Lord's Day, was a Matter 
 not fo eafy to be effected j partly by reafon of the 
 Prejudices which Men had imbibed by the Pre- 
 valency and long Duration of contrary Cuftom j 
 and partly by reafon of that Affection which 
 Men retain for their Vices, which will not fuf- 
 fer them to comply with an Inftitution, that re- 
 quires a conftant Purity of Soul, and a Confci- 
 ence always void of Offence, to qualify them for 
 a worthy Reception of a weekly or daily Com- 
 munion. Cahin laboured hard at his firft com- 
 ing to Geneva to eftablifti a monthly or a weekly 
 Communion, as raoft agreeable to the Practice 
 of the Apoftles and the primitive Church : He 
 pleads earneftlyfor it in h\$, Inftitutions\_y~]) where 
 he cenfures the Popifh Cuftom of Communica- 
 ting only once a Year, as moft certainly the In- 
 vention of the Devil : Yet after all he could not 
 prevail to have fo much as a monthly Commu- 
 nion fettled among the People, but was over- 
 born in his Endeavours, and forced to yield to a 
 Rule, which requires the People to communi- 
 cate only four times a Year. However, he fays, 
 he took Care to have it entred [z] upon Re- 
 cord, that this was an evil Cuftom, to the In- 
 tent that Pofterity might with more Eafe and 
 Liberty correct it. But whether it ever was cor- 
 rected to this Day, is what I am ignorant of: 
 Moft probably it never was, fince I have had oc- 
 cafion to ftiew in another Work [*], communi- 
 cating only four times a Year continued to be 
 the general, ftanding Cuftom in the French 
 Church. Their Difcipline required no more, 
 though they encouraged more frequent Recepti- 
 on. The Curch of England was a little happier 
 in her Attempts of this Kind. For though her 
 Rules require the People in general to receive 
 but three times a Year, as of neceffary Ecclefia- 
 itical Obligation > yet in our Cathedral Churches 
 the Eucharift is ordinarily celebrated every Lord's 
 
 Day; as it is alfo in fome of the London Parifh- 
 Churchesj and others both in City and Country 
 have monthly Communions. Yet there remains 
 a great deal It ill to be done, to bring this Mat- 
 ter to the primitive Standard. For even in our 
 Cathedrals the Communions are very thin, and. 
 there is ftill room for thofe Complaints of St. 
 Chryfojlom^ In vain do we (land at the Altar, in vain 
 is the daily Sacrifice offered, there are none, in • 
 a manner, that communicate. The Churches are 
 crowed to hear the Sermon, but when the time 
 of the Holy Myfteries comes, they are empty 
 and deferted. Men are earneft to hear their Fel- ' 
 low- Servant preach an eloquent Difcourfe, but 
 when Chrift the common Lord and Mafter of all 
 is ready to appear, and entertain them, they fly, 
 though never fo kindly invited, from his Table. 
 This muft needs grieve the Hearts of all pious 
 Servants of Chrift, who ftand there to minifter 
 in his Name, whilft few hearken to their Ad- 
 monitions, and the generality excufe themfelve* 
 from communicating, as if it were no Chriftian 
 Duty. And in Country Parifhes the Matter is 
 ftill more deplorable, where the Defpair of Suc- 
 cefs deters the Minifter from attempting it. For 
 here Men are generally fo averfe to a weekly 
 Communion, that they will not be prevailed up- 
 on with all the ferious Exhortations that can be 
 ufed, to comply with the ftanding Rules of the 
 Church, which oblige them to communicate 
 three times a Year, though the Minifter himfelf 
 be under an Obligation to Prefent every fuch 
 Non-Communicant as a notorious Delinquent. 
 But if the Foundations be cafi down, what can the 
 Righteous do? Experience tells us, it is as much. 
 Labour in vain to Prefent a negligent People for 
 not communicating three times a Year, as it is 
 gravely to exhort them to a weekly Communion. 
 This Difcouragement which Minifters common- 
 ly meet with, in trying to bring Men to comply 
 with the ltated Rules of communicating three 
 times a Year by Church- Cenfures, which are 
 wholly neglected, makes them defpaiv of going 
 any higher towards the Perfection of the primi- 
 tive Practice: Since they who cannot be prevail- 
 ed upon by the prefent Difcipline to communi- 
 cate three times a Year, are too Obftinate and 
 Stubborn to heafken to any the moft ferious Ad- 
 monitions that can be ufed to incline them to a 
 weekly Communion. 
 
 What effectual Remedy can sect. vm. 
 
 be applied to this inveterate Dif- wherein this is 
 
 eafe, is not very eafy to deter- M deficient, and 
 
 mine. Yet certainly the Regain- wh f f ee ™7" «- 
 
 r u celfary to be done in 
 
 ing or that which was fo much u x J t , * 
 
 , £5 /01 r . ... , order to reduce Com- 
 
 the Glory of the primitive Church, munhn te the Pri . 
 and the great Support of Chri- mime standard. 
 ftian Innocence and Piety (as 
 frequent weekly Communion moft certainly 
 was) muft be a Thing worthy the moft ferious 
 
 [x] Bona Rer. Liturg. lib. a. cap 17. n. 2. Sine quo vix pof- de quibufdam Ecclef. Ritibus, p. 206. [*] French Churches 
 
 funt intelligi, qua: in Liturgicis Orationibus quotidie recitantur. Apology for the Church of England. Book III. Chap. xiv. 
 Ty] Calvin. Inftit. lib. +. cap. 17. n. 46. [z.] Calvin. Refponf. 
 
 ' Thoughts 
 
Chap. IX. 
 
 Christian Church. 
 
 831 
 
 Thoughts and Confideration of all thofe, into 
 whofe Hands God has put Power and Authority 
 by a fuperior Influence to redrefs Abufes, when 
 they can fafely do it to Edification, and not to 
 Deltruction. If I were worthy to give 'any Ad- 
 vice in the Cafe, it mould be this, Firft to re- 
 ftore the Practice of the true antient Difcipline, 
 and after that the Way would lie open to revive 
 the Practice of the true primitive Way of com- 
 municating weekly every Lord's Day. But it 
 will be faid, there lies an infuperable Difficulty 
 againft the Rcftoration of the antient Difcipline 
 in the prefent Pofture of Affairs: The State of 
 the prefent Times, and the general Corruption 
 of Mens Morals, will not admit of it : The 
 Church of England has for two hundred Years 
 wilhed for the Reftoration of this Difcipline, 
 and yet it is but an ineffective Wifhj for nothing 
 
 is done towards introducing it, but rather Things 
 arc gone backward, and there is left Difcipline 
 for this laft fixty Years, fince the Times of the 
 unhappy Confufions, than there was before. To 
 which it may be anfwered, That the Difficulty 
 is certainly great, but not infuperable: For Dif- 
 cipline is one of God's Ordinances in his Church, 
 and he appoints nothing but what is practicable 
 in it fclf, if Men be not wanting on their Part 
 to contribute toward the Exercife of it. But to 
 give Rules in thisCafe is a nice and tender Point, 
 and I had rather it mould be done by the Wif- 
 dom of others than my felf. Something has al- 
 ready been fuggerted by a late learned Writer 
 [f] on this Subject, very ufeful for obtaining 
 the End now propofedj and therefore I fhall 
 content my fclf at prefent to refer to his Suggesti- 
 ons, and put an End to this Difcourfe, 
 
 Ct] Penitential Difcipline of the Primitive Church. Cap 4. London. 1714. 
 
 Vol. L 
 
 N n n n n n 2 
 
 An 
 
An INDEX of the Provinces; 
 
 AChaia Page 375" 
 
 Adiabcnc Aflyria? 363 
 
 iEgyptus prima 35*4 
 
 i^Egyptus fecunda Ibid. 
 
 /Emilia 385- 
 
 Africa Proconfularis 35*3 
 
 Alpcs Cottia: 38? 
 
 Alpes Graise 388 
 
 Alpes Maritime Ibid. 
 
 Apuleia 384 
 Aquculis, Vide Narboncnfis fecunda-. 
 Aquileienlis, Vid. Venetia. 
 
 Aquitania prima 388 
 
 Aquitania iecunda Ibid. 
 Arabia Petraea, a!. Palccftina tertia 35-8 
 
 Arabia Philadelphia; 35-7 
 
 Arcadia 35-4 
 Arelatenfis, Vid. Viennenfis fccunda. 
 
 Armenia prima 367 
 
 Armenia fccunda Ibid. 
 
 ■Armenia quarta 360 
 
 Armenia magna, al.Perfica 363 
 
 Afia Proconfularis 369 
 
 Aifyria 363 
 
 Auguftamnica prima 354 
 
 Auguftamnica fecunda Ibid. 
 Axumitis, Vid. India. 
 Axumitica 
 
 3^5" 
 
 B. 
 
 Boetica 390 
 Belgica prima 389 
 Belgica fecunda Ibid. 
 Bithynia prima 369 
 Bithynia fecunda Ibid. 
 Bracarenfis, Vid. Gallsecia prima. 
 Bituricenfis, Vid. Aquitania prima. 
 Burdigalenfis, Vid. Aquitania fecunda. 
 Britannia prima 393 
 Britannia iecunda Ibid. 
 Brutia 384 
 Byzacena 3f3 
 
 Calabria 384 
 
 Campania 383 
 
 Cappadocia prima 366 
 
 Cappadocia fecunda 367 
 
 Cappadocia tertia Ibid. 
 
 Caria 370 
 
 Carthagirienfis Hjfpania 390 
 
 Chaldxa ' 363 
 
 Cilicia prima 372 
 
 Cilicia fecunda Ibid. 
 Comagene, Vid. Euphratenfis 360 
 
 Corfici Infula 385- 
 
 Creta Infula 37? 
 
 Cyclades Infulaa 373 
 
 Cyprus Infula 360 
 
 D. 
 
 Dacia Mediterranea 376 
 
 Dacia Ripen lis Ibid. 
 
 Dacia Antiqua five Gothia Ibid. 
 
 Dalmatia Ibid. 
 
 Dardania Ibid. 
 Diofpontum, Vid. Helenopontus. 
 
 Ebredunenfis, Vid. Alpes Maritime. 
 
 Elufana, Vid. Novempopulania. 
 Emeritenfis, Vid. Lufitania. 
 Euboea Infula, Vid. Achaia. 
 
 Epirus Vetus 
 Epirus Nova 
 Ethiopia 
 Euphratenfis 
 Europa Thracix 
 
 Flaminia 
 Flavia Pritanniaj. 
 
 Galatia prima 
 Galatia fecunde 
 Gallacia prima 
 Gallica'a iecunda 
 Germanica prima 
 Gcrmanica fecunda 
 Gothia, al. Dacia Antiqua 
 
 H. 
 
 Page 375" 
 Ibid. 
 
 3 6 f 
 360 
 
 373 
 
 3*5- 
 
 368 
 Bid. 
 
 390 
 Ibid. 
 
 389 
 Ibid. 
 
 376 
 
 Hagiopolitana, Vid. Euphratenfis. 
 
 Haemimontis 
 
 Helenopontus 
 
 Hellefpontus 
 
 Hellas Vid. Achaia & Theflalia. 
 Hiftria 
 
 Hifpalenfis, Vid. Boetica. 
 Homeritarum Regio 1 
 Honorias 
 Hybernia 
 
 I. 
 
 Iberia 
 
 Ulyricum Occidentals 
 Illyricum Orientale 
 Immerinorum Regio 
 India Axumitica fub iEgypto 
 lfauria 
 
 374 
 
 368 
 369 
 
 386 
 
 364 
 368 
 391 
 
 3 6 5" 
 376 
 374 
 364 
 36:f 
 372 
 
 382 
 
 Latium 
 
 LarifTena, Vid. ThelTalia. 
 Lazica 
 
 Lesbus Infula 
 Liguria 
 Lucania 
 
 Lugdunenfis prima 
 Lugdunenfis fecunda 
 Lugdunenfis tertia 
 Lugdunenfis quarta 
 Lugdunenfis quinta, Vid. Maxima Se 
 
 quanorum. 
 Lufitania 
 
 Lybia Marmarica, five fecunda 
 Lybia Pentapolis, five Cyrenaica 
 Lycaonia 
 Lycia 
 Lydia 
 
 373 
 Ibid. 
 
 386 
 
 384 
 389 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 
 390 
 
 357 
 Ibid. 
 
 37i 
 Ibid. 
 370 
 
 M. 
 
 Macedonia prima 
 Macedonia fecunda 
 Mauritania Ccefarienfis 
 Mauritania Sitifenfis 
 Mauritania Tingitana. 
 Maxima Csefarienfis Britannia*. 
 Maxima Sequanorum 
 Mediolanenfis, Vid. Liguria. 
 
 474 
 Ibid. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 389 
 
 Mefopotamia 
 
 Ma'lia prima five fupcrior 
 
 Moelia fecunda five interior 
 
 N. 
 
 P.ige 360 
 376 
 374 
 
 Narboncnfis prima 38S 
 
 Narboncnfis fecunda Ibid. 
 Nicopolitana, Vid. Epirus Vetus. 
 
