The Street of the Four Triumphal Arches at Pekin. THE CHINESE EMPIRE Sqiul TO RECOLLECTIONS OP A JOURNEY THROUGH TARTARY AND THIBET BY M. HUC FORMERLY MISSIONARY APOSTOLIC IN CHINA View of the Great Wall of China from the neighbourhood of Pekiri NEW EDITION LONDON LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, AND ROBERTS 1SG0 THE GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE LIBRARY TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. -4- The Author of these volumes is already favourably known to the English public, by his “ Travels in Tartary and Thibet,” but the present work is one of greater interest and importance than the former. M. Hue has enjoyed such opportunities of becoming ac¬ quainted with China as have scarcely fallen to the lot of any European before. During the journey here recorded, —a journey through the very heart of the Empire, from the frontiers of Thibet to Canton,— he stood under the immediate protection of the Emperor, travelling in all the pride and pomp of a high Govern¬ ment functionary, attended humbly by Mandarins, and surrounded, by a military escort, and he was brought into constant and intimate relation with persons of the highest rank in the country. During a previous residence of no less than fourteen years in various parts of China, he had been in habits of familiar inter¬ course with all classes, but more especially with the poor, and while labouring in his vacation in obscurity and secrecy, had looked into the domestic life, and watched the working of the hidden mechanism of society in that mysterious Empire still so imperfectly known, though extending over a surface greater than that of all Europe, and comprising a population of one-third of the human race. His knowledge of the institutions, religion, manners, and customs of the Chinese, was not taken on hearsay from the accounts of others, but gathered from actual experience, and he has communicated his knowledge to the reader, not in a heavy formal dissertation, but in a much pleasanter manner, a propos to the various incidents of his extraordinary journey. It will not probably be regarded as matter of complaint that this journey, undertaken in such anomalous circumstances, should present some incidents, surprising enough to be received with doubt did they a 4 Till translator’s preface. come before us without any guarantee. But the well known and high character of M. Hue—the auspices under which the work has appeared—and the internal evidence of veracity that it every¬ where presents, afford sufficient warrant, even for what is most singular and unexpected. It is to be noted also, that on that subject on which, of all others, the statements of a Missionary are usually to be received with hesitation, on the effect, namely, of the labours of himself and his brethren in the conversion of the Chinese, M. Hue betrays no tendency to the customary sanguine exaggeration; and if he has resisted the temptation so often yielded to, of representing the prospects, from missionary labours, in a more favourable light than is warranted by the fact, we may reasonably give him credit for accuracy in cases where his personal wishes and prepossessions are far less, if at all concerned. The narrative is not at all less credible because many scenes of it are as amusing as a comedy, and often not unlike one in the curious game carried on between the eternal shuffling trickeries of the Mandarins, and the courage, humoui', and audacity of the missionaries. In several instances, from the peculiar character of the Chinese, a kind of dashing effrontery afforded the only means of escape from perils to which a more timid and feeble traveller would probably have fallen a victim. In matters of opinion it cannot be expected that the views of the author should always agree with those of English Protestants ; he has of.course looked at things with his own eyes, and not with ours, but it is never difficult to make allowance for the effect of the refracting medium through which (as it appeal's to us) he has regarded matters connected with the interests of his Church. His religion, it may be added, is evidently not worn as a garment, but interwoven with every thought and occurrence of his daily life, and it will therefore often attract the spiritual sympathies of those who may differ most widely from him on doctrinal points. His account of the Chinese Empire, besides the information and amusement it affords, suggests matter for solemn thought, in the picture it presents of a civilised nation, almost wholly removed from religious influence, “without God in the world,” and falling rapidly to decay, from no other cause than that of internal moral corruption. M. Hue mentions the (we believe) unparalleled translator’s preface. IX occurrence of a late Emperor having in an important state docu¬ ment passed in review all the systems of religion known in China (Christianity included), and formally recommended his people to have nothing to do with any. The whole system of socjety and government appears to be calculated with as little reference as possible to the moral and spiritual nature of man. As one xample, among many others, we may mention the extraordinary dea entertained in China of the responsibility of public officers, making the punishment for misconduct in any department in the inverse ratio of the rank of the offender; clerks and other mere I instruments being punished most severely, and the highest officers scarcely at all: thus making it evident that the law takes cogni¬ zance only of the mere physical fact, and not of the evil intention, in which the whole moral offence consists. Christianity alone, we conscientiously believe, can heal this inward corruption, and arrest the downward progress of this mighty nation, now no longer separated from us by almost im¬ passable distance. Not merely the statesman and the merchant, but the humblest among us, are now often connected by strong and tender ties with countries equally remote. A breach too has been made in the hitherto impenetrable barrier surrounding these distant Asiatic Empires. The United States have obtained im¬ portant commercial privileges in Japan; Russia is striving for the same, and the secluded population of China have come forth to mingle (in California and Australia) in some of the busiest haunts of men, and take part in the newest movements of the time.* Of the tx-emendous insurrection that has broken out in the bosom of the Empire itself, as well as of some mistaken ideas entei’tained concerning it, the author has himself spoken sufficiently. A word of explanation may be permitted concerning the plural pi'onoun constantly used by the author, the nos majesticum, as it is called, not very correctly in this instance, for it is obviously em¬ ployed by M. Hue, as by many others, rather to avoid the appear¬ ance of egotism and veil the individual personality. Since it seemed in some measure characteristic, the ti’anslator has not ventured to change it for the more customary singular. But * Recent accounts from Melbourne mention the arrival of Chinese immi¬ grants in such numbers as to cause some serious apprehension on the part of the English residents. X translator’s preface. whatever may be thought on this and other trivial points, there is reason to hope from the subject of the work, the means of infor¬ mation enjoyed by the author, and his vivid and dramatic manner of conveying his impressions, that his book will be received in this country with favour, equal to that which has already welcomed it in his own. AUTHOR’S PREFACE. —f— When in a former work we retraced the recollections of our journey in Tartary and Thibet, we were compelled to interrupt our narrative on the frontiers of the Chinese Empire. We ex¬ pressed, however, in a postscript, the wish to complete some day the task that circumstances compelled us then to leave unfinished. We said, “ We still have to speak of our relations with the Chinese Mandarins and the tribunals, as well as to cast a glance on the provinces that we traversed, and to compare them with those that we visited on our former journeys through the Celestial Empire.” “ This chasm,” we added, “ we will endeavour to fill up, during whatever hours of leisure we may be able to spare from the labours of our holy ministry.”* The present opportunity has seemed extremely favourable for the accomplishment of this design, and, in default of any other merit, our observations on the Chinese will at least have that of being well timed, since we are making them public at an epoch when the political situation of this great nation is exciting the most general and lively interest. This vast Empire, which for so long a time has appeared to be sunk in the most profound political apathy, and which even the warlike operations of the English scarcely seem to have disturbed, — this Colossus, has been suddenly shaken to its very foundations by one of those terrible storms that can scarcely pass over a nation without effecting some change in its ancient forms ; which leave behind them sometimes better institutions, but always much of desolation and ruin. If the original causes of the Chinese insurrection are almost entirely unknown in Europe, its more immediate occasion is not * Recollections of a Journey through Tartary and Thibet. Xll AUTHORS PREFACE. so. In the first instance, this was an isolated act of highway robbery ; then followed the association of several villains of that description, endeavouring to resist the efforts of the Mandarins to repress them, and soon from the very dregs of the population a little army was raised, which began to occasion serious uneasiness to the viceroy of the province of Kouang-si. At length the captain of this gang of robbers, now become the chief of an armed forcp, proclaimed himself Generalissimo, called in politics and religion to the assistance of his revolt, summoned around him the secret societies that swarm in the Empire, declared himself the restorer of Chinese nationality against the usurpation of the Mantchoo Tartar race, assumed the title of Emperor, under the pompous name of Tien-te (Celestial Virtue,) and denominated himself also the younger brother of Jesus Christ. By means such as these has an Empire of three hundred millions of men been brought to the brink of destruction. It may appear scarcely credible that a petty revolt of banditti should have increased to such an extent as to become formidable, and assume a sort of national character; but for those who are acquainted with China and its history it will not seem very sur¬ prising. This country has always been the classic ground of revolutions, and its annals are but the narrative of a long series of popular commotions and political vicissitudes. In the period of time between the year 420, when the Franks entered Gaul, and 1644, when Louis XIV. ascended the throne of France, and the Tartars established themselves in Pekin, a period of twelve hundred and twenty-four years, China underwent fifteen changes of dynasty, all accompanied by frightful civil wars. Since the invasion of the Mantchoo Tartar race, the nation has appeared, it is true, -quite indifferent to the political situation of the country, and altogether absorbed in material enjoyments; but in the bosom of this sceptical and avaricious people, there has always remained a powerful and vivacious spark that the Tartar government has never been able to extirpate ; secret societies have been formed all over the Empire, the members of which have seen with impatience the Mantchoo domination, and cherished the idea of overthrowing it to obtain a national government. These innu¬ merable conspirators were all ready for revolt, and predetermined to support it, let the signal come from whence it might, whether author’s preface. xm from a discontented viceroy or a highway robber. On the other hand, the agents of Government had contributed not a little by their conduct to provoke the outbreak. Their unheard-of exac¬ tions had filled up the measure of wrong doing, and great numbers of the Chinese, some driven by indignation, and others by poverty and despair, joined the ranks of the insurgents, for the sake of ■ even a remote chance of ameliorating their condition, certain that : they could not be more oppressed, let the new government be as bad as it might. It is also far from impossible that another cause, but little apparent, may really have exercised considerable influence in the explosion of this Chinese insurrection; namely, the latent infiltra¬ tion of European ideas, put in circulation in the free ports and ; along the coast by the commerce of the Western nations, and carried by the missionaries into the very heart of the Empire, and to the most remote provinces. The people at large care little enough about what is thought or done by Europeans, whose very existence is all but unknown to them; but the educated classes do at present think much of foreign nations, and cultivate geography with great success. We have often in our journeys met with Mandarins, who had very correct notions of European affairs, and it is these learned men, who give the tone to opinion, and regulate the course of popular thought, so that the common people may very well be following the impulse of European ideas, without knowing so much as the name of Europe. One of the most remarkable aspects of the insurrection is the religious character that its chiefs have sought, from its very com¬ mencement, to impress upon it. Every one must be struck with the new doctrines with which the proclamations and manifestoes of the Pretender and his generals have been filled. The unity of God has been distinctly expressed ; and around this fundamental dogma have been grouped a number of ideas borrowed from the Old and New Testament. War has been declared at the same time to idolatry and to the Tartar dynasty; for after having defeated the imperial troops, and overthrown the authority of the Mandarins, the insurgents have never failed to destroy the pagodas and massacre the Bonzes. As soon as these facts became known in Europe, it was eagerly proclaimed everywhere, that the Chinese nation had decided on XIV author’s preface. embracing Christianity, and the Bible Society did not fail to claim the merit and glory of this marvellous conversion. We do not, however, give the slightest credit to the alleged Christianity of the insurgents, and the religious and mystical sentiments expressed in these manifestoes inspire us with no gieat confidence. In the second place, it is by no means necessary to have recourse to the Protestant Propaganda to account for the more or less Christian ideas remarked in the proclamations of the revolutionary Chinese. There exist in all the provinces a very considerable number of Mussulmans, who have their Koran and their mosques. It is to be presumed that these iMhhometuns, who have already several times attempted to overthrow the Tartar dynasty, and have always distinguished themselves by a violent opposition to the Government, would have thrown themselves with ardour into the ranks of the insurrection. Many of these must have become generals, and have mingled in the councils of Tien-te. It is therefore not wonderful to find among them the doctrine of the unity of God, and other ideas of Biblical origin, though whimsically expressed. The Chinese have also for a long time had at their command a precious collection of books of Christian doctrine, composed bv the ancient missionaries, and which, even in a purely liteiaij point of view, are much esteemed in the Empire. Iliese books are diffused in great numbers throughout all the provinces, and it is more probable that the Chinese innovators have drawn the ideas in question from these sources than from the Bibles pru¬ dently deposited by the Methodist on the seashore. The new faith proclaimed by the insurrectional government, though vague and ill-defined, does nevertheless, it must be ac¬ knowledged, indicate great progress ; it is an immense step in the path that leads to the truth. This initiation of China into ideas so opposed to the scepticism of the masses, and their coarse tendencies, is, perhaps, a symptom of that mysterious march of all nations towards unity, which is spoken of by Count de Maistre, and which, according to the expression which he borrows from the sacred writings, we ought to “salute from afar; * but foi^ the present it appears to us difficult to see in the chief of this Chinese * Soirees de St. Petersburg —Premier Entretien. author’s preface. XV insurrection anything else than a kind of Chinese Mahomet seeking to establish his power by fire and sword, and cryiim to his fanatical partisans—“ There is no God but God, and Tien-te is the younger brother of Jesus Christ.” And now, what will be the result of this Chinese insurrection ? Will its promoters succeed in their design of establishing a new dynasty, and a new worship, more in harmony with their lately adopted faith ? Or will the Son of Heaven have power to re¬ establish the throne so roughly shaken ? The recent course of events is too imperfectly known to us, and appears also too little decisive, to enable us to determine these questions. Yet, notwithstanding the impossibility of forming any well- grounded opinion on the probable issue of the struggle, the journalists of Europe have declared that were the Tartar dynasty once overthrown, the nation would merely return into its tradi¬ tional course. It seems to us that this is an error. What is called the Chinese system has really no existence ; for this expres¬ sion can be understood in no other sense than by supposing it opposed to a Tartar system. Now there is not, and never was a Taitai system. Ihe Mantchoo race has, indeed, imposed its yoke upon China, but has had scarcely any influence on the Chinese mind ; it has not been able to do much more than introduce some slight modifications into the national costume, and force the conquered people to shave their heads and wear a tail. The Chinese have been governed mostly by the same institutions after as before the conquest ; they have always remained faithful to the traditions of their ancestors, and have, in fact, in a great measure, absorbed the Tartar race, and imposed upon it their own manners and civilisation. They have even succeeded in nearly extinguish¬ ing the Mantchoo language, and replacing it by their own. °They have nullified the Tartar action on the Empire, by engrossing the greater part of the offices that stand between the governors and the governed. Almost all employments, in fact, if we except the chief military posts, and the highest dignities of the State, have become the exclusive inheritance of the Chinese, who possess, more frequently than the Tartars, the special kinds of knowledge necessary to fill them. As for the Tartars, isolated and lost in the immensity of the Empire, they have retained the privilege of watching over the security of the frontier, occupying the fortified places, and mounting guard at the gates of the imperial palace. XVI author’s preface. V It is not at all surprising that the state of affairs in China should have resisted the Mantchoo invasion, and should not have been in the slightest degree altered by the accession of a foreign dynasty. China°differs in this, as in other respects, widely from Europe. The countless revolutions and political convulsions of which it has been the theatre have destroyed nothing, and for the simple reason, that one of the most distinctive features of the Chinese character is a profound, in some measure religious, veneration for ancient institutions, and all things ancient. After every successive revo¬ lution this extraordinary people has applied itself to reconstitute the past, and recall the antique traditions, in order not to depart from the rites established by their ancestors, and this is one of the circumstances that may serve to explain how this nation, which at so early a period attained so remarkable a degree of civilisation, has remained stationary and made no progress for centuries. Can it be hoped, nevertheless, that the present insurrection will brine* any modification in this state of things? We must be per¬ mitted to doubt this. It is even probable that the unsympathising disposition of the Chinese towards the nations of the West will remain what it has always been. China is far from being open ; and whatever may be said, we believe that our missions have very little to hope there. We must not forget, in fact, that Christianity is in no way concerned in the crisis which the Empire is now passing through. The Christians, too wise and prudent to hoist a political standard, are also too few in number to exercise any sensible influence on the affairs of the country, and they have re¬ mained neutral. For this reason they have become equally suspected by both parties, and we fear will be hereafter equally exposed to punishment whichever side may be ultimately victorious. Should the Mantchoo Government triumph over the insurrection, which already more than once has displayed the cross upon its standards it will have no mercy on the Christians, and this long struggle will Wp nnlv served to redouble its suspicions and embitter its wrath ; oppose his projects. Thus the conclusion of the civil wav may be to the Christians author’s preface. XVII the signal of a new persecution. These terrible trials need not, indeed, induce us to despair of the future prospects of Christianity in China : for we know that the Almighty rules the nations at his pleasure, that He can, when Ide pleases, bring good out of evil, and that often, where men think all is lost, it is then precisely that all is saved. In fact, notwithstanding the worship professed by the Chinese for their ancient institutions — if circumstances should at length force the European element to quit its neutrality, and mingle in the affairs of the Celestial Empire, this intervention would pro¬ bably be the source of remarkable changes, and might gradually produce a complete transformation of China. It may be even, apart from the hypothesis of an intervention, that the new ideas introduced by the revolutionary Chinese will of themselves prove active enough to exercise considerable influence over the destinies of the Empire. Then will regenerated China assume a new aspect, and who knows whether it may not ultimately succeed in placing itself on a level with European nations ? These prospects, uncertain as they are, have encouraged us in the execution of our task. The moment, in fact, when the Tartar-Mantchoo dynasty appears to be tottering to its fall, and China on the eve of a great social and political transformation, is the most suitable for saying what we know concerning this great Empire. Should it be destined to undergo a total change, we shall have contributed to preserve the memory of what it was, and to rescue from oblivion those ancient customs which have rendered it in our own day an enigma to Europe. Whilst the insurrection is proceeding in its work of demolition, we will labour in construc¬ tion ; and if we can succeed in conveying an exact idea of Chinese society, as it appeared to us in the course of our long peregrina¬ tions, our object will have been attained, and we shall have nothing more to say than, as the authors of former days used to do, “ Soli Deo horios et gloria.” In our former work, “ Recollections of a Journey,” we related our travels across the deserts of Tartary, and the incidents of our residence in Thibet, — a residence shortened by the ill-will of Chinese politicians, and finally, our return to China, under the escort of Mandarins. We are now about to resume our narrative where we then laid a XV111 author’s preface. it down, that is to say, from the moment when, having just crossed the frontiers of China, we were carried by our conductors towards the capital of Sse-tchouen, to be there brought to trial. This second part of our narrative will turn exclusively upon China, and we will endeavour to correct as much as possible the erroneous and absurd ideas that have prevailed from time imme¬ morial concerning the Chinese people. The efforts made by learned Orientalists, and principally by M. Abel Remusat, to rectify the errors of Europeans on that subject, have not had all the success they merited, for the most contradictory statements are constantly being uttered and printed concerning them. It is not difficult to trace these errors and contradictions to their sources, in the ac¬ counts published at various epochs by those who have penetrated into China, and also by those who have never set foot in it. When,in the sixteenth centuiy, the Catholic missionaries arrived, bearing the message of the Gospel to the innumerable nations who form collectively the Chinese Empire, the spectacle that presented itself to their observation was calculated to strike them with astonishment, and even with admiration. Europe, which they had just quitted, was in the convulsions of intellectual and political anarchy. The arts, industry, commerce, the general aspect of cities and their population, was totally different from what we see at the present day. The West had scarcely entered on the path of material civilisation. China, on the contrary, stood in some measure at the zenith of her prosperity. Her political and civil institutions worked with admirable regularity. The Emperor and his Mandarins were truly the “Father and Mother”* of the people, and by both high and low the laws were faithfully observed. The imaginations of the missionaries could not but be powerfully af¬ fected by this immense Empire, with its numerous and orderly population, its fields so skilfully cultivated, its great cities, its magnificent rivers, its fine system of canals, and its entire and prosperous civilisation. The comparison was certainly at that time not to the advantage of Europe, and the missionaries were inclined to admire everything they saw in the new country of their adoption. They often exaggerated what was good in it, and they did not * A title by which in China the representatives of authority are designated. author’s preface. XIX see the accompanying evil, and thus they have often published, in perfect good faith, descriptions of China that were much too flattering to be correct. Modern missionaries have perhaps fallen into the contrary extreme. Europe has been of late years marching from progress to progress, and almost every passing day has been signalised by some new discovery; China, on the contrary, is in a state of decay, the vices that disfigured its ancient institutions have increased, and whatever good may have been mingled in them has almost wholly disappeared. It has happened, therefore, that the mis¬ sionaries, setting out with magnificent ideas of the splendour of Chinese civilisation, and finding the country really full of disorder and misery, have come to conclusions respecting it the very reverse of those formed by their predecessors three centuries ago. Under the influence df these sentiments, they have given us pictures of China drawn in gloomy colours. They have, without intending it, exaggerated its evils, as their predecessors had exaggerated what was good ; and these different estimates have produced con¬ tradictory accounts, which were not likely to throw much clear light on the facts of the case. Mere tourists, too, have of course furnished their contingent to increase the confusion. Few of the travellers who have been attracted either by curiosity or interest to visit the Chinese shore have not felt the desire to make the fact known to the world, at least through the news¬ papers. They have seen little indeed, but that has not prevented them from writing much, and often from slandering the Chinese, for no other reason than that the missionaries formerly over¬ praised them. Very frequently they have drawn largely in their Avritings from the accounts of embassies, which unfortunately are regarded as great authorities, although M. Abel Remusat has more than once endeavoured to reduce them to their just value. “ The ideas unfavourable to the Chinese,” says this skilful and impartial critic, “ are not new, but they have been recently dif¬ fused and credited. They are partly due to the authors of the Narratives of the Dutch and the two English Embassies. “ The missionaries had boasted so much of Chinese manners and Chinese policy, that in order to say something new on the subject, it was necessary to take the other side. There were also many persons disposed to believe that as they Avere professedly a 2 XX author’s preface. religious men, they had yielded in their writings to the prejudices of their profession, and the interests of their calling. Lay observers are much less suspected, and in their eyes a missionary is hardly a traveller. How could a man who was neither a Jesuit nor a Dominican fail to be a model of veracity and impartiality ? “ Nevertheless, if we consider the matter a little more atten¬ tively, we shall see that the travellers, on whom so much reliance has been placed, have not quite as many claims to confidence as has been supposed. No one of them was acquainted with the language of the country, whilst the Jesuits could even write in Chinese, so as to equal the best native literati. No one of them ever saw the Chinese otherwise than on occasions of ceremony, in visits of etiquette, or at festivals strictly regulated by the ‘Rites,’ whilst the missionaries made their way everywhere, from the Imperial Court to the most remote provinces and the most humble villages. These travellers never fail to speak very well of the productions of the country, the manners of the inhabitants, the genius of the Government, for they had under their eyes, while writing their narrative of their travels, the collection of 4 Lettres Edifiantes ,’ the compilation of Duhalde, and the memoirs of the missionaries. You never find, therefore, an idea of any importance in one that has escaped the others, for they have > copied faithfully, and that was the best thing they could do. What could the most able men have said in their place ? “ The situation of travellers in China is not usually an enviable one. At their departure from Canton they are imprisoned in closed boats ; they are guarded carefully from sight all along the great canal; they are what we may call put under arrest imme¬ diately on their arrival at Pekin ; and, after two or three official receptions and interrogatories, they are hastily sent back again. As they are not allowed the slightest communication with the outer world, they can really describe from their own knowledge nothing more than the hedge of soldiers by which they have been surrounded, the songs of the boatmen who have accompanied them, the formalities employed by the inspectors who have searched them, and the evolutions of the grandees who prostrated them¬ selves with them before the Son of Heaven. The history of the whole affair has been given by one of these travellers with as much naivete, as precision. He says, ‘they entered Pekin like author’s preface. XXI beggars, stayed in it like prisoners, and were driven from it like thieves.’* “ This kind of reception, quite conformable to the laws of the Empire, explains very well the feeling of aversion to China mostly perceptible in these narratives. The writers have enjoyed neither freedom nor pleasure there, but have met with troublesome customs, inconvenient furniture, and dishes that were not to their taste ; and bad dinners and bad lodgings will leave unpleasant re¬ collections in the most impartial minds.” f It is assuredly not by traversing the country in this fashion, or by residing some time in a port half Europeanised, that it is possible to become acquainted with Chinese society. For that you must be in some measure identified with the life of the Chinese ; you must have lived Jong among them, and have almost become a Chinese yourself. This is what we did for a period of fourteen years, and we are therefore in a position to speak with confidence concerning an Empire that we had adopted as a second country, and that we entered without thinking of a return. Circumstances have also greatly favoured us in our observations, for we have been enabled to traverse several times the various provinces of the Empire, and compare them with each other, as well as to become initiated into the manners of the Chinese of the highest class, in the midst of which we constantly lived during our journey from the frontiers of Thibet to Canton. Our readers must not, however, expect to find in our narrative a great number of those edifying details which have so great a charm for pious and believing souls, and which, perhaps, they had a right to look for in the pages of a missionary. It is our purpose to address readers of all opinions, and to make China known to all; not merely to preserve the memory of facts connected with our mission. These interesting particulars must be sought in the “ Annals of the Propagation of the Faith,” those veritable bulletins of the Church militant, in which are recorded the acts of apostles, the virtues of neophytes, and the struggles and sufferings of martyrs. Our object in these volumes has been to describe the theatre of this peaceful warfare, and to * Account of the Embassy of Lord Macartney, f Melanges Posthumes, p. 336. a 3 XXII author’s preface. make known the populations that tlie Church of God desires to subject to her rule, and bring within her fold. We hope it will then be more easy to understand the long struggles of Christianity in China, and to appreciate its victories. One word more. Many things in these volumes will perhaps appear improbable, especially if looked at merely with European ideas, and without placing ourselves—if we may be permitted the expression — in the Chinese point of view. We trust, however, that our readers will give us credit for veracity, and dispense us from the necessity of employing the language that the celebrated Marco Polo thought himself obliged to address to his readers in the beginning of his interesting narrative: — “ And we will put down the things we have seen as seen, and the things we have heard as heard, in order that our book may be honest and true without any lie, and that every one that may read or hear this book may believe it ; for all the things it contains are true.” * Paris, 24th May, IS54. * Recueil des Voyages de la Societe de Geographie.— Voyage de Marco Polo, 1. i. p. 2. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Arrangements for our Departure. — New Costume. — Departure from Ta-tsien- lou. — Farewell of our Thibetan Escort. —Aspect of the Road. — Suspension- Bridge over the River Lou.—Family of our Conductor.—Palanquin- bearers.— Long Caravans of Porters. — Riot on our account in the Town of Ya-tcheou. — Country assumes definitively a Chinese Character_Triumphal Arches and Monuments erected in Honour of Virgins and Widows. — Com¬ munal Palaces for Travelling Mandarins.—Discovery of a Christian Family. — Aristocracy of Khioung-tcheou. —Introduction and Ravages of Opium in China.—Magnificent Monastery of Bonzes. — Interview with a Christian of the Capital of Sse-tchouen. — Arrival at Tching-tou-fou - Page 1 CHAP. H. Conversation with the Prefect of the Garden of Flowers. — Lodgings in the Court of Justice. — Invitation to Dinner with the two Prefects of the Town. — Conversation with two Persons of Distinction. — Two Mandarins of Honour assigned to amuse us. — Solemn Judgment before the assembled Tribunals.—Various Incidents of the Trial.—Report addressed to the Emperor concerning us, and the Emperor’s Answer. — Imperial Edicts in favour of Christians, obtained by the French Embassy in China. — Insuffi¬ ciency of these Edicts. — Appearance before the Viceroy. — Portrait of this Personage. — Despatch of the Viceroy to the Emperor. — Conversation with the Viceroy --------24 CHAP. IH. Tching-tou-fou, the Capital of the Province of Sse-tchouen. —Numerous Visits of Mandarins. — Constitutive Principle of the Chinese Government. — The Emperor-Curious Organis&tion of Chinese Nobility. — Central Adminis¬ tration of Pekin. — The Six Sovereign Courts. — Imperial Academy.— Moniteur of Pekin. — Provincial Gazettes. — Administration of the Pro¬ vinces_Rapacity of the Mandarins.—Venality of Justice. — Family of a Magistrate — his two Sons — his Schoolmaster. — Primary Instruction very widely diffused in China. — Chinese Urbanity. — System of Instruction. — Elementary Book. — The Four Classical Books. — The Five Sacred Books. —Arrangements for our Departure. — Last Visit to the Viceroy - 51 XXIV CONTENTS. CHAP. IV. Departure from Tching-tou-fou. — Letter thrown into our Palanquin, at the Gate of the Town. — Christianity in China. — Its Introduction in the 5th and 6th Centuries. — Monument and Inscription at Si-ngan-fou. — Progress of Christianity in the 14th Century. — Arrival of the Portuguese in China. — Macao.—Lather Matthew Ricci. — Departure of the first Chinese Mission¬ aries. — Prosperity of the Religion under the Emperor Khang-hi. — Persecu¬ tion under the Emperor Young-tching. — Abandonment of the Missions.— Numerous Departures of the new Missionaries.—Glance at the Present State of Christianity in China. — Motives of Hostility in the Government towards Christians. — Indifferentism of the Chinese in Matters of Religion. — Honours paid to us on our Road. — Halt at a Communal Palace. — Trickery on the part of Master Ting. — Navigation of the Blue River.— Arrival at Ivien-tcheou ..... Page 86 CHAP. V. Disputes with the Mandarins of Kien-tcheou. — Intrigues to prevent us from going to the Communal Palace. — Magnificence of this Palace. — The Garden of Sse-ma-Kouang. — Chinese Kitchen. — State of the Roads and Channels of Communication. — Some Productions of the Province of Sse- tchouen. —Use of Tobacco, in Smoking and taking Snuff. — Tehoung-tching, a Town of the First Order. — Ceremonies observed by the Chinese in Visits and Conversations of Etiquette. — Nocturnal Apparition.—Watchmen and Criers of the Town. — Fires in China. — The Addition of a Military Mandarin to our Escort. — Tchang-cheou-hien, a Town of the Third Order. — Release of three Christian Prisoners. — Superstitious Practices to obtain Rain. — The Dragon of Rain exiled by the Emperor - - - 115 CHAP. VI. Bad and dangerous Road. — Leang-chan, a Town of the Third Order. —Dis¬ putes between our Conductors and the Mandarins of Leang-chan.—A Day of Rest.—Numerous Visits of Christians. — A Military Mandarin of our Escort compromises himself. — He is excluded from our Table. — Great Trial presided over by the Missionaries. — Details of this singular Trial. — Acquittal of a Christian, and Condemnation of a Mandarin. — Triumphal Departure from Leang-chan. — Servitude and abject State of Women in China. — Their Restoration by Christianity. — Master Ting declares that Women have no Souls. — Influence of Women in the Conversion of Nations. — Arrival at Yao-tchang. — Hotel of the Beatitudes. — Lodgings in a Theatre. — Navigation of the Blue River.—Plays and Players in China - 144 CHAP. VII. Temple of Literary Composition. — Quarrel with a Doctor. — A Citizen in the Cangue. — His Deliverance.—Visit to the Tribunal of Ou-chan. — The Prefect and Military Commandant of Ou-chan_Medical Jurisprudence of the Chinese. — Inspection of Dead Bodies. — Frequent Suicides in China.— Considerations on this Subject. — Singular Character of Chinese Politeness. CONTENTS. XXV — The Boundaries which separate the Frontier of Sse-tchouen from that of Hou-pe. — Glance over Sse-tchouen. — Its principal Productions. — Cha¬ racter of its Inhabitants. — Kouang-ti, God of War, and Patron of the Mantchoo Dynasty — Official Worship paid to him. — Wells of Salt and Fire. — State of Scientific Knowledge among the Chinese. — State of Chris¬ tianity in the Province of Sse-tchouen ... Page 172 CHAP. VIII. Arrival at Pa-toung, a Frontier Town of Hou-pe.—Literary Examinations. — Character of the Chinese Bachelor. — Condition of Writers.—Written Lan¬ guage.— Spoken Language. — Glance at Chinese Literature. — The Celestial Empire an immense Library. — Study of Chinese in Europe.— Embarkation on the Blue River.—-Salt Custom-House-Smuggling Mandarin. — Dispute with the Prefect of I-tchang-fou. — A Mandarin wishes to put us in Chains. — System of Customs in China. — I-tou-hien, a Town of the Third Class. —Amiable and interesting Magistrate of that Town. — Geographical Know¬ ledge of the Chinese. — Narrative of an Arab who travelled in China in the Ninth Century before the Christian Era - - - - 196 CHAP. IX. Names given by the Chinese to the Kingdoms of Europe. — Origin of the Words China and the Chinese. — Explanation of the various Names that ■ the Chinese give to their Empire. — Good and venerable Prefect of Song- •tche-hien. — Portrait of the ancient Mandarins. — Holy Instructions of the Emperors. — A Khorassanian of the Imperial Court. — Details concerning the Manners of the Ancient Chinese. — Causes of the Decay of the Chinese. -— Means employed by the Mantchoo Dynasty to consolidate its Power. — Foreigners not always excluded from China. —Bad Policy of the Govern¬ ment. — General Presentiment of a Revolution. — Navigation on the Blue River.