HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. TWELFTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART IX. THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE DUKE OF BEAUFORT, K.G., THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE, AND OTHERS. iarotentelr ta baty tfjmtfcrf nf }3arltamntt fcy Commantr of $rr iHajrsttrj. LONDON: PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, PRINTERS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from EYRE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harping Street, Fleet Street, E.C., and 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 88 and 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow ; or HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. 1891 [C— 6338.-I.] Price 2s. 6d. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. A Return to the House of Lords (No. 150 of 1890, price 3d,) gives Lists of the Reports and all the Collections examined up to June 1890. Most of the earlier Reports, in foolscap, are still on sale. The following Reports are in 8vo : — Date. Sessional Paper. Price. 1883 Calendar of the Manuscripts op the Mar- quis of Salisbury, K.G. (or Cecil MSS.). Part I. - [C. 3777] *. d. 3 5 1888 Ditto. Part II. - [C. 5463] 3 5 1889 Ditto. Part III. - - - - Ditto. Part IV. - [C. 5889 v.] In the Press. 2 1 1885 Tenth Report - This is introductory to the following : — [C. 4548] 3£ 1885 (1.) Appendix and Index - Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Maxwell, Bart., and C. S. H. D. Moray, C. F. Weston Underwood, G. W. Digby, Esquires. [C. 4575] [Out of print."] 1885 (2.) Appendix and Index - - , - The Family of Gawdy, formerly of Norfolk. [C. 4576 Hi.] 1 4 1885 (3.) Appendix and Index ... Wells Cathedral. [C. 4576 ii.] 2 1885 (4.) Appendix and Index - Earl of Westmorland ; Captain Stewart ; Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throckmorton, Bart., Stonyhurst College; Sir P. T. Mainwaring, Bart., Misses Boycott, Lord Muncaster, M.P., Captain J. F. Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of Powis, Revs. T. S. Hill, C. R. Manning, and others, the Corporations of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth, Eye, Plymouth, and the County of Essex. [C. 4576] 3 6 1885 (5.) Appendix and Index - The Marquis of Ormonde, Earl of Fingall, Corporations of Galway, Waterford, the Sees of Dublin and Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland. [4576 i.] [Out OJ Print.] 1887 (6.) Appendix and Index - Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord Braye, G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie, W. B. Daven- port, M.P., R. T. Balfour, Esquires. [C. 5242] 1 7 1887 Eleventh Report - This is introductory to the following : — [C. 5060 vi.] 3 1887 (1.) Appendix and Index ... H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salvetti Correspondence. [C. 5060] 1 1 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. TWELFTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART IX, THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE DUKE OF BEAUFORT, K.G., THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE, AND OTHERS. Precentor ta fcntf) feaute* at parliament £» Commantr at ?§er j&ajeatp. LONDON: FEINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE. BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, PRINTERS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from EYRE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Elebt Street, E.C., and 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.AV. ; or JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 88 and 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow ; or HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. 1891. [C— 6338.-I.] Price 2s. 6d. CONTENTS. Page The Duke of Beaufort - 1 John Henry Gurney, Esq. - - - - 116 William W. B. Hulton, Esq. - 165 E. W. Ketton, Esq. ------ 179 The Earl of Donoughmore ----- 227 George A. Aitken, Esq. - - - - 334 Philip V. Smith, Esq. - 343 The Bishop of Ely ------ 375 The Dean and Chapter of Ely - - - - 389 The Dean and Chapter of Gloucester - 397 The Corporation of Gloucester - 400 The Corporation of Higham Ferrers - 530 The Corporation of Newark - 538 Southwell Minster - - - - 539 The Dean and Chapter of Lincoln - - - 553 The Lincoln District Registry - - - 573 The Dean and Chapter of Peterborough - - 580 U 60050. THE MANUSCKIPTS OF HIS GRACE THE DUKE OP BEAUFORT, K.G. With the exception of some interesting letters from Charles I. to the MSS.ofthe Marquis of Worcester, and a few family letters of the Commonwealth Beaufort. period, the papers described in this Report belong almost exclusively to — the latter half of the 17th century. All other documents belonging to the family of an earlier date were probably dispersed, or destroyed, at the sack of Raglan Castle during the Civil War. To this calamity must be attributed the absence, from a place where they would naturally be preserved, of almost all traces of the life and works of the author of the Century of Inventions. The greater part of the historical papers now extant at Badminton fall within the lifetime of the first Duke of Beaufort, and seem to have been collected and preserved by him and the Duchess. They comprise a correspondence between her and her father, Arthur, Lord Capel ; her correspondence with her first husband, Lord Beauchamp ; and also a very lull correspondence between herself and her second husband, successively, Lord Herbert, Marquis of Worcester, and Duke of Beaufort. These letters are historically valuable on account of the close connexion between the Marquis and the King, and the prominent and active posi- tion occupied by the Marquis in the political movements of the time. Perhaps the most curious passage is one in a letter written from Oxford, where he describes how he was tricked by Lord Shaftesbury into presenting to the King a proposal for the nomination of the Duke of Monmouth as heir to the Crown. Besides this correspondence, there are other papers of interest. One is a description of Raglan Castle in the days of its glory, written by an old servant of the house. Others are an autograph memorandum by the second Marquis of Worcester of his services and expenses on behalf of Charles I. ; an account by Lord Capel of the negociation with the Queen about the removal of the Prince of Wales into France ; papers connected with the trial and execution of Arthur, Lord Capel ; an account of the siege of Colchester by one who was with Lord Capel there, and also a narrative of all Lord Capel's military transactions by one of his officers. A Journal of the House of Commons from December 18, 1680, to January 8, 1681, is reported at full length, as it is evidently the work of an eye-witness, and contains some interesting details which are not noticed in the formal journals. A Description of Raglan Castle, copied from an old manuscript which was written soon after the destruction of the Castle by the Rebel Army in the year 1646. »' It is situated on a hill — called, before the building, Twyn y Ciros,2.e., the Cherry hill — and accounted, when in its splendour, one of the fairest buildings in England. It hath, 40 deg. S.E. in a direct line, three gates ; the first of bricks, from which at the distance of 180 feet, by the ascent of many steps, is the white gate, built of square stone, 150 feet from the Castle. At some distance on the left side stood the Tower of Gwent, which for height, strength, and neatness, surpassed most, if not every other tower of England or Wales ; it had six outsides (i.e., sectangular), each 32 feet broad ; the walls 10 feet thick, all made U 60050. A 2 Mss. of the of square stone, well built, in height five stories. It overlooked the Beaufort castle and country thereabouts from the fair battlements, which, being — 8 inches thick, were soon broken down by shot of great guns. The Tower itself repulsed bullets of 18 and 20 lb. weight, hardly receiving the least impression by sixty shot a day. It was joined to the Castle by a sumptuous arched bridge, encompassed with an outwall with six arched turrets with battlements, all of square stone, joining to a deep mote 30 feet broad, wherein was placed a rare artificial water- work, which spouted water to the heighth of the castle. Next unto it was a pleasant walk set forth with several figures of the Roman Emperors in arches of divers varieties of shell works. Within the walls and the green adjoining — the Bowling Green — being 12 feet higher than the walk, on the right hand was a garden plot, answerable in proportion to the tower. Next unto this plot stood the stable and barns, lately built like a small town. The Castle gate hath a fair square tower on each side, with fair battlements, having each four arched rooms, one above the other, conjoined over the gates with two arches, one above the other. Within this gate is the pitched stone court, 120 feet long, 58 feet broad. On the right side thereof is the closet Tower ; like the former it hath three arched rooms of 18 feet in the clear inside everything. Straight forwards is the way to the kitchen Tower of six outsides, each 25 feet broad. The kitchen, 25 feet in the clear inside, and about 20 feet high, having two chimneys besides the boiler. The wet larder under it arched of the same bigness, and the room above likewise done. About the middle of this court was the passage into the stately Hall, 66 feet long and 28 broad, having a rare geometrical roof built of Irish oak, with a large cupola on the top for light, besides a compass window 16 feet high in the light, and as much in compass, with two or three large windows more "at the upper end. On the right side is the way into the Parlour, being 49 feet long, and 21 feet broad, which was noted as well for the inlaid wainscott and curious carved figures, as also for the rare and artificial stone work of the flat arch in a large and fair compass window on the south side, beaten down by the enemies' great guns, and two neat windows at each end. Before the entrance into the Parlour on the right side are the stairs to the Dining Boom, of the same proportion as the Parlour. On the right side is the door to the Grallery, 126 feet long, having many fair windows, but most pleasant was the window at the furthermost end. That part of the castle standing out like a tower, being about 60 feet high, was most pleasant for aspect. Under these stairs was the way to the beer cellar, 49 J feet long, 15 feet broad. Then to the wine cellar, 43^ feet broad and 16 \ feet broad. There are three cellars more, one as large as the former, all well arched. At the lower end of the hall was the Buttery, 32 feet long, 18 feet broad. Next unto it the Pantry of like bigness. At the entrance of the Hall straight forwards by the Chapel, 40 feet long on the left hand, was a large court, 100 feet long and 60 feet broad, particularly arched and carved, as the paving court, very remarkable not only for the curious carved stone work of the walls, and windows, but also for the pleasant marble fountain in the midst thereof, called the White Horse, continually running with a clear water. Thence through a fair gate under a large square tower, artificially arched with carved stone works, over a bridge 40 feet long with two arches, is the way to the Bowling Green, 260 feet long and 77 feet broad, much liked by his late Majesty for its situation. West- ward towards Abergavenny and . . . the meadows towards Chep- stow, was a most delightful prospect, at the west end stood a large oak 3 with large bows, affording a fine shade in the summer ; near which MSS. of the was the way to the gravel walks and . . . pleasant gardens, and Beaufort. fair built summer houses, with delightful . . . walks, 430 feet long, — beneath which was a very large . . . fish pond, of many acres of land ornamented with many and . . . divers artificial islands and walks, near which stood an . . . orchard 400 feet long and 100 broad planted with choice fruit trees . . . besides the tower Melin : all of st. . . . was but 4 sides fair built of . . . placed on corbels on the outside h. . the other ; and four in the gate . . . adjoining to it a warren and . . . fish ponds. The park was thick planted with oaks and several . . . large beeches and richly . . . stocked with deer. This castle . . . was a garrison from the beginning of the civil war, and kept ... by the Marquiss at his own charge, but being strongly besieged and . . . having no hope of relief, being one of the strongest and last garrisons, was surrendered to Sir Thomas Fairfax the 19th of August 1646. Afterwards the woods in the three parks were destroyed, the lead and timber were carried to Monmouth, thence by water to rebuild Bristol Bridge after the last fire. The Great Tower, after tedious battering the top thereof with pickaxes, was undermined, the weight of it propped with the timber whilst the two sides of the six were cut through : the timber being burned it fell down in a lump, and so still remains firmly to this day. After the surrender the country people were summoned into a rendezvous with pickaxes, spades, and shovels, to draw the mote in hope of wealth ; their hope failing, they were set to cut the stanks of the great fish ponds, where they had store of very great carps, and other large fish. The artificial roof of the Hall could not well be taken down, remained whole above 20 years after the siege, and above 30 vaults of all sorts of rooms, and cellars, and three arched bridges, besides the Tower Bridge, are as yet standing, but the most curious arch, the chapel and rooms above adjoining, with many other fair rooms totally destroyed." 1694, September 26. 4 ' Officers belonging to the right honourable Henry, late Earl of Worcester, to the best of my personal remembrance. Menial Officers and the manor of his household. His Tables. — All the gates were shut at 11 of the clock, there were laid first in the Parlour, at the one end, his own and his Lady's table, with the rest of the family. 1. — Such strangers of the nobility as resorted thither in great num- bers, attended first by the Steward who attended till his Lordship sat, and not by footmen, but gentlemen, and gentlemen's sons, and other officers of high degree. 2. — At the other end was laid a table for my Lady's gentlewomen, and other gentlewomen, then residing in the house, whereunto were brought such gentlewomen strangers as happened to come. These attended by the footmen. My Lord being sat at the same time the Steward — Sir Ralph Blackstone — with these Officers had his table laid in the upper end of the Hall. The Duke's tutor Mr. Adams. Steward, Sir Ralph Blackstone. Secretary, Mr. Holland. Master of the horse, Mr. Delamour. Surveyors and auditors, Mr. Nelson and Mr. Smith. Master of the fishponds, Mr. Andrews, with such strangers as happened to come under the degree A 2 4 Mss. of tiie of a Knight, attended by the footmen and served with wine. Gentleman Beaufort Server, Mr. Blackburn. 3. — At the same time in the Hall the tables for the ploughmen whose office was to carry muck from the house, and straw for litter for the horses, and wood for the house. 4. — At the same time a table was laid above stairs for Mrs. Watson. Gentlewomen strangers that did not appear below stairs, and other Gentlewomen that happened to be there. Brewers, Mr. Morgan, Mr. Fox, at the waiters' table. My Lord having dined the meat is brought for the gentlemen who waited of the one side of the hall, which, with other hot meat, made their dinner. At the same time the waiters at another table sit by the clerk of the kitchen, Mr. Thomson, and the yeoman officers of the house, viz., two grooms of the chamber, Mr. Brag, sometimes clerk of the kitchen, Walter Justice. The tithes of the adjacent parishes served the house with bread. Clerk to take that account of such oats as served the stables, Mr. George Wharton. Both of the gentlemen waiters Yeoman of the Cellar, Mr. Will and ... of the kitchen attended Thomas. by footmen. Yeoman of the Pantry,HenryWall. At the same time Mrs. Watson's Yeoman of the Buttery, Thomas table was laid meat was carried Long. off her table to the chamber maids Usher of the Hall and his man, and laundry maids with additional Lewis Lavid. hot meat. Porter, Mr. John Moyl and his man, Mr. Cook. 5. — This done, sat the Porter who kept a man, the Grooms of the Stables, whereof 4 had in charge no more than the great Stables, for they watched the 12 war horses there day and night. 12. Of the great war horses. The hunting horses stable. o. Sole for coaches. The hackney horses stable. Master of the Closet. My Lady's Gent. Usher. Sadler, Mr. Walter Brewer. Mr. Laur. Harcourt. Tailor, Mr. Hook. Keeper of Lantillio Park, Mr. Mr. Risden. Walter Morris. Mr. Bray. Of Chepstow Park, Robert Las- Plummer. burg. Or the husbandry over the plough- men, Will Bayly. Purveyor for the house. Mr. Salisbury. Cooks > roughrider ; Esmond the faulconier, farrier and shoer of horses ; with Clerk of the kitchen ; the 2 Keepers of the Upper Park ; Richard Bolton of the Lower; William Carry ; two Butchers, with Clerks; Brewers ; John Hugh, Brewer, Baker, some of the footmen with clerks embroiderers. Housekeeper of Worcester House in London, Mr. Redman ; constant solicitor there, Mr. John Smith ; 8 or 10 ploughmen for oxen to carry wood and straw ; sub-officers, Steward for Raglan ; with Jones of Treewen, Esq., for Trolock's Grange. Bailiffs for Raglan, Mr. Brown ; for Saudering, William Harries of Lanyeshill ; for Penrose and Clitha, John Thomas ; Penynevenny, Mr. Roger Evans ; Lantellio Mr. Walter Powell ; Three Castles, Skenfrith, 5 Dingastovv, Mr. John Aylworth ; Mr. John Givin ; Chepstow Castle, M |^- o? J^e Mathew Stephens ; Chepstow Lordship, Mr. George Harris, and Mr. Beaufort, Edmund Waters. — Tydenham, Mr. James Davis ; Standing Counsell for the Bailiff to repair toWoolaston, Mr. William Hughes ; Monmouthshire, Mr. Andrew Powell. Steward for Chepstow, Sir Nich. Kemoys ; Breconshire, Mr. Will. Morgan of the . . . Waiters and other youth ; younger and elder sons of 2 : 3 : 6 : or 700/. pr. annum." Another Account. " Committed to writing, for that few or none remember this at this day. At 11 o'clock the Castle gates were shut and the tables laid, 2 in the dining room, 3 in the Hali, 1 in Mrs. Watson's apartments, where the Chaplain sat — Sir Toby Mathews being the first — 2 in the housekeeper's room for the Ladies' women. The Earl came into the Dining Room attended by his gentlemen. As soon as he was seated Sir Ralph Blackstone, Steward of the House, retired, the Comptroler, Mr. Hollond, attended with his staff. The server Mr. Blackburn, the daily waiters, Mr. Clough, Mr. Solby and Mr. Scudemore, with many Gentlemen's sons, from 2 to 700/. a year, bred in the Castle. My Lady's Gentleman Usher, Mr. Harcourt, my Lord's gentlemen of the chamber, Mr. Morgan, and Mr. Fox. At the 1st Table sate the Noble Family and such of the Nobility as came there. At the 2nd Table in the dining room sate Knights and Honourable gentlemen attended by footmen. At the 1st Table in the Hall sate — Sir Ralph Blackstone, Steward. The Comptroller. The Secretary. The Master of the Horse, Mr. Delaware. The Master of the Fish-ponds, Mr. Andrews. My Lord Herbert's preceptor, Mr. Adams. With such gentlemen as came there under the degree of a Knight, attended by footmen and plentifully served with wine. At the 2nd Table in the Hall served from my Lord's table, and with other hot meat. The Server, with the Gentlemen Waiters and Pages, to the number of 24 or more. At the 3rd Table in the Hall— The Clerk of the Kitchen with the Yeomen Officers of the House, 2 Grooms of the Chambers. Chief Auditor, Mr. Smith. Clerk of the Accounts, George Wharton. Purveyor of the Castle, Mr. Salisbury. Ushers of the Hall, Mr. Moyle and Mr. Cook. Closett Keeper, . Gentlemen of the Chappell, Mr. Davies. Keeper of the Record, . Master of the Wardrobe, . Master of the Armory, . Master Groom of the Stable for the war horsey 12, Master of the Hounds. Master Faucolner. 6 mss. of th.e! Doctor and his man. 2 Butchers. 2 keepers of the Home park. 2 kkavpobt. Keepers of the red deer park. Footmen, grooms, and other meniall — servants, to the number of 150. Some of the footmen were Brewers and Bakers. Steward of Raglan, Wm. Jones, Esq. Governor of Chepstow, Sir Nich. Kemeis, Bart. Housekeeper of Worcester house in London, James Redman, Esq, Out Officers. Bailiffs, 13. 2 Councell for the Bailifs to have recourse to. Sollicitor, Mr. Jo. Smith." >210 dayes m. [c. 1639.] " A Brief Note taken before the grand rebellion of the Contents of the Parke and Demesnes of Raglan being allwaies belonging to the Castle. The two upper parkes with the warren - 440 acr. The lower parke conteyneth - 536 acr. The meadowes conteyne as folio weth : The Rayles being 50 dayes math. The Mares „ 15 dayes math. The two tubbes being 24 rl math. - The broade meade being 25 dayes math. The mill meadowe „ 14 d math. Novis meadowe „ 19 d math. Powell's meadowe „ 11 d math. Powell's ground „ 12 d math. Clytha meadowe „ 8 d math. Bulace meadowe „ lid math, Reven coz meade „ 8 d math. Story es meadowes „ 13 dayes m - Story es errable land now with corne, 26 acr. - 1212 acr. All which in kyvers amounts to 1823 kyvers. Which being valued at vjd. viijd. per kyver one with thother amounts to the sum of 608/. per ann. The fishpooles being storred will be worth 20/. per ann." "A Note of Plate in the Tower at Raglan, taken the 18th of July 1639. Silver Plate. Imp. 1 dozen and 10 great silver dishes. 1 doz. and 10. „ 5 doz. and 3 little dishes. „ 4 doz. of trencher plates. „ 1 doz. and a half of great sawcers. „ 8 lesser sawcers. „ 21 Sise candlesticks. „ 6 great candlesticks. „ 4 new fashioned candlesticks. „ 4 ould fashioned candlesticks, „ 2 pye plates. „ 1 Chaffinge dish with a salt. „ 2 Basons and Ewers. „ 1 Cawdell cup with a cover, „ 1 Kettle and Ladle, „ 4 Great Salts whereof one hath a cover. 7 Imp. 4 Trencher Salts whereof one hath a cover. M dukeo? E „ 1 Great Salt with 4 Boxes, 4 Spriggs, and 1 cover. BeIufoet. „ 1 Voydinge skimmer. „ 6 Bowles whereof 4 great and 2 lesser. „ 3 Tunns. „ 2 Tankards with covers. „ 1 Skillett. „ 2 P[er] fuming pans. „ 1 Chamber pott. „ 1 Sugar box with a letle spoone. „ 1 Baskett for Oranges and Lemons. „ 1 Creame bowle with a cover. 1 Letle Cawdell cup with a cover. „ 5 Poringers whereof 3 greater and 2 lesser. „ 1 dozen of letle plates. „ 6 Letle sawcers. „ 1 Morter and pestle. 3 Boates. „ 1 Tundish. „ 1 Bell. „ 1 Letle ladle and skimmer. j, 1 Longe spoone. „ 11 Spoones whereof 6 with knobs. „ 1 Standish. „ 1 Ink pott and 1 sand boxe. „ 1 Table booke. „ 2 Hot water bottles. „ 1 Wooden dish tipt with silver. „ 2 Cownter boxes. „ 1 Ege (or Eye) cup. „ 1 Warminge panne. 1 Bason. „ 1 Toasting foi ke. „ 1 Letle boxe for powder with a letle spoone. Sent to London of this plate the 29 of January 1639 as followcth : Imp. „ 2 dozen of dishes. „ 2 pye plates. 5, 4 candlesticks. „ 2 dozen of plates. ., 6 sawcers. „ 1 Great Salt and 2 trencher Salts. „ 1 Chafinge dish with a Salt. „ 1 Ketle and ladle to wash glasses. „ 1 Bason and Ewer. „ 1 Voyding skimmer. A Note of Guilt Plate in the Towre, taken the same day Guilt Plate. Imp. 5 Gilt basons. „ 8 Ewers whereof 1 party gilt. „ 4 Great flagons whereof 2 rought and 2 plaine. „ 10 Skinker potts. „ 7 Tankards whereof I is whopt. „ 2 Great botles with chaines. „ 6 Candlesticks. 8 Imp. 1 Pelican salt, „ 3 Broad plaine bowles whereof 1 with a cover. , 3 Pillar salt whereof 2 with cover. „ 3 Salts with covers whereof 1 with a scollup shell. 10 Trencher salts whereof 6 with covers. „ 1 Scollup Suger boxe with a letle spoone. „ 1 Heavy bowle with the Arms of France in the inside of the cover. „ 20 Bowles with covers of all sorts. „ 8 Bowles without covers. „ 1 Gould cup with a gould cover. 1 Cup with a cover made of an ostrige egg bard with siiver and gilt. „ 2 Cups of Assay. „ 2 Forks. „ 12 Plates. .,, 3 dozen of gilt spoones. 2 dozen and 2 Postle spoones with guilt knobs. 1 Skiminge spoone with holes in it." Sir John Coke to the [Earl of Worcester]. 1635, December 3. Whitehall. — " From a letter received from your noble Sonne, the Lord Herbert, whereby he signifieth that the Deputation is now come from the Lord President of Wales, I have according to his Lordship's desire represented his thankl'ulnesse to his Majestie, and have order from his Majestie to signify to your Lordship, that it is not onely in this particular case, but hereafter also he will bee graciously mindfull of your good service done heretofore in the Lieutenancies of Glamorgen and Monmouth, and your willing resigning of them ; and he hath allso commanded mee to tell the Earle of Bridgewater that he shall proceede therein with your Lordship in the same manner the Earle of North- hampton his predecessor did, and not otherwise ; which accordingly I have signified to his Lordship. And thus having imparted to your Lordship both his Majestie's gracious favour towards yourself and the sonne, who in this businesse hath performed as much respect and dutie as can bee expected from a worthie sonne, I humbly take leave and so remaine." Charles I. to . 1636, November 6. — "Right trustie and right wellbeloved Cosen and Counsellor, &c. Because we thought fitt to keep the place and authoritie of our Presidencie of Wales as large and intire as it had beene in the times of our royal progenitors : Wee were pleased to accept of the Lieutenancies of Glamorgan and Monmouth, upon the willing resignation of our right trustie and right wellbeloved Cosin, the Earle of Worcester ; though in the execution of his charge in these counties hee had carried himself with that fidelitie and affection to our service, that otherwise wee saw no cause, nor had any intention to lessen his power or his credit in those parts, Wee therefore then required you to came yourself towards him with that respect which the worth of his person and our affection did deserve, and now though wee doubt not of your performance thereof, yet being willing still to cherish and en crease that good will betwixt you ; and having experience from time to time of his liability and forwardnesse in our service, Wee have thought fitt again to putt you in minde of this our pleasure not to suffer his power or reputa- mss. of the Duke of Beaufort. 9 tion to bee diminished, which must needs suffer if in thase Counties mss.oe tub any Deputie Lieutenancies, Justices of Peace, or other Offices shall bee Beaufort. disposed to other then such persons as hee, who living amongst them understandeth best their liabilities and dispositions, shall recommend unto you as fit men and well affected to our service. Wherein that hee may know what love and affection Wee bare unto him, Wee have sent him a copie of this our letter, and would have you also to send copies respectively into those Counties, that there they may take notice of that love and kindnesse which hee expecteth at your hands ; and which Wee also shall take from you in very gracious part. Given under our signet at our Castle of Windsor the Sixt of November in the Twelfth yeare of our reigne, 1636. (Signed) Charles R." Weckherlin to -. 1636, November 7. Windsor Castle. — ** Here enclosed your Lordship will be pleased to receive both his Majestie's letter and the true copie thereof, according — I hope — to your desire. Mr. Secretaire would have written withall himself, but that multitude of affaires hinder him. As myself at this time am by the same reason forced to use all haste and forbeare much newes. Howso- ever if hereafter your Lordship shall command me anything, either in that or in any other kinde, I shall endeavour to fullfill your pleasure, if not according fo your expectation yet according to my small knowledge. And for this [present] I can say no more, but that it seemes that all the concern of the Electoral Dyet — as if they had forgotten for what they met at Ratisbonne — standeth gazing towards Bavaria, longing to see what will bee brought into this world by the Dutchesse of Bavaria, begotten in her by her Oncle. I know who wisheth Parturiunt montes. Yet it is thought by many that that Diet will not passe with- out the bringing forth of the projected Coadjutor of the Empire and King of the Romans in the person of him then whome the Empror doth desire none. Meanewhile Gallas having received new forces by the arrival to him of Buttler and others, doth intend new dessignes against France and is come not farr from Dijon. And to oppose him the French also send more forces — under Longueville — to Duke Bernhard, which as soone as they shall joyne, it is thought they will trye their courage, as the Swedes under Bannier have done against the Imperial and Saxon armies, where the victorie — whatsoever is or can bee said to the contrary — was greater then first was advertised, and will bee of greaver operation then perhaps some looke as yet for. But the French do not well in Italie nor upon the frontiers of Spaine in their owne land, where the Spaniard are entred and have taken S. Jehan de Luy — a port — and if they can get Biscay, the French will end their yeare very ill. Though — whilest Jean de Werth did hover about Corbie to cast in some handmills — the French under Collonel Gassion with some 1,200 horse, some thousands of musquetiers and dragons, have made an inrode and are gone as farre as to the gates of Cambray, laying in ashes 42 villages, that were very well furnished with corne and other necessaries. May it not bee said with reason and without treason, Delirant reges. ..." Charles I. to the Earl of Worcester. 1639, March 25. Whitehall. — " Whereas wee have bin Gra- tiously Pleased for severall services and considerations, to give testimony of our confidence and good opinion of our Right Trusty 10 ^Dukeo? E anc * ^g^t welbeloved Cosen the Earle of Worcester concerning the Beatjfort. preservation of whose H[ononr] and Esteeme in the Countyes whereof he voluntarily delivered up his Lieutenancy. Wee have written severall Letters and expressed our will and pleasure to the Lord President of Wales as allso wee have bin further gratiously pleased to Graunt him our Royall Protection for Religion. These are uppon good and mature deliberation to ratifie and continue the same our favours — unles our pleasure be expresly delivered to the contrary — And furthermore to allow and authorise him to keepe and use armes as well for his owne defence as our Service as freely as any other of his ranke and qualitye. And this to be his sufficient warrant for soe doeing. Given under our hand, and signed att our Court att Whitehall the five and twentieth day of March 1639. In the fowerteenth year of our Raigne. (Signed) Charles, R." Charles L to the Earl of Worcester. 1641, August 3. Westminster. — " Charles, R. Right trustie and right well beloved cosin, wee greete you well. Whereas wee have heretofore by many letters and messages signed by us given you testimonie of our favor and inclination to reward the good service of you and yours, these are further to assure you, that neither the times nor businesses shall ever make us unmindfull of them, yet upon occasions when our good intentions therein may be really manifested wee desire to bee put in minde that wee may readily concurre to a speedie performance, of which you may bee ever most confident. And being your indisposition of body is such, that before our intended journey wee cannot signify the same to yourself in person, wee have thought good to expresse it by these our letters. Given at our pallace of Westminster the 3rd day of August in the seaventeenth year of our reign." Sir J. Byron to the Earl of Worcester. 1642, July 24. Leicester Abbey. — " Your Lordship hath honored me with a letter, which I value above any other can bee given mee, and of which I shall ever indeavor to make my self worthy by all reall expressions of faithfull and humble service. It was my misfortune to bee from home, when Sir John Somersett came, and though I aquainted his Majestie therewith — upon whom I then attended — yett he would not permitt me to goe to him for a day or two havinge some other services to employ mee in, by reason of his journey to Leicester where it was thought he would have some opposition, but upon his Majestie's approach his enemies fledd. Hazel- rick the chief of them was said to bee lurking thereabouts, whereupon the Kinge commanded mee, and some other gentlemen to goe out and see if wee could apprehend him, but though wee used the best diligence wee could, ridinge both day and night, yett wee came short of him. This is the cause of the delay in returning your Lordship an answeare for which I hope your Lordship will pardon mee, and now since, Sir John Somersett is come hither, havinge left the £5,000 your Lordship sent, at Nuestead, my house, his Majestie hath commanded me to make use of it for the levying of 500 horse and withall in his name to return your Lordship all possible thanks for your seasonable assistance both now and heretofore, and that hee hopes hee shall not dye in your debt ; these are his own words, and desires to bee excuzed for not writinge 11 himself by reason of the little leazure hee hath ; for my own particular I humbly beseech your Lordship to believe, that as there lives not any body more deeply engaged for reall and noble favours to your Lordship than my self, so none can bee more sensible of them, or more ready upon all occasions to express himself &c, &c." Sir John Byron to [the Earl of Worcester]. 1642, August 8. York. — " The King is so oppressed with multitude of buziness, that hee has commanded mee to write unto your Lordship this enclozed letter, not havinge leazure himself to write more than a short postcript to give creditt to what I have written. I had thought to have sent some of my owne servants to convey the money hither, but Mr. Griffin tells mee your Lordship would rather send it by him and some other whom you should think fitt to trust, and then it may bee brought so privately to Nuestead, where I shall bee ready to receave it, that none but such as your Lordship trusteth neede to know of it. I humbly desire your Lordship it may be sent with all possible speede, bycause his Majestie hath allotted it for a service that must immediately bee gone in hand withall. . . . I shall not neede to trouble your Lordship any further and therefor humbly kissinge your Lordship's hands rest ever." Memorandum by Lord Herbert of the King's conversation. 1642, September 9. — " The effect of the message your Majesty desireth I should deliver to my Father from your Majesty at Notting- ham, the 9th of September 1642. That your Majesty with many thankes expresseth yourselfe most sensible of the great expense and charge his Lordship hath been att for your service, farre more then any man els, considering what I have had, as well as Sir John Byron. That it is most trew att this time much lieth att stake both of your Majesties honor and power for want of a little monny, since 20000/., with what you have, would further your Majestie's designs to a most hopefull condition, for want whereof your Majestie is enforced to dally — though you will never yeald — and at this present you offer that which is worth a 100000/. for 50000/., besides my Lord Capell, Sir William Saville, and others of good estates, doe offer also theyres for security. Yet no want nor occasion can make your Majestie to press my Lord, who hath allredy done so much, but if he and he's frends could procure 10000/., your Majestie would suddainly — if it please God to restore you — see it repayed, and would presently in token of thankfullness, send my father the Garter, to be put on when he pleased, and also having the Great Seele in your Majestie's own custody, you would pass a patent of Marquiss, of what title my Father should desire, and keep it private as long as he thought fitting, and to shew that this proposition is farr from urging him to bis inconvenience, and so much doth your Majestie acknowledge yourselfe allredy behold- ing to him, as that even without procuring your Majestie this unspeak- able advantage, your Majestie is gratiously pleased that if he desire eyther or both these, your Majestie at my returne unto you will vouch- safe them, but if this could possibly be performed then the crowne, hitherto your Majestie confesseth to stay upon your head by his assistance, will be then confirmed by him, and your Majestie esteemeth so much of his understanding, as well as passionate zeale to your service, that if he will send your Majestie his advice (upon the relation of the mss. oi? the Duke op Beaufort. 12 Mss. of the state of businesses which your Majestie hath commanded me to make D aSokt. unto him) your Majestie will as soone follow it as any man's, and the — power you give me, or intend to give me, is as I am subordinate and most dutiful! unto him to whom your Majestie esteemeth it to be given when it is to me, and your Majestie doth not only faithfully promise in your word of a King, but of a Christian that you will punctually performe your ingagement advantagiously to him and his, and never forsake eyther whilst you breathe, joining his safety with your own, which is and ever shall be your Majestie's resolution." Charles I. to the Marquis of Worcester. 1642-3, January 5. Oxford. — " Charles R. Right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin we greet you well. Your son the Lord Herbert hath excused your not writing unto us, but where wee find soe much reality there needs no ceremony, and your last performance of our desires hath crowned the rest. And wee would you confident that the mentioning of leaving few forces at Ragland was not out of any diminution of our care of you, or meant to lessen any provision fitting thereunto, for wee well understood that there were never any of the forces raysed in the county applyed thereunto more than a private company under a servante of your owne. But the word of Ragland was given as a general word attributive to the countrey, as that time wee understood it. The large expressions which you and your said sonne have made unto us of your forwardnesse to our service shall never be forgotten. He had command in chiefe in the absence of the Lord Marquis Hertford, and besides his dutifulness unto you our command is that his power and yours shalbe the same, as your hearts are to our service. The acceptance whereof wee shall not fail to make appeare in all occasions, whereof you may rest assured. Given under our signet at our court at Oxford, the 5th day of January, in the eighteenth year of our reign, 1642." Charles I. to the Marquis op Worcester. {Holograph.) ? 1643, June 19. Oxford. — " Woster. — I am very sensible of the miseries and dangers which of late you have bin in, and doe hope the time will come when I shall be able to requite all my good subjects, and none sooner then you. Concerning the changing of your title and other particulars I leave to your sonnes relation who knowes my minde therein, who will ever remaine your most assured and constant frend Charles R." Charles I. to the Sheriff of Monmouth. 1644, July 19. Bruton. — " Trusty and Well-beloved. Wee greet you well. Whereas wee are informed, that our right trusty and entyrely be- loved Cousin Henry, Marquess of Worcester — of whose loyalty wee have had long experience, and of whose honour wee are very tender — hath lately had some indignity ofFerd him by some persons of our County of Monmouth. Our will and pleasure is that immediately upon sight hereof, calling to your assistance two or more of Our Commissioners of Array for our sayd County, you together with them examine the same, and forth- with certify e us the state thereof. To the end that condigned punishment may be inflicted on such as have therein offended, and others deterr'd from the lyke. And for the better security and satisfaction of our said Cousin and his, wee will and command you at any tyme as occasion 13 shall require to use the power of that our County for the suppressing M duke of E of any inconvenience of that kind that may aryse from any distemperd Beaufort. persons, and ill-affected to our peace and government ; since wee expect that though Our sayd Cousins infirmities of bodye will not permitt him to undertake any publique command iu our service, yet there should be respect borne him according to his ranke and qualite, and the place hee beares in our esteeoie. Att our Court at Bruton By his Majesties Command George Digbye (Signed) Charles R." Charles L to the Marquis of Worcester. 1644, July 28. Kerton. — "Right trusty and intirely beloved Cousen wee greete you well. Whereas by our severall Commissions unto you, you are to obey such orders as wee or our nephew Prince Rupert shall send you, which is for forms sake, and wee doubt not but you will repose that confidence in our affection, that our sayd nephew shall by our speciall directions take such care and tendernesse to preserve your honor and safety, or shall yelde you contentment in any particular, yeat for your farther satisfaction and warrant wee signify our pleasure that you only obey our expresse commands, and that if likewise any should come unto you from us upon misinformation which might prove prejudiciall to you, wee give you leave to reply unto them. Wee have intrusted many things unto your Sonne's relation which wee are confident will not bee unwel- come to you, yeat wee reserve a resolution of writing ourselfe another letter to you very speedily, for your integrity and true affection you show to us deserves more than these miserable times do permitt, yeat wee are confident that God hath it in store for us, and then shall wee show it more amply to you and yours. Given at our Court at Kerton, the 28th of July, 1644. (Signed) Charles R." Charles I. to the Marquis of Worcester. {Holograph.) 1644, August 2. Liscard. — " Worcester. — I am so sensible of the greate affection which you and your sonne have expresst unto me by eminent services, .and of the meanes he may have of doinge me more in that way wherin hee is. now engaginge himselfe, that I cannot chuse before his goinge but expresse unto you in a very particular manner the value I have of you both, and to assure you, that if God blesse mee I will not bee behinde hand with either of you. In the meane time fmdinge your sonne soe much more desirouse that there shoulde bee placed upon you some marke of my favour rather then upon himselfe, I have thought fitt to lett you knowe that as soon as I shall conferre the order of the Garter upon any you shall receive it as a testemonye of my beinge Your assured constant freinde Charles R." Lord Herbert to [his father] the Marquis of Worcester. 1644, August 13. — " Amongst other memorable expressions which have taken deepe roote in my hart, I assure your Lordship, that those you were plessed to use towards me upon Sunday last, shall never be defaced out of my memory, for you were pleased soe to interlace sorrow and comfort as that I knewe not whether joy or fears possessed me most, or whether you shewed more justice or clemency, but at last a tender fatherly affection 14 MSS. of the appeared to steer your words and deedes, which shall be God willing Beaufort answered with a filial duty and tendernesse, and your unparraleld good- — ness shall not with God Allmightie's grace undoe, but strengthen me in my duty to God and your Lo : with as much zeale and true harted devotion as can be wittnessed with the uttermost endeavours of thoughte, word, and deede lying in the power and uttermost abilities which I can at any time attain unto, whose ambition is not greater to anything in this world, then really and entirely to appear your dutiful &c. son." Prince Rupert. 1645, January 5. Oxford. — " Whereas the right honorable Henry, Marques of Worcester hath by his care and expences, long saved the towne and county of Monmouth from the hand of the enemies, and of late regained the said towne from them, and in regard like wise that the townes of Monmouth and Chepstow are belonging to him of inheritance, and the interest he hath in the whole county, my desire is, that the Commander in chiefe of the said county, and the governors of both, or each of those townes, or of any other garrison, within the said county should be complying with, or observeing any desines of his, intimated unto them, either concerning his Majesties service, the good of that county or the particular safety and interest of him, and his — whereof I am very tender, — as also the High Sheriefe, Commissioners of Array, justices of the peace, or other officers of the said county, martiall or civill — as they tender my pleasure — and will answer the contrary at their perils &c. (Signed) Rupert." Charles I. to the Marquis of Worcester. 1644-5, January 10. Oxford. — " Worcester. — Your's and your Sonne's dayly endeavours to serve me makes mee think which way to give you assurance of my gracious acceptance, and therefore as a further testimonye I have sent you this enclosed, only known to him and me, and fit for several reasons of importance to you and me to be kept private, untill I shall esteeme the time convenient, who as God shall enable me will show my tender care of you and yours, as by a match e propounded for your grand childe you will easily judge. The particulars I leave to you sonne Glamorgan his relation, which I have commanded him to make to you only, and you may be confident that I soe much esteeme your meritts , and your uphoulding your sonne in my service — wherein noe subject I have equals eyther of you — as that I can not thinke anything to much that lyes in my power, though as yet some considerations hinder me from doing all 1 would towards you and yours, but by your sonnes endeavours I make noe question but in short time to passe them soe over, as that I shall make good the intentions I have to manifest that I esteeme your services such as my words cannot expresse them, nor I, but by shewing myself at all occasions and in all things to bee (Signed) Your assured frend Charles R." [Perhaps the whole letter is autograph.] The enclosure mentioned in the above letter. " Charles R. Our will and pleasure is that you prepare a bill for our signature for creating our Right Trusty and entirely beloved cousin Henry Marquis of Worcester, Duke of Somerset, to him and the heyres male of his body issueing, with all the priveledges and immunities 15 thereunto belonging, and with a graunt of an annuity of fifty pounds yearly to be paid to him and them out of our customes of Swansey in our county of Glamorgan for the support of the said dignity, for which this shall be your sufficient warrant. Given at our Court at Oxford the sixt day of January in the twentieth yeare of our reigne. To our Attorney or Solicitor General for the time being. (Signed) Charles R." F[rances] Marchioness of Hertford to [her son] Lord, Beauchamp. N.Y., June 24. Essex House. — "I am extreame sory to perceive by your lines that my Lady Capell hath so sad an occasion to bee troubled, especially in the condition that shee is. 1 did entend according to your desire to have used my interest to all I could conceive likely to have done any service, but I was desired by Mr. Alford to desist until 1 I knew what sucesse hee had, which I know not yet, but my Lady [Ma]tland acording to my Lady Capell's desire hath endeavoured much, the sucess whereof shee will relate, but I am desired by Sir Thomas Maunson to let you know that if the order canot bee revoked, nor hee kept from the (armie ?) that he will procure a letter from the Generall's lady to him to have him civily used and exposed to no danger, and hee also hopes by acquainting the Lords with the business to make them sencible of the injury done to the Peers by such an order and acte, hee being a Peere's eldest sonne, that hee hopes they will upon Monday revoake the order. But if it cannot bee obtained it is hoped hee will bee no way hasarded beeing of that yeares, but that it is done to see if whether the frighting of my Lady will bee a meanes fr . . there cpmitie &c. Mr. Alford advised mee not to move in the Lords house before wee see the event of what hee adviseth my Lady Capell, hee gives so much assurance of the other busines being ready about Friday that if all bee quiet there I think you had best stay until Thursday." The Same to the Same. N.Y., June 26. Essex House. — " Though I have writen so earnestly to you by Davies to returne with speed that I canot doubt it, yet for feare hee may miscarry, returne your own servant, because since I writ the other I understand that the acte this day gave them only power to take what genteilmen they thought fitt that weare in my Lord Capell's house, but not in any other places, which makes it more suspitious that you weare aimed at, but I hope that you are already from thence and will bee heere suddenly, I have engaged Sir Thomas Maunson to procure the letter to the Generall, which hee hopes to do this night, and I will endeavour to have the lords sencible of it, and I canot but hope that hee will bee civily used and run no other hazard but my Ladie's danger by her aprehensions of them, but that God who hath so hapyly supported her in so many other great trialls will I presume suport her in this and enable her to beare it, and to overcome it, and obtain a reversing of the order, for my Lady hath so great a stocke of all pietie and vertue as must needs draw her above all things of this nature that shee may still sustaine that great part that shee hath to acte in that noble familie, and bee long a comfort . . . to her frends &c. . . . I desire to have this sent to my Lady that shee may see what cause I had to send for you, and what I have done to serve her. My Lord sends you his blessing and both our services to my Lady and your faire Mrs." Heraldic Seal. MSS. of Tin: Duke of Beaufort. 16 mss. of the The Same to the Same. Duke op Beaufort. [1646.] " A Memorial of the most weighty and material passages of the Lord Capell and Lord Culpeper's Negotiation to the Queen's Majesty concerning the Prince of Wales, his going into France, in pursuance of their Instruction. After wee had presented ourselves to her Majesty in the Privy Chamber where at our coming wee found her, she was pleased to com- mand us to attend her in her bedchamber where we acquainted her Majesty with the most important part of our employment and withall I presented to her the paper of our Instructions. Her Majesty spake then very little to us of the matter of our nego- tiations, but said she would take further time to peruse it, and after some generall discours of the King's affairs we were dismissed for the time and commanded to attend her at 2 of the clock the next day in the afternoon. The next day according to her Majesty's commands we attended her, the Lord Jermyn went into the bedchamber with us but stayed not, then the Queen gave me the Instructions which I delivered to her the day before and I read them all over to her. She did then use some discours concerning the Instruction of delaying the Prince his coming into France, alleadging the King's command, and the doubts she had of the insecurity of Jersey. We assured her Majesty she need not at all doubt of the security of the place, it being affirmed to be such by sow many honest and faithful persons as were upon the place and attended his Highness there, and that reson with those contrived in the Instructions we thought would give his Majesty such satisfaction that when he was fully informed of them he would rest well satisfied with his Highness's longer abode in Jersey. Though her Majesty did not seeme satisfied with our reasons yet then she expressed no absolute positivenes, but changed her discourse from that business to the employment of Mr. Bolieure, and what instructions were fittest for that employment, and commanded me and the Lord Culpeper that, if the Lord Digby came that night to St. Jermyn as was expected that, w T e three should meet the next morning at the Lord Jermyn's lodging, and there consider of those Instructions aud also of his Highnesse coming into France. As we were going out of the room the Queen called mee to her and said privately to me I will doe as I shall be advised by the Lord Culpeper, Lord Jermyn, and yourselfe. The next morning I went to the Lord Jermyn's lodgings where I found the Lords Digby, Culpeper, and Jermyn, consulting of the Instructions for Mr. Bolieure, which the Lord Digby had put into French, and while he was reading them over to me word was brought to us that dinner was upon the table, so wee rose and went to dinner. Imediately after dinner wee retyred into the chamber and after the Instructions were read over, aud some discours and alterations of them, the Lord Jermyn sayd the Prince his coming into Fiance was now to bee considered, alleadging the necessity of it, and benefittes that would arise by it, that the game was to be played out by the French, that the Queen could not support him in the place where he was, but that his eomming into France would give that confidence and assurance to the French that they would imediately assigne 14,000 pistolls for his main- tenance, the Lord Culpeper alleadging many weighty reasons not to execute such a resolution for the present, enforcing all the reasons in the Instructions, but cheifely insisted upon this that, untill the French found it necessary to declare a warr in his Majesty's behalfe, he thought 17 it was not reasonable his Highnesse should put himself e under their power ; M p^KE o? B that it was allways his opinion his Highnesse ought not to quitt Jersey Beaufort. but in either of those two cases, the one, if his Majesty should unfortu- nately be taken prisoner, the other, if the King should safely arrive into the Scott's army, and that the Scotts should declare warr in the King's behalfe. I know not well the reason for it, but the Lord Digby sayd that the Lord Culpeper seldome declared an opinion. I told them that this was no difficult case to deliver an opinion in ; for besides the reasons alleadged by the Lord Culpeper I did not find that the French themselves urged the Prince his coming over. The Lord Jermyn replyd that he knew very well that the French would not engage heartily untill the Prince were in France because they might apprehend that when they had engaged, the Prince might so proceed in his affairs as might be to their prejudice; that though his Highness residence in Jersey might be wished, yet the satisfaction of the French would out- ballance all other considerations, there being no other hope remaining but in their ayde, that the King's party could not do anything. I answered that their was little of pure kindness to be expected in the actions of States, but of that selfe interest had the greatest share : but that if the French should now press the Prince of Wales his coming into France, when it was accompanyed with so many inconveniences and so much visible detryment to the King's affairs, I could believe no other of it but that it was only to serve themselves to that King and Kingdomes prejudice, and for my part of the two I had rather the English should make advantage of the Prince then the French, and that after the French had declared warr in the King's cause I thought it time enough for his Highnesse to go into France, whereupon the Lords Digby and Jermyn very suddenly sayd we have now an opinion wee may go to the Queen ; I told them twas plain English. The Lord Jermyn made so much haste into the Queen's Bed Chamber that he was there some little time before the Lord Culpeper and I came in. When wee came into her Majesty's bed chamber I observed some passion in her countenance, and the door was no sooner shutt but she sayd, she was resollved to send for her sonne, that she had the King's commands, and had cause to doubt the security of the place, saying, if wee thought the place secure, why did wee desire ayd both of horse and foot, arms and monny, for the fortifications, that nothing could be done without the French assistance. The Lord Digby sayd, that he was formerly of an opinion for his Highness continuance in Jersey but that now his opinion was altered, because the French were so necessary for the King's affairs, the Lord Culpeper spake very much, and to the same effect that he had formerly done in the Lord Jermyn's chamber, and truly very weightily and importunatly to my seeming. I told her Majesty I believed no humane security to be greater than that of his Highness in Jersey, for if the island should be oppressed it must be with a very great force, and yet his residence in the castle was secure against all the world, from whence he could convey himself into France without danger in some reasonable time, that the desire of those ayds was for the further strength of the island, and it was more honnorable for his Highness to have ample accomodation then suffer any defect, espessially when so small a mater would do it. The benilitt of forraingne ayd I did not undervalue, and that particularly I had a great estimate of the kindness and power of France for the good of the King's affairs, but that in my opinion the greatest hope to restore the King was by the divissions in England between the Presbiteriens and Independents, that at this very time divissions there were very eminent ; the Citty of London, having presented a very sharp remon- U 60050. r> 18 Mss. of the strance and petition against the Independents, as was reported, were Beaufort. gathering of hands to a contrary remonstrance ; that I conceived it best, for his Highness to sitt still untill those party s inreconcilabely engaged, and that there were at last some broken pates among them, that then his Highness might do what he saw fittest for his father's services ; that I believed his Highness going into France would ruine all that expectation and unite them, nay more, I did verily believe as to the dislike of it all the nation would be united. I added this that ever since the beginning of this warr all artifices and devices that could be were used to divide them, but it could never be effected so long as the King had any visible or hopefull power, now they thought themselves out of his danger, we saw in what forwarding their distrac- tions were, that the Prince going into France would create new doubts in themselves. Her Majesty continued very resolute in her determina- tion, the Lord Culpeper desired her Majesty that she would deferr the execution of it untill he received further advise how his Majesty was satisfied with his reception amongst the Scots, what the proceedings were at London upon the King's going to the Scott's army, and what further progress there was in the divisions between the Presbyterians and Independants, which her Majesty was pleased to condiscend unto. I also further besought her Majesty that before she would declare the time of sending for his Highness she would be pleased to give my Lord Culpeper and me leave to attend her and to alleadge in that argument what would arise upon any new accidents or other advertisements, which she was pleased to promise us. After our coming to our lodging I told my Lord Culpeper the reason of my making that motion to the Queen, for if wee found that her Majesty would not be diverted, that then I thought it necessary for us to make a digest of our reasons in wrighting against it, and present it unto her, whereby we might have a good testimony of our diligent pursuance of the Instructions comitted to our charge by his Highness and his Councill ; which my Lord Culpeper approved off and here I shall set down a con- jecture I then had before my comming out of her Majesty's bedchamber and which ever since will not out of my minde, which was upon the expression used in my Lord Jermyn's chamber at which they all rose, my Lord Jermyn's going to the Queene before we came, and the passion I observed in her Majesty's countenance, gives me cause to suspect that he acquainted her with what fell from me, for assuredly the con- fidence her Majesty had formerly in mee was ever after much shaken, though truely upon all occations shee used me very gratiously. During our stay which was not more then three weeks, there passed not after this any soleme debate till after the reception of his Majesty's letter. Once I remember her Majesty told me she would pursue her resolution. I told her I hoped she would suspend it untill she heard from his Majesty after his being with the Scotts, of which there was dayly expectation, but I was told by diverse of my friends that had it from some of the Ladys of her Bedchamber, that she was so fully resolved that nothing could divert her. I answered I had some cause to fear it, but I did hope the best would happen contrary to their ex^ pectations. Before our coming from Jersey the prints from London, and those I saw at my coming to St. Jermyn's, my Lord Willmott also tell- ing me that Eichmond house was provided for his Highness reception, put me in some good hope that the Parliament would send a message to the Prince, which I hoped might be such an addresse as would at last cause a respite of his going into France, and this made me the willinger to use all the delays I could to our dispatch. During this time the Prince of Condy gave the Queen a visitt, and, as I heard, earnestly per- 19 suaded the Prince his coming over, assuring her Majesty his entertain- M p^^JJ* E raent would be very honorable. Beaufort. At length Mr. Montrell, the French Agent, came from Newcastle — where the King was, and brought his Majesty's letter to the Queen, which he sent to her the night before he came himself e. Her Majesty sent for us, and before my coming the letter was discyphered, witch she gave me to read, my Lord Culpeper haveing read it before my coming into the room. The Queen asked our opinions now we had seen the letter; the Lord Culpeper told her Majesty that the case now happened to be such in which it was allways his opinion that his Highness should come into France, which was if his Majesty were a prysoner, and by that letter he did conceive him now to be soe, and therefore his opinion was for the Prince his coming. I was silent untill the Queen spake to me. I told her Majesty I was sorry that the Prince should remove out of his father's dominions untill there was an excusable necessity for it ; that I thought this an ill article of time, the King's haveing pro- fessed to advise himselfe by his Parliament, and yet at the same instant the Prince should put himselfe under a forraigne power, whereby the Kingdom might apprehend, a new embroylment, and added that her Majesty would render herself inreconcilable to the whole nation. Shee replyd that she could not help it if it were for the King's service. I offered to attend the King and acquaint him with the safe condition of the Prince his person, and the opinion of the Councill ; I humbly be- sought her Majesty not to conceive amiss of me for what I had said was as I conceived for her's and the King's service, to which I wished all felicity by what councells soever conducted. Shee said she did believe me and gave me many gratious words, saying withall she hoped the Lords of his Councell would willingly come along with him. I told her Majesty I could not tell but that my business had no difficulty in it, for as I had faithfully represented unto her what his Highness had given me in comand, so I should with the same fidelity carry back her Majesty's pleasure whatsoever it were. Two days after, before we set out from St. Jermyns towards Jersey, and at that time I kisst her Majesty's hand, she used the same words tome, that she hoped the Lords of his Highness Councill would attend him. T made the same answer I formerly had done and no other. The day before my coming from St. Jermyn I had much speech with Mr. Ashburnham whose opinion I found to be very much against his Highness coming into France, and in my discourse with him I told him I would not attend the journey. The next day he came to me ' as I was takeing coach and told me he hoped I would not continue in the resolution I was yesterday, for it would bring great prejudice upon the King's affairs. I replyed to him, if my Lord at Jersey could fmde an expedient how I might do it witli my honour and duty to the King I would not attend one foote of this fatall journey. There were many interlocatary speeches both of the Lord Digby, Lord Culpeper, and Lord Jermyn, which truly my memory was not able to bear away ; their results and conclusions I have faithfully reported, but what was managed by my selfe I am confident I have neither misplaced nor omitted any materiall things" The Siege of Colchester. [1648.] " The passions and prejudices of historians have soe disguised the gravest actions that they have coUntenanc'd that barbarous precept of Mahomet who forbidds his followers the use of historic ; for — saies hee— Who can beleeve whats past* who none writes truth of the present. Though this observation of others errors does not infear my innocence, *B 2 20 Mss. of the yet the sense I have of theire failings may argue a likelihood of caution, Beaufort. I espeti al tie having expos'd this relation during the lives of the eminent — • actors, and measur'd it by my owne knowledge. The people of England having long groaned under those heavie burthens which the usurpers at Westminster had layd upon them began to murmur in petitions. Amongst the rest Essex — the first borne of the Parliament — being by Time — the parent of Truth — disposses'd of that rebellious spirit who had so violentlie engag'd them to forge the fetters of theire owne bondage, did from a sence of theire misseries, and the example of theire neighbours make theire humble addresses by Petition to the Parliament for the restitution of religion, the King, and libertie. After a moneths attendance on the houses at Westminster expecting they should have made good something of theire promise in theire answeare to our petition, which was theire speedie endeavouring to settle this distracted kingdome- -although in the interim theire barbarous murdrmg of three petitioners of our neighbour countie might have resolv'd our hopes — yet wee were so obstinate in our patience that wee shutt our eyes against the light of our reason which clearelie reflected the designe of our enslaverie, untill wee were informed that some of our countreymen — the most of them of very contemptible qualitie — under the motion of a Comittee of Parliament were assembled at Chelmsford the countie towne, where — upon pretence of explaining our petition — they threatened and deluded some of the weake-sighted petitioners into the subscription of a paper, contradictorie to the very letter of theire petition, and in itselfe incongruous, but agreeing with theire former practize, where an impudent asserting of a falsehood, hath beene the powerfull figure in theire rhetorick. Wee— justly apprehending the censure of forgerie — conven'd our petitioners at the same place to avowe theire owne sense ; and most of them appear'd in armes — which sure was reasonable, — the bleeding example of our neighbour countie, being a sufficient argument to invite us to a selfe preservation. Upon this conjuncture the remains of that loyall and valiant partie of the Kentishmen — under the conduct of the right honorable the Earle of Norwich — came into our countie for succour, but having bounded this rellation by my owne prospect theire storie will not fall within my meridian. This alarmed the Houses at Westminster who, apprehending the union of our counties, and conjunction of our neighbours in so just a cause, — for now the kingdome was so generally disabus'd, that loyalltie was become as diffusive, as ... . had beene infectious — they humbled themselves to theire old arts, and offerr'd us an Act of Indempnitie, upon condition that we would render to them the gentlemen of Kent as a well pleasing sacrifice ; but if wee could have beene so wicked as to have broaken the lawes of hospitalitie, yet misserable wee were too well acquainted with theire thirst of blood to thinke this offring could appease; but wee should first have given up our friends to the slaughter, to have enabled them the better to have murdered us ; soe that all the advantage wee could have expected from theire Act of Indempnitie, was noe more than Poliphemus promis'd Ulisses, to be the last devour'd, yet this deceipt so wrought upon the feares of some of our meane-spirited counterymen, as Sir William Hicks and others — who march'd in the first rankes of our petitioners — that they were frighten'd into an infamous apostaicie to theire loyalties and honours, and to a breach of theire faith, which they had preingag'd to the gentlemen of Kent : whome by the bonds of justice, honour, and interest, wee were oblig'd to assist. This meene example of the gentlemen shaked, and had almost disolv'd 21 the assembly of our countreymen, had not the honourable Sir Charles MSS. of the Lucas — like a worthy patriot — stept in to the rescue of his countrey, beaufout. and reasoned those that remain 'd into a resolution of adhering to theire — first engagement. And though persuasion was not his talent, yet then his eloquence was so prevalent and so ingenuouslie fitted to his tumultuous auditorie that they not only assented to his persuasions, but elected him their leader, which was a popular aprobation of his Highness the Prince of Wales his choice, by whose commission he was authoris'd to command in that county. The humours of the people being thus alter'd wee secured the rebels Comittee, who presuming that the specious Act of Tndempnitie — like the Golden Aple of" discord — would have disolv'd our union, had the impu- dence — whilst wee were in armes — to continue upon the place, voting and disposing of our lives and fortunes. But the people — who are allwayes in extreames — having chang'd theire feares into furie, grew so violent, thai wee could hardly rescue them from theire rage, two of thorn, Mr. Charles Rich and Sir Harebottle Grimstone, were permitted to pass to Westminster, upon theire engagement to dispose the Parliament to receave the Kentishmen within the Articles of Indempnitie, which if our merciless masters would have granted they had becalm' d this worthy attempt for libertie, and prevented that wast of honorable blood and mine of the countrey. Wee continued some few days at Chelmsford to receive the supplies who came into us from all parts of the kingdome, who though they engros'd our body scarce strengthened our partie, for confusion (which is inseparable to such popular assemblies) rendered our numbers in- effectual!, and though the feare of a present invader, or the hopes of future conquest made us consent in the end, yet the diversitie of passions, amongst soe manie men, contending naturally for honour and advantage one upon another, made us differ in the meanes, so that with- out a submission to discipline, members are soe fan from opposing theire enemies, that they distracte theire mutuall peace ; besides the countrey gentlemen, whose rellations and habitudes with the people gives them the greatest interest amongst them, want the skill to conduct them, and yet they are generally soe zealous of the esteeme of theire courage and judgements, that they will not endure (the assistance of experienc'd souldiers. This was the fatall infirmitie of popular insurrections and was the cause of theire mine in Kent. On Saturday the 10th of June wee march'd from Chelmsford in the sight of Collonell Whaley who 2 dayes before was advanced towards us with a considerable partie of horse, and foote, and held them on a common about two miles distant from our quarters, from whence hee gave us frequent alarmes. In our march wee enter'd my Lord of Warwick's house at Leigh s, where wee tooke two bras sakers, some muskets, pistols, carobins, and pikes, with a good proportion of powder and match, all excellent in theire kinde, a very seasonable supply, wee having many brave men who march'd on foote with us unarm'd, whose zeal to the cause enbarqu'd them in the adventure without respect to theire convenience, espetially those gallant youthes the apprentices of London, who had braken their indentures to keepe their allegiance, a race of the most hopefull souldiers that I ever saw, whose gentle behaviour, bold and generous actions, justifie their births (being most of them gentlemen whose natures were not yet corrupted with the love of gaine, that leveu which soures the mass of generous qualities) and therefore were runn away from their sordid and rebellious masters. Wee wonder'd much the enemie had not secur'd this magazine, they having it in their power, 22 Mss. of the but the carefull observer of this relation will finde they are capable of iSaufort ^eir overs ^& nts * Whilst we halted in Leigh's Parke there came in to — ' us a troope of horse from Hartfordshire under the command of Colonell Sayers, a gentleman who had formerly served the Parliament, but being undeceived was come to make atonement for his fault, and acquitted himselfe with greate honour aud Industrie during the whole action. That night wee marched to Braintree, the enemie looking on our reare at distance, which respect we must acknowledge with thanks to Colonell Whaley, for had hee attempted us in all probabilitee wee had bin broaken, he having above a thousand old horse, and wee not a hundred in any forme that wee could trust, and wee marcht over Leigh's Parke, a very large campaignia, but since wee have understood the Colonell's character to be a very mercifull man in the field, but bloody at a courte of warr. There wee rested on Sunday and disgested the volunteers into severall troopes under the comand of the Lord .Norwich, Lord Capell, Lord Loughborough, and Sir Charles Lucas, but receaving intelligence that Fairfax with the rest of his armie was joined withe Whaley and the Essex rebells, under the comand of Sir Thomas Honey wood, Collonell Harelackenden, Colonell Cooke, and other firebrands of their country, and aprehending they might fall on us on both sides of the towne, wee drew out in the night on the highway towards Suffolke as if wee had design'd our march towards the Isle of Elye, and I have ben since iuform'd that wee were blam'd by some for not acting what wee only feign'd to amuse the enemie. But there are a race of men who pretend to wisdome by censuring events, never considering the meanes ; if these had seene us on our march with 4000 undisciplined men, and the enemie at our heeles with 3500 old horse and above 4000 foote, I am confident these censurers would not have undertaken to have brought up the reare, but those were such as sate securely under theire own vines, defaming the conduct of those brave men who watch'd and bledd to redeeme them from slaverie, whilst they hazarded theire lives onely by surfetts, and theire fortunes by drinking malignant healthes, and yet like the infatuated Israelites were still murmuring at their deliverers. Others have condemned us for not sending a partie in our van to possesse an inconsiderable forte in the Isle of Mersey, which was not over seene, but had beene in effect to have given so many men to the enemie, for the island being five miles from Colechester, and the access in the power of the enemie- — being masters of the field, — wee could neither have releev'd them nor brought them off ; and though the enemie had suffer'd us to possess it, yet it would have always beene in their power to have hinder'd any releefe that might have come to us by sea, the towne being above a mile from the river, so it is evident it would not have signified to our designe. There are other frivolous objections which some vulgar spirits — that cannot keepe in favour with themselves but by finding faultes in others — have made to our conduct which I will not trouble myselfe to answeare, for I think it very unreasonable to make those masters of my time that misspend their owne. After we had con- tinued an houre or two at our rendevous wee drew backe through the towne and march'd that night to Halstead, having so deceived the enemie by this stratagem, who were within three houre's march of us, that they knew not which way to followe us. Heere wee halted untill our reare was come up, and then continued our march towards Colechester. On our way wee were mett by neere a thousand of the townesmen who broake through their guards to welcome us as their deliverers from a teadious servitude under a rebellious magistracy, for though the Houses at Westminster pretend so strongly to justice and the preservation of the 23 liberties of the subjects, yet heere wee may admitt an apt instance mss. of the amongst thousands more to prove their arbitrary government. At the beaufopt election of the mayor, the Parliament having notice that the free 5 — - burghers of this corporation had chosen one Alderman Shawe, a person qualified for the office — but honestly and religiouslie principled and so unfitt for their ends — they sent a troope of horse to force a new election of one Alderman Cooke, an ignorant wretch that only followed the mace and consented, whilst the factious sectaries mislead the people. For this towne had beeno long possest with the spirit of disobedience to the doctrine and discipline of the church, and heresie is always the fore- runner of rebellion, for when the hollie ancor of religion is puld up, the barke of State is subject to every storme, and the rebells at Westminster conspiring to defame the King and prelats with their pretended indul- gence topoperie, approv'd this separation, soe that these sectaries broake the lawes not only with impunitie but successe. Our advan'd partie was oppos'd by some horse of the towne which had beene lately rais'd upon a pretence of awinge the poore, growne mutinous through decay of trade, but design'd by the separatists to suppresse the petitioners, which Sir Charles Lucas hearing who march'd in the van of our forces, galloped to them with a partie of gentlemen, and im- mediately forced them into their gates, and apprehending that the obstinacie of the disaffected might involve the innocent in equall danger with the guiltie by the indistinguishing souldier — in case they should have oppos'd our entrance — out of his tenderness to the towne — being the place of his birth — hee ordered Collonel Tuko and Colonell Maxey, being both their countreymen, to goe in to the inhabitants und advise their rendring of the place, and by them remonstrated the grounds of our engagement in pursuance of our petition, with assuranco of in- dempnitie to their persons and fortunes, which — as farr as our necessities would comporte — was faithfullie observed. Their troope of horse only was excepted, for that shewed premeditated malice, for the rest that were in armes, wee looked upon them as the ordinarie guards of the Corporation, and so were willing to suppose a reason for their forgive- ness. Yet from those that were excepted their horses only and armes were taken, and their persons left at libertie ; though by agreement upon condition, the towne, their lives and fortunes, were to be at the mercie of Sir Charles Lucas, who hath now receaved the reward of his christian charitie, whilst his barbarous murderers are persecuted with their owne guilt. Among these horse were many of Bardfold and Dedham, two neighbour townes, whose inhabitants subsist by the manufacture of cloath, who being poore and populous are naturally mutinous and bolde, and their masters who sett them on worke being generallie sordid men whose passion for their profitt gave them such a continuall jealousie of the decay of trade, that the Parliament — whose constant stile was tender- ness of commerce — found them allwayes disposed to receive their impressions, and to derive them to their workmen, so that the clothiers through the whole kingdome were rebells by their trade, but these townes breed an officious race of traytors, who unsummoned are still volunteers in rebellion. Those all escaped and afterwards joined with our besiegers. The gates were opened, and wee marched through the towne in greate order, and drew our men into the lower courte of my Lord Lucas his house, which having beene formerly an abbey was capable of receaving them all, with a designe to encampe there ; that our souldiers being still in our sight might be the better diciplined and the readier to receive the enemy. But the inhabitants of the towne who had promised to furnish us with provision, were so distracted with the noveltie of their busines — having never seene an army before — that they 24 Mss.of the suffered our souldiers to want, which created soe great a mutinie that it B^aufo°rt. was above the skill and authoritie of the officers to appease, for it is in — ' vaine to threaten a lesse punishment to those who are sensible of a greater, and there is noe death more terrible than starving, soe we were forst to let them march into the towne before their quarters were made, where wee reposed that night. The next day about two of the clock in the afternoone wee were alarmed by the enemies drummers before we had the least intelligence of their aproach — such was the negligence of our scouts — and ere we could dispose our men into order they were advanced within muskett shott of the suburbs. We drew out hastilie to them a considerable partie of our foote, and some horse and lyned the hedges. After some dispute — the enemie advancing boldly upon us with a farr greater body of horse and foote — and forced our men to retreate, and pursued them to Head-gate, where stood the Eight Honorable the Lord Capell with a partie of horse to receive the enemie ; but justly apprehending that the disorder of our men retreat- ing, and the narrowness of the place, would render his horse unservecable — like himselfe, that is a man of incomperable honor and presence of judgment in the greatest dangers — hee allighted, and tooke a pike, who was presently seconded by Sir Charles Lucas, Sir George Lisle, and two or three others, and there these worthies — like Horatius Codes — oposed themselves to the furie of the enemie, whilst under the cover of their courage, the remains of our men saved themselves within the porte. Then those bucklers of their partie retreated with their faces to the enemie, selling every foote of ground they parted with at the price of the invader's lives. An action — without flatterie to the living, or the memories of the dead — that would be thought as worthy of place in a cronicle, as any that is legible in ancient storic, if the envie to our contemporaries did not ma,ke us to idolise our ancestors, as if it were the prerogative of time, and not the quality of the persons, and exploits, that dignified our actions ; but I have beene so just to the memories of the dead, that I have purposly concealed the names of the living that seconded them in this encounter, least the envie to those might robb these of their fame. In this service we lost Colonell Cooke, a young gentleman of good expectation, who dyed of his wounds as soone as he was brought of the field, and that worthy gentleman Sir William Campion, whose conduct was equal to his courage, and that was only exceeded by his reasone, for nothing was above his daring that was level with his discretion. Sir William Leyton, and Lieut.-Colonel Rawlins were taken prisoners, with a hundred and fifftie private soldiers, but the enemy sweld their list to a far greater number, by putting in the inhabitants of the suburbs whom they tooke out of their houses. The portes were closed, and our men disposed to the walls, which were boldly attempted by the enemy, being advantaged by some houses of the suburbs which joined to St. Marie's church-yarde, from whence they leaped into the towne as confidently as if the extravagance of their daring could have confounded our resolutions, or that it had bin their only busines to seeke — what they found — their graves in that church yard ; vallour — if well conducted — worthy of a better cause. In some here might have beene seene the confidence of the assay lan t's accustomed to conquer, and the courrage of the defendants heightened by the justice of their cause. During the heate of this conflict the enemie— most unsouldierlike — sent in a trumpett with a sumons to render the towne, which was gennerally dispised both by the officers and souldiers, upon which they drew up two pieces of cannon to batter the porte ; but that was so well blinded by the howses of the suburbs, that before they could come to their levell they were within 25 the mercie of our musketiers, vvho at tho first volley kil'd their carriage MSS. of the horses, many of their souldiers, and forced them to leave their cannon b^aufort. under the favour of our shott. Upon this their Generall — being — highly enraged — ordered that they should burne the houses which joined to the walls, by which raeanes they hoped to have fired the towne, but by God's providence, and our greate industry it was prevented. Not- withstanding their miscarriages in these designes, they continued there onslaught with greate obstinacie untill twelve at night, but by that time being sufficiently beaten into a beleefe of our resolution, they tooke the advantage of the night and drew off to London, about a mile from this towne, leaving us their cannon and many of their dead. This assault was an effect of their furie — which in armes is as fatall as feare — for they fell on upon the strongest quarter of the whole towne, and notwith- standing the unlikelyhood of their attempt and the resolution of our defense, yet — such was their insolence from former success — that they were deafe to the retreate which their Generall often caused to be sounded. This madness amongst the vulgar is more admired than true valour, and the reason is manifest, for they judge only by the appearance without considering the cause, soe that the extreame. though it formes the vice, yet renders the action more conspicuous. But the v/ise dis- tinguish better, and unless our actions be honorably descended — that is flow from worthy causes — they will allow them noe place among the virtues. In this attempt, according to their owne accompte there were killed and disabled at least 500 of their private souldiers, with many of their considerable officers. On our parte after wee entered the gates wee lost but 17 common souldiers and not one officer of commission. The next day the enemie kept their distance and consider'd, and though wee found by their lookes that they were sicke of their last attempt, yet had wee reingag'd them, wee had certainly given them the meanes of their owne revenge ; for they were so numerous in horse and held themselves on a campania, that they would easily have ridd us over, yet wee heare some inconsidering lookers on have censured us as failing in courage, but it is the common practize of meane spirits to cry up imprudent hazards to give themselves the reputation of valiant, knowing they shall be applauded by the vainer — which is the greater parte of mankinde — for these ranters would act their parts but coldly if there were not fools to admire them. But wee are soe secure in the just fame of our conduct that wee may safely protest against their sentence. Wee — like the Jewes in Jerusalem, — with our swords in one hand and our trowells in the other, began to repaire the ruines of our walls which were many, this towne being one of the antientest foundations of the kingdome, for if wee credit historie it was built by Coyle a chiefe King of the Brittaines, whose daughter Hellen was married to Constan- tius, father to Constantine the Greate. But the walls are a sufficient recorde of its antiquitie, being builte after the olde artelesse fasshion, without flankers and scarce proofe against arrowes. Towards the north end of the towne there was above five hundred places without any fortification at all, which the enemy in their furie over sawe. In sum the place was so unfitt for a garrison, that it would not have beene thought a fast quarter. Wee looked into the magazine of the towne, where wee found 70 barrells of powder with some match, and in private houses neare a thousand armes, then we searched the stores for provision and at the Hithe, a parte of the east suburbs where a small river runns into a creeke of the sea, wee found two thousand quarters of rye with a greate proportion of salte and wine, which wee brought into the towne, 26 mss. of the and though warr is not to be made with respect, and necessitie would Duke or have warranted the making use of this provision, yet wee should have eaufort. gj yen cau (i on for the reimbursement of the owners, if they had not been our knowne enemies, and actually in armes against us. The inhabitants were as much amaz'd at this plenty as our selves, for the market day before wee enter'd the towne the poore were complayning in the streets that they could not gett corne for their money • those bowell-lesse merchants having ingross'd it to enhanse the price. But God — whose Providence is over all his workes — dispos'd it to another end. Thus the AUmighty is glorified in our sinns, and out of the eater came meate. The enemie begann their line of circumvallation on the south parte of the towne. Wee beate our drumms for volunteers, arm'd and disciplin'd our raw men; then wee sent forth parties of horse into Tendring hundred to fetch in provisions, a baren place but the only quarter of the eountrey which wee could touch ; in which we proceeded with so much respect to our friends that wee injured ourselves. The right honorable the Lord Loughborough was pleased to take the care and trouble of our provisions, of whom and the rest of the noblemen in this engagement wee may truly say, that though their births and merits might justly entitle them to as honorable employments as subjects are capable off, yet they descended to the meanest undertakings that might contribute to the publique ende. Ambition — that was the greatest disease in our former arrnyes — was heere very much out of countenance to finde that honour had a different but a true value from the humblest undertakings ; for wee considered this action as an honorable striving of gentlemen for their birth-rights — I meane their proprieties limited and protected by the lawes — against needy and barbarous murders, and therefore it became us to bring all hands to the worke, having found by sad experience the ruine which had overtaken us in the former warrs by our lazines, which was called moderation, and indifference to the cause, which was stil'd a pious distrust in the arme of flesh, but though it pleased God sometimes to give success extraordinarily to the justice of the cause, yet ordinarily he sells it to the industrie of men. In this interim the Suffolke forces under the comand of Colonel Barnadiston, Colonel Gourden, Colonell Fotheringill, Captain Moody, and others, were persuaded to quitt their passes at Stratford and Nayland — where at first they pretended only the securing of their owne countie — and to take their postes amongst our beseegers, whom we render'd incapable of elusion, by preacquainting them with the grounds of our engagement, and the justice of our proceedings; but those misserable people were forced by those traytors to their countrie, to whom Fairfax had sent some troopes of horse, to hazard their lives, that they might loose their liberties. For the commons of Suffolke were so dispos'd to our assistance that there were above foure thousand men readie at an houres warning to march to our succour, with soe greate a sense of our sufferings and their owne succeeding miseries that I heard from one of the most considerable gentlemen of their countrie that heo thought they would have forced him out of his house to have lead them. But during this loyall heate there came an order from a person whom his Highness the Prince of Wales had commission'd to be Generall of this countie, commanding them not to move upon their allegiance; this was a malignant reflection from the Presbyterian partie, fatall to their King, and countrie, who fearing that the increase of force under our sober conduct might prevent their designe — which was not to set the kingdome at libertie, but only to change their masters — they procur'd this order from the agent for his Highness the Prince of 27 Wales, being then in London, urging that if wee proceeded wee should M ^' K °JJp E give their partie such jealousie, who were conscious of their guilt and Beaufort. had not contracted for their indempnitie, that wee should hinder their conjunction with the Scottish armie, under the commande of Duke Hamilton, and prevent that hopefull engagement of my Lord of Holland — which like an erring light misleade some well affected gentlemen and then vanish' d. Thus were the loyall affections of our neighbours suppris'd and the zeale of the whole kingdome cooPd ; for most of the counties in England were readie to sett foorth by their example, and thus was our greate master and his faithfull subjects sacrificed to the dispaires of this false and fearefull partie, who were at last — to God's glory and their owne eternall confusion — fallne into the pitt which they dig'd for others, having with the losse of their lives and fortunes rays'd this monster to this dreadful! growth ; for unless the serpent had devoured serpent hee had never bin a dragon. From this there hupn'd nothing very memorable until Friday the seaventh of July, when wee made our grand salley upon the east suburbs, with six hundred foote, and a hundred and fiftie horse. This partie was commanded in chiefe by Sir Charles Lucas, under him Sir George Lisle commanded the foote, Sir Bernard Gascoine the horse, and Major Ascott the forlorn hope ; who with very great resolution passed the bridge flanked with their cannon, and the houses filled with musketiers, and possest their worke at the end of the streete ; then falling into the backs of the houses wee took and killed about a hundred. Not content with this wee advanced, forcing the enemy to retreate, untill they were succoured by their horse, and then the match grew unequall. Wee through the narrownes of the pass not being able to make use of our horse, and fileing our foote through their turnpike, the precipitation of peticulars — as is usually — hindrcd the progresse of the general], so that wee could not bring up our reserves in any order. The enemie regained the ground to their worke, where wee disputed it some time, untill wee had overtbrowne their cannon into the river, which wee could not draw off the water being soe high ; and then retreated in very greate order. In this action neither of us had any very great cause to boast. On our parte Mr. Weston and Captaine Weekes were prisoners. On the enemies were tooke Captaine Moody, and slew Colonel Shambrooke, successor to Colonel Xeedham who was killed in their first attempt against the towne, whose regiment their Vice-Admirall Rainsborough — being out of his element — vouchsafed to receave ; for private souldiers wee found enough in our prisons to adjust our accounts. But in our treatiefor exchange wee receaved very rude and unsouldierlike messages from that malicious wretch Whaley, who commanded on that parte of their leaguer, which were disadvoued by his Generall, and despised by us. By this time the enemie had advanced their line of communication to St. John's, my Lord Lucas his house, where wee had made a slight retrenchment to retard their working, which they battered and stormed. But it was resolutely justified untill by their hand granaders our men were much disordered. Then they blew up their ammunition and parte of the house and quitted it, their retreate being secured from our wall. In this action Major Jamot, a Walloone. behaved himself with greate honor and discretion, who though a souldier of fortune acquitted himselfe through the whole warr with strict integritie and abstinence from plunder, and signalized his courage and conduct in many encounters. The enemie being possest of the house, exercised their brutali rage upon the bare walls, for there was nothing else that remained, this being one of the first houses in England which sufrred by that fatall libertie of the 28 MSS. of the subject, which the prophane vulgar in the beginning of these disorders rSufort. soe passionately petitioned the Parliament to graunt them ; who — - intending to serve themselves of their blind furie, not only suffred but applauded their violence to their neighbours ; but like unskilful counjurors they often raised those spirits which they could [not] lay : for under cover of zeal to the cause, the poore levelled the rich of both parties and There joined to the house a chappell, under which was a vaulte, the buriall place of this honorable family. Heere their officers and souldiers entered, and broake open the tombs of their ancestors, amongst whom the Lady Lucas and Lady Killigrew, the mother and sister of the present Lord Lucas, were so lately buried, that their sinues and haire were unconsumed." Then they scattered the bones about with profane jests, and cut off the hair and wore it in their hats. " The enemie followed this advantage and surprised our guard at the Hithe Church, and then wee were wholly invested. Wee must needs acknowledge our beseegers wrought hard and not irregularly, but in truth they begann at the wronge ende ; for had they first possest St. John'3, where they closed their line, they had cut us off from the Hithe, and that provision, which fedd seven thousand mouthes, souldiers, and inhabitants for eleven weekes, and without it wee could not have subsisted five days ; when wee seriously revolve that the owners of these stores were most of them in their armie, whose particular interest joyned with their general hatred to us — being persons highly disaffected to the government of the Church and State — must needes excite them to sollicite the generall to this undertaking, and nothing in councell to bee opposed to it, wee may safely conclude it was an unpardonable error in their conduct. Being cutt off from our forage, and having noe provision of hay and oates in the towne, on Saturday the fifteenth of July, about tenn at night, wee attempted to breake away with parte of our horse, ordering them to march northward, and join with the Scotch armie, who — as wee were informed by private letters — were upon their march to our releefe. But our intelligencers did not penetrate into the subtiltie of the Presby- terian designe. who resolved to sacrifice the royall partie in the forlorn hope — as David did Uriah — least they should rivall them in their interest. But the enemie having blocked up all the passes, wee fayled in our attempt, which upon second thoughts, wee thankfully acknowledged to Providence preserving us against our design. For had the horse passed wee had wanted their flesh, upon which wee fedd six weekes ; and their riders whom as wee ordered, made the strongest part of our defence ; for as their horses were slaughtered for our provision, they were armed with halberds, brown bills, and sythes, straightened and fastened to handles, about six foote long, weapons which the enemie strongly apprehended, but rather of terror than use, for they required such dis- tances to manage them, that they could not bee brought to fight in a gross. These were divided into three companies, and commanded by my Lord of Norwich, the Lord Capell, and Sir Charles Lucas, who took their postes and hutted themselves upon the line, where they fedd and lodged with their souldiers, a wise and worthy undertaking to revive the antient discipline : for though wee humbly confess our sins, the primarie cause which hath pulled downe these judgments upon us, yet wee looke upon our luxuries and remisnesse in discipline as the proximate causes of our ruine. For many of our generall officers in the former warrs had such indulgence for their debaucheries that they adopted none to preferments but the companions of their pleasures, and 29 those inferior officers and souldiers that were naturally inclined to order, M |>ukeof E were at length soe deceived by the splendor of their vices, that they Beaufort; corrupted into all sorts of licence, a disease the enemie was not then capable of, for their officers being mechanicks, of the meanest trades, understood no pleasure?, soe that to them labour was naturall, which is to bee deducted from the accompts of their meritts." Therefore he hopes his own party will take this lesson, for in military affairs industry still triumphs over wit. " The enemie began their approaches on the east part of the towne, called Berrie fields, which wee suffred with great silence from our cannon, for besides our want of ammunition, wee desired an assault, as the likeliest meanes of our releife ; only to free us from surprise wee were forst to fire some of the neighbouring houses of the suburbs, where the enemie might have lodged their whole army within pistoll shott of our walls. But soe farr any unnecessarie waste, that let the success bee viewed by any considering souldier, and wee are confident hee will con- demne our respect for endangering our safetie, which wee endeavored to secure with extremitie of duty. . . . But it was not the enemie's designe to storme us, for they attempted us rather like serpents than souldiers, creeping to our walls to corrupt our people, whom they found proof e against all their delusions, for wee may justly avow that hitherto our private souldiers acted as resolutely and suffred as cheerfully as any that ever served his Majesty." [There was in most of them a sense of honour which prevented those honest arts practiced in extremities by which common soldiers are deceived into their duty], " especially those gallant youthes the London Apprentices whose worthy loyalties will rise up in judgment against their rebellious masters." The last month passed quietly, for the enemy knew that we must be reduced by our wants, and we allowed them to make their approaches unchecked for lack of ammunition. Complaints of neglect on the part of their friends in the field. During the siege they did not receive ten lines of advice from any considerable person in the kingdom. " The enemy intending to feel our pulse, having approached within eight yards of our walls on Berryfield, they battered with six peeces of their cannon for five hours, and drew their men into their trenches with a countenance of falling on. Wee brought up our seconds, amongst whom marched the brave Lord Capell, in the head of halber- dies, exposing himself to the greatest hazards with soe resolved a presence that, where hee appeared, the meanest spirits could apprehend no danger, for as it was their wonder did divert their feare .... But after the enemie had made above 200 greate shott and opened an assaultable breache, they considered who were within and drew off, and soe their design ended in smoake and noise." But the besieged were now compelled to reduce the allowance of bread to seven ounees a day. " It was receaved without murmuring by the souldiers, though being made of maulte oates and rye which had taken salte water, it was not only distastefull but such unwholesome foode, that many chose to eat their horse and doggs flesh without it. But the greater suffering was of the poor inhabitants, who having spent their three hundred quarters of corn, which from our excesse of charity wee gave them out of our magazeen, and the cruell enemie not permitt- ing them to passe out of the towne, having shott many women and children that attempted it, they were reduced to that extremity that they eate soape and candle, which they endured with notable resolution, for wee managed our despaires with soe greate an assurance, that an example had a generall influence. But upon review of our magazine, and the provisions of private families, wee found our store soe little, 30 that it was thought fitt time to send a letter to Fairfax, wherein wee proposed that if hee would grant a truce for twenty days, and a pass for a messenger to find out Sir Marmaduke Langdale, if wee were informed that in that interim he were not in a condition to releeve us then wee would treate with him upon a surrender. But the insolent enemie refused it, whereupon wee resolved to continue our defence, hoping that the justice of our cause and the temper of our proceedings might in some degree make us worthy of the protection of Providence, and our friends." This resolute mind was common to the soldiers and the inhabitants, though the enemy sought to corrupt them by shooting arrows and sending in paper kites bearing printed accounts of their victories, " but God knows our partie like Jonas were fast asleep in that storm." At last all hope was cut off by the news of Cromwell's victory over the Scots of which the enemy sent in a printed account by trumpet. At first we refused to believe it, but after two days further news convinced us, and a Council of War was called which decided that overtures should be made to the enemy. " But to put a blind before our weaknesse, two of their committee men, our prisoners, were wrought to addresse a letter to our generall officers, wherein they desired that out of their tender bowells to the starving inhabitants of the towne they might have leave to wait up the Lord Fairfax, and mediate an accommodation, which was granted, and they dispatched. But by the stile of the Generall's returne we found that our emissaries were not sufficiently deceived to deceive the enemie, for hee sent them back with this answeare, that wee had held out the towne soe long against him, and to the utmost denied his summons, that the best conditions wee should expect from him must bee to submitt to inercie, only that the inferior officers and soldiers should have libertie to goe to their owne homes." The general sense of the Council of "War was that these conditions were incompatible with our honour, and it was proposed that an attempt should be made to cut our way out. " Whereupon the Lord Capell, and Sir Charles Lucas, calling to them Sir William Compton, Sir George Lisle, Sir Bernard Pascombe, and Colonel Tuke, they having viewed the enemies campe, after mature debate resolved to make an issue in the wall, and to salley foorth with eight hundred chosen foote and attempt " . . . . The rest is missing. Colchester. " [1648.] — The Case upon the Articles of Colchester. It was first proposed to render to the mercy of the Lord General and Parliament. That being refused it was brought in to render to the mercy of the Lord General who intended to deliver them up to the Parliament. That being refused they were brought in to render to the mercy of the Lord General, and so signed. Hence it is clear the General had not reserved a power to render them — -as to their lives — to the Parliament. But supposing it had been so intended this can only be supposed a will or power in him to deliver or not deliver them up as he should see cause, and for his having assured quarter for life after two executed upon the place, and before he delivered up any of the gentlemen to the Parliament, he had thereby determined that will and power in him, and therefore could not after deliver any of them up. It is clear the General intended not further meauing upon the articles, because he disposed to many officers \ery many considerable 81 prisoners without the privity of the Parliament, and those officers to whom Mss. op utE they were assigned have ransomed and set all at liberty, many of them b^aufort. after they were sent up to the Parliament, they — as it is conceived — - — finding their lives were secured by the assuring quarter upon the articles, voted them to banishment. If neither of these be valid, one being done by the General to whom they rendered, and the other by the Parliament against whom they had offended, and to whom the General had delivered them up, how can any person be secured of his life in a military or parliamentary way ? " Queen Henrietta Maria to the Marquis of Worcester. 1648, May 20. St. Germain. — " Nous Henriette Marie de Bourbon Reyne de la Grande Bretagne avons par l'ordre du Roy notre tres honore Seigneur et Mary fait delivrer es mains de notre tres cher, et bien ame cousin Edouard Somerset, Comte et Marquis d'Worcester, un collier de rubis contenant dix gros rubis et cent soicante perles enchassees et enfilees en ore entre les dits rubis, comrae aussi deux gros diamans Fun appelle Saucy et lautre le Portugal, confessans qu'outre les tres grandes devenses faites par luy, pour ledit Roy notre tres honore Seigneur il nous a encore fourny trois cens soi9ante et dix mil livres tournois outre ses tres grands services qu'a ce present mesure il nous fait qui sont au moins d'egale consequence, au regard de quoy nous faisons seavoir que le dit collier et diamans sont totalement pour en disposer par lui soit par vente ou engagement sans que nous, ou aucuu en notre nom puisse en faire aucune demande, rechercher ou troubler aucune personne qui achetera ou prestera argent sur lesdits joyaux cy dessufi nommer, en temoignage de quoy nous avons signe et fait met t re notre seel royal a cette presente en notre Cour a St. Germain en Laye ce jourdhuy 20 May mil six cens quarante huiet. Signed Marie Henriette, R." Arthur, Lord Capel to [his daughter] Lady Beauchamp. N.Y., June 12.—" My dear Mall, I pray let the gentleman know that I am very desirous to see him that I mate know more of him from the Prince ; they never heere enquired of any man's name that comes to visit mee and refuse none that sayth he come to me. The best time for him to come is half an hour before 5 of the clock att night. Mr. Carnoite will direct him when hee comes to you. I rest Thy affectionate father, Arthur Capell." Lady Capel to Lord Beauchamp. [16 48 J August 31. — Heard only yesterday of the surrender of Colchester. Her great affliction is that her dear Lord has fallen into such merciless hands. " Let us endeavour if possible to get his con- finement to his owne house which is all the favour I can expect from them." " I have sent this day to my Lord and have leave to goe and see him." Lady Capel to Lord [Beauchamp ?]. N.Y., February 14. — About a proposed marriage between her son and Lord Northumberland's daughter. Rejoices to hear he is in good health. [Ten other similar, undated, letters* All on family affairs.] 32 mss. of the Lord Capel to Lady Beauchamp. Duke of Beaufort. [1648,] September 9, Windsor. — " My good daughter, The gentilman that comands heere doth not refuse mee the visitt of my frends, and I doe not apprehend other but that hee is like to use that respect to mee as may stand with the discharge of that trust hee is imployed in, and therefore I cannot discourage that resolution which your Lord tould mee you had to give mee a visitt. I pray present my humble service to my Lady Marques and to the young Ladye, my affectionate service to your Lord. God bless you both. I rest Your affectionate father, Arthur Capell." The Same to the Same. [1648.]—" My deare daughter, I pray send this encloser to my wife this afternoon — about 4 of the clock I remove from hence to the tower — the other business uppon trial will not doe. God bless thee. Your most affectionate father, Arthur Capell. 5 ' My service to your Lord. The Same to the"- Same. September 7. — " Your letter was a very great comfort to mee, and the contentment I receive to hear how happy you are in your Lord is an unspeakable joy to mee. I pray present my humble service to my Lady Marques and the yongo ladys. God bless you. I rest Your most affectionate father, Arthur Capell." Lady Capel to Lord Beauchamp. [1648,] September 9. — Her only comfort is to bear of her dear Lord, being forcibly banished from his presence. Is very glad Lord Beauchamp will give him a visit at Windsor. Lord Beauchamp to Lady Beauchamp. 1648, September 25. Bagshot. — To announce his safe arrival at Bagshot, whence they go to Alleford that night, and tomorrow to the King. " You may be confident I shall omitt noe opportunity to give you newse. My deerest heart. Your ever affectionate husband, Hen. Beauchamp." [A type of the affectionate tone of his letters to his wife.] The Same to the Same. 1648, September 29. Newport. — «' I am confident you have heard of the King's passing the first proposition, and yesterday he gave his answer to all the rest in grosse, not refusing any of their demandes except the Bishop's landes, of which he offers leases of 80 and 19 yeares, yet this doth not satisfy heere, the Commissioners pretending they have not power to receive his answer to all together, but in order one after another as they lye, but theire designe in that is very visible they would breake upon the church landes which was the second 33 proposition, and soe conceile the King's other great offers from the M j)uke of 1 people, but I am confident the King's sudden and home answer hath beaufort. soe surprised them that they will not be able to avoid a peace." Hopes to be with her on Thursday. A separate paper in a formal clerk's hand. " Beatissime Domine. Gratissimas Sanctitatis vestrse literas et humani- tate et affectu plenas a mense recepimus singulari cura et iudustria peramantissimi consanguinei nostri Edoardi comitis et marchionis Wor- cestrias, cui originales servandas remisimus, et in quern quoscunque favores sanctitas vestra conferre dignabitur nobismet illos prcebuisse habeat persuasum desideramus, neque dubitet quin eos data occasione, redditisque Deo juvante mediis, summa gratitudine nec non ad nutum Sanctitatis vestrae agnoscamus. De caeteris ad nos pertinentibus eidem marchioni omnium subditorum nostrorum optime merito fidem pra3beat optamus, prsecipue* cum ei veniam ad Sanctitatem vestram adeundi eo fine dederimus, cogimur enim ut haec cautius deferantur, sic abrupte Sanctitatis vestrce deosculari manus. Datum apud curiam nostram pene carcerem, in Insula de Wight, 20 Aprilis 1649. Sanctitatis Vestrae devinctissimus Charles, R. N.B. — There is a mistake in the date, as the King was beheaded Jan. 30, 1649." Note in pencil: — " It is perhaps a forgery." On the inner page : — " Beatissimo Padre. " Haverei gia uu pezzo fa presogliato l'ardire per lettere di ringratiar vostra sanctita per le gratiose sue et di mandarle la risposta dal Papa." Endorsed with two lines of cipher. Charles I. to the Marchioness op Worcester. {Holograph) 1648, October 23. Newport. — " Madame, — If my condition were according to your wishes for me or estimation of me, I should not have beene so long in answering your letter, for since it is impossible for me to serve you according to my owen desyres, or as justice would requyre, I am almost ashamed to take notice of your civilities; but knowing that our frendship is so well accompanied with discretion, as you will accept of what I may doe when I cannot as I would, at last I resolved rather to expresse to you my wishes — however at this time ineffectuall — then bee totally uncivil by my silence ; wherefore this is to assure you that upon all occasions, either found out by myself — which I shall studdy — or showen by you — which I shall most willingly embrace — I shall truly show myselfe your most reall faithfiill constant frend, Charles R." Advice for L[ord] C[apel]. [1648.] — " To insist upon your banishment and to make that argument valid, mention Sevres case declared in Cook's Hist, in his 3rd booke the 104 cap. 230 p. Then desire that Col. John Lilborne may have leave to declare the proceedings in his tryall at Oxford. If this prove net sufficient then desire the judgment of the Parliament may be had as to this point of the law, and for the obtaining of this their shall be n petition readie drawne to be delivered to the Parliament." U 60030. 2 c 34 MSS.OVTHE t L0RD CAPEL.] jSaufort. [1649.] — " A true copy of the heads my Lord meant to speak of upon — the scaffold, transcribed out of the original written with his Lordship's own hand, and sent by him at the instant of his death to Dr. Morley. Begin when I ended with my enemies those that are the causes of my coming to this place of this violent. . . . The last addresse 1 made to them and the last words of it were that they might be partakers of the inestimable and boundless mercies of God in Christ J esus. I do here again heartily make the same prayer for them. This is to let you see I am a Christian. But you must know that I am a Protestant and a true and hearty member of the Church according as it is established by our laws in the 39 Articles. I love good works but I have not the least confidence in them in the matter of salvation. My anchor is that Christ loved me, gave Himself for me. I shall now speak to you as citizens of the world. By the universal law thereof by protection of the sword my life was secured, and con- trary thereof my life is taken away. I shall not need to speak more of it, I have so much of it already in a public place. But that which will seem stranger to you, behold an Englishman acknowledged a Peere, dye contrary to the laws of England, and that which is most strange, for maintaining the laws of England, and the fifth commandment. Some commendation of the laws. I cannot imitate a better or greater ingenuity than his who not long since told you. And truly I gave my vote to the bill that condemned him, here I do acknowledge it that God may be glorified, and all others in the same fault may be admonished to be earnest with God for His pardon, which I assure myself is pardoned to me by the blood of Christ Jesus. But having intimated the King to you I cannot be silent. Then speake of his virtue and sufficiency. Of this King with my prayers to God for his prosperity, and the uniting of him to his kingdoms and the kingdoms in him, and that God would continue the government of these kingdoms in that family till thy kingdom come, the consummation of all earthly rule. Make my beginning my conclusion, that God would forgive my enemies and make them partakers of the inestimable mercies of God in Christ Jesus, that He would turn their hearts from their evill ways. From my soul I forgive them. To desire the Executioner not to strike till I hold up my hand, for I will repeat the Lord's Prayer, and in holding up my hand say My Jesus receive my spirit. This copie is verbatim, taken out of the original. Ita testor, Geor. Morley." Narrative by G. Morley, Bishop of Worcester. [1649.] — £< I went often to visit the Et. Honble. the Lord Capell a little before his death, whilst he was a prisoner in St. James's house, and always found him in such a temper as became an innocent, and well- resolved person. The night before he was to suffer he told me he had a great desire to receive the Sacrament before his death, if he might receive it from a minister of the King's party, and according to the Liturgy of the 35 Church of England, but said withall he feared no such person as he M §ukb o" K would receive it from could give it him without endangering himself, Beaufoet. and be was loath to endanger any man. I replied, I knew not what — danger there might be in doing that Christian office to a dying man, but was resolved — if he pleased to take it from my hands — to venture anything that could come of it rather than his Lordship should die without that satisfaction. He seemed to be, and no doubt was very glad of this offer of mine, and gave me many thanks for it ; desiring me. that — without losing any more of that little time he had left — I would conferm and pray with him, in order to his preparation for receiving the Holy Sacrament the next morning. I did so and found that he could not accuse himself of any great known sin, committed against the light of his own conscience, but one onely ; and that was, his giving of his vote in Parliament for the death of my Lord Strafford ; which — said he — / did against my conscience, not out of any malice to the person of that man, but out of a base fear — they were his own words — and carried away with the violence of a prevailing faction ; and for which, said he, I have bin and am heartily sorry ; and have often ivith tears, demanded, and — / hope — obtain 1 d pardon of Almighty God: adding, that if I thought it necessary, or fit, he would confess this great and scandallous sin of his, together with the cause of it, openly, upon the scaffold, to God's glory, and his own shame, which I telling him I thought it would be ingenuously and Christianly done of him to do, he did accordingly the next morning. Then having prayed again with him I left him for that night, in a most Christian temper to his own devout meditations. The next morning — at the hour agreed on between us, which was between 6 and 7 — I came to him again, and found him ready to receive me. We went into a chamber alone together, where after some spiritual conference, suitable to the present occasion, I first prayed with him, and then he prayed himself, with very great zeal and fervour, at that for others as well as for himself, nay, for his enemies as well as for his friends ; but especially for the King, the Kingdom, and the Church ; and all this with such apt and unaffected expressions, and in so regular a method, that one might easily perceive, prayer was a thing he had so often exercis'd that it was grown habituall to him. Having thus prepared himself, he did with great humility and devotion, receive the Holy Sacrament, together with the Earl of Norwich, and Sir John Owen, who were condemned to suffer with him, but are yet — thanks be to God — both living, and will live, I hope, to see justice done upon those that did condemn them Having received the Sacrament, and being much comforted by it — as finding in himself all the gracious effects of it — he was presently put to the tryal of his spiritual strength by taking his last leave of the nearest and dearest relations that can be betwixt flesh and blood, and the strongest ties that a noble nature can have unto the world. For that excellent lady his wife, and his eldest sonne, together with two of his unkles, and his nephew Sir Tho. Corbett, came all into the roome at once — as being not permitted to do it severally — and at once assaulted him — as it were — with such passionate looks, gestures, and words, be- moaning and bewailing him, and themselves — his lady especially — with such sweet and tender expressions of love, sorrow, and pitty, that the greatest natural courage in the world must needs have been shaken with it, had it not been supported — as his was — with more than humane strength and firmness. I am sure it was the saddest sight, that ever I saw ; and such an one, as even that great courage of his could not choose, but be a little softened and melted with it ; but he quickly recollected c 2 36 MSS. op the himself, and then with a chearful countenance told his wife and the rest, Beaufo°rt. that he and they must all submit not onely with patience, but cheer- — fulness, to the divine Providence ; which, no doubt, had and would order all things so as should be best for him and them too. Tho' perhaps it did not yet appear to them to be so. Then having re- commended the care of his children and servants unto his lady, he commanded both her and his sonne — as they loved him — to forgive his enemies, and though — said he unto his sonne — I would not have you neglect any honourable and just occasion to serve the King and the Country, with the hazzard of your life and fortune, yet I would have you to engage yourself — as I thanks be to God for it have done — neither out of desire of revenge, nor hope of reward, but out of a conscience of your duty only. My land, said he, was so settled upon you by your grand-father, that no pretence of crime in me can deprive you of it. The best legacy I can leave with you, is my prayers for you, and a verse of David's Psalms, which I command you, upon my blessing, to make a part of your daily prayers, as I have always made it a part of mine viz. 'Lord, direct me in my ways, and make my paths plain before me ' ; for I have always loved plainness and cleanness both in my words and actions, and abhorred all doubting and dissimulation ; and so I would have you to do also. Then he gave him his blessing, and having embraced his uncles and nephew, he took his last leave of them all^ not without some tears on his part, as well as many of theirs ; his poor lady being not able to support such a weight of grief did sink under it,, and was fayne to be carried out from him. As soon as all were gone, and none left in the room but he and I, well Dr. — said he — the hardest thing that I had to do here in* thin woorld is now past, the parting with this poore woman ; let us now again to the main concernment. I believe — said he — I shall be called upon presently to go to the place where I am to take my leave of all the rest of the world ; and —I thank my God — I find myself very well disposed to it, and prepared for it. And then he told me he was in good hope then when he came to die, he should have nothing else to do, but to die only. For — said he- -when I am upon the scaffold, having made a confession of my faith, and said something in honour of my master that was, and for the service of my master that now is, I will only repeat the Lord's Prayer upon my knees, and then lay my head upon the block, desiring the executioner that upon the stretching forth of my right hand — which shall be in the very act of recommending" my soul unto my Saviour — he would instantly do his office. And then he shewed me the heads of what he meant to speak of, written with his own hand; which after he had made use of, he gave unto his servant just as he laid himself down to receive the stroake ; and commanded, him to deliver that paper unto me as soon as he was dead, which he did accordingly. We had scarce made nn end of reading this paper, when Lieutenant Coll. Boucher the officer appointed to convey him, and the other condemn'd Lords, with Sir John Owen, to the place of execution, knocked at the door, and told him, it was time for his Lordship to go - r whose summons he very readily and cheerfully obeyed. Presently afterwards Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, the Earl of Norwich, and he, together with .Sir John Owen, were carried thorough St. James's Park, in sedans to Sir Robert Cotton's house,, beyond the upper end of Westminster Hall, when they were all put into our room, and stayed there at least an houre before Duke Hamilton — who was order'd to die first — was carried to the plnce of execution, which was upon a scaffold just before Westminster Hall in. the New Palace. 37 During the time of their stay in Sir Robert Cotton's house, my Lord M j^ K ° E F ™ E Cnpel, finding his stomach a little ill, and fearing he might woorse, if Beaufort. he did not do then what he had for a long time accustomed himself to do daily, called me aside and asked me whether he might not take a pipe of tobacco without scandall ; saying, he wns very affrayd it might very much discompose him if he did not ; I told him I thought he might, and that in prudence he ought to do it, rather than hazzard any such inconvenience at such a time, when he had need to be in the best temper. Whereupon Duke Hamilton and the Earl of Holland, drinking each of them a little wine, to comfort their spirits, he took a little tobacco to the same end also. All the time of his being there — which was at least two hours, he being the last of the three, that was to be put to death — he spent either in conference with me, or in soliloquies and prayers unto God. At last when — the other two Lords being already executed — Lieutenant-Coll. Beecher came to fetch him to the scaffold, he first took his leave of my Lord of Norwich, and Sir John Owen— who were reprieved — giving my Lord of Norwich his cane, and would have taken his leave there of me also, but I told him I would wait upon him to the scaffold, and, if I might be suffered, do him the best service 1 could, in assisting him in the last act of his tragedy. Then before he went out of the room, turning him to the Lieutenant Coll. and the soldiers — who even then, and had been his guard, during his imprisonment in S* James's house. — ' Gentlemen ' — said he — ' I do not onely from my heart forgive you, but thank you all, for that kindness and civility I have found from you ; and as I forgive you, so I forgive your officers also even those that are the authors of my death ; for I verily believe, that none of them do what they do out of any malice at all to me, but because I stand in the way of something else they have to do, which they think I must and will oppose as long as I live, to the utmost of my power.' Then calliug me to him, and giving me his watch to keep for a remembrance of him, ' Doctor,' said he, 1 1 believe they will not suffer you to accompany and assisD me upon the scaffold ; but I thank God, the work wherein 1 stood especially in need of your help is done; I heartily thank God and you for it. All that I shall desire of you more, is to assist me with your prayers, whilst I am alive ; and to do the best you can to comfort my poore wife, when I am dead. And in your prayers for me, desire Almighty God so to assist me with his grace, that in this last act of my life, I may so behave myself as becomes a good Christian, dying in and for so good a cause as this is ; and particularly that for the manner of my death, it may be with an humble confidence in God's mercy, and with a modest assurance of a better life, and lastly that I may neither say nor do anything that may savour either of a base fear, or of a vain ostentation.' When he had said this he was immediately conducted by the aforesaid Lieutent. Coll. and soldiers, thorough Westminster Hall and betwixt a guard of soldiers which stood all along, and kept off the people which thronged to see him, and who admiring the courage and constancy, that appeared in his very countenance, and mine itself, did generally commend, and blessed him, and pray for him with loud exclamations, as he went by them. I followed him as far as the foot of the scaffold and would have gone up after him; but the Lieutenant Coll. would not suffer, though either of the other Lords had their divines there with them ; but they were Presbyterians, and I was generally known to be a Royalist, and Episcopal, which was the onely reason I can imagine why they would not suffer me to appear before such a multitude of people as an assis- 38 MSS. of the tant at such an action ; unless it were, perhaps that they would have Beaufoet. the people believe that the Lord Capell died indeed resolutely, like an — old Romane, but that the constancy and courage he shewed at his death, was but an effect of his natural temper, and constitution, and not of a Christian faith and hope, or of any sense of piety, as appeared by his refusing or not caring to have a divine with him at his death, which was most false. Indeed dying for loyalty, as he did, he would not in the last act of his life, make use of any of those ministers whom he had reason to think had been the contrivers and plotters ; or at least the promoters and abettors of the most causeless, and the most horrid rebellion that ever had been in the woorld. When I saw I could be no further useful to him — he having embraced me, and taken his last leave of me at the foot of the scaffold — I presently got myself out of the place, and out of the horror of the sight ; which nothing but the consideration of doeing him some service, could have hired me to see. How he behaved himself afterwards upon ye scaffold, both before and at his death his best friends need desire no better testimony than that which was then given him by his enemies ; who could not choose but admire and openly applaud that virtue of his, which their barbarous cruelty would not suffer the world to enjoy any longer. Thus died the truely noble, truely valiant and every way most worthy, and right honorable the Lord Capell, a great example of virtue, piety, and loyalty, in the midst of a most vitious profane and rebellious generation. A man, whom the world never valued to his worth, till it grew to be unworthy of him. Geo. Morlet." G. Morlet, Bishop of Worcester, to Lord Beauchamp. [1649,] March 27. Gravesend. — Sends a copy of the heads accord- ing unto which his most worthy father-in-law took his farewell of the world. Would have sent the original " but that I think I shall do him and you better service by showing it in his own handwriting to the son of his dear mother." These and other remarkable particulars I observed from him whilst I was doing him the last service of a divine, and of a friend, I have trans- mitted to his old servant Mr. Symonds to be inserted into the history of his life, which I perceive he intends to write as soon as it shall please God to give him health and strength for the doing of it. " And now my Lord give a man that hath no ends upon you leave to tell you that you have behaved yourself nobly in this late and great occasion for the tryal of your virtue, that were you not of the family you are, you would in the opinion of all knowing and good men be worthy of the honour and fortune you are born to, even for this one action of yours onely, &c." H. Puckering to the Duchess of [Beaufort]. 