 Noricum Mcditerraneum 377 
 
 Noricum Ripenfe Ibid. 
 
 Notitia Imperii 341 
 
 Notitia Ecclefias 342 
 
 Novempopulania 388 
 
 Numidia 3^3 
 
 Ofrhoena 
 
 O. 
 
 Palseftina prima, al. Salutaris 
 
 Palxltina fecunda 
 
 Palaeitina tertia, al. Arabia Petrcea 
 
 Pamphylia prima 
 
 Pamphylia fecunda 
 
 Fannonia fuperior 
 
 Pannonia inferior 
 
 Paphlagonia 
 
 Peloponnefus, Vid. Achaia. 
 Periia 
 
 Phoenicia prima 
 Phoenicia Libani 
 Phrygia Pacatiana prima 
 Phrygia Salutaris 
 Phrygia Pacatiana fecunda 
 Picenum Annonarium 
 Picenum Suburbicarium 
 Pifidia 
 
 Pontus Polemoniacus 
 Prxvalitana 
 
 R. 
 
 360 
 
 35-7 
 358 
 
 Ibid. 
 37r 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 377 
 Ibid. 
 368 
 
 3^4 
 360 
 Ibid. 
 
 372 
 Ibid. 
 Ibid. 
 
 385- 
 38i 
 371 
 3^7 
 3 "5* 
 
 Ravanenfis, Vid. Flaminia. 
 Rhcetia prima and fecunda 3S6 
 Rothoma genlis, Vid. Lugdunenfis fe- 
 cunda. 
 
 Rhodope ^ja 
 Remeniis, Vid. Belgica fecunda. 
 
 Samnium 
 Sardinia 
 
 Saracenorum Regio 
 Savia 
 
 383 
 3S5- 
 3*4 
 
 392 
 373 
 376 
 
 Scotia 
 
 Scythia cis Danubium in Thracia 
 Scythia trans Danubium 
 Senonenfis, Vid. Lugdunenfis quarta 
 Sicilia jg- 
 Syria prima ^ 
 Syria fecunda iVtd* 
 
 T. 
 
 Tarraconcnfis 
 Thebais prima 
 Thcbais fecunda 
 Theodorias 
 Thefialia 
 
 Thelialonicenfis, Vid. Macedoni 
 Thracia 
 Tripolitr.na 
 
 389 
 
 3<"4 
 Utd. 
 
 360 
 375" 
 
 a. 
 
 574 
 I uyo- 
 
An INDEX of Epifcopal Sees. 
 
 Turonenfis, Vid. Lugdunenfis tertia 
 Tufcia Page 379 
 
 Trevitenfis, V*d. Belgica prima. 
 
 V. 
 
 Valeria 381 
 
 Venetia Page 386 
 
 Viennenfis prima 3S8 
 
 Viennenfis fecunda Ibid. 
 
 Umbria 379 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zeugitana, Vid, Africa Proconfular. 
 
 An INDEX ^Episcopal Sees. 
 
 ABaradira, in Bizacena. 
 
 Abdara, in Bcetica Page 390 
 
 Abdera, in Rhodope 374 
 
 Abdia, vel Ada, incerta; pofit, in Hi- 
 fban. 
 
 Abellinum, in Campania 383 
 Abrinca, Aurancties, in Lugdunenlis 
 
 fecunda 389 
 
 Abritum, in ?vloefia fecunda 374 
 
 Abula, in Luiitania _ _ 39° 
 Abyda, in Phoenicia Libani. 
 
 Abydus, in Hellefpont 369 
 
 Abyla, in Phoenicia Libani 360 
 
 Acclum, in Venetia 387 
 
 Acerra, tn Campania 383 
 
 Acci, Guadix, in Carthagincnfis Hi- 
 
 fpania 39° 
 
 Acherontia, Acerenza, tn Apulia 384 
 
 Achrida, in Praevalitana 376 
 
 Acmonia, tn Phrygia Pacatiana 372 
 Acraba, in Mefopotarh. 
 
 AcrafTus, in Lydia 370 
 
 Acraflus, in Lycia 37 1 
 
 Acropolis,' in Lucania 384 
 
 Adada, in Pifidia 37 1 
 
 Adana, in Cilicia prima 372. 
 
 Adra, in Arabia Philadelphia 35-7 
 
 Adramytium, in Alia 37° 
 
 Adriana, in Hellefpont 3°9 
 
 Adriana, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 
 Adrianopolis, in Epirus Vetus 375- 
 
 Adrianopolis, in Honorias 368 
 
 Adrianopolis, in Pifidia 371 
 
 Adrianopolis, in Haemimont. 374 
 
 Adrianothcrae, in Hellefpont 369 
 
 Adulis, in Ethiopia 3^5" 
 
 jEcae, in Apulia 384 
 
 /Eclanum, in Samnium Ibid. 
 
 JElia, Vid. Hierufalem 357 
 /Emi, idem cum JEno. 
 
 TEgx, in Cilicia fecunda 372. 
 
 jEgea, in Alia 37© 
 
 JEnos, in Rhodope 374 
 
 /Emonia, in Hiftna 3°7 
 
 JEfis, in Picenum Annonar 385 
 
 Agatha, Agde, in Narboncnfis prima 
 
 388 
 
 Agdamia, incertx pofitionis, in Phry- 
 gia- . « • r 
 Aginnum, Agen, m Aquitannica fc- 
 
 cunda # . . 3°8 
 
 Agrigentum, in Sicilia 3M 
 
 Agrippina, ;» Germanica fecunda 389 
 
 Agiaga, incerta; Proviticis, tn Hilpa- 
 
 nia. . 
 
 Aila, in Palaeftina tertia 3f° 
 Alabanda, in Giria 
 Alala, in Sicilia 
 Alalis, in Phoenicia Libani. 
 
 384 
 
 Alba Pompeia, in Alpcs Cottiac 3S6 
 
 Albanum, »» Latium 
 
 382 
 
 Alba, in Latium Ibid. 
 Albenfium Civitas, Vivaria, in Vien- 
 nenfis Page 388 
 Albienfium Civitas, Alby, in Aquitan. 
 
 prima Ibid. 
 Albigaunum, Abenga, in Alpes Cot- 
 tias 386 
 Aleria, in Corfica 385 
 AletiUm, in Calabria 384 
 Aletrium, Aletri, in Latium 382, 
 Aletum, Alet, in Lugdunenfis tertia 
 
 389 
 
 Alexandria, in iEgyptus prima 
 
 354. 35-6 
 
 Alexandria, Scanderon, in Cilicia fe- 
 cunda 372 
 Alexanilm, Aleflano, in Calabria 384 
 Algiza> Vid. Argiza, in Afia. 
 AlicarnalTus, in Caria 370 
 Alindaj in Caria Ibid. 
 Aliona, in Phrygia Pacatiana 372 
 Alipha, in Samnium 384 
 Altinum, in Venetia 387 
 Amadafla, in Phrygia Salutar 372 
 Amalphia, in Campania 383 
 Amanda, in Epirus Nova 37^ 
 Amafia, in Helenopontus 368 
 Amaftris, in Paphlagonia Ibid. 
 Amathus, in Cyprus 360 
 Amathus, in Palaeftina fecunda 3J"8 
 Ambianenfium Civit. Amiens, in Bel- 
 gica fecunda 389 
 Amblada, in Lycaonia 371 
 Ambura, Vtd. Amphora. 
 Ameria, in Umbria 380 
 Amida, in Mefopotamia 360 
 Amifus, in Helenopontus 368 
 Amitemum, in Valeria 381 
 Amorium, m Phryg. Salut 371 
 Amyzon, in Caria 370 
 Anagnia, in Campania 382 
 Anapolis, inccrtae politionis ex Concil. 
 
 Sardicenli. 
 Anaftafiopol. in Caria 370 
 Anaftafiopol. tn Galat. prima 368 
 Anaftaliop. in Phryg. Pacat. 372 
 Anazarbus, in Cilicia fecunda Ibid. 
 Anchialus, in Haemimont 374 
 Anchiafmus, in Epirus Vet. 375- 
 Ancona, Picen. Suburbicar. 381 
 Ancyra, in Phrygia Pacat. 372 
 Ancyra, ** Galat. prima 368 
 Andera, in Alia 370 
 Andicavorum Civitas, Angers, in Lug- 
 dunenlis tertia . 3&9 
 Andrapa, in Helenopontus 368 
 Andropolis, in iEgypt. prima 35-4 
 Anoea, in Afia 370 
 Anenylia, forfan Ansa. 
 Anemurium, in ffauria 372 
 Anitha, in Arabia 357 
 Anicium, Vid. Vcllava. 
 Aninetuin, in Alia 370 
 
 AntandruSi in Alia Page 370 
 
 Anthyfa, Urbs incerta; pofit. 
 Antardus, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 Antaeum, in Thebais prima 35-4 
 Anthedon, in Palaeft. prima 35-8 
 Antinoe, in Thebais prima 35-4 
 Antiochia Maeandri, in Caria 371* 
 Antiochia Mygdoniae, Vid. Nifibis, in 
 
 Mefopotomia. 
 Antioch, in Pifidia 371 
 Antioch, in Syria prima 360, 361 
 Antioch ad Tragum, in Ifauria 372 
 Antigatris, in Palxft. prima 35-7 
 Antiphcllus, in Lycia 371 
 Antiphra, in Libya 35-5" 
 Antipolis, Antibe, in Narbon. fecunda 
 
 388 
 
 Antipyrgus, in Libya 
 Antiffiodorum, Auxerre, in Lugdun. 
 
 quarta 389 
 Antithou, in Auguftamnica fecunda 
 
 _ . . J- , ' 3f4 
 Antium, tn Latium 382 
 
 Antrum, incerta; pofitionis^ in Thefla- 
 
 lia, vel Samothracia. 
 Apamea, in Pifidia 371 
 Apamea, in Bithyn. fecunda 369 
 Apamea, in Syria fecunda 360 
 Aphroditopolis t in Arcadia 35-4 
 Aphrodifias, in Caria 370 
 Aphnaeum, in Auguftamnica prima 
 
 3>"4 
 
 Apira, in Phryg. Pacat 372 
 Apiaria, in Mcefia fecunda 374 
 Apollinis Civitas, in Thebais prima 35-4 
 Apollinis Fanum, in Lydia 370 
 Apol Ionia, in Epirus .Nova 375" 
 Apollonia, in Lydia 370 
 Apollonias, in Caria lbtd. 
 Apol lonias, in Bithyn. 369 
 Apta Julia, Apr, in Narbon. fecunda 
 
 388 
 
 Aptuchi Fanum, in Pentapolis 35-5- 
 Aqua viva, in Tufcia 379 
 Aquae, in Dacia Ripenfis 376 
 Aqua;, Acs, in Novempopul. 388 
 Aqux Sextiae, Aix, in Narbon. fecun- 
 da Ibid. 
 Aqua; Statiella;, Acqui, in Alpes Cot- 
 tiae 386 
 Aquileia, in Venetia 387 
 Aquinum, in Latium 382 
 Aquitana, incerta; Prov. in Africa. 
 ArabylTus, in Armenia fecunda 367 
 Araclia, in Palasflina prima 35-8 
 Arad, tn Palaeft. tertia lbtd. 
 Aradus, in Phoenic. prima 360 
 Arana, in Lycaonia 371 
 Araulio, Orange, in Vienna fecunda 
 
 3S8 
 
 Araxa, in Lycia 371 
 Area, in Armenia fecunda 367 
 Arcadiopolis, in Europa 374 
 6 Area 
 
An INDEX of the Epifcopal Sees, 
 
 Area, m Armen. fecund.i page 367 
 Arrabrica, Arcos, in Carthaginenfis 
 Hifpan. 39° 
 Arcadiopolis, in Alia 37° 
 Archelais, in Palxit. prima 3|8 
 Ardona, in Apulia 3 8 4 
 Area, in Phoenic. prima 3 6 ° 
 Arclatum, Arks, in Vicnnenfis fecun- 
 da 388 
 Areopolis, in Lydia and Afia 370 
 Arcthufa, in Syria fecunda 360 
 Aretium, in Tufcia 379 
 Argcntoratum, Strasburg, tn Germa- 
 nica prima 389 
 Argiza, in Alia 37° 
 Argos, m Achaia 375" 
 Ariarathia, in Armcn. fecunda 367 
 Ariaflus, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Ariminum, in Picen. Annon. 38^ 
 Arindela, in Palxfiina tertia 3f8 
 Ariopolis, in Palaellina tertia Ibid. 
 Arilita, in Aquitan. prima 3 
 Ariftium, in Bithynia 369 
 Arlana, in Phoenicia Libani 360 
 Armaquctius, Urbs incertx pofit. ex 
 
 Cone. Sardicenli. 
 Arpi, tn Apulia 
 Arfinoe, in Arcadia 
 Arlinoe, in Cyprus 
 Arverni, Clermont, in Aquitan 
 
 384 
 
 3J4. 3f6 
 
 360 
 
 prima 
 
 38^ 
 
 37 
 3?8 
 
 Augultodunum, Autun, in Ludg. pri- 
 ma page 389 
 Augufiopolis, in Palxfiina tertia 358 
 Augufiopolis, in Phrygia Salutaris 372 
 Aulium, in Afia 370 
 Auion, in Epirus Nova 375* 
 Aureliopolis, in Afia 370 
 Aurelia, Orleancc, in Lugd. quarta 
 
 389 
 
 Auria, Orenfe, in Gallxcia 390 
 AufciorumCivitas, Aucfli, in Novem- 
 populania 388 
 Aufona, Vique, in Tarracon; 390 
 Auximum, Ofmo, in Picen. Suburb. 
 