—'Tempest.—Loss of Provisions.—Running aground three Times.— Shipwreck. — The Shipwrecked - - - - - 221 CHAP. X. Chinese City in a State of Siege. — Nautical Sports on the Blue River. — Quarrel between Victors and Vanquished.— Civil War at Kin-tcheou.— Glance at the military Strength of the Chinese Empire. — Discovery of two Soldiers in the Residence of the Missionary. — Description of an extra¬ ordinary Review of Troops. — Policy of the Mantchoo Dynasty with respect to Soldiers.—Chinese Navy. — Cause of the Want of Bravery in the Chinese during the last War with the English. — Resources of the Empire for the Formation of a good Army and a powerful Navy. — A great Reformer needed. — Departure from Kin-tcheou. — Route by Land. — Great Heat. — Journey during the Night by Torch and Lantern - - - 248 CHAP. XI. Dangerous Illness.—Mandarins’ Prescriptions.—Visit of the Doctor. — Theory of the. Pulse. — Apothecaries in China. — Trade in Medicine. — Increase of XXVI CONTENTS. the Malady. — Acupuncture. — The Supernatural Treasure of Red Pills. — Experimental Medicine. — Origin and History of the Cholera in China. — Free Practice of Medicine. — Good Effects of Red Pills. — Cure. — Terrible Law of Responsibility. — Tragic Story. — Kind Attention of the Prefect of Kuen-kiang-hien. — Fondness of the Chinese for Coffins. — Journey of a Sick Man by the Side of his Bier. —• Calmness and Tranquillity of the Chinese at the Moment of Death. — Visit to our Coffin. — Departure from Kuen-kiang-hien ------ Page 271 CHAP. XII. Visit of the Mandarins of Tien-men. — Their Attention to us.—Fame of Tien- men for the Number and Beauty of its Water-melons. — Extensive Use of the Water-melon Seed. — Caustic Humour of a Young Military Mandarin. — The Inhabitants of Sse-tchouen treated as Strangers in the Province of Hou-pe.— Prejudices of Europeans with regard to Chinese. —The Manner in which most Works on China are composed. — True View of the supposed Immobility of the Orientals. — Revolutions in the Chinese Empire. — Socialist School in the Eleventh Century. — Account of their System. — Long and severe Struggle. — Transportation of Tartar Agitators. — Causes of the Bar¬ barian Invasions - - - - - - -296 CHAP. XIII. Arrival at Plan-tchouan. —Custom of presenting a Pair of Boots to a disgraced Mandarin. — Placards and Advertisements. — Privileges and Liberty en¬ joyed by the Chinese. — Association against Gamblers.— Society of the Old Bull. — Liberty of the Press. — Public Lectures. — European Prejudice concerning the Despotism of Asiatic Governments. — Carelessness of Magis¬ trates. — Remembrance of the Sufferings of the Venerable Perboyre.— Navigation of a Lake. — Floating Islands. — Population of China. — Its Causes and Dangers. — Cormorant Fishing. — Some Details of Chinese Manners.—Bad Reception at Han-yang.—We follow a Avrong Course.— Passage of the Yang-tse-kiang. —Arrival at Ou-tchang-fou - - 316 CHAP. XIV. Bad Lodging in a Little Pagoda. — Ou-tchang-fou, Capital of Hou-pe. —Limits of the Chinese Empire. — Mountains.—Rivers. — Lakes. — Climate. — Prin¬ cipal Productions. — Chinese Industry. — Causes of its Decline-Former Exhibitions of the Productions of Arts. — Relations of the Chinese rvith Foreigners. — Present State of their Commerce Avith Europeans. — Internal Trade of China. — Interest of Money-System of Chinese Economists upon Interest of Thirty per Cent. — Pecuniary Societies. — Immense Commercial Mart in the Centre of the Empire. — System of Canals. — Aptitude of the Chinese for Commerce_Monetary System— Influence of the Sapeck. — Infinitesimal Trade ------- 340 CHAP. XV. Attempt to sec the Governor of the Province. — We force the Guard of his Palace. — The Governor of Hou-pe. — Conversath n with this exalted Per- CONTENTS. XXV11 sonage. — Good Result of the Visit. — Moving. — Courtesy of a Cook.— Adieus of Master Ting, and the Sse-tchouen Escort. — The Mandarin Lieou, or the “ Weeping Willow,” Chief of the new Escort. —Chinese Architecture. — Towers. — Pagodas. — Eine Arts. — Religion. — Doctrine of the Literary Class. — Great Honours rendered to Confucius.—Doctors of Reason.—Life and Opinions of the Philosopher Lao-tze.—Buddhism. —Legend of Buddha. — Dogmas and Moral Precepts.—Buddhists persecuted by the Brahmins.— Causes of these Persecutions. — Dispersion of the Buddhists through the various Countries of Asia ----- Page 368 CHAP. XVI. All Religions condemned by the Chinese Government_Formulas of Scepti¬ cism.— Condition of the Bonzes of China.—Buddhist Monasteries. — Reli¬ gious Architecture. — Temple of Pou-Tou. — Library of the Monastery_ Visit to the Superior of the Bonzes. — Profound Respect of the Chinese for Writing. — Convent of Bonzesses. — Ceremonies to recal the Souls of the Dying when they are escaping. —Death of a young Bachelor. —Mourning of the Chinese-Singular Mode of Lamenting the Dead. — Interments. — Worship of Ancestors-Chinese Classification of Various Ages of Life.— Marriage in China. —Servitude of Women. — Discord in Domestic Life.— | Examples—Sect of Abstinent Women - - - 395 CHAP. XVII. Departure from the Capital of Hou-pe.— Farewell Visit to the Governor of the Town. — Burial of the Two Martyrs. — State of Christianity in Hou-pe. — Disagreeable Incidents on the Road. — No Provisions in a Town of the Third Order.—Visit to the Palace of the Town Prefect. — Treatment of Criminals. — Horrible Details of a Trial. — The Kouan-kouen, or Chinese Bandit. — Mode of Administering Justice_Code of Laws. — General Con¬ siderations upon Chinese Legislation. — Penal and Materialistic Character of the Code.— Defect of Precision in certain Laws. — Principle of Solidarity. — Laws relating to Officers of Government. — Organisation of the Family. — Repression of Crime. — Ritual Laws. — Taxes and Territorial Pro¬ perty -------- 422 CHAP. XVIII. Departure from Kouang-tsi-hien. — Storm.—Government Couriers. — Mode of Epistolary Correspondence. — Grand Festival at Hoang-mei-hien.—Fire¬ works-Chinese Music. — Idea we ought to have of the Music of the Ancient Chinese—Imperial Road to Pekin. — The Roads in China. — Halt upon the Borders of Lake Pouyang.—-Embarkation.— Kakkerlacs on board the Junk. — Glance over the Province of Hou-pe.— Agriculture in China. — Imperial Festival of Labour. — Details concerning Agriculture. — Agricultural Pro- ductions. — The Bamboo. — The Water-lily. —Imperial Rice. — Observant Character of the Chinese. — Classification of Corn. — What becomes of the Swallows during Winter. — Manner of making a Cat tell the Time. — Method of hindering Asses from Braying - 449 XXV111 CONTENTS. CHAP. XIX. Navigation of the Pou-yang. ■—Great Number of Junks. —Desert Tracts.— Pauperism in China. — Bands of Mendicants. — Society for Gratuitous Coffins. — The King of the Beggars. — The Hen’s Feathers Inn. — Causes of Pauperism. — Gaming. — Various Chinese Games. — Mode of eluding the Law against Gamblers. — Drunkenness. — The Vine, Wine, and Corn Brandy. — Infanticide. — Its Causes. — Truth and Exaggeration concerning Infanticide in China. — Yu-yng-tang, or Foundling Hospital. — Edict against Infanticide. — Work of the Society of Holy Infancy - Page 475 CHAP. XX. Uncultivated Tracts in the Province of Kiang-si. — The Guard-house. — The Vinegar Polypus. — The Mandarin and his Steed. — Theft of Water-melons. —Arrival at Nan-tchang-fou.— Mode of Installing Oneself in the Palace of Literary Composition. — Solemn Public Supper. — Disappointment of the Spectators.—Visit of the Prefect of the Town. — A Mongol Mandarin.— His Geographical Knowledge. — Labours of the Protestant Methodists in China. — Chinese Astronomers. — Aspect of the Capital of Kiang-si. — Manufacture of Porcelain. — Chinese Antiquaries. — Origin of the God of Porcelain. — Pisciculture in Kiang-si. —New Travelling Arrangements. 499 CHAP. XXI. Departure from Nan-tchang-fou.—A Mandarin Junk. — Comfort and Luxury of Water-carriage. — Vehicles and Hotels. — Fiacre and Cabriolet. Stands at Pekin.— Chinese light Literature.— Collections of Maxims and Proverbs. — Passage of the Mountain Mei-ling.— Nan-hioung, the Frontier Town,— Chinese Rope Dancers. — Little Feet of the Women. — Origin of this Custom. — Navigation of the Tigris.—Recollections of our Entry into China in 1840. —View of the Port of Canton.—European Vessels.—First Night in Canton. — Our Martyrdom in Tartary. — Savings on the Road bestowed upon our Servant Wei-chan. — Stay at Macao. — Death of M. Gabet. — Departure for Pekin.—Arrival at Marseilles in 1852 - - 518 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. CHAPTER I. Arrangements for our Departure. — New Costume. — Departure from Ta- tsien-lou. — Farewell of our Thibetan Escort,—Aspect of the Iload.— Suspension-bridge over the River Lou, — Family of our Conductor.—Pa¬ lanquin-bearers.— Long Caravans of Porters. — Riot on our Account in the Town of Ya-tcheou. — Country assumes definitively a Chinese Character. — Triumphal Arches and Monuments erected in honour of Virgins and Widows. — Communal Palaces for travelling Mandarins. — Discovery of a Christian Family. — Aristocracy of Khioung-tcheou. — Introduction and Ravages of Opium in China. — Magnificent Monastery of Bonzes. — Interview with a Christian of the Capital of Sse-tchouen. — Arrival at Tching-tou-fou. Two years had passed since we bade adieu to the Christians of the Valley of Black Waters. With the exception of a x'esidence of some months in the Lama convent of Koumboum, and in the bosom of the capital of Buddhism, we had been since then per¬ petually journeying through the vast deserts of Tartary and over the high mountains of Thibet. But these two years of inex¬ pressible fatigue were not sufficient: we Avere still far from the end of our sufferings. Before we could hope to enjoy any repose, we had to cross the frontiers of China, and traverse this immense empire from West to East. Formerly, upon our first entrance on the mission, we had tra¬ versed it throughout its entire extent from North to South ; but that Avas secretly, by stealth, — along bye-paths and in darkness,— pretty much, in fact, in the fashion of bales of contraband goods. Now our position was altogether different. We were to march openly in broad daylight, keeping the middle of the Imperial high road. Those mandarins, the very sight of xvhom used to throAv us 6 B - 2 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. into a cold shiver, and who would have been so extremely happy to put us to the torture, if we had fallen into their hands, had now to make up their minds to serve us for an escort, and to over¬ whelm us with respect and politeness all along the road. We were about to become acquainted, in China, with a civilisa¬ tion extremely unlike that of Europe, hut not less complete in its kind. The climate, too, would be no longer the same, and the means of communication would be greatly superior to those of Tartary and Thibet. ]N T o more fear of snow, and rocks, and precipices,—of wild beasts and robbers of the desert. An immense population, provisions in abundance, a richly varied magnificent landscape, luxurious and agreeable, though sometimes whimsical habitations, — this was what we might look for during this new and long stage of our journey. We knew the Chinese, however, too well to feel quite at our ease in this altered position. Ki-chan'*' had, indeed, given orders that we should be treated kindly, but, in fact, we were, after all, given up to the tender mercies of the mandarins. After having escaped a thousand dangers in the wild countries that we had just passed through, we felt no security that we were not to perish of hunger and privation in the very bosom of abundance and civilisation, and we were convinced that our fate would greatly depend on the attitude we should assume from the be¬ ginning. We have observed elsewhere that the Chinese, and especially the mandarins, are strong against the w r eak and weak against the strong. To domineer over, and crush all around them, is the object they constantly have in view, and to attain it they have an inexhaustible resource in their native cunning and pliability of character. Once allow them to get the upper hand, and it is all over with you ; but if you can only succeed in mastering them, you will find them ever after as docile and manageable as children. You may turn and twist them which way you will; but beware of showing yourself weak with them for a moment, for they must be ruled with an iron hand. The Chinese mandarins are pretty much like their own long bamboos. If one can but manage to get hold of them in the right way, they are easily bent double and kept so ; but if for a second you let go, they are up again in a moment as straight as ever. It was on a constant struggle, there¬ fore, that we were about to enter — a struggle of every day, and * Chinese ambassador at the Court of Lha-ssa. See “ Recollections of a Journey,” &c., vol. ii. p. 285. CHARACTER OF THE MANDARINS. 3 all clay long, from Ta-tsien-lou to Canton. There was no middle course: we must either submit to their will or make them submit to ours ; and we determined to adopt the latter mode of proceed¬ ing ; for we were by no means inclined to have our long pilgrimage terminate in some ditch behind the ramparts of a Chinese town*; that was evidently not the martyrdom that missionaries sigh after. In the first place, we had to maintain a long and vehement dispute with the principal mandarin of Ta-tsien-lou ■)■, who would not consent that we should continue our journey in palanquins: he was obliged to give way, however, thanks to the energy and per¬ severance of our protests. For these two years past we had had to bestride horses of every size, age, and quality, so that our limbs longed at last to stretch themselves out at ease in a pa¬ lanquin. After this first triumph, it was necessary to revolt against the decrees of the “ Tribunal of Rites,” on the subject of the costume that we were to adopt. We had said to ourselves, in every country in the world, and especially in China, clothes play a very impor¬ tant part in the affairs of mankind; and since we have to inspire a salutary fear among the Chinese, it is by no means a matter of indifference in what way we are to be dressed. We cast aside, therefore, our Thibet costume, — the frightful wolfskin cap, the checked hose, and the long fur tunic, that exhaled so strong an odour of beef and mutton, and we got a skilful tailor to make us some beautiful sky-blue robes in the newest fashion of Pekin. We provided ourselves with magnificent black satin boots, adorned with soles of dazzling whiteness. So far the aforesaid Tribunal of Rites had no objection; but when we proceeded to gird up our * Our fears were not chimerical. On our arrival at Macao, wc learned that a French Lazariste, M. Carayon, had been recognised and arrested in one of our missions in the north of China. According to the decree obtained by M. Lagrenee, a missionary could not be condemned and put to death in tlfe same summary manner as before; but was to be sent, in an honourable manner , to Macao. The honourable manner in which M. Carayon was sent to Canton, was in chains, and in the company of malefactors ; and he was exposed to such cruel ill-treatment on the way, that he died very shortly afterwards. Another, an Italian missionary, sent there in the same manner, was actually refused the smallest allowance of food, and died of starvation the very day of his arrival at Canton. It would be too long to mention the names of all the missionaries who, quite recently, have fallen victims to the malice of the Chinese; but, so lately as 1851, M. Vacher, of the Foreign Missions, was arrested in the province of Yun-nan, and thrown into prison, where shortly afterwards he was suffocated. f The first town on the Chinese frontier that you meet with in coming from Thibet. B 2 4 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. loins with red sashes, and cover our heads with embroidered yellow caps, we caused a universal shudder among all beholders, and the emotion ran through the town like an electric current, till it reached the civil and military authorities. They cried aloud that the red sash and the yellow cap were the attributes of Im¬ perial Majesty, — allowable only to the family of the Emperor, and forbidden to the people under pain of perpetual banishment. On this point the Tribunal of Rites would be inflexible, and we must reform our costume accordingly. We, on our side, alleged, that being strangers, travelling as such, and by authority, we were not bound to conform to the ritual of the empire, — but had the right of following the fashion of our own country, which allowed every one to choose the form and colour of his garments, according to his own fancy. They insisted,—they became angry, — they flew into a furious passion;—we remained calm and immovable, but vowing that we would never part with our red sashes and yellow caps. Our obstinacy was not to be overcome, and the mandarins submitted — as they ought to do. The military mandarin of Mussulman origin, whom we had picked up at Ly-tang after the decease of the Pacificator of King¬ doms*, was to escort us to Tching-tou the capital of the province of Sse-tchouen. It had been agreed that his mission should end on the frontier, but the mandarins of Ta-tsien-lou found us such crabbed and troublesome customers, that they declined the honour of conducting our caravan. The Mussulman seemed not at all ambitious of it; but, like a true disciple of Mahomed, he knew how to resign himself to his fate, and say calmly, “It is written.” At last we quitted Ta-tsien-lou, to the great satisfaction of the mandarins of the place, who had begun to despair of converting us to their ideas of civilisation. We kept the same escort that we had taken at Lha-ssa, only reinforced by some young recruits of the province, commanded by a long, lean corporal, who with his robes tucked up to his middle, his legs naked, a large umbrella in one hand, and a fan in the other, had not, it must be owned, a very strikingly military appearance. As for ourselves, snugly ensconced in our dear palanquins, we were borne rapidly along by four vigorous Chinese bearers, over excavations, rocks, and mud holes, and we soon outstripped our escort, who could by no means vie with the bearers in strength and agility. After mai’ching five lif we halted; the Chinese set down our * See “ Recollections of a Journey,” vol. ii. p. 398. f A li is the tenth of a French league. FAKEWELLS. 5 palanquin, and invited us to get out in very polite terms, and with a slight smile that seemed to indicate some mystery ; and, as soon as we were out, we were agreeably surprised to find behind a rocky hill the Lama Dchiamdchan, with his little Thibetan troop.* These honest fellows had come to meet us in order to bid us fare¬ well once more in the manner of their country. They had prepared a collation of Chinese pastry, preserves, apricots, and rice wine, which they had spread on the grass, under the shade of some large trees, and we were soon seated round it in a mood of mingled joy and sadness. We were happy to find ourselves once more together, but our joy was greatly damped by the thought that we were again about to separate and most likely for ever. The escort that we had left behind was not long in coming up, and after having bade adieu to our dear Thibetans and said, “Au revoir ,” we again got into our palanquins. Au revoir — those words so full of consolation, and which so often dry the tears of parting friends, — how many times had we pronounced them in the sure and certain hope of seeing again one day those to whom they were addressed! How many times in China, in Tartary, in Thibet, in Egypt, in Palestine, had we uttered them to friends whom we were to see no more ! God hides the future from us : He will not permit us to know his designs with respect to us, — and it is in accordance with his infinite goodness that he does not, for there are separations that would kill us if we knew them to be for ever. These Thibetans, to whom we were attached by so many ties, we never saw again; but we shall always retain one great consolation —we can pray to God for these interesting populations, and petition that the missionaries charged to preach the Gospel to them may succeed in guiding them from the chill and darkness ot Buddhism to the light and vivifying warmth of the Christian faith. The road that we had been following from Ta-tsien-lou had been constantly descending, and we soon found ourselves in a deep and narrow valley, watered by a limpid stream whose banks were fringed by willows and bamboos. On either side arose, almost perpendicularly, lofty and majestic mountains, ornamented with stately trees, and an inexhaustible variety of plants and flowers. Our eyes feasted on the brilliant colours, and the exqui¬ site verdure, and were filled with tears of delight as w'e inhaled the balmy fragrance of the air : our whole being seemed to expand * The chief of the Thibet escort that had accompanied us from Lha-ssa to the Chinese frontier. See “ Kecollections,” vol. ii. p. 398. 6 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. with rapture. One must have lived for two whole years amidst ice and snow, dreary arid mountains and sandy deserts, to feel all the intoxicating charm of such a landscape, and the delicious re¬ pose afforded by fresh green grass to an eye wearied by the dead monotonous whiteness of snow. The road led along the course of the stream. Sometimes we passed from one bank to the other over little wooden bridges covered with turf, and sometimes over large stones thrown into the bed of the rivulet. But nothing relaxed the speed of our bearers ; on they went, over every obstacle, and always with the same rapidity, agility, and-courage. Now and then they made a short halt to wipe the sweat from their brows and smoke a pipe, and then they resumed their march with redoubled vigour. The narrow valley we were passing through seemed but little fre¬ quented ; we met only from time to time some parties of travellers, amongst whom it was easy for us to distinguish the vigorous, energetic, and barbarous Thibetan from the pallid cunning-looking faces of the civilised Chinese. On all sides we could see flocks of goats and long-haired oxen, feeding on the mountain pastures, whilst countless birds warbled amid the branches of the trees. We passed the first night in a humble and badly provided inn ; but as the habitations we had met with in Thibet had not accus¬ tomed us to much luxury, we were very well pleased with what we found. The miseries of every kind that we had suffered, had had the effect of rendering us patient under all the trials of life. On the following day, the road became more wild and perilous. As we advanced, the valley closed in, and became encumbered with enormous masses of rock and great trees that had fallen from the crest of the mountains. The stream that had borne us company the day before, like a faithful friend, now gradually turned away from us, and at last disappeared in a deep gorge. A torrent that we had heard roaring for a long time, like distant thunder, suddenly came in sight from behind a mountain and dashed itself furiously over the rocks. We followed it a long time in its erratic course, and saw it descend from point to point in noisy cascades, or trail its greenish waters like a huge serpent into dark hollows of the mountains. On this day we had no longer the pleasure of gazing on a peaceful and smiling landscape of trees and flowers, but this wild and savage grandeur of nature was not without its charms. We left these rugged defiles at last behind us, and having crossed a broad valley called Iloang-tsao-ping (Yellow Grass Plains), where FAMILY OF OUR CONDUCTOR. 7 there is a great variety of culture and vegetation, we arrived at the celebrated bridge of Lou-ting-khaio, which we had to cross on foot and at a slow pace. This bridge was built in 1701. It is 192 feet long, and only ten wide, and is composed of nine enormous iron chains, strongly stretched from one bank to the other, and on which are laid transverse planks, tolerably well fitted, but move- able. The river Lou. which it crosses, has such a rapid current, that it has been found impossible to build a bridge of any other kind. The two banks are very high, so when you are in the middle of the bridge, if you look below at the swiftly running waters it is prudent to keep fast hold of the railing; and as the bridge is extremely elastic, it is necessary-to walk very slowly, to avoid the risk of pitching over. On the other side of the river Lou is a little town, where we were received very noisily by a great concourse of people : it was the native place of our Mussulman mandarin, the conductor of the caravan ; and it was decided that we were to stop there for a day. It was certainly only fair that the mandarin, who had passed two years at Ly-tang, on the road to Thibet, should be allowed to pass one day with his family. The next morning he presented to us with paternal pride his two children, gorgeously attired, but with faces so flushed and surprised, and arms and legs apparently so stiff and awkward, that we could not help thinking they were lodged for the first time in these fine clothes. We appreciated, however, the courtesy of our mandarin, gave the little things some sweetmeats and kind words, and caressed them as well as we could, finding that after all they were really very pretty and intelligent ; whilst their papa, smiling at one and the other, seemed quite to expand with pleasure. I wish we could give as good an account of the mandarin’s kitchen as of his nursery ; but perhaps the worthy man thought the having admired and contemplated his offspring for two hours was enough to satisfy us, and that we should desire nothing more, for he served us up a most detestable dinner. This suggested to us that we had to do with a person who was inclined to make some little profit out of our supplies on the road, and that if we did not take care it might be likely enough that famine and death would be found at the end of it. We therefore knitted our brows, and gave our conductor to understand that we expected to live rather differently here in China to what we had done in the mountains of Thibet. Excuses of course were not wanting, but we had made up our minds never ta admit any. Amongst the inhabitants of Lou-ting-khiao the Thibetan ele- b 4 8 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. ment is still observable in manners and costume; but by degrees, as you advance, this mixture disappears, and there remains soon nothing but what is purely Chinese. We quitted this town early in the morning, and crossed a high mountain, on the summit of which is an immense plateau, with a lake half a league broad in the middle. The paths that lead upward to this plateau are so tortuous and difficult, that the Chinese Itinerary * describes them by saying that they are only fit for birds; and on the following day we were favoured with a by no means pleasing reminiscence of the terrible ascent of the mountains of Thibet. We scaled the Fey-yue-ling, “a gigan¬ tic mountain which rises almost perpendicularly, and whose peaks are painful to the eyes of the traveller. During the whole year it is covered with snow, and surrounded by clouds that reach to its very foot. The road is frightful, and passes over rocks and chasms ; it is one of the most difficult in all China, and no place of rest can be found on it.” This description, which we borrow from the Chinese Itinerary, is perfectly correct. On this mountain we again found snow, and the sight of it seemed to recall all the horrors and miseries of the journey through Thibet and Tartary. We felt like men who, after having climbed by prodigious exer¬ tions out of an abyss, find themselves cast down into it a second time. The bearers of our palanquin performed prodigies of skill, strength, and courage. In the most difficult places, we wished to get out, to afford them a little relief; but they would very seldom allow us to do so, for they felt a pride in climbing like chamois over the steepest rocks, and passing along the edge of the most tremendous precipices, while carrying on their shoulders our heavy palanquins, which seemed always tottering over the abyss. Many times we felt a cold shudder run through our veins, for a single false step would have been sufficient to precipitate us to the bottom of the gulf beneath, and dash us to pieces against the rocks. But nothing can equal the steadiness and agility of these indefatigable bearers; and it is only among the wonderful Chinese that it is possible to find such people. While they are running panting along these terrific roads, their bodies dripping with perspiration, and every moment in danger of breaking their limbs, you may hear them laugh, joke, and pun as if they were seated quietly at their tea-table. Notwithstanding the indescribable fatigues that they undergo, too, they are very badly remunerated. The rate of their wages is fixed at a sapeck a li, which comes to about a half- * See what is said of the Chinese Itinerary in the “ Recollections.” THE CHINESE PALANQUIN-BEARER. 9 penny for a French league. Thus they cannot at the very utmost gain more than five pence a day, and as there are many days in the year, during which it is impossible for them to exercise their employment, they have not, on an average, more than three pence a day. With that they have to feed, clothe, and lodge themselves, besides keeping enough to furnish them the means of passing the greater part of the night in play and smoking opium. The food of the common people in China is, it is true, almost incredibly cheap ; and the palanquin-bearer is by profession some¬ thing of a marauder,—besides having every where the privilege of taking up his quarters for the night in a pagoda, an inn, or some¬ where about the courts of law. His toilette, too, is not very ex¬ pensive or complicated, for it consists of nothing more than a pair of drawers reaching to the middle of the thigh, and sandals of rice straw. He generally possesses also a short jacket, but he very seldom puts it more than half on. The palanquin-bearer is one of the most original types among the Chinese, and we shall often have occasion to study him. On the summit of the mountain ours allowed themselves a little rest, devoured eagerly some little cakes of maize flour, and smoked several pipes of tobacco. During this time we remained contem¬ plating in silence the gi’eat reddish-grey clouds that were some¬ times floating below, sometimes rolling down the sides of the mountains, sometimes heaving and dilating themselves as if they were going to rise up to us. Beneath the clouds, decreased to miniature size by the distance, appeared rocks and deep ravines, and foaming torrents, and cascades and carefully cultivated valleys, where large trees of thick dark foliage were clearly marked out against the tender green of the rice fields. The picture was com¬ pleted by some scattered habitations, half hidden in tufts of bamboo, whence rose at intervals light wreaths of smoke. Notwithstanding the difficulties and dangers of the road across this mountain, it is much frequented by travellers, for there is no other way to Ta-tsien-lou, a great place of trade between China and the tribes of Thibet. You meet every moment on these narrow paths long files of porters carrying brick tea, which is pre¬ pared at Khioung-Tcheou, and forwarded from Ta-tsien-lou to the different provinces of Thibet. This tea, after having been sub¬ jected to strong pressure, is made up into bales in coarse matting, and fastened by leathern thongs to the backs of Chinese porters, who carry enormous loads of it. You even see among them old men, women, and children, who go climbing, one after another, up the steep sides of the mountain. They advance in silence, with 10 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. slow steps, leaning on great iron-pointed sticks, and with their eyes fixed on the ground ; and beasts of burden would certainly not endure so well, the constant and excessive fatigue to which these slaves of poverty are subjected. From time to time, he who is at the head of the hie gives the signal for a short halt, by strik¬ ing the mountain with his iron-pointed stick; those who follow him imitate this signal in succession, and soon the whole line has stopped, and each individual, placing his stick behind him, so as to relieve himself a little of the Aveight, lifts up his head, and utters a long whistling sound like a sigh of pain. In this way they en¬ deavour to recover their strength, and get a little air into their exhausted lungs ; but after a minute or two’s rest, the heavy Aveight again falls on the back and head, the body is again bent toAvards the ground, and the caravan is once more in motion. Whenever we met these unfortunate tea-porters, they were obliged to stop and lean against the mountain, so as to afford us a free passage. As our palanquin approached, they lifted up their heads and cast on us a furtive and painfully stupid look. And this, said Ave sadly, is what civilisation, when corrupt and without reli¬ gious faith, is able to make of man created in the image of God—■ of man Avho has been “ made a little loAver than the angels, crowned Avitlx glory and honour.” The words of the prophet, in Avhich he raises so high the dignity of man, recurred involuntarily to our minds; but they sounded like bitter mockery in presence of these poor creatures degraded to the level of beasts of burden. Brick tea, and the khata, or “ scarf of felicity,” are the great articles of trade between China and Thibet. It is scarcely credible Avhat a prodigious quantity of these goods is exported annually from the provinces of Kan-Sou and Sse-tchouen. These are cer¬ tainly not absolute necessaries of life; but they are so connected Avith the habits and wants of the Thibetans, that they cannot noAv do Avithout them, and they have thus rendered themselves voluntary tributaries of that Chinese Empire, Avhose yoke Aveighs so heavily upon them. They might live in freedom and independence in the midst of their mountains, and care nothing about the Chinese, if they could only make up their minds to go without brick tea and scarfs of felicity. But this they will probably not do, for factitious Avants are those which weigh most heavily upon us, and from which Ave have most difficulty in freeing ourselves. After crossing the famous Fey-yue-ling, which rises on the frontiers of the Central Empire like an advanced post of the moun¬ tains of Thibet, Ave found ourselves once more in China, Avith its beautiful landscapes, its towns and villages and numerous popula- CREATING A SENSATION. 11 tion ; the temperature rose rapidly, and soon the Thibetan horses, which had borne the Chinese soldiers from the garrison of Lha-ssa, became so overcome by the heat that they went along with out¬ stretched necks, flapping ears, and open panting mouths. Several could not endure the change, and died on the road; at which the Chinese soldiers, who had reckoned on selling them for a good price in their own country, became furious, and vented their wrath in imprecations on Thibet and all that it contained. A little while before we arrived at Tsing-khi-hiett, a town of the third order, the wind began to blow with such violence that our bearers had the greatest difficulty in keeping the palanquins on their shoulders. But when in the midst of this hurricane we entered the town, we were much surprised to find the inhabitants attending quietly to their customary occupations, and to hear from the master of the inn where we alighted, that this was the usual weather in this part of the country. We consulted our Chinese Itinerary on the subject, and there read, in fact, the following words: — “At Tsing-khi-hien the winds are terrible : every evening there rise furious whirlwinds, which shake the houses and occasion a frightful noise, as if everything was going to pieces.” It is probable that these atmospheric disturbances are attributable to the neigh¬ bourhood of the Fey-yue-ling and its vast and numerous gorges. Since our departure from Ta-tsien-lou, we had travelled pretty quietly, and without exciting much curiosity amongst the Chinese. But as soon as we had reached the great centre of the population, the sensation we created began to be perceptible. The estafette who preceded us several stages to announce our arrival, did not fail to blow his trumpet and rouse the inhabitants. The peasants abandoned their field labours, to run and post them¬ selves on the road side to see us pass by. At the entrance of the towns especially, the curious came thronging about us in such numbers that the palanquins could scarcely make their way through the throng. Our bearers vociferated, the soldiers who formed our escort tried to disperse them by dealing out blows right and left with their rattans, and while we advanced, as through the midst of an insurrection, all those thousands of little Chinese eyes were peering into our palanquins with the most eager curiosity. Loud remarks were made, without the smallest ceremony, on the cut of our physiognomies, our beards, noses, eyes, costume,—nothing was forgotten. Some appeared pretty well satisfied with us ; but others burst into shouts of laughter, as soon as they caught sight of what seemed to them our burlesque European features. A 12 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. magic effect was, however, produced by the yellow* - cap and red sash; those who first discovered them, pointed them out to their neighbours with evident amazement, and their faces immediately assumed a grave and severe expression. Some said that the Emperor had charged us with an extraordinary mission, and that he had himself bestowed on us these Imperial decorations. Others were of opinion that w T e were European spies who had been arrested in Thibet, and that we were to be tried as a preparatory ceremony to that of having our heads cut off. These various opinions which we heard expressed all round us, were sometimes amusing, but more frequently, it must be owned, vexatious. At Ya-tcheou, a fine town of the second order, where we stopped after leaving Tsing-khi-hien, there was a real insurrection on our account. The inn where we were lodged, possessed a large and handsome courtyard, round which were ranged the chambers destined to travellers; and as soon as we were installed in those prepared for us, our visitors began to arrive in such crowds that the tumult soon became deafening. As we had rather more desire to rest than to present ourselves as a spectacle for the amusement of the public, we endeavoured to turn them out of doors; and one of us advancing to the threshold of our chambers, addressed to the multitude a few words accompanied by energetic and imperious gestures, which had a complete and instantaneous success. The crowd appeared to be suddenly seized by panic terror, and set off as hard as they could run; and no sooner was the courtyard clear than we had the great gate locked for fear of a second invasion. But little by little the tumult began again in the street. A sort of murmur was heard among the crowd, and then the noise burst out again as loud as ever. The worthy Chinese were determined to gratify themselves with a sight of the Europeans. They began to knock loudly and repeatedly at our great gate, and at last by dint of violent shaking burst it in, and the living torrent rushed again with impetuosity into the courtyard. The matter w r as now becoming serious, and it was evidently important to let them see who was master. By a sudden inspira¬ tion we seized a long and thick bamboo, which happened to be lying near the door of the room, and the poor Chinese, imagining no doubt that we intended to knock them down with it, tumbled over each other in their haste to get away. We then ran to the door of the room occupied by our mandarin conductor, who, not knowing what to do in the riot, had bethought himself of the safe expedient of hiding himself. But as soon as we had found him, without giving him time to speak, or even to think, we seized him by the THE EIOT QUELLED. 