1685, November 30. Warwick. — "In obedience, Madam, to your Grace's command, I have bethought myselfe of what I could most properly observe or remember of my dear Lord your father's military transactions in that time I had the honour to serve under him, whose worth and bravery would become and till a volume to give him his due. In the beginning of that unfortunate war, I found my Lord at Notingham, where in August 1642 the King set up his standard, and those horse and foote the King brought from the north encreased there dayly, and new comissions and leavys 39 by that time he had marched through Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and MSS. of the Shropshire, with the addition out of Wales and Cheshire, made up a Beaufort. considerable army when the King came back from Chester unto — Shrewsbury. The rise of this army was at York, where my Lord Capell first entered the list, and gave that good example by voluntary contributing pay for 100 horse out of his own purse. For a great while when the army marched, my Lord, with many other Lords and Gentle- men of the best rank, put himself into the King's troope, commanded by my Lord Bernard Stuart, and quartered with it, which puts me in mind of one pleasant story and answer of my Lord's to the King, who coming to Bridgenorth, his troops were quartered out of towne at Sir William Whitmores, a fair large house, which would have given my Lord the accomodation with the other Lords of a good feather-bed. But my Lord went and tumbled in straw in the barne with — I think — 100 gentlemen and slept very sound, and comeing the next morning to Court, the King asked him, 'my Lord how did you like your bed the last night ? ' ' Very well,' says my Lord, ' for since I came with your Ma tie from York, I never before met with a bed long enough for me.' At the battle at Kineton under Edge Hill, which was not long after, my Lord charged in that troop with a most undaunted courage. I remember Madam no other particular action of my Lords that winter, but observed him often called to Councill by his Ma tie when — possibly — he discovered so much ingenuity, togeather with a real integrity for the King's service, that some, who then had the ascendent, thought it best for their purpose to remove my Lord further from the King's eare. And so he was sent away in the spring with a comission to command as Lieutenant Generall under the Prince of Wales, in the Counties of Worcester, Salop, Cheshire, and North Wales ; but with- out ever a peny of money, or any other forces more than 80 f y horse, which he carried from Oxford — of which 14 were mine — haveing newly received a commission to serve under him. My Lord tho' a meer stranger in those parts whither he was sent to command, yet was received with very good chierfullness and civility by all the gentlemen who presently fell into resolutions of raiseing contributions monthly for paying such soldiers as should be in the field or garrisons, or for provideing armes or amunition or the like. My Lord then set up his head quarters at Shrewsbury, and seting on werke there and at Chester and at other places mills for iron and powder works, in a short time with incredible industry he became master of a great many arms and amunition, in so much that he was able to supply Prince Rupert with powder, who was then siting down before Litchfield and had signified to him his wants. By this time my Lord had filled his regiment of horse to about 400. But two regiments of foote, one raiseing in Denbigh- shire under Coll. Winn, the other under Sir Michaell Woodhouse — after called the Prince of Wales's Regiment — were not yet compleated or come up to him, notwithstanding which at the instance of Prince Rupert, and — I suppose — directions from the Court the better to divert the enemy on that side, and facilitate the seige of Litchfield, my Lord, was obliged to advance and lye at Whitchurch with those horse he had, and only one regiment of Shropshire train'd-bands foote^ it being but too open a quarter and within 8 miles of Nantwich. However my Lord proved master of the field and dared the enemy, who at their very first peeping out with their horse and foote were chastised by my Lord in person, and beaten with his horse from Ranmore Heath back into Nantwich. It happened Madam that not long after that some of those northern forces had laid seige to Warrington a considerable pass over that river 40 Mss. of the into Cheshire. My good Lord Capell who had his eye everywhere, and iSJuPofiT n * s tnou g nts active, understanding that the garrison's chiefest wants — were of salt and powder, resolved to attempt their supply and that without much difficulty, on the Cheshire side. In order to which, he drew out his horse,"and somefoote mounted, out of Whitchurch to joyne with another party out of Chester; which being joined and marched within 4 or 5 miles of Warrington, by some scouts they had taken it was informed that the place was the day before surrendered, at which my Lord could not but be much startled depending chiefely for that intelligence on some that encouraged him on that design, meeting him forth of Chester, and marching along with him, tho' it was after whispered that such person had notice that morning he came out of Chester that Warrington was delivered up, but had a mind to put that trick upon my Lord Capell, and truly this bad consequence attended it that tho' the party out of Chester was imediately sent back thither, and the horse lay the same night within 7 miles of Whitchurch, yet before they could returne the next morning Sir William Brereton with his forces had cut short from Warrington to Nantwich, plundered it, and in lesse than two hours left it to be bemoan'd by the present comeing of my Lord's regiment on the one side, and of Sir Richard Willis's on the other, which lay that night before at Wem seven miles alsoe from Whichurch, being said to be part of our army from Oxford, and Sir Richard to be Major General of the horse. My Lord, when he drew out had left in the towne Sir Michaell Woodhouse with his new raised regiment of foote, and a new troop of horse come in the day before, raised and commanded by one Captaine Price, both which did so very well in their retreat and bringing of their men, that the enemy would not be tempted to follow them out of towne. Twas said my Lord's losse in this businesse was of 2,000/. left in his wagon at his quarters. After this my Lord marched where he pleased as absolute master of the field, the enemy not caring to looke him in the face. One brush wee chanced to give them, chopping uppon them unexpectedly as they were plundering Sir Thomas Hanmer's house. They were a regiment of horse, another of dragoons, with us were my Lord's and Sir Richard Willis's regiments of horse with about 30*^ dragoons. Wee happen'd to turn them, and had the chase of them from Hanmer quite through Whitchurch towne to the gates of Nantwich, killing and taking about 100 men, and bringing away prisoners, Lieutenant Coll. Flack who commanded their party, with Major Bromell and Captaine Sanchy, Sir William Brere ton's own preaching Captaine Lieutenant. After this when the Queen was landed in the north, and on the march towards Oxford with the forces she brought over Coll. Charles Cavendish with 14 troops of horse attended her as far as Watsat in the county of Stafford, w 7 here my Lord your Grace's father was come to receive her, and to wait upon her, with his two regiments of horse and 800 foote, which, when the King received her at Edgehill, returned back into ■ Shropshire. And now Madam was my Lord in a fair way to maintain e both his garrisons at home and to advance and straighten his enemy's in their quarters, when of a suddaine, upon the King's rising from Gloucester, Sir Michaell Woodhouse his regiment was commanded away to the first fight at Newberry, not returning back till some months after, lessened 300 men of what they were, which gave the enemy — who kept all their forces entire — the confidence to plant a garrison in Wem, which my Lord for want of his foote could not prevent. But that lyeing within seven miles of Shrewsbury, and in the very way to Chester, it made my Lord very uneasy, and to cast about how to recover it, which 41 wee attempted thus. He drew his horse and foote out of Shrewsbury mss. of the and faced Wem, making a shew to attayne it, but rose and appeared Beaufo°et. before Nantwich, whither he was sure those of Wem, marching in the — night a little about, would be sent for their succour. This happened as my Lord expected and Nantwich looked for my Lord's falling on them at break of day. But leaving lighted matches to ami.se them of Nant- wich, he cuts short back, marches so that at break cf day he is again before Wem, dismounts about eighty horse, storms it, had his men on their works who iaid hold of their canon ; their best men being gone out for Nantwich, there were not left men enough to defend the place. But it so unluckily fell out that notwithstanding all this, Winn, Collonei of the Welsh regiment being their settled Collonei, Scriven of the trained bands, and Major Broughton of Sir Michaell Woodhouses regiment, being shot, all the example or persuasions of my Lord Capel could use to them did signifie nothing, the soldiers would not fall in again, but lost this glorious opportunity of recovering Wem with so much ease and good contrivance, as the greatest soldiers and most experienced in the world could not have designed better. Indeed this moved my glorious Lord's stomach so much, that after the sheding several teares of rage and anger he would not remove out of those trenches, which he had so lately mastered, although they made many desperate shots at him untill he had taken out his pipe, and his friends in a manner forced him away. But now he must expect a present sight of the joynt forces of Nantwich and Wem to follow him in his rear to Shrewsbury, and so they did 3 miles unto Leebridge, but his retreat was so well managed and in such good order, that they were glad to give him over there, his loss in the retreat was of very few men, tho' indeed that of Spotwood, Major of his Dragoons, for his conduct and bravery, was very considerable. But a Si trie before this my Lord had shewed us great gallantry and skill in storming and taking Lappington Church where the enemy had fixed a garrison, till my Lord fired them out, and was the busiest among his soldiers in carrying faggots to the porch. The enemy now they were fixed at Wem and had placed Major General Mitton Governor there, an active and stout man, began to enlarge their quarters towards the borders of Wales, and put up some little garrisons, which were quickly reduced at the landing of those officers and soldiers my Lord of Ormond had sent out of Ireland to serve the King. They came in very evill equipage to Chester, and looked as if they had been used to hardshipp, not having either money, hose, or shoes. The better to keep up their spirts, and since they were come within his precincts, where his Lordshipp believed he might make good use of them, altho' after the first 2 or 3 months from his comeing among them he had received no contributions from the countries, he made a shift upon his own credit to provide and furnish every foote soldier with new hose and shoes, and with some money in their purses, a thing they had not of a long time been used to, and per- fectly won their hearts. Much about this time — I have forgot whether before or after — for I was then myselfe in Oxford, Sir Nicholas Byron with his Lady were going towards Chester, and lay at Elesmere where Sir Richard Willis's and our regiment were quartered ; but in a very dark and tempestuous night tho' we had our usual guards and a patroll with a Lieutenant and 30^ horse abroad, Mitton slipt by that party, and fell into the quarters and carryed away divers horse and men. Among the rest Sir Nicholas Byron, and I think Sir Richard Willis with 2 or 3 of his captains, were taken prisoners, Mark Trevor and Sir Thomas Corbet very narrowly escaping. This lessened our regiment very near 80^ horse, but most of the men persevered. This is the only time that regiment ever happened to be beaten up. 42 VI Dukeo? E ^ ut t0 return ^ a( iam to my Lord CapelPs affaires, which now were, Beaufort. and were likely to continue in a good posture, if the mallice of some and the ambition of others had not come in to discompose his fair pro- ceedings, and his Majesties service. The country now being ashamed that they had broken their word in not paying their monthly con- tributions as promised, exclaime against free quarters, and the unrulinesse of the soldiers, . . a stranger not fit to govern them, as one whose land and interest lyes among them, mutter out several disaffections which in time must come to the King's ear ; or else how should Sir Nicholas Byron — who was once Collonell General — make the way easy for my Lord his nephew, to succeed my Lord Capell, in his command. Your Grace Madam knowes better than I how my Lord your father upon these surmises went up to Oxford, and how he vindicated him- selfe in every point unto the King who was entirely satisfied with his proceedings, and how after with his Majesties leave he withdrew to Bristoll, whither my good lady your Grace's mother, brought him the comfort of herself e and you ; but before ever my Lord or I left Shrop- shire and Cheshire, I cannot but remember that my Lord was so carefuR of their countries and the King's service in them, that before his departing, he called all those great officers together at Chester, and representing to them how the posture of affaires stood at present, he consulted with them, and desired their advice particularly concerning Nantwich, which was most proper, then to begin a formal seige of it, or to block it up at a distance, or fix a strong quarter or garrison at Nantwich or somewhere near Nantwich to strengthen it, and hinder its excursions ; this last was generally approved of, the first wholly rejected, notwithstanding when my Lord Byron, who had so far gained the point, was sent down to command in my Lord CapelPs roome, sat downe before Nantwich, he lost a month's time before it, in the depth of winter, till the enemy drew together to relieve it, and then he was forc'd to raise the seige, and to draw off, and fight them where he was beaten, and most of those brave Irish officers taken prisoners. Much about this time wee had no good successe before Montgomery Castle, where amongst others our regiment was. But things went still more back- ward after my Lord Capell left those parts. Wee had, indeed., taken Hopton Castle and Brampton Bryan Castle in the spring. Just as Prince Rupert came to Shrewsbury, and went and raised the seige of Newark and came back and forward a considerable army here, with which he marched to the reliefe of York, where he was beaten on the 2nd of July 1644, my Lord Capell's old Regiment was then 400 horse. Sir Thomas Corbet and myselfe had resolved to quit it, since my Lord was no more amongst us, under whose banner we had made our choice to serve the King, but my Lord charmed us to the contrary alleadging how it would looke or be taken from him, if upon his laying downe his comission those that served under him should do so too, chiefly when this sommer and Prince Rupert were likely to be full of action. Whereas my Lord's desires being alwayes with us in place of commands, wee took new commissions from Prince Bupert ; Mark Trevor — after- wards made Lord Dungannon — commanded that regiment, Sir Thomas Corbet and myselfe were field officers under him, and marched that campagne with Prince Rupert, after whose return from the' battle at York, to Chester, and from thence to the King in the West. Sir Thomas and I alsoe left the regiment in quarters in Denbighshire and came to waite on my Lord and Lady Capell at Bristoll, with whom we alsoe found your Grace. And now Madam the King's fortunes declineing in the North, and very doubtful in the West after the last battle of Newberry, it was 43 time to consult how to manage the next yeares actions. The King and mss^oe the his Councell resolve upon raiseing an army in the West by an asso- Beaufort. ciation of the 3 Counties, Somersetshire, Devonshire, and Cornwall, the Prince of Wales to be sent in person thither, attended by his Councell ; my Lord Capell is sent for upon this by the King to Oxford, and made not only of the Prince's Councell, but Gentleman alsoe of his Guards, which were to consist of a regiment of horse, another of dragoons, and a third of foote, independent from any commands but my Lord's, and my Lord Capell' s from any other but the Prince. The regiment of horse and foote were not long a raiseing by the Prince's commission appointed in those counties. The dragoons were never compleated. My Lord was so kind to his old regiment as to incorpo- rate them into this, and to continue the same officers in their places, recruiting their thin troopes out of those new levies upon which Collonel Trevor brought over out of Wales with him their remainder, being between 7 or 8 score good men. To which Sir Francis Mack- worth, Collonel Tuke, Major General Pert, and others, added their broken regiments, putting them into troops, and served themselves in person under my Lord and the commands of his officers of the field. So that these horse guards were made 10 troopes and marched effective 800 men. The other levies for the Prince's armey went on pretty well, which were under my Lord Hopton. But this being the worke of the sommer in which the King lost the battle at Naseby, and my Lord Goreing had no successe before Taunton, Fairfax with his victorious army came to visite the West, and soon made himselfe master of Bristoll, from whence the Prince of Wales had before been gone to Bridgewater, and from thence to Lauceston and Tavistock, where he passed the first part of a tedious cold winter. The Prince had about Tavistock near upon 7000 new raised men, foote, besides his guards, and at the least 4000 horse with my Lord Goreing, which as the enemy advanced after takeing Bristoll still drew back farther towards him and Cornwall. The Prince's Councell not thinking the Prince secure soe neare a powerfull enemy, marched next with him to Pendennis Castle, the foote being marched with my Lord Hopton, and all the horse to Torrington, to stop Fairfax — if possible — from comeing into Cornwall, but Fairfax sending a strong party at the close of the evening to discover the Prince's forces, both parties engaged so long at the townes end and among the hedges and enclosures, that Fairfax's seconds not only advanced, but the greatest part of his army came up and entered the towne, at what time — by what accident is unknown — the magazeen in the church blew up, both horse and foote retreated, what remained of the scattered foote were sent to Pendennis, or the Mount, the horse divided some to a ford, others over a bridge towards Stratton, where if Collonel Cook, who was with a strong party sent to fall on our rear, had not mistaken one bridge for another, he had un- avoidably ruined us all, for our retreat was over towards Stratton in Cornwall, but he went over the Devonshire bridge towards Holesworthy, and our wayes and lanes were so enclosed and narrow, that by day- light wee had brought up our rear not above 4 miles from Torrington. My Lord Capell staied behind the Prince with my Lord Hopton and those forces, as long as there was any probability of keeping the enemy from passing into Cornwall. Collonel Trevor with his officers of the horse, foreseeing that wee should be penned up in Corn- wall upon the enemy's further advance, which without foote wee could not possibly hinder, moved my Lord and my Lord Hopton at Torrington, for leave with our regiment of horse to attempt the break- ing through and marching to the King to Oxford. The thing was as 44 Mss. of the yet possible though of great difficulty. The answer wee received was, Be a u f ort . tne Prince was still in Cornwall, and not out of danger, and must not — be left without guards. The truth is Madam, they were the horse that himselfe or his Councell could chiefely trust to; my Lord Goreings being an ungovernable body without a head, himselfe being gone over beyond sea, and followed not long after by my Lord Wentworth his general of the horse, his lieutenant George Porter look horse and went up to London, so that the chiefe command was left to Major General Webb ; a stout and knowing brave man, but one who had no power or influence upon them, not haveing been long of that army, and placed in that command, to the disgust of some ethers that pre- tended more right to it. At this passe was the army when Sir Thomas Fairfax entered Corn- wall at Stratton, obligeing all our horse to pass on further over Wade bridge where keeping a strong guard, and carrying the body of his army and head quarters to Bodmin, he guarded the other pass at Lestithiell, so that by this wee were quite coup't up, and our hands tyed. Our head quarters was at Truro, where some of the Prince's Councell staied, and many daies pass'd without any considerable action of the forces on either side. At last was sent a party of about 700 commanded horse with Collonel Rich, to discover what wee were doeing. Six troopes of our regiment were to come upon the out guard that night, who, when they came to relieve a like number of my Lord Goreing's horse, they found the Major that was over that party asleep in a barn, and not able to give any manner of account of the enemy whose body lay within 5 miles of them, but were glad to be relieved and march off. These men were not gone out of sight, when drawing towards night a body of the enemy was seen to move. Their strength or number could not at that distance be judged. But the alarum was thereupon sent to the quarters, and that party newly gone off, sent to and desired to return and joyne, but they would not. It happened that Colonel Rich came so quick upon ours that wee had but just time to withdraw two parties of about 40 horse a peece, sent to two churches a mile off, as out guards to our main guards ; and a corporal sent out with a pairole of a dozen horse for discovery, was forced to fight his way through the enemy to come home to us. Not knowing but this might be the van of their whole army Collonel Trevor drew of my Lord's with 3 other troopes in orderly retreat, Sir Thomas Corbet's and Major General Pert's two troopes giveing the enemy a very brisk charge before the mouth of the lane, whither they alsoe were to follow in retreat, which charge I believe the enemy did not like because he followed not our party further. In this charge only 5 or 6 lost, besides Coronet Coe taken prisoner, and Major General Pert — a very brave person — who 10 dayes after dyed at Bodmin of his wounds. I have been Madam the longer and more particuler upon this passage because it was the last action that happen'd in the West. For the very next day Sir Thomas Fairfax sent an offer and propositions to treat about our disbanding and laying downe of arms, to which might be observed a greater concurrence and unity of mind than had been some time before in their marshall affairs. Three or four of our chiefest officers were ordered to goe to Sir Thomas Fairfax's head quarters at Bodmin, where in as many dayes articles were agreed, and thereupon our army presently disbanded. And truly Madam wee were drawn into such streights that wee could not doe otherwise. It was now too late to breake through. The two passes in the middle between them with bis whole body at Bodmin. The bridges were pulled up and trees cut downe in all places behind him to pussell our horse. About Barn- 45 stable lay Massey ready to receive us, with 2000 horse at Exeter. On m |uke of" the other hand Sir Harden Waller was before the towne. If wee Beaufort. could have made our way thus far, those that then besieged Laycock House would a new entertained us. And last of all Dolbier who besieged Basing House would probobly make a sad example of us. So that no hopes being left to get in a body to the King, or to keep with the Prince, who was by this time taking shipp for Scilly, wee fairly saved a bloody nose, and carried most of the officers — with a convoy — to the King to Oxford. The troopers goeing with passes and convoys to their several homes. And now Madam wee are at an end of my Lord your Father's military employments in the North West, or West of England, which were concluded with as much prudential care, indefatigable industry, and unparraleld courage, as could be seen in the greatest master of art or war. He seem'd to me always cut out for heroick undertakings, minding only the service of his Prince, whilst others promoted their own private ends, and this appeared yet further when he could serve his master no longer with his sword, his purse, or credit, his uncontrolable loyalty and zeal gave his pen that employment which proved so fatal to him not long after, by those admirable letters which were to be seen printed at the end of his incomparable booke, left as a monument of his glory and fame to all eternity, and to the ignominy and shame of all his inhuman butchers. But tis not fit I should dilate on this unnatural subject, I humbly beg your Graces pardon wherein I have transgressed, many things may have slipp* my memory after so long a time, but what this paper doth contain is nothing else but truth. The abruptnesse and discomposure of it must alsoe be excused, besides the ill choice of the paper, which really Madam, the shakeing of my hand and the weaknesse of my sight incident to old age hinders me to transcribe and put into a more becomeing fashion. Therefore be pleased Madam to forgive and accept of it as it is, and comeing from the sincere obedience of a true Capelist, who alwaies did and shall esteem his greatest honour to be under that title, and that of Madam Your Grace's most dutifull and humble Serv* H. Puckering. Warwick 30 Nov* 1685. I beg that my Duty and service may by your Grace be made acceptable to the Duke of Beaufort." The Character of Arthur, Lord Essex. "At 16 yeares of age in the middle of June 1648 when his father my Lord Capell defended the town of Colchester against the rebells, a Ser- jeant with two men came to Hadham to carry him to the General! at the League before Colchester. He was then very sickly and had scarce rid ever on horseback, or been out of the family, and from the time that Cromwell first took away the horses there, never could be one kept, soe that he was forced to hire horses for himself and one man, which was all that would be allowed him, and was soe ill used that he was forced sometimes to lye in a cabin, and sometimes in a little thachet house, with two soldiers lying by him in straw, and every day was carryed round the works. The first day they sent my Lord word that his son was there and whether he would not surrender, which he answered that if 46 MSS. op tiie his wife and all his children were there he would doe his duty. However Beaufort. with much solicitation on the sixth of July he had leave to return. — The conversation of Mr. Algernon Sidney who was cozen german to his lady, and some others misled him to all those errors and false principles which afterwards brought him to ruin. Note. He never was in the army any more than a Lord Lieutenant of a county. He was sent on an embassage to the King of Denmark in the year 1670, 22 Car. II. When his ship drew near the coast of that country the English Resident waited on him to congratulate his safe passage into those seas, and then communicated to him the news that country afforded, particularly the Order of Councill made there, that all Embassadors should strike saile to the King's ships as they passed through the Sound, and that there were three guns laid at Cronenberg, where his Excellency should land, to give him notice of it. But if any Embassador refused to strike upon the discharge of the last gun, there was a fire of guns layd to sink his vessel. And further informed his Excellency that in obedience to this order the French Embassadors had performed this duty before they landed, and advised him to do the like, otherwise to pass by in the night and land in some place distant from the Castle. When his Excellency had heard him he thanked him for the notice, but excused himself that he could not follow his advice for he represented the person of his Master, who was a sovereign Prince, and by the Law of Nations, no King ought to strike to another, and to escape by the darkness of the night did shew a timorous spirit which did not become the courage of an Embassador, who was bound in honour to maintain the right of his Prince. Then he declared his resolution to all the gentlemen there that he intended to appear before the Castle ot Coningberg about four o'clock the next day in the afternoon, and would not strike sail, therefore advised all those who dreaded the danger and hazard thereof, that they would take the boat and land at some other place, for he would not betray the right and honour of his Master. The next day his Excellency appeared before the Castle at the appointed hour when the Governor gave him a gun, which was answered by another. Then a second was shot from the Castle before the ship. After that a third which tore the rigging of it. Yet the Embassador would not strike, but sail forward, and landing without any other harm was honourably received and conducted to his lodgiugs. The Governor of the Castle gave notice to the King of the time and manner of his landing, upon which the King applauded the courage of his Excellency, commanding the Governor that he should give him all the respect, observance, and honour that was due to an Embassador, conduct him with the greatest grandeur to Copenhagen, and take care that nothing should be wanting that was due to the greatest Embassador. The next day the Governor and Great Officers at Court waited on his Excellency at his lodgings at Croningburg, and congratulated his arrival there. Those ceremonyes being passed the Governor and the King's officers offered to conduct him to the royall city of Copenhagen, but his Excellency complained that the Governor had assaulted his ship, tore his tackling and rigging, violated the priviledges of an Embassador, and that it did not become him to proceed any further till his Master was righted, and satisfaction made for the affront which the Governor hac given upon his landing. Thereupon Commissioners were appointed to examine the matter, and upon the hearing they ordered that the Gover- nor should ask his Excellency forgiveness on his knees in the open street before his lodgings in Croninberg; which act was publiquely performed whilst his Excellency stood in his balcony, to the glory of the King of England, and the honour of the English nation." 47 Charles II. to the Marquis of Worcester. mss. of the DUKK OF 1 649, October J^. Jersey. — u My Lord Worcester. I am truely Beaufort. sensible of your greate meritt and sufferings in the service of the King my Father, and I shall never be wanting to reward and incourage as well that kindness to his person as that zeale to his service which you have exprest in all your actions, and which I doubt not but you will still continue to me. I feare that in this conjuncture of tyme it will not be seasonable for me to graunt, nor for you to receyve the addition of honour you desire, neyther can I at this tyme send the order you mention concerning the garter, but be confident that I will in due tyme give you such satisfaction in these particulars, and in all other things that you can reasonably expect from me, as shall lett you see with how much trueth and kindness I am Your affectionate friend {Signed) Charles R. I doe not send the letter to Monsieur Monbrun till I understand more particularly from you what the intention of it is, which I doe not yet well understand." 1649, November 4. — Copy of an Order of Parliament to the Com- mittee at Goldsmith's Hall to examine into the state of the lands, &c. made over for the purpose of raising 50,000/. for Ireland, to the Marquis of Hertford. 1650, July 23.—" My Lord, By the enclosed order your Lordship will see the resolution taken by the Councill concerning the place of your abode which according to the order is herewith sent unto your Lordshippe that you may take notice thereof and dispose of yourselfe accordingly. 1650, July 23.— Order by the Councell of State at Whitehall that upon some information given to the Counsell and consideration thereupon had, it is held requisite for the better securitie of the publique peace, and accordingly endorst that the Marquesse of Hert- ford doe make his repairs to some of his houses in Wiltshire, or to his house neare Hartley Rowe and there continue within the limitts appointed by the late Act for confineing of delinquents for the space of six moneths next ensueing unlesse the Parliament or Councell shall otherwise order. And that this order be sent unto the said Lord Marquesse who is to take notice thereof and within fourteene dayes after the receipt thereof to conform himselfe thereto accordingly." The Marquis op Hertford to his son, Lord Beauchamp. 1651, June 15. Totnam. — "Deare Harry. I am very gladd toe heare that you have your health soe well in the Towre. It seems it is a place entailed upon our famylie, for wee have now helde it five generations, yeat toe speake the truth I like not the place soe well but that I coulde be very well contented the entayle should be cutt off and settled upon some other familie that better deserves it. I wish you here with all my harte, the place being very pleasant at this season. Some newes I shall sende you from hence, though not verie goode, yet no whitt dangerous to be uttered, poare Pugg is deade ; but I fall into extravagances willing to entertaine as long as I can, and therefore with my blessing to yourselfe and your wife I rest Your most affectionate father that entirely loves you Hertforde." Heraldic seal. 48 The Same to the Same. 1651, July 27. Totnam. — Is very glad he is endeavouring his liberty for a month. Hopes he may succeed for this is the worst time of all the year to be in such a place. Believes Epsom waters will do him much good. Intends to take them himself if he can get leave. Heraldic seal. The Council of State, at Whitehall. 1651, July 28. — " Upon reading the petition of Henry, Lord Beauchamp now prisoner in the Tower with the two certificates of Doctor Wedderbarne and Doctor Paggot setting forth his sickly con- dition, and that it is necessary for the recovery of his health that he should be at liberty to drinke the waters at Epsham for the space of a month, It is thereupon ordered that the Lord Beauchamp givving Bond to the Keepers of the Liberties &c. himselfe in ten thousand pounds, and two sufficient securities in five thousand pounds each conditional that he shall render himself again prisoner in the Tower upon the first of September next, there to continue upon the former warrant or sooner if the Councell shall require it, and that in the meane tyme he shall not act anything to the prejudice of the Commonwealth, that thereupon he be at libertie for that tyme, and that a warrant be issued to the Lieutenant of the Tower for that purpose. E G u alter Frost, Sec r ." The Council of State, at Whitehall. 1651, September 9. — Order " That the Lord Beauchamp be bayled, he first takeing the engagement himselfe becoming bound to the keepers of the libertie &c. in ten thousand pounds with two sureties each in five thousand pounds conditional that he shall appeare upon sumons and act nothing to the prejudice of the Commonwealth ; and that he shall not for the space of a month next after such securitie given, depart out of the limmitts of the late lynes of communication. Gualter Frost, Sec r ." 1651, August 10. — Order of the Council that Lord Beauchamp surrender himself to the Tower according to the condition of his bond. Gualter Frost, Secr. Charles II. to Lord Beauchamp. 1653-[4,] March 1. — "I should have thanked you for my gloves before this time, if I had mett with a conveniency of sending, I am very much concerned in your health and therefore have given order to an honest fellow to stay with you in the country, and to give me frequent accounts how you do ; take heede of melancholique, I keepe myself from it as well as I can, and so must you. Remember me to all your friends and be confident I shall alwaies be very hartily yours." (No signature.) Charles II. to Lady Beauchamp. {Holograph.) [1654,] May 28. Paris. — " If the part I have borne in your late losse could have given you any ease, much of your greefe would be abated for indeede I have beene exceedingly troubled at it, nor can I have many more such losses ; you will beleeve I will do my part to repayre what can be recovered, and to preserve what is left, and that I can never mss. of the Duke of Beaufort 49 forgeti; what I owe to you and yours, who shall alwayes bee as much M p D '^™ within my particular care, as the wife of such a husband, and the daughter Beaufort. of such a father, ought to be, to whose memoryes more regarde cannot be payde then is dew from Madame your very affectionate and constant frind Charles R." A memorandum with these two letters : — " The little letter, in the Duchesse of Beaufort's own hand, was writ to my Lord Beauchamp by King Charles the Second. The other to me the May after his death. M. B." Lord Herbert to Lady Herbert. N.Y. August 30. — Has safely arrived in London. "I was last night examined and am now in the tower. 1 have . . ready so well satisfyed you of my innocence that I am sure my being lodged heere cannot fright you, neither can I imagin my restraint should bee long, for I think 1 only owe it to my Lordship. I desire that you would not resolve upon your jorney hither till you hearo further from mee, for I hope yet you may lye in the country and not have the trouble of any jorney to bring us togeather. If these hopes faile mee, and that I see my selfe to continue longer than I can yet fancy I will let you know it and send the coach downe for your women and — if you thinke fit — the children to come up in &c." Seal. Lady Capel. Petition of Elizabeth Lady Capel, the disconsolate widow of the late Lord Capel, to the Lords in Parliament. That those who took part in the notorious wickedness of her husband's death may be punished. The Capel Estates. A list of the Manors settled by Sir Arthur Capel, grandfather to the late Lord Capel, before the marriage of Lord Capel. The Marquis of Worcester [II.] to Lord .... N.D. — A very earnest desire that Lord Arlington, Principal Secretary of State, should represent his case to the King so that all prejudices against himself may be removed. If he sought his own interest he would not want forty or fifty thousand pounds yearly beyond seas, while he as good as wants bread at home, where he was born to five and thirty thousand pounds of land of inheritance and five hundred thousand in cash left by his grandfather, which, for so good a cause as he has lost it for, he joyfully renounces it. " My dear Lord, look once more upon both my petitions, and if the King thinks me not worthy of common justice to be heard . . and me to be laid aside I will gladly acquiesce and will no further trouble the King nor importune your Lordship." A copy of the Marquis of Worcester's [II.] "ejaculatoryand extemporary thanksgiving prajer when first with his corporall eyes he did see finished a perfect tryall of his water-commanding- engine delightfull and usefull to whomsoever hath in recomendation eyther knowledge profit or pleasure." An earnest thanksgiving that an insight into so great a secret of nature beneficial to all mankind has been vouchsafed to him, with a prayer that he may not be puffed up by this and manv more unheard of and U 60050. -n 50 mss.ofthe unparallelled inventions. His end is to serve his country, disabuse his Beaufort. enemies, reimburse his creditors, recompence his benefactors, and — reinhearten his distressed family. A small piece of paper (apparently of the same date as the last) containing these notes : — Ci 1. Intelligence at a distance communicative and not limitted to dis- tance nor by it the time prolonged. 2. The fountains of pleasure, with artificial! snow or haile or thunder and quantity not limitted. 3. Discourse to be had by a lamp. 4. A brass head capable to receave at the ear a whisper, and the mouth thereof to render answere in any language to the inter- rogater." Lord Herbert to [his wife,] Lady Herbert. [1660,] May 9. London. — "Wee have this night receaved our instructions and tomorrow begin our journey towards the king, whom wee are commanded to acquaint with what great joy and acclamation hee was heere proclaimed, and to let him know that the Parliament hath enjoyned all ministers in England and Ireland to pray for him, the Duke of York, and the rest of the royal progeny, and ordered that the armes of the Commonwealth where ever they are standing, bee taken downe, and that his Majesty's bee set in the place. Wee are further to beseech his Majesty to return with speede to his dominions and government ; and finally to acquaint him that the Parliament hath given order to the Admirall to obey his commands with the Navy, and to desire that he will please to signify to us when and where he will land, and whether he will come from Dover by land, or to London by water, where lodged, and how his pleasure is to bee receaved. I hope wee shall soone returne with him wee go for, and to have nothing wanting to my particular satisfaction — as when hee is heere there will not bee to the general — I desire you would begin to jorney this way some time next weeke, that I may finde you heere at my returne, in order to which I have given order that lodgings such as can be found bee taken where you may bee till you can chuse yourself a house to your minde, for I cannot bee onywhere, with any contentment without you." The Same to the Same. [1661,] July 16. London. — Parliament will end its sitting, he believes, in a few days. We have today, seeing it is impossible to pass the Act we were about for new moulding the militia before our rising, began a new one which will probably be passed tomorrow to confirm former commissions and instructions which are to be in force until the Parliament have time to pass a new Act. Postscript : — " I must needes write newes of a great conquest wee had yesterday in the House. It was upon Mr. Prinne who did that to us hee never could bee brought to do before to any persons breathing by any meanes imaginable. Hee owned himself very submissively to have committed an offence and askt our pardon with teares in his eyes. It was upon this occasion. Wee having sent up to the Lords an Act, which I formerly mentioned, concerning the purging of Corporations, he having with all his might opposed it in the House without prevailing, writ a pamphlet without a name, wherein he arraignes all that serve 51 in the Parliament for burroughs, of perjury, and the King himself of no mss. op the lesse if he assent to it. This he called the petition of the Citizens of Beaufort London, and divers others Corporations of England. The book wee — found upon examination to bee his, and he ingeniously owned it. Upon which being ordered to withdraw, the House took both the paper and his punishment into debate, and having voted the thing seditious, scan- dalous, false, and illegall, they sent for him to heare the censure wee had passt and to know whether hee would concurre with us in it, order- ing the Speaker, when he appeared, to give a sharp reprehension, which truly hee did, for hee reproacht him with all hee had already suffred, his imprisonments, his being in the pillory and stigmatized ; told him the House thought he deserved from them — if either they considered the doing themselves right, or executing justice upon him — to have all those punishments renewed upon him ; but that in consideration of his having been of late instrumentall in restoring our King to us, the House was willing to show him favour if hee did repent his fault and concurre with them in the censure of himself and his booke. Mr. Prinne, contrary to what everybody expected from his temper, very humbly and penitently begg'd pardon of the House, owned the judgment they had given to be just and that hee did concurre with us in it, and shoulde receave the pardon hee askt from us as a meere mercy and not at all bee pretended to by any merit of his. This we esteeme I assure you a conquest worthy to be bragged of, and therefore I cannot forbeare letting you know it, &c, &c." The Same to the Same. 1661, December 19. London. — Had fully intended to be with her at Badminton on Tuesday next, but being on a Committee that is to meet during the recesse of the House, which is to be until the day after twelfth day, and those named being commanded to attend it, he cannot go so far. Desires her to meet him that night at Lord Aber- gavenny's at Sherborne. The reason of this Committee is the discovery of a design of very dangerous consequences, which the Chancellor communicated from the King, and the King judging it necessary there should be a Committee of Lords and Commons to sit and consider what proposals should be made to Parliament at their meeting again for such a force to be con- stantly, at least for some time, upon duty as a security to the King and kingdom, and the trained bands be relieved from the continual duty they are now on. " It seems they had laid their businesse in a very methodical way. There were seaven interests taken in, which are opposite to the present government. These seaven had each their three representatives ; the Commonwealth men three, whereof Harrington and Wildman were two : the purchasers of King's lands, &c. three ; the Londoners three ; the Anabaptists and Independents three ; the disbanded officers three ; the Rumpe three ; and the Long Parliament three. All which, except the three last, met constantly and deputed out of themselves seaven to carry the designe more closely which took an oath of secrecy, and whereof five are already in hold, the other two in towne but not yet lighted on." The Same to the Same. [1662,] January 9. London. — Describes part of his journey to London, where he arrived late. Is uncertain if he will have to pay his five pounds for not being there chat day, but Peter, his footman, told him as soon as he came to his lodging it was said that he must, D 2 52 MSS. op the M I believe wee shall have no report from our Committee, for the Beaufort Lord Chancellour hath at a free conference declared from the King — ' that hee was very sorry that there should bee so ill a construction made of what had bin declared concerning the plot, as if it was in order to the setting up of a standing force, which was a thing that the King abhorred, and would not accept of though the Parliament should offer it, that the Committee was not desired to any such end, nor the plot invented for that purpose, for that the King would engage him- self now upon the word of a King that it should appeare that there was such a real thing, and so cleerly that nobody should doubt it, but that yet because of some persons not being taken, it was not fit to discover any more of it. The newes heere is that wee are falling out with all our neighbours, the Spanish Embassadour warned to bee gone without ex- pecting any audience publick or private, the French have declared and sent word that their ships shall never heerafto strike saile to the English, a thing never hitherto disputed, and must breede a warre or wee come off as poorely as the Spaniards did in disowning what his Embassadour did in disputing place with the French. The Dutch they say have sent fifty saile of ships to waylay our fleete and fight them when they go for the Queene which they are not yet, nor to Tangers which they say it is probable may bee already lost by their delay, and that which is worst of all the victuail is putrifyed and spoiled, and most of the men aboard sick or dead. I must not omit to tell you a passage betweene the Queene Mother of England and the Admirall of France, because it takes so much among the English heere, it was upon his telling her that hee had had order from the King his master that no French ship should strike saile to an English one. She asked how many ships hee would send togeather that should bee strong enough to dare to refuse it ? He said five. ' How then,' said shee, ' if they should meete with six ? ' ' If there bee danger of meeting more,' said hee, ' wee'le send a dozen togeather.' ' But now if tboso should meete with twenty,' said shee? 'Why,' said hee, 'if there bee likelihood of meeting a greater number wee'le send thirty.' ' No,' said shee, * let's come a little neerer the businesse, what will the thirty bee able to do if they meete with six English ones ? ' " Lord Cornbury to [the Marchioness of Worcester.] 1662, June 10. Hampton Court. — "Though I doubt not but your Ladyship heares from better hands then mine how matters goo at Court, yett in obedience to your commands, I thinke my selfe obliged to trouble you, though it, be with a very ill and imperfect account. I will not say anything of the Queen's person to you, my Lord havinge seene her, and given you a more ample account then I can by letter ; but I will tell you that which is best of all, and which I am sure your Ladyship will be very glad to heare ; the King likes her very well, is much taken with her witt and conversa- tion, sayes he will out-doe all that pretend to be good husbands, and that it is his owne fault if he be not happy, for he is as happy in his wife as any man can be. He is extremely fond and spends all his time with her, which I thinke is an argument he is well pleased. Certainly she is a woman of a great deale of discretion and judgement, of extra- ordinary piety, full of sweetnesse and goodnesse, and must needs gaine the affections of all people by her very gracious and obliging carriage; and no doubt but we shall be all very happy in her, if it please God to give her health, which indeed she hath wanted of late ; she hath been indisposed almost ever since I have been here, with a feavourish distemper, and hath 53 been lett blood twice, but God be thanked, she is now very well again, and MSS. op the goes abroad tomorrow ; she had many physicians called and amongst the Beaufort. rest Dr. Frazier, but nothing was done but by the prescription of'herowne — Portuguese doctor. Many impute this indisposition of the Queene's to the •cough she gott on shipboard ; but more to her ill dyett, which I beleeve, is the strangest you ever heard of — and she cannot yett bring herselfe to eate English meate — it is either eggs and sugar, or eggs and lard, and now and then a piece of a burnt leane pullett — for the Portugueses complaine that all our meate is too fatt — and she eates soe little of all this, that it is almost impossible she can receive any nourishment by it ; but I hope she will by degrees be as well-pleased with our English dyett, as she is with our cloathes, which she says she likes very well, though she cannot persuade the Portuguese ladys to follow her example for they still weare their guardenfantos. The Queen is much concerned that the English ladys spend soe much time in dressing themselves, she feares they bestow but little on God Almighty, and in houswivry. We have yett a very unsettled family, nothing at all in order. IS'ot one Lady of the Bedchamber named besides my Lady Suffolke, who is in wayting, and they say both the number and persons you formerly heard mentioned will be much altered. The four dressers are fixed, who are my Lady Wood, Lady Scroope, Mrs. Fraizer, and Mrs. La Garde. The Maydes of Honour are likewise in waiting, viz. Mrs. Gary, Mrs. Stuart, Mrs. Wells, Mrs. Price, Mrs. Boynton, Mrs. Warmesiry. The Maydes of the Privy Chamber are but two, my Lady Mary Savage, my Lady Betty Levingstone — my Lord Newbrugh's Daughter. Men there are only fixed in their offices, My Lord Chesterfield, Mr. Montague, my selfe, and Mr. Cholmeley for a Gentlemen-Usher; noe other office is yett visibly disposed of, though I thinke there are forty pretenders to every one : and they are all here, both men and woemen, expecting their doome, and I am sure they will not be all pleased. There are twenty little inti igues and factions stirring, but with those I doe not meddle, and therefore will not venture to give you any account of them; only thus much I will tell you, that there are great endeavours used to make , you know who, a Lady of the Bedchamber, but it is hoped by many they will not take effect ; a little time will show us a great deale, I will say no more of this for feare of burning my fingers. The King sayes he will settle the Queene's family within very few dayes. I hope it will be done within a fortnight and then my business will not be soe much but that I may doe what I will till Michaelmasse, and by the grace of God, I will make what hast I can into the countrey, it is much better walking in the parke at Cornbury then in a gallery here. I have not yett been here a weeke and really I am quite weary of the Court already. Doe you not thinke then I am like to make an excellent good courtier ? I know you will not believe mee, but God willing I intend to be very speedily at Cornbury, and hope to see your Ladyship there in your way up to London. " I must not leave off without giving you most humble thanks for your favours to me at Badmanton, and must confesse to have soe many obli- gations to you, that I can never acknowledge them enough. It is now high time to aske you ten thousand pardons for giving you this long and impertinent trouble, which your owne commands hath brought upon you, for I know you have farr more exact accounts of every thing here, even from very report ; but for variety sometimes an impertinent letter is not amisse ; And I am so glad of all opportunitys to present my service to you, that I forgett my selfe and thinke I may be as tedious in a letter, as in my disccurses with you and you have pardoned so many of those, that I cannot but hope you will doe the 54 MSS.of the same now. I beseech you present my most humble service to my Lord Beau?o°et an ^ ^ ett nmi know I nave taken care of the Commissioners names he gave — rae. I did not thinke it manners to trouble him with a letter after soe tedious a one to your Ladyship. I hope your lettle sonne continues well and all the rest of your family, which yet they may doe and enjoy all the happinesse this world can afford, is the constant prayer of him, that desires to have the honour to be owned as, Your Ladyship's most affectionate Brother and faithful servant, H. Corn bury." Lord Herbert to Lady Herbert. 1666, September 26. [London.] — Noakes is to be sent to command at Chepstow with 10s. a week the same allowance as Gibbs had. He is to keep the soldiers orderly, see that the Protestants go to churchy and cashier any mutinous or debauched men. Is going in haste this morning to the House. The Same to the Same. 1666, October 2. London. — Has been a hard day of exercise and fasting. Has just come from Whitehall where he had but now alighted out of the Duke's coach, who had kept them hunting without eating or drinking all day, though the King, with whom he had gone, was so wise as to slip away when they were at a fault and get to dinner in good time at Lord St. Alban's. For all their riding had had a poor day's sport, the Duke's hounds behaving themselves but very lewdly. The painter says he has both more oil and colours at Badminton than are to be had in all the town. The Same to the Same. 1666, November 14. London. — Has scarcely time even for writing* It is now past 9 o'clock. Has just come from " the Council for printing, where do what we could though I tried hard, and so did Sir Rt. Atkins and those few friends of his that stood to it, wee could not hinder the Committee from voting Colonel Atkins his patent and monopoly, which scap't being judged so in the worst of times, and hath bin of a very long continuance. The morning, till indeede two of the clock in the afternoone, we spent upon the Poll Bill, where wee have charged servants at twelve pence in the pound for their wages, and all personall estates at the hundredth penny. Wee now every day make some little progresse in that great affair, but it moves not so fast as I would have it, since I thinke it is of concerne to attend it, and yet am impatient to bee with you. This weeke is wholly devoted to it." Intends to come down for a few days, and desires a riding horse to be sent to meet him at Ramsbury. Had he thought Serjeant Bret would have refused to come would have ordered him to keep away. Does not at all like the temper of the garrison which expects thus to be choosers of their officers. Will take an opportunity to purge them. Confirms her orders about Bret. Doet not think he will be such a fool as to wait for any from him. " Heere are the greatest preparations made as to richnesse of cloathes that may be against Thursday next, which is the Queene's birthday, and nobody, they say, is ever to be smiled on again by the Queene that doth not come that day very richly clad. There is to bee a great and 55 publicise ball that night in the great hall which now is turned into a theater for the Court players, in lieu of the cockpit. " I am resolved to save charges, and indeed not to do a thing so un- suitable to the times as dancing so publickly I conceave to bee, nor appeare at Court that night, nor consequently tomorrow, because I would not bee thought just that day to absent myselfe. I have enough to em- ploy both my time and money in, without in spending either so much as I thinke so I should. My brother Howard hath bin very earnest with mee to accept of lodgings in Arundell House, but I have hitherto refused them. I find my Lord Winchelsea's secretary is there still, I met him this day with my brother, and ask't to have got one of his bookes of the present state of the Turkish Empire, which they say hee has described well, but he had none left, neither are there many in towne, most being burnt by the late fire. But I am promest by a bookbinder hee will procure mee one for twenty shillings. If I can have it I will send it down to you." The Same to the Same. 1666, November 17. London. — Tuesday is a thanksgiving day for the decrease of the plague. The House has this day confirmed what it voted in Committee of the whole House, viz. the taxing of all public offices and employments, except military order muster and pay, at three shillings in the pound, all lawyers gains at two shillings in the pound, personal estates at one in the hundred. Thinks that on Wednesday honours and dignities in the House will be brought in, though they escaped in Committee. Sir Philip Howard has been accused before the Committee by Sir Richard Everard of trying to tempt a married French priest to recant. The man seems to be a bad character, and the accuser did not appear. Had after 10 o'clock on Thursday been to Whitehall to see the remainder of the ball. Never saw greater bravery. Believes there were a hundred vests that at the least cost a hundred pounds. Some were adorned with jewels above a thousaod. The Lord Chamberlain's was one. The ladies much richer than the men. It was the gloriousest assembly everybody said that has been in England since the King's return, except the Coronation. Has not dared to appear at Court these four or five days because he is not fine enough to be seen in such company. The Same to the Same. October 7. Hereford. — " The King could hardly have bin re- ceaved with more respect and ceremony, nor more demonstrations of joy then I was, being first met — though I gave but a day's warning — by above a hundred Gentlemen of Quality and the Sherine, who came above five miles out of the towne towards mee ; and before I came to the gates, the Mayor and Aldermen in their gownes stood ready to receave mee, and delivered mee the keys of their towne. From which place to my lodging, which was above half a mile, there was a lane made by mee by my owne soldiers, and the towns- men with their banners, which when I had past through they gave mee a volley of shot, and the great guns from the Castle, and afterwards drew up before my lodging, where they gave two more followed by hugh shoutes. And this day the Mayor and all the Aldermen with a great number of gentlemen came both forenoone and afternoone to attend mee to church, where the minister also made mee a great com- pliment out of the pulpit. I go tomorrow morning to Monmouth, and MSS. OF THE Duke of Beaufort. 56 MSS.OFTHB thence return next day to the forest, and then — after another vi*it to Beaufort. (xlocester on Friday — home to Badminton." The Marquis of Worcester to King Charles II. [1666-7.] — " To ease your Majestie of a trouble incident to a prolixity of speech, and a naturall defect of utterance, which I accuse myself of, I have presumed here to sett downe sumarily in writinge what I desire — if your Majestie approve thereof — to speak in the House of Lords, whereby your Majestie may gather how farr — some things being rectified — I am confident of myselfe to serve you, praying your Majestie's favourable construction of what I shall endeavour candidly to submitt unto your Majestie. In the first place accordinge to your most gracious commands layd upon me at the Hague, when I offered to make my Lord Chancellor privie to what I should att any tyme presume to offer to your Majestie's transcendent judgment, haveing sufficiently suffered for treatinge with the late King of happy memory alone, to which request of myne you were pleased to give this most gracious and never to be forgotten reply, that notwithstanding you would have me first to acquaint yourself therewith, and then only such as your Mjijestie should consent unto and think proper for itt. In pursuance whereof I most humbly offer this following discourse, which I shall with a most reddy and implycitt obedience augment, diminish, or alter, as your Majestie shall thinke fittest, disputinge nothing, much lesse waveing anythinge that your Majestie shall command, either to substance or circumstance — My Lords, Amongst Almighty God's infinite mercies to me in this world I account it one of the greatest that His divine goodnesse vouchsafed me parents as well carefull as able to give me virtuous education, and extraordinary breeding, att home and abroade, in Germanic, France, and Ittally, allowing me abundantly in those parts and since most plentifully att my master of happy memory the late King's courte ; by which meanes, had it not been my owne faulte, I ought to have become better able and more capable to serve Almightie God, my King, and contry, which obligatory ends of theirs have I allwayse had in myne eyes as drawinge and suckinge them thence, it beinge certainely the greatest and surest portions parents can leave to theire children, since breedinge and knowledge cannot be taken from them, when as riches and possessions are fadinge and perrishable. Witnesse my owne case my Lords, yett by deare bought experience, and their greate expenses, for which I honor the happy memory of my most beloved parents more then for my very life drawne from them, they giveinge me by the one but my beinge, and by the other my bene esse. Whereby I finde nothinge more certain than that the way to make oneselfe considerably useful! to his Prince and nation is the surest meanes for him to become cherished by them, which they then doe for theire owne sake not his, though he had spent and lost above 7 or 800,000/. sterling, and narrowly escaped eeverall tymes. both by sea and land, emminent dangers, and longe and close imprisonment, and a scaffold threateninge death as I have done. Experto crede Roberto my Lords, yett happy is this day unto me, wherein I have the honour sittinge amongst your Lordships to expresse from my hearte that I have nott the least repineinge thought within me, though I had suffered tenn tymes more for soe good a cause, and for soe 57 gracious and oblidgeinge a master as the late Kinge of happy memory was M ^£| ™ E unto me. And for soe majesticall and promiseinge a Prince as my now Beaufort. Soveraigne is, whome God long preserve, and morally speaking cannot — doe amisse whilest he hearkens to soe wise a greate councell and soe tender of his good and wellfare as your Lordships, assisted by soe discreet, experienced, and well affected persons as sitt now in the Honourable House of Commons, the whole kingdome's representatives. And may your Lordships be ever as tender of your innate priviledges, members, and birthrights, as they of their's, and both of you equally likewise tender of his Majestie's just and undoubted prerogatives, upon which two hinges, or rather baysses, that is our most gracious King's pre- rogatives and the birthright of his subjects, this excellent government of Kinge and Parliament outvies and excells all other in the world. Lett them therefore my Lords hould together as the surest proppes of a settled kingdome, his Majestie's power consistinge in nothinge more then in the greatnesse of your Lordships, who are as well by divine Provi- dence as humane policy allotted to be as it were the medium betweene the Kinge and the people ; that is to interpose yourselves as mediators if the King's supreame authority should become seveare, which cannot be feared from soe gracious a Prince, as also to be curbers of the people's rustick stubbornesse, if they should prove insolent, which cannott likewise happen to a nation that hath soe lately smarted for such inconveniences as had the Lord's former greatnesse and power beene continued in them, could never have happened. For as I hould with the ould sayinge, noe Bishopps noe Kinge, soe may I bouldly averr that noe power of temporall Lords beinge extant there will be neither Bishopp or Kinge. But I am too tedious my Lords, yett what I further shall presume to say will need noe elloquence, beinge upon a theme pleasinge as I humbly conceave to the mynds of all your Lordships, there being none of you whose birth brings you unto this place, butt soe much generositie possesses your hearts that you conclude and harbour a firme resolution to believe and fellow that noble and heroicke maxime Beatius est dare quam accipere, sence Beneficium accipere est libertatem vendere, a thing beneath your Lordships. Accordinge then to which maxime as haveinge the honour to be a member of this House, esteeminge in the first place the right of Peerage even before the titles of Earle, Marquise, or Duke, as a Peere therefore I say of this House I shall — with your Lordships' approbation — humbly offer a present unto his most excellent Majestie our most gracious Soveraigne, a present my Lords which cannot be donn without you, and fitt to be owned by a House of Lords, it being noe lesse then to raise an auxiliary troope for his Majestie's Life Guard of an hundred horse, and com- monly called in France an hundred maistres, that is each cavalier to keepe a servant with a lead horse as well as his owne, and one of them to be worth 100/. The whole troope shall amount the first day unto upwards of tenn thousand pounds, besides arms and equipage accordingly. Nay my Lords every one of this troope shall be of that quality and power as to be capable to rayse, at his Majestie's command, an hundred men in 14 dayes, and att the enteringe into the troope shall furnish into his Majestie's storehouse a 100 foote armes, two parts fire armes, and the third pikes, att his owne proper cost and charges, and marked by him there to be kept till his Majestie's occasions be to raise men accordingly, but God Jong preserve his Majestie from needing of them, yett if att any time then will his Majestie have in readdinesse at a fortnight's warning 10,000 men, without costing his Majestie or the kingdome sixpence, till they be raysed and armed. And that most worthy nobleman the Earl of Northampton who, according to the 58 MSS. of the Spanish saying, soe many brothers united, soe many castles, hath approved Beaufokt himself to be such in gallantry and strength for his King and kingdome's — defence, is desirous and willinge through his zeal to his Majestie's service to be but Lieutenant to the said troope. But the whole troope consisting of such persons qualified as above mentioned voluntiers, and not serving for pay or gaine, will deservedly require nott to be putt upon common services, and not to be commanded but by his Majestie, or his most deserving Generall, the Duke of Albemarle, and they them- selves not to be tyed to daily duties, but to have liberty to. substitute some gentleman of quality, or an experienced officer, to serve for him att any time when his Majestie requires nott his personal appearance, and that the Captain of the troope gives way unto it. I presume my Lords to nominate my Lord of Northampton but as second to me, because his gooduesse and zeal to his Majestie's service makes his Lordship contented to give me the precedence as Captaine though far lesse worthy, and shall indeed be but a servant to his Lordship and the rest of the troope in order to his Majestie's command, and the welfare of his tenderly beloved people. The rest of the troope shall be nominated when your Lordships shall approve of the motion, and his Majestie vouchsafe an acceptance thereof. They shall all of them be approved persons in zeal, loyalty, and allowed by you, and doe ambition the honour of being called a Troope of the House of Lords, and being soe termed, and most of them of your members, I dare without vanity affirme that noe King in Christendome but may boast of such a troope. And it will not only be a safety to his Majestie's person, but an honour to the whole nation, and an evident testimony of your Lordships, constant loyalty and zeal to both King and kingdome, and will keep up the honour of this House, and nott subject it again to be thrust out of doors. And I beseech your Lordships that I may be rightly under- stood, for it is my duty to his Majestie and the honour I bear to this House, and not the ambition of being Captaine of the saide troope, that makes me to motion the raysing thereof, for as I acknowledge that there are many greater persons in the House, as well titular a s reall in merit and power, any of whome, if they please to undertake it I shall with more joy and readdinesse serve as trooper therein than to h ave the command thereof. My second humble offer as disposable by your Lordships, is att my owne costs and charges, but under your Lordships' name and approba- tion, arid out of the accrueing profits of my water commanding engine, to cause to be erected a competent ordinary affording as well wine as meate for one meale a day for forty indigent officers, such as the calamity of the late tymes have brought to soe pressinge necessities as none of your Lordships I am confident but is very sensible thereof, especially of such persons who, had not their zeal to theirKing and country transported them, might have lived plentifully of their owne, yet if your Lord- ships' commiseratinge eyes looke not speedily upon them may follow the destiny of some others of quallitie, yea colonels, and never were under my command, yett I never made distinction when his Majestie's honour or service was interested, or his well deserving subjects suffered and were within my power of releiffe ; for whose burialls it hath been my good fortune to pay, they not leavinge behind them to the value of an angell. And I humbly conceave this act of charitie worthy your Lordships' owneing, since your Lordships cheerfully passing the Act of my water commanding engine inableth me thereunto. And I most humbly offer this little testimonie of gratitude to be under your name thus employed. And I intend there shall be soe good order given therein within 6 months as that there shall be a stipend given to a person to read unto 59 them dureing their meales either of millitary affaires or history, the mss.ofthe better to avoid frivolous discourse tending to quarrells and quaffing. Beaufoet. Thirdly in favour and benefitt of the commonalty as well as your — Lordships, and for the general good and honour of this most famous cittie of London, I most humbly offer under your Lordships' name and protection, to cause a faire causie to be made, upon which without disturbance two carts may passe one by the other, for 2 myles together at 4 of the greatest avenues to the cittie, as the Lord Mayor and Alder- men shall best advise. And at the end of each of the 4 causies an hospitall, and house of correction to be erected and indowed with a per- petuitie of 500/. a yeare to each house, and this pious worke to begin within two yeares, and to be finished within seaven. Fowerthly, and indeed I should have begun with it accordinge to the true rule a Jove principium, I doe humbly offer in honour of this House to cause 1,000/. a yeare for ten yeares from Michaelmas come twelve- month, to be allotted towards the building of Paul's, according as his Grace the Lord Archbushopp of Canterbury, and the Bushopp of London, and now Bushopp of Winchester, together with the Dean and Chapter of Paul's, shall sett forth, and may continue a memorable gift from the House of Lords. And thus I humbly conceave to have offered an acknowledgment of thankfullnesse, both to his Majestie, and to your Lordships, spirituall and temporall, and for the honourable House of Commons, for passing the Act of my water commandinge engen ; and to improve this my humble thanckfullnesse shall be my dayly exercise and study, noe wayes mean- ing that what here I offer shall sett a period thereunto, soe as your Lordships will be pleased to set your helpinge hands to remove some misconstructions and personall inconveniences, which if nott diverted from my mynde, and from a too generally received oppinion, though upon false grounds, and not appearing otherwise then false. I beseech your Lordships to be soe tender of a member of yours as to contribute to the vendicating of me therein, whereof no wayes doubting but that your Lordships will remove such an absolute remora to all my intended services, and therefore I will presume to lay my case openly and chear- fully before you, not doubting but that at your Lordships' intercessions his most gracious Majestie — having given way that I should speak thus before your Lordships — will vouchsafe a concurrance, and suffer him- self to be disabused, and such false and malicious oppinion s to be eradicated out of his princely minde, as have been endeavoured by either envie, mallice, or ignorance, to be rooted therein, and soe certainly have obstructed the naturall influence of grace and favour which could not otherwise but have been the effecte of soe greate a sunn as shynes within a throne of soe much goodnesse and majesty. Now whether my meritts have been considerable I beg leave here to sett down, not as a trumpett to proclayme them, but narrative wise, modestly yet truly, for your Lordships' better information, accusing myselfe in some things with the same candor and freedome, as to vindicate myself in others, desiring to stand or fall by your Lordships' just judgment, and his Majestie's gracious proceeding thereon, noe further relying even upon his Majestie's most gracious act of general pardon then in complyance with others his Majestie's subjects have taken it out, yett with soe greate a reluctance through the clearnesse of my heart not to have deserved for it that the Lord upon the Woolsacke was forced to chid me to it through his tendernesse of my good, and as I humbly con- ceave a further apprehension then I could have of a necessitie thereof. For which his tender care I acknowledge thankfullnesse, yett at the same time I must humbly aske leave to stand upon my justification, 60 MSS. of the humbly praying to be rightly understood, for I doe it not out of pride Beaufort or vame g^orie, but purely me defendendo, and if anybody, se defendendo, — kills another, the law quitts him, much more will your Lordships pro- nounce me not guilty of arrogance though I should arrogate lo myself a praiseworthy desert and not through too much modestie be meale mouth and not discover what of right appertaines to the blessed memorie of my dead father, and even my owne commendations, crying with Virgil, sic vos non nobis nidificatis aves, sin vos non vobis vellera fertis oves, sic vos non vobis fertis aratra boves, sic vos non vobis me.llijicatis apes. Know then my noble Lords that here I speak is not to derogate from the meritt of the Koman Catholicks from their duty and love to their sovereign, we having all of us with an unanimous resolution, nemine contradicente, that is to say no one gentleman of qualitie throughout the whole nation but has stucke to the cause, adventuringe his life and lost his whole fortune therein, yett give me leave to aver it bouldly that all the Catholicks of England assisted not my father or me to the value of 5/. without reall securitie for it. And such indeed as at this time lyeth heviest upon me, and this I aver as in the presence of Almightie God, and your Lordships. In the second place, how came the then Marquisse of Harford, after his defeat in the West, with recrutes to his Majestie at Oxford but by my father's meancs and myne. The forces that 1 sent with him had cost me 8,000/., and 2,000/. my father lent him reddy money. How came Sir John Berrons regiment of horse to be first raysed, but by 5,000/. in gold, given him by my father. How came the Forest of Dean to be reduced ; Goodrige strong castle to be taken ; Monmouth itself with its garrison to be surprised ; Chepstow, Newporte, and Cardiffe, to be taken and secured for his Majestie, but by my forces, and my father's money ? How came Ragland Castle to be the first fortified and last rendered, but 50,000/. disbursed therein by my father ? How came his Majestie's armie to be considerable before Edgehill fight but by the men I brought ? And how was his Majestie recruited at Glocester sidge, even after the defeat given by Waller to my men. God forgive those of the King's party w r ho were the occasion that 1,500 gentlemen were surprised, and I not dispatched from Oxford until the day after. Yet, my Lords, at 14 dayes warninge I brought 4,000 foote and 800 horse to the sidge of Glocester, payinge them 6,000/. down upon the naile at Glocester, besides my troope of Life Guards, consisting of six score noblemen and gentlemen, whose estates amounted to above three score thousand pounds a yeare, most of whom I furnished with horse and armes, which of a sudden they could not doe themselves, for I was then master of 34 horses in my stable, for the worst of which I have refused 100/., and above 40 others lovely, worth 50/. a horse. I kept a table for the said troope, not only at Glocester sidge, but all the way to the west, without soe much as making use of free quarter, but all upon the penny, for General Euven complained of me to the Kinge, who graciously and smilingly reprehending me publickly, I desire to know ray accuser, and called my Lord General Ruven, afterwards made Earle of Branford, before his Majesty, who objecting that it was of ill example and made them to be thought the more burdensome,my humble replye was that I yielded to his Excellencie to be a better soldier, but still to be a soldier of fortune, here today and God knows where tomorrow, and there- fore needed not care for the love of the people, but though I were killed myselfe I should leave my posteritie behind me, towards whom I would not leave a grudge in the people, but whilst I could serve his Majestie upon my owne purse and creditt I would readdyly doe it, and afterward leave it to such as his Lordship. I confesse I raysed this troope with- 61 out my father's consent first asked, his Majestie's peremptorie commands mss.of the and the shortenesse of tyme requiringe, and I confesse his Lordship Beaufort. checkt me for it, and said I had undone myself thereby, and replyed — that 5 or 6,000/. would not undoe me, the horses being all my owne all- reddy, and the arms cominge by accident to Bristoll, afforded a sudden and cheeper meanes for it. My father answered that he did allow that 6 or 16,000/. would not undoe me, but the consequence would be that the love and power I had in my country would be perspicuous although I should have thancks from the King, yett others, though his Majestie's well wishers, yett through envy they would hate me for it, which I con- fesse I have found too true, and my services have been more retarded by those who called themselves the King's friends than obstructed by his enemyes. Pardon me my Lords if I detaine you a little longer, descending to some particulars as near as I can call to mynde, and begininge first to tell your Lordships that I was not privie nor present with his Majestie at Greenwich when he first took his resolution for the north, and removed without the Queen to Theobalds, from whence he was pleased to write me a lamentable letter by the hands of Sir John Berron, averring that he had but 600/., and 300/. of which was given to defray his horses, which the Marquisse of Hamilton, then Master of the Horse, refused to doe, fearinge to displease the Parliament. But upon such a lamentable complaint and pressing necessities of my deare master — yett noe waves advi^eing him unto the journey — I sent him — To Theobalds, 3,000/. To Huntingdon, after his departinge from Theobalds, 3,000/. To Nottingham, 4,000/. To Yorke, 8,000/. And took order for a table to be kept for several experienced officers who by this meanes were kept from takeing armes for the Parliament, and were reddy for the King's service, and the defrayinge of their debts heare, theire jorney into Yorke, and theire table there, which none of them but two knew it came from other hand than the Kinge's privie purse, yett stood me in 1,500/. And these summes with as great privacy as may be, keeping good correspondence with the Parliament, and myselfe present att London to avoid suspicion, beinge then trusted both by Kinge and Parliament. For victuallinge the Tower of London by his Majestie's command I sent to the then Lieutenant Sir John Byrron, in old plate, under pretence of quaining it, 2,500/. By a fained pretence getting leave of the Parliament — the circum- stance being too tedious to relate to your Lordships, but yett notable in itself — I went with their passe to Yorke, and carried to his Majestie in reddie money, 15,000/. In Bills and Assurancies, 80,500/. For both which sums I had his Majestie's note yett extant for 95,500/., which done in two dayes, and his Majestie's further commands received, 1 returned to the Parliament with a plausable answer to a message sent from them by me, and I agreed with the Parliament to remove the magazen of powder and ammunition from Monmouth, which was a towne of my owne, to Carlyon, a town of the Earl of Pembroke, a professed adherent unto them, which they took kiudly att ray hands, though done by designe by me, who could not have pretension to take it from the towne of Monmouth, had it been still there. For the raysinge of Sir John Byron's regement of horse, being the first compleated, 5,000/. 62 M Duke o HE Things being thus set in order between his Majestie and me, I Beaufort fairely took leave of the Parliament to goe dovvne to my father, where I noe sooner arrived but there came directed unto me from his Majestie a commission of array, whereof I presently by a servant of my owne sent word to the Parliament, with a letter to the House of Lords, which I directed to my Lord of Holland, and to the House of Commons to Mr. Pirn, in both which I offered to intercede to his Majestic, and con- ceaved I should prevaile to suspend the commission of array, if they should make an Act that their Militia should not come into my country. But they withcivill complements and thanks replyed that his Majestie's was soe illegal!, and theires' for the good of the kingdome soe just and necessarie, that by coe meanes would they varie the one for the other. At which I declared myself irritated to see that they durst tell me that anything commanded by my master was illegall, and pro- fessed. I would obey his Majestie's commands, and lett them send at their perills. Soe imediately and in eight dayes tyme I raysed six regiments, fortified Monmouth, Chepstow, and Ragland, fetchinge away the magazen from the Earle of Pembroke's towne Carlyon, and placed it in Ragland Castle, leavinge a garrison in lieu thereof. Garrisoned likewise Cardiffe, Brecknock, Hereford, Grood- ridge Castle, and the Forest of Dean, after I had taken them from the enemie. To the then Lord Marquisse of Hereford in Wales as many forces as cost me the rayseing and arming .... Lent him to prosecute that expedition .... Raysinge of forces in Wales first and last number of twelve thousand men and them whilst the country was tottering them weekly for fifteen months speaking, and it shall be made good Brought to Oxford and delivered owne hands. My jorney to Ireland with levyes and incident there, as well att sea as att land [cypher~]. The furnishing of troopes of 6 score armes, and most of them with horses, some of them of an hundred pound price, and many of 50/. For though the gentlemen betwixt them made above 60,000/. per annum land of inheritance, yett being unex- pectedly raysed in 8 dayes could not furnish themselves, which I did ac- cordinge to their quallities, togeather with theire servants to the number of 200, keepinge a constant table for them the whole jorney all along from Glocester into the west, whereat they never wanted wine, that beinge carried along with us, but oftentimes beare together with 6,000/. in reddy money payed my foote soldiers at the rayseing of the sidge of Glocester ; which all modestly rated come unto aboute 25,000/. The keepinge of the garrison of Ragland towards which till the very last cast there was never a penny contribution raysed or exacted, amounted to at the least 40,000/. Total, 318,000/. Besides the garrison of Monmouth, both towne and castle, Chepstowe, Gowthridge, with Hinaw and the Forest of Deane, recovered from the enemie, all on my charge, till Sir William Vavisar came who hath had of me 500 twenty shilling pieces att a tyme, to incourage him to go on att Glocester, besides likewise the charge of reduceing Abergavenny, Carlyon, and Newporte, to his Majestie's obedience. Further more for seaven yeares both in England and Ireland, I allowed twenty pounds each meale, to which all officers and gentlemen were wellcome, and I believe the charges in these particulars, not to be inserted or charged on this account, amounts to one half as much as 63 the former summs, I never received a farthinge towards it as Genera mss. op the or ... , nor a penny out of my estate in 20 yeares . . . these beIufoet. times came unto upwards of . . . omnibus viis and modis, which — alone amounted unto 600,000/. These sumes added together balance the accounts, and make good that I have spent, lent . . . for my King and county, re vera, 918,000/. Nine hundred and eighteen thousand pounds. My Lords being conscious of all this, and many things forgotten, by me to sett downe, I was become proof e against any thing the King's enemies could doe against me, since by theire principles I knew I deserved it. But since his Majestie's return and happy restoration, itt hath allmost stupified me to have been soe layed by as not to have had any promise made good to me for which I had his Majestie's royall word, hand, or even the great seale of England, but of the contrary. I humbly beseech your Lordships' leave to sett downe what with all submission to his Majestie's will and pleasure, flesh and blood cannot but resent, yett soe far only as shall stand with the dutie of a loyall subject, and the unquencheable zeal of my reall heart towards my King and country, and a most humble submission to your Lordships' better judgment, casting myself wholly at your disposall and favorable construction of what I shall sett downe accordinge to the ould sayinge that loosers may have leave to speake." Lady Herbert to Lord Herbert. [1667,] January 24. [London.] — My sister Docie was married last Tuesday in your house. The King gave her. He dined here, and as much company as the house would hold. My mother is dying. Lord Bedford advises you to leave the business in the country to the Deputy Lieutenants, as everybody else does. Lord Cleveland is dying. The Same to the Same. Saturday night. — Has taken her last leave of her mother. The Mabquis of Worcester to the Marchioness. [1667.] — . . . " I would tell you all that hath passed at Sheernesse whither I was commanded in with my regiment upon Tuesday last, as I was going for London, the Dutch then appearing near it, but the time being short, it being late, I shall only tell you that I found my men extreamely cheerful, and ready, though the post we were put into was dangerous enough, it being to defend the only naked part of the fort. They wrought so well in their owne defence, the Dutch taking up the river Thames, that by Wednesday we had thrown up a breast work that covered us pretty well. The enemy on Thursday coming out of the river Thames lay over against us, but Sir Edward Spragg's squadron coming out after them they busied themselves wholly in snooting at his ships, against whom they spent neere a thousand shot without his returning one, the distance indeed being such that no gun could do execution. At last the tide turning, and the winde being full east, Spragg retired towards the river again, but they, though they had both wind and tide, did not think fit to pursue. Yesterday morning, Sir Joseph Jordan came in behind them coming from Harwich with four frigates and 15 men of warre, and having both winde and tide, we hoped would have done great execution upon them, but his frigates being small, and the fire ships made up in haste, and manned with such men as could be got of a suddaine, they did not answer our expecta- 64 M Duke of E t * on ' burning on ty f° ur °^ our owne fi re ships, and doing them no Beaufort. mischief. This morning we found their ships, I meane the enemy's, sunk down 7 leagues below Sheernesse, out of possibility of returning with to-morrow's tide, which is the last of the spring ones, so that I thought I might safely returne to London, where I am I thanke God come safe in few hours in a yacht the Prince lent mee and Coll. Legge. I find heere the peace to be signed by the King this night, being already so by the French and Dutch which will I suppose put a stop to further fears." The Same to the Same. 1667, July 27. — The Dutch got but little by going up the river, having lost eleven fire ships and only burned three of our fire ships, and have retreated out of the river. The Same to the Same. 1667, September 17. Worcester House. — Has received orders to change the garrison in Chepstow. It is to be held by a cpmpany of the Duke of York's regiment, but to obey his orders. Had had his choice of that whole regiment, and Colonel Sidney's. The captains had been eager to come under his orders though they knew they were to be commanded by his deputy, which captains in some places stomach. Had obtained some commissions for some of his officers in the King's regiment, to take the places of the papist officers who were removed. " On Sunday I had the honour with my Lord General to bee Godfather to the Duke of Yorke's sonne . . . and gave him by the Duke's desire the name of Edgar, the Duke fancying that name because hee was the first King that had the dominion of the seas, which hee went upon about the kingdome every year with a thousand ships. " The Duchesse would faine have had it James, but the Duke would not because hee had buryed one of that name. " Some were very earnest to have had it Henry, but whether that being my name, one of the Godfathers, the Duke might fancy the other might take it ill, or for what other reason I know not, hee had no fancy to it." The child is small and not very well. The Archbishop christened the child and the Bishop of Winchester held the book. I having learned what was customary, sent 100 guineas to the nurse and midwife. The King went yesterday stag hunting to Bagshot, he returns on Saturday. Heraldic seal. The Same to the Same. February 25. — Is much importuned by the Duke of Monmouth and others to go with the King to Newmarket. The Same to the Same. February 27. — Has taken two footmen that play the violin, and another that plays very well, but will not wear a livery, to teach them and as many of my family as will learn. Supposes the page will be cne. 65 The Same to the Same. mss. of the Duke of 1674, November 8. — Has bought a painted screen, and ventured with Bea.ufort. his little skill to buy pictures at Somerset House for above a hundred pounds, sold at outcry as the way is in Holland. Is buying a necklace of pearls for Mall to wear two or three years hence, for he has observed that till then the children of the greatest quality do not wear any. They are a set fit for any maiden lady to wear until she marries, and then tbey say the custom is it should go to the next, the husband or his friends presenting the married one with a better. Four of the six pictures he is buying have no frames. The Same to the Same. 1674, December 1. [London.] — The pictures bought are for the staircase, they cost 193/. which with frames and carriage will come to nearly 250/. Of little and great together he has bought above thirty and all, except six Roman heads which are ordinary, and one or two ©ther pieces, are indifferent good in the judgment of those who under- stand these things. The Same to the Same. 1675, June 5. — Has come to town soon enough to see the House of Lords receive greater affronts than ever were offered to it except in the time of the late rebellion. " Sir John Churchill, . . . Pemberton, Serjeant Peck and Mr. Parker, a lawyer, imprisoned in the towre by warrant of the House of Commons for pleading at our barre, in an appeale by our order, and the King justifying . the Commons so far as to refuse to turne out the Lieutenant of the Towre lor not dplivering them backe to the blacke rodde who demanded them by our order, though they were taken out of the Chancery Court where the King himself is alwaies supposed to be present. This hath struck such a damp upon us all that wee have adjourned with a resolution to proceede in nothing till our honour be vindicated, which if wee hold so we are at an ende of all businesse for there is no manner of likelyhood of that the King taking a course absolutely contrary to it. I am so much concerned at it — and so are indeed all the temporall Lords that are not of the Court, and some of them too — that I can think of no other thing and therefore write nothing more." The Same to the Same, at Badminton. 1615, June 8. [London.] — "I sate up last night at the play at Court — which was to entertaine the Prince of Nevvbough — till one of the clock in the morning. Yesterday I drunke three or four glasses with the prisoners in the Tower. I know not how it is possible to compose that businesse which puts all other in Parliament to a stand. Wee ordered yester- day a habeas corpus to the Lieutenant of the Tower to bring his prisoners this day before us, but hee carryed the writs into the House of Commons, who ordered him not to obey them. This day wee have ordered an alias, and to-morrow, if this bee not obeyed, a pluries, which is the method according to law ; if that bee not obeyed, the Sheriff is to bring them with the posse comitatus, as the lawyers say. I have not bin able to get my Lord Burlington yet to go with inee to the Master of the Rolls about (securing) the Dutchesse her jointure, and withdrawing her caveat against the will. Tomorrow hee promises to go." U 6005u. E 66 M Duke o^ E Postscript. — " They will bave it heere tliat the small-pox and purple Beaupdkt. feaver is at the Bath, and the Dutchesse of Portsmouth puts off her journey upon it. The King askt mee about it as soone as I came to towne, pray enquire and let mee know the truth," The Same to the Same. 1676-[7], March 17. [London.] — Has no manner of diversion or satisfaction here. Sir Charles Sedley's Cleopatra has been acted often, and to-day a new play of the death of Alexander, but I have not been to see either, living a mighty drudging life. 44 The Lords have put the Bill which we call for the securing the Protestant Religion in case a King or Queene should happen to bee of another — against which the Duke and many others have entered their protestation — and the other for Popish recusants registering themselves, in pretty farre advance. Both Houses waited upon the King yesterday with the addresse against France and for the preservation of the Low Countries, to which the King answered he did agree in his own mind with his two Houses, and would endeavour the preservation of the one, and to stop the progresse of the other, as farre as should consist with the peace and safety of this Kingdom. The Commons have moved an addresse to the King for bringing over the Duke of Norfolk, and voted yesterday that all those who had compelled, advised, or promoted, the sending over any men into the French King's service since the King's proclamation against it, are enemies to the King and Kingdom. There has been nothing yet of Ludlow, the King having since my cumming to towne sent to the gentlemen that attended him about it and askt his leave to come and bring their greevance to him, but I do not heare as yet that they have bin with him, if they have not in a day or two they will." The Duchess of Portsmouth tells mee she intends to be at Bath in June, when the King goes to Portsmouth. The Same to the Same. 1677, July 26. [London.] — Had spoken to the Lord Treasurer about Charles and his cousin going to Ninieguen. He is much against the plan. He says the place is inconvenient and excessively dear, there being hardly room for the plenipotentiaries themselves. No one who could avoid it would think of going there. A little house and provisions according would be 800/. a year. That he had written to his cousin Herbert to stay at Saumure till his new governor comes in the place of Dr. Chamberlain. Dr. C.'s salary had been 100/. a year. The Queen has given the King so great an opinion of the white and pied pheasants and other things at Badminton, that she says if he were not very lazy and averse to a journey, and fond of London, he would go down on purpose to see them. The Same to the Same. 1677, November 15. [London.] — Has this day sent to her son at Oxford 300/. worth of (ware ?) and 50/. in money, and intends to send him a coach and horses as he desires it, " though when I was at Oxford it was not thought necessary." When he has finished his own business, and seen the Prince and Princess of Orange take boat in the river, which will be either Saturday, Sunday, or Monday, he is coming down. Is staying at home because 67 he is in mourning, and this is not a time to appear in town without very glorious apparel. Wishes he had some fox hounds to spare as the Prince of Orange is mighty desirous to get a good pack and has asked for some. He had been very pleased with a gelding given to him, and would be glad to have such another. The Same to the Same. [1678], January 24. [London.] — " Mr. Godolphin for whose returne out of Flanders the King was faine to adjourne the Parliament — hee being to bring resolutions from thence, that hee desired to acquaint the Houses with at their first sitting — is now come back, so that certainly on Monday wee shall fall to our businesse. His cheefe errand they say was to get the Spaniard to put Ostend into our hands, a place they will hardly keepe, and that would have bin very necessary for us to have for landing our men, and supplying them from heere with all things necessary from time to time, and for a great many other considerations ; but the Spaniard had rather loose it to the French than wee should have it, tho' they expect all manner of assistance from us." Is sorry the works at home go on no faster. Instructions about enclosing some land on Mr. Codrington's side . . . " if the cover could be broom and eider instead of furrs it would bee -better, for so the King now does at Newmarket, finding furzes too strong a retreeve, and observing that the spaniels commonly kill them (partridges) there before they rise .... I do not think I shall lend (or send) the Prince of Orange any hounds, therefore Drake need not covet to get any more." The Same to the Same, 1677-8, January 29. — Sends the King's Speech for which the Lords gave him thanks that day. " Yesterday we admitted my nephew of Arundel — for so he is now called since his father is Duke of Norfolk — and the Lord Ferrers of Chertley to the seats which their families had. The first at the upper end of the Barons bench is Baron Mowbray, was something disputed by Lord Audley and some other barons. But the other not at all, they having not succeeded in the first. The Archbishop also took his seat, having been consecrated the day before." We had a vast entertainment afterwards where all the people of quality, and, I think, the whole House of Commons were, where we drank healths to the success of the war with France, and confusion to those that should obstruct it. That is the good success the first, begun by the Duke of Monmouth, the other by the Lord Treasurer. We have this day released Lord Pembroke out of the Tower, and yesterday the Duke of Buckingham asked the House's pardon and was admitted. The Same to the Same. 1677-8, March 14. — Thinks he shall be satisfied with having made the folly and malice of his enemies manifest, and not speak to the King about it. The Same to the Same. (A fragment.) " And Dutch army, and very neere of an equality in all other respects, for 'tis likely all but my Lord Ossery will come too late, there E 2 31SS. Of THE DUKKOl' .Beaufort. 68 MSS. of the being news today of an engagement, and the Duke of Monmouth and Beaufort. Lord Feversham, and the Earl of Plimmouth going not till Tuesday, — the two first to the French, the last to the Holland army, and today the Duke of Albemarle and Lord Moulgrave, the first to the Dutch, and the second to the French, so that the King will have one sonne on one side, and one on the other, a Duke on the one side and a Duke on the other, two Earls, and two Knights of the Garter on each side. I am sure you'll be glad that another did not go to make it uneven, I mean your most affectionate husband." [1678.] — A strongly worded protest, without name or date, against the attacks made upon the Marquis of Worcester by Protestants, though the whole county can testify that he is not only himself a Protestant, but married the eminently Protestant lady, daughter of the martyred Lord Capel. All his household are Protestants except two old servants of near four score years of age, who came to him with the estates from his uncle and cousin, whom he cannot in honour discharge. An account of Prance's confession and retractations. The Marquis of Worcester to the Marchioness. 1678, April 11. — The Speaker's illness has caused the House to adjourn until Monday, when the new Speaker Sir R. Sawyer is to be presented to the King. Our Speaker also, the Chancellor, is ill. Yesterday being the Fast day was wholly spent in devotion. Our House by appointment went to the Abbey to hear a sermon from the Bishop of St. David's. It was a very good one and we have ordered it to be printed. Has seen a second paper of Arnold's in which he leaves out a friend or two, but enlarges somewhat as to Milb . . . and so does Scudamore. This testimony has so inflamed the House they talk of nothing less than drawing up an impeachment against him. Tomorrow the marble for the banquetting house and my closet chimney, and the sarscinet for the cover of the bed, which is risen, as all silks are, a fourth part in price, will be sent down. The Same to the Same. 1678, April 27. Worcester House. — I found your brother Harry upon thorns to go and manage the Poll Bill, nobody else acting upon it in his neighbourhood. He seems to doubt now the Hollanders joining, as his last letter intimated, and consequently the Houses sitting long. The Committee has sat thrice this week, but she has an account of all that passed there, by one she thinks good for nothing. Does not find that he was mentioned from the first day until yesterday, when Sir Trevor Williams said Mr. Arnold had written to a member of the House that he was threatened with ruin for the information he had given. He said the House should be informed of this. " If Sir Trevor does say this in the House it will give my friends an opportunity, and I thinke oblige them, to say that in my behalfe which I now find them very unwilling to do for fear of crossing what the best of them I find desire to promote, and nothing lesse I perceive will, if that does, persuade them to consider mee so much as to declare, though indeed my Br. says Mr. Poole was so generous at the Committee as to mention the decrease of popery in Monmouthshire, though his friends did not like hee should do me justice at that rate." 69 The Same to the Same. mss. op the Duke of 1678, May 4.— We sat to-day until two, and yesterday until after Beaufort. one o'clock, and have done nothing but resolve to go upon the Bill of Popery on Monday morning. Hears that a new set of informations have come out of Monmouthshire, but knows not what they are. The Same to the Same. 1678, May 9. — Had been to see Sir R. Howard's running horses which he would sell, but there is not one up to his weight. The rest of the letter upon parliamentary matters. " Wee could not yesterday proceede in the Bill against the growth of popery, because it was necessary to hnve the Judges present, and they cannot bee spared from Westminster Hall till after the terme." The Same to the Same. 1678, June 13. — " We lost yesterday one of our Privy Councellours Sir Robert Carre. The King ordering at the rising of the Councell that the clarke should blott him out of the roil, hee having it seems misbehaved himself in the House of Commons. The towne talks that his place of Chancellour of the Dutchy is given to Sir W. Talbot, who has bin extreamely zealous in promoting his Majesty's service there, but I heare from better hands that Sir Robert's place is for life, and is not liable to be taken away at will. Wee have put off the determination of Lord Purbeck's businesse till Saterday upon the Duke of Bucking- ham's desire, and on Monday wee determine whether there lyes an appeale to us from the Ecclesiastical Court in the case of Mr. Codring- ton, whom they have judged lawfully married to his Italian wife." The Same to the Same. 1678, June 15. — About Lord Purbeck's case, and domestic matters. The Same to the Same. 1678, June 22.—" Wee yesterday finding an impossibility if wee past the Bill for the £200000 for disbanding the army, that it could possibly bee don by the time therein limited, which is the last of this month for those in England, and the 27th of the next for those beyond sea, and consequently that the money would not bee levyed nor the worke performed, there being penalties of disability upon those em- ployed that should meddle with the money, if the thing were not performed by the days there mentioned, have enlarged each time a, month. But whether the Commons will agree to this alteration I do not yet know. They desire to conferre first with us, which cannot bee till Tuesday, our House having adjourned till then, though their's sit again on Monday. They have this day finish't their new Bill against Popery." The Same to the Same, at Badminton. 3678, July 6. — Believes the Houses will have finished business by the beginning of the week after next, and will then rise. Both Houses are very weary, especially because of the hot weather ; the House of Lords has been sitting to a very late hour of late. It seldom now rises before 5 o'clock ; yesterday it was at 6 o'clock, &c. 70 Mss.or in j The Same to the Same. Duke of Beaueobt, 1678, July 18. — "I endeavoured yesterday to have don the businesse of H.M. which I told you the King had refered till then in order to our speaking togeather with my Lord Ch. after Councell, but though another had bin very earnest with him to do it as well as myself, the [art] of the House of Commons was so great that it would by no meanes bee allowed of. I went afterwards to him that had helped, and made it an argument why hee should presse the old businesse in order to redeeme the ill consequence of those other things done in favour to the adverse party, and hee promist hee would, but going againe to-day I find hee has not yet had an opportunity, yesterday and to-day having bin wholly employed in consultation with forraigne ministers in order for the Maine affaire, and dispatching the Marquis of Burgomeria, one of the Spanish ministers, and my Lord Feversham into the Low Countreys and Holland to know what they can and will do in opposition to France, against whom wee now seeme so in earnest that the most knowing conclude wee shall certainly enter into warre, unless the King of France for fear of so powerful a con- junction make the Swede propose rather to sit downe by their losse than hinder the peace of Christendome, contenting himself with the hopes of meeting a compensation some other way hereafter. Lord Berkeley was yesterday sworne of the Councell to his no little satisfaction, as you may imagine." Is very anxious to get into the country. The Same to the Same. 1678, November 7. Worcester House. — Had arrived in good time this night. Had performed the journey with more ease than could be imagined, " and using links and a cart horse wee drove as hard and as safely as if it had bin day, so that I reached Maidenhead by nine of the clock this morning, where having rested five houres, I arrived heere by the close of the night.' 5 Hears that the Duke has declared in the House of Lords that he will, to satisfy some, forbear assisting at any Council further than as a peer in the Lords' House. The Same to the Same. 1678, November 10. — Let Price know that there is an information against him and that I have engaged he shall appear, therefore for the sake of both he must not stir from Badminton, so that he may be ready when sent for. Has not time to write more as he has to be at the Council at 3 o'clock. The Same to the Same. 1678, November 11. — Bedlow informed the House of Commons last night that he heard Price was a priest, and that he was in this plot. Believes he only pretends to speak from hearsay, but that is enough to have him sent for, he believes. " I should bee willing to save them the trouble of sending so farr as Badminton where I should not bee fond to have a messenger's face appeare upon such an accompt, therefore by advice of the Lords that are my friends, and of this Committee of Examinations, whereof your brother and my Lord Ailsebury are two, I have sent this to order Price to come awny immediately, and if hee meets nobody for him sooner, that 71 hee come up and etay at Colebrook or thereabouts or neerer heere, so if hee bee not within 10 miles to bee ready at a call ; and to let me know where he is." Captain Spalding is also accused. He had better come up to justify himself. He has leave by this to come. Postscript. — Let Price come away at once least the messenger overtake him at Badminton. The Same to the Same. 1678, November 12. — It is a very wearisome life here with little satis- faction in it. We either sit morning and afternoon, or the whole day without adjourning for a dining time. This day we made two sittings of it. After a motion had been made in the morning by Lord Shaftesbury for releasing Rogers, as not duly taken into custody because in time of proro- gation and without fees, but not agreed to, though it is possible upon the next motion it may ; the House received the report of Bedlow's examina- tion both concerning the murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey and the plot. The first of which he said to be done at Somerset House, and in the other among others he accuses Price to have been consulted with as he was told, but says that they said that Price warned them not to let me be acquainted with it, f or if I were I should be sure to discover it, and do my best to prevent it's takeing effect. He accuses further Captain Spalding that he would have delivered them Chepstow Castle, and that my cousin Milborne Vaughan of Courtfield, and others of the Romish persuasion, were likewise in it. All of whom are ordered to be sent for by messengers. The afternoon we spent wholly in the Bill for hindering Papists to sit in either House of Parliament, which we were correctly put in mind of yesterday, and pressed to pass, but have not gone near through it. The Same to the Same. 1678, November 14.—" Wee have this day as good as voted the Popish Lords out of the House at the Committee of the whole House, for wee have voted none shall sit that will not take the cathes of Allegiance and Supremacy. The debate held till 5 of the clock. I find by your letter you have not a right apprehension how things go heere, when you desire if possible Bedlow may be safe kept ; for hee is at this time a man of that extreame credit that hee may point out whom hee pleases to bee safe kept. There is nobody hee mentions to have bin talked of by the Jesuits hee says hee was imployed by, but is sent for into custody. This day Mr. T. St. John's eldest sonne who was mentioned by them, surrendered himself, hearing of the order to take him into custody, and was, though interceded for by my Lord Marquis of Winchester, sent to the prison of the King's Bench." Expects that Price and the others mentioned will be imprisoned in like manner. Thinks it would be not amiss if she would write to her brother Essex to befriend them. Is much mistaken if they are not innocent. Bedlow's pardon will be out to-morrow or next day. He confesses he has been a great rogue but hopes the service he is now doing will make amends, &c. " Hee takes great care to vindicate mee,for, he says, those Jesuits that told him they had consulted Price in the nflair said that hee told them that I was not a person to bee attempted in. it, for hee knew it was impossible to reconcile mee to it, but that I would immediately discover it if I should heare on't." mss. of the Duke op Beaufort. 72 mss.ofthe The Marchioness of Worcester to the Marquis. Duke of Beaufort. 1678, November 16. — "I am very glad that Bedlow hath yett soe* much honesty as to speake the truth of you, I cannot but extreamely lament the unhappy age wee live in, when a man whose whole life hath been nothing but vilanie and pagentrie, and whose word would not have been taken for sixpence, shall now have it in his power to ruine any man ; but as this is too true, soe is Almighty God's providence to you much the more to bee acknowledged . . . for not only preserving you from the hurt he might have done you, but to make him doe you the best servis hee could, though I am very confident, and have some reason to bee soe, that he is managed by those that are as malicious as can bee to you." The Marquis op Worcester to the Marchioness. 1678, November 19. — Feels that, for the good of both, he must part with Price even when he is released, the prejudice is so great. He surrendered last night to the Serjeant and was to-day committed to the King's Bench, "which- is the greatest favour wee show to any- body though never so slightly accused." One of those accused by Bedlow yesterday, being a member of our House, and sent for by a warrant of the Chief Justice after our House was up, avoided being taken and complained to us in his place, testi- fying his abhorrence of the Plot. After a long debate wee ourselves committed him to the Black Rod. " You will see in the House of Commons' votes that Secretary Wil- liamson was yesterday sent to the Towre, upon which this morning the King assembled the Council, and afterwards sent for the House of Com- mons into the Banketting House, where hee told them that hee would bee civiller to them than they had bin to him, for though they had sent one of his Secretarys to the Towre Avithout acquainting him with it, hee would acquaint them that hee intended to send for him out againe, which hee immediately did. The House has spent all this day since in dispute concerning this businesse, but I know not the result, coming in pretty early to write, and not having spoken with any of the House of Commons since I hey risse, your sonne coming home about 3 of the clock and not returning thither any more this evening." The Same to the Same. 1678, November 21. — "I am very glad to find by Charles that hee has writ all the newes, for else, cumming in pretty late, and being forced to send my letters early, the City being so full of guards tha a footman is an houre in getting from Ludgate to the Post-house, 1 should not have had time." Capt. Spalding and my cousin (Winsour ?) were heard to day at our bar, and the two Bedlows to accuse. One of them said Captain Spalding was at Mass at Somerset House. This he absolutely denies and says he was never there but once, to see a Captain of the Guard. The other said Captain Spalding was to deliver up Chepstow Castle into my cousin . . . hands for my brother Powis, that he was told to by the Jesuits and by Sir Henry Tishburne, and to confirm it further he said that Captain Spalding, riding with him between Chepstow and Abergavenny, told him he was got into Chepstow by Lord Brudenell in order to a design. A very probable thing that he should communi- cate to him if it had been so ! However upon his being asked by the Lord Chancellor and confessing that it was five years since he took the sacrament he was committed to the King's Bench. 73 "My cousin (Winsour ?) wee got off, and hee will bee with you in a M ^™ J day or two, being the only person that has had his name mentioned by Beaufort. Bedlow, or any other, that has not bin imprisoned." The Same to the Same. 1678, November 23. — Finds that he must not be absent even for an hour when the Council and Parliament are sitting or something happens to make him repent his being away. "This happens very seldome, unless a Committee of Lords sit upon some business that I am concerned in, as yesterday about the militia, which the House of Commons desire Avee should join in an addresse to the King to have ordered to bee called togeather a third part in every county for fourteen days, to bee succeeded by the other two third partes for fourteene days each, which wee could not find wee had power to do by the former Acts, which wee communicated this day at a con- ference to them. Wee had two other conferences likewise upon the Bill for securing the King's person, and hindering Papists to sit in either House of Parliament, in which I believe wee shall agree, they having past our proviso concerning the Duke, and wee being content to waive our amendments about the Queene's and Duchesse's English servants, provided they will leave the Queene's name quite out of the Bill, and leave it to the construction of the law, which will have regard to the articles of marriage. Your two newes that you desired to bee informed of are neither of them true. The Duke of Monmouth being as well in health as ever I saw him, and Sir B. Compton, who dined with mee to-day, saying his brother has never had any guard but upon the Gunpowder Treason day. Here is not a day passes but wee heare of somebody or other killed or hurt by the Papists. Yesterday they say a woman that cried the narrative of Staley's trial, the goldsmith's sonne who was condemned on Thursday to bee hanged, drawne, and quartered, for say- ing hee would kill the King, was runne through by a papist that ranne away when hee had don it, and to day my brother Essex told us in the House that the brother of a man that was lately killed neer the towre, as I take it, at Bedford, says his brother came up to testify against Capt. Spalding, and was therefore killed. I have not had time to inquire into the truth of it." The Same to the Same. 1678, November 26. — "This has bin a day of great duty, the Councill having sat twice, that is from eight till eleven in the morn- ing, and from three till six in the afternoone, and the House twice, that is from eleven to two, and from six to past eight this night. The occasion of its sitting in the morning, and yesterday morning, is no secret, for I heard it from everybody I met at Whitehall before I went in, and it was all over the towne the night before, viz. Oates his accusing the Queene of having resolved ever since July last to poison the Kin}*. That of this afternoone was occa- sioned by what you see in the enclosed, the addresse of the House of Commons for Bedlow's pardon beforehand for what hee should this day say, which the King there tells them hee will take time to consider of and answer to. The answer is not in the paper because the votes of this afternoone are not there, but I heare it was in the negative, the Attorney having declared to the King that a pardon of an offence before it is committed is not good in law. I know r not what further applica- tion they will make, but I heare this answer did not please, and that it 74 MSS. of Tin; was observed by some of that House that, when the King gave his Beaufort. answers without consulting his Council they were alwaies gracious, but — when hee advised with them, they generally were otherwise. I heare besides they were angry in other things, and Sir Trevor moved that the garrison of Chepstow should bee disbanded, and the armes removed, and the castle demolisht, it having alwaies bin in ill hands, and was, as I heare, seconded by Sir Gilbert Garrard. What Bedlow intends to say when hee has his pardon nobody knows, but it seems to bee the accusa- tion of some great person. Wee had this day two conferences with the Commons about the Bill for preserving the King's person, and hinder- ing papists from sitting in either House of Parliament. In the first they gave us reasons why they could not agree to our amendments of leaving the Queene out, at the second wee acquainted them with our being content that the Queene should have no men servants of that perswasion, only nine women, and the Duchesse five, to which 1 heare they have agreed, and that the Bill is past. If so, no member after this weeke is to come into either House without taking the oathes and declaration. My Lord of Berkshire and Lord Cardigan are gon they say for France, I suppose with leave, I am sure the second had. The first, they talke in towne, should bee gon, the rather by reason of some letters taken amongst Coleman's papers, and supposed to bee his, under another name. I know not whether he bee gon or no, but I have not seene him these two or three days in the House. My Lord of Salisbury has begged a couple of hounds of me, which I desire should bee good ones, &c." The Same to the Same. 1678, November 28. — Has been three weeks in town this night. The Parliament and Council sat until nine last night. Has just come in at that hour this night from Parliament, which has sat forenoon and afternoon. He had in the interval been at the Council which sat then. " At least I was summoned to one, and a Committee of it sat. About 8 at night a conference was desired by the Commons, at which they delivered us an addresse to which they desired our concurrence, which is, that having received information of a dan- gerous conspiracy against his Majesty's life, wherein to our great astonishment wee find the Queene accused, wee therefore desire his Majesty would bee pleased, for the safety of his person, forthwith to remove her and all her family, and all other papists or reputed papists from the Court. Wee immediately adjourned till tomorrow morning, 9 of the clock, and ordered Mr. Oates and Mr. Bedlow, the two witnesses in the case, to be brought at that hour to give their evidence to us, after which wee shall resolve whether to join or no in this addresse. A quarrel yesterday betwixt my Lord of Pembroke and Lord Dorset took up a great deale of our time, but judging Lord of Pembroke to have bin in the wrong, wee inclined to confine him to his house at Wilton, which hee has this day of himself desired leave to go to, which is a punishment I envy, and should go neere to commit a fault so I knew a confinement to Badminton should bee my sentence." Mr. Coleman has this day received his sentence. His own letters were enough to condemn him, but besides that Mr. Gates swore he saw him give fourscore guineas to the four Irishmen that were to have murdered the King at Windsor, and Mr. Bedlow heard him say he would wade through the blood of a hundred heretic kings to reach to the establishment of the Catholic faith. " After sentence Coleman said, as I was informed by severall that were there, that hee thought the jury had don according to their consciences 75 and to justice, but that now that hee was justly condemned and had no M ^JJ manner of hope of escaping death hee hoped hee might, having no Beaufokt interest in what hee said, bee beleeved, being so soon to answer before that great tribunall where, though his sins had bin very great., hee yet hoped for mercy, and then did protest upon his salvation, that hee had never seen the face of either of those gentlemen, except that of Mr. Oates at the Council table when hee was examined, and where as one of the clarkes of the Councill certified — being required to it in the trial by Mr. Coleman — Mr. Oates acknowledged hee had never seen him before after having look't a great while upon him." Had that day presented the Mayor of Bristol, who was then knighted. The Same to the Same. 1678, December 3. — Mr. Coleman was executed to-day and said the same as he had at his condemnation. That if the contents of his letters were treason he was justly condemned. That he knew no more than he had discovered, and never knew of any design on the King's life. The grand jury have to-day found the bill against Lord Bellasis and Langhorne. The Same to the Same, 1678, December o. — Lord Shaftesbury will have it that all the garri- son of Chepstow are Papists, and that none of the men have been at church for three years. We were at it today for an hour, and yesterday as long, and he would have the matter examined by the Bishop of Llandaff, Mr. Lewis of St. Pierre, and Mr. Kemish the last sheriff. I wished the House to examine it, but it being too little a business for them, I consented it should be examined by those three and three men of mine, viz., Sir H. Evans, Thomas Morgan, and Thomas Herbert. Lord Shaftesbury and the Committee say that the information comes from the Bishop. Had told the House of the quarrel between the Bishop and Captain Spalding so that he was not a fit person to whom to refer the case. Thinks the falconers should be discharged for the hawks they have are not worth the keeping, neither will there be, he thinks, any time for hawking this season. They may have the hawks as a gratuity. Will keep two servants [named] as long as he can, but a Bill is proposed to forbid any Protestant to keep a Papist servant. We had five impeachments brought from the Commons today, for each Lord severally. The first, Lord Arundel of Wardour, brought up by Mr. Wharton, Colonel Cooke's brother inlaw. The second, Lord Powis, brought by Mr. B. Maynard, Lord Maynard's son. The third, Lord Bellasis, brought by Mr. Thynne, 1 mean Tom of ten Thousand. The fourth, Lord Petre, brought by Mr. Philip Warwick. The last, against Lord Stafford, brought by Mr. Jerome How. " This brings it quite out of the method the trials were in, the Grand Jury having found the Bills, which had fitted them for such a trial as Lord of Pembroke had, and would have bin in the Hall. Now it will bee in the House, and after another manner. The hounds Drake names, will not — according to their character — bee proper for Lord Salisbury, hee having nothing but buck and hare. Therefore I would have him propose some harriers, my Lord says he cares not what colour, therefore if the reddish dogs bee good harriers they will be proper &c." 7G mss. of the The Marchioness of Worcester to the Marquis. Duke op Beaupoet. N.D. — It is so suspicious a time she is very careful what she writes by post though she cannot find that the seals of any of his letters have been tampered with. It would be well if more care were taken about the letters which come into the country. One was written to one of the Figotts in Bristol which they say laid great emphasis on three of the Marquis's servants being in the plot. Supposes they mean Price, Captain Spalding, and Wintle. The two last cannot without much perversion be sup- posed to be his servants. It is strange how people remember all the malice of the late war, but not its inconveniences. The King's enemies do not always work, as Hudebras says, under ground, for they have emissaries in all countries, who spread reports which are credited as if people were out of their wits. For instance a grave gentleman told Mr. Glanvill that the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Herbert, had fled with only two men servants. There has been a report that you are in the Tower. It will be wise therefore not to dismiss both the falconers, or people will fancy you are not coming into the country. Wonders that her cousin Winter does not come into the country to show himself. People will hardly believe he is yet at liberty. The Marquis of Worcester to the Marchioness, 1678, December 7. — u I forgot to tell you in mine of last night that Powell that was lost, and thought murdered, was brought last night before the King whilst hee was at Council. The King asked him what made him go away. He said being frighted with a terrible dreame. Hee told his wife in the morning when hee waked, hee wished no ill might befall him, having had such a dreame, and before hee was come to himself out of the fright, hee went out of his house, and then out of tovvne, and having bought a little horse went to Worcester. The King asked him how hee came to be clapped in prison there. Hee said because his name was in the Gazette, the Mayor secured him. The King asked why hee was so melancholy. Hee said that hee had some hard creditors that fell upon him, though hee was worth above 2000/. more than hee owed. The King asked him several other questions, as whether hee had bin showed a black and a white booke wherein the Papists had set their friends that they would have, and those they intended to destroy,, whereof hee was one, as had bin reported. He said no, but hee had heard of such a booke, but would not owne that to bee reason of his going away. The King advised him to go home to his wife, and trust to him for keeping him, and the rest of the kingdom, in peace and safety. Till this man came up few people here would beleeve him alive, but that the story of his being at Worcester was feigned. I have had but a little peace this morning from Lord Shaftesbury, but on Monday I expect wee shall bee at it again e about Rogers his commitment, which hee says was not warrantable, being after the prorogation, and I doubt hee will carry it, though the clarke, my Lord Bridgwater, and other lords, said when the Parliament rise, that it might bee done, and upon that encouragement wee proceeded." Thinks Parliament will sit a long time, and therefore he is negocia- ting with Lord Paget to take his house near Colebrook. 77 The Same to the Same [at Troy]. Dukeof Beaufort. [1678,] Thursday. Newbury. — Not having received any letters, and he and Mr. St " being very inquisitive after news at this time, enquired if there was no Muddyman's letter in the house, and at last we heard there was a man in the house that had the liberty to peruse a parson's letters that lives at Hamsted, who ■uses to have news. I sent to him and he sent me Muddymans letter, in which there is nothing considerable, and a private letter to the parson himself, wherein I find that your brother Harry Capell, Sir Thomas Lee, and Mr. Hambden, were sent by the House of Commons to Mr. Coleman to effer him his pardon from the King, which they had leave to do in case he would make a free discovery of the whole conspiracy, and that they reported to the House they could have nothing from him, but that he was so unhappy that they already knew enough to hang him. He confessed only that he had received money from France for propagating the Catholic cause and had distributed it." The Marchioness of "Worcester to the Marquis. December 4. — Hears that Mr. Barker is so frightened he will not stay in the country. Very much wonders at the folly of the gentlemen in allowing so many silly things to be done in the country. Is not frightened herself. A messenger from her cousin Winter had been stopped by the watch at Wick war because he was carrying it to Badminton. He was taken before Mr. Smith, who, instead of reproving them, only said that he would be answerable for the man. It is easy to see much of the old leaven remains. Hears that the soldiers are most ready in taking the oath. The Same to the Same. 1678, December 14. — Endorsed, My wife, Dec. 14th, 78, to go to Mr. Arundell. " I doubt this will bee the longest [letter] you have had yett, for I am willing you should know the terible fright — I, and indeed — all this part of England hath bin in with this allarume of the French, w hich I gues by your letter was made nothing of att London. I 1 eleve you gues pritty well what my disorder was by my last letter. The Mayor of Bristoll in Councell desired Mr. Fitzherbert to send rresently to mee that I might dispatch to all your Deputy Lieutenants ; what Mr. Fitzherbert writ was bad enough, but Mr. Thurston who hapc nd to bee in the t^wne, and soe was sent to mee, assured mee it was most certaine, and told many circumstances ; within tow howers after this came in a message from the Dr. with worse circumstances then before. I sent for Mr. Cothrington, and sent later to my Cosen Cooke, with a note of just what the Mayor had writ, and his desire that they might bee acquainted. In this horible f eare I continued till Thursday just before super, then the Dr. came in — who I had sent for, being very ill with the fright — who assured us it was all false. Then I began to bee frighted what the consequence might bee of putting all people in armes in this manner, and was desirous to doe what I could towards the quieting them againe, but am soe fearfull of medling lest you should not bee pleased, or that I should doe you prejudice by it, but pritty luckily I had opportunities of doeing it soe that X hope you will not dislike. 78 M Dukeo? E Friday morning came the inclosed for you, directed to mee that Beaufort. I might see how your business there went, and finding them all in such a fright there i imediately dispatched a messenger, and writ with my owne hande — as the inclosed — to Capt. Booth. I was the willinger to send that I might lett your friends know that Rumsey, town-clarke of Bristoll, was gone privatly to Chepstow by watter, I suppose to assist the B ; I writ Her : Jones word of it. Yesterday when 1 thought all quiet, comes in the enclosed from Sir R. Atkins, which gave mee some new apprehensions, but I had more witt then to send it as hee advised ; Mr. Cothrington sent upon Thursday to his Br. Windham's and had in returne a long letter, the substance of which I drew out and sent to Sir R. A. ; the coppys of my letter and the paper I have put in this. Now give mee leave to give you as farr as I know an account how all your officers behaved themselves upon this occasion. I will begin neer home. Truely Mr. Cothrington was not onely extreamly ready as to all things of action, but very prudent, and with all the respect imaginable to you, and extreamly tender not to doe more then they ought to doe, but hee is sadly yoakt, Mr. Smith would not admitt of his warrants but sent of his owne drawing, where hee told the country all the story and much more, of severall towns burnt, and when all was done, ordered them onely to bee ready at an howers warning. The meeting was at Wotton, wher the clothyers were all for giveing of their trade, and turning of all there workmen. But Mr. Cothrington is gone this day to satisfie them, and will doe all that may bee to quiet them. " Mr. Winter's part was very pleasant. His man was in the house when the alareme came to mee, soe I sent him away to his master with the same as I had done to the rest, and yesterday his man came to mee to lett mee know that the story was all false, and that his master bid him tell mee hee had done nothing yett, and desired to know from mee whether hee should raise the militia. It was hard to answer him without laughing. I know not well the meaning, but I find Sir R. Atkins very forward to beleve this, and to bee in armes." Mr. Cothrington has behaved himself so very well she is anxious to support his request that the Marquis should use his influence to procure the office of Governor of Barbadoes for his cousin Cothrington if Sir J[onathan] Atkins should be removed. The report that he is a Papist makes this likely. Before making this request she had made inquiries of Mr. FitzH.'s son who lived there. He says that he was deputy governor for five years under one of the Lord Willoughbys. and gives him an extraordinary high character. The Dr. is to make further inquiries as to his character among the Bristol merchants. The Same to the Same. [1678,] December 16. Badminton. — "I sent you a great company of papers last post. I cannot forbeare sending you tow more that you may see I had ground for my fright. Mr. FitzH. was the first, and within tow hours after his sonn came from Bristoll with a con- firmation, and just as I was goeing to bed, the Dr.'s letter, which I concluded hee had very good ground for, else hee would not have sent one a purpose. When I received the first of this news I was writing to you, and had writ allmost tow sheets of paper, much of it was what Strang stories were aboute the country, for something of it I had heard but did not beleve ; but upon the Mayor of Bristoll's sending, and all the other confirmations, I never doubted it, but threw my letter in the fier and writ I know not myself what. Truly it is 79 hard to describe the disorder all people were in. This is certame that - — KK M the nonconformists in all places were very brisk upon it, and spread it Bbaotobi . everywhere, and I am told by severall that any man would have been knockt of the head that had but seemed to doubt it. 'Tis Strang what numbers of men in all places were in readines, but very few armes, and as I heare everywhere talk of what you have at Chepstow, hopeing thereto bee suplyed. All the feare was that there was rot enough there If the King had this accident rightly represented to him I am confident hee would thinke the keeping up that garrison more his business than your's All that I yett heare of under your command have Dehaved them- selves more regularly than their neighbours, having proceeded according to rules but in Wiltshire and Somersetshire the captains summon there men without the Deputy Lieutenants, and the townes raise money to pav them, and as I am told doe many very odd things." The Justices having heard that watch is kept m trie neighoouring counties have ordered the like here, and Mr. Smith, who will always have his own wav, would have it double what it used fo be. It has been kept for three weeks or more, and the peopie are weary ot it. Mr Cothrington wishes to know if it must continue. Proposes to melt or otherwise dispose of some odd old things in the house that belonged to his cousin Somerset, which are useless here, and not convenient to bring away. . Is anxious to hear that he has a house for her, and thinks Lord Bristoll's at Chelsea better than Lord Paget's, which is too far away from town. Thinks Sir N. Crisp's the worst situated, and worst house she ever saw. Thinks she must travel on a Monday or Thursday so as to have one of the Bath coaches. Two coaches of his own will not do for there will be at least 15 to travel in coaches. Lord Herbert to his father [the Marquis of Worcester.] r 1678,1 December 24. Worcester Lodge.