 38i 
 
 Azana, tn Phryg. Pac. ' 372 
 
 Axumis, in Ethiopia 365- 
 Azotus, in Palxft. prima 35-8 
 Azuga, Vid. Vaga. 
 
 Bivinum, al. Vibinum, Bovino, in A- 
 pulia page 384 
 
 Biiacium, in Bizacena 
 
 Blacena, ai. Blatea. Urbs inccrtse polit. 
 in Dacia vel Acnaia 
 
 Babylon, in 
 
 B 
 
 Auguftatnnica 
 
 fecunda 
 35*4 
 
 Blanda, in Lucania 
 Bleandrus, in Phrygia Pacatan. 
 Blemmyes, in Ethiopia 
 Blera, Bicda, in Tufcia 
 Bobium, in Alpes Cottix 
 Bolica 
 
 Bononia, in iEmylia 
 Bononia, Bologne, in Belg. 
 
 384 
 37^ 
 365- 
 
 379 
 386 
 
 389 
 
 . 38f 
 fecunda: 
 
 389 
 3SS 
 
 Afana, in Phrygia Pac. 
 Afcalon, in Palaellina prima 
 Afculum, in Picen. Suburb. 38 
 Afenemfala, Vid. Senemfala 
 Alindum, Medina Sidonia, in Bcetica 
 
 39o 
 
 Afpendus, in Pamphylia prima 
 Afpona, in Galatia prima 
 Aflifium, tn Umbria 
 Alius, in Afia 
 Alia, Alii, in Alpes Cottix 
 Alligi, in Carthaginenfis Hifpan 
 Allurica, Altorga, in Gallxcia 
 Aftygis, Ecija, in Boetica 
 Afuna, Vtd. Safima 
 Arella, in Campan. 
 Aternum, Pefcara, in Picen. 
 
 ?7i 
 368 
 380 
 370 
 386 
 
 390 
 Ibid. 
 390 
 367 
 383 
 Suburb. 
 381 
 
 AthanaJTus, in Phrygia Pacatiana 372 
 Athens, in Achaia 375" 
 Atina, in Campan. 382 
 Athribis, in Augullamn. fecunda 35-4 
 Attalia, in Lydia 37° 
 Attalia, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Attudi, in Phryg. Pacat. 372 
 Aturum, Aire, in Novempopulania 
 
 38S 
 
 Avara, in Arabia 357 
 Auca, in Tarracon 389 
 Aucatida, in Lycia 371 
 Avenio, in Vien. fecunda • 388 
 Aufinia, Ofena, in Picen. Suburb. 381 
 Aventicum, Avenche, in Maxima Se- 
 quanor. 389 
 Augufta Rauracorum, Auft. in Maxi- 
 ma fequan. Ibid, 
 Augufta SuelTonum, Soifiens, in Bul- 
 gica fecunda Ibid. 
 Augufta, in Cilicia prima 372 
 Augufia Aufciorum 388 
 Augulla Taurinorum, Turin, in Afpes 
 Cottiae 386 
 Augufta Trevirorum, Trier, in Belg. 
 
 prima 389 
 Augufia Veromanduorum Ibid. 
 Augufta Vindelicorum, Aufburg, in 
 Rhcetia fecunda 386 
 
 Baclra, cadem cum Bacatha, in Palae- 
 llina tertia, or in Arabia 357, 35-8 
 Balcca, Urbs incertx potit. 
 Bcetirae, Bcziers in Narbon. prima 
 
 388 
 
 Baioca, Bayeux, in Lugd. fecunda 389 
 Balanaea, in Theodorias 360 
 Balandus, in Lydia 370 
 Balbura, in Lycia 371 
 Balia, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Balneum Regis, Bagnarca, in Tufcia 
 
 379 
 
 Bana, in Lydia 370 
 Bapara, in Maurit. Cxf. 
 Baptinum, Urbs incertx pofitionis 
 Baratta, in Lycaonia 371 
 Barce, in Pentapol. 35-5- 
 Barcino, Barcelona, in Tarraccnenlis 
 
 389 
 
 Barcufa, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Bares, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Bargaza, in Afia 370 
 Bargyla, in Caria Ibid. 
 Barifiara, forfan Berifia, in Armen. 
 prima 
 
 Ban's, in Piiidia . 371 
 Barium, in Apulia 384 
 Bafilea, in Maxima Sequau. 
 Balilinopolis, in Bithyn. 
 Bafti, in Carthag. Baza 
 Bafcath, Vid. Bacatha 
 Batava Cafira, Vtd. Patavia, 
 cum 
 
 Batnx, in Ofrhoena 
 
 Borxum, in Pentapol is 
 Bofla, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Bofphorus, in Scythia Trans Dan. 
 Bofira, in Arabia 3^7 
 Botolium, Urbs incertx pofitionis 
 Botrys, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 Bova, in Brutia 384 
 Bovianum, Boiano, in Samniurn Ibid. 
 Bracara, in Gallxcia 
 Briocum, in Lugdunenfis tertia 
 Britonium, in Gallxcia 
 Brixellum, Brelfcllo, in JEmylia 
 Brixia, Brefcia, in Liguria 
 Brixino, Brixen, in Rhoetia 
 
 Brizum, in Phrygia Salut. 
 Brullena, in Afia 
 Brundufium, in Calabria 
 Bubafius , in Auguftamnica 
 
 390 
 389 
 390 
 38* 
 386 
 fecuuda 
 Ibtd. 
 
 37* 
 
 370 
 
 384 
 fecunda 
 
 3H- 
 37-r 
 376 
 375" 
 
 Bubon, in Lycia 
 Budinc, in Dacia 
 Bullidum, in Epirus Nova 
 Buna, incertx pofitionis, in Lycia 
 Bura, forfan, in Achaia 
 
 Burdigala, Bourdeaiix, in Aquit. fe- . 
 
 cunda 388 i 
 
 Bufiris, in Egypt, fecunda 35-4" 
 
 Buthrotum, tn Epirus Vetus 375" 
 
 Butus, in iEgypt. fecunda 35-4 
 
 Buxentum, in Lucania 384 
 
 Byblus, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 
 Byzia, in Enropa Tlnac. 374 
 
 Byzantium, in Europa Ibid. 
 
 3^9 
 39° 
 
 in Nori- 
 
 377 
 360 
 
 Belica, Belley, in Max. Sequan. 389 
 Bellavacorum Civ. Beauvais, in B^lgi" 
 ca fecunda Ibid. 
 Bellunum, Belluno, tn Venetia 387 
 Beneventum, in Samnio 384 
 Berenice, in Pentapolis 3 5- 5- 
 
 Berinopolis, in Galatia prima 368 
 Bergomum, in Liguria 386 
 Berinopolis, in Lycaonia 371 
 BerifiTe, in Armenia prima 367 
 Berrhxa, in Macedon. 375- 
 Berrhxa, in Syria prima 360 
 Berytus, in Phoenic. prima Ibid. 
 Bethauna, Urbs inqertx pofitionis, tn 
 Syria 
 
 Bigallrum, in Carthag. 390 
 Bindeum, m Pifidia 371 
 Bifuntio 389 
 Bitnrigx, Bourgcs, in Aq-uitan. prima 
 
 388 
 
 354 
 
 C. 
 
 Cabafa, in ./Egypt, fecunda 
 Cabellio, Cavaillon, in Vien. fecunda 
 
 388 
 
 Cabillonum, Chalons fur Saone, in 
 Lugd. prima 389 
 Cabula, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Cadi, in Phryg. Pacat. 371 
 Cadurci, Cahors, in Aquit. prima 388 
 Cxna, Urbs incertx pofit 
 Cxfaraugufia, Saragofa, 
 
 in 
 
 Cxfarea, in Bithynia 
 Cxfarea, in Cappadocia prima 
 Cxfarea, in Euphratenfis 
 Cxfarea, in Palxfiina prima 
 Cxfarea Philippi, Vid. Paneas, wPhce 
 
 Tarrac. 
 
 389 
 
 367 
 360 
 
 3X7 
 
 nic. prima 
 Cxfena, in Flamin. 
 Calagurris, Calahorra, in Tarrac 
 Calatia, Calazzo, m Campania 
 Calenum, Calvi, in Campan. 
 Calinda, in Lycia 
 Callinicus, in Ofrhoena 
 Callipolis, in ( alabria 
 Callipolis, in Europa Thrac. 
 Callium, Cagli, in Picen. Anon. 
 
 Cam?rina, m bicilia 
 
 360 
 
 385- 
 
 389 
 
 383 
 Ibid. 
 
 371 
 
 360 
 384 
 374 
 
 384 
 Camaracuni, 
 
An INDEXe/ the Epifcopal Sees 
 
 Camaracum, Cambray, in Belg. fecun 
 da page 389 
 
 Cameririum, in Umbria 380 
 Camuliana, in Cappad. prima 367 
 Candida Gala, Whitern, in Valentia 
 
 Britan. 39* 
 Candas, Urbs incertaj pofit. 
 Canna, in Lycaon. 37 1 
 Cannas, in Apulia 384 
 Canotha, in Arabia 357 
 Cantanum, in Creta 37* 
 Canufium, in Apulia 384 
 Caparcotia, in Palxfti fecunda 3^8 
 Capitoliis, in Palxftina fecunda Ibid, 
 Caprula, in Venetia 387 
 Capua, in Campan. 383 
 Caput Cillanum, in Maur. Csef. 
 Caradea, Vd. Corada 
 Caralis, in Sardinia 385" 
 Carallus, in Pamphyl. prima 371 
 Carcafo, in Narbon, 388 
 CarefTia, in Achaia 375- 
 Carina, in Brucia 384 
 Caerleon, in Britan. fecunda 394 
 Carifla, in Paphlagon. incerta: pofi- 
 tionis. 
 
 Carnutum, Chartres, in Lugd. quarta 
 
 389 
 
 Caropti, forfan Carothus, in Cyrenaica 
 
 in 
 
 361 
 
 373 
 Vien. 
 
 388 
 
 377 
 360 
 Ibid. 
 
 3*3 
 390 
 
 37* 
 
 Carpafia, in Cyprus 
 Carpathus, in Infula Cyclad 
 Carpentoracle, Carpentras , 
 
 fecunda 
 Carpi's, in Pannon. Inferior 
 Carrx, in Ofrhoena 
 Carteriopolis, in Cyprus 
 Carthago, in Afric. Proconful. 
 Carthago, in Carthag. Hifpan. 
 Caryftus, in Achaia 
 Cafatana, Urbs incertee pofit. 
 Cafchara, in Mesopotamia 360, 363 
 Calfandria, tn Macedon. 375" 
 CafTinum, in Latium 382 
 Caffium, in Auguftamn. prima 3^4 
 Catfus, in Pamphyl. prima 371 
 Caftabala, in Cilicia fecunda 372 
 Caftrum Martis, in Moelia prima 376 
 Caftrum Valentini, in Tufcia, 379 
 Caftrum Ucecienfe, Uzes, in Narbon. 
 
 prima 388 
 Caftulo, Gazlona, in Carthag. Hifpan. 
 
 39° 
 
 Cafulas, Carianenfes, tn Byzacena. 
 Cathaqucnfa, in Numidia 
 Catana, in Sicilia. 384 
 Catuellaunornm Civitas, Chalons, in 
 
 Champagne, in Belg. fecunda 389 
 Caunus, in Lycia 371 
 Cauria, Coria, in Lufitania 390 
 Celenderis, in Ifauria 372 
 Celia, in Pannon. Infer. 377 
 Celina, in Venetia 387 
 Cemelinenfis Civitas, Cimies, in Alpes 
 
 Maritim. 388 
 Centumcellaj, Civita Vecchia, /'»Tufc. 
 