13 arm, clapped on his head his official hat, and dragged him along as fast as we could run to the gate of the inn. Then we thrust into his hands the great bamboo with which we had armed our¬ selves, and enjoined him to stand sentinel. “ If,” said we, “ a single individual passes that gate, you are a lost man; ” and hearing us talk in this grand style, the poor man took it seriously and did not dare to stir. The people in the street burst out laughing; for it was something new to see a military mandarin mounting guard with a long bamboo at the door of an inn. Everything remained perfectly quiet up to the time of our going to bed; the guard was then relieved, and our warrior laid down his arms and returned to his room, to console himself by smoking some pipes of tobacco. Those who do not know the Chinese, will doubtless be scanda¬ lised at our behaviour, and will blame us severely. They will ask, what right had we to make this mandarin ridiculous, and „xpose him to the laughter of the people. The right, we answer, that every man has to provide for his personal safety. This triumph, absurd as it seems, gave us great moral power, and we had need of it, in order to arrive safe and sound at the end of our journey. It would be childish or insane to talk of reasoning and acting in China as you would in Europe; the circumstance just related is a trifle, but we shall find much stronger instances in the course of our narrative. Our depai’ture from Ya-tcheou was almost imposing. Our demonstration of the evening before had raised us so high in public opinion, that we had not to encounter on our passage the slightest inconvenience. The streets were thronged with people ; but their behaviour was civil, almost respectful. They stood aside quietly, to let our palanquins pass, and everybody appeared to be earnestly engaged in the study of our physiognomy, which we endeavoured as far as possible to render extremely majestic, and quite in accord¬ ance with the “ rites” It was the month of June — the finest season for the province of Sse-tchouen. The country we were traversing was rich and ad¬ mirably varied by hills, plains, and valleys, watered by streams of enchanting freshness. The country was in all its splendour, har¬ vests were ripening all around, the trees were loaded with flowers and fruit, and the exquisite perfume of the air reminded us that we were passing through plantations of lemon and orange trees. In the fields and on all the paths we found the industrious population of China, constantly busied in trade and agriculture; villages with their curve-roofed' pagodas, farms surrounded by thickets of bamboo and banana, inns and houses of refreshment 14 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. at short intervals along the roads, small tradesmen selling to tra¬ vellers fruit, fragments of sugar cane, pastry made with cocoa-nut oil, soups, rice, wine, tea, and an infinity of Chinese dainties. All this brought back vividly the recollection of our former travels in the Celestial Empire; but perhaps the strongest reminiscence was afforded by the powerful odour of musk, with which China and the Chinese are everywhere so much impregnated. Travellers in remote countries have often remarked, that most nations have an odour which is peculiar to them. It is easy to distinguish the negro, the Malay, the Tatar, the Thibetan, the Hindoo, the Arab, and the Chinese. The country itself even, the soil on which they dwell, diffuses an analogous exhalation, which is especially observable in the morning, in passing either through town or country ; but a new comer is much more sensible of it than an old resident, as the sense of smell becomes gradually so accus¬ tomed to it as no longer to perceive it. The Chinese say they perceive also a peculiar odour in a Euro¬ pean, but one less powerful than that of the other nations with Avhom they come in contact. It is remarkable, however, that in traversing the various provinces of China, we were never recog¬ nised by any one except by the dogs, which barked continually at us, and appeared to know that we were foreigners. We had indeed completely the appearance of true Chinese, and only an extremely delicate scent could discover that we did not really belong to the “ central nation.” We noticed on our way a great number of monuments of a kind peculiar to China, and wliich alone would suffice to distinguish this country from all others ; namely, triumphal arches erected to widowhood or virginity. When a girl will not marry, in order that she may better devote herself to the service of her parents, or if a widow refuses to enter the marriage state a second time, out of respect to the memory of her deceased husband, she is honoured after death with especial pomp. Subscriptions are raised for the erection of a monument to her virtue, to which all the relations, and even sometimes the inhabitants of the village or district where the heroine has dwelt, contribute. These arches are of wood or stone, covered with sculptures, sometimes very well executed, of flowers, birds, and fabulous animals. Many of the ornaments and fanciful mouldings would do no discredit to the artist who deco¬ rated our finest cathedrals. On the front is usually an inscription in honour of virginity or widowhood, as the case may be ; and on the two sides are engraved in small letters the virtue of the heroine in question. These arches, which have a very fine effect, COMMUNAL PALACES. 15 are frequent along the roads, and even in the towns. At Ning-Po, a celebrated sea-port in the province of Tche-Kiang, there is a long street entirely composed of such monuments, all of stone, and of a most rich and majestic architecture. The beauty of the sculp- tmes has excited the admiration of all Europeans who have seen them; in 1842, when the English took the town, there was some talk of their carrying off these triumphal arches, and making with them a complete Chinese street in London. Such an enterprise would have been worthy of British eccentricity, but whether from fear of irritating the people of Ning-Po, or from any other motive, the project was abandoned. After two days’ march through this populous country, we seemed to have quite recovered our former familiarity with it. China entered into us at every pore, and our Tatar and Thibetan impres¬ sions gradually faded away. At Khioung-tcheou , a town of the second order and pleasantly situated, the inhabitants appeared to be living in the greatest abundance. We were not, as on former occasions, lodged in a public inn, but at a small palace decorated with great richness and elegance, and where we had only to do with people of exquisite politeness, most strict observers of the rites or Chinese etiquette. On our arrival, several mandarins came to receive us at the door, and introduced us into a brilliant saloon, in which we found a luxurious and elegantly served colla¬ tion. Hotels of this kind are called koung-kouans, or communal palaces; they are found from stage to stage all along the road, and are reserved for the use of the great mandarins, when travel¬ ling on public service. Ordinary travellers are rigidly excluded from them. A Chinese family has the office of maintaining each of them in good order, and of making the necessary arrangements when a mandarin is about to occupy it. The expenses are paid by the governor of the town, and he appoints the domestics for the service of the palace. The koung-kouans of the province of Sse-tchouen are particularly renowned for this magnificence, and they were completely renewed under the administration of Ki-Chan, who was governor of the province for several years, and whose actions ali bear the stamp of his noble and generous character. We were somewhat astonished at first, to find ourselves lodged in this lordly abode, where a splendid banquet was served up to us, and where we were waited on by domestics in rich silk attire. We talked a good deal with the mandarins of the town, who had the courtesy to come and visit us; and the result of these conver¬ sations was the clear conviction that we had been completely the dupes of the little. Mussulman mandarin — the chief of our escort. 16 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. According to the orders of Ki-Chan, which had been forwarded in writing to the chief tribunal of Ta-tsien-lou, we were to be lodged every day in the communal palaces, and treated in all things like mandarins of the first degree. In regulating matters thus, Ki-Chan had doubtless, in the first instance, followed the impulse of his own generosity; but besides this, he had also probably, from a very excusable patriotic pride, wished to give us strangers a high idea of the grandeur of his country; he had wished that we should be able to say that we had been received in China with brilliant hospitality. But Ki-Chan had reckoned without his little Mussulman, who did not particularly care about making the Empire and the Mantchou dynasty shine in the eyes of the two strangers, and who had some little views of his own, connected with our commissariat department. He had an under¬ standing with the courier, who preceded us always by a day’s journey, and who declared to the mandarins of all the towns we passed through, that we had absolutely refused to be lodged in the koung-kouans from some caprice common among the men of our nation, who never could be got to conform to the customs of the Central Empire. He requested, therefore, that they would let him have the orders for our reception at the various palaces, and he would then undertake to provide for us in a manner more suitable to our tastes and wishes. The mandarins and the keepers of the koung-kouan were, on their side, of course not unwilling to comply with a request that would save them all anxiety and trouble; and if our peculiar tastes led us to prefer lodging at poor inns and living on rice and water, salt herbs and bacon, if wine was too heating and injurious to our Western stomachs, and that we found very poor weak tea agree with us better, they of course could have no objection. In this manner our cunning little Mussulman found means to maintain us for about a tenth of the sum allowed him for the pur¬ pose, and quietly to pocket the balance. This discovery was of the greatest importance to us; for it made us acquainted both with the extent of our rights, and the value of the individual to whose care we had been confided. When we were about to retire to rest, our attention was attracted by the behaviour of some of the keepers of the palace, who kept hovering about us in what seemed a very mysterious manner. Presently they addressed to us a few words, insignificant enough in themselves, but which expressed their desire to enter into com¬ munication with us. At length one of them, after having looked well on all sides, to make sure that lie was not perceived, came CHINESE MANNERS. 17 after us into our room, shut the door, and then kneeling down, made the sign of the cross and asked our blessing. He was a Christian. Soon there came a second and a third, and at last the whole family which had the care of the koung-kouan was assem¬ bled round us. They were all Christians; but during the whole day they had not, for fear of compromising themselves before the mandarins, been able to make any demonstration to that effect. It is impossible to form any idea of the emotions this incident awakened in our minds! The present writer cannot now, after the lapse of six years, recall it without feeling his heart beat quicker, and the tears rush into his eyes. These men were entirely unknown to us, yet we felt immediately towards them like brothers and friends. Their thoughts and feelings were in harmony with ours ; we could speak to them with open hearts, for we were closely united by the bonds of faith, hope, and charity. This inestimable happiness of finding brothers everywhere is only for Catholics. They alone can traverse the earth from north to south, and from east to west, and feel secure of finding everywhere some member of the great family. There is much talk of universal fraternity; but let those who have it in their hearts, and not merely on their lips, exert them¬ selves in the beautiful work of the propagation of the faith. On the day before our departure we received a great number of visitors, all belonging to the highest society of Khioung-tcheou. Whilst we x-esided at the mission we had been mostly in communi¬ cation with the lower classes; in the country with peasants, in the town with artizans, for in China, as everywhere else, it is among the people that Christianity first strikes root. We were happy therefore to have this opportunity of forming an acquaintance with the higher classes of this curious nation. The well bred Chinese are very pleasing in their manners. Their politeness is not fatiguing and tiresome as is sometimes supposed, but has really something fascinating in it, and only falls into affectation with the pretenders to elegance, who know little of refined society. Their conversation is sometimes even intelligent and witty, and though the compliments and elaborate eulogistic speeches they make one another, are somewhat wearisome at first, you soon become in some measure reconciled to them, by the grace with which they are uttered. There was especially a gi'oup of young men amongst our visitors, who excited our admiration; their behaviour was modest, though unconstrained, showing a mixture of timidity and confidence which suited their age perfectly. They spoke little, and only when they were first spoken to, but showed G 18 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. their interest in the conversation by the animation of their faces and their graceful gestures. Their fans too were managed by our guests with so much elegance and dexterity, that they were quite becoming. Of course we also had on our best manners, in order to show that French urbanity was not inferior to the ceremonious politeness of China. When we set off again we remarked that our escort was much more numerous than usual. Our palanquins proceeded between a double line of lancers on horseback, whom it appeared the governor of Khioung-tcheou had given us to protect us from robbers. These robbers were the smugglers of opium, and we were informed that for several years past they had come in great numbers to the province of Yun-nan, and even as far as Birmah, to fetch the opium sent to them from India. They came back with their contraband goods quite openly, but armed to the teeth, in order to be able to defy the mandarins who might oppose their passage. Instances were mentioned to us of murderous combats, in which both sides had fought desperately, the one to keep, the other to get, the smuggled goods; for Chinese soldiers are only valiant against robbers and smugglers when they hope to get possession of the booty themselves. When these armed bands of opium traders meet any rich travellers on the road, they seldom fail to do a little more business by attacking and plundering them. Every body is aware of the unfortunate passion of the Chinese for opium, and of the war this fatal drug occasioned in 1840, between China and England. Its importance in the Celestial Empire is of rather recent date, but there is no trade in the world the progress of which has been so rapid. Two agents of the East India Company were the first who, in the beginning of the eighteenth century, conceived the deplorable thought of sending to China the opium of Bengal. Colonel Watson and Vice- President Wheeler are the persons to whom the Chinese are indebted for this new system of poisoning. History has preserved the name of Parmentier*; why should it not also those of these two men? Whoever has done either great good or great harm to mankind ought to be remembered, to excite either gratitude or indignation. At present China purchases annually of the English opium of the amount of seven millions sterling ; the traffic is contraband, but it is carried on along the whole coast of the Empire, and * A distinguished French chemist, who introduced the culture of the potato into France, after the famine of 1769 . — Trans. OPIUM SMOKING. 19 especially in the neighbourhood of the five ports which have been opened to Europeans. Large fine vessels, armed like ships of war, serve as depots to the English merchants, and the trade is protected, not only by the English government, but also by the mandarins of the Celestial Empire. The law which forbids the smoking of opium under pain of death, has indeed never been repealed; but everybody smokes away quite at his ease notwith¬ standing. Pipes, lamps, and all the apparatus for smoking opium, are sold publicly in every town, and the mandarins themselves are the first to violate the law and give this bad example to the people, even in the courts of justice. During the whole of our long journey through China, we met with but one tribunal where opium was not smoked openly, and with impunity. Opium is not smoked in the same manner as tobacco. The pipe is a tube of nearly the length and thickness of an ordinary flute. Towards one end of it is fitted a bowl of baked clay or some other material, more or less precious, which is pierced with a hole communicating with the interior of the tube. The opium, which before smoking is in the form of a blackish viscous paste, is prepared in the following manner: — A portion, of the size of a pea, is put on a needle, and heated over a lamp until it swells and acquires the requisite consistence. It is then placed over the hole in the bowl of the pipe, in the form of a little cone that has been previously pierced with a needle so as to communicate with the interior of the tube. The opium is then brought to the flame of the lamp, and after three or four inspirations the little cone is entirely burnt and all the smoke passes into the mouth of the smoker, who then rejects it again through his nostrils. After¬ wards the same operation is repeated, so that this mode of smoking is extremely tedious. The Chinese pi’epare and smoke their opium lying down, sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, saying that this is the most favourable position; and the smokers of distinction do not give themselves all the trouble of the operation, but have their pipes prepared for them. At Canton, at Macao, and at other ports open to European commerce, we have heard people attempt to justify the trade in opium, by the assertion that its effects were not so bad as was supposed; and that, as with fermented liquors and many other substances, the abuse only was injurious. A moderate use of opium, it was said, was rather beneficial to the feeble and lymphatic Chinese. Those who speak thus, however, are com¬ monly dealers in opium, and it is easy to suppose that they seek by all possible arguments to quiet their consciences, which can 20 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. hardly fail to tell them they are committing a bad action. But the spirit of trade and the thirst of gold completely blind these men, who with this exception are generous in their conduct, keep their purses always open to the unfortunate, and are prompt in every good work. These rich speculators live habitually in the midst of gaiety and splendour, and think little of the frightful consequences of their detestable traffic. When from their superb palace-like mansions on the sea shore, they see their beautiful vessels returning from the Indies, gliding majestically over the waves, and entering with all their sails spread into the port, they do not reflect that the cargoes borne in those superb clippers are bringing ruin and desolation to numbers of families. With the exception of some rare smokers who, thanks to a quite exceptional organisation, are able to restrain themselves within the bounds of moderation, all others advance rapidly towards death, after having passed through the successive stages of idleness, debauchery, poverty, the ruin of their physical strength, and the complete prostration of their intellectual and moral faculties. Nothing can stop a smoker who has made much progress in this habit; incapable of attending to any kind of business, insensible to every event—the most hideous poverty, and the sight of a family plunged into despair and misery — cannot rouse him to the smallest exertion, so complete is the disgusting apathy in which he is sunk. For several years past, some of the southern provinces have been actively engaged in the cultivation of the poppy and the fabrication of opium. The English merchants confess that the Chinese product is of excellent quality, though inferior to that of Bengal; but the English-opium suffers so much, adulteration before it reaches the pipe of the smoker, that it is not in reality as good as what the Chinese themselves prepare. The latter, however, though delivered perfectly pure, is sold at a low price, and only consumed by smokers of the lowest class. That of the English, notwithstanding its adulteration, is very dear, and re¬ served to smokers of distinction; a caprice which can only be accounted for from the vanity of the rich Chinese, who would think it beneath them to smoke tobacco of native production, and not of a ruinous price; that which comes from a long way off, must evidently be preferable. “ Tut to il tnondo e fatto come la nostra famiglia.” It may be easily foreseen, however, that this state of things cannot last; and it is probable that the Chinese will soon cultivate KOAD TO SSE-TCHOUEN. 21 the poppy on a large scale, and make at home all the opium necessary for their consumption. The English cannot possibly offer an equally good article at the same price ; and when the fashion at present in their favour shall have altered, they will no longer be able to sustain the competition. When that happens, British India will experience a terrible blow, that may possibly even be felt in the English metropolis, and then, who knows whether the passion of the Chinese for this fatal drug may not decline. It would be by no means surprising if, when they can procure opium easily and at a low price, they should gradually abandon this degrading and murderous habit. It is said that the people of London, and many of the great manufacturing towns of England, have been for some time addicted to the use of opium, both in its liquid and solid form; but the circumstance has attracted little attention, though the progress of the habit is alarming. Curious and instructive would it be indeed, if we should one day see the English going to buy opium in the ports of China, and their ships bringing back from the Celestial Empire this deleterious stuff, to poison England. Well might we exclaim in such a case, “Leave judgment to God.” After quitting the communal palace of Khioung-tcheou we crossed a magnificent plain, in which we saw the Chinese popula¬ tion displaying all the resources of their agricultural and com¬ mercial industry. As we advanced the roads became broader, the villages more numerous, and the houses better built and more elegantly decorated. The short garments worn by the people gave way to long robes of state, and the physiognomies of tra¬ vellers bore the impress of a higher civilisation. Amongst the peasants with their large straw hats and sandals, appeared a great number of Chinese exquisites, with their lounging and affected deportment, playing continually with their fans, and protecting their pale mealy complexions from the sun with little parasols of varnished paper. Everything announced to us that we were not far off Tching-tou-fou, the capital of the province of Sse-tchouen. Before entering the town our conductor invited us to rest for a short time in a Bonze monastery that we came to on the road. In the mean while, he said he would go himself, according to Chinese ceremonial, to present himself to the viceroy and ask his pleasure respecting us. The superior of the convent came to receive us, with a profusion of salutations, and introduced ns into an immense saloon, where a repast was served of tea, dried fruits, pastry of all colours, fried in sesame oil, which the Chinese call hiang-you; that is, odoriferous. 22 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. Several monks of the monastery assisted their superior in en¬ tertaining us, and keeping up the conversation ; but we did not perceive among these Bonzes the frankness and sincerity of religious conviction that we had found among the Lamas of Thibet and Tatary. Their manners were full of courtesy indeed, and their long ash-coloured robes irreproachable; but we could not discover many signs of faith or devotion in their sceptical and cunning faces. This Bonze monastery is one of the richest and best-maintained in China; and after we had taken tea, the superior invited us to go over it. The solidity of the building and the richness of its decoration attracted our attention ; but we admired especially the gardens, groves, and park by which it is surrounded. Nothing fresher or prettier can be imagined. We stopped for some moments on the borders of a large fish-pond, where great numbers of turtle were sporting amidst the broad leaves of the water-lily which floated on the surface of the water. Another pond, smaller than the first, was full of black and red fish ; and a young Bonze, whose great ears stuck out comically on each side of his newly shaven pate, was amusing himself by throwing them little pellets of rice-paste ; for which they appeared excessively eager, crowding to the surface and opening their mouths to receive them. After this delightful walk, we were taken to the reception-room of the monastery, where we found several visitors, and amongst them a young man of lively, easy manners, and remarkable volubility of tongue, whom, before he had spoken many words, we discovered to be a Christian. “ You are undoubtedly,” said we to him, “ of the religion of the Lord of Heaven ? ” For an answer he threw himself on his knees before us and asked our blessing. Such an act, in the presence of the Bonzes and of a crowd of curious persons, indicated both a lively faith and great courage; and in fact he was a man of very strong mind. He began, without the smallest hesitation, to speak of the numerous Christians in the capital, of the quarters of the town in which there were most, and of the happiness it was to him to have met us; he then made a bold attack upon paganism and pagans, defended the doctrines and practices of Christianity, appealed to the Bonzes themselves, rallied them on their idols and superstitions, and summed up with an estimate of the value of the theological books of Confucius, Lao-tze, and Buddha. It was a flood of words that seemed as if it would never stop; the Bonzes were disconcerted at such an im¬ petuous attack; the spectators laughed and looked pleased; and we could not, on our side, help being quite proud of seeing a THE TRIBUNAL. 23 Chinese Christian proclaiming and defending his faith in public. It was a thing as rare as it was delightful. During the long monologue of our Christian orator there was frequent mention made of a French embassy that had arrived at Canton, and of a certain great personage named La-ko-nie *, who in concert with the Imperial Commissioner Ky-yn, had arranged the affairs of the Christians in China. In future it was said there were to be no more persecutions of them ; the Emperor approved their doctrine, and took them under his protection, &c. &c. We did not place any great reliance upon all that, but we endeavoured to make out what it really meant. Having, how¬ ever, few data to proceed upon, we did not succeed in unravelling all these enigmas ; and just as we were about to ask more precise explanations from our fluent orator, four Mandarins who had arrived from the capital, invited us to enter our palanquins and resume our journey. The bearers carried us at a run and without stopping to take breath, as far as the walls of the town, where we found the soldiers of our escort awaiting us. The precaution was by no means un¬ necessary, for without this help it would have been impossible for us to get through the streets, so compact and dense was the throng that impeded our passage. Our hearts beat somewhat quicker than usual, for we knew that we were about to be brought to trial by order of the Emperor. Were we to be sent to Pekin, to Canton, or to another world? There had been nothing to alarm us hitherto ; but in the absolute uncertainty of what we had to expect, it was pardonable that we should experience a little emotion. At length we arrived in front of a great tribunal, on the massive portals of which were painted two monstrous divinities armed with great swords. The two enormous folding-doors were thrown open, and we entered, not without a thought of in what manner we were to go out again. From Ta-tsein-lou, the frontier townt to Tching-tou-fou the capital of Sse-tchouen, we had made twelve days’ march, and had traversed nearly a thousand li, equivalent to about three hundred English miles. * The Chinese name of M. de Lngrenee. This French embassy had arrived during our long journeys through Tatary, and this was the first time we had heard it mentioned. f Fou signifies in China, a town of the first order; tcheou, of the second; tsien, of the third: these three orders of towns are always enclosed by ramparts. 24 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. CHAP. II. Conversation with the Prefect of the Garden of Flowers. — Lodgings in the Court of Justice-Invitation to Dinner with the two Prefects of the Town. — Conversation with two Persons of Distinction. — Two Mandarins of Honour assigned to amuse us. — Solemn Judgment before the assembled Tribunals. — Various Incidents of the Trial. —Report addressed to the Emperor concerning us, and the Emperor’s Answer. —Imperial Edicts in favour of Christians, obtained by the French Embassy in China. — Insuffi¬ ciency of these Edicts. — Appearance before the Viceroy.—Portrait of this Personage.—Despatch of the Viceroy to the Emperor. — Conversation with the Viceroy. The capital of the province of Sse-tchouen is divided into three prefectures, charged with the police and administrative duties for the whole town. Every prefect has a tribunal palace, where he judges the affairs of his own jurisdiction ; and there he dwells with his family, his counsellors, scribes, satellites, and his numerous domestics. The prefectural tribunal unto which we were now in¬ troduced, is called Hoa-yuen , that is to say, the Garden of Flowers; and it was therefore with this flowery prefect that we had first to do. He was a Mandarin of about forty years of age, short, broad, and round ; his face was like a great ball of fat, his nose buried and his eyes eclipsed, so that he seemed to have only two little slits to look thi’ough. When he entered the apartment in which we were awaiting his pleasure, he found us reading some sentences in Mantchou with which the walls were decorated, and asked us in a very affable manner whether we understood that language. We answered that we had studied it a little, and at the same time we endeavoured to translate into Chinese the Mantchou distich that we had before us, which signified : — “ If you are in solitude, be careful to meditate on your own faults. If you are conversing with men, be careful not to speak of the faults of your neighbours.” The prefect of the Garden of Flowers, being by birth a Mantchou Tatar, was at first astonished, and then extremely flattered, to find that we understood the language of his country, that of the conquerors of China, and of the Imperial family. His funny little squeezed up eyes twinkled with pleasure, and he made us sit down on a red satin divan and talk to him. The conversation had no relation to our affairs. We spoke of literature, of geography, of MEDITATIONS. 25 the winds, of snows, of barbarous countries and civilised countries. He asked us many particulars concerning our manner of travelling from Ta-tsein-lou, whether it was true that as far as Khioung- tcheou Ave had been lodged in public inns, &c., and alter strongly inveighing against our Mussulman Mandarin, announced to us that he was going to have us conducted to the house appointed for our residence. At the door of the prefecture we found, not our travelling palanquins, but others, larger, more convenient and more elegant; and our attendants also had been changed, The dwelling assigned to us was at a considerable distance, and it was necessary, in order to reach it, to traverse the principal disti'icts of the town. At last Ave reached a tribunal of the second class, where resides a Mandarin, whose office a good deal resembles that of the Juge de Paix, in France. We shall have occasion in the sequel to say more of this Mandarin and his family. After having exchanged a feAv polite phrases with the master of the house, Ave were installed in our apartments, which were composed of a sleeping-room, and a saloon for receiving visitors, for each of us; but besides this the whole tribunal Avith all its courts and gardens, and a charming belvedere that overlooked the tOAvn, and whence the view extended far into the country, Avere placed at our disposal. The night had long closed in; and we were left to ourselves, Avith leisure to meditate on the singularity of our position. What a drama had our existence been for the last two years ! Our peace¬ able departure from the Valley of Black Waters*, with Sandad- chiemba, our camels, and our blue tent; our encampments and our patriarchal life in the grassy wastes of Tat ary; the famous Lama monastery of Kounboom, and our long intercourse Avith the religious Buddhists ; the great caravan of Thibet, the horrors and suffer¬ ings of that terrible journey through the deserts of High Asia; our abode at Lha-ssa ; and those three frightful months during which we had to climb mountains of snow and ice and scale pre¬ cipices ; all these events, all these recollections came crowding upon us at once so as almost to take aAvay our senses. And all was not yet over : Ave Avere now, we thought alone, in the hands of the Chinese, without protection, helpless and friendless. But we were wrong; we had God for a friend and protector. I here are certain situations in life when, if we lose our trust in God, we must fall into despair : but when we place our Avliole reliance upon See “ Recollections of a Journey,” &c. 26 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. Him, we become inspired with indomitable courage. The Al- mighty, we said, many times has saved our lives in the most miraculous manner in Tatary and Thibet; it is not likely He would do that, to allow a Chinese afterwards to dispose of us at his pleasure ; and we concluded that we might make ourselves per¬ fectly easy, and allow our little affairs to be disposed of as best pleased his providence. The night was far advanced; we said our prayers, which, strictly speaking, might have been the morn¬ ing ones, and then we lay down in peace. On the following morning there was brought to us from the prefect a large sheet of red paper, which proved to be an invitation to dinner ; and when the hour had arrived, we once more entered our palanquins and were carried to his house. The tribunals of the Mandarins have seldom anything very remarkable about them in an architectural point of view ; the edifice is always low, consisting of only one floor; and the roof, which is loaded with ornaments and little flags, alone indicates its public character. It is always surrounded by a great wall, almost as high as the building itself. Within this enclosure you see vast courts and halls, and often gardens, which are by no means un¬ attractive ; but the only thing which bears the stamp of grandeur is a series of four or five stately portals placed in the same direc¬ tion, and separating the different courts. These portals are ornamented with grand historical or mythological figures, coarsely painted but always with very striking colours. When all these great folding-doors are opened in succession with great noise, and display, at the extremity of this grand corridor, the hall where the judge is administering, or rather selling, justice, the effect on the imagination of a Chinese must be very striking. On a raised platform in this last hall is placed a large table covered with red cloth, and on the two sides of the apartment are seen all kinds of weapons and instruments suspended to the walls. The Mandarin is seated behind the table, the scribes, counsellors, and subaltern officers standing round him. Below the platform is the place reserved for the public, as well as for the accused, and for the functionaries whose business it is to torture the unfortunate victims of Chinese justice. Behind this hall of audience are the private apartments of the Mandarin and his family. Very often the tribunal is used also for a prison, and the con¬ demned cells are placed in the first court. We saw here, when we entered, a crowd of unfortunate criminals, with livid faces and wasted limbs, scarcely covered by a few rags. They were crouch¬ ing in the sunshine: some had on their shoulders an enormous DINE WITH THE PREFECT. 27 cangue, a sort of moveable pillory ; others were loaded with chains, and some had only fetters on their hands and feet. The prefect of the Garden of Flowers did not make us wait long. As soon as we had entered, he presented himself, and in¬ troduced us to the dining-room, where we found a fourth guest the prefect of the third district of the town. A single glance served to recognise in him the type of the true Chinese. He was of middling height and sufficiently plump. His features were more delicate than those of his Mantchou Tatar colleague, but inferior in penetration and intelligence ; his eyes were suspicious in their expression, and not so much arch as wicked. We were seated at a square table, missionary opposite to missionary, and prefect to prefect; and, according to Chinese custom, the dinner began with the dessert. W e amused ourselves a long while with the fruit and preserves, and our little glasses were kept continually filled with warm wine. The conversation was sup¬ posed to be quite free and easy; but we were not long in perceiv¬ ing that our two magistrates were trying to subject us to an exa¬ mination, 'without our perceiving it. This they found no very easy matter. We had been invited to dinner, and so we intended to dine in peace and as gaily as possible : and we were therefore obstinately and maliciously bent on never going the way they wanted to drive us ; and when they thought they had just got us, we suddenly slipped aside, and made an innocent inquii'y about the rice harvest, or the number of dynasties counted in the Chinese monarchy. What especially annoyed them was that sometimes we involuntarily fell into speaking French between ourselves, and then they glanced at us and each other with such eager anxiety, that they seemed to be trying to seize with their eyes the meaning that escaped their ears. The dinner passed, therefore in a very amusing manner ; and as it had begun with the dessert, it may be considered to have been quite in order that it ended with the soup. We then rose from table : every one took his pipe, and tea was served. The Mantchou prefect left us for a moment, but soon returned, canying a European book and a packet. He presented the book to us, and asked us whether we were acquainted with it. It was an old breviary. “ This js a Christian book,” said we, “ a prayer-book; how comes it here?” “ I have lived a good deal amongst Christians,” was the reply ; “ and one of them made me a present of it.” We looked at one another and smiled ; that was rather more polite than saying, “ You lie ” “ Here again,” he went on, “ this 28 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. was given me too ;” and he opened an old piece of silk stuff, in ■ which the packet was wrapped, and displayed a beautiful crucifix. I The two prefects must have observed the emotion we felt at the sight of what were to us such memorable relics ; for on turning \ over the breviary we had read on the first page the name Mon” seigneur Dufraisse, Bishop of Tabraca and Vicar Apostolic of the I province of Sse-tchouen. This holy and courageous bishop had \ suffered martyrdom in the year 1815, in the town of Tching-tou- fou; perhaps he had been condemned and put to the torture in the very tribunal where we were now standing. “ These articles,” said we to the Mandarins, “ belonged to a Frenchman who was a chief of the Christian religion, and whom you put to death in this very town, thirty years ago. This man was a saint, and you killed him like a malefactor.” Our Mandarins appeared astonished and confounded at hearing us speak of an event that took place so long ago; and after a moment’s silence, one of them asked who could have deceived us by relating so ex¬ traordinary a fable. “ Probably,” he added, smiling, and in a careless tone, “ they were only joking with you.” “ N°>” said we, “ there is not much to joke about in this business. It is known to all the nations in the West that you have tortured and strangled a great number of Christian missionaries. Only a few years ago, you put to death another Frenchman, one of our brothers, at Ou-chang-fou ”* The two representatives of Chinese justice protested aloud, stamped with their feet, and maintained, with indescribable impudence, that our information was false. This was, of course, not the moment to insist upon its accuracy ; and we, therefore, contented ourselves with begging the prefect of the Garden of Flowers to make us a present of the breviary and the crucifix. But our entreaties failed of success. This curious personage endeavoured to make us believe that he was keeping these things for a dear friend of his, who was a Christian, and that to part with them would be to violate all the rites of honour and friendship ; and thereupon he began to speak to us of the numerous Christians existing in the province of Sse-tchouen, and to give us some interesting details concerning them. We had been aware that the Chinese Mandarins were not ignorant of the progress of Christianity in their country ; that they knew the localities in which neophytes were to be found, and that even the presence of numerous missionaries was no mystery * The venerable Perboyre, missionary of the congregation of St. Lazare; martyred in 1840, at Ou-chang-fou, the capital of the province of Hou-pe. ’ : CHRISTIANS KNOWN IN CHINA. 