— Apology for neglect in sendino- the news of Wednesday and Thursday. Had heard nothing about it until the next day. Sends now all the news "which is more than I am afraid we shall be able to graspe,— or at least all the matter of our proceedings these two last Parliament dayes, Saturday and yesterday, that is my Lord Treasurer's letters to Mr. Montague of which the first and the articles are very exact copyes, but for the last I cannot promise so much for, it being the last I copyed when I was a little weary and was read by one in the Speaker's cham- ber to 10 or 12 of us that copyed it a little too far, but as to the 2 first I examined them with the originalls after I had copyed them in short hand and found them very exact. The letter dated 25 March is that which is the most taken notice of, and which has given the most lio-ht to us for the impeachment, which was agreed upon on Saterday nfght and ingrossed and ordered to be carried up by my uncle Henry Capell after "I came away, before which there was only one article passed, upon which as well as upon the others that were made before and after the division being made. The victorious side was alwayes 179, although there were some changed sides, and some went away, and others came in before every question, which has been looked upon as an omen— amongst them that wish it— that my Lord Treasurer is to loose his place in the year /79, which Sir Stephen Fox and Sir Philip Warwick the Sollicitor,— and which Sir Eobert Holmes and Sir Kobert Howard had done if there had not been two comfortable words durante vita as they say in their Patents— have already lost for votemg against 80 M DuKEai? E tne Treasurer, but not it's supposed without hopes of readmission, but Beaufort, those of them that have good lodgings as Sir Stephen Fox has, which he has built up in part, are warned out of them, as I was informed by his son whom I was to see on Sunday night. They say some have been so bold — as Sir Stephen Fox in particular — as to tell the King that if he had voted for my Lord Treasurer, knowing so much as he did, he had voted against the King and that he would if the King would give him leave so prove it to him as he should not doubt of it, which altho it did not make any impression upon the King yet it has made people have a worse opinion of my Lord Treasurer, Sir Stephen having the opportunity of knowing more of him than other people have. " Yesterday was apprehended one Prants a silversmith, whom Bed- loe swears was one of the murtherers of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, who has they say confessed so much as to confirme wholly Bedloe's testimony concerning that business, and has brought himselfe to that pass that he is liable to be hanged if he does not discover the Plot, which by the effects of the Addresse of the Lords to the King for a pardon for him in case he discover more of it, have upon farther consideration prevailed with him to discover the porter of Somerset House, and one Penruddock an innkeeper in South wark — where they say your Lordship's horses used to stand when you were at Chiswick — and promises to discover the whole plot. We did nothing in our house in the morning but hear two or three letters read that were sent from the King, that were — one I think from Sir Lionel Jenkins — to shew how Mr. Mountagut; had been in conference with the Pope's Nuntio at Paris, and other things of which he cleared himself very well, although they were sent thither to shew us the reasons the King had to seize Mount . . papers. This was the only im- ployment of the morning, although we had great tricks used to have the impeachment put again to the vote, but we could not be brought to what — if I may dare say it since your Lordship was not in the House — the Lords were — what with the K.'s pressing them and the Prince being pre- sent all the while the matter was debated — which was to have him present, and to let two questions be carried, which were contrary to all precedents either at home or abroad. The first was whether he should be sequestered from Parliament, or at least withdrawn from the House, while the debate was about him, which was carried in the negative, viz., that he should be present and that he should not be committed. The second was whether the precedents should be inspected to know whether this be parliamentary or indeed legall, and was carried that none should be inspected, so that it is believed we shall have very angry proceedings in our house on Thursday next. Upon it I know not what will be the issue of the great discontents these proceedings of the Lords have bred, and the putting out of members of our house for giving their votes contrary to expectation, unless it be the proverb my Lord Thomond wrote in great letters in a letter last post to Sir William Farmer, viz., that he is sure, if God does not amend all, the must end all. My Aunt Powis was just now pleased to come hither, and tells me that my Lord Pembroke has so displeased the King by voting against the Prince after he had promised to vote for him, that it is impossible for him now to get the Gustos Rotulorum's place, so that she says she hopes your Lordship will not be displeased — since my Lord Ghancellour nor nobody knows she ever concerned herself in it — if I did propose the thing to my uncle Essex to get it of my Lord Chancellour for me, which I will not do if there be any time to be spared, because the sessions being to be there very soon, but if not I hope your Lordship will not be angry if I propose it before your Lordship comes, which I have the 81 more reason to venture upon doing since I know of no inconvenience in the thing, and that your Lordship was pleased to have it proposed to my Lord Chancellour for Brecknockshire I think. Mr. Price was sent for to appeare this afternoone before the King and Council. If I know anything more of what he hath done at Mr, Harcourt's return I shall write it in the cover. I am my Lord, your L's obedient son, Herbert." The Marchioness op Worcester to the Marquis. [1678,] December 30. — All the waggons are going up to town this week to fetch down goods for the fair. A load of goods this week "will be 12c?. in a hundred cheaper than next week, and after the fair there will be none to be had under Id. a hundred, and hardly at that. [This is with reference to sending things to London.'] Begs him to forbid his servants in town writing news to those in the country. By accident she had heard the usher of the hall had received one. She had sent for it, and found that it was all about the Lords' House, but not in agreement with his letters ; and that the King had promised the Treasurer to protect him for one week, but after that he must shift for himself ; and a long story of Prance and Bedlow, not a "word of it true, she is confident. It is very inconvenient having such things reported from this house, for the place gives authority to them. Finds that this correspondence has always gone on when he is in town. This letter, anonymous, she is sure was from Yorkshire. His servants would do better to mind their own business and leave State affairs to those who ought to manage them. Chepstow Castle. 1678, December 31. — A certificate signed by Thomas Dolman that on this day the Marquis of Worcester presented to his Majesty, present in Council, four papers, certifying that all the officers and soldiers of the garrison of Chepstow Castle had taken the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, received the Sacrament, and subscribed the Declaration appointed by the late Act of Parliament. One serjeant, two corporals, and one drummer, were present and personally testified that there had been only one Papist in the garrison, and he had been turned out five years since on his refusing to take the oaths, that all the soldiers used to receive the Sacrament once a year while in garrison. That by Captain Spalding's order the roll was called every Sunday at the church door, and all absentees fined, and that the deponents were generally in default and paid the fines, which were expended on making a walk in the Castle, and on other things necessary for the soldiers. That upon every fifth of November all the soldiers attended at the church, leaving their firearms behind. That Captain Spalding always attended the church service. That when oaths were tendered they never knew of any one's absenting himself, or putting forward another man to represent him. That John Rosser who was turned out five years ago was the only Papist they have ever known as belonging to the garrison. The Board was satisfied, and ordered the Memorial to be entered in the Council Book. Four schedules with signatures are annexed. The garrison numbers 53. The Marquis of Worcester to the Marchioness. 1678-9, January 2.— Had made an offer of 100/. a year, and to keep the housekeeper and gardener, for Lord Paget's house, but finds U 60050. v MSS. OFTHB Duke of Beaufort. 82 MSS. op the he asks 200/., and will therefore treat for Lord Berkeley's house at W. Bedloe to the Marquis of Worcester. 1679, September 5. Monmouth. — Has made it his business on his journey through Heading, Newbury, Marlborough, &c. to contradict all reports unfavourable to his Lordship ; that at Bristol, Gloucester, Here- ford, and many other places when he saw the accusations in the coffee houses, he tore them up, and sent the coffee men to prison. The Marquis of Worcester to W. Bedloe. 1679, September 9. Worcester House. — Acknowledges the above letter. The Marquis of Worcester. A paper containing the speeches in Parliament against the Marquis of Worcester as in the Diary at the end of these notes. . The Marquis of Worcester to W. Bedloe. [1679.] — Had in his last letter told her of Oates' accusations against the Queen, he now sends the address sent to them by the House of Commons. We yesterday heard the witnesses themselves, and after debating it from 9 in the morning to 6 at night we almost unanimously refused it,, there being but five for it. " I suppose I may name them since they desired if it was carried against them they might have leave to enter their protestations. They were Lord Shaftesbury, Lord Hallifax, Lord Wharton, Lord Grey, and Sir Herbert of Cherbury. " I suppose I may also tell you the evidence, since what was delivered at the barr of both Houses, though in the presence of none but members of each cannot bee presumed to bee any great secret. [Three pages of the stories of Oates and Bedloe.] "On Monday we shall give the Commons our reasons at a con- ference why wee did not agree with them. My Lord Ailsbury came to mee this day, and condemning mightily his sonn's discourse to me, asked mee at last what you would take for your • . ." [End of page and the rest missing.] The Same to the Same. [1679.] — [The latter half of a letter, of which the first part is missing.] " I have had a little brashing at Council this evening, because the morning's was but a short one, by the Lord Herbert of Cherbury, though I thinke much to his Lordship's disadvantage. The business was this. Hee writ up about three weekes ago that the Deputy Lieutenants of Montgomeryshire had not done their dutyes in the search of Powis Castle, and that there were arms hid there in the walls and under ground. Upon which the Councill ordered hee should have power given him to search for them, and I sent to some of the Deputy Lieutenants to attend him in it, no Peer's house being by the Act to be searched without one. The Deputy Lieutenants upon receipt of my letters send to offer their service. He instead of making use of them, in doing what he was ordered, tells them in a letter I might have spared my paines in sending them orders, for hee could tell how to command any of them, by the King and Council's order. I acquainted the King and Council of this, and desired to know what he 83 had done upon that order, for it would have bin a good proofe for Mr. MSS. of the Attorney against Lord Powis to show hee was in the plot if concealed beaupobt. arms had bin found. Hee made so fumbling an excuse, and showed so — much malice and so little wit that I pitied him, and would not urge things so far as I might, seeing everybody very shame of him. From thence I went to the Queene to give her thanks for laying my sister so obligingly aside, for being to keepe none but Roman Catholicks about her that are not Portugese, shee intends but three ladys of the bed- chamber of that number, the rest to be Maids of Honour and Dressers, and out of civility thinkes shee could do no lesse, since the King stuck to her, and showed so much concerne for her when shee was accused, than to choose the D. of Portsmouth in the first place, so that there remained but two to go with her to her devotions, which it will be necessary should bee almost alwaies upon duty, which before they were but now and then upon, and but for a day at a time, so that in effect they must bee drudges, which shee could not imagine considering my sister's circumstances shee could not bee. Yet shee was so tender of her that shee sent my Br. Clarendon to mee to have her consent before shee would choose, which I carryed today with as great a compliment as I could make." Chepstow Castle. 1679, May 3. — A list of all the guns, stores, and habiliments of war now in Chepstow Castle. The Marquis of Worcester to the Marchioness. [1680.] — Was at a Committee of Council this afternoon, and has to be at the Couucil itself to-morrow morning. Gives the heads of the King's speech as far as he can remember. The King said that having an ill memory and desiring to forget nothing he would read what he had to say. He told us that the several pro- rogations had been to very good purpose to himself and his allies. That he had made a league with Spain as he had before with Holland, and they with Spain. That he hoped what was so much desired by former Parliaments would be acceptable to this one, and that though many might have wished it sooner it was not now too late. He was prepared to do all things for the maintenance of the established religion, pro- vided we did not alter the succession. That Tangier was in a bad condition and needed aid beyond his resources. The Same to the Same. 1681, March 25. [Oxford,] Jesus College. — This town is not very pleasing to him. The want of a cross post to Bristol is a great dis- appointment. No one knows how long we shall remain here, "the House of Commons not having yet declared themselves — as a House — in anything, but the general opinion is they will be very angry, which after the King's speech I do not see how it can consist with long sitting, if the King continue firm to what hee has there declared, and seems in all discourses to stick to. There was yesterday an opportunity offered him to declare himself, to which I ignorantly contributed, but was glad of what it produced ; and because you will like what the King said I will repeat as much as I remember of it. Lord Shaftesbury comes up smiling to our end of the house and says, I have an expedient put into my hand in this paper — which he shewed — that will comply with the King's speech, and satisfy the people too, and this hee communicates to Lord Chancellour. I being neare asked him whether I and some other F 2 84 mss. of the lords by mee might not see it. No says hee the king must see it first, Beaufokt an< ^ ^ y ou w ^ snew it nmi — f° r I must not come up to him — then you — ' shall see it. Lord Chancellour — who would not leave his seate — said to me, ' pray my Lord do/ So I took it and then carried it to the King, think- ing it truly some pleasant jest intended for the King to laugh at, for so it seemed by the Chancellour and his laughing, and I could not imagine that any serious man could think really to accommodate all things between the King and the Parliament in six lines, which was all I could see in the letter. When the King read it, he found the expedient was to settle the Crown upon the Duke of Monmouth. ' Ay marry,' says hee, 'heere is an expedient indeede, if one woulde trample over all laws of God and man.' Says Lord Shaftesbury, who came pretty neere to see what would follow, ' Sir will you give mee leave to make it as lawful as wee can ? ' Says the King ' that's just robby luty [?], and who- ever goes about such things can bee no better than knaves, by the grace of God,' says the King, * I will stick to that that is law, and maintaine the Church as it is now establisht, and not bee of a religion that can make all things lawfull, as I know Presbytery can, and overrule all laws that do not advance their religion, and in that they are ten times worse than the Pope, for tho' hee will have all things under him that can bee pressed to bee in ordire spiritualties, hee allows it to bee argued whither they are so or no ; but the Presbiterians twice when I was in Scotland came into the Parliament house, and bid them proceede no further in some things than were before them for they had judged them to entrench upon the Kirk.' Several other things hee said of his resolution to stand by the Church,though hee should have never so few stand by him. Lord Shaftes- bury said no Church nor Clergy were but would impose upon the government. I said, not the Church of England. Says hee, because they were never in power and authority. Says the King, ' I hope they are now, and I will not bee for lessening it, and if I do I know I lesse my crowne, for wee must march togeather.' So that I thinke now — and J have reason to believe so from what hee told me before in private — that hee will not bee angry with us for being against the bill for repealing the Statute of the 35th of Eliz., which wee are this morning to go upon, and I believe shall throw out. Lord Darby petitioned yesterday to be bay led, and after a debate of two hours wee adjourned it till Monday. I receaved yesterday a letter from my cosin Tom Herbert, wherein I find hee takes his being not allowed to proceede in the election at Mon- mouth very heavily, which I am mighty sorry for, and as you know was as displeasing to me upon several accounts, and my directions were not pursued on it. " P.S. — I must not omit one very good reply of the King's to Lord Shaftesbury. The King speaking of standing by the Church and Government though hee had never so few, said, ' I am not like others that the older they grow the fearfuller they are. I thinke the lesse wee can live according to nature, the lesse wee ought to value one's life/ ' Pray,' says both Lord Chancellour and Lord Shaftesbury, ' do not bee so unconcerned for your life for in it depends all our good.' i And yet,' says the King, ' I am the only Arbitrary Man. 3 " The Same to the Same, at Badminton. 1681, March 28. Oxford. — Is glad to hear she walks about among the workmen. He and his son are well. The bed and furniture in his chamber look well, and have so much reputation that his servants tell him many strangers come to see it, and it is much cried up. Thinks truly that both rooms and furniture are better than the King's in Christ Church. 85 Sends a list of the rotes, and of the parliament men. [Not in this MSS. of the 7 _ -i * Duke op leizer.] ^ Beaufoet. Does not find that the House of Commons is likely to agree either — with the King or the House of Lords. " Not with the King, for you see the Bill of Exclusion ordered, which the King declares in his speech against. Nor with the Lords for you see they will have Fitz-Harris tried by impeachment, and the Lords have left it to the law, which is certainly the regular course, the proofes being so home by there witnesses that hee must certainly bee condemned at law — who appeares to all men a horrid villaine — in bespattering not only this King but his father and grandfather with being Papists and indeavouring to bring in Popery, with several other horrid assertions. Who set him at work is not found out, but the party that endeavours to have him tryed by impeachment is certainly the most favourable to him, for hee is sure to be hanged in the King's Bench, and there are many things may happen to save him the other way, as Prorogation, Dissolutions, &c. Or if the King will have him suffer hee must bee obliged to continue the Parlia- ment sitting, whatever reason they give him to the contrary till it bee done, which they may prolong that are prosecutors as long as they please. If it were not for one of those reasons possibly some would not bee so fond of having a commoner in criminal matter tryed by the Lords, who are not his peeres, contrary to Magna Charta. My Lord Howard of Escrick made a long speeche to excuse himselfe that, contrary to a maxime hee has, and the truest — hee says — that a man can governe himselfe by — viz. that Papists are not convertable by Protestants at this time — hes had bin so overcome by his good nature as to suffer this man to eate and bee constantly at his house at Knightsbridge for a great while togeather before this broke out, which I should have bin very sorry had bin at mine. Wee [?] have displeased the Commons in another affaire, and that is by not allowing a Committee of both Houses to examine our clerke about the losse of the Bill to repeal the Statute* of the 25th of Queene Eliz., and are not for ought I see like to please- them in anything. I have not time to write any more, Prayers having bin long this morning in the Colledge, at which I constantly am, and not beginning till eight o'clock, and the King being to sit early." The Same to the Same. N.D. — Her brother writes that the Council had met for the purpose of taking new informations about the Plot. " The Duke of Monmouth came into the Council and took his usual place there, and as I heare, the King shewed the same kindnesse as hee used to doe, and 'tis said speaks of him soe at other times. He has delivered up his commission as General &c." The news on Saturday was that the Duke of Monmouth was to go to Hamburg and Berlin on Wednesday or Thursday, and the Duke on Friday next, and the King to Newmarket on Saturday. The Queen and Court go with them. The phisicians came to the Council to acquaint them they intend to give the King the Jesuits powder five or six times before he goes to Newmarket, which they agreed to. He looks well, eats two meals of meat a day as he used to do. "You may remember that I told you of a gentleman that was to bend or breake, I find from good hands the same resolution holds, and if hee doe not bend hee is to lose his place. I beleve there is not the least doubt of the Parliament sitting at the time 86 MSS. of the " I am told that notwithstanding all arts possible to make it otherwise Bbaufobt. tne people are not so evident against the Duke as they have been, but it — is strange the making the Duke of Monmouth his competitor with the Duke, hath given Monmouth a strange interest more than hee had, for the fear of Popery is soe great that they are apt to catch at any rotten reed rather than venture that. It is said hee attempted — I know not whether succeeded — the Duke of Southampton, and that incensed the King. 'Tis so extravagant that I think it must bee made &c." The Same to the Same. 1681, June 16. Cranford. — Cannot be down before the muster because no answer has yet come to the letter sent by Lord CO., as he told me to-day at the Council at Hampton Court, and he cannot get the King to appoint a day for the other business, which now cannot be this week, Mr. Secretary going this day to London, and not coming to Windsor till Wednesday. Remarks about the coming musters in Gloucestershire. " Tom Cheeke told mee this morning at Hampton Court that Fitzharris desired him to tell the King that if hee would change his punishment into transportation or perpetuall banishment hee would discover who put him upon accusing the Queene, the Duke, and the Earl of Danby, and make it out by more than his own testimony." Had stayed so long at dinner at Ned Prayers' lodge, with the Lord Chancellor and Lord Conway, he has not time to write more. The Same to the Same. 1681, July 2. London. — " You will the lesse grutch my stay in these parts when I tell you of this days' worke, and that wee have this morning signed a warrant at the Council — the King present — to send Lord Shaftesbury to the Tower, who had nothing to say for himself but that if a certaine sort of witnesses were believed — whom very lately hee magnified and would have to bee sufficient ones — no man in England was safe as to life or fortune. Wee afterwards had the papers left in Dr. Hawkins his hands, referred to by Fitzharris at his execution and attested by the Dr. — who is the Minister of the Tower, and who put him in mind every line hee writ of his being to answer so soone at God's tribunall — and three other witnesses, wherein hee declares how hee had bin induc't by the Sherrif s and the Recorder to say what hee did against the Queene, Duke, and Earle of Danby, being promist it should save him till a Parliament, and there hee should bee acquitted. All which hee declares to bee utterly false, and askes God and the persons concerned forgivenesse for having sworne it, and renounces God's pardon if what hee now says bee net true. The thing itself will bee speedily in print and therefore I only slightly mention some particulars in it. I hope though with great difficulty — which I did not expect from . . . — that Harold and Price will bee left out, for Lord Ch. who was very loath to do it and opposed it highly, told mee to-day it should bee, but I must see it done after the obstructions I have met with, or it may yet faile." Goes this evening to Cranford, to-morrow to Windsor. A male bald faced calf is to be caught for Lord Norrice, and another with a female bald faced, and another ordinary one, for Lord Winchelsea, and a bald faced fawn for Sir Robert Atkins, 87 The Same to the Same. mss.o* the Duke op 1681, November 12. [London]. — Has come home late because the Beaufort. King went to a play in the afternoon, a thing he does very seldom, and I not much oftener, and he had felt himself obliged in good manners to do so too. The King pricked last night the English sheriffs. I had my roll ready, but put off giving it in " because of a doubt in the King whether hee should prick in two or three countys good men or men notoriously ill, because of incapacitating them for being chosen in case a Parliament should bee within the year, and hee will consider which between this and next Wednesday. There is a Commission of Oyer and Terminer for the trying of Lord Shaftesbury, but it must bee by a London jury, so all advantage the King will have by it probably speaking is that the people will see the jury is againe fores worne, and that the evidence was full enough in case the jury had bin impartiall." The Marchioness of Worcester to the Marquis. [1681,] December 3. — Approves of the proposed purchase of the house at Chelsea. If he wishes to make the King a present he can give him a young peacock and peahen such as are not to be found elsewhere. Their necks are coloured as the others, the heads and the feathers on the top of them are milk white, which makes their shining necks extremely fine. Their bodies and long feathers are ash colour, spotted with black. They are lovely birds. The Marquis of Worcester to the Marchioness. 1681, December 11. — People are mighty busy in making their interest for Parliament men, though there is nothing yet resolved of that kind, it depending on what the King of France will do, whether continue his blocking Luxembourg or no. The Same to the Same. 1681, December 17. [London]. — Has just written by the King's command to thank the Mayor of Bristol for so vigorously putting in execution the laws against conventicles. Hopes the City will do the like, having received a like injunction. Has bought Lady Bristol's house at Chelsea for 5,000/. The road to it is so dry that most times he has been able to walk in the highway and in a quarter of an hour from Lord Arlington's. The water is brought from Kensington in pipes and is very good. The Same to the Same. 1682, June 24. Chelsea. — The King and Queen came yesterday to town. The Lord President is my neighbour. He keeps a very mighty- good table. Had gone with him to the Council where the business was between Lord Ormond and the Lord Privy Seal, rt but the passages Lord of Ormond takes exception at being out of the printed book, Lord Privy Seal has time to compare the print with his manuscript to see if they agree before he owns them to be his, and when he does he is to defend them the best he can, but I think he will have much to do." The Same to the Same. 1682, November 27. [London]. — Has little news, only it is certain Lord Shaftesbury has been seen at the Brill, in Holland. 88 MSB. of the Had left the question of his title to the heralds who advised much Beaupokt. a new one rather than the continuance of an old one, which, though — practised in several cases of late, is not according to rule. " Therefore I have chosen Beaufort, and that my son be called Worcester, the heralds saying that the title is most eligible which brings in remembrance the family one comes of. There are several other promotions, as Lord Morris made Earl of Abington ; Lord Hyde, Earl of Rochester ; Lord Cambden, an English Earl — I know not his title — Lord Townsend a. Viscount ; George Legge and Sir John Bennet, English Barons, the first of Dartmouth, the second of Osestree ; Churchill, a Scotch Baron, or Viscount I know not which, so that I find the reason why the King was unwilling to open the doore." The Same to the Same. 1682, November 28. — Finds by her letter that he had not lighted on the title she would have chosen, but now it cannot be helped. The feast of the Artillery Company has taken up the whole day, and so tired him that after waiting on the Duke back to Whitehall he had come home to Chelsea. There was a vast deal of company, and almost all the people of quality at the feast. The stewards that treated us were the Duke of Albemarle, Lord Oxford, Earl of Arundel, and Lord Faulkland, who have resigned their places to the Duke of Ormond, Earl of Sunderland, Earl of Alesbury, and Lord Falconbridge. The four (Lieutenants ?) are the two Sheriffs,. North and Rich, Sir R. Hadcock, and another Knight. The Mayor r Recorder, both Sheriffs, and the major part of the Aldermen were there. Capt. Mathews has Drought some partridges from Tangiers, and he hopes to get some antelopes. The Same to the Same. [1682.] — Much worried with his own and other people's business. This morning had been turned out of bed early in the ugliest mist ever seen or smelt, to wait upon the King on behalf of one Captain Mathews, who partaking of his master Monmouth's fall is turned out of his employ- ment in the Guards. . . . Dares not be a minute from the Council while it sits. I had much ado to procure my cousin Tom (?) Herbert an order to see the affidavits made against him and more time to answer the charge. Ned Seymour was against me, which I did not expect, and for Arnold, but I hope it will not be so when the dispute comes between my son and him. Feels it necessary to be more at Court than usual,, which is no great delight. The Duke of Beaufort. 1683, November 22. — Papers in an action by the Duke of Beaufort,, against J. Arnold, Esq., in which the jury gave 10,000/. damages, ending with — " This is to certify at the desire of the said John Arnold and in his own words, that he thinks himself bound as a Christian and a gentleman to take shame upon himself for all his scandalous misdemeanours towards the Duke of Beaufort, and to make this publick acknowledgment of his Grace's generous and undeserved condescentions towards his relief, declaring likewise that this advertisement is true in every circumstance and the voluntary act of — . . . ." The Duke of Beaufort to the Duchess. N.Y., August 31. Birmingham. — Will be at Woodstock by noon on Saturday. Has left Shrewsbury for Powis Castle, by which means 89 he has escaped bad quarters in several places and the hard duty of MSfiUw the riding to Holywell and back. Expects to-morrow to join the King at beaufoet. Coventry. " I suppose you take it for granted the King will bee with you again on Tuesday, the time for dinner to bee ready I will send the night before. The High Sheriff and gentlemen I suppose will meet the King on Monday upon the confines of the county." The Lords of the Council to the Duke of Beaufort. 1684-5, March 23rd.— Order to the Duke of Beaufort to attend the Coronation. The Earl of Peterborough and the Earl of Arlington to the Duke of Beaufort. 1685, May 16. — Certificate that the Duke of Beaufort was this day sworn and admitted one of the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber. The Duke of Beaufort to J. Smith, of Nibley. 1685, June 17. Bristol. — Desiring him to get together such of the tenants and neighbours as he can trust with arms, and secure Berkeley Castle from a surprise by the enemy. He is hereby authorised to obtain arms by taking them from all persons not authorised by Act of Parliament to carry them. ("Signed) James R. The Duchess op Beaufort to the Duke. [1685,] June 23. Chelsea. — Hopes to come down in a few days, but hears there is a troop of horse rambling about Wiltshire for plunder. Her friends are as concerned at her going " as if I were going to Taunton." Sir John Guise has been before the Council. A letter has come from Justice Hopton, with an account of Sir R. Gwin. She has sent it to her brother C. to show the Kin The Bill for regulating the collection of Hearth money read second time and committed. The Bill for repealing ^ the Act for well regulating Corporations read a second time and committed. Colonel Birch reports and begins with Drake's petition, which was read, with the woman's lestimony. Then were read the Order of the Councill which were owned by Sir John Davies. But he denyes his obstructing Drake's addressing himself to the Councill, and that the 107 woman desired an order to send for witnesses, which is submitted to MSS.ofthb • r* i xt -DUKE OP the wisdom ot the House. Beaufort. Then the testimony of the prisoners of Dundolk as it was at the Committee, As to the whole matter Sir John Davies denyes most of it, and as to the rest he referrs himself to the Bishop of Meath, who was joined with him in all the examinations before mentioned. Sir Robert Clayton moves to have this debated before the next report of the Plott be proceeded on. Sir Francis Wilmington moves to proceed upon the other report ; which is agreed to. One witness examined. The rest are depositions from Dublin, The deponents not yet come over, John Macnemarra. Bradley gave him an oath of secresie that the Earl of Tyrone had received a commis-, sion from the French King to be Colonel of horse, and Bradley was to be his Lieutenant Colonel. The Earl of Tyrone shewed the deponent a list of severall persons in Minister to joyn with him, and that there were few counties in Ireland wherein there were not severall persons engaged. The French King w T as to land in Connaght and to sieze on Lymerick. The Earl sayd he would destroy an unjust King, and Ormond with his children, who had bin friend to Villiers against him, Qu : M : . . ely with the Earl did instruct the deponent what to swear against Villiers and Nicolls. That the Duke of York gives consent to all that they shall do by the assistance of the Earl of Anglesey. The Earl of Tyrone shewed a letter from the Earl of Anglesey that he had made so many friends in England and Ireland, and particularly the Duke, that he should not fear what could be done to him. The other depositions read which tended to the same effect, adding that they were resolved to throw off the English yoke since the King had broken promise with them made at Breda to restore them to their religion and estates, and sayd that the King of France had promised them 10,000 men and 20,000 armes. FitzGirald mett Capt. Tho. and Lord Brittas and many more where he heard them agree to raise men in Munster by Brittas Lacy, &c, for that the French King was to send 20,000 men and 20,000 armes with artillery and ammunicion proportonable, confirmes the former testimonies with a design of a massacre. That the Earl of Tyrone was to be a generall officer, and so was Colonel Fitzpatrick. Sir William Jones : This out of Ireland confirms Oates his testimony of the whole Plott, and confirms the testimony of the witnesses against the Lord Stafford. A. Privy Councillor again accused yet still he sitts. They had encouragement from the Duke of York. It is impossible to be secured in our religion in this King's time while there is a prospect of a Popish successor. Moves for an immediate impeachment against the Earl of Tyrone. Moves some consideration of the Earl of Anglesey, since there are two that have positively sworn against him. Two witnesses who have spoken him to have known the Popish Plott. Sir H. Capell reflects upon the King's Councill, and moves to consider of the Earl of Anglesey for that he was fully consenting. Serjeant Maynard compares the present design in Ireland with the beginning of the rebellion there in 41. We are infatuated. God hath discovered it, and we hide our eyes from it. Seconds the former motions for returning an answer to the Lords' message. Mr. Hampden is glad to hear the Lords are satisfyed that there is a Plott. He hopes the clergy are satisfyed too because the prelates in that House are. That Taibott was in Cheshire in lh.38, and in four dayes sent Coleman an answer to a letter of his. Desires the 108 VI ?w™-? E addition concerning the Duke of York to our concurrence with the Beaufort. message irom the Lords. Sir Francis Winnington : We are in a deplorable condition, and the name of Popery is turned into a ridicule. Eeflects upon the Lord Clifford. Notwithstanding all the Ministers of State and the brow- beating of witnesses God will send deliverance. If the French King take Flanders or Ireland the King's compliance will be too late. Moves for the addition. ^ Sir Thomas Lee moves to agree with the Lords in their declara- tion, and to add that nothing but an excluding the Duke can preserve us. It is agreed with the addition of the former vote of the Duke, and that it is the encouragement to the Plott in Ireland as well as in England. Colonel Birch moves it may be delivered to the Lords in a conference, and desires that the managers may have power to give reasons. Sir John Trevor opposes it till the Lords have considered whether they will agree to our addition or not. Sir Thomas Lee and Mr. Hampden say it is parliamenlary to give reasons for what we have done which must entered upon the Lords* books, and cites a precedent for it delivered by the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan. Sir John Trevor sayes it has bin the practice these 15 yeares to stay till they agree to it, before any reason given at a conference. Sir Thomas Mores of the same opinion with Lee and Hampden. So is Mr. Biscowen. Carryed in the affirmative. Sir William Jones moves for an impeachment against the Earl of Tyrone as a commoner in England. Debated pro and con and carryed in the affirmative, and an impeachment to be carryed. Mr. Hampden and Sir Thomas Lee move that the Earl of Tyrone may be imprisoned by the Lords and removed out of the Gate house. Sir Thomas Player moves for a consideration of the great English Lord that had so many 100 masses sayd for him. Mr. Harbord moves for an impeachment against him. Sir William Jones to defer it till Saturday next. Seconded by Sir John Trevor and Sir Francis Winning ton too. This debate upon the whole report — till Saturday next. Sir Thomas Player moves for an address to the King to hanc condemned priests in Newgate and other places. Friday, 7th January. The impeachment against Sir William Scroggs read. A Bill read to prevent vexatious suits upon actions of trespass. Ordered a second reading. A Bill read that no common brewer be a Justice of Peace. Ordered a second reading. A Bill against Simony. But that the Simony of one person shall not prejudice the right of another. Ordered a second reading. A Bill for discovery and seizing the estates given to superstitious uses, read a second time and committed upon the debate. All members to have voyces. Sir Thomas Mores against one John Fancourt, that he should say, he had a knife in his pockett he hoped should cutt the throat of some 109 persons. That the King could not be quiet till part of London were MSS. of the burnt, and that the Plott would prove a Prebyterian plott. Beaufort. Referred to a Committee to examine. — Mr. Sheriton's Habeas Corpus declared by the Speaker. Mr. Biscowen moves that the Serjeant should give notice that he is committed by the House of Commons. Sir Thomas Clarges sayes that he is committed by the House, as an execution which is excluded in the Act, and moves he may be brought to Baron Weston, with the cause of his commitment. Seconded by Sir Trevor Williams. Sir Francis Winnington moves this debate be adjourned till tomorrow, the first thing. The King's message read. Mr. Booth does not doubt his Majestie's goodness, if hee depended on his own judgment. Knows not why we should retract our thoughts from that Bill till another be proposed. That severall Lords are there rather by interest than meritt, and knows not why his Majesty should be any more confirmed by the House then I should bee for a servant's doing what I bid him. That it is for the sake of one who hath aspired to the Crown, relieved those that fired London, which he hopes London will never forgett. Arbitrary power and Popery have bin so carryed on as if the King himself had bin a party to it, if it were possible to be so. Oates and Bedlow now not so much thought as evidence, as to think Lord Stafford duly executed. Proposes that the evill councillors be removed. That no money be given till our religion and liberties be secured. That no money be levyed by anticipation of loan. That the Bill be passed without which no safety. Lord Russell : It is a good Parliament but wee are unhappy in the King's being carryed away by evill councill — who are known — and would have them branded and the Bili revived. Mr. Montague : We have sent as many good and modest addresses as any Parliament ever did, but never had any kind answer. The Plott is not at the Tower but at Whitehall. Is of opinion that Tangier is in danger, and so is Flanders. But he cares not who hath them if the Pope have England. Sir Robert Markham hath heard that" the Duke was willing the Bill should pass, if so desires the members of the Privy Councill would lett us know it. Then our debate would be short. Sir H. Capell recites what the former members had said. All men that he hath conversed with, agree that we can be safe in nothing without the Excluding Bill. The Lords have proceeded to Mr. Seymour's business, which is of less moment then the great Bill. All our mischief proceeds from monsters who would sett up a Popish King over Protestant subjects. And if they see the stream go that way would ride post along with it. This government must be at a stand or come to blood. Exclaimes against the luxury of the Court and men raised from small beginnings. If the Bill do not passe, the body will get a new head, or the head will get a new body from France and Popery. Proposes that we acquaint his Majestie that without the Bill nothing can be done, and if we cannot have that, to adjourn. Is not ready with an expedient, nor is there any encouragement when 'tis said nothing but the Bill will signify any- thing. His opinion is well enough known, and will never be ashamed to own it. 'Tis an odd way of proceeding when the House of Lords have rejected it and the King shews his dislike, yet the Commons must have it, which would alter the constitution of the government. Moves 110 M Su K °eop HE for expedients. Not to meddle with Tangier, either as a lame less or Beaufort. arm, as it was termed before. & ° Mr. Gore : If the Lords were left to themselves, and the Kin"- were not too kind to his brother, the Bill might pass. That forreign people have freer access at Court then English men. All vices as well as opinions cherisht at Court as well as diffused from the Court. Moves tor the Bill. Sir Robert Markham moves that expedients may be proposed, and that the Prince of Orange may be thought of for the succession. Mr. Hampden : Of opinion that no other means can be found out. The best expedients would ask time to consider them. Recites all the summs given by Parliaments. Can we think to have our laws better executed under a Popish Prince, when we have them so ill under a Protestant Prince. "We not only have had a Plott, but we have a Plott. Lord Cavendish : We cannot be safe without the Bill, nor with that without we have more. It is a misfortune the King sticks at that which must inevitably be our mine. Would not adjourn in case the Bill be denyed. We have considered the ill consequences of the Duke's government after the King's death. But ought we not to consider of his government during the King's life. That the Duke being a Papist is incapable of governing, and in case of the refusall of the Bill that we might be freed from our allegiance, and if ail the people be of one mind we shall not need an indemnity. Mr. Mostyn moves for an association. Sir William Jones : There can be no rivalls in crowns. If the Act does not pass to exclude the Duke, an Act of Association would be treason when the Duke comes to be King. Banishment cannot be practicable. The Bill of Exclusion is the only foundation of all the good lawes that can be made for our safety. All els will be ineffectual!. A vote which was moved by Lord Cavendish would bring us under Mr. Hyde's objeccion. That the Kinelstani Kegis." 2. " Hoc consultum est quod episcopi et prepositi qui Lundoniensi curie pertinent edixerunt, et jurejurando confirmaverunt in suo fripgildo comites et villani." 3. " Institutions Ethelredi Regis." 4. " Hec sunt verba pacis et prolocutiones quas ^Ethelredus Rex et omnes sapientes ejus cum exercitu firmaverunt, qui cum Analavo et Justino et Gudermundo Stegiani filio venit." 5. " Hoc est consilium quod Anglie sapientes et plebis Walie con- solarii (sic) inter Dunsatas habuerunt." 6. "Hoc instituerunt Ef>elredus rex et sapientes ejus apud Habara. ,, 7. "Institutions Eadgari Regis. 8. "Hec pacis agenda que Alfredus Rex ct Godrun rex et omnes Anglie sapientes et omnis populus East Anglie constituerunt et jure- jurando confirmaverunt." 9. "Hoc est consilium quern (sic) JElfredus rex et Gorun rex elegerunt et condixerunt, quando Angli et Dani ad pacem et ad con- cordiam plene convenerunt, et sapientes, et qui postea successerun sepius hoc etassidue renovantes in bonum semper adduxerunt." 10. Leges Eadwardi: "Eadwardus rex admonuit omnes sapientes suos quando fuerunt Exonie ut investigarent simuletquererentquomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quam antea fuit, quia visum est ei quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret et quam antea precepisset" 11. Leges Eadmundi. 12. " De juramentis." 13. "Institutio Willelmi regis," or Carta pro aliquo maleficio. (Thorpe's Ancient Laws, pp. 210, 211.) 14. " De veteri consuetudinum promotione." (Ibid. p. 511.) 15. " Rectitudines singularum personarum taini." 16. " Institutiones Henrici Regis," being the Epistola prefixed to his Laws, and the confirmation of the laws of Edward the Confessor. Upon these immediately follow, without any break, some passages respecting the reign of Henry I., thus : — " Idem rex noster ita scripsit apostolico Paschali de investituris ecclesiarum, et datione baculorum, unde jam pridem a diebus Willelmi fratris ejus agebatur cum beatissimo Cantuariorum archiepiscopo Anselmo, pro quo tot incommoda sustinere, tot pro nomine Jhesu contumelias pati, totiens meruit exulare, ubi dum sanctae Sion recordatur, in salicibus Babilonis nostrae suspendit ad tempus organa sua donee preponatur Jerusalem in principio letitiae nostrae, et beatus sit qui se continebit, et allidet pravitates suas ad petram Xfm, asspiret ante dies et clinentur umbrae quae sanctae mentis desiderium tenebrosa noctis involution e propediunt. Patri venerabili 118 MSS, t>p Paschali," [etc., being the letter from Henry to Pope Paschal II., Iftjt^jSq, exact ly as gi ven m John Brompton's Chronicle, and thence in the ~ ' Fcedera.~\ " Eodem termino et per eosdem legatos, per Rodbertum gcilicet ticetfeldensem episcopnm, et per Herbertum Norwicensem episcopum de intronizatione Girardi venerabilis Eboracensium archiepi- scopi electi scribit hoc modo.* Reverendo et diligendo patri universali 1 papas Paschali Henricus Dei gratia rex Anglorum salutem. Et 2 amor quem plnrimum erga vos habeo, et benignitas qua3 multa vestros actus exornat, fiduciam mihi dabant, ut retento mecum Girardo Ebora- censium 3 archiepiscopo, pallium ei a vestra sanctitate requirerem, sed quia ipse totus eo desiderio tenebatur ut vestris conspectibns presentari 4 et a vobis per seipsum id petere posset, ad voe eum misi, dulcissimam mihi paternitatem vestram obsecrans, ut dato eo 5 quod petit pallio, cum honore et leticia eum ad me remittatis, orantem 6 pro nobis filiis vestris. Apostolatum vestrum Deus multos annos 7 conservet, Et heeequidem litterae quanta regem decuit veneratione susceptas sunt, et lectae, et perlecta3 placuerunt, et quantus inde fructus sanctse Dei aBcclesias provenerit sequenlia declarabunt. Estimari vero non potest quantis gaudiis et quanta celebritate predicti nuntii cum regis dignitate, cum sua ipsorum probitate recepti pariter et remissi sunt ; spiritualem 8 tamen Girardus archiepiscopus et tantam in oculis omnium Romanorum gratiam meruit, ut nulla blasfeinantium vel contradicentium studia super eum deinceps Romas processerint, licet de eo fama publicaverit, quod exulante Cantuariorum archiepiscopo Anselmo in ejus dioces quosdam introiiizatos consecrare voluisset. Sed cum ipsi nullatenus acquiescerent, Willelmus Girardus (read Giffardus) Wintoniensium [ejlectus episcopus, et sacrandorum unus, Romam petiit, et beatissimum archiepiscopum suum Anselmum recluxit, ubi divinam et apostolicam benediccionem meruit, et eternam sibi gloriam per secula cumulavit. Rogerus vero Salebiriensis electus episcopus, vir multa benediccionem (sic) precipuitate sollempnis, sanctum ipsius archiepiscopus (read archi- episcopi) redditum justis desideriis expectavit, in tanta rerum perturba- tione sollicitus, ut unicuique debita diligenter ac fideliter intimaret. Post reditum antepredictorum nuntiorum habitum est Lundonise famosum ilium concilium de archidiaconis, et canonicis, et presbiteris in uxoribus abjurandis. Ne monachi vel presbiteri sint prepositi laicorum. De superfluis crinibus et vestibus. Ut occulta vota puer vel puelke sint irrita. De sodomitis publice excommunicandis. Depositi gunt duo ibi abbates propter simonia? circumventionem. Exordinati duo monachi propter homicidium in 33cclesia. Post hoc consilium (sic) probatione (read pro datione) baculorum beatus Anselmus de Anglia profectus est. Hec sunt statuta de archidiaconis, presbiteris, et canonicis in quo- cunque gradu oonstitutis, quaa Wintonias statuerunt Anselmus archi- episcopus Cantuariensis, et cum eo Girardus archiepiscopus Eboracensis, et omnes alii Anglia?, episcopi, in praesentia gloriosi regis Henrici assensu omnium baronum suorum. Sta[tu]tum est," \etc, as in Brompton, Ac, with a variation in the number of witnesses required for purgation from accusation ; " purgabit se adjuncti3 secum ordinis sui idoneis testibus, Sox si presbiter, Quinque si diaconus, iiij si subdiaconus fuerit."] * This letter is also given by Brompton, with the various readings mentioned i: the following notes : — 1 venerabili et universali. 2 Et omitted. 3 Eboracensi. 4 se prasentaret. 5 e 6 or antes. 7 multis annis. s kl spuale." specialitatem, Brompton. no Then follows, without break, the charter of Henry I. respecting MSS.op county courts * . £ 0IIN H ** RV J Gurnet, Esq. u Henricus Dei gratia rex Anglorum omnibus ndelibus suis? Francis ct Anglis salutem. Sciatis quia concedo et preeipio ut amodo commitatus mei et hundreta in illis locis et eisdem termini's sedeant sicut sederunt in tempore regis Eadwardi et non aliter. [Et nolo quod vicecomes propter aliquod necessarium quod sibi pertineat faciat ea sedere aliter.] 1 Ego enim quando voluero faciam ea satis submoneat, faciat ea sedere aliter, necessitate secundum voluntatem meam. Et si amodo exurgat placitum de divisione terrarumvel de occupatione, si est inter dominicos barones meos, tractetur placitum in curia dominieorum. [Et si est inter vavasores alicujus baronis mei honoris, tractetur placitum in curia domini eorum.] 1 Et si est inter vavasores duorum dominorum, tractetur in commitatu, et hoc duello fiat nisi in eis remanserit. Et volo et preeipio ut omnes de comitatu eant ad comitatus et hundretas sicut fecerunt in tempore regis Eadwardi, et non remaneant propter aliquam pacem meam vel quietudinem quin sequa[n]tur placita mea et judxeia mea sicut tunc temporis fecissent." Then, on the two last leaves in the volume, ff. 85, 86, follows, in another and smaller hand, but one of the same date, a copy of the agreement between King Stephen and Henry II. in 1153. This is sub- joined at length, because the copy in the Red Book of the Exchequer from which the treaty is printed in the Fcedera, is described as being more than a century later ; and this older text supplies several correc- tions. Many of the names of persons and places, and especially the title of Dux as applied to Henry, are written in capitals. " Stephanus, Rex Anglie, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Justiciis, 2 Vicecomitibus, Baronibus, et omnibus fidelibus suis Anglie, Salutem. Sciatis quod ego rex Stephanus Henricum ducem Normannie post me successorem regni Anglie et heredem meum jure hereditario constitui, et sic ei et heredibus suis regnum Anglie donavi et confirmavi. Dux vero propter hunc honorem et donacionem et confirmationem sibi a me factam, homagium mihi et sacramento securitatem fecit, scilicet quod fidelis mihi erit, et vitam et honorem meum pro posse suo custodiet, per conventiones inter nos prolocutas, 3 que in hac carta contiuentur. Ego etiam securitatem sacramento duci feci, quod vitam et honorem ei 4 pro posse meo custodiam, et sicut filium et heredem meum in omnibus in quibus potero eum manutenebo et custodiam contra omnes quos potero. Willelmus autem filius meus ligium homagium et securitatem Duci Normannie fecit, et dux ei concessit ad tenendum de se omnes tenuras quas ego tenui antequam regnum Anglie adeptus essem, sive in Anglia, sive in Normannia, sive in oliis locis, et quicquid cum filia comitis Warrennie 5 accepit, sive in Anglia, sive in Normannia, et quicquid 6 ad honores illos pertinet, et de omnibus terris, et villis, et burgis, et redditibus quos dux in dotninio suo inde 7 nunc habet, et nominatim de illis que pertinent ad honorem comitis Warenn', 8 Willelmum filium meum et homines ipsius 9 qui de honore illo 1 The text in the Fcedera (edit. 1816, i. 12), from the Red Book of the Exchequer, is shorter, the clauses within brackets being omitted. ^ And it exhibits the follow- ing variations from the text above, which would seem in some cases to be doubtful : — " faciam ea satis summonere propter mea dominica necessaria ad voluntatem meam " ; — " tractetur placitum incuria mea " ; — " nec remorent propter aliquam causam pacem meam vel quietudinem, qui non sequuntur placita mea," &c. 2 Justitiariis, Fcedera. 3 pralocutas, ib. 4 ejus, ib. 5 filia de Waren', ib, 6 quic- quid, om. ib. ' inde, om. ib. 8 de Waren' ib. 9 iilius, ib. 120 John Hexry sunt plenarie saisiet, et nominatiin de castello de Belencumbre Gubstby, isw. et Mortui-maris. Ita scilicet quod Reginaldus - de Warenn\ castrum Belencumbre et castrum 1 Mortui-maris custodiet, si voluerit et dabit inde Duci obsides. Si vero noluerit, alii de ligiis hominibus comitis Warenn' 2 quos Dux voluerit similiter per salvos obsides et salvam custodiam eadem castra custodient. Alia vero castra que pertinent ad comitatum Moretonie, 3 Dux ei reddet ad volunta- tem meam cum poterit, per salvam custodiam, et per salvos obsides. Ita quod omnes obsides reddantur filio meo quieti 4 quando Dux reg- num Anglie habebit. Incrementum etiam quod ego Willelmo filio meo dedi ipse Dux ei concessit, castra scilicet et villas de Norwico 5 cum septingentis libratis terre, ita quod redditus de Norwico infra illas septingentas libratas computetur, 6 et totum comitatum de Norft- folc 7 preter ilia 8 que pertinent ad ecclesias, et episcopos, et abbates, et comites, et nominatim preter tercium denarium, unde Hugo Bigotus est comes. Salva et reservata in omnibus regali justicia. Item ad rob- orandam graciam meam et dilectionem, dedit ei dux et concessit quicquid Richerus de Aquila habebat de honore Peveneselli, et preter hec castra et villas 9 Peveneselli, et servitium Faramusi, 10 preter castra et villas 11 de Doure, et quod ad honorem Doure pertinet. Ecclesiam de Faures-ham 12 cum pertinentiis suis Dux confirmavit, et alia aliis ecclesiis a me data vel reddita, consilio sancte ecclesie et meo confirmabit. Comites et Barones Ducis qui homines mei nunquam fuerant, pro honore quern suo domino feci, homagium et sacramen- tum mihi fecerunt, salvis conventionibus inter me et ducem factis. Ceteri vero qui antea mihi homagium fecerant, fidelitatem mihi fecerunt sicut domino, et si dux a premissis recederet omnino a servitio ejus ipsi cessarent, quousque errata corrigeret. Filius raeus etiam secundum consilium sancte secclesie se inde contineret, si dux a pre- dicts recederet. Comites etiam et Barones mei ligium homagium Duci fecerunt, salva mea fidelitate quamdiu vixero et regnum tenuero, simili lege quod si ego a predictis recederem omnino a servitio meo cessarent, quousque errata corrigerem. Cives etiam civitatum et homines castro- rum que in dominio meo habeo 13 ex precepto meo homagium et securitatem Duci fecerunt, salva fidelitate mea quamdiu vixero et regnum tenuero. Illi autem qui castra Warengeford 14 custodiunt homagium mihi fecerunt, et dederunt mihi obsides de fidelitate mihi 15 servanda. Ego vero de castris et murationibus 16 meis talem securitatem Duci consilio sanctae aecclesie feci, ne dux me decedente per hoc 17 dampnum aut inpedimentum regni incurrat. Etiam turris Lundoniensis Ricardo de Luceio, et Mota Windlesores 18 consilio sancte ecclesie ad r custodiendum tradite sunt. Ricardus autem de Luceio 19 juravit, et in manu 20 archiepiscopi el custodiam filium suum obsidem dedit quod post meum decessum pre- dicta 21 castra Duci redderet. Similiter consilio sancte aecclesie Roggero (sic) de Busseio motam Oxeneford, et Jordano (sic) de Buseso firmitatem Lincolie 22 custodiunt, et ligii homines duci sunt, et juraverunt, et obsides inde dederunt in manu 20 archiepiscopi, quod si ego decederem, Duci munitiones sine impedimento redderent. Episcopus Wintonie in manu 20 archiepiscopi Cantuar. coram episcopis affidavit, quod si ego decederem castra 23 Wintonie et munitionem 24 Hamtone Duci redderet. Quod si 1 castrum, om, ib. 2 de Waren', bi. 3 ad comitem de WarerC More- tonia, ib. 4 quiete, ib. 5 scilicet castrum de Norwic\ ib. 6 computentur, ib. 7 Norwic\ ib. 9 illas, ib. 9 -prater hoc castrum et villam, ib. 10 faramosi, ib. 11 castra et villas, ib. 12 Feuresham, ib. 13 habebo, ib. 14 Walingeford, ib. 15 mihi, om. ib. 1 nunicionibtis, ib. 17 hac, ib. 18 de Windesor, ib. 19 Lucy, ib. 20 manum, i"b. 21 predicta, ora. ib. 22 Rogerus de Luceio motam de Oxoneford, et J ordanu de Busseio firmitatem Lincolnice, ib. 23 castrum, ib. 24 munitiones, ib. 121 aliquis eorum quibus custodia munitionuin cominissa fuerit moreretur, ^Mj* aut [a] custodia sibi deputata recederet, consilio sancte secclesie alius gubney.Esq. custos ibi statueretur prius quam 1 ille recederet. Si vero aliquis dehis — qui meas munitiones custodiunt, contumax vel rebellis extiterit 2 de castris scilicet que ad coronam pertinent, communi consilio ego et dux nosinde continebimus donee ad voluntatem utriusque cogatur satisfacere. Archiepiscopi et episcopi de regno Anglie atque abbates ex precepto moo fidelitatem sacramento Duci fecerunt. Illi quoque qui in regno Anglie deinceps fient episcopi, vel abbates, idem facient. Archiepiscopi vero 3 et episcopi ab utraque parte in manu ceperunt, quod si quis nostrum a predictis conventionibus recederet, tarn diu eum ecclesiastica justicia coercebunt, quousque errata corrigat, et ad predictam pactionem observandam redeat. Mater etiam Ducis et ejus uxor et fratres ipsius Ducis et omnes sui quos ad hoc applicare poterit, her; assecurabunt. In negotiis autem regni ego consilio Ducis operabor. Ego vero in toto regno Anglie tarn iti parte Ducis quam in mea, regalem justitiam exercebo. Testibus his : Tedbaldo* archiepiscopo, Henrico Wintoniensi, Rodberto Exon. Rodberto Bath. Gocelino Salesb. Rodberto Lincol. Hilar. Cicest. Willelmo Norwic. Ricardo Lund. Nigello Elyens. Gileberto Herford. Johanne Wigorn. 5 Waltero Cest. Waltero Rofens. Gaufrido de sancto Asaph. Episcopi[s]. Rodberto prior [e] Bermund. Otun 6 milite templi. Willelmo com. Cicestr. Rodberto com. Leecest. Willelmo com. Gloecest. Rainaldo com. Cornval. Baldwino de Douning. 7 Rogero Hereford. Hugone Bigoto. 8 Patrico Salesberensi. Willelmo de Albemarl. Albrico com. Rogero Clarensi. 9 Ricardo de Pambroc com. Ricardo de Luceio. Willelmo Martel. Ricardo de Humez. Reinaldo de Warenn'. Manaser Biset. Johanne de Port. 10 Ricardo de Camavilla. Henri de Esexe. Aput West- monasterium. ,, This MS. was partially examined by Mr. Benjamin Thorpe for his edition of the Ancient Laws of England. He, by a singular mistake, describes it as being in octavo and " apparently about the end of the thirteenth century." II. Statuta Anglue. A good MS., in quarto, written in the time of Edward III. Former owners have been William Russell, Thomas Leynthall, and Thomas Morrys. III. Statuta Anglic. Statutes made in the time of Edward III. and Richard II. The volume belonged at the beginning of the 16th cent, to one " George Brame," and in April 1658 a subsequent owner "pd. to Mr. Washington for this book 10s. vie?." IV.' Receipt for Gunpowder. ^ In a volume of astronomical tracts, in quarto, which formerly belonged to the library of the Abbey of St. Edmund's Bury " ex dono fratris Thome de Strouteby," there is found at f. 42b. the curious receipt 1 postquam, ib. 2 fuerit, ib. 3 vero, om. ib. 4 Theobal do, ib. 5 Joh. Wig., om. ib. 6 Otone, ib. 7 Baldwino comite Devonic. ib. 8 Hug. Bigoto, om. ib. 9 Bog. comite de Clara, ib. 10 Johanne de Norwic, ib. 122 Jnnx hknr* for g un P 0W der, u ad faciendum le Crake," which was printed by Sir F. (.Ti-iijoiY, Esq. Palgrave in the preface to his "Merchant and Friar.'" On the same page are old English proverbial sayings, found in similar, although not identical, forms elsewhere, of evil things in a nation which " bettre were lyfles," beginning w Loud Kyng wilfull, bisschop slaw, prist wylde, wy sman twyfold and a description of the " Forma gladii Walwyn militis." An interesting letter from Sir Henry Ellis about these and other items accompanies the volume. V. Chartulary of Blackborough. The Chartulary of the Priory of Blackborough, Norfolk, is a folio volume in perfect condition, in its original binding. A list of the contents is to be found in the Monasticon. VI. Year Book. f Year Book of cases from 33 Edward I. to 13 Edward II T. ; folio. At the end of this valuable MS. is inserted "A treatise of the high courts of justice,' 5 by William Lambe ; temp. Eliz. VII. The Libel of English Policy. Here entitled " The Byble of English polecie." This is at the end of a thick folio volume, on paper, of " Les tribulacions de l'Eglise," which has the following inscription at the beginning, " Iste liber constat Will rao Gaston, quy dedit Will mo Sonnyng, an. M.CCCC.LXXi," carried on thus, " qui genuit Johaimem, qui genuit Johahnem, quern Johannem (sic /) cle ordine Sancti Franc, dedit istius (sic) librum Thomae Wall, alias Windesor herald, a 1528/' Wall paints his own coat of arms in the margin. In the same volume are, i. 6i The retenue of the good Kyng Edward the thrydde " at the siege of Calais ; ii. The poem of the Chorl and the Bird. And another copy of the Libel, written in the 17th century, is inserted at the end. VIII. Herd's Historia Anglicana. " Historia Anglicana, heroico carmine conscripta," by John Herd, M.D., with a dedication (dated from Lincoln) to William Cecil (Lord Burleigh) ; folio. This appears to be the author's original MS., as it contains various alterations. The work was printed from another MS. for the Roxburghe Club in 1868. IX. Montgomery's Instructions for Soldiers. " A shorte treatice concerning thinges nedef ull for this present state, collected by John Mountgomere, Londoner, in Anno Dni 1562 " ; with a dedication to Francis, Earl of Bedford ; a small quarto volume of instructions for soldiers, with "a godlie consideracion for the relefe of suche souldiers as come maymecl, hurt and succourles frome the warres." This was printed from another copy, pp. 209-41, vol. xlvii. of the Archceologia. Quarto. Lond., 1882. X. Essex's Apology. " An apologie of the Earle of Essex," addressed to Anthony Bacon ; with his poems written before his death, which are here entitled "Essex Pilgrimage to Heaven' 3 Folio. 123 XL Spenbek's View of Ireland. mss.of John Henry Edmund Spenser's (i View of the present state of Ireland," dated at the Gurnet Esq end 1597. Quarto, XII. History of the Eeformation. A history, in folio, of the Reformation in England, written by one of the Roman Catholic priests who were banished from England in 1585, and ending with the execution of Thomas Ashfield [" Aufield or Alfild" in Dodd's Church History], a priest, and Thomas Webley [" Welley" in Dodd], a layman, in that year. Begins, "At such time as Maximillian the Emperour governed the Empire." In 1660 the volume belonged to Sir Henry Audely. XIII. Parliament Notes, 1624. ** Some breife notes of the affayres — of each severall day— handled in the Parliament house," from 21 Feb., 21 James I., 1624, to 27 May, with notes of speeches. 245 quarto pages. XIV. Parliament Notes, 1628. Notes of proceedings in Parliament in 1628. Quarto. XV. Parliament Notes, 1640. " Diurnal occurrences " and speeches in Parliament from 3 Nov, to 30 Dec. 1640. Quarto. XVI. Parliament Notes, 1041. " Diurnal occurrences," &c, from 13 April to 12 July 1641. Quarto, In the same hand as the preceding volume, XVII. List of Justices Itinerant. Note-book containing a list of the Justices Itinerant in each year from 23 Henry II. to 39 Henry VI., by Sir W. Dugdale, XVIII. Commonplace-book of John Walker. [No. 15.] A Latin common-place book, in small octavo, of John Walker, of Bury St. Edmund's. It begins with pieces frequently found in similar books of the commencement of the 17th century; the address of Dr. Laurence Humfrey to Queen Elizabeth at Woodstock, and his letter to her ; the Queen's speech to the Polish ambassador, and her speech at Cambridge ; Mr. Love's speech at Cambridge on entering office as Proctor ; Bishop Jewel's speech on leaving Oxford in Queen Mary's time. The rest of the volume is chiefly occupied with copies of letters, most of which are to or from Walker, partly while he was a student at Ley den and at Dort.* p. 42. N. Y. 1 April. Lugd. Bat. — " Franciscus Junius amico cuidem." p. 44. 1570.— -St. John's College Cambridge to Cecil. * It appears from the Album Studiosorum published by the University of Leyden in 1875 that Walker was matriculated there on 2 July 1632. 124 John hSry P* — George Northey " amico cuidam doctissiino pastorique fide- CJurnet, Esq. lissimo." pp. 50, 51, 54. — The same from Colchester, " studioso cuidam,* 1 " theologo cuidam," and " theologo cuidam gravissimo." pp. 58, 59. — Two letters from Henry Lewis to friends ; the second dated 13 July, 1579. p. 61.— J. F. " amico cuidam W." p. 63. 1632, Sept. 10. Lugd. Bat.— J[ohn] W[alker] to Mr. Watson, minister at Woolpit. p. 65. 1632, Jan. 21. Lugd. Bat.— The same to Robert Paget. p. 67. 1633, Apr. 12. Lugd. Bat. — The same to Henry Bridon, " Buriensi," minister. p. 69. 1632, Oct. 6. Chevington.— Robert Paman to J[obn] W[alker]. p. 71. 1633, July 12. Lugd. Bat,— Walker's reply. p. 73. 1633, July 25.— J[ohn] H[oughton]* to Walker, " apud D. Beckman, Scholar Do[r]drac. moderatorem manenti." p. 77. 1633, Feb. 11. — John Walker to William Perkins, f " medicina studioso ;" " Buriae, e domo amitce nostras ma[gist]rae Houg[hton] in platea vulgo Risbigate-Street." p. 79. — John Ho[u^hton] to Walker ; account of his arrival in .London ; yesterday in Whitehall " inexpectatus dextram mihi laatissima fronte porrexit amicus noster Polonicus Ds. Matthisevius." who had only arrived in England on the previous Saturday, and is going to Cambridge ; changes among professors in Holland ; mention of Greaves, Gresham Professor of Mathematics, Paman, and others. p. 81. 1634, May 6. Bury. — Reply from Walker; he received yesterday a letter from Mathisevius. p. 82. 1634, May 3. Cambridge. — Michael Mathisevius to Walker. p. 83. May 6.— Walker's reply. pp. 84-90, 94-96, 101-115. 1631-5.— Nine letters from John Houghton to his cousin Walker, with nine in reply. p. 91. 1638, March 7. Lugd. Bat.— William Perkins to Walker. p. 93. 1634, Sept. 8.— Walker to F. J. p. 94. — John Houghton to Walker ; some anatomical demonstrations were begun to-day at the College of Physicians by Dr. Meverill ; men- tion of old fellow students at Leyden, " Hintonus, Gravius, Ruthenus, Thorius ;" Reade was lately created M.D. at Caen : Dr. Robinson has returned from Holland and lives at Norwich. pp. 98, 99. 1634, Feb. 26. London.— Matthew ThorisJ to Walker, and Walker's reply. p. 104. 1635, May 11. — Walker to Houghton; mentions some rare books bought by him at the sale of the library of " D. Boulton, Garbet- somensis ministri." p. 108. — Houghton to Walker; the library of Dr. Lindsey, late Bishop of Hereford, is about to be brought to London ; the Bishop * He was matriculated at Leyden on the same day with Walker. t Entered at Leyden, 24 Apr. 1636. % " Londinensis," entered at Leyden, 26 Apr. 1633. 125 himself valued the printed books at 800/. and the MSS. at 500/. ; most jqb?^ Henry of the latter he bequeathed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the gijrney, Esq. rest to Clare Hall. p. 1J2. 1635, July 20. — The same to the same ; he is now a member of Exeter College in Oxford, " victum meum publica ibidem in aula cum aliis capiendo ;" goes to the Bodleian ; greatly praises the Rector of Exeter College, Prideaux, " Oxonii gloria, Ecclesias lumen maximum, veritatis Anglicanas propugnator summus," who at the last comitia most learnedly refuted the errors of Socinus and others about the satisfaction of Christ ; Thoris is a member of Pembroke College. p. 116. 1635, Oct. 17. Cambridge. — Michael Mathisevius to Walker ; on St. Matthew's day he went to visit the Bishop of Lincoln, and remained with him until this week, when the Bishop went to London. p. 118. Oct. 20.— Walker's reply. p. 120. 1645, Nov. 27. Bury.— The same to Houghton, now M.D. p. 121. Not dated. Clare Hall. — T. Normanton to Walker, re- questing him to receive Mr. Prittiman's son as a pupil, because he cannot remain at Cambridge without great danger on account of the plague. p. 122. 1636, Jan. 1— Michael Mathissevius, " Vilnensis," to the same ; has arrived at Leyden ; Perkins is now at Utrecht. p. 124. 1655, June 19. Jesus College, Cambridge. — Ti. Adamson to the same. XIX. Diary of Judge Hutton ; Vol. I. [No. 19 ; 60], 8vo. pp. 230.— Note-book and Journal of Sir Richard Hutton, appointed a Judge in the Common Pleas in 1617. 1. Commission from James I. to some of the Judges (including Hutton) to review Sir E. Coke's Reports. 2. 1632. — Reports from the judges on the jurisdiction of the Stanna- ries in Cornwall, p. 7. 3. Description of Cornwall, pp. 46-59. 4. Notes on Devonshire, pp. 60-62. 5. Questions disputed at Cambridge before James I. on his visit in 1614, p. 70. 6. Notes on fasting, pp. 72-75. 7. [1614-1623.] — Journal, from 25 June, 12 James I., to Hilary Term, 19 James I., pp. 77-230. This journal (as is the case also with the following volume) gives full accounts of the appointments of judges and calls of Serjeants with the speeches thereon ; the deaths and characters of judges and other official personages, with speeches of the King and others in Parliament, and brief notices of a few public events. The following are a few of the noteworthy entries : — 16 14, June 30. — Call of Serjeants and speech of L. C. J. Coke. 1614, September 11. — Death of Sir Edward Phillips, Master of the Rolls. 1616. — Death of judge Nichols. 1617. ^-Death of baron Altham. 1617, March 15. — Death of Lord Chancellor Ellesmere, with unfavour- able character, chiefly for his opposition to Common Law. " Le seale 126 JowhSJs* fuit prise . de un P etit tem l >s (lcv{mt bob more par eomandement le Guksky, Esq. Roy, et fuit conmninient clit que il mitla ee#t message al Roy que il fuit an old man, and did not use to putt of his cloathes before he went to bedd. Fuit dit que il prist discontentment que son fils Sir John Eger- ton non fuit fait President del Wales, mes le seigneur Gerard. Et il fuit un home de grand et profound judgment, un eloquent speaker, et uncore in son daren temps il deveigne plus chollerick, et oppose le (sic) jurisdiction del Common Ley, et inlarge le jurisdiccion del Chancery, et il in plusers choses labor a derogate del Comon Ley et del Judges. Et il fait un volunt, et ne done ascun legacies al ses servants nel al ascun auter de ses amies ; et il fuit sepult apud Dodlas- ton in Cheshire, lou son primer fern fuit sepult devant, et la fuit un sermon et nul grand preparacion ne provision pur ascun dynner. Et fuit iusculpe sur son tombe : Orimur, morimur, qui non precedunt sequuntur." The King's progress to Scotland, with a full account of his reception at York. 1618. — Speech of Mr. Higgins, Header at Gray's Inn in Lent. 1619, November 14. — Death of serjeant Sir Charles Cliborne. Death of justice Crooke. 1621 — Cases of Lord St, Alban's, Sir Francis Michell, and (more fully) of Sir Henry Yelverton. Death of judge Warburton. XX. Diary of Judge Hutton ; Vol. 2. [No. 18 ; 61,] in 4°. fi\ 90.— Second volume of the Journal of Sir Kich. Hutton, extending from Hilary Term 20 Jas. I. (1623) to Hilary Term 14 Charles I. (4 Feb. 163f), and ending only three weeks before the writer's death ; written in the same mixture of law- French and English as the preceding volume. The entries relate chiefly to legal matters : the appointments of judges and speeches thereupon, &c. ; the calls of Serjeants, &c. ; and amongst them the following may specially be noted. 1623, Oct. 18. — Long account of the creation of Serjeants, with " un bon and grave speech " of Judge Hobart. The speeches on subsequent like occasions are also reported. 162f, Feb. 6.— Account of the death of judge Houghton. 162f, Feb. 3.— Sudden death of judge Winch. 1625, Apr. 6.— Death of Sir Laur ence Tanfield. Death of justice Chamberlen, " unfortunate in son mariage al Lady Barkly, pour il il pay 5,000/." Account of the death of Sir John Hobart. 1626. — Mich. Consultation of the judges on the subsidy loans. Speech of serjeant Richardson on being made C. J.K.B. At his saying that he had upon his knees begged the King not to promote him* Hutton writes in the margin, " Vix credenda canis." 1626, Dec. 6. — Death of serjeant Davis. 1628. — Death of judge Doddridge. 1629. — Death of serjeant Gevin. Account of the death of judge Yelverton. 1630. May 29, June 26.— Birth and baptism of Prince Charles. Deaths of serjeant Atho and Sir Thomas Lake, and on 18 Nov of Sir John Walter. 1631. — Death of Sir Nicholas Hyde, L, C. J. 127 1632, Aug. 2.— Death of judge Harvey. . MSS.o? 1633. —Birth and baptism of James, Duke of York, "L'archevesque Gubnby^Bsq. d' Canterbury luy baptise, et il ad un exceedingly rich cope, et la fueront l'archevesque d'York, et l'evesque d'London, l'evesque d'Ely, et l'evesque d'Oxon, in faire and rich copes luy assistant.'' All the singers of the Chapel Royal were there, and the best from Westminster "and excellent anthims and musick." 1634, Jan. 19. — Death of serjeant Crew. Deaths of Attorney-General Noye and Sir John Cooke. Sept. 13. — Discharge of L.C.J. Sir Robert Heath. Death of serjeant Towes. 1635. — Death of the Earl of Portland, Lord Treasurer. " Et, come il fuit aftirme, il fuit reconcile al Esglise d'Rome, et fuit un Roman Catholique, et ad extreme unction, et que Sir Toby Mathews fuit ove luy in son sicknes, et labor que il moriera del Romish religion." 1635. — Deaths of viscount Savage, serjeant Ashley, Mr. Mason, Recorder of London, and Sir Walter Pye. 1636. — Death of Sir Julius Csesar. Burial of the Earl of Carlisle. Death of serjeant Hitcham. 1(537. — Deaths of serjeant Hedley, serjeant Thynn, and Sir H. Cal- thorp, Attorney of the Court of Wards. Account of the successor of the latter, Mr. Rowland Wandesford. 1638. — Visit of the Queen of France ; the Judges go in State to her on 5th November. 1639, Jan. 6, — Death of Sir John Denham, Baron of the Exchequer. The writer gives the characters of all the persons whose deaths he Commemorates. The whole journal is one that deserves printing, say by the Camden Society. XXX " Miscellanea." [No. 104. 1.] ff. 1-13. — A few miscellaneous rough notes on coins, wills (a table of forms used in their beginnings, from 1370 to 1488), obits, &c. ; and notes on a few manors in Norfolk. ' ff. 14-21. — Extracts from Sir Symonds D'Ewes' Autobiography, to the year 1632. f. 22. — Note3 out of a diary in 1627-35 of the first years of the writer's married lite beginning with a mem. from 44 fol. 106," that on August 6, 1627, his wife ' c escaped drowning with mee"; notes of family and personal fasts, removals from and to Albury, Stow, Islington, Lavenham, &c. ff. 34-44. — Depositions and other papers relating to a quarrel between Sir Richard Gipps, Knt., of Great Welnetham Hall) Suffolk, and John Hervey of Ickworth, in 1702. ff. 49-50. — On the evils resulting from drinking impure water. ff* 51-82. 1699-1 707.— Miscellaneous notes by several hands (partly by Sir R. Gipps) of antiquities found in Suffolk (Welnetham, Hunden, &c), Beds (Sandy), Devon, &c, with notes out of a MS, of the Antiquities of Exeter " penes Mr. Lord of Devon." ff. 83-86. 27 Eliz., 1640.— "A collection of severall orders out of the register of Graies Inn in relation to casting into commons, &c" 128 j MSs.op ff. 87-88. 1707, June 10. — "Of the French prophets or Camisars." Gukney, Esq. ff. 89-147, 150. — Miscellaneous antiquarian notes and political papers including various speeches in Parliament, 1677-9 ; account of the proclamation of Charles II. and his entry into London, with an account of what passed between him and father Huddlestone on his death-bed ; copy of the will of Thomas Baker, of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1737 ; Sir Clement Heigham's epitaph in Barrow Church, Suffolk. f . 148. N.D. — Account of a search made at The Ccmbe, Hereford- shire, a house believed to be the Jesuit college of St. Xavier, and of the library and papers found there. ff. 152-3. 1553. — " The communycation had betwene the Lady Jane [Grey] and Fecknam ij dayes before she was beheaded, written word for word fourth of her owne hand." A contemporary paper. ff. 153-4. 1553, July 10. — Contemporary copy of Lady Jane Grey's proclamation. ff. 154-9. 1576, July 21, Galway. — Original instructions to Thomas Lee Straunge, Esq., Thomas Dillon, Esq., and Capt. William Collyar, from the Lord Deputy of Ireland and the Council, for their conduct as Commissioners for the province of Connaught ; and commission to the same for the suppression of the rebellion of Ulick and John Burck, the sons of Richard, Earl of Clanricard ; signed by Sir H. Sydney, the Deputy, Sir W. Drury, Sir Edward Fitton (Fyton), Lucas Dillon, and Francis Agard. f. 160. 1588. — " A songe made by her Majestie, and songe before her at her cominge from Whitehall to Powles through Fleete st[rete] in Anno Domini 1588," " songe in December after the scatteringe of the Spanishe Navy." Begins, " Loke and bowe downe thyne eare O Lorde." Three six-line stanzas. ( ff. 161-163. 1584, March 7.— Report of a consultation at the Lord Treasurer's house, whether the Queen's Majesty should enter with forces into Holland and Zealand to give aid to those provinces against the King of Spain or no. ff. 164-165. 1601, Aug. 27. The Hague.— " Memorials on the behalf of his Excellency and the Generall States, to be observed by the G-overnour, collonells, and men of warre in Ostend." [ff. 165 b, c, d, e. — " Supplices Britonum libelli " ; a dialogue in Latin verse between B, a moderate man, L, a low, and I, a high or Tory, on the treaty of Utrecht, with reference to an address from the city of Oxford to Queen Anne.] f. 106. 1601, Aug. 1>6. The Hague.-—" Instructions for the hon. Peter de Sedleynest ... lord of Couttenicts, sargent major generall cf the army of Staites going to Ostend " ; addressed to Roger Le- straunge, at Hunston near Lynn. ff. 168-169. Temp. Henry VIII. — Reasons why a bill introduced into Parliament for regulating the buying of wool should not pass. f. 170. [1624.] — Articles proposed by the King of France relative to the marriage of Henrietta Maria to Prince Charles. [ff. 170 6, c, 1714, Nov. 1. — Address from the Swedish congregation in London to George I. Lat>] f. 171. 1639[-40], March 3.— Latin speech of Sir S. D'Ewes, in reply to an address from the boys of the School at Bury St. Edmund's when passing through the town as Sheriff of Suffolk. 129 ff. 172-3. [1628.]— Latin speech of Mr. [Richard] Love, proctor at Jo ^ s ^ RY Cambridge, to the Earl of Holland, (the Chancellor) and the French guenet, Esq. Ambassador. f. 174. b. [1293,] July 16, 21 Edw. T.— Translation of an agreement between William, Bishop of Ely and his men of Stretham, on the one part, and the several owners and their men of Waterbeach, on the other, respecting the common of pasture and the property of the soil in land between the two places. [Either the date or the name of the Bishop is incorrect. Bishop William de Middleton died 1 September 1288, and was succeeded bv Ralph de Walpole.] f. 175. 1699, May 15.— Speech by Cox Macro before the Bishop of Norwich at Bury St. Edmund's School. Latin, f. 176. Another speech at the same School, without date or name. ff. 177-8. — ''Pedigree," or line of descent, of Norton of Norwood Chastaigniers in Kent, to 1630. ff. 179-182. — Pedigree of the family of Barnardiston, of Keddington and Witham, with copies of evidences, to the time of Charles I. ff. 183-' 86. — Heraldic notes, including the arms of Sir Ricburd Younge, of London, Knt. f. 1866. 1700. — Copy of a sentence of expulsion of Susan Orlebar alias Handley from a non-conformist congregation under Joseph Hussey at Colchester. f. 187 — Petition to the Mayor and Corporation of Norwich signed by thirty-three inhabitants of Repps cum Bastwick, praying them to appoint Mr. John Seaman their minister, in the place of Mr. Burton, deceased. ff. 188-9. — Pedigree of the family of Carew of Bickleigh, Devon. f. 189. 1721, March 26. — Account of an audience given to the Turkish ambassador at Paris. Between ff. 190-214 are inserted, without foliation, a number oi trifling poetical pieces in English and Latin, including the following : — i. 1759, Dec. — Printed lines "to the honourable General Townshend on his arrival from Quebec, by Mr. Locknian," given to Dr. Macro by the author. ii. 1760, Jan. — Verses for the Bell-man. iii. "Baptizatio rustica," in Latin verse. iv. Odes to Independency, and to a Water-nymph, by W. Masoo, of St. John's College, Cambridge, not autograph. v. "In illustrissimum infantem nuper natum " ; (on the birth of George III. ?). vi. " Roane's pardon ; a tale." vii. " Ode to the morning, by Miss Pennington of Huntington." viii. " The royalists letany." Begins, " From sawing the crowne twixt fanaticks and fryers." ix. Lines against the Earl of Clarendon. 1. Begins, " Mysterious riddle of the State ! To make king great by subjects hate." 2. " The unexpected run, of Count clear-undone." U 60050. t 130 Join? Henry Begins, w And art escap'd ? With all thy gouty crimes, Gurney, Esq. Thou haughty Dagon of the bribing times ? " x. "The honest vicar of Tud[den]h[a]m " ; on his being refused preferment by R[obert Butts, Bishop of] E[ly] for his vote at an Ipswich election. xi. Satirical lines on M. Byng's letter to Mr. Cleveland, the Secretary to the Admiralty, with an account of the engagement off Port Mahon in? May, 1756. xii. A Lapland ode. xiii. " The tipling Divines, a new song, with notes ; by the author of The tipling Philosopher, and set to the same tune " ; eighteen stanzas. Begins — " Great Origen of the Greek Church, A Father most hearty and true." Stanza 18 begins — " Old Sherlock once lov'd Jemmy best, A Tory was the pious man." xiv. Bitterly satirical epitaph on Queen Caroline by Lord Chesterfield. Begins — " Here lyes unpitied both by Church and State, The subject of their flattery and hate." Followed by an answer. xv. Latin lines by Dean R. Moss in praise of Thomas Sherlock's book on the use of prophecy, in 1726, and an English paraphrase by the same of Moses' song in Exod. xv. xvi. " A fragment, in Spencer's stile " ; by Edward Barnard, Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. xvii. "An ode on the victory at Gladsmuir, Sept. 21, 1745 " ; twelve stanzas. Begins — " As over Gladsmuir's blood-stain'd field " Scotia, imperial Goddess, flew." At the end is this note : " This ode was wrote by a person in the rebel army after the battle at Preston-pans, and many copies of it dispers'd at Derby while they were there. The genius of the author — whoever he was — seems to have merited a better subject." xviii. Four satirical lines on an English peer, by " Count Gillenborg the Swedish envoy, manu propria." xix. "In Melvinum poetam insignem yeveOXtaKov." Interspersed amongst these verses are various epitaphs : — i. On Rev. Mr. Evans, of Windham, Norfolk. 1751. Latin. ii. On Dr. Joseph Beaumont, by Mr. Woodford. 1699. Latin. iii. On Samuel Horn, M.A., by Dr. Beaumont. 1634. Latin. iv. On Samuel Battely, a child. Latin. v. On Heneage and John Finch. 1681-2. Latin. vi. Laudatory epitaph on Mr. Jacob Butler, barrister, of Cambridge- shire, called " The Old Briton," given by him, with three lines in his own handwriting, to Dr. Macro, 16 September, 1756. vii. Sir Cloudesley Shovel's epitaph in Westminster Abbey. viii. Frances, wife of Sir William Dawes, bart. 1705. Latin. ix. Dr. Thomas Young, Master of St. John's College, Cambridge. 1655. Latin. 131 x. Edward Leedes, Master of Bury St. Edmund's School, written by Jo ^?hbnht himself, with directions about his burial. Latin. Gurnet, Esq. f. 195. — Laudatory chronological table of the events of the life of Sir William Dethick, Garter, to the year 1610, when he was 68 years old. Latin. Before f.212. 1758, August 22.— Letter from John Lockman to Edward Godfrey, esq., inclosing a song written by him on the taking of Cape Breton and the landing at Cherbourg, sung in Vauxhall Gardens. f. 212. 1708. — Kiddle in verse about under-ground trees in the north, answered by Andrew Archer. f. 215. 1706. — Sketch of a hippopotamus, by T. Warner. f. 216. — Sketch of a marble monument on the outside wall of St. Laurence's Church in Padua, with the inscription, commencing " Circli- cus Anterior." ff. 219-220. — Engraving of a section of a " wonderlycke schip gemaakt tot Rotterdam, 1653 " showing six paddle-wheels, with a MS. description in French. See Thurloe's State Papers, Vol. L, p. 521. ff. 221-2. — Printed forms of the matriculation-oath and divinity declaration at Cambridge, belonging to one who was matriculated 6 Julv, 1710, took the degree of LL.B., 10 Oct. 1709, and was created D.D. 19 Nov. 1717. f. 224. 1650, May 25. — Order by the Parliamentary commissioners for the substitution of Mr. Francis Rowley as minister of Cawley (Cadeleigh, Devon ?) in the room of Mr. Hey ward, ejected for delinquency. f. 227. — List of twenty-one "libri chymici MSS." in the upper library of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. f. 228. 1430.— Bill of fare at the Coronation-dinner of Henry VI. ff. 229-30.— Account of Sir Edward Coke. ff. 231-2. — Prophecy ''found in an ancient house, in a parchment booke of Mr. Threshwel, Recorder of the city of Lincoln : copied out of the sayd booke, Sept. 22, 1608, by Leonard Willson, late of the towne of Wardbovs," Hunts, and given by him to Thomas Deerisley in 1642. Begins — " T her shall come a Kinge forth of the north to reigne in Brittaine, and he shall cry, peace, peace." ff. 233-5.— The will of Cardinal Bellarmine, 1621, Latin; with an account, in English, of his death. ff. 243-4. 1573, May 16.— Declaration of the Assembly of the Polish Estates at Warsaw, of the election of Henry, Duke of Bourbon, as King of Poland. Latin. ff. 245-9. — Extracts from an Anglo-Saxon MS. in the Cotton library (now Nero A. ii.) with notes. 1. " Ratio decursus [i.e. ordinis liturgice), qui fuerunt ejus authores." 2. " Oratio Regis Athelstani, jam pugnaturi cum hostili exercitu." 3. " Ode de victoria ejus." 4. " Excerpta quasdam de fide Saxonum primseva/' f. 249. — " Ad Scripturarurn lectionem Exhortatio " ; in Anglo- Sax., from Bennett Coll. MS. 373. The following note is subjoined ; " This I 2 132 John Henut * s t * ie V re ^ ace *° tne translation of some parts of Genesis into Saxon by Gurnet, Esq. Alfric the Monk to Eathelweard E alderman, which is sett forth — ut puto — by Mr. Lile — qucere — but this preface he never saw, as himself told me at Bennett Colledge, August, 1628." ff. 253-4. 1667, Nov. 20.— Articles of impeachment of the Earl of Clarendon by the House of Commons ; with the dissent of twenty-five Peers from the vote of the House of Lords against his committal upon a general accusation. Twenty-eight names are attached to the protest as printed in the Lords' Journals, xii. 142. ff. 255-6. — " Auncient privileges, franchises and liberties heretofore granted to Hugh of Albany somtimes Earl of Arundale, and lord of the manor of Castlerisinge." ff. 257-9. Temp. Eliz. — Articles exhibited against Robert Harte, John Thurkette, John Church, and others, of Hennington, Suffolk ; and petition to Sir John Popham, L. C. J. from Thomas and Ralph Cauntrell accusing Harte, inter alia, of sorcery. ff. 260-1. Temp. Eliz. — Two long prayers to the Blessed Virgin Mary, imploring her help and protection through the whole of life. Not foliated. — Lines "on Mr. H. 's going to Hampton Court" from Elstree " to present his assize sermon to the P ss " ; addressed to Rev. Mr. Baxter at the Earl of Carnavon's at Cannons. Not foliated. — List of medals struck in the reign of Queen Anne, in number twenty-nine, with their prices. Not foliated. — List of the Cardinals in 1721, distinguishing their nationality. Not foliated. — French account of the siege of Corfu by the Turks. Not foliated. — List of all the persons who visited the Prince of Tuscany when he was in London in 1669. Not foliated. — Duties upon books imported from abroad. Not foliated. — Latin hymn, with a translation into Hebrew, for Christmas Day, by Nic. Begers, with music for the Latin text. ff. 268-71. — "Means to restraine the multitude, length and charge in Chancery." f. 272. 1662, March 5. — Licence from the Vice-Chancellor of Cam- bridge to Dr. Joseph Beaumont and three others dining at his table, to eat meat in Lent, paying 6s. 8c?., according to the statute, to the poor of the parish. Not foliated. 1705 [-6], Feb. 25. — Copy of the warrant of Queen Anne for the prorogation of Convocation on account of the differences there. Not foliated. — " A modell hurablie shewing how this nation maybe vast gainers by all summes of money given to his Majestie without lessninge the prerogative," by William Killegrew ; addressed to the King (Charles II.) and Parliament. Not foliated. — -The Earl of Arundel's letter to Queen Elizabeth in 1589 on his purposing to leave the realm. f. 281. 1689, Dec. 13.— Petition to the Common Council of Bury St. Edmund's signed by many of the free burgesses, complaining of the badness of trade and the poverty of the town, and desiring that the admission of foreigners to trade in the place may be stopped. f. 282. 1704, April 17.— Extract from the will of Benjamin Dod, linen-draper, of Cornhill, London, directing that everyone invited to his 133 funeral shall have 2s. 6d. to drink the health of his soul, " on her j0HN henry journey for purification in order to her eternal rest"; candles to be Gubwey, Esq. burned at his tomb for seven days ; no Presbyterian, Moderate Low- churchman, or Occasional Conformist, to be at his funeral or to have anything to do with it. ff. 283-4. — w Maximes de la guerre a nouvelles, ou, nouvelles maximes de la guerre." XXII. Miscellanea. [No. 105. 2.] f. ]. [1477] 17 Edw. IV., June 15.— Inquisition at Norwich about a riot at Lutham upon the land of "Roger Townshend, and the destroying " unum par metarum vocat. Shetyng buttys," &c. " e rot. membran. Tho. Woodhouse, mil. et bar., 6 Jun. 1627." f. 2. 1400. — Extract from the account-roll of the sheriff and escheator of Norfolk for the hundred of Freebridge. f. 3. 1430, March 24. — Conveyance from Sir William Porter, Knt., to trustees of his manors of Tekyssovere and Manton, co. Rutland. " Vera copia ; exam. 3 Maii, 1634." f. 4. — Note of the will of Thomas Sty ward of Swaffham, proved 12 Nov. 1437. f. 6. — Knights' fees in the hundred of Frethebrigge, or Freebridge, M ex libro feodorum temp. Edw. II." ff. 8-11 wanting. ff. 4, 12-18, 71-3, 84-5, 89. — Various extracts from records ; charters of Henry L, II. ; notes from chartularies, and miscellaneous extracts ; fragmentary, and too numerous to be separately specified. ff. 19-22 wanting. f. 23. — Rough draft of some Latin verses, endorsed with Sir H. Spelman's name, apparently on the war in Holland. Begins : " O Jani, tua Belgiaco fixa est in littore puppis." f. 25. — " The prologe to the sixte dayes workes, written in rude Latin verse 300 yeares since, and thus translated into English by Sir H. Spelman, with whom the manuscript remaineth. 5 Sept. 1616." In duplicate. Begins : " O boundlesse thow, that all things doest dispose By sacred lawe, which no mutation knowes." f. 29. — Inscription to be placed over the chair of Camden's Professor of Ancient History at Oxford, and Latin verses to be set over Camden's " picture or image." f. 31. — Nine Latin anagrams on the name " Henricus Spelman," accompanied with devices for corresponding emblems, and explanatory couplets in English verse ; with five other anagrams unaccompanied. The series is extremely ingenious. The first runs thus — « An apple tree bearings fruit, bis blossomes 1 ^ ^ lchra _ and leaves beinge fallen. J r Youths springe his leaves' and blossoms' beauty chaunts, But age's autumne ripe fruit-bearinge vaunts." The last is this : « A crosse upon death prostrate, and \ Lachesin rumr)ens his dart broken lyeinge by / ^ ac/iesm rumpens. Christ on the crosse quittinge his vitall breath For his elect, beecame the death of death." 134 MSS. of ff. 32, 33, 34. [1338,] 12 Edw. III.— Notes out of an Inquisition Gurxey^Esq. about the dykes in the Marshland of Norfolk, with the number of acres — in the several towns of Marshland. f. 37. — " The declaracon mad by Jo. Fortescue, Knt., uppon certayne wrightings sent out of Scotland against the King's title to his realme of England." ff. 39-52. — Miscellaneous notes : the title of Count in the Empire, with a list of various counts ; early Chief Justices in England ; chrono- logical notes of events in England, 1108-1153, &c. ff. 53-4. — Description of Norfolk. Begins, " Norfolk is an island enclyning to an ovall forme." The original copy, with alterations. f. 55. — Notice of Lynn, ff. 56-60. — Part of the Domesday account of Norfolk. ff. 61-63. 1632.— "Of the Fleet and Warden"; account of a dispute thereupon between the Commissioners of Enquiry and the jurors. f. 64. 1600[-1], Feb. — List of all the prisoners in the various prisons in London for the Earl of Essex's rising. See Report oa MSS. of the Duke oj Rutland, in Appendix, Part IV., to the Twelfth Report of tht Historical MSS. Commission, pp. 367-9. f. 65. — "The names of the [22] antiquaries winch did meete together." f. 66. 1571. — " Touchinge the commitment of the Duke of Norfolk" ; a vindication of the proceedings against him. Beg., " Good men and evill delighte in contraries." ff. 67-70. — Life of Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, to the beginning of the reign of Henry VII. Latin. A rough draft. f. 74. 1618, August 15.— Descent of Edward Paston of Thorpe from the families of Legh of Stockwell, Surrey, and Worseley, showing four generations of Legh ; with eight coats of arms in trick. " Ex stemate peculiari Edw. Paston, ai., a Somersete, al. Glover, heraldo composite eique dato. Transcriptum." ff. 75-80. — Accounts in Latin of Thomas, Nicholas and Simon Sty ward or Steward, with notice of a pedigree of the Stewarts from Banquo. The following note is subjoined : " This above written was copied out of the transcripte of a pedegree in the hands of Doctor Stewarde now in the Fleet, 21 July 1632, to be added unto the roll of Steward's petegree belonging to Sir Henry Spelman." Other notes of descent of the family of Sty ward of Norfolk and Suffolk (ending with Thomas Spelman), copies of deeds, and arms. £ 81. — Arms in trick of the families of Hobart, Den, and Sea, and of Sir John Spelman. ff. 82-3. — Notice of a society, or combination, in Norfolk called The Landbuyers, for buying up manors and lands, and retailing them in parcels, " even to single acres, tending to the destruction of the gentry [&c.] the making of a parity betwene gentlemen and yeomen and them which before were laboringe men." The names of the buyers, Cooper and Shapdam. List of nine manors, and houses with lands, bought by them. ff. 86-7. Temp. James I. — Bough draft of suggestions for assisting the Plantation in New England by sending thither, under stat. 135 43 Eliz. c. 2, idle and vagrant children to be bound apprentices to the Jo ^ S heney President and Council of New England, a stock of money being raised, Gebney, Esq. as provided for by the statute, by the overseers of parishes for the purpose, the charge for furnishing forth each child, the voyage and maintenance for each child until its labour become profitable being estimated at not less than 10/. The paper opens with an earnest complaint of the idle and useless lives led by many gentlemen who have neither fortunes nor employments befitting their birth, and a repre- sentation of the field opened by the new colony for multitudes now living at home in idleness and want, in consequence of the increasing population " theis later yeeres .... especially by the happinesse of our universall peace," and who suffer their children " to runne idly upp and downe, in breaking of hedges, gathering of woolle, pelting of shepe, and in harvest tyme gleaning and filtching of corne, and such other leaud or worse courses, seking also their meate from house to house." f. 88. — Will of King Henry II., " as it is entred in an old MS. in Mr. Fanshaw's office." ff. 89, 90. [1345], 19 Edw. III.— " Carta pardonationis Joh. filii Tho. de Tylney, militis, pro morte Joh. filii Tho. de Reynham." f. 92. — Latin speech by Charles Darby, fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge, delivered at some school [St. Edmund's Bury?]. : f. 93. 1715, June 3. — Confession made as penance in the parish church of Ely, by William Gunning, clerk, and Mary his wife. f. 94. [1520-21], 12 Hen. VIII.— Extract about liberal entertain- ments given by John Briggs, brewer, Mayor of Canterbury. ff. 95-6. — " Explication mechanique des larmes de verre." ff. 97, 97*. — " Description du tresor de Saint Deni?." f. 100. — Short extracts from a MS. of Capgrave's Life of St. Katherine with a copy of notes by Spelman. f. 102. 1702, August 2.— Story of St. Bernard and the devil about eight saving verses in the Psalms; "Ex Rituali in bibliotheca ff. Spelmanni apud Congham in com. Norfolcias." f. 103. — Contents of a MS. volume commencing with '* Vitas patrum." ff. 104, 105. — Catalogue of 125 MSS., apparently those in the possession of Spelman. It includes, " Registrum Ramseiae, mutil." [now Bodl. MS. Rawlinson, B. 333], " Regist. Jo. Boon abb. St. Edmundi," of the Conquest of Ireland, with James Young's Treatise on Government [now apparently Bodl. MS. Rawl. B. 490], "Peirce the Plowman," Capgrave's Poems. ff. 106-7. 1634. — Account of the descent of the abbey of Stratford Langton, at Bow, after the dissolution, through the family of Meautys, and the quarrels thereupon between father and son, to John Mills, a merchant of London " who now enjoyeth it, 1634." Signed, " Amadis von Wolfien." Followed by an account of its present inhabitant, Mr. Robert Sommerscall, once a counsellor of Gray's Inn. f. 108. — Account of the descent of the lands of the priory of Chirbury through the family of Hopton, and of the troubles and marriage- quarrels in the family. Noted, "Rec. of Lodwick Middleton de Churchstoc in corn. Mongomery, 9 Oct. 1633. H. Spel." ff. 109-117. — Similar accounts for the priory of Thetford and the family of Clere ; the abbeys of Hales and Evesham and the family of 36 MSS. op Hobye ; noted, " Eec. of Mr. Townesende, an attorney of Glocestershire r GuknJ^esq. 6 Ma ?> 1627 " ; the monasteries at Lynn and John Eyer ; Winch- — • combe Abbey, and several owners, especially of the Lords Chandos (in the handwriting of Mr. Townsend ; of a vision seen at Glastonbury, in o, 6, or 7 Jas. I., of the reinterring by abbots and monks of bones sacrilegiously dug up, " rec. of Mr. Taylor, a divine of Oxford, 23 Sept. 1627 " ; and of Nostell Abbey, Yorkshire, and the family of Gargrave, signed ' 'Roger Dodsworthe." (The preceding accounts of abbey lands were collected by Spelman with a view to his History of Sacrilege.) f. 118. — Notice of Spearhavoc, abbot of Abingdon. ff. 119-121. — Copies of Anglo-Saxon and early English boundary registers in Surrey; the "hida boc " of Chertsey, the " Landimere of the vifteene hide londe " at Egham, and the " Londimere " at Chobham. f. 123. — A few notes by Spelman out of his MS. of the Ramsey Chronicle. f. 125. — Ground plan of some land and houses of the abbey of Ramsey at " Gildingore," distinguishing " Native Ro. Stone," " Mes- suagium liberum Ric. Brad," "terras liberae Jo. Moore," "Native Titchwell," u Native abbatis Ramsey," &c. f. 126. — Extract " Ex lib. fundationis monasterii de West Dereham" : charter from Hugh, Dean of York. ff. 127-9. — " Fundatio, aedificatio et dedicatio et dotatio ecclesiaa et monasterii de Medeshamstede, postea de Burgo et Peterburgh," A.D. 656 ; from the Saxon Chron. [as contained in Bodl. MS. Laud 636]. ff. 130-1. — "Oratio nobilissimi Regis Edgari reverendis patribus Dunstano et ceteris episcopis." " Exemplar hoc inventum est in veteri libro script, inter cameras epist. in Cambria." f. 132. — Wax impressions of four (undescribed) seals, Roman, monastic, and armorial. f. 133. [1209,] 1 John, April 21 . At Fulleham.— Grant from King John to the Abbey of Spalding. f. 134. [1267], 3 Clem. IV., 2 Kl. Mar. London.— Brief from Card. Ottobonus to the Bishops of Lismore and Waterford, directing them to excommunicate the Mayor and citizens of Dublin for enacting certain statutes, limiting the offerings made at the cathedral church, &c. Spelman adds this note : " Recepi has constitutiones a reverendissimo patre D. Jacobo Ussher, Archiepiscopo Armachano, term. Paschse, 1631." ff. 136-240. — Large miscellaneous collections and notes relating to the abbey of St. Edmund's Bury and the town and corporation, partly by Spelman, partly by Cox Macro, to the year 1730. They include : i. Two copies of a Latin poem by Spelman, " Iconotypicum"Buriensis ccenobii." ff. 139-144. ii. Extracts from Registers; e.g., Boon in Spelman's library," Swaf- ham, " ad Tho. Eden, Doctor, in hoc anno 1641," Walt. Pynchebec. ff. 152-5, 173. Hi. Catalogue of the abbots, ff. 158-161. iv. Notes on the abbey seal, f. 171. v. The abbey-mint. ff. 172, 179. 137 vi. Of the franchise, pleas, courts, ff. 189-206. John Heney vii. 1690, Apr. 3. — Letter from Robert Davers, M.P., to Alderman Uuekey, Esq Macro, enclosing a copy of a petition to Parliament about the borough election, ff. 207-10. viii. Drawing of the gateway-tower, f. 217. ix. Of the ancient names of the streets in Bury. ff. 234-6. The following printed papers are also to be found : — i. [1608], June 18. — Letter of James I. authorising collections for the town on account of a fire on 11th April [1608] which destroyed 600 houses. Printed by Thomas Purfoot. f. 213. ii. 1707.— Orders for the Charity Schools, f. 214. iii. 1680. — " The case concerning the election." f. 230. iv. 1680, Dec. 8. — M The case of St. Edmund's-bury, heard at the Committee of Elections." After f. 232. v. Statement of the case of Carr Hervey and Aubrie Porter, sitting members, against Jermyn Davers and Gilb. AfHeck, petitioners, ib. vi. 1730. — " The fair candidate; by an English gentleman," ib. vii. " Notes concerning Bury St. Edmund, extracted out of the right hon. the Earl of Oxford's library by Mr. Wanley " ; 3 pp., fol. After f. 233. ix. 1715. — Sessions' Orders about conveyance of vagrants. After f. 239. x. 1702. — Sessions' Orders about carriers' charges, ib. xi. 1700. — Act for making the river Larke navigable. xii. 1721. — Orders for the well-governing the watermen on the Larke. ff. 241-244. — Forms used by French and English Kings, and by ecclesiastics, at the commencement of charters. ff. 247-255, 260-2.— Notes of Religious Houses ; the foundation of Canewell, Staffordshire ; Furness, Colchester, Waverley ; grants from Robert de Witefeld to Oseney,with sketch of seal ; catalogue of transcripts made in three volumes from various monastic chronicles and chartu- laries, &c. ff. 264-5. — List of monastic registers existing in Gresham College Library, in the library of Sir S. D'Ewes, in the Exchequer, the Court of Augmentation, in the office of the Duchy of Lancaster, in Gray's Inn, and in the Office of Arms. XXIII. Miscellanea. [No. 109. 6.] p. 1. — Decrees of the Council of Enham, or Eynsham, under King Ethelred ; thirty-one chapters. Begins — " Be Pitena Eerednessan. Dirrynban pajepsebnerra." The printer's copy used for pp. 513-524 of vol. I. of Spelman's Concilia. Folio London, 1639. p. 9. — The conclusion (from " f. 58 " of some MS.) of a charter granted by Rob. Malet to the monastery of St. Peter at Eye. Ends, " Ego Robertus Malet obtuli ecclesias monachorum meorum et hac charta mea in perpetuum confirmavi." ib. " De initio diversarura religionum," al. " De fundatione ceno- biorum in Anglia " ; to the foundation of the monastery of St. Bennet of Hulme in A.D. 1016. " Ex cronic. de Evesham penes Simonem Dewes, militem." Begins, " Exordium monastics religionis. 138 mss. of p. 13. [1 194] an. 4, non. maii. — Bull of Pope Celestin [III.], granted Guk5e| E Esq. to cle Celanvile, the patron of the priory of Bromholm, releasing — ' the priory from its subjection to the monastery of Acre, which has burdened it with the maintenance cf its lame, blind and infirm members. ib. — " Charta iEtheldredi Eegis de Shaftesbury ; Ex Registro Shaftoniae, penes Sir Sim. Dewes. f. 1." Printed in the Moiiasticon. p. 15. — " Charta fundationis monasterii S. Joh. Bapt., Colcestriae, ex Registro abb. penes Joh. dom. Lucas, lib. I., p. 1." Printed in the Monasticon. p. 16. — " De fundatione S. Mariae de Castleacre ; ex. Reg de Castle- acra penes Sir Sim. Dewes." Printed ibid. p. 17. — " Fundatio Jorevallis ; ex Registro de Bellalanda * f. 15. Printed ibid. p. 21. — " Transcript articulorum content, in privileges monasterio de Rievall in agro Eboracensi specialiter, seu ordini Cistertiensi [in] genere, concessis et ibidem inveniendis." This not printed in the Monasticon. p. 23. — " Principium, continuatio et finis episcopatus Hagustaldensis, vulgo Hexham, ut in cronica Haugust, scriptum est." p. 25. — " Exordium Cisterciensis cenobii." p. 26. — " Fundatio abbatiae de Bellalanda." Begins, *' Primordium monasterii." Ends, " quae ob tedium prolixitatis recusavimus." With a list of the abbots to 1335. On p. 29 is the line of family descent from William de Acclun, a benefactor. p. 30. — Extract about the hermitage at Throkenholt in Cambridge- shire, " ex Chartulario Abbatiae de Thorney penes hodiernum comitem Westmorlandiae. 12 Sept., 1640." f. 166. ibid. — " Fundatio de Penteney in agro. Norfolc." Printed in the Monasticon. p. 31. — "Fundatio domus fratrum de Blakeney, alias Sniterley, in com. Norf." Printed in the Monasticon. p. 32. — Notes " de fundatione, renovatione, et dedicatione monasterii de Thorney." ibid. — Commencement of the foundation -deed, by Rich. Smith, M.D., of Christ's Hospital, in the city of Lincoln. p. 34. — List of the various religious orders. p. 35. — " Carta R. Edw. Conf. abbatiae de Hulmo in agro Norf., ex Registro in Bibl. Cotton." [Galba, E. ii.] Printed in the Monasticon. pp. 39-46, 187. — Collections relating to the priory of Castle-acre, Norfolk, containing transcripts of various charters, and a list of priors (not printed in the Monasticon) from Hugh, 2 Richard I. to Thomas Mailing, 6 Henry VIII. pp. 47. — Extracts " ex libro Binham " ; being a bull of Honorius III. in 1218 "de omnibus libertatibus S. Albani," and a confirmation-charter from Edward III. to Binham in 1352. p. 51. — Note of the foundation of the abbey of Whalley. p. 53. — " De initio portionis decedentium in Richemundshire." Begins, u Fuerunt antiquitus viri devotissimi Deo." pp. 55, 56.— Charters granted to the priory at Carowe, Norwich, by Henry II., &c. 139 p. 59. 1353, May 4. — License from John, archbishop of York, for j0 ^f^^ ET the removal by Sir John Meaux of the bones of his great-grandfather gukket^Esq. Godfrey Meaux, his grandfather John, his father Godfrey, and his sisters " — Scholastica and Joan from the church of Aldborough (" Aldebruge ") Norfolk, to the priory of Haltemprise, because the former is on such sandy soil near the sea that the remains of those buried there will in a short time be washed away. pp. 61-2. — Notes from the archiepiscopal Registers at York, 1248- 1473 ; including, " Forma tradendi corpus Regis ad sepulturam." pp. 63-199. — Large collections relative to the abbey of St. Edmund's bury, "Ex Registro Albo, penes Rob. Bacon, baron ettum " ; "Ex Registro primo Will. Curteys, abbatis " ; " Ex libro magno regestrarii Will. Curteys " ; " Ex libro pergameno in quarto penes Rob. Bacon apud Redgrave " ; " Ex Cronicis Jocelini de Bucklond .... in libro coreacio in 4to penes Rob. Bacon, 1652"; Ex registro Joh. Lak- ingheth et Walteri Pynchebec ; " Ex magno libro pergameno cum coriacio operculo de Registro Will. Curteys, penes Rob. Bacon, 1650"; " Ex libro monachorum de Bury operculo coreaceo, in 4to." Amongst these extracts occur the following : — " Dimissio Joh. Lydgate, raonachi, ab obedientia prioris de Hatfield," p. 116; "Extract.de libro vocato Parvo Domesday, qui est liber de recordo in Receptorio domini Regis London," 8 Rich. II., p. 147 ; " confirmatio libertatum civitatis Norwici," p. 149; "copia chartae libertatum v ill ae Jernemuth," p. 152; " charta libertatis ecelesise Eliensis," p. 171 ; "copia libertatis villas Colcestriae," 19 Nov. 37 Hen. HI., 1252, p. 176 ; list of registers and their contents, p. 148. p 189. — Four charters relating to Walsingham Abbey. pp. 201-280. — Further portions as it seems, of the copy prepared for Spelman's Concilia: — i. Ecclesiastical Institutes, with Latin translation, 45 chapters ; pp. 586-617, of the printed book, and pp. 470-488 of B. Thorpe's Anglo- Saxon Laws. ii. The constitutions of Canute, for peace between the Danes and English with Latin translation unfinished ; torn. Begins, " In nomine Dili. Dir if seo'pcedne ]?e jntan jepaebbon." Ends, " j ya\ pulbop J?pym aejpe ry to }>oplbe. Amen." iii. The Constitutions of King Edmund at the Council of London ; with Latin translation. The readings agree with those of the MS. marked D, hut not specified, in Thorpe's Anglo-Saxon Laws, pp. ]04-5. iv. The Canons of King Edgar, with Latin translation. Ibid. pp. 395- 404. v. Of penances, penitents, and of powerful men ; with Latin transla- tion. Ibid. pp. 405-415, beginning there, however, with what is the third section here. Our text begins " Ylbe j jeojube pelan 3 paeblan." pp. 285-334.—" The Saxon laws of Ethelbert and of Hlothere, Eadric and Wihtred his successors, Kings of Kent with other Saxon fragments," (from the Textus Roffensis). With a Latin translation by Sir H. Spelman. With the u imprimantur " of Sir John Bramston, dated 2 Feb. 1635, which includes also a proposed re-editing by Spelman of W. Lambard's ' Ap%a 1 665.— Reports of the coming return of the Ten Tribes from Gurnet, Esq. Barbary and Ethiopia, and their restoration at Jerusalem under one Rabina Nathaniel. ii. 1663.— Prognostications of Italian astrologers. iii. Satirical political verses of forty lines entitled " all things done bv honour." ° J Begins, " An honourable sale of Dunkirke was made, The money well improved in an honourable trade. 5 ' Ends, " An honourable report Lord Willowby is drown'd, And honorably believe our grandees are aground. An honourable peace if now it could be had Will cure our distempers that make us so mad." iv. 1667, July 29.— The King's speech on proroguing Parliament. v. List of the Committee of Parliament appointed to enquire into the Fire of London. pp. 337-8.— Poem on the death of William Jones, D.D., by Joseph Beaumont, of St. Peter's College, Cambridge. Begins, " Farewell bright sparke of that eternall fire, Which lights the starres ; unto thy rest aspire." p. 339. 1652.— Latin verses, signed S. C, « in tenebricosum ilium et horrendum cometam a 9 Decembr. ad 25, 1652, conspicuum," with a table of its degrees of ascension on each day. p. 341. 1654.— Latin lines by Edward Voyce "in honorem Oliveri Cromwell nuperrime adeptum " a dialogue between « Musa " and " Author." p. 343.— « Democracy rampant " ; satirical lines written after the Restoration. Begins, " When Rhombus with his faction did ride out, To be made tribune of the holy rout." Ends, " Yet they can silent be, though, when they list, On Charles his Martyrdome they are all whist. If you ask why they then have silent beene ? They and blin^ Milton (know) ne're thought it sin. Another day fills them with greater rue, The dark and dismall day of Bartholmew. For 'tis with them thought a more heinous thing, To silence subjects than to kill the King. But if th'opinion long be lett alone, The Tub will be securer than the Throne." p. 247.— Congratulatory Latin lines by Edward Voyce to Cromwell on the peace with Holland. p. 349.— Satirical verses on Cromwell's dissolution of the Long Par- liament; headed, "The House out of doores, to the tune of Cooke [Cock] Lawrell." Begins, " Will you heare a strange thing never heard of before A ballard of newes without any lies ? " pp. 351-382. — A series of papers relating to the University of Cam- bridge. i. Two Latin poems on William Whitaker, D.D., Reg. Prof. Div • one of a hundred and twenty lines headed « De religiosa pieque acta' vita 141 doctoris Whiiakeri," the other of a hundred and fifty lines, "De morte John h?|kt beata cum vita sancta commutata doctoris Whitakeri. uu — ; «• ii Printed Notices in 1705-1717, about the discommoning of the Mayor and others, forbidding attendance at Stourbridge fair without leave, and about visits of Queen Anne and George L iii Eeplies to thirteen articles of enquiry about observance of Statutes and maintenance of discipline; after the Restoration The first article has reference to the King's Injunction for delivery of sermons by heart. iv. Synopsis of the contents of the three parts of Hare's MSS. Col- lections of the University Charters, &c. v. " Mr. Baron's designe for our Physick Garden." vi. Dr. Bentley's proposals for the management of the University Press. vii'«A surveigh of the King's Dyke— as it now lyeth— taken the 23 day of June, 1629, by Edward Pond," on parchment. on 383-4 ND. — " Petition of att least a hundred persons inhabiting wiihin the three hundreds of Newport Pagnell" Bucks, to the Committee of the Lords and Commons of the Eastern Association, praying for repayment of near 3,000/. lent to Major-General Skippon when the garrison of Newport Pagnell was first established. With the signatures. p 385 N D —Draft of a warrant to the high constables of the three hundreds of Newport to engage men for ten days for demolishing the fortifications of Newport, pursuant to an order of Parliament of 6 August. XXIV. Miscellanea. [No. 110. 7.]— Relating to the reigns of Elizabeth, James I., and Charles I. ff 1-12 ["16401— Report by Sir Thomas Roe to the House of Commons 'of the Declaration made by the Earl of Brist ol to a com- mittee of both Houses of the proceedings with reference to the treaties with the Scots at York and Ripon. ff 13-22. [1640, Nov. 3.]— "The Lord Keeper's S P 3ech " at the opening of the Long Parliament, with a narrative of the proceedings ot the Council assembled at York. f 236 T1625, June 18.]— Speech by Charles I. on opening his first Parliament, about supplies for carrying on the war in the Palatinate. ff 24 25 r 16401— Petition of the Scots to the King after their invasion ol England, with his reply referring the consideration to the Parliament. Imperfect. ff. 25-29. [1628, Apr. 3.]-Speech by Sir Dudley Digges on opening a conference between the two Houses on the liberty of the subjecfand the right to the writ of Habeas Corpus. Printed m 1642. _ v f. 30. 1623, March 23.— Declaration of James I. m Parliament respecting the war in the Palatinate. ff 32-146 1624.— Collection of papers relating to the proceedings aaainst the Duke of Buckingham, beginning with the Earl of Bristol s o 142 John hen t petition to tlle House of Lords, and including the impeachment, the Gurnet, Esq. speeches on the part of the House of Commons, and the Duke's — reply. ff. 147-153. 1624. — Relation of the Duke of Buckingham about the Spanish match, abstract of letters from the Earl of Bristol, &c. f. 154. — Speech of Prince Charles about supplies for the German war. f. 155. 1623, March 23. — Speaker's speech at the presentation of the subsidies to James I. Not foliated. — Letter from father Philips, the Queen's confessor, to Mr. Mountague in France, read in the House of Commons 25 June, 1641, with the articles of his impeachment. f. 156. 1627, Nov. 7.— Order in Council for the restoration of JefFery Neve as an alderman of Yarmouth. ff. 157-170. 1636. — Information exhibited by Sir J. Banks against! Dr. John Bastwick, Henry Burton, and William Prynne. ff. 171-190. 1638, April 28.— Argument of Sir Richard Hutton concerning Ship money. ff. 192-209. 1628, April 3.— Mr. Littleton's argument at the first conference with the Lords concerning the liberty of the person, out of Acts of Parliament and authorities of the law expounding the same Printed in 1642. ff. 211-229.— Argument of [John Selden] at the same conference out. of precedents of record and resolutions of the judges. At the end, " Ex r . per Jo. Wrighte." Printed with the preceding/ ff. 232-239.— Substance of the objections of the Attorney-General to the preceding argument. ff. 240-245. 1640, Dec. 2.— Petition of William Prynne to Parliament. ff. 246-249.— " From Northamptonshire. Grounds of exceptions against the Oath required in the 6th canon estabtisht in the Svnod. 1640." J ' ff. 249-251, 1640, Sept. 16 —Devonshire exceptions and petition against the same. ff. 252-3. 1640, Sept.— News from Newcastle, 11 Sept., and from York, 10 and 18 Sept., about the movements of the Scots and condition of the northern counties. f. 254. 1641-[2], March 1.— Message to the King from a Com- mittee of both Houses about the present dangers of the Kingdom, f. 255. 1641-[2], March 2.— The King's answer. Ib. same date.— Order of both Houses for putting the Kingdom in a state of defence. ff. 256-261. 1642, April 11-18.— Diurnal occurrences, or the heads of proceedings in Parliament. ff. 262-271 . 1642, May 30— June 6. . f. 272. 1646, Aug. 1. Newcastle.— Answer by the King to the propositions delivered by the Commissioners of the Parliaments of England and Scotland. f . 273. 1646, J une 18. Newcastle. — Copy of a letter from the King to Dr. Hudson, desiring him to advertise all the loyal governors of hia 143 remaining towns and forts that he wishes them to make their com- positions upon the best terms they can. f. 274. 1596, June 21.— "The advantages that Her Majestie hath gotten by that that passed at Cales." f. 275. [1593?] — "The causes of my longe imprisonments " ; lines by Peter Wentworth, [M.P.] Begins, " The causes are, in feare of God. I sought to shoone a cruell rod From sacred person, royalle ; From Church and State a flat downfall." f. 276. — " The state of the land as it was in the latter end of our late Quenes Government. The Lordcs craved all, The Quene gave all, The Parlament passed all, The Keper sealed all, The Ladyes cf Honor ruled all, He that was, sett himself against all, Mounser Bye-roome marde all, The crafty intelligencer heard all, The Judex pardoned all. And except your Majestie mend all, without the mercy of God the devell will have all. As is reported, lett fall to the Kinge in the Cocke pitt. Sir, I pray you lett not this or the other be shewed but to discrete frendes, for that it is not knowne by whome they were made, or howe they will bee taken." f. 277. — The sentence in Parliament for the execution of David, brother of Llewellyn the Prince of Wales. ff. 278-9. 1596, May. — " A coppy of the league betwene the Kinge of France and the Quene of England." f. 280.— 44 The Scottishe de Cocke aille aisne." Endorsed, " The Skottish Cock a delane." Twenty political lines. Begins, 9. — Letter to Queen Elizabeth from the Earl of Essex when ordered to his own house, f. 327. xvi. Letter from his sister Lady Rich to the Queen on his behalf* f. 328. xvii. " A libell scattered abroad in tyme of the earle of Essexes trouble." f. 329. Begins, "Admire all weakness wrongeth right. Howard lo.Admirall." xviii. Arraignment and sentences, &c. of W. Raleigh and his confede- rates ; his letter to the King, verses, and epitaphs, ff. 330-4. xix. 1596. — Propositions offered to the Privy Council and their replies upon the prospect of a Spanish invasion, f. 334 b . xx. 1596. — " Requests of the Lord Lieutenants and their deputies upon this fame of a Spanish invasion." f. 336 b . xxi. "An essaye of a Kinge, or the character of a Kinge." f. 337 b . xxii. 1604. — "Advertisements of a loyall subject to his gratious Soveraigne out of observacoii of the people's speeches." f. 339 b . xxiii. 1622. — "The Lord Keeper's letter to the Judges of the circuits for connivance at the Papists." f. 342 b . xxiv. 1624. — The number of soldiers to be impressed from each county for Count Mansfeld against 5th Dec. 1624. f. 343. xxv. " Elogium Ernesti Principis Mansfeldi a Germano quodam ignoto conscnptum." f. 343 b . xxvi. 1624. — " Justices of peace put out of commission upon some Parliament distastes." f. 344. xxvii. 1627. — " The Duke of Buckingham's voyage to the isle of Rhee." . ff. 345-8. xxviii. 1553. — Names of the noblemen, gentlemen, and grooms of King Edward the Sixth's chamber at his decease, f . 349, 355 b . xxix. 1584. — List of the earl of Leicester's attendants, with number of horses and servants, when he went to the Low Countries, ff. 349 b - 352. xxx. 1585, May 19. — Embargo laid upon English ships in Spain, f. 352. xxxi. 1596. — List of regiments employed in the expedition to Cadiz. xxxii. [1613.] — Advocates, judges, &c. employed concerning the divorce of the Earl of Essex and Lady Francis Howard. xxxiii. Ladies of the bedchamber and gentlemen in waiting at Queen Elizabeth's accession and at her death, ff. 356-7. xxxiv. 1612. — Contract of marriage between the Lady Elizabeth and Frederick Prince Palatine, f. 357 b . xxxv. Wages of the officers and servants of the Lady Elizabeth, f . 360. xxxvi. 1613, April 10. — Instructions to the commissioners, for con- ducting the Lady Elizabeth into the Palatinate, and their commission, ff. 361-5. xxxvii. Captains of the two regiments sent into Germany, f. 365 b . 147 xxxviii. [1625.] — Letter found among Jesuits in London addressed MSS, of to the Rector of the .Jesuits at Brussels, f. 366. Printed in 1643, but gurnet^E more correctly, with notes, in Vol. II. of the Camden Society's — Miscellany, 1853. xxxix. 1628. — The Jesuits' " List of the Christian armie" f. 370. xl. 1629[-30], Jan. 2.—" News from Paris, with a fine Popish lye upon the picture of the Virgin Mary, &c." f . 370 b . xli. 1629. — Oration made to the French ambassador at Cambridge by Mr. Love, the proctor, f. 37 l b . xlii. 1629. — " A prognostication sent from the Pope to th'emperor, and from him to the Duke of Saxony ; a trick of the Jesuits and the Spanish faccon to seduce the Duke of Saxony from the Protestants." f. 374*. f. 314. [1598.] — The indignant and spirited reply [of Queen Eliza- beth], in Latin, to the address of the ambassador [of the King of Poland] , Begins, " Oh, quam decepta fui ! Expectavi legationem, tu vero querelam mini adduxisti." XXVI. Miscellanea [No. 113. 10.] pp. 1-129. 1628[-9j. — " A true and perfect relacon of the proceedings in Parliament since the begyning 20 January 1628 " to its dissolution on 10 March. On a fly-leaf the following additional title is prefixed by another hand : " A relacon of the miscarriadg of the House of Commons of Parliament, wherein his Majestie was intended by the consent of the Lords to have enacted many good laws for his subjects." Formerly belonging to " Isa. Wright." ff. 131-152. — et Lettre escrite a une personne de qualite au sujet du desaveu que le Roy Charles 2 d a fait d'avoir este marie a la mere du Due de Mommouth " (sic). Suggesting that the disavowal had been extorted, in contradiction to the truth, by the Duke of York, whom the letter strongly attacks. ff. 153-221. — Fragmentary collections by Sir H. Spelman " De Sepulturis." Marked in two places, " Nothing of this is printed," i.e., not in Spelman's Treatise De Sepultura, which is against the charging of fees for burials, except the initial words. Begins, " Buriall of the deade is a worke of the law of Nature, of the law of Nations, of the law of Man, and of the law of God." The following are the heads : " Of Sepulture, and firste of the name in generall." f. 160. " The original and manner of funeralls." f . 165 b . ?' Of urnes and urnal sepulchers." f. 168. " Of burying the corps." f. 170. " Of hill burial], and burial hills." f. 171. " Of the place of burning or burial." f. 176. " The originall of churchyardes and of burial there." f. 178. " The originall of buryinge in cities and churchyardes in England." f. 184. " How burial in churches began." f. 185. " Canons and lawes against bury- ing in churches." f. 202. " Of tombs in churches." f. 206. " Of inscriptions." f. 216. ff. 223-234. 1582-1589.— Minute-book of meetings held by Puritan ministers at various places in Essex. Commences with rules drawn up at a conference on 22 Oct. 1582, to which the autograph signatures of the following ministers are attached ; Edmund Chapman, Richard Crick, Thomas Farrar, William Teye, Richard Dowe, Bartimeus Andrewes, K 2 148 John HeLt R ? bort Lewis > Tho - Stoughton, Tho. Lowe, Ant. Morsse, Tho. Tye, Gurnet, Esq. Richard Parker, Henry Sands, Lanr. Newman, John Tylney, Will. Negus, — Will. Byrde, Ranulph Catelyn, Edmund Salmon, Arthur Gale. The first meeting was held on Dec. 3, 1582, and the last, the 80th, June 2, 1589. The notes of the first two meetings, which will give a specimen of the whole, are as follows. The first meeting on Dec. 3 at Barfold ; Dr. Crick speaker {i.e., the one who treated of some passage of Scripture), Dr. Chapman moderator. " The question tutchinge the right use of the Lordes daie then propounded ; left to be considered of till the next meetinge after save one. 2 was for the placing of Mr. Dowe, whether at Barfold or Stratford ; deferred till the next meeting. 3. Mr. Stocton moved whether fornication make affinity ; not thought convenient to be decided. Doctor Chapman was chosen to be the next speaker, Dr. Crick moderator, and the place at Dr. Chapman's house." The second meeting was at Dr. Chapman's house at Dedham on 7 Jan. "It was thoughte best to the brethren for diverse reasons that Mr. Dowe shuld accepte of his callinge at Stratforde. The 2. question propounded was tutching the Sabbath as before. This also was spoken of, that the booke of common praier shuld be considered of, how farre a pastor might read therein. Mr. Dow speaker at his own house, Mr, Lewes moderator." At the third meeting on 4 Feb., Dr. Chapman craved the advice of the brethren touching the publishing of his Catechism, and it was concluded, after perusal, that it was not inconvenient to be published, for the use of the people of Dedham especially. There are frequent notices of citation before the Bishop and Archbishop for refusing subscription and refusing the wearing the surplice ; and the writer of the book, Mr. Richard Parker, is himself suspended. After the entry of the last meeting he adds the following note : " Thus longe contynued through Gods mercie this blessed meetinge, and now yt ended by the malice of Satan. Some cause of it was compleints against us preferred to the B. of London, for which cause I was called up to London and examyned of it ; but the chiefest cause was the death of some of our brethren and their departure from us to other places. Blessed be God for ever." ff. 235-261. — Copies of papers, &c. read at the meetings recorded in the preceding minutes : — i. Notes by Mr. Teye on the Sabbath, f. 235. ii. Observations by Dr. Sands on the Sabbath, f. 237. iii. Long paper on the same subject ; by Dr. Crick or Dr. Chapman, f. 242. 1 iv. Copies of many letters and papers, with references to the meetings Sn which these papers were mentioned, f. 248. a. Two letters from Dr. Chapman, and one from the meeting, to Thos. Cartwright, " pastor to the church of the Englishe merchauntes at Middleborough," April 19, 1583, Nov. 4, 1584 ; with a reply from Cartwright, May 5, 1583, "the morrow after the receipt of your lovinge letters." b. 1588, Feb.-Dec. — Letter from Richard Parker, on his suspension, to William Teye, with two replies from the latter. c. Letter from William Teye on his own suspension. d. 1584, Sept. 17.— Letter from Dr. Chapman to Dr. Withers, preacher at Danbury, and Archdeacon of Colchester, respecting the next paper. e. " Certaine requests to be moved to D. Withers, Archdeacon of Colchester, for the libertie of those churches in his j urisdiction which have faythfull ministers set over them." 149 f. "Judgments of the brethren" about a form of catechizing. joSf Henry g. Articles subscribed by some of the ministers. Guksey, Esq. h. 1584, July 16, Erweston. — Letter from Henry Wilcock, acknow- ledging money sent him for his relief ; apparently the original. L 1583. — Letter from Chapman to John Feild, with the reply of the latter of 19th of 11th month (February ?). k. Letter to ministers in London proposiftg a general conference to draw up a supplication to Parliament. /. Supplication of the ministers of Essex to the Privy Council. m. Supplication of the inhabitants of Maldon and others to the Privy Council. n. " The judgment of a lerned man that it is not lawfull to cease preaching at the inhibition of a bishop, and an answer to yt." o. 1584, August 17. — Letter from Chapman to Mr. Stubs about Dr. Oxenbridge's coming to Dedham. p. 1585 [-6], March. — " A note of the conference which was betwene some godlie mynysters and Dr. Oxenbridge, the Papist, being come to Dedham to that, end by the appointment of the Counsell." More than five closely written pages. q. 1587, June 7-Dec. 5. — Letter from Richard Rogers, Ezekiel Cul- verwell, and other ministers, to the Essex ministers, about joint con- ference, with the reply. * r. " Formes of subscription which was yelded by the mynisters in diverse shires and places." i. By the ministers of London ; 5 Dec. 1583. ii. "Doubtes moved by the mynisters of Norwich and of places thereabout, wherein they desire to be resolved." iii. Form of subscrip- tion offered by Mr. John More to the Bishop of Norwich, iv. Form by the ministers in Leicestershire. This very interesting record, specially valuable in reference to the history of Nonconformity in Essex, ends on f. 261 with the following note of the writer's : — " The letters which I have here written from one godlie mynister to another, these subscriptions, and the rest of the writings following, I inserted them together in this booke because they were conferred of in our meetings, as I have noted over their heads the meetings wherin these things were moved, and the page wher yow shall fy nd them. This booke I fynyshed in Kettringham, being the worke of one moneth space, beside myne ordenary exercises, ended I say the 10th of July, 1604. Richard Parker. Laus Deo." ff. 262-280. — The other " writings following," which are mentioned in the preceding paragraph, with references upon some of them to the meetings. a. " Certaine pointes wherein R. Some, D.D., is desirous to be resolved before he yeld a generall subscription to my L. of Cant, articles." b. "A note of those thinges the mynisters in Suffolk offred." f. 264. c. Mr. Paget's answer about the three articles, f. 265. d. " A profession freely made " by persons whose names are sub- scribed, that they will join together for maintenance of all Christian order in their own persons and families and in the whole body of the town. f. 266. e. [1585] August 9. — " Orders agreed upon by Mr. Dr. Chapman, Mr. Parker, and the auncients of the congregation of Dedham, to be dili- gently observed and kepte of all persons whatsoever dwellinge within the said towne." f. 268. 150 Joilv heJey f' 1604 -— Petition of twenty-two preachers in London and the suburbs GtmirEY, Esq. to James I. f. 269. g. " The use of the ceremonies unlawfull." f. 270. h. " Good orders to be observed in a reformed godlie church, proved and collected out of God's worde and authorised by the lawes." f. 271. i. Notice by R. Parker of his appearing before the commissioners for refusing to use the common prayer, wear the surplice, &c, and of his, by favour, escaping though he " yelded not unto them." f. 272b. k. "A lerned man's judgment" what course good ministers, or private persons in congregations, may take for dealing with public and unrepentant offenders, for lack of ecclesiastical discipline, f. 273. /. [1588], March 30, Bergholt.— Letter from Dr. Crick requesting the appointment of some one to preach at his entrance upon Barfold. f. 277. m. " Propositiones ministrorum Scotiae serenissimo Regi oblatse." f. 279. f. 280. 1633, Nov. 3.— Order of the King in Council, confirming the placing by the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's of the table in St. Gregory's church altar-wise. ff. 282-410. — " Goldingham's Gleanes, or, a boohe of the Seven Seconds, that is, Intelligences, or the Seven Spirits of the Planets, moving and ordering the course and successe of things in this world after God, or as God hath appoynted them. Which booke is of moste hyd and swet knowledge and learning, made by John Tritemius, Abbot of Spanhymen, and dedicated to themperour Maximilyan anno 1528. Translated into English by Fraunces Goldingham, minister. Which booke is as an epitome or an abridgement of chronicles .... from the beginning of the worlde unto this present age." With hierogly- phical drawings. The translator professes to make additions, including a translation of a treatise on the religious orders, and lives of the Popes out of Fructus temporum, but the MS. ends where Trithemius' book ceases. ff. 411-443. — Mathematical rules for measurements of height and length, with neatly drawn diagrams and figures. They commence with circles and triangles, and proceed to the taking the altitude of the sun, height of towers, &c. The MS, (which is stained by damp) appears to have been written in 1557, as on f. 422b we have the following passage : " At Norwiche, 1557, the 10 of Marche, I fynd the meridiane altitude of the sonne by my astrolabe 37 degres and 50 minutes.'* XXVII. Miscellanea. [No. 114. 11.] ff. 1-187.— "Ex magnisrotulis Pipe [temp. Hen. II.] collectiones per Rogerum Dodsworth, Eboracensem." The first page is dated 16 March, 1640. The Rolls from which the extracts are made are those of 1 .—33 Henry II. That which is here cited as of the first year is the Roll edited by Mr. Hunter in 1833 and assigned by him to 31 Henry I. ; the extracts here given commence on p. 2 of his edition. The Rolls of the fourth, sixth and thirty-second years are described as wanting, but incorrectly, all these being extant. The extracts from the Roll of the thirty-third end imperfectly, in the article " De scutagio Baronum qui non abierunt cum Rege in exercitu Galloweie," at the bottom of fol. 187, at the catch-word " Christ." 151 ff. 189-268.— Catalogue of all the nobles of England, from the Saxon j0 ^ s |[°J EY earls existing at the time of the Conquest to Sir Gervase Clifton created gukney, Esq Lord Clifton in 1609 ; with their coats of arms very neatly drawn, and the arms of the sovereigns. Prefixed are notes of the conquerors of Britain and their arms, commencing with Brute ; and of the changes made at various times in the royal arms. ff. 269-289. — A treatise on perspective, by Abraham de Moivre. Cent. XVIII. ff. 290-295. — " Granta; humbly inscribed to the University of Cam- bridge, by R. Foster, M.A. ; " a poem. Begins, " Let other pens Britan- nia's limits scorn." At the end is written the following quatrain by another hand, with reference, it is to be feared, to the author. " Are Poets Makers ? Curse the Fates, if he Who gives to others immortalitye, And doth as high and bright as Angels think, Doth pine and starve, want clothes, house, meat, and drink. Honiclove, July 20, 1720.'* XXVIII. Miscellanea. [No. 115. 12.] ff. 1-194. — " Glossarium originate Johannis de Laet." This glossary of mediaeval words does not appear to be mentioned in any list of Laet's works, nor is it referred to amongst the books noticed in the preface to Spelman's Glossary. The title is given in an endorse- ment by a second hand. The glossary begins with the word " Aamund " and ends with u Zurb." Not foliated. — A new ballad to an old tune ; verses " upon Mr. Bine at CoP le " (Constantinople?), addressed by " G. Etheridge to K. L. at CoP le ." Begins, 11 1 prethee gentle maid be kinder to thy swaine." Not foliated. 1664[-5] — Commission for executing the laws in Church affairs in Scotland ; sealed 24 Feb. ff. 195-210. — Transcripts of charters and other extracts 6i ex libro ecclesiae cathedralis Wigornensis." ff. 211-222. — Transcripts of charters granted by William I,, Henry I. and Edward I. to the Church at Norwich, " ex libro Decani et Capit. Norwic. mihi mut[u]o concesso." ff. 225-263. — Transcripts of the charters of founders, kings, bishops, and archbishops granted to the abbey of Walden ; " ex lib. fundationis monasterie B. Ma. et S. Ja. de Waldena, transcript, ult. Martii, 1619." ff. 264-266. — " Cartas et confirmaciones domus S. Sepulchri canoni- corum [de] Thetford; ex libro fundat canonic. de Thetford." "Exam. 12 Aug. 1635." ff. 268-270. — French narrative of the foundation of Crabhouse monas- tery in Norfolk, " ex lib. fundationis ejusdem : " [now Addit. MS. 4733, Brit. Mus.] Begins, " Jadis esteyt une pucele." Not printed in the Monasticon. ff. 273-276. — "In quodam libro in quo continebantur leges anti- quorum regum Angliaa subscriptorum [scil. Begum Saxon.] mihi praestito per magistrum Tate, inter alia hec excerpsi xx. Decemb. 