 379 
 
 Ceneta, Ceneda, tn Venetia 387 
 Cenomanorum Civitas, Le Mans, in 
 Lugd. tertia 389 
 Cepha, in Mefopotam. 360 
 Cephalenia Infula 375- 
 Cerafa, in Lydia 370 
 Ceramus, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Ceramus, in Caria 370 
 Cerafus, in Pontus Polemon. 367 
 Cerillus, in Brutia 384 
 Ceftrus, in Ifauria 37a 
 Cetharquenlufca, Vid. Cathaquenfa 
 6 
 
 Chalccdon, in Bithynia page 369 
 Chalcis, in Achaia 375 
 Chalcis, in Syria prima 360 
 Charadra, in Ifauria 372 
 Chatimasa, Urbs incertse pofitionis, ex 
 
 Cone. Sard. 
 Cheretapa, in Phrygia Pacat. 
 Cherronefus, in Creta 
 Cherfonnefus, in Europa Thrac. 
 Cherfonnefus, in Scythia 
 Chios Infula Cyclad., 
 Chytrus, in Cyprus 
 Choma, in Lycia 
 Chonochara, Fid. Comoara. 
 Cibalis, in Pann. Infer. 
 Cibyra, in Caria 
 Cicifta, in Cappad. prima 
 CidifTi, in Phryg. Pacat. 
 Cilina, Urbs incertse politic ex Cone 
 
 Ephef. 
 Cinna, in Galatia prima 
 Cingulum, in Picen. Suburb 
 Circefia, in Ofrhoena 
 Citaeum, in Creta 
 Citium, in Cyprus 
 Civitas Albenfium 
 Cius, in Bithynia 
 Claudiopolis, in Honorias 
 Claudiopolis, in Ifauria 
 Clazomene, in Afia 
 Cleopatris, in ./Egypt, prima 
 Clyfma, in Arcadia 
 Clulium, in Tufcia 
 Clypea, in Africa Procon. 
 Cnidus, in Caria 
 Cocilianum, in Lucan. 
 Cocufus, in Armen. fecunda 
 Codrus, in Pamphyl. 
 Coelos, al. Cyla, in Europa 
 Colibraflus, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Colonia Londinenfium, Vid. Colonia 
 Lindi, in Britan. 393 
 Colonia, in Cappadocia tertia 367 
 Colonia Agrippina, in Germ, fecunda 
 
 389 
 
 Colophon, tn Afia 370 
 ColoiFse, Chone, in Phrygia Pacat. 
 
 372 
 
 Comacula, Comacchio, in Flaminia 
 
 Comaea, tn Moefia fecunda 374 
 Comana, in Armenia fecunda 367 
 Comana Pontica, in Pontus Polemon. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Commacum,//* Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Comoara, in Phoenicia Libani, al. 
 
 Chonochara 360 
 Complutum, Alcala de Henares, in 
 Carthag. Hifpan. 390 
 Comum, Como, in Liguria 386 
 Conimbra, in Gallaxia 390 
 Confenria, m Brutia 384 
 Conforannorum Civ. Conferans, in 
 Novempopulania 388 
 Conftantia, Coutance, in Lugd. fecun- 
 da 389 
 Conftantia, Conftance, in Maxima Se- 
 
 quanorum, Vid. Vindonifta. 
 Conftantina, in Arabia 35-7 
 Conftantia, in Cyprus, Famagofta, al 
 
 37i 
 
 37* 
 
 374 
 Ibid. 
 
 373 
 360 
 
 37' 
 
 377 
 37o 
 3°> 
 372 
 
 368 
 381 
 360 
 
 37* 
 360 
 
 388 
 
 369 
 368 
 
 372 
 370 
 
 354 
 Ibid. 
 
 379 
 
 37o 
 
 384 
 367 
 
 37i 
 374 
 
 37i 
 37* 
 39o 
 37i 
 384 
 371 
 37* 
 Ibid. 
 
 389 
 37i 
 379 
 
 ibid. 
 
 379 
 371 
 373 
 3^4 
 371 
 
 Salami's 
 Conftantina , 
 
 al. Cirta, in 
 
 Conftantinopolis 
 Convenarum Civ. 
 
 Cominges, in 
 
 vempop. 
 Coprithis, in iEygpt. prima 
 Coptus, in Thebais fecunda 
 
 360 
 Numidia 
 35-3 
 374 
 No- 
 388 
 
 3*4 
 Ibid. 
 
 Coracefium', in Pamphylia fecunda 
 
 page 371 
 
 Corada, in Phcenicia Libani 360 
 Corbafa, in Pamphylia fecunda 
 Corcyra, Corfu, in Epir. Vet. 
 Corduba, in Bcetica 
 Cordylus, in Pamphyl. fecunda 
 Corfinium 
 
 Coricus, in Cilic. prima 
 Corinthus, in Achaia 
 Corillia, in Achaia 
 Corifopitum, in Lugd. tertia 
 Corna, in Lycaonia 
 Cornetum, in Tufcia 
 Corniculana, in Maur. Csef. 
 Corone, in Achaia 
 Corone, in Bceotia 
 Cortona, in Tufcia 
 Corydalla, in Lycia 
 Cos, in Inful. Cyclad. - 
 Cofilianum, in Lucania 
 Corana, in Pamphyl. prima 
 Cotena, in Phryg. Salut. 
 Cotenopolis incertse pofit. in ./Egypt. 
 
 3** 
 
 Cotiaium, m Phrygia Salut. 372 
 Cratia, al. Flaviopolis, in Honorias 
 
 368 
 
 Cremona, in Liguria 386 
 Crotona, in Brutia 384 
 Crufa, Infula Doridis, in Sinu Cera- 
 mico 
 
 Cteliphon and Seleucia, in Affyria 
 
 3°4 
 
 Cucufus, in Armenia fecunda 
 Cuma, al. Cyme, in Alia 
 Cumse, in Campania 
 Cuperfanum, in Apulia 
 Cures, St. Anthimo, in Valeria 
 Curia, Coire, in Rhoetia prima 
 Curium, in Cyprus 
 Curta, in Panon. Infer. 
 Cufa, in Thebais prima 
 Cybira, in Caria, Vid. Cibyra 
 Cybiftra, in Cappadocia fecunda 
 Cydonia, in Creta 
 Cyla, Vid. Ccelos, in Europa 
 Cynaborium, in Phryg. Salut. 
 Cynopolis, in Arcadia 
 Cynus, in iEgypt. fecunda 
 Cypera, in Thelfalia 
 Cypfela, in Rhodope 
 Cyrene, in Pentapolis 
 Cyrus, al. Cyrrhus, in Comagene 
 
 360, 362 
 
 Cyfamus, in Creta 375- 
 Cyzicus, in Hellefpont 369 
 
 367 
 370 
 383 
 384 
 38t 
 386 
 360 
 377 
 3*4 
 37o 
 3°7 
 37* 
 374 
 372 
 
 3*4 
 Ibid. 
 
 375" 
 
 374 
 
 3*3 
 
 D. 
 
 Dablis, in Bithynia 
 Dadibra, in Paphlagonia 
 Daldus, in Lydia 
 Dalifandus, in Ifauria 
 Damafcus, in Phcenicia Libani 
 Danaba, in Phcenic. Lib. 
 Dardanum, in Hellefpont. 
 Darnis, in Libya 
 Daufara, in Ofrhoena 
 Deborus, in Macedonia 
 Delos Infula 
 Demetrias, in Thefialia 
 Derbe, in Lycaonia 
 Dertona, Tortona, 
 
 Alpes 
 
 369 
 368 
 370 
 
 371 
 360 
 Ibid. 
 
 3 6 9 
 
 37* 
 360 
 
 3 7* 
 373 
 37* 
 
 Cottiaj 
 
 3S6 
 
 Dertofa, Tortofa, tn Tarracon 389 
 Debeltus, vel Dcveltus, in Heemimont. 
 
 374 
 Dia, 
 
/ 
 
 An I N D E X of Epifcopal Sees. 
 
 Dia, Die, in Vicnn. fccunda 
 nium, Dcnia, in Carthag. 
 
 p. 388 
 Hifpan. 
 
 39° 
 
 Dicacfiirea^ in ThefTalia 
 ] >iciozanabrus, in Pamphylia 
 Dinia, Digne, in Alpes Maritime 
 
 iiocsferea, tn Ifauria 
 Diocka, in l-hrygia Pacat. 
 Diocktiana, in Dardan. 
 Dioclettanopplis, in Thracia 
 Oionyfias, in Arabia 
 Dionyfiopoiis, m Mcefia fecunda 
 Pionyfiopolis, in Pnryg. Pacat. 
 Diofpolis, m Thracia 
 Diofpolis in /Egypt, fccunda 
 PioiLpolis Magna, in Thcb. fecund 
 Diofpolis parva, in Thcb. fecund. 35^5- 
 Diolpolis, al. Lidda, in Palxft. prima 
 
 3*7 
 
 Diofpontum, Name of a Province, not 
 
 37S 
 
 388 
 371 
 
 37 6 
 374 
 3*7 
 374 
 
 Eminium, inccrte pofit. in Hifpan. 
 Emmaus. Vid. Nicopolis pag. 357 
 Emona, in Hiftria 3S7 
 Emporix, Ampurias, in Tarracon. 
 
 390 
 
 Engolifmenfium Civitas, Angoukfme, 
 tn Aquitan. fecunda 388 
 Epala, al. Epula, Urbs inccrtx pofit. 
 Epidaurus, Ragufa, in Dahnatia 
 EpKefus, m Afia 
 Epiphania, in Syria fecunda 
 Epiphania, in Cilicia fecunda 
 
 372, 1 Eporedia, in Liguria 
 374 1 Ergavica, Alcaniz, in Carthag. 
 
 3*4 
 3H 
 
 of a Ciiy 
 Ditihis, in Pentapolis 
 Diuai, in Macedonia 
 
 Doara, in Cappad. tertia 
 Doberus, in Macedoa. 
 Pocrmaeurn, in Pnryg. Salut. 
 Poclia, in Dal.natia 
 3 nia, in Epirus Vet. 
 Dola, in Lugd. tertia 
 Dolicha, in Comagene 
 D mltiopolis, in ifauria 
 ira, in . ■ itina prima 
 Porcina, \n britan. prima 
 > rlanis, Urbs mcerta? pofit 
 Sardic. 
 
 Dorylasum, in Phryg. Salut. 
 £ ..•;m, in Britan. prima 
 
 Prufipara, in Europa 
 puaftedemfai, If id. Selemfal. 
 Pumiuj , in Gallaecia 
 Dumr »k, m Britan. 
 Puroftorum, in Mcefia fecunda 
 Pyrrachiurn, Durazzo, in Epirus No 
 va 37J- 
 
 367 
 3SS 
 375 
 3<>7 
 37f 
 37i 
 376 
 37f 
 3^9 
 360 
 
 37* 
 3n 
 394 
 ex Cone. 
 
 Erymni, in Pamphyl. prima 
 Erifi, in Caria 
 Erra in Arabia 
 Erythra, in Pentapolis 
 Ervthrx, in Afia 
 Esbus, in Arabia 
 Etede, in Pamphyl. prima 
 
 376 
 37o 
 360 
 372 
 3S6 
 =90 
 
 37i 
 
 37o 
 
 3*7 
 3SS 
 37o 
 3S7 
 37} 
 
 37* 
 394 
 374 
 
 39° 
 394 
 374 
 
 E. 
 
 Ebora 
 
 Eboracum, in Britan. 
 Ebrodunum, Ambrun, 
 rit. 
 
 Ebroica, Eureux, in Lugd 
 
 tn 
 
 Alpes 
 
 Evaria, al. Juftinianopolis, in Phceni 
 cia Libani 360 
 Evaza, in Afia 370 
 Eucarpia, in Phryg. Salutar. 372 
 Eudoxias, in Lycia 371 
 Eudoxias, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Eugubium, Gubbio, in Umbria 380 
 Eulandra, Urbs incerras pofitionis. 
 Eumenia, in Phryg. Pacat. 
 Euria, in Epirus Vet. 
 Europus, in Euphratenfis 
 Euufum, Vid. Ebufus Infula. 
 
 F. 
 
 Frequentum, Fricento, in Samnium 
 . P a ke 3S4 
 
 fculginum, Kiligno, in Umbria 386 
 fundi, m Latium 382 
 
 37* 
 37 > 
 360 
 
 390 
 
 393 
 Ma- 
 3S8 
 fecunda 
 389 
 
 Ebufus Infula 39 * 
 
 Echinus, in ThefTalia 375" 
 Echineota, incertae pofit. in /Egypt. 
 Edelia, m Oirhoene 360, 363 
 
 Egabra, Cabra, in Bcetica 390 
 Egara, Tarraffa, in Tarracon. 389 
 Egara, in Phryg. Pacat. 372 
 \ gita, in Lufitan. 390 
 3 T g,natia, in Apulia 384 
 Egnatia, in Byzac. 
 
 Elana, m Arabia 357 
 Elatea, in Achaia 375" 
 Elsea, in Afia 370 
 Elbora, Avora, in Lufitania 390 
 Elearchia, in ./Egypt, fecund. 35-4, 3^6 
 Ekfma, Vid. Clytma, in Arcadia 35-4 
 Eleuthera, in Creta 375- 
 Ekutheropolis, in Palasftina prima 3f8 
 El ; a, in Palaeft. prima 35-8 
 Eliberis, in Bcetica 390 
 Eliocrota, Lorca, in Carthaginenlis 
 
 Hifpan. 390 
 Elipla, Niebla, m Bcetica Ibid. 
 Elufa, Eaufe, in Novempop. 388 
 Elufa, in Palsft. tertia 3^8 
 Emerita, Muida, in Lufitan* 390 
 Emefa, in Phoenic. Libani 360 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Falerona, Faleroni, in Piccn. Suburb. 
 