29 to them ; we had supposed that the Christians, cautious as they are, would scarcely have been able to elude completely the vigilance of the Chinese police, that even the times and places of their meetings were well enough known ; but we did not think that the Mandarins were quite as intimately acquainted with their affairs as we discovered them to be. At Lha-ssa the ambassador Ki-Chan had informed us, that in the province of Sse-tchouen we should find many converts, and he even indicated the places where they were to be met with in the greatest numbers. During the time when he was viceroy of that province, he had discovered that the environs of his own palace were almost entirely inhabited by Christians, and he could even sometimes hear the sound of their hymns, when they were singing on their festival days. “ I know too,” he had added, “ that the chief of all the Christians in the province* is named Ma. I know the house where he lives ; every year he sends to Canton for money and various articles of merchandise ; and at a certain time of the year, he goes to visit all the districts where there are Christians. I never disturbed him, because I have been assured that he is a virtuous and charitable man.” It is evident from this, that if the Chinese wished to seize on all the Christians and missionaries, it would be no difficult matter; but the Mandarins will not proceed to that extremity, for if they did they would find themselves overwhelmed with business that would bring them no kind of profit, and they might even be ex¬ posed to be degraded and sent to exile. The Emperor, and the great tribunals at Pekin, would not fail to accuse them of negligence, and call them to account for not having sooner been aware of what was passing in their Mandarinates, and causing the laws of the Empire to be put in force. Thus the personal interest of the magistrates is often, for the Christians, the strongest guarantee of peace and tranquillity. The hour having come in which the prefect of the Garden of Flowers had to administer justice, we took our leave. The worthy Mantchou had had the complaisance to treat us to an ex¬ cellent dinner, and we were grateful to him accordingly; but we did not mean to carry our gratitude so far as to give him the in¬ formation he wanted, and which he had hoped to obtain ; so after having addressed each other reciprocally with all sorts of salu¬ tations, and exhausted all the formulas of Chinese politeness, we returned home. Mgr. Peroekeau, Bishop of Maxula. 30 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. During our absence our house had been set in order, by com¬ mand of the viceroy. Two clever and well-behaved young men had been appointed to be our valets de chambre. and to two Mandarins of the lower class of the “ Gilt Copper Ball,” had been assigned the office of keeping us company, dissipating our ennui , and making themselves generally agreeable by the charms of their conversation. One of them, a most prodigious gabbler, was, though young, quite decrepit from the immoderate use of opium. The other was really old, and constantly coughing and uttering great sighs, probably for the vanished joys of his youth. The first occupied himself from morning till night with his pipe and his opium-lamp ; the other sat crouched in a corner, picking out seeds of the water-melon with his long nails, his little withered hands looking exactly like those of an old monkey. He ate a prodigious quantity of these seeds, and moistened them with copious libations of tea, saying that only this kind of diet suited the delicacy of his temperament. It may be supposed that the conversational talents of our two companions were not of the most brilliant order; in fact, the utmost they could do for us was to make us regret the somewhat rough and rude manners of our Tatar friends ; but fortunately we had, from time to time, some visitors of distinction, whose refined and elegant deportment served to remind us that we were in the capital of the most civilised province perhaps of the Celestial Empire. Four days after our arrival at Tching-tou-fou it was signified to us, at an early hour in the morning, that the documents relating to us having been sufficiently studied, we were to be brought to trial. This news, as may well be supposed, was to us matter of great interest. A trial in China, and by order of the Emperor, was no trifle. Many of our now happy predecessors had only entered the tri¬ bunals to be tortured, and left them to suffer glorious martyrdom. This day, then, was to be decisive of our fate, and to put an end to all anxieties concerning the future, which for us had been so long enveloped in darkness. Our position was not, however, the same as that of the greater part of the missionaries who had had to appear before the Man¬ darins. We had not been arrested in the Chinese territory, no Christian of the province had been in any relation with us, no one was at all implicated in our affairs, and we were sure that no one could be compromised on our account. Samdadcliiemba had been the only companion of our fatigues THE TRIAL APPROACHING. 31 and privations, the only witness of our desire for the glory of God and the salvation of man. But our dear neophyte was now no longer with us ; he was in his own country, and sheltered from all danger. We had only, therefore, to think of ourselves; the Chinese government had only our two heads to strike at, and the question was much simplified. In this quite exceptional situa¬ tion, we could, with God’s help, present ourselves before the court in a serene and equable state of mind. The general administration of each province is entrusted to two sse or commissioners, who have their tribunals in the capital. These are the most important after those of the viceroy. We were conducted to the judgment hall of the first provincial com¬ missioner who bears the title of Pou-tching-sse. * His colleague, the Ngan’-tsha-sse , or Inspector of Crimes, a kind of attorney- general, was associated with the principal Mandarins of the town ; for, as we were told, the trial was to be a solemn and extraordi¬ nary one. An immense crowd surrounded the tribunal ; amongst this assemblage of the populace, eager to see the faces of the°“ devils i of the Western Sea,” were a few sympathetic-looking counte¬ nances, which seemed to say, “You are in a very unfortunate posi¬ tion, and we can do nothing for you.” The dejection of these poor Christians pained us, and gladly would we have infused into their souls a little of the calmness and peace with which our own were filled. The way was cleared by soldiers armed with bamboos and rattans, the great doors were opened, and we entered. We were placed in a small waiting-room, with the two amiable companions that had been assigned to us, and thence we could amuse ourselves by contemplating the movement and the sensation that reigned in the tribunal. The Mandarins who were to take part in the cere¬ monial arrived in succession, followed by suites of attendants, who had uncommonly the appearance of gangs of thieves. The satellites ran backwards and forwards in their long red robes, and hideous peaked hats of black felt or iron wire, surmounted by Ion"- pheasant’s feathers. They were armed with long rusty swords^ and carried chains, pincers, and various instruments of torture, of strong and terrible forms. The Mandarins were collected in groups, talking with one another, and interrupting themselves frequently by bursts of laughter; the subaltern officers, scribes, and executioners, went and came, as if to give themselves airs of importance; and every one seemed to anticipate a scene that would be curious and seasoned by unaccustomed emotions. All this agitation, and these interminable preparations, had in 32 TnE CHINESE EMPIRE. them something of extravagance and exaggeration ; they were evidently intended to frighten us. At length every one had found his place, and the tumult was succeeded by a profound silence. A moment afterwards a terrible cry, uttered by a great number of voices, was heard in the hall of audience; it was repeated three times, and our companions told us that it was on the judges mak¬ ing their solemn entry and installing themselves in their seats. Two officers, decorated with the Crystal Ball, then appeared, and made us a sign to follow them. They came between us, our com¬ panions placed themselves behind, and the two accused persons walked thus to judgment. A great door was then suddenly opened, and we beheld, at a glance, the numerous personages of this Chinese performance. Twelve stone steps led up to the vast inclosure where the judges were placed; on each side of this staircase was a line of execu¬ tioners in red dresses: and when the accused passed tranquilly through their ranks, they all cried out with a loud voice, “ Trem¬ ble ! Tremble! ” and rattled their instruments of torture. We were stopped at about the middle of the hall, and then eight officers of the court proclaimed in a chanting voice the customary formula : — “ Accused ! on your knees ! on your knees ! ” The accused remained silent and motionless. The summons was re¬ peated, but there was still no alteration in their attitude. The two officers with the Crystal Ball, now thought themselves called on to come to our assistance, and pulled our arms to help us to kneel down. But a solemn look and some few emphatic words sufficed to make them let go their hold. They even judged it expedient to retire a little, and keep a respectful distance. “Every empire,” said we, addressing our judges, “has its own customs and manners. When we appeared before the ambassador Ki-Chan at Lha-ssa, we remained standing ; and Ki-Chan consi¬ dered that in doing so we were only acting with reasonable con¬ formity to the customs of our country.” We waited for an answer from the president, but he remained dumb. The other judges contented themselves with looking at us, and communicating among themselves by grimaces. The tribunal had apparently been arranged and decorated expressly for the purpose of giving us a high idea of the majesty of the Empire. The walls were hung with red draperies, on which certain sen¬ tences were written in large black characters; gigantic lanterns of the brightest colours were suspended from the ceiling ; and behind the seats of the judges were seen the insignia of their dignity, borne by officers in rich silk robes. The hall was surrounded by THE PRESIDENT OF THE COURT. 33 a great number of soldiers in uniform and under arms, and along the sides were seated a select number of spectators, who had pro¬ bably obtained their places through favour and patronage. The Pon-tching-sse, or first provincial commissioner, filled the office of president. He was a man of about fifty years of age, with thick lips of a violet colour, flabby cheeks, a dirty white com¬ plexion, a square nose, long flat shining ears, and a forehead deeply wrinkled. His eyes were probably small and red; but they were so hidden behind large spectacles, which were tied in their place with a black string, that this could not positively be ascertained. His costume was superb ; on his breast glittered the large Imperial dragon, embroidered in gold and silver ; a glebe of red coral, the decoration of Mandarins of the first class, surmounted his official cap ; and a long perfumed chaplet hung to his neck. The other judges were attired in pretty nearly the same fashion, and they had all more or less genuine Chinese faces, but none of them was comparable to the president. His grand spectacles especially, produced on us an astounding effect, but perhaps not exactly the kind of one he had calculated on. We saw that this man was seeking to impose on us by a display of his dignity. He had made no reply to the observation we had made when we re¬ fused to kneel down ; he had not even made the slightest gesture, but had remained, ever since we had entered, as motionless as a statue. This somewhat burlesque behaviour lasted long enough to enable us to study quite at our ease the curious society in which we found ourselves, and it was so amusing that we began to gossip together in French, though in a low voice, communicating to each other our little momentary impressions. Had this lasted much longer, it might have ended in upsetting our gravity; but luckily the president made up his mind to break his majestic silence. In a nasal, squeaking voice he began to speak, asking us of what country we were. “ We are men of the French Empire.” “ Why did you quit your noble country to come into the Central Kingdom ? ” “ To preach to the men of your illustrious Empire the doctrine of the Lord of heaven.” “ I have heard say that this doctrine is very sublime.” “ That is true ; but the men of your nation are endowed with intelligence, and with continued application they may attain to the acquisition of this doctrine.” “ You speak the language of Pekin ; where have you learnt it ? ” “ In the north of the Empire; the pronunciation is best there.” D 34 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. “ That is true, but where in the north ? Who was your master ? ” “ Every one ; we learned a little here, and a little there, by speaking and hearing it spoken.” After these few questions the president called an attendant, and ordered him to bring a little casket, carefully enveloped in skins and sealed in several places with large red seals. He then opened it before us with much solemnity, and showed us what it con¬ tained. We recollected then that, when we were at Lha-ssa, and the ambassador Ki-Chan had examined our trunks, he had ex¬ pressed a wish to keep some articles by way of vouchers, and we had given him some letters, and a few little translations from Tatar and Chinese books. The president now displayed these papers before us, inquiring at the same time whether anything was wanting ; and in order to assist us in giving an accurate reply, he furnished us with an exact list, made at Lha-ssa, and signed by Ki-Chan and ourselves. Nothing was missing ; and they made us sign a declaration to that effect, drawn up in French and Chinese. We could not but admire the exactness and regularity with which all this was done. Whilst the president was interrogating us, which he did with apparent good nature and affability, we remarked that the person seated on his right hand, his Ngan-tclia-sse, or Inspector of Crimes, a kind of attorney-general, a wrinkled old man with a face like a polecat, who rocked himself about, muttered continually between his teeth, and seemed vexed at the turn the discussion was taking. After finishing the examination of the little casket, the president became again silent and motionless as before, and the malicious public accuser began to speak. He made great use of his opportunity ; discoursed with great volubility concerning the majesty of the Celestial Empire, and the inviolability of its terri¬ tory ; reproached us with our audacity, with our vagabondising, life about the provinces and among the tributary nations; and then fired off at us a volley of questions, which certainly proved his eager desire to become acquainted with every particular con¬ cerning us. He asked who had introduced us to the Empire ; with whom we had entered into any relation ; whether there were many European missionaries in China, where they lived, what resources they could command for their subsistence; and finally, a crowd of questions that appeared to us exceedingly impertinent. His tone and manner, too, were by no means in accordance with polite¬ ness and “the rites.;” and it became necessary to give this man a lesson, and moderate his impetuosity. Whilst he was perorating THE INSPECTOR OF CRIMES. 35 at a great rate, and allowing his eloquence to overflow into all sorts of subjects, we listened to him with great calmness and patience. When he had finished, we said to him : — “ We men of the West, you see, like to discuss matters of business with coolness and method ; but your language has been so diffuse and violent, that we have scarcely been able to make out your meaning. Be so good as to begin again, and express your thoughts more clearly and more peaceably.” These words,' pronounced with great slowness and gravity, had all the effect we could have desired ; whispers and significant smiles began to circulate through the assembly, and the judges cast jocose glances at the “Inspector of Crimes,” who was evidently quite disconcerted. He wished to resume his speech; but his ideas had become so confused, that he did not seem to know what he had been saying. We then addressed the president, saying that, as we found nothing but disorder and confusion in the speech of the Inspector of Crimes, we could not possibly reply to it; and begging that he would himself continue the examination, as “ We men of the West admired dignity and precision of language.” These words tickled the vanity of the president; he returned to us our cajolery with interest; and at last inquired who had brought us to China, and with whom we had lodged. “ Our heai'ts are saddened,” we replied, “ that we are not able to satisfy you on this point. We will speak to you of ourselves as much as you please; but of those who have been in relation with us, never a word. Our resolution on that point has been long since taken, and there is no human power capable of inducing us to alter it.” “ But you must answer! ” cried the Inspector of Crimes, gesticu¬ lating violently; “you must answer! How else would truth be found in this investigation?” “ The president has questioned us in a noble and authoritative manner, and we have replied to him with simplicity and frankness. As for you, Inspector of Crimes, we have already said that we do not understand you.” The Assessor of the Left here cut short the dispute by giving us a large sheet of paper to examine. It contained nothing but an alphabet of European letters coarsely drawn. Probably it had been obtained in the pillage of some Christian establishment, where young Chinese were being brought up to the ecclesiastical profes¬ sion. “ Do you know that paper? ” asked the Assessor, d 2 36 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. “ Yes! They are the twenty-four radical signs, with which all the words of our language are constructed.” “Can you read them, and let us hear the sound of them ?” One of us had then the complaisance to repeat solemnly his ABC; and during the time, each of the judges drew from his hoot, which in China often serves for a pocket, a copy of the alpha¬ bet, in which the pronunciation of every European letter had been given, better or worse, in Chinese characters. It seems that this incident had been concerted and prepared beforehand. Every judge had his eyes intently fixed upon the paper, and doubtless promised himself to make in this one lesson great progress in a European language. The Assessor of the Left, keeping his eyes and the fore-finger of his right hand fixed on the first letter, and addressing himself to the one of the prisoners who had just said ABC, begged him to repeat the letters slowly, and pause a little on each. The prisoner, however, making four steps forward, and politely extending his alphabet towards the philological judge, observed: — “I had thought we came here to submit to trial; but it seems we came to be schoolmasters, and you to be our scholars.” A peal of laughter shook the assembly, in which the solemn president, and even the Inspector of Crimes, took part; and thus terminated their lesson in our language. It will be observed that this terrible trial had been gradually assuming a less formidable and more amusing aspect. The poor accused persons might at least hope there was now no intention of tearing their flesh with red hot pincers or sticking sharp reeds under their nails. The faces of the executioners assumed a less ferocious expression, and the instruments of torture began to look very much like an idle parade. The president then asked us, what good it was to the French to come and make Christians in China? what advantage they could hope for from it ? “ Material advantage ? None! France has no need of gold or silver, or of the productions of foreign countries; she makes, on the contrary, enormous sacrifices to them out of pure generosity. She sends you the means of founding schools, she collects your forsaken children, and often feeds your poor in times of famine. But, over and above all this, she sends you the truth. You say that all men are brothers, and this is true; this is why they all ought to worship the same God, He who is the Father of us all. The nations of Europe know the true God, and they come to make him known to you. The happiness which consists in making the truth known and loved, this is the profit sought for by the missionaries who come to you.” CONGRATULATIONS. 37 The president and the other judges, with the exception always of the Inspector of Crimes, then asked for some information concern¬ ing the Christian religion; and this we gave them with the greatest eagerness. At length the president said to us, in a very affable manner, that doubtless we had by this time some need of rest, and that this was enough for to-day. Thereupon the Court rose, we made a profound bow, and the judges departed on their side and we on ours, whilst the soldiers and satellites uttered yells that shook the foundation of the building, this being, it appears, the customary ceremonial on the entrance and departure of the official persons. This first inquiry had then terminated in a favourable manner; at least, we concluded as much from the congratulations Ave re¬ ceived, in traversing the halls and courts on our return. The Mandarins of the town, who had attended the trial in order to in¬ crease the dignity and splendour of the Court, saluted us in an affected manner, saying that all was well, and that our affairs were going on very prosperously. In the different quarters of the town that we passed through, we met numbers of Christians, whose faces were expanded and beaming Avith joy, and whom we recognised by their making the sign of the cross as we Avent by ; and glad were we to see confidence and courage reviving in the hearts of these poor people, who had doubtless suffered much from learning that we were in the hands of the deplorable mockery of justice that exists in their country. Our two Mandarins of honour, who, during the long sitting of the Court had had to remain standing behind us, no doubt also shared in the emotions of the day and the general joy ; but they were overcome by fatigue, and as soon as we had reached our abode, they flung themselves with impassioned eagerness, the one on his pipe, the other on his melon seeds. In the e\’ening we re¬ ceived a great number of visitors of distinction, and we endeavoured to find out Avhat there might still be for us to fear or to hope. It was generally agreed that we should be well treated ; but that our trial would be greatly protracted, and that in all probability Ave should have to go to Pekin. Some said that the Emperor himself wished to question us, others thought that the King-pou, or grand tribunal of crimes, now sitting at Pekin, would ultimately decide our fate. One thing was certain, namely, that the Emperor had sent a despatch to the viceroy on the subject of our affairs. We asked to see it; but our request was refused, and the Chinese were even scandalised at our audacity in Avishing to cast our eyes on what had been written by the “ Son of Heaven.” The viceroy 38 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. alone had read it, and had mentioned something of its contents to his courtiers. A year afterwards, when we were at Macao, we found means to procure the Report that the viceroy had sent to court concerning us, and we found in that a portion of this famous Imperial despatch. The Report begins thus : — “ Report addressed to the Emperor, on the fourth day of the fourth moon of the twenty-sixth year of Tao-kouang (1846). “ In virtue of the powers conferred by a supreme decree, Ki- Chan has announced to your Majesty that he has arrested certain strangers from Fou-lansi (France) ; and that he has seized certain foreign books and writings in strange characters, tie has added, ‘ It appears from the declaration of these strangers, that, by way of Canton and other places, they have arrived at the capital (Pekin); that returning thence by Ching-king (Moukden, the capital of Mantchuria), they have traversed Mongolia and visited Si-tsang (Thibet) with the purpose of preaching their religion.’ That after having interrogated these strangers, he has charged a magistrate to conduct them into the province Sse-tehouen, &c. As the aforesaid strangers understand the Chinese language, and can read and write both Mantchou and Mongol, it has not appeared very certain to your Majesty that they really were from France, and your Majesty has forwarded to me a despatch, sealed' with the Im¬ perial seal, and enclosing the following orders:— ‘ When they shall have arrived at Sse-tchouen, inquire with care into all the circumstances of their journey, as well as the names of the places through which they have passed, and endeavour to discover the truth. The moment of their arrival, send to me a copy of the first report, and of their declai’ation. Have their letters and their books in foreign languages examined, as well as the articles en¬ closed in the wooden case, and transmit to me, at the same time, all necessary information. I address to you this Imperial order that you may make yourself acquainted with it. Respect this! Respect this! ’ ” According to this Imperial document, therefore, it appeared that at the court of Pekin they had not quite made up their minds on the subject of our nationality. Since we knew how to read and speak Chinese, Mantchou, and Mongol, the “ Son of Heaven ” was inclined to think that we were not really Frenchmen, and had charged the Viceroy of Sse-tchouen to clear up this difficulty. Our fate depended on the new information that was to be given to the Emperor, and the opinion of those who supposed we should have to go to Pekin did not seem without foundation. For ourselves, the idea of travelling to Pekin appeared by no means disagreeable; MEASURE OF RELIEF TO THE CHRISTIANS. 39 we had been so tossed about for the last two years, that no change in our itinerary could well put us out of our way. A particular circumstance, too, that had just come to our knowledge, made us think with much pleasure of the chance of seeing the court of Pekin, and finding ourselves face to face with that astonishing monarch who governs “the ten thousand kingdoms, and the foui seas which are under heaven.” In returning from the palace of the provincial commissioner, Avhilst we were crossing a kind of square thronged with curious people, a little packet had been with great adroitness flung into our palanquin, and of course we made haste to conceal it. In the evening, when we at length found ourselves alone in our chamber, and had not to dread the indiscretion of visitors, we eagerly opened and examined the mysterious missive. It proved to be a long letter from the Chinese priest, charged with the care of the Christians of Tching-tou-fou. It gave us clear and precise information con¬ cerning the embassy of M. Lagrenee, and we immediately recog¬ nised in him the La-ko-nie who had been mentioned to us in so vague a manner by the young Christian we had met in the Bonze convent before entering the town. In communicating to us the memorial and the edicts in favour of the Christians obtained by M. Lagrenee, this missionary warned us that, notwithstanding ail these important concessions, the position of the Christians was in reality very little improved ; and that in many localities the per¬ secution was still going on with unabated severity. As very false impressions have been created in France, on the subject of the religious liberty obtained by the embassy sent by M. Guizot to China, we will now enter into a few details with respect to it. After having concluded a treaty of commerce between France and China, a treaty which was the principal object of the embassy, M. Lagrenee wished before his return to make some attempt to ameliorate the fate of the Chinese Christians and missionaries in these unfortunate countries. He had not, indeed, received from his government any official commission to that effect; and it must be acknowledged it was a very delicate and difficult business to undertake. The representative of the French government might, certainly, protest against the atrocious executions of many of the missionaries; he might require that in future Furopeans arrested in the interior should be sent back to one of the free ports, without being subjected to ill-treatment; the English, in their treaty of Nankin, had already carried this equitable measure. But to demand from the Emperor of China the religious liberty d 4 40 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. of his own subjects, was rather a more awkward thing; for, in fact, what claim had the nations of Europe to interfere in the govern¬ ment of the Celestial Empire, and dictate to the Emperor the measures he should adopt for the government of his own people ? It is evident that the French ambassador who should attempt to negotiate with the Imperial commissioner with this view, would be considered very officious, but not at all official, in his conduct. M. Lagrenee could not possibly demand, in the name of King Louis Philippe, that the Emperor Tao-kouang should leave his subjects free to profess the Christian religion. The opportunity, nevertheless, was a very favourable one. The Chinese were still smarting under the attack of the English, and were perfectly well disposed to promise anything to Europeans,— of course with the mental reservation of breaking their promises whenever it should be found convenient. And that was in fact precisely what took place. After long and earnest entreaties on the part of M. Lagrenee, which are a proof of the interest he took in the cause of.the Chinese missions, the Imperial commissioner Ky-yn addressed to his Emperor the following memorial. “ Ky-yn, Grand Imperial Commissioner and Viceroy of the two provinces of Ivouang-tong and Kouang-si, presents respectfully this memorial. “ After a profound investigation, I have come to the conclusion that the religion of the Lord of heaven*, is that which is venerated and professed by all the nations of the West. Its principal aim is to exhort to good and to repress evil. Formerly under the dynasty of Ming , it penetrated into the central Kingdom f, and at that epoch it was not prohibited. Subsequently, as it often hap¬ pens, there were found among the Chinese who followed the religion, men who abused it to do wrong, and the magistrates sought out and punished the guilty. Their judgments are recorded in the judicial Acts. “ Under the reign of Kea-king, a special article of the penal code was promulgated for the punishment of these crimes. It was intended to prevent Chinese Christians from doing wrong, and by no means to prohibit the religion venerated and professed * The Chinese designate thus the Christian Religion. f 1 owards the end of the 1 6th century. Christianity did, in fact, penetrate into China as early as the 5th and 6th century ; and especially in the 13th, it was very flourishing ; at this epoch there existed at Pekin an archbishop with four suffragans. The Imperial commissioner Ky-yn might be ignorant of this fact, but it is vexatious that no one should be found to inform him of it. THE APPEOVAL OP THE EMPEEOE. 41 'by the nations of the West. I dare, therefore, to supplicate your Majesty for the future to exempt from chastisement those Chinese who profess the Christian religion, and rvho have not been found guilty of any crime or disorder. “ As for the French and the other foreigners who profess the Christian religion, they have been permitted to build churches and chapels in the territory of the five ports which are open to commerce; but they must not take the liberty of entering into the interior of the Empire to preach their religion. If any one in defiance of this prohibition should go beyond the assigned limits, and make rash excursions into other districts, the local authorities are to seize him and deliver him to the consul of his nation, in order that he may be kept within the bounds of his duty and punished. But he is not to be chastised summarily, or put to death. “ By that means your Majesty will show your benevolence and your affection for virtuous men; the tares will not be confounded with the good grain, and your sentiments and the justice of the laws will be made manifest. “ Supplicating your Majesty to exempt from all chastisement the Christians who remain honest and virtuous in their conduct, I venture humbly to present this petition, in order that your August Goodness may deign to approve my plan, and command it to be executed. “(Respectful Petition.)” THE APPROVAL OP THE EMPEROR. “ On the nineteenth day of the eleventh moon of the twenty- fourth year of Tao-konang (1844), I received words written in vermilion: — “ I ACQUIESCE IN THIS PETITION. RESPECT THIS! ” In conformity with this approval, an Imperial edict was issued, addressed to the viceroys and governors of provinces, eulogising the Christian religion, and forbidding for the future all pursuit of Chinese Christians on account of it by any of the courts great or small. The missionaries and Christians were transported with joy when these edicts were made known: they thought they saw in them the dawn of the long-desired era of religious liberty for the missions of China, and the consequent rapid progress of Christi- 42 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. anity; and the blessings and thanks of Europe and Asia were poured out on the French embassy. Those, however, who had a practical knowledge of the Chinese and the Mandarins, could foresee that in reality the results of these edicts would be far from corresponding to these magnificent hopes. The Imperial command was promulgated and made known to the five free ports open to European commerce; and M. Lagrenee desired that it should be published also in the interior of the Empire; which was promised, but of course not done. Copies of the petition of the commissioner Ky-yn and of the Emperor’s edict were, however, distributed in great numbers among the Christian communities of the interior, and the neophytes were all able to read the eulogium that the Emperor had pronounced on their religion, and the prohibition of any future persecutions that he had addressed to the Mandarins, and they took it all for earnest. The Christians believed themselves perfectly free; and were for a brief interval convinced that, if the government of Pekin did not yet favour completely their mode of belief, it at least granted it perfect toleration. But the local persecutions went on, nevertheless, as if neither ambassador, nor petition, nor edict had ever existed; and the Christians soon discovered that they were building on shifting sands, and that the paper liberty that had found its way to them, like a contraband article, was a mere chimera. Those who were dragged before the tribunals, and who were so simple as to claim the protection of the Imperial edict and of the French embassy, were silenced in the most imperious manner. “What!” said the Mandarins, “has a low fellow like you the impudence to pretend to interfere in the ti'ansactions of the Emperor with foreign nations ! ” The negotiations in favour of religious liberty, that took place between the French ambassador and the cunning Chinese diplo¬ matists, were in fact of little value. They had no official character. The French government had made no demand of the Emperor of China, and he had made no promise to France. All that had passed was merely a personal communication between M. Lagrenee and Ky-yn. The one had expressed strongly his sympathy for the Chinese Christians, and the other had courteously recom¬ mended them to the protection of his Emperor. The French ambassador once gone, and Ky-yn recalled, all these fine promises were scattered to the winds. This is, in short, all that was obtained. In the petition of the Imperial commissioner he supplicates the Emperor “ to deign for TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS. 43 the future to exempt from chastisement, Chinese as well as foreigners who shall be found professing the Christian religion, but who have not been guilty of any crime or disorder/’ But who was to watch the Mandarins, and find out whether they persecuted the Christians or not ? Could the Chinese government permit foreigners to overlook the conduct of its own officers ? If complaints were made, could not the Chinese always reply to them by falsehood? Could they not always say that the Christians [detained in prison, or sent into exile, were punished for other crimes than that of their religious faith? And in fact this is precisely what has been done, and what it was very easy to foresee. On the subject of the missionaries it is said in the petition, “neither the French nor other foreigners are to preach their religion in the interior of the Empire; and if any one, in defiance of this prohibition, should venture to pass beyond the assigned limits, he shall be delivered to the consul of his nation, in order that he may be restrained within his duty and punished.” Now, it is well known that our consuls would not exactly punish a missionary for preaching the Gospel ; but these expres¬ sions would lead the Chinese to believe that we are disorderly men, stepping beyond the line of our duty, and punishable by the Mandarins of our own country; and it is evident such an impression is not likely to increase the influence of the missionaries. They may, perhaps, no longer be lawfully put to death when they are arrested; but can one be surprised that, on their painful journeys back to their consuls, they are subjected to the contempt, the sarcasms, and the ill-treatment of the Mandarins and their satellites? If we should put it to the missionaries themselves who are preaching the Gospel in China in the midst of great sufferings and privations, whether they prefer the risk of death that they wei’e liable to in former days, or the melancholy position in which they now find themselves, Ave know them sufficiently to be sure of their answer. We have never studied diplomacy ; but it cer¬ tainly seems that the excellent intentions of the French ambas¬ sador might have lent a more effectual support to the propagation of the faith. At vai'ious epochs French missionaries have suffered a martyr’s death in various parts of China. In 1840, M. Perboyre, an apostle and a saint, was put to death by oi'der of the Emperor, in a grand ceremonial on the public square ol tile capital of Hou-pe; not a word was said of this atrocious and iniquitous execution, or of any other. When France entered into diplomatic 44 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. relation with China, the Imperial commissioner must have ex¬ pected to be questioned concerning these judicial assassinations, and the silence of our ambassador must have greatly surprised him. France certainly had a right to ask of the Chinese govern¬ ment some account of so many Frenchmen unjustly tortured and put to death. She might have ventured at least to ask the question, for what crime the Emperor had strangled them? A few inquiries on the subject of the venerable martyr of 1840, might have helped the Chinese to believe that France does take some interest in the lives of her children. The Chinese govern¬ ment ought, in our opinion, to have been strongly urged on this point; the moment was favourable, and it ought to have been caught in the fact of its savage barbarism, and public and honourable amends to the memory of our martyrs inexorably demanded from it, in the face of the whole Empire; an apology ought to have appeared in the Pekin Gazette, and an expiatory monument have been erected on the public square of Ou-tchang- fou,' where M. Perboyre was strangled. In this manner the Christian religion would have been for ever glorified in the Empire, the Christians raised in public opinion, and the life of a missionary rendered inviolable. It would then have been needless to stipulate that, for the future, the Chinese should not chastise them in a summary manner, or put them to death. They would themselves have taken very good care to do nothing of the kind. This ought to have been the first business of the embassy, on its arrival at Canton; assuredly, in so doing it would have had justice on its side; and the parade, the festivals, and the shakings of hands might have come afterwards. Do not let it be thought, however, that we have the slightest intention of throwing any blame on the ambassador. Since we have undertaken to speak of China, we must do so truly and frankly, to the best of our knowledge and belief; but we are fully persuaded that M. Lagrenee has himself the interest of the missions much at heart, and that, if it only depended on him, all the Chinese would be Christians, and would profess their I'eligion in perfect liberty. We know how difficult and delicate was his task; that he had to act on his own responsibility, and without any official instruction from his government; but we cannot avoid speaking of things as they are. In 1844, people in Europe were generally convinced, and many are so still, that China was at length open, and the Christian religion entirely free. But the truth is, unfortunately, that the English have no more opened China, commercially speaking, than the French ambassador DISCUSSION ON CEREMONIES. 