1604 : " notes of words and terms. *j 152 MSS. of f. 281. — Extract from Bertrand Argentre's Histoire de Bretaigne of jRNnyf Esq. tne grant by Philip II. of France to John, Duke of Brittany, of the — dignity of a peer ; 1217. ff. 282-4. — Transcripts of a few miscellaneous charters relating to the family of Stutevill, the abbey of Wendling, and the priory of Lewes. f. 285. — Descent of Browne, Viscount Montacute, from Inglethorp and de la Poole. 1618. f. 291. — Two short extracts from Jocelin of Brakelond's Chronicle, " mihi mutuato per magistrum Strangman, et penes magistrum Augus- tinum Steward reman.," with notes of a few words "in quodam alio antiquo registro MS. to " of St. Edmund's Bury, also lent by Mr. Steward. if. 293-4.— Notes out of the Fine Bolls, temp. Henry III. ff. 297-32 1 . — Transcripts out of the collections of William Botoner, alias William of Worcester : — i. Names of the Knights who came over with William I., " de quodam antiquo libro historiarum in Gallicis scriptis, invent, apud [blanK] per fratrem Galfredum Linge, ordinis Minorum." The names, without the reference to the source, are printed in Hearne's extracts from William of Worcester, p. 522, vol. II., of Liber Niger Scaccarii. ii. "Nomina dominorum et militum de comitatu Norfol. et Suffol. qui obierunt sine exitu masculo, temp. Edw. III., Bic. II., et Hen. IV., per relationem Thomse Erpingham, chevalier ; " with supplementary lists, including esquires. iii. Genealogies of the earls of Warren, " scripta de labore Will. Paston, in Gallico, extra rotulam suam," and also" derotula crcnicorum Will. Paston, qui scrutavit apud prioratum de Lewes istam genea- logiam." iv. Various other historical and genealogical notes, including note of the building of the aisles of Yarmouth Church. ff. 325-334. — " Copia libri de Sharneburne ;" a history of the descent of the family of Sharneburne in Norfolk, from the times of the Saxons to the reign of Edward I. ; unfinished. Begins, " Longo tempore post adventum Saxonum paganorum.' , Ends, " Et praedictus Petrus post mortem Cecile Uxoris sue et domini Andree fratris sui factus fuit ." A history of the family, in Latin, to 1602, is printed in the Reliqnia Spelmanniance, 1698. f. 336.— Note from the Plea Rolls of 19 Edward I. of Richard de Bel- house's seal being stolen by a cutpurse, and his notifying it, that nothing hereafter sealed with it might be regarded as genuine; subscribed, " Accepi a Simond Deue, mil., 23 Oct. 1633. H. Sp." ff. 342-358.— Ralph Brooke's " Answere to the Mayore, Knightes, and Aldermen of London for precedency in London above auncientere knyghtes then themselves, not aldermen, and to Mistir Garter's [W. Segar's] opinion therof, with his wrong intituling the Lord Mayors — after their maralties — to be Knyghtes, barons, and Knyghts Lyue- tenantes." On the cover of the volume is a mem. signed H. G. that " a merye enterlude entitled Respublica" 1553, was taken from the end of the volume to be bound separately, for the inspection of Mr. Payne Collier, June 15, 1836. See the end of this Report. 153 XXIX. Miscellanea. Jo hI he^v Gurnet, Esq [No. 116. 13.] ff. 1-65. — Extracts from early French monastic Chartularies : — i. Charter of endowment by Cbarleraagne for the nuns of St. Mary at Soissons. ii. " Notitia census debiti villarum S. Remigii quantum solvitur ab ipsis quibusve terminis." iii. " Liber S. Remigii Rem[ensis] ; vol. LIX." The register of the possessions of the abbey. Before f. 67. — " Ragguaglio di Parnaso delli due matrimoni di Francia de Spagna." ff. 68-75. — Transcripts by Sir William Dugdale in August and Sep- tember 1640 of original Cheshire deeds : — i. The foundation charter in 1093 by Hugh, Earl of Chester, of St. Werburgh's Abbey, Chester, with drawing of fragment of the seal, in the possession of the Dean and Chapter. ii. Confirmation by Earl Richard in 11 19 ; in the same custody. iii. Two charters from Earl Ranulph, to the same abbey, with drawings of seals ; in the same custody. iv. " Fundacio abbacie de Cumbermere ; inter recorda apud Cestr. penes Camerarium dom. Comitis Cestr. remanentia." v. " Carta communis Cestreshire, inter recorda apud Cestriam, Pat. 3 E. 4 ti , m. 9." vi. Grant from Earl Ranulph to Eustace Fitz-John of the honour of Constable. vii. Chronicle of the constables of Chester, rt ex rotulo quodam in pergamena de tempore R. Hen. VI. — ut videtur — penes Petrum Daniell de Tabley, armig." fF. 76-83.— Charter of King Edgar in A J). 966 to Hyde Abbey at Winchester from the Book of Hyde. Edwards' Liber monasterii de Hyda, 1866, pp. 192-202. fF. 85-101. — " Commemoratio de rebus Sancte Trajectensis ecclesie quae olim a regibus et ab aliis Domini nostri Jesu Christi fidelibus eidem ecclesie traditse sunt." f. 102. 1662, Sept. 24.— " The relation or examination of Isabell Bil- lington of Great Driffield in Yorkshire, of a spirit that appeares to her." ff. 103-127 — "An observation had upon the two statutes of Chaun- treys," 37 Henry VIII. c. 4. and 1 Edward VI. c. 14. ff. 128-136. 1573.— Roll of the crown-tenants in the hundred of Freebridge, Norfolk. 15 Eliz. 1673.— The Bull of Pope Clement X., " In Ccena Domini." fF. 139-150. — i. The history and prophecies of Merlin ; temp. Eliz. Begins, " When Engist had departed all the land in this wise." Ends, " and there the right heires of Ingland shall end." ii. Of the conversion of England by St. Augustine. iii. The commencement of the Brute Chronicle. " In the noble land of Surrey." ff. 151-4. — Commencement of a Treatise on Domesday Book, by one who had read it three times over. The part here given treats of its antiquity, occasion, names, authority and use. Then follow the words, " caetera desiderantur." 154 MSS. of f. 157. — Notice by Sir H. Spelman of a MS. in his possession con- GuSet, B Esq. tainin g : i- Epistoloe Gilberti abbatis Hoylandia?. ii. Frater R. Melros — - de obitu Jocelini episcopi Glasguensis. iii. Tullius de senectute. iv. Timasus Platonis. v. Boetius de consolatione. ff. 160-167. — A series of short moral pcems by Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper, entitled " The recreacyons of his age." The author's name is only inserted in a hand of the last century, and probably is inferred from the poems being written by the same hand as the follow- ing articles bearing Bacon's name, at pp. 168, 170, which is a hand contemporary with the author. No mention of these verses, which are extremely bald and prosaic, is found in any biographical account of Sir N. Bacon. The list of them, which is worth giving from their bein- unnoticed elsewhere, is as follows : — 1. Three seven-line stanzas, without heading. Begins, " The error in decerninge groweth most of this." 2. " Qualities belonginge to certen persons " ; four lines. Begins, " Liberalise in noble?, in lawyers eloquence." 3. " A prayer of a penitente " ; five six-line stanzas. 4. " Of the kindes and fruits of good and ill " ; ten lines. 5. " Against lust " ; six lines, and again in sixteen lines. 6. " Of fortune and wisdome" ; eight lines. 7. " Perilles followinge fortune by Envy and Malice "; eighteen lines. 8. " Of talke and felloweshippe " ; fourteen lines. 9. "Against idleness" ; thirty-four lines. 10. " In commendacon of the meane estate a hundred and one lines. 11. "Against a mynde not contented" ; eight lines. 12. "Against ambicon" ; sixteen lines. 13. "Against covetousnes" ; sixteen lines. 14. " Against inconstancye " ; sixteen lines. 15. " The conclusion " ; twenty-four lines. Begins, " To end, I judge pleasure but scante Where eache other ease dothe wishe and want." 16. " Of hope, feare, and perswacon ; " twenty lines. 17. " The strength of educacofi " ; four lines. 18. "Against occasion of evell " ; four lines. 19. [A prayer] ; six stanzas of six lines each. Begins, " My Lord, my God, my soveraigne dere." 20. e blessyd companye of hevene, and unworJ?i to be clef>yd a cristen man ") ; English and Latin. He desires that his " wrecchid careyne " may be buried in the farthest corner of the churchyard of the parish in which his 'f wrecchid soule " departs, with neither cloth of gold or silk, but only a black cloth, with a taper at his head and feet, and no stone, "ne o]?er Junge wherby eny man may witte where my stynkynge careyne ligge]?." ff. 86-93. — Lists of royal grants and of knights' fees in the county of Norfolk in the reigns of Edward I., II. and III., of which the first page is headed, " Opus unius diei infra Turrim London, in officio M. Heneage ibidem," 20th May, 40 Elizabeth. ff. 96-115.— Extracts " ex libro MS. S ti . Albani de vitis Offse Regis . . . et abbatum," transcribed at Heydon by John Longford, servant of Sir H. Spelman, in the autumn of 1632. ff. 117-155. — Miscellaneous notes by Sir H. Spelman, fragmentary and of little consequence, but including notes on seals and on the various parts of charters. 159 ff. 156-9. — "Carmen elesriacum in laudes crenerosissimi earumque mss.op • *^ • John - Henry virtutum qua3 prgeclarissimas atque prcestantissimse habentur encomio gktbhbt,Bsq. dignissimi equitis, d. Henrici Spilman, ut poetae cultissimi ita poetarum — Msecenatis optimi, a Thoma ab Alvensleben, Germano, anno 1617." f. 161. — Of the foundation of the Church of Canterbury ; an extract (from the Register of St. Augustine's?). Begins, " Sanctus Ethelbertus, rex Angliae, qui suscepit Christiani- tatem." f. 162. — Copy of a grant from Robert Fitz-Harding to the canons of St. Augustine's, Bristol. ff. 163-6. — Copy of the foundation-charter from Wulfrunna to the monastery of Hampton, [Wolverhampton] in the year 996 (wrongly dated 916 in the original itself), with grant of lands, of which the boundaries are given in Anglo-Saxon. Printed in the Monast icon from the original in the possession of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor, but probably not very correctly. ff. 167-172. — Sermon on Tit. III. 4 Apparuit benignitas &c, on Christmas Day, apparently by a Roman Catholic. ff. 173-180. — Table of all the boroughs returning members to Parlia- ment in the reigns of Edward L, Richard II., Henry IV., V., VI., Edward IV. ff. 181-189.— Admiralli Anglic a temp. Edwardi II., 1307 ad an. 1610." ff. 190-195. — "A consideration of the state of Rome in Italye, drawen from the well understanclinge of this worde The Antichriste." ff. 197-206, 207-212, 228-31, and 213-227.— Three tracts on the legal Terms in the year ; the original drafts, with many alterations. Cf. Spelman's treatise in the Reliquice Spefai., and two tracts by Francis Thynne and Joseph Holland in Hearne's Curious Discourses, 1720. ff. 232-245. — " Reasons against a generall sending of corne to the marketts in the champion part of Norfolke." ff . 246-264. — " Taxes and subsidies of old, and their originall." ff. 266-7. — Judgment in a case between Thomas Norris and Bar- tholomew Johnson touching the " fould-corses " in the manor of Amner, Norfolk ; 16th May, 2 Charles I. ff. 268-287. — Rough draft of a treatise on the fold-courses of Norfolk. A rough list of the contents of the volume lies in it, which is apparently in the handwriting of Rev. Osmond de Beauvoir, being written on the back of a letter addressed to him. XXXIII. Miscellanea. [No. 120. 17.] ff. 1-47. 1688 [-9], Jan.- Feb .—Debates in the Convention and at the conference between the two Houses. ff. 48-241. — Cavendish's Life of Wolsey ; not quite perfect at the end. ff. 242-296. — The treatise by Edward Fox, bishop of Hereford, printed in 1548 under the title, De vera differentia regice potestatis et eccle* siasticce ; in a formal scribe's hand ; with a few marginal notes, to which IGO MSS.of the following note refers: " Hoc MS. emendatum est a Petro Junio." GtS^Esq. 0ne leaf is waQtin g between ff. 253-4. At the end is the following note, — ' ' in a hand of the 18th century, "The printed book has a preface and a short conclusion which are not in this MS., but this MS. — which probably was the first design, sent by the author to some judicious friend to revise — has several things which are markt with a line down the side, and some- times with a Cave, which are left out in the print, tho' sometimes the print has inserted something else instead of them." Two passages are marked with Cave ; one being the quotation from St. Augustine's Retractationes of his interpretation of the words Tu es Petrus &c, and the other being these words, " prescripto divo Thoma Cantuariensi turn temporis archiepiscopo." The suggested alterations are in a hand resembling Cranmer's. ff. 299-300.— " The government of the Kirk of Scotland." f. 301. — Suggestions for comprehension of Non-conformists after the Restoration and for indulgence. ff. 302-8. — " Orationes dicende super Regem et Reginam Anglise in die Coronacionis." Not foliated. — Verses on Pitt's translation of Virgil and on Dr. Bowden's translations, by — Potter, of Emanuel College, Cambridge. f. 311. 1626. — Officers slain and taken prisoners at the Isle of Rhe\ f. 312. — Satirical lines on Mrs. Saturnie and a lawyer, Mr. Cooke. f. 313. — Political ballad of the time of James I., in seventeen stanzas, each of which ends with the words " pay for all." Begins, " The Scotchmen are but beggers yet, . Although their begginge was not small, But now a Parliament doth sitte A subsidy shall pay for all." f. 314. — {< A grave poeme as it was presented by certayne devynes by waye of interlude before his Majestye in Cambridge, called Liber novas de adventu Regis ad Cantabrigiam, faythfullye [turned] into English, with some liberall advantage made, rather to be songe then reade, to the tune of Bonnie Nell" " By an Oxford Scholler." Begins, " It is not yet a fourthnight since Lutetia entertayned our Prince." ff. 315-325. — Of the prerogative of the Kings of England in making ecclesiastical laws. ff. 324-333. — " Of Excommunication ; how far the Kings of England have concerned themselves therewith." ff. 335-343. — Of exemptions from episcopal jurisdiction granted by Kings of England to monasteries. ff. 345-358. — " The discovery of the povsoninge of Sir T. Over- bury." ff. 360-377. — A book containing copies of the papers following : — i. Lord Burleigh's reply at the Council Table to objections to the Queen's joining with the States against Spain. ii. " A breiffe discours of the Lowe Countryes." iii. "The state of a Secretaryes place and the perill ; " by Robert [Cecil] late Earl of Salisbury. ff. 380-403. 1631.— The trial of Mervyn Touchet, Earl of Castlehaven. 161 ff. 404-411, 414-5.— Letters and verses written by Sir W. Raleigh mss.of before his execution, with his speech on the scaffold. GuSSf EsJ. f. 412.— Verses "upon Sir W. Rauligh, against Sir Lewis Stukye's * book." Begin, " In all that was or is we see." f. 413. — Lines on Sir W. Raleigh. Begin, " Great harte, who taughte the so to dye." ff. 414-15. — Miscellaneous verses. i. " Newes from Hell." Begin, " In Hell of late there grewe a greate disorder." ii. On the Duke of Buckingham. Begins, " Nowe let us all rejoyce, singe poems all, For Buckingham is nowe made Admirall." At the foot of these two is written, '•' Poems made by the King's Majesty." 5 iii. Against Tobacco. Begins, " Here's a tobacco shopp, and in the sellor." f. 416. 1624, Sept.— Grant of lands in Ireland to the Duke of Buckingham. ff. 417-9.— Privy Seal grants in Oct. 1618 and Feb. 1623. ff. 421-2.— Facsimile of the commencing words of the Gospels of St. Mark and St. Luke in Lombardic characters in some very early MS. A fragment (six leaves) of a copy of a tract urging James I. not to abandon the war against Spain, probably Scott's Vox Populi, lies loose in the volume. XXXIV. Miscellanea. [No. 121. 18.] pp. 1-124. — Numerous pedigrees, with arms, &c. ; including Bardolf, Calthrop, Gurney, and especially Spelman ; epitaphs in various churches on members of the Spelman family ; copies of Spel- man wills, 1432-1544. pp. 125-7. — Articles of inquiry under a royal commission in 1564 respecting the shipping trade, ports, and creeks, in Norfolk. pp. 128-133. — Paper in vindication of the claim to regard King Alfred as the Founder of Oxford, by Sir John Spelman; "copyedfrom the original of Sir John's by me Chas. Spelman, June 10, Ann 1672 at Oxford." pp. 144-165.— Collections relating to Yarmouth, to the year 1590 , with abstracts of the town charters. p. 166. — Pedigree of King James I. pp. 167-172. — " Cantuariencis sedis privilegia et prerogativa." " This is printed in [Usher's] Antiquitates Britannicse." pp. 173-4.— " The first draft of the Petition to His Majestie con- cerninge religion agreed upon by the Commons House of Parliament. . . . June 29." p. 176. 1628[-9], Jan.— Parliamentary notes. p. 177 and 259. 1638, July 8.— " The Duke of Lenox his speech to His Majestie concerning the proposition of war for Scotland." p. 180. 1624, May.— The King's speech to the Lords of the Higher House. U 60050. L 162 MSS. of p. 181. — The case of Sir Thomas Lake, Secretary of State, plaintiff, GuRNirrf Esq. against Luke Hatton, defendant, in the Star Chamber. p. 182-244. 1639, July 30.—" Of the original of feuds in Englande ; written by Sir Henry Spelinan, knt., for supportation of a passage touching them in his Glossary. p. 244.* — Notes of punishments for slandering judges. p. 245. — Notes of Parliaments or King's Councils, 1223-5. p. 246. — Explanation of the word Thane as meaning " ane servand," and as being equivalent to the son of an Earl ; written by a Scottish writer. p. 247. — Speech of the Duke of Buckingham in Parliament about the war with Spain, and the cost of fitting out a fleet. p. 249. — Declaration of Charles I. " concerning the Treaty and his dislike of the army's proceedings, delivered by His Majesty at his departure from the Isle of Wight and commanded to be published for satisfaction to his subjects ;" with " His Majesty's prayer for a blessing upon the Treaty." p. 250-1. 1642. — " The resolution of the Deputy Lieutenants of the county of Essex who are appointed to be a Committee to take care of the safety of that county and to provide for the fortifying thereof against all foreign and other forces in pursuance of the association now entered into by the inhabitants of the counties of Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and Hertford, according to the Order of both Houses of Parliament." p. 252. Temp. Eliz. — st The Earle of Bathe his case betwene him and Marye Cornewallys." pp. 253-5. 1577, Oct. 18. — " A short somme of a speache delivered by Her Maj. Principall Secretary [Walsingham] to Monsieur Meed- kirke " touching the receiving of Matthias the Emperor's son for Governor of the Low Countries. p. 262. 1624. — Address of Parliament to James I. thanking him for abandoning the Spanish match, and approving of the Palatinate war. p. 262 b . 1623, March 13.— The King's speech at Whitehall. p. 264. — Credentials from Shah Abbas, of Persia, in behalf of Sir Thomas Sherley ; with a decree declaring his dominions open for all Christian people to traffick there. pp. 265-8, 271-4. — List of ships, with their captains and crews, in the squadrons of the Earl of Essex, the Lord Admiral, Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Walter Raleigh. p. 270. — List of twenty-six persons imprisoned for conspiracy with the Queen of Scots. Begins, « Antony Babbyntono"! . & ^ Barnewell Savage End?, " Abbynton, sen. Abbynton, jun. J> not yet taken.' Tuchener p. 273. — " The Queens prayer for the prosperous success of her army." pp. 275-8. — Account of Sir Walter Raleigh's execution, pp. 279-80. — Temp. Eliz. — Book of rates for Berwick. in ward.' 163 pp. 281-3. [1576] 18 Eliz. — Exchequer Revenue account. mss.op p. 284 a , b . — " The voyage of Octher to the North East parts gueney, Esq. beyond Norway." pp. 286-7. — "The Sovereign's Answer to the Gloucestershire Ad- dress ;" a satirical political lampoon in the time of Queen Anne. The answer is supposed to be given by the Duke of Somerset. p. 289. 1641 [-2], March 7, 8. — "Passages upon the reading of the Declaration to the King at Newmarket by the Committee of both Houses." pp. 291-5. 1644, Oct. 11.— "The argument of John Herne of Lincolnes Inn, Esq., made before the Lords in Parlement in the cause of Dr. Lawde Lord Archbishopp of Canterburye." p. 295 a . 1692, May 16. — Copy of a public recantation made by Charles, Duke of Richmond of his conversion to the Church of Rome. p. 295 b . — Antiquity and use of original writs in Chancery. pp. 297-311. 1600, Feb. 19. — " The argumentes and speaches of the Earles of Essex and Southampton uppon their arraignment at Westm. Hall." p. 313. 3676, July 24.—" Moodoo Soodun's translation of the Saun- "Bead [the epitome or sum of the Four Beads] into Hindostana language, out of the Sinscreet, and translated from him into English by John Marshall." Twenty-six leaves. A letter from W. Salmon to Dr. Covel is attached, with which he returns the MS. which had been kept "for my lord Duke's inspection." p. 314. 1677. — "The speech of L[aurence] H[yde] now Earl of R[ocheste]r to the King of Poland." p. 315. — "Mr. Haynes's recantation — prologue after his returne from Rome, at his first appearance on the stage ;" a satire in verse. p. 317, &c. Temp. Charles II. — Papers printed and MS. concerning a bill for reversions of offices in London. p. 321. 1587[-8.] — " A dissuasion from peace with King Phillippe, written in January 1587 when our embassadours were readie to goe to Ostend about the same ;" an address to Queen Elizabeth. p. 322. — Statement of considerations and arguments which led the writer to abandon the Church of Rome ; written in the time of James I. Five leaves. Begins, " I was a recusant bycause I was taught from my cradle to beleeve the Catholique Church by my creede." XXXV. Sik George Downing's Journal, 1658. [No. 124.] fol. pp. 186. —In 1719 in the possession of Ben. Leo. Calvert. Journal kept by George Downing, afterwards Sir George, of his embassy to Holland, as Resident there for the Protector and Common- wealth, from 2nd Jan. 1657-8, the day of his leaving London, to 7th Oct. in the same year. It contains the account of his negotiations as mediat- ing for peace between the States General and Portugal, and also with reference to the war between Sweden and Denmark, and concludes with the treaty made with Portugal in Oct. Copies of all the Memorials and other papers interchanged with the States are given, some of which relate also to the East India trade and to questions concerning prize vessels. At p. 62 is a petition exhibited to the States General by Adrian and Cornelius Lampsen respecting a debt for money lent by them for purchase of L 2 164 MSS. of ammunition by an agent of Scotland in 1644, which was referred to- Gurney?Esq. Downing by a resolution of 5th April. On 10th Sept. Downing sends a — Memorial to the States General, desiring that articres 9 and 1 1 of the Treaty with England, prohibiting reception of rebels and declared enemies of the Commonwealth, may be observed, Charles Stuart, with the Earl of Ormond and others having been lately at the Bosch, Heus- den, Suilleston, and other principal places, Sir Edw. Hyde residing at Breda, and Lord Taaf and O'Neale and divers other rebels being now at the Hague. This is printed in Thurloe's State Papers, Vol. VII. r p. 362.] With reference to this Memorial a former possessor of the volume has inserted part of No. III. of The Student, or the Oxford Monthly Miscellany for March 31, 1750, containing a story, from a paper written by J. Lockhart, of Downing's coming in disguise to Charles II. immediately upon the latter's arriving secretly at the Hague,, and urging his instant departure, on account of the above treaty pro- visions. Among miscellaneous manuscripts, not historical, there are Lydgate's Destruction of Thebes (which formerly belonged to " Antonius Morel- lus, Parrhisiensis medicus ") ; Gower's Confessio Amantis ; a volume written in the 15th century, containing three mystery plays, of Wisdom, of Mercy, and of the Castle of Perseverance ; and " A merye enterlude entitled Respublica, made in the year 1553." In a medical MS. of the latter part of the thirteenth century, containing, amongst other things the " Practica Nicolai," " De passione capitis," " De febribus" &c. which have been erroneously attributed in a late hand to Nich. Hostre- sham, who is said to have lived in 1443, there is prefixed on a fly-leaf the " Stans puer ad mensam " which is entitled " Versus Sancti Roberti Grossetedi Lincoln:' This MS. belonged to one "Antony Shupton." Of Hampole's Stimulus ConscienticE, with other things, there is a good MS. of the end of the 14th century. Of treatises on Alchemy, Astrology and Geometry there are several MSS. "A brief relation of the travells of Jerom Salter," in Asia Minor and the islands of the Archipelago from 7th Sept. 1668, the day he left London, to August 1679 ; with very many copies of Greek inscriptions, a few of which are believed, according to a note inserted in the volume, never to have been printed. " The origination of government, or the fundamental lawes of England both moral and divine invaded by a tiranical and arbitrary power," by — Warner ; [against James II.] ; dated at the end, "Dover, Oct. 30, 1688." 2 vols, folio. Amongst MSS. relating to the local history of Norfolk are the following : — • The original MS. of Fr. Blomefield's History ofJS orwtch, m two vols., folio. 1745. ^ „ , ' ! _ History of Norwich, by John Mackerell, 1737 ; 2 vols., quarto. Valor Ecclesiasticus for Norfolk and Suffolk, with the names of patrons and incumbents in 1672, "transcribed out of Mr. Hilary Bayly's [book] by me Edw. Beckham." Folio. William Dunn Macrat. 165 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF W. W. B. HULTON, ESQ., OF *s&q* HULTON PARK, LANCASHIRE. HuWesq. This collection consists chiefly of papers which came to the family from William Jessop, of Gray's Inn, who was Clerk to the Council of State and to the House of Commons at the time of the Restora- tion, and who died in March 1674-5. His only child Anne married William Hulton, alias Hilton, who died in 1694. The most important part of the collection consists of a series of letters from the second Earl of Essex to Queen Elizabeth, many of which have been printed in the Hon. W. B. Devereux's Lives of the Earls of Essex. How the family became possessed of these has always been con- sidered a mystery ; but the examination of Jessop's papers has fur- nished the probable clue. Jessop is found to have acted as legal agent for the executors of the third Earl, the Parliamentary General, in 1647-8, and these letters most likely therefore came into his hands together with the papers relative to the affairs of that Earl. And the return of these letters to the Essex family, together with the letters noticed below of the Earl of Leicester, may have been procured, possibly after Queen Elizabeth's death, by the aged Countess of Leicester, who was the mother of the ill-fated Earl of Essex as well as Leicester's wife. The family of Hulton has, in the direct line, been seated at the place from which it takes its name from the time of Henry II. And many early deeds relating to the estates, dating from the time of Edward I., are preserved, some of which have their seals attached. Among these are two from John De La Warre, Lord of Manchester. The next oldest documents are the two following bulls : — I. [1397] an 8., 14 kal. Jan. [Dec. 19]. Rome.— Bull from Pope Boniface IX. to John de Adyngham, canon of the Priory of Kertmell, authorizing the confessor whom he shall choose to grant him plenary absolution once, when at the point of death, provided he remain in the unity of the Roman Church, and that satisfaction be made by him to anyone to whom satisfaction is due ; provided also that if, relying on this remission, he be led to commit any unlawful acts, it shall no longer avail. With the leaden bulla ; and endorsed with the form of absolution. II. 1435, an 5., 5 id. Feb. (Feb. 9). Florence. — Similar bull from Pope Eugenius IV. to William Hales (?, name nearly erased), priest, canon of the priory of Cartmel, with the same limitations, and providing also that he shall for one year from the time of receiving this grant, fast on every Friday, or if already bound to fast on that day, then on some other day of the week ; or if he cannot conveniently (" commode ") observe this fast at any time, then his confessor shall commute it for some other works of piety. With the bulla. In Rev. Jos. Mendham's book on the Venal Indulgencies of the Church of Rome (1839, p. 134), these bulls arc incorrectly described, from the report of a speech delivered in 1835, as having been granted to a member of the family of Hulton and his successors. 1456, July. — Composition settled by arbitration by John, Thomas, and William, Abbots of Fountains, Salley, and Kirkstall, in a dispute between John, Abbot of Roche, and Ralph. Abbot of Whalley, 166 w S w°b respecting the tithes of Hildebrithorp, in the parish of Rochdale. Hulton, Esq. Seals lost. 1486, Nov. 5. — Will of John Hulton, Esq. His body to be buried in the parish church of Deyne, to which he leaves twenty marks for the building a chapel on the north side, twelve marks for the providing a priest to celebrate there for two years for his soul and those of his parents, and ten marks to maintain the service of the Blessed Virgin Mary. A collection of letters of the Earl of Leicester, and of and to the second and third Earls of Essex, but chiefly consisting of letters from the second Earl to Queen Elizabeth. I. — The Earl of Leicester to Queen Elizabeth. N.Y. June 1. — Dated from Harden Castle, ** a howse of my 1. of Derbyes nere Chester, in the confines of Wales," where he has come "this day." Have passed through such desert countries as seldom, I suppose, are to be found anywhere, by miserable ways ; consequently,, have only this day met with one of my messengers whom I had sent from Kenil worth, by whom I hear of your health, and of my nephew Sidney's letters, as also from Mr. Secretary of your gracious acceptation of my late scribbled lines to you ; am most glad to hear that you have thought upon a " third way betwene those ij ways." II. — The Same to the Same. N.D. [1583, July ?]—" In som hast from Tylbury, this Saturday." No cause for me to trouble you touching your army here, £< but all things are as well, as quyett, and as forwardly bent to your servyce as any soldyers or subjects in the world can be. But yet I may not forgett upon my knees to yeld to your moost swete Majeste all humble and dutyful thanks for the great comfort I receive ever from your owen swete self. I am sorry that I can wryte your Majeste no newes, yet most gladd that I may hold up my hands to Cod for the mercyfull dealing he useth towarde you, for by the newes we hear he fighteth for you, and your enymyes fall before you. Lett all honour prayse and glory be geven him therfore, and loose not, gratious la., any occasion he geveth you agenst his enymyes and yours. This ronnagate hath peruseid your camp here, and even now ys my 1. of Ormond and Mr. Stan- nopp* aryved, and they be also going to vew your people, who ar as semely to be sene as any in Crystendom I think. Many [of ?] your hors have fayled, and surely som punyshment must follow. I have wrytten to my LL. of som of the offenders, who ar to many at such a time." Seal, the bear and ragged staff within the Garter. III. — The Earl op Essex to the Same. [1590,] Oct. 7. London. — On her requiring payment of a loan of 3,000/., which he says she had once promised to give him. " In love ther can be nothing more bitter than unkindnes." "I wold I cold with the losse of all the land I have as well repayre the breach which your unkind aunswer hath made in my hart, as I can with the sale of one poore manner*)" aunswer the summe which your Majestie takes of me." * Afterwards Lord Stanhope of Harrington, f The manor of Keyston, Hunts. 167 Printed in Captain W. B. Devereux's Lives and Letters of the Earls w S w°b of Essex, 1853, Vol. I., p. 207. The spelling is modernized in all the Hulton, Esq. letters printed in this work. IV. — The Same to the Same. [1591, July.] — On the second day after leaving her for his expedition to France, to assist King Henry IV. in Normandy. Ibid., p. 219. V. — The Same to the Same. [1591, Sept.]. — "In my jorney to the K., I had some trouble, and in returning from him I have bene full of care how to preserve your Majesties people and save mine owne poore creditt. I had an enemy 6 tymes my number thatt did continually lye in the way for me, and yett with the help of good guydes I did avoyde meeting with ther greatt troupes, and with keping my men in good order, I made ther currers run before us." That I have not heard from you since I came into France has grieved me more than an overthrow. When your favour is gone from me, my soul shall retire from my body. Slightly ' mutilated. This letter, and those which follow, are sealed with the earl's seal of arms. VI. — The Same to the Same. [1591,] September 12. Arques. — Along letter vindicating his conduct in France against her censures contained in a letter from her of 3rd Sept. Ibid., pp. 235-7. For " neither for love nor for hire," read " neither for love nor for hope " ; and put a note of interrogation after " do for me"; for "importuning" read "importunity"; for "kept the foot- men " read " left the footmen " ; and for " bearing all their victual " read " having all ther vittell." There are also a few minor verbal inaccuracies. VII. — The Same to the Same. [1591,] September 14. Arques. — I and the ambassador are going this afternoon to speak with Marshal Biron. "I protest unto your Majestie that unkindnes and sorow have broken both my hart and my witts." Ibid., p. 241. VIII. — The Same to the Same. N.D. — Complaining strongly of her unkindness, and deprecating recall of the army from France as entailing ruin on the French King and disgrace upon himself. Ibid., pp. 241-2. Omit " again " after " Your Majesty's face." IX. — The Same to the Same. N.D. — A short letter. — I have lived too long if slander and suspicion can dare to threaten to take your favour from me. " I do humbly thanke your Majestie that you vouchsafed to write. I do reverence the oracle, and wold never shun any destiny thatt yt assignes me." X. — The Same to the Same. N.D. Rye. — A short letter, announcing his return to England ; " Rye, this Thursday Night." Ibid., p. 244. 168 m'ss.of XI.— The Same to the Same. W. W. B. Huitok, Esq. N.D. — A short letter, complaining of her reception of him. " I see your Majestie is constatit to ruine me." Ibid., ib. XII.— The Same to the Same. [1591,] October 16. Dover. — On his returning to France. Ibid., p. 246. For « enjoyed » read " joyed." XIII. — The Same to the Same. [1591,] October 18. Dieppe. — Professing affection. Will leave matters of business for letters to the Council. " The two windowes of your privy chamber shall be the poles of my sphere, wher, as long as your Majestie will please to have me, I am fixed and unmoveable." Ibid., pp. 249-50. For " When your Majesty thinks " read " When you think." XIV. — The Same to the Same. N.D. — " My affection doth teach me to be a diligent advertiser, for I, who can never sufficiently expresse the infinite greattnes of my duty and affection, do catch hold upon all occasions to make a despatch for England, wherein I have advertised my Lord Tresorer of the King's approching and of the MareshalPs proceedinges. To your Majestie I can send no newes butt thatt the same mind which hath ever most faythfully loved and religiously honored your Majestie doth now in absence study to expresse half so much as yt doth conceaue ; and yf your Majestie do beleeue how much I do aboue all men striue to make my affection worthy of you, you shall deale gratiously as a Queen and yett butt justly as long as you geue me leaue to loue you, for though I craue this in all humblenes as of grace, yett your Majestie doth owe yt of right." XV. — The Same to the Same. N.D. — On beginning to besiege Rouen. " Being come hither within five leages of Roane, and ready this night to invest yt, I mett with Sir Roger W[illia]ms, who hath described unto me the desperate estate of this miserable cuntry. The poverty of the King, the mutiny of the Allmaynes, and the litle assurance of the French Catholikes, do threaten the ruine of Fraunce yf your Majestie be not the conseruer. Upon his comming I thought yt a necessary duty to send him unto your Majestie, first to informe your Majestie of the King's state, and then to bring unto me your gratious pleasure for your Majesties people heere. 1 beseach your Majestie heere him with favor and dispatch him with speede ; for within these 12 days I shall haue no meanes to keepe your Majesties troupes together except I be supplyed from your Majestie or from the King, and to leaue Roane for want when Roane weare half won weare both dishonorable and dangerous. I thinke I cold make a litle money stretch farr, butt wee want men aswell as money, and yf your Majestie send a supply I thinke I shallbe able to arme as many more as I haue." XVI. — The Same to the Same. [1591,] November 2. — Announcing that Rouen is besieged, and desiring supplies. » Ibid., pp. 255-6. For " troop " read " troops," and for " the number ' u their number." 169 XVII.— The Same to the Same. mss of W. W. B. N.D. — Croydon, " this Tusday morning." — Professing extravagant Hui/ [^L' Es love. Ibid., p. 292. XVIII. — The Earl of Essex to his mother, the Countess of Leicester. N.Y., September I. Lees. — Excusing the signing of some letter with which she had found herself grieved, but protesting that he could only have set his hand to it ere he knew what it was. " And yett I am sure ther was never any in thatt place thatt was more scrupelous or thatt did refuse more ; for in those cases whether I haue not the bond of duty and affection to tye I am hardly drawne to prejudice any. And therefore I hope your Ladiship will be satisfyed for thatt error. I will nott trouble your Ladiship with the newes of out paltry troublesome world, which hath made me a greatt deale both honester and thriftyer then euer I was or shold haue bene els." XIX. — The Earl of Essex and Sir Robert Cecil to the Queen. N.Y. — We were ready, this morning to have attended your Majesty's ordinary service at the Star Chamber, " but thatt extraordinary and more important cause caryed us to the Tower. Ther wee spent the whole forenoone, and because the matter of trafike of your Majesties Merchant Adventurers was to be hard att the Starr Chamber in the afternoone wee returned thither, and attended my LL. Now wee are agayne mining further into these practises and trayterous conspiracyes which held us in the morning. And of all thatt we haue or shall do wee will geve your Majestie accompt tomorrow morning. In the meane tyme wee do most humbly beseach your Majestie to be more carefull of your royall person, and lesse secure then your owne sweete nature and princely magnanimity do make you." It is probable that this letter refers to the conspiracy of Lopez in 1594. XX. — The Earl of Essex (when setting out on the second Spanish expedition) to the Queen. [1597,] June 23. Sandwich. — Thanking her, in extravagant terms, for a letter. Heavens and earth shall wittnes for me I will striue to be worthy of so high a grace and so blessed a happines." Ibid,, p. 413. XXL— The Same to the Same. [1597,] June 25. Sandwich. — "For your Majesties many high and pretious favors, namely for sending this worthy knight to deleuer your blessing to this fleete and army, butt above all other for your Majesties bestowing on me thatt fayre Angell which you sent to garde me, for these I say I ney ther can write wordes to expresse my humble thank- fulnes nor perfourme service fitt to acknowledg such duty as for these I Owe." Ibid., p. 414. XXII. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] June 27. The Downs. — With account of the movements and preparations of the fleet. 170 MSSL op Ibid., p. 415. For « this day " read " this daye's" ; for " Warapight," Hulton, E*8Q. " Wastspight" ; and for " four fly boats " " 5 flyboats." XXIII. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] June 28. The Downs. — Thanking her, in his usual style, for a letter and message. Ibid., p. 416. XXIV. — The Same to the Same. [1597.] June 6. Weymouth. — Sending a messenger from the fleet,, and recommending his cousin Fulk Grevill ; Ibid., p. 417. For " your poor vassal," read " your poor vassals for u concern," read " conserve." XXV. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] July 6. Portland Road. — Sending thanks for the " fy ve deere tokens, both the watch, the thorne, and above all the Angell which you sent to garde me ; for your Majesties sweet lettres indited by the spirite of spirites." Ibid., p. 419. For " used to do " read " use to do." XXVI. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] July 6. " Att midnight." — Will fetch on board the fleet to- night 500 soldiers who disorderly do loiter ashore. Ibid., p. 420. XXVIL— The Same to the Same. [1597,] July 10. Plymouth, " setting seale." — On the condition of the fleet and its manning. Ibid., pp. 425-7. For " as useful to bring myself home," read " as careful to bring myself home." After " since the action is your own," insert, " the counsayle your owne, and the glory must be your owne." XXVIII.— The Same to the Same. [1597,] July 12. <; From aboord your Majesties good ship the Mire- honore." — On sending by a messenger of her own choice an account of state of the fleet and army. XXIX. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] July 19. Falmouth [" Fawmouth "]. — On sending another messenger [Sir Thomas Gates], after damage to the fleet by a storm. Ibid., p. 433. XXX. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] July 20. Plymouth. — Has come all night post over the rugged mountains of Cornwall on hearing that Raleigh with divers ships was at Plymouth ; mentions the ships and officers found there. Ibid.,?- 434. For " Warspight," read " Wastspight " ; for "Mary Rose," " Mayrose" ; for " Mere Honor," " Mirehonore." XXXI. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] Aug. 14. — "I do geue accompt to My LL. cf the state of your Majesties fleete, and to yourself nott my wordes butt my soule speaketh affectionatest wishes and faythfullest vowes." 171 XXXII.— The Same to the Same. w S w°b. [1597,] Aug. 15. — On sending Sir R. Crosse with a despatch.' Ibid., p. 446. For " Outer Sound " read " Ofe sound." XXXIII. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] Aug. 16. — "From aboord the Dew Repulse." Sending a messenger, who is highly commended, for further directions. Ibid., p. 448. For " from your direction " read " from you direction." XXXIV. — The Same to the Same. [1597,] Aug. 31. — " From the height 39." On the change of plans relative to Ferrol and to the fleet from the " Assurreys " (Azores). Ibid, pp. 453-4. For " is attested," read " is altered and for " than all men else have, do, or shall have," " then all men els thatt have, do, or shall live." XXXV.— The Same to the Same, on his retiring from Court. N.D. — Complaining of her unkindness. Ibid., pp. 462-3. XXXVI.— The Same to the Same. NJX Thanking her for her " kind and often sending " to enquire about his health. Ibid., p. 465. Omit " again " after " life." For " justness of love, read " justice of love." XXXVII. — The Same to the Same. N. Y. [1598 ?] Sept. 20. London.— I send Mr. Darcy " to know how your Majestie doth ; and I had bene mine owne messenger had I nott had this very day infinite busines." I crave pardon for my ill writing, " having' the hedd ake, the hart ake, and the mind ake all att once." I beseech you " to give this man some gratious comfort in his sute." XXXVIII. — The Same to the Same. [1598,] Sept. 20. London.— In reply to a message from her by Mr. Gerard that she valued herself at as great a price as he valued himself. Since she has driven him to despair, he seeks freedom. Ibid, p. 497. For " I seek, Madam, but as yet I find nothing," read, " I seeke freedom, butt as yett I find yt in nothing." XXXIX.— The Same to the Same. N.D.— Upbraiding her for "the intolerable wrong" she has done hlV Ibid, p. 493. For "in life," read "of my lyfe"; for "whatsoever falls out, that," "that, whatsoever falls out"; for "owe my life," "owe you my lyfe." XL— The Same to the Same. [15991 N D — Recommending a gentleman who desires to leave Ireland for England ; " thatt any men should leave purgatory to go to paradize, yt is nott strange." Ibid. Vol. II., p. 63. For " alarum read " alarums ; for render, « tender " ; for " None," " For none " ; for " a stroko," " a blow." HULTON, ESQv 172 w?w. b- XLI.— The Same to the Same. Huiton, Esq* [1599.]-^ Vindicating himself on three points with reference to his government in Ireland, viz., his obedience to her command to displace Lord Southampton, the sending a list of offices, and the creation of Knights. Ibid., pp. 58-9. For " there are three," read, " thatt there are three ;" for " which would make," " and which would make." XLII — The Same to the Same. [1599.] — Desiring either to have his services graciously accepted, or to have leave to retire altogether. Ibid., pp. 56-7. For " humblest vassal," read " loyallest servaut." XLIII.— The Same to the Same. [1599.] — Asking that Jack RatclifF may have his wardship bestowed on him. Ibid., p. 56. For " of a brave race," read " to a brave race "; for " till I revenge," " till I may revenge." XLIV — The Same to the Same. . [1599,] Aug. 30. " Arbracken " [Ardbraccan]. — Complaining bitterly of his iC banishment and proscription into the most cursed of all cuntryes " (Ireland). Ibid., p. 68. XLV. — The Same to the Same, after his return from Ireland. [1599.] — A letter of humble submission. Endorsed as having been written from Wanstead. Ibid., p. 83. For " in presumption " read " by presumption for "and recover," " and to recover." XLVL— The Same to the Same. [1599 ?] — After being by her own voice commanded out of her presence, and by her hands thrust out. Endorsed as having been written from Wanstead. Ibid., pp. 129-138. For " pars ignava," read " pars ignavise." XL VII. — The Same to Roger [Manners], fifth Earl of Rutland. [1595,] Oct. 16. — Upon the letter's going abroad to travel ; being a third letter of advice to him. The first letter of the three is printed, from Harl. MS. 4888, in Devereux's Lives of the Earls of Essex, Vol. I. pp. 322-332, but that two other letters were written on the same subject appears to have been hitherto unknown. I therefore copy this third letter (which I found amongst confused miscellaneous papers) in full. The greater part of it is written by an amanuensis, as mentioned by the Earl at its close. "My Lord, since you have required of me some advice nowe at the verie instant of your goinge, I must not refuse you, thoughe my want of leisure and health will make that which you receave from me little worth. My first letter to your Lordship did contayne generalities ; my second was particular, to direct you in course of studie ; and this shall onlie tell you what are the notes I would wissh you to gather in your travaill, which being but a posting night's woorke after everie bodie is 173 gone to bed, I desire may be private to yourself, and may serve to awake w S w°b you in some things, though it cannot instruct you in all. HultonI Esq. When your lordship comes into any countrey, I would wissh you to observe the nature of the clymate and temperature of the ayre ; for so you shall best judge of the healthfulnes of the place, and may have some inducement to gesse at the disposicion of the people. Also to mark the condicion of the soile, whether it be fertile or barren, mountaynous or eeven, full of woods or champion, and to note the principall rivers, their begynnings and course, the streights and passages that do seuer one province or peece of province from another, and what their length or bredth is ; the circuite and the diameter or length of the countrey : how it is peopled and inhabited ; what are the commodities with which it abounds, and which it vents, and of the other side what it wants, and drawes to it from forrain parts. What ports it hath, what shipping, and howe their trafficke lyes : how the people are armed and trayned : what fortified townes or castells, what revenewe, what arsenall, what alliaunces, and what known ennemies the State hath. For these things will leade you to knowe whether any countrye be ritch or poore, stronge or weake. But above all things I would have you understand the manner of governement of the place where you are ; where the souveraintye is, in one, as in a monarchic, in a fewe, or in the people ; or if it be mixt, to which of these formes it most inclines : next, what ministers of state and subalternat governors, as counsaile and magistrats : thirdlie, by what lawes or customes it is governed : and lastlie, what is the execucion of justice in peace, and their discipline in warr. If your lordship will tell me that these things will be too manie to remember, I aunswere, that I had rather you trusted your note booke then your memorie. If you object that some of these things being martiall, and others points of State, you shall not be able to collect them, nor judge of them, I must aske you whether you would not get a pylote on a strange coast, and guyde in an unknown way ? And so if where you come you seeke after those things, you shell assoone fynd directers to guyde you to them as to any matters of sport or vanitie. The first thing your lordship must seeke in all this course, is industrie ; for as greate difference is betwixt it and idlenes as betwixt a lyving man and a dead. The second is to direct that industrie to good things ; for els the more you do the more yll you do, and the faster you goe the farther you go owt of the way. The last is that you be rather endevoringe to do well then beleeving you do well ; for besydes that all self conceyted young men do growe infinitelie vayne, when once, owt of opinion that they are wise or good inoughe, they hold themselves pleased withe themselves, they fall more backward in a monneth then they growe forward in a yeare. This was written yesternight att St. Albon'e, butt so ill written as I was fayne to use my man's hand to copy yt out. Excuse its hasty writing, and my indisposicion after my iorney, which keepes me from correcting yt. More leysure may bring forth a worke of more price, though this, as all thatt I derect unto you, is full of affection, and accompanyed with my best wishes. From your lordship's most affectionate cosin and trew frend, This 16th of October. Essex." Addressed : — " To the right honorable my verye good lord and cousen the Earle of Rutland." 174 XLVIII. — Bacon(" Fr. Verulam, Cane") to Robert Devereux, third Earl of Essex, thanking him for a letter. 1620, Nov. 7. York House. — Times for writing were never so scant with him ; returns his best wishes with regard to the noble enterprise wherein Essex serves (viz., the expedition to the Palatinate). XLIX. — Charles, Elector Palatine, to the Same. 1639, March 8-18. The Hague. — Recommending the bearer, " as one who hath followed me this last summer, and hath some yeares served under the States and Swedes ; therefor I make noe doubt, but he will be fitt to doe his Majesty some service that way, though I hope it will not be needfull within his dominions." (Essex was at this time the King's lieutenant-general in the expedi- tion against the Scots.) L. — [The Countess op] Kent to the Same. N.D. — About becoming tenant of a house belonging to him, which is greatly desired. The letter is not dated, and is simply signed Kent, but it is evidently written by the wife of one of the Earls (probably Eliz. Talbot, wife of Henry, seventh Earl, which Henry died in 1639) from the mention of " my Lord " in the following sentence : " I beseech you be pleased that my Lords servis and myne be presented to my Lord of Harford and my Lady, with exceeding thanks for ther so noble permission of us in theirs [i.e., in their house] for this time of our being so destitute." LI. — The Earl of Holland to the Same. N.Y., Dec. 17. — A short letter, assuring him that all the writer's best services are at his disposal. LI I. — The Countess of Leicester to the Same, *< My honourable dere [grand] sonne." N.D. — w My noble dere sonne, my oulde age and thys could wether make I cannot wright much, but you shall se I will doe my best to get out my ill tenants, for I will be fede noe longare with fayre words, and then you shall dyspos. So God allmyghtye bles you, with the rest of my dere chylderne thar, with health and all happynes, as I evare rest Your grandmother derlye lovinge you, Leycester." Seal, the bear and ragged staff. Application for a loan to the King. [1628], an. 3, Feb. 7. — Printed form (printed in imitation of writing) of application [from Charles I.] for loans ; the blanks filled up with the name of Thomas Paramour, esq., as collector, 500/. as the sum desired, and the date. Signed, " Ja. Mylles." 1635, June J 5. — Bond from Robert, Lord Brooke, Sir Benjamin Rudyer, Sir Gilbert Gerard, John Pym, esq., and Henry Darley, of Gray's Inn, esq., to Lord Say and Sele, for payment of 821/. MSS. ov W. W. B. Hulton, Esq. 175 1642 [-3], Feb. 1.— Grant by Robert, Earl of Warwick, as Lord $.w.°B. Proprietor of the province of Montgomery, to — Hall, of Bermuda, Hultox, Esq. gentleman, of 300 acres of land in the island of Trinidado, paying for the first year one pound of tobacco, and afterwards fifty shillings yearly. Articles of Agreement between James Ravenscroft, lessee of the Par- sonage of Shenley, Herts, and the Parishioners of Shenley. 1644[-5], Jan. 27. — The said lessee shall allow to the Minister or lecturer of Shenley the house in which Mr. Stephen Jones now lives, the churchyard, the profits of the Easter book, christenings, buryings and marriages, and 70/. yearly, and shall pay Mr. Henry Walter 10/. for his pains in preaching in time past. But whereas John Ravenscroft, brother to the said James, has an annuity of 40/., should it or any part thereof be sequestered by Parliament, then a corresponding amount shall be abated from the 70/. Copy. Collection of papers relating to the settlement of the affairs of the third Earl of Essex by his executors (the Earls of Northumber- land and Warwick and O. St. John), for whom William Jessop acted as agent. 1646-1647, etc. — The papers include various bills, with orders for their payment and receipts. One item of charge is " for mending thre cases for my Lord's tobackooe-pipe." Charges for his funeral on Oct. 22, 1646 ; viz., for the coffin, 21. ; for the fashioning and adorning the effigies, 15/. ; for scarlet hose trimmed with gold and silver plate-lace for the effigies, 8/. 16s. ; for an Earl's coronet, 9/. 16s. ; for making the vault, 16/. 10s. ; &c. Order for payment to Mr. Rich. Vines of 51. for the sermon preached at the funeral, with Vines' receipt. Petition from Isaac Powell and Andrew Fownes, gent, servants to the Earl, for payment of moneys due to them ; with order thereon for its consideration dated 11th Feb. 1650. Long list relating to the distribution of the Earl's wearing apparel among the servants that attended in his chamber. 1647, March 31. — Warrant to Mr. Will. Jessop from the arls of Northumberland and Warwick and from Oliver St. John, the executors of the Earl of Essex, to pay 2420/. 1 1*. 7c?. to Sir Robert Shirley, Bart., in full of all debts due from the Earl of Essex to Sir Charles Shirley, deceased, whose guardian the Earl was. With a previous receipt signed and sealed by Sir Rob. Shirley on 8th Dec. 1646. and a statement by Jessop of the settlement of the account, dated 7th April 1647. 1647 [-8], Feb. 3. — Agreement between the Earl of Northum- berland, the Earl of Warwick, and Oliver St. John, the Executors, as to a composition made by the two former with St. John, respecting a sum of 4309/. 2s. due to the Earl of Essex for money lent by him to the Parliament, and secured upon the Bishops' lands. Signed and sealed by Northumberland and St. John, and witnessed by Edw. Payler, John Thurloe, and W. Jessop. 1648, August 25. — Letter from John Thurloe to W. Jessop. The sum of 147/. remains to be paid to the Earl of Essex's servants, and 200/. to the poor of the parish of Clement's.* " My Lord of * Thurloe at first wrote St. Clement's, but struck out the St. 176 MSS. of Northumberland and Mr. Sollicitor [St. John] have agreed to pay jltok Esq ^ out °^ tfte i r owne purses rather then to expect the receivinge any — ■ ' further summe out of the estate of the said Earle, that being uncerteine ;" and they desire that the Lord Admiral [the Earl oi Warwick] may be entreated to give order to have his part paid. The servants are importunate, and the Churchwardens of Clements have been with Thurloe about a dozen times. 1647, May 5. — Acknowledgment by Richard Wilcox, of Kensington gent., to W. Jessop. He has received back the sum of 276/. lis. which he had heretofore paid to Jessop to be employed in a plantation in Virginia, and transfers to him all his right in the said plantation. 1652, Dec. 16. — Sale of lands of Lord Rich. Agreement for the sale of some of the lands settled on the marriage of Robert, Lord Rich in 1651, for the purpose of raising 10,000/. for the payment of his debts, of which a schedule is attached. There are also other documents relating to his debts ; and see infra, under 1659. 1653, Nov. 1. — Order of Parliament that Mr. Stephen Marshall be desired to preach at Margaret's, Westminster, on Saturday, 5th Nov. With a note subjoined to W. Jessop from his " loving frend "Marshall, asking him to pay 500/. of Mrs. [Cecily] Meux's money to Mr. Richard Sheppard of Ipswich ; with this postscript — " I met him upon the rode, and for want of other paper I write upon my order from the hous." Sheppard's receipt is added. N.D. — Petition from the Thames Watermen to the Protector Oliver and to his Privy Council. Signed by many hundreds " of the Water- men and others concerned in navigation within the river of Thames," praying for restriction upon the Ballast Office with regard to the supply of land-ballast, and for prohibition of engines for supply of river-ballast. The signatures are attached on a roli of eight sheets of paper, of which four are filled in double columns, one in four, and three in three columns. 1654-7. — List of payments made by W. Jessop, on warrant from the Protector, to Col. Philip Jones, for Jones' salary as a member of the Privy Council. 1658, April 14. — Letter from John Thurloe to William Jessop, desiring him to pay Mr. Symball 200/. for freight of hay to Mardike ; with receipt for the same on the following day subjoined. 1659, June. — List of debts wherein Charles, Earl of Warwick, stands engaged with his brother Robert, Earl of Warwick, late deceased. 1659. — Account of "Moneys charged on the Exchequer by warrants from the Council of State." 1660, Nov.-Dec. — Three Letters from John Hitchcock, Mayor of Stafford, to W. Jessop, Clerk of the House of Commons, respecting the Post Office at Stafford. 177 With a narrative of the management of the Post Office there from w S w°b 1644, and a copy of a numerously signed memorial in behalf of John hulton,' Esq. Hudson as Postmaster instead of Thomas Challenor. List of the captains of companies in five regiments, each of ten companies, commanded by Sir John Burrowes, Sir Charles M Rich, Sir Edw. Conway, Sir Alex. Brett, and Sir Will. Courtney, which are to goe this journey." 1664-1675. A long series of affectionate letters written by W. Jessop from London to his daughter Mrs. Anne Hilton, with a few to her husband. These contain very little beyond family matters. The plague is mentioned in letters of 20th May and 27th June, 1665 ; in the former it is said that two persons had fallen dead of the plague in the street, and in the latter (in the week following which the writer was going to leave London) that " London begins to be full of sadness and distraccion .... This week is guessed at 300 of the sickness more at this tyme — at least last week, as I am told — than 40 years since, when above 5,000 died in Aug." On 12th May 1666, he describes a fire in Holborn, and adds, 11 there was a sad experiment then given of what we formerly feared, the want of water by occasion of the new sewer." On 3rd Nov. 1666, he writes from Cray's Inn that he returned to London last night ; " my journey concluded almost with my passage through the ruines of poore London, where I saw the smoke yet con- tynewing in divers cellars, and in one a clear burning fire." Fourteen small volumes of notes of sermons by eminent Puritan divines, from 1634 to 1656. Of these three or four are in shorthand, and most of the volumes belonged to William and Ann Jessopp, of Warwick. A very large proportion of the sermons are by Edmund Calamy and Obadiah Sedgewick ; others by Nanton, Goodwin, Sibbes, Caryll, Howe, &c. One volume is interesting as containing sermons preached at sea in July-Nov. 1648, of which eleven are by Dr. S. Annaly al. Annesly, and the rest by — Augur (" aboord the St. George, 23rd July "), —Marshall, — Ayers, — West, and — Raworth. One by Dr. Annesly was preached when " before Goree," 29th Oct. ; another on 12th Nov. has th s note, " The Dr. was interrupted from proceeding further by a supposd distemper abord the Love." Among several account-books there is one which contains an account of goods shipped for the West Indies in various ships in 1636, with memoranda of deaths at sea and desertions, and account of tobacco shipped in the Happy Return at the Isle of Providence in 1637. It has also an inventory of goods and books in [Warwick] house in Holborn in 1660-4. One historical relic of considerable interest is a silver seal, struck, as it would seem, for the use of Parliament in May 1660, which represents the Kingdom emerging, in three portions, from chaos, with the motto, 11 Legem Ejus Expectabunt " (Is. XLII. 4, Vulg.). This seal appears to be quite unknown, but probably was prepared at the time when the two Houses of Parliament were holding conferences as to the seal that should be used pending the King's return ; and was consequently in Jessop's possession as being Clerk to the House of Commons. Sailing charts of the sea-coast of England, Scotland, Ireland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, and Spain, showing the sand- banks, rocks, U 60050. M 178 w S w°B ^ c ' 9 ^ eaut ^ u ^y drawn and coloured, on four sheets of vellum u by Hulton! Esq. John Burston, dwelling over again ste New Gravell Lane, in Radcliff Highway, neare London, anno Domini 1645." Bond in 40/. from a miner that he will well and truly serve for a year in the coal mines at Hulton or Denton, according to the customs and orders there used ; dated in 1 676. List (on parchment) of subscribers for three plates or purses of sixty guineas, for a horse-race at Aughton Common, near Ormskirk, in 1764. Printed papers taken at the battle of Vittoria, 21 June 1813, relating to the Imperial Order of Reunion conferred on Major P. C. Poupart, 22nd August 1812. Amongst family papers of recent date there are some connected with George Stephenson which must not be omitted. For the earliest chapters in the history of English railways and their first engineer are closely associated with Hulton Park. After the completion' of the Darlington Railway, George Stephenson was invited by Mr. William Hulton to construct a railway from Bolton to Leigh, a distance of ten miles, for the convenience of the Hulton collieries. For three months Stephenson consequently stayed at Hulton House while making the necessary preparations, and during that period took lessons in writing from the village schoolmaster, whose descendants still preserve one of the half-crowns which he paid for the instruction. His original estimate for the line, dated 26th Jan. 1825, and amounting to 49,343/. Is., is preserved with a bundle of papers and correspondence relating to the railway, as well as a subsequent estimate, dated 28th Feb. 1827, in which, while the cost of nearly all the mechanical work is increased, the total amount is reduced to 37,905/. 1*. 6c/., chiefly by a large deduction on the cost of embankments and excavations, and by the omission of wharfs, and of locomotive engines in addition to "permanent" (i.e., stationary) engines. One locomotive was, however, provided, being the second which Stephenson constructed ; to which the nama of The Witch was given on the day of the opening of the line, 1st August 1828, and of which the name-plate and whistle are still preserved. The in- structions for the ceremonial of the opening exist in a MS. paper. William Dunn Mackay, 179 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF R. W. KETTON, ESQ., OF mss.op FELBRIGG HALL, NORFOLK. R,W e*q TT ' At Felbrigg Hall Mr. Ketton has preserved a large mass of papers of the Windham family, resident there for many centuries. The collection consists chiefly of correspondence between various members of the family, and includes the following: — Letters of Sir John Hobart to William Windham, mainly about Norfolk elections and other county affairs between 1673 and 1682, but referring also to events of wider historical interest at the time of the alleged Popish plot ; a few letters of Colonel Windham to his mother when campaigning with the Duke of Marlborough; others of James Windham of a little later date, showing the widespread ruin caused by the bursting of the South Sea Bubble; descriptions of travels abroad in 1741 ; letters of Dr. Dampier of Eton, and of David Garrick, who were guardians of the future statesman, William Windham. Of the latter eminent man are preserved some diaries beginning in 1772, when he was 22 years old, and ending in 1775, which illustrate his early life and pursuits; there is also a bundle of letters addressed to him when Secretary at War in 1795 by French emigres of mark. Some contemporary copies of letters of the Paston family, of the time of Edward IV., and a number of manuscript ballads and verses on political, social, and personal topics, make up this interesting collection. Tempore Henry VI. Paston Letters. A large sheet of paper containing copies in a hand of the time of Edward IV. or possibly earlier, of letters from and to William Paston, Justice of the Common Pleas, and John Paston his son. They relate chiefly to a dispute as to some land at East Beckham, but as (with one exception) they do not appear in any edition of the Paston letters, they are given here entire. 1. "To my right worshipful and trusty Master William Paston, Justice. Worshipful and right trusty master I commend me unto you desiring to hear of your worship and welfare the which God keep to his pleasing, and to your own heart's desire praying you evermore of your good mastership and of your good continuance praying you at the reverence of God to hold me excused (torn off) lewd and un- cunning language the which I answered you with at your being at Crowmer ; for so help me God and Halidom I said it naught to you for no bad trust that I have in you, but only to let you witen what temptations that I have had by that same person that I told you of and by others many more that w ..... (torn off') avow it in the same manner, saving your reverence, as false men done and my bodily enemies and worshipful and trusty master ; and as for that I should have the manor in ferm in such form as you communed of before my neighbours at Cromer, I pray you at the reverence of God that you will do your good mastership therein as you have done before time, for as you do I will stand thereto for I have communed with one vicar and with other friends of me and they, and I pray you evermore of your best counsel therein. No more to you att this time, but Jesus keep you both body and souh By your bedewoman, Joan Makxet*" m 2 180 2. " To my worshipful Master Justice of the King William Paston. Worshipful master and reverend sovereign I commend me to you ever as your poor bedewoman desiring ever to hear of your good welfare with prosperity and good life to the pleasing of God, praying you evermore of your good mastership and counsel in the matter the which is for the manor of East Beckham, of the which matter you and we communed of at Cromer the last time that my son and I spake with you. And I had liever and so had John my son to have an end and be in secure posses- sion within a year to the bare manor without any reward of damages than longer abide to stand in doubt of law and of your life and our also and how the end be made and . . . (torn) what time I consent and am well pleased. No more at this time, but the Blissful Trinity have you ever in keeping. Writ at Cromer the Wednesday next before Corpus Christi day. By Joan Maryete your poor bedewoman." 3. "To my honourable and worshipful Master William Paston Justice of the Common Pleas dwelling in Norfolk. Eight worshipful and honourable Sir I recommend me unto you letting you wite as touching for that between you and John Maryet. In good faith, sir, two days before you went I could not see him and when I met him I asked him where he had been and he told me he had been with Bonevyll Knight (sic) for to go over sea with him ; so I entreated with him and spake to him on such wise that I reconciled him so that he granted me that he should come unto me to my house. And so when he came I asked him whether he were of the same will that he was before or no ; he told me in case you would be his good master as you have been before and to give him also [as] much as reason would as the livelihood is worth and may be worth, and as other men have said it is worth, you should have it before any man of life [alive] and after the covenants made by you his mother and him. And so in his part he will be ready and fulfil at all times your desire under that manner of form. And so I came for to seek you and you were departed betimes in the morning. Wherefore sir, and it like you for the love of God in your great wisdom and power comprehended in your person to take you so nigh, to go through with him, for now I have so entreated him in such wise where he was not advised at this time for I have to go home, neither (sic) his wife nor (sic) so for that cause I have had fear . . . (torn) is going about as he hath done, that he hath had many exciters to procure him rather to harm and frowardness the contrary to your intent and his (sic) to learn cause or matter in fulfilling of your intent and his ease and in especial in London and thereabouts. And therefore sir, I will advise you and pray you that you will have me excused that I shall declare unto you in good sooth you should well know it cometh not of myself and for I have heard since your departing that the Vicar of Cromer came in your name to John Maryete and proffered him 360 marks, and he desired 400 marks. Also it hath been told me that Hameden hath been examined what the livelihood was worth to him, and he hath said that it was worth 20 marks by year ; and therefore sir, for the love of God within this vacation time between this and the next term he shall be at home at Cromer let some some one about you essay if you may draw to some good end, and if he make no end with you between this and that, and you vouchsafe when you come at the next term to bring with you the indenture of your covenants as touching your bargain ; and also that it MSS. o* R. W. Ketton, Esq. 181 may like you to bring the parcels of all such money as he should owe R ^'kei you. All this seen, 1 trust to God to make an end between you, for I ' esq. trust to your high discretion the default shall not be found in you, and by my truth and he be unreasonable we shall bring him to reason whether he will or will not. And God have you in his keeping. Written at London the 7th day of December by your own Thomas West." 4. " To my right worshipful and trusty Master William Paston Justice. Right worshipful and trusty master I commend me unto you, desiring ever more to hear of your worship and welfare, thanking you of your mastership that you have showed unto me at all times, praying you of your good continuance ; and as touching the bargain of Beckham, the which was made betwixt you and my mother, on whose soul God have mercy, and we by indentures sealed both on your part and on ours, I am ready to fulfil with that you would send me the indenture of our part that I may know verily what your true bargain is therein and our right and title on our part, for I am sure there is the (sic) nor no man else that I should proffer this bargain to would hold me wise to make a bargain of such avail, and the party therein, less than I had mine indenture to show firm what my right is therein ; and therefore trust verily I have no bargain made with no man, nor naught will not proffer unto the time I have the indenture of our part and also that I have true knowing of the due debt that we owe to you. And therefore I pray you of your good mastership that you write to me plainly how you will be governed in this matter, and thereupon I will busy me to make an end for the valuation of the deed and your right and our, and profit of the country. No more to you at this time, but I pray you evermore of your good mastership and good counsel. Written at Cromer the Monday next after Our Lady's day, the Nativity. per John Maryete. 5. " To the right worshipful Sir, and my good friend Philip Berney, Esquire. Right worshipful Sir, I recommend me to you and pray you write that you and others are enfeoffed in the manor of East Beckham to my oess (use) and thereupon I have in your name and others taken an action against John Maryete of Cromer. Wherefore I pray you that you make no release thereof to no man till I speke with you, and God have you in his keeping. Writ at London the 22 day of October. Yours William Paston." To John Damme. Sir, I recommend me to you and thank you of your great labour with all my heart, but as by your bill my father should be bound to pay all William Maryott's debts or half at the least, that is 100/., which with the said 40/. that John should have is twice as much as is owing as I conceive, the which should hurt me more than avail. And I was at that time at Cromer and wot well that it was neither Maryote's moving nor my father's that he should be chargeable of more than he oweth. His payments, expences, and his bargain allowed, I suppose they shall hold him paid with this bill if there be any more that heard it, I pray help they may unseal, but begin at these first and then send forth the 182 :ss. op other. I would we had six seals if it might easily be. Sir James Ketton • Esq. 1 Gresham told me that you think the bargain were not certain, but if it ' were put in certain what the debts be that should be content. He thinketh that the 40/. maketh the bargain certain betwixt John and my father and though it be not with other matter that I have it shall be certain I know. My Lady Morley, Hastings and my mother and I, &c. dined this day at Lincoln Cocks' and supped this night together also and divers persons were disposed to have said no good word of you, a,nd after ere we departed they that have said worst of you said better of you than I hear them say this twelvemonth day, and in substance contrary to all old tales, Multa habeo vobis clicere qnce non sunt in libra hoc, By John Paston. 1673—1682. Letters of Sir John Hobart, of Blickling, to William Windham, of Felbrigg, from 1673 to 1682, about the Norfolk election and other local matters. 1673, April 17. London. — Lord Townshend, Sir Robert Walpole, and J. Bladvvell to the Deputy Lieutenants of the County of Norf olk ; Lord Richardson, Sir John Hobart, Sir Philip Wodehouse, Sir John Holland, Sir Robert Kemp, Sir Jacob Astley, Sir Peter Gleave, Sir Christopher Calthorpe, William Windham and others ; asking them to attend with the writers at Christ Church, Norwich, to receive the Sacrament, " and the first day of the sessions to take the oaths and subscribe the declaration required 5 ' iu the Act for preventing the dangers of Popish recusancy. 1678-9, Jan. 23.— Sir John Hobart to William Windham. Election news. " Mr. Mountague was stopt at Dover in his passage for France • — but not taken in woman's clothes as was reported ; — a messenger is sent to summon him to appeare at Court, not to take him into custody, soe that great care seems to be taken not to break priviledge. They say my Lord Aston's answers upon his examination hurt him more than Dugdale's information against his Lord, and was the chief cause and — as is thought — a very good one for his close imprisonment. I heare the Lordes in the Tower were sent to, to lett them knowe there was as good evidence against most of them as against the condemned prisoners, upon which my Lord Stafford desir'd to speke with my Lord Bishop of Canterbury, who being sent by his Majesty had an hour's conferrance with the Lord Stafford, but what it was, is not yet publickly knowne. Grove and Ireland will be certainly executed tomorrow. Pickering's execution is yet respited." 1678-9, Jan. 25. — Sir John Hobart to William Windham. Enclosing a copy of the proclamation dissolving Parliament, and intimating his intention of standing for the county with Sir John Holland (he hopes) at the election. Advises Mr. Windham to stand for Lynn. 1678-9, Jan. 28. — Unsigned and unaddressed letter endorsed, " Hobart writes he will not stand." The writer declines to stand at the next election. 1677-8, Feb. 28.— Sir John Hobart to William Windham. The news is that Mr. Cory is dead or dying ; yesterday M I received a letter from 183 a considerable person of Norwich to desire me to use my interest with M kb?£on, vou " to stand for the City against Sir N. Catelyn. Sir John thinks v ' esq. favourably of Mr. Windham's chances. . . . « I feare by the newes these two dayes that all Flanders is, or will be sudden lost, and by the taking most of the Prince of Orange his ammuni- tion and great gunns in Grhant and Bruges the next campagne will bo broken, and all the United Provinces in great danger this summer; and our fate too neare approaching." Upon the back is a copy of Mr. Windham's reply, in which he thanks Sir John for his "unreasonable kindness for me, who will not declyne the service of the county, nor court the employment a la mode, and soe 'tis a foolish vanitye to offer at it in this age against soe popular and notable a knight, who in all likelihood will be incouraged from above and countenanced here, there- fore you'll doe well to thinke of some body of a more generous and publick spirit." [1679.] — Election petition of Sir John Hobart against the return of Sir Christopher Calthorpe and Sir Nevill Catelyne. [1079,] — Sir John Hobart's case against the return of Sir Christopher Calthorpe and Sir Nevill Catelyn. 1679, April 3.— -Sir John Hobart to W. Windham. The first part unimportant. " Going in the morning up into the Speaker's chamber as J usually doe — I was made a prisoner there for three houres, which at first was a little serious to me, having much business upon me, but some friends explained the reason why the keys were carryed to the Clerke's table of the House : One Mr. Reading a lawyer who Sir John Holland have seen often plead at the barr of the House — aud soe he did but two dayes since — was there apprehended by order of the House, and presently examined by the Committee of Secrecy. His charge is great enough to endanger his life. The proofs against him will fortefy Oates' and Bedlow's testemony and strongly affect the Lordes in the Tower by whoes order he was imployed to corrupt Bedlow with great promises &c, and to prove this there are besides his owne hand two gentlemen of credit to witness this against him. There is sufficient proof to make out the articles against the Lords." 1679, Good Friday [April 18]. — Sir John Holland to W. Windham. " We are told from Bury that there were letters directed to the Speaker, signed by three English gentlemen dated lately from Brest to acquaint the House with the Great and formidable preparations of the French King, both of horse and foote, ready upon the coast to be shipped and ships ready to receive them, and to put to sea , The dayly discovery is still of the continued practises of the priests and papists carrying on the design of fyring the Citty and other matters will put off the hearing of our election petition. 1679, " about" April 25. — " A copye of our letter to the Gentry of Norfolke. " The House of Commons having declared that Sir Christopher Cal- thorp and Sir Nevell Catlyn were not duly elected to serve as knights of the shire for our countye, and a writ being issued out for a new election, wee thinke it reasonable to acquaint you, wee are incouraged to offer our services to the Country, and that wee will personally appeare upon the day of election, which is the 5 of May. If you thinke us worthy of that itnployment, wee desire you'll please to appeare for us 184 with your interests, and if wee have the honour to bee chosen, wee will endeavour to acquit ourselves as behoves Your faithfull servants JO. Ho BART Wm. Windham." 1679, May 12. — Lord Townshend to Mr. Windham, on election matters ; assuring him that " our Norfolk world shall know, that who- soever pretends friendship to mee, must appeare for you, or shall never be owned by mee." 1679, May 13. Sir John Hobart to Wm. Windham — " I came sane to towne by 9 a' clock Sunday morning, and after I had payde my devotion at the Church, I went to the doore of the House — further I could not goe the indenture not being return'd. — I found they were engag'd in the debates of those great questions which you will see in the journal of that day.*' 1679, May 15. — Sir John Hobart to W. Windham on election matters, trying to rouse him to energy enough to petition for some seat (not named) which he had lost at the election. On the back is Mr. Windham's reply in which he says : " I confess I take so much delight in my nursery and garden that I don't envye the Knight the honour of being in the House, nor — to use your owne words — provide ammunition, guns and carriages to assault him ; yet upon a publick designe I will proceed so far as Sir J. A[she], you, and our great friend advise. I am glad you are soe brisk and active ; when there is an opportunitye for me to serve my King, country, friend or myselfe you shall finde I will rowse up and be as active and unwearied in the service as any body e can be." 1679, May 15. Quidenham. — Sir J. Holland to W. Windham, con- doling with him on the loss of his election. 1679, May 20.— Sir John Hobart to Mr. Windham.— Political matters. "The great obstruction in proceeding to the trial of the five Lords in the Tower is from the preference of the trial of the sixth, and the judgment upon his pardon with ascertaining the judges upon that as well as to the fact which seems considering he has pleaded guilty, and his pardon is the same thing, this does still remaine in difference betwixt both Houses, and I feare should still doe soe And by the result of this whole daye's debate in the Lorde's House I am con- firmed in my apprehensions." A long debate upon the report from the Committee of the abuses of the Navy " wherein two of the members were highly accused, Sir Anthony Deene and Mr. Pepies : the last layed downe his Secretarye's place last Sunday, and it resulted in this that both were committed to the Sergeant at Armes and order'd to answer their accusations Thursday next. No less than matters of treason and felony are laid to their charge, but by what I have heard I am apt to believe neyther will be well made out against them. They are neyther my favourites, and I believe them not wholly inocent, but yet in these particulars they will fare the better rather than the worse from the warmth of the prosecution, and that their ofTences are magnefyed beyond a due proportion." 1679, May 24. — Unsigned letter to Mr. Windham relating what took place in the House of Commons upon a petition brought in by Sir Christopher Calthorpe against the return of Sir John Hobart, The petition was rejected. MSS op R. W. Ketton. Esq. 185 1680, June 3.— Sir John Hobart to W. Windham. Protesting R w kettox against the report circulated by his enemies that he had been at a ' Esq. Conventicle within the past three weeks. " 1680, June 26. — Sir John Hobart to W. Windham. A newsletter. " That which passed in Westminster Hall seems to be very remarkable for some part of it, and for the proceeding of the Court. . . . Lord Shaftsberry with 8 or lOLordes more and other persons of quality mett together neare the Court of Requests — as I was told, for I saw them not — and sent for the Clerk of the Crowne to draw an indictment upon evidence given to the Grand Jury of Middlesex against the Duke in order to his conviction for a Romish Recusant. The Lord Chief Justice — as they say — having notice of this, sent for the Grand Jury into Court, and as is likewise sayd, being inform'd that they were just then enter'd upon the evidence of the foresaid indictments, and demanded whether they were ready with their indictments and present- ments, to which they replyed they were in a good forwardness with them, but had not yet perfected them, but that they had something else ready to offer to the Court, which was a petition to his Majestie for the meeting of the Parliament, w S Ketton England Netherland the heavens and the arts 5f2" The souldiers in the world hath made 6 parts Of noble Sidney, for who will suppose That a small heap of stones may Sidney enclose England had his body, for she it fed Netherland his bloud in her defence shed The heavens have his soul, the arts have his fame The souldiers the greife, the world his good name." " A witty jest made by the Earl of Rochester upon King Charles the 2nd, the Duke of York, the Duke of Monmouth, the Duke of Lauderdale, and Doctor Frasier, viz. : — Here's Monmouth the witty And Lauderdale the pretty And Frasier the learned physician, And above all the rest Here's the duke for a jest And the King for a great politician." " Another also made by the same man for which the King was merry with his nobles, none being able to make a rhime to Lisbone, they sent for him * who upon promise of pardon began thus with a glass full of wine ; — Here's a health to Kate Our Sovereign's mate Of the royal house of Lisbone But the devil take Hyde And the Bishop beside That made her bone his bone." " The French King having in vain-glorious boast caused the following verses to be inscribed on a marble pillar at Versailles to tell the greatness of his actions to future ages, viz. : — Una dies Lotheros, Burgundos hebdoma3 una, Una domat Batavos luna, quid annus agat ! In English thus : Lorrain a day, a week Burgundy won, Flanders a month, what would a year have done ? Which being seen by the ingenious Earl of Rochester he presently writ underneath : Lorrain you stole, by fraud you got Burgundy, Flanders you bought and God ! you'll pay for't one day." o. N.D. — Fragment of a sheet on which is written in the handwriting of the 18th century this squib :— " My Lord, here's a christening," the officer said " The gossips are ready, the cushions are laid, What, without my leave," cry'd the Prelate inflam'd, " Go, lock up your font, let the Infant be damn'd." Rochester {sic). 190 7. N.T). — Epigram : " When Hulse for some trifling unorthodox jests As an atheist was censured by bigots and priests The politick doctor, to remove the reproach Was seen with a parson six months in his coach. When Cheselden saw this device had success He conceiv'd, in some sort, it might serve his own case So, to take a notorious censure away Contrived to be seen with a wit every day ; Then, with Pope by his side, in the pride of his soul * Now, damn ye, d'ye see, who can say I'm a fool ? * " 8. N.D. — Epigram, addressed on the back " For William Windham Esqre. at Polesworth near Atherstone, Warwickshire." " On Mr. Nash of Bath, a freethinker, and Mr. Berkeley, a stupid rigid orthodox believer, both at Bath. On grace and faith and mysterys high Two witts harangued the table ; Berkeley believes, he knows not why, Nash swears 'tis all a fable. Oh, peerless champions ! then agree ; Nash ! kiss thy empty brother ; Religion smiles at foes like thee, But dreads a friend like t'other." 9. 1753, Oct. 3. — "Ballad on the meeting at Norwich ... by Mr. Gardiner." An election squib. 10. — Epigram on the Duchess of Queensberry, and answer. On the Duchess of Queens y. Did Caslia's person, and her sense agree What mortal could behold her, and be free : But nature has in pity to mankind Enrich't the image, but debas't the mind. Answer. Had I*ope a person equal to his mind How fatal would it be to womankind : But nature, who does all things well ordain Deform'd the body and inrich't the brain. 11. — On a Lady Howard, by Mr. Pope. Cosmelia's charms inspire my lays Who fair in nature's scorn Blooms in the winter of her days Like Glastonbury Thorn. Cosmelia cruel at three score (As bards in modern plays) Four acts of life pass't guiltless o're But in the fifth she slays. MSS. of W. Ketton, Esq. 191 Whene're impatient for the bliss R# w?Ketton, Within her arms yon fall Esq. The plaister'd fair returns the kiss Like Thisbe — thro' a wall. N.D.- " Say ! what reward shall be decreed For deeds like those of Sir John Cope Reason and rhyme are all agreed His ribband should be made a rope." N.D.— " Verses on Mr. Prior by Mr. Ingram of the Temple ; brother to (Vail ?) Ingram of Bath." N.D. — Poem beginning " But what are these to great Atossa's mind ? " Endorsed " Pope on the Duchess of Marlboro'." At the end is written : " It is said and believed that the Dutches gave him (Pope) 1,000/. to suppress and call in all the printed copies of the Poem whereof the verses upon her were a part : but if he took the money and did not, it was like other things of the same nature which he did." N.D. — Paper of verses, the first headed " The resolve by Lady M. Wortley." Following this is " Lady M. Wortley's imitated by Mr. P[ope]." N.D.—" By Lord Chesterfield on his making Mr. Kent the King's painter." [William Kent died in 1748.] " As, to Apelles, Amnion's son Would only deign to sit ; So, to thy pencil, Kent ! alone Will Brunswick's form submit : Equal your envied wonders ! save This difference we see, One would no other painter have — No other would have thee." N.D. — Complimentary verses, unsigned ; addressed on the back to "the Hon. Mrs. Wyndham." Begins — " Much at an hour I need not name When sluggards stretch and lovers dream," Ends~~ B Pray when you write, remember wili ye To give my love to brother Billy ? " N.D. — Epitaph upon the Bishop of Salisbury [Burnet] (i Here Sarum lyes of late as wise As learned as your Aquinas Yet to be sure he was no more A Christian than Sosinas (Socinus) Oaths pro and con lie swallowed down Loved gold like any lay man Wrote, preached, and prayed And yet betrayed His Mother Church for mammoiii 192 MSS. OF R. W. Kettok, Esq. Of every vice he had a spice Yet though a precious prelate He lived and dyed if not belyed A true dissenting zealot. If such a soul to Heaven is stole And 'scaped old Satan's clutches We may presume there will be room For Marlborough and his Duchess." Some lines on Miss Townshend, by the Author of the history of Benet College, Cambridge. " Instances of the elegant stile of Alderman Nutting of Cambridge. w Whereas a multiplicity of damages are frequently occurr'd by damage of outrageous accidents by fire, we whose names are underfixed have thought proper that the necessity of an engine ought by us, for the better extinguishing of which by the accidents of Almighty God may unto us happen, to make a rate to gather benevolence for better propagating such good instrument." " Honourable Sir, Have sent you a small present, who humbly pray may prove worthy of acceptance which is a hair. Who is your humble servant." 15. N.D. (handwriting of the 18th century). — Paper headed " Key of the persons supposed to be meant in Pudica."* A List of 48 person- ages £? of a play] with their prototypes, or living representatives, as follows : Dick Merryfellow Count Antiquary Squire Fog Jack Shadwell Miles Dinglebob Pudica Mr. and Mrs. Bull Edmund Holdfast Tom Templeman Canidia Billy Tweed - Jacob Bullet - Billy Popple - Worthy Clergyman, page 26 - Counseiler Bullet Injured Lady - Littlefish Frank Snixworth Sir Edm-d B-c-n of G-l- 1-n g-m Justice Brutus Mr. Monosyllable Dick Gardiner. Mr. Earl, junr. Mr. Hase. Mr. Buxton, of Shadwell. Mr. Branthwayt. Miss Sotherton. Mr. and Mrs. Sotherton. Mun Locke. Tom Churchman. Miss F. Preston, now Mrs. Jermey. Berwick, a Surgeon. Old Jacob Preston. Billy Jermey. Rev. Mr. Preston. Isaac Preston. Mrs. Courtney. Isaac Sprat. Mr. Long. Sir Edmund Bacon of Gil- lingham. Phil : Brewster, Esquire, and Justice. Mr. Brett. * From a pedigree compiled by a descendant of one of the personages mentioned below, it is ascertained that this must have been written between 1751 and 1753. 193 Beau Taper Sir Charles Easy P-ke - Miss Shadwells Dr. T-n B-le - W-ls-gh-m M-l-ne Sir R-ch-d C-x Sir A-r G-re - Ch-r-ls G-rd-r N-pp-r E-l of K-ld-re E. of C-rr-ck Bishop of Cl-gh-r Bishop of D-rr-y St-nh-pe R-b-rts-n H-b-rt, son to the E-. B-ck-ing-msh-e Miles Dinglebob's Uncle His son A r Sir Billy Silly - Sir Harry Kirby Dr. S-lt-r T-m Walsh for Popgun hall of Mr. Beavor. Sir R. Ward. Pembroke, an attorney. Miss Buxtons. Dr. Thurston. Boyle. Walsingham. Malone. Sir Richard Cox. Sir Arthur Gore. Charles Gardiner. (sic). Earl of Kildare. Earl of Carrick. Bishop of Clogher. Bishop of Derry. Mr. Stanhope. Robertson. Mr. Hobart, son to the Earl of Buckinghamshire. Old Miles Branthwayt. His son Arthur. Sir William Wiseman. Sir Hanson Berney. Dr. Salter. B-m. Gunthorp. MSS. of R. W. Ketton, Esq. 16. N.D. (handwriting of the 18th century). — Paper headed " An Epistle of Chion to Matris, translated from the Greek Original. A letter written after 401 B.C.*" Another bundle marked " French and Italian verse and prose printed." Containing a copy of a canzone of Metastases beginning " Grazie agV inganni trioi, Alfin respire o Nice" and an answer to it by Griacomo Zanotti. And several fugitive ballads and squibs. A bundle of miscellaneous printed pamphlets, lampoons, &c, contains a " Case of John Mills, Benjamin Johnson, James Quin, Josias Miller, Theophilus Cibber, John Harper, Benjamin Griffin, William Mills, William Milward, Charles Shepard, Thomas Walker, Lacy Ryan, John Hippisley, Dennis Delane, Thomas Chapman, Samuel Stephens, Mary Heron, Elizabeth Butler, Christiana Horton, Anne Hallam, Jane Bul- lock, and Elizabeth Buchanan on behalf of themselves and the rest of the Comedians of the Theatres Royal of Drury Lane and Covent Garden," protesting against a bill in Parliament for restraining the number of nouses for playing of interludes, &c. Miscellaneous Prose Papers. This and similar papers (see No. 2) appear rather to be diaries of travel, and the impressions formed on the writer during his stay at the places from which or about which he writes. * Date of the Battle of Cunaxa, where Cyrus was killed fighting against his brother Artaxerxes. U 60050. N 194 W S Kettoit October 3rd, new style. " Lucqua." Paper unsigned, Esq TT0N ' headed " concerning Florence." — The character of the Duke, Cosmo — dei Medici (III.), about 55 years old. Is extremely religious, a great admirer of money, and particularly kind to the English of either sex. Has walls underground and a corridor to retire privately to from Poggio de Pitti into the Gallery. Keeps the city bridled, and adds to his treasures. Engrosses all the salt and iron. The latter he gets from the Island of Elba which he hired of the Spaniards. Allows even the bread and corn to be monopolized and connives at tradesmen going out of the country without confiscating their goods (his father would never do it). Since this permission the city is denuded of 30,000 men. Has 16 per cent, of all lead sold and 8 per cent, of widows' portions that marry. Takes 16 per cent, for all houses bought and 5 shillings English for every pig or hog and proportionally for eggs &c. brought into the town. On marrying a son has 300,000 or 400,000 crowns of the country towards maintaining the expence. Does not scruple to take the finest altar pieces out of several churches and put copies in their stead ; " the severall pictures I have set down in another paper." [This does not appear among this bundle.] He is the greatest Mer- chant in the world. The Duke of Bavaria put some money into his hands for security, 300,000 crowns of which he subtracts for the Prince's portion, gives 4 per cent, for the rest. He has a fine altar piece making in brass basso relievo for the East Indies by the best Master in the workhouse belonging to Jean de Bologne. The Palace of Pitti was built by a townsman who hearing a nobleman's house mightily commended said he would build one should have a court where the House should be able to stand, every window of the House should be bigger than his door. All the pictures taken out of the churches are kept here with a great many others of the most famous hands. Apart- ments here are fitted up for the Cardinal the Duke Prince Ferdinand and his brother who has the Duke's library near him. Speaks of the renowned library of the Pitti Palace and specifies some of the literary treasures. " Nothing was more remarkable than the famous library keeper Malliabecchi who can be compared to nothing but a more learned Diogenes, a man of an extraordinary memory and unparalleled complaisance ; of a low height and small wast. To see him in his Chamber is to view one with a little short Inn waistcoat, breeches ragged, a napkin about his middle to keep the cold and the company's eyes from his nudities ; 3 or 4 large rooms drowned with books, stairs blockt up with Pamphlets, and windows stopt up with Folios ; his money about the table which he purchases a roasted egg or some such dinner with, for being afraid to lose a minute upon himself seldom sits to a formal dinner or sleeps with his habit off, a man of a correspondence as general as his memory is vast, of a civility as great as his way of living is particular."* In another House of the Duke's called Poggio Imperiale which the writer describes as beautifully adorned and arranged there are pictures of sixteen English women ; " the Dutchess of Cleaveland's obscured all the rest ; in the 2nd floor was a large gallery with the daudiest picture of King James' Queen that ever was seen making her liker a kitchen wench than a Helene, King Charles the 1st and Queen by Vandyke and great many fine Cabinets with festoons of * Antonio Magliabecche was born at Florence, 28 October 1G33. As a boy he was placed as servant to a dealer in fruit, and while in this employment betrayed so remarkable a propensity for books and letters that a bookseller took him into his service. The Grand Duke, hearing of his wonderful talents and memory, appointed him his librarian. He died 14 July 1714. * 195 mother of pearl in basso relievo." Prince Ferdinand [son of the Grand HSS. op Duke] is about 30 years and married to the Duke of Bavaria's R - W jg TTOir - daughter. Descriptions of him and his wife. The Duke and the — Prince dine separately. The Duke maintains all the Prince's equipages and allows him 100 Crowns a day for pocket money, keeping his musicians and comedians. He generally lives at Prattibua about five miles from Florence in a " little house but the best chambers except pitts (?), fine waterworks, organs playing, drums beating, storming of towns, shooting of guns, all sorts of mills going, Pan playing on his pipes, nymphs coming out of their houses filling their pails with water and Tetiring with a work of tricks to wet the spectators, fire grottos with serpents drinking and swans men giving them water, and a great many cool rooms." The Duke has another house about the same distance with a park about thirty miles away where he hunts game and pots the venison for slaves and gives leave to shoot pheasants and hares. The young Prince, John [son and successor of the Grand Duke], speaks English pretty well. Jo. Haines was his tutor. Very favorable to the English. 2. 1693, (sic) September 9 (sic), new style. Innspruck. Paper unsigned [same handwriting as No. 1.] — Begins " About 5 English miles before wee came to Inspragg wee met on the sides of the mountains an infinite company of wing'd grasshoppers 5 times as large as they are commonly in England." So great is the plague of these insects that prayers are offered for delivery from them; they are supposed to come from Hungary where there were such prodigious quantities that they left nothing but poisonous herbs for the cattle, who died in great numbers from eating them. The insects " will sit upon a stack of hay and devour it presently ; if they should attack a man I know not how he would escape, for they bite as severely as most little birds." Describing the salt making at Hall [Hallstein] the writer says the salt comes from the top of a hill at a good distance, where there is a spring which runs into their chambers of salt, where hundreds of men are either working, sleeping, or eating (for day or night there is no intromission), from thence in pipes to their pans which are many -and large. The workmen are the strongest Germans that can be got and they carry columns of salt weighing 300 lb. and more. They are obliged to have an iron and leather hat weighing 40 lb. to save breaking their necks, and no man is admitted as a workman unless he can carry it up a hill and three times about a ring ; when the Duke of Florence was there, one carry'd all this and a man upon the pillar of salt besides. The salt is extraordinarily good. Another expedient used in making the salt is by the heat of the sun. A machine made on wheels has a cover removable at will for sunshine and foul weather. It is thought that the Emperor of Germany receives 100,000 crowns revenue from the salt. The deer and stags at such times come down from the mountains in great numbers, sometimes as many as two hundred one after another. Quails are taken in large quantities by means of nets. Foxes and hares are white here and have extremely long hair to keep them from the cold. The bears and wolves here are troublesome. Refers to the frequency of goitre in these parts. The method of coining money in this country is curious. At Hall they " having molten the silver pour into a mould which by two round brass solid boxes they make as long again, then putting of it between two circular bodys — which go by water — of several sizes they grow it what stamp and what bigness they please, then they cut it round by laying of it atop of a hole in iron and cut it by a solid made engin adapted to the hole and going with a screw ; the " Krisers " [Kreutzers] they make by laying it upon an N 2 196 mss. ov iron with the stamp and another with the reverse screwed down upon W Esq TT0N ' **• They cut the gold peices by a very great screw pois'd with great — ' weight, another of these screws that stamps the little money goes by water, the other by the hand, of the 4th part of a floren a new man could make 150 crowns and of the "Kritser" [Kreutzer] one man could make 50 crowns." The Queen of P. [Poland] is at church all day long; she and the old Duke of L. [? Lithuania] used to go every night at 12 o'clock to prayers. She has four fine children, the eldest 15 years old. Earthquakes are frequent here. The next place spoken of is Neuburg on the Danube, where the writer says is a handsome college. The Danube is not very broad but swift. Ausbourg [Augsburg]. w A very fine stat-house not to be compared to that of Amsterdam." The inhabitants put salt on their houses to keep them from enchant- ments. "At Brussels the Jews would have stole away the s* sacrement but being prevented stole the box in which it was and immediately the blood squirted in their faces." Also mentions many curiosities seen on the journey. 3. N.D., but contains an autograph note signed W. Windham. — As to an application made by Count Massay for a ticket to see "our" play. Mr. Windham writes his opinion on this application and an opinion is signed by him and six others adverse to it (though others support it), the Count's behaviour to the English not entitling him to any particular regard. The memorandum is signed by Richard Nevill Aldworth, W. Windham, Charles Churchill, George Hervey, George de la Lippe, William de la Lippe, and Robert Price." 4. 1722. June. — " The substance of the Bishop [Hoadly] of Hereford's charge." N.D. — Copy of the reasons of the House of Lords for insisting upon certain amendments to an Act intituled " An Act for the further limitation of the Crown and the better preserving the rights and liberties of the subject whereby persons having office or places of profit or pensions from! the Crown are made incapable of serving us members of the House of Commons." 1743. — Copy of Lord Stair's Memorial to the King " when he resigned his command." 1738, May 20. — " The Speaker's speech to the King at the close of the Session," stating that the House of Commons had voted 3,750,000/. for the maintenance of the fleet and army and for discharging a million of the national debt. The vote had been increased to that amount owing to the injuries and insults offered by Spain to English ships in the West Indies and America. 1704, Feb. 27. — A series of resolutions condemning the action of the House of Commons for committing to prison John Paty, John Oviatt, John Paton, Henry Bars, and Daniel Horn " for commencing and prosecuting actions at law against the late constables at Aylesbury for not allowing their votes at the election of members to serve in Parliament." 197 1692, Dec. 20. — Dublin. "Account of the dispute between the MSS.of Lord Lieutenant and Parliament in Ireland," relating to the claim of R ' ^jgfj™ the Irish House of Commons to prepare the heads of money bills. The — - account is in a letter beginning " Dear Sir," but unsigned and unad- dresssed. The Irish hope by this practice (if they obtain their demand) that they will " in time oblidge the Crowne to repeal Poynings' law, a thing which is universally desired here, for as on the one side it would tend mightily to the liberty and flourishing estate of this county, so it is thought possible to assert the power and dominion of England over Ireland in time to come My Lord Lieutenant lookes upon it as an attempt in the Commons to become as much as they can independent on England, and the Commons say it's their birth- right, and that they as well as the Commons of England ought to have it ; that it's reason that they that give, should dispose of the manner of giving." N.D. [1737]. — Copy letter (beginning "George R.") from King George II. to the Prince of Wales. f " George R. The professions you have lately made in your letters of your particular regard to me are so contradictory to all your actions that I cannot suffer myself to be impos'd upon by them. You know very well you did not give the least information to me, or to the Queen that the Princess was with child until within less than a month of the birth of the young Princess. You removed the Princess twice in the week immediately preceding the day of her delivery from the place of my residence in expectation — as you voluntarily declared — of her labour; and both times upon your return you industriously concealed from the knowledge of me and the Queen every circumstance relating to this important affair, and you at last, without giving any notice to me, or to the Queen, precipitately hurried the Princess from Hampton Court in a condition not to be named. After having thus, in execution of your own determined measures, exposed both the Princess and her child to the greatest peril, you now plead surprize and your tenderness for the Princess as the only motives that occasioned these repeated indignities offered to me, and to the Queen your mother. This extravagant and undutiful behaviour in so essential a point as the birth of an heir to my Crown is such an evidence of your pre- meditated defiance of me, and such a contempt of my authority and of the natural rights belonging to your parents, as cannot be excused by the pretended innocence of your intention, nor palliated or disguised by specious words only. But the whole tenour of your conduct for a considerable time has been so entirely void of all real duty to me that I have long had reason to be highly offended with you. And until you withdraw your regard and confidence from those by whose instigation and advice you are directed and encouraged in your unwarrantable behaviour to me and to the Queen ; and until your return to your duty, you shall not reside in my palace which I will not suffer to be made the resort of them, who under the appearance of an attachment to you, foment the division which you have made in my family and thereby weaken the common interest of the whole. In this situation I will receive no reply : but when your actions manifest a just sense of your duty and submission, that may induce me to pardon what at present I most justly resent. 198 w S k'etton ^ n ^ e mean ^ me to i s m y pleasure that you leave St. James's with all Esq. ' your family when it can be done without prejudice or inconvenience to — the Princess. I shall for the present leave to the Princess the care of my grand- daughter until a proper time calls upon me to consider of her education." " G. "R" 1704 to 1708. A miscellaneous collection of newspapers containing no new matter,, tied up with the following letters. [1704] August 23, O.S. Nordlingen.— Colonel William Windham to- his mother. " 1 was loth to write very soon after my first account I gave you of my being shot in the leg in the late engagement because truly my surgeons could not tell well what to think of the matter, but upon my arrival to this place — which is the hospital for all our wounded — I have got all the help I can desire, and on Tuesday last was fortnight my leg was doomed to be cut off, and accordingly it was that day, since which time I thank God there has not happened the least ill accident that could be Surely a greater victory [Blenheim] was never gained. They were 11,000 foot stronger, and we were 5,000 strongest in horse ; they were so strongly encamped that they laughed to see us coming." 1704, Sep. 13, O.S. Nordlingen.— Colonel W. Windham to his mother, with accounts of his health. " My stump goes still to admira- tion ; the bone must scale off at the end before it can be healed up or else one week more would do the business which now may take three, but there is no danger nor much trouble in that." In a postscript, " our garrison is again at Bois le Due, please to direct to A[msterdam]. I long to hear a full account how everything does at Felbrigge, pray do you spend the winter there ? " 1707, July 28, O.S. Meldert.— Colonel W. Windham to his brother Ashe Windham. " This morning our Duke has received an account that Prince Eugene and the Duke of Savoy have forced the enemy's entrenchments before Toulon, July 18th, O.S., where they had posted 35 battalions for the security of the town. Our friends were beaten on the first attack, outcarried it in the second with u terrible slaughter to the enemy. We have no room to doubt of this account, nor that the town will be taken, for this letter expresses a strange alarum that they are in at Paris, as if they were totally and infallibly undone. Two days past Mr. Vandome made a detachment from this army of 17 battalions and 6 squadrons, so we are iti great expectation of enter- ing upon action on this side. We have been a long time talking of the low estate our enemies were reduced to, and I think verily that it is now almost come. The Dutch have published a resolution that they will buy up no more of their bills, nor lend them any money : this we reckon almost as good as another battle if they keep their word. Your poor godson I am afraid will be dead by that time I get this evening to Lovain. We talk already of marching towards the enemy ; if they retire behind their lines we may besiege Mons or Tournay ; but if they stand us we may send you better news." At the bottom of the letter, after the signature, is the following note in another hand dated " Wavre le 11 199 Aouut a 5 heures du matin " : " Notre armee a marche toute la nuit, et aura prevenu les ennemis au camp de Genape ou nos gens ont pris poste a, la pointe du jour. II est croyable que les ennemis auront passe la Sambre sous le canon de Charleroy : sinon il pourra y avoir ce jour une bataille, ou du moins qu'on tombera sur leur arriere garde. Le Due de Savoye faisoit travailler aux lignes de circonvalation pour ouvrir la tranchee le 3 de ce mois." [All the above is written on the inside sheet of the paper ; on the front is : — ] 1707, Aug. 12. Amsterdam. — "What you find on the other side is all we had this post from France, we hear nothing of what the Colonel says on the other side which makes us think that the thing is not so fair as we heard at first. All the expectation we have is that the 7th there arrived an express to the King of France, and what he brought is kept very secret. Next post we shall know more of the matter which you may depend shall let you know." 1708, July 30. Paper endorsed. — " Scheme of the manner of the landing the Army." General Erie who commanded the Expedition was on board the Ludlow Castle. 1708, July 24. — " Orders to be observed before and after landing the forces. 1. That all officers on board take care to look over their men's arms every day and see that they be well fixed and have good flints. 2. That before they land they take care to have six cartridges fixed in their hats and to tie their cartridge boxes and pouches about their necks so as to keep them dry. 3. That when they land no officer or soldier shall stir out of the ranks on any pretence whatsoever on pain of death which shall be immediately executed on them. 4. That the adjutant general be attended by an orderly adjutant of each brigade, each of the majors of brigade by a sergeant of each regi- ment who are to repair to the adjutant general and the majors of brigade as soon as ever they land. 5. That the men be all ordered on the decks and that the officers on board each ship do read the articles of war to them with notice that if any of them transgress they shall be proceeded against according to the said articles without mercy. " Thos. Erie." 1707, Dec. 22. — " Copie d'une lettre ecrite a S. A. Milord Due de . Marlborough." Unsigned. The writer has a plan for transporting the Duke's army into France through the enemy's lines and begs a short audience before refusal of his project is decided upon. He goes on ; " Mais comme je ne scaurois souffrir que votre Altesse n'aye pas toute la glorie d'une si belle expedition, on trouvera aisement des moyens de retenir S. A. E. de Brunswick sur le Rhein en grossissant pour un terns sou armee de propres troupes de la votre, que vous serez par consequent en droit de reprendre toutes les fois que bon vous semblera, sans qu'il y puisse trouver a redire. Cependant cela obligera l'enuemi d'estre plus fort sur le Rhein et facilitera la reussite de la ruze que vous mettiez en usage contre lui en Flandres. Mais pour cela, Monseigneur, je prends la liberte de vous le repeter encore, ne vous embarrassez pas beaucoup de l'ltalie, et attirez de ce cote-ci toutes les troupes qui sont le plus dans votre dependence, et que l'Erapereur MSS. of R. W. Ketton, 200 R w S Ketton env °y e en Itetie tel nombre qu'il voudra de celles dont il veut Esq. ' absolument disposer en seul quelque raison, quelque necessite, quelque remonstrance, qui puisse s'y opposer." 1712-1720. Bundle marked " Letters of K. W[indham], and some from her son James Windham, about South Sea Stock." 1712, Feb. 9. Toulon. — Unsigned letter beginning " Dear brother." Containing a description of the Island of Minorca, the fortifications of which the writer thinks are " three times as strong as Gibraltar . . . . . . ... a good many of these are English fortifications by Brigadier Durrant, of whose engineership people have so good an opinion that nobody thinks a stone is wrong placed." 1718, May 3. Bath. — James Windham to his brother, Ashe Wind- ham, at Felbrigg. " Dear Brother, I was yesterday at Bristoll where I received the 50/. of Sellwood. Your favour came safe, and I really think Sister Grey much mended ; and the waters pass well enough, gaming and praying our chief sports, except with Patty a little now and then. The weather now very good and fine riding out. General Meredith not here, a great many quality ; Strafford, Richmond, Kent, March, Souther- land, Colrane, Harley, Warwick, Armagh, More, Howard. All with us send much service." [1720.] — Mrs. Windham to Ashe Windham at Felbrigg. " South Sea is all the talke and fashion ; the ladys sell their jewells to bye, and hapy are they that are in. It has fell a little, some say till the bill is past ; others, foreigners doe not come in : last post sayes it sells in Holland for 400 but the first dealers were the greatest dealers and gainers. Jemy [Ashe Windham's brother] so pleased with his good fortune, his grave face is turn'd to a smiling; he can't looke on you without a simper Mr. Whitworth . . . gave me 200 guineas for the refusal of South Sea at 500 in two months for 1,000 stocke, I am afraid he will not take it, and I be a rich widow at last. Never was such a time to get money as now." 1720, No month. — James Windham to Ashe Windham. South Sea Stock. " I grow rich so fast that I like stock jobbing of all things. Since the South Sea have declared what they give to the annuitants Stock has risen vastly. South Sea has this day been 460 ; they offer 50 per cent, for the refusal at 450 for the opening. I think it will be 500 before the shutting, I mean the stock." Has 6t a mind to buy land," and wishes for an estate in Norfolk : would " wiliingly buy a clever estate in land if it cost 10 or 15 or 20,000 pounds." Asks his brother to buy for him if he hears of anything that is good. 1720, July 12th. — James Windham to his brother Ashe Windham. Is glad he has sent to Mr. Walpole for 1,000/. subscription. Their Mother has been promised 1,000/. in the Company by Lord Townshend. " Perhaps after the books open (August 22) the South Sea may lend money on their stock, it can't be before, but then as they can't lend to everybody, happy are they that can get it, so your best way is to secure 1,000/. as soon as you can conveniently, and keep it for that purpose." Talks of buying an estate. 201 [1720], Aug. 23. — Mrs. Windham to Ashe Windham, the first part ^uLj* as to the purchase of an estate near his own at Felbrigg. ' e S q. ' "The bubles instead of a milion have by underhand ways, have — projected to increase their stocks to milions without end, have forced the Government to goe about to suppress them, and if they cannot doe it, the pari* must, or millions must be undon, for how can lutstring copes, and Thames water, or insurance employ millions, aboundance will be loosers now ; Sir Alex. Cam. (sic) 40,000/., Lord Westmorland 150,000/., and lesser people in aboundance. Stocks that sell at a 100 canot devide 9d., some not \d. 1720, Nov. 26. London. — William Windham to his brother, Ashe Windham. "We are here in a most sad state between hope and despair. Allmost every one gives great assurances. Mr. Walpole is said often to declare he thinks his scheme will do, but the Parliament is put off and people are frightened, and so stock falls. Poor Jimmy's affairs are most irretrievable and as to the misery which I think will attend this affair we do not see 100th part. Allmost all one knows or sees are upon the very brink of destruction and those who were reckoned to have done well yesterday are found stark nought to-day. These devills of directors have ruined more men's fortunes in this world, than I hope old Belzebub will do souls for the next Lord Irwin has compounded a difference of 27,000/. with Colonel Charters for under 7,000/., but over I fear great sums borrow'd. Sir B. Wrench is quite out of heart, going home on Monday. If the ministry do nothing after all their promises, they are as bad as the directors. . . ." 1720, Sept. 27. London. — William Windham to Ashe Windham. The bursting of the bubble. " There never was such distraction and undoing in any country. You can't suppose the number of familys undone. One may almost say everybody is ruined who has traded beyond their stock. Many a 100,000 man not worth a groat, and it grieves me to think of some of them. I have no contracts against me, only that they upon whom I have obligations are bad paymasters. They call South Sea 300, but there are no buyers. Mr. Walpole and the managers give no hopes of better things in a few days ; not a penny stirring." 1720, Jan. 3. James Windham to Ashe Windham. As to his affairs. " My own private money is in a bad way, but the office was never more safe and secure My accounts there are so clear and so known by the whole office that you will likely have your bond up in a week after I quit Mr. Ingram will be out as will all the directors from auy place of trust, for 'tis said the Court have given up the directors, and in a little time they will be in the state of bankrupts for the good of the company. Aisleyby must suffer, and some say Craggs." Speaks of his own prospects : 1 the sea is fittest for an undone man, and so I am for that." 1720-1, Jan. 5. Salt Office. — James Windham to Ashe Windham. The bursting of the bubble. " A bill is ordered to be brought in to make it felony for the South Sea directors and others of that house to go out of the kingdom, felony to alienate their wealth, felony to conceal it, and felony in others to conceal it. Motioned by Sir Joseph J ekyll, seconded by H. Walpole and others, this past nemine contradicente and will put them under great difficulties. A committee of 13 are ordered to examine this affair, who are to be chose on Friday by balotting. There is no danger, but enough 202 mss. ov will be proved against them — it is illegal to by Stock in a corporate W *EaQ. TT0Ir ' capacity, unwarrantable to lend money on subscriptions, but the top — directors have 100 things to answer for. The town are very much rejoyced at this vigour in the Commons for it was shrewdly suspected the Court did desire to screen the directors for fear it might draw in Craggs : as for Aisleby he must fall, he has at least been guilty of as much villainy as any of them. The directors have brought themselves into bankruptcy by being cunning artful knaves ; I have come into the same state for being a very silly fool. I loose by people being ruined, and by the 3rd and 4th subscription not being delivered out above 20,000/. ; this will pay no debts, and hinders me from paying them other ways." Asks his brother to be as " easy " as he can with him. Letters to Colonel William Windham and his fellow students at Geneva 1741, from his companions and their tutors. A bundle of letters so marked, addressed indifferently to Mr. Wind- ham or Thomas, 7th Earl of Haddington, upon a variety of topics con- nected with the travels of these young gentlemen in France and Holland. Mr. Windham was at Geneva with his tutor Benjamin Stillingfleet, author of " Tracts in Natural History ; " a " Treatise on the principles and power of harmony " &c, who was a grandson of Dr. Stil- lingfleet, Bishop of Worcester 1689-1699. The letters are not of general interest, but the following passages have been selected. 1741, April 4. Amsterdam. — T. Dampier* to "Mons. Windham y ou en son absence a Milord Haddington a la cour de St. Pierre. Geneve. 5 '" ..." Mr. Tate says he won't fail sending you next post an account of Locatelli. . . . Locatelli must surely be allowed by all to be a Terre moto. Tate adds the three other elements, Heavens and all. ... He plays his * Labyrinthe * and another piece which he has lately composed 50 times more difficult with more ease than I can huram the ' Black Joke 9 . . . for my part I look upon him to be as great a player as Handel, tho' this latter be so much bigger and taller. He plays with so much fury upon his fiddle that in my humble opinion he must wear out some dozens of them in a year. Mr. Smith, the bookseller here, who is master of a great stock of learning in all the arts and sciences, told us that he (Locatelli) never was known to play one note out of tune, except once, when in performing the difficult piece he has lately composed, he thrust his little finger through the bridge of the fiddle and could not get it out again. ... I must tell you also of many fine books I have purchased. The Plato and Proclus I have bought, Johnny, are better than yours, being accompanied by their title pages, as a proof whereof I tell you that both were printed by John Valderus at Bale in 1534; I bought mine also cheaper than you did yours. Every article is a matter of triomph. I have bought also Simplicius's Comments on Aristotle printed by Aldus, and Theo- critus, Hesiod, &c, printed by Aldus in 1495. Very neat and precious jew r els indeed ! . . . And to crown all, old Still [ingfleet], I have bought a most magnificent Sophocles for you, by H. Stephens. 'Tis Afterwards Sub-Master of Eton and Dean of Durham. 203 quite clean, large margins &c. It cost 10/. of France and many words | in endeavouring to get it for less." 1741, April 11. Amsterdam. — Benjamin Tate to his friends at I Geneva — on Locatelli, the then celebrated violinist. 1741, April 11. Amsterdam. — T. Dampier to W. Windham, as to the prints and engravings the writer has purchased. In conclusion he says : " I must tell you before I finish this letter that if you receive no more pleasure in Germany than we did in the little we passed through, you will heartily repent of your journey. Gothism sits triumphant upon every building and palace throughout the whole country." 1741, April 19. Rotterdam. — T. Dampier to his friends, William Windham, Lord Haddington at Geneva ; a long chatty letter, not of general interest. The greater part relates the ridiculous behaviour of a certain knight whom the writer calls Sir Butcher Trey, in Holland. 1741, July 30. Mitcham. — T. Dampier to his friends at Geneva. Home news. Mrs. Tate is gone away to Scarborough but has asked Dampier to write news enough for both. ** Don't you think it odd in him to trust me with talking of musick and Handel ? They have had several conferences together, and I observed Fritz's musick to lie before them, and that the great man frequently cried Bravo and some- times bravissimo. He laughs very much at the opera which is pre- paring for next winter. He has refused to have anything to do in the matter. There are eight subscribers, each one 1,000/. I can remember the names of some of them : Lord Middlesex, Lord Brooke, Lord Conway, Lord Holderness, Mr. Conway, Mr. Frederick, &c. Lord Middlesex it seems is the chief manager in the affair : the men of penetration give hints that his Lordship's sole aim is to make his mistress, the Muscovita, appear to great advantage upon the stage. With this intent, say they, he has taken care to hire singers with voices inferior to hers ; and her's is not worth a farthing. Lord Brooke is quite easy in the matter. I believe he would pay a thousand pounds more rather than have anything to do in it in the character of manager." Lord Brooke is surely the sweetest man alive, if he kept not Symmer in the house with him and such a crowd of servants to pick one's pocket after one has dined with him He intends building a house next summer in Wiltshire." Politics. " Doubtless you have heard of the motion made in the House just at the ending of the last Parliament to petition the King to remove Sir Robert [Walpole] from about him Some say Sir Robert gave Sandys a great deal of money to bring it in to the House. 'Tis certain it proved of no small advantage to him in the succeeding elections. The weakness of the minority appeared too plain in this affair ; when it was moved in the House many of them immediately went out and amongst the rest William Shippen. Some say they were not advertised of the motion beforehand ; others, that they were br — bed off. 'Tis very remarkable, that all those who lie under the suspicion of Jacobitism in the House were against the motion I can defer no longer giving you an account of Lord Sandwich. He is very strong in the country interest, and takes all his measures to continue it. He is married to the sister of Mr. Fane who was resident at Florence — a very agreable and sensible lady. His lordship keeps only a pair of horses and drinks nothing but port wine. His whole way of living turns upon this principle, to keep himself out of necessity. He is regular in all respects, an'' what is a MSS. op R. W. Ketton, 204 R w S k'btton ver ^ g° 0( * and Christian thing, Johnny, he never swears an oath. He Esq. ' never spoke in opposition to Lord Halifax ; so far from that, they are fast friends ; act in concert together, and always second one another in the House. He exerted himself in the Huntingdon election with great vigour and success. He got his two men elected and threw out General Handesyde who has had a long and established interest there. He gained his point by mere good Management, which has contributed a great deal to his character in the world as a very able man. To keep some of his men, who had promised him their votes but were not very steady, out of the way of temptation — for no less than 300/. a man was at last offered — he sent, them out upon various pretences a travelling about England from one fine house to another, so well guarded that none of the opposite party could possibly come at them I never saw anyone so engaging and affable towards the common people." The w state of learning in England The book that has made the greatest noise lately in the polite world is Pamela, a romance in low life. It is thought to contain such excellent precepts, that a learned divine at London recommended it very strongly from the pulpit. You desired Still [ingfleet], to have some account of Dr. Middleton's book [Life of Cicero], People are much divided about it, but in general 'tis thought inferior to what was expected : 'tis very much so in my humble opinion. The dedication to Lord Hervey has been very justly and prettily ridiculed by Fielding in a dedication to a pamphlet called Shamela which he wrote to burlesque the foremen- tioned romance As to the Doctor himself, he is striving all he can to get preferment, but his former writings con- cerning the authority of Moses and the Archbishop will be always an insuperable obstacle to it. He has wrote frequently to the Archbishop and has had several conferences with him in order to clear himself." 1741, Oct. 14. Mitcham. — T. Dampier to the Earl of Haddington at Geneva. The writer and Mr. Tate " have not been a fortnight together ever since we came to England . . . at present we are likely to remain tied down to the same spot." Is heartily tired of Mitcham society ; "all the politicks they have, they have out of the newspapers, which tell lies most nonsensically and afford a spatious field for the more nonsensical comments of all that can but just read and write." News of the town. Lord Morpeth is dead. " 'Tis credibly reported that he died of the venereal distemper which he caught in Italy and kept secret so long that it proved at last incurable. The Tapster has married his sister. They say 'tis a monstrous match : you know what a huge gigantick fellow he is, and she is not more than fourteen. You know I suppose that Lord Hallifax has married one Mrs. Dunck, a 120,000 pounds fortune. Her guardian used all means to make her marry one of the Stanhopes ; but she resolved to chuse for herself." 1741, Nov. 9. Paris. — Robert Price* to William Windham. " The first thing I did after my arrival was to go to le Bas the engraver and under pretence of looking at his prints to enquire after Laurent's direction, but I liked him so well that I passed the whole afternoon with him. He was just come from walking and had brought home some little groups of figures he had just drawn after nature ; it is his custom when he walks out to take his book with him and in case he anything pictoresque to sketch it out he kept me * Mr. Price was one of the executors of Col. Windham's will. 205 with him the whole afternoon till it was quite dark showing me all his MSS> 0F drawings. He is at present about a couple of pieces of Berghem which R. W. Ketton, are extremely fine I went the next day to Lau- , rent's, he is a sensible well behaved man : I expected to have seen a young man, but as well as I can judge by his looks he is near forty. I found hin? at work and saw on the table some very good proofs of Stephano della Bella. I suppose he has formed his taste of engraving in aquafortis from him, for he told me he looked upon him to be the greatest man in that way that ever lived He showed me all his aquafortis proofs which are extremely fine, and made me a present of some of them with a beautiful print after a picture of Salvator Rosa which he engraved for an Englishman who has got the plate." Prints and books bought for his friend Still[ingfleet] "I have sent you Pardie's celestial maps. At one time I almost despaired of being able to execute your commission. I ran about from shop to shop for near two days without being able to find them they cost ten livres The other day I invited Laurent and Le Bas to breakfast with me and to show them Busiri's landscapes ; I was very agreably surprised to see Soubeyran whom they brought along with them. They looked over all Busiri's things and were vastly pleased with them. We afterwards went out together to the Swedish Ambassador's who has some fine pictures and a great collection of fine drawings, we found him with the Count de Chelus. I showed them my Busiri's things that I had brought along with me ; they both liked them much. The Embassador asked me for his direction, and told me he would certainly employ him Soubeyran, Laurent, and Le Bas have been pressing me very much to engrave Busiri's things in aquafortis ; I believe when I am settled in England I shall undertake it, though I fear it is much beyond my force . . . ." An account of the state of tennis at Paris. " The first time I went to the Court I saw such a match of four as is not often seen, the two best gentlemen players at Paris against a marker who is reckoned the best player in Europe and a girl about eighteen or nineteen years old. She has a fine way of playing, and I believe in a double match is stronger than I am." 1741, Dec. 19. London. — R. Price to Lord Haddington. The first part of the letter refers to music matters and " Fritz's" trios which the writer is trying to publish by subscription. " I hope we may be able to get Fritz a little money by it, but they are such abominable Goths here that I can answer for nothing. They cannot bear anything but Handel, Courelli, and Geminiani, which they are eternally playing over and over again at all their concerts. I was at a concert at Lord Brooke's where Carbonelli played the first fiddle ; Tate brought with him some concertos of Loccatelli without solo parts, which are extremely easy, but because there were some passages out of the common road, they looked upon them as the most extravagant things in the world and not to be played at sight. Tate and I are of a concert of gentlemen performers where Festing plays the first fiddle, we tried to bring in some of Loccatelli's musick there, but when we mentioned it to Festing he looked as if he had been condemned to be hanged. The only performers of note that I have yet heard are Caporali, Carbonellij and Festing. . . . We have had a very good opera here, but a great many people have not liked it, the singers are Monticelli, a soprano, the finest singer I ever heard, Amorevolithe famous tenor, Visconti the first woman a very good singer, the Muscovinta an indifferent one, and two 206 ' S Ketton or tnree g reat scrubs. The first opera was made up of songs of different Esq. ' authors, among which were some exceeding fine ones ; the second — opera is composed by Signor Galluppi ; I have heard it but once and therefore will not pretend to decide about it, but it seems to be pretty good." Gives an account of his journey from Paris home and his reception by his father. " He looks upon me as a great connoisseur in painting, and as such has introduced me to all his acquaintance among the painters, which is pretty numerous. As I have heard Dicky mention Wotton as a great Landskape painter I will let you know in what light he appeared to me. I am very well acquainted with him and have seen his pictures often. He has the greatest price of any man in England; is a cunning fellow, and has made great interest among the nobility ; but he is the dirtiest painter I ever saw. He is not capable of making a great variety of tints and at the same time keeping a harmony in his colouring, for which reason he makes one brown tint go through the whole piece, which causes an in- finite confusion and dulness. ...... He is at present doing the siege of Tournay, which appears to me an undertaking much beyond his capacity Windham, I have given your letter to Doctor Hartley and he has been exceedingly civil to me ; I have been with him to the Byromites club, but things go very slowly there and they lay the fault on Doctor Byrom who is in the country.* I have nevertheless begun shorthand with Doctor Hartley." The letter con- cludes : " Captain Thomas sends his compliments to Windham and Stiilingfleet, Toriano to Lady Dossy and Johnny, Lord Sandwitch to Dicky, and Tate and Dampier to you all." N.D. [circa 1741] — A begging letter in French addressed " Aux nobles seigneurs Milords Anglois loges presentement ches spectable Docteur et savant Monsieur Sertory, tres celebre professeur a Geneve." The writer, who describes himself as, " Samuel Ruffiin bourgeois de la ville d'Azan au canton de Berne, notaire," offers his services to " vos grandeurs " and, should this be unacceptable, begs " un petit viatique pour s'en retourner dans son pays. Eloigne de pres de cinquante lieues." 