 3Hi 
 
 Fasfute, Tufcia 379 
 Fanum Jovis, in Afia 370 
 Fanum Fortune, Fano, in Picenum 
 Annonar. 385- 
 Faventia, Faenza, in Flaminia 385' 
 Fauftinopolis, in Cappadocia fecunda 
 
 367 
 
 Feltria, in Venetia 387 
 Ferentinum, in Latium 382 
 Ferentinum, in Tufcia 379 
 Ficoclae, Cervia, in Flaminia 385- 
 Fidense, in Valeria 381 
 Firmum, Firmo, in Picenum Subur- 
 bicar. Ibid. 
 Flagonea, Vid. Fragonea, in ./Egypt. 
 
 fecunda 
 Flavona, Vid. Fragonea 
 Flaviopolis, in Cilicia fecunda 
 Florentia, Florence, in Tufcia 
 Formise, in Latium 
 Forontoniana, in Bizac. 
 Forum Caffii, Forcaffi, in 
 
 3*4 
 
 372 
 
 379 
 382 
 
 Furconium, in Valeria 
 G. 
 
 Gabala, in Lydia 
 Gabala, in Tiicodorias 
 Gabalum, Mande, % Aquitan. 
 
 3«« 
 
 Tufcia 
 
 379 
 
 Forum Flaminii, For-flammo, in Um- 
 bria 380 
 Foriim Claudii, Oriolo, in Tufcia 
 
 ! x _ 379 
 
 Foritm jNovum, Vefcovio, 
 bria 
 
 Forum Sempronii, in Picen 
 
 tn 
 
 Forum Cornelii, Imola, in 
 
 Urn 
 380 
 Annon. 
 
 r 385- 
 Flaminia 
 Ibid, 
 ib. 
 
 Forum Livii, Forli, in Flaminia 
 Forum Popilii, in Flaminia 385* 
 Forum Julii, Friuli, in Hiftria 387 
 Forum Trajani, in Sardinia 385" 
 Forum Julii, Frejuz, in Narbon. fe- 
 cunda 388 
 Fragonea j in /Egypt, fecunda 374 
 
 37t> 
 360 
 prima 
 388 
 360 
 38* 
 
 Gabbus, in Syria prima 
 Gabii, in Latium 
 
 Gadamautus, Vid. Hydmautus, in Ly- 
 caonia 
 
 Gadamufa, in Maur. Sitif. 
 Gadara, in Lycaonia 
 Gadara, in PaJseltina fecunda 35-8 
 Gaiopolis, forfan Gseapolis, in Arabia 
 Gangra, in Paphiagonia 368 
 Gannarina, Glandeve, in Alpes Ma- 
 ritima; ^ 
 Gargara, in Afia 370 
 Gaucea, incertse pofit. in ^E-gypt. 35-5- 
 Gazula, incertas poiit. in ^Bgypt Ibid. 
 
 Gaza, in Palasft. prima 
 Gegita, in Maur. Sitif. 
 Geneva, in Viennenf. 
 Genua, in Alpes Cottise 
 Geone, in Pamphyl. fecunda 
 Gerafa, in Arabia 
 Gerara, in Palcdt. prima 
 Germa, Hellefpont. 
 Germanicia, in Euphratenfis 
 Gcrmanicopolis, in Ifauria 
 Geronta, vel Gerus, vei Geranus Lo 
 cus, Urbs incertas pofit. in Armenia, 
 vel Macedonia. 
 Gerrum, in Auguftamn. prima 
 Gerunda, Girone, in Tarracon. 
 Gilfata, ;* Pamphylia fecunda 
 Gindarus, in Syria prima 
 Girba, in Tripoli's 
 Gomphi, in ThefTalia 
 Gnidas, in Caria 
 Gnoffias, in Creta 
 
 Gordus, al. Juliggordus, in Lydia 370 
 Gordus, in Bithynia 369 
 Gortena, in Pilidia ^71 
 Gortyna, in Creta 37$* 
 GraduSj Grado, in Venetia 387 
 Gratianopolis, Grenoble, in Viennen- 
 
 fis 388 
 Gravifca, m Tufcia 37^ 
 
 Grumentum, Agrimonte, in Luean'ia 
 
 384 
 
 H. 3 
 
 35-8 
 
 3S8 
 386 
 
 37'i 
 357 
 3J8 
 369 
 360 
 372 
 
 3f4 
 
 39o 
 37i 
 36s 
 
 35-4 
 375- 
 
 37^ 
 375* 
 
 Hadria, in Picenum Suburbicar. 
 
 3Sr 
 38f 
 3<59 
 374 
 394 
 37° 
 Ibid. 
 
 Hadria, in Flaminia 
 Hadriana, in Bithyn. 
 Hadrianopolis, in Hcemimont. 
 HaguKhde, in Britan. 
 Halicarnaffus, in Caria 
 Harpafa, in Caria 
 Hebrides Infula? 
 Helena, Elna, in Narbonenfis 
 Helice, in Achaia 
 Heliopolis, in Augufiam. fecund 
 Heliopolis, in Phoenicia Libani 
 Hellene, m Lydia 
 Helenopoiis, in Bithyn. 
 Helmham, in Britan. 
 Hephseftia, m Macedon. 
 Hephxftus,/'» Augufiamnica prima ^54 
 Heraclea, in Auguftamnica prima lb. 
 Heraclea, in Macedon. 375" 
 Heraclea, in Europa Thrafica 573 
 Oooooo Heraclea, 
 
 3S8 
 375- 
 
 3f4 
 360 
 
 37° 
 369 
 393 
 375" 
 
An I N D E X of Epifcopal Sees. 
 
 Heraclea, in Lydia p3S %? 7 v 
 Hcraclea Latmi, in Carta 
 Heraclia Ponti, /» Honorias 3 63 
 Heraclea Salbaci, in Cam 37° 
 Heraclea, /'» Arcadia § 3*4 
 
 Herdonea, Ardona, «*» Apulia 3*4 
 Herefordia, w Britan. 394 
 Hermontes, /* Thebais fecunda 3f4 
 Hermopolis parva, m /Egypt- P" ma 
 
 Ibus 
 
 Hermopolis, *» Thebais prima Ibid. 
 Hermopolis, in Ifauria 37^ 
 Hierapctra, *» Creta 375" 
 Hierapolis, in Phryg. Pacat. 37* 
 Hierapolis, in Ifauria 
 Hierapolis, in Euphrates 360 
 Hierico, in Palxft. prima 3*8 
 Hierocxfarea, in Lydia 370 
 Hierufalem, /'» Palxft. prima 35-7, 3*9 
 Himerius, in Ofrhoene 300 
 Hippo-Zarito, al. Diarritorum, tn A- 
 fric. Procon. 35*3 
 Hippo-Regius, in Numid. Ibid. 
 Hippus, in Palxft. fecunda 3S?> 
 Hipfele, in Thebais prima 35"4 
 Hipfus, in Phryg. Salut. 37* 
 Hircanis, in Lydia 37° 
 Hifpalis, Sevil, i* Bcetica 39° 
 Hifpellum, Spello, in Umbna 380 
 Honomada, in Lycaonia 371 
 Hortanum, Orta, in Tufcia 379 
 Hyda, in Lycaonia _ 37 1 
 
 Hydmautus, in Lycaonia Ibid. 
 Hydrax, in Pentapolis 357 
 Hydruntum, Otranto, in Calabria 384 
 Hypxpa, in Afia 37° 
 
 I. 
 
 360 
 
 376 
 
 35-7 
 391 
 
 37o 
 
 Jabruda, in Phxnic. Liban. 
 Jadera, in Dalmatia 
 Jamnia, in Palxft. prima 
 Jamna, in Minorc. 
 Jaffus, *'k Caria 
 Ibonium, Vid. Bivinum 
 Iborea, in Hclenopontus 3 6 => 
 Iconium, in Lycaonia 37 1 
 
 Ignatia _ 3*4 
 
 llerda, Lerida, in Tarracon. 389 
 Jlipa, al. Elipla, in Boetica, Niebla 390 
 Illici, Alicante, in Carthaginenfis Hif- 
 
 pan. lbld - 
 Ilittra, in Lycaonia 37i 
 Illiturgi, incertx pofit. tn Hiipan. 
 Ilium, in Hellefpont. 3 6 9 
 Illufci, in Phryg. Pacat. 37 1 
 Ingilon, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Infulx, Vid. Hebrides 
 Interamnia, Terni, in Umbna 380 
 Interamnia, Teramo, in Picenum 
 
 Suburb. 381 
 Jonopolis, Vid. Junopolis, in Paphla- 
 
 gonia 3^8 
 Joppa, in Palxft. prima 35"8 
 Jotape, in Ifauria 37* 
 Irenopolis, in Cilicia fecunda Ibid. 
 Iria Flavia, El. Padron, in Gallxcia 
 
 390 
 
 Ifaura, in Lycaonia 37 * 
 
 Ifcus, in Dacia Ripenfis 376 
 Ifindus, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Ifkmium, in Samnium 384 
 Italica, Sevilla la Vieia, in Boetica 390 
 Iroana, in Phryg. Pacat. 372. 
 Juliopolis, in Galat. prima 368 
 .Junopolis, in Paphlagon. Ibib. 
 Juritum, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Juftmiana prima, in Prsvalitana 376 
 
 Juftinopolis, al. Mocilfus, in Cappad. 
 
 tertia page 367 
 
 Juvavia, in Noricum 377 
 
 Labdia vel Lapda 
 
 Lacedxmon, in Achaia 37^ 
 Lacobriga, incertx pofit. in Hifpan. 
 Lactoratium, Lec~toure, in Novem- 
 pop. 388 
 Lagania, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Lamecum, Lamego, in Gallxcia 390 
 Lamia, in Thefialia 375- 
 Lampfacus, in Hellefp. 3^9 
 Lamphania, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Lamus, in Ifauria 372 
 Landava, LandarT, in Britan. fecunda 
 
 r • < < ... 394 
 
 Laniobra, incertx pofit. in Hifpan. 
 Laodicea, in Phryg. Pacat. 372 
 Laodicea, in Pifidia 371 
 Laodicea, in Thcodorias 360 
 Laodicea, in Phoenicia Libani Ibid. 
 Lapithus, in Cyprus Ibid. 
 Lappa, in Creta 375- 
 Laranda, in Lycaonia 371 
 Larima, in Caria 370 
 Lariila, in TheiTalia 37^ 
 Lariila, in Syria fecunda 360 
 Lxrus, Urbs vel Infula, incertx poiit. 
 
 in iEgxo Mar. 
 Lafcara, Lefcar, in Novempopulania 
 
 388 
 
 Latopolis, in Thebais fecunda 35-4 
 Laudunum, Laon, in Belgica fecunda 
 
 389 
 
 Laverica, incertx pofit. m Hifpan. 
 Lavici, in Latium 382 
 Laureacum, Lork, in Noricum 377 
 Laus Pompeia, Lodi, in Liguria 386 
 Lauzada, in Ifauria 372 
 Lebedus, in Afia 370 
 Ledra, in Cyprus 360 
 Legeceftria, in Britan. 394 
 Legio, Leon, in Gallxcia 390 
 Lemandus, in Pentapolis 3s S 
 
 Lemovica, Limoges, in Aquitan. pri- 
 ma 388 
 Leontini, in Sicilia 384 
 Leontopolis, in Augufiamn. fecunda 
 
 t . , 35 "4 
 
 Leptis magna, in Tripolis Ibid. 
 
 Lete, in Macedonia 375- 
 
 Letus,_ in -(Egypt, prima 35-4 
 Lexovium, Lilieux, in Lugd. fecunda 
 
 389 
 
 Libias, m Palxft. prima 35-8 
 
 Lichfeldia, in Britan. 394 
 
 Limenopolis, in Pilidia 371 
 
 Limyra, in Lycia ibid. 
 