45 has obtained for the Chinese religious liberty. The subjects of her Britannic Majesty would not venture to set foot in the interior of the city of Canton, although by treaty they are in possession of this privilege; they cannot go beyond its envii'ons, for the intolerance and hatred of the native population keeps them in some measure blockaded in their factories. As for the Christians, their situation is not in the least ameliorated; they are, as they were before, at the mercy of the Mandarins, who persecute them, pillage them, throw them into prison, torture them, and send them to die in exile, just as easily as if there were no representative of France in the Empire, and no French ships of war on her coasts. It is only in the five free ports that they do not dare to torment the neophytes, thanks to the energetic and constant protection of our legation at Macao and our consul at Chang-liai. Although the Imperial edict in favour of the Christians appeared to us insufficient, and almost delusive, on account of its non-pro¬ mulgation in the interior of the Empire, we resolved to take what little advantage we could of it, whether for ourselves or the Chris¬ tians, should any good opportunity present itself. Two days after our appearance before the tribunal of the first commissioner, the Mantchou prefect of the Garden of Flowers, who had become rather friendly, announced to us that our affairs being sufficiently known, we should not have to undergo another judicial examination ; and that in the course of the day the viceroy would have us summoned, in order to signify what had been determined with respect to us. We had a long and lively discussion, on the question of the ceremonies that we should have to observe before the chief of the province and the representative of the Emperor. They brought a crowd of arguments to convince us that we ought to go down on our knees before him. In the first place, it was a prodigious honour for us to be admitted to his presence at all, since he might be considered as a sort of diminutive of the Son of Heaven. Then, to remain standing straight upright before him would be to offer him an insult; besides giving him a very bad idea of our education, it would irritate him, would alter the good disposition he had towards us, would draw down his anger upon us ; and moreover, they added, whether we liked or not, we should find ourselves compelled to kneel. It would be impossible for us to resist the influence of his majestic presence. We ourselves felt pretty sure of the contrary, and we declared to the prefect, that he might depend upon it that would not happen. Nevertheless, we would cause no scandal, nor give the viceroy 46 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. any reason to think us wanting in sentiments of respect and veneration towards his person and his high dignity. We begged the prefect of the Garden of Flowers, therefore, to inform^ the viceroy that we positively could not appear before him in an attitude that our manners did not require even in presence of our own sovereign, but that we had no intention of failing in respect towards him, and that we would pay him every honour conformably to the rites of the West; but that we would rather submit to the irremediable misfortune of being deprived of his pre¬ sence than yield this point. It may readily be supposed that in fact we cared little enough about this matter of going down on our knees, since in China it is really nothing more than a mark of respect and civility; but we determined to keep an upright position, because, if we had once consented to bend the knee, we should have been obliged ever after to prostrate ourselves before every trumpery little official that we happened to meet, and that would have been a source of exceeding annoyance ; while we thought with reason that every one would consider himself obliged to treat with politeness and consideration, the men who had not been obliged to kneel even in the first tribunal of the province. Our obstinacy was completely successful, and it was agreed that we should be presented in the European fashion. Towards noon two handsome state palanquins were sent to fetch us, and we betook ourselves, attended by a brilliant escort, to the palace of the most illustrious Pao-hing, viceroy of the province of Sse-tcliouen. The tribunal of this high dignitary of the Chinese Empire had nothing to distinguish it from those that we had seen before, except its superior size and somewhat better preser¬ vation. It was in the same style of architecture, and had pre¬ cisely the same combination of courts and gardens. All the Mandarins, civil and military, without exception, had been con¬ voked ; and by degrees as they arrived they took their places according to their respective ranks and dignities, in a vast hall on long divans, where we were already placed in company with the two prefects of the town, who were to present us. In a neighbouring apartment an orchestra of Chinese musicians was executing some soft but very whimsical symphonies, that were by no means unpleasing. Mery soon it was announced that the viceroy was in his cabinet. A great door opened, all the Mandarins rose, fell into order, and defiled in the most profound silence as far as an antechamber, where they ranged themselves according to rank. Our two introducers now desired us to pass through the files of Mandarins, and conducted us to the door of a cabinet, which was VISIT TO THE VICEROY OF SSE-TCHOUEY. 47 jopen, but they stopped on the threshold and made a sign for us to enter. At the same time the viceroy, who was seated cross-legged on a divan, beckoned us towards him in a very gracious manner. We bowed low and advanced some steps. We were alone in the apartment with him ; for all the Mandarins, civil and military, were mounting guard in the antechamber; but they were near enough to hear what was spoken. We were at first greatly struck by the simplicity of the apart¬ ment, and of the high personage who inhabited it. It was a narrow room papered with blue, and its only furniture consisted of a small divan with red cushions, a flower-stand, and some vases of flowers. The illustrious Pao-hing was an old man of seventy or thereabouts, tall and thin, but with a countenance full of sweet¬ ness and benevolence. Ilis small, but still brilliant, eyes were keen and penetrating; his beard long and somewhat scanty, and his complexion very fair, with a slight yellow tinge. Altogether his appearance was not wanting in majesty, and the simple blue silk robe he woi'e contrasted favourably with the richly embroidered habits of the Mandarins in attendance upon him. Pao-hing was a Mantehou Tatar, and a cousin and intimate friend of the Emperor. In their infancy they had lived together, and had never ceased to feel towards each other a lively and cordial affection. The viceroy asked us, at first, whether we were suitably lodged in the mansion he had assigned to us. “ We have been making inquiries,” he added, “ of the soldiers of your escort ; and it appears that the military officer who accompanied you from Ta-tsien-lou, did not lodge you in the communal palaces. I have dismissed that vile man, who had no regard for the dignity of the Empire.” It was in vain that we endeavoured to plead for him. “And why in fact,” said the viceroy, crossing his arms, “did they prevent you from residing in Thibet ? Why did they compel you to return ? ” “Illustrious personage,” said we, “we understand nothing of the matter, and should be very glad to know. When we return to France, and our sovereign asks us why we were expelled from Thibet, what must we answer him?” Here Pao-hing burst out into a vehement attack upon Ki-Chan; he spoke of the difficulties that he was always throwing in the path of the government, and ended by calling him to-pche ; an ex¬ pression that can only be translated by “creator of embarrassments.” Pao-hing afterwards requested us to come quite close to him; and then he set himself to take a deliberate survey of our personal appearance, first of one and then of the other, while he at the same 48 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. time amused himself by turning in his mouth fragments of the Areca nut, which the Mantc.hous like so much to chew. He took several pinches of snuff also, out of a little phial, and had the courtesy to offer it to us, though without speaking, and still seeming as profoundly occupied with observing our features as if he were about to take our portraits. We considered that he admired our beauty, for he asked whether we had any medicine or recipe for preserving that fresh and florid complexion. We replied that the temperament of Europeans differed much from that of the Chinese ; but that in all countries a sober and well x’egulated course of life was the best means of preserving health. “ Do you hear,” he added, turning to the numerous Mandarins in waiting, and repeating emphatically, “ in all countries a sober and well regulated life is the best means of preserving health.” All the balls, red, blue, white, and yellow, bowed profoundly in token of assent. After having taken another long pinch, Pao-hing asked us what our plans were, and where we wished to go to. This seemed rather a curious question, and we answered, “ Where we wish to go to is to Thibet and Lha-ssa.” “ Thibet and Lha-ssa! Why you have just come from there.” “No matter ! We wish to go back to them.” “What do you want to do at Thibet and Lha-ssa ?” “You know that our only business anywhere is to preach our religion.” “ Yes, I know; but you must not think of Lha-ssa, you would do much better to preach your religion in your own country. Thibet is a good-for-nothing place. I would not have sent you away from it, since you wished to stay; but now that you are here, I must send you to Canton.” “ Since we are not free, send us where you please.” The viceroy then said, that since we were now in his province, he would be answerable for our safety; but that it was his duty to forward us to the representative of our nation. “ You may,” he added, “ remain for a time at Tching-tou-fou, to rest yourselves and make the necessary preparations for your journey ; and I shall see you again before your departure. In the mean time I will give such orders as will enable you to travel as conveniently as possible.” We bowed respectfully, and thanked him for his kind intentions with respect to our accommodation. Just as we were taking our leave, he called us back to ask about our yellow caps and red girdles. “Your costume,” said he, “is not that of the Central Nation, and you must not travel in that fashion.” THE YICEROY’S DESPATCH. 49 “Behold !” said we, “you have the right not only to hinder us from going where we will, but even to prevent our dressing our¬ selves according to our own fancy!” Paq-liing began to laugh at this, and said, as he waved bis hand in farewell, that since we were so fond of that costume, we might keep it. The viceroy then returned to his private apartments to the sound of music ; and the Mandarins accompanied us to the gate of the palace, congratulating us on the benevolent and cordial reception we had met with from the most illustrious representative of the Son of Heaven, in the province of Sse-tchouen. We have already mentioned the report that Pao-hi::g addressed to the Emperor concerning us, and we will give here the sequel of it, which is a reply to the Imperial despatch already cited :—- “I, your subject,” says the viceroy of Sse-tchouen, “have carefully inquired into the purpose which the said foreigners have in under¬ taking such long journeys to preach their religion, and whence they derive the resources necessary for their daily maintenance, why they remain so long without returning to their country, whether any definite period is assigned to their stay, what number of proselytes they have made, what special object they had in wishing to go to Si-tsang (Thibet), w'hich is the residence of the Lamas. “ The result of these inquiries is, that they are travelling about only to preach their religion, and that their mission is to be of uncertain duration. When, whilst on a journey, they think they shall want the means of supplying their necessary expenses, they write to the agent of their nation, who is, at Macao, and he im¬ mediately sends them money. In all the provinces of China there are men of the same country, who have expatriated themselves to preach their religion, and there is not one of them who does not exhox*t men to do good. They do not propose to themselves any other object. They neither recollect the numbers nor the names of the persons to whom they have taught their doctrine. “As to their journey to Thibet, they wished, after having preached their religion there, to return from it to their own country by the way of Nepaul; but as they were not sufficiently versed in the language of Thibet, they were not able during their stay there to make any converts. At this epoch the high func¬ tionary Ki-Chan who resides in the capital of Thibet, ordered an inquiry, in consequence of which they were arrested and sent under escort to Sse-tchouen. “ I have opened their wooden chest, and examined the letters E 50 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. and papers it contained ; but I have not been able to find any one who could read those characters and understand them. “The strangers, when intei’rogated on the subject, replied that they were family letters, and authentic certificates of their religious mission. “ I wished to inquire carefully whether the declaration they made before Ki-Chan was, or was not, the expression of the truth; but I have not been able to find any irrefragable proof. “ I then examined their beards and their eyebrows, their eyes and their complexions; and I found them all different from those of the men of the Central Kingdom; so that it seemed to me de¬ monstrated that they were really strangers, coming from a distant country, and that they are not to be mistaken for worthless persons from the Interior Territory (China). Thereupon there does not remain in my mind the slightest doubt. “ If it should be considered desirable to know the contents of their letters and foreign books, they must, I think, be sent to Can¬ ton, in order that a man versed in those foreign languages may be found, who shall read them and make known their contents. “ Should no further discovery be made concerning them, these strangers may then be placed in the hands of the consul of France, in order that he may recognise them, and send them back to their own country. By that means the truth will be brought to light. “ As for Samdadchiemba, as it appears from his examination that he was only attached to these strangers in the quality of a servant receiving wages, it seems proper to send him back to his native country; namely, the district of Nien-pe in the province of Kan-sou. There he will be delivered to the local magistrate, who will immediately set him at liberty. “ If hereafter circumstances should arise that shall appear to relate to the object of your first decree, I will, as is my duty, write a faithful report concerning them, which I will address to your Majesty. At the moment when your instructions have reached me the weather is excessively hot, and the clothing and provisions for the said strangers not yet ready. I, your subject, after having written and sealed this exact and circumstantial report, have charged a public functionary to take the Imperial road and conduct them to their destination, by the province of Hou-pe and other places.” This report, which we were only able to procure a year afterwards when we were at Macao, will serve to show the frank and upright character of the viceroy of Sse-tchouen. Not one single word is found in it, to indicate anything of the inveterate antipathy which the Chinese so often cherish towards strangers and Christians, TCHING-TOU-FOU. 51 though lie could not have imagined that what he had written was ever likely to fall into our hands; and in pronouncing this eulogium on French missionaries, he only yielded honestly to the impulse of genuine conviction. CHAP. III. Tclfing-tou-fou, the Capital of the Province of Sse-tchouen. — Numerous visits of Mandarins. — Constitutive Principle of the Chinese Government. — The Emperor.— Curious Organisation of Chinese Nobility. — Central Adminis¬ tration of Pekin. — The six Sovereign Courts. — Imperial Academy. — Moniteur of Pekin. — Provincial Gazettes. — Administration of the Provinces. — Rapacity of the Mandarins. — Venality of Justice. — Family of a Magis¬ trate.— His two Sons. — His Schoolmaster. — Primary Instruction very widely diffused in China. — Chinese Urbanity. — System of Instruction.—• Elementary Book. — The four Classical Books. — The five Sacred Books. — Arrangements for our Departure. — Last Visit to the Viceroy. Tching-tou-fou, the capital of the province of Sse-tchouen, is one of the finest towns in the Empire. It is situated in the middle of an admirably fertile plain, watered by beautiful streams, and bounded towards the horizon by hills of graceful and varied forms. The principal streets are of a good width, paved entirely with large flagstones, and so clean that you can scarcely, as you pass through them, believe yourself to be in a Chinese town. The shops with their long and brilliant signs, the exquisite order with which the merchandise displayed in them is arranged, the great number and beauty of the tribunals, pagodas, and of what we must call literary institutions, — all contribute to make of Tching-tou-fou a town in some measure exceptional; or at least this is the impression we retained concerning it, when subsequently we had visited the most renowned cities of the other provinces. Our host the magistrate informed us that the present capital of Sse-tchouen was quite a modern town, the old one having been reduced to ashes by a terrible conflagration, and he related to us on this occasion an anecdote or a fable, that w r e repeat because it is quite in the Chinese taste. Some months before the destruction of the old city, a Bonze was one day seen in the streets, ringing a small bell, and crying out with a loud voice:— I-ko-jen. leang-fio- yen-fsin, that is to say — “One man, and two eyes!” At first nobody paid much attention to him. “ One man, and two eyes ” did not appear a very remarkable phenomenon, and the existence of such a one hardly seemed a truth that deserved to be proclaimed £ 2 52 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. with such solemnity and perseverance. But as the Bonze kept continually repeating his formula from morning till night, people became at last curious to know what he could possibly mean by it. To all questions, however, he would make no other answer than his everlasting “ One man, and two eyes.” At last the magistrates took up the matter, but they could make nothing of it. Inquiries were made where this Bonze came from, but nobody knew. No one had ever seen him before; he was never known to eat or drink, and all day long he traversed the streets of the city with a grave face and downcast eyes, ringing his bell and incessantly refreshing the memory of the public con¬ cerning “ One man, and two eyes.” In the evening he disappeared, but no one knew where he went to, to pass the night. This went on for two months, and people ceased to take any notice of him, setting him down for a very eccentric individual or a madman. But one day it was noticed that he had not made his appearance; and on that day, towards noon, fire broke out at once, in many parts of the town, with such violence that the inhabitants had only just time to snatch what they considered most valuable, and rush out into the fields. Before the end of the day, the town was a heap of ashes and smoking ruins. Everybody then recollected the words of the Bonze, which, it seems, were an enigmatical prediction of this frightful catastrophe. It would be impossible to understand the riddle without having an idea of the form of the Chinese characters, in which the key to it is found. The following character A signifies “ man.” In adding to it two points, or eyes, you obtain another k which sig¬ nifies “ fire;” so that in crying out “ One man, and two eyes,” the Bonze meant to announce the conflagration that reduced the capi¬ tal to ashes. The man who told us this story could give no further explanation, and we shall take good care ourselves not to attempt any. “ The city was entirely rebuilt,” he added, “and this is how you come to find it so handsome and regular.” The inhabitants of Tching-tou-fou are fully worthy of the cele¬ brity of their city. The higher classes, who are very numerous, are remarkable for the elegance of their manners and attire; the middle also rival the higher in politeness and courtesy, and appear also to be in quite easy circumstances. The poor are indeed very numerous, as they are in all the great centres of population in China; but in general it may be said that the inhabitants of this town enjoy a more considerable degree of opulence than appears in any other place. TWO PICTURES OP CHINA. 53 The very benevolent reception we had met with from the viceroy, did not fail to procure us a great number of friends, and place us in relation with the most distinguished persons in the city, as well as with the great functionaries, civil and military, the first magis¬ trates of the tribunals, and the chiefs of the learned corporation. When we were living at the missions in the midst of our Chris¬ tian communities, we were obliged by our position to keep ourselves at a very respectful distance from the Mandarins and their dange¬ rous neighbourhood. The care for our own safety, and still more that of our neophytes, made this caution indispensable. Like other missionaries, we held intercourse with scarcely any other class than that of peasants and artisans, and it was, therefore, difficult for us to become extensively acquainted with the Chinese as a nation. We were familiar with the manners and habits of the people, their means of existence, and the ties that unite them to each other; but we had no very exact knowledge of the superior classes, or of the aristocratic element that gives impulse, life, and movement to the social body. We perceived effects without knowing the causes. But the constant communication we had with the Mandarins and the cultivated classes, during our residence at Tching-tou-fou, enabled us to acquire a great amount of useful information on these points, and to study more closely the mechanism and organisation, or rather what constitutes the vitality and strength of a nation. To become acquainted with man, it is not sufficient to observe his movements, and dissect his limbs and organs: one must study and penetrate into his soul, which is the principle of life, and the motive cause of all his actions. From the thirteenth century, when the first notion of China was brought into Europe by the celebrated Venetian, Marco Polo, up to our own days, all parties seem to have agreed in regarding the Chinese as a very singular people — a people unlike all others. But if we except this one opinion, which is universally received, we scarcely find in what has been written concerning the Chinese, any thing but contradictions. Some are in perpetual ecstasy with them ; others are constantly heaping upon them abuse and ridicule. Voltaire has drawn for us an enchanting picture of China, its patriarchal manners, its paternal government, its institutions based on filial piety, and its wise administration always entrusted to the most learned and virtuous men. Montesquieu, on the contrary, has used the darkest colours, and painted them as a miserable abject race, crouching under a brutal despotism, and driven, like a vile herd, by the will of the Emperor. 54 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. These two portraits, drawn by the authors of LJEsprit des Lois and L'Essai sur les Mceurs , have very little resemblance to the original. There is gross exaggeration on both sides, and the truth is certainly to be sought for between them. In China, as everywhere else, there is a mixture of what is good and bad, of vice and virtue, that may give occasion to satire or panegyric, as the attention is fixed on one or the other. It is easy to find among a people whatever you desire to see in them, if you set out with a preconceived opinion and the resolution to preserve it intact. Thus Voltaire was dreaming of a nation whose annals should be in contradiction with Biblical tradition, a people rationalistic, anti-religious, and whose days nevertheless flowed on in uninterrupted peace and prosperity. In China he thought he had found this model nation, and he did not fail to recommend it to the admiration of Europe. Montesquieu, on the other hand, was putting forth his theory of despotic government, and wanted some example to illustrate it. He took the Chinese for this purpose ; and showed them trembling under the iron rod of a tyrant, and crushed beneath a pitiless system of legislation. We intend to enter into some details concerning Chinese insti¬ tutions and the mechanism of this government, which assuredly does not merit either the invectives that have been poured out on its despotism, or the pompous eulogies that have been pronounced on its antique and patriarchal wisdom. In developing the Chinese governmental system, we shall see that practice is often in con¬ tradiction to theory; and that the fine laws found in the books, are not quite so often seen in application. The idea of the family is the grand principle that serves as the basis of society in China. Filial piety, the constant subject of dissertation to moralists and philosophers, and continually recom¬ mended in the proclamations of Emperors and the speeches of Mandarins, has become the fundamental root of all other virtues. All means are made use of to exalt this sentiment, so as to make of it an absolute passion ; it assumes all forms, mingles in all actions, and serves as the moral pivot of public life. Every crime, every attempt against the authority, property, or life of individuals, is treated as filial disobedience; whilst on the other hand, all acts of virtue, devotion, compassion towards the unfortunate, com¬ mercial probity, or even valour in battle, are referred to filial piety ; to be a good or a bad citizen, is to be a good or bad son. The Emperor is the personification of this grand principle, which dominates and penetrates more or less deeply all the strata of THE SON OE HEAVEN. 55 society, in this immense agglomeration of three hundred millions of individuals. In the Chinese language he is called Hoang-te, August Sovereign, or Hoang-chou, August Elevation ; but his name par excellence is Tien-dze , Son of Heaven. According to the ideas of Confucius and his disciples, the great movements and revolutions of the Empire are under the direct guidance of Heaven ; and it is the will of Heaven only that over¬ throws some dynasties and substitutes others. Heaven is the true and only master of the Empire, it chooses whom it pleases as its representative, and communicates to him its absolute authority over the people. The sovereignty is a celestial mandate, a holy mission entrusted to an individual for the sake of the community, and withdrawn from him as soon as he shows himself forgetful of his duty and unworthy of his high office. It follows from this political fatalism, that in epochs of revolution the struggles are terrible, until some decided success and evident superiority have become, for the people, a sign of the will of Heaven. Then they rally at once round the new power, and submit to it for a long time without any hesitation. Heaven, they imagine, had a representative, an adopted son; but it has abandoned him, and withdrawn its credentials ; it has chosen another, and he of course is the one to be obeyed. — This is the whole system.* The Emperor being the son of Heaven, and consequently, according to the Chinese expression, Father and Mother of the Empire, has a right to the respect, the veneration, the worship even of his children. His authority is absolute; it is he who makes and who abolishes the laws, who grants privileges to Mandarins or degrades them, to whom alone belongs the power over life and death, who is the source of all administrative and judicial authority, who has at his disposal the whole power and revenues of the Empire ; in one word, the state is the Emperor. His omnipotence, indeed, extends even farther, for he can transmit this enormous power to whom he pleases, and choose his successor among his children, without any law of inheritance imposing a restraint upon him in his choice. The sovereign power in China is, then, in all respects absolute ; but it is not, as has been supposed, for that reason despotic. It is a strong and vast system of centralisation. The Emperor is the head of an immense family; and the absolute authority that * It is in consequence of this theory, that the present pretender lias taken the name of Tien-te, that is, “ Celestial Virtue.” 56 'THE CHINESE EMPIRE. belongs to him is not absorbed* but delegated to his ministers, who in their turn transmit their powers to the inferior officers of their administrative governments. The subdivisions of authority thus extend gradually downwards to groups of families, of which the fathers are the natural chiefs, and just as absolute within their sphere as any other. It may well be supposed that this absolute power, being thus infinitely divisible, is no longer equally dan¬ gerous ; and besides, public opinion is always ready to check any excesses on the part of the Emperor, who would not, without exciting general indignation, dare to violate the rights of any of his subjects. He has also his private and general councils, the members of which have the right of expressing their opinions, and even remonstrating with him on matters both of public and private concern. One may read in the annals of China, how the censors have often acquitted themselves of their duty, with a freedom and vigour worthy of all praise. Finally, these potentates, the objects of so much homage during their lives, are often after death, like the ancient kings of Egypt, subjected to a trial, the verdict from which is attached to their name and descends to posterity. By these posthumous names only do they become known to history; and as they are always either eulogistic or satirical, they serve to give a brief estimate of the character of their reign. The greatest counterpoise of the Imperial power consists of the literary aristocracy, or corporation of men of letters; an ancient institution which has been established on a solid basis, and the origin of which is at least as early as the eleventh century before our era. It may be said that the administration receives all its real and direct influence from this sort of literary oligarchy. The Emperor can only choose his civil agents among the lettered class, and in conformity with established arrangements. Every Chinese may present himself for the examination for the third literary degree ; and those who obtain this, may then become candidates for the second, which opens the way to official employ¬ ment. To fill the higher offices the prize must be obtained in the competition for the first degree. It seems, doubtless, a magnificent thing to organise the govern¬ ment of a great Empire by literary qualification; but though it may be a subject of admiration, it is not to be regarded as a model for imitation in all countries. The Emperor is recognised by the laws as the sole proprietor of the soil of the Empire ; but this is a mere theory, and it does not hinder the property in land from being really as firmly established as it is in Europe. The government, in fact, only possesses the IMPERIAL FAMILY. 57 right over it in case of non-payment of the tax, or of confiscation for state crimes. The villages are collectively responsible to the Exchequer for the discharge of all fiscal impositions, and they have at their head a mayor called Sian-yo , who is chosen by universal suffrage. The communal organisation is perhaps nowhere else as perfect as in China; and these mayors are chosen by the people, without the Mandarins presenting any candidates or seeking in any way to influence the votes. Every man is both elector and eligible for this office ; but it is usual to choose one of advanced age, who both by his character and fortune occupies a high position in the village. We have known many of the Chinese mayors, and we can affirm that in general they are worthy of the suffrages with which they have been honoured by their fellow-citizens. The time for which they are elected varies in the different localities ; they are charged with the police duties, and serve also as mediators between the Mandarins and the people, in matters beyond their own compe¬ tence. We shall have occasion to return to this salutary institution, which agrees very ill with the ideas we commonly entertain of the heavy despotism which is supposed to weigh on the Chinese nation. The corporation of lettered men, recruited every year by the method of examination, constitutes a privileged class, almost the only nobility recognised in China, and it may be considered as the chief strength and nerve of the Empire. Hereditary titles only exist for the Imperial family, and for the descendants of Con¬ fucius, who are still very numerous in the province of Chantong. To the hereditary titles which the relations of the Emperor enjoy, there are attached certain prerogatives, as well as a very modest allowance, the right of wearing a red or yellow girdle, of putting a plume of peacock’s feathers in their caps, and of having six, eight, or twelve bearers to their palanquins. They cannot, more than any other citizen, pretend to any public office, without having previously taken their literary degree at Pekin and Moukden the capital of Mantchuria. We have often seen these Tatar nobles living in idleness and penury on their small pensions, and having no other proof to show of their illustrious origin than the red or yellow girdle. A private tribunal, however, is charged to govern them and superintend their conduct. The first civil and military Mandarins who have distinguished themselves in the administration or in war, receive the titles of koutig, heon, phy, tze, and nan ; which may be considered as cor- 58 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. responding with those of duke, marquess, count, baron, and knight. These titles or grades are, however, not hereditary, and give Ho right to the sons of the individual rewarded by them, but, what appears to us very curious, they may be carried back to his an¬ cestors. This custom was introduced with reference to the funeral ceremonies and the titles that the Chinese bestow on their defunct relatives. An officer who has been raised in rank by the Emperor, cannot accomplish the funeral rites of his family in a suitable manner, it his ancestors have not been decorated with a corresponding title. To suppose that the son is of higher rank than the father, would be to overthrow the hierarchy, and attack the fundamental principle of the Empire. A nobility, not merely confined to the individual, but even retrograding to the ancestors, instead of being transmitted to the descendants, does appear ex¬ cessively whimsical to us, and one must be a Chinese to have thought of such a thing. Nevertheless, it would be interesting to inquire whether, in reality, it may not be the better plan of the two. All the officers, civil and military, of the Chinese Empire are divided into nine orders, khiou-pi/ig , distinguished one from the other by certain buttons, or rather balls, of the size of a pigeon’s egg, which are worn above the official cap. This distinctive ball is of plain red coral for the first order, of carved coral for the second, of a transparent deep blue stone for the third, of pale blue lor the fourth, crystal for the fifth, of some opaque white stone for the sixth, and for the seventh, eighth, and ninth of gilt and wrought copper. Every order is subdivided into two classes ; the one active and official, the other supernumerary; but this makes no difference in the balls. All the official personages comprised in these nine orders, are designated by the generic term of kouang-fou. The name of Mandarin is unknown to the Chinese ; it was invented by the first Europeans who visited the country, and is probably derived from the Portuguese word “ mandar ” to command, out of which they made Mandarin. The administration of the Celestial Empire is divided into three parts ; the superior administration of the Empire, the local admin¬ istration of Pekin, and that of the provinces and colonies. The entire government is under the direction of two councils, attached to the person of the Emperor; the Nei-lio, and the Kiwi - ke-tchou. The first is charged with the preparation of plans, and the despatch ot current business. Its duty is, according to the official book, “ to put in order, and to make manifest the thoughts MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT. 59 and designs of the Imperial will, and to regulate the form of ad¬ ministrative decrees.” It may be regarded in some measure as the secretaryship of the Empire. The second council, numed Iviun-ke-tchou, deliberates with the Emperor concerning political affairs; it is composed of members of the Nei-ko, and of the presidents and vice-presidents of the superior courts. The Emperor presides at its sittings which generally take place very early in the morning. Below these two general councils are the six sovereign courts or boards, Leou-pou , which correspond with our ministries, and take cognisance of all the civil and military affairs of the eighteen provinces of China. At the head of each of these are placed two presidents, the one Chinese, the other Tatar, and four vice-presi¬ dents, of whom two are Chinese, and two Tatars. Every board has special offices for the different departments of business, and in these are a great number of divisions and subdivisions. First. The highest sovereign court, called court of civil em¬ ployments, Li-pou, which has the presentation to civil offices, on the nomination of the Emperor, and the distribution of civil and literary employments throughout the Empire; it has four divisions, which regulate the order of promotions and changes, keep notes concerning the conduct of official persons, determine their salaries, and their leaves of absence in times of