1741-2, March 11. Strasbourg. — Benjamin Tate and T. Dampier to their friends at Geneva, Richard Aldworth, William Windham, Lord Haddington, &c. A description of their travels from Geneva to Strasbourg. 1739.— (i A short history, containing an account of the actions of Dicky, commonly called the Berkshire Boy, from the first day of September to the 20th of October in the year 1739." Mr. R. N. G. Aldworth, here called Dicky, was one of William Windham's com- panions at Geneva. 1761-1770. Letters of Dr. Dampier of Eton from 1761 to 1770, and two of David Garrick, 1762, to Mrs. Windham (Sarah Cubin). Dampier and Garrick were, with Benjamin Stiilingfleet, who did not act, guardians to William Windham the statesman. * The Rev. John Byrom, F.K.S., who invented a system of shorthand. He was author of the pastoral of " Colin and Phebe," contributed to the " Spectator," and other poems. He died in 1763. 207 1762, May 1. — David Garrick to Mrs. Windham. MSS. of Proposing a meeting with Dr. Dampier " upon the present state of R " W e?q T1 our affairs." u • — 1764, Jan. 23. — David Garrick to Mrs. Windham. Appointing Jan. 25th to see her at his house in Bloomsbury Square. 1766, March 7. Eton. — Dr. Dampier, under master of Eton, to Mrs. Windham. <£ There have been great disturbances amongst the boys here, and I am sorry that your son is accused of having a large concern in them. In order therefore to cover his retreat and to prevent a publick expul- sion, which would probably be the consequence of his longer stay, I shall send him home to you tomorrow morning. When I am in town, about a fortnight hence, we must meet and consider how to dispose of him. If I may advise I would not have you mention to any one the cause of his coming home so soon before the holidays." [1761], Nov. 6. Eton. — Dr. Dampier to Mrs. Windham, condoling with her upon the death of her husband. Dr. Dampier, as other papers in this collection show, was a great friend of William Windham's, travelling with him in Geneva and elsewhere. 1761 to 1766. — Letters from Dr. Dampier to Mrs. Windham on business matters connected with her husband's estate (of which the Doctor was one of the trustees), and with her son William's progress at Eton. 1763, Oct. 6. Eton. — Dr. Dampier to Mrs. Windham, as to the reports of fever at Eton, which have been grossly exaggerated. 1770, Sept. 2. Eton. — Dr. Dampier to Mrs. Windham. Has seen her son at Oxford and hears the best reports of him. " He is indeed a very extraordinary young gentleman, and if, please God, he enjoys his health, he cannot fail of making a very considerable figure in the world." 1765, Feb. 18. Upper Grosvenor Street. — The Bishop of Norwich [Philip Yonge] to Mrs. Windham, as to the patronage of the livings of Honeston and Berghapton. Diaries of the Rt. Hon. William Windham. 1772, Sep. 13. — The day above expressed the first time of writing in this book : What follows for this next page or two, had been before written in my pocket book. Sunday, Sep. 20th. — Set off for Ireland : arrived at Oxford about 10 at night ; lay at the Cross. Monday, Sept. 21st. — Dined at Banbury, the first time of my seeing if; since I passed through in the year '68 in my return from Wroxhall. The Friday following, viz. : the 25th, at 5 o'clock walked round the cliff, seven miles short of Conway, the place where I had been before with 208 mss. ov Mrs. B.* and remembered bygones. The name of it I believe is Pen- ^^bS" *' maenEoss. ~" — •••••••• Some writings of Swift found about a year and a half ago in Kensington Palace, in an apartment that had been Lady Marsham's, they were brought by the woman who found them to Lord Hardwicke. Dr. Jeffries who read them with Lord H. told Mr. Cleaver of them, and spoke of them as proving a disposition in Swift to come round in his politics. Lord North was informed of such writings being found ; I believe was told by Lord H. : they were therefore carried to the King. Grenville said he had often heard his mother speak of Swift and of the opinion entertained of him by the party, and has heard her say that she remembered her father talking of him as a man who had no influence but in his own opinion. A note in the late Mr. Grenville's edition of Swift, written in his own hand, mentions his having heard from Lord Bolingbroke, that the four last years of Queen Anne was considered by the party as too violent for publication. 1772, Oct. 3rd. — Dined at the Castle in company with Sir Richard Johnson, the person who had been created a Baronet for his vigorous defence against the Hearts of Steel. He was a short active man, of seeming liveliness and good humour, but very much of an Irishman in his manners and countenance and conversation. I have heard that at the time of his being at college he was engaged in a disreputable quarrel in which a man lost his life. Charles Townshend's account one day to a person inquiring what was passing in the House ; that it was " only one of King Charles' breed barking at Lord Chatham." The person speaking was the Duke of Richmond. Lord Townshend related the following circumstances of the death of Lord Scarborough who shot himself in the time of Sir Robert Walpole : that he was considered a man of the nicest honour, and was personally the greatest favourite of the King, though in his political conduct he was generally in opposition. The King had taken him into his closet, and disclosed to him his intention of changing the ministry, telling him at the same time that he entrusted him with this from the high confidence he had in his honour, and that he had mentioned it to no other person living. Sir Robert Walpole knew of his having had such a conference with the King, and was anxious to know the subject of it, Lord Scar- borough was at that time passionately in love with the present Duchess of Manchester, to her therefore Sir Robert Walpole went, and engaged her, by whatever means to endeavour to obtain the secret. When she had succeeded in her attempt, Sir Robert went to the King and re- proached him with his designs. The King was so confident of Lord Scarborough's fidelity that he denied it, till Sir Robert mentioned such circumstances as proved that he must be in possession of the secret. By what means Lord Scarborough was informed of what had happened whether from the King's own mouth or by report, I don't recollect, but, as soon as it was known, having first, as it was said, left his name at the Duchess of Manchester's door, and placing himself before a glass with * Bridget, daughter of Commodore Arthur Forrest, who married in 1767, the Hon. John Byng;, afterwards 5th Viscount Torrington. Mr. Windham married her sister Cecilia in 1798. 209 books to support him behind, discharged a pistol in his mouth. In this w. Kettox, position he was found by the servants who came in. Es Q - • ••••••• Upon Lord Chesterfield's first coming to Ireland, Mr. Ponsonby, Lord Shannon and the other leading people produced long lists to him of majorities that they could command in the House of Commons. Lord Chesterfield's answer to one of them, that is Lord Shannon, was, that he should have been extremely glad to accept his services, but that he had just bespoke a yard and a half of Parliament, of the Speaker. This is not exactly the state of the bon mot as I heard it, but is as likely to be agreeable to the fact, and for the purpose of telling answers better- Mr. and Mrs. Jephson told me that Lord Chesterfield used to keep a great sharp nosed dog called Loyola, of which he and his wife were preposterously fond, that used to keep all their company in continual danger. He once flew at Mr. Stanhope, Lord Chesterfield's son, as he was leaning against his mother's chair in the dining room and tore a great piece out of his breast. They were so selfish, so unfeeling, and so brutal as never to confine or muzzle this dog, because they were safe themselves ; and once upon Mrs. Jephson's asking Lady Chester- field how she might keep from offending Loyola, she told her, * dat she believe her best chaunce vas not look to dat part de room.' An amusing story is told of Admiral Boscawen that " comeing on morning into Mr. Wolfe's tent at Louisbourgh, he saw a pacquet of English papers. The first thing he looked to was the account of the stocks and the reflection it suggested was * God damme, here we are fouting away here, while in England we might all be making our fortunes.' " Major Baggs who related the circumstance told me he was present and heard it. Friday, Oct. 23rd. As I was fencing with Lord T. at eleven at night, after dining with Mr. Scot, a pacquet arrived which brought me a letter from — — [scratched out in original], the first I received since bis going abroad. I went immediately to my lodgings and read it, together with two from Mrs. B . . g ; pace amatce, his was read first. Thursday Nov. 5th. Received the letter from ~*s servant with the account of his being ill at Brussels. Sheridan's experiences as manager of the Dublin Theatre. He attempted " to bring the stage to some respectable footing from a situation of the greatest tumult and indecency. As an instance of the state it was in before, he told that when Garrick was acting Lear, and reclining his head on Mrs. Woffington's lap as Cordelia, one of the audience on the stage came and thrust his hand into her bosom. He afterwards searched Garrick through the house in the intent to chastise him or perhaps to kill him because he heard he had looked displeased at it. The stage used to be crowded so as scarcely to leave room for the actors, and all kinds of disorder were the consequence. The first step taken was to forbid all admission behind the scenes." This led to great disorder ; " a Mr. Kelly, a Connaught man chose to climb over by the orchestra. Sheridan charged the constable with him, but the constable, being afraid to detain a person of the appearance of a gentle- man, let him go." At the end of the performance Mr. Kelly broke into Sheridan's dressing room, " and so abused him that Sheridan knocked him down." U 60050. O 210 MSS. of Further riots took place and Sheridan was obliged to go to law. He ^'esq 110 ^' obtained verdicts against three persons. " He mentioned that this was — the first instance of a Grand Jury's finding a bill against a person considered as a gentleman." There are several "anecdotes of Mrs. Woffington as told me this morning by Sheridan, Nov. 15, 1772," and the following story which " Mr. Montgomery told me this evening" about Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, that at her death " A note of his was found among her papers for a thousand guineas " which had been given her by a. gentleman of Ireland as the premium for some honours to be received through her interest .... The honours stipulated for were not obtained; before her death, and the gentleman upon representation of the story to the family recovered the note which she had deposited by agreement in a particular drawer shewn to him. It may reasonably be supposed that this was not the first instance of her accepting money on those conditions, and that much of Lord Bute's interest has been employed in her service. Nov. 25th 1772. Names of several people whom I used to see at the Castle during the time of my being there, from Sept. 20th to Dec. 8th 1772 ; Mr. Gordon, Major Baggs .... Col. Smith, Aide-de-Camp, Col. Patterson,. Aide-de-Camp, Lieut. Loftus, Aide-de-Camp, Mr. Courtnay, Mr. Scott. [There is a break in the diary from Nov. 25th to Dec. 6th.] 1772, Sunday, Dec. 6th, one o'clock morning. — I am now returned from taking leave of the Montgomeries, upon the certain expectation of sailing to-morrow morning, if the wind is fair ; let me not forget my having sat next Barbara at supper, my going with her to the door, nnd the feelings I then had. Bless her ! Farewell Dublin ! I part with nothing in it 1 regret but that. Got up on Monday morning at seven expecting to sail immediately, but found that the wind was not fair, and that there was no prospect of going till that evening or the next day. Sat at home the greater part of the morning, very much disappointed and perplexed, nor knowing either how to go again to the Montgomeries, or to leave Dublin without going. In the evening, however, I went, after dining with Lord Harcourt, and found Barbara much as she was the evening before. The table at supper was placed with the head towards the east part of the room, and I sat between her and Mrs. Montgomerie in good spirits at the beginning of the night, but grave as the time of parting drew near, and she the whole time attentive to me. Let me never forget her stopping on the stairs. Col. H. and Bl. not present as night before. On Tuesday morning at 1 1 o'clock, sailed. On Wednesday about 10 arrived at Parkgate ; on Saturday, i.e., last night, came into London. Went immediately to call on Miss H. and enquire after Mrs. B[yng] but did not find her at home. Called again this morning, viz., Sunday, and saw her. Monday, Dec. 21st. — Went to Ickleford for the first time. Was joined by Miss H. by agreement at Barnet. [1773] Monday, Jan. 4th. — Went to Hertford ball. Passed the greatest part of next day with Mrs. B. and Miss H. at the inn at Hertford. 211 Friday. — Returned to town. Found a note left at ray house from MSS. of "R W TCktt Mrs. B~y* ; saw her the next night and on Sunday morning. ' esq. Thursday. March 5th. — Was followed by Mrs. Bar. from St. James's Church, and overtaken as I entered the Mall from Spring Gardens. Walked round to the Birdcage Walk and continued there till half-past three. Cholm[ondely] returned to London. I had dined that evening at Mr. Hickey's with Mrs. Cholm. and returned home at 10, when I was informed that Ch. was arrived. He came home about twelve. April 5th, Monday. — Went to Ickleford. Miss H. set off the day before for Hertingfordbury with her father who was to go on to Ickleford. \2th. — Returned to town with Cholmondely who had come the Friday before. \Ath. — This evening about two hours ago Mrs. B[yng], Cecy,f and Miss H. stopt in the coach at my door, being just come to town. Miss H. had met them at Barnet. Mrs. B. comes this night to my house. 12, Monday. — A night of consternation and apprehension, thought that H. heard of my being in the house, and would put an end to our meeting ; terror at seeing Miss H. so much affected. Staid there till near 4 o'clock. [There is a break in the diary here until the 29th June. In this interval Windham had agreed to accompany his friend ConstantinePhipps (afterwards Lord Mulgrave) on his voyage in eearch of the N.E. passage. He gave up the project on account, as is generally supposed, of an aggravated attack of sea-sickness. The journal begins again in a new book on or about the 29th June when Windham, after leaving Capt. Phipps, landed at Bergen. There is no date to the first two entries, but the language suggests that the first was written immediately before- he started, and the next very shortly after his giving up his voyage.] " Secret and separate. This is my confidential book ; in this will be- contained all those thoughts, memorandums, notes, reflexions, &c, which no eye must see but my own. To thee, my ever-adorable friend da I dedicate it, with whose name it will chiefly be filled. May God grant that we may meet again, and enjoy together the recollection of the times when these were written ! " How have I fulfilled my resolution ? The time since the writing of the above, indeed since my getting on board at Sheerness, has been a chasm in the history of one's mind ; instead of exerting myself to preserve a lively recollection of things past or absent ; instead of thougnt, and vigilance and exertion, which I fancied would be excited by the newness of the situation, my mind has been occupied only with melan- choly reflexion^ on the business I had undertaken, and a comparison of my present state with the enjoyments of Ickleford parlour. Not one purpose which proposed in the voyage has been answered : on the con- trary my powers of reflexion have been weakened, and my thoughts been less active and my perceptions less lively than they would have been at Felbrig or Oxford. I could form no strong conception of the condition in which I stood, nor feel myself excited by the recollection of my own * Query Mrs. Barry. See next entry. f Cecilia Forrest, sister to Mrs. Byng, whom Windham afterwards (17y«J married. o 2 212 ^k'ettox sensa ti° ns a * other times. Let me learn from this, what T might have Esq. * ' known indeed by former experience, and from the nature of the thing itself, that the state of a person's mind is not materially altered by change of place ; ccelum non animam mutant qui trans mare currunt. The interval from my coming to Sheerness to my quitting the Ham- burgh vessel I will set aside by itself, and either leave it wholly to memory, or take some notes of it at some future time : my diary commencing from that time and now instant, I will endeavour to keep with some regularity. After getting clear of the ship, we set off very pleasantly for Bergen, the schipper and I being in the pilot's boat, and his boat with his own people attending us. The sight of land, and the prospect of being shortly in a town, and among people who could speak English made me feel at first very comfortably : but it soon began to occur to me that I had conducted affairs with my usual mismanagement. By bringing this man to the town with me, I was publishing the bargain I had made with him, and all for no purpose but to procure money for a fellow, without any occasion, who had already fleeced me most unmercifully. At any rate I was discovering that which I wished to have concealed ; and a thought ilow came into my head which had never occurred before, that the particularity of such a bargain might suggest an idea, which idea might travel a great way, of the agreement having been made in some fright taken at an appearance of danger. The landlord was likely to mention the circumstance of an English gentleman, of such a name, having come in such a manner, in his letters to Scotland : there might be several Scotch and Irish masters of ships in the place ; as im- probable stories had arisen from as little beginnings and been circulated by less direct means. These reflexions made me very uneasy, and threw me into a fit of rage and despair at my own folly, in which state I with some difficulty got to sleep. At about 4 o'clock, then, on Tuesday morning being the 29th of June and the day before yesterday, I landed at Bergen. The appearance of the place at coming in was very fine and romantick, but the mor- tification I felt about this affair had depressed my spirits and I was foolish enough to be quite melancholy at the idea of being alone in a strange country or, what was less remarkable, at the prospect of a journey of 600 miles through such a tract of mountains. The hospitality however, and civility of my landlord have made my stay here very comfortable The Consul here is Alexander Wallace, Esqre., whose sons, in his absence, I went on Tuesday to wait upon, and found as completely Scotch as if they had lived in Edinburgh all their lives. The youngest asked me in token of his sentiments, whether Mr. Wilkes was hanged yet ; but it is to be observed that he is a little disordered in his head, which prevented my giving such a reply as I should otherwise. The town of Bergen contains no very striking edifices, nor has it any very regular or spacious streets, but the whole appsarance of it is clean and lively, the houses being built of wood and painted, and the roofs covered in general with red tiles. At the water's edge on one side are warehouses raised on piles and projecting over for the convenience of receiving and shipping timber, and on the opposite side is a broad wooden quay which is set apart entirely to the fish traders Till within these few years, there were I believe no stone buildings, but they have now got a Dutch church, and a sort of castle and some 213 houses built by a Scotch mason, who came over with his people, after R ms^oj^ the last fire ; and what is very remarkable, the stone was obliged to be ' Esq. fetched from Scotland likewise July 3rd. — I have just had a visit from the Consul who came very civill to wait upon me immediately on his return to town. He seems a brisk intelligent man, and to be of much pleasanter manners than his sons. I dined yesterday at his house, before his return. The dinner and what belonged to it, was certainly ordinary .... it consisted of three dishes .... sent up one by one according to the Bergen fashion to which the company were helped in order after the master of the family or his wife had taken off a sufficient number of portions No liquor was given at dinner, that I saw, besides wine, to which we were helped from time to time by Mr. Wallace or his brother, and at each glass some toast was given, such as, Friends in Norfolk, in Scotland, &c llth, Sunday. — This morning at a little before seven, after rising at three in order to finish my letters to Ch[olmondely] and Mrs. B[yng], I set off from Bergen .... Tis now near 7 in the evening, and we have passed the 5th Gastschever's house or the 5th Norse mile. The weather has been very pleasant, and I am much refreshed by my dinner and some sleep I got between 12 and 4, yet I am far from being in spirits, and the reflexions that for three months I shall have known nothing of those I love, and that no age is insured from the common fatality of nature, makes me very unhappy. 12th. — After continuing upon the water all last night, and today, and thus much of this night I am just arrived, two o'clock in the morning, at Ardalsare The town very small, consisting of about 50 buildings, most of which I understood were used only as warehouses Tuesday about three o'clock, after much chattering between Grron and the people, we left Landal : I had been detained some time by my letter to my dearest friend at the end of the two mile we were forced to ascend part of a steep mountain to meet the river on the other side. The passage during this ascent and our descending the river again was the wildest I had ever seen. I was admiring a fine fall of water that descended on the opposite side, when my guide chose to entertain me, by way of anecdote of the place, with the story of a man who had been robbed and murdered there .... I think this scene was adequate to all my hopes of a mountainous country. After getting through a road infinitely abrupt and rugged, we crossed the river again on a bridge about 40 feet in length and twenty in height, thrown over without any support in the middle, so that, as my guide told me, it was customary to let only one horse pass at a time. At last we met with a house where the woman regaled us very comfortably with eggs and loaf-bread and some cheese that was very eatable. I gave her 4 or 5 stivers and she expressed her thank- fulness in the same manner as the girl at Landal by taking me by the hand. Arrived at Elsinore on Saturday the 31st of July between 11 and 12 at night. . . . My first care on coming thither was to enquire about the post, and put in a letter for my dearest friend. The next day dined with Mr. Godwin and made the necessary enquiries about a ship, and in the evening went over to Copenhagen. 214 S Ketto.v Gottenberg. Almost all the women that I saw in the streets of Esq. " ' Gottenberg of the appearance of gentlewomen were covered with black veils. The women in Sweden were much more comely than those in Norway, owing chiefly I believe to their taking some pains to protect their faces from the weather. For the first part of my journey from Bergen, the women I think went entirely without covering on their heads, and were the most dis- gustful objects I ever saw, which undoubtedly was owing very much to that cause, though I don't think entirely. A great change was to be observed in their countenances as we came nearer to Christiania, where the use of a large covering of linen began. Friederickshald was the first place where I observed any oak. . . [Nothing more seems to have been written by Mr. Windham at this time. There is a gap of a few leaves, and then the following charac- teristic entry : — "Felbrig, May 3rd, 1774. — Upon my parting with Gasen at Christi- ania, I took an account from him of the names and distances of the places at which we had stopt. This I wrote down in pencil upon a little scrap of paper, torn I beiieve out of a book ; intending either that day or the next to transcribe it into my book ; but from that time to this have I suffered it to remain undone, though the paper for the greatest part of the time lay either in the Euclid, or this case, becoming every day less legible. It is now either lost or mislaid, so that I must copy this from one taken by Cawston.* The instance most parallel which I recollect to this, is of the equation written on my first begin- ning algebra on the slate at Oxford, and suffered to remain so long before it was transcribed into the end of the Euclid." At the bottom of the next page is, " the paper mentioned above to be missing has just dropped out of the Euclid where F had failed to find it, though I had searched for it there at the time, as I thought, narrowly." No more of the journal is in this book. At the end are some pencil memoranda, one of which is interesting as throwing some light upon Mr. Windham's motives for abandoning his voyage with Captain Phipps. " To my present thoughts are to mention to B[yng] the true cause of a disgust taken &c, but to desire him at the same time not to repeat that, but to say only that he believed it was dislike of a life at sea, and not finding myself well enough to answer the purposes I had proposed. Quaere, disgust taken, or dis- agreement happened, or both ? " Then follows a list of names : " Lord Townshend, Courtnay, Fraser, Erskine, Lees, Jephsou, Col. Paterson, Mr. Scott. People in Norfolk. Lord B[erners?], Sir Harb[ord Harbord], Lord W[alsingham], Mr. Bacon, Mr. Marsham, Mr. Fellowes, Mr. Durant, Sir E. Astley, Mr. De Grey, &c, and minor gentry such as T. Elwyn, Johnson, Adey; Lord Roseberry. Capt. Suckling, Mr. Walsingham, Col. Lee, Col. Harcourt, Sir W. Drake, Lord Harcourt, Capt. Schomberg, Major Bagge, Lord Sh el- bourne, Lord Rochford, Major Fleming. Oxford people. Chambers, Scott, Palmer, Wilmot, Lord Winchelsea, Ellis, Johnes, Dodwell, Hill, Wilson, Thornton, Norton. Johnson, Burke, Poore, Browne, Alleyne, Pepys, Lord Palmerstone. Travel, Vandeput. * Mr. Windham's servant. 215 The third volume of the diary begins in Nov. 1773. mss. op 4< Onthe 13th of November my term in my house in Burlington R,W j,^Q TT0N ' Street ended, and I left town on the Saturday following being the 20th ; — I left Ickleford on my way hither (Felbrigge) having been accompanied by Mrs. B[yng] and Julia, as far as Biggleswade, where we dined about six o'clock. Proceeded that night to Huntingdon, where I was to place George [Byng ?] at his school. Sunday stopt at Cambridge where I saw Mr. Townshend, and halted at night at Barton hills. Before I went to bed Lord and Lady Towns- hend came in on their way to town with whom I sat till about one, and breakfasted in the morning. The circumstance is rather to be remem- bered from the effect it had in raising me from a state of some dejection, and from its coming so oddly in proof of some questions I was just before debating In the morning, after writing a private letter to B[ridget?], I set off for Felbrig, and got thither between four and five o'clock From this time (Nov" 23) to my going to Rainham I continued at Felbrig, not prosecuting my studies so vigorously, nor observing my resolutions so firmly as I ought, but upon the whole better than formerly, and so as to give hopes of amend- ment for the future. What the degree of my diligence and the state of my day was then, will be best known for the purpose of future com- parison by transcribing an account of four or five days from papers written at the time. 6 Wednesday, Dec. 3th, 1773. — Rose this morning about 9 ; had been awake about half an hour before. Sat down to the loci plani immediately after washing myself, without shaving or comb- ing my hair, and continued so employed till past ten. Went to break- fast and during part of the time proceeded in getting by heart the 15th Sat. of Juvenal. By the time I returned to my own room I imagine it full half past eleven. From that time till within a quarter of two, continued at the same employment, but not in a way that quite satisfied me. At a quarter before two ceased reading, and soon after went out firing with the pistols and riding till just four. Between four and the time of dinner being ready — about 20 minutes after — resumed the problem in the loci. After dinner tempted to read Anson's Voyage. Continued in the parlour till past six ; hardly sat down till seven ; doubtful how to employ myself. At last took up a problem in the arithmetic, read the operation and part of it worked. With the interruption of tea, and necessity of going downstairs, little was done till 8 when I sat down to write to my dearest B., my resolution iu the meantime pretty much forgot, and my mind left vacant. From 8 o'clock then till considerably past 11, have I sat with the paper before me, and in a constant state of attempt without having written more than part of one side, amounting I suppose to twelve lines, and that not such as I could send. The whole performance there- fore of this day has been the finishing one problem in Simpson, and a fruitless attempt of four hours to write some part of a usual letter to my most intimate friend — middling. [Several entries follow in the same dissatisfied strain.] Dec. 18th. — I went to Rainham. I stopt for some time at Holt to send a letter to Mrs. B. and got some dinner at Faken- ham, so that it was past six and dark when I got to Lord Townshend's, where I found Mr. Birch and Masterton and Pringle I think, and Beevor and a timber merchant who had come for the purchase of the large oaks. My principal business was the knowing from Lord T. what method he would agree upon for making known his intentions to Sir Armine 216 R w^etxon Wodehouse. While I was there Sir John Turner came and Major 'esq. ' Coney, and staid the greater part of the time On the Wednesday or Thursday we went in a large party to a lodge about six or seven miles off to course, the keepers having been sent early in the morning to beat the hares out of the cover, and carry thither the dogs. During my stay I was not very pleasant, though from no cause but that, which if I don't take care will return to destroy every enjoy- ment and perish every faculty again I set off on the Saturday morning being Christmas day, and got to Felbrig about five* The next day set off on horseback to Norwich in order to meet Byng and Mrs. B. and Julia, who were to be at Attleburgh that night. Lay at the Swan : in the morning rode out on the London road at such time as I supposed it likely they would be coming near, and at about 3 mile& from the gates saw the coach coming as I was preparing under a hedge the note to be given to Mrs. B We got into Felbrig between eight and nine o'clock, Dec. 27th, being the first time of B.'s and Mrs. B.'s and Julia's having ever been down here. The period which here succeeds being such as consists of scenes and passages of happiness not capable of being exhibited in a journal, is better committed entirely to my memory and heart, where it is in no danger of being lost,, than imperfectly reckoned out here, by an enumeration of trifling occurrences. I skip therefore at once to the time when we were obliged to leave this and proceed all towards London. Feb. 5th [1774] we set off in my coach and the 8th arrived at Ickleford. [On leaving Ickleford, Mr. Windham went to town.] Sunday [Feb. 27, 1774] was marked by ... . ray calling on Mrs. Cholm[ondeley] who was at Mr. Gillio's house in Grosvenor Street,, and meeting there with Cholmondeley. We then took that walk through Lincoln's Inn and Holborn and a lane I think leading into Fleet Street, in which the point was settled so very material both to him and me. It was some days after this, I have a notion on the Friday following, that I got into the lodging in Suffolk Street the same as Major Graham had had, No. 7. My time was now spent pretty eniformiy, and not unpleasantly. Cholmondely generally breakfasted with me ; I dined often at home, wrote on most nights to Ickleford ; went more often than formerly to the play ; and to Miss H.'s about 5 times in a fortnight. [Nothing of any interest occurs until] (1774) July 1st, Friday. " Went at nine to Foote's to meet Cholmondeley at the authour's, where I saw Lord Walpole &c. and Suckling, and in the next box General Fraser and an officer, an Irishman I believe, in the Portuguese service. Next day called at Miss H.'s in the morning, having met her walking in Charles Street, and settled what she has now desired." The journal goes on to relate a riding tour taken by Mr. Windham with Cholmondeley and Byng through Stamford, Grantham, Notting- ham and so through Derbyshire. Nothing of particular interest seems to have occurred. On the road from Derby to Matlock " we met Mr. Thrale's coach in which was Johnson who assented to the remark of the extreme beauty of the country, and observed that it was an object of reasonable curiosity the situation of the house here and the whole scene just like Bristol. 16th, Saturday. — . . . At about four o'clock we arrived at Buxton. . . . We supped in the rooms. The persons of any note here or whom we knew were Duke of Newcastle, Lord Lincoln, Sir Bichard Philips, Robt. Conway, Tommy Tutteridge, Miss Pree and her sister 217 and General Mostyn. In about an hour after supper they began R w S k'ett( dancing as at Matlock, at which I staid till 11. . . . Buxton is a * 'esq. small place consisting only I should imagine of fifty or sixty houses which lie at the foot of some hills and make but an inconsiderable appearance. They are all of stone, as in the Peak T think in general. The town is comprehended in the Hundred of the Peak though not situated among the mountains, . . . Cholmond. and I walked up the road on the other side of the bridge talking on graver subjects and among the rest of Goldsmith's writings and the study of Astronomy. We went up between II and 12, when Cholm. staid in my room and I read to him the poem of the Metamorphosis atomistce in museam out of the Musce Anglicance. 19, Tuesday. — In the morning came down late. Set off [from Loughborough] on our way to Leicester. Eead before I came down some part of the first chapter of the Acts of the Apostles with con- siderable attention and renewed the intention formed over night [a resolution for better management for the future]. What I saw at Leicester was the ruins of the abbey, the tesselated pavement, the library, and the stocking frames. 21st, Thursday. — Set off about ten o'clock [to Bedford] . . . Left Bedford about four At a little before seven arrived at Ickleford after an absence of a fortnight all but a night having gone out on Friday about ten in the morning and returned at the above-mentioned hour on Thursday evening but one following. In our way from Bedford I cannot say that I did all I could any more than for any other portion of time since our being out ; but was not altogether deficient. Since my being arrived I have thought, not altogether without profit, but the principal part of my time has been employed in completing this. 23rd, Saturday. — Set off from Ickleford. [Describes how after a not very pleasant ride he reached town]. I went to my lodgings at No. 7. In the evening I wrote a letter to Sir Ed d Bacon and one to Mrs. Byng. The next morning sat at home till about one when B. called ; went with him into the Park and met Pennington, the lieutenant, and Lowther. Walked afterwards with B. to the Horse Guards whence I took coach and drove to Newington to call upon Horseley but he was out of town. Returned to my lodging before four and sent for some dinner from the Hotel. About 5 o'clock called at Mrs. B.'s to enquire after Miss Swan who I was informed was ill. Came home afterwards and gave directions for removing my things to Mrs. Moncrief 's. Walked in the Park and met Montagu. Went at my return to Mrs. Moncrief's, there I stayed till bed-time reading I think a little of Lord Bacon on the advancement of learning. The next day at four o'clock went to the Tiltyard Coffeehouse to meet B. At seven o'clock we went together to Foote's to his new piece of the Cozeners where in the opposite box was Miss H. and Joe, to whom we went. Mrs. Abingdon sat next and I observed never looked round. I went out with them at the end of the piece and walking with her to the door in St. Albans Str. returned to my own lodgings. There I sat writing uninterruptedly a letter to Cholm., till it was too late to send it, for part of the time I think I was reading some propositions in the first part of Horsley's book \_De Inclinationibus~]. Great interruptions from people in the street. [The Diary then goes on to relate a visit which he paid to Binfield next day, going down in company of Byng who returned to town next day.] " In the evening I had a long conversation with 218 mss. of Mr. B. walking up and down before the dairy and sometimes sitting on VV 'e^q TT ° N ' tne bench, Julia and Cecy being either in the walk or the dairyhouse — at the same time." [Next day Byng returning to Binfield, they all pay a visit to Caversham and stay at Mr. Loveday's for the night. Windham describes the country as beautiful and relates his occupations while there, one being exercise on the water where he was engaged in rowing. Speaks of his thinking while there "but not much or not well."] Next morning set off for Binfield again passing through Sunning where I had a sight of Mrs. Knyvitt. In the morning had been some time with Mr. Loveday in his study where I had been also the day before. From him at this time I took the following particulars, then set down upon a piece of paper, that in the Barley library in the Museum was a manuscript Pindar done by Thomasen the famous writer of the Greek character, the No. 6315. Thomasen was a school- master; lived at or near Chester and died in 1740 aged 54 . . . . _ that on the guinea coined in George the lst's time ann. 1714, one of which he showed me, there were the letters PR. EL. signifying princeps elector, which some of the German princes took offence at understanding it as if it had been primarius elector. The guineas were therefere never coined, but the reason vulgarly supposed for the new coinage was thai, some Jacobite had been concerned in setting the die for the former guinea and had put the figure of horns on the top of the King's head meaning to reflect on him on the common notion of his being a cuckold ; the two uppermost leaves of the laurel wreath having something of that appearance. • .3rd August, Wednesday. — Left Mr. Loveday's about ten o'clock . . from this time continued at Binfield till 13th, Saturday. — Went up to town, Mr. B. having gone on the Thursday before. Mrs. B. and Julia went with me as far as the Red Lyon at Egham, very pleasant, talking all the way ; the subject Miss K. Mr. B. in particularly good spirits. In the same disposition we parted, I congratulating myself and thinking myself very lucky for having had the resolution to suppress some ill humour by which the whole might have been reversed arising on the recollection of a remark made on that as we came doivn [from Egham to Hounslow thence to town] and afterwards went to my lodgings at Grece's Next day rose about nine sat till about 12 or 1, employed as before. On consideration during the preceding day and Saturday evening some time must have been spent in continuing my journal as well also some in reading part of a sermon of Barrow's on the existence of God proved from the frame of the world. If I recollect I went to bed on Saturday night thinking on the nature of that argument and rose with that in my head in the morning. At about 12 or 1, on Monday went out going first to the warehouse in St. Albans St., then to Payne's the bookseller's to inquire for Gesner's Dictionary and thence to Mrs. RussePs. Of most of these places I had made memorandums by knots tied in my handkerchief and for some part of the way thought of the benefits likely to accrue and which I had already experienced from that practice." 16th, Tuesday. — [Describing a renewed visit to Binfield on that day where he remained till the Friday following he says] <; This day went round by Oakingham to Sunning. I should have mentioned that the day before we all dined at Miss Riches to which I went and from which came back in Miss Neville's coach. On Saturday evening drank tea at Neville's with single speech Hamilton. Talked a great deal of 219 j Bernard ; of the character of the Eton masters and fellows ; of Cook's r ^ Kett< i voyages. On Sunday went all viz., Mr. Forr[est] Mrs. Can., Julia, ' ' EsQ . ! Cecy, August, B., Mrs. B., and I to Sunning hill from which we returned — about seven 23rd, Tuesday. — Overnight aftei taking leave ot Mrs. Forrest instead of going into my oivn room sat up wiih Tom talking of gales of wind &c. till one ; then talked a little through the door with Cecy and after- wards wrote some of this to that I did not get to bed till just two. In f the morning set out about a quarter before 11, Julia and I and Cecy going in the post chaise, and B. and Mrs. B. in the other. Arrived at ' Windsor before one having come rather in an ill humour all the way from within a mile and half of Biufield viz. : from Rowles's, owing tc ! the circumstance remarked here | From that time till Thursday at 6 o'clock staid at Windsor with Walsmgham. Of my stay there I cannot say much ; it was but little | of the day that I was alone. The objects of the place seemed to i suggest sufficient matter of reflexion but I did not exert myself so as I to make a proper use of them. On the Wednesday morning I went with Walsingham to Gloucester Lodge and was in company with the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester for the first time, being introduced and kissing their hands. I was tolerably attentive to myself while I was there and endeavoured to feel myself in the presence of a king's brother, but was not quite so much so as I might have been, nor could excite in myself much of the feel of being with a great man. At tea Ferguson the Lecturer was with us who was then at Windsor reading. J Mrs. Walsingham had got his pocket [book] to transcribe parts of it. I looked at it and thought it contained a great deal of trifling matter, for instance one side inscribed, questions relative to the National Debt which were no more than calculations of the weight of the National Debt in particular coins, of the number of men it would require to carrv it &c. The next day at dinner also Ferguson was there, when I learnt from him a contrivance used in some silk mills at Bishop Stopford in Essex in order to produce a reciprocating motion in a horizontal beam, of the same sort and for the same purpose as that at the mills at Derby, which was effected by other means. The contrivance, as he described it at dinner, I did not understand but have made it out since I think to be a groove consisting of two half spirals meeting each other cut in a horizontal cylinder which is made to revolve round its axis, into which groove an arm, I suppose, is fitted intended to receive the reciprocating motion, the beam being in the same horizontal line with the cylinder 25th, Thursday — Set off between 5 and 6 o'clock for London. [No entry till] September 1st. — The preceding week was passed much at my own lodgings which were at Grece's, during which time I used to read Horseley's book and the Greek testament. [Nothing of much interest till] 4th, Sunday.— Came to the lodgings in Chidley Court ..... From the above time viz. : the time of my coming to those lodgings to the present time which will be immediately set down, a period in which all good habits and resolutions seem to have been forgot, all bad ones seem to have sprung up, my thoughts and opinions on the most essential subjects to have been shaken, and the powers lost by which they should be settled. 220 Pketton 27th, Tuesday. — I am now come 1o my new lodging No. 9, Suffolk Esq. ' street [gives the reasons of his coming there, and a rather long description of a visit to Mrs. Byng and many words written in Greek characters.] 28th, Wednesday. — Lay awake last night for some time thinking of the difference made by this change of habitation and of the necessity of not losing the advantage of it. [Reflections on the time just passed with Mrs. Byng ; he visits her again — description of his behaviour there.] 29th« — Sat at home till one when Cecy and Miss H. called on me to go a riding. Rode out going by Paddington on the Hampstead Road as far as the turning to Lord Mansfield's [Details of another visit to Mrs. Byng in Cecil St. and in what a disturbed state he returned.] [Each succeeding day he appears to have paid visits to Cecil St.; for three days he says he can look back with tolerable satisfaction.] [Oct.] 3.— Went to Cecil St. a little after 8. Just saw Mrs. Byng and set out with Cecy and Miss H. for the review that lasted till 2— - four hours. [Returns to his lodgings and then again visits in Cecil St. — his observations thereon.] [Nothing of interest related except a ride to Binfield which was apparently taken for distraction. Then no entry of any remark through that month and part of November, which was passed in various short journeys to Hounslow, Egham, Hatfield, and other places till] [November] 27th. — Went down to Ickleford in order to make some stay. Quitted my lodgings in Suffolk St. the day before viz. : Saturday — Dined at the monthly meeting of the club of University College. While I was at my lodgings about nine received the message from Miss H. to come to her in a hackney coach. The recollection of the feel with which this left me all that night and the next day, the interruption it gave to all my thoughts and the enjoyments it deprived me of, the effect which it had for a week or ten days afterwards make this instance sufficiently distinguished to be placed upon record as a boundary of such folly. The morning of my coming was very cold and frosty and of a most wintry appearance which, added to the uneasy feel consequent on what had happened the preceding night, made my journey rather gloomy. To obviate this, which I knew must be the case, I took with me a volume of the Collectio Poetarum and read between London and W T elwyn the JPhormio of Terence. This gave occasion to me to reflect how strange my life must have been at Oxford when such an act as this would have reckoned largely in the work of a winter. From Welwyn I rode the pony sent down since to my brother George, and arrived just before dinner. [Thoughts on approaching Ickleford and resolutions to make it a place of studious residence, but the diary does not contain much if anything connected with study, the main portion of the life there being apparently devoted to riding, and occasional meets of hounds. There is a reference one morning to a memorable and critical conversation. [December] 25, Sunday and Christmas Day. — At about twelve o'clock having waited till then on account of the letters, Mrs. Byng, Reggy, and I, set off for Royston on my way to Bourn Bridge where I was to meet Phipps and Banks. The badness of the roads which were rendered hardly passable by the frost, and the terror occasioned to Mrs. Byng by the falling off the horse made my going very uneasy, and after stopping only half an hour at Royston I sent them away in a fresh post chaise and four. I proceeded in a post chaise and pair to Bourne Bridge where I arrived about 6, and about \ an hour befcre Phipps and Banks. The frights they had in getting home by being obliged 221 by the post boys to change horses at Baldock, and the lateness of their R arrival I heard afterwards in a letter. We went on that night to ' esq. Barton Mills and the next day, viz., 26th arrived at Felbrig. rr l775, January 4th. — Left Felbrig, and the next night about J before 12 got to town. I went to Reve's to get a bed but they were full ; they procured me, however, a lodging on the opposite side of the way. 6th. — Dined at Phipps whence I went after dinner with Henry Phipps to Drury Lane where Garrick was to act Sir John Brute. The places which we had were about the centre row of the middle front box. The play had been begun some little time before we came in. I had set there about ten minutes during which Garrick had been chiefly on the stage when on turning to my right I saw on a row a few rows below Miss H., and on looking further beheld to my great astonishment Mrs. Byng. They had sent it seems a note to me at my mother's, having heard of my being in town from Mr. Gwyn, which note had not been brought to me by the neglect of my servant to Lord Mulgrave's, till I was gone. They wished me to come in a coach, and the next day I met Mrs. Byng with Miss H. by appointment in a coach and drove round about the King's road till four. I dined at my mother's in the evening, drove with them again till it was time for them to go to Mr. Norris where they were to sup. [The diary has nothing of interest between this date and the end of February. There are frequent visits to Ickleford during this time.] [February] 24. — Came up to town expecting the masquerade to be on that night. Mrs. Byng came with me as far as Welwyn. 27th. — Went to the masquerade. I quitted that day my lodgings, No. 9, Suffolk Street, and had my things removed to my mother's, where I dined. All the evening I continued there. About eight wrote to Mrs. Byng ; at a little before eleven drove to Lord Mulgrave's by appointment whence Phipps and I went to Lord Spencer's where masks were seen, where we stayed a short time and then proceeded to the masquerade. Came in I suppose about 12 past 12. The place was very crowded and briiliant, but did not contain so far as I observed many of those persons whose presence, I think, contribute more to the estimation of the meeting. Of persons that I know there were Mrs. Chol[mondeley] concealed as a conjurer, Miss Chol[mondeley], Miss Grickin, Lord Pigot, Miss Phipps, Lady Cork, &c. I stayed till six in the morning by which time it was broad light. [Same day went back to Ickleford.] March 3rd. — Came up to town riding my mare as far as Welwyn, coming in a chaise from there to Hatfield and thence to Barnet. I came up in expectation of dining with Sheridan, but found there had been a mistake. Dined at my mother's. [The next entry in the Diary is as follows : — ] April 16. I should hardly have conceived if I had not found it proved on the face of the journal itself that from the date last set down to the present time all account had been suspended.* The day following, viz. : a Saturday I went into the lodgings in Corke St at an apothecary of the name of Baine where I had occasion to observe very particularly my subjection to the influence of place, and * This is evidently a note in the Diary, as if on that day he had discovered the omissions which he then supplied. The next entry " the day following " is in March, from which date the diary goes straight on. 222 ,mss. op strange difference I find in places so little removed from each other, for W E8Q. TT01T ' in tnat little cnan g e f r °m Suffolk to Corke St. I seemed to find the — whole state of my being in town altered, nor was 1 able for the first night and afterwards to divest myself of a feel of something which made my views of Me different there from what they had been in the other place. This is undoubtedly great weakness. [March] 11th. — Quitted the lodgings in Corke St., and went with Choi, to Ickleford. . Mrs. B. not yet comedown after her illness from her bedroom. On the Wednesday following I went up to Town again in order to dine at Lord Mulgrave's by appointment, where was to be Lady Mary Fitzgerald. Mrs. Byng carried me one part of the way in the chaise. . The next day between 8 and 9 I returned, having called upon Cholmondeley, who was in bed, and could not go with me from not finding himself well. [Paid a visit to Hatfield and returning met Mrs. Byng and " Peggy " in the chaise.] Monday 20th. — Went up to town in order to dine with Hawkins Browne. Mrs. B. carried me in the chaise to Hatfield when we met Cholmondeley by appointment in his way down. ........ The Saturday preceding this was the day, I think, of my being out a hunting for the second time when Meynell and Lord Scarborough and others of the first rate sportsmen were out. 22nd, Wednesday — Went out of town at half-past two in order to overtake Gwynn and Byng, who were to dine at Welwyn. Gwynn came by just as I was getting out of my chaise at Barnet. [Rides with them to Welwyn, where they dine. He then left with Byng to go to Ickleford, and in these words owns to his somewhat easy habit of turn- ing morose under certain circumstances.] ** All the while tiil our leaving the inn [at Welwyn] I was in particularly good spirits. I then con- trived as Byng and I were riding to Ickleford in the dark to put myself in bad humour, and this being increased by a circumstance that happened at my first going in I was completely so all that night, and so continued till it brought on what I ought to dread to think on." 30th, Thursday. — Came to town in order to go to Mrs. Windham's card party. Mrs. Byng took me to turnpike at Brickwell . . . I had now got the present lodging in Chidley Court. April 4th. — Returned to Ickleford. I left town in a chaise and read all the way to Hatfield the book I had just got of Gray's poems and letters published by Mason [On the intermediate page.] — This last time of my being at Ickleford I finished the work which had held me so long of the 7th Book of Pappus filling up whatever had been left imperfect; and also what I had began some time before, the works of Seneca the Poet. I read also what I had not read for a long while, Ovid's Ibis. 15th, Saturday. — Came up to town in order to go with Phipps and Banks and Colman on our party to Newmarket and Thetford. [Diary gives account of this trip to Newmarket which included a visit to Cambridge where he stayed a day, returning through Stevenage and Welwyn to St. Albans, where they saw the Abbey ; and he staid one night at Hertford.] 24th. — Came to town at about ten o'clock and found that Mrs. Byng had not gone out of town yet. [Till the following 10th May engaged with Mrs. Byng and Julia whom he had accompanied on their way to Binfield with Cholmondeley and had met at Salthill on their return to town.] 223 On the following Wednesday [May 11th] I think it was that I went MSS. op with Mrs. Byng and Miss Riches from Chidley Court to Argyle St., and R> w, E f|. TT< thence with Mrs. Byng to take up Julia, and that we called at — Mrs. Reynolds's and Lady Knowles's, I think, and finally at Miss Beauclerk's. [Next day but one accompanies Mrs. Byng and Julia to Tckleford and describes the journey down as very pleasant " singing and talking on agreeable topicks." He returned to town on the following day with them, and went in the coach to Hatfield, where they dined, reaching town again in time to meet Byng at the play to see Garrick. He notes that the six days of this stay at Ickleford were passed " in a rather particular way."] 23rd. — Between six and seven in the evening having been detained in the morning and stayed to dine at Sheridan's, set off on horseback to Ickleford. Rode to Welwyn and thence went in a postchaise. Did not get in till J past eleven when they were all in bed except the servants. I got to bed some time after without waking Mrs. Byng whom I surprised in the morning 27th. — Came to town from Barnet having come hither the night before with Mrs. Byng and Miss Rich. June 3rd. — Went with my brother to Ipswich. 4th. — Got to Norwich. 5th. — Arrived at Dereham. From that [day] except two days passed at Felbrig, I stayed at Dereham till the — 15th. — When I left Dereham. Got to Barton Mills about twelve. 16th.— Came to Ickleford. 20th.— Left Ickleford. Slept at Barnet. 21st. — Came to town between eleven and twelve. [The next entry in the Diary is somewhat interesting and precedes an account of what Windham calls his '* literary advancement." This is given in full.] "To night (23rd). — I have been employed for this hour, viz., since eleven, in reading the first proposition and part of the 2nd book of Papp., and this is first attempt I have made to think of anything in mathematicks since at latest the 12th of last month. The return to these subjects after such an intermission even was attended with sensible pleasure. How strange that I should ever suffer studies felt to be so valuable to be neglected so long." [Then on an intermediate page is the detailed account of <; literary advancement " under numbered articles as follow :] 1. About the 20 last pages of the 1st book of Horsley's Apolt. Restitutio — read sometime in the latter end of August and the beginning of September 1774. 2. The Philoctetes of Sophocles read sometime in September or October. 3. The seventh book of Pappus containing 247 pages begun some time in Septr. or Octr., finished not till the 29th of March, 4. The JEneid begun October 20th finished Novr. 1st. 5. Juvenal begun Novr. 7th, finished Jany. 15th. (5. Persius ended February 6th. 7. Seneca the poet ended April 30th. 1. New testament read occasionally during a month or six weeks at the beginning of the winter. 2. The Phormio of Terence read between London and Welwyn in going down to Ickleford Novr. 27th. 224 MSS. of 3. History of England in Rapin from Edward the 3rd to about "jg 1 ™ Henry 4th. — 4. Part of two sermoDS of Barrow. These were read early in the winter while I was at Grece's. 8. The four vols, of Goldsmith's history of England began some time last month, ended within this week. 9. Four propositions investigated in the tractatus de Vet. Analys. These were done sometime between the 20th of April and the 20th of May. 10. Ovid's Ibis, containing about 644 verses. 5. About 140 leaves in the Novelle di Bandello. 6. Some things occasionally in the two first introductory Chapters to the Tables of Logarithms. The above account, few and inconsiderable as the Articles are, exhibits the whole of my literary advancement during the period then compre- hended. It is true that this account does not include every page read during that time nor every half hour spent in literary employ but by the minuteness of several of the Articles, both of those of which the quantity is definite and exact and those of which it is computed, it is seen how low this account descends so that the facts remaining un- accounted must be separately so small as to be but little considerable in the amount. The fact is that this amount for a long time back has been less than ever as it has been a principle since the commencement of the reformation to reject such particles of reading as are too incon- siderable to be separately noted. That a better idea may be [had] of the proportion of what it appears here I have done to what I might have done, here follow two accounts, the one calculating what times i.e. between what limits the work above stated might have been per- formed supposing a certain number of hours only to have been applied to it each day (which number is for some part of the work four for others six and for some others seven) and the other what the amount would be of the number of hours necessary to have been actually spent upon it. [Here follow the two accounts, by which he computes the first was 4 months and 2 weeks and the second would be 4 months and 4 weeks [or 5 months]. The Diary then proceeds from May 24th to July 5th, during which period the usual to and fro visits to Ickleford are recorded. July 5th. — Went down to Ickleford riding all the way. They met me just on the other side of Hitchin, Cecy being on the young horse. 6th. — Next day went to Biggleswade to meet Phipps by agreement to go down with him to the North. We all supped together and stayed there that night. 7th. — Set out with him for Mulgrave. The first night we slept at Grantham ; the next at Ferrybridge : the next at Castle Howard and 10th, Monday. — Arrived at Mulgrave. 25th. — Parted from Phipps in order to proceed to the south. We had left Mulgrave the day before, and slept that night at Mr. Halls. The day after that, viz., the 25th we called for a short time at General Hales and I was prevailed on to stay and dine at Chalmers. Phipps then drove me to Stokesly and I rode thence to Thirsk about 21 miles ; got there a little past 11. 26th. — Got to Stamford having set off in the morning by 5. Received no letter nor found Mrs. B., so went the next morning in full confidence of meeting them at Daventry. I proceeded to Daventry the next morning; but by the happy ingenuity of certain persons was dis- 225 appointed, so had nothing to do but to go on that night to Dunstable. mss. op The next morning R * EsJ" 28th .-^Rode over to Ickleford by a little after nine. 30th. — Left Ickleford. Mrs. Byng and Julia came with me to Royston where we stayed an hour or two, and went through Cambridge and slept that night at Barton Mills. 31st. — Came hither viz., Felbrigge. Augt. Sept. 17th.—Left Felbrig. CEnd of Diary.) Letters to the Right Hon. William Windham when Secretary at War, from French Royalists, relative to the Expedition to La Vendee. A large bundle of letters from eminent French exiles on various points connected with the corps of emigres proposed to be raised in England. They are of no historical interest. The following are the names of the writers : The Prince de Leon and the Princess, the Due de Harcourt, Due de Crussol, Due de Lorge, Marquis d'Osmond, Marquise de Brehan, Marquis de Crevolle, Marquis d' Aussigne, Marquise de la Saille, Marquis de Miran, Marquis de Pasdeloup, Marquis de St. Victor, Marquis des Dorides, Comte de Williamson, Comte de St. Pair, Comte d'Hervilly, Comte de Blangy, Comte de la Ville-Sarjlon, Comte de Broglie, Comte de Robien, Comte O'Mahony, Comte d'Hector, Comte de Peysac, Comtesse de la Bourdonnaye, Comte de Pradel, Comte de Moustier, Comte de PfafF, Comte de Bruyeres, Comte de Contades, Comte de la Monneraye, Comte de Bleuges, Comte de Behague, Comte d'Agoult, Viscomte Williamson, Viscomte de Vaux, Baron de Rolle, Baron Fontanges, Baron de Nautial, Chevalier de Tinguyl, Chevalier de la Riviere, Chevalier de Puisaye, Chevalier Framond, Chevalier de Tintinian, Chevalier de Dampierre, Chevalier d'Audigne, Chevalier de Verteuil, Chevalier de Seuece, Chevalier de Nerce, Eveque d'Angou- leme, l'Abbe de Calonne, l'Abbe de la Britinaye, l'Abbe d'Herat, General Wall, Capt. Lefebvre, MM. d'lvernois, Poisson, Normand, de Solerac, Harel l'Aigle, Victor, Kerlevec, Startreenberg, Duchezlar, and St. Croix. The following have been selected as being more generally interesting than the bulk of the correspondence. N.D. 52 New Compton Street Soho. — Le Baron de Nautial to Mr. Windham enclosing an extract from a letter to him from Monsieur le President de la Houssaye. Wishes him to act as he thinks best in the matter. The first account is from a letter from a Marquis de Catreclant first president of the Bretagne parliament arrived from Jersey by the last boat. Asks to present his son to Mr. Windham. 1795, June 2. Jersey. — Extract of a letter enclosed in the preceding. " On se doutait icy de l'arrivee de troupes, je crains bien qu'elles ne nous affoment parler et faites parler, je vous prie de Particle essentiel des approvisionments. Samedy dernier point de boeuf et la vache contait 18 sols la livre. Les farmes manquent, le gain est a 6 sols la livre, et chaque jour, on menace de la sencherir. Point de charbon il j n'en arrive plus, si le nombre des consommateurs augmentes sans precautions prises il est certain que dans peu de semaines on nous affamera. Attention particulier sur cet article je vous prie." U 60050. p 226 mss. op « President de la Houssaye a l'honneur d'offrir ses respects a Esq? 10 *' Monsieur le baron de Nautial et de lui communiquer la ver cydessus doni il sera usage suivant sa prudence et sa bonne yolonte ordinaire, pour les malheureux emigres. lis seraient exposes de plus d'une maniere si les approvisionnements manquaient a Jersey. Le comte de la Houssaye n'ayant pas l'honneur d'etre connu des ministres du Roi d'Angleterre, ne peut se permettre de demarches aupres d'eux." Londres 8 Juin 1795 Le comte de la Houssaye. N.D. June 14. — Extract from a letter, from Lausanne. " L'opinion qu'on entretenait en Angleterre des forces et des moyens de la France pouvait faire croire qu'on serait oblige de traiter avec elle. Mais les cabinets des Puiss antes coalissees qui voyent sa detresse, la laissent se consumer elle meme, et epient le moment de lui imposer les con- ditions qui leur plairont et qu'elle sera probablement forcee d'accepter, si une troupe grande-avidite ne les porte pas a en presenter de trop onereuses. * Les assignats par le dernier courier de Paris y perdaient 95J per 100 et il n'y a pas de raisons pour qu'ils ne tombent pas encore plus bas. La depense du mois de May a ete de 1500 millions.^ II est aise de voir que tous leurs milliards, qui consistent en biens d' emigres, dont personne ne veut, doivent etre bientot epuises. Leurs troupes sont lasses de la guerre. Le cri general de toute la nation est pour la paix. Le parti de la moderation a pris le dessus sur celui des Jacobins et des terroristes. Mais les affaires n'en vont pas mieux. Le Royalisme gagne tous les jours du terrein, et je suis bien trompe si avant l'hyver il n'a pas le dessus. Cette epoque selon toutes apparences sera celle de la paix, qui peut seule porter quelque remede a tous les maux qu'on a souffert depuis trois ans etc etc." W. O. Hewlett. 227 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE. The earlier part of this collection contains several letters and papers MSS. oe of Lord Ligonier's belonging to the years 1760, 1761, 1762, which have d™ug™2S. in some manner come into the possession of the Hutchinson family. — The first is an account of the taking of Carrickfergus by Thurot. There are several documents about Belle Isle, including a letter from Mr. Pitt, announcing its capture. Captain de Bassemond's letter illus- trates the condition of Protestants in France at that time. But far the greater part of the collection consists of the corre- spondence of the Right Honourable John Hely Hutchinson, the husband of the first Baroness Donoughmore and father of the first Earl of Donoughmore, extending from 1761 to shortly before his death in 1794. It includes letters from a large number of distinguished persons. Some indeed are only formal, but many write freely and at length as intimate friends. Of the latter class Edmund Burke is the most eminent, from whom are five letters. The most important is that of August 1767 giving his opinion of several politicians. Of Lord Rockingham he observes, " He is gone to the country, without office and with dignity." From Stone, the Primate, there are three. He approves of the Duke of Bedford's appointment as Master of the Horse, " for human creatures certainly ought not to be subjected to him, but to have made him keeper of the lions in the Tower would yet have been more unexceptionable." There are numerous letters from Lord Hertford and Lord Townshend. former Lord Lieutenants. Three of the former's describe the formation of the Shelburne Ministry in 1782, and some of the intrigues that succeeded its resignation, while one of the latter's contains a sketch of Charles Fox in his youth : " He defies, corrects, and drives Ministers into Minorities in order to uphold Government," and refers to " Wedderburn's able dissection of Franklin." Another describes the King's "surprise and concern" at the duel between a Mr. Doyle and Hutchinson, soon after his appointment as Provost, while another duel is referred to "as the taste Mr. Bagnal has been pleased to take of the new secretary " (Blaquiere). Indeed, as Townshend remarks, " amongst other qualifications for public station the gladiatorial is one of the most essential in your country." Though in London, Townshend too found it necessary to fight. From Wedder- burn himself, afterwards Lord Loughborough, there are several letters, and two long and remarkable papers addressed to him in 1793 by Hutchinson, containing a sketch of Irish feeling. French principles are universally execrated, except in Belfast, some parts of Derry, and by some few inconsiderable men in Dublin. He refers to the manner in which Government business was transacted, and the measures then before Parliament, especially the Disqualification by Office Bill, the Pension Bill, and the Bill for establishing a Treasury Board. After describing how the Secretaryship of State had become a sinecure, he adds, " The Chief Secretary is in all departments whatever the only efficient Minister . . . There is no country probably in Europe where p 2 228 mss. of such various powers and departments are in one man, and that man DoNoxmlmoRE. unknown to the Constitution, and yet in the course of a long life I have — not known more than two men in that office who had any previous acquaintance with public business." In a letter to his wife Hutchinson describes the great debate of May 26th, 1783, when Fox and Pitt were opposed to each other. He gave, and he was well qualified to judge, the preference to the last. "He had a decided superiority and is the greatest speaker I ever heard." Letters from Mr. King and Dean Bond in 1786 describe the beginning of the tithe disturbances, the attempts of Government to suppress them, and the steps taken by the bishops. There are numerous letters from Mr. Orde, Chief Secretary to the Duke of Eutland, relating mostly to Irish trade and the proposed commercial treaty with Great Britain. In one is enclosed a copy of a confidential paper from Mr. Beresford to Mr. Orde, containing objections to the propositions then before the British House of Lords with Mr. Pitt's answers. Several letters from Hutchinson's son, afterwards the first Earl of Donoughmore, and others give an entertaining account of the Lord Lieutenant's visit to Cork in 1785, and a paper by him describes how he acted as a medium of communication in December 1792 between the Government and the Catholic Committee as to the mode of presenting their petition to the King. Several letters from Lord Ly ttleton relate mostly to the case of his son-in-law, Viscount Valentia, Hutchinson having been one of his counsel. Woodfall, the printer, feels honoured " by being considered by you so far distinct from the general class of newspaper editors and printers that I am not altogether unworthy of private confidence." Harvey, the eccentric bishop of Derry, makes some remarks about education, not wanting in good sense, and is disappointed that the College will not contribute to the spire he is building. A letter, full of boyish jokes, from W. W. Grenville at the age of 17 to his schoolfellow, Hutchinson's son, is followed a few years later by one from him as Chief Secretary enclosing the official narrative of Howe's relief of Gibraltar. A bishop urges his claim for promotion on the ground, among others, of " having preserved the borough by making 40 new freemen in the midst of the greatest obloquy and newspaper abuse (for our majority was only 19) and returned two members recommended by Government." But the most interesting part of the collection consists of over 30, mostly long, letters from William Gerard Hamilton, better known as " Single Speech " Hamilton. Hutchinson and he had become friends when he was over as Chief Secretary to Lord Halifax, and Hutchinson's opinion of his ability and character maybe estimated from his attributing Junius to his pen, an honour disclaimed by Hamilton. The steps he and Hutchinson took in concert to obtain, the one the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, the other the place of Alnager, are fully described, laying bare the secret history of the transaction. The letters abound with pungent observations on persons and affairs. A member is described as " variable in his politics, but uniform in his wish to be Chancellor of the Exchequer," and he observes, as the difference between myself and the Lord Lieutenant "related only to the prosperity of Ireland, you will easily imagine a dispute on so trifling a subject could not be productive of any warmth." With these are connected the letters of his friend, Mr. Jephson. A long and important one of June 1765, written by Hamilton's direction, describes the state of English parties, Lord Bute's secret influence, the jealousies between him and the Administra- tion, and the Regency Bill. To the Ministers' conduct towards that measure he attributes the King's overtures to Mr. Pitt. His version of 229 the Duke of Bedford's speech to the King is " solemn and repeated mss. of as Lord Bute's promises were, he knew at the time how little they were D™uo™>ra. to be relied on, but he blushed to remind his Majesty that even his — Eoyal word had been pledged to confirm what his Lordship's busy and meddling temper rendered it impossible for him to adhere to." Others throw some light on that obscure passage in Burke's life, his rupture with Hamilton, and the assignment of his pension to Jephson. Several letters relate to the disturbances in College that ensued on Hutchinson's appointment as Provost, and there is a large bundle of papers relating to the petition against the return of the Hon. F. Hely Hutchinson for Dublin University, and to the visitation of 1791. The documents calendared were picked out of a very much larger number both before and after Hutchinson's death. It is believed that nothing important in the former period has been overlooked, but among an immense quantity belonging to the latter period some were noticed that may prove of interest at some future time ; for instance, there is a good deal of correspondence of the first Earl of Donoughmore relative to the Catholic claims, and there are despatches and letters of the second Earl when attached to the Eussian army during the campaigns of Eylau and Friedland. 1760, February 22. Belfast. — Major General Strode to the Duke of Bedford. At about 7 o'clock last night Lieutenant Colonel Jennings of the 62nd regiment and four companies were made prisoners of war at Carrick Fergus. About 8 o'clock this morning a Flag of Truce came to this town, and demanded the undermentioned articles, consisting of various provisions and supplies to be delivered today at 2 o'clock, promising to pay for them and threatening in case of refusal to burn Carrick Fergus, and then this town also, with which demand the gentle- men of Belfast thought it best to comply. About 500 or 600 of the country Militia came here today, but they are very ill provided with arms, and have great scarcity of ammunition. The French lost about four or five at Carrick Fergus, and our people about three or four. {Copy.) 1760, July 31. London. — J. A. D. to Lord Ligonier. Containing a project calculated to supply the want of troops of such nature rather to save lives than expose them to destruction by throwing an enemy into confusion. Particulars cannot be committed to paper. Undated. Camp, Warberg. — Col. J. Browne, Secretary to Lord Granby, to Lieutenant General Yorke. By Lord Granby's desire com- mending the bearer John Haly, Lieutenant in Rutte's regiment in the Irish Brigade in the French service, who has thought proper to quit that service, and requesting him to give him a passport to England. 1760, August 22. Hamelen. — Edward Blakeney to Lieutenant General Yorke, by the same bearer, giving some further particulars about him. 1760, September 9. The Hague. — Lieutenant General Yorke to Rd. Portergis, Esq., by the same bearer recommending him, and enclosing the last two. 1760, October 17. Quiberon Bay. — Admiral Sir Edward Hawke to Lord Anson. Giving the information he had collected about Belle- isle and its garrison which he does not think a good place for a diversion. Also giving the results of his reconnoitrings of Morbihan and the Rivers Auray, Vannes, and Vilaine, with the view of destroying the men-of- 230 MSS. or war in the last and the transports in the others, and proposing plan of Doko\^1?moeb. operations. Enclosed is an extract from a letter of Captain Gambier — of the same date giving the result of his examination of a captain of a chasse maree. {Copy.) [1760?] — Memorial from Colonel Lloyd, General Adjutant to the Reigning Duke of Brunswick, proposing to form a body of Germans composed of deserters, who at the close of the war might be formed into military colonies to guard the frontiers of the British dominions abroad. 1761, March 21. Dublin. — George Stone, Archbishop of Armagh, to John Hely Hutchinson. " Lord Halifax is named by the King Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, but the patent not being passed, it is not yet signified hither in form. The Duke of Bedford, (as you have heard) has removed Mr. Malone, and appointed C. J. Yorke, Chancellor of the Exchequer. His Grace writes thus, viz. : / having represented to the King that Mr. Malone is not a Jit person to serve His Majesty as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and that in my opinion it is advisable he should be removed, fyc. I shall make no observations to you, nor is it necessary. Mr. Malone is determined to appear again at the Bar. The Duke of Bedford, it is said, will be made Master of the Horse, which is in some degree right for human creatures certainly ought not to be subjected to him ; but to have made him keeper of the lions in the Tower would yet have been more unexceptionable, in truth his dominion here has been very grievous ; we have got rid of him now ; but I fear shall feel for some time to come the consequences of his having been amongst us. There are many ministerial changes in England. The principal is the appointment of Lord Bute to be Secretary of State in the place of Lord Holdernesse. Mr,, Legge is turned out, Mr. Pitt as yet keeps his office. It seems as if clouds were gathering over that region, and that storms would soon burst. In the meantime there are appearances, as if the war abroad was drawing towards a conclusion." 1761, April 4. — List of the fees of Lord Ligonier and Mr. Pitt (after- wards Lord Chatham) at the Bath election. 1761, April 22-June 11. — Journal of the siege of the citadel of Belleisle from the landing to the capitulation. 1761, May 2-8. — Another journal of the same between these dates signed by General Hodgson, the Commander of the expedition. 1761, May 14. Strand. — Peter Templeman, Secretary to the Society for the encouragement of Arts, to General Hudson, the Field Officer in Waiting, asking him to apply to Lord Ligonier for a guard of 200 men to keep off the crowd expected at an experiment for extinguishing a house on fire in an instant. The place was near the end of Portland Street Road. {Copy.) 1761, May 15. — Hamilton Street. — Joshua Steele to Lord Ligonier on the same subject enclosing a copy of the last. 1761, June 11. — John Murray to [Lord Ligonier]. Bremen. Men- tioning his being offered by the Prince [Ferdinand] a commission in the British Legion which he was advised not to take " as it was really an infamous corps, and at the end of the war its service would cease and the officers have no half pay." 231 1761, June 13. — William Pitt to Lord Ligonier. Have just received the MSS. o* news of the capture of the citadel of Palais [Belleisle] on the 7th — the d™tohmobh. garrison to march out with the honours of war, 3 pieces of cannon, and — to be transported to the Continent. Seal with arms of the Pitt family. Franked Wm. Pitt. 1761, August 13. — "A plan for more expeditiously manning the Fleets by Thomas Cole." The proposal is to enlist the French sailors of whom there were then about 20,000 prisoners of war, and distribute them by 40 or 50 in different ships. He states that a great number of them are Protestants taken from their parents when young, and then registered in a class and allowed a small subsistence till they are ready to go to sea. The subsistence we now allow them consists only of victuals and drink, and that but very sparingly through the avarice of the contractors, and as to clothes they have not a rag allowed them, though great numbers have been here six years, so that they are a shocking spectacle, though they have received some relief from the generous contributions of the people. 1761, October 7. Belleisle. — General Hodgson to Lord Ligonier. Describing the measures he has taken for putting the place in a state of defence, and expecting soon to have covering for 4,000 men. 1761, October 23. Bockum. — Robert de Bassemond, Captain and Engineer, to [Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick?]. Giving an account of his life and services in France, and declaring his wish to enter the English service, his reason being the disadvantage under which his religion as a Protestant places him in the French service. He was born near Uzes in Languedoc, had risen to the rank of Captain, was sent in 1755 to superintend the repairs and additions to the fortifications of Martinique and Dominica, was taken prisoner on his return and detained 7 months in England, and then released on parol and exchanged. He applied to Marshal Belleisle setting forth his services but the only answer was '* What you tell me is not of my time ; besides, you shall obtain nothing because you are of the Reformed religion." On his death he applied to M. de Choiseul for the Cross of Military Merit, three officers junior to him in his regiment having received that of St. Louis. The answer was that that order was for foreigners only, the king not considering that he had any other subjects but Roman Catholics. 1761, October 28. Munster. — The Same to the Same. Enclosing the last, as before despatching it he had been obliged to leave Bockum in consequence of the arrival of a detachment of Soubise's army. 1761, September 3. Leixlip. — George Stone, Archbishop of Armagh, to John Hely Hutchinson. Have written to my brother Mr. Stone informing him that Mr. Hutchinson will soon be in London and asking him to wait with Mr. Hutchinson on his and my friends but especially on Lord Halifax and Lord Mansfield. Have let my brother know that he may inform others that " you do not come to solicit favours and that you are in no want of them ; that you have distinguished yourself in a way not pleasing to our late Governor and that I have no authority to say you may not hold the like course here- after, and pretend to be assured of nothing in that way but of the soundness of your principles with regard to his Majesty's Person and Government and to the Constitution." Entreating him " to converse with any persons of high Rank in a manner as to leave no impression upon their minds of impracticability, and not to let them see too 232 thb 8 e1blop P lainl y nor h 7 t0 ° marked a behaviour that you feel your own inde- Donoughmore. pendency. The contrary manner will engage you to nothing." . " With regard to the support of the Government in the approaching session you knew my sentiments fully before you left Ireland and I should have recommended it to all my friends to give the clearest Testimony of their good affection that way although I had not myself been called to assist in that service. But I believe you will now on. your return find me again with the harness on my back." 1762, February 1. Belleisle. — John Orauford to Lord Ligonier. Referring to the great amount of duties thrown on the numbers at his; disposal. " A very shattered citadel the extent of 32 miles of coast on which there are 53 little ports or principal landing places surely requires numbers to pay any sort of attention to them." Describing the steps he has taken in making roads and repairing the fortifications. I hear rumours the place is to be abandoned. If so will quit Belleisle with as much resignation as Sancho did the Island of Barataria. 1762, June 26. Hampton Court.— W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. " Not having wrote to you since my Lord Lieutenant's [Earl of Halifax] appointment to the Admiralty I think it necessary to trouble- you with a very few lines upon that subject. The condition he made upon his acceptance was that he should not be removed from the government of Ireland against his inclination. And he assures me that his present resolution is to return to you, but whatever may be his intention, the object of administration in his promotion certainly was- that he shouid have an opportunity of reimbursing himself his expenses- in Ireland^ that he should then relinquish that government and be finally settled at the head of the Admiralty. Upon this state of the case you will readily perceive that his return to Ireland is in some degree un- certain ; and you will be apt to think it the more so from the knowledge that you have of his Excellency's unsteadiness. I have already in- formed you that whatever may be his wishes, they will not in the least affect mine. Nothing I assure you would give me greater pleasure than to prolong and to confirm the friendships I have formed in Ireland. If Perry, you, and I, and a few more are of the same mind, I think we cannot easily fail. What I have particularly to propose to you is y that if in the course of the summer there should be a probability of a new Lord Lieutenant being appointed (of which I shall have the earliest information) you should be at the trouble of an expedition into England,. I will have the pleasure of meeting you at Chester. It seems to me as if this might greatly contribute to answer all our purposes. An early connection with a new Government and especially in the manner we shall endeavour to form it for you, cannot be disadvantageous. And I am sure of being a gainer by any plan that will inveigle you to this side of the water. It is reported likewise that the Parliament will meet in the beginning of October. If that should be the case you may take a month of a very interesting Session before your attendance in the Four Courts will be necessary. I wish much that you should have an exaet idea of our Parliament because it would satisfy you much better with your own. Bring the Examinator with you. * Perry is too good an Irishman ever to set his foot in this tyrannical country. I have a thousand reasons for wishing to see him, and I should have great pleasure in circulating in Ireland, as soon as he was embarked, that he was come to negotiate an Union. Be so kind as to contradict peremptorily every report about our not being likely to return. You will perceive 233 that the Scheme I have proposed to you is at a great distance. It TH Jf e^ b ° p op possibly may, and I. hope never will be necessary, but let me know Donoughmore. your opinion of it, if it should be so." 1762, July 7. Admiralty. — The Lords of the Admiralty to Lord Egremont. Relating to the safe custody of the prisoners of war of whom there were then at Plymouth alone 7,194. (Copy.) 1762, July 9. Whitehall. — Lord Egremont to Lord Lioonier. Enclosing the last. 1762, July 15. Hampton Court. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. rt I am sorry because I conclude you are, that there is a necessity for your going the Munster Circuit upon the present occasion." . . . "I am sure you have too much firmness and humanity to let those who are innocent be made a sacrifice to party and to personal resentment, and as to those who are guilty you and I and everyone I suppose wishes that they may be punished as they deserve. Burke and Mason are at dinner with me." 1762, July 29. — Thomas Cole to Lord Ligonier. Enclosing a Scheme for attacking Ferrol, with map of the harbour and adjacent coast. 1762, August 2. Hampton Court. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. " I think it is everything but determined that his Excellency should relinquish his government in April, and continue at the head of the Admiralty. That I may not lose the opportunity of writing to you by this night's post, and in hopes that this letter will find you upon your visit at Leixlip, I shall waive for the present every other subject of our correspondence, and mention only what suggests itself to me as neces- sary to be done, in order to accomplish what I own I am, and what I flatter myself you are a little interested in, my return to Ireland ; and likewise to bring about a purpose or two which you seem to have at heart. While I am pointing out what may be done on your side of the water, you may imagine I am not negligent on mine. Every step which could be, has been taken, and every step which has been taken has succeeded. Nothing I think is more probable than that my being Secretary will be imposed as a condition upon any one who applies for the Lord Lieutenancy : and in that nomination it is also likely that I should be consulted. I need not suggest to you the advantageousness of my situation as Secretary, when I may possibly have been instru- mental in the appointment of the Lord Lieutenant, and when I am certain of being supported by the person who appointed him. I will mention to you not only the single thing which I wish at present to be done, but the manner likewise, in which I wish you would do it. The Primate has probably communicated to you my last letter. In that I expressed very strongly my desire of returning to Ireland. You might very naturally observe to him upon this part of my letter, that what- ever might be the event, I must consider an offer from him and the Speaker to promote any wish of this sort, as an instance of very singular friendship. As they are at present disposed to me, I am persuaded they would embrace this proposal readily, and I think I could turn it to very good account. An offer from them, while the thing is yet in idea, of their friendship and assistance, will be much better than a request from me, after it has actually taken place. If this could be managed, and a general intimation to his Grace that his speaking favourably of me in his correspondence to Lord Mansfield and Lord G. Sackville, would be what I must necessarily be pleased with, I 234 MSS. of should think our negotiation was in a fair way, and that no other Donoitghmorb. transaction need, or even ought to be entered into for the present. I — am clearly of opinion that with but very little conduct, the Primate may be made useful to us in this, and in almost any other instance. He is I think affected to us both, much in the same manner. He has some degree of regard, and some degree of fear, and will not I think therefore, be overfond of attempting to deceive us. For whatever situation your kind partiality may think me qualified, I am not such a leviathan in my disposition as to want an ocean to sport in, and if my little Prime Serjeant and 1 could but get the conduct of the vessel, I think we could paddle about the Irish Channel, very much to our advantage and amusement. As to what relates to your pension — I beg pardon, and wonder how I could make such a mistake, I mean your additional salary — I have a scheme in view which I wish most sincerely may take place. Weston, who is Secretary to Lord Bute, is in possession of an employment in the Customs called Alnager, the income of it is 500/. per annum. Lord Bute has desired that the tenure which is for life, may be changed into 31 years, that Weston may be at liberty to dispose of it. I have proposed to my Lord Lieutenant that your additional salary should be given to Weston for the term desired, and that his employ- ment should be given either to your son or you for life, or what would be better, to both. The two lives he objected to. The other part of the proposal upon my pressing him extremely, he said he would consider, and I have not seen him since. This is a much better thing than what you proposed about being Joint Constable ; but don't depend upon it in the least, its being done or not will be entirely the effect of accident, and caprice. Instead of a seat at the Council Board, I think I can propose something which if attainable, would be far more valuable. Could a peerage be obtained for your wife, either from the present or the succeeding Lord Lieutenant, and be limited over to your children, it would surely be more desirable than any other thing which could be given you. Your family would be established, you might continue in the House of Commons, and in business, as long as it was agreeable to you, and the Examinator will inform you that in the sunset and evening of your day, you might repose yourself upon the Bench or in the House of Lords, or if you preferred it you might have both. I am glad that Lill is extricated out of all his difficulties. The Justices I think rewarded him not unhandsomely. His Sun and his Arrows did admir- ably. His Excellency would have swallowed, if he had sent them, the Firmament and the Quiver." 1762, August 6. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. "The place of Alnager is 700/. per annum and Weston from some obstinacy of his own would not suffer it to be exchanged for a pension though of equal value ; but my Lord Lieutenant assures me that he will endeavour to put your 500/. upon some footing that may be more agreeable to you." 1762, August 9. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. "I am flattered extremely by finding we coincide so minutely not only in our wishes, but in our opinion as to the method of accomplishing them. And I return you a thousand thanks, for one of the best wrote, and what would very sufficiently have recommended it to me, had it been one of the worst, for the most friendly letter I ever received. I agree exactly with you as to the part, which it were to be wished my Lord Primate would take. But I doubt whether my credit with the independent party, is a circumstance 235 upon which he will choose to expatiate, as that I am afraid will operate MSS. of with him, rather as an objection than an inducement, but if he can be DoNoirairaoRiL prevailed upon, so much the better. Tisdale, from the consciousness — that he is alienated from the Primate, and from your visit to Leixlip, certainly will suspect, what you seem to think you have discovered ; his Grace's preference for a Prime Serjeant, to an Attorney-General. And unless care is taken, I should think it extremely probable that through the interposition of Bell[ingham] Boyle, both the Attorney and Solicitor should connect themselves with Lord Shannon. I am strengthened in this opinion, from something which has occurred lately. Amongst the competitors for the government of Ireland, Lord Gower is one. If that should take place, Wood, the great friend of Bell. Boyle is destined for his secretary. And I know there was much reliance upon the assistance of Lord Shannon and Tisdale through Boyle, and upon Jack Gore and Lord Annaly through Eigby. If the Primate is displeased upon account of the emulation of sentiment, he has no right to complain of want of communication from me, but of want of sagacity in himself. I hinted frequently, both to him and Cunninghame, that the offer might possibly not be accepted. I could not tell them explicitly that it would not, without a breach of trust. They treated what I said, not only with disbelief, but with ridicule. And they not only did not see, but they even would not see when it was pointed out to them, that a vain and a generous man, could never act like a niggardly, and an interested one. Those complaints which the Primate has made to you in person, of my Lord Lieutenant's treatment, he has frequently made to me by letter. I am at a loss in what manner to conduct myself. What it is impossible for me to approve, it is in my situation improper for me to censure, publicly. And every private opinion which is imparted to the Primate, runs no small hazard of being soon a public one ; but I profess my Lord Lieutenant's conduct is, I do not say unjustifiable, because he possibly may have his reasons, but it is to me unaccountable. The Justices and their friends have most certainly a right to be considered. The demands they have made are, in my Lord Lieutenant's own opinion moderate ; and even these were not made till the session was actually closed. I was very sanguine in my hopes that all his obligations of this sort would be discharged in a week after we left Ireland ; and they certainly ought to have been, for the sake of government in general, as well as for our own particular interest, if we ever thought of returning. But why so fair an opportunity of obliging so many people was lost, I never could discover ; nor do I believe it arises from any other cause than indolence and inattention. What you say of Perry, and what you propose to say to him, are both equally proper ; he not only is, but he ought to be, trusted. You are aware of his disinclination to enter into positive engagements, and I profess that I should choose to have the continuance of his friendship flow from the continuance of his good opinion ; and it will be much more pleasing to have it arise from convic- tion than from compact. But the circulating in the manner you propose to Mason, and to Andrews his wishes for my return, with an intimation that another secretary might pass his time but very unpleasantly, would at once answer our purposes, and not interfere with his resolutions. If I should obtain the employment which I wish for, you are desirous of knowing, and I have no desire to conceal, the motive of my return. The reason for preferring an office of income, of influence, and of credit, must, I am persuaded very readily, suggest themselves. Be assured that love does not in this case, nor ever did in any, for more than a week, influence my conduct in the least ; but if it had any weight, it would certainly be on the other side. Nothing is more evident to me, than 236 MSS. op that ray continuance in Ireland instead of retarding, will very essentially Donoi^hmore. P r ° m ote my progress in England ; and that these two situations will assist — each other, and will enable me to assist my friends. The disagreeable part of life is in general, the sameness and repetition of it ; change, for its own sake merely, is desirable. But in this case I think it will be advan- tageous, and what you know has more weight with me, from the friend- ships I have formed, I am sure it will be pleasing. If the thing could be conducted in the manner that I wish we might easily contrive to enjoy two of the greatest pleasures imaginable, to live with those we love, and to be of service to those whom we esteem. The secretary's fee will be an argument not against, but for, us ; it must be better that one should return, who has got his fee, than another, who has it still to get. Lill in his last letter mentions a bargain that might be made with Tisdale, but he is silent as to the reason he has for thinking that the Attorney would approve of it. Will you negociate this affair if you are of opinion there is any probability of success ; might not the Primate be called in. You might suggest to him two inducements ; a desire of serving me, and a wish' to prevent any other considerable office from being disposed of out of the kingdom. The first would operate a little, and the last a great deal with him. If I obtained the Chancellorship, I would at any time resign it for the Secretaryship, upon its being made equal. I will take care of Loyd and of the captain of marines you mention. I confess I am not much surprised at the popularity of our government coutinuing. We had every advantage from shew and outside and though we neglected many things which ought to have been done, yet we did nothing which is very exceptionable, and the commission of one wrong thing, lays a government, or an individual more open, than the omission of fifty right ones. Whatever discourse your neighbour [the Primate] may hold as to that part of the administration which fell to the share of the Secretary, I can forgive. I really am sorry for his uneasiness, and I am more so ? that I am the occasion of it. I have unfortunately incurred the censure without reaping the satisfaction. But as to what relates to my Lord Lieutenant his lordship is rather insincere. He has had many things done at his request, and he has acknowledged his obligations to his Excellency, with very strong professions of regard, and with a very sufficient quantity of very awkward adulation. If this letter should reach you before you leave Dublin, be so obliging as to hint to the Primate that I have been in the country at Smith's for some time past, and that I will write to him in a few days. As often as anything new occurs that I think may facilitate our negociations, you shall hear from me. I have much pleasure in thinking that this cabal by letter, will next summer be a cabal in person at Hampton Court, and the winter following I hope, in Dublin ; and unless you are a very principal part, not only in the contrivance and the conduct, but in the advantages resulting from it, my end will be answered but very imperfectly. There is not anything, which you can wish yourself, that I do not wish you most sincerely, and which I will not cooperate with you in promoting to the utmost of my power. I have the firmest reliance upon your integrity, and the utmost confidence in your friend- ship. Our situations are such that we cannot interfere, and that we may assist one another. I have already had, and am certain I always shall have much satisfaction in acting in conjunction with you." 1762, August 10. New York. — Colonel Amherst to Mr. C. Cox. Have just been appointed to the command of a body of troops to dislodge the enemy from their new acquisition of the Island of Newfoundland. Will sail for Halifax in two days. 237 1762, September 2. Hampton Court. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John mss. of Hely Hutchinson. iShmoSI. " With regard to Walshe's trial I am totally indifferent. I even think — that the transferring it to Dublin, as you are to conduct it, will be rather advantageous than otherwise. The pointing out to the public, that while Government was unwilling to involve in the penalties of construc- tive treason, sucn as from the lowness of their condition must be supposed ignorant of its nature, it was at the same time desirous of executing as rigorously as possible the law upon those who had not the same excuse of ignorance to plead, will in my opinion be establishing a distinction very serviceable to administration. Whether the crimes proved against Walsh, do or do not amount to constructive treason, is a matter of law, and will I suppose be argued by counsel. Culprit I hope will retain Malone, Perry and Fitzgibbon. The Primate has wrote to me a very proper letter, in consequence of your conversation. But there are some particulars which demonstrate very clearly that he perceives it was concerted between us, and that it did not arise entirely from yourself." 1762, September 7. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. Congratulating him on having " gone through your Munster voyage not only with safety but with honour, and that you have steered your good brig, the little Prime Serjeant, through rocks and quicksands." . . . " You have been enabled not merely to go through but to convert to your advantage one of those doubtful situations through which a Tisdale or a Eigby could never have escaped unhurt." 1762, October 14. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. " I could not possibly omit informing you by this post that Lord Halifax has accepted the employment of Secretary of State ; of which I have wrote word to the Primate to whom I must beg leave to refer you for further particulars. He continues in the Government of Ireland in the same manner as when he held the Admiralty. The confused situa- tion of everything in this country renders the fate of all individuals extremely uncertain." 1762, October 19. Hampton Court. The Same to the Same. " As the fame of your circuit was quicker than your own account of it, I wrote to you a few congratulatory lines from the first effusion of my heart, before I received your letter. I now repeat to you upon reflection, my most sincere congratulations. I pity your fatigue, I admire your prudence, I rejoice in your good fortune, but I love your dexterity. The stroke about thanking Government in the Tipperary address, was admirable. The number of cabals we have held together have thoroughly convinced me, that this part was managed wholly without your interposition, and came upon you quite unexpected. My lady s footman is a very adroit little fellow. As the gratitude of the Grand Jury to Government upon your account was entirely their own genuine sense, and was not at all suggested to them by your means, I took an opportunity of expatiating to His Excellency upon the service and credit his administration had received from your assistance ; a circumstance upon which I could not have said a word, had I suspected there was anything like contrivance in the compliment. Seriously, these Munster gentlemen are highly obliged to Government for sending to them a person capable of restoring them to their senses, and Government if it is capable of feeling and acknowledging any obligation, is much obliged to you for having quieted the only real disturbers of the public peace, these gentlemen levellers. It often happens that there is as much 238 mss. of address requisite to reconcile them to the best as to the worst measures, DoNoiKmMORB. ana " though it is provoking that it should be so, yet the fact is, that — greater art is sometimes necessary to set off an honest man, than to disguise a rogue. These thoughts lead me, without any very unnatural transition, to our great Ecclesiastic the Primate. You conducted, I think, the negotiation about the letters he was to write to England, as well as possible. His entertaining some suspicions was unavoidable; and he has performed his promise as far as relates to Lord Mansfield, in the most handsome manner imaginable. 1 wrote to him by the last post to thank him for his kindness upon this occasion. But the transaction I mentioned in the letter I sent to you by Mitchell was not then set on foot, and I think it far from being unlikely that he would retract what he wrote, and that Cunninghame may be sent over for that purpose. Johnny Magill informs me that Lord Boyle has unexpectedly wrote to him of his intending to be soon in London ; is it impossible that this may be another part of Bell. Boyle's plan, and that he comes to negotiate with my Lord Lieutenant's successor. Walsingham assures me he will use all his endeavours with Lord Boyle, to do and say everything that I can wish, and though I do, he does not make the smallest doubt of his success. Could not some preparatory steps with the Bishop of Cloyne pave the way for what I wish in this instance. I had heard before the receipt of your letter of some disagreement between the Primate and Speaker. That very game which his Grace was playing last winter upon Lord Shannon, under the auspices of Tisdale and Lord Boyle, Lord Shannon is now playing upon him ; and that is, the giving up of a few points in hopes of succeeding to the attachment of the Primate's friends upon the Primate's death, the tables being turned with respect to the prospect of survivorship, Lord S. hoping from the strength of his constitution, what the Primate reasonably might expect from the course of nature. Say for me to the Speaker, everything which you think I ought to say for myself, and remind him of what he told me more than once, that writing to him, and to the Primate, he should consider as the same thing. Though nothing has passed since my return to England, in relation to the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, yet I have reason to believe that the promise which was long ago made, may now possibly be soon performed. I have always suspected that the Attorney and Solicitor General might take this opportunity of showing their ill-humour, and though their resistance would signify but little, yet it would be disagreeable to meet with any opposition in an affair of this nature. I am at a loss to know how far it is in their power to obstruct it, but in order to take from them every pretence for objecting, might not it be prudent to have the grant drawn exactly upon the model of Eigby's, to which they both have set their hands, and to which they never raised any objection. Be so obliging as to consult Fitzgibbon upon this head, with a thousand thanks to him for his opinion, and as many intreaties for his further advice. Let me know what you think jointly. Flatter Jack Gore for me ; he has renewed the request he made to me through your means, and I have wrote to him a very civil letter. Mention to Tisdale that though it is not in my power to promise, I certainly will endeavour to serve Capt. Morgan, if he is in the least solicitous for it before the time at which it is probable my Lord Lieutenant will leave the Government, and that I shall be the more earnest in my endeavours, because the little likelihood there is of my returning to Ireland must satisfy him, I have no other motive than the pleasure of obliging him. Your name and Fitzgibbon's I think will prove the law to be sound. As to any other invidious circumstances, when the thing takes place, (of which I will give you 239 timely notice) recourse must be had to the Primate, who will probably mss. of first create a great deal of dissatisfaction and then endeavour to lay it. donot^ISoee. As I happen to have read the depositions against Hindle, I think you — was in the right not to give your reasons to the Privy Council for having bailed him. But it is now immaterial, that humane gentleman being in custody and none of those who made oath against him, having been bound over to prosecute him. My Lord Lieutenant will not burthen the Establishment to make vacancies in the law, but if any should happen in the course of the next six months, my interest shall be exerted to the utmost for Patterson and Harward." 1762, November 10. Privy Garden. — The Same to the Same. " I come this instant from receiving much and very authentic intelli- gence in relation to the Irish Secretaryship. It is become here an object of great competition. Let me submit some considerations to you upon this topic, think them over seriously, and let me know your opinion. Much as I rely upon your judgment, I rely still more on your friendship and affection. I will be guided entirely by what you think ; but as I know your warmth and disinterestedness in your friendships, let me entreat you that, as what I propose is to be carried on by a com- mon effort, it may not be engaged in, unless it appears to you, as I profess it does to me, for our common advantage. I shall throw down what I have to say without reasoning on it, which I think unnecessary, and without connection, for which I have not time. Two plans are on foot for the Secretaryship, from both of which I shall be excluded, and in neither of which you will be perfectly included. One, a secretary (I have reason to think a Scotchman) to be in Parliament ; the other, a secretary, out of Parliament; the House of Commons to be con- ducted by Tisdale. The latter plan is the one I think the most likely to take place. The Secretary is not to be Wood, but General Waldgrave, and the Lord Lieutenant my Lord Gower. Both these plans, as I profess to you, I wish to defeat, and to prevent, if I can, from taking place at all; which must be done by my own means here ; and afterwards from continuing, if they should take place, which must be done by your means in Ireland. Nothing is more evident to me than, that if I was to return to you again as Secretary, I might continue in possession of that employment, so long as we pleased ; and I am clear, that advantages more extensive, and on a much wider plan might be obtained in Ireland, than has hitherto been projected by any- one in your situation or mine. It has often struck me that such a body of friends might be made in Parliament, and attached particularly to ourselves, consisting partly of those who are already elected, and partly of those who might gradually be introduced there, as would form, with the power inseparable from Government, a body, which, under our con- duct, would be very respectable. What confirms me in this is, that whenever a judgeship or a peerage was asked for any person in Parlia- ment, an offer was constantly made to government of the seat which should be vacated. If these opportunities which occur so very frequently were constantly made • use of, it would lead to such a system, as it is very needless to your sagacity to explain. When I relinquish Ireland entirely that strength would confer on you an importance which cannot otherwise be acquired, by putting together abilities and numbers, which separately are formidable but which united are irresistible. In aid of this the first places in the law and consequently the lead of the Commons will be in the hands of Patterson and such men as we can trust, not to mention my efforts here in each alternate Session of Parliament. Perry would be of the last importance to our plan. Do you think his affection 240 MSS. of for us would induce him to co-operate. Ireland, in my opinion, upon )onou^1™ore ^ s Pj an would become a serious and solid object of ambition. Let me — ' submit to you whether you might not have an opportunity of probing the Solicitor General and of discovering whether he is made a party to Tisdale's plan, by renewing to him the proposition which he made to you in the last Session, of uniting upon the coming of a new Lord Lieu- tenant, and you may likewise suggest to him, that from the rumours you have heard, of a Secretary being out of Parliament, your union will be much more effectual and if you should approve of the plan I propose, you may possibly make him take part in it without letting him know your object at large. Let me know your opinion as soon as you have formed it. I can only say I am willing to risk anything, and to embark in anything. My business in the meantime shall be, to procure you everything I can from Lord H[alifax]. Let me entreat you to destroy this letter as soon as 3>x>u have made yourself master of it, and to let me know the exact day upon which you receive it. November 11. — Since I have wrote thus far I have received your very affectionate letter of the fourth. From the company, the Cabal at Stillorgan, and from the severul circumstances of the Primate's conversa- tion, I collect these two things, that the Primate has betrayed us, that some opposition will be made to the employment of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Cannot you contrive to sound my Lord Chancellor (at a very great distance indeed) upon this head ? If he has been applied to by the Primate or Malone, he will probably mention it to you. Don't you think that he would act upon the authority of Fitzgibbon's opinion and yours. Your clerk shall certainly have the custody of the Seal. Don't for God's sake be dispirited, and throw yourself away by accepting the Chief J usticeship until you are ripe, or rather rotten for it. From nature you must survive Tisdale as well as excel him, and then the management of the House of Commons will be your own without a rival. Cunninghame is here, and makes to me the strongest protesta- tions of gratitude and sincerity and I should be very apt to believe him, if I did not know the school in which he had been educated. If Perry and you, through a sense of your own dignity, and through your tenaciousness of a friendship for one who will ever bear you in remem- brance, should be driven into Patriotism, I think it not impossible that I should be sent for, in about six weeks after the meeting of Parliament. My candid opinion is this, that partly in resentment for your opposition to Kigby, and partly for your affection to me, and not without perhaps some mixture of regard for Tisdale, the intention is, that you should stand just as unnoticed by Government next Session, as the Attorney and Solicitor did last. Upon the whole, let me entreat you to consult my interest and wishes no farther than they are strictly consistent with your own. I have told you what I should like, but I should dislike anything that could be productive of the least inconvenience to you. If you think proper, communicate my idea to Perry and tell him how much I have it at heart. If it is your wish to engage with the next government, I would have you take the earliest opportunity of informing Andrews, that you will be second to no one in the Irish House of Commons. Perry will very readily express his detestation of a Session conducted by the Justices. At all events I must insist upon your spending some part of next summer with me at Hampton Court. When you come to England I will go with you myself to the Lord Lieutenant. I will say everything of you which justice, gratitude, and affection can dictate. I will explain to him how much more it is for his interest than for yours that you should not only be engaged in the conduct of his affairs, but that you should be the principal conductor of them. You will then be 241 able to judge whether the part which will be allotted to you by govern- mss. op ment is such as you can take consistently with your rank and with your -. k TnE Earl 0i ability, li it is and you choose to take it let my wishes be laid quite — out of the question ; but if what I rather suspect should prove to be the case ; that upon my being excluded you are to be kept subservient : I shall be ready to join in such measures as our common inclinations shall dictate and which I profess in my opinion cannot fail of answering our common purposes. Postscript. — The Policy of a Secretary out of Parliament has its rise in two thing?. In the impossibility of letting a place of 3,000/. go out of their own knot ; and in a bon mot of Rigby's at Arthur's that as all Irish members of Parliament abuse, it is proper that they should only abuse each other." 1762, December 4. — The Same to the Same. " What I proposed was upon a supposition that it would be advan- tageous and equally advantageous to us both. I then thought, and still think, that the scheme is practicable ; and the only thing which appears in the least discouraging in it, is the time that would necessarily be required to bring it about, but when it was brought about, I think the entire management of Ireland would be no unpleasant circumstance. But if I am mistaken in my judgment, I shall relinquish the idea (which I took up upon much consideration) immediately. You know Perry better than I do. But I thought a plan of this sort might possibly captivate him. Whatever he may mean for himself personally we know- he has a sort of yielding mind which disposes him to oblige. And I think his wishes of that sort will not diminish by his marriage. When you see him let him know that I wrote to hiin upon that occasion With respect to this country, everything continues unsettled ; and with respect to Ireland nothing, I think, is certain, except that Lord Gower will not be the Lord Lieutenant. What is most probable, as things are now circumstanced, is that Lord Waldgrave will be Lord Lieutenant and his brother the General will be the Secretary ; and that things will be arranged much as they would have been, if Lord Gower had been your Governor. I must now inform you that there is not an English lawyer who will advise a non-obstante ; and therefore unless Mtz- Gibbon (to whom I am obliged for his kindness, and to whom I will write in a few days) thinks the Chancellorship of the -Exchequer can be granted in the same manner with the Master of the Rolls, I must much against my inclination, turn my thoughts to some other object. You may imagine among other things, that Weston's employment has not escaped me. But be assured that while there is the least probability of obtaining it for you, I will not pursue it. But you must be sensible that my Lord Lieutenant having now no further thoughts of Ireland, and having many engagements to discharge to his own private friends here, will be as averse as possible to loading the establishment, even to the amount of a shilling, except for his own particular pur- poses. W r hat I would recommend to you is this. Obtain from Waite the name of some insignificant employment and write a letter to me (I mean an ostensible one) desiring that your additional salary may be annexed to that employment for your own and for your son's life. From my Lord Lieutenant's way of thinking, I know that he is more likely to comply with this request, than with any which may bring an additional charge upon the establishment ; but I must likewise inform you that in his Excellency's present disposition with regard to Ireland, I cannot be responsible for his solicitude to oblige any individual in the kingdom, though you really are, as you U 60050. o 242 mss. of ought to be, muck better in his opinion than any other person. If I Do^otwSoke. drop tne idea °f Chancellor of the Exchequer for myself, do you wish — that (impracticable as it may seem at present) I should try to get it for you ? While you are consulting Waite upon your own account, consult him likewise upon mine ; let him know what I have mentioned to you about the non-obstante, and ask him, if this scheme fails me, what object he thinks it would be most desirable for me to pursue. Cun- ninghame is here, and returns to Ireland at Christmas. He is exceed- ingly sly, and though I cannot produce any absolute overt acts, I believe, exceedingly insincere. Let me hint to you that there is a scheme broached here by the Primate, and circulated everywhere by Cunning- liame, that the people in Ireland wish for nothing so much as to keep up 18 or 20 thousand men. His Grace acknowledges that if all the duties, which have been laid in the course of the war, are continued after the peace, they will yet, from the increase of the civil establishment, and other circumstances, fall short 50,000/. a year of what will be necessary for keeping up the usual 12,000 men. But notwithstanding that, since Ireland wishes it they ought to be indulged (and the amanuensis says that if they wish so, he thinks they well deserve to be so indulged). His Grace's objects in this proposition I take to be three. The first is to recommend himself to English Government here, by this extraordinary proposal ; the second to keep up Lord Drogheda's regiment ; the third is to render the Government that goes there as unpopular as possible, that he may make himself as useful to them as possible. What makes me mention this to you particularly, is, that you may not engage yourself with regard to this measure, which will probably be the trying one in the course of next Session, and it will always be time enough for you to declare your opinion after you have determined to take your part." 1762. — " List of his Catholic Majesty's Naval Forces in Europe, the West Indies, &c." 1763, January 15. — John Hely Hutchinson to [W. Gerard Hamilton ?]. Relating to the date at which the oath taken by the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer was drawn up and whether the office was regarded by the framers of it as a ministerial or judicial one. " The word 6 Highness ' Lord Coke says was the royal stile before H. 8, but the fact was not so in this kingdom. I have carefully looked through the old Irish Statutes upon this occasion and I cannot find any instance where Highness was applied to the King in any of those Acts till the 28 H. 8, and from thence to the Restoration the word frequently occurs in these Acts in every reign." [1763.] — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. " I have received all the letters which you mention, and the several papers enclosed relative to the Chancellor of the Exchequer which I am persuaded will give perfect satisfaction to the Attorney and Solicitor General. As I have not been able to bring this affair to a conclusion with my Lord Lieutenant notwithstanding the promises which have been made from week to week, you will • not be surprised if the Alnager's employment meets with more delay than you wished, or than I hoped for. I have endeavoured to prevail upon his Excellency to write to you upon this subject, in such a manner, as I thought, would be satisfactory. He has promised more than once to comply with my request, and whether he has performed his promise I must leave you to judge. He told me in our last conversation that it was needless for him to form any resolution till the negotiation between Weston and Sir 243 Harry Cavendish was at an end ; the truth of the matter is, that the mss. op same dilatoriness with which his Excellency proceeds in all other doSoi^hmore. business atteuds him in this. I can perceive clearly that he wants to — evade giving a positive promise but I am as clearly of opinion (I must beg that you will observe that it is my opinion only) that he will com- ply with your request before he leaves the Government. Notwith- standing the variety of persons who have been named to succeed to the Lord Lieutenancy, everything with respect to that particular remains as unsettled as ever. No other person being nominated, a report prevails that Lord Halifax will return, I believe without any grounds, but pray what is your opinion if that should be the case ? Will the Justices forget or forgive this delay in the performance of his promises which they justly consider as almost equivalent to a brench of them. The measure of the 18,000 men has I believe intimidated some persons to whom this employment has been offered. Since I wrote to you last two changes have been made in this plan. The Horse are not to be reduced to Dragoons, and instead of 25 battallions of foot, consisting of 500 of each, thirty-five are to be kept up, consisting only of 300. By these changes you will observe that everything which is frugal is dropped, and everything which is expensive is adopted. There is a great diversity of opinion amongst the lawyers whether the statute of King William was only a temporary regulation, confined to the Army then to be disbanded, or a perpetual constitutional Act. The idea of the increase of the Revenue far beyond the truth, has been propagated not only in Dublin but in London. I wish that you would send me the most particular information with respect both to facts and opinions upon this subject. I have taken some pains, and I flatter myself that I understand the question, so far as my lights go, but, like a true Member of Parliament, I am open to conviction, that is, I know not what part I shall take, I have already explained to you in general my wishes about returning to Ireland. You must imagine that an augmentation of the Army, which will render my office much more profitable, does not make it less desirable. The little character I have acquired I am determined not to throw away ; and I am from my con- stitution more solicitous, both in point of fortune and reputation, to preserve what I have, than to add to it what I have not, and you may believe that neither my friendship for Ventidius, of which you judge rightly, nor my love for Cleopatra, about which you are not altogether mistaken, will ever make me engage in a measure, not which I don't think eligible (for that's the affair of Government in England who prescribe it) but which I don't think practicable, and this I take to be the affair of those who are to carry it into execution. The Primate is the person who has proposed, and who has pledged himself for the success of this measure to English Government. I have had letters from him upon this subject ; and I should suppose he would set in a light as advantageous as possible, both the produce of the revenue and the resources of the country ; I have already mentioned to you what he says upon the first of these articles, I will now tell you what he says as to the second. His resources are, a saving of the Parliamentary grants ; a circumstance which will ingratiate us exceedingly with all the country gentlemen ; the advantages which will arise from the better collection of the revenue on the plan of Sir Richard Cox by augmenting the number of Custom House officers, by which a large expense is to be incurred, to be defrayed by a profit which may never accrue ; the advantages which he thinks England will give (and which I am sure it will not give) Ireland in trade ; and next (if you doubt me, I will enclose you his letter) he thinks the annual running in debt will Q 2 2U ,J?T?:,? T r ,v» be a good thing. With respect to a land tax he says ' we shall not be THE XjAKL OF /»t i • • • -i • » m t • * . . . Donoughmoee. forced to this invidious resource at once. Inis scheme, with a new Stamp Duty, with a new duty on leather, and with an additional excise on beer (if we may judge by this country no popular way of raising money, and if we may judge by Ireland, no very effectual way) form the whole of the expedients he has thought fit to communicate for carrying this measure into execution. I agree with you in thinking an army is necessary in Ireland for the Protestant interest ; but pray is an army of 18,000 men necessary? because if it is, I lament your condition sincerely; you never will have it; if the paying for 18,000 men is for the benefit of the Protestant interest this measure is a right one." (Imperfect, end lost.) 1763, January 29. Privy Garden. — The Same to the Same. " I have seen Weston. He told me he had wrote to Waite. I did not perceive that your suspicions of his being out of humour were well grounded. What he insists upon is, that his place should be valued at 750/. per annum, which he says it actually produces, that you should purchase the 501. absolutely, and that everything should be finally settled by the 3rd of April. This last condition I obtained from him, that being the day on which my Lord Lieutenant is to relinquish the Government, "The Examinator mentioned some time since that there were those who were endeavouring to circulate an idea that my returning as Secretary would rather retard than facilitate business. I have lately, and not till lately, found that there is some truth in this idea. It has been conveyed to Rigby that in the last speech I made, I abused all ranks and orders of men, and that being abused was a thing which a country would resent even though it was in a very fine speech. This I think is the sum of their objections with this addition, that I abused King William in order to ingratiate myself with FitzGibbon who is a papist. Whatever is said in this style, I am satisfied, comes from Lord Shannon's friends. Was I to suspect the particular person it would be Bell. Boyle. The strength of that party is much aggravated, and B. Boyle represented as a person who has the most absolute of it. What is insinuated, is that Malcne, the Attorney, and the Solicitor are connecting themselves with that set absolutely, and I profess I think it not unlikely. These three gentlemen apprehend, if I return that they will not be the persons who are to govern, and I think it is possible that B. Boyle may bring over a declaration from Lord Boyle that my return will be a reason for his disinclination to the next government. Whether under the circumstance of this measure of the 18,000 men, five regiments of which are immediately to be sent abroad, I shall accept of the Secretaryship, I am very uncertain. I am clear it will be offered to me. Touch the Bishop as soon as you can upon the topic. The idea of B. Boyle's directing the party, and stating himself in that light in England can't be very agreeable to the Bishop. I think I have observed you are of late particularly silent with regard to Perry. I hope most sincerely there is no alienation between you. Cultivate him only a little and you will influence him a great deah Whatever maybe the merits or the success of this measure of the military augmentation it must certainly be prudent to represent it, and especially to those who are coming over to England, as a thing of difficulty. If it fails it will be a defence. If it succeeds, a merit; and the influence of the new Lord Lieutenant may possibly prevail upon Government here to diminish the number proposed. For my own part I am as yet utterly unable to discover by what means this expense is to be defrayed. I am 245 •endeavouring to collect opinions and to procure information. I can TH ^^°* 0F meet with no one who will even pretend to suggest a method of making donoughmore. this scheme practicable." 1 — 1763, February 24.— The Same to the Same. " The Army in Ireland is not to be augmented, but will continue at the old number of 12,000. I am much delighted with the thought of seeing you in England, I can't see any objection to this intended expedition. It may possibly create some little jealousy amongst the King's servants especially if 1 should continue in my present employment. But this you may easily contrive to remove. Nothing is yet to be known with regard to the new Lord Lieutenant." ]763, March 12. Privy Garden. — The Same to the Same. " If his Excellency has any objection to [your expedition to England] (which by the way I don't believe) it can only be founded upon his intention not to complywith your request and upon his wish therefore that you may not be here in person to solicit it. In my own judgment his dis- approving it should be with you a reason for coming. I never was clearer in my opinion upon any point than that your being here cannot be in any particular prejudicial, and that it may be very materially serviceable to you. He has absolutely promised you as you very well know rather against my opinion that you should be of the Privy Council if any other person was appointed. He has given me hopes of the Peerage and of Weston's place in consequence of my solicitations at your desire. It is idle to suppose that he will comply with all these requests, but it is impossible to suppose (at least, I should hope so) that he will comply with none of them. They all affect your interest very essen- tially, and are worth attending to. The time of your being here will be a very critical cne. Though nothing transpires yet with regard to a new Lord Lieutenant, it must be settled by the 3rd of next month. What can't be obtained from his Excellency may, I should think, without difficulty, from his successor. You know how happy I should be to contribute as far as I am able to the accomplishment of your wishes in all their extent. My opinion is, but it is my opinion only, that the Lord Lieutenancy wiil not be offered to Lord Halifax, and that if it was, he would not accept of it. " It is not over-rating my own importance to suppose my sentiments in relation to you will have great weight with those who are to succeed us. Your letter imposes secrecy upon me in terms so very strong, that 1 do not think myself at liberty to communicate with Weston upon the contents of it. As far as I am capable of judging, it is not within the bounds of possibility for his Excellency to object to your expedition to England. With regard to the other particulars of your letter you may be assured that I have not as yet been refused the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, for it has not been asked. Difficulties I think will occur but I have many and very powerful supporters ; as things are at present circumstanced, I have been uniform in my declarations against the augmentation of the Army, in the extent proposed. His Excellency who recommended not 18, but 20,000 to the King ; upon stating the case to him, retracted his first proposal and the King w T as much displeased. His motives for recommending the augmentation, and then retracting that recom- mendation, I have already told you, were neither of them very liberal. He did the first when he had thought of relinquishing Ireland, and the last when he had thought of returning to it. We have had no difference, except a difference of opinion on this subject; and as it related only to the prosperity of Ireland, you will easily imagine a 240 MfcS. of dispute on so trifling a subiect, could not be productive of any the Eakx of wo i rv , t i 1 » 1 J DONOUGHMOKE. WtlllllLU. 1763, March 26.