 Lindifarnia, in Britan. 394 
 Lindocolina, al. Lindum-Colonia, 
 
 Lincoln, in Britan. 393 
 
 Lingonum, Civ. Langres, in Lugd. 
 
 prima 389 
 
 Linoe, in Bithynia fecunda 369 
 
 Lipara Infula 384 
 
 Lirbx, in Pamphyl. prima 371 
 LiiTus, AlelTio, in Prxvalitana 376 
 Lifia, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 
 Lifta_ 381 
 Lifinia, in Pifidia 
 
 . Liturnum, in Campan. 383 
 
 j Locri, in Brutia 384 
 
 Londinum, in Britan. 393 
 
 Lorium, in Tufcia 379 
 Lorima, in Caria 
 
 Luca, in Tufcia p a o- e 07a 
 
 Lucus Augufti, Lugo, /»Gall2cia 393 
 Luetum, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 Lugdunum, Lion, in Lugd. prima 
 
 Luna, in Tufcia \~L 
 Lutevenfium Civitas, Lodove, /* 
 
 Narbon. prima 3$% 
 
 Lybias, in Ifauria 372, 
 
 Lycopolis, in Thebais prima 35-4 
 
 Lychnidus, in Epirus Nov, d-jc 
 
 Lydda, Vid. Diolpolis liy 
 
 Lydde, in Palxfi. prima 35-3 
 
 Lyhbxum, in Sicilia 384 
 
 Lypia, in Calabria L i \ 
 
 Lyiias, in Phryg. Salut. 374 ' 
 
 Lyfimachia, in Europa 37^ 
 
 Lylini a, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 
 Lyllra, in Lycaonia Uid. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macedonopolis, Urbs incertx pofit. 
 
 in Mefopotamia 
 Magalona, IJle of Magalone, in Nar- 
 bon. fecunda 385 
 Magidis, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Magndia Mxandri, in Afia, 3-70 
 Magnefia Sipyli, in Afia Ibid. 
 Magnetum, incertx pofit. in Hifpan. 
 Majorca Infula 300 
 Maiuma, in Palxft. prima 35-8 
 Malaca, Malaga, in Boetica 390 
 Malleotana, Urbs incertx pofit. tor- 
 fan Malliattha, in Arabia 
 Mallus, in Cilicia prima 372 
 Malus, in Piiid. 371 
 Manturanum, in Tufcia 379 
 Moeonia, in Lydia 37a 
 Marcelilanum, Vid. Cofilianum 
 Marciana, in Lycia 371 
 Marcopolis, in Ofrhoene 36J 
 Mareotis, m /Egypt, prima 35-4 
 Margus, in Mcefia prima 376 
 Mariana, in Corfica 385- 
 Mariama, in Syria fecunda 36a 
 Marianopolis, in Euphratefia Ibid. 
 Marianum, in Venetia 387 
 Marmarica, in Libya 355- 
 Maronia, in Rhodope 374 
 Marathon, in Achaia 37^ 
 Marrubium, al. Marfi, in Valeria 381 
 Martianopolis, in Moelia fecunda 374 
 Martyropolis, m Mefopotamia 360 
 MaiTilia, Marfeilles, in Vienncnfis fe- 
 cunda 388 
 Maftaura, in Afia 370 
 Maflaura in Lycia. 371 
 Matelica, in Picen. Suburbicar. 381 
 Matifco, Mafcon, in Lugd. prima ^ 
 
 3% 
 
 Mauriana, St. Jean de Maurienne, /* 
 Viennenf. 388 
 Maximianopolis, in Arabia 35-7 
 Maximianopolis, in Rhodope 374 
 Maximianopolis, in Pamph. fecunda 
 
 37* 
 
 Maximianopolis, in Palxft. fecunda 
 
 35* 
 
 Maximianopolis, in Thebais fecunda 
 
 3f4 
 
 Medaba, in Arabia 357 
 Mediolanum, Milan, in Liguria 386 
 Mediomatricum, Metz, in Belg. pri- 
 ma 389 
 Megalopolis, in Achaia ajf 
 Megara, in Achaia Ibid. 
 Melda, Meaux 389 
 
An INDEX of Epif copal Sees. 
 
 Mclfia, in Apulia page 384 
 Mclita lnfula 
 
 Mclitcnc, in Armenia fecunda 367 
 
 Mditopolis, in Hcllefpont. 369 
 
 Mclos hifula 373 
 
 Memphis, in Arcadia 3f4 
 
 Menelai, in iEgypt. prima Ibid. 
 
 Mcnevia, St. David's in Britan. 394 
 
 Mennith, in Palasft. fecunda 3 $-8 
 Mentefa, Mentexa, in Garth. Hifpan. 
 
 Mefenbria, in Hxmimont. 374 
 Meflana, in Sicilia 384 
 Mcflcne, in Achaia 375" 
 Metelis, in ./Egypt, prima 3^4 
 Methymna, in Lesbos 373 
 Metrocomia, Vid. Bacatha, in Palxlt 
 tertia 
 
 Metropolis, in Afia 37© 
 Metropolis, in Theftalia 37f 
 Metropolis, in Pifidia 371 
 Mevania, Bevagna, in TJmbria 380 
 Midaium, in Phryg. Sal. ^ 372 
 Migirpa, in Proconful. Africa. 
 Migncnia, Urbs incertas pofit. forfan 
 
 Magniana, in Ulyricum Occiden- 
 
 tale. 
 
 Miletus, in Caria 370 
 Milcum, al. Milevi, in Numidia 35-3 
 Minizus, al. Mnizus, in Mefopotamia 
 
 360 
 
 Minoida, al. Menith, in Palxftina'fe- 
 cunda 358 
 Minorica lnfula 391 
 Minturnas, in Campan. 383 
 Mifenum, in Campan. Ibid. 
 Miithium, in Lycaonia 371 
 Mocilfus, Fid. Juitinopolis, in Cap- 
 pad, tertia 367 
 Mocfa, Vid. Mopta vel Mozota. 
 Moguntia, Ments, in Germ, prima 
 
 380 
 
 Molitianum, Urbs incertae pofit. 
 Mopfueilia, in Cilicia fecunda 372 
 Morea, al. Famagorea, Urbs incertas 
 pofitionis 
 
 Molthena, in Lydia 370 
 Mofynus, in Phryg. Pac 372. 
 Muranum, in Brutia 384 
 Murfa, in Pannonia Inferior 377 
 Mutina, Modena, in iEmylia 385- 
 Myndus, in Caria 370 
 Myra, in Lycia 371 
 Myrrhina, in Afia 370 
 Myriangelus, Urbs incertas pofitionis 
 Myrum, al. Merum, in Phrygia Salu- 
 taris 372 
 Mytilene, in Lesbos 373 
 
 N. 
 
 Nacolia, in Phryg. Salut. 372 
 Naifus, in Dacia Ripenfis 376 
 Namnetum Civitas, Nantes, in Lugd. 
 
 tertia 389 
 Narbo, in Narbonnenfis prima 388 
 Narnia, Narni, in Umbria, 380 
 Naucratis, in iEgypt. prima 35*4 
 Naulochus, in Afia 370 
 Naupacfus, Lepanto, in Achaia 375- 
 Naxus lnfula 373 
 Nazianzum, in Cappadocia tertia 367 
 Nea, Vid. Sanea, in Phryg. Pacat. 372 
 Neapolis, Naples, in Campania 383 
 Neapolis, in Macedon* 375- 
 Neapolis, in Caria 370 
 Neapolis, in Arabia 3X7 
 
 Neapolis, Sichem, in Palasftina prima 
 
 page 35-8 
 
 Ncbium, in Corfica 385- 
 Necla, Vid. Elana, in Arabia 3^7 
 Nemaufus, Nifmes, in Narbonnenfis 
 
 388 
 
 Neocacfarea, in Pontus Polcmon. 367 
 Neocasfarea, in Bithynia 369 
 Neocxfarca, Vid. Casfarea, in Euphra- 
 tenfis 3 6 ° 
 Nepe, in Tufcia 379 
 Nephelis, in Ifauria 372 
 Neritum, Nardo, in Calabria 384 
 Neflyna, in Dardania 376 
 Nefus, in Lycia 37 1 
 
 Nibe, in Arabia 357 
 Nicasa, Nice, in Alpes Maritime 388 
 Nicasa, Nice, in Bithynia 369 
 Niccphorium, in Ofrhocne, 360 
 Nicium, in ^gypt. prima 354 
 Nicomedia, in Bithynia 369 
 Nicopolis, in Epir. Vet. 375" 
 Nicopolis, in Mcefia fecunda 374 
 Nicopolis, in Thracia Ibid. 
 Nicopolis, in Armen. prima 367 
 Nicopolis, Emmaus, in Palxft. prima 
 
 357, 359 
 
 Nicotera, in Brutia, 384 
 Nilopolis, in Arcadia 3^4 
 Nifibis, in Mefopotamia 360, 363 
 Nifileftum, Urbs incertas polit. 
 Nitria, in iEgypt. prima 354 
 Nivernum, Never s, in Lugd. quarta 
 
 389 
 
 Noia, in Campan. 383 
 Nomentum, Lamentano, in Valeria 
 
 38r 
 
 Nofalena, Urbs incertas pofit. forfan, 
 
 in Armenia Minor 
 Nova, in Venetia 387 
 Nova Aula, in Afia 37° 
 Novas, in Mcefia fecunda 374 
 Novaria, in Liguria 386 
 Noviodunum, in Pannonia Inferior 
 
 377 
 
 Noviodunum, Noyon, in Belgica fe- 
 cunda 389 
 Nuceria, Nocera, in Umbria 380 
 Numana, Humana, in Picen. Suburb. 
 
 381 
 
 Nurfia, in Valeria Ibid. 
 Nyfa, in Afia 370 
 Nyifa, in Cappad. prima 367 
 
 O. 
 
 Oafis, in Thebais prima 354 
 Occa, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Ocriculum, in Umbria 380 
 Odtodurum, Martenach, in Alpes 
 Graias 388 
 Odelfus, in Mcefia fecunda 374 
 Oca, in Tripoli's 3^4 
 Oeneanda, in Lycia 371 
 Olbia, in Pamphyl. fecunda Ibid. 
 Olbias, in Pentapolis 35-5- 
 Olbus, in Ifauria 372 
 Olero, Oleron, in Norempopulania 
 
 388 
 
 Oliva, in Maur. Sitif. 
 Olympus, in Lycia 371 
 Olyfippo, Lisbon, in Lufitan. 390 
 Onofada, in Lycaonia 371 
 Onofarta, in Syria prima 360 
 Onium, in Auguftamnica fecunda 
 
 354 
 
 Onuphis, in iEgypt. prima Ibid. 
 
 Opitergium, Oderzo, in Venetia 387 
 Opita, Urbs incertas pofit. 
 Opus, in Achaia' 375* 
 Orcades, in Britan. 392 
 Orcifius, in Galatia fecunda . 368 
 Oreftis, in Brutia 384 
 Oretum, Oreto, in Carthag. 390 
 Oreum, in Achaia 37^ 
 Orgellum, in 'Parracon. 39J 
 Ortfiofias, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 Ortholias, in Caria 370 
 Ortona, in Samnium 384 
 Ofca, tn 7'arracon. 389 
 Oflifmorum, in Lugduncnfis tertia 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 OlTonaba, Eftoi, in Lufitan. 390 
 Oftia, in Latium 378, 382 
 
 Ofiracina, in Augulfomn. prima 35-4 
 Otrum, m Phrygia Salut. 372 
 Ovilabis, in Noricum 377 
 Oximum, Hicfmes, in Lugdunenfis 
 
 fecunda 389 
 Oxirinchus in Arcadia 35-4 
 Oxoma, al. Uxama, Ofina, in Car- 
 
 thaginenlis 390 
 
 Pachneumenis, in ./Egypt, fecunda 
 
 354 
 
 Palladianum, Urbs inccrtaj pofit. 
 Palasopolis, in Afia 370 
 Palasopolis, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Palebifca, in Pantapol. 35-5" 
 Pallentia, in Carthag. 390 
 Palma, tn Majorca 391 
 Palmyra, in Phoenic. Libani 360 
 Paltos, tn Theodorias, al. Syria prima 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Pampilona, in Tarncon. 389 
 Panasphyfus, in Auguftamn- prima 
 
 354> 35<5 
 
 Paneas, al. Casfarea PhiHppi, m Phoe- 
 nic. prima 360 
 Pancmoticus, in Pamphylia fecunda 
 
 37i 
 
 Panium, tn Europa 373 
 Panopolis, in Thebais prima 35-4 
 Panormus, Palermo, tn Sicilia 384 
 Paphos, in Cyprus 360 
 Papa, tn Lycaonia 37! 
 Paretonium, in Libya 35- j- 
 
 Paralais, in Pifidia 371 
 Par3llus, in Arcadia 3^-4 
 Paralus, in iEgypr. fecunda Ibid. 
 Paraxia, Urbs incertas pofit. in Mace- 
 donia 
 
 Parembola, in Arabia 3^7 
 Parentium, in Hillria 3S7 
 Parifii, Paris, in Lugdunenfis quarts 
 
 389 
 
 Parium, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Parma, in ^Emylia 385" 
 Parnaflus, in Cappadocia tertia 367 
 Parascopolis, in Macedonia 37$- 
 Paros lnfula 373 
 Parolithus, Urbs incertas pofitionis 
 Parus, Urbs incertas pofitionis in Pi- 
 fidia. 
 
 Partenium, in Maur. Sitif. 
 Patara, in Lycia 37J 
 Patavia, al. Batavia Cafira, Paflaw, in 
 Noricum 377 
 Patavium, Padua, in Venetia 387 
 Patavium, in Bithynia 369 
 Paternum, Urbs incertas pofitionis, in 
 Cappadocia fecunda, forfan Parnaf- 
 fus Patras, 
 
An INDEX of Epifcopal Sees. 
 
 Patrae, in Achaia Page 37? 
 