mourning, and distribute the diplomas of posthumous rank, granted to the ancestors of officers admitted into the ranks of the nobility. Secondly. The court of public revenne, Hou-pou which is occupied with the imposition of taxes and tributes, the distribution of salaries and pensions, the receipt and expenditure of corn and money, and their transport by land and water. It is also the business of this court to divide the territory of the Empire into provinces, departments, circles, and cantons. It takes census of the population, keeps the registry of lands, and assesses the taxes and military contingents. This financial court comprises fourteen divisions, which correspond pretty well with the ancient division of China into fourteen interior provinces; besides this, it superintends the tribunal of civil appeal, which decides disputes concerning property and inheritance; it manages the coinage, the manufactories of silk, and the establishments for dyeing; and it looks to the provision of corn for the capital. It is also this court that regulates the distributions of corn and rice, and the gratuitous loans by which the people are assisted in times of scarcity and famine. Finally, it is honoured with the office of presenting annually to the Emperor, the list of young 60 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. Mantchou girls, who are ambitious to become inmates of his harem. It is one of the officers of the Hou-pou who presides every year at the celebrated agricultural festival, in which the Emperor is seen to put his hand to the plough in a field, trace the furrow, and sow it with corn. Thirdly. The sovereign court of rites, Ly-pou has the business of regulating ceremonies and public solemnities, the minute details of which are so important in the eyes of the Chinese. It has four divisions, which are occupied with the ordinary and extraordinary ceremonial of the court, with the rights of sacrifices in honour of the souls of former sovereigns and illustrious men, with the regu¬ lation of public festivals, and the form of the robes and head¬ dresses worn by the officers of government. This court super¬ intends schools, public academies, and literary examinations, and determines the number, the choice, and the privileges of the learned of various classes. Foreign diplomacy also lies within its jurisdiction; it prescribes the forms to be observed in the intercourse with tributary princes and foreign potentates, and whatever has relation to the embassies: and finally, it has the general direction of music, which in theory, may perhaps be very fine, but does not in China exactly strike one as such in the execution. Fourthly. There is the supreme court of war, Ping-pou, which has also four subdivisions, and regulates the appointment and promotions of military officers, registers the notes furnished con¬ cerning their conduct, and attends to the commissariat department, and the punishments and military examinations for the whole army. One of these subdivisions has the special charge of the cavalry, the camels, the relays of horses, and the transport of provisions and ammunition of all kinds. Fifthly. The court ot chastisements or criminal jurisdiction, Hing-pou has eighteen subdivisions, corresponding with the eighteen provinces of the Empire, attending to the criminal busi¬ ness of each province; a corps of prison inspectors; legislative chambers, which receive the articles of the penal code on their promulgation, and a board of fines and penalties. Sixthly. The court or board of public works, Koung-pou , has the direction of all the works executed at the expense of the state, such as the construction of public buildings, the fabri¬ cation of utensils and clothing intended for the troops and for public officers, the digging of canals, the formation of dikes, the erection of funereal monuments for the imperial family and illustrious persons. It also regulates weights and measures, and THE ACADEMY OF HAN-LIN. 61 directs the manufacture of gunpowder; this supreme court has four divisions. The superior administration at Pekin comprises also the colonial office, Ly-fan-yuen, which has the superintendence of “ strangers from without;” a designation applied to the Mongol princes, the Lamas of Thibet, and the Mahometan princes and chiefs of the districts near Persia. The Ly-fan-yuen, which governs the Mongol tribes, regulates, as well as it can, the rather entangled affairs of the nomadic hordes; and interferes, in an indirect manner, in the government of Thibet and the small Mahometan states of Turkestan. The Tou-tclia-yuen , or office of universal censorship, is placed above the sphere of action of all these administrative wheels, and overlooks their movements. Its office is to criticise the manners and morals of the people, and the conduct of the employes. The ministers, princes, even the Emperor himself, must, whether he likes it or not, submit to the remonstrances of this censor. Finally. There is the Toun-tchin-sse, or palace of representa¬ tion, which transmits to the privy-council of the Emperor the reports sent from the provinces, and the appeals against sentences pronounced by magistrates. This palace of representation, in which are united the members of the six supreme courts and the office of universal censorship, forms a kind of court of cassation to decide on appeals in criminal cases, and on sentences of death. The decisions of these three courts united are required to be unanimously given. In the contrary case, it is the Emperor him¬ self who must be the judge in the last resort. The famous Imperial academy of Han-Lin is composed of lite¬ rary graduates ; it furnishes orators for the public festivals, and literary examiners for the provinces, and is supposed generally to promote the cause of learning and science. It contains within itself a board for the editing of official documents, and another for the revision of the Tatar and Chinese works published at the ex¬ pense of government. Its two presidents inhabit the Emperor's palace, and they overlook the studies and labours of the academi¬ cians. The college of historiographers, and the whole body of annalists, depend on the academy of Han-lin. The first are occu¬ pied with drawing up the history of this or that remarkable reign or epoch. The annalists, to the number of twenty-two, write day by day the annals of the reigning dynasty : which are only pub¬ lished when another has succeeded it. They are on duty by turns, four at a time, and remain near the person of the Emperor to take notes of his actions and even his words. 62 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. The official gazette of Pekin may also be counted among the organs of the administration. It is a real Moniteur Universel, in which nothing can be printed which has not been presented to the Emperor, or which does not proceed from the Emperor himself; the editors of it would not dare to change or add anything, but under penalty of the severest punishment. This Pekin gazette is printed every day, in the form of a pamphlet, and contains sixty or seventy pages. The subscription to it does not amount to more than twelve francs a year ; and it is a most interesting collection, and very useful in making one acquainted with the Chinese Empire. It gives a sketch of public affairs and remarkable events; the memorials and petitions presented to the Emperor, and his answers to them; his instructions to the Mandarins and the people; the judicial proceedings, with the principal condemnations and the pardons granted by the Emperor; and also a summary of the deliberations of the sovereign courts. The principal articles, and all the public documents, are reprinted in the official gazettes of the provinces. Papers thus edited certainly serve to keep the Mandarins and the people acquainted with public affairs ; but they are little cal¬ culated to excite or encourage political passions. In ordinary times, and when they are not under the influence of any revolu¬ tionary movement, the Chinese are not at all inclined to meddle with affairs of government: they are a delightfully quiet people to deal with. In 1851, at the period of the death of the Emperor Tao-kouang, we were travelling on the road from Pekin, and one day, when we had been taking tea at an inn in company with some Chinese citizens, we tried to get up a little political discussion. We spoke of the recent death of the Emperor, an important event which, of course, must have interested everybody. We ex¬ pressed our anxiety on the subject of the succession to the imperial throne, the heir to which was not yet publicly declared. “Who knows,” said we, “which of the three sons of the Emperor will have been appointed to succeed him ? If it should be the eldest, will he pursue the same system of government ? If the younger, he is still very young ; and it is said there are contrary influences, two opposing parties, at court—to which will he lean ? ” We put forward, in short, all kinds of hypotheses, in order to stimulate these good citizens to make some observation. But they hardly listened to us. We came back again and again to the charge, in order to elicit some opinion or other, on questions that really ap¬ peared to us of great importance. But to all our piquant sugges- THE PALACE. 63 tions, they replied only by shaking their heads, puffing out whiffs of smoke, and taking great gulps of tea. Ihis apathy was really beginning to provoke us, when one of these worthy Chinese, getting up from his seat, came and laid his two hands on our shoulders in a manner quite paternal, and said, smiling rather ironically,— Listen to me, my friend ! Why should you trouble your heart and fatigue your head by all these vain surmises? The Mandarins have to attend to affairs of State ; they are paid for it. Let them I earn their money, then. But don’t let us torment ourselves about what does not concern us. We should be great fools to want to do political business for nothing.” “ That is very conformable to reason,” cried the rest of the com¬ pany ; and thereupon they pointed out to us that our tea was getting cold and our pipes were out. Ihe local administration of Pekin comprehends several special institutions, the functions of which have relation to the Imperial Court, or the district in which it resides, to the direction of the sacrifices, the Imperial stud, and the ceremonial of the Imperial ! audience-chamber. Ihe government of the palace is under the direction of a special council, which comprises seven divisions, charged with the pro¬ visioning and repairs of the palace, the salaries and punishments for offences committed in it, the receipt of the revenues of the farms, and the superintendence of the flocks and herds of the pri¬ vate domain. Three great scientific establishments are attached to the court: the National College, where the sons of the great dignitaries are educated ; the Imperial College of Astronomy, charged with the astronomical and astrological observations, and the preparation of the annual almanack; and the College of Medicine. Eight hun¬ dred guards are attached to the person of the Emperor,°and the military service of the capital is confided to the generals of the Eight Banners ; a corps composed of Mantchoo, Mongol, and Chinese soldiers, the direct descendants of the army that conquered China in 1643-4. The numerous body of eunuchs employed in the palace, and who, under the preceding dynasty played so active a part in the revolutions of which the Chinese Empire has so often been the theatre, is at present reduced to total inactivity. Under the minority of Khang-hi, the second Emperor of the Mantchoo dynasty, the four regents, on whom the government : -devolved, destroyed the authority of the eunuchs. I heir fiist act was to pass an express law (which they had en- 64 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. graved on plates of iron of a thousand pounds weight) prohibiting all Mantchoo princes for the future from elevating eunuchs to any sort of office or dignity. This law has been faithfully observed, and it is perhaps one of the principal causes to which we may at¬ tribute the peace and tranquillity China has enjoyed for so long a time. The provincial administration is constituted with as much vigour and regularity as that of the whole Empire. Every * province is governed by a Tsoung-tou , or governor-general, whom ; the Europeans are in the habit of calling viceroy, and also by a | Fou-yoaen, or sub-governor. The Tsoung-fou has the general 1 control of all civil and military affairs. The Fou-youen exercises a similar kind of authority, but is more specially charged with the civil administration, which is divided into five departments; i namely, the executive, the literary, that of the salt duties, of the ; commissariat, and commerce. The executive department is directed by two superior officers, of whom one undertakes the civil administration properly so called, the other that of criminal law. Under the inspection of these officers, who render an account to the governor and under-governor, every province is divided into prefectures, administered by civil officers, whose functions correspond with those of our prefects and sub-prefects. The Chinese distinguish, first, the great prefectures named Fou, which have a special administration under the inspection of the superior government of the province; secondly, the prefecture called Tcheou, the functionaries of which depend sometimes on the provincial administration, and sometimes on that of the grand prefecture ; and, finally, the sub-prefecture Hien, below both the Fou and the Tcheou. Each of these three, the Fou and the Tcheou and the Hien, possess a kind of chief town, surrounded by walls and fortifications, where the authorities reside. These are the towns of the first, second, and third order, of which mention is so often made in the accounts of the Missionaries. The chief officers of the prefectures and sub-prefectures are charged with the collection of the taxes and the police duty. Secondly. The literary department of every province is con¬ ducted by a director of instruction, who delegates his authority to the principal professor residing in the chief towns of the prefecture and sub-prefectures. They have under them secondary masters, who are distributed throughout the cantons. Every year the di¬ rector of instruction makes a tour to examine students and confer the first literary degree. Every three years examiners are sent OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. 65 from the academy of the Han-lin , at Pekin, to preside over the extraordinary examinations, and confer the second literary degree; and after that the literary graduates have to go to Pekin to pass their examination for the third decree- Thirdly. The department of the salt duties has under its inspection the salt-marshes, as well as the reservoirs and wells, and also has to undertake the transport of the salt. Fourthly. The department of the commissariat has to attend to the preservation of the corn in which the greater part of the taxes is paid, and to effect its transport to the capital. Fifthly. The department of commerce has to collect the dues in the sea-ports and on the navigable rivers. The maintenance of the dikes on the Yellow River is entrusted to a special board, which forms, in the provinces of Tchi, Chan-toung and Ilo-nan, a body independent of the provincial administration. The military government of each province, which is placed, like the civil administration, under the authority of the viceroy, has the command of the land and sea forces. In general, the Chinese make little distinction between the two services, and the several ranks have the same names in both. The generals in the Chinese army are called Ti-tou; they are sixteen in number, and two belong exclusively to the marine force. These generals have each their head-quarters, where they collect the greater part of their brigade, and they distribute the rest through the different posts under their command. Besides these, various fortresses of the Empire are occupied by Tatar troops, commanded by a Tsiang-kiung, who obeys no one but the Emperor, and whose business it is to watch over and keep in respect the high civil functionaries, who might be meditating treason or revolt. The admirals ( Ti-tou ) and vice-admirals ( Tsoung-ping ) reside constantly on shore, and leave the command of their squadrons to the subordinate officers. Below these superior officers, in the various branches of the administration, is an enormous mass of subaltern functionaries, whose names and titles are scrupulously inscribed in the “ Book of Places.” This kind of Imperial almanack, which is printed anew every three months, and is perfectly authentic, would give an ex¬ cellent idea of the entire personnel of Chinese administration. From this slight sketch of the political system of the Empire, it will readily be perceived, that, absolute as the government is, it is not on tliat account necessarily tyrannical. If it were, it would probably long since have ceased to exist; for it is not easy to conceive that three hundred millions of men could be ruled arbi- 66 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. trarily and despotically for many successive centuries, let them be ever so apathetic and brutalised — and assuredly the Chinese are neither the one nor the other. To maintain order amidst these terrific masses of people, nothing less was needed than that powerful system of centralisation which was invented by the founders of the Chinese monarchy, and which the numerous revolutions by which it has been agitated have only ; modified, without ever disturbing from the foundations. Under shelter of these strong, energetic, and, one may say, learnedly combined institutions, the Chinese have been able to live in peace, and enjoy some tolerable sort of happiness, which, after all, is perhaps the most that man in this world can reasonably pretend to. The annals of China resemble those of most other nations ; they contain a mixture of good and evil— an alternation of peace¬ able and happy periods, with others that were agitated and miserable ; governments probably will never be found perfect, till the day when men shall be born free from faults. It is impossible, however, to disguise from one’s self, that the Chinese do appear at present to have arrived at one of those epochs in which the evil has gained the ascendant over the good. Morality, arts, industry, all seem to be on the decline, and poverty and destitution are making rapid progress. We have seen the most frightful corruption penetrating the whole mass of society — magistrates selling justice to the highest bidder; Mandarins of every degree, instead of protecting the people, oppressing and pillaging them by every means in their power. But ought these disorders and abuses that have glided into the exercise of power, to be attributed to the form of the Chinese government? One can hardly think that. These abuses depend mostly on causes that we shall have occasion to point out in the course of our narrative; but however that may be, it cannot be disputed, that the mechanism of the Chinese government deserves to be studied carefully, and without prejudice, by the politicians of Europe. We must not wholly despise the Chinese; there may be even much that is admirable and instructive in their ancient and curious institutions, based upon literary qualification, by which it has been found possible to grant, in the communes, universal suffrage to three hundred millions of men, and to render every distinction accessible to all classes. During our stay at Tclxing- tou-fou, we had an opportunity not only of making acquaintance THE “ HIDDEN TREASURE. 67 with the high functionaries of the city, but of studying also the manners and habits of the Chinese Mandarin in private life, and in the bosom of his family. The magistrate in whose house vve were lodged, was named Pao-ngan, that is, “ Hidden Treasure.” He was a man of about fifty years of age, of a fine figure, robust health, and plump enough to obtain the frequent compliments of his colleagues. His strongly marked features, brown complexion, thick moustache, guttural pronunciation, and continual complaints of the heat, pointed him out as a native of the north. He was, in fact, from the province of Chan-si; his father had held some high offices, but he himself had never been able to rise above the simple magistracy, and even that lie had attained only a few years before. He took good care not to attribute this small progress to Avant of success in the literary examinations; but, like most other men, preferred laying the blame on the injustice of men, and his own bad star, which took a pleasure in throwing him out of the road to honour and fortune. If you would believe him, his name Avas most exactly descriptive, and he was, in the full extent of the term, a “ Hidden Treasure.” Although somewhat inclined to doleful lamentation, Pao-ngan Avas, on the whole, a very good fellow, and took the trials and vicissitudes of this nether world pretty easily. He had come into office rather late, and only when his days were on the decline; but he certainly did his utmost to make up for lost time. He loved law to the bottom of his heart, and never failed to make the most of it. He had tAvo or three kinds of myrmidons constantly employed in rummaging up, in all quarters of the town, all the little affairs that could be brought within his juris¬ diction, and his good humour increased with the number he had on his hands. Such an eagerness for the fulfilment of duties that are mostly considered troublesome and annoying, could not but appear to us very edifying, and Ave found ourselves charitably disposed to admire in Pao-ngan his extraordinary passion for justice. But he speedily undeceived us, by very frankly declaring that he wanted money, and that a Avell managed cause was the best means of procuring it. “If it is allowable,” said he, “to make a fortune by trade and commerce, why may one not also groAV rich by teaching reason to the people, and developing the principles of justice?” These not very elevated sentiments are common to all the Mandarins, and they express them openly and Avithout scruple. The administration of justice has become a regular traffic, and the chief cause of this abuse, we really believe, is to be found in the 68 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. insufficient remuneration allotted by government to magistrates, .i It is extremely difficult for them to live in suitable style, with the palanquins, and servants, and the costume suitable to their j position, if they have nothing more to meet all these expenses than the slender resources granted to them by the State. Their subordinates have no pay at all, and have to indemnify themselves . as well as they can, by exercising their industry on the unlucky suitors who pass through their hands—veritable sheep, from whom every one snatches as much wool as he can tear off, and who are not unfrequently at last completely flayed. Towards the commencement of the present dynasty, these abuses had become so flagrant, and the complaints on the subject so unanimous throughout the Empire, that the cantons drew up a memorial against the country tribunals, and presented it to the Emperor Tcliang-hi. The answer was soon given, and a curious one it was. “ The Emperor, considering the immense population of the Empire, the great division of territorial property, and the notoriously law-loving character of the Chinese, is of opinion that law-suits would tend to increase, to a frightful amount, if people were not afraid of the tribunals, and if they felt confident of always finding in them ready and perfect justice. As man,” con- ; tinues the Imperial logician, “ is apt to delude himself concerning his own interests, contests would be then interminable, and the half of the Empire would not suffice to settle the law-suits of the other half. I desire, therefore, that those who have recourse to the tribunals should he treated without any pity, and in such a manner that they shall be disgusted with law, and tremble to appear before a magistrate. In this manner the evil will be cut up by the roots; the good citizens, who may have difficulties among themselves, will settle them like brothers, by referring to the arbitration of some old man, or the mayor of the commune. ; As for those who are troublesome, obstinate, and quarrelsome, let them be ruined in the law-courts—that is the justice that is due to them.” One cannot, perhaps, altogether admit the validity of this Imperial reasoning, but it is nevertheless undoubtedly true, that in China, those who haunt the tribunals, and get themselves ruined, and not unfrequently knocked down also, by the Mandarins, are, with some honourable exceptions, men of a vindictive and malignant character, to whom no counsel can be of service, and who have need to be chastised by their “ father and mother.” * A title given by the Chinese to their magistrates. THE SONS OF PAO-NGAN. 69 Pao-ngan the “ Hidden Treasure,” for his part, followed scrupulously the gracious instructions of the Emperor Khang-hi. Since he had been installed in his little tribunal, he dreamed of nothing but of fleecing suitors; but if is most likely, nevertheless, that this was not solely with the philanthropic purpose of di¬ minishing their numbers. One day, when we were asking from him some information with respect to the capital of Sse-lihuen, he mentioned to us a certain district as being the worst in the town. We supposed, of course, that this abominable quarter was the resort of all sorts of bad characters, but it was precisely the con¬ trary. “ Since I have been in the magistracy,” said Pao-ngan, with delightful naivete, “ that district has never given me a single suit; concord reigns among all the families in it.” This excellent magistrate had two sons, who aspired to follow in their father’s footsteps, but it seemed likely they would never attain to the honour of placing any kind of ball on their caps. The elder, who was twenty-three years of age, and already the father of a little citizen of the Chinese Empire, who trotted about and prattled very prettily, had an exceedingly stupid though con¬ ceited face, which afforded a very just idea of his intellectual pre¬ tensions. He had been studying all his life, and was apparently a student still, but the degree of Bachelor was an honour he had not yet attained. His papa, the “ Hidden Treasure,” frankly admitted that his eldest son was not remarkably clever. The younger, a lad of seventeen, was pale and feeble, and evi¬ dently consumptive, but as amiable and interesting as his elder brother was tiresome. He was well informed too, and far from unintelligent, and he had a soft melancholy tone in his voice that added to the charm of his conversation. If to this “ Hidden Treasure ” and his family be added our two guards of honour, the youthful consumer of opium, and the ancient chewer of melon-seeds, a good idea will be formed of the society in which we found ourselves. It was a curious thing enough for two French missionaries to be living thus familiarly with Mandarins in the middle of a great Chinese town, on the confines of Thibet, ten thousand leagues from their own country, whilst their fate was being decided in a discussion between the viceroy of the province and the Court of Pekin. The life of a Chinese Mandarin appeared to us a very leisurely one. At sunrise, Pao-ngan installed himself on his judge’s seat, and passed the first hours of the morning in administering justice, or, more properly speaking, in arranging and legalising the ex- s a 70 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. tortious of bis scribes. After this rather superfluous labour came the great affairs of the day, namely, breakfast, dinner and supper. Pao-ngan kept a very good table, as be received an extra allow¬ ance on our account; but, ample as it was, the unfortunate man could not, after the third day, resist putting water into the excel¬ lent rice-wine, in order to squeeze a little more profit out of us. It seems as if a Chinese really must make use of some kind of fraud and trickery ; every unlawful gain has for him such an irresistible attraction. In the intervals between his meals, the occupations of Pao-ngan were not very laborious ; he smoked, he drank tea, he amused himself with munching dried fruits, or frag¬ ments of sugar-cane; or he dozed upon a divan, or fanned him¬ self with large palm-leaves, or possibly played a game of cards or chess. Then some other Mandarin, as idle as himself, would come sauntering in, and they would sit down together, and mourn over the inconveniences and toils of public life. Such was the life of our legal functionary. We never surprised him so much as a single time with a pen or a book in his hand. It may be supposed that all Chinese official personages are not precisely like Pao-ngan. We have known some who were, on the contrary, active, intelligent, and studious, and constantly stimulated by the hope of advancement in their career. During our residence in this family, we used, when we became too weary of our habitual company, to go and take refuge with a personage who passed the greater part of the day at the house. This was a venerable graduate of letters, the tutor of the “ Hidden Treasure’s ” children. We used to talk to him of Europe, and he, in return, told us stories of China, which he seasoned plentifully with sentences from the classic authors of his country. This learned Chinese resembled very much those erudite personages of former days whose conversation was always bristling with quota¬ tions from Latin and Greek. In France the race is almost extinct, but it is still flourishing in full vigour in China. The man of learning is accustomed to present himself with a considerable amount of easy assurance, indeed with not a little vanity and pom¬ posity, so convinced is he of his own value. He is the diapason of every conversation, for he is erudite, and moreover a fine speaker. His vocal organ is mostly of a mar-] vellous flexibility, and he has the habit of accompanying his words with much stately gesticulation, of emphasising many of them, and indulging in great variety of intonation. His language, being in a very sublime style, is not always very intelligible; but that is perhaps rather an advantage, as it gives THE CHINESE MAN OF LETTERS. 71 him an opportunity of assisting the comprehension of his hearers, by describing with his finger in the air, explanatory characters. If any one else begins to talk in his presence, he listens to him with a shake of the head, and a compassionate smile that seems to say, “Well! Well! you have not the gift of eloquence.” But when one of these erudite gentlemen fills the office of tutor, although at bottom he may have the same amount of conceit, he is forced to put on a little modesty over it; for he understands very well the imprudence of displaying his pride before those who re¬ quire his services. These magistri form in China an extremely numerous class. They are usually men of no fortune, who not having been able to attain to the dignity of the mandarinate, are obliged to resort to this method of obtaining their living. It i3 not necessary to have passed all the examinations in order to become a magister, for in China education is quite free, and any one is at liberty to set up a school, without the government interfering with him in any way whatever. The interest a father must feel in the education of his children is supposed to be a sufficient guarantee for his choice of a master. The heads of the villages and of the different districts of the cities assemble when they wish to found a school, and deliberate on the choice of a master, and the salary that is to be allowed him. They then prepare a local habitation for it and open the classes. If the magister does not continue to please those who have chosen him, they dismiss him, and choose another. The government has only an indffect influence over the schools, through the examina¬ tions of those who aspire to enter the corporation of letters. They are obliged to study the classical authors upon which they have to be examined ; but the uniformity that is seen in Chinese schools is rather the result of custom, and general agreement of the people, than of legal prescription. In our Catholic schools the Chinese professors explain the Christian doctrine freely to their pupils, without any other control than that of the vicar apostolic | or the Missionary. The rich are very much in the habit of having for their children private tutors, who give them lessons at home, and often lodge in the family. Of all countries in the world China is assuredly the one in which primary instruction is most widely diffused. There is no little village, not even a group of farms, in which a teacher is not to be found. He resides most frequently in the Pagoda; and for his maintenance he lias usually the revenue of a foundation, or some ¬ times a kind of tithe paid by the farmers after the harvest. 72 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. The schools are rather less numerous in the northern provinces ; it almost seems as if the intellects of the people were rendered duller and heavier by the rigour of the climate. The people of the south, on the contrary, are acute and lively, and devote themselves with ardour to literary studies. With some few exceptions, every Chinese knows how to read and write, at least sufficiently for the ordinary occasions of life. Thus the work¬ men, the peasants even, are capable of taking notes concerning their daily affairs, of carrying on their own correspondence, of reading the proclamations of the Mandarins, and often also the productions of the current literature. Primary instruction has even made its way into the floating f dwellings, which cover by thousands the rivers, lakes, and canals of the Celestial Empire. One is sure of finding in their little j barques, a writing-desk, an arithmetical machine, an annual register, some of the little brushes that supply the place of pens, and some pamphlets which in their moments of leisure the mariners amuse themselves by deciphering. The Chinese tutor is charged not only with the instruction, but also with the education of his pupils. He has to teach them the principles of politeness, to train them to the practice of the ceremonial of public and private life, to show them the various modes of salutation, and the deportment they have to observe towards their relations, their superiors, and their equals. The Chinese have been much reproached for their absurd attach- | ment to frivolous ceremonies, and the minutiae of etiquette. People have been pleased to represent them as always moving in a grave solemn manner, after the fashion of automata, executing in their friendly salutations only certain manoeuvres prescribed by the law, and addressing each other in stiff formulas of courtesy learnt by heart from the ritual. . The Chinese of the lower class, the palan¬ quin bearers, and street porters of great towns, have been supposed to be always prostrating themselves to each other, and asking ten thousand pardons, after having been abusing or even knocking each other down. These extravagances are not really to be met with in China; they are to be found only in the accounts of Euro¬ peans, who seem to think themselves obliged, in speaking of a country so little known, to relate many strange things. Setting aside all exaggeration, however, it is certain that urbanity is among the Chinese a distinctive sign of national character. A fondness for polite and decorous observance may be traced among them from the remotest antiquity, and their ancient philo¬ sophers never fail to recommend to the people a strict observance CHINESE MANNERS. 