— The Same to the Same. i( The Alnage being, as you say, your chief object, it is to that I have applied my chief attention. I think I shall succeed for you in this point, but in this point only. Your negociation with Weston is known in Ireland, and representations have been made against its taking place, by the same persons who oppose my being appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer. They say that it is a great injury to Government, to make one of the most able men in the Kingdom, (for when it is to hurt your interest they will subscribe to your ability) and of course one of the most dangerous, totally independent. Our success in what we -are each of us pursuing I shall probably communicate to you by the post after next. Sir W. Yorke communicated to me this morning a circumstance which I wonder had not reached your knowledge, or which if you knew, you did not impart to me. I understand he has received a summons from the Chief Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland upon this occasion. A case has occurred in which the 3 Barons of the Exchequer have given three different opinions. It is said therefore that it is necessary the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be called in and sit in judgment. Nothing can be more obvious, than that this unprecedented sort of disagreement is a contrivance to embarrass my pursuit upon one of these suppositions, either that my patent will be drawn up upon the plan of Rigby's, by excepting the judicial part of the office, in which case they would say the suitors in an instance actually existing, would want redress, or upon the more general principle of the impropriety of placing in an employment admitted to be judicial, a person not qualified to judge. Write to me by the return of the packet what you know of this affair, though it is possible that everything will be decided before I can receive your letter. You shall have the earliest notice of everything which Is going forward here relative to your interest and to my own. You will, I am persuaded, act for me in Ireland, with ability and affection. There is nothing I long for so much as to sit in judgment in the Court of Exchequer to restore the weight and gravity of the Bench, and to correct the overbeariness of the rising Parliamentary Bar, Walshe's trial, I understand, is again deferred. This seems to be reserved as a sure source of faction against the next Session. Enclosed I send you some papers at the desire of Coleman a friend of mine, and a gentleman with whom, when you was last in England, you dined at Garrick's. Sir H. Echlin is now in Ireland. I shall be much obliged to you if you would give Coleman all the assistance in your power.' No Lord Lieutenant is as yet appointed. I know some who have been refused it, and some who have refused it, but I am utterly ignorant who will obtain it. Lord Halifax's return is everything but impossible, and as to my own return, I am just as uncertain as I was tlie day when I embarked from Ireland." 1763, March 28.— The Same to the Same. " Since I wrote to you by the last packet, I have had an opportunity of conversing with Weston, who has in some degree explained to me the mystery of my Lord Lieutenant's displeasure with regard to your intended expedition to England. It was not your coming with which he was at all offended, but the purpose for which you proposed to come. Waite was idle enough to write in a letter to Weston, and Weston was idle enough to shew that letter to my Lord Lieutenant 'that the Prime 247 Serjeant intended to come to England immediately for the purpose of mss. or soliciting in person the affair of the alnage.' The idea of being much j>onotSmore. importuned is at all times disagreeable to him, and it was upon that and — that only, he expressed some little dissatisfaction. I have as yet no reason to doubt of your success in this affair. Be assured, I shall rejoice most sincerely when it is accomplished. It will answer every purpose that I can wish. It will be a credit to us that under our Government you are used well, and a security that under no other you will be used ill. When the King's consent has been obtained, I shall prevail on his Excellency to write you a very flourishing letter. I still think that your presence in England, immaterial perhaps as to this one point, would have been extremely serviceable as to the two others. For the purposes of my own pursuit your continuance in Ireland is, I am sure, much more advantageous. I think I will take care to secure the alnage for you in England, do you secure the Chancellorship for me in Ireland. What success I meet with is a little uncertain, but I have no idea of taking it in any other manner than for life. Is it possible that either the Chancellor or the Attorney and Solicitor General after having made no objection to Kigby's patent which is clearly illegal, will hesitate in making out mine, which in the opinion of the servants of the Crown, and of all the lawyers here, is clearly legal. Could the Chancellor be prevailed on not to refer the Patent to the Attorney, which though usual, is not necessary, or would he have spirit to make it out contrary to their opinion. My Lord Lieutenant is much determined upon this point. I have stated to him in the fullest manner the factions which may be formed upon this occasion. He has promised to represent them all to Lord Bute, and he has said in the handsomest and most sanguine manner imaginable that his own credit is at stake, and that if even I would consent to it, no consideration should induce him to give it up. You, I know, will take care to do everything which is possible for me on the spot. I shall be much obliged to Mr. Attorney if he will let me obtain this preferment without clamour but I shall be very w r ell satisfied to be in possession of it, even with clamour. By the manner in which you mention the difference in opinion between the three Barons, I per- ceive you consider it not as contrivance, but as accident. That an event of this sort, which never happened before should happen just at this particular time, and without any management whatever, I profess is to me utterly inconceivable." 1763, April 7.— The Same to the Same. " There are great revolutions since I wrote to you by the last Pacquet. Lord Bute resigns the Treasury tomorrow. It is the King's intention that all his affairs shall for the future be conducted by Lord Halifax, Lord Egremont, and Geo. Grenville, the latter of whom is to be appointed First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer. He is to be succeeded in the Admiralty by Charles Townshend. Mr. Oswald is to be Vice-Treasurer of Ireland. Mr. Fox and Sir Francis Dashwood are to be created peers. Lord Bute has approved of Lord Halifax's list, so that the King's consent now is only wanting. Contrary to what I wrote you word by your last post 3 Lord Granby has refused the Lord Lieutenancy. I have for once entrusted the Primate with a secret. Try if you can get it out of him. As far as I am able to con- jecture, Lord Northumberland will be Lord Lieutenant, and I shall be Secretary ; but so many circumstances may prevent it that I have begged of him, and must beg of you for God's sake not to mention it. You shall hear from me by the next post." 248 MSS. of 1763, April 9.— The Same to the Same. DowoxraSoKB. " Bute has informed Lord Halifax that the King wil] consent both to — your request and mine. Lord G-ranby is to give an answer tomorrow which will be finally final. I am persuaded that what I mentioned to you will take place and that the arrangement for Ireland will be Lord Northumberland." . ..." As the news of my being Chancellor and of my returning as Secretary of State will reach Dublin together with this letter manage to see the Attorney and Solicitor as soon as you can, that I am ready to meet them halfway, that I wish and wish sincerely to act with them and am willing to give them every proof of it in my power. These you will mention as what you know to be my sentiments in general and not as communicated to you on this particular occasion." 1763, April. Dublin.— John Hely Hutchinson to W. Gerard Hamilton. " Your letter of the 7th mentions that Lord B[ute] had approved, and that the King's consent was only wanting. Your letter of the 9th says Lord B[ute] has assured Lord H[alifax] that the King will consent to your request and mine. You will not wonder then if I was surprised to hear by your last favour that my request was not even laid before the King ; however I am glad to find you have been more successful for yourself. I must candidly confess to yon, that not only the conclusion, but the whole progress of this affair is somewhat unaccountable to me ; the occasion justifies, cur friendship requires, and I am persuaded you will therefore excuse my speaking to you upon this subject with plainness and freedom ; that I served your Administration zealously and faith- fully without the least regard to any party here, is as true, as it is that the consequences to me, will not greatly encourage others to follow an example so uncommon in this country. By this conduct I have raised some powerful enemies. I requested only to be put out of their power, by an exchange without loss to Government, or gain to myself, except the advantage of taking off a mark, which has been invidious to me, and troublesome to Government ; to such a favour 1 thought I might have some pretensions, not from my Lord Lieutenant only, but from your friendly endeavours, independent of his Excellency, whose handsome treatment of me at all times when I had the honour of attending him in person, it would be ingratitude not to acknowledge. If such a moderate unrivalled request is denied and if the Administration which has adopted me sets with so unkindly an aspect towards me, how can I (put yourself in my place and judge for me as if the caye was your own) how can I flatter myself with any expectation from the next Administration ? Weston has wrote to Waite that our treaty is at an end, desires him to renew the treaty with Cavendish. From my situation this is one of the very few objects, most probably the only one, in which your friendship could serve me, though you were to continue our Secretary for many years, and therefore this disappointment, and some others not necessary to repeat, leaves me no other request to make, but that you will not be at the trouble of mentioning my name to the succeeding Lord Lieutenant, having no grounds for my future hopes (if any I should be weak and vain enough to entertain) but my attachment to His Majesty's service, and the general esteem of the country where I live Postscript. — "Since I finished the above I have discovered that the Lord Chancellor had declared difficulties about your Patent. I could not think of letting you suffer by your having placed your confidence in me, and therefore went immediately to him. I found him dressing with an intention, as he mentioned, to come to me about that business ; he said 249 that affair had already made a great noise, and would probably be a mss. of topic in the House of Commons ; that he would endeavour, if he could, °* to keep himself out oi the scrape, and in confidence desired my opinion — as to this point ; and as to his conduct, he declared his present intentions, to be, to desire the opinions of the Attorney and Solicitor, and that, whether they signed the patent or not. We read over the Act together. I recapitulated the old Acts, the precedents, especially the late one of Yorke, and that of Rigby, which was much more liable to objections, the English and Irish opinions taken, not from an apprehension of difficulty in the question, but of opposition from the friends of M[alone], that these opinions'and precedents ought to leave no doubt in his lordship's mind, and that if he began with doubting the validity of precedents of some centuries, it might be thought in England that the people here had obtained an improper influence over him, especially as he took no opinions in the cases of Rigby and Yorke ; he listened with an appear- ance of confidence, but I could gain no more from him than an intima- tion that he would declare no opinion till he found out whether the Attorney and Solicitor would sign the patent, and that he would not be governed by the opinions of the Attorney and Solicitor, but would take the opinion of the other principal King's Counsel here. After using every endeavour in my power, I left him to his fears which I could not con- quer. I hear the Attorney and Solicitor say that the grant would be one by the Common Law independent of the Act." {Draft.) 1763, May 14. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. " Weston has been spoke toby Lord Northumberland] and everything must now, I think, be adjusted as you can wish. Do you mean an assignment from Weston of his grant, or a new grant. Had not the latter better be delayed, till your services have merited the additional 200/., which you assert, and which I don't contradict, will be in the next Session. You may then perhaps, prefer 3 lives to 31 years. Let me beg of you not to talk of the Alnage till is absolutely finished ; I have the best reason to suppose it was designed for Malone. I shall defer saying anything upon your letter in answer to that which I sent you, enclosing Lord Northumberland's] till we meet. I have today been asked for a seat in Parliament, in the room of Harward, whom I am advised to make a Judge, as he intends to be very violent in opposition next winter. I own I should be concerned if my good friend took this turn, but I should be more concerned, if I made him a Judge merely to prevent it. I think the report which has been made is the legitimate offspring of the Attorney's love. But, I don't suspect my friends, because I happen to be crossed by my lovers. Your letter of the 7th has determined me to suspend my resolutions relative to my grant. Had the Attorney not expressly declared to you that he would pass it upon my Lord Lieutenant's order, I would not have taken this step. I should have concluded this was only a trap for further popularity. The refusing the repeated orders of a Lord Lieutenant, will be more meritorious than the resistence to the first. But what he has said to you, I am persuaded he will not retract. I shall delay the order till the next packet. I have begged Lord Northumberland] to consider me as out of the case, and to consult the Attorney and Solicitor here upon Tisdale's and Gore's Report. No one reason, you know, is assigned in it ; but if there were a million it would not signify ; for if Yorke and Norton are not two of the best lawyers in the world, thank God they are two of the most obstinate ones. I have seen a very obliging letter from the Chanceller to Lord Halifax with many very kind expressions towards me, and saying that he should have 250 3ISS. of no difficulty if the grant came regularly before him. Be so good as to )onot^?more return m y thanks to him, and let him be assured that I will not forget — * his friendship upon this occasion. The writing to him as things are now circumstanced, would I think, be rather indelicate, and for that reason only I avoid it. To say that I don't take it rather unkind what the Attorney and Solicitor have done, would be rather untrue." [1763], June 2.— The Same to the Same. " Both from what you say, and from some other circumstances which have reached my knowledge within these few hours, it is my wish that you would accelerate things with the Attorney and Solicitor. Is it possible to insinuate that the time of my coming to Ireland is j>ostponed, and to prevail on them to write to me ? You may declare, much I think to my credit, that as long as my patent was in suspense, you knew I was determined not to negotiate with them, but the moment that affair was at end, that I should be ready to give every reasonable proof of my readiness to act with them. I am persuaded they wish to act in con- junction with the Prime Serjeant, and the Secretary ; and if you will exert your usual dexterity, peace might be concluded, and the terms settled, not only before my arrival but before Rigby's. What you say of Lord Shannon, I should think is true ; but what you suspect of Kildare, is certainly so. He has lost his power in England, and wishes to regain his popularity in Ireland." [1763], June 4. — The Same to the Same. " I have scarce patience to say anything to the Attorney's nonsense about their report not being laid before the King. In the first place the fact is otherwise. The difficulty which had occurred, was stated, and his pleasure taken upon it, not out of respect to Mr. Tisdale and Mr. Gore, but for our own security. Lord Northumberland's letter implies this in two places. It begins and ends with it." 1763, July 15. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. " After much difficulty I have settled with that Jew and infidel Weston. His Judaism appeared in Ids insisting on 10/. for interest upon the 3,000/. from Midsummer day to the time Mitchel's draught became payable ; and his infidelity by doubting the validity of the draught itself. The grant is to be surrendered, but he still insists upon a recital in the King's letter for the pension, of the consideration upon which it was given him. I have, and shall keep in my possession, his receipt for the 3,000/. When the order comes for a new grant to be made out you will not omit writing to Lord Northumberland. I fear that my answer to the letter you propose sending me after the Chancellor rises will not reach Dublin, before you are set out upon your circuit. In the mean time give me leave to tell you, that I think there will not be the least difficulty in satisfying the Attorney's expectations for his brother, nor the Solicitor's for himself, provided he adheres to what he last proposed, and does not insist upon a vacancy being made. If they are willing to embark upon these terms, I wish you would engage with them. Pat- terson's wishes will, I am persuaded, be complied with, but I profess I don't see at present precisely in what manner. The negociation with Sir Wm. Osborne you may undertake. From some connections in England this is a thing desired." 1763, July 28. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. " Everything is at last adjusted with Weston and he has made a surrender of his grant, which he has entrusted with Sir Robert Wilmot to deliver to my Lord Lieutenant as soon as the pension for the 500/. 251 is placed upon the establishment in Ireland. Your new grant will th J*^rl of probably meet you upon your return to Dublin after the circuit. Doxoughmore. It is unnecessary for me at present to explain at large to you the reasons for what I shall say in this letter. But I am every day more convinced that the plan we formed of a separate understanding with Lord Shannon is absolutely necessary, and extremely practicable. I have seen Bell. Boyle, You stand very high in his good opinion, at least that is his language to me. He is so firmly rivetted in the idea of an indissoluble connection between me and the Primate, that all the distant hints I could give him to the contrary, had no effect ; and I was afraid, upon such a topic to commit myself absolutely, by being explicit. He is extremely irritated at the cold manner in which the Primate recommends his pursuit, after not only the repeated promises, but the voluntary offers which he made him of his assistance. He talks respect- fully of my Lord Lieutenant and very kindly of me, but vows revenge against his Grace unless something is done for him before the opening of the Session which is impossible. Would it be a bad thing for us to let my Lord Lieutenant see that his Government, at the very opening of it, was likely to be involved by promises made by the Primate, and by promises which have no relation to Lord Northumberland's adminis- tration. If his Grace begins playing tricks, as he certainly will, and against which therefore we must be prepared, this is the very light in which he will endeavour to place us. He will wish to show that while everybody is desirous of supporting my Lord Lieutenant there are many who object to us. If anyone should be prevailed upon, perhaps in the House, to establish a distinction between the Lord Lieutenant and the Secretary, would it be at all difficult to prevail upon Perry and Fitz- Gibbon to do the very reverse, and to say that they were disposed in some degree at least to Government, merely upon account of the Secretary. Lord Tyrone and Lord Boyle are to be made Privy Counsellors immediately. The merit of Lord Boyle's promotion the Primate will endeavour to take to himself, as he is not entitled to it ; when you converse with Lord Shannon that impression ought to be removed, and it may be done perhaps as effectually through Dennis. Bell. Boyle leaves England soon. Might not your suggesting to him a closer plan of Union between Lord Boyle and me as a thing that you wished, rather than that I desired, be at once a more effectual and a safer method of proceeding." 1763, July 30. Hampton Court. — The Same to the Same. " Lord Shannon's disposition, the Solicitor's irresolution, Patterson's interestedness, and the Attorney's determination to irritate others, but not to act himself, together with Sir William's [? Osborne] zeal for the service of Government, in or out of place, afford I think upon the whole no unfavourable prospect. I should follow with pleasure the advice you give me with respect to my Lord Primate, if he would be satisfied with outwitting me, and did not propose what would hurt Government. He mistakes my objections. I am indifferent as to the motives of his recommendation and I consider only the things he recommends. What he particularly alludes to, is his desire that as a popular act Sir P. Gore, and Sir Ed. King, may be made peers immediately. Though to be sure nothing can be clearer than that his Grace means to serve his private purposes, and them only, by this promotion, yet that would be disre- garded, if it was not evident that such a measure in this period of our administration, would involve us in many difficulties in Ireland and create a horse laugh in England. I profess at the same time that I was much displeased with the letter he wrote to Lord Shannon when I was 252 mss. of i Q Ireland calculated entirely to remove an idea which prevailed, which ?oxol^hmoke was Relieved, anc * which was true, that I had been instrumental in the — — ' ' promotion of my Lord Lieutenant. There may be an appearance of vanity in the declaration, but it is literally fact that by my own personal friends I obtained the Government both for Lord Halifax and Lord Northumberland, as much as I ever procured the alnage for you, or the Chancellorship of the Exchequer for myself. Something of this sort I think it might be proper to put in counter-circulation to what his Grace reports, as there can be no reason why we should not say what is truth to aggravate our importance, since others do what is false to diminish it. -The negociation with Lord Shannon you will conduct in the manner which appears most advisable to you upon the spot. When opportunity offers I hope you will do it personally, rather than by instruments. You most certainly judged right in not sending a letter to Dennis. He infallibly would have showed it, and the re- tracting a proposal of that sort, would have been attended with worse consequences at Castle-Martyr than the communicating can have at Leixlip. There is a particular which I have much at heart, and the conduct of it I must trust entirely to your management, as if it can be brought about, it will take place immediately after our arrival. It will, I should think, be easy for you to convey to each of the Justices separately, an idea how great an obligation I shall consider it, if upon their first interview with my Lord Lieutenant, in which it is usual to explain to him the situation, and the disposition of the country, they would express strongly their approbation of my returning in my present situation, and their opinion of the utility which would arise from it, to his Excellency's Administration. Could this be carried still further ? Would Perry and FitzGibbon say the same thing ? Would Malone, the Attorney, the Solicitor, and Patterson, as servants of the Crown, (and with whom perhaps by that time I may be friends) declare their particular satisfaction at being able to act in conjunction with me, in carrying on the King's business. I will tell you the use I propose to make of this, and the benefit which I think must arise from it. Lord Northumberland will write a letter to the Secretary of State to be laid before the King, stating the prodigious satisfaction which everybody expresses, (and which nobody but you and one more will feel) upon my returning in the office I now hold. When this is once done, it will be impossible to ascribe any part of the miscarriages of Government to a person whom they just before approved of. If they speak well of me it will be thought, and doubtess very properly, to arise from my merit, and if ill, to proceed from their own fickleness. I really think the accomplishment of this point extremely material, and I wish you would consider, and conduct it. Lord Kildare, I am persuaded, will do his part. I perceive by the newspapers that a printing press is established in Dublin, and that a periodical paper is to be published twice in a week. An undertaking of this sort may possibly turn out very ridiculous, but in such a very inflammable country, if it is conducted without ability, provided it is with abuse, it may do us harm, and cannot possibly serve us. To stop it perhaps may be impossible, to get into the management of it may be more practicable and better. If you think as I do, that it is a thing that should be attended to, and taken early, employ whom you please. Government will be at the expense. As Lucas will be an author, your worship and I shall probably be made honourable mention of. I admire your friend Patterson's merit with Government, and his influence with Jack Gore. If we give him one place, he will prevail upon his friend to take two. I wish very sincerely that they may be both satisfied, and I rejoice most heartily at the pleasure you express 253 in the possession of the alnage. Be assured, I never had any other Mss. of idea than that of making our administration in Ireland a common cause dos-ouohmoee, with you. The success of this session will contribute much to our — establishment, and I think may open to us a prospect of obtaining whatever Ireland can afford. We have a right to look forward into times when old Attornies and paralytic Primates will be utterly forgot." 1763, September 3. St. James Street. — The Same to the Same. Repeating that he is not only willing but extremely solicitous to cultivate the Attorney General, but submitting whether by repeated offers on his own side without any return on the Attorney's he is not letting himself down too low. " Your Postchaise must be painted green and lined with a plain green cloth. No gentleman appears in any other." 1763, December 30. Limerick.— Edmund Pery to John Hely Hutchinson. Concerning his interview with the Corporation of weavers there on the subject of the Alnage. Their reason for desiring the office was to prevent frauds in the manufacture which discredited their goods and injured them much. They offer to rent the office for the City and County of Limerick and the County of Clare for 35/. for one year. 1764, August 5. Privy Gnrden. — George Stone, Archbishop of Armagh, to John Hely Hutchinson ..." When Lord Northumber- land comes to town on the 18th of this month the Promotion of the Chief Justice will I suppose be made immediately ; but I will see Lord Halifax before that time, and concert with him what part he shall take concerning you. I had much conversation about you with the Duke of Bedford. . . . He says that your opposition to him has left no unfavourable impression upon his mind ; that there appeared no malignity of principle in it, nor no settled disaffection to the form of government established and necessary to be supported in Ireland ; that he is very glad you are in the service of the Government, and hopes you will continue to exert your abilities that way ; and he shall always wish that you receive full encouragement from the Government both there and here." " You desired me to speak to Lord Drogheda . . . . You may be sure in this case, that he knows himself and his situation too well to imagine that his interposition can be wanted or could properly be employed. You may be sure also how much I wish upon every account both public and private that you and he should be upon the same terms of friendship together that I flatter myself I am with each of you ; and it is what he wishes above every- thing else of the kind. He told me on his first coming to London that he had attempted to see you during his short stay in Dublin, but had been disappointed. I can conceive some shyness, at least no forwardness on your part for the sake of appearances, considering the circumstances of his coming into office. But I hope you will think yourself, as all the world thinks, that you have done everything that decency or even real friendship in another quarter could require from you. Lord Drogheda knows, that you can be of more use to him, than he to you, yet you may be useful in due proportion to each other, and you will find him a man of truth, honour, sense, and spirit." . . . " I want to see you really incorporated in this Castle, while it lasts, and I see no probability of that scene being shifted as yet. As to the general scene of business here, some particular changes may happen, but there is not a man in England who thinks, that by the general force of opposition the King will be constrained to give up his present ser- vants, and his present system ; and if any personal changes should 254 MSS. op happen (which are not foreseen) they will be the work of intrigue and the Earl of , f n Donoughmore. not oi iorce. 1765, June 12. — Robert Jephson to John Hely Hutchinson. u . Mr. Hamilton has imposed upon me no very easy task in desiring I should give you something like a history of what has been transacted by the different political parties in the course of this last month. In order to get rid of the perplexity which is in the thing itself and the obscurity in which it may be further involved by my description, it will, I believe, be necessary to call back to your attention what passed two years ago when Lord Bute resigned the Treasury, and when the administration was devolved on Lord Halifax, Lord Egremont, and Mr. G-renville. They had (as they assert) at that time the strongest assurance given them by His Majesty, that he would never be advised by Lord Bute in the conduct of his government and they had repeated promises from Lord Bute himself, to the same purpose ; but finding that all these assurances were disregarded, and that while they enjoyed the name of Ministers and the income of their offices, every preferment which became vacant was disposed of at the desire of Lord Bute, in three months after their appointment they informed His Majesty of their determination to resign, refusing to hold ministerial stations, without some degree, at least, of ministerial influence. This step of the Ministers produced the negotiation at the Queen's house of which you have heard so much, and that negotiation with Mr. Pitt being fruitless, reduced the King to the necessity of desiring Lord Halifax and Mr. Grenville with the addition of the Duke of Bedford, to continue in the offices which they had declared their intention of resigning. To this they consented, but not without imposing new conditions, the promises of Lord Bute's not interfering were renewed and the sincerity of those who made them brought to this test, that his lordship should retire into the country for the whole winter, and this was accordingly complied with. Since that time there have been two sessions of Parliament. In the first of these the Administration acquired a considerable degree of merit with the Court by the expulsion of Wilkes and by the vigorous measures they pursued in the prosecution of libellers, and this together with the disunion of the opposition seemed to promise them stability, but upon the close of that Session of Parliament, Lord Bute returned to London and resumed his influence at Court. From that time there have been perpetual jealousies between him and the Administration till the introduction of the Regency Bill brought things to an open rupture. The object of this Bill as it was first planned, and attributed to Lord Bute and Lord Holland, was in case of the King's demise during the minority of his successor, that the nomination of the Regent should be left discretionary in the Crown, that the Crown should likewise have a power of nominating by deed five persons to be of the Council of Regency, in addition to the great officers of state who are named in the Act, and that those who were of the Royal Family should be capable of being made Regents. This Act was not originally digested by the Ministers, but given to them from the King, with directions that they should take the conduct of it through both Houses of Parliament. They did not desire it should pass and yet were afraid to oppose it, and they had therefore recourse to the only expedient which remained, that of perplexing it upon the pretence of difficulties which occurred in the execution. They disliked the discretionary power in the Crown of Dominating five Counsellors as they apprehended these would be filled by Lord Bute and his friends, and the Ministers persuaded the King to 255 give it up, by hinting that his insisting on it would be extremely odious. MSS. of They were supposed to disapprove of the King's discretionary power of donototSiorf. nominating a Regent, lest that nomination should fall on the Princess of — Wales. An objection was started by the Duke of Richmond, of which the administration would avail themselves, that the Princess of Wales did not come within the description of the Royal Family and of course would not be capable of being made Regent, and that it might be of the most dangerous consequences to leave a point of this nature doubtful. This point too the administration prevailed on the Crown to give up, and Lord Halifax brought a message from the King, signifying his consent that the Royal Family should be so described as to exclude the Princess of Wales from being capable of being made Regent. But when His Majesty came to consider that he had consented to what was a very severe reflection on the Princess of Wales he was exceedingly dissatisfied with the advice which had been given him and insisted that the Ministers who had been the occasion of excluding the Princess of Wales in the House of Lords should have her included expressly and by name in the Bill when it passed the House of Commons which was accordingly done, but though the injury was repaired, the offence was not forgotten, and this was the occasion of the offers which were made to Mr. Pitt, first through Lord Albemarle and Lord Temple, and after- wards by the Duke of Cumberland. The arrangement first proposed was that Lord Northumberland should be at the head of the Treasury, a condition [to] which Mr. Pitt peremptorily refused to agree, which put an end to that negotiation. The Duke of Cumberland then tried, in conjunction with the Duke of Newcastle, to form an administration without either the friends of Mr. Pitt, or of the Duke of Bedford and Mr. Grenville, but that plan proving impracticable, they had again recourse to Mr. Pitt offering him the disposition of the whole Ministry uncircumscribed with any condition whatsoever. Of these proposals Mr. Pitt had actually accepted, but before the person who carried them had returned to London the Duke of Cumberland prevailed on the King to reinstate the old Administration in their offices, of which, how- ever, they did not accept, till the King had resumed his assurances that he would never again be advised by Lord Bute, and till he had con- sented to remove Lord Holland and Mr. McKenzie, Lord Bute's brother, the first from the Pay Office, the last from the Privy Seal of Scotland. 'Tis supposed that the Duke of Cumberland's inducement for advising the King to continue the old Administration was his having received information of a reconciliation which has since taken place between Mr. Grenville, Lord Temple, and Mr. Pitt, and from an apprehension that if they were placed in great ministerial offices the whole government of the country would fall into their hands in consequence of their union. The Duke of Bedford is said to have expostulated with His Majesty with a very extraordinary degree of spirit and freedom. He reminded him that he came into government at His Majesty's repeated solicita- tion contrary to his own inclinations to the advice of all his friends, and very much to the prejudice of his health, that nothing should have prevailed on him to alter the determination he had first resolved on, but the assurances given him by Lord Bute that he never would inter- fere in any public business ; but solemn and repeated as his lordship's promises were, he knew at the time they were made, how little they were to be relied on, but he blushed to remind His Majesty that even his Royal word had been pledged to confirm what his lordship's busy and meddling temper rendered it impossible for him to adhere to, and con- cluded with repeating the interdiction against Lord Bute, and insisting on 25G MSS. ov the dismissal of his brother and Lord Holland, which the King, though 1)onoik}1?moee. w i tn the utmost reluctance, was compelled to agree to. His Majesty is°at — present, highly dissatisfied with almost every one of his servants, and their want of popularity, added to the loss of the King's favour to support, will make the present administration but of very short duration." 1765, August or September. — [The Same to the Same.] " I thought it better to avoid giving you any unnecessary trouble by sending you at the same time such papers as I understood were neces- sary in order to entitle me to receive Mr. Burke's pension. Till Lord Northumberland's leaving the Government of Ireland, it was uncertain whether his Excellency might not choose to assume the merit of saving so much to the Establishment by sinking it entirely as it would at the same time have answered another purpose no less desirable, that of pre- venting a person known to be attached to Mr. Hamilton, from receiving any benefit by his kind intentions. No step however has been taken from that quarter, nor is it likely our present Lord Lieutenant will have leisure or inclination to interfere in a matter of so private a nature as the transaction between Mr. Hamilton and Burke. I am sorry to acquaint you there is no probability of a reconciliation between these gentlemen. Mr. Marlay who has been so good [as] to take our letters into his charge is informed of all the particulars of this extraordinary rupture, and will satisfy you better than I am able to do by letter of whatever you may find difficult to reconcile or account for from the imperfect or partial representations which it is most likely have been made of this transaction in Ireland. Mr. Hamilton's telling me he intended to write to you a very long letter made me decline troubling you with my relation of a matter which he is so much more capable of explaining to your satisfaction." " The assignments which Mr. Marlay delivers to you are not exactly the same with that of which you was so obliging to send me a copy, but differ from it as I apprehend in no essential particular. The nature of the case required that the assignment should not take notice of its being made for any pecuniary consideration no such having been paid. As Mr. Burke varied from his original proposal of conveying his pension to me in the first instance and insisted on transferring it to Mr. Colthurst who is Mr. Hamilton's attorney, it was necessary there should be two assign- ments, both of which you will receive, one from Mr. Burke to Mr. Colthurst and the other from Mr. Colthurst to me." ... I request you to take whatever steps may be necessary. 1765, September 17. Palmerston. — John Hely Hutchinson to Robert Jephson. " I wish Mr. Marlay had been so obliging to have left a note that hs called upon me about business ; the delay of waiting for your answer to his letter might probably have been prevented and I should have been very glad that this affair had been quiet before the meeting of our Parliament. In my last letter to Mr. Hamilton I told him that some of the principal people here talked of resuming this pension, and recom- mended that precautions may be taken to prevent any attempt of that kind ; I now find that a resolution has been taken to bring this matter before the House of Commons soon after our meeting. Everything that I can do, both in the House and out of the House, for prevention and defence shall be done, short of an approbation of the measure, which (notwithstanding my deference to his superior judgment, and my knowledge of the generous sentiments of friendship, which govern his conduct) no possible state of the rupture can justify to my judgment. 257 If this is the sense of one of the men in the world most partial to him, MSS. of what must be the opinion of the indifferent, and what the clamour of donotcISo the prejudiced ? I speak only of the assignment from Mr. B[urks] to — Mr. Hamilton's] attorney; as to anything done in friendship to you I know no man nor woman either, that would not be pleased with it. I have always professed, and I hope acted, with plainness and candour, and I should condemn myself of an unfriendly reserve, if in an article of importance and delicacy I did not lay before my friend mine and the general sense ; and I thought it due to my regards for you, to commu- nicate it to him through your hands. T shall, however, u c e the same language to my Lord H[ertford] that I did to my Lord Northum- berland] (for which, by the way, tell Mr. Hamilton his Lordship remembered to forget the small matter of 3C0 per annum, though two opportunities offered before his exit) that I shall consider any attack upon Mr. H [ami] ton] as an attack upon myself. I shall also apply to every friend of mine, but I should think a letter from you to Lord S[hanno]n would probably make every attempt end in ridicule. I shall only add, that anything relative to pensions is a tempting morsel to opposition, and this is a new step on dangerous ground." 1765, September 2S. — Robert Jephson to John Hely Hutchinson. " I have communicated your letter to Mr. Hamilton from which he concludes the assignments of Mr. Burke's pension, which we took the liberty of sending to you by Mr. Marl ay have not yet been delivered into the Treasury. Mr. Hamilton apprehends that this delay may have given Mr. Burke's friends hopes that there might have been some com- promise or accommodation between them, which is directly contrary to Mr. Hamilton's determination, and that the threat of bringing this affair into the House of Commons may have some weight with Mr. Hamilton. He desires me to return you his thanks for the solicitude you express, and the pains you are so good to take, in this business, but at the same time, desires me to entreat it, as a favour, that you would not be anxious upon a point, in regard to which he himself is totally indifferent. So far as relates to me, Mr. Hamilton will be concerned if the pension is resumed ; but so far as relates to himself he is entirely unconcerned, whether the consideration of this matter comes before the House of Commons or not and what may be the event if it does, and he begs you will be at no trouble to prevent the mentioning of it, or to embarrass yourself with the defence of it, if it is mentioned, for he desires me to repeat to you, that he cannot be in the smallest degree affected by the resumption of the pension, in any other manner than as it takes an income from me, which he wishes I may enjoy ; but as to any justification of Mr. Hamilton's conduct, he has not a wish that it should be attempted by anyone. As to what you are so good to offer to say to Lord Hertford, Mr. Hamilton has wrote to you a very long, letter about a fortnight since and sent it by a private conveyance, but through the delay of the person who carries it, it probably may not reach you till some time hence ; but he requests that no transaction relative to him, may create the smallest difficulty to you. So far for Mr. Hamilton. I must now beg leave, to trouble you with a few v* ords for myself, as I am convinced that nothing but Mr. Hamilton's friend- ship for me occasioned that part of his conduct which you say is dis- approved. It was not once, but fifty times; it was not by one person, but by ten ; that Mr. Hamilton desired Mr. Burke should retain the pension which he had procured for him ; but Mr. Burke found upon advising with his friends that however inclinable he was to keep the pension himself, it was better for him, after the obligations he had U 60050. B 258 MSS. op received, and the engagements he had entered into, to give it up ; and Donot^hmoee. tnat hi s whole defence must rest upon this single point. Either then — the pension was to be resigned into the hands of Government, and become a saving to the Irish Treasury, for which Mr. Hamilton does not scruple to say he has not the least tenderness, or it was to be em- ployed to make a person's circumstances easy, for whom he is partial enough to declare he has a very sincere regard. He was kind enough to prefer the latter, and though I am sorry there is any person who dis- approves of such a friendly determination in Ireland, I am flattered to find that the sense of it here is very different. These two facts, you may depend upon, that Mr. Hamilton has one letter from Mr. Burke in which he offers to resign the pension to any person, and a second in which he declares his mind is altered, and he will transfer it only to Mr. Hamilton's attorney. I think it most probable this alteration of mind proceeded from a desire of still retaining the pension, and that the offer of giving it up might serve instead of the actual giving it up, as he concluded Mr. Hamilton might object to the receiving it through this mode of conveyance. Mr. Hamilton had sagacity enough to see through this evasion, and friendship enough for me to disregard it. You know very well that an imperfect narrative of a transaction like Ihis, of some intricacy, is worse than none at all, and that it is impos- sible within the compass of a letter to relate every circumstance which it might not be difficult to do in person, which can make it perspicuous ; but I can, from my own knowledge, assure you that every impartial person I have met with, who has heard it clearly and fully stated, agrees with me in the judgment I have formed upon a perfect acquaintance with every part of the transaction. "It flattered me very much to find from the obliging manner in which you are so good to offer me your mediation on this occasion, that I have incurred no censure, by being (so far as I am) concerned in this business, and you will not I hope, think it presumption in me, to declare that I have acted at least with disinterestedness, and have been more concerned at the little prospect I can see of any recon- ciliation between Mr. Hamilton and Burke, than I am pleased at the advantage which may accrue to me at the expense of the latter. Mr. Burke indeed has done me the justice to mention the earnestness and sincerity with which I laboured for an accommodation, and I have no reason to apprehend any j udgment which may be passed upon me by persons less partial to me than Mr. Burke, when they are as well informed of my conduct." 1765, November 25. Henry Street, Dublin. — Charles Lucas to [John Hely Hutchinson]. Thanking him " for his extraordinary kind and disinterested interposition in my favour." 1766, September 4. Dublin Castle. — [Thomas Waite, Secretary to the Lords Justices] to . Private. Had hoped that his correspondent's friendly offices would have carried the point for him, either in the shape of a reversion or a survivorship for life. " It was indifferent to me whether I paid the 1,000/. for one or the other. His Excellency might have distributed that sum in his family if he had thought it too much for the old woman, and it is not an unprecedented thing for a Lord Lieutenant to give the sale of an employment to gentlemen who are in attendance upon him. . . . His Excellency might have allotted that sum in payment of your debt. But it seems to be all over at present." Have had three or four letters from Lord Beauchamp and Sir Robert relative to the Merchants' Exchange. 259 They want near 14,000/. for the building, and there is not at this time MSS. op above 11,000/. in the Treasury. . . . "I have an office which if d ™Som. the day consisted of 48 hours would have stomach for them all. I — have not time or abilities or inclination to sit down and pump for essays and narratives with not one word of truth in them as my Master Hamilton used to do for Mr. Pery's amusement arid to show how well he could write. . . . Miss Marsell of Limerick the famous singer is married to Tenducci as is confidently reported in this town. . . . The news since the packet came in is that Lord Bristol is forthwith to be appointed Lord Lieutenant and Lord Hertford Master of the Horse and that Lord Bristol is to be constantly resident in Ireland. I don't suppose that it can be true." 1766, September 12. Dromoland, co. Clare. — Sir Lucius O'Brien to John Hely Hutchinson. . . . " I am persuaded the end we aim at is the same though different stations and very different talents have led us to use different means for its attainment yet not such as prevent me the honour of co-operating often with you for the public service. Lord Beauchamp seems to think this rather a favourable conjuncture for Ireland. I cannot help thinking it very fortunate that you who understand and love its interests so well should at such a time be present in the great scene of action." Am anxious that the sons of Doctor Lucas should be assisted. 1766, September 17. Belvidere. — Lord Bowes, Lord Chancellor, to John Hely Hutchinson. "Whether Lord T[emple] dictated directed or delivered in conversation the allowed facts in the pamphlet to which your letter refers are questions in which the public is not concerned ; the Brothers [Temple and Pitt] must adjust that matter between themselves. They [the public] may (if they please) avail themselves of what is admitted and thence be informed that the late ministerial confusion has arose from their declining the service of their country on personal considerations and it will be difficult to assign any patriotic principles on which their with-holding such assistance could be justified. Enlarge your Litany by joining Patriotism to Politics and from both — deliver us. The plan for residence [of the Lord Lieutenant] is not as yet understood here. Ignorance excites suspicions and thence wild conjectures. Gentlemen are to be rendered insignificant preparatory to an Union — at least they are to be closeted and cajoled to make way for the Land Tax &c. &c. Notwithstanding which I am persuaded those whom it may concern see the advantages which may result from this measure better than we do or it will rest in speculation." Referring to the appointment of Foster as Lord Chief Baron. 1766. — John Hely Hutchinson to the Earl of Chatham. " Though I am very apprehensive that your Lordship will be surprised at this liberty from a stranger yet his Majesty's Prime Serjeant in Ireland and the representative for the City of Cork, a place so justly and affectionately attached to your Lordship flatters himself that he may meet with forgiveness if he expresses the greatest solici- tude when any circumstance has occurred that might possibly have made the least impression on your Lordship's mind to his prejudice. By a letter from Lord H[ertford] I find he has done me the honour to mention my name to your Lordship and to recommend my removal to the King's service in this country. I beg leave to assure your Lordship that this idea, for which I am obliged to Lord H.'s favourable opinion, proceeded from his own suggestion. I never had the vanity to expect that English administration could have really thought my poor assist- R 2 260 MSS. of anco worthy their attention and that from my situation in Ireland I could DoNou^imoRE. never have hoped for such a change as could have been an inducement — to a reasonable man, though I must at the same time say, that making the smallest part in the system of Lord Chatham would be an object of my most earnest and ambitious pursuit. If my little knowledge of the affairs of Ireland in the conduct of which I have had a principal share- in the House of Commons since his Majesty's accession can be thought to deserve a moment of your Lordship's attention I should be very happy to be honoured with an opportunity of laying before your Lordship my sentiments upon the singular and critical circumstances of that Kingdom. I should endeavour to do it faithfully and impartially having no connection with any man or party, and having, since I was called upon to serve the Crown, acted uniformly as the servant of English Government there, which I have always thought the only effectual method of doing real service to that country." (Draft.) 1767, January 2. London. — Lord Hertford to John Llely Hutchin- son. " Lord Chatham is at the Bath and the Ministers dispersed for the holidays. The East India proprietors at their last meeting have resolved to treat with Government." Is still ignorant whether Lord Bristol has as yet formed any plan either as to men or measures for the government of Ireland. 1767, January 20. London. — Sir William Mayne to John Hely Hutchinson. u I should be madder than the wildest upholsterer were I to pretend to give you an account of the politics of this country, which are either so deep that none can fathom, or so vague and airy that no fixed opinion can be formed of them . . . King Lords and Commons are met, but no business as Lord Chatham is drove back to Bath by a most unconstitutional fall of snow, and & factious return of his gout, and it is whispered he left London much dissatisfied." 1767, August 3. Parsons Green. — Edmund Burke to John Hely Hutchinson. " I assure you, I have a very sincere desire, in my present humble situation, to do anything that may be pleasing to you. I should have the same if I had as much power, as your partiality could wish me. But I cannot move the machine, or even grease the wheels. My friends are out of power, and likely to continue so. Lord Rockingham is gone to the Country without office and with dignity. Lord Bristol I could not even know. Lord Townshend I do know too well. His brother has no regard for me and I have no confidence in him. Just so matters stand, and I will not make any parade of my willingness to run your errands, because it would look like that cheap and common- place way of shewing one's good inclinations, when no service is desired, because no service can be done. I think it very likely that the Chancellor will be appointed from hence. In the conversations which I hear, it is talked of as a sort of maxim of Government. But in the end the accommodation of their own arrangement is the principle they will proceed upon. It was this principle that made Lord Townshend Lord Lieutenant, at least I cannot conceive any other, and have but a moderate opinion of their policy even in that. On Lord Chatham's decline in health and capacity, Lord Rockingham was wished with his friends, to accede to the remains of that administration. He tried to form a plan of strength; but in this attempt he failed, and he was unwilling to form the project of a weak one, or to make a part in such a system. The Duke of Grafton and Mr. Conway who seemed at first very sensible of the deficiencies of their own system, took courage 261 from the failure of their negotiations, and resolve to all appearance, to MSS. cf .hold on that Bute bottom upon which Lord Chatham had ieft them, donou^iimore. As their garrison is very small, it became absolutely necessary that — there should be more harmony amongst them tl an appeared in the last Session. Townshend is become of more consequence ; and, if possible to fix his levity, they have made his brother Lord Lieutenant, which I know to have been long his object. Lord Townshend is thought to have a great ascendant over Charles. I imagine this has been their motive ; they have wanted agreement within themselves, for I am sure this has given them no strength from without. If they should attempt to enlarge themselves, and to extend their line of debate, they will probably attempt to get Sir Fletcher Norton. If they can compass this the Master of the Rolls [Sir Thomas Sewell] will be thrown upon you ; and Oh ! Earth lay light on him ! for sore no man ever bnrthened it so much. I think their attempt on Sir Fletcher very likely ; because I know they had a negotiation with him last winter. If this should fail, and they think of your side, the consideration of the offices which you have to resign, would, I should think, weigh a great deal with Lord Townshend provided he has any man whom he loves enough for the moment to wish a provision for." {Imperfect. Beginning lost.) 1767, August 6. Fitzgerald to John Hely Hutchinson. " I wish you had thought of coming over here directly upon the Chancellor's death. I am persuaded you would have succeeded, and I have little doubt, were you here now, of your being able to bring it about. Lord Bristol has recommended Lord Annaly, but declaring at the same time that he thought that office too great to fall within his department ; the object of the Ministry here is to get Norton, for which purpose they would make Sewell Chancellor and Lord de Grey to be Master of the Rolls, but Norton has refused hitherto, and it will probably be difficult to separate him from Grenville; you may, if on the spot, give our new Governor Lord Townshend (who was yesterday declared so in Council) very good reasons for preferring you, which reasons might operate with equal force with the Minister who is to dispose of the place, so that I wish you would if possible come here as soon as possible. The spirit of indecision that now prevails, will very probably postpone this business some weeks. Bristol has been superseded at his own desire, and will probably have some other place, or a marquisate. Charles Townshend's wife has got a barony descendible to his issue. There are several Irish peerages. Coloony and Lord Clive, made Earls ; Upton and Bishop of Cloyne, Privy Counsellors ; Tom FitzGribbon and George Hamilton, King's Counsel ; It's known that if Lord Bristol had succeeded for Lord Annaly, he would have recommended John FitzGibbon for the King's Bench." 1767, August . — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord [Townshend]. Urging his claims and qualifications for the vacant Chancellorship. {Draft.) 1767, August 27. Audley Square. — Lord Townshend to John Hely Hutchinson. In reply to the last observing that he has had other applications from Ireland and will do justice to all by laying them fairly and fully before the King. 1767, [September]. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Townshend. Reply to the last. {Draft.) 1767, September 12. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. " My brother [Hon. Henry Seymour Conway, Secretary 262 MSS. of of Stale] acquaints me that he did justice to my request in repeating DonougSoee. your pretensions to the Great Seal of Ireland. I acquainted you long — since that I had taken an early opportunity of doing it myself and my only reason for troubling you at present is to inform you that your com- mands have been obeyed by me, whatever the success may be." I believe there is no immediate prospect of its being given away. Commissioners will probably be appointed. 1767, October 9, Salthill. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. I write on my way to Bath. " The Lord Lieutenant is in his own mind persuaded he shall have the seals of Ireland to dispose of, but he at the same time has not had such assurances as will warrant his making a promise of them to any of the competitors on your side of the water. I have met with circumstances which make me doubt whether Tisdale's object is really to be Chancellor, or only to sound his preten- sions as high as possible, that they might be bought oil as dear as possible. . . . Great pains have been taken to persuade both the Lord Lieutenant and his secretary that you would not be offended at any pre- ference that was shown to Tisdale " on the ground of his age and long services. " Cunninghame has been a principal performer in conveying these impressions. I think I have removed them entirely. . . . The point which I recommend to press, because I found in conversation it had the greatest weight with both the Lord Lieutenant and his secretary was this ' That you desired nothing more than that the Seals should be left open to the close of the session and be given to the person who upon trial should be found most serviceable to the Lord Lieutenant's Govern- ment.'. . . . Lord Townshend is exceedingly partial to Jephson and wishes to bring him into Parliament. I want to have it done immediately* It will have great weight, if you tell his Excellency that from Jephson's talent, he would probably be of great use to Government in the very next session. I am persuaded he would make some Irish member a peer, for the sake of getting Jephson a seat." [1767], November 25. Arlington Street. — The Same to the Same. " Rigby speaks of your ability in terms of very strong commendation,, and ridicules the idea of any man's supposing that the talents of your antagonists are not in every respect inferior to your own. " 1 conclude that Boyle's appointment to the revenue board will have reconciled Tisdale to the Lord Lieutenant. But Rigby assured me that when he left Ireland, the Attorney was more dissatisfied than any man in it. You did not, I take it for granted, intend that I should hint by letter to Lord Townshend, your disapprobation of the manner in which he had conducted himself to you. If there is anything you wish to have said to him, and which you yourself don't choose to say, Jephson, I should think, would execute your commands, both with fidelity and address, And when he left England his partiality to Jephson was so great that nothing would come unacceptable to him through that channel. It is my own opinion, and I think it a well grounded one, that not only you, but that Lord Townshend himself, under-rates his own influence on this side of the water. There is not a doubt but he will be permitted to do everything which he can propose, at least in cases where the English administration have no purpose of their own to answer by interfering. And even this degree of power, circumscribed as it may appear to be, and as it is 3 must, I should apprehend, be fully sufficient to indulge any wishes you can frame, now the Seals in Ireland are disposed of. That Lord Townshend may, if he pleases, create Mrs. Hutchinson a peeress ; change your life for your son's in the reversion ; and contrive to pay off 263 the debt of the Alnage ; (which 1 conclude are your principal objects) MSS. of I can never bring myself to entertain the smallest doubt. If therefore, donotS^imore. he pleads his want of power, with regard to such requests as these, it — proves only that he does not mean to gratify you in them, and you must take your measures accordingly. In the many conversations I held with Lord Townshend, I constantly took care to inform him that I could not in any degree be responsible for the part you would take ; and I often reminded him that I recommended you to his particular attention, not for your sake, but for his own. If you are to make resistance, remember our error in Lord Northumberland's time, and don't delay it till it is too late. The increase of the army is what, according to my judgment, every man in Ireland ought to oppose. There, if at all, I think you ought to make your stand. A peace establishment, for the support of which a kingdom must either lay new taxes, or annually run out, is an absurdity, that no pretended apprehension of danger can defend, or extenuate. An increase of expenses in Ireland must infallibly end in some taxation of a very general, and a very invidious kind.' And it must for ever be a source of popularity to have opposed those measures, by which such an odious expedient has been rendered necessary. Upon such a topic you might, I am persuaded, start with infinite advantage to your character, and to your future prospects. I shall conclude, with telling you what, I believe, will surprise you, and what I must beg you would not communicate to anyone. The administration here declare that the Lord Lieutenant had no authority to recommend a law for making the tenure of the judges during good behaviour. I think, however, but I am far from being certain, that the Bill will pass. I can't help suspecting that Lord Hertford may have stated to the Lord Lieutenant something upon the subject of your unreasonableness, which may very possibly have alarmed him. Would not it be worth your while to explain to Lord Townshend what passed between you and that dis- interested nobleman. But if you do it, do it personally, and not by the means of Lord F. Campbell." 1768, March 17. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for defending his son Lord Beauchamp. The re- solutions of the Lords were extremely unpleasant, giving a dis- agreeable shade to a very innocent proceeding. When the Clerkship of Parliaments became vacant the first plan of disposing of it not taking effect I wished to give it to a man who had pressed me because he wanted assistance and had a title to my favour, but was re- strained because he was my agent. Lord Beauchamp then propoeiid to obviate the objection by giving the employment to Dr. Gayer, a Lisburn man, making him a reasonable and handsome allowance and disposing of the rest to such persons in Lisburn as were pressing from the necessity of their circumstances. The measure even on t\\m foundation might be indiscreet because it was more likely to be taken up in a servant of either House of Parliament, and that quartering though done every day is not to be justified in argument especially in a House of Parliament. To talk of summoning Lord Beauchamp as a delinquent before Parliament is inconceivable and not to be reconciled with the least degree of moderation candour or equity, and can be ascribed to nothing but the political illwill of some very designing revengeful or ill-intentioned person. 1768, April 7. — The Same to the Same on the same business. Observing that though the opposition in this country go great lengths he has never known an instance where a man ran so great a risk of being 264 MSS. op tried and condemned unheard. "Lord Shelburne, the Secretary of Do^ou^iSEoee. State for the Southern Department, 1ms acquainted the Lord Lieutenant — that he has received the resolutions of the House of Lords, an address about the Exchange, an address of thanks for the Octennial Bill from Waterford, &c, &c, and has laid them before the King, telling me that he thought Lord Beauchamp much above receiving any compliment from his pen and that taking no other notice of it than in such an Hodge podge he hoped would be respectful, satisfactory to us, and a sufficient indication of its reception here. The Duke of Grafton has wrote some time ago to Lord Townshend to acquaint his Excellency with his sentiments upon this transaction and what was due in his opinion to a predecessor in office upon the present terms of the Lieutenancy of Ireland. ... I am concerned as a well-wisher to Ireland to receive the picture you have so ably drawn of its political state, the features are not changed by being beheld at a distance, and if great care and management are not employed the government of that kingdom will soon become impracticable in any hands." 1768. — John Holy Hutchinson to — O'Hara. Replying to the question how he intended to act in the present critical condition of the country. " A virulent spirit of licentiousness has broke out among us, threatening the destruction of all order and subordination ; the Limitation Bill, though in my opinion a great acquisition for Ireland has added great weight to the democratical scale and will raise the lever of false popularity higher than before ; political contests must increase this evil as one side will ever appeal to the people. Irish administration has been for some years past gentle fluctuating timid and relaxed and has frequently acted not as the curb but often as the instrument of faction. There never was a time when the mild executive government of this country required firmness and system more the present, and consequently when every honest man ought to be disposed to give his assistance to strengthen the hands of Government. The situation of affairs in America and the late disturbances in England ought to be strong inducements to the friends of Ireland to exert themselves in supporting the King's measures with all the ability of their country. These are my sentiments ; Lord Townshend's manner of treating me might have affected my temper but has not altered my opinion. I was always ready to support an augmentation in a reasonable mode and without inconsistency. I was not nor am I wedded to any particular plan, but offered Lord Townshend my assistance to model that which was proposed in such a manner as would have ensured the success of it without any possible objection on the side of Great Britain ; but I was told by his Excellency that he had not the power of varying it any respect, not even in the expressions. That measure being at an end I am also desirous to go on with government as a servant of the Crown unconnected with any party, which I have done uniformly since my being in office, till our military master denied me my rank and reduced me to a subaltorn. There are two other subjects on which I shall also be explicit. Whether there shall be a resident Lord Lieutenant or not I have no concern, my opinion is for it, and as to the power of the revenue I am indifferent where it shall be placed or how it shall be modelled. If the nobleman and the commoner with whom I acted in the last Session, except in the affair of the 3 months' Money Bill in which I did not concur, should be removed it would not be in my flower as a man of honour to continue in office, though I am not under any such engagement." {Draft.) 265 1768, December 14. — George Colman to John Hely Hutchinson. MSS. of Thanking him for his attention to his suit. " To use your own allusion dqnotoi?more you have the cri tick's semper ad eventum for ever before yon, and want — no spur to hasten the catastrophe." 1769, January 11. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Hertford. "The subject [of his enclosure] seems to me to have been con- sidered as of greater importance than belongs to it. 1 was one of the warmest advocates against the rejection and against the reasons assigned, because the assignment of reasons for rejecting bills appeared to me in all cases to be unparliamentary, and when tending to contradict Acts of Parliament unconstitutional, but still it is a question of mere form ; the supply is asked from the Commons, the money bill is taken up in their house as part of the supply to be granted by them ; their Speaker takes it to the House of Lords and presents it to the Lord Lieutenant as the gift of the Commons who receive thanks from the throne for it as for their benevolence. A protest does not control the right of the Commons to reject, and if they pass it, it is considered by thein and accepted by the King as their Act. Whether the bill should originate in the Council or with the Commons appears to me to be mere matter of form. I have nothing to say in defence of departing from the constant course of procedure, and giving offence to the superior without a possibility of serving the inferior country, but it seems to me to be the interest of both kingdoms and particularly of Ireland that the subject should be understood as it really is and not as involving any question of subordination or dependency." (Draft.) 1769, May 18.— The Same to the Same. "I have had the mis- fortune of being altogether mistaken in every conversation that has passed between us [the Lord Lieutenant and himself], and these mistakes have been constantly circulated in this country and have frequently made their way to the other side of the water. Two days before sending for me he declared that he would never do me that honour, and since our last interview, in which I exerted my utmost endeavours to make his Excellency sensible of my services and earnest disposition to promote the success of his Majesty's measures he has talked of me with disregard and ridicule, declares that his representations against me have gone so far that it is not in his power to retract them, and that he expects every moment orders from England to remove Lord S[hanno]n, Mr. P y [Ponsonby ?] and me ; whilst it seems the King's servant of the law, who has the most confidental and responsible office [Tisdale A.G.] who, though obliged in the last session with the place of a Commisfcioner of revenue for his friend, projected the three Months' Money Bill, which I prevented, and the address upon the appointment of a Chancellor which I opposed, is not only exempted from disgrace but remains the object of favour." " It is seriously to be feared that [the Lord Lieutenant's] ill-placed partialities and ill-founded resentments will greatly and unnecessarily involve and embroil the affairs of this country. He is himself the cause of what he imputes to others, and was in the last, and will be, if con- tinued in the future session, the real and the only obstacle to business ; he has given without provocation and taken without cause many offences here, and mixes with business a temper and imagination not the best adapted to the direction of the affairs of a great country." (Draft.) 1769, June 22. — The Same to the Same. " The establishment of some system for the government of Ireland seems to be much wanting and may be accomplished without difficulty * 266 MSS. of by a Chief Governor of firmness and of temper and conciliatory manners DoNoxmioioRE. ana " ^ t0 these circumstances we were so happy to add that he had an — interest in common with the gentlemen of the country I think the success would be secure and the administration honourable and easy and happy for both kingdoms.'' {Draft.) 1769, September 25. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. " I have hitherto said nothing to you upon the subject of your Secretary, because I had so many reasons for believing he was determined to quit his employment in Ireland, that nothing but his being actually gone there, could have convinced me to the contrary. Upon the first moment of his appointment I took an opportunity of mentioning you to him. I explained how much Lord Townshend had been prejudiced with relation to you, and how much he had suffered for want of your assistance ; and I assured him that however Government might go on, (though even that could be but disreputably, without the advantage of your friendship) it was impossible for a Secretary to acquire any degree of personal credit, if you put yourself in direct opposition to him. I offered to stake my judgment upon your zeal, and upon your ability, and my life upon your fidelity in serving him. The answer I received from him was that of an ignorant, conceited coxcomb, who knew neither the interests of Government, nor his own. I have, however, since heard, that from despising the Irish House of Commons, he is now grown ridiculously afraid of it. If I have any judgment, you should pursue one of these two methods, and either of them, I should think, would answer your end effectually. Agree with Govern- ment, and support them warmly and uniformly from the opening of the Session to the close of it, not forgetting to preserve more than a mere apparent consistency on the point of the augmentation. But if an accom- modation cannot be come to with the Lord Lieutenant, don't do the thing by halves, let your opposition be as determined in that event, as your support would be in the other. If the Session is not to be an advantageous one, let it be a shining one, and in every debate make the Secretary your object. He will for his own sake interest himself in all your wishes, and, I should apprehend, would have weight enough for the accomplishment of them. Upon frequently considering your situation in Ireland, and your great superiority in Parliament, I am persuaded your business is more with the Secretary than the Lord Lieutenant, and that no Session ought to pass over, in which you should not appear to be his best friend, or his most conspicuous enemy. By opposition to Rigby you gained great reputation. By friendship to me you obtained some solid advantage. But by being neither in intimacy, nor in hostility with Lord F. Campbell you did nothing. You was not what you ought always to be, and what your talents entitle you to be, a principal figure in the performance, and from your not being so it was, that in the course of last winter Irish Government depreciated your Parliamentary importance in their letters to England. The first thing a Secretary considers is his own personal appearance. Though you can't make Sir G. Macartney a brilliant character, it is totally and entirely in your power to make him the reverse, which is what he must know, and what I am sure he fears. I mention all this to you in case you should not be able to engage with Government upon terms that are honourable to you, for if you can, I should still think it preferable to opposition/' 1769, October 10. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchin- son. " The mode you have recommended for the augmentation [of the Army] will, I think, from the conversation I have had upon it satisfy on this side the water, if Lord Townshend will adopt it." 267 1770, January 5. — John Hely Hutchinson to Hugh Lawton. Ex- MSS. of plaining to his friends in Cork his conduct in the principal transactions donotShmore. of the last Session. — "I not only voted for, but I planned the whole of the scheme for augmenting the Army upon this establishment, which I consider as a gre.it acquisition to this Kingdom in many respects ; in its defence by keeping 12,000 effective men constantly resident here, unless in times of rebellion and invasion in Great Britain ; in our constitution by voting the additional men for 2 years only ; in our commerce and manufactures by stopping the efflux of our treasure out of the kingdom ; and keeping the pay of 12,000 men, which is 500,000 yearly and upwards in this kingdom. The power of the Crown to send any number of our forces into other countries, and to pay them out of the Irish Treasury, had occasioned a great drain of our specie, and the evil had increased of late years to so great a degree, that from very small beginnings, the sums remitted to troops abroad have exceeded 70,000. I voted also for the three months' Money Bill, which took its rise in the Council, having supported with a very great majority the very same Bill in the beginning of the last Parliament, conformable to the constant course of precedents in every reign from the [year] 1496 to his present Majesty's reign inclusive (with a single exception) and having never heard that any prejudice or inconvenience was ever felt, complained of, or even alleged, from any of those precedents. The right of the Commons to reject was un- questionable, the utility or expediency of so doing was the only question, the idea that the passing such a bill would encroach upon the power of the Commons over the purse of the nation is a groundless vulgar notion calculated only to mislead and inflame the minds of the people. I was against lowering the inland excise upon beer and ale because from the opinion of three of the Commissioners of the Revenue and the much experienced Revenue officers, it was likely to occasion a great annual loss to the revenue.'' ( Copy.) 1771, January 1. — John Hely Hutchinson to W. Gerard Hamilton. "An admirer of Junius who knows but one man capable of that brilliancy of stile may be well excused for making a very probable, tho' it seems not a well founded, conjecture, but be assured he is the last man in the world who would say anything of you that he did not think for your honour; it is a pretty observation of Voltaire's that we are not so much deceived by anything as by following probabilities, and if you had not by your assertion convinced me that it was not true I have a thousand arguments that it was the most probable thing in the world. I have used every decorous method to cultivate a connection with the person you mention, but I fear it is too difficult an undertaking. He has some general rules which are useful only to those who can see and apply the exceptions to them ; he has laid it down justly that reserve is one of the most necessary ingredients in the character of a statesman and therefore to his best friends his utmost confidence is chamber talk and he tells them under the strictest injunctions of eternal secrecy less than they may find in Nalsen's Almanac ; from hence it has generally happened that he asks advice too late, and does not call for the water engine till the house is consumed by the flames. How does it happen that those who most want advice act so differently from those who have an urgent occasion for any other commodity ? There is also another diffi- culty in our way arising from our Master, whether real or fictitious I have not sufficient sagacity to pronounce, though I suspect the latter. The language held is I am no monarch, I am not responsible for anything, my Master places no confidence in me, I have not the smallest influence. 268 mss. of He and I set out together in the opposite system with an assurance to Dcwol^imore. me on h^ s P ar t that he would not remain here, if there was not an entire — confidence placed in him, of which he promised me the fullest com- munication. My determined resolution was to follow precisely the plan laid down in your letter. This connexion has disarmed me, and reduced me to a state of insignificance not altogether agreeable to my feelings. It is true they have increased my income but in a manner very disagreeable to me by a salary of 1,000/. yearly during pleasure to me as Alnager." 1772, January 14. Arlington Street. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. " There are a variety of letters from Ireland which mention that an address will after your recess be moved to compel the residence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The authority from which this intelli- gence comes induces me to think that some such motion is really intended. The singling out my office, and leaving unnoticed every other non-resident possessor of a sinecure employment (which I understand to be the plan) has something in it so very invidious, that even the attempt will be extremely disagreeable to me, and the success of it, (which, in your present disunited situation, is not impossible) still more so. We have often agreed that the great source of error in politics was refinement in politics (sic) and that in speculations of this sort, men oftener erred by going beyond the mark, than by falling short of it. Is it, however, impossible, that Mr. Ponsonby, variable in his politics, but uniform in his wish to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, may have intimated at the Castle, that of all employments mine would be by far the most acceptable to him ? In such an event his Excellency might perhaps connive at an address being carried, in hopes of an accommoda- tion taking place, and concluding that I might barter my office more readily if I was reduced to the alternative either of residing in Ireland, or soliciting a favour from the ministry in England. Whatever may be the design, it most certainly shall never be productive of the end pro- posed. For if such an address was moved and carried, if the Crown approved, and all the non-residents in the interests of the Court looked on with indifference (events not, I think, very likely to happen; I would, infallibly, so circumstanced, come to Ireland; a thing which in itself I should like exceedingly, and which nothing but the manner of my being brought there, could render disagreeable to me. " What I have to beg of you is that you would favour me with a line by the return of the post ; that you would let me know if such a motion is talked of, or really intended, from the best intelligence you can pro- cure ; by whom you think it will be made ; if in the House of Lords or Commons; and with what probability of success? If such a thing should be in view, the circulating an idea that Ponsonby has an interest in promoting it, may not be without its effect. It is not necessary for me to desire that you would suppress you having heard from me upon this subject, any more than it is to beg ycu would take the most effectual means of preventing, if possible, so invidious and personal a measure. An amendment surely that the Address might be extended to all non-resident possessors of Irish employments, could not, without the grossest partiality, be rejected." 1772, June 10. Hagley. — Lord L\ttelton to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for his exertions in bringing his son-in-law Viscount Valentia's cause to a successful issue. 269 1772. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Lyttelton. Replying to mss. of , •, , J J r J the Earl of tne last. donoughmoke. "Lady A[nnesley's] testimony was as clear and consistent, attended — with all advantages of ease, readiness, recollection, candour, and dignity as any that I have ever heard given, supported in every part of it by circumstances or witness or both and not contradicted by any one witness or any one circumstance, and that in some exhibits acknowledged on all bands to be genuine where the husband had written his name in several different parts of the same page some of these signatures differ far more from others than any of them from the name in the certificate and that by examining that certificate with good glasses it appears next to an impossibility than it should have been a forgery." (Draft.) 1772, August 5. Hagley. — Lord Lyttelton to John Hely Hutchinson. Regretting that he has no opportunity of intercourse with him except by correspondence, and hoping he will visit him at Hagley. Thanking him for drawing an accurate state of Lord Valentia's case before the Lords of Ireland, but fearing that without a greater change in the circumstances and dispositions of the English House than he sees any reason to hope for at present it will not avail to regain his honours in this kingdom. At present what appears most desirable is the verdict of an Irish jury in favour of his son-in-law's legitimacy, which would put an end to the claims of Richard Annesley and Lord Mulgrave. 1772, August 6. Magdalen College, Oxford. — Benjamin Wheeler to John Hely Hutchinson. Relating to the entry of the latter's son, Mr. Wheeler being his tutor ; and stating that 200/. is a sufficient yearly allowance for a gentleman Commoner. " I suppose in this estimate, that he is a student, and has neither a servant, nor a horse to be maintained. Indeed by a late Statute neither servants nor horses for the future are permitted." 1772, August 23. Lissanoure. — Sir George Macartney to John Hely Hutchinson. " I learn that my Lord Harcourt is certainly to be at Holyhead on the 20th of October and my Lord Townshend is to remain in Ireland till he has delivered up the Sword to him in person, it being long since determined to permit no interregnum of Lords Justices. My successor, I hear, is neither to be in Council nor in Parliament, for which resolution I applaud his judgment, and if his example is followed the Secretaryship may again become a desirable object." . . . Can only conjecture what is to pass, and takes it for granted that the whole must fall into Hutchinson's hands. 1772, September 26. Hagley. — Lord Lyttelton to John Hely Hutchinson. A great crowd of visitors including the French Ambassador, the Danish Minister, and Prince Poniatowski, a nephew of the King of Poland, has delayed my thanking you for your last letter and for your abstract of Lord Valentia's case. " On a careful perusal of it I think it sufficient to satisfy any impartial man that the certificate was not forged; but whether Lord Camden's prejudice will suffer his eyes to see the marks of a split pen in the writing I much doubt, and if he is not converted it will not be easy to convert the other Lords, who followed his authority in the judgement they gave, or who had other prejudices equally strong, which I am afraid was the case of a great majority even among those who did not vote. ... If Lord Mulgrave brings his cause (as I hear he will) before a jury in Ireland, their verdict will weigh much either for or against a Rehearing in our 270 MSS. ov House." Am glad that you promise a visit to Hagley. " If, to meet Donou^Soke. J ou there, my former guests, Pope and Thomson, could revive, I should — think the place more worthy of Mr. Hutchinson's presence, but you must be content with Mrs. Montagu, Mrs. Vesey and Garrick, who, I hope, will be of the party." 1772, October 25. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. "I have had much conversation both with Lord Harcourt and Colonel Blaquiere, upon the politics and characters in Ireland. You will easily imagine that in the course of such a discussion, your own importance and our friendship, made it equally impossible that you passed by unobserved. Both the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary conceive as favourably as you yourself can wish of your talents, your spirit, and your fidelity. They allow that other men may be useful, but seem to consider you alone as necessary to Government. There is however one impression which I can perceive has been made, with great industry and some success ; and which I apprehend it should be, under this new Government, your capital and uniform object to remove. While your capacity is admitted by everybody, the exorbitance and unreason- ableness of your demands is arraigned on all hands. This is circulated by your enemies, believed by the public, represented to the Ministers and stated to the King. And by circulating this perpetually it is, that some whom you formerly opposed, and others whom you now rival in Ireland, have contrived not only to balance, but to weigh down all your other merits. You will observe, that I don't enter into the justice, or injustice, the truth, or falsehold of this assertion, I mean only to say that this opinion, whether well or ill founded, prevails universally ; that in consequence of its doing so, you suffer exceedingly ; and that if this impression was once removed, which it might be by Lord Harcourt, it is my full persuasion you would be the most, favorite character, and the person the most entrusted by English Government in Ireland. Permit me therefore to recommend, and from my conviction of the propriety of it, even to request that immediately upon Lord Harcourt's landing in Ireland, you would give him the strongest and most unconditional assurance of your support, that though his conduct, and that of his Secretary, should be variable to you (which however, I am persuaded it will not be) yours should be uniform to them, and that you may neither be flattered or offended, as they happen to give or to withold from you, their insignificant and silly confidence. Let me entreat you to be persuaded that this is not merely the most advisable, but the only part you have to take. For I more than believe, I know, that any proposition made in your behalf, will be received very coldly by the Ministers, and if granted at all, granted with reluctance in the closet. Lord Halifax, Lord Northumberland, Lord Hertford, and, I believe, Lord Townshend (that is every chief Governor who has been in Ireland since you came into employment) have concurred, by what fatality I know not, in commending your talents, and in finding fault with your unreasonableness. And you can scarce be surprised when a point like this has been enforced through a long line of Lord Lieutenants, and (with the exception of myself alone) through a long succession of Secretaries, that so great a number of evidence, and so much uniformity of testimony should be sufficient to establish any fact and to bear down any character." Apologising for interfering in such a delicate subject and advising him to embark with Lord Harcourt, leaving to him, without stipulation (till the close of the next Session of Parliament) to judge of, represent and reward the very material services he will perform to Government. 271 1772, December 16. London. — Lord Lyttelton to John Hely mss. of TT , v • the Earl op Hutchinson. ^ _ Donoughmoke. Stating the admiration with which he has read the pleadings in Lord — Valentia's case, yet not daring to indulge much hope that they will have power to prevail over the strong prepossessions of his adversaries in the House. Could Lord Camden be converted that indeed would encourage the writer to press for a Rehearing. [1772 or 1773.]— John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Lyttelton. Reply to the last letter. Expecting that the printed trial will be published in a few days when he will send it him. " I hope Lord Camden will think well of it, but I am a place man and consequently must have a high respect for Lord North, and think so favourably of his Lordship's singular discernment that I should prefer his approbation without a vote to Lord Camden's most eloquent affirmative, even though the Common Council of London should assure him it was right, as they once did that he was a man of the strictest integrity, of which, if I do not forget, in his reply he tells them he was now confident as the Common Council of London had assured him of it ; though I confess I should have believed it, and so I am persuaded would his Lordship, though that reputable body had never put it to the question." On the back of the same sheet is a draft letter to Mr. Wheeler, his son's tutor at Oxford. {Draft.) 1772, December 27. — John Hely Hutchinson to W. Gerard Hamilton. Had deferred answering your letter [of October 25] till I should have conferred with the Lord Lieutenant or his Secretary ; " but if I waited longer our correspondence must either entirely cease or be discontinued without limitation. I have visited, levee'd, confabu- lated, but not conferred, nor have I any reason to expect an attention not shown to others Your letter has infinitely surprised me ; you are one of the few men of the world from whom I could take in good part an address in terms of so much severity ; but I consider your letter as a caution to me to guard against the imputations of my enemies, and that you have repeated their suggestions in their own language. Though you desire me to observe that you do not enter into the truth or falsehood, the justice or injustice, of the assertions mentioned in your letter to be universally believed, yet you will not wonder that I cannot silently submit to imputations injurious to my honour and character, and as you have thought it the duty of a friend to communi- cate to me reports to my prejudice, I hope you will think it a more agreeable exercise of your friendship to vindicate my reputation, and will hear with pleasure that I have every kind of evidence from every Lord Lieutenant whom you have mentioned, in contradiction of the representations, which you have been informed they have made of my unreasonableness and exorbitancy. I have their repeated declarations, their letters, and the whole tenor of their conduct to me, to the contrary. When I waited upon Lord Halifax, at the eve of his departure from this Kingdom, to return him thanks for his favours, his answer was that he should have gone to me to return me thanks for mine. Soon after he left this Government I had the honour of his letters, now in my hands, returning me thanks for my conduct, assuring me of his constant protection and support, and promising to recommend me for a seat at the Council Board if Lord Northumberland did not, and to the end of his life he was uniform in his expressions of kindness and regard for me. With Lord Northumberland I never had a moment's difference, but upon your account. He offered me a salary of 300/. yearly to 272 MSS. of a little office in which he had joined my son, which I declined accept- 1)ono whmoee * n &> an( ^ ^ e was so P^ easeo ^ with my disinterestedness that he brought — ' me to the Council Board. When he had given up all thoughts of returning to this Kingdom, and at the close of his Administration, I had a very handsome letter from him, lamenting that opportunities did not offer of serving me further ; he also stated to the King, in my presence, my services, in terms the most honourable and flattering to me. That Lord Hertford's representations have been in every respect the most favourable to me, I have a thousand proofs ; the kindest letters, the most friendly reception, the most honourable declarations, and interposition in my favour on all proper occasions. What repre- sentations my short opposition to Lord Tovvnshend might have provoked him to have made, I know not ; but I have the best reasons to believe that he has represented to his Majesty's Ministers, that I returned to the service of Government without stipulation, promise, or request, and that during the last three Sessions he stated to the Ministers my services in the strongest terms. During the two last Sessions, the most difficult and laborious in this or perhaps any other country, I received no favour from him, except a deanery of 30/. yearly, and scarcely made him any request ; I also know that those representations have had the effect I wished for ; and that the late and present Ministers have thoroughly understood and approved of my conduct. In the year '70 Lord Townshend had the goodness to obtain for me a salary of 1,000/. yearly as alnager; I had not a word with him previously on the subject, and left the amount of this salary (which I accepted of as a compensation for a debt acknowledged to be due to me from Government) to my friend Sir G. Macartney and to his Ex- cellency. I have Lord Townshend's letters acknowledging in the most explicit manner, and with strong professions of esteem and regard, his approbation of my conduct, his sense of my services, and that he was obliged to me ; he has assured me without any application on my part, that it was his intention to represent and recommend me to his successor, as the person most capable of doing the King's business in the House of Commons, and also to make a personal request to Lord Harcourt to oblige me in an instance, which Lord Townshend had offered and intended, but did not accomplish ; but the latter I declined as ungenerous to the late and embarrassing to the present Chief Governor. I took the liberty of calling upon him to exculpate me to Lord Harcourt from the misrepresentations of my conduct stated in vour letter, which he promised me to do in the fullest manner. I cannot conclude the account of my intercourse with Lord Lieutenants without affirming solemnly that I never entered into a stipulation with any one of them ; the invitation to me by Lord Halifax to come into the King's service on terms proposed by himself does not deserve that name. As to secretaries, 1 will stake my life upon it, that Lord Beauehamp, Lord Fred. Campbell, and Sir George Macartney will contradict those representations you have been informed they have made so highly to my discredit; to suppose those noblemen and gentlemen to have made those representations, would be more unjust to them than injurious to me. To enable me to serve Government I have been obliged to give up all trials at bar and elsewhere, and the whole of my chamber practice, and I can truly state myself in those articles to have been an annual loser of so much a greater annual sum than I have ever gained by Government, till Lord Townshend obtained for me the salary I have mentioned. From '61 to '70 I stood precisely in the same situation as to emoluments under Government in which Lord Halifax had placed me in 273 the beginning of His Majesty's reign, and would cheerfully give up that MSS. op salary en being reimbursed the sum of 4,900/. which the office of Donot^Sore. alnage has cost me from first to last, and of which by the money paid, — and the salary of 500/. yearly given up, I made, in every respect but the tenure, a very disadvantageous bargain, but this has been accident, and I am not less obliged tc you for your friendship. I have been for eleven years the most active person in the service of Government, in every place, and upon every occasion, with one exception of the first proposal of an augmentation ; for this single act of opposition I sufficiently atoned by forming the present plan to which almost all parties agreed ; I have never during that time, obtained ■any office or promotion of value or consequence for any friend, and may safely affirm that no man who has stood foremost in the service of administration for such a length of time, has been more useful, and less troublesome to Government. I remain in the same inconsiderable office in which I set out, and to which no duty or responsibility is annexed, and I have acted as if I filled the first and most responsible office in the State. During that time I have declined repeatedly the situation of a Chief Judge, having been told that my services in the House of Com- mons would be more acceptable. I find by your letter I must have been among some persons the subject of malignity and defamation at the time when I best deserved favour and confidence ; and why ? because my forward and active zeal in the public service have made me the object of hatred and envy ; the scandal which the leaders of opposition had long propagated against me knowing it to be false, administration will not I hope, take on their credit and believe to be true ; after the labour of many years with my health injured, my spirits broken, my profession neglected, my fortune by that neglect, impaired, and all to support His Majesty's Government in this country, to be told that every man, Lord Lieutenant and secretaries (with but one exception) to whom I have devoted my time that might have been so much more profitably employed, and for whom I have strained every little talent I possess, united in representations to bear down my character, is so monstrous, that if [ believed it, I would for ever renounce all connections with administra- tion. Though disappointed by the late Lord Lieutenant, I have not complained to him or his successor. I have expressed no discontent, highly sensible of having been distinguished by the reversionary grant of a great office ; whilst I remain in the most respectful silence, the most perfect resignation, not to say indifference, about political matters, I little expected to hear any suggestions of my unreasonableness and exorbitancy, and to be suspected for stipulating schemes which I have at all times, thought highly dishonourable in a servant of the Crown." {Draft, ivith two different beginnings, and fair copy.) 1772, December 31. Portman Square. — Lord Townshend to John Hely Hutchinson. " I executed your commission with my Lord Harcourt with that punctuality and attention with which I have ever dealt with you. If his Excellency had wanted any information of your unrivalled abilities and uncommon capacity to undertake and sustain the business of Par- liament, they would have received every additional recommendation from me. He views Mr. Hamilton's description in the most proper light, from what passed I am confident he wished for nothing more than the most confidential intercourse with you, and I shall always be happy, from the high esteem I bear you, and my wishes for your pros- perity and that of your family, to hear that no one stands in a higher light in the King's service. 1 shall not parade about the moments I U 60050. s 274 THif Earl of nave seized, both on this aiid the other side, to do you the fullest justice, Donoughmoke. however Mr. Hamilton's next letter may represent it, from his Cabinet Intelligence. Make good use of the present occasion and your own time of life by placing the fullest confidence in Lord Harcourt, and the King's goodness here in consequence of it, this is my advice to you. Whatever be the event, believe me it is sincere. I hear your late sudden correspondent has been at my door, my equipages were all shattered. I have not yet been able to return the visit. I wish I could send you some news from hence, but all is dull and the town thin. The opposition seeming hitherto (the Dukes Richmond, Devonshire and Portland excepted), poor souls who can do no harm ! to have left the nation entirely to this wicked Ministry. Scarce any attendance in either House. Lord Temple goes only to the opera, Lord Chatham not come up, and doubted if he should, whether he may not agree with Government, or at least differ with opposition upon the East India business, which seems to be the only difficulty of this Session, and a very great one ; even Burke, the mouthpiece of the party, was reduced to a mere speech of entertainment on that serious subject. In the City the patriots are all quarrelling, and turning their arms or rather quills against each, and the whole nation seems surfeited with political disquisitions. The little prospect of the political market and the season have thinned the town beyond anything I ever saw. I presume by this time you are acquainted in Dublin, that Sir Wm. Osborne not taking his seat, has opened a vacancy, which is, I believe, filled up by Mr. Townsend, so that Lord Shannon seems again a part of Government, I presume not by Mr. Ponsonby's recommendation. I hope this will give strength and stability to Lord Harcourt's Govern- ment." 1773, January 13. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Townshend. In reply to his letter of December 31, which he calls "not unworthy the feelings of a man to whom his Majesty has given a name superior to>all titles by calling him the best natured man in the world. Your Lordship's goodness has removed the taste of Hamilton's wormwood which he calls friendship and expects it should be swallowed without a wry face." . . . " By the accession of Lord Shannon to the admi- nistration your Lordship has the honour of completing a plan of the greatest difficulty and importance, and the Government of Lord Harcourt seems to be placed on the surest foundations." {Draft.) 1773, January 21. Charles Street, Berkeley Square. — Sir George Macartney to John Hely Hutchinson. " I believe you will find on enquiry that no man ever spoke more warmly for his friends than I have done. With what effect I know not, for I have very little credit with Lord North, and I am not likely to have more. Sure I am that no Secretary ever served Government with greater fidelity to the trust than I did, and no Secretary ever received so little thanks for it. I have seen his Lordship but twice since my arrival here, and possibly may never see him again. He is without doubt a very able Minister, and the best qualified for his station of any man in this kingdom, but he appears to me totally void of feeling, and rather to underrate than justly value political services, which is a very discouraging thing to those who do them. He has had a wonderful tide of success, and there does not now seem anything likely to interrupt it; opposition is growing ridiculous and contemptible, and 'tis now said, though I don't know on what grounds, that after this Session Lord Rockingham will give it up. On what footing the Government of 275 Ireland stands, I do not know, but I should think that Lord Hareourt MSS. or must be entrusted with as much power as his predecessor ; if he is not, doJoug^oee. he will not be responsible for any miscarriage that may happen. I told — you in a former letter that my opinion was that you might take the lead ; my opinion is still so, and that they must make it easy to you. As to F[lood] I declared my sentiments of him long since, which were to get him if possible, but not to suffer him to conduct. His abilities are verbal, and his management last Session injudicious to the last degree. Sure, never was opposition upon such good ground as last Session, and never opposition was so ill conducted, or made so lit lie of it. I observe here that the law servants of the Crown complain loudly that they are not so well rewarded as their brethren in Ireland. For- merly indeed they did not take a great part in Parliament, but now they figure in every debate as regularly as you do, which draws the comparison nearer than it was formerly. By what I hear from Irish people here, Lord Hareourt has not yet spoken confidentially to any- body. Colonel Blaquiere seemed to me when he left this, to be perfectly disposed to put everything into your hands. You don't mention him in your letter. How do you stand together ? I thought him a lively sensible man and likely to do very well with a little of your advice and assistance." 1773, February 2. — W. Gerard Hamilton to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him on his own behalf and Lord Temple's for his great civility and attention to the latter's nephews during their short stay in Ireland. ** Whenever the time comes in which you will converse freely either with the Lord Lieutenant or his secretary you will know from their relation of what I said in regard both to your conduct and character how unnecessary it was, as far as I am concerned, to enter into a defence of yourself in either of these particulars. . . . You are mistaken entirely as to Lord Halifax. 1 speak with Positiveness only what I know with certainty. But I am inclined to think that Lord Hertford and Lord Beauchamp have both at times from what I have lately heard represented your conduct in a very favourable light. Much pains were taken in the course of last summer, and are again renewed this winter (for what purpose and for what motives you will not be at a loss to conjecture) to represent the business of the Chancery in Ireland from the incapacity of the Court to be in such an arrear as to occasion great dissatisfaction, and to create a necessity of there being some Judge Assistant appointed in that Department of the Law." . . . [1773.] — John Hely Hutchinson to W. Gerard Hamilton. In answer to last letter. "It is impossible you should have known how grating the recommendation of general implicit engage- ment to a Lord Lieutenant must have been to me at the moment when I received your former letter. Lord Hareourt has mentioned to me the effects of your friendly interposition in my favour ; he has said nothing of business, but many civil things of my parts. This I consider as a prudent woman ought to do the address of a gentleman, who tells her she is confoundedly handsome I have not heard a word from the Secretary about business or my friend Hamilton or anything else. 1 cannot divest my mind of a suspicion that the severity of language was not your own, but that, in explaining the sentiments, you hitched into the style of another. The total neglect of T[isda]ll, Maloneand me, and the displacing of , . . incline me to suspect that F[lood i~\ is intended to be taken in ; I have no objection to it upon terms the most advantageous to him, if he is not s 2 276 MSS. of placed in a superior situation to me, which would make it impracticable Dono^hmoke me to S° on * n m Y P resent office. I am ready to co-operate with — • ' every man. A strong, but I hope a false, report which prevails here, make;? me intreat you most earnestly not to co-operate in the only scheme which can probably distract my progress in this country. [ should not make any request to you to your prejudice, but this I am con- fident will not be so. . . . There is no consideration on earth that could tempt me to unhorse you and place your rival and enemy in your saddle. Do not consider these as the sentiments of envy or malignity. . . . Other situations equally advantageous may be found for him without injury to my little rank and figure in this country." I request you in any case never to mention I had written on the subject. " In answer to your question about the Chancellor ... he does his business very ably and expeditiously and to the general satisfaction of suitors and practisers in this country where he is much respected and a very popular character, and is in his private and public deportment a most worthy, honest and amiable man. . . . However we have made him a better Chancellor than we found him, and he has improved his feet by training. There was an arrear, but incurred for the most part during the vacancy, and he discharged the whole and heard every cause that was ready and every motion in the sittings after last Trinity Term. There is no incapacity in him but very much the reverse, nor any dissatisfaction unless in some of us who wish for his place. Thus far disinterestedly and impartially — but as to what you say of a Judge Assistant consider my sentiments as those of an interested man. All the business of a most litigious country goes into Chancery, the Ex- chequer is Vox et prceterea nihil — that is a place only for talking and for lawyers and attorneys to get money in it ; the whole then falls on the Chancellor's shoulders, the business is too great for the strongest man in body and mind that ever existed to dispatch allowing reasonable vacations and with a strict attention to the avocations of the House of Lords, the Privy Council, the Cabinet, the public accounts. Lifford is a very pretty Atlas, but I want to be his Hercules, and to take the heaven now and then upon my back, but he thinks his own strong enough for all these purposes. The Lady Lifford is young and hand- some." (Draft.) 1773, February 13. Portman Square. — Lord Townshend to John Hely Hutchinson. " The late strange transaction with Lord Bellamont has confined me during its preparation and its catastrophe so much to my house, as I thought it right neither to go near the King nor mix with the world, and besides to admit but few to my house, that I aui really one of the most uninformed persons in the world, I believe I am the only hermit except Rousseau that ever resided in this part of London, and I am sure from Lord Bellamont's narrative that I no more sought this misfortune than Pangloss did any one of his. I can therefore send you no news. The affair of the East India Company, the Caribbs and the opera, were all suspended for my duel in Maryboue Fields, and, whilst the cause of the City and the 45th Regiment gives way to it at Dublin, we in return here are engaged with the last advices from Ireland of the taste Mr. Bagnal has been pleased to take of the new Secretary. In this situation of affairs, I have nothing to write you worthy your acceptance of a public nature, and therefore shall apologize for the insipidness of this letter by at least seven packets directed to you with Dr. Sheabbear's answer to the celebrated Cadogan, wdiich I would not have sent had you not abjured or at least qualified his system with some ingredients 277 of your own. When you read Lord Bellamont's message, exclusive of MSS - or his facts and progressions, you will, I believe, agree with me that the donou^hmore. good-natured Lord Charlenioat makes his last and a very good push to — send me to the Tower. 'Tis still amazing to me that the two seconds, after having told Lord Ligonier that they esteemed the matter settled to the honour of both and nothing in Lord Townshend's character but what was perfectly honourable, should sign such a narrative. They afterwards tried every persuasion to divert Lord Bellamont from insisting upon it and laboured at another, which (for reasons best known to themselves) centained the word commission from Lord Ligonier, which I also esteemed inadmissable and wrote a conclusive challenge to Lord Bellamont, but more of this bye and bye when Lord Bellamont is better, for however, I am assured the world is satisfied on this head it shall [have] its full though cool explanation. My only dread I declare has been to involve Lord Ligonier as a principal, which would have been terrible. It is in the papers that it is expected between him and Lord Ancram. I am just returned and find it is not so, but no more of these extrava- gancies. Pray tell Malone and Lord Annaly that wicked Mack, sent the other day to Lord Ligonier, read all her papers to him, told him as a friend to me, he ought to prevent her publishing that Malone ought to have fought me. I have also Captain Osborne and Major Wrixon on my hands, one brandishing his cudgel, the other reading his memorials in every coffee house. I just met your friend Hamilton in the Park. He asked me to dinner which I fought off — a thing you know they say I can easily do. I have just heard from the Provost [Right Honourable Francis Andrews] from Alicante, who is extremely well. . . When you [have] laughed at Cadogan with Shebbear pray laugh at them both with Jephson. . . . We look here upon Lord Shannon as a friend to the King's Government. An arrangement is talked of for Mr. Dennis. This has reached my ears from Ireland, for I have not seen this fortnight the face of a minister or ministerial man. Pray send me word how our friend Lill looks on these reports. The attorney I'm sure continues to enjoy the best table in the world, and the most social hours after it. Has Flood reconnoitred the Castle again, or settled a good back hand with Sir William [Osborne ?] across the Court for the next in hopes of governing the Kingdom of Ireland in the year 1780 ? " 1773, July. — John Hely Hutchinson to Sir John Blaquiere. Thanking him for his attention during his illness. Shall be happy to see him at Palmerston, and give him his best advice for his Majesty's service, and also give him his example as a caution against too anxious solicitude in such business. {Draft.) 1773, December 26. Dublin Castle. — Sir John Blaquiere to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his paper of observations which is a fresh proof both of his ability and of his attachment to the King's service, which Lord Harcourt will take every occasion of doing justice to. 1774, February 25. Portman Square. — Lord Townshend to John Hely Hutchinson. " I am not at all surprised that your accuracy and explanation you gave to the accounts during my government should have abashed the Newenhams or Mayne or Maxwell ; but for the control of an undiscerning or vindictive party, I am particularly obliged to you. I am exceedingly glad your friend Mr. Hamilton had do occasion for a like exertion of your friendship. The joint efforts of Lord Mount 278 MSS. of Morris and Lord Irnham (and how the former could breathe the same Bo^ofg1e?mokL air as tne latter I can't conceive) required no great efforts to defeat them. I think the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland may be esteemed to govern under no inauspicious star, who finds the Prime Serjeant at the right hand of his Secretary, a Lord Shannon to divide with him and Lord Irnham at the head of the patriots ; by the bye, what a steady and effectual support Lord Shannon has given ; how seldom did T find leaders and friends who boasted followings so cordial and punctual, I must own that I thought the two great points of Lord Harcourt's success this Session, were the superiority in materials and debate which you could so admirably furnish, and the accession of such a corps as the Earl has brought ; put these out of the question and see what incon- clusive fortuitous dripping supplies a Lord Lieutenant was to exist upon. It was like a large garrison, that without springs or cisterns was to live on rain water. You have now by your conduct and zeal given Government a force and energy it never had before. I daresay from Lord Harcourt's regard to justice I shall find little opportunity to touch upon the deciding powers and events of this Session. I find the consequence of those I mentioned is fully known and estimated here. It will be my utmost gratification and triumph to see them rewarded, as it is now my happiness to see them supporting firmly and deciding for administration. I am also very happy to hear Blaquiere so much commended by all ; he is a pleasant and firm man, and also pretty able. As to firmness, what shall we say to what passed in our House the other day upon literary property. You will have it, I dare say from better hands than mine. After a most able and well-delivered opinion of De Grey's, Lord Camden opened one of the most ingenious attacks on Lord Mansfield's opinion I ever heard, taking, however, De Grey's judicial speech as his principal ground, and then went into all his fairy field, natural right, the intellectual regions of unlimited superiority, and many dazzling metaphors and conceits which captivate the many who cannot attend to the argument; however, very guardedly and decently pointed all the time at Lord Mansfield. After a long pause, the whole House looking at Lord Mansfield, or rather for him, the Chancellor rose, and after stating his arguments (principally historical upon former Acts hereupon) he laid his whole decision upon the opinion of Lord Mansfield's Court, and then disclaiming or rather, in a more modern term, reprobating the sentence in point of law, he proposed reversing his own decree. During all this time Lord Mans- field seemed to all appearance to be forming an oration with his eyebrows and thumbs; that exploded character Lord Lyttleton then arose to make a very puerile set performance ; after this a pause. A Bishop then read a speech which half the house at least thought was prayers. Lord Effingham then made a strange speech in favour of the liberty of the press, upon the Duke of Gloucester's nodding to him which was as much to the purpose, as a Russian grenadier's dancing a ballet in the opera of Artaxerxes; and still Lord Mansfield silent! All the world was amazed; especially ns the two Judges in his Court had maintained their opinion. I was not amazed, I will not say why, but only thought that if this man had learnt to have faced his enemy in the House of Commons as you have done, it would not so have happened. Charles Fox is of another stamp. He defies, corrects, and drives Ministers into minorities, in order to uphold Government. He came very civilly to the Minister's ear to talk cordially the affair over, and was dismissed a day or two afterwards, having previously been foremost in punishing printers, having now a prosecution against one for abominable imputations with his Aunt Sarah, and some circumstances 279 of pecuniary chicanery with private property of Miss Pelharn (I mss. of mean specie the rest is of an old coin). He was at Court today Do^trainio determined the King should speak to him, who only asked him if he — was out today. I think he might have returned a good answer, which he failed — ' No, but I was yesterday thanks to your Majesty ' — or somewhat like it ; but I observe my two sheets almost filled. I can tell you nothing about America as yet. It is generally believed some- thing manly must be done. Temple follows the fate of Franklin. Wedderburn's was an able dissection. I don't think you could have done better yourself. You hear of course our Ministry are very strong, and I believe united. The opposition are depressed and despondent, except something very unexpected arises. Our Mawbey benumbs us on this side, as your Maxwell does on yours ; the only difference is, who shall have Sir William Mayne." Lady Townshend " ought to be full as well satisfied with your pen as with Sir Joshua's pencil." 1774, March 16. London. — The Same to the Same. "We are at this hour pausing upon the weak efforts of the mad Republican mob at Boston, although those who deserted the existence of the British Government, to tamper with so serious an experiment as American Independence, hang their heads and repent, and although the general sense of this country seems to be awakened at the crisis. We are at present forming a blockade of their harbour till they submit, possibly it may not be judiciously drawn, and Boston may still have useful ports, if they don't take care. Judge what the triumph will be, should this be the case, however I trust our ministers will be better Geographers. The next measure expected is our alteration of the Boston Charter, and reducing them to that constitution they have so often requested, which I hope our Ministers know, but all this if well executed will not recover what Lord Chatham's declaration, and Lord Rockingham's faction abandoned. The blow is given and it needs no further contentions here to rend the fabric of the British Empire. America has given with our own unnatural sons the first wound. Abler and more gallant relations have a right to claim the same exemptions and the British Empire is tottering from its very founda- tions. I do not know a rational and firm mind that does not judge the evil inevitable. We have reports that the Bostonians have sworn two of their Judges to relinquish their salaries and that the third refuses and will be persecuted somehow or other. Apropos to judges* salaries, we hear that the Chancellor has figured in a minority with Lord Irnham and the Duke of Leinster ? I am heartily glad, to hear the firmness of your support no less than your abilities, so universally acknowledged here. Allow me to say that you are just where you ought to be, and will, I hope, be where you wish to be. I hear they now begin to complain of Blaquiere's hauteur. We know very well that means in other words he is firm." 1774, May 9. London. — James Benson to John Hely Hutchinson. Mentioning that on visiting Ireland he found that the circulation of foreign gold coin was stopped, and it was refused at the Custom House, and arguing that great inconvenience will be caused by not allowing it to circulate by weight, Ireland having no mint, and the exportation of guineas from Great Britain being prohibited under heavy penalties. The Irish Bill for removal of the Custom House will not be returned and the Salmon Fishery Bill will probably share its fate. Col. Blaquiere has made many serious enemies by it " who exclaim loudly against this flagrant attack on private property merely to try an experiment." Your 280 MSS. of friend Lord Townshend is in very high favour, the successful administra- Donoughmoee. ti° n of the present Lord Lieutenant being in great measure attributed — to his manoeuvres. The Bedford people are supposed to have more influence than ever they had, of which the very extraord inary favour lately done for Mr. Cornwall is a proof. T advise you to come to London in July it being highly necessary for the interests of your family that you should be better acquainted with Lord North, " who is likely to have a Pelhamite Period of the Government of this Country." 1774, July 2. Londonderry. — Frederick Hervey, Bishop of Derry, to John Hely Hutchinson. Congratulating him on his appointment as Provost, " as of all the countries I have visited I know of none in the remotest corner of Europe that stands so much in need of a liberal education. I feel the same satisfaction in our new Provost,, as a keen sportsman does at the dawn of day after a long winter night. The superiority of his talents and the extensiveness of his views, his prominence in this country, and his zeal, as well as his interest, to serve a community in which he holds so considerable a property, and of which he has so long been a principal leader, must make every good citizen rejoice at seeing his sphere enlarged when his talents could no longer be so. It is now about twelve or fourteen hundred years since the youth of all Europe has been entrusted only to the care of the pedants and bigots of each nation ; and the result has been what might naturally be expected, a total want of useful know- ledge and of real religion. The education of Greece and Rome seems to have been the true foundation of all those superior virtues and talents which distinguished the great men of those countries, but I have never read of any of their children being sent to the college of Augurs to learn the rights of citizens or of mankind. Great lawyers, great generals, and eminent philosophers allowed young men to attend them, and stimulated the rising generation, as much by precept, as by example, to emulate their ancestors. The sciences were taught by the philoso- phers, and the priests were limited to the temples of their gods, the only precincts in which our modern priests are not to be seen. Might I venture to hint to you one circumstance, which, though mentioned by almost every theorist in education, has been omitted by all practitioners y it is the study of agriculture. The country clergyman who has little to do, and the country gentleman who has nothing, would by having early principles of this excellent science instilled into him, find great resources in himself, and supply considerable ones to his poor neighbours. The purest Roman authors have written on this subject, and some excellent French ones, and the general principles of agriculture seem to be common to all climates. 'Tis a pity likewise that mechanical powers are not more extensively studied that our country squires and country clergy might be the better able to remove the gross ignorance of our country farmers. Should you be able to establish a point of this sort, it would even in our time, advance the culture of this country above a century, for all the implements of husbandry are so ignorantly constructed that the works of husbandry are made doubly expensive. But what shall I say to you of the young candidates for orders, who after ten years passed at school and four at the University, offer themselves for ordination, with as little knowledge of their profession, as if they expected a full conveyance of it by the imposition of hands. The only country in Europe that has not a relative education is His Majesty's dominions. Here at the age of twenty-one a man has his profession to choose and to learn ; he is equally fit for all and for none. The world is all before him where to choose his way. Abroad there are seminaries for young 281 ecclesiastics, particular schools, tutors, and balls, for lawyers and MSS. of physicians, academies for the military and at Padua there is a professor iSorGmioKE. of botany and agriculture in which he makes annual experiments of — various manures, and different sorts of tillage. The parochial clergy abroad, notwithstanding they have no competitors, nor any spurs from a dissenting ministry, are great adepts in all the speculative and technical parts of their profession but here there are many candidates for orders who scarce understand, and many who sign the articles, and subscribe our Canons, without understanding the one, or having ever read the other. But 1 hope for better times." 1774, July 9. Portman Square. — Lord Townshend to John Hely Hutchinson. Congratulating him on his being appointed Provost of Trinity College. 1774. — John Hely Hutchinson to [the Archbishop of Armagh (?)]. "His Majesty's letter appointing me Provost of Trinity College came over yesterday ... it is my determined purpose to make the duty of that arduous and important place the principal object of my life." Excusing himself for having become a candidate in succession to the late Provost for the treasurership of Erasmus Smith's Schools in ignorance that his correspondent had said he would accept it. {Draft.) 1774, November 10. — Sir John Blaquiere to John Hely Hutchinson. " What would you have from a man who is following business at the cart's tail, or, who to avoid it made a journey upon the gallop of at least 1,500 miles pour se tranquilliser and to vegetate upon goats' whey and innocence in the mountains of Switzerland. ... I cannot have a doubt about your proceedings in the College, or the advantages that establishment must derive from your labours. . . . Let me tell you your Excellency's ! appointment was not cordially represented here. The Church meek and humble as we know it were alarmed for the ' morals as well as the piety of the rising generation." 1775, January 20. Westminster. — Edmund Burke to John Hely Hutchinson. " I received the printed paper relative to your conduct as provost, sen^ I flatter myself, by your directions. I am extremely obliged to yon for this fresh mark of your friendly and polite attention, though perhaps nobody wanted it, in this instance, less than I did. I hope I do not too easily give credit to any sort of charge against those who honour me with their friendship. I must have strong proofs indeed, before I condemn them, and as I am not called upon to be their Judge, much less their prosecutor, I do not search for that kind of evidence with any industry, or listen to it with any pleasure. You have given lustre to every situation where you were placed, and I make no doubt, that you would distinguish yourself in that of Provost, by very signal services to the University. I consider the pamphlet I received, not as a vindication of your conduct, which I am sure, with me, it did not want, but as the means of enabling me to enter into the detail of what I had presumed before, in the general idea I had formed of your conduct, from my knowledge of your character. Indeed, I never entertained the least doubt that you would seek and find reputation everywhere. But when you had chosen academic ground, I was greatly apprehensive that your choice would produce far more benefit to the education of youth, than repose and tranquility to your own mind. It seemed to me im- possible, that the animosities and emulation which must ever attend the great and conspicuous part you have acted in public life, should not 282 MSS. of follow you into your learned retreat where they would be more per- DonotStoJoee. nianently felt, and would of course greatly disquiet a man of your tender — and exquisite sensibility. None of your friends wished you with more sincerity every object which could contribute to your own real satisfac- tion. But I could not prevail on myself to wish you joy of your choice of this new way of life. Though highly honourable in itself, I could not consider it as promotion to you, and most certainly I could not con- gratulate you on what I knew must infallibly bring on you, as it has done, much anxiety and uneasiness. I had always thought that this office is best suited to a man of the ecclesiastical gown, and a mere academic. I am not altered in my opinion by the present exception, for every layman, and every man of business is not an Hutchinson. However since you are in that walk, I sincerely recommend you to proceed in your own great line of public service with less anxiety about vulgar judgments, and do not be ashamed to cultivate yourself Philo- sophy within those walls where you are to teach it to others, aeque neglectum pueris senibusque nocebit. Yesterday we had a great debate in the House of Lords. Lord Chatham made a motion for recalling the troops from Boston. It was done without concert to our friends ; and Lord Chatham's friends say without any concert whatsoever. The minority was only eighteen, as no measures had been taken for an attendance. The worst circumstance in the debate was Lord Suffolk's declaration that Ministry had determined against conciliation in the present state of things, and for maintaining the late Act of Parliament with regard to the Colonies. Perhaps it is some, to us unknown, but certain information which inspires the Ministry with its present con- fidence after so many disappointments." 1775, January 25. Portman Square. — Lord Townshend to John Hely Hutchinson. " Having this day received from my friend Lees an account of your duel with Mr. Doyle or Doyne, I cannot help congratulating you and your family upon that matter and heartily wish it may prevent any further solicitude on your part for your son and of the worthy Mrs. Hutchinson for her whole family. I had indeed heard of this affair before from His Majesty, who spoke of it to me immediately upon my coming into his closet and with that surprise and concern which was natural to so dignified and humane a mind, at such treatment. A transaction, between a man of your rank, estimation, and time of life, and such a character as Mr. I forget his name and have not a Freeman's Journal by me — I say that even in the Country of patriotic chivalry this transaction must appear outrageous, at least I am sure it can be looked upon by no man here than as a desperate attempt to support the most shameless conduct on the one part, and a generous anticipation of a son's personal hazard on the other. Whose cause was the best, reason and nature will determine. Mankind here having been pretty well informed of the grossness of the abuse which hath been directed against you, and the situation of your son, and moreover being pretty well apprized that amongst other qualifications for public station, the gladia- torial is one of the most essential in your country, are brought to believe that Mr. H — n has met a Mr. D — . I observe some efforts of opposi- tion at Cork. I heartily wish they may be as I suppose with any junction with my friend Lord Shannon ineffectual and frivolous. It gives me great satisfaction, nay the warmest imaginable, to see his lord- ship and his friends so properly attended to by Government. A firm and intelligible friend is always a great acquisition to Government. He is certainly one of the most powerful interests, both in point of number and 283 conduct, that the Crown can attach in either Kingdom ; much strength mss. of and stability to Government may be dated from that period and at this, DcSotmmJoEE especially, when one of the most important questions is contended for, — that perhaps ever engaged these realms since the Revolution and Hanover Succession. It is such as has made me more than once, especially when I have heard the pitiful orators in the House of Com- mons, and indeed our own, wish I could import your talents into either, for indeed we want such orators at this important crisis, as can mix sound reason with florid composition, and constitutional Law with theoretical embellishments. In short we have the law of nature and of God set up against the compact by Charters, the letter of the constitu- tion and the precedents of all former times, and a powerful orator has no more to do than to assume the part of a powerful lover. Rhapsody, professions, attitude, extravagance, without plan, contract, title-deeds, or common sense, consistency or good faith, all is to yield to the beautiful enthusiasm or rather delirium he raises. Let me assure however, that, in spite of these new political lights or new livers, we have, unless I am much mistaken, a sturdy administration who will not easily resign the essential constitutional superintendence of the British nation to those who so insolently expect it. The Americans may be reduced to adhere to their own resolves, as well as our restrictive laws in their trade, and the uproar they expect they have raised here equally the same. If we do part with our trade, let Ireland have it first, they best deserve it. And though we get the better, much may be done for you." 177 5, May 22. — Thomas Wilson to John Heiy Hutchinson. Describing the MSS. of the late Bishop Morris bequeathed to the College Library by the late Doctor Lawson, consisting of nine volumes quarto, one con- taining a comedy entitled The Flatterer and two others two copies ot David, a Tragedy. In the remaining six the entire Iliad and Odyssey are done into English. 