 Paufola, in Pifen. Suburb. 381 
 Pautalia, in Dardania 37 6 
 Paeftum 384 
 Pella, in Patnphylia fecunda 37 l 
 Pella, in Palaeft. fecunda 3f8 
 Pelte, in Phryg. Pac. 37* 
 Pelufium, in Auguftamnica prima 35-4 
 Pentenefus, al. PednelilTus, in Pam- 
 phyl. fecunda 37 1 
 
 Pepere vel Perpere, in Afia 370 
 Perga, in Pamphyl. fecund. 371 
 Pergamus, in Afia 37° 
 Perre, in Euphratenfis _ _ 360 
 
 Pericrcis, Urbs incertae pofitionls, in 
 
 Libya vel iEgypto. 
 Perte, in Lycaonia 37 1 
 
 Perufcia, in Tufcia 379 
 Perfinus, in Galatia fecunda 368 
 Petavia, Petow, in Pannonia 377 
 Petenifliis, in Galatia fecunda 368 
 Pettuifus, in Galatia fecunda Ibid. 
 Petra, in Lazica 373 
 Petra, in palaeft. prima 3J"8 
 Petra, in Palaeft. tertia ibid. 
 Petrae, .n Achaia 375" 
 Petricorium, Petigueux, in Aquitan. 
 
 fecunda 388 
 Phacufa, in Auguftamnica prima 35-4 
 F^halaris, in Tufcia 379 
 PhsHrati, in D alaeft. tertia 3f8 
 Flvrbaethus, in Auguft. fecunda 35-4 
 Pnan,acea, Urbs incertae pofit. in Pon- 
 
 tus, al. Cilicia. 
 Phalelis, in Lycia 371 
 Phf.fis, in Lazica 373 
 Phiiufania, in Sardinia 385- 
 Fneilus, in Lycia 371 
 Phenon, in Palaeftina tertia 35"8 
 Philadelphia, in Lydia 370 
 Philadelphia, /'* Ifauria 372 
 Philadelphia, in Arabia 35-7 
 Philae, in Thebais fecunda 35-5- 
 Fhilippi, in Macedonia fecunda 374 
 Philippopolis, in Phryg. Pac. 372 
 Philippopolis, in Thracia 374 
 Philippopolis, in Arabia 357 
 Philomeum, in Pifidia 371 
 Phocaea ? in Afia 370 
 Phoenicia, in Epir. Vet. 375* 
 Photica, in Epir. Vet. Ibid. 
 Phragonea, in ./Egypt, fecund. 35-4, 35-6 
 Phthenoti, in iEgypt. prima _ 35-4 
 Phuphcna, Urbs incertae pofitionis, in 
 
 Iiauria vel Armenia Minor 
 Piclavi, Poi&iers, in Aquitania fecun- 
 da 388 
 Pinna, in Ficenum Suburb. 381 
 Pionia, in Hellcfpont. 369 
 Pifa, in Tufcia • 379 
 
 Pifaurum, Pefaro, in Pifenum Anno- 
 nar. 3 8 5" 
 Pifinda, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Pitane, in Afia 370 
 Pitius in Pontus 368, 373 
 
 Pitinum, in Valeria 381 
 Placentia, in ^Emilia 385- 
 Plataeae, in Achaia 375" 
 Placia, Urbs incertae pofitionis, in Ga- 
 latia vel Bithynia. 
 Platanus, Urbs incertae pofit. in Syria 
 
 vel Phoenicia 
 PlutinopoPs, in Hsemimont. 374 
 Podalaea, m Lycia 371 
 Pcemanium, in Hellcfpont. 369 
 Poeilum v in Lucania 384 
 Pola, in Hiftria 387 
 
 Polemonium, in Pontus Polemonia- 
 cus Tage 367 
 
 Polybutus, in Phryg. Salut. 372 
 Polymartium, Bomafo, in Tufcia 379 
 Pompeiopolis, in Paphlagon. 368 
 Pompeiopolis, in Silicia prima 372 
 Popu Ionia, in Tufcia 379 
 Porofolene Infula 373 
 Porphyrium, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 Porthmus, in Achaia 37? 
 Portus Oreftis, in Brutia 384 
 Portucale, El Puerro, in Gallaecia 390 
 Portus Augufti, Porto, in Tufcia 379 
 Potentia, in Piccnum Suburbicarium 
 
 381 
 
 Potentia. in Lucania 384 
 Prasconnefus, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Praenefte, Palaeftrina, in Valeria 381 
 Praenefte, in Latiurn 382 
 Praenetum, in Bithyn. 369 
 Praepeniflus, in Phrygia Salutaris 371 
 |:> riene, in Afia 370 
 Piimopolis, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Primula, in Macedon. 375- 
 Prine, in Epirus Nova Ibid. 
 Prifta, al. Trifta and Sexantaprifta in 
 
 Mcefia fecunda 374 
 Privatum, in Maur. Sitif. 
 Profolene Infula, Vid. Porofol. 
 Proftama, in Pifidia 371 
 Prufa, in Plonorias 368 
 Prula, in Bithynia 369 
 Prymncfia, in Phrygia Salutaris 372 
 Pfynchus, Vid. Oxyrinchus 35'5' 
 Ptolemais, in Thebais fecunda 354. 
 Ptolemais, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 Ptolemais, in Pentapolis 35-5- 
 Ptyufa, in Lazica vel Pontus Pole- 
 
 mon. 373 
 Pugla, in Pamphyl. fecunda 371 
 Puteoli, Puzzolo, in Campania 383 
 Pylaj; in Cherfonefus Ibid. 
 
 Quintanae, in Rhoetia fecunda 386 
 R. 
 
 Rabba, Vid. Petra 35-8 
 Rachlaena, Urbs incertae pofitionis, in 
 Phoenicia 
 
 Raphanea, in Syria fecunda 360 
 Raphia, in Palaeft. prima 35-8 
 Rapta, Urbs incertae pofit. in Africa 
 Ratifponia, in Rhoetia fecunda 386 
 Ravenna, in Flaminia 385- 
 Reate, in Valeria 381 
 Redonum Civitas, Renes in Lugdu- 
 nenfis tertia 389 
 Regium Lepidi, Rcggio, in iEmylia 
 
 385- 
 
 Regium, or Reij, Ricz, in Narbon. 
 
 fecunda 388 
 RemifTiana, in Dacia 376 
 Rcmi, Remes, in Belgica fecunda 389 
 Rhegium, Rezo, in Brutia 384 
 Rhefina, in Mesopotamia 360 
 Rhinocorura, in Auguftamnica prima 
 
 Rh'zimum, in Praevalitana 376 
 
 Rhodia, in Lycia 371 
 
 Rhodus Infula 373 
 
 Rhofi, Rochefter, in Britan. 394 
 Rocus, Urbs incertae pofit. 
 
 Roma, in Latium and Tufcia 377 
 Romatiana, Vid, Remiifiana. 
 
 Roflus, in Cilic. fecund. Page 372 
 Rothomagum, Rouen, in Lugd. ikM 
 cunda 
 
 Rufella, in Rnfcia 379 
 Rutena, Rhodes, in Anuit. prima 
 
 3S8 
 
 Rubi, Ruvo, in Apulia 384 
 
 S; 
 
 Sabaria, in Pannon . prima 377 
 Sabatra, in Lycaonia 371 
 Sabiona, in Venetia 38 j 
 
 Sabrata, in Tripoli's 35-4 
 Sabrita in Creta 375- 
 Saepinum, in Samnium 384 
 Sagalafius, in Pifidia 371 
 Sais, in ./Egypt, prima 35-^ 
 Sagium, Seez, in Lugdunenfis fecun- 
 da 389 
 Salami's, Vid. Conftantia 
 Salapia, Salpe, in Apulia 384 
 Salaria, in Carthagin. 390 
 Salernum, in Campan. 353 
 Salmantica, Salamanca, in Lufitan- 
 
 39o 
 
 Salona, in Dalmatia 376 
 Salpis, in Tufcia 379) 
 Samnium, in Samnium 384 
 Samos Infula 375 
 Samofata, in Euphrat. 360 
 Sanafcr, in Sardinia 38$* 
 Sanicienfium Civitas, Scnei, in Alpes 
 
 Marit. 388 
 Sanis, in Phryg. Pacat. 371 
 Santonum, Civ. Saintes, in Aquit. 
 
 fecunda 388 
 Sarcina, ** Flaminia 385* 
 Sardica, in Dacia 376 
 Sardis, in Lydia 370 
 Saracene, incertae pofit. in Arabia 360 
 Sarta, Urbs incertae pofit. 
 Safima, in Cappad. lecunda 367 
 Satala in Lydia 370 
 Satala, in Armen. prima 367 
 Snvona, in Alpes Cottiae 385 
 Saepinum in S..mnium 384 
 Sbide, in Ifauria 37a 
 Scampes, in Epir. Nov. 37/ 
 Scarabmti.i, in Pannon. 377 
 Sc^rphia, in Theftalia 375" 
 Scenae Mandrorum, in Auguftamnica 
 
 fecunda 354. 
 Scepfis, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Schedia, in iEgypt. prima 35*4, 3J"6 
 Scodra, in Praevalitana 376 
 Scupi, in Dardania Ibid. 
 Scyll „tium, in Brutia 384 
 Scythopolis, in Palaeft. fecunda 35"& 
 Sebafta, in Phryg. Pac. 372 
 Sebafte, in Cilic. prima Ibid. 
 Sebafte, in Armen. prima. 367 
 Sebafte, Samaria, in Palsft. prima 3j8 
 Sebaftopolis, in Armen a prima 367 
 Sebennytus, in iEgypt. fecunda 35-4 
 Secobin, Segovia, in Carthag. 390 
 Secorus, in Achaia ^ ' 375* 
 Sedunum Valefiorurrrf Syon en Valer, 
 
 in Alpes Graiae 388 
 Segeftero, Cilleron, in Narbonnenfis 
 
 fecunda Ibid. 
 Sagobrica, Segorbe, in Carthag. 390 
 Segonti, al. Saguntum, Siguenfa, i» 
 
 Carthag. Ibid. 
 Sela, in Auguftam. prima 35-4 
 Selenus, in ifauria 372 
 SeJeucia and Ctefipon, in Afiyria 364 
 
 Seleucia 
 
An INDEX of hpifcopal Sees. 
 
 Selcucia Fcrrea, in Pifidia page 371 
 Seleucia, in Pamphyl. fecunda Ibid. 
 Selcucia Pieria, in byria prima 
 Selcucia Beli, in Syr. fecunda 
 Seleucia, in Ifauria 
 Selga, in Pamphyl. prima 
 Sclcmbria, in Europa 
 Scllae, Urbs inccrtae pofit. 
 Semneum, in Pamphylia prima 
 Sene, Siena, in Tufcia 
 Senna, in Pamphyl. fecunda 
 Senia, Segna, in Dalmatia 
 Senogallia, Senogaglia, tn 
 
 Annon. 
 Senonum Civitas, Sens, 
 
 quarta 
 
 Seolfeia, in Britan. prima 
 Septe, in Lydia 
 Septempeda, S. Severino, 
 
 Suburb. 
 Serrx^ aL Philippi, in Mi 
 
 360 
 Ibid. 
 
 371 
 
 374 
 
 37i 
 
 379 
 37* 
 376 
 Picenum 
 
 385" 
 tn Lugd . 
 
 389 
 394 
 37o 
 in Picen. 
 
 38i 
 
 cedonia 
 
 37f 
 
 Sergiopolis, in Euphratenfis 360 
 Seitus, in Hellelpont. 
 Serra, in Lydia 370 
 Setabis, Xativa, in Carthaginenfis 390 
 Sexantaprifta, in Mcefia fecunda 374 
 Sibindus, in Phryg. Salutar. 
 Sichem, Vid. Neapolis 35-8 
 Sida, in Pamphylia 371 
 Sidon, in Phoenicia prima 360, 362 
 Sidonia, in Creta 375- 
 Sidnacefter, in Britan. 394 
 Sidyma, in Lycia 371 
 Signia, Segni, in Latium 382 
 Silandus, tn Lydia 370 
 Silbium, in Phryg. Pac. 372 
 Silva Candida, SanctaRuffina, in Tuf- 
 cia ; j 379 
 Silvane&um, Senhs, tn Belgica fecun- 
 da 389 
 Silvium, m Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Simidica, in Afric. Procon. 
 Singidunum, in Pannonia Inferior 
 
 377 
 
 Siniandus, in Pifidia 371 
 Siuuada, tn Phryg. Salut. 372 
 Sinna Municipium, in Africa Procon. 
 
 incertse pofit. 
 Sinnai, in Phryg. Pac. 372 
 Sinope, in Helenopontus 368 
 Sion, in Afia 370 
 Sipontum, in Apulia 384 
 Sirmium, in Pan. Infer. 377 
 Sifcia, in Pannon. Infer. Ibid. 
 Sifdra, in Pamphyl. prima 371 
 Siteum, in Creta 
 
 Smyrna, in Afia 370 
 Sobara, in Lycaonia 371 
 Sodcra, in Jona Infula 
 Sodoma, in Palaeft. tertia 35^8 
 Soli, in Cyprus 360 
 Solva, in Noricum 377 
 Sophene, in Armen. Magna 367 
 Sora, in Latium 382 
 Sora, in Paphlagonia 368 
 Sozopolis, in Haemimont. 374 
 Sozopolis, in Pifidia 371 
 Sozufa, in Pentapolis 35-5- 
 Sozufa, in Palaeft. prima 35-7 
 Spira Nemetum, in German, prima 
 
 Spoletum, Spoleto, in Umbria 
 Stabise, in Campania 
 Standita, in Lydia 
 Stau ropolis, in Caria 
 Stedtorium, in Phrygia Salutaris 
 Vol. I. 
 
 389 
 380 
 
 383 
 370 
 Ibid. 
 372 
 
 Stephane, Urbs incertae pofit. ;"»Pho- 
 
 cide vel Galatia. 
 
 Stobi, in Macedonia 37^ 
 
 Strategis, in Achaia Ibid. 
 
 Stratonice, in Caria 370 
 
 Stratonicia, in Lydia Ibid. 
 Stridon, Gran, in Pannonia Inferior 
 
 c • T r . 377 
 
 ouana, tn I ulcia 279 
 
 Subaugulta Helena, in Latium 
 
 378, 382 
 
 Subrita, in Creta 
 
 Subfadia, in Europa 374 
 
 Sim (fa, in Campania 383 
 
 Sulchi, in Sardinia 385- 
 
 Sulmo, in Samnium 384 
 
 Sura, in Euphratenfis 360 
 
 Surrentum, in Campan. 383 
 
 Sutrium, tn Tufcia 379 
 
 Sycamazon; in Palaeft. prima - 35-8 
 
 Sycaminon, in Phsenicia prima 360 
 Synnada, Vid. Sinnada, in Phryg. Sa- 
 
 c Iut ' 37* 
 Syracufx, in Sicilia 3S4 
 
 T. 
 
 Tabae, in Caria 370 
 
 Tabia, in Galatia prima 368 
 
 Tacape, in Tripoli's 35-4 
 
 Tadinum, in Umbria 380 
 Talbonda, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 
 Tamaflus, in Cyprus 360 
 
 Tamita, in Corfica 385- 
 
 Tanagra, in Achaia 377 
 
 Tanis, in Auguftamnica prima 35-4 
 
 Tarantafia, in Alpes Graiae 388 
 
 Tarbj, al. Bigorra, Tarbes, in No- 
 
 vempopulania 388 
 
 Tarentum, Taranto, in Calabria 384 
 
 Tarquina, in Tufcia 379 
 Tarentum, Taricina, in Campania 
 
 _ 382 
 
 Tarracona, in Tarraconenfis 389 
 
 Tarfus, in Cilicia prima 372 
 Taruana, Teruenne, in Belgica fecun- 
 
 ^ da 389 
 Tarvifium, Trevifo, in Venetia 387 
 Tathyris, in Thebais fecunda 35-5- 
 Taua, in iEgyptus prima 35-4 
 Taurianum, Seminara, in Brutia 384 
 Tauromenium, Taormina, in SiciJia 
 
 38 + 
 
 Teanum, in Campania 383 
 Teate, in Samnium 584 
 Tegea, in Achaia 375- 
 Tegula, in Sardinia 3^5- 
 Telmclfus, in Lycia 371 
 Temenothyrae, m Phrygia Pacatiana 
 
 372 
 
 Temnus, in Afia 370 
 Tempfa, in Pruiia 384 
 Tenedos, Infula 373 
 Tentyra, al. Tenchira, in Thebais fe- 
 cunda 3J4 
 Tenus Infula 373 
 Teos, in Afia 370 
 Tephra, in Homer itarum Regione A- 
 rabic. 364 
 Tergeftum, Triefto, in Hiftria 387 
 Termefius, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Tenchira, in Pentapolis 35-5- 
 Teuchira, in Thebais fecunda 35-4 
 Thamiate, in Arcadia Ibid. 
 ThaiTus, in Macedon 375- 
 Theatea, in Samnium, Vid. Teate 
 Thebss Phthioticae, in ThelTah'a 375- 
 
 Theboe, in Achaia p C a C 07^ 
 
 Thebais, in Thebais fecunda ° \<\ 
 Themiifiis, in Phryg. Pacat. 
 Themifonmm, in Phrygia Pacatiana 
 
 Thennefus, in Auguftamnica prima 71 
 
 Thcodofiopolis Nova, in Europa 374 
 1 heoaoliopolis, in Cappadocia prima 
 
 Thcodofiopolis, in Arcadia 
 Thcodofiopolis, in Pifidia 
 Thcodoiiopolis, in Phryg. Pacat 
 1 hera Infula 
 
 Therenunthis, in Thcb. fecund. 
 Thermae, in Sicilia 
 
 Thermae Rcgiae, in Hellefpont. Vid 
 Gcrmas -g- 
 Thermae, m Cappadocia prima 367 
 Thefpiae, in Achaia 
 Thciialonica, tn Macedonia primi 
 
 Thiatira, in Phryg. Salutaris 374 
 
 I hmis, m Thebais fecunda 35-4 
 
 Thmuis, /» Auguftamnica prima LI 
 
 ! hoi, tn Thebais fecunda d s $ 
 
 Thou, in Auguftamnica fecunda 2*4. 
 1 hunum, in tfrutia 
 Thymbria, in Afia 
 Thyatira, in Lydia 
 Tiberias, in Palaeftina fecunda 
 
 3H 
 37i 
 371 
 373 
 SSf 
 384 
 
 384 
 
 370 
 Ibid. 
 
 Tiberiopolis, in Phrygia Pacatiana 37 
 1 iberioDolis. rvm.i, c 
 
 *8 
 
 Tiberiopolis, in Cyprus 
 Tibur, Tivoli, in Valeria 
 Ticelia, in Pentapolis 
 Ticinum, Pavia, in Liguria 
 Tiella, Vid. Zella, in Bizacena 
 Tifernum Tiberinum, Citta di 
 
 ftello, m Umbria 
 Tifernum Metaurenfe, in 
 Annonar 
 
 360 
 381 
 
 386 
 
 Ca- 
 
 380 
 
 "indarium, in Sicilia 
 
 Picenum 
 38y 
 
 384 
 37* 
 
 368 
 
 371 
 Ibid. 
 
 Titiopolis, in Ifauria 
 Titua, in Pamphylia fecunda 
 Tium, in Honorias 
 T ios, in Lycia 
 Tityaflus, in Pifidia 
 Tolenunum, in Picenum Suburbiea 
 num o 
 Toletum, Toledo, in Cartha*. LI 
 To omum Tolon, in Vienneniis 3S8 
 Tolofa, Thploufe, in Naroonnenlis 
 
 Tomi, in Scythia 
 
 Topiris, in Rhodope %\ 
 
 Torcellum, in Venetia 
 
 Torone, in Macedonia 
 
 1 ornacum, Tournav, in Bekica i e - 
 
 cunda 3§ 
 
 Trajanopolis, in Rhodope \Z 
 Trallis, in Afia L£ 
 frallis, in Lydia Std 
 Tranopolis, in Phrygia Pacatiana 37^ 
 Tranum, in Apulia 
 Trapezopolis, tn Phryg. Pacat. 37I 
 Trapezus, Trebifond, in Pontus Po- 
 
 lemon. 6 
 Trebia, in Umbria ^ 
 Trecaj, Troves, tn Lngdunenfis quar- 
 
 Tremenothyri, in Phrygia PacatiaS 
 Vtd. Temenothyrx ^nx 
 Tremithus, /* Cyprus ^ 
 Tres Tabernae, Cifterna, ^Latium 382 
 1 ricaftinorum Civitas, St. Paule des 
 Trois Chafteau, in Vieu. fecunda 
 p 388 
 F P P P P P Triccse, 
 
An INDEX^f Epif copal Sees 
 
 Triccae, in Theflalia page 37f 
 
 Tridentum, Trent, in Venetia 3S7 
 Triocata, in Sic ilia 384 
 Tripolis, in Phoenicia prima 360 
 Tripoli's, in JLydia 37° 
 Troas, in Hellefpont. 369 
 Trocmi, in Galatia fecunda 3 6 § 
 Tropia, in Brutia _ 384 
 
 Trucntum, in Picenum Suburbicari- 
 
 um 38 1 
 
 Tucci, Martos, in Bcetica 390 
 Tude, Tuy, tn Gallsecia Ibid. 
 Tuder, Todi, in Umbria 380 
 Tullum, Toul, in Belgica prima 389 
 Tugronorum Civitas, Tongeren, tn 
 
 German, fecunda Ibid. 
 Turonorum Civ. Tours, in Lugdu- 
 
 nenlis tertia Ibid. 
 Turre Blandis, in Bizac. 
 Turris Libifonis, in Sardinia 38$- 
 Tufcania, in Tufcia 379 
 Tulculum, Frefcati, in Latium 
 
 378, 382 
 
 Tyana, in Cappadocia fecunda 367 
 Tymbria, in Afia. 
 
 TyrafTona, Tarazona, in Tarracon- 
 nenfis 3 8 9 
 Tyrus, in Phoenicia prima 360, 361 
 
 Valencia, Valence, in Viennenfis pri- 
 ma 388 
 Valentia, Valencia, in Carthaginenfis 
 
 390 
 
 Valentia ad Minium, Valenzia al. 
 Menno, in Gallsecia Ibid. 
 
 Valentinianopolis, in Afia 370 
 
 Valeria, Valera le Vieia, in Carthagi- 
 nenfis 39o 
 
 Valva, in Samnium 384 
 
 Vantena, Vid. Antinoe, in Thebais 
 prima 3f5" 
 
 Vapincum, Gap, in Narbonnenfis fe- 
 cunda 388 
 
 Vafada, Vide Lauzada, in Cilicia fe- 
 cunda 
 
 Vafirje, Bafas, in Novempopulania 
 
 page 388 
 
 Vafio, Vaifon, in Viennenfis fecunda 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Ucecienfe Caftrum, Uzes, in Narbo- 
 nenfis prima Ibid. 
 Velia, in Lucania 384 
 Velia, Veleia, in Tarraconenfis 390 
 Velitrss, Velirri, in Latium 381 
 Vellava, al. Anicium, La Puy en Vel- 
 lay, in Aquitannia prima 388 
 Venafrum, in Campania 383 
 Vencienfium Civitas, Vence, in Alpes 
 Maritime 388 
 Venetia, Vennes, in Lugdunenfis ter- 
 tia 389 
 V enta, Winchefter, in Britannia 394 
 Venufia, in Apulia 384 
 Vercellse, Vercelli, in Liguria 386 
 Verodunum, Verdun, in Belgica pri- 
 ma 389 
 Verona, in Venetia 387 
 Verulas, Veroli, in Latium 382 
 Vettonium, Bittona, in Umbria 380 
 Vibo- Valentia, Bivona, in Brutia 384 
 Vicentia, Vicenza, in Venetia 
 Vicohabentia, Vicovenza, in Flami- 
 nia 385 
 Vienna, in Viennenfis prima 388 
 Vigilioe, in Apulia 384 
 Vigintimilium, Vintimiglia, in Alpes 
 Cottiae 386 
 Vindobona, Vien, in Pannonia fupe- 
 rior 377 
 Vindoniffa, Winich, in Maxima Se- 
 quanorum 389 
 Vifeum, Vifeo, in Gallsecia 390 
 Vifontium, Bezanfon, in Maxima Se- 
 quan. 389 
 Ulpianum, in Dardania 376 
 Unnogorita, Urbs incertas pofitionis. 
 Unzela, in Pamphylia fecunda 371 
 Volaterra, in Tufcia 379 
 Volfcse, al. Vulci, in Tufcia Ibid. 
 Volfinium, Bolfena, in Tufcia Ibid. 
 Urbinum, in Picenum Annonarium 
 
 3*J 
 
 Urbs Salvia, Urbifaglia, in Picenum 
 Suburbicarium page 381 
 
 Urbs Vetus, Orvieto, in Tufcia 
 
 379 
 
 Urci, Orce, in Carthaginenfis 390 
 Urcinium, in Corfica 38$" 
 Uria, in Calabria 384 
 Urima, in Euphratenfis 360 
 Vulturnum, in Campania 383 
 Uxentum, Ugento, in Calabria 384 
 
 W. 
 
 Wigornia, in Britan. 394 
 Wintonia, Vid. Venta. 
 Wormatia Vangionum, Worms, in 
 Germ, prima 3S9 
 
 X. 
 
 Xanthus, in Lycia 
 
 Xoes, in iEgyptus fecunda 
 
 Z. 
 
 371 
 
 3H 
 
 Zabulon, in Palseftina prima 358 
 
 Zagylis, in Libya 35-5- 
 
 Zapara, in Macedonia 37$- 
 
 Zarmizegethufa, tn Gothia 376 
 
 Zela, in Helenopontus 368 
 
 Zelona, Idem 367 
 
 Zenopolis, /'* Lycia 371 
 Zena, forfan Zenopolis. 
 
 Zephyrium, in Cilicia prima 37a 
 
 Zerabena, in Arabia 3^7 
 Zerta, in Numidia. 
 
 Zeugma, in Euphratenfis 360 
 Zicchia, in Scythia. 
 Zichna, Urbs incertse pofit. in Mace- 
 donia. 
 
 Zigga, Vid. Sicca Venerea. 
 
 Zoara, in Paiaeftina tertia 35-8 
 Zaropafla, Urbs incertse pofit. in Cili- 
 cia vel Ifauria. 
 Zuchabari, Vid. Suburb. 
 
 Zygris, in Libya 355 
 
 The End of the First Volume. 
 
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