73 of the precepts established for the relations of society. Confucius said that ceremonies are the symbols of virtue, and destined to preserve it, to recall it to memory, and even sometimes to supply its place. These principles being among the earliest inculcated by schoolmasters on the minds of their pupils, it is not surprising that we find in all ranks of society manners which display more or less of that politeness which is the basis of Chinese education; and even the country people and peasants certainly treat each other with more respect and decorum than would be manifested among the laborious classes of Europe. In their official reports, and on solemn occasions, the Chinese have certainly too much of stiffness and bombastic grimace, and are too much the slaves of ceremonious etiquette. The regulation tears and groans of their funeral ceremonies, their emphatic protes¬ tations of affection, respect, and devotion to people they despise and detest, the pressing invitations to dinner, given on condition of not being accepted; all these are excesses and abuses common enough, but which were even noticed and blamed by Confucius himself. This rigid observer of “ The Rites,” has somewhere said that, with respect to ceremonies, it is better to be a miser than a prodigal, especially if in practising them one has not the feeling in the heart that alone confers on them merit and importance. Apart from these public demonstrations, in which there is often a good deal of constraint and affectation, the Chinese are not defi¬ cient in openness and freedom of deportment. When they have pulled off their satin boots, and laid aside their robes of state and their official hats, they become men of the world; and in the habitual intercourse of daily life they know how to release them¬ selves from the bonds of etiquette, and indulge in social recreation, in which the conversation is seasoned, as among ourselves, with gaiety and pleasant trifling. Friends meet in an unceremonious way to tea or warm wine, or perhaps to smoke the excellent tobacco of Leao-tong; and sometimes on such occasions they amuse them¬ selves by guessing riddles and making puns. The chief branch of instruction in the Chinese schools is that of reading and writing, or painting the Chinese characters. To ex¬ ercise the hand of the pupil, they oblige him to practise, first the elementary forms that enter into the composition of the letter, and then to proceed gradually to more complicated combinations. When he can make a firm and easy stroke with the pencil, beauti¬ ful examples of various styles of writing are given to him to copy. The master corrects the work of the pupil in red ink, improving the badly drawn letters, and pointing out the various beauties and 74 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. imperfections in the copy. The Chinese set great value on fine writing; and a good calligrapher, or, as they say, “an elegant pencil,” is always much admired. For the knowledge and good pronunciation of the character, the master, at the beginning of the lesson, repeats a certain number to each pupil, according to his capacity. They then all return to their places, repeating their lesson in a chanting tone, and rocking them¬ selves backwards and forwards. The uproar and confusion of a Chinese school, in which every pupil is vociferating his own par¬ ticular monosyllables in his own particular tone, without at all troubling himself about his neighbour, may easily be imagined. Whilst they are thus chanting and rocking about, the master of the school, like the leader of a band, keeps his ears pricked and attentive to all that is going on, shouting out his amendments from time to time to those who are missing the true intonation. As soon as the pupil thinks he has his lesson perfectly impressed on his memory, he goes up to the master, makes a low bow, presents his book, turns his back, and repeats what he has learnt. This is what they call pey-chou, “turning the back on a book;” that is, saying a lesson. The Chinese character is so large, and so easy to distinguish even at a great distance, that this method does not appear super¬ fluous, if the point is to ascertain whether the pupil is really repeating from memory. The bawling and rocking themselves about is considered to lessen the fatigue of study. The first book that is placed in the hands of scholars is a very ancient and popular work, entitled San-dze-king or Sacred Trimetrical Book. The author has named it thus because it is divided into little couplets, each verse of which is composed of three characters or words. The hundred and seventy-eight verses contained in the San-dze-king form a kind of encyclopedia, in which children find a concise and admirable summary of the chief branches of knowledge that constitute Chinese science. It treats of the nature of man, of the various modes of educa¬ tion, ot the importance of the social duties, of numbers and their origin of the three great powers, of the four seasons, of the five cardinal points, of the five elements, of the five constant virtues, of the six kinds of corn, ot the six classes of domestic animals, of the seven dominant passions, of the eight notes of music, of the nine degrees of relationship, of the ten relative duties, of studies and academical compositions, of general history and the succession ot dynasties; and the work concludes with reflections and ex¬ amples on the necessity and importance of study in general. It THE TA-IIIO. 75 nay well be imagined that a treatise of this kind, well learnt by :he pupils, and properly applied by the master, must greatly develope the intellects of Chinese children, and favour their natural taste for the acquisition of serious and positive knowledge. The San-dze-king is worthy in all respects of the immense popu¬ larity it enjoys. The author, a disciple of Confucius, commences with a distich, the profound and traditional sense of which is very striking— Jen-dze-tsou-sin-pen-chan, “Man in the beginning was of a nature essentially holy.” But it is probable that the Chinese understand very little the tendency and the consequences of the thought expressed in these two lines. A learned Christian has composed for the schools of our mis¬ sions a little theological encyclopaedia on the model of the San-dze- king. The verses are formed of four words ; and it is for this reason he has given it the title Sse-dze-king, or Sacred Book in Four Characters. After the trimetrical encyclopaedia the Sse-chou, or Four Clas¬ sical Books, are placed in the hands of the pupils. Of these we will endeavour to give some brief idea. The first is the Ta-hio, or Grand Study; a kind of treatise on politics and morals, com¬ posed from the very concise text of Confucius, by one of his disciples ; and the grand principle inculcated in it is self-improve¬ ment. These are the words of Confucius : — L “ The law of the Grand Study, or practical philosophy, consists in developing the luminous principle of reason, which we have received from Heaven, lor the regeneration of man, and in placing his final destiny in perfection, or the sovereign good. II. “We must first know the goal towards which we are tending, or our definite destination. This being known, we may afterwards maintain the calmness and tranquillity of our minds. The mind being calm and tranquil, we may afterwards enjoy that unalterable repose which nothing can trouble. Having then attained to the enjoyment of the unalterable repose which nothing can trouble, we may afterwards meditate and form our judgment on the essence of things ; and having formed our judgments of the essence of things, we may then attain to the desired perfection. III. “ The beings of nature have causes and effects ; human actions, principles and consequences. To know causes and effects, principles and consequences, is to approach very nearly to the rational method by which perfection is attained. IY. “ The ancient princes who desired to develope in their states the luminous principle of reason that we have received from Heaven, endeavoured first to 76 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. govern well their kingdoms ; those who desired to govern well their kingdoms, endeavoured first to keep good order in their families; those who desired to keep good order in their families, endeavoured first to correct themselves; those who desired to correct themselves, endeavoured first to give uprightness to their souls; those who desired to give uprightness to their souls, endeavoured first to render their intentions pure and sincere ; those who desired to render their in¬ tentions pure and sincere, endeavoured to perfect, as much possible, their moral knowledge, and examine thoroughly their principles of action. y. “ The principles of action being thoroughly examined, the moral knowledge attains the highest degree of perfection ; the moral knowledge having attained the highest degree of perfection, the intentions are rendered pure and sincere ; the intentions being rendered pure and sincere, the soul is penetrated with pro¬ bity and uprightness, and the mind is afterwards corrected and improved ; the ; mind being corrected and improved, the family is afterwards better managed ; the family being better managed, the kingdom is afterwards well governed ; and the kingdom being well governed, the world enjoys harmony and peace. VI. “ All men, the most elevated in rank, as well as the most humble and obscure, are equally bound to perform their duty. The correction and amelio- ] ration of one’s self, or self-improvement, is the basis of all progress, and of all ] moral development. VII. * “ It is not in the nature of things but that whatever has its basis in disorder and confusion, should also have what necessarily results from that. To treat : lightly what is the principal or most important thing, and seriously what is only secondary, that is a method of action we ought never to follow.” As we have said, the Book of the Grand Study is composed of the preceding text, with a commentary in ten chapters by a dis¬ ciple of Confucius. The commentator exerts himself especially to , apply the doctrine of his master to political government, which Confucius defines as what is just and right , and which he supposes] founded on the consent of the people. The formula in the Grand Study is as follows: — “ Obtain the affection of the people, and thou wilt obtain the empire ! Lose the affection of the people, and thou wilt lose the efnpire! ” The Book of the Grand Study concludes in these words: — “If those who govern states only think of amassing riches for their personal use, they will infallibly attract towards them depraved men; these depraved men will make the sovereign believe that they are good and virtuous ; and these depraved men will govern the kingdom. But the administration of these unworthy ministers will call down the chastisements of Heaven, and excite the vengeance of the people. When matters have reached this point, what ministers, were they ever so good and virtuous, could avert misfor- THE TCIIOUNG-YOUNG. 77 tune ? Therefore, those who govern kingdoms ought never to make their private fortune out of the public revenues ; but their only riches should be jus¬ tice and equity.” The second classical book, Tchoung-young, or the Invariable Centre, is a treatise on the conduct of wise men in life. It has been edited by a disciple of Confucius, according to instructions received from the lips of the master himself. The system of morals contained in this book is based on the principle, that virtue is always at an equal distance from two extremes — In medio con¬ sists virtus. This harmonious centre, Ching-ho, is the source of the true, the beautiful, and the good. I. “ The disciple Sse-lou inquires of his master concerning the strength of man. II. “ Confucius replies : ‘ Is it concerning manly strength in northern or in southern countries that you wish to inquire ? Is it of your own strength ? III. “To have gentle and benevolent manners for the instruction of men — to have compassion towards those madmen who revolt against reason,—this is the manly strength proper to southern countries; it is that which the wise endea¬ vour to attain. IY. “ To make one’s couch on steel blades and skins of wild beasts — to contem¬ plate without shuddering the approach of death, — this is the manly strength proper to northern countries, and it is that which the brave endeavour to attain. V. “ But much stronger and much grander is the power of soul belonging to the sage who lives always at peace with men, and who does not allow himself to be corrupted by passion. Much stronger and grander is the power of soul in him who keeps always in the straight path, equally distant from the two extremes. Much stronger and grander is the power of soul in him who, when his country is in the enjoyment of a good government, which is his work, does not allow himself to be corrupted or blinded by a foolish pride. Much stronger and grander is the power of soul in him who, when his country, being lawless, has not a good government, remains immovable in his virtue till death.” Confucius, in his Invariable Centre, as in his other treatises, endeavours to apply his ethical principles to politics. These are the conditions on which he allows to sovereigns the right of governing nations and giving them institutions : — I. “ It is only the man supremely holy, who, by the faculty of knowing tho¬ roughly, and comprehending perfectly, the primitive laws of living beings, is worthy of possessing supreme authority and commanding men,— who, by pos¬ sessing a soul,’grand, firm, constant, and imperturbable, is capable of making 78 THE CHINESE EMPIEE. justice and equity reign,— who, by his faculty of being always honest, simple, upright, grave, and just, is capable of attracting respect and veneration,— who, by his faculty of being clothed with the ornaments of the mind and the talents procured by assiduous study, and by the enlightenment that is given by an exact investigation of the most hidden things and the most subtle principles,— is capable of discerning with accuracy the true from the false, and good from evil. II. “ His faculties are so ample, so vast, so profound, that he is like an immense spring, whence all issues in due season. III. “ They are vast and extensive as the heavens; the hidden source whence they flow is deep as the abyss. Let this man supremely holy appear with his virtues, and his powerful faculties, and the nations will not fail to have faith in his words. Let him act, and the nations will not fail to be in joy. IV. “It is thus that the renown of his virtues will be like an ocean, inundating the empire in every part. It will extend even to the barbarians of the north and the south. Wherever vessels or chariots can reach,—wherever the power of human industry can penetrate, — in all the places which the heavens cover with their immense canopy, — on all points that the earth contains, which the sun and the moon enlighten with their rays,—which the dew and the clouds of morning fertilise, — all human beings who live and breathe can never fail to love and to revere him.” The third classical book, Lun-yu , or Philosophical Conversa¬ tions, is a collection of maxims put together in rather a confused manner, and of recollections of the discourses of Confucius with his disciples. Among a great number of common-places on morals and politics, are some profound thoughts, and some curious details concerning the character and manners of Confucius, who seems to have been something of an original. Thus, the Lun-yu informs us that the master, in introducing his guests, kept his arms stretched out like the wings of a bird ; that he would never eat meat that was not cut in a straight line ; that if the mat on which he was to sit down was not regularly placed, he would not take it; that he would point to nothing with his fingers, &c. Finally, the fourth classical book is that of Meng-tze , or Mincius, as he is called by Europeans. This work, divided into two parts, contains the summary of the counsels addressed by this celebrated philosopher to the princes of his time and his disciples. Mincius lias been decorated by his countrymen with the title of Second Sage, Confucius being the first; and they render to him in the great Hall of the Learned, the same honours as to Confucius. This is what a Chinese author says of the Book of Mincius: — “ The subjects treated in this work are of various natures. In one THE MENG-TZE. 79 part are examined the virtues of individual life and of domestic rela¬ tions ; in another, the order of affairs. Here are investigated the duties of superiors, from the sovereign to the lowest magistrate, for the attainment of good government. There the toils of students, labourers, artisans, traders, are exhibited; and in the course of the work the laws of the physical world, of the heavens and the earth, the mountains and rivers, of birds, quadrupeds, fish, insects, plants, trees, are occasionally described. A great number of affairs that Mincius managed, in the course of his life, in his intercourse with men, his occasional discourses with people of rank, his instructions to his pupils, bis explanations of books, ancient and modern,—all these things are incorporated in this publication. It is a collection of historical facts and of the words of ancient ages, uttered for the instruction of mankind.” M. Abel Remusat has thus characterised the two most celebrated philosophers of China: — “ The style of Meng-tze, less elevated and less concise than that of the prince of letters, Confucius, is more flowery and elegant, and also not deficient in nobleness. The form of dialogue, which he has pueserved in his Philosophical Conversations witli the great persons of his times, allows of more variety than one can expect to find in the apophthegms and maxims of Confucius. The cha¬ racter of their philosophy also differs widely. Confucius is always grave, even austei-e. He extols the virtuous, of whom he draws an ideal portrait, and only speaks of the vicious with cold indigna¬ tion. Meng-tze, with the same love of virtue, seems to have more contempt for, than hatred of vice. He attacks it by the force of reason, and does not disdain even to employ the weapon of ridi¬ cule. His manner of arguing approaches the irony attributed to Socrates. He does not contend with his adversaries ; but endea¬ vours, while granting their premises, to draw from them absurd consequences, that lie may cover them with confusion. He does not even spare the princes and great men of his time, who often only feigned to consult him, in order to have an opportunity of boasting of their conduct, or to obtain from him eulogiums that they supposed themselves to merit. Nothing can be more piquant than the answers he sometimes gives them on such occasions, and nothing more opposed to the too generally entertained opinion of the baseness and servility of Orientals, and especially of the Chinese. “ Meng-tze does not resemble Aristippus so much as Diogenes, but without violating decency and decorum. His liveliness does 80 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. sometimes appear of rather too tart a quality, but he is always inspired by zeal for the public good. “ The pupils in Chinese schools learn these books at first by heart, without troubling themselves with the sense or meaning of the author; and if they attach any ideas to his words, they are indebted merely to their own sagacity. It is only when they are capable of repeating the whole, from one end to the other, that the master sets to work, with the assistance of innumerable com¬ mentaries, to develope the text, word by word, and give the necessary explanation; and the philosophical opinions of Con¬ fucius and Meng-tze are then expounded, in a manner more or less superficial, according to the age and capacity of the pupil.” After the four classical books, the Chinese study the five sacred books, King , which are the most ancient monuments of Chinese literature, and contain the fundamental principles of the earliest creeds and customs. The first in date, the most renowned, but the least intelligible of these sacred books is the Book of Changes, y-King. This is a treatise on divination, founded on the combi¬ nations of sixty-four lines (some entire, others broken), and called koua, the discovery of which is attributed to Foic-hi, the founder of Chinese civilization. Fou-hi is said to have found these mysterious lines, which he says are capable of explaining all things, on the shell of a tortoise. But Confucius, whose capacity and talents were so extraordinary, studied these enigmatical koua very assiduously, and went through much labour in editing the y-King, without being able to throw much light upon the matter. After Confucius, the number of writers who have had the weakness to occupy themselves seriously with the y-King, is almost incredible. The Imperial Catalogue enumerates more than 1450 treatises, in the form of memoirs, or commentaries, upon this famous, but whimsical work. The Chou-king, or Book of History, is the second sacred book. Confucius has collected in this important work the historical re¬ collections of the first dynasties of China as far as the eighth century before our era. It contains the speeches addressed by several emperors of these dynasties to their great officers, and furnishes a great number of precious documents concerning the first ages of the Chinese nation. The third sacred book is the Che-king, or Book of Verses ; a collection, made also by Confucius, of ancient national and official songs, from the eighteenth to the third century before our era; and there is found in it very interesting and authentic information on the ancient manners of China. The Book of Verses is often THE FIVE SACRED BOOKS. 81 quoted and commented on in the philosophical writings of Meng- tze and of Confucius, who recommends it to his disciples. He says, in the Lun-yu, “ My dear disciples, why do you not study the Book of Verses ? The Book of Verses is proper for elevating your sentiments and ideas ; it is fitted for forming your judgment by the contemplation of things ; it is good for uniting men in mutual harmony, and for exciting regret without resentment.” The fourth sacred book is the Li-ki, or Book of Rites. The original was lost in the conflagration of ancient books ordered by the Emperor Thsin-che-Hoang, at the end of the third century before our era. The present ritual is a collection of fragments ; the most ancient of which do not appear to date from an earlier epoch than that of Confucius. Finally, the fifth sacred book is the Tchun-thsiou, or the Book of Spring and Autumn, written by Confucius ; and which takes its name from the two seasons of the year in which it was com¬ menced and finished. It contains the annals of the little kingdom of Lou, the native country of this philosopher, from the year 292 to 480 before our era. Confucius wrote it to recall the princes of his time to respect for ancient customs, by pointing out the mis¬ fortunes that had happened to their predecessors since these customs had fallen into desuetude. These five sacred and four classical books are the basis of all science among the Chinese. What one finds in them is, it must' be confessed, but little suited to the tastes or wants of Europeans. It would be vain to seek in them for scientific ideas; and, with some truths of great importance in politics and morals, one is confounded by finding mingled the grossest errors and the most absurd fables. Chinese instruction nevertheless, taken on the whole, tends wonderfully to create in the mind an attachment to ancient customs, and a profound respect for authority ; two things which have always been the twin pillars of Chinese society, and which alone can serve to explain the duration of this ancient civilisation. We shall not enter here into any further details con¬ cerning the education and literature of the Chinese, since we shall have to return to the subject on several other occasions. We had been about fifteen days at Tching-tou-fou, and, as we were beginning to be exceedingly tired of it, we managed to intimate to the viceroy our desire to resume our journey. He replied very graciously, that it would give him pleasure if we would prolong; our period of repose, but that we were entirely free, and might ourselves fix the day of our departure. The Magistrate Bao-ngan did his utmost to detain us,.and put in operation all the G 82 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. resources of liis insinuating and pathetic eloquence, conjuring us to stay a little longer, if we would not “ rend his heart.” We on our side had to explain to him the depth of grief into which we should be plunged, when we should be separated from him by lakes and rivers, plains and mountains. ^Nevertheless, in spite of this reciprocal wish to remain, for ever together,, it was decided that we should set off in two days. Various little intrigues im¬ mediately began ; all the Mandarins who were at liberty set about manoeuvring to obtain the office of our escort, and their visits from that moment succeeded each other w'ithout interruption. It was a perfect avalanche of white and gilt balls which fell all at once into the halls of The Hidden Treasure. All these candidates were, if you could take their word for it, absolutely perfect men; _they possessed in the highest degree the five cardinal virtues, and were also perfectly familiar with all the laws of politeness ; they all understood how much strangers of our importance must have need of care and attention, during the toilsome journey we were about to undertake. The countries we were about to traverse were well known to them, and we might rely on their experience and devotion. They showed this eagerness to accompany us, merely because a mission so glorious would render their names illustrious, and their lives permanently happy. What all these fine things really meant was, that there was a little fortune to be gained by him who should have the chance of escorting us. According to the benevolent intentions of the viceroy, we were to travel like government officers of rank. In that case extraordinary contributions would be levied on all the countries through which we passed, to provide for our expenses and those of our escort; and the gentlemen who desired so greatly to be our conductors thought to profit ^by our inexperience in such matters, and retain for their own share the greater part of the funds that wotild be allotted for the purpose by the tribunals on our road. There exist very minute regulations concerning these sorts of journeys ; but they thought we should know nothing about them. We took very good care, however, not to choose our con¬ ductors ourselves ; we preferred leaving the appointment to the superior authorities, reserving in this manner the right of com¬ plaining if things did not afterwards turn out to our satisfaction. We should want, it appeared, two Mandarins; one of the literary class who would be the soul of the expedition, and one military, with fifteen soldiers, to secure the tranquillity and good order of our march. On the evening before our departure, our friend the Prefect of THE CHINESE CALENDAR. 83 the Garden of Flowers paid us an official visit, to present the two successful candidates. The literary candidate, named Tin", was of the middle size, very thin, marked with the smallpox, and worn out with the use of opium ; a great talker, and exceedingly ignorant. In our first interview he was careful to inform us that he was very much devoted to Kao-wang, a kind of divinity of the Chinese pantheon ; and that he knew a great number of prayers, and especially some very long litanies, which he was in the habit of reciting every day. We are persuaded that it was with the intention of being particularly agreeable that they favoured us with this learned Mandarin and his long litanies ; and he was, it must be confessed, something of a curiosity. The military Mandarin, for his part, knew no prayers at all. lie was a young man with a broad lace, and a constitution naturally robust, but already suffering from the effects of opium. His manners were more polished and courteous than those of his colleague, and he even appeared to have made more progress in literary culture. On the day of our departure we went at a very early hour to pay our farewell visit to the viceroy. This reception was not solemn and stately as on the former occasion ; we had no music, and there was no assemblage of the civil and military officers of. the town. We were accompanied only by rhe Prefect of the Garden of Flowers, who remained standing at the door of the cabinet in which we were received. , The same simplicity appeared in the deportment of the viceroy. He spoke to us with much kindness, and was good enough to enter into the most minute details on the subject of the orders he had given for our treatment on the road ; and in order that we might be fully aware of our claims, he presented us with a copy of the regulations that our conductors were bound to see executed. During this visit the viceroy mentioned in confidence a circum¬ stance that surprised us, and which tends to show that the Chinese are by no means as good mathematicians and astronomers as they are in Europe generally supposed to be. He told us that the government would soon find itself in great embarrassment on account of the necessity of a revision of the calendar, which was now on longer accurate. We knew very well that the first missionaries, at the epoch of their favour at court, had been complaisant enough to correct many grave errors that were found to exist in the Chinese computation of the lunar year, as well as to make for the govern¬ ment a kind of perpetual calendar for a considerable period. This period, however, was now nearly over, and the Office of Mathema- 84 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. tics at Pekin had humbly declared itself incapable of preparing another. The viceroy, who had probably received particular instructions on the subject from the Emperor, asked us whether there would be no means of engaging the missionaries to labour in the reform of the calendar ? We replied that if the Emperor invited them to do so, they would probably have no motive for refusing his request. We took this opportunity, also, of reminding this high dignitary of the services formerly rendered to the Empire by the missionaries, in directing the works of the Mathematical Office, preparing maps of the provinces, and of tributary countries; negotiating various treaties with the Russians ; and in a number of other occasions in which they showed as much talent as de¬ votion to the Chinese government. “ How many missionaries,” said we, “ have quitted their country to come and devote them¬ selves entirely to the Chinese.” And the Chinese, in what manner have they rewarded so many toils, and such great sacrifices ? When they thought they no longer had need of the missionaries, thev drove them ignominiously from their country ; they put others to death ; they seized on the establishments which they had erected at great expense; they even outraged, quite recently, the tombs of those learned and virtuous persons who excited the admiration of the celebrated Emperor Khang-hi. When we spoke of the recent profanation of these tombs, the viceroy appeared struck with astonishment. The French mis¬ sionaries formerly possessed, in the environs of Pekin, a magnificent piece of enclosed ground, that had been given to them as a burial place by the Emperor Khang-hi. There repose many of our countrymen, who died thus at the distance of ten thousand leagues from their country, after having worn out their lives in sufferings j and privations in the midst of a people who never knew how to appreciate either their virtue or their knowledge. We visited this enclosure, known among the Chinese as the j French Burial Ground, several times, and could never do so with¬ out feeling our hearts beat as if we were about to set foot once ; more upon our native soil. This is, in fact, French soil; it is an : affecting and precious colony, conquered in the midst of the ; Chinese’Empire, by our departed brethren. The site of it is one j of the finest to be found in Pekin. The walls are still in good j preservation, but the house, and the wood-work, which is in a style j half European half Chinese, are greatly in need of repair. In the j middle of a vast garden now running wild, there is a grove in which the tombs of the missionaries have been placed by command, FRENCH CEMETERY AT PEKIN. 85 under some lofty forest trees ; but as Europeans have now no longer a legal existence in China, the French Burial Ground was entrusted to the care of a Chinese Christian family, since sent into exile in consequence of a recent persecution. The establishment was then sacked and pillaged by the robbers of Pekin. At present it is in possession of the government, and the hea¬ thens lodged in it steal every day whatever they like, — the trees, the materials of the chapel, even the stones from the tombs. The viceroy, as we said, was struck with astonishment at hear¬ ing us speak of the pillage of the Burial Ground, and inquired whether the French government had been informed of it. “ Pos¬ sibly it may have been,” we replied; “but if not, we will take care to give the information.” “ And if I write to Pekin on the subject, and the Emperor should give orders to restore the sepulchres, will that satisfy the French?” “ They will doubtless be glad to learn that reparation has been made for the injury done to the tombs of their brothers.” The viceroy immediately called for a pencil, wrote some words, and promised, as soon as possible, to address to the Emperor a memorial relative to this affair. We afterwards talked with him a long time about European governments, the Christian religion, and the Imperial decrees obtained by M. de Lagrenee. The worthy ol<5 man evidently felt a good deal of anxiety concerning the Mantchou dynasty, and he appeared to understand that an epoch had arrived, in which whether they would or not, the Chinese must modify their ancient institutions, and enter into relations with European powers. Thanks to steam, these are now no longer at so immense a distance from the Celestial Empire. “I will go to Pekin,” said he, “and I will myself speak to the Emperor.” At length the Viceroy put an end to the interview, by address¬ ing us with the customary words, “ I-lou-fou-sing? “May the star of happiness accompany your journey.” We wished him a long and happy old age, and left him to return to the house of the magistrate, where we were to meet the Mandarins of our escort.* We found a numerous company, composed of persons with whom we had become acquainted during our stay at Tching-tou-fou: we sat down to table, and Pao-ngan served us up a regular feast * In 1850, we went from Macao to Pekin, with the intention of seeing the viceroy, whom the Emperor had summoned to remain near his person. But unfortunately, he died just a fortnight before our arrival. Some short time afterwards the Emperor died also. 86 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. according to “the Rites.” Very soon the ceremonious formalities of the farewell began. They told us, in all sorts of tones, and with every conceivable variation, that during our residence with them they had annoyed us very much, and rendered our lives extremely unpleasant. On our sides we declared that on the contrary we had the greatest need of their indulgence and their pardon, for we had been most troublesome and exacting guests. Every one of course knew the value of this strange phraseology consecrated by custom, and which does sometimes happen to be a very naive expression of the truth. At last we entered our palanquins, and the procession, preceded by twelve soldiers armed with rattans, opened for us a passage through a dense throng of curious spectators. All were desirous of getting a glimpse of these famous “Western Devils,” who had so strangely become the friends of the viceroy and the Emperor; and of this fact no one could doubt, since instead of strangling us, they allowed us to wear the yellow cap and the red gird'e. CHAP. IV. Departure from Tcliing-tou-fou. — Letter thrown into our Palanquin, at the Gate of the Town_Christianity in China. — Its Introduction in the Fifth and Sixth.Centuries — Monument and Inscription at Si-ngan-fou.— Progress of Christianity in the Fourteenth Century. — Arrival of the Portuguese in China. — Macao. —Father Matthew Ricci.— Departure of the first Chinese Missionaries. — Prosperity of the Religion under the Emperor Khang-hi.— Persecution under the Emperor Young-tching.— Abandonment of the Mis¬ sions.— Numerous Departures of the New Missionaries. — Glance at the present State of Christianity in China. — Motives of Hostility in the Govern¬ ment towards Christians.— Indifferentism of the Chinese in Matters of Reli¬ gion.— Honours paid to us on our Road. — Halt at a Communal Palace. — Trickery on the part of Master Ting. — Navigation of the Blue River. — Arrival at Kien-tcheoii. As we reached the southern gate of the town, we remarked among the mass of people assembled there a great number of Christians. They made the sign of the cross to enable us to recognise them, and also to afford us, as well as they could, an expression of sympathy. Their countenances showed satisfaction and confidence; for they had doubtless imagined they saw in the attentions that had been lavished on us by the viceroy and the first magistrates of the town, the percursory signs of the religious liberty, the hope of which had shone for a moment on their path. CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA. 87 Perhaps, also, they might hope that information afforded viva voce to the representatives of France, concerning the nullity of the Imperial Edicts, would draw forth a protest that might force hack the Chinese government into the path of justice and modera¬ tion. If such were indeed their hopes on witnessing our departure for Macao, they must have been sadly disappointed; for their situation, instead of improving, became aggravated from day to day. At the moment when we were passing through the last gate, one of us caught in his palanquin a letter, furtively flung in by a Christian who kept himself crouched in a corner; it was from M. Perocheau, Bishop of Maxula, and vicar apostolic of the province of Sse-tchouen. This zealous and learned prelate spoke to us of numerous local persecutions, which were still desolating his vicariate, and begged us to remind the Mandarins we might meet with on the road of the promises made by the Emperor with respect to the Christians of his Empire. Our resolution was already taken in that matter, and the re¬ commendation of the venerable elder of the Chinese Bishops could only confirm us the more in it. But unfortunately our efforts had a very small effect. The Chinese Christian communities are still, as they were before, at the mercy of the Mandarins; and they have now, also, to dread the fanaticism and barbarity of the insurgents. All seems to indicate that the missionaries will long have to sow the divine seed in tears and sorrow. Truly lamentable is this obstinacy of the Chinese people, in rejecting, disdainfully, the treasure of faith that Europe has never ceased to offer with so much zeal, devotion, and perseverance. No other nation has excited such lively solicitude on the part of the Church; no sacrifice has been spared for its sake; and yet it is the one, of all, that has proved most rebellious. The soil has been prepared and turned in all directions with patience and intelligence; it lias been watered by sweat and tears and enriched with the blood of martyrs ; the evangelical seed has been sown in it with profusion; the Christian world has poured forth prayers, to draw upon it the blessing of Heaven; and yet it is still as sterile as ever, and the time of the harvest is not yet come: for one cannot give the name of harvest to a few scattered ears, springing up here and there, and gathered in haste, lest they should fall at the first breath of the storm. It would not be impossible, perhaps, to point out the principal causes which hinder the propagation of the Gospel in China; but it will be better to 88 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. Set- give, first, a rapid sketch of the various attempts that have been made, at different epochs, to Christianise this vast Empire. The first efforts to throw the light of faith on the central and eastern parts of Asia were made at a very remote period. Already, as early as the fifth and sixth centuries, we discover traces of the first missionaries who travelled by land from Con¬ stantinople to what they called the Kingdom of Cathay; for it was under this name that China was first known in the West. These apostles wandered on foot, their staves in their hands, over mountains, along banks of rivers, through forests and deserts, amidst privations and suffei'ings of every kind, to carry the tidings of salvation to nations unknown to the rest of the woidd. For a long time it was supposed that the Gospel was not preached in China till a comparatively recent period, — the time when the celebrated and coux-ageous Matthew Ricci penetrated into the Empire in the latter half of the sixteenth century. But the discovery of the monument and inscription at Si-ngan-fou *, the former capital of China, proves incontestably that in the year 635, the Christian religion was known and even flourishing there. This inscription speaks of numei'ous churches which owed their erection to the piety of the Emperors, and of magnificent titles bestowed on the priest, Olopenf, who is designated as the Sovereign Guardian of the Kingdom of the Great Law; that is to say, Primate of the Christian religion. In 712, the Bonzes excited a persecution against the Christians, who, however, after some transitory trials, were again triumphant. “Then,” according to the inscription, “the religion that had been oppressed for some time, began again to raise its head. The stone of doctrine that had been for a moment thrown off its balance, recovered itself. In the year 744, there was a priest of the kingdom of Ta-thsin^; who came to China to salute the Empei’or; he ordered this priest Sohan, and six others, with the one sent from Ta-thsin, to offer Christian sacrifices in the palace of Him-kim. Then the Emperor ordered them to suspend over the door of the church an inscription written with his own hand. This august tablet shone with a vivid splendour; and that is why all the earth conceived a great respect for religion. All affairs were perfectly well managed, and felicity, arising from l’eligion, was profitable to the human race. Every year the Emperor * A magnificent fac-simile of this celebrated inscription may be seen in the Imperial Library at Paris. f There is every reason to believe that Olopen was a Syrian. f The Roman Empire was thus designated by the Chinese of this epoch. THE INSCRIPTION AT SI-NGAN-EOU. 89 Tai-tsoung, on the day of the Nativity of Jesus Christ, presented to the Church celestial perfumes ; and he distributed Imperial viands to the Christian multitude, to render the day more re¬ markable and celebrated. The priest, Y-sou, a great benefactor of the religion, and, at the same time, a great person at court, lieutenant of the Viceroy of So-fan, and Inspector of the palace, to whom the Emperor has presented a religious habit of sky blue, is a man of gentle manners and mind, inclined to all sorts of good. As soon as he had received into his heart the true doctrine, he began to put it in practice. He came to China from a distant country, and he surpasses in industry all those who flourished under the three flrst dynasties ; he understands perfectly the sciences and arts. In the beginning, when he laboured at court, he rendered excellent services to the state, and acquired, in a high degree, the esteem of the Emperor.” “ This stone,” concludes the inscription, “ was prepared and raised in the second year of the reign of Tai-tsoung ” (a.d. 781). “At that time the priest Niu-chou, Lord of the Law,” (that is to say, Pontiff of the Religion,) “ governed the whole body of Christians in the Oriental countries. Liou-siou-yen, counsellor of the palace, and formerly Member of the Council of War, wrote this inscription.” This precious monument, of which Voltaire had the audacity, or rather the bad faith, to dispute the authenticity, speaks also of a person celebrated in China named Kouo-tze-y. He was the most illustrious man of the Tang dynasty, either in peace or war; and several times replaced on the throne Emperors, who had been driven from it by foreigners and rebels. He lived to be eighty- four years of age, and died in 781, the same year when this monument was erected. His name has remained popular in China to the present time : he is often chosen as the hero of dramatic pieces, and we have heard his name pronounced with respect in assemblies of Mandarins. There is every reason to think that this man was a Christian ; this is what is said of him On the monument of Si-ngan-fou. “ Kouo-tze-y, the first president of the ministerial court, and king of the city of Fen-yen, was in the beginning generalissimo of the armies of So-fan, that is to say, in the Northern countries. The Emperor Sou-tsoung associated him with himself for his com¬ panion in a long march ; but although, by singular favour, he was admitted familiarly even into the Emperor’s chamber, he was never more in his own eyes than a simple soldier. He was the nails and the teeth of the Empire, the ears and the eyes of the army ; he 90 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. distributed among them the pay and the presents that he received from the Emperor, and never accumulated any thing in his own house. He kept the ancient churches in repair, or he enlarged them, raised their roofs and their porticoes to a greater height, and embellished them in such a manner that their edifices were like pheasants spreading their wings to fly. “Besides that, he served in every manner the Christian religion: he was assiduous in the exercise of charity, and lavish in the dis¬ tribution of alms. Every year he assembled the priests and the ' Christians of the four Churches ; he entertained them zealously with suitable viands, and continued these liberalities for fifty days in succession. Those who were hungry came to him, and he fed them. He took care of the sick, and restored them to health ; he buried the dead and put them to rest. It has not been heard, up to the present time, that the virtue of anyone shone so brightly, even in the Tha-so, those men who devote themselves so religiously to good works.” The whole life of Kouo-tze-y appears to have been admirable, and offers details of the greatest interest. We regret that the limits we are obliged to prescribe to ourselves, do not permit us to give here the biography of this illustrious Chinese Christian of the 8th century ; but we cannot resist quoting the magnificent eulogium that a Chinese historian has passed upon him. “This great man,” he says, “ died in the eighty-fifth year of his age. He was protected by Heaven on account of his virtues; he was be¬ loved by men on account of his beautiful qualities ; he was feared by the enemies of the state on account of his valour; he was re¬ spected by the subjects within the Empire on account of his in¬ corruptible integrity, his justice, and mildness ; he was the support, the counsellor, and soul of his sovereigns; he was loaded with riches and honours, during the course of his long life ; he was universally regretted at his death, and he left behind him a nu¬ merous posterity, the heirs of his glory and his merits, as well as of his fortune and his name. The whole Empire put on mourning at his death,— and this mourning was the same as that worn by children for the death of those from whom they have received life : it lasted three whole years.” There is no doubt, then, that the Christian religion was flourish¬ ing in China in the 8th century, since it contained within its bosom such men as Kouo-tze-y, but it is probable, nevertheless, that the faithful -had many contests to sustain with the Bonzes, and also with the Nestorians, who, at this epoch, were scattered in great numbers all over the regions of high Asia. EARLY MISSIONS TO CHINA. 91 It is well known that towards the beginning of the 9th century, Timotheus, Patriarch of the Nestorians, sent some monks to preach the Gospel among the Tartars of Hioung-nou who had taken refuge on the borders of the Caspian Sea, and subsequently these monks penetrated into Central Asia, and as far as China. The torch of faith grew pale afterwards, no doubt, even if it were not entirely extinguished, in those distant countries, but it revived in the most brilliant manner in the 13th and 14th centuries, the epoch in which the communications between the East and the West be¬ came more frequent on account of the crusades, and of the invasions of the Tartars,— gigantic events, whose effect was to unite and mingle together all the nations of the earth. The Church did not fail to take advantage of these great political convulsions, to forward her pacific and holy work, the propaga¬ tion of the faith. From the time of Tchingis-khan and his suc¬ cessors, missionaries were sent to Tartary and China. They carried with them ornaments of the church—altars and relics, “ to see,” says Joinville, “if they could attract these people to our faith.” They celebrated the ceremonies of religion before the Tartar princes, who granted them an asylum in their tents, and permitted them to raise chapels, even within the enclosures of their palaces. Two of these, Plan-Carpin and Rubruk, have left us curious accounts of these travels. Plan-Carpin was sent, in 1246, to the great Khan of the Tartars by Pope Innocent the Fourth; he crossed the Tanais and the Volga, passed to the north of the Caspian Sea, followed the northern frontiers of the regions that occupy the centre of Asia, and took his course towards the country of the Mongols, where a grandson of Tchingis-khan had just been proclaimed sovereign. About the same time, the monk Rubruk, charged by St. Louis with a mission to the Western Tartars, followed nearly the same route. At Khara-Khoroum, the capital of the Monguls, he saw, not far from the palace of the sovereign, an edifice upon which was a little cross: “then,” says he, “I was at the height of joy, and supposing that there must be some Christians there, I entered, and found an altar magnificently adorned. There were representa¬ tions of the Saviour, the Holy Virgin, and of John the Baptist, on cloths embroidered with gold, and two angels, of which tiie body and the vestments were enriched with precious stones. There was a large silver cross, with pearls and other ornaments in the centre, and at the corners ; and a lamp with eight jets of light burned before the altar. In the sanctuary was seated an Armenian monk of a swarthy complexion, very thin, wearing nothing but a coarse 92 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. tunic, reaching only down to the middle of his leg, and a black mantle fastened with iron clasps.”*' Rubruk relates, that there were in these countries a great number of Nestorians and Greek Catholics, who celebrated the Christian festivals with perfect free¬ dom. Princes and Emperors even received baptism, and protected the propagators of the faith. At the beginning of the 14th century, Pope Clement the Fifth f instituted an archbishopric at Pekin, in favour of Jean de Mont- corvin, a French missionary, who preached the Gospel in these countries for forty-two years, and when he died left a very flourishing Christian community. An archbishopric at Pekin, with four suffragans in the neigh¬ bouring countries : surely these afford sufficient proof that there were at this period a great number of Christians in China. These communications, however, were interrupted, and by degrees Cathay and Zipangri J, whose wonders so much excited the imaginations of the Western nations, at the time when the curious narratives of the noble Venetian, Marco Polo, made their appearance, were entirely lost sight of by them. The very existence of these empires began to be doubted ; and the accounts of the famous traveller, whose faithfulness and simple sincerity are now fully admitted, were regarded as mere fables. The discovery of China had to be made over again, and this glory belongs to the Portuguese. These bold navigators having reached the Cape of Good Hope, doubled it, and reached the Indies by a route that no vessel had followed before. In 1517, the Viceroy of Goa despatched to Canton eight vessels under the command of Fernand d’Andrada, who received the title of Ambas¬ sador. D’Andrada, who was of a soft and pliant character, managed to gain the friendship of the Viceroy of Canton, and made an advantageous treaty of commerce with him, the com¬ mencement of the relations of China with Europe. Subsequently, * Tunc gavisus sum multum , supponens quod ibi esset aliquid Cliristianitatis. Ingressus confidenter, inveni alture paratum vere pulchre. Erat enim in panno aureo brosdate ymago Salvatoris et beate Virginis, et Johannis Baptiste et duorum angelorum, lineamentis corporis et vestimentorum di&tinctis margaritis , crux magna argentea habens gemmas in angulis et in medio sui, et alia philateria rnulta, et lucerna cum oho ardens ante altare, habens octo lumina; etsedebat ibi unus mona- chus Armenus nigellus, macilentus, indutus tunica asperimma usque medias tibias, habens desuper pallium nigrum, de seta furratum, vario ligatus ferro sub cilicio .— (Recueil de Voyages et de Memoires publie par la Societe de Geographic, tom. iv. p. 301.) f The tomb of this celebrated Pope is to be seen in the cathedral of Avignon. | China and Japan. MISSIONS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 93 the Portuguese rendered the Chinese a signal service by capturing a famous pirate, who had long ravaged their coasts ; and in gra¬ titude for this service the Emperor permitted the Portuguese to establish themselves on a peninsula formed by some sterile rocks. On this spot arose the city of Macao, long the sole mart of the commerce of Europeans with the Celestial Empire. At present Macao is a mere remembrance; the English establishment at Hong-Kong has given it the mortal blow, and nothing is left of its former prosperity but fine houses without tenants; in a few years more, perhaps, the European ships, as they sail past this once proud and wealthy Portuguese colony, will see only a naked rock to which the Chinese fisherman will come to dry his black nets. Missionaries, however, will still like to visit these ruins, for the name of Macao will be always celebrated in the history of the propagation of the faith ; there, during many centuries, were formed, as in a cenacle, the apostles who afterwards went to carry the glad tidings of the Gospel to China, Japan, Tartary, the Corea, Cochin China, and Tonquin. While the Portuguese were labouring to develop the importance of their colony of Macao, St. Francis de Xavier was preaching at Japan, which the Chinese merchants of Ning-po annually visited in their great trading junks. It was probably from them that he learned those particulars concerning China, which he wrote to Europe towards the end of his life. Having formed the project of carrying the faith into this vast empire, he embarked for it, but he had not yet set foot on the land he had so long sighed after, when he was overtaken by death on a little island near the Chinese coast. Other apostolic men, however, took up his idea, and heirs of his zeal for the glory of God, threw themselves into the path he had pointed out. The first, and most celebrated, was Father Matthew Ricci, who entered China towards the end of the 16th century. Religious ideas do not, it must be owned, strike very deep root in this country, and the seeds of the Christian faith, cast into it in the earlier ages, appear to have entirely perished. With the exception of the above-mentioned inscription at Si-ngan, no trace of the passage of former missionaries, or of their preaching, was then to be found. Not even in the traditions of the country was preserved the slightest trace of the religion of Jesus Christ. A melancholy trait is it in the character of this people, that Chris¬ tian truth does but glide over its surface ! All was now to begin again ; but Father Ricci possessed all the 94 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. necessary qualifications for this great and difficult enterprise. “ A zeal courageous and indefatigable, but wise, patient, circum¬ spect,_slow, that it might be more efficacious, and timid in order to dare the more; such should have been the character of him, whom God had destined to be the Apostle of a nation, refined, suspicious, and naturally hostile to all that does not arise within itself. A character so truly magnanimous was needed to begin over again a work so often destroyed, to know how to profit by the smallest resources ; his superior genius, and his rare and pro¬ found knowledge, were needed to render him respected by people accustomed to respect nothing but themselves, and to teach a new law to those who had not hitherto supposed that any one could teach them anything; and his modesty and humility were also required, to soften to this proud people, the yoke of a superiority of mind which is only voluntarily submitted to, when it is not perceived. Most of all was required the great virtue, and the continual union with God, that distinguishes this Apostolic man, to render supportable to himself by the inward grace of the spirit, the toils of so painful a life as that which he led in China, com¬ pared with which one may consider that the longest martyrdom would have spared him many sufferings.” * After more than twenty years of labour and patience, Father Ricci had reaped only cruel persecutions and sterile applausebut after he had been received favourably at court, the conversions became numerous, and Catholic churches arose in many places. Father Ricci died in 1610, at the age of fifty-eight; and he had the consolation to leave his mission at last in a flourishing state, as well as missionaries animated with his own zeal, who like him, calling the arts and sciences to the aid of their ministry, continued to rouse the curiosity of the Chinese in order to dispose them favourably towards the object they had in view. The most illustrious among them were the Fathers Adam Schal and Verbiest. It is to the latter that the French are indebted for their entrance into China ; it was he who sent for them to Pekin, and induced the Emperor to receive them and treat them with distinction. In 1684, an idea of sending missionaries to China began to be entertained in France for the first time. The Royal Academy of Sciences was then working, by order of the king, at the reform of their geography. They had sent members of their illustrious body into all the French ports of the ocean and the Mediterranean, * Preface to the Lettres edijiantes, t. iii. p. 5. MISSIONS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 95 as well as into England, Denmark, Africa, and America, to make the necessaiy observations. But they were much more perplexed when it came to sending persons to India and China. Academi¬ cians, it was thought, would run the risk of not being well received in those countries — and of giving offence. The Royal Academy began, therefoie, to think of the Jesuits. Colbert had an interview on the subject with Father de Fontaney and M. Gassini. The death of the gieat Colbert frustrated the project for some time but it was resumed afterwards, by his successor M. le Marquis de Louvois. Six missionaries — the Fathers de Fontaney, Tachard, Gerbillon, le Comte, de Visdelou, and Bouvet — embarked at Biest, on the 3rd of March, 168o, and landed at Ning-po on the 23rd of July, 1687. Thence they repaired to Pekin, where they had soon gained the esteem and admiration of all classes of the people by their virtue, their learning, and their apostolic zeal. They got so completely into the good graces of the Emperor, that he gave them a house even'within the limits of the Yellow City, and quite near to h'is own palace, in order to be able to converse with them more easily. A short time afterwards he also assigned to them a large space for the construction of a church; he con¬ tributed with much liberality towards the expenses of the erection, and in order to afford the French missionaries a striking proof of his devotion, he chose himself to compose the Chinese inscription in honour, of the true God, that was to be placed on the front of it. The Emperor Khang-hi declared himself openly as the pro¬ tector of the new religion; influenced by his example, the princes and great dignitaries showed themselves favourable to it, and the number of neophytes increased considerably not only in the capital, but also throughout the extent of the Empire. The missionaries who were scattered about the provinces, profiting by the good disposition of the head of the State, redoubled their ardour in preaching of the Gospel, and in a short time there arose in every quarter, churches, chapels, oratories, and flourishing Christian communities. The Chinese no longer feared that by receiving baptism they should incur disgrace and the persecutions of the Mandarins. The Christians held up their heads and showed themselves proud of their religion; perhaps they did so a little too much, for it is common with men who are pusil¬ lanimous and cowardly in times of trial, to become arrogant in a period of prosperity. It was to be feared, however, that this success, based in some measure on the Imperial favour, would not be of very long duration: and thus it proved. The unfortunate disputes of the missionaries on the subject of 96 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. the rites practised in honour of Confucius and of ancestors, tended greatly to cool the friendship of the Emperor Khang-hi, and to excite"his anger. At his death a violent reaction took place; his successor Young-tching let loose against the Christians the hatred and jealousy that had been held in check during the preceding reign. The celebrated Father Gaubil* arrived in China during this melancholy period, and he wrote thus concerning it (in 1722) to the Archbishop of Toulouse, Monsieur de Normond:—- “ I have only been a few months in China, and I was much grieved when I came, to find a mission which only a short time asro held out such encouraging hopes, reduced to so melancholy a condition. The churches are in ruins, the Christians dispersed, the missionaries exiled and confined in Canton — the first port in China, without being permitted to advance further into the Empire; the religion itself is on the point of being proscribed. This, my lord, is the mournful sight that met my eyes at my entrance into a country supposed to be so favourably disposed for receiving the Gospel.” The mournful predictions of Father Gaubil were not long in being realised. Two years afterwards Father de Mailla wrote to France, to one of his colleagues: — “ How can we write to you in the overwhelming position in which we find ourselves, and how can we make known to you the particulars of the melancholy scenes that are passing before our eyes? What we have been dreading for so many years — what we had so often predicted — has at last come to pass. Our holy religion is entirely proscribed in China; all the mis¬ sionaries, with the exception of those who were at Pekin f, have been driven from the Empire; the churches are demolished or put to profane uses; edicts have been issued, in which the severest penalties are threatened to those who shall embrace the Christian faith, or who having done so shall fail to renounce it. Such is the deplorable state to which a mission is reduced, that for 200 years has cost us so much labour and suffering.’' Thus the prosperity that had sprung up under the protection of one Emperor, disappeared at the first word of persecution from his successor. The Church of China had doubtless grand and beautiful examples of constancy in the faith to record in its annals; but numerous and lamentable defections proved also that Christianity had not struck deeper root in it than it had done in * Father Gaubil, bom at Gaillac (Tarn), was the most illustrious missionary of the period in China. f The missionaries permitted to remain at Pekin were employed in the Mathematical Office, under the title of artists and learned men. THE CHURCH NEVER DISCOURAGED. 97 past ages, and that the Chinese, so tenacious and immovable in their attachment to ancient custom, had little energy and steadi¬ ness in the cause of religion. . T° Young-tching, a prince, as we have seen, hostile to Chris¬ tianity, succeeded Kien-long, whose long and brilliant reign seemed to have revived that of Khangi. The missionaries re¬ covered their credit at Court, and the work of the propagation of the Gospel was resumed, but amidst perpetual vicissitudes; some¬ times tolerated, now and then openly protected, but more often fiercely persecuted, especially in the provinces. The number of Christians, however, was gradually increasing, when the suppres¬ sion of the religious orders and the political commotions of Europe not only arrested the progress of the missions, but gave cause to fear that the flame of religion would be once more extinguished in the remote East. The old missionaries were removed by death, there were no new ones to take their places, and the Christians, left to themselves, were betraying the greatest weakness, when another persecution broke out under Kia-king, the successor of Kien-long on the Imperial Throne. During this unfortunate period the Christian communities, in many cases, completely dis¬ appeared. We have visited, in the provinces, a great number of towns that formerly possessed Christian churches, where we could not find a single Christian. In the country some poor families still cling to the faith, as the Mandarins have found nothing among them to tempt their cupidity, or because, having no inheritance in this world, they the more felt the necessity of persevering in their efforts to gain one in the world to come. In vain, however, has China disappointed over and over again the hopes of the Church ; the Church is never discouraged. The moment circumstances appeared in the slightest degree more favourable, Evangelical labourers presented themselves, no less zealous and devoted than their predecessors. They crossed the ocean to seek, in that land ravaged by so many tempests, the few gei ms of faith that had not perished; they cherished them with cate, they watered them with their tears, and scattered new seeds as they passed along in their apostolic journeys. Their first care was to collect the dispersed Christians, to induce them to resume the practice of their duty, and to bring back to God and to the faith the families that had had the weakness to succumb during the persecution. For thirty years past the number of missions has been continually on the increase, the greater part of the ancient communities have been re-organised, and the spark that H 98 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. had been nearly extinct revived again in their bosoms. Little by little also new ones have been formed to replace those that dis¬ appeared in the storm. The great and beautiful association for the propagation of the faith, with the idea of which God inspired a poor woman of Lyons, has made considerable progress; the Holy See has erected the eighteen provinces of China into so many Vicariates Apostolic, in which priests of foreign missions, Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, and Lazaristes labour without ceasing for the extension of the kingdom of Heaven. Every vicariate possesses, besides a great number of schools for the education of both boys and girls, and a seminary where young Chinese are brought up to the ecclesiastical profession; in various parts of the country also pious associations have been formed with the purpose of bestowing baptism on dying children, or collecting those who have been abandoned; and nurseries and asylums have been instituted on the model of those that have prospered so well in France. At the present time the propagation of the Gospel is neverthe¬ less not going on so well as before. The missionaries are no longer at Court under the protection of the Emperor and of men of high rank, going and coming with the ceremonial of Man¬ darins, and appearing in the eyes of the people in the imposing position of a power recognised by the State. They are, on the contrary, proscribed throughout the length and breadth of the Empire; they have to creep into it by stealth, with all kinds of precautions, and to conceal their abodes to elude the vigilance of the magistrates. They even have to avoid showing themselves to the infidels for fear of exciting the suspicions of the authorities, and compromising the safety of the Christians and the future prospects of the missions. It may easily be supposed that, thus fettered, it is impossible for the missionary to act directly upon the population and afford his zeal free play. Not only is he prohibited from proclaiming in public the word of God, but it would not often be safe for him so much as to mention the subject of religion in private with an infidel of whom he was not sure. He must circumscribe his zeal strictly within the limits of his ministry. To go from one community to another, to instruct and exhort the neophytes, administer the sacraments, celebrate in secret the festivals of the holy Church, visit the schools and afford what encouragement he can to both masters and pupils, — this is the circle within which he is compelled to confine himself. In all the communities there are certain heads or elders designated as Catechists , who are chosen among the most steady, best instructed, PRESENT STATE OF MISSIONS. 99 and influential Christians of the locality, and who are charged to instruct the ignorant, and to catechise and preside over the ' prayers in the absence of the missionary. It is they who can act most directly on the infidels, instruct them in the truths of religion, and exhort them to renounce the superstitions of Bud¬ dhism. But, unfortunately, their zeal for the conversion of their brethren is seldom very ardent, and they need to be constantly kept up to the mark by all kinds of encouragements. Such is the method generally followed in China for the pro¬ pagation of the faith, and it may easily be conceived that it leaves much to be desired. Here and there a few conversions take place, and, on the whole, the number of Christians does certainly increase,—but so slowly, and with so many hindrances, that one scarcely knows what to think of the future prospects of religion in these countries. On the whole, there may be perhaps at pre¬ sent 800,000 Christians in the Chinese Empire; but what is that out ot 300,000,000 of inhabitants ? Such an amount of success is not, it must be owned, very encouraging when it is remembered that it is the result of many centuries of preaching, and of the efforts of countless missionaries. It is natural that our readers should ask what may be con¬ sidered the cause of this deplorable sterility. First, then, it is indisputable that, as the Government is opposed to Christianity, the timid and pusillanimous Chinese will have no great inclination to profess it, to brave the hostility of the Mandarins, and defying persecution, to exclaim with pious daring, “ It is better to disobey man than God!” They will excuse themselves by referring to the prohibition of the Emperor. But it may be asked, “would it not be possible to induce the Emperor to grant religious liberty to his subjects?” No, we think not. Not that the Chinese Government is in its own nature intolerant and persecuting — not the least in the world; in matters of religion it is completely indifferent. It does indeed admit for the public functionaries a kind of official worship, consisting in merely external ceremonies, but it is itself profoundly sceptical, leaving the people to adopt what ideas they please concerning religion, and even from time to time recom¬ mending them to have none at all. The Emperor Tao-kouang, some time before his accession to the throne, addressed to the people a proclamation, in which he passed in review all the religions known in the Empire—Christianity included—and came at last to the conclusion that they were all false, and that one would do well to despise them altogether. A Chinese may therefore please his fancy, and become a disciple 100 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. of Buddha, of Confucius, of Lao-tze, or of Mahomet, without the tribunals troubling themselves at all about it; the Government only proscribes and pursues with severity certain sects, which are in fact only secret societies, organised for the overthrow of the reigning dynasty. Unfortunately it has placed Christianity in this category, and it is very difficult to correct this error, and introduce 0 more just ideas. Seeing that Christianity has been brought into China and propagated by Europeans, the Govern¬ ment” has persuaded itself that they have done this merely with a view to obtain partizans, in order to be able some time or other to seize on the Empire with more facility. The greater the zeal of the Europeans, the greater is the fear and suspicion of the Government. The submission and attachment, too, which the neophytes manifest towards these missionaries, tend to strengthen these chimerical terrors. We say chimerical, since assuredly we know very well that missionaries do not leave their country, and go to the end of the world to wear out their lives, in the hope ot overthrowing a Mantchoo dynasty. But the Govei nment of Pekin does not see this; being profoundly sceptical itself, it has no conception of religious feeling, and cannot at all compiehend why people should come so far, and endure so many suffeiings and privations, for no other purpose than to teach gratuitously to unknown persons, forms of prayer, and the means of saving their souls. Such a proceeding would appear to them so excessively absurd, so great a folly and extravagance, that no one, not even a European, could be guilty of it. The Chinese, therefore, are thoroughly convinced that, under pretence of religion, we are really manoeuvring for the invasion of the Empire, and the overthrow of the dynasty; and it must be owned, that they have under their eyes certain facts that have no tendency to convince them of their mistake. Careful as they are to surround themselves with jealous barriers, and not to suffer an indiscreet glance to be cast on their own doings, they like very well to know what is going on among their neighbours. _A.nd what do they see all aiound them? Europeans, masters everywhere where they have introduced them¬ selves, and the natives subjected to a domination little enough conformable to the precepts of the Gospel. The Spaniards in the Philippine Islands, the Dutch in Java and Sumatra, the Portu¬ guese at their own doors, and the English everywhere! _ The French alone they do not see, but they are perhaps malicious enough to suppose that we are only seeking for an opportunity to instal ourselves somewhere. This is no mere supposition of ours; the Chinese really have THE EMPEROR YOUNG-TCHING. 101 these notions, and they do not date from yesterday. In 1724, when the Emperor Young-tching proscribed the Christian l-eligion, three of the principal Jesuits who were at Court addressed a petition to him, supplicating him to revoke his decision, and continue to the Christians the protection they had enjoyed under the previous reign. This is what is said on the subject in a letter of Father Mailla, dated from Pekin: — “The Emperor sent for the three fathers to come to him,—a favour we by no means expected. As soon as, they had been introduced to his presence he made them a speech a quarter of an hour long, which he seemed to have studied, for he repeated very fluently all that could justify his conduct with respect to us, and replied to the arguments alleged in the petition. This is the substance of what he said: — ‘ The late Emperor my father, after having instructed me for forty years, chose me in preference to my brothers to succeed him on the throne. It is my great en¬ deavour to imitate him, and not to depart in anything from his manner of governing. Certain Europeans* in the province of Fo-kien have been endeavouring to defy our laws, and trouble our people. The great men of our province have applied to me, and I must repress this disorder. It is the business of the govern¬ ment with which I am charged, and I neither can nor ought to act now, as I did when I was a private prince. “ You say that your law is not a false law, and I believe it. If I thought it were, what should hinder me from destroying your churches and driving you from the Empire? False laws are those which under pretext of virtue fan the spirit of revolt, — as the law of Pe-lien-kiao j" does. But what would you say if I were to send a troop of Bonzes and Lamas into your country to preach their law in it? How would you receive them ? “ Le-ma-teou (the Chinese name for Father Ricci) came to China — in the first year of Ouan-ly. I will not speak of what the Chinese did at that time; that is not my business; but you were then in small numbers, a mere nothing. You had not your people and your churches in every province. It was only in my father’s reign you began to build churches and to spread about your law everywhere with such rapidity; we observed it, though we did not dare say anything; but if you found means to deceive my father, you need not hope to deceive me in the same way. “ You wish to make the Chinese Christians, and this is what * Spanish Dominicans, settled in the province of Fo-kien. f The sect of the “ White Lily.” 102 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. your law demands, I know very well. But wliat in that case would become of us? The subjects of your kings! The Christians whom you make, recognise no authority but you; in times of trouble they would listen to no other voice. I know well enough that there is nothing to fear at present; but when your ships shall be coming by thousands and tens of thousands; then, indeed, we may have some disturbances.” From all that we have been able to observe during our long residence in China, it is certain that all Christians are regarded as the creatures of European governments. This idea has pene¬ trated so deeply into the Chinese mind, that they sometimes express it with strange simplicity. The Christian religion is designated in China as Tien-tchou- kiao, that is to say, the religion of the Lord of Heaven ; the idea of God being expressed by the word Tien-tchou. One day we were speaking of religion with a really superior sort of Mandarin, a very intelligent fellow. He asked us who was that Tien-tchou, whom the Christians adore and invoke, and who had promised to render them rich and happy in such an extraordinary manner. “ Why,” said we, “ do you, a learned man of the first class, a well-instructed man, and one who lias read the books of our religion, do you ask this ? Do you not know who is the Tien- tchou of the Christians?” “Ah, you are right,” said he, putting his hand to his forehead, as if to recall a half-vanishing recollection; “ you are right, I ought to know; but 1 really had forgotten all about this Tien-tchou.” “ Well, you know now, who is he then?” “ Oh to be sure, everybody knows, — he is the Emperor of the French!” All Mandarins perhaps are not so bad as this one, but the con¬ viction is pretty general among them that the propagation of Christianity is a political movement; and it would be extremely difficult to set them right, and induce the Government to grant the liberty which is so necessary for a favourable reception of the Gospel. The frequent persecutions of all kinds, that the Government exerts against the Christians, form of course one great and serious obstacle to the conversion of the Chinese; but it is not the great¬ est, for after all there was a time when religion was not exposed to these attacks from the authorities. Under the reign of the Emperor Kbang-hi, the missionaries were honoured and caressed by the Court; the Emperor himself wrote in favour of Christianity; he had churches built at his expense, and the preachers, provided CHINESE INDIFFERENCE TO RELIGION. 103 with an Imperial licence, might traverse the Empire freely from one end to the other, and exhort every one to be baptized. No Christian had anything to tear; on the contrary, they were sure to find, in case of need, aid and protection from the missionaries. No one dared to do them the least injury or the slightest wrong ; the Mandarins were obliged to treat them with kindness and con¬ sideration; but notwithstanding these advantages, so greatly ap¬ preciated by the Chinese, the conversions were by no means as rapid, numerous, and steadily progressive, as they were in Europe, when the Gospel was first preached there. With some few precious exceptions, it was met everywhere with coldness and indifference. It is not necessary, however, to go back so far, in order to know what the Chinese character is, even when there is nothing to be feared from the Mandarins. In the five ports open to Europeans, religious liberty really does exist, and it is protected by the pre¬ sence of consuls and ships of war. Yet the number of Christians does not increase more rapidly than in the interior of the Empire. In Macao, Hong Kong, Manilla, Sincapore, Pinang, Batavia, though they are under the dominion of Europeans, the great mass of the population consists of Chinese, who for the most part are permanently settled in these cities, and hold in their hands the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and industry. It is certainly not the fear of persecution from the European authorities that hinders them from embracing Christianity. Yet the con¬ versions are not more numerous than elsewhere. At Manilla, which is a Spanish colony, the number of Chinese Christians is considerable; but that may probably be ascribed to the effect of a law passed by the Spanish Government, which forbids a Chinese to marry a Tagale* woman, until he has become a Christian. When the Chinese wish to marry, therefore, they receive baptism, just as they would go through any other ceremony that was required. But if, even after the lapse of many years, the fancy takes them to return to their own country, they leave the wife and the religion behind, and go back as they came, perfect sceptics, and not troubling themselves at all about things spiritual and eternal. It is this radical, profound indifference to all religion — an indifference that is scarcely conceivable by any who have not witnessed it—which is in our opinion the real, grand obstacle that has so long opposed the progress of Christianity in China. The Chinese is so completely absorbed in temporal * The Tagales are the aborigines of the Philippine Islands. h 4 104 THE CHINESE EMPIRE. interests, in the things that fall under his senses, that his whole life is only materialism put in action. Lucre is the sole object on which his eyes are constantly fixed. A burning thirst to realise some profit, great or small, absorbs all his faculties — the whole energy of his being. He never pursues anything with ardour but riches and material enjoyments. God— the soul — a future life — he believes in none of them, or, rather, he never thinks about them at all. If he ever takes up a moral or religious book, it is only by way of amusement — to pass the time away. It is a less serious occupation than smoking a pipe or drinking a cup of tea. If you speak to him of the foundations of faith, of the principles of Christianity, of the importance of sal¬ vation, the certainty of a life beyond the grave — all these truths, which so powerfully impress a mind susceptible of religious feeling, he listens to with pleasure, for it amuses him and piques his curiosity. He admits everything, approves of all you say, does not find the least difficulty, or make the smallest objection. In his opinion, all this is “ true, fine, grand,” and he puts himself into an oratorical attitude, and makes a beautiful speech against idolatry, and in favour of Christianity. He deplores the blindness of men who attach themselves to the perishable goods of this world; perhaps he will even give utterance to some fine sentences on the happiness of knowing the true God ; of serving him, and of merit¬ ing by this means the reward of eternal life. To listen to him, you would think him just ready to become a Christian, in fact, that he was such already; yet he has not advanced a single step. It must not, however, be supposed that his speeches are wholly insincere; he does really — after afashion — believe what he says; at all events, he has certainly no conviction to the contrary; he merely never thinks of religion as a serious matter at all. He likes very well to talk about it; but it is as of a thing not made for him — that he personally has nothing to do with. The Chinese carry this indifference so far,—religious sensibility is so entirely withered or dead within them, — that they care not a straw whether a doctrine be true or false, good or bad. Religion is to them simply a fashion, which those may follow who have a taste for it. In one of the principal towns of China, we were for some time in communication with a lettered Chinese, who appeared extremely well disposed to embrace Christianity. We had several conferences together, and we studied carefully the most important and difficult points of doctrine, and finally, by way of complement to our oral instruction, we read some of the best books. Our dear catechu- THE EXPECTED CONVERT. 105 men admitted, without any exception, everything we advanced; the only difficulty was, he said, the learning by heart the prayers, that every good Christian ought to know, in order to say them morning and evening. As he seemed nevertheless to desire putting off to some indefinite period the moment in which he should declare himself a Christian, every time he came to see us we urged him to do so, and made the most earnest representation of the duty of following the truth, now that he knew where it lay.