1775, September 1. — General Vallancey to John Hely Hutchinson. " The great number of youths who enter the army in this kingdom and proceed on service before they have time or opportunity to qualify themselves for the military profession has long caused it to be wished that a proper military Academy was established in this Metropolis. You are daily taking steps to qualify the Students of this University for the various walks of life they are to pursue after having finished their classical studies. As many of these young men enter the military service it appears to me desirable that some establishment was made in the University for the study of the military profession." Pointing out the natural advantages of Dublin for such a purpose, and offering his services if the Provost approves of his proposal. 1775, September 6. Knocklofty. — John Hely Hutchinson to Hon. John Ponsonby. " I would have supported you in the chair to the utmost of my power against all mankind, but upon your leaving it I was the first man who recommended Mr. Pery one of my oldest friends and nearest neighbours as a proper person to be Speaker. That circumstance, his conduct since his appointment and my declarations of good will for him since that time and long before I had any idea of your wishing for the chair again do not leave me at liberty to assist you in opposition to him." {Draft). 1775, September 29. Eton. — Mrs. Davies to Mrs. Hutchinson upon the sudden removal of her son Francis from the school. Dr. Davies hopes that the Provost did not find his son on examination as much 284 th? S eIrlof n egl ecte( i as ne suspected. His sudden and unexpected departure DojfouGHMORE. prevented any abuse or neglect being rectified. 1775, September. — Dr. Leland, Fellow of Trinity College, to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him on his behalf and Mrs. Leland's for a dispensation permitting him to retain his Fellowship though married. 1775, October 3. Dublin Castle. — Charles Jenkinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for the diploma of the degree of LL.D. just conferred by the University on him, and expressing his acknowledg- ments to Mr. Hutchinson for the many civilities he has received from him and his regret at leaving Ireland. 1775, October 25. London. — The Same to the Same. 11 1 own I felt concern when I was first informed that you had not given your vote against the amendment that was proposed in your House of Commons on the first day of the Session, as I was apprehensive of the ill use which Faction and Malice would make of such an event. I knew indeed enough of your sentiments to be sure that your conduct on this occasion could not be owing to any opinion you entertained in favour of the American cause, and was disposed therefore to impute it to a circumstance of which I was not then sufficiently informed, though to say the truth I had some suspicion of it. I am happy now to learn from yourself that I was not mistaken in my conjecture, and to be able to remove every improper impression by assigning the true cause in every quarter where it is of any importance. I have done so already, and it gives great pleasure to hear that a gentleman of your abilities and importance is disposed to take an active part in supporting every proper measure which the Government of Ireland shall think fit to take for suppressing the rebellion in America. I agree with you in thinking that no man in his senses can scruple to call it a Rebellion, and if the King's authority is not on this occasion to be supported, there is an end of the British Empire. During a course of two centuries, Great Britain has planted and fought and conquered to no purpose, except for the establish- ment of a number of little independent States, each of which will be unable to defend itself from the weakest enemy, and cannot in justice claim or expect the protection of Great Britain, while it rejects the only terms which can entitle the one to ask, or the other to give it. . . . Our Parliament meets tomorrow. In both Houses there will probably be long days, warm debates, but very small minorities." 1775, November 11. Trinity College. — John Flely Hutchinson to the Lord Lieutenant. After stating that " your Excellency found me on your coming to this country in possession of great offices under the Crown acquired by long and faithful services to my Sovereign during the whole course of his reign ; it is a con- solation to me for the very great loss I sustained by giving up those offices, that they were the means of accommodating your Excellency's Administration, and that your Excellency and his Majesty thought me worthy of my present important though most arduous and responsible situation ; to which I certainly have not been led by any motive of avarice or ambition. On my appointment to this office, I found the most wicked and dangerous combination formed to oppose me in the performance of my duty; the most virulent libels against me were posted on the gates and read publicly in the Hall of this College ; the most malignant arts were incessantly practised to traduce my private and public character ; the most infamous falsehoods were daily pro- pagated against me, my wife and children ; the peace of a once happy family was destroyed, my son's life and my own were endangered in 285 consequence of those disturbances ; and yet the most violent of my MSS. of adversaries confessed that they had no objection to me as a man, or to d™ot^?moee. my conduct as Provost, but the avowed reason of their opposition to — me was that Government had taken a servant of the Crown out of a ministerial line and put him at the head of this Society ; and it was therefore their intention to make the Government of this place im- practicable in my hands, and to drive me from the station where his Majesty had placed me ; with this view every gentleman in this place who was suspected of the crime of treating the Provost with respect, was libelled and vilified without any regard to truth or decency," he refers to the support he had received from Drs. Leland and Dabzac, and how he had procured dispensations permitting them to retain their Fellowships though married, the rule being laid down that this favour should be extended only to Seniors and not to Juniors. He has heard therefore with the greatest alarm and distress that the Lord Lieutenant is now considering to recommend for similar dispensations four or five of the Juniors without any application from himself. Such a measure would be ruinous to the learning morals and good order of the Society; they depend principally on the care that Fellows take of their pupils, and this requires almost their whole time and attention, and is not com- patible with domestic connections and the care of a family. " If Fellows are taught to look up to the head of the College for whatever favours they may expect from the Crown during their continuance here, it will be an useful instrument in the Government of a Society difficult to be. governed at all times, and infinitely more so since the limitation of Parliaments. If FelloAvs obtain their favours from others, in opposition to the sentiments of the Provost, it wiU'encourage a spirit of electioneer- ing that has already disturbed the tranquillity of a Society which without tranquillity can never flourish, and if marriage dispensations shall be given indiscriminately every Fellow will make haste to marry at the eve of a general election." Objects to the proposal of a general dispensation accompanied by a new Statute strictly enjoining celibacy for the future. If he fails as Provost the kingdom will remember by whom he was placed there. Repudiates the thought of turning the edge of the Statute against any of the gentlemen who were already married. {Draft. 15 pages.) 1775, December 11. London. — Charles Jenkinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Had obtained at your request leave of absence for the Rev. Mr. Whitty till next May, that he might give you his vote and interest at the approaching election. Should it not take place before May will apply for further leave for Mr. Whitty. Astonished «' that the Government of Ireland have deserted a business which they were engaged to support by every promise and obligation that can be laid on men of honour." Have just come from the House of Commons where the last bill of importance has been passed by 112 to 16. 1776, March 6. — The Same to the Same. Apologising for haviug been unable through illness to make him any return during his visit to London for the great favours he had received from him in Dublin. " The executive Government are providing as fast as possible the force that is to be sent to America and Parliament has just voted all the supply that will be wanted, so that nothing remains to be done there except the want of money should require that some new 7 tax should be levied. If this should be thought necessary, the session will be pro- longed thereby till after Easter." 286 th?e S a°lof [1776, Spring.] — John Hely Hutchinson to [the Lord Lieutenant], Donoug^more. " During my absence iu England a wicked conspiracy was formed — ~ against me within these walls." A scholar who had been deprived for 3 months by the Board in August after acquiescing for 6 months presented a Petition to the Visitors on February 6th. " On the same day a pamphlet was published with caricature prints containing the most infamous falsehoods against me and charging me as a man and as Provost with every crime that malignity could invent, this was sent to the Visitors and I have felt the effects of it in the Pro- ceedings on the Appeal which were of a most extraordinary nature." Describing the proceedings, objecting that he had been treated not as a judge, a party, or a witness but as a culprit, and pointing out that the Visitors sitting on Appeal from the Board had no power to administer an oath. " Mr. Tisdall who is supposed to have planned the whole proceedings attended during the two days' hearing.'* {Draft.) 1776, March 26. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. " Lord Donegal has no objection to Mr. Yelverton's being a candidate for the University of Dublin. Your letter is distinct and leaves no doubt or jealousy upon his Lordship's mind with respect to his final acceptance of the seat for Carrickfergus which he intends for him." Will show your last letters and the Abstract of part of the College Statutes " to some of your friends here that they may be better enabled to judge of the violences which have prevailed and are still subsisting in your College." 1776, May 21. — Charles Jenkinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Con- gratulating him notwithstanding all the efforts against his interest on his son's return for the University at the head of the Poll. As the contest is over in a manner so honourable to the Provost, hoping that he and the gentlemen of the College will now be allowed to enjoy a little tranquillity. Will convey the news of Mr. Malone's death where you wish it to be known, and that an opportunity thereby offers of complying with the request you made when in England, fearing however it will not have the desired effect. u The Order for carrying a measure of this sort into execution must pass through a channel, which I fear is very adverse to your pretensions." Otherwise " I would very gladly speak to Lord Weymouth in your favour, but I am confident from what I know already that I should not only fail of success, but that your adversaries would be thereby apprised of your object, and have it more in their power to obstruct it." 1 do not doubt that in the end you will obtain the rank you desire when the anger that subsists at present is a little subsided. No one yet named to succeed Lord Harcourt ; I believe that Lord North wishes he could be prevailed to stay a little longer. 1776, June 10. Jermyn Street. — General Sir John Irvine to John Hely Hutchinson. Am greatly concerned at your having nearly failed at yourelection in Cork. Cannot understand the policy of Government in not protecting and assisting its principal servants and supporters. "I con- gratulate you on the good news which came this morning from Quebec j the siege of that town was raised on the 6th of May. The rebels were to be attacked by 1,200 men (they being above 3,000) but they chose to retreat leaving 20 pieces of cannon, their petards, scaling ladders, and everything behind them. They have evacuated Montreal, and they say will make their stand at Ticonderoga. General Burgoyne was in the river St. Lawrence with his army and very near Quebec on the 17th ult." 287 1776, June 17. LondoD. — James Benson to John Hely Hutchinson. h Jj^b* 0F Dined the day before at Mistley, where was Lord Weymouth and a good Donoughmore, deal of company. From what I heard I apprehend that no successor "— ~ was yet fixed for Lord Harcourt. I think it not unlikely that the old method of government by Lords Justices may be resumed, but not immediately. Lord Rochford would go if he might be at liberty to return in the old fashioned way. I urge you to come over as at St. James' there seemed to be a good deal of difference in opinion about Irish Politics. The very long list of intended Peers not relished. 1776, September 1. — William Wyndham Grenville to [Francis] Hely Hutchinson. " You are a very shabby fellow (as we used to say at Eton) and a great blackguard and you bully me because you know you may (my friendship being immoveable) you don't dare fight your match no more you do, but you know that I can't help myself. So much for joke, but in earnest you ought to have some compassion on the Irish Sea which I execrate continually as till I hear from you I am resolved to believe that all your letters are drowned in their passage. It is a long time to talk of, but I don't despair of seeing you this time twelvemonth in Ireland, as you won't let me do it in England. I do not know but that all the time you may have forgotten me, if so I can only say that I cannot return it, as your agreeable company &c. &c. &c. will still press on my mind and make me wish that I could once more see you and longos fando consumer e soles. This is not the language of compliment, but that of an heart sincerely devoted to your service. <{ This is written on the day of slaughter Cal. Mens. Cruent. or the bloody month in English Sept r the 1 st 1776." 1776, December 5. Trinity College, Dublin. — John Hely Hutchin- son to the Earl of Buckinghamshire. Congratulating him on his appointment and promising that he and his friends will do every- thing in his power that may contribute to the honour and success of his administration. (Draft.) 1776, December 12. — Earl of Buckinghamshire to John Hely Hutchinson. Reply to the last. Acknowledging his congratulations and thanking him lor the assurances of that support which must be essential to the Government of Ireland. Same date. Brussels. — Frederic Harvey, Bishop of Derry, to John Hely Hutchinson. " My disappointment with the College is more than compensated by the obliging testimony you have given of your friendship to me and which though not quite so profitable to my building, is much more honourable to the builder. Lord Abercorn and Lord Donegal, the other two large patrons in my diocese, have not proved quite as ob- durate as your collegiate Hydra ; the one has contributed 100/. the other one hundred guineas, without expressing the least reluctance to co-operate in patronizing the infant arts in our Hibernian Scythia. Fortunately for my spire, they did not think themselves restrained either by marriage settlements, or "by family entails, from disposing of their revenue for public purposes equally honourable to themselves and profitable to the country." 1777, February 6. — Duke cf Chandos to John Hely Hutchinson. Desiring his assistance in the approaching trial of his cause. Will be content with such attendance as his health permits. 288 mss. op 1777, May 16. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. To Donoughmoee. a Nolle prosequi is out of my power. The ministers or the Lord — • * Lieutenant are the persons from whom such an application must come to give it weight with the Crown. 1777, July 3. Nuneham. — Lord Harcourt to John Hely Hutchin- son. Regretting to hear "that the unfortunate affair that has already given you great uneasiness still continues to be pursued with so much warmth and animosity after the offers that have been made to give every reasonable satisfaction to the offended party." Cannot presume to say how far it may in the power of Government to interpose. My present situation puts it out of my power to do you any substantial service, but I express my disapprobation of " the unrelenting persever- ance that has appeared in the prosecution of the awkward business, which seems to indicate a design of carrying matters to much greater lengths than some people may yet be willing to own." 1777, »)uly 25. Trinity College. — John Hely Hutchinson to Welbore Ellis. Am not surprised at the failure of my request for a Nolle Pro- sequi. " It is a savage war that is waged against me ; it is fortunate for me that I live in a country where the Stiletto is not used. One Duigenan Mr. TisdalPs friend has published against me and the majority of the Senior Fellows a pamphlet with his name prefixed," which I request you to read. " I ts virulence shows the spirit of the party from which it moves ; and yet three Fellows were found at our Board who refused to concur in a resolution to prosecute the author." " This infamous production has raised a general revolution here, it shows the friction and discord which has arisen from the appointment of a Provost who is not a Fellow and the necessity of repressing this opposition to the royal authority." I enclose a copy of a paper sent to the Lord Lieutenant enclosing some regulations made since my appointment, by which it will appear I have at least endeavoured to do my duty. " These conflicts of Mr. T[isdall's] own raising have seriously affected his health, and his friends begin to talk with more moderation, but I have no doubt of his going all possible lengths." I earnestly request pro- tection after the trial in any attempts that may be made io carry their persecution beyond the legal limitation, and I enclose the statute on which Mr. T[isdall] has founded his threats of a complaint to the Visitors and some observations on it. " The Attorney General does not nominally prosecute ; it is in the name of the Master of the Crown Office." {Copy.) 1177, September 5. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely LIutchinson. Declining the proposal " to put me at the head of a seminary of learning which you are improving by attention and great capacity." Am sorry fo hear that you are still so persecuted. 1777, September 26. Kilkenny. — Rev. John Forsayeth, Fellow of Trinity College, to John Hely Hutchinson. "Last night's post brought us an account of the Attorney [General TisdalPs] death on the 11th instant at Spa. ... I congratulate you on your new accession of rank and fortune [as Secretary of State] and on what is infinitely more valuable, the prospect )ou now have of enjoy- ing them in peace and tranquillity. 1 hope that there will no longer be any reason for Mis. Hutchinson's thinking of Bristol or any other place than Knocklofty or Palmerston. I have had too much to feel for her and well know that there are cases no skill of a Physician can reach. 289 Providence lias been pleased to remove the errand cause of her M Sfc. of . ... ,, L ° THE EAKL OP indisposition. Donoughmore. [1777 or 8.] — ; * Observations on a Pamphlet entitled 4 Lachrimce Academics,' " which was by Dr. Duigenan and contained a violent attack on the Provost John Hely Hutchinson, for which a criminal informa- tion was then pending. The MS. was revised and corrected by the Provost himself. 1778, March 23.— Welbore Ellis to John Hely Hutchinson. After referring to the extraordinary persecution Hutchinson has undergone, " The late extraordinary notification of the French Ambassadors will have been, I suppose, communicated to the Parliament of Ireland before this will reach your hands. The secret had been well kept in France, and the declaration seems to have been timed so as to affect the pay- ment of the subscription on the Loan, but it failed of that effect, for though it produced some agitation the deposit however was made. The new levies are very near complete and the recruiting for the augmented establishment of the old Corps have been so successful, that we have now above 19,000 Rank and File exclusive of the new Corps and exclusive of Invalids, which with the new Corps will form an army of above 30,000 men. The Militia is to be called out, so that in a short time we shall be in a state of defence and able to afford protection to Ireland, if the storm should point that way. France is going to form an army of observation on the Rhine, the war between Prussia and Austria being now certain, as the Court of Vienna is determined to support her late treaty with the Palatine." 1778, July 9. London. — Sir W. Chambers to John Hely Hutchin- son. Declining to undertake the work which the Provost and Seniors of Trinity College had requested him to undertake, as the incorrect and insufficient measurements sent him from time to time made it impossible for him to work with any precision, and the delays in sending even these prevented him from employing the few hours of leisure he had upon the business and now the works of the Crown leave him not & moment, so that he cannot possibly find time to do the designs required. 1778, October 12. Tunbridge Wells. — Alexander Wedderburn to John Hely Hutchinson. Am persuaded that " it must be the inclination of Government to quiet those disturbances that had unfortunately arisen between the late Mr. Tisdall and him. it is so obviously the part of Government to endeavour to secure the repose so necessary to your station and character, that if I had the honour (which has not fallen to my lot.) of corresponding with the Lord Lieutenant or his secretary I am sure I could use no topic that must not have occurred to them." I suggest that without their interference the matter might be very easily settled by an application to the Attorney General for a Nolle prosequi. Have never known any direction given by Government on such an occasion, and should not be very well satisfied to receive one, nor rely on it for justification. In a case like Hutchinson's should think myself bound to stop the prosecution, unless I chose to take it upon myself. There is no middle course, for I would never allow it to be carried on by a third party after the death of the person on whose behalf the information was granted. The nature of the prosecution makes it unfit for the Attorney General to adopt it, and I can see no alternative between that and putting a stop to it. I agree that the Court which granted the information has no power to reverse its own act, but I think U 60050. T 290 MSS. of that by giving time to plead, and adjourning the business till an ap- DoNoiSiiMORE. plication could be made to the Attorney General, it might declare that — the business should proceed no further. As to the other prosecutions now depending " against your adversary " cannot discover any ground for entering a Nolle Prosequi. Not much force in the argument that because a man is not allowed to prosecute for an offence supposed to be done to another, he should not therefore be prosecuted for an offence committed by himself. Rejecting the application to the Attorney General, I advise it should be directed " to you and that you should make it your own act." By all I have heard of the Irish Attorney General no man is more likely to sustain the credit of his office. 1778, November 29. Trinity College. — John Hely Hutchinson to the Earl of Buckinghamshire. " From the obliging stile of your Excellency's letter, from the promise of Sir John Heron that his Majesty should be acquainted with the constant support I had given to the measures of Government during the last session and from your Excellency's kind acceptance of my services at the conclusion of it I must flatter myself that I have not through any fault of mine been deprived of the favour which I have had the honour of receiving from your Excellency." Unconnected with any party in many different administrations and in many difficult conjunctures I have always steadily and uniformly supported the measures of the Government, and I hope therefore that the countenance and support of Government will not be withdrawn from an old and faithful servant of the King. {Copy.) 1778, December 11. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. Had inquired yesterday about what would probably be done about the Archbishopric of Dublin. " My intelligence of the prospect of an early vacancy was no news, for I was told by a person well acquainted that the event was announced in form and the succes- sion to the see strongly and positively recommended by Lord Bucking- ham. . . . Lord North's wishes, I have reason to know, do not corre- spond with Lord Buckingham's recommendation in this instance. It will however I think take place ; Lord North is too much used to give way under these circumstances, and Dr. Fowler will, I suppose, succeed. He was a tutor to the present Mr. Brand, and seemed to have as little interest as any man on the Bench ; his removal to Ireland was for the sake of serving Dr. Young with the English preferment he then held in the Church of Westminster. The cause of Lord Buckingham's recom- mendation is supposed here to be the patronage of Lord George G-ermaine to whom Lord Buckingham is thought to owe the power of making it as Lord Lieutenant. ... If you please to send over two copies of the work and refutation you propose to publish to myself and to Mr. Walpole, we will take care to put them into the hands where you wish them to go. ... A strange political event has happened here within these few days ; Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser has carried to the Admiralty a formal charge against Admiral Keppel for not having done his duty in the late affair between our fleet and that of France in the bay. It consists of several articles, and some of them 1 understand are of a capital nature." 1779, February 1. Mount Rivers. — Matthias Hendley to John Hely Hutchinson. Always heard from my mother and yours that they were descended from the Sackville family, our great grandfather Matthias Earbery being married in England to the Lady Rebecca Saekville of the Duke of Dorset's House . . . " your mother and mine, being granddaughters to Lady Rebecca." 291 1779, February 19. — Charles Agar, Bishop of Cloyne, to John Hely mss. of Hutchinson. Praising the Classical Examination lately instituted at donou^otio the University, and suggesting that no person be allowed to enter under — sixteen, he had almost said seventeen, which would oblige them to remain at school till they attained such knowledge of the Greek and Latin Classics as would leave their tutors nothing more to do than to correct and improve their taste. On enquiry you will find that boys generally remain at Westminster, Eton and Winchester till seventeen. One thing more seems want- ing to make Irish education as perfect as you wish, the neglect of both Prose and Verse Composition in schools. The only mode of correcting this is by placing at the head of one or two Irish schools men who have been educated at one of the great English schools and who are of approved taste in classical learning. 1779, July 14. Gatton Park. — William Mayne, Lord Newhaven, to John Hely Hutchinson. Am glad you have given your sentiments at large to Government on the unhappy state of Ireland. '* We agree perfectly that anything short of taking off all restraints on our commerce will but patch up a sore that will be always ailing, I understand your opinions at large are now before his Majesty. . . . When they have had his perusal they will remain with ministers to be garbled just as may suit their purpose, and in that mangled state will meet our de- liberations next sessions." Therefore I wish to know as much of them as you think proper in order to be prepared to do you justice should anything be misstated or misapplied. " We are all preparing here to meet an invasion from France, but we are in greater danger from the disunion of our Councils than that. You see a little variation in the Admiralty &c, but a much greater arrangement was to have been made at the same time, but that is reserved for the Dog days. It was to have consisted of Chief Justice De Grey, Wedderburn, and Norton going to the Upper House, Cornwall to the Chair, Lord Carlisle to Lord Talbot's place, and Lord Hillsborough to be Secretary of State, thus are we scrambling for honours and emoluments at the moment the State is sinking." 1779, August 19. Knocklofty. — John Hely Hutchinson to the Bishop of Cloyne. " The enclosed paragraph inserted in the Hibernian Journal of the 17th will shew your Lordship what incessant pains are taken to keep up a factious spirit in our college, and upon what presumption it is that those pains are taken. The visitant of the Duke of Gloucester is one of the lowest of the profession of the law, and is now under a prosecution for a libel, which in Westminster Hall would doubtless end in the pillory. The moment the information was granted against him he declared his intention of waiting upon his Royal Highness. His intention is to prefer a new libel against me. I hope his Royal Highness will think it just to let me have a copy of any paper which this fellow shall present relative to me, to enable me to prosecute him in Westminster Hall, for the visitors, as he well knows, have no juris- diction over him for such offences. I should be much obliged to your Lordship if you could obtain that favour for me. His pretence is to make a representation of the state of the College, but his real intention to endeavour to shield himself from a prosecution and information granted by the King's Bench against him, and to make an impression to my prejudice. His Royal Highness has no original jurisdiction when absent from Ireland, but has the power only of approving or t 2 292 the^bIrlof disapproving. Your Lordship's kind interference with Mr. Salter (?) Donoughmore. is a great favour to me, as I have reason to apprehend that some ill — offices have been done me with His Royal Highness. The appeal at the end of two years and four months remains undetermined, and the present doubt whether the Chancellor is to be resorted to in appeals for his approbation or not, makes it uncertain in what hands the powei of appeal is finally lodged, and consequently the Provost and the Board know not what decree they are to obey and yet must obey at their peril. Nothing has mortified me so much, in all the illtreatment that I have received since I have the misfortune to be at the head of a college, as the having anything to do with such a man as D[uigenan]. If his character was as well known in England as it is in this King- dom, I should not be apprehensive of his malignity. A full republica- tion of his libels was ready for the press, and is now before the Archbishop of Dublin, but the printing was prevented by Mr. RadclhTe, one of the College Counsel, who thought our appeal to the public might prevent the Court of King's Bench from granting [an information]. I am very desirous to lay the answer before His Royal Highness, but I cannot take so much liberty without having his permission. Will your Lordship do me the favour to mention to Mr. Ellis a word or two upon a subject in which he has been so good heretofore to give me his protection. The Court of King's Bench seemed disposed not to allow Duigenan to carry on the late Attorney General's informations against me. Mr. Dunning has given his opinion that they ought not ; he and Mr. Wallace in the strongest terms declared their opinions that the Attorney General ought to enter a nolle prosequi, because the prosecu- tion appears now to be malicious, and of this opinion are our Attorney and Chancellor ; but 1 have some reason to believe that Government would be disposed to grant a nolle prosequi at the same time on the informations against Duigenan ; a strange way this of supporting an old servant of the Crown, and the head of a University, especially as Sir Richard Heron has lately assured me that his Excellency would inform Lord Weymouth, by a letter to be laid before His Majesty, that my sons and I had uniformly supported His Majesty's Govern- ment during the session, for which his Excellency returned me thanks at the close of it." {Draft.) 1779, September 8. Kilkenny. — William Newcome, Bishop of Ossory, to John Hely Hutchinson. *' I am well informed that the Bishop of Waterford's life is despaired of by his physicians ; and this day I have taken the liberty to solicit my Lord Lieutenant by letter that I may be appointed to that see. It is true that there are some great objections to this preferment ; as it is a double see the expense of admission will be above 400/.. and there is a burthen on the house of about 2,200/. to be paid in two years. The situation is likewise uncomfortable, and the patronage slender. But it would enable me in time to make a moderate provision for a large family, which hitherto I have been totally unable to do. I therefore overlook the circumstance of changing a pleasant situation for an unpleasant one, and wish to be a little richer, though at the ex- pense of convenience and happiness. The Bishop of Elphin during an incumbency of 10 years, received on an average 2,200/. a year from this See, exclusive of the house and demesne, moderately valued at 200/. a year more. Mr. Mason can vouch for this valuation. But his Lordship justifying it to his own mind, by principles inadmissible in the judg- ment of every generous man with whom I have conversed, to receive 2,500/. in fines at leaving this place, a fortnight after his name was 293 in the Gazette, and with very considerable abatements of what he had MSS. of before demanded, the value of the See has of course fallen short to me, dokou&^more. and the yearly receipt of it has not exceeded 2,000/. I need not — mention to you its desirableness in every circumstance but that of income." I request you to use your influence in my favour. Postscript. — "The Bishop of Dromore assured me last Session of Parliament, that he would not accept of Waterford, so that Dr. Hotham, and whoever is to be the next Bishop, can 1 think, be my only opponents. Now I have been fourteen years on the bench, in the two lowest Sees ; accepted of this See at Lord Harcourt's desire, after having refused it for three days ; supported an interest in this borough at a great expense, for a year before the last General Election ; absolutely pro- served the borough by making forty new freemen in the midst of the greatest obloquy and newspaper abuse (for our majority on the poll was only 19), and returned two members recommended by Government, after a well-contested opposition, headed by Mr. Ponsonby, in favour of Mr. Mossom, a popular candidate, and a native of this place." 1779, December 2. — Welbore Ellis to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for his three letters describing the state of affairs in Ireland. They and those of many others represent a sad scene but not altogether unexpected, very alarming but not surprising. Am surprised a little at one thing in the first letter, " That the Speaker refused to put the previous question which a friend of yours, Mr. Mason, had proposed, but was obliged to withdraw." Do not know how the Speaker could refuse to put it, if insisted on, if withdrawn there was an end of it " It seems to me scarce a matter of doubt whether Mr. Grattan's resolution that it was inexpedient to grant new taxes which was agreed to by the House will not put it out of the power of the House in this session to grant any new tax, though Great Britain should gratify all your present wishes." Do not pre- tend to be so wise as to see my way clearly out of all this confusion, and doubt whether some of those who have promoted and some who have connived at it may not be in the same situation. I feel and lament all this most sincerely, but am not sufficiently informed to form a correct judgment either on men or things. I verily believe H that there is a sincere desire to concur here as far as ought to content Ireland, but who is so great or so wise as to be able to say what will content Ireland in her present disposition and circumstances. Let the men of families and property reflect before it be too late on the con- sequences of a rupture." 1779, December 16. — The Same to the Same. " I have the satisfaction to congratulate with you upon the three propositions which Lord North moved in the Committee which were received with a general assent, and an acquiescence declared on the part of opposition, without approbation or condemnation. The first is to repeal all the Acts and parts of Acts which prohibit, or lay any restraints on the exportation of any woollen manufactures of Ireland from thence to any part of the world except to Great Britain. The second is to repeal the Act prohibiting the exportation of glass manu- factured in Ireland, and the third is to allow Ireland to import directly any of the goods and produce of the English Colonies and plantations in America under the same restrictions, regulations, and duties as they are imported into Great Britain. This last you see is conditional if the Irish Parliament shall impose the like duties and enact the like regula- tions. The two first propositions he intends to put into one bill, and 294 MSS. of endeavour to have that passed with all convenient speed. The third B™ouc^more w ^ require more time as it is more complex, and possibly may require ' some conference with some men of business from your side of the water to settle with correctness. It seems to me that these concessions ought to satisfy Ireland ; they certainly exceed what I have understood the wishes of Ireland to have been some short time past from some who were warm friends of the Trade of Ireland. If these concessions made with so much good humour on this side are not received with as much good humour on the other, and if they do not produce the most serious exertions on the part of all the principal persons of property in Ireland, to restore order and the usual regular subordination to Government, it will evidently show that the cry for trade was but a pretence, and that mischief was designed from the beginning. This I cannot believe, that men of considerable property, and who have children, can wish or intend confusion. If any are uneasy at the lengths which have been run, and see how near we have got to the precipice, [they] will, I should hope, seize with pleasure this opportunity of disentangling themselves with honour from engagements which might have hurried them further than they intended. I find that our countrymen here are well pleased. I hope that they will communicate their good humour, and I already see, or think I see, disappointment in the countenances of those who I believed wished the continuation of ill-humour in Ireland. I have reason to believe that neither Bristol, Liverpool, or Scotland will give any opposition to these Bills ; however there are some busy spirits at work to try to raise some ferment. " We have more than once seen Oppositions come over to Government; it was reserved to these days to see the experiment tried of a Govern- ment going over to Opposition which, as you justly observe, has been the case in Ireland, but I do not think that the good effects of that experiment will induce any one to repeat it. " Poor Sir Richard [Heron], it is said, struggles hard to get out of the harness ; some think that it had been better for him and his chief if he had never been put into it." 1779, December 18. — John Hely Hutchinson to his Constituents of Cork. " It gives me the greatest pleasure to inform you of the important news which has arrived this day ; that Lord North's propositions in favour of this Kingdom have received the approbation of the British House of Commons, without one dissentient voice. Those resolutions, when passed into law, will give this Kingdom the free exportation of all its manufactures (if anyone will then continue under restraint it has escaped my observation) and the direct importation of all produce and manufactures from the British Colonies in America, and in the West Indies, and the British Settlement on the Coast of Africa with the same freedom and to the same extent that Great Britain enjoys it, and also the exportation of every article of manufacture to those countries. When it is considered what vast expeuses Great Britain is subject to, in paying and supplying troops in those parts of the Empire, and in the fleets which she employs for the preservation of commerce with those countries and that the full advantage is proposed to be given to Ireland, without bearing any part of those great burthens, there is no man who must not acknowledge the high value of the obligation. By letters from England from persons in great station there, I have the best reason to believe that everything in favour of the commerce of this country is intended to be granted in the most generous and honourable manner. The consequences to the whole kingdom, and to the city of Cork 295 in particular, will be in time, invaluable ; those who had spirit to complain mss. oe of the injuries offered to our trade and manufactures will be the fore- dokou^hSore. most, I doubt not, to acknowledge and applaud, when they shall find — that ample redress has been given. Be assured, this is the language 06 my heart ; though not having the honour of being connected with any of His Majesty's Ministers, I must do them justice, and therefore must say that we are highly indebted to them for carrying into execution the gracious purposes of our Sovereign for the prosperity of this kingdom, particularly to our present Chief Governor, to whose representations of the state and circumstances of this Country I have the strongest reason to believe, the present great prospects now opening to our view, are in a great measure to be ascribed. " I know not what can be reasonably asked for the encouragement of the commerce and manufactures of Ireland that is not now in a course •of being obtained." {Draft.) 1779, December 29. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his letter with copies of the last letter and of the resolu- tions of the House of Commons. I rejoice in the unanimity or spirit of the Irish Parliament, believing they were necessary to prevent the people at large from taking the law into their own hands. Here "we have done all we can to relieve Ireland and we have overcome prejudices of such long standing and such deep root that I am surprised at our success. Sir R. Walpole would have been' stoned for naming what we have carried without a dissentient voice in either house, I do not say, a dissentient heart, but the circumstances were favourable, Ireland has many friends, the opportunity was well taken and well supported, and you cannot have a better proof of the sincerity of our Leaders than the Bill we have passed unanimously to give you a free and equal trade in wool and glass, for which the King went in person to the House, as he told me, to show regard to his Irish subjects." 1780, January 4. Welbore Ellis to John Hely Hutchinson. "We begin the year with better omens in all parts, but in no part do I feel the alteration more sensibly than I do that in our country, and am therefore most anxious that it might be improved to the best advantage. I see an active and mischievous spirit at work ; and I cannot repose in confidence upon the present appearance of a calm." I congratulate you on resuming your proper position, that of leading and not being led by the City of Cork. 1780, January 22. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchin- son. Acknowledging his attention in sending him " one of the very best pamphlets I ever read," asking why the author's name is to be con- cealed, and praising the knowledge, judgment, and affection for both kingdoms it shows . . . " Our great men here are very apprehensive that difficulties of a most serious and alarming nature may still arise between the two kingdoms. From what they read in print they argue that though they have done, and are doing everything they can to promote the commercial benefits of Ireland, yet they fear from thence that questions of such a nature may be brought into Parliament and such resolutions taken in regard to Constitutional points as may unhinge the whole and divide the interests of the two kingdoms." 1780, February 5. — Charles Jenkinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Am always glad to be of use to any of your family, and Captain Hutchinson's standing fairly entitles him to the favour asked, but there is no present 296 MSS. of intention of raising any more new corps in Great Britain. I feel great Dono^hmore satisfaction that " the measures we had taken in favour of Ireland were — so universally approved by the Parliament and people. We are proceeding to perfect the work. Some things that were said on your side the water have contributed, I believe, to shut up the mouths o£ opposition on this subject, so that we meet with no trouble in Parlia- ment, and our traders and manufacturers act on this occasion a liberal and handsome part by not showing the least dissatisfaction." 1780, May 16. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. Cannot see any great benefit from the delay of the Mutiny Bill. " It seems to be rather loading the English Ministers without relieving the Irish ones. The bill seems to have had the countenance of all the leading men in the House of Commons who spoke, and therefore its passage through it is not to be doubted. The measure has been long talked of and much apprehended by the English Ministers ; therefore new instructions seemed unnecessary." Cannot say what the fate of the Bill will be when it comes to England. " Great complaint is privately offered to us who are connected with that country about it; my private wishes are that the Bill may be a transcript of the English Act and that there may either be no preamble or such a one as will not meet with objection here. The kingdoms may yet both be happy and great if they continue in union, but if they divide they will probably be both undone. England is not likely ever to assert or assume the title of binding Ireland by the Acts of her own Parliament, and yet a relin- quishment of the claim will I am perfectly persuaded not be obtained even at this moment of its difficulties and weakness." 1780, May 26. London. — The Same to the Same. Acknowledging his distinct and exact account of what passed in the Irish House of Commons with regard to the duties to be imposed on refined sugars imported from England, and asking him to excuse his having laid it before Lord North, as he could not see a state of the matter better or more judiciously drawn, and fearing the matter is a difficult and delicate one to settle between the two kingdoms, as according to his information it does not appear here in the same light as in Ireland. " Whether upon reconsideration and from the unwillingness of refusing any thing to Ireland that can promote her commercial interests any change of sentiment may be adopted I cannot say, but at present, I believe, the ministers do not think they should be safe in adopting the measure with such high duties. It has been said * Lay it before Parliament ' but I hope no such idea will be seriously entertained. The Parliaments of the two kingdoms upon seeing the matter in a different light might make the difficulty still greater and more serious, and as an experiment is to be tried temper, moderation, and good intentions on both sides may at last hit on some medium which may be amicably received. In the meantime I am grieved to see new difficulties arising and to be apprehended every day. The two kingdoms cannot subsist in a state of prosperity without each other, the difficulties of adjusting all their interests will I see be very great. I therefore as an individual concerned in and for both will confess that I wish an Union between them could be made." 1780, June 12. London. — The Same to the Same. 11 1 have been honoured with your letter upon the three great points most immediately in view between Ireland and this kingdom and I have laid it before Lord North presuming you would not disapprove it, as it may contribute to the general good and benefit of both, by inform- ing his lordship and the other members of English Administration with 297 the state and circumstance of the different matters in agitation. Your MSS. of THE j*j A-RL OF two former letters upon the Sugars and the Mutiny Bill were well Dokoughmore. received. The latter I believe contributed more to give satisfaction upon the subject than any information which had been laid before them. I was likewise particularly pleased with the power you had given me of stating your sentiments and conduct in a just light, because through ignorance and ill-intention you had been reproached here as having taken a very different line. I do not mean by Government or by Ministers, but by common report and in common conversation and communicated to me as matter of surprise. The observations you have sent me upon the Mutiny Bill flatter me particularly, as they prove that the idea which at first occurred to me upon the occasion from common sense, and in common prudence, is fully justified by acts of the Irish Legislature by precedents and by practice. We have had, as you will have seen from the common prints, a most melancholy, a most dangerous, and a most disgraceful scene exhibited iu this town. Popery and religion were said to be the cause, and I suppose they might be the motive, with which the people were misled, but I cannot help suspecting that it has a political foundation, and has been sup- ported and encouraged by foreign enemies. Peace and tranquillity are at present restored by the vigour of the measures taken, and the universal opinion of that necessity. Lord George Gordon, the principal mover, is in the Tower, and many persons concerned taken into custody. The Commission to try the latter is, I hear, to issue this week ; the trial for the former must J suppose wait the meeting of the Commons as he is a member of that House. Two popish chapels have been destroyed at the Bath, but all is again quiet there, and we hear of no disturbance elsewhere." 1780, July 13. — Lord Hillsborough to John Hely Hutchinson. Informing him that his son Mr. Hely Hutchinson delivered to him his freedom of the City of Cork in a very elegant Gold Box that morning, and thanking him for his share in obtaining it for him. 1780, July 20. Palmerston. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Hills- borough. Reply to the last. (Copy.) 1780, August 20. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Hertford. "The affairs of this Country are in a very critical situation and ought to be laid open to its real friends." I forward a newspaper with some paragraphs marked " plainly calculated to disturb the minds of the people, and two of those paragraphs expressly inviting them to a rising. The time of meeting being in the evening is very improper for assembling a great concourse of people, many of whom will be inflamed by misrepresentation, and many probably intoxicated by liquor. Allow me to say the reins of Government in this country require a steady hand." I apologise for troubling you "with a paper iu which there is anything of mine inserted. It contains an imperfect and incorrect account of an attempt to promote his Majesty's service on an occasion of some importance and hazard, though without any application to me from the Administration of the Country." (Copy.) 1780, August 29. Thames Ditton. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his account of the resolution of the Irish House of Commons to prosecute the author and publisher of the advertisement sent in a former letter. If they had not " I should have concluded that they had lost all dignity or respect for their own 298 th^jFae/of ^ n ^ uence * ^he advertisement is an appeal to the new military forces Donotjghmore. to annihilate the present constitution and to take the government of the — ~ kingdom into their own hands." 1780, September 5. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord North. After apologising for troubling him in a personal matter " Lord Buckinghamshire has since the rising of Parliament expressed great hostility against me. I am not conscious of having deserved His Excellency's displeasure. Representing a trading city, I concurred with most of His Excellency's friends in voting against his Secretary on some questions calculated to obtain commercial advantages for this Kingdom; the consequences have been honourable to His Majesty's Government and highly advantageous to both Kingdoms. After the magistrates of Ireland had refused to execute the British Military Act, I thought in common with many of His Excellency's particular friends, and with all the principal men of this country, that an Irish Act was necessary for His Majesty's Army in Ireland, and for the preservation of the public tranquillity ; some amendments proposed by me in the House of Commons made the Bill less exceptionable ; and my support of the perpetual Act proved the principles upon which I had acted. In all other matters I supported His Excellency's Administration against the proposed alteration of Poyning's Act and the declaratory resolutions. In fact, before the last Session 1 never divided from His Excellency's Secretary, and repeatedly received in both Sessions His Excellency's thanks for my conduct. The avowed cause of his displeasure is my having left town before the rising of Parliament on the 2nd of September. I did not set out till the 26th of August, and had previously communi- cated my intentions to Sir Richard Heron, and desired to know whether any more business remained to be done in the House of Commons, which he answered in the negative. If he had expressed any wish for my continuing longer in town, I should certainly have remained till the rising of Parliament, though I was called to the country by public as well as private business. It was known the address would have been unanimous, the principal opposing members having seceded, and I assisted at the last act of business, which was the preparing resolutions against the improper publications on the subject of the Sugar and Mutiny Bills. Those resolutions I had the good fortune to settle to the satisfaction of His Excellency and of a large meeting of Lords and Commons, at the Castle on the 21st of August, and afterwards assisted in carrying them through the House of Commons. I may venture to say that no man in this Kingdom has given stronger proofs of attachment to His Majesty's service than myself, and if in the performance of my duty I was obliged to oppose a great nobleman, [the Duke of Leinster] with whom his Excellency is principally connected in this country, and who made it a point to exclude me from His Excellency's councils, it would be a hard lot if a resentment which I had earned in His Majesty's service, should operate to deprive me of His Majesty's favour." {Draft.) Same date. — The Same to Lord Hertford. On the same subject and of the same purport. Observing "In respect of office his resentment can do me no injury but as to a provision for my family of 1,000/. yearly, which I hold determinable at His Majesty's pleasure, and which in the grant of it is mentioned to be made in consideration of surrendering a term for years in the office of Alnager, now one of the first offices in this country, and a little place which my son possesses, and which was given to him to induce me to surrender the principal Secretaryship." {Draft.) 299 1780, September 6 and 7.— -The Same to Welbore Ellis and Charles TH ^f; R ° L F or Jenkinson. On the same subject and of the same purport. {Drafts.) Donoughmore. [There is also a recent copy of a letter to Lord Hillsborough on the same subject, the original of which is now missing.] 1780, September. Cork. — The Same to Lord Hillsborough [a second letter] " The difficulties of the last session arose from the want of conduct immediately after the perplexities of the first day. I earnestly recom- mended to Lord Buckinghamshire that some administration should be formed and proposed to take any rank in it that he thought proper, and in the Christmas recess, when questions of magnitude were expected to be agitated at our next meeting, I repeated the same offer by Mr. Connolly, but received at both times an ambiguous answer. I was frequently omitted at the meetings of the King's servants but bore no resentment, and attended whenever " I was summoned. Considered " this neglect as the act of the Secretary, and determined that no animosity of his should prevent me from doing my duty as one of the King's servants whenever he allowed me the opportunity. My situation is singular ; since the close of the session I have been the object of the most virulent libels for my conduct in support of Government, and Sir Richard Heron himself informed me that the late violent threats published in our prints by some of the volunteer scribes were particularly levelled against me. . . . The citizens of Cork are, as they certainly ought to be, thoroughly contented and highly sensible of the advantages and favours they have obtained, and consider all ideas of non-importation agreements as impolitic, selfish and ungrateful." {Draft or copy.) 1780, September 19. Addiscombe Place. — Charles Jenkinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Have no reason to suppose that any information to your disadvantage has been transmitted, and will do all in my power to remove any ill impression that may be attempted. 1780, [September 26] . Paultons, near Romsey, Hampshire. — Welbore Ellis to John Hely Hutchinson. Have received your reasons for such part of your political conduct as you conceived the Lord Lieutenant to have been displeased with. I assure you that, as you wish, I will mention these reasons when it may be proper and of use, but shall probably remain where I write from till the next Session. Therefore I advise you to come and tell your own story, for there were more persons than the Lord Lieutenant who did not understand and therefore were not satisfied with some parts of it. Lord B[uckingha]m's being dis- pleased will furnish a very sufficient handle to enter as deeply into the matter as you think fit. The Archbishop [of Cashel] is now here with his lady. 1780, October 10.— John Hely Hutchinson to Welbore Ellis. After acknowledging his letter of September 26, and observing that allowances should be made for the extraordinary difficulties of the times and the particular embarrassments of his situation — " Administration thought it necessary to yield in some several instances ; the free trade and the votes against new taxes, for a Mutiny Bill and for recommitting the Sugar Bill, in all of which I concurred, were concessions made in the House by Lord Buckinghamshire's minister, Mr. Foster, and the short Money Bill was his Excellency's own. Shewing more regard in the duration of the Bill to the public creditors than to the support of Government, appeared to me to be a distinction useless to the creditors, and not honourable to the Crown. I do not recollect an 300 MSS. of instance where I differed in principle from Administration, though a DoNou^moRE. regard to consistency of conduct sometimes obliged me to differ in the — mode. I assisted Administration in whatever regarded the Supply, the prerogative of the Crown, the Revenue, the commerce, the constitution and tranquillity of the Country, and in the last particular I might have claimed some merit under an administration not unfairly disposed to me. I took two journeys to Cork and obtained from the Corporation, merchants, and Grand Jury there, the strongest addresses of thanks to His Majesty and to the Lord Lieutenant, for which I had his Excellency's thanks. At the last Assizes there I exerted myself successfully to prevent non-importation agreements, and to reconcile the minds of the citizens to the perpetual Mutiny Act. I thought indeed it was not just that Cork should follow the example of Dublin in attributing all the merit to His Excellency, and passing over such of His Majesty's Ministers as from their departments had taken the lead in the British Houses of Parliament for the service of Ireland, but by this conduct I find I had not paid my court to His Excellency. I profess no attachment to a Chief Governor who could proscribe one of the King's principal servants, and then one of the warmest supporters of Administration, at the request of a noble Duke then the strongest in opposition to it ; but in attachment to His Majesty's Government and in the uniform support of it, I will not yield to any man, and I hope I shall be judged not by the repre- sentations of our Lord Lieutenant, or by the animosity of a particular Secretary, but by the tenor of my conduct during the whole course of His Majesty's reign." {Draft.) 1780, October 17. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Hillsborough. Am preparing to start for London the moment I can shake off a fit of the gout. I hope to be allowed an opportunity of explaining any part of my conduct that may have been misunderstood. {Copy.) 1780, November 4. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Hertford. " By authority from Lord Buckinghamshire I have been informed that he had in the same letter complained of Mr. F[oster] and me for having voted in some ministerial questions against his adminis- tration and that this was one cause of the difficulties of his Excellency's administration. Nothing can be more unjust to me. 1 will not in my own defence arraign any other man. Mr. F[oster] was frequently absent during the two sessions ; in both Government had my assistance in the principal questions. His Excellency through the same channel has acknowledged his assurance to me in November last, that whatever letter he wrote to be laid before His Majesty relative to the Provost, the Provost himself should dictate. Connecting this declaration with his thanks to me in the latter end of April for my support against the alteration of P[oyning's] law, his Secretary's eulogium in the latter end of August on my speech in support of the perpetual bill for regu- lating the army, and with his calling upon me afterwards in confidence tc settle the resolutions against the printers, I think I have some cause to complain of uncandid as well as unjust treatment. As to the diffi- culties of his administration, if I live and am admitted to state facts I will demonstrate that they were all of his own creating." {Draft.) 1780, November 8. — Welbore Ellis to John Hely Hutchinson. Assuring him he has lost no time in using the instructions with which he had furnished him in the most effectual manner, being able to tell him in confidence that he is fully persuaded that nothing disagreeable is intended against him or his on this side of the water, and that he is quite safe from 301 any supposed marks of resentment. As the Lord Lieutenant sets out the M ^S- 05 _ J ri T , , , . . . , the Eabl or first week ot next month, suggesting that it may deserve his consideration Donoughmore. whether he should come out of the kingdom just as he enters it. 1780, November 15. Charles Street. — Edmund Burke to John Hely Hutchinson. " This will be delivered to you by my kinsman and friend Mr. John Bourke," who has been involved in a very troublesome busi- ness, I supplicate for him your powerful protection. "I shall be happy to hear from my friend that you do not forget your antient partial goodness to me." 1780, December. — John Hely Hutchinson to William Eden. Apologis- ing for being prevented by gout from welcoming him to Ireland, and desiring him to make his apologies to the Lord Lieutenant for not attending him on his arrival, and assuring him of his desire to promote whatever may contribute to the honour and success of his Excellency's administration. (Cop?/.) 1780, December 23. Dublin Castle.— William Eden to John Hely Hutchinson. Reply to the last. Am sufficiently informed of the importance of your support to the Government and am most cordially disposed to cultivate and merit the favourable opinion you are pleased to express. [1781], October 12, 5 p.m. Dublin Castle. — Lord Loughborough to John Hely Hutchinson. At the moment of departure expressing his thanks and gratitude to the University of Dublin for the honorary degree it has conferred on him. 1781, November 9. — The Same to the Same. " I found an opportunity of stating to Lord North what you desired me to explain to him when I had the pleasure of breakfasting with you, and I had the satisfaction of observing that he was pleased with that mark of your attention to him, and happy to understand how much you were disposed to give your powerful assistance to the conducting of the public business." I regret leaving Ireland. " The social cheerfulness which prevails in jour country had revived the same disposition in my mind." 1781, November 10. — The Same to the Same. Acknowledging his letter enclosing the testimonium of his degree. '< The first account I had of the debate on the Portugal trade was from Lord North, who repeated the substance of his letters from the Castle, in which the distinguished share you took in support of Government was mentioned in very handsome terms. I thought it material that you should know this, as the omission by the newsvvriter seemed to have struck you. I know by experience that papers supposed to be under direction are only so to a certain degree, and that the particular prejudice of the composer is not always sacrificed to his interest." 1781, December 25. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. '"Whatever danger may attend Barbadoes and the other West India Islands there is no account of the former being taken. If such a report has any foundation the capture must have been made before De Grasse could arrive there for the account to be transmitted." 1782, January 8. London. — The Same to the Same. Suggesting " that whenever the disposal of the Great Seal of Ireland is made and [it is] removed from the present hands and put into others, the administration of Ireland will have the principal influence in doing it. Mr. Eden knows 302 thenar? of country very well, and must be informed whenever such a plan Donoughmore. is even secretly in agitation, and his connections here are powerful." I advise you to mention the subject to him, recommending this with more conviction having occasion to think that " the representation of the political campaign of the winter 1780 was unfavourable to you, and that it may require more than the efforts of your best private friends on this side the water to remove entirely any impression which such accounts may have made, and for which Mr. Eden's testimony, with the active part you have taken this winter, would be the most effectual means." 1782, February 23. London. — The Same to the Same. Believing that there is not on this side the water any present intention of removing the Great Seal of Ireland from its present possessor. " You will see in the public prints that my brother made a motion yesterday in the House of Commons to address the Crown to put an end to the American War. The motion was debated till past three this morning, and then negatived by a majority of only one voice. The pressure of that war and the ill success of it induce even the friends of administration to leave them on that point. The size of the minority upon this occa- sion may lessen the business of the gentleman of whom you speak and the world think respectfully." 1782, March 1. London. — The Same to the Same. "The state of public affairs or at least their appearance and prospect is much changed since I wrote by a motion of my brother's for negociation with America which has been carried . . „ by a majority of nineteen against the sense of the Ministry. The idea is pretty general that it will change the Ministers. Of whom the next Ministry will be composed, suppos- ing the change, is not so easy to say. The minority, in this instance become the majority, are of too discordant principles to form one easily, supposing the Crown to be passive. My own idle opinion, for such it may be, will more probably throw power into the hands of the Chancellor and some of Lord Carlisle's friends." 1782, April 29.— The Same to the Same. " The ultimatum of Ireland will, I imagine, be accepted here, and perhaps without a dissentient voice. Mr. Grattan will not suppose it arises from any particular party of men or from a particular predilection for Irish liberty and interests in this country, but from a fear of Irish numbers, which in the present state of this kingdom, have persuaded everybody that acquiescence is necessary. " I hope a prudent and moderate use will be made in Ireland of our present powers, that they may be permanent and make a better and more sufficient compensation for the hardships it has hitherto undergone. " Lord Talbot's wand, which is now vacated by death will I fancy, be put into Lord Gower's, the father-in-law's, hands if Lord Carlisle does not take it, and the gold key, which Lord Ashburnham vacates by resignation, be put upon Lord Weymouth's pocket to please the Chancellor." 1782, June 5. — Lord Loughborough to John Hely Hutchinson. " It is not very surprising to me, nor very mortifying, to find that upon a very gross representation I have been the object of a good deal of abuse on your side of the Channel. Had I opposed the claims of Ireland because I deemed them inconsistent with the interests of Great Britain, I ought to have been entitled to the applause instead of the 303 abuse of those persons who think a partial affection for their own mss. of country the perfection of virtue. But the truth is, that I never yet donol^hmoke have met with an instance which I could assume to myself the merit of — preferring my own country to yours, because I have not yet learnt that their interests were opposite. "I have troubled you with a better account of the debate in the House of Lords than I believe had reached Ireland, when I was recommended to the civility of the good people who made a Pope of me in their rejoicings for what I very sincerely wish you and those I value may find a more beneficial change in your situation than I believe it will prove. As an unworthy member of the University I put myself under your protection, as an old and sincere friend of yours I wish to put into your hands the means of justifying me against a reproach which will give you more pain than myself, and by com- parison with the debates of your House in the present Session I have the satisfaction to think that my opinions will neither appear extrava- gant nor hostile to Ireland. I have not yet learnt to respect so much their majesties, the people, as to entertain any great anxiety to accom- modate my opinions to their fancy ; but I should be very sorry to lose any part of that regard which yourself, and some other very respectable persons in Ireland, have done me the honour to express for me in a manner that convinces me it is not one of the opinions of the day." 1782, June 8. — General Fitzpatrick to John Hely Hutchinson. Had told him the day before that Government did not intend to take any part in the Revenue Officers' Bill, but now informing him that on further consideration it was thought that such conduct might be con- sidered a covered mode of defeating a measure of which they really approve, and that therefore Government intend to support it. 1782, June 25-26. July 6. — Resolutions passed at meetings of the inhabitants of Clonmell for enforcing their rights to the freedom of the corporation, and also by the Clonmell Independent Corps of Volunteers — Colonel John Bagwell presiding — thanking David Walshe, Esq., for his services as a senator. 1782, July 5. Thames Ditton. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson " The event of Lord Rockingham's death has of course reached Ireland ; the political consequences of it are at present likely to be pretty extensive. . . . Lord Shelburne is to have the Treasury, Mr. Fox resigned yesterday upon its being known. The ostensible reasons given for it are three — That he had been overruled by the Cabinet against declaring America independent, the dissolution of Parliament, and giving the Treasury to the Duke of Portland. The Cavendishes it is said will go out, and Lord Keppel, in consequence of which it is probable you will again change your Viceroy, the Duke of Grafton and Lord Camden stay in, as does my brother, as long as he approves the measures of administration, the Duke of Richmond, it is likewise said, will con- tinue to hold the Ordnance, but not attend the Cabinet. Mr. W. Pitt, second son of the late Lord Chatham, is to be Chancellor of the Ex- chequer or Secretary of State. The resolutions of yesterday have not been further communicated to me. . . . Thus much arid especially as it is likely to affect the administration of Ireland, I thought you would be curious to hear." 1782, August 20. Dublin Castle. — General Fitzpatrick to John Hely Hutchinson. Have laid before the Lord Lieutenant your letters relative to a relaxation of the embargo on provisions shipped at Cork, 304 the kLrl of as ^ ar as re S arc ^ s their exportation to the Neutral Islands in the West Donoutthmore. Indies. The reasons you so forcibly urge have great weight with his Grace, and as far as he is at present informed he sees no objec- tion to the measure. In consequence of your representation he will therefore, as soon as his health permits, transmit to his Majesty's Ministers, with whom of course the decision will rest, " a state of the case together with your arguments in favour of extending to the neutral ports of America, that liberty which has been already granted of export- ing provisions to those of Europe.' , Same date. Phoenix Park. — The Same to the Same. I need hardly add anything to the ostensible letter enclosed as it literally contains the Duke of Portland's sentiments on the subject. " He is in truth in general no friend to the system of embargoes, and I confess, as it strikes me, I should think an embargo should never be resorted to, but as a temporary expedient, to prevent the equipment of expeditions, which administration may have gained intelligence of and which an embargo properly and seasonably adopted may often frustrate. How Ministers in England will see this question I cannot at all judge, the public in general are certainly always revolted against the idea of furnishing the means of war to our enemies though I believe upon many occasions it is not bad policy, where it tends to increase the trade, and consequently the riches of the country. At all events . . I natter myself your constituents at Cork will see that their interests have been attended to, and that your influence with administration here has been so far successfully exerted in their favour as to procure a recommendation of the proposed means to the other side of the water, which was everything they had in their power to do." 1782, August 23. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchin- son. Cannot at present follow your advice. Am so circumstanced that without personal objection either to the Duke of Portland or Lord Temple, I cannot at present ask anything which could be accompanied with the appearance of favour from either of them. I ask you to send the enclosed letter of excuse to the Linen Board, and when you meet the gentlemen there to express that situated as my property is in the Linen country of Ireland I should be sorry that my name should not continue on the List of Trustees, but that I cannot desire it if they think it would be a prejudice to the regulations they think proper to establish. 1782, September 11. — The Duke of Portland to John Hely Hutchinson. " I should be very sorry to have occasioned you a moment's uneasiness on any account and particularly so on that of Dr. Wilson. . . . The whole of my difficulty consisted in the manner of taking the Archbishop's [of Tuam] assent, and the more I consider it the more disinclined I feel to press for that mode of assurance, which you stated his having given on his appointment to the Bishopric of Ferns. No written agreement can bind the Archbishop's successors and he is so justly entitled to my confidence that 1 conceive my best security would consist in showing him that he possessed it without reserve." The augmentation required 30 additional Second Lieutenants, whom the Admiralty wished to appoint from young gentlemen of Ireland. Had thought I made this known generally, and much regret 1 had remained ignorant of your wishes. " By a letter yesterday from Lord Shelburne I find that the substance of the letter from Cork respecting the embargo is under consideration" 305 1732, September 30. Phoenix Park.— The Duke of Portland to John TH ^ S E S ; R / 0F Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for congratulations on his recovery. Donoughmore. ?' With reference to the mark which the Corporation of the City of Cork has been pleased to give me of their good opinion, I have no other wish than to consult your convenience and that of Mr. Solicitor-General in receiving it. I am satisfied that it is to your favourable representation of my intentions that I owe this testimony of approbation." 1782, October 6. — Lord Chief Justice Patterson to John Hely Hutchinson. Relating to the school at Ennis, which had fallen into a very bad state in consequence of the incapacity of the Master and his quarrels with his ushers. It is mentioned that Boarders' fees were 20 guineas a year. 1782, November 5. Dublin Castle. — William Wyndham Grenville to John Hely Hutchinson. Forwarding the following intelligence dated Paris October 24, which has been received though not officially by ministers and is believed authentic. " On the 10th inst. in the evening Lord Howe's fleet was descried off the entrance of the Straits and the following day it made its appearance opposite the Bay and began detaching into the place the victuallers and transports destined for the relief of it. During this time the combined fleets which had been riding at single anchor from the moment his Lordship had been heard of upon the Coast in order to go out and attack him, were prevented from getting under weigh by a strong gale at the S.W. which afterwards freshened to a violent storm and besides driving on shore the greatest part of the chebecs and gun boats and all the small craft which were laying under Algeziras did infinite damage to the fleet itself, and in particular forced on shore no fewer than four capital ships. Of these the St. Michael, a Spanish 74 (which it seems had got under weigh in order to avoid the effects of the gale and was afterwards stranded near Europa Point) is totally lost, and another of them, the Mujestueux of 110 guns, reckoned the finest ship in the French Navy had received irreparable damage. This gale had lasted all the 11th and during the greatest i part of the 12th not- withstanding which Lord Howe, who seems to have weathered it out very happily under the African coast kept sending in continually during both these days his victuallers and transports under cover of a frigate or two which effectually protected them from the attack of the gun boats that ventured out against them and the number of these vessels whicli he [sent] in is acknowledged to have been so great that though perhaps all those he had with him may not have found means to disembark their lading, the place is without doubt to all intents and purposes com- pletely relieved. On the 13th the weather having cleared up and the wind shifted to the N.W. the whole of the combined fleets had got under weigh from Algeziras to the amount of 45 sail of the line, and in the evening of the same day were seen stretching into the Medi- terranean with their line of battle formed, and at no great distance from His Majesty's fleet, so that an action must, it is thought infallibly have taken place the following day." 17h2, November 15. Dublin Castle. — William Wyndham Grenville to John Hely Hutchinson. Have laid before the Lord Lieutenant your letter about the Cork Embargo. His Excellency is concerned that you are not satisfied of the necessity of a measure which appeared to him the only method of preventing the alarming consequences of an unlimited -exportation of grain when the crops are universally allowed to have failed U 60050. U 306 MSS. of i n many parts of the kingdom, and when it is utterly impossible that )ono^?mobe " we snou ^ derive any supply for the poor from other markets, where — ' England bids against us with a larger price and a diminished freight and insurance. ... It was easy and obvious to have obtained the sort of accounts which you now mention. Such a measure would certainly have spread the alarm further, and increased that artificial scarcity you apprehend so much/'' I do not see what additional knowledge would have been thereby gained as they must have related almost exclusively to prices. His Excellency " is at a loss to imagine to what expedient you allude, when you state one to have been proposed by you, which would have prevented the export and would possibly have produced a supply from abroad and would not have interfered except in its operation with any law. . . . The only Wo ideas on the subject which he recollects to have been thrown out by you in your conversation were a bounty on importation or a refusal to pay the bounty on exportation. Both were most attentively and accurately considered and we are persuaded that both would have proved ineffectual. The Lord Lieutenant is strongly sensible of your disposition to promote the Honour and support of his administration." 1783, March 15. Waterford. — William Newcome, Bishop of Water- ford, to John Hely Hutchinson. Answering his inquiries about Dr. Adams, Master of Pembroke College, Oxford, who has published "a very able answer to Mr. Hume's Essay on Miracles." 1783, March 19. London. — Lord Hertford to John Hely Hutchinson. Have not troubled you " with the late history of the political follies and distractions of this country; you have seen them constantly in the common newspapers for the disgrace of Great Britain. A ministry is now seriously forming, and I understand today so far advanced that the Cabinet Ministers may probably kiss hands on Friday. It will consist of Lord North, Mr. Fox and their respective friends. The Duke of Portland will have the Treasury, and the Great Seal will in some way or other be in Lord Loughborough's hands." 1783, March 24. London. — The Same to the Same. " After having sent you the outline of a Ministry which all the world said and thought in a manner settled, it becomes me to acquaint you, that last night's declaration has changed the whole. The Duke of Portland received a letter late last night from the King, to tell him that all negotiation and intention of employing him was at an end and completely over. Instead therefore of Lord North and Mr. Fox and their several friends, it is supposed Mr. Pitt will be announced today, in the House of Commons, as the new Minister, and it is generally believed that the negotiations which have been so long carrying on were not intended to take place, but that this plan has been for some time, perhaps for the whole of the negotiations privately, agreed. Thus the last Ministry is continued, with Mr. Pitt, instead of Lord Shelburne, for its leader, and the House of Commons will, I suppose, by their voice determine the length of its continuance in office and power." 1783, May 27. London. — John Hely Hutchinson to his wife. "I had a conference of two hours with Mr. Windham, but nothing either decisive or satisfactory, but yesterday Hamilton, who has shown the warmest attachment to my interest, had a long conference with Lord Northington, and brought him very nearly to a positive promise that he would do for Richard, what Lord Carlisle intended on the first vacancy, and would also do what the Duke of Portland recommended. Lord 307 Northington promised to send to me, but has not since done so. MSS, os Hamilton at first told me these engagements were absolute, but after- doxoi^Sio' wards stated that Lord Northington had only said he thought them — reasonable, and that he, Hamilton, had no doubt of their being most certainly performed. Perhaps this might have been to prevent his being quoted, or from his sanguine wishes [he] had at first stated too strongly. Lord North sent me a message by Col. Nune that he would be glad to see me. Lord Hillsborough and Mr. Ellis were here yesterday. Lord Nugent has been uniformly very civil to me. I was yesterday at the House of Commons and heard a great debate between Fox and Pitt, in which the latter had a decided superiority, and is the greatest speaker I have ever heard. The K[ing] inimical to the present Ministry ; their majority supposed not more than 30, and their dura- tion precarious. I believe our Parliament will be dissolved in July. The principal confidence will be in Grattan, if he is disposed to support. They wish to have Flood, and Grattan and Yelverton agree in that wish, which is a great object with Lord Charlemont. I have been trying what could be done for Kitt [his son Christopher]. . . . I spoke to Burke who did not answer kindly in that or anything, though with professions of affection. I shall try Lord Hertford and Ellis. It is an useful sort of discernment to distinguish friends from acquaintances, but experience only of the individuals can effect it. . . . No cordi- ality from the Duke of Portland. Connolly has been very warm and friendly and earnestly wishes that I should have the principal con- fidence, but I do not wish for it. I desire only to attain reasonable objects, and that no uncommon exertions should be expected from me. I have not seen Mrs. Siddons and have been twice disappointed. . . . I believe I told you Lord Northington sets out on Friday. Hamilton gives me a very good account of his understanding and manner of talking upon business. ... I met Agmondesham Vesey at dinner at Lord Derby's. ... I believe it is fixed that Burgoyno should be at the head of the Staff of Lieutenant Generals here, and as such to have the command of the Army, and Cuningham to have the command in chief in Ireland." 1783, October 22. Paultons.-— Welbore Ellis to John Hely Hutchin- son. Congratulating him on his wife being created a Baroness. 1784, July 27. Hill Street.— William Windham to John Hely Hutchinson. Expressing the satisfaction he has received from his very judicious speech and thanking him for sending a copy of it. " What formidable accounts we receive here of the disturbances and outrages on your side of the water ! I hope and flatter myself that they are less alarming in reality than in appearance ; and that the excess of the evil will be the means of effecting its cure. When all the higher orders of people shall see to what fatal violences matters are likely to be carried, they will perhaps firmly unite against the mischief, and stop the progress of it altogether." 1784, August 27. Phoenix Park. — Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchinson. Private. Had not ascertained if Hutchinson had examined Hill as to his having printed the former edition of the pamphlet. I find that Mr. Seward had very generally circulated it. Hill said the entire impression of 200 copies should be given up, but this does not contradict what I hear positively asserted, that the first edition was also printed at the College Press. It would be certainly material to know this, as in that case the publication would be indisputable. I wish to know, if any caution was u 2 308 MSS. op given to Hill not to inform Seward of what passed at the Board, and )oxo^moiore wnetner tne inquiry and other proceedings were confined to the offence -I— ' against the College without any mention of the information or inter- ference of Government. 1 hope no account of these transactions has yet reached the publisher Seward. " You w T ill observe (which I mention very confidentially) that these pamphlets have leen given away gratis, that Mr. Seward could not afford to do this, — and in short that I am certain of dangerous machinations in very dangerous quarters." 1784, September [mis-dated August], 16. Phoenix Park. — The Same to the Same. Private. " I profit by the kind indulgence you allowed me of addressing any question to your consideration respecting the trade and commerce of this kingdom particularly in their relation to those of Great Britain. The principal point, which for the purpose of a final adjustment between the two countries on these subjects, will require an early decision, is the construction of the Navigation Act, and the supposed pretension on the part of Ireland, to an equal benefit under it. It would be more than unnecessary for me to point out to you the circumstance of its acceptance here, or the usage of its interpretation, which is called unreasonable, as well as partial ; but I should be extremely sensible of the advantage to be derived from the confidential communication of your sentiments upon this important subject, as well in regard to the justice of the constructive claim, as to the effect which the future extension of its operation upon a principle of commercial equality to Ireland might have on the situation of Great Britain. I will not apologise for this intrusion, to which you had already had the goodness to allow an opening, and shall therefore only repeat my wishes for the information I solicit. In some of the late •conversations which I had the honour to hold with you on the subject of official arrangement, especially in regard to the office of the Master of the Polls, and to the vacant seat of the Revenue Board, I had at least the satisfaction of receiving your assurance that you would readily make known to me your resolution upon any suggestion or proposition, which might be made to you on the part of Government, and you were indeed, according to my apprehension at the time, very explicit upon the terms, on which you would not be induced to consent to the resig- nation of your offices of Keeper of the Privy Seal and Secretary of State. As however it is very desirable to have the matter perfectly understood between us, and it is of importance towards a final decision of any treaty we might seek to conclude with Mr. Rigby for the resump- tion of his employment, to know very exactly your disposition to an accommodation of exchanges, I venture to trouble you, in a confidential manner, with this application for our future guidance in this business. Whether it would be agreeable to you, in case the opening could be effectually made on one side, to accept the office of Master of the Rolls under the present circumstances of its emolument, without any other alteration or addition than what might arise from any increase of business, and [you] would, upon the appointment to it, give up to the dis- posal of Government, the offices you now hold of Keeper of the Privy Seal and of Secretary of State ? I would only add as a possible means of giving more facility to this arrangement, the supposition of a disposal in favour of your son of the vacant seat at the Revenue Board. I accom- pany this plain question with no apology after the explanation, which has passed between us on the suoject of mutual openness of com- munication. The Lord Lieutenant intends appointing Mr. Preston his private Chaplain and a Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 309 to the Bishopric of Killala and I suggest that the College should confer MSS. or the degree of D.D. upon him. itoyoFaSco 1784, September 19. Knocklofty. — John Hely Hutchinson to Thomas Orde. Reply to last letter. . . . With respect to the Navigation Act had no doubt " that, considering the 49th rule would follow the book of rates annexed to the Irish Act of the 14th and 15th of Charles the 2nd c. 9, for settling the subsidy of poundage together with the Irish Act of the 21st and 22nd of his present Majesty for extending certain of the provisions contained in an Act entitled an Act confirming all the Statutes made in England, either the English Navigation Act is of no force in this kingdom, or that Ireland is entitled to an equal benefit under it, and that if the law was otherwise that good faith and sound policy requires it should be made so." In reply to your further question I do not pretend to be competent to give an opinion ; but according to my appre- hension " the effects of what 3'ou state as an extension would not be prejudicial to Great Britain. The situation of Ireland as to the American trade is more advantageous than that of Great Britain, but Great Britain has many other advantages . . . that generally preponderate on the other side ; the great and wealthy ports in that cjuntry have always enjoyed a far greater proportion of that trade than other ports though more advantageously situated for carrying it on, the same would probably happen between Great Britain and Ireland, and this would be found one of the many instances in which Britain has been apprehensive of a rivalship, and experience ensued (?) that there was no foundation for such an apprehension." As to official arrangements I regret you should have had the trouble of proposing the very terms on which I had expressly stated I would not resign the Privy Seal and the Secretary- ship. " I then declared that making my son a Commissioner of the Revenue would be no inducement to me to accept of that office, and that it was impossible for any man to do the duty of the Rolls and Provost- ship with reputation ; and that I should never accept of the Rolls as it then stood. This is a direct answer to what you justly call a plain question, which however unites these three propositions, and I should fail in candour, if I did not express my mortification in having a difficult and laborious office proposed for my consideration with emoluments inferior to those of the lowest puisne judge's office and that on condition of surrendering two great offices of perfect ease and much superior dignity and of at least equal emoluments ; while I consider . . . that an appointment with such emoluments would degrade the dignity of an official Master of the Rolls and injure that reputation which I w T isbed to maintain, it gives me concern that you should have suggested it." Had never desired the office or requested any addition to its emoluments being thoroughly content with my present situation. As to Mr. Hfutchin- so]n I flatter myself that he has some claims from his own character for promotion from the Board of Accounts after eight years' constant and laborious attendance there to the Board of Revenue, and I consider Government are already pledged to it. Should wound my son's feelings and think " myself unworthy of such a son, and that I dishonoured him and myself by purchasing for him an official promotion ... by the sacri- fice of my rank, my case and my reputation. His being a Commissioner would be a facility in future arrangements, if any should be proposed worth my serious attention." Will do all I can for Mr. Preston. {Draft.) 1784, October 3. Phoenix Park.— -Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchinson. Private. Apologising for his delay in answering the last on the ground of the severe pressure of business brought upon him not 310 mss. of only by matters of real importance but also by objects calculated only to 5-oikuSoee. di stress b ut °f unavoidable attention, and thanking him for his communi- — J ' cation about the Navigation Act, being very glad to find that he apprehends no prejudice to Great Britain from the acceptation of it most favourable to Ireland. I still consider however that much may be urged on the Law and certainly a great deal on the Custom in favour of the interpre- tation urged by Great "Britain. The regulation of the duties on the trade between the two Countries must be the next subject for discussion, and I will be truly sensible of any assistance you can give towards a favourable adjustment of this intricate question. " We have however a very necessary attention to pay all the while to the internal state of the country, wherein discontent and disturbances have been studiously fomented and maintained for the very purpose perhaps of impeding a liberal accommodation of all difficulties. I hope that I may venture to inform you of an improvement to our prospects in that respect from what has happened in several counties, but particularly here at the very source of the mischief. We have now put in circulation an address to His Majesty, of which the enclosed is a copy, hoping with very good reason to obtain the signatures of the majority of the real freemen and freeholders of the City. Government must naturally be very anxious to succeed in a measure so interesting to the whole community, but nothing can in reality be done unless gentlemen of property and con- sideration, who are certainly more exposed to danger than even Govern- ment itself, will stand forward in their own defence, and encourage the accession of the well-disposed among the lower orders. Little particular managements for the support of individual interests or objects should not in such times be put in competition with the necessary defence of the laws and the constitution. Wherever gentlemen have fairly maintained throughout that good ground, they have succeeded in the prevention of dangerous resolutions or indecent petitions. My Lord Lieutenant was under the unpleasant necessity of marking his disappro- bation in some instances, as Dublin, Tipperary, &c, &c. The disaffected take encouragement and vigour from the indifference or absence of the principal gentlemen upon questions of this kind. Notwithstanding how- ever these drawbacks to the accomplishment of our hopes in favour of the re-establishment of good order and of obedience to the laws, we may certainly venture to consider the designs of the malcontents as in a great degree defeated." Am concerned that the question respecting official arrangements should have appeared at all mortifying to you as no such motive was conceived or such effect apprehended. 1784, October 7. Knocklofty. — John Hely Hutchinson to Thomas Orde. Reply to last. While wishing every success to any pro- position intended to promote his Majesty's service, I doubt the propriety and am convinced of the inexpediency and inefficacy of the present measure. I agree that little particular managements for the support of individual interests or objects should not in such times, or indeed at any time, be put in competition with the defence of the laws and constitu- tion. " Nothing could have been more improper than the addresses from Dublin and Tipperary. My Lord Lieutenant judged perfectly right in expressing his disapprobation in the strongest terms. His Grace was pleased in your absence to ask my opinion on his answer to the Dublin address. I should have given the same advice as to [the] Cork, and as to that from this County ; where such an address as was sent from Limerick might have been carried, but the gentlemen, who had the direction, would listen to nothing but an adjournment, a very proper mode, if it could have been carried ; the impractibili ty of this 311 was mentioned, the attempt gave offence, and gome of the principal TH ^^ R L P OI) gentlemen finding they could be of no use withdrew. There does DonougiSoke. not live a man more adverse to these violent and tumultuous pro- — ceedings than myself, and I do not find anyone of my family who is not of the same way of thinking ; but gentlemen who have characters to maintain can justify their conduct on principles very foreign from in- difference, when they decline committing themselves in public proceedings not plainly agreeable on either side to their judgment. It gives me great pleasure to hear from you that you consider the design of the mal- contents as in a great degree defeated ; I wish they may be so altogether, and that we may have a little tranquillity and good humour, which are of more value than all those infatuated men are disturbing themselves and the world about." Referring to his opinion on the Navigation Laws and offering any assistance he can with regard to the regulation of the trade between the two countries. " If the re-establishment of the judicial functions of the Master of the Rolls would be of great public utility in the administration of justice, the re-establishment of the office is worth a great deal to the country ; if it would not, it is worth nothing." {Draft.) 1784, December 5 and . — Dr. Henry Ussher to John Hely Hutchinson. Relating to the salary of his Professorship of Astronomy. 1785, January 8. Dublin Castle. — Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his letter enclosing the resolutions of the Corporation of Cork, thanking him for his kindness, and requesting him to communicate to them the satisfaction he entertains at being thought worthy of so honourable a testimony from a Corporation of such rank and respectability in this kingdom. 1785, March 22. Cork. — Lord Riversdale to John Hely Hutchinson. You have doubtless heard of the meeting held in consequence of your letter, which was very numerous and unanimous in their approbation of the Bill, which everyone here considers as tending to the advantage and relief of the creditors. 1785, July 6. Phoenix Park. — Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchin- son. Private. Am truly mortified, at the difficulties " which you think remain in our way towards the accomplishment of our great object — the commercial settlement of Ireland upon fair and equitable principles. I had ventured to persuade myself, that everything objectionable was done away. If it is not by what has been now offered in explanation, I am hopeless of success from any endeavour to conciliate, and must only trust to the possibility of showing that every engagement ought not to be one side, and that none are required on either, which are not fair and reasonable, and especially those expected of this country, which are in effect only adoptions of the conditional permanency demanded in the other. I never before heard of objections to the principle of the 4th, 5th, 8th, or other resolutions, and I am therefore at a loss to conceive why that principle of following — by enacting similar laws or imposing equal duties, &c. may not be properly recited here. The English bill will make it the condition of the compact, and may not the Irish bill admit the principle and immediately enact any- thing, — which according to that principle is not now law in Ireland. Ireland will hereafter be no otherwise obliged to follow, &c— than as she may think it worth while to follow the condition of keeping the benefit of the compact, which Great Britain ensures to her on that condition ; and she can hardly expect to keep them whether she follows the condition or not. After all however I am very sensible of my 312 MSS. ov ignorance, which, joined to my confidence that everything is intended fcoNoi^^MOKE. f^rly an d honourably on the part of the British Government may blind — my judgement on this business." Shall send as soon as it is completed a confidential copy of the secret paper received from Mr. B[eresford]. 1785, June 29. London. — John Beresford to Thomas Orde. The copy referred to in the last letter, marked Secret. " Haviug stated to Mr. Pitt several objections which have been made to various parts of the Irish Propositions as they now stand before the House of Lords and having also desired some explanations of such parts of them as appeared to me to want explanation I now sit down to lay before you the result." This is given in the form of one or more Questions on each of the Resolutions with Mr. Pitt's answers, and extends over 10 pages. Here and there are marginal notes by Hutchinson. The following seem to be the most important. On the Second Resolution. " Question. I desired to know whether in this bargain between the two countries it was intended that the provision which Ireland was to give under this Resolution should be considered as given for the advantages she was to derive from the Acts now to be passed or for what ? Answer. It is given for making permanent that which is insecure at present, and for adding that which is now granted. And in explanation of the first part of this answer he said that he considered Great Britain at present as at liberty to put an end to the present indulgences she grants to Ireland in trading to her Colonies, but that after -this compact nothing but a breach of faith on one side or the other could." On the Twentieth Resolution. "Question. Why were the words contained in the eleventh Resolution of the Irish Parliament omitted, viz. : ' in each year of peace wherein the Annual revenue shall equal the annual expenses, and in each year of war without regard to such equality.' Answer. The Clause sent over by Mr. Orde contains the explanation of this and is not objected to. Question. I objected to the words permanent provision if they meant a perpetual Revenue Bill. Answer. They certainly meaDt so, as far as relates to the perpetual Revenue. This last question we talked over for a very considerable time, and I have strong hopes, that we shall get rid of this embarrassment. If it depended solely upon Mr. Pitt, or on him and Mr. Rose I should have no doubt of grating rid of it, but how far certain people in the Cabinet may adhere to this idea I cannot say, but I think I have so perfectly persuaded Mr. Pitt of the folly of it and the impossibility of carrying it, if ever so right, that they will not insist on it." (See Correspondence of Rt. Hon. John Beresford, i. 280.) 1785, August 7. Beconsfield. — Edmund Burke to John Hely Hutchinson. A letter of introduction to be delivered by Mr. Staunton, who is praised highly. " I would have him know that one of the ablest and best-natured men in Ireland is pleased to honour me with his friendship. I hope he will not find that I have deceived him in the account I have given him of your partiality to me." 1785, September 20. London. — George Dempster to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for his opinion on the Case of the East India Company's ship the Ganges, which had been seized. (See Cor- respondence of Rt. Hon. John Beresford, i. 262.) 1785, October 3. Cork. — •William Lumley to Richard Hely Hutchinson, afterwards first Earl of Donoughmore. Is informed that a requisition will be handed tomorrow to the Sheriffs to convene a meeting, the principal 313 object being to take into consideration the Secretary's [John Hely m JPSrJJ?..,, Hutchinson j conduct, nrst in not sending an answer to the sheriffs to Dooughmore, the last address or instructions from the Freemen. Freeholders, and inhabitants of the City, secondly in not sending them an answer to the address signed by them and the late Grand Jury, and thirdly the very cavalier answer which appeared in Knight's paper to the said address. As he and Mr. Sadlier were sworn in [Sheriffs] that day he will be able to keep off the meeting till the return of Post. 1785, October G. Custom House, Dublin. — Richard Hely Hutchin- son to John Hely Hutchinson. Enclosing the last. " This sort of pro- ceeding is not at all unexpected by me, and you must, I think, yourself have expected that au angry party and an interested one too would not have struck to any reasoning however just without a struggle." 1785, October 7. Dublin. — The Same to the Same. "I hear of nothing but panegyric from all quarters on the subject of your answer to the address of the Cork jury. It has done you already very great service with one side of the question, and I dare say it will do credit with all men on both sides, who are capable of judging or of thinking coolly. On Monday my Lord Lieutenant talks of setting out on his southern tour. He sleeps the first night at Sir John Parnell's, who did not hear a word of his intentions till Sunday, and is buying doors and doorcases, sashes, &c, &c. ever since for the very worst Inn, as he assures us, in the whole kingdom. The next night they sleep at Mr. Pery's at Limerick, so that they don't call at Cork till on their return from Killarney. They don't expect them, as I understand, at Castlemartyr for this fortnight to come. I shall see Mr. Hamilton tomorrow officially, and also his Grace, and I shall express to Mr. Hamilton the situation of my mother's health and our great concern, though from the route he takes, I don't think he has any idea of calling at Knocklofty, which would be much out of the way between Castlemartyr and Curraghmore." 1785, October 10. Addiscombe Place. — Charles Jenkinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for copies of his letter to the Sheriffs and Grand Jury of the City of Cork. Am happy to find that " a person of your importance, and one whom I have the honour to call my friend has expressed himself with so much freedom and spirit on a subject of so great consequence to the welfare of Great Britain and Ireland." On the back is a draft of Hutchinson's reply. . . . " The desire of the Duke of Rutland and the hope of doing some good has induced me to advance a step further and to give my reasons." Have directed ths few pages in which they are contained to be sent to you. " Prejudices are very strong and very general ; and neither the advocate nor the argument will be fairly heard on this side of the Channel. In my opinion every British object might have been obtained, and all Irish clamour prevented, but the gentlemen of this country who were consulted in the original formation of this scheme, I presume, thought otherwise. I was not one of them." 1785, October 11. Dublin. — Richard Hely Hutchinson to John Hely Hutchinson. The Duke and Duchess had set out. He does not intend to go to Cork, unless he is invited as he understands Lord Townshend and all Lord Lieutenants who have gone near Cork have had invitations. Have explained very fully to Mr. Hamilton the uncertain situation of Cork, and our washes that every compliment should be paid. " I have written as strongly as I was able to both the 314 thb^arl Sheriffs of Cork and to the mayor [Mr. Franklin] and to our friends Donoughmoee. Mr. Laneton and Izod and to Tim. Forrest, in order to procure an — invitation and a deputation and I have offered to go down to assist in showing their Graces the City of Cork. 1785, October 12. Dublin. — The Same to the Same. Had called on Mr. Hamilton and read him letters from Mr. Izod and Mr. Lumley giving the event of the Council [of the Cork Corporation]. Mr. Hamilton does not know where the Duke will be at any given time, but is certain he intended going directly from Killarney to Castle Martyr, and in case of an invitation thence to Cork. I think it un- necessary for me to go to Cork myself. As the Duke through Mr. Hamilton had expressed his wish that your letter to the Mayor of Cork should be published, I have given directions to Mr. Byrne to print it. [1785, October] 13, Thursday. — Lord Shannon to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for his answer to the factions who composed the Cork Grand Jury. 1785, October 14. Cork. — Kevan Izod to [John Hely Hutchinson]. " If there was not a smack of politics in the business an entertain- ment to the Lord Lieutenant from this Corporation would be ridiculous. But for this City to entertain her Grace would be ridiculous in the extreme. You know this City ; what ladies have we here calculated for such an employment ? Her Grace must fix her residence at Castlemartyr, or at some of the great houses in the neighbourhood, for there is neither place nor person here fit to entertain her, nor even to invite her, for the Mayor has no wife, and if he had, I would not wish to place our women in so ridiculous a situation. The reason I say so much about her Grace is, that Mr. Hutchinson is anxious that she also should be invited, but I really do not know how such a matter could be accomplished without turning her Grace to a man, or changing the whole Corporation into females. I believe you will be invited, but the inveteracy of some men is so violent, that I do not know whether a mob might not be hired to insult. If Lady Donoughmore would come here and flaunt away with her Grace, it might be something.' , 1785, October 15. Cork.-— The Same to the Same. . . . "The order for entertaining the Lord Lieutenant passed the Court of D'Oyer Hundred without opposition, and the Sheriff is set out for Limerick to cross on his Grace there with the invitation. His Grace will not be accommodated with as elegant lodgings as I could wish, but how her Grace can be accommodated is past my finding out." . . . 1785, October 16. Cork.— The Same to the Same. « This County's meeting I think resolved to abide by the Constitution and commerce as settled in 1779 and 1783. How the Act for giving up the importation of tea from India interferes with either of these periods I know not ; but if it applies to either the remark might be useful, though I think no remark will be useful that operates against the present clamour." 1785, October 20. Dublin. — Ilichard Hely Hutchinson to John Hely Hutchinson. Have not yet decided on going to Cork. I think that our absence from Cork cannot " possibly weigh against us in the Duke's mind, as he will see from Mr. Izod's letters, and from those likewise of the Mayor and of both the Sheriffs which are transmitted to him at my desire by Mr. Hamilton that the invita- 315 tion has been entirely at our instance." Will however go if yon desire mss. op it. Referring to the printing of your letter to the Mayor. Donotohmorr. [1785], Monday night, [October 31]. Cork* — Thomas Forrest to Lady Donoughmore. " As Mr. Hutchinson and the Colonel are gone to dine with the Duke, to the Merchants' Entertainment; he desired I would inform your ladyship, that everything went on here to the utmost of his wishes ; he and the Colonel dined with the Duke and Duchess at their lodgings yesterday. He did not go to Kingsale, he went only half the way to convey them, and returned to dine with Mr. Izod. Every other day since their Graces came, he and the Colonel was with them. They go to the Assembly where the Duchess is to meet them at half past 10 o'clock; they go to see the harbour tomorrow, and the Duke goes from thence to Lord Shannon's ; he will also go to Lord Mountcashel's, and Mr. Hutchinson thinks he will call at Knocklofty, but he does not know whether to breakfast, dinner, or supper, he asked if he should stop at Clonmel, he will have a certainty this night of his route, and he will write to you tomorrow and give you the certainty of everything ; however it will not be for a week to come if he should. A great body of the Merchants attended this day, and came in their carriages and saw Kellet and Dr. Naly knighted, and the Duke was in great good humour and told Mr. Hutchinson he never was in a place he liked so well, spoke in the most affable manner to every one of the Merchants ; after that ceremony was over, he went to the Review. Mr. Geo. Gould lent his carriages to her Grace, and after the review was over, the Duke and Mr. Hutchinson returned to Benson's cellars, (where they were expected) saw the beef salting and barrelling, and ate a fine beef steak and drank some porter. He was very much delighted, and said he never ate a finer beef steak in his life." 1785, November 2. Castle Martyr. — The Duke of Rutland to John Hely Hutchinson. As some pressing business makes a Council neces- sary asking him to meet him at Lismore on Saturday the 5th. "My visit to Cork was everything 1 could wish. It answered admirably." 1785, November 7. Dorset Street, Salisbury Square, London. — Wil- liam Woodfall to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his packet from Knocklofty which he took to Green Street, Kentish Town, in order to read it with more attention than the interruptions of his business in town permit. Am persuaded that when " reason shall resume her reign and clamour no longer deprive men of their senses and their candour, the arguments will have their due weight and consequence. . . When I visited Dublin I came in a peculiar character, and having assumed it I was determined rigidly to adhere to it. My view was to lose sight of every private political partiality and to procure for the public, as well as I was able, an impartial account of the language of Parliament on one of the most important topics with regard to the general interests of the empire, that ever came under parliamentary discussion." I trust that I did my duty, " but the prescribed limits of my public object did not deprive me of my feelings as an individual, and, if I am not mistaken egregiously, the day must come when the people of Ireland will be sensible that though the glorious minority (as they term them), were actuated by the purest and best of all motives they misunderstood the tendency of the Bill (either from not having sufficiently examined it, or from having been so far blinded by prejudice or misled by clamour that they would not take the pains to examine it fully), and that if they had not they would not have found it a bad bargain for their 316 MSS. of country. . . . Shall forthwith communicate your printed letters to the Earl op the Public through the medium of the Morning Chronicle, and shall at JO\OTT TT~M"0"R "K — . ' all times think myself highly honoured by being considered by you as a public character so far distinct from the general class of Newspaper Editors and Printers that I am not altogether unworthy of private con- fidence, and am ever more ambitious by proving myself a friend to truth and reason than to gain either fame or fortune at the expense of other men's reputations." 1785, November 15. — Memorial signed by John Anderson, John Cotter, and George Newsom on behalf of the Merchants of the City of Cork, to Commissioner [Eichard Hely] Hutchinson requesting him to lay before the Board [of Revenue] a grievance namely " The import- ation of Swedish herrings into the Isle of Man and the re-export of the same at very low prices, so as to be carried thence to Market into the British Carribee Islands," in orde/ to have an inquiry, and to apply a remedy. Appended are extracts from three letters of their Liverpool correspondents on the subject. 1785, November 30. London. — Sir John Skynner, Lord Chief Baron, to John Hely Hutchinson. After explaining the delay in replying to his letter, stating that he has made inquiries about the tenure of the Secondaries and finds they are considered to have a life interest iu their appointments not determinable on the death of the Remembrancer. 1785, December 9. Tallaght Castle. — Robert Fowler, Archbishop cf Dublin, to John Hely Hutchinson. Approving of the postponement of the election of the new Professors. 1785, December 26. Phoenix Park. — Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his letter and the accompanying papers on the subject of education, which is really interesting to the Lord Lieutenant as well as himself. I am inclined to think the general system proposed is good. 1786, March 10. Grayfield, Ballinrobe. — Darby Murphy to John Daniel. After describing how he had recovered 36 pieces of ash and oak and 19 pieces of smaller timber that had been stolen, and caused them to be brought " to the Quay of Cong on the 29th of September last and ordered two men to watch the said timber until sold by Public Cant, but a large number of people unknown arrived in boats who landed at said Quay about the hour of 12 or 1 o'clock at night, who instantly attacked the two men left to guard the timber with a shower of stones and with the most horrid threats obliged said two men to make off in order to save their lives upon which the timber was carried away by said unknow T n people." Have been unable to discover either any of these people or any of the timber. 1786, April 7. — John Helv Hutchinson to Richard Hely Hutchin- son. Am glad " that the Lord Lieutenant's answer is likely to be satisfactory to our Reman Catholic friends. I was very angry when I wrote to my friend Forrest recollecting twenty-seven years constant and important services on the one side without any return but their joining my opponent at the last election for Cork on the other, and while I was a daily advocate at the Castle for a written answer and the kindest that could be written, to be told, because I could not dictate the time when the King's Representative was to give his answer that the Roman Catholics considered me as having treated them with disrepect would have determined me to have explicitly desired that our corre- 317 spondence should have been for ever at an end, if I had not considered MSS. of the expressions as proceeding from my friend's solicitude lest they DoyoTCHMORE. should consider it in that light and not from any communication which — he was directed by them to make to me. If I should be mistaken in this you should express in my name the resentment which I feel at such captious ingratitude." The circumstances, under which his two bills, the police bill, and the bill in favour of the clergy with regard to tithe were withdrawn, are described at considerable length. 1786, April 17. — Lord Lucan to John Hely Hutchinson. Hearing that a plan was in agitation about the schools throughout the kingdom, and that it was suggested by him, he puts forward the claims to endow- ment of the school he had established at Castlebar. He pays the master 201. a year, and believes there are about 30 boys at it. 1786, October 31. Seafield. — John Pomeroy to John Hely Hutchin- son. "I had very little doubt, and have as yet but very little, that you are by this time, or will, before business begins here, be an English Privy Councillor. At the time the Speaker and Mr. Beresford were in England, and called to that Board, it seemed to be the opinion of every one, that all those gentlemen, who held high offices in this country, should likewise be appointed to that Board, in consequence, how could you be left out ? it is impossible. The Chancellor of the Exchequer I heard, and thought was to be one, and even our Attorney General, till my friend Mornington, who was in Ireland a fortnight ago, told me to the contrary, that FitzGibbon could not be one, as the Attorney General of England was not at that Board; but there could be no doubt but you must be of it. These were my reasons for the supposi- tion I mentioned to you. I wish the point was of more real use to you than it ever can be, as I think it must fall into your mouth. Do you recollect Foster, when he was chairman of the Committee of Supply in Lord Buckinghamshire's time ; when Heron sent to him from the Council Chamber to speak to him about some Bill, he declined coming, but sent for answer, that they knew how to have him there; he was shortly after appointed. You ask me about the meeting of Parliament, certainly I hear not till the usual time, some Tuesday from the 15th to the 22nd or 23rd of January." 1786, November 1. Tallaght Castle. — Robert Fowler, Archbishop of Dublin, to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for his solicitations in favour of Mr. Thompson. 1786, November 6. — John Pomeroy to John Hely Hutchinson. Since I last wrote Parnell has been appointed [to the English Privy Council]. You seem to think it extraordinary that not a word has been mentioned on that subject to you either from England or from Dublin. I differ from you. . . . We both by experience know that Government favours, emoluments, or honours are seldom obtained without some degree of application. I have not the slightest doubt on your mentioning to the Lord Lieutenant or Mr. Orde that your station entitles you to the honour lately conferred on the other gentlemen and that you expect it, that it will of course follow." [1786, November 8.] — John Hely Hutchinson to [Thomas Orde]. Asking him to lay before the Lord Lieutenant his request to be appointed a Privy Councillor of Great Britain, three of his Majesty's servants in Ireland having been so appointed, two of whom are of inferior rank to 318 th?Babl P op ^ e Secretary ot " State. After referring to his services and especially Donoughmokb. to his exertions on commercial subjects particularly in support of the late commercial bill, he flatters himself that he may not be thought incapable of giving some little assistance at the Committee of Privy Council lately instituted in Great Britain for the investigation of com- mercial subjects, and promises never to fail to attend whenever his services there should be thought useful. 1 786, November 1 1 . Mallow.— Rev. W. King to John Hely Hutchin- son. " The indulgence with which you listened to the sufferings of the distressed clergy of this province during your stay in Mallow, encourages me to trouble you again on the same subject. We were in hopes that a sense of our undeserved wrongs would have procured such protection for the established Church as would have suppressed the tumults we have been long exposed to, and prevented my troubling you with a repetition of our injuries. The seeming zeal with which Lord Luttrell engaged in our cause, and the effectual redress he so liberally promised us, sus- pended for a while the unjust attacks on our property and gave us temporary, deceitful hopes ; but the expedition with which he ran through the country, made his threats no longer regarded than while he was present, and his disappointing us in his promised return convinces people that he thought his return would be to no purpose, in consequence of which our disturbances are renewed with as much violence as ever and the strength of the insurgents increases in proportion as the efforts of Government prove ineffectual. Such magistrates also as were most active in our cause, decline stirring in defence of those whom all the world seems now to desert, and the clergy themselves, desponding at the general combination against them, have ceased uttering complaints to which no one pays any attention. This, Sir, is a very different account from what some late publications would insinuate, which were intended not to inform but to mislead ; and when our tumults are represented as being suppressed, we lie under the imputation of being querulous, but the attacks renewed against us these few days justify our clamours, and though they should never be attended to, cannot be considered as ill founded. I doubt not but your correspondents at Cork have informed you of the tumults that prevail in that neighbourhood at this present, to which I could add an account of such violences lately committed about me, as reflect highly on the police of any civilized country, the consequence of which is that we cannot set a tithe even at the low reduced price to which Lord Luttrell has confined us, a reduction which will remain as a precedent for succeeding years, without relieving us in the present one. That Government is well apprized of these proceed- ings we cannot doubt, but that it should suffer them to proceed to a length so ruinous to our property is hard to be accounted for. If, as is generally supposed, it be in order to succeed in a favourite scheme that cannot otherwise be compassed, the clergy have seldom opposed its measures, and might even now perhaps co-operate as far as their means would admit, but that two years' income of their well-earned substance should be sacrificed on this occasion, is more, we trust, than Government will admit, and therefore we look up to it for redress." 1786, November 11. Beconsfield. — Edmund Burke to John Hely Hutchinson. " I received your most friendly and obliging letter just as I was preparing to set sail from Dublin. My excursion to Ireland was to give me the only opportunity I should perhaps ever have of shewing to my son something of the Country from whence he originated, and to 319 make him a little known there. You may easily judge that in this mss. op view, the object I had most at heart was that he should see those few -™j Ea ?^ 2* whose partiality to me 1 must reckon among the most nattering circum- — stances of my life. He was extremely desirous of entering into my views and of being again presented to you. We were therefore at your door among the earliest visits we paid in Dublin. We were mortified at your absence, though from the time of year we had no great reason to indulge ourselves in any very sanguine hopes of the pleasure of meeting you in town. If we could have allowed ourselves a longer stay in Ireland, and could go to the Southward, I assure you that our first inducement would be that of passing a day or two at Knocklofty, a place with whose beauty I remember to have been struck very early in my life, but which I should see again with a much more affecting interest than any beauty of situation could possibly give it. My son and I are infinitely sensible of yours and Mr. Hutchinson's kindness to us, and I hope you will do that justice to our sentiments of gratitude and friendship to you both, as to be persuaded that it was with a very sincere regret we left Ireland without seeing you both and Lady Donamore and the rest of a family in which your goodness has given us a sensible concern. We are not without some hope that chance may indemnify us in England for our loss in Ireland, and that we may have it in our power to see you in these woods/' 1786, November 22. Dublin. — Wensley Bond, Dean of Ross, to John Hely Hutchinson. Had enclosed to Mr. [R. H.] Hutchinson the resolutions of a meeting of several clergymen at Docter Hales' Chambers. They met yesterday after an adjournment to receive through Doctor Law the answers of the Archbishops and Bishops to these resolutions. The answers of the Archbishops of Tuam and Cashel, and the Bishops of Limerick and Killaloe were read. The first said he intended to assemble and confer with his clergy. The other three objected to this as disadvantageous to the interests of the clergy, and the bishop of Killaloe as also being unconstitutional. The Arch- bishop of Dublin verbally expressed doubts as to the propriety of a standing Committee or of deputies. The bishop of Clonfert thought such a committee would be exposed to various influences during the sitting of Parliament, and would tend to divide the clergy and hurt their cause. The bishop of Killala said he could not answer without conferring with the other bishops. Had heard the bishop of Clonfert speak on the subject, who thought that in the first instance the sufferers in tithes through the late commotions should be redressed by Parliament either out of the Treasury or by a barony or parish tax. This idea I had before heard was an idea of yours. The meeting gave up the mode originally proposed, but seemed determined to meet weekly, all clergymen who offer themselves becoming members. Doctor Law informed the meeting that Lord Luttrell had called on him since the last meeting, and the substance of his conversation was conveyed in the following message. "That he was much hurt in finding his conduct in his late command in Munster had been mis- understood by the clergy whom he wished to serve. That he denies on his honour, and shall on oath if required his having in any instance interfered in prescribing Rates, or setting a value on any man's tithe, unless at the express desire of the Clergyman (or he might perhaps have added) Lay Impropriator concerned. That if he had in any instance carried his intentions into effect by means, which would not be borne by the people of England, his conduct in such instance arose from his idea of the trust reposed in him by Government, and that he had always 320 MSS. of declared Captain Right's Rates should not be submitted to. That his Doyor^niMOEE ^ e P ort to Government on his return to town had been against Lay — ' Impropriators and Landlords, and honourable to the Clergy. That the Magistrates of the several counties in general declining to do their duly, and Sir John Colthurst, who had been an old schoolfellow (I think he said) of his, standing forward, and offering hi3 services as a magistrate, he had taken him of his suite as acting with him under Government. That in particular the magistrates in and near Cork had refused to co-operate with him in levying the penalty for combination, and in other cases . . . and he concluded with observing that it was likely he should be sent down into that country again in a few days with the same command." The meeting resolved that to this verbal message a verbal answer should be returned, that they had never canvassed his Lordship's conduct in his command and were obliged for his message and declara- tions. " Your name and intentions towards the Clergy wore spoken of with great respect and regard." 1786, NDvember 28. London. — Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchinson. Illness has delayed my acknowledging your letter of the 8th instant. Am impatient to assure yon of the attention of Government before the communication of your wishes with regard to being made an English Privy Councillor. Had conversed with Mr. Pitt about it before going to Spa, and then mentioned your name with those of the other gentlemen since admitted, and can bear witness of the intention to invite you to claim your admission whenever you can come over. Am confident that nothing has since occurred to change this intention, and therefore attribute to accident the omission of a summons. 1786, December 4. Phoenix Park. — The Duke of Rutland to John Hely Hutchinson. Informing him with great satisfaction that he will be appointed a Privy Councillor of Great Britain whenever he chooses to go over to take the oaths, and assuring him that his singular know- ledge in commercial matters and the honourable support to his (the Duke's) administration independent of every other consideration would have rendered his appointment a circumstance of peculiar propriety. 1787, March 19. — Lord Hawkesbury to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his letter of the 2nd giving the first information of the Resolution of the Irish Government about the Navigation Act. Have since heard it has been introduced into the House of Commons and that it will probably pass with general approbation. I consider the altera- tions in it made in Ireland judicious. 1787, Monday, April 9. Castle.— Thomas Orde to John Hely Hutchinson. Thanking him for his letter and information. Can really have no design to injure or impair the University of Dublin, but very much the contrary. Regretting his indisposition. You were wanted in the House on Saturday to move for the Clergy Bill, which I under- stand is drawn conformably to the plan settled by you and the Attorney General. 1787, May 17. — The Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland to John Hely Hutchinson as Secretary of State. Memorial requesting a small aid from the Government in order to establish a complete surgical school in Dublin. Seal affixed. 1787, J une 13. London. — Lord Macartney to John Hely Hutchinson. . . . 61 The disturbances in Holland have considerably affected our funds, which have fallen 7 per cent, within these few days. The Prince of Orange 321 is so weak and of such a character, that those who wish best to his cause MSS. of are afraid to venture boldly for him. It is said however that Duke dowoitobmoee. Lewis of Brunswick will again undertake his affairs, and from the known — sense and spirit of that prince (if he be not counteracted) much may be fairly expected. Lord Frederick Campbell is talked of very confidently for one of your Vice-Treasurerships, Lord Walsingham for the Post Office, and Mr. Eden for the Embassy to Spain. The Prince of Wales is now out of all danger, but his recovery is slow. The Duchess of Rutland seems to have wonderfully revived from the air of this country and sees company every night after 9 o'clock at her mother's, the Dowager Duchess of Beaufort." 1787, November 19. Pall-mall. — The Marquess of Buckingham to John Hely Hutchinson. Acknowledging his congratulations on his appointment as Lord Lieutenant, on the system of Education hoping for his best assistance, and assuring him that on the subject of the support essential to the situation of the Clergy of Ireland no opinion can be more decided or has less varied than his own. Referring to the powers given to the Lords Justices appointed on the demise of the Duke of Rutland. 1787, December 1. Wexford. — George Ogle to John Hely Hutchin- son. Thanking him for his attention to his memorial, consulting him as to his position with regard to the new Lord Lieutenant, and asking for his advice as to his conduct. 1788, March 26. — Notes by John Hely Hutchinson of his conversation with the Lord Lieutenant. After a long discourse by him on Education, and after some introductory observations, I said that " when my wife was made a peeress, I should have been enrolled in her place, with a view to the final Judicature, if Mr. Windham had not been so partial to inc, as to say he would leave the Kingdom if I left the House of Commons. The event shewed a small matter would have induced him to have done so. That if I had been made, I should, as Secretary of State, have taken place of all Barons, that I had served 28 years, and was the oldest servant of the Crown, in the law or state, except Lord Mansfield and Lord Camden ; that I wanted rest, but should not desire it so long as I could be of use in the House of Commons ; that Lord Townshend would have made my wife a peeress in '69, but I prevented it ; that the Duke of R[utland] would have given her this rank if he had recommended any promotions ; that there was now an end of that, and that I came now to request it of His Excellency. He said from old acquaintance and sincere regard he would really wish to lend himself to any wish o( mine; that in the present batch there would be no promotion but that of his brother-in-law, who was to be a Viscount ; that he would be very happy to recommend a Viscountship for Lady Donoughmore, hut two or three were pressing, and that I knew whom he meant ; that Lady Donoughmore would have been made a Viscountess if there had been any promotion in the Duke of Rutland's times, that he knew, but for the same reason, for fear of jealousy, there was none, that he would, when- ever he recommended any promotion, recommend Lady Donoughmore to be a Viscountess. I replied that I was much obliged to him, and I hoped he would not consider it as importunate, if I added that I had served 28 years, that I was ready to serve still, and as long as he pleased, and wherever he pleased, whether in the House of Commons or House of Lords, I rather preferred the former, though I could not help thinking that I might be more useful in the House of Lords, as that I had been for twenty years in the principal business of the Law with Mr. Malone, Mr. Tisdall, and Mr. FitzGibbon now there," that he was ably supported U 60050. X 322 MSS of in tne House of Commons, and that therefore he [Hutchinson] thought the Earl of he would be of more use in the House of Lords, but that he was desirous Donottghmore. to be where his Excellency thought he would be most useful. His Excel- lency said that was putting it on a different footing and asked time to< consider, and inquired what would then become of Cork. Hutchinson replied one of his sons would certainly represent it. His Excellency then inquired after his sons and asked how many he had. 1788, May 14. Vienna. — .John Hely Hutchinson, afterwards second Earl of Donoughmore, to his mother. " My efforts to get down to the Austrian Army will, I fear, prove vain. The Emperor will not admit of it. A great number of Volunteers of the first families in Europe have offered, but have been all rejected. . . . The Turks in their attack of Prince Lichtenstein's army behaved with the most heroic courage, and in a manner almost unparalleled in the Annals of modern war. The best opinion here is that the Emperor will not probably make any great impression, and that the war is not likely to last." 1788, June 19. Palmerston. — John Hely Hutchinson to [George] Kose. Congratulating him on his late accession of office [as Clerk of Parliaments], and thanking him for contributing to the success of " my first compensation bill which was followed by another in the last session of the same tenor, and both will I hope ensure the peace of the province of Munster which for the present they have restored. Wishing most sincerely that the necessity for repeating this measure should not con- tinue, I do not however agree in the idea which seems to prevail at the Castle that the measure should never be renewed, it is the cheapest mode by at least one half, for the recovery of tithes, that has been yet adopted. It takes the remedy out of the Ecclesiastical Court which is not an equal tribunal between clergymen and laymen, and limits the demand to the reasonable average of the last seven years, but its best recommendation is that it prevents those public disturbances which tithes have occasioned during the last seventy years in this Kingdom. You gave me a very just account of our Secretary, he is a real man of business, with that degree of accuracy and precision, which a clear understanding acquires by long habits of business. He knows when to- be silent, a science in which our friend Orde had taken no degree at Cambridge. F[itzherbert] is well liked and will do well here. I have pleasure in doing business with him, and that is a great matter to an old fellow who may sometimes be weary as he is getting to the end of his course. Will you be so obliging as to tell him that I have in his absence laboured hard at the board of education. I am glad to hear he means to return in the next month, for though Lord Buckingham is incessant in his application to business, the assistance of such a judicious friend must be highly useful to him. What a change is here from a convivial Lord- Lieutenant who was so fond of good fellowship and so averse to busi- ness that he could scarcely be prevailed upon to give it a general superintendence to a strict regular man of business who goes through every part of it himself to the most minute detail. Which of the two, think you, is likely to be best served ? Perhaps the answer might look like a paradox. I will therefore leave it to the reader. What a futile world is this ! Our poor amiable Duke, with every quality to raise respect and conciliate affection, could not gain one huzza for all his living good qualities, but when the man was extinct, all his virtues, of which a generous humane and noble nature was the principal source, were acknowledged and revered, and his ashes sprinkled with the tears of a nation. What a proud and elevated mind was there, debased by 323 sensual habits ! What an excellent understanding lost by the want of M gs. 0P exercise, and made dull by the perpetual whirl of minor pursuits, t he Eael of l x- -x x xl, A 4 ■ t > U x xl 1, x DONOFGHMORE * wasting its sweetness on the desert air ! but there was an honest — heart, a sympathising love of others, in which there was no alloy. I am glad to hear that Mr. G-. is likely to be amply compensated for the loss of the Rolls by the reversion of the best office in this Country. The former exercised as in England, with an Act of Parliament to warrant it, would have been an immense saving to the Country in point of expense, by expediting the business of Chancery, and would have strengthened the final judicature if the possessor had been a peer. The judges in law business, and the two equity judges in their department, would have shut the door against the lay lords, who should leave the business of judging to those who have served a regular apprenticeship to it. They talk of a vacancy in our great Seal. Chief Baron . Eyre will find the situation very lucrative, but very laborious, if he does all the business, of which I am told he is very capable. I congratulate with you also on the success of the administration in which you take so con- siderable part. By the treaties with France and Holland, Mr. Pitt has gained more than Lord North has lost or Lord .... squandered. I hope you will either make Russia a friend, or make her feel at a very critical period of politics, the consequences of her not being so." 1789, April 2. Felbrigg. — William Windham to John Hely Hutchinson. Had been absent from London ever since the departure of the Irish delegates "and excepting such employment as the idea of a dissolution of Parliament has stirred up everywhere have endeavoured to improve my spirits after our late abortive labours by abstracting myself from all thoughts of politics." I feel however a lively interest in what passes in Ireland and am anxious about transactions, " in which you have so large a share. I shall transmit a copy of the paper you have favoured me with to the Duke of Portland in case he should not have received the particulars yet from any other quarter. The stake risked by yourself and Lord Donoughmore was sufficiently great ; I am happy to think it is not likely to be forfeited. It has happened here, as in other cases, that the spirit which has incurred the danger, has pro- vided the relief. ... A letter received at the same time as yours tells me that our Parliament will certainly not be dissolved, and mentions a curious particular, thought by Fox to be authentic, that Pitt had made the proposal to the King, and that it was received with great anger and passion. What the ground or motive of the anger was, professed or supposed, is not said : whether from considering the measure as injurious to a Parliament that had deserved so well, or as a suspicious provision of Pitt for his own security, or as implying a distrust of the continuance of his Majesty's sanity." [1789 ?] — Thomas Gallway to the Rev. Patrick Hare, Vicar General of Cashel. Asking his opinion on a business he has often decided in the Court in which he presides and where his decisions have in great measure brought the tenantry of Tipperary or Limerick and those entitled to tithe to a proper understanding. " Though this country is in as great state of tranquillity as any other in the kingdom we cannot pre- tend to say that the payments of tithes in this part of Kerry is as satisfactory to the tenantry in general as it is in the county Limerick." Had learnt there " that the average rate of tithe of wheat by the acre was from 8 to 10 shillings, Barley 6, oats from 3 to 4, New Potatoes (what is called here) from 8 to 10, old Potatoes (or second crop) 6 shillings, and Hay from 2 to 3 ; where such a regulation is established every man knows x 2 324 MSS. of what he is to pay. Something of the kind we should cheerfully agree the Earl of • ■» /■» i Donoughmore. to, making some difference between the quality of the ground here " and — in Limerick. ..." The mode of regulating the price of our tithe is by sending a proctor into our fields (who has a shilling in the pound), they then make a return to their employers what each farmer is to pay and what we conceive to be much greater than we should, but we have no alternative, but must either pay or litigate." I hope that through you the same regulations may be introduced here that have been in Limerick and Tipperary. 1790, April 9. Newlands. — Arthur Wolfe to John Hely Hutchin- son. Advising on points connected with the approaching College election and seeing no objection to postponing the scrutiny till the close of the Poll. 1790, August 6. Dublin. — Lord Donoughmore to John Hely Hutchinson at Buxton. " Lest the papers which contain the Philippic of the Chancellor [Fitzgibbon] and the manifesto of the Whig Club should not have reached you I send a copy of each. The unanimous election of Howison yesterday by the Aldermen and the almost unani- mous approbation of him by the Commons are no bad comment on these two productions. Frank hints as if it was the opinion at Buxton, that the Ch[ancello]r was losing ground. He is certainly doing so in his own country. . . . There was a whisper to day that Beresford was not admitted by Mr. Pitt, when he called on him on his arrival in London. Possibly people argue from what might be the feeling of a Minister, who did not like hard driving, and certainly the English Minister cannot like the furious race his friends in Ireland have been running, if he looks at Irish characters with English eyes." . . . 1790, August 22. Hayden Bridge. — George Hall to Rev. J. Spring. Enclosing copy of a letter from Dr. Maskelyne, the Astronomer Royal, recommending Mr. Vince as a proper person to succeed Dr. [Jssher as professor of Astronomy in Dublin. 1790, October 2. Ballinasloe.— Lord Donoughmore to John Hely Hutchinson. ..." The Chancellor will certainly wish to be sole Minister as long as he can. But how far his Dublin stretches of power and consequent retreat may have increased the Premier's confidence in him, I can only judge from what things ought to be." . . . 1790, October 14 and 19, and November 8. Greenwich. — Nevil Maskelyne, Astronomer Royal, to John Hely Hutchinson. The first two letters relate to the proposed regulations for the Dublin Professor- ship of Astronomy, drawn up by him at Hutchinson's request, and also to a Mural Circle being made by Mr. Ramsden for the Observatory, the last is an invitation to a meeting of the Royal Society. 1792, February 2. Trinity College, Cambridge. — Thomas Postle- thwaite the Master, to John Hely Hutchinson. Answering his in- quiries as whether at Cambridge the Master could- independently of the Fellows refuse to admit pensioners under a particular tutor. Same date. St. John's College, Cambridge. — J[ames] Wood to — Greenwood. Answering inquiries on the same subject. In both letters a case in point at Clare is referred to. 1792, November 2. Dublin. — Lord Donoughmore to Francis Hely Hutchinson. ..." With respect to the protest Kit [his brother 325 Christopher] sent it to me. . . . As to my own particular I have no TH ^ S ^^ object to serve. Bat my mind is made up, that Mr. Keogh and Mr. donougItmore. Tone shall not drive me into rebellion. I understand the idea of — Protestant liberality carrying the Catholics along with [them] in the attainment of their just rights against the tide of prejudice and monopoly ; but I am too proud to suffer a Catholic Junto to dictate to the people of Ireland, to its Government, and to their own Protestant supporters without deigning so much as to consult them on those measures on which they may find their characters committed and their properties endangered." 1792, December 5 and 6. — Account by Lord Donoughmore of his interviews and negotiations with the Catholic Committee in a room adjoining their place of meeting, relative to the mode of presenting their Petition to the King, whether directly or through the Lord Lieutenant. Mr. Braughall mentioned an olFer he conceived to have been made by- Sir Hercules Langrishe on the part of Goverment and communicated to him by one of the 68 gentlemen who had seceded with Lord Ken mare. Its material points were that if the Catholics transmitted their petition through the Lord Lieutenant, " it would be engaged on the part of Government to transmit it immediately and to accompany it with the strongest letter of recommendation of its contents." This assurance they did not think sufficient, but if Lord Donoughmore was empowered to guarantee this should be the case he might assure Government on their part that the petition should be presented through the Lord Lieutenant, and they requested him to make the proposal. To this he consented, having however previously expressed his conviction that the Government could not have given the supposed pledge. He then went immediately to Mr. Hobart [the Chief Secretary], who said that " there was no authority given by Government for any offer or conversation on the subject, and that Government could not possibly pledge itself to anything, but that he thought the Catholics would be very ill advised, if they should think of any other means of transmitting their petition than through the Lord Lieutenant." Lord Donoughmore replied he was strongly of the same opinion ; but had little doubt that the contrary course would be taken, unless he could give assurances that the Lord Lieutenant would transmit the petition, and asked if on its being com- municated to him and to his Excellency, and its not appearing to contain any exceptionable matter, he might not then be empowered to give his own assurances that his Excellency would transmit it to the King. Mr. Hobart said, " that he would empower me to say no more than this — that there had been no authority whatever for the offer, or conversa- tion which I had stated — that I might communicate my own opinion, but none from Government on the subject." He then returned to the meeting and communicated to Mr. Keogh and Mr. Braughall the result of his interview. 1793, March 18. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Loughborough. Thanking him for his letter, and considering it most fortunate that his Lordship has found leisure to give some attention to Irish affairs. " French principles are universally execrated throughout the kingdom with an exception of the town of Belfast, of some places in the county of Londonderry, and some very few inconsiderable men in this city. As to the first of these we have this day issued a proclamation at the most numerous Privy Council that have assembled for many years. Lord S[hanno]n and Mr. Connolly usually in opposition to Government were present. This proceeding will probably prevent the 326 MSS. of spreading of this infection in tbe North, and as to the few incendiaries DoNotre^MORE i n tD ^ s c *ty> tne proclamation which I have formerly mentioned to your — Lordship, the proceedings of both Houses in consequence of it, and the general approbation of these measures seem to have completely put them down, and in the North all men of property are, I believe, well disposed. The spirit of volunteering seems to be laid and the Catholics are not only peaceably disposed, but seem to be well satisfied and grateful. In a debate on their bill, our Chancellor, formerly very adverse to them, after a speech against innovation declared for the bill which has been com- mitted nemine dissentiente. The good intentions of the British Ad- ministration to this country are well understood here, and to this I attribute the facility with which Administration has carried its measures to an extent beyond its expectations. We have adjourned till next Monday with a view to carry through our Militia Bill, and on the 20th of April, to which day our recess is intended to continue, we proceed on three popular subjects so long agitated here. In the firm support of his Majesty's Government both sides of our house are agreed, and our very amiable friend has been one of the most forward, and the most useful. He has acted like an honest man, though not as a skilful head of Opposition, and has brought on himself and his friends a con- siderable portion of popular prejudice by not only going beyond what the servants of Government had originally intended to propose, but by reprobating the conduct of some violent demagogues. The conse- quence has been Administration has become strong, and Opposition weak. What may not proper concession effect, when the hope of it has operated so powerfully. An adherence by Ministers to your Lordship's wise maxim of the necessity of accommodating the system of the ad- ministration to the advanced state of the country will produce the most salutary effects to both kingdoms, and will make this an easy and honourable government. The neglect of that principle has occasioned all its difficulties. When a limitation of Parliament, a free trade, and a Habeas Corpus Bill were obtained this principle of governing should have been adverted to, and when a free constitution was recognised it should have been held sacred, but if it should ever happen in any country that as the constitution becomes more free, the government of it becomes more despotic, they are enemies and not associates, and one of them must certainly overturn the other. I speak of the general con- sequences of neglecting that principle, not meaning to impute despotism to this Government To the difficulties arising from the subjects themselves is to be added the ill humour which has arisen between the contending parties and the contrary habits of thinking and acting in which both have persevered for a considerable length of time with no very great moderation on either side. Your letter has given me great comfort, as it opens the prospect of removing these dissen- sions and of promoting general contentment and confidence between the governors and governed, objects which will never be attained but by the interposition of the British Ministry. The claims so long resisted are just ; but they are carried too far by their advocates who are not sufficiently conversant in these subjects, have considered but one side, and have not learnt from experience that degree of influence necessary to unite the powers of good government and rational liberty. From a short statement of facts respecting each of the subjects now under dis- cussion your Lordship will see what ought and ought not to be conceded. In the middle of the last month Major Hobart convened at the Castle a very large meeting consisting of the principal friends of Government in both houses and informed them without any further explanations that it was the intention of those entrusted with his Majesty's Govern- 327 ment to give way to such bills as tended to assimilate the constitutions TH ]^E S AI f L F 0F of the two countries as far as the circumstances of this country would Donoughmore. admit. I shall beg leave to mention those subjects to which this — principle of assimilation will apply. The first ... is the disabling office bill. This is taken principally from the English Acts of 6 Ann. c. 7, and 15 Geo. 2. c. 22, but goes further in its retrospect as to new created offices to January '89, in the exclusion of military governors and of some military officers, and in the unlimited retrospect to all additional salaries though not so intended. The last would exclude two great officers, the Secretary of State and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though the addition to the first was 38 and to the second 36 years since, and, I believe, many more. In these respects and in the exclusion of the Commissioners of Revenue and Customs, two only excepted, I think the bill faulty, and that it should not be suffered to pass the line marked by the English Acts, by which I do not mean nominal differences. The second subject to which this principle applies is the Responsibility bill — an object of great national importance ardently wished for by all descriptions of people here, not of difficult accomplishment, but totally misunderstood by the worthy man who has framed the present bill. It establishes a strange and impracticable board of Treasury consisting of commissioners taken from unconnected departments who are to countersign and to be re- sponsible for the Lord Lieutenant's acts without means of information or any official knowledge of the business. These commissioners are to control the Lord Lieutenant in all revenue appointments, and the King in the power of the Sword, and they are to have a superin- tendency over the Boards of works, barracks, and ordnance, and over the receipts and payments for the bounties. As to the pi ogress to be made in grants from the King and the Lord Lieutenant both the law and the practice are mistaken. I have not often read a worse considered bill, which is to be regretted as the object of it is laudable. The evils generally and justly complained of are that in all transactions relative to the King's and Lord Lieutenant's grants whether of honour or office the forms of law always observed in England and equally required by law in this country, are here, in some respects, materially departed from, which prevents that mutual control and responsibility existing in England and enjoined by the Constitution of both countries. The manner of proceeding in England it would be presumptuous to state to your Lordship. The proceeding there in the business of Ireland is not objected to, for the King's acts cannot be better authenticated to the Lord Lieutenant than by the attestation of the English Secretary of State under his seal of office, and in many matters under the signatures of 3 Lords of the Treasury. The complaint relates to the manner of proceeding here after the royal letter is received and in cases where no such letter is necessary. In the Lord Lieutenant's patent are the following words t to do execute and ordain all things for us, and in our name, as we would or might do, if we were present in proper person,' and without these words the rule concur rentibus Us quce in jure requiruntur would be the safest guide. How far this direction and this principle are followed here your Lordship will judge by a statement of our modes of proceeding. The King's letter is addressed to the Lord Lieutenant by the Solicitors (?) for Irish affairs resident in London if it relates to a pension during pleasure. A copy of this letter attested by the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary is sent to the Auditor General's Office together with a warrant signed at the top by his Excellency and countersigned at the bottom by his Secretary for placing the pension on the establishment, and a similar copy with a 328 the kIel of warrant ror payment signed and countersigned in the manner Donoughmoee. before mentioned is sent to the Treasury. In the case of pensions for years or lives the copy of the King's letter so attested, is sent to the Attorney General, who prepares the grant, and a similar attested copy to the keeper of the Privy Seal with a warrant signed by the Lord Lieutenant and countersigned by his Secretary for affixing that seaL A copy only of this warrant is left with the Keeper of the Privy Seal, who has not, as the Keeper of the Privy Seal has in England, the authority of the signet for affixing it, nor of the countersigning of any officer known to the law, the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary having only a verbal appointment. In the grants of offices where the Great Seal is necessary, the proceedings are similar. . . . This irregularity is however of long standing. The office of Principal Secretary of State was created 2nd of Elizabeth ; before that time the business was transacted under the authority of the English Act of 27 Hen. 8. c. 11. By one of her instructions to her Secretary of State for Ireland ' He should keep the signet as in England, and make all bills warrants and writings that require signature, and have his fees for the same/ Cox, iv. 391, Ware 33. Cox, afterwards Lord Chancellor, had himself been Under Secretary of State. These instructions were observed to the time of the Revolution, from whence to the year 1755 the office of Secretary of State was in the hands of absentees, and during this- interval the present innovation obtained, probably under the authority of the Act of Henry 8, which made the English Seals sufficient authority in such business, which Act since the year '82 is not in force here. The- grants of the offices here are precisely in the same words by which they are granted in England, with one difference only, and the legal powers are the same in both Countries. The difference is this — in the grant the office of Privy Seal is called ' Keeper of our Signet or Privy Seal.' The two offices are distinctly granted and before the Revolution were in different hands as they always ought to be. There is now but one seal which is used as the Privy Seal, and there is no trace of its having been used as the Signet since the time of King William's being in Ireland. This and the substitution of the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary have produced irregularities in every department. In the various appointments to Revenue Offices the Lord Lieutenant signs at the top and the only authentication is the countersigning of his Secretary who is in all departments whatever the only efficient Minister. These various duties make it necessary for him to delegate parts of this business to two of his clerks, one in the Civil and the other in the Military Department, and those two gentlemen are become the Ministers under him. There is no country probably in Europe where such various powers and departments are in one man and that man unknown to the Constitution f and yet in the course of a long life I have not known more than two men in that office who had any previous acquaintance with public business. To the advanced state of the country the system of admin- istration has been accommodated but in an inverse ratio to your Lord- ship's idea. The general cry for responsibility has arisen from this mode of transacting business; and while it continues it would be prudent to give the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary the legal authority and insignia of an old office. If the principle of assimilation was to be followed in any instance it should be in those which have been mentioned, and it may be adopted without trouble or embarrassment of any kind — separate the offices of Keeper of the Privy Seal and Secretary of State, give the latter to the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary for the time being together with the Signst belonging to and inseparable from that office. By the delivery 329 of this Seal to him he becomes Secretary of State with the legal power MS. of of authenticating all acts by countersigning and affixing the Signet. doko™^hm< The progress then of all grants here would be then the same here as in — England ; the Lord Lieutenant's acts would be authenticated like the King's, as his letters Patent require ; the Keepers of the different Seals would control each other ; there would be in all cases that passed the Signet or Privy Seal or both that responsibility and control which exists in England, and which the laws of both countries require. In respect to myself I make neither objection nor claim. I only suggest such facilities as occur to me, which if thought conducive to the public service I should not be unwilling to promote without prejudice or disparagement to myself. The two offices have been in one hand since the Revolution, and since 1759 have been granted for life. . . . This is suggested not as the best, but as the most speedy way and practicable expedient by which the King's business would be then carried on in Ireland precisely. Having these offices in the hands of distinct men, allowed to perform their duties and constantly resident would be better, their stations would promote public confidence, which would be highly useful to His Majesty's Government, and the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary would have that superintendency necessary for keeping the officers of the Crown to their duty and for directing the conduct of business in such a manner as would unite the interests of both kingdoms. In respect to the Treasury the business is done by a Deputy Paymaster and Teller, both deputies to the Vice-Treasurers. I have heard of no complaint. If assimilation was adopted as to that business they with the Chancellor of the Exchequer might be easily formed into a Treasury Board, who would constitute a much better controlling power over the public receipts and payments than the Commissioners proposed to be appointed by this bill. This may be done without expense, as they are now well paid, the Deputy Paymaster, it is said, not less than 5,000/. yearly. But as to this and what I have mentioned respecting respon- sibility, no part of either seems to me to be so proper for a bill as for arrangements to be made by His Majesty, if such shall be his royal pleasure, and the interposition of the legislature in matters proper for the Executive should be in my opinion always avoided." I enclose the bill mentioned and will write shortly about the pension bill. {Draft.) 1793, March 28.— The Same to the Same. On the Irish Pension Bill. Its three chief objects were the reduction of pensions to a fixed sum, the exclusion of certain pensioners from the House of Commons, and the enactment that salaries granted to certain offices during pleasure or for life or lives should be deemed pensions. The first is taken from the English Act of 28 Geo. 3. c. 62, but with material alterations. In it the reduction is to 90,000/. and in the limitation of the yearly sum to be granted to one person, there are two exceptions, one in favour of members of the Royal Family, the other on an address of either House of Parliament. The Irish Bill reduces to 80,000/. and omits the exceptions. il If these parts of the bill be made conformable to the English Act and should in that shape receive the approbation of his Majesty's Ministers it will be considered here as a most important concession, and will be received with national applause and gratitude." To show the prudence of this concession he proceeds to state the net amount of the hereditary revenue for the past year, ending March 25, 1792, which was 275,102/. 1*. 3d. The gross amount was 764,621/. }9s. 6c?., but from this the expenses of management and premiums to a great amount and other charges are deducted. The premiums are perpetual charges created by Acts of Parliament, the 330 MSS. op other charges have been constantly subtracted from this revenue. The DoNou^mtfORE. uet amount of the Civil establishment for the same time including — ' pensions was 208,408/. 18*. 3d. and of the military 541, 351/. 18*. 4c?. The net hereditary revenue is therefore exceeded by the cost of the establishments by nearly 3 to I, and taking in extraordinaries and exceedings on these establishments in a much greater proportion. Though there has been a decrease in the hereditary and other revenues in the last year, yet this difference will be greatly exceeded by the constantly increasing amount of bounties and the greatly increased expenses of government which will not be less than 350.000/. in the present year. The amount of pensions on the Civil Establishment for the year ending March 25, 1792, was 102,389/. 4s. Gd. to which are to be added true pensions amounting to 7,612/. 10s. 6d. Deducting these sums from the net hereditary revenue leaves 165,100/. 6s. 3d. towards payment of the other charges of the civil and the whole of the military Establishment. Three items of this Revenue are not applicable to pensions : 1. Hearth-money expressly exempted by the Act of 14 & 15 Car. 2. c. 17 under which it is granted. 2. All licenses in like manner exempted by 14 & 15 Car. 2. c. 12. 3. The Inland excise granted by the 14 & 15 Car. 2. c. 8 of which the preamble is quoted. The first in the last year amounted to 77,358/.. the second to 11,574/., the third to 130,489/. Deducting from these gross sums for management and charges in the same proportion as the rest of the hereditary revenue they will net 78,364/., and after deducting this sum and the amount of the present pensions there would not remain 90,000/. yearly applicable to any increase of these grants, though no part of that sum was to be applied to the support of any other part of the establishments, but of this no House of Commons could approve, as this revenue appears by the several Acts to be granted for public uses, and the application of less than Jrd of that revenue would probably be considered as a very small contribution for those purposes. The mode in which pensions were granted is then mentioned, and the fact that the House of Commons could consider their amounts as parts of the sums for which a supply is to be granted, and might therefore include these grants in their estimate of a supply or might omit them. " The question then comes to this is it more advantageous to Government to lay on the charge- subject to the control and animadversion of either House of Parliament or to prevent every objection by leaving a certain sum to be disposed of in that manner without such control, unless in cases of abuse and by having the approbation of Parliament previous to any addition made to that sum." Every wise minister, he considers, must prefer the latter. Such a limitation would be useful in many respects, " persons of more weight and higher character when they were no longer to be the theme of popular calumny would accept pensions, and though no longer in Parliament give strength and credit to Government. A large annual sum legalised would be more valuable than a larger sum the legality of which is doubtful and the illegality of which the father of our present Chancellor was so confident, as to endeavour by a motion in Parlia- ment to have that question determined in a course of legal proceedings not having before his eyes the fear of Lord Hale's opinion in the Bankers' case ; and his son when Attorney General objected to the measure now proposed on account of the additional weight which it would give to Ministers." Such a limitation would remove the general dissatisfaction on the subject which has prevailed in Ireland for the whole century, and Government would gain more strength in confidence than it would lose in influence, supposing it did lose in influence, and exclusive of pensions influence is as great in Ireland as any wise 331 administration ought to desire. To determine whether thi3 national MSS. of discontent was well founded or not he then gives a summary of the donougimore. history of pensions and the agitation against them from 1669 when they — amounted to 3,214/. onwards. He mentions that "in consequence of political contests in 1753 and of the removal from office of some of the principal men in the country and of the expense of replacing them, pensions were lavishly granted, and to procure tranquillity profusion was for some time connived at." " From this review it appears that the limitation and reduction of pensions is not a new idea, that they have greatly increased, that the increase has been condemned by Govern- ment and by the House of Commons, that it has been the constant source of national contention, that neither Lord Lieutenants were always to be trusted with the exercise, nor the Commons with the superintendency of this power ; what follows ? that pensions should be regulated by law. The great object to the country is the limitation and not the reduction." . . . The measure must be highly acceptable at this time of great exertion and impaired strength. In the last year the public expenditure without taking in the interest and annuities on the Public Debt exceeded the income by over 50,000/., and this year the excess will be greatly increased. " As the profusion of the Commons in grants has been very wisely restrained by Government it should learn in its turn the necessity of proper restrictions." Fears that Mr. Pitt considers the hereditary revenue to be greater than it really is. To the second object, the exclusion of certain pensioners during pleasure or for years there seems no objection. It is taken from 6 Ann. c. 7 and 1 Geo. J. c. 56. The third object takes up the regulation of the first of those Acts as to new offices, but carries it much further. With regard to some it is unlimited and as to others goes back to 1767, is a law ex post facto and contra factum, contrary to the intention of the Crown and of the grantee at the time of the grant, and making that a pension which was given and accepted to prevent its falling within that class. He therefore argues against the provision. 1793, September 19. Cove. — William O'Brien to . Enclosing the following extract from his brother's letter. " As I am speaking of this siege [Dunkirk] I cannot pass over in silence the valour and heroism of Col. Hely Hutchinson. This gentleman, who is Aide-de- Cainp to General Abercrombie has displayed such intrepidity and military knowledge within these few weeks that he is become the idol of the whole army. On that ever memorable day on which General Dalton finished his military career Hutchinson voluntarily braved the fire of a most dreadful battery to snatch from imminent destruction a division of the Guards too brave to retreat without orders even where valour impelled them too far." 1794, May 12. Soho Square. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Donoughmore. With regard to the Historical Society in College I wish it to be understood that I had not been consulted " as to the measure of the decree or any part of the transactions." The Society was a favourite institution of mine, and it is then praised for several reasons. It " had grown up to such a degree of maturity as to have made a very material circumstance in the education of young men in the place, and I hope the putting it down may not be attended with seriouw inconveniences." Some proposed arrangement with regard to the offices of Secretary of State and Keeper of the Privy Seal is referred to. " It is understood here that his Lordship [the Irish Chancellor] and D. [? Douglas] are not upon the best terms, and I believe it to be true from 332 thiPeael of SOme words tnat ^ * ?lom P Douglas] respecting the great advantage Donoucxhmore. to the Final Judicature of my being in the House of Peers." 1794, June 23. Buxton. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Donough- more. " The degree of a Viscount accepted or obtained by a Baron was never yet and never will be imputed to him as vanity. The rejec- tion of it if offered would be so considered by every reasonable man. Not having heard from Douglas in answer to a letter written on Saturday was a fortnight I consider the negociation as at an end." Referring to the regiment Lord Donoughmore is raising, recommending him to get his accounts settled as speedily as possible. Had been told by Lord Moira that he had been many years before he could get the accounts of the regiment raised by him settled, and he had been many years 7,000/. out of pocket. The regiment raised by his son John is referred to. Earnestly recommending him to cultivate Lord Westmore- land, whom he himself had too much neglected. 1794, June 27. Rennix (?), Flanders. — Colonel John Hely Hutchin- son, afterwards second Lord Donoughmore, to Lord Donoughmore. Referring to the arrangements relating to the regiment he had raised and the one his brother was raising, finding officers who would purchase majorities, &c. in them, &c. " Prince Coburg attacked the French on the Sambre yesterday morning at 5 o'clock, and strange to tell we do not know the event of the battle, yet the event is of the greatest importance to the cause of the allies." 1794, July 2. Buxton. — John Hely Hutchinson to Lord Donough- more. Enclosing a letter for Mr. Douglas " in answer to a very long one relative to the negotiation and enclosing a statement of the College and mentioning that 1 should be ready to negotiate with him from this place as to the Privy Seal, and entering into the reasons in support of my opinions on that subject. He declines the negotiations so that I consider that affair not as suspended but determined." Recommending him " to ask to be admitted a Trustee of the Linen Board for which your con- nection with Cork is a just pretension ; and which may be successfully used for a more useful purpose — the establishment of a small village of Manufacturers on the Knocklofty Estate. This would be the means of getting you a seat in Parliament upon moderate terms ; and no man could more easily establish such a village than yourself." 1794, July 5. Buxton. — The Same to the Same. Discussing whether his raising a regiment and placing himself at the head of it would give any additional strength to his family or any prospect of advantage, and deciding both questions in the negative. 1795, January 18. Grodno. — Stanislaus Augustus, King of Poland, to General Gardiner. Bidding him adieu ** from the bottom of my heart, where you will keep your place till my death. I hope that we shall at least again meet there, where honourable souls and good hearts should find themselves together for ever. The usual etiquette is so deranged by my sad destiny that probably we shall not be able to per- form the rites of diplomacy. It will always be true that I love and honour your king and your nation and you will tell them so." , . . (In French.) A bundle of papers relating to (1) the proceedings on the petition against the return of the Hon. F. Hely Hutchinson to Parliament for Dublin University, (2) the proceedings at the Visitations in 1791. 333 Among the former is a narrative of the election in which the following th ^e S arl F of occurs " While the returning officer [the Provost] was endeavouring to donoughmoke. take notes of Mr. Downes' argument as well as the imperfect light of the evening would permit, a Bui [rush chair was tore into two parts and the greater part of the seat of it in which some nails were sticking was thrown at his head. As his head was leant towards the paper, the intended blow missed him, but a gentleman of the name of Lapp, who was then behind him, and stooping over the returning officer, received a severe blow from it, which raised a considerable contusion on his fore- head, and this instrument of mischief was thrown with so much violence as to have rebounded from the forehead of Mr. Lapp over a partition at least eight or ten feet high. The other part of the chair was also thrown at the Provost but missed him." F. H. Blackbuene Daniell. 334 THE M ANUSCRIPTS OF GEORGE A. AITKE'N, ESQ. mss. of These consist of three Letter-Books of Sir James Porter. Sir James G * A, EsQ KEIf5 Porter > Knight, F.R.S., was Ambassador at Constantinople from 1746 till — ' the beginning of 1762, and was afterwards Minister Plenipotentiary at Brussels from 1763 to 1765. The first two books contain copies of his despatches and letters for the years 1752 and 1753. The originals of* the former addressed to the Duke of Newcastle and the Earls of Holdernesse and Albemarle are preserved in the Record Office, and the copies have therefore not been noticed in the Calendar. Most of the letters are addressed to the Levant Company, and to the Consuls at various places, including Cairo, Alexandria, Tripoli in Africa, Aleppo, Latakia, Smyrna, Salonica, Canea, Cyprus, and Patras, and relate to matters of business, and the affairs of private persons of no general interest. From these two books, therefore, only a few extracts have been given. The third book consists of copies of letters from Brussels, in which many interesting notices occur, for instance, the remarks about Lord Carteret and those relating to Wilkes. Sir James Porter was the son of a Captain La Roche, who had served under James II. in Ireland, and had settled there. Born in Dublin about 1710 he and his brothers were brought up by their uncle Mr. Porter, whose name they assumed. A protege of Lord Carteret's, he was sent by him to Vienna in 1741 to assist Lord Hyndford, the ambassador there. While at Constantinople he married the daughter of the Baron de Hochepied, the Dutch Ambassador. After his return from Brussels he retired on a pension and died in 1776. A memoir of him is prefixed to " Turkey its History and Progress, from, the Journals and Correspondence of Sir James Porter" by his grandson Sir George Larpent. He was himself the author of " Observations on the Religion, Laws, Government, and Manners of the Turks," published in 1768. Letter-Books of Sir James Porter. 1752, January 24. To the Levant Company. Referring inter alia to the recent epidemic of plague, and to the means to be taken for supplying dragomans. 1752, May 4. To General Blakenejr, Governor of Minorca. Com- plaining of the conduct of the Mahonese traders in defrauding the Levant Company and the Consuls of their " Consulage " or profits on exchange by surreptitiously changing their Spanish or Italian money into Turkish. 1752, May 19. To Mr. Consul White at Tripoli in Africa. Com- plaining that he has sent by a ship belonging to him English cloth for sale at Constantinople which is not permitted except to those who are free of, or have liberty of trade from the Levant Company. A letter of the same date to the Consul at Smyrna refers to the same subject. 1752, June 9. To Mr. Consul Crawley at Smyrna. Explaining that when in a former letter he objected to the bearer in a letter of protection being described as a Maltese he only meant that " instead of Malteze, the fellow should be called a Topinambou or anything else, nothing is so offensive to the Turk as that epithet of Malteze." 335 1752, June 21. To the Levant Company. "I wish it lay in my MSS. op power to assist you as to the grievances of quarantaines." G ' A '^ I q KE 1752, August 21. To Mr. Keith, British Representative at Vienna. " I have wrote to Mr. Drummond [Consul at Aleppo] to send me the Cedar Cones, which I shall forward to you." 1752, October 2. To the Levant Company. Referring to the re- building of the Embassy Chapel which had been burnt and observing it was indifferent to him " whether it was ever rebuilt, the other was so cold and damp in winter, and our congregation, God knows, so small that except the times of administering the Communion, we had Divine Service in one of my Chambers." 1752, October 10. To General Blakeney. " Haji Manoel Sifantes has communicated to me the privileges his Majesty has been pleased to grant to those of his communion at Minorca." 1752, November 2. To the Levant Company. " The French Can- cellier has been murdered by the Cadi and guard at Cyprus, at the Consul's door. I thank your Worships for the well turned Ode of Voltaire's I found in your letter." 1753, January 2. To the same. " We are rid of the Dutch Pro- tections at Aleppo. They have sent a chap there, one Ham winckel, a German, as Consul without a Berrat of the Porte. He took an audience of old Chur Achmet Pascha, the most haughty and perhaps the most sensible man of this Empire. He received him, but when he had got his presents, and found he had no Berrat, he sent and imprisoned his Druggomen, declared him an impostor, ordered him not to put up his Flagg at Scandroon, and would have hung the Janizarys who attended him, if they had not escaped." 1753, January 16. To the Earl of Albemarle. " Our expectation has been great to see the permanancy of a general peace, fixed on a stable and solid foundation by the election of a King of the Romans, as this Court's views are entirely concentrated to that principle." I beg leave to trouble you " with the inclosed project of subscription of two worthy industrious young men, who have been now near two years and a half at Athens at a most laborious work on the Antiquities ; the execution will be a national honour. An attempt of this kind was thought hitherto impracticable, and indeed with the ignorance and jealousy which abounds in this country when they were first recommended to me. . . . I could scarce venture to encourage them. Hitherto they have succeeded and I greatly hope by continuing the same management, they may accomplish it." 1753, February 3. To the Levant Company. The Thames was "blown up in Tripoly bay, the 3rd of January. She sunk, but as it is in five fathom water, I greatly flatter myself the goods will be saved, but the poor mates, gunner, steward, caulker, and a seaman were lost ; 10 men wounded, these and all the others are saved, the Captain and Purser were fortunately on shore signing Bills of Lading. You will find in your last six months' accounts a gold watch given the Reis Effendi by my order. Immediately on the executions when he found his credit strengthened he asked it of me very pressingly, and I thought it no time to refuse, but rather the properest time to give." 1753, June 9. To Mr. Consul Crawley, at Smyrna. " The seizure of the Minorca supercargo cannot be gotten over, but by my friendship 330 MSS. op "with the Captain Pascha, to whom I shall write. Turkish law is G. a. Aitken, against us. He whose goods they were can seize them wherever he finds them. So I find no other expedient. What had the rascal to do with Corsairs ? " By the following letter to the Dragoman of the Captain Pascha, it appears that the goods were 80 sacks of rice, and belonged to merchants of Scio. 1753, June 28. To Messrs. Abbott, Levett, Abbott, and D'Amirale, at Angora. Acknowledging their representations "of the continual disturbances given you by persons who endeavour to alienate the sub- jects from working your yarn at a usual price." Have applied to the Poite. 1753, August I. To the Levant Company. . . . There seems to be a promising aspect at Sidon for extending your trade. The French import 500 bales of cloth, besides pepper, tin, lead, cochineal, cutlery wares, indigo, indigo dust, sugar, coffee, powder, shot, glass- ware, paper, &c, all which or the greatest part went to Damascus by caravan, where there are about 50 cloth shops. Some go from thence to Mecca and 40 or 50 bales to Bagdad. . . . The exports yearly from Sidon to France have been about 9,000 bales of filladoes ; Damascus burdetts, drugs, senna, Mecca galls, silk, &c. 1753, September 15. To the same. One of the men on board the Lancashire Witch was taken ill with suspicious symptoms. Dr. Mackenzie examined him and assured me he was in a perfect state of health. " To give way to the herd I had him examined, fully persuaded that knavery and ignorance would have it plague. . . . They did so, the man was brought on shore to be put in a clean house, but in the confusion it fell out, that instead of it he lay 4 days in a Pest-house, the second day he found it out, damn'd their eyes, and lay waiting for orders, for without them he would not remove, but to secure himself lay in the hen-roost, all this time he had no complaint, the boil broke of itself, and he is gone away with the Witch 15 days ago, all in perfect health." I propose therefore getting a small house with two or three beds, for an hospital. The common hospital is death. 17 03, November 4. Brussels. To Richard Phelps, Esq. " I am here as well acquainted almost as in London. I found many old faces, old acquaintances, and no man of them all seemed better pit used than H.R.H. [Prince Charles of Lorraine] to see me. . . . He has better sense, and better knowledge than any of them, and as much honesty as any man living." Same date and place. To Greorge Brown, Esq. Asking him to send him the Chronicle and the London Gazette. u I thought my extra- ordinaries were 600/. instead of 400/. ; 1 have wrote to friend Weston about it." 1703, November 7. To Sir Joseph Yorke. " He who is out, and that I had drawn with six years, saw me go abroad with reluctance. He missed his moment by a scrupulous point of honour. When it will come again is the question. Those in labour incessantly, and I nor none at home saw the business go on with more industry than since they have consolidated themselves, as they appear to be." 1763, November 14. To the same. Had left London because he " could not have undergone another winter in their way. No society, all routs, no three friends to spend a sober evening, niiue divided. I 337 hastened into belter hours, more ease and quiet. Had expected the MSS. of resignation of the Attorney General [Hon. Charles Yorke] on my G ' A 'e8q KE departure. A friend strong in Opposition hinted it. I even heard — persuasions made use of. ... I found and confirmed by our common friend that every act of that kind would be regarded as per- sonal, that no former examples would be followed, and I dare answer Lord H [abfax] thinks entirely that way. which leaves no doubt that His Majesty's sentiments are the hame. . . . After what I saw last Avinter in London I am convinced that whoever has the plenitude of the King's authority, does nothing unpopular, may last as long as Sir Rfobert] W[alpole]. These had it when I came away; and, if they cement, you may judge of the rest. They have it in London that the K[ing] of P[russia] intends Prince Henry for the Crown of Poland. 1763, November 15. To the Right Honourable Edward Weston. (Abstracted in Report of the Historical MSS. Commission on " the Weston Papers," p. 361. This will be hereafter referred to as W. P.) Same date. To George Amyand, Esq. Snow in abundance. Arrived here on the 29th of last month. Referring to " the infamous article }'ou mention in the Gazette," which from subsequent letters appears to have been a statement of the bankruptcy of his house. 1763, November 18. To George Brown, Esq. Enclosing Account of Extraordinaries. From April 26 to July 26, 1763, for postage of letters, printed and written intelligence, stationery ware, &c. 100/. 1763, November 21. To Sir Joseph Yorke. The King " will never stretch Prerogative nor hurt the Constitution, means everything that is right, sees, hears, and reads every point relating to business. . . . After the famous Conference, which ended by His Majesty's own motion in a consolidation of the present ministry matters took a con- sistent turn. Before that epoch the Triumvirate worked with reluctance, they kept united and resolved to stand and fall together ; but business seemed rather to languish. Lord Eg[remont] had resolved to quit, and as he had . . . taken me into some share of his confidence, some time before his death ... he laid open every circumstance and con- cluding as to his own . . . seem°d to wish you his successor. Hence the report, not I declare from me, for you are the only man living knows this anecdote from me, that you was to have been Secretary of State. At that time he had it in his head. The Sunday before I departed I spent part of the day with Lord H[alifax] at Bushy. . . . He was quiet there at labour, for he is indefatigable, when news was sent him Mr. P[itt] was with the King. You may judge his surprise. He greatly disapproved of the changes so rapidly, so indiscriminately made confounding the one with the other, and if he continues in, those out will be, I dare say, reimplaced as vacancies fall in. He is popular and has the good opinion of the Mercantile part of London, and I believe chief in the King's confidence in perfect intelligence with Mr. Gr[enville], . . . Thus 1 left them not in the least doubt about their own perma- nency, and I cannot help thinking that with Mr. F[o]x, who told Mr. Boone . . . that to whomsoever the King gives his authority in England they will always support themselves. . . . How it came about that after the Secretary had regulated the affair of the marriage [of the Princess Augusta with the Duke of Brunswick] it was entangled in a net of lav> we could not learn. . . They have done now what I advised after beginning . . to cut short and leave ali to the King, He will do anything that is reasonable for his sister even about the point U 60050. Y 338 of the command, i will he not be my brother-in-law ? In whom should I confide better ? But I will not tie up my hands ' . . . Quel tapage en Angleterre a son arrivee ! I wish I could keep his Highness in a case and show him at five guineas a head. I should be the richest man in England Count Coburgh is a very able, sensible, and friendly man. He acquired what he deserves, great reputation and confidence with his Court by his ability and management. . . . The Porte will never act about Poland. Their constant answer was that they are a composition of drunken fellows, who quarrel among them- selves when heated with the fumes of wine, are reconciled when sober, and never to be depended on." 1763, November 25. To Eichard Phelps, Esq. Am in the highest spirits that " that miscreant infamous scribbler [Wilkes] is brought to public infamy and ignominy. We may say of him as old Bentley did of Middleton, reading his Pamphlet concerning the Confusion of tongues at Babel, ' Dick,' said he to his son, ' when Middleton wrote against my New Testament, I knew he would write against God Almighty at last.' " 1763, December 2. To the Baron de Behr. In accordance with the Girders of Her Majesty the Queen giving him directions how to procure in London from the East India Company, coffee of the same quality as the Turks drink in the Levant. " The house taken for me here must have been built by a Hottentot or an Iroquois, I have had to lose a year's rent." Have now taken the late Nuncio's. (In French.) 1763, December 9 ; To Richard Phelps, Esq. " The English Jesuits drove from St. Omer and received by this Government at Bruges have purchased the large stones of the works of Dunkirk, for to erect their seminary at Bruges, and vast quantities are arrived there on the way." 1763. December 11. To Sir Joseph Yorke. " Whilst I stayed in England, I thought myself in a state of anarchy, the laws seemed a dead letter, aud no man proof against the virulence and malice of calumny and slander in public prints. The abuse S. Martin underwent was most shocking . . yet I am told he would never have resented it, if his name had not been mentioned at large in the octavo edition of the N\ortK\ B[riton\ . . . When Lord H[ollau]d returned from France he let his Majesty know that he returned merely to show his obligation to the King ... he had no other cali or business. He is not consulted, has no share directly or indirectly in Government. . . We shall be long in suspense about the Polish Election. The Poniatowski have not fortune to support it, the Czartoriski has. They are first cousins. I was told the former had resigned his interest to the latter, but I must tell you a confidential anecdote I heard in a whisper, that the Elector Palatine thinks of it and may be a candidate." 1763, December 16. To the Right Honourable Edward Weston. (Abstracted in W. P., p. 362, without date.) 1763, December 26. To Claude Amyand, Esq. Inquiring whether his brother's receiving a Baronetcy would be agreeable to him. (Enclosed in the next.) 1763, December 27. To the Right Honourable Edward Weston. (Abstracted in W. P., p. 362.) 1764, January 17. To the Right Honourable Edward Weston. " Wilkes is at Paris, says he shall be expelled the House, yet talks of returning, which nobody believes, gives out his wound is bad. Sam. Martin is with him, has, I am told, visited him, and the wits here say, MSS. of G. A. AlTEEN, Esq. 339 that they and Churchill met at a game of Ombre, but not understanding it wanted a fourth for Quadrille or Whist." 1764, January 19. To Andrew Mitchell, Esq. " I had the affecting circumstances of almost closing the eyes of a great and a warm friend, Lord Granville. I lived with him whilst he lived, the same great, the same wise, the same indulgent friend to his last breath. The moment I lost him that moment I determined to change abode." 1764, January 20. To Eichard Phelps, Esq. " I must tell you what I have accidentally heard, and am concerned at, that the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick's stay will be very short. The French, whose impudence would operate by low insinuations, were they crushed to atoms, pretend to whisper that it will be so short as to prevent their Ambassador from visiting His Highness. . . . They remember how he followed, persecuted, and chastised them ; the names of Brunswick and Granby are made use of by their nurses at Paris to keep their children in obedience." 1764, January 24. To the Earl of Morton. Enclosing an account of the Plague at Constantinople, drawn up by Dr. Murdoch Mackenzie, asking him to communicate it to the Royal Society. 1764, February 6. To Father Boscovich, the mathematician. About Maskelyne's failure to observe the Transit of Venus at St. Helena, and about Harrison's method of determining the Longitude. 1764, March 5. To Sir Joseph Yorke. " I remember to have heard in the House of Commons many years ago one Mr. D'Anvers rise up on a Hanoverian question, and with an audible voice declare that if he saw any of the King's enemies cut a bush on the Hanoverian territories he would be the first man to knock him down." 1764, March 19. To Sir Joseph Yorke. Condoling with him on the death of his father Lord Hardwicke, and quoting the words of " a dying man whose parts were surely transcendent, the late Lord Granville. ' That family of the Yorkes are most surprising, all men of parts, all virtuous and able. There are not so many brothers who have turned out so happily in all England, and I know most of the families.' " 1764, March 29. To the same. " Not one word of the king's inten- tion of going abroad this year. . . . Herrenhausen was in such decay when I passed that it required rebuilding, so that I am not surprised they should repair both that and the Court in town." 1764, April 13. To William Gordon, Esq., British Representative at the Diet at Ratisbon. " Your post at R. is full of ceremony. You cannot spit out of the window without offending the head or para- phanalia of an Excellence. You are all so, that Ceremonial there is looked on as essential and subject to contests." Advising him as to his conduct, and recommending him to consult Baron de Behr, the King's minister in London for his Hanoverian affairs. . . " A Secretary who can translate from the German is an essential implement, and if he can from the Latin better, these two are the languages of the Empire. . . . When I heard Mr. Grenville in the House of Commons 1 think as to matter I never observed any go so deep, and with more thorough knowledge. With that knowledge and capacity, and what is indisputable, a great fund of integrity, I dare say he must succeed." 1764, April 16. To Sir Joseph Yorke. " One Mr. Gordon, who went with me to Turkey, is named for Ratisbon. ... He writes, y 2 MSS. of G. A. AlTKEN, Esq. 340 MSS. of ' Mr. Grenville has displayed his abilities and knowledge of the situa- °* A -^ ITKEN ' ti° n of this country in a very eminent degree. This the Opposition _' allow, and they still go further, and own that if the country can be saved in the loaded state in which he found it, he is the man by his economy to do it. Charles Townshend some days in Opposition, and others in the Administration. He is still playing the Harlequin when he might be a Lord Sommers. P[itt] at Hayes.'" 1764, April 17. To Sir Edmund Thomas. Mr. Thomas, his son, " looked out for a carriage on his arrival, for it is impossible to pro- secute that journey [to Vienna] without it. He has bought one for 22 Louis d'or. I have advised him to take money here [for] his journey, which must cost him 50/. or 60/. at least and credit in case of accident on the road." 1764, May 8. To Eichard Phelps, Esq. Mentioning the arrival of Lord Hinchinbrook, " the very image of his father. . . This town is dull, all houses shut to foreigners of all nations. They live to them- selves and by themselves, totally changed within these seven years. Splendid poverty amongst their nobility and the price of necessaries increased, which is the reason assigned." 1764, May 4. To Dudley Cosby, Esq. at Copenhagen. "Whether Solon was in the right to enact that no man should stand neuter in the Republick I know not, but this I do know that Michael guarded by all his Archangels would not be suffered to stand neuter in England." 1764, May 15. To Eichard Phelps, Esq. " I told them here the moment I saw the impotent declaration of the Court of France, the inept one of their monkeys that of Vienna, that they would be answered with Cosaques and Russ in the heart of Poland, perhaps Prussians to support them. ... I do not apprehend other blows will be given in Poland than amongst themselves, and perhaps some of them thoroughly drunk may knock down a Russ Describing the Count of Vienna. " Charles VI. tired of all his great stupid nobility, tired of seeing, hearing, reading, adopted a Professor's son of Strasbourg and he governed for 1 5 years ; saw, read, heard and wrote by and through him. I saw all the Pride of Austria humiliated, Princes on all sides, this very first Minister, t . . cringing, fawning, scraping, bowing. . . . Like causes produce like effects. Zinzendorf eat, drank, dosed, slept, knew and thought dully. K[aunit]z flirts, wriggles, imagines, receives ideas as quick as boys raise bubbles, make the same impression, dance on the surface of the Brain, fly off, remains exstatick before a glass, measures the proportion of a nicked French toupee, adjusts his face, lets Sinder think, and retails those thoughts as his own. Though 'tis an inversion of character, the same effects will and must follow. ... If care is not taken, we shall be over-run with French Jesuits. 30 are in these countries, not admitted in Convents, but board in private houses. I am told many are gone over to England." 1764, May 21. To Sir Joseph Yorke. . . . " What a Country that cannot find an Ambassador that can write ! Le pauvre G[uerch]y, [French ambassador to London] knew what I did not, that my wife was of these countries, so she is originally . . . for I found on reading the Topical History of the Cambresis all her generation from 1200. . . ." 1764, June 19. To Richard Phelps, Esq. " I am favoured with your letter by that apostolical man, Mr. Hutton . . . The message 341 was purely to thank ni3 for such servics as I had done to some of mss. op his brethren, and one in particular I had recommended to the King of Gk A. Aitkeit, Abyssinia's first minister, who after staying with me several months in — - Turkey, joined me at the Hague on my return, and came over to England with me, a very honest good man." 1 764, June 26. To George Amyand, Esq. Asked you to keep my books because it is probable I shall step over next year for a visit and to have my children inoculated. I wish I had commissioned some drug- gist of note for the pound of Jesuits' Bark, picked fine and good. 1764, July 17. To Richard Phelps, Esq. " I am very glad for the honour of our country and laws that D'Eon is found guilty. The examole was necessary. If our laws are defective that of Nations re- quired a punishment for such unparalleled infamy as he stole to publish. I suppose he will fly to the Antipodes . . . There is a circulating filouxy one Playstow, who has had an affair with Cressener. The fellow is or has been here, but had such a reception that he will not dare return." 1764, July 28. To Dudley Cosby, Esq. "The price of living surprises me. I thought it [Copenhagen] the cheapest town in Europe and especially as to house rent. If that is the case, your pay must be scarce sufficient." J 764, August 3. To Baron de Behr. After referring to the Polish election. Count Branicki " a few years ago, having quar- relled with the late Count Bruhl, thought of forming a confederation against the late king, and dethroning him. As Grand General he despatched to the Porte one Machouski, who had been a captain in the King of Prussia's service. This man then recommended to the French Ambassador was received, and as coming from the Polish Vizir was given a daily allowance. Count Minzeck was there to congratulate the Grand Seigneur Sultan Osman on behalf of the King and the Republic upon his accession, and seeing himself embarrassed with Machouski, .... applied to me, and I made him leave the moment Minzeck was ready. He who wished to dethrone the late King is now the chief partisan of his house. . . . The Empress Queen will have 500 or 600 millions of debts, and what increases the burden is that they have bound themselves to repay at a fixed time, instead of taking their own time to do so. . . . She may say, Video meliora proboque, Deter lor a sequor" (In French?) 1764, August 7. To Richard Phelps, Esq. " I hear that M. de Guerchy is determined to stay at Paris, that a grandson of Marshall Noailles' is talked of to succeed, a young man, M. d'Ayen." 1764, August 14. To Sir John Cust, Speaker. " My secretary Planta on seeing this letter . . . has begged of me to join in his father's request to desire your interest that he may rise according to seniority in the Museum. He is at present Assistant Librarian, a very learned, worthy, and good clergyman, with a wife and seven children and a very small income." 1764, August 18. To the Honourable and Reverend F. Hervey [afterwards Bishop of Derry and Earl of Bristol]. " If you travel as a clergyman I should think at Vienna you may find some difficulties, as you cannot use your pontifical dress, I know no example." 1764, August 20. To Sir Joseph Yorke. "The Russ news is sin- gular and surprising- It is told differently. Some say a forged order was first produced for the young man's [Ivan's] release. In short we shall 342 mss. of see on the Empress' return the delinquents appear in their true colours A 'e8q. KEN ' an d punished according to the atrocity of the attempt. . . . You justly — observe our history will not shine with greater glory and humanity than that of some centuries past, that we look upon with that horror they deserve. What is become of the father ? " 1764, September II; To Sir George Amyand. "Mr. Grenville will deserve a statue from all the King's servants especially those abroad. I see we shall now be paid regularly/' 1764, September 15. To Lord John Cavendish. "I have at last recovered the lost sheep. The basket with the mountain I found in good condition, the three bottles loose and only one of usquebaugh, two of rum. ... I told the Minister that I found two bottles of rum instead of two of usquebaugh. If these should have been changed it is a capital offence. I therefore desire your Lordship would inform me^ that an effectual example may be made to deter these tax gatherers from committing like insolences for the future." 1764, September 25. To the Archbishop of Canterbury. Requesting his interest in Mr. Planta's favour. (See letter of August 14, to Sir John Cust.) 1764, October 8. To Mr. Partridge with a Passport for the Duke of Devonshire's corpse. J 764, October 15. To William Gordon, Esq. Am sorry you find Ratisbon iriste, it is the German way of living take out of the line of account of gaming. Vienna is the same. "Lord Shelburne with one Mr. Dunning passed here. The Lord has parts and conception, has applied, and I should think might have made his way, if he had not kicked down his pale of milk. He is gone to Paris." 1765, January 4. To Edward Sedgewick, Esq. After referring to the illness of Mr. Osborn, a nephew of Lord Halifax, then staying with him at Brussels. " His case, though far from being so bad, brings to my remembrance Horace Mann's of Florence. He was condemned by the Physicians, went by sea to Leghorn, carried his coffin on board of the ship, and has lived there till now in old age." 1765, January 15. To the same. " Mr. Cosby writes me of some unkind usage he has met with by some supposed friend at Copenhagen. . . . . He tells me they have written to his friends in England as if he was mad, and read him that letter; that it was on his recovery of a violent fit of sickness, a raging fever." 1765, May 1. To R. Woodford, Esq., Minister at Hamburg. Did not answer sooner " expecting to hear something of M. Guerin, whether he would call this way. The man is not unknown to the Minister, as being in the Spanish service, but not that he has dared venture make a recruit. They are so jealous here that some time ago they hanged publicly a French recruiter, and would have served the officer who pro- tected them in the same manner, if he had not timely evaded. . . . The nest of Recruiters is at Liege, that is Mr. Guerin's post. They have Spanish and Prussian officers constantly there, who pick up French deserters in abundance, some Dutch and of these troops. I am credibly informed that the King of Prussia has made in that station upwards of 9,600 in three months." F. H. Blackburne Daniell. 343 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF PHILIP VERNON SMITH, ESQ., OF LINCOLN'S INN. This collection consists of the papers of Joseph Smith, Mr. Vernon mss. op Smith's grandfather, who succeeded Pretyman as Mr. Pitt's private P * V esq IT secretary in 1787. Though not numerous, some of them are of con- — ' siderable interest. Two are holograph letters from George III. The first expresses his regret that Mr. Pitt has been detained at the House by the fertile imagination of Mr. Burke. The second, dated October 26th, 1790, declares that, from his conviction of the importance of peace, he cannot object to any means that may have a chance of effecting it, though not sanguine that Mr. Elliot and his French friend (Mirabeau) are likely to succeed. No encouragement, however, should be given to meddling with the internal politics of France. A letter from Orde, the Chief Secretary, describes the temper of the Irish people, and discusses the best mode of procedure with regard to the Commercial Treaty. Another describes the disturbed state of the country, the attacks for arms by a Catholic banditti, and the inactivity of the magistrates. Of the Irish correspondence the most important is a letter, marked most private and confidential, from Mr. Beresford to Mr. Rose, describing the tactics used by the Opposition to inflame the country against the Commercial Treaty and to cause its rejection by the House of Commons, and the intrigues for the Speakership on Mr. Pery's resignation. Three letters, in 1786, from Mr. Eden relate to the Commercial Treaty with France, and give his reasons for declining the Vice-Treasurership. In the following year are several letters from Mr. Grenville and Mr. Eden about the disturbances in the United Provinces and the ensuing negoti- ations. In 1796 are several papers referring to the visit to England of M. Nettement as an unofficial agent from the Directory, with suggestions for opening peace negotiations with France. Sir William Jones suggests reforms of Indian prisons, and of legal procedure in India, and mentions that he has translated a legal work from the Arabic. Lord Camden gives his opinion against the King's right to raise troops for India without the consent of Parliament. Lord Thurlow sends the Prince of Wales his views as to the order in which the Lords should go from the House to Westminster Hall, and an anonymous writer submits plans for an overland route to India. [1783]. London. — Paper on overland routes to India. (An account of similar papers in the India Office Records, classified by Mr. Danvers, is given in " The Times " of August 9th 1886.) The most common route is by Aleppo and Bussora, and then by sea down the Persian Gulf to Bombay. The writer proposes that the Government should, say every two months, send a messenger by Vienna and Bel- grade to Constantinople. Sir R. Ainslie should then forward the despatches to the Consul or the Agent of the East India Company at Aleppo, who should transmit them across the desert to Bussora, from which Mr. La Touche, the Company's Resident, should send them to Bombay or Anjengo according to the season and the monsoon. From Bombay the despatches would be sent to Calcutta and from Anjengo to Madras. Mentions that the first authentic intelligence of the late peace was sent by a private gentleman in Loudon to one at Madras, 344 MSS. of going by the common post to Constantinople and Aleppo, and thence V Esq. ITH ' by Bussora and Bombay. Its arrival, as it contained the Royal Gazette — of the 24th of January last [1783], put a stop to hostilities, both Lord Macartney and M. de Bussy acknowledging its authenticity. The time by this route must depend on the season, but in general three months and fifteen days will carry any messenger from London to Bombay — frequently a much shorter time. Three months may be taken as the average. The second route is perhaps more eligible and certainly is generally more expeditious — namely by Alexandria. Cairo, and Suez, and down the Red Sea to Anjengo. The great obstacle is the Rescript of the Porte in 1778, prohibiting the navigation of the " Consecrated Sea," which extends from Suez lo Juuda, to every European nation. This difficulty can be surmounted by the Ambassador at Constantinople applying to the Porte and giving the most solemn assurances that no articles of trade shall be sent by this route but only letters and des- patches. This obstacle removed, letters should be forwarded through Germany, not France, to Naples, where Sir W. Hamilton must send them to Alexandria, either direct or from Manfredonia. An agent must be appointed at Alexandria to forward them through Cairo to Suez. Another agent at the last place will send them by country vessels to Anjengo or to Madras and Calcutta direct according to the season. "Mr. Hastings received in 1778 the news of war with France in a time incredibly short (I believe in less than 60 days) by way of Suez and Alexandria and down the Gulf of Mocha." Small packets or country vessels must be established at Bussora and Suez. Especial care must be taken to prevent the Court of Versailles from knowing our intention to procure the passage down the Gulf of Mocha, as M. de Vergennes will infallibly do everything to prevent our obtaining a permission so important for our affairs in India. The expense will not be very great, and, if it were, the object is worth it. In a different hand " Packets should sail every two months from Falmouth to Madras as regularly as they do to the West Indies and back." 1785, February 5. The Sunderbends or Woods of Bengal. — Sir William Jones to [the Right Honourable William Pitt]. I congratulate you " on the acceptance of a post, to which your talents could not fail of raising you, but which your wisdom induced you to decline at a less auspicious moment." The state of the prisons in India, especially of that in Calcutta, where a new one had been built in all respects prefer- able to the old described. This I had visited without being known and had made inquiries about it. " The result of them is, that nothing can exceed the unhealthiness of the place in the hot months, by reason of the noxious vapours from a pond, which must necessarily be within the walls. A prison in Europe has enough of horror; but a place of close confinement in this climate must be worse than the worst dungeons in our western world. The notions of impurity peculiar to the old religion of this country must render the Hindu prisoners completely miserable. Since no method but imprisonment has been found effectual . . . . to keep defendants within the reach of justice we can only mitigate an evil which we cannot radically cure ; but the particular circumstances of our India judicature have produced new and crying evils There are natives now in prison and some of them have been there for years, against whom judgments have been unavoidably given at laiv though their counsel think them relievable in equity ; but so enormous are the expenses of an equity suit, which 345 no solicitor will commence without a sum of money advanced by the mss. of suitor that the generality of natives are unable to defray them. . . . p - V j;|q ITI The higher orders of natives both speak and write indignantly of our — English prison; and the Grand Jury presented a strong memorial last summer The judges therefore had agreed to send an official letter to Loudon when a severe illness compelled me to leave Calcutta for the purer air of Bahar and Benares." Am now returning and expect to find the letter waiting only for my signature, but in case it nas not been prepared 1 write 4i to solicit your assistance in behalf of these unhappy men, either by the insertion of a special clause in the next bill for the relief of insolvent debtors or rather by a separate bill for those in India. The wonderful wit and subtilty of the Bengalese and their little regard for oaths by the (Ganges or the Alkoran will make it expedient to inflict severe and certain punishment on such as shall fraudulently conceal their property." Better to provide for the occa- sional relief of actually insolvent debtors than for the regular discharge of those who have been imprisoned for a determinate number of years. A numerous class of natives, though inadmissible to sue as poor men, yet not rich enough to bear the charges of litigation, or at least terrified at the idea of an attorney's bill, continually are preferring complaints for some violation of civil rights before the judges when sitting in their turns as justices of the peace, who " can only refer them to the Supreme Court, where they understand nothing but the word fees, which is constantly ringing in their ears and frequently deters them from seeking redress by action." I suggest therefore that the judges should be empowered to decide in chambers on complaints to a certain amount without counsel or attorneys in a summary way. The police of Calcutta requires considerable improvement ; the business is too much for three men. I suggest therefore that a dozen or twenty gentlemen of the first rank in the settlement be joined in the Commission of the Peace. . . . •* There are more virtues among our countrymen here than they have credit for at home ; per- haps as many as Britain herself could exhibit ; and, if the natives know their own good, they cannot sigh for the harsh and imperious domi- nation of tiie Moguls." After a reference to the late bill for the government of India " I have completed and mean to print a version from the Arabick of the Serojei/ah, the standard of Mabomedan Law concerning inheritances, and have left orders at Benares and Gaya, both holy cities, for the oldest book on the Hindu laws to be translated from the Shanscrit, which I am almost tempted to learn that I may be a check on the Pundits of the court. Three excellent things . . . . a good system of laws, a just administration of them and a long peace, will render this country a source of infinite advantage to Great Britain." 1785, -Tune 8. Dublin Castle. — Right Honourable Thomas Orde to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Secret. I apologise for employing an amanuensis on account of the state of my health and particularly of my eyes. " There is, I am afraid, so much of personal interest in almost every man's conduct, and in addition to that so much of national jealousy and pride, not without a sufficient mixture of pretended appre- hensions, or affected menaces that the task is very difficult indeed to make a just discrimination between real and assumed objections. I find however that the great stress is now to be laid upon the hazard of con- stitutional independence, and that the security of one atom of constitu- tion is not to be risked for all the commerce of Great Britain. You will conclude that the suggestion has come from your side of the water, 346 MSS. of and that the arguments are almost entirely the same with those by p - v ^|mitii, w hich Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan have attempted to inflame this — * country. It was impossible not to be aware of their manoeuvres, and I trust, that we shall not be disappointed in our confident expectations of defeating them. I would not however fail to represent to you, that some considerable men seem touched with the infection, and as with a sort of madness, and run among the middling multitude biting all within their reach. One mode therefore of conveying alarm is by declaiming on the discontents of this country, which will be of more powerful operation against the present measure, than the strongest majority of Parliament can be for it. In the present yet unsettled state of the kingdom it would not be justifiable to depend upon the successful prevalence of good sense and real patriotism over ignorance, prejudice, and faction. I do not at the same time wish to recommend entire concession to such mischievous clamor, but I must repeat an earnest entreaty to be fur- nished as speedily as possible with your decisive answer to the remarks and queries which I have taken the liberty of sending to you in the enclosed paper. I am sure that you will do for us all you can, and you may depend upon our fighting the battle to extremit]/- upon the ground you shall after all put us in possession of. I venture to remind you of Rum, of the East Indies, of America and the permanent provisions for the due collection of the hereditary revenue. These are the most essential points, except what now occasions more noisy discontent than any other object, I mean, the pretended destruction of the Legislative Independence of Ireland by the dictatorial provisions of the 4th Reso- lution. You will not be surprised that on such a subject Grattan should be very impracticable. I wish that my apprehensions about Daly may be ill-founded. But we have Beresford, Foster, the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Sir John Parnell, &c. &c, who will exert every means to confirm our cause and to prevent the influence of wicked misrepre- sentations. Lord Earlsfort, Lord Shannon, Lord Tyrone, Lord Hills- borough, the Archbishop of Cashel, &c. &c. are not less active or determined. We cannot, I think, fail of doing well with such support notwithstanding any partial dejection, and with such explanation as you may allow us to communicate. I will add at present nothing more on this subject but one suggestion, which has been offered from a very respectable quarter. The great complaint being that no deliberation is allowed to Ireland upon the adoption of any of your laws or even representation against its possible partiality, it is suggested that an indulgence might perhaps be allowed in some cases of delaying the passing of similar Acts, till representation could be made and answered upon any objection. Another mode of quieting these constitutional scruples has occurred in making it necessary to take the previous opinion of this country, perhaps by means of a committee of the Privy Council or of a Board of Trade, who may be responsible to this Parlia- ment for their opinion or advice. This idea has just occurred tome, and I only throw it out to you. I shall of course confine it at present to myself. ts I have nowr time only to say a word upon the mode of proceeding on our part, when we may receive the resolutions from you. I have per- suaded myself and all those to whom I have communicated the idea (Foster, being out of town is not apprized of it) that we may avoid much difficulty both as to time, as to words, and even as to matter, if instead of seeking to enforce the adoption of your Resolutions, we should proceed in another manner, as for example — a messsage must be deli- vered by me, and your Resolutions laid before the House. I would then, instead of moving for the reference of them to the consideration 347 of a Committee of the whole House, move immediately for leave to bring MSS. of in a Bill to settle the Trade and Intercourse between Great Britain and p ' V e|q. it1 Ireland on fair and equitable principles and follow this with a motion, — that the Irish and British Resolutions should be referred to the Com- mittee, which shall be ordered to prepare and bring in the Bill. We might by this means confine our battle to one scene without precluding any Party concerned from being heard in opposition to any of the principles or provisions. The Resolutions, or at least the strict substance might thus be introduced in the form of Recitals or Preambles, and be followed by the several enacting clauses ; the great advantage of which would be that it would take away all difficulty or delicacy on both sides about words. The enacting clauses would be at hand to interpret the meaning. The British Patriot could not be uneasy at any change of expression, when he should on the same paper read the establishment of the true meaning ; and the Irish Patriot would not be able to deceive the public by any misrepresentation of the supposed latent mischief of uncertain expression in a mere resolution. This would also ... be facilitated by the communication of your similar Bill in the same points, by which concurrence both countries would be kept at once from delusion." I desire as early an opinion as possible on the crude idea submitted. " An adjournment is to Monday next. We shall, I think, find it right to have a further adjournment for a week, as the Resolutions cannot be expected sooner. I have a great wish to prevail upon the Duke [of Rutland] to allow me to propose a very sudden and secret expedition to Beresford for the mere purpose of one day's conversation with you and the rest of the King's Ministers, if you should think proper. It might perhaps be right, and he would probably desire to have somebody with him, in which case, I would recommend Sir John Parnell. We must on many accounts keep Foster with us, and you will not be hurt thereby. Let me not however be supposed to throw suspicion. He acts a very fair manly honourable part." 1785, August 25. Dublin. — Right Honourable John Beresford to the Right Honourable George Rose. Most Private and Confi- dential. After referring to the disagreeable and dangerous nature of the task, " yet fully confiding in Mr. Pitt's honour and yours, I shall endeavour to put you in possession of such information as may be useful to you, relying upon you that my letter shall never niake its appearance, and that you will take care that no step you take shall appear to arise from such information, for it is very well known that no one here could or w r ould give you information but myself, for which reason my hazard is the greater in doing it and your caution must be greater in using it." I consider the commercial arrangement has been lost totally by mis- management, first with the public and secondly with the House of Commons. <; Opposition were suffered to take possession of all the public prints and to preoccupy the minds of the people, and impress upon them without contradiction the idea of a reassumption of the power to legislate for Ireland. This was certainly the wisest ground for Opposition to have taken, for the people of this country are actually quite wild upon this subject. . . . Having so lately got rid of the influence of an Exterior Legislature, they have not had time to recollect their real situation and while they are as independent as you are, they attempt to treat with all the jealousy of a little and a dependent nation, the newness of their power makes them jealous, but be that as it may, this was the right string to touch, and Opposition did it effectually, because no sort of pains were taken to contradict the idea. It is always a maxim with the people of this country to believe every- 348 MSS. of thing they see uncontradicted in the newspapers, and the total silence Pl v - Smith ' which was preserved on this occasion gave opportunity for making such — " an impression on the minds of the people, that they took it for granted that there was no doubt but that if the Bill was passed, we gave up our Legislative Authority. It was in vain on the day of Debate to refer the people to a Bill which would be printed a week afterwards ; they were impressed with the idea that to admit this Bill was to destroy their Constitution. . . . No pains were taken to impress the Public with proper conceptions of the subject, or to wipe away the false impres- sions made on their minds by the other side. Too much reliance was had on the goodness of oar cause, and it was expected that as soon as it should be truly stated, it was to work like magic, and to operate upon the reason and understanding of everyone, but as always happens in guoh cases, disappointment was the consequence, because eight-tenths of those who heard what was said, had neither reason or understanding, and those who had were more apt to appeal to their prejudices than to their understanding. Besides the House of Commons will not contain all the people of Ireland, few could hear and fewer were willing to be convinced. "As to the management of the House of Commons everything was left to chance, notwithstanding that it was certainly as clear as that one and one make two, that the Ponsonbys would take the exact part they did, yet the only means to prevent them was neglected, which was to have a clear and decided majority independent of them. If they had taken care of that, these gentlemen would have been the staunch friends of the present administration, otherwise they had no chance of their support." I remind you that I had repeatedly told Mr. Pitt and you so. 1 told you that I knew the people of Ireland better than Orde, and that it was at the critical moment he would find himself betrayed and deserted, and I wrote the same repeatedly to him, and yet the fact was that on Friday when the question was put, there were above 30 of our members, as I am told, about in the country, who were sent for on Saturday, and I am sure 20 made their appearance on the Monday. Why were they not sent for on the Tuesday before, or the motion delayed until Monday, by which time they could have come up ; again there were 1 10 members in the minority, of which 20 might have been got with ease, nay Government never reckoned 90 against them." Having thus stated the causes of the loss of the Bill, as far as related to Government, I next give my opinion on the conduct of individuals. I do not doubt " that the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fox exerted them- selves to the utmost, and that they called upon all their friends to assist them on this occasion. The great agent in this affair was Mr. Forbes, he went between Lord Charlemount and Mr. Grattan, and reconciled them, he brought the Northern members together, and connected them with the leaders of Opposition, he afterwards with Lord Charlemount went between Flood and Grattan, and reconciled them, and they were mean enough to hold a conference together, sitting the House, in the face of the public. When these connections were made, Mr. Ponsonby was consulted, he, as I conceive, well disposed to the cause, weighed the circumstances of his family and their situations, and did not choose to risk them without a moral certainty of success, but waited until he saw the effect of the first division ; Lord Loftus, who so long as his title and estate were depending, was a firm friend of Government, indepen- dent of his natural attachment to Mr. Ponsonby, was either purposely or accidently out of the way, and but one out of 9 of his people voted with us on Friday and one Against us, the rest played least in sight. 349 After the division we held a consultation, and it was determined to mss. of make Ponsonby declare his intentions, how far he would support, for p - ^f^ 111 if he and Loftus would have stood firm, we should have had a — majority of I dare say 50, for receiving and printing the Bill, and adjourning for two months to give time for considering it ; when Orde pushed him he at length declared he would not suffer the Bill to proceed one step further, here then it was prudent to stop — indeed we could go no further. Government appeared to me willing to bear with this treatment, and to endeavour to go on with such servants, but then comes the business of the Speaker. Mr. Pery and they have been in treaty for some time, but had not concluded. Pery who was at the bottom of all the late mischief, when he raw the strength of Opposition, thought that the event might either overthrow your administration, or that you might recall our administration, and there- fore he thought it was high time to secure himself, and he accordingly pressed I )rde to conclude, and while the other was delaying and con- sidering Pery was working doubly, and having secured Denis Daly to propose an address to the House, requesting that a reward suitable to his services, may be conferred upon him, he throws himself upon the House, thinking he is sure of Opposition, and trusting that Govern- ment will not have courage to oppose him, and that no person will undertake the invidious task of opposing Daly's motion, in which he judges right. This brought things to a crisis, Orde was embarrassed between Foster and me, and Ponsonby hoping that there might be more candidates than one, and invited by the Duke of Leinster and Opposition as he thought, and sure of carrying over Shannon, Loftus, Drogheda, and his own friends, he thought he was then secure, and forgetting the assurances he had just before given Government of his utmost support, after the disposing of the Commercial System, he threw off the mask and set himself at the head of the party against Government. In such circumstances, at first view desperate, I did not hesitate to support Foster, and the independent gentlemen in opposition seeing things in their true light and all of them disliking Mr. Ponsonby, they, contrary to the expectation of the conspirators, almost to a man declared for Foster and totally defeated the whole plan ; in consequence Mr. Ponsonby has given up, and so far as I can see, Government are not sure whether they are obliged to him or not. As to Daly it is hard to account for his own conduct, and I own I am almost unwilling to conjecture." I think it was due to his view to the Speaker's Chair. Mr. James Cuffe"was at the bottom of Grattan's opposition ; they are fast friends ; he and Orde quarrelled some time since, he is very artful and very strong in his resentments, and has done all the mischief he is able. The three Skeffingtons also absented themselves. Lord Northington took up W. Skeffington and obliged him and a strong connection was formed ; he prevailed with them to act thus. The party here abuse Fitzgibbon grossly and say as North- ington made him Attorney-General that he has betrayed his party. From what I have said and from the conduct of the Duke of Leinster, you must see that the Portland or Fox party are endeavouring to make battle here, and you see their Agents, those who are openly so at all times, and those who will be so, whenever they can to effect, you see that Orde has been duped, and you see the necessity that he should not be so again and you must see the absolute necessity of forming a Government here independent of those gentlemen. As to Mr. Orde I do not blame him, ... he has been deceived by not knowing people and by giving credit to what they promised him, it was very natural that he should, and more especially for this reason which I mention to you in MSS. of the strictest confidence, he has the most implicit confidence in the V Esq ITH ' abilities and advice of Mr. Hamilton," who is most unfit to advise him both on account of his timidity of character and because he owes everything to the Ponsonby family, which makes him think well of them and depend on what they say. The opinion of the friends of government is universally " that they and the country will be betrayed, if there be not a government obtained, I mean a support independent of these gentlemen, and if that be not procured you will not find men hazard themselves in the cause of government, the mode of obtaining such a support must be considered, an expense must be incurred, but that is not to be regarded, for if proper measures are not pursued you will lose this country. I shall not conceal from you it is the general opinion that Government act a weak part in not turning out every man who has betrayed them, this may be going too far, but some examples may be necessary " . . . . {Copy.) [1785 ] — Description of the works in progress at Cherbourg up to the end of that year, and observations thereon. 1786, January 12. Madras. — Extracts from a letter dated thence giving a description of the desolation of the county, " That monster Rumbold [the Governor] has entirely desolated it." . . . It is generally estimated that nine tenths of the late population is now lost to the Carnatic." Rumbold is said " to have received from the Nabob alone sixteen lakhs of pagodas 640,000/. sterling besides what he nefariously obtained from the Rajah of Tanjore and others." Descrip- tion of the Nabob, and his second son and intended successor. 1786, February 18. Queen's House. — George III. to the Eight Honourable William Pitt. " It is very unpleasant to me to observe by Mr. Pitt's note that he has been detained at the House of Commons by the fertile imagination of Mr. Burke ; I trust on the resuming the subject on Monday the House will be too wise to be as long detained and to so little effect ; a good division after a pretty general call for the question is the only means of counteracting those who only stir up Debate for the purpose of delay." {Holograph.) 1786, March 3. Dublin Castle.— Right Honourable Thomas Orde to [the Right Honourable William Pitt]. Private. You have recom- mended Lord Cavan for an increase of his pension on the Irish Establishment. The Lord Lieutenant "acknowledges the force of a claim founded on old nobility and small fortune. I wish most sincerely that so fair a line could not only be approved but adopted exclusively. Yet I fear that the circumstances of government in this country are not sufficiently independent to allow a preference even upon conviction of Propriety. This situation is the more unpleasant as it subjects us to the necessity of passing measures which we cannot altogether approve ; and by no means exempts us from the attacks of that opposition who force the very thing they blame." We shall probably next week ex- perience the most serious question of the present session, Mr. Forbes having summoned his intention of moving for leave to bring in a bill to disqualify persons holding pensions during pleasure from sitting in the House of Commons, and also to regulate tne mode of granting pensions in conformity to the provisions of Burke's Bill. I have already asked your opinion as to our conduct on this subject. I fear however " that we have no option, and that at all events we must oppose the entire principle of this Bill, if we are not even determined, from 351 the novel introduction of the latter part, to object to the original motion p ^ s |^ for leave to bring it in. I have truly acknowledged to you, that I shall be ' esq. glad to have a limitation to the total amount of pensions, but I must also confess, that the question under present circumstances of uncertain settlement is too much mixed with considerations of delicate explana- tion to be easily admitted. We shall endeavour to keep as clear as possible of discussion, which might revive old disputes, and therefore our resistance must be chiefly grounded upon the general impropriety (notwithstanding your example) of infringing upon the prerogative of the Crown without special cause of complaint. It will be said that a great increase of pensions has been made during the Duke of Rutland's government, and it is true, but the cause can be readily assigned. The late Speaker's and Mr. Gerard Hamilton's pensions go far to account for it, and we are aware of necessary reductions, which will make an opening for the rest." The claim of Lord Rodney that exemption of his pension from the Absentee Tax should be solicited, and the objections to doing so. " The business of the session is now very far advanced, and we have now no remaining business on the part of Government, but a police bill, which is very necessary for the capital but still more so for the country. We have every day accounts of the most savage outrages, and although none of them may amount to a proof of concerted insurrec- tion, yet it is very unpleasant to know that an armed Catholic Banditti well appointed, and well mounted also should spread themselves over a considerable part of the country and venture to force the arms out of the hands of every peaceable Protestant inhabitant. The greatest mis- chief is, that we cannot inspire the magistrates with courage to act against these villians for fear of being personally injured or having their property destroyed. I think however, that we have at last succeeded in devising a plan, which may at some expense be effectual in the suppression of these disorders and the restoration of the public quiet. I am afraid that the Protestant clergy by their inattention to their duty, and perhaps the too severe exaction of tithes have given some good cause for complaint, and the gentlemen of the country are too desirous of encouraging any distant means, by which they may relieve their estates, not to act at least with unconcern at disturbances of such a nature. It is however now full time to check these revolts against the laws, lest by degrees the confidence of the rabble should lead them into more dangerous extremes. The horrid scene of murder and assassination, which Mr. Fitzgerald has exhibited, will have shocked you. His life is yet in some danger from his wounds. I was about to add, that it is to be hoped, it is past recovery from the gripe of the laws. The charges against him are really of a nature to make you shudder." 1786, March 26. Goodwood.— The Duke of Richmond to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Enclosing the despatches to Madrid sent him by Lord Carmarthen, with the letters he has written to him about them. 1786, April 6. — Edward Forster, Governor of the Eussian Company, to the Marquis of Carmarthen. Observations with regard to the pro- posed treaty of Commerce with Russia. ( Two copies .) 17S6, June. — Report from Mr. Gurney's shorthand notes of the judgment of Lord Camden as one of the Commisioners of Appeal at the Cock pit, in George Johnstone v. Major-General Medows, being a suit concerning the division of the Prize-money of the Dutch East Indiamen, taken in Saldanha Bay. (30 pages.) 352 mss.op 1786, August 23, 11 p.m. Hotel d'Elbcuf, Paris.— Right Honour- V Esq. ITH ' able William Eden to [the Right Honourable William Pitt]. Private. — After apologizing for writing on his own private interests, " If I were disposed to consider my private ease and emolument, I should not hesitate a moment : — I must not however forget that there are many other considerations that ought to influence my decision. It is not for the advantage of the treaty that in the present moment I should subject myself to that torrent of libellous impertinence, which at another time I could despise, and which would certainly be raised against me, if I were now to take the official situation which I quitted in 17#4 : — perhaps I see it in a wrong point of view; but when our connection was formed you were so good as to express strongly the necessity of mutually considering each other's credit in every further step, and I should not deserve your political and private friendship if L departed from that principle. It is not enough for me to know (which T do) that there exists no just claim upon me to prevent my accepting the very honourable office which is proposed ; I cannot help feeling that the good opinions of the respectable part of the public will be best con- ciliated by my not having the Vice-Treasurership. At the same time I make this sacrifice to prejudice, I feel a cordial and grateful sense of your conduct towards me. If the Speaker had now wished to quit the chair, though it is an irksome and wearing office, 1 should (all circum- stances considered) have been disposed to wish for it, and perhaps in the discharge of it I could have rendered real service to the Govern- ment of the country. If any promotion had occurred which could visibly and ostensibly have been held up to the Public as a reward for the industrious discharge of the difficult task which I have had in this country, it would not have been liable to the objections which I have stated and would have added a. fair eclat to the negociation, if it proves successful Supposing me to conclude the treaty in the manner that we wish, would it be liable to any just objec- tion to give me the appointment of Embassador for the purpose of sign- ing it with M. de Vergenues and of ratifying it hereafter ? It would be a marked approbation of the proceeding and a just compliment to this Court. To me it would be material, because it would be attended with some immediate help to my situation in which the expenses are considerably greater than my appointments, and precisely what they would be if I were Embassador; but also because it would hold me up in the most creditable point of view. It is also some consideration though fit only to be mentioned in a mere private letter like this, that it would make the situation of some part of my family much pleasanter during the five weeks at Fontainebleau. As my appointments ought to be paid by the public, and will most cheerfully be discharged by Parlia- ment, if the treaty proves successful, I see no one objection to this, unless it were possible that it might give a moment's uneasiness to the Duke of Dorset ; which I should be most unwilling to do, but which could by no means happen upon a few words being said to him either by you or by me. The success of the measure, and the commercial approximation of these two great empires are very sufficient reasons for so temporary a favour : — at the same time if it is subject either to objections or difficulties of which I am not aware I am very far from wishing to lay any stress upon it. . . . P.S. " I forgot to mention . . . that M. de Fernan Nurlez who is in contemplation for the Spanish Embassy is now in Lisbon ; that M. de Herredia, the secretaire d'ambassade here wrote to him only yesterday that it was time to return to Madrid, to prepare for his embassy: — and both Herredia and the Spanish Embassador told me that they expect to 353 see him at Paris next spring (and certainly not sooner) on his way to MSS. op England. P,V E^. ,IH ' " Though I have worked very hard to finish a business in six months — which with great decorum might have lasted three years ; I ought to confess that I think it evident that my remaining here four or five months longer is perhaps the best use that you can make of me ; and possibly it may essentially help to strengthen the pacific system which is before you. — This I say on the speculation and belief that the treaty will be popular in England, and subject of much praise and little attack. Tf it were in any degree to take a contrary turn you may rely on my not being absent from any battle to which it might give occasion." 1786, August 26. Black Rock.— The Duke of Rutland to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Private. (A full abstract of this letter is given in the third volume of the Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Duke of Rutland, to be published by the Historical Manuscripts Commission, taken from two drafts thereof, with which this letter itself was compared.) 1786, August 31. Paris. — Right Honourable William Eden to [the Right Honourable William Pitt]. Private. "We passed the day on Monday last au petit Trianon in consequence of a gracious permission from the Queen to the children, contrary to her rule of never allowing it to be seen except on Sundays. Upon the day following and yester- day I was chiefly occupied in stating to M. de Rayneval the several articles of the Treaty of Utrecht pursuant to the opinions of Dr. Wynne, Mr. Eyton (?) &c, and on these points we shall have little or no difficulty. My present speculation is that the whole should pass on Sunday next in the French Council, and that on the next morning your courier should arrive with instructions for me to sign, in case no material changes have taken place. I hope that those instructions may be accompanied with some satisfactory arrangement about the modes, the silk lace and the glass. The last is clearly in our power, I believe that the first would not be unfavourable to us ; and the second is utterly immaterial to us ; — but if the two first are refused I suppose they will insist on rejecting at least the Scotch Silk Gauzes, and though I shall fight against such rejection, I am in great want of weapons for the combat. M. de Rayneval dines with me tomorrow and meets a party of Embassadors here. He will stay afterwards and I shall hear whether anything new has passed. " Your political courage goes beyond mine, for I suppose that you look without anxiety on this fortnight's delay, which we are giving. In truth if it is given in politeness to Ireland it is a great compliment ; for it is impossible to do more for Ireland than we have done : — and I ven- ture to foretell that you will not find the same facility in other Courts on this point, nor would you have found it here, if some personal circumstances had not happened to be favourable. If Ireland could ever accept the particular tariffe, she must change her laws respecting England, for it will be awkward if she places England in a worse situation than France : and this too will hold as to us with respect to Ireland whose woollens cottons &c. we prohibit though we admit those of France : — I see no mischief in those points ; they will gradually forward some right settlement between the two islands." I propose to state the future comparative situation of the two contracting parties pursuant to the general principle as affecting reciprocally particular manufactures, and I expect to find many incongruities. " Mr. Hailes U 60050. z 354 MSS.of h as communicated to me from Lord Carmarthen the instructions to P.V.Smith, Col, Cathcart, written evidently under the pressure of a panic founded 8$ * on misinformation. They propose rather an apology from our people as from a subordinate Factory than a discussion between a sovereignty and a Factory. Lord Carmarthen does not mention the accord which I understand from M. de Vergennes had taken place. If it is in the same spirit with the instructions it must be ill calculated either for the present interests or future tranquillity of the Company. The pretexts alleged for searching the French vessel sent notoriously to dispute our right ; — the offer of any establishments which any two credible French witnesses may demand; — the notion that the Dewanneeship is a delicate topic which might give offence to ears polite at the Mauritius ; — and indeed all the instructions are in a wrong tone. This nonsense will give advantages against us here in the future discussions of the 13th Article. M. de Vergennes however has a settled dislike to negociations between trading companies, or subordinate parts of empire, and will wish therefore to revise this transaction." 1786, December 6. Lambeth Palace.— Right Honourable William Eden to the Right Honourable William Pitt. " In order to derive the full benefit from all our discussions since my arrival, it is material that I should have repeated opportunities of conferring with the French Government, and of reporting the result to the King's ministers previous to the meeting of Parliament. If you think proper to submit this I conceive that his Majesty will approve of my taking leave on Friday next. ... I believe that orders are given for the usual present to M. de Rayneval ; if it can be finished before I go it may be proper that I should carry it with me. I sometimes wish that means could be found without alarm to M. de Vergennes' delicacy of giving to him in some acceptable shape a mark of his Majesty's sense of his honourable conduct in the late laborious transaction." 1786. December 23. — The Marquis del Campo to the Marquis of Carmarthen. {Copy.) 1786, December 24. Hendon. — The Marquis of Carmarthen to the Right Honourable William Pitt. {Private.) Same date. Stanhope Street. — The Marquis del Campo to the Marquis of Carmarthen. {Copy.) (All these three letters relate to the time of the evacuation of the Mosquito shore.) 1787, February 15. — Mr. Miles to Lord [Carmarthen ?] con- cerning his pamphlet in defence of the Commercial Treaty, and asking " to be removed from this Principality. My motive for urging this request can be no secret to you when you recollect the error into which I have fallen by repeating the assurance you gave me in Downing Square to his Highness the Prince that he might depend upon receiving an answer to his letter." My character " has been materially injured by my confidence in your Lordship's promise. The pointed mortifications I have recently received and the reproaches of the Prince make me sensible to what a degree I am humbled in the opinion of his Highness with whom I have hitherto lived in the closest intimacy." . . . 1787, February 19.— Mr. Miles to the Right Honourable William Pitt. u Mr. Goring, whom I have already mentioned . . came to me on Tuesday evening last in raptures at the part you had taken on the motion of Mr. Sheridan, and declared his intention of instantly transmitting you much important information, . . as he was noiv 355 convinced you had the interests of your country really at heart. . . . v^Imiti He would point out a variety of abuses and the mode of reforming ' e 8 q. them, especially in the investments of silk and piece goods in which he — would engage that a saving of 30 or 40 per cent, would be made to the Company. . . . How far he will be able to realize those splendid promises I cannot pretend to say. ... A long residence in India and in offices of the highest trust must have given him a perfect knowledge of the Company's affairs." ... I repeat my request to be appointed one of the Consuls in France. 1787, August 1. The Hague. — Right Honourable William Grenville to the Right Honourable William Pitt. I arrived yesterday evening, and had a great deal of instructive conversation with Sir James Harris on the points on which it was desired I should inform myself. " The intelligence which you will receive from him by this post respecting the proposition made by the King of Prussia for a joint mediation with France to the exclusion of Great Britain certainly conveys a very unfavourable impression of his disposition on this subject, especially as there is no room to doubt that M. de Ghuleymeer has acted in this particular in exact conformity to the orders which he received from his Court. At the same time the terms which the King of Prussia has stated to France as the grounds of a mediation are so conformable to what he must feel to be the wishes of His Majesty in this respect that I should hope there may still be a possibility that he may close with the offer now made to him of acting in concert for the attainment of those objects in which the two Courts are so much agreed. No account has yet been received by Sir James Harris of the effect produced by Lord Carmarthen's despatch to Mr. Ewart of the 17th instant authorizing him to make to the King of Prussia an offer of communication on the present state of the Republic. But as we shall probably know by Friday what answer has been given to this proposal it appears clearly proper that no steps should be taken for going to Nimwegen till after that day, as the language to be held there may depend so much on this point." I fear the interval will be in sufficient for me to inform myself on many material points of the disputes between the different Provinces and of those relating to the Stadtholder. I have been promised the Commissions of Stadtholder and Captain-General granted in 1747 and 1766, but those I understand are different in the different Provinces, and are besides far from definite as to the extent of the power they convey. " The right of appointing magistrates in the different towns of Holland was one of the points on which it was proposed to concede when a union was projected of the Aristocracy and the Prince's friends at Amsterdam, and defeated by the obstinacy of the latter. ... It will in any case be difficult to maintain the right of absolute appointment as no more is given by the Constitution than the right of choosing one person out of three named by the Councils of the towns. The Reglemens were made in the time of King William for the express purpose of counterbalancing the Power of Holland by giving influence and authority to the Stadtholder. They convey to him in the three provinces of Guelderland, Utrecht, and Overyssel large powers both in the appointment of magistrates and in the choice of deputies to the Provincial States. M. de Montinorin in his letter to M. Barthelemy speaks of four Provinces to which the Reglemens apply. This is done with a view to include Frizeland, where there is a Reglement^ but of a different nature from those in the other three Provinces. There has never been in Frizeland any dispute on the subject of their Reglement; whereas in Overyssel the Reglement has actually been z 2 350 ]\rss. of overthrown, in Utrecht it is the point on which the Province is now in *' V £sQ ITn ' arms > an d in Guelderland it is the opinion even of those who support — • the Prince that some concession ought to be made by him on this head. From the very statement of the original view with which those Reglemens were made it seems apparent that the Prince has a strong interest in maintaining them as much as possible in their present form. But if this is inconsistent with the ideas of his own supporters I apprehend that it would in the next place be important that in any arrangement of the affairs of the Republick this point should be left to be settled by the Prince with the States of the several Provinces to which the Reglemens apply, and not with the States of Holland, who have clearly no right to interfere in a matter entirely relating to the interior Government of the other Provinces. This was the answer made by the Prince and Princess of Orange to M. de Eaynevai's proposition on this head. The same object is now made one of the terms contained in the King of Prussia's proposal to France ; and it appears entirely consistent with the language held in the last dispatch to the Duke of Dorset which states the Constitution of 1766 as the basis of negotiation, and mentions the other points as proper matters for discussion in the Republic with or without the mediation of other Powers." I thought it right to advert thus generally to the chief points in dispute and I shall endeavour to procure such particulars as will enable me to return with the sort of detailed information it was wished I should acquire. I fear the greatest difficulty will be in settling the extent to which concessions may be made on the points on which they seem reasonable, as Sir James Harris considers there are no persons here of sufficient weight to answer for the rest. P.S. " There is also a Reglement in Groningen by which considerable powers are given to the Stadtholder. Sir J. H. is however clearly of opinion that the expression of France was used with a view to Frize- land. The general term of Provinces a reglement is understood here to apply only to the three Provinces of Guelderland, Utrecht and Overyssel. The claim stated in M. de Montmorin's letter of the Bour- geoisies to interfere in the election of the Regents is one which has not been brought forward for more than a century, and is in direct con- tradiction to what is understood to be the Constitution of Holland and of its different towns. It goes in effect to change the form of Govern- ment from a aristocracy to one purely democratical, as is evident by the manner in which this principle has been applied at Amsterdam and Rotterdam, where the magistrates elected in the old form have been dismissed and others substituted in their room by an armed mob." 1787, August 3. The Hague. — The same to the same. Sir James Harris is sending over the Resolution of the States of Zealand on the proposed mediation and is stating " the strong wish of our friends here that some memorial should be delivered to the States General on our part of a similar nature to that of France in consequence of the resolu- tion of Holland." As I do not think any considerable objection was felt in England to this when first proposed I imagine this will be thought a sufficient reason " for adopting a measure in itself so indiffer- ent, and which can probably have no other effect than that of showing that Great Britain interests herself in the present situation of the Republic," . . . which is contradicted here with great pains and some success. *' The resolution of Zealand is, I think, drawn up with force and judgment. It seems right'that similar resolutions should now be brought forward in Gueldreland and at Amersfort, in order to anticipate any effect which the approach of the King of Prussia's army might produce on the 857 deliberations, if he should still be desirous of excluding Great Britaiu p ms& o from the mediation as appears to be the case by the note received from ' esq. the Princess of Orange. .... The instruction given to the Flemish deputies seems likely to encourage the King of Prussia to proceed as it proves that without the greatest concessions on the part of the Emperor his principal attention must still be directed to that object." 1787, September 8. Downing Street.— Right Houourable William Pitt to the Right Honourable William Eden. Private. Printed in Journal arid Correspondence of Lord Auckland, i. 191, omitting the following passage between the words " your stay at Paris " and " we have declined" on page 192. " The arrangement alluded to in your letter of the 2nd would in many points be very desirable, but there are as you seemed to feel, insuperable difficulties. There is no opening for the Duke of Dorset at home, and the idea of Sir James Harris's going to Spain would be impracticable, as they have expressed a very unfavourable opinion of him personally; and complain bitterly (in consequence of the impression given by France) of his conduct in Holland. If it be possible for you (without too much personal inconvenience) to stay some time beyond the period you proposed for your Spanish Journey, it would be highly desirable indeed. But however less time will be necessary than Mons r de Mont- morin points out, as surely before the end of the month not merely the plan for the armistice might be settled, but all the grounds of mediation fully discussed. There is no good reason for delay, and abundance of mischief to be expected from it." Having been prevented from seeing the King am unable to give any answer respecting M. de Lucerne. "I must mention to you an incident just come to my knowledge, and which gives me great uneasiness. A dispatch has, / know, just been received by Count Lusi, stating that notwithstanding all the assurances given from hence of our approbation of the King of Prussia requiring satisfac- tion from Holland, and of our desire to cooperate in preserving the rights of the Stadtholder and the Constitution of the Republick, the Court of Berlin is much disconcerted by learning that you had said either to Count Goltz or Prince Galitzin, (it is not clear which), that the satisfaction was not a point worth inforcing by arms, and that the march of the Prussian Troops must be in the way of the mediation. Such a language (if held at all) must, I am persuaded, have been only as the expression of your own personal sentiments ; but the report ot it may have produced the most serious, and in my opinion irreparable consequences, if communications since made from hence have not fortu- nately arrived in time to counteract it. This circumstance seems so important, that I could not for a moment conceal it from you ; and you will see how material it may be, that I should be apprised of what you recollect concerning it. You will however be so good to be particularly careful not to let any of these particulars transpire. « The jealousy which the Court of Berlin would be too apt to conceive in this critical situation would be much increased, if we were to enter into any communication on the affairs of Holland, the substance of which could not be communicated to them as circumstances may require. On this ground." . . . {Copy.) [1787, September.]— [Right Honourable Wiliiam Grenville to the Right Honourable William Pitt,] " M. de Montmorin in his con- ference with me on Tuesday last adverted earnestly and without reserve to the present appearance of alarm between the two king- 358 MSS.oif doms as resulting from the state of the troubles in the Dutch Pro- V E8Q. ITH, v inces. He intimated to me though in a conciliatory language that the — peace of Europe would infallibly be disturbed if it was meant to support the P. of Orange in measures considered here as destructive of the Con- stitution of the United Provinces. He said that the motive of parentage, which might be supposed to have some weight with the King was very different from the principle of a recent national alliance affecting the honoured faith of his Most Christian Majesty. But the allegation of the Stadtholder's party that France was seeking to subjugate the Pro- vinces to herself under the government of a faction and virtually annihi- lating the Stadtholder was utterly unfounded in truth. That it was the sincere desire of France to assist in restoring tranquillity between the Provinces respecting each other in the first place and then to secure to the Prince every right that his family can claim under the Constitution, and as much power as he can desire if he means to make a right use of it. This was the general substance of what was said as nearly and accurately as I can recollect it. M. de Montmorin added that a few days would probably throw new lights upon the state of the business, and that previous to my departure . . for England he would confidentially state to me the sentiments and views of Hps] M[ost] C[hristian] M[ajesty] according to the most recent advices which might then be received in the hopes that something useful might result from such a communication. " With respect to our supposed armament, which he said according to his last advices was to consist of seven ships, he said that he much lamented a step which led to the recommencement of jealousies and ex- penses between the two kingdoms. He then assured me positively and nearly in the terms which I have already transmitted from another quarter that France to that hour had made no naval preparations what- ever, but had merely and as usual one ship of war with a few small vessels exercising towards Cape St. Vincent. I did not collect with cer- tainty whether he meant to intimate that provisional orders were now to be given. I incline to think however that they mean to wait for further intelligence, though the Report at Paris is different. ... I have reason to believe that the Conference profess a disapprobation of the P. of Orange's conduct in M. de Rayneval's negotiation, but accompanied with an extreme desire to strike out some new mode of accommodation." {Copy, in the hand cf Mr. Smith.) 1787, September 26th and 27th. Paris.— Right Honourable William Grenville to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Private. ..." Your letter of the 23rd and Lord Carmarthen's dispatch of the same date mention the two lines which are now thought the most likely for the con- duct of France. The first that of a silent acquiescence in what has been done, the other that of her consenting to join with us in a guaranty of the Constitution of 1766. You state a doubt which of these two would be most desirable, but I think the reasoning of both letters seems to point to the Guaranty as preferable to the other. It is most probable that the option will not be with us, and that the answer which I shall receive lrom Monsieur de Montmorin when I see him will be conformable to that which he has already made, declining to enter into any further discussion of the business in the present situation of affairs. We may however, I think, now look with confidence to the Complete acquiescence of France, either implied by their taking no further step and leaving the D. of Brunswick to finish what he has begun, or perhaps even expressed by an agreement to disarm, notwithstanding thai those very circumstances have happened, the fear of which was their professed 359 reason for arming. And either of these would I take ; it for granted mss. of be thought a turn of the business with which we should have no reason p< V e1q. IT] to be dissatisfied whatever your wishes might be with respect to a — guaranty I confess the acquiescence of France, if sufficiently secured, appears to me more desirable than even her concurrence in the measure of a guaranty, supposing this latter could be obtained. To make it possible for France to accede to such a measure, we must hold out some concessions, and we must bind ourselves to abide by the Constitution of 1766. The concession which you justly think France would be most anxious to obtain is th a t of an Amnesty for her friends. But the Dutch Ambassador here has expressed himself to Mr. Eden in such a manner on this subject as she ws that he understands this to have been already held out by the Prince of Orange. With respect to any other stipulations of this nature they must relate to the Patentes, the military jurisdiction, and the Regleniens. You know the difficulties we have had in stating the particulars of these, and I imagine that they will be much augmented by the turn which things have taken. There is also a consideration on the subject of the Con- stitution of 1766, which seems to me deserving of attention. No one can certainly wish that we should encourage any measures for the gratification of the Prince of Orange's ambition and still less of his revenge, supposing him actuated by either of these passions, which I most sincerely believe he is not. But if the acquiescence of France were secured, and men of reason and moderation in the Republic were disposed to extend the privileges of an office which is so essential to be maintained, and so little able to maintain itself, we surely are not pre- pared to say that we should wish to have bound ourselves to oppose every such alteration. " With these difficulties on one hand I own that on the other the advantage of a guaranty does not appear to me so considerable as it is felt by others much better able to judge of it. Under all the cir- cumstances of vexation and disgust which France must feel at the event of her Dutch intrigues, may it not well be doubted whether the French Government will still continue to pursue M. de Vergennes' system in Holland, especially while foreign affairs remain under the direction of M. de Montmorin, who has expressed himself so decidedly averse to the whole measure. If they should, I cannot think that a guaranty would prevent them from acting by the same underhand measures as before, nor that they would have any difficulty (when things were again brought to their crisis under more favourable cir- cumstances) in finding pretexts for doing once more exactly what they have now done. But on the other hand if they should be disposed in great measure to abandon the business would not a guaranty tend very much to prevent this by entangling them in every discussion and making them a party in every quarrel that may arise ? .... In addition to these considerations I have a strong impression that the whole transaction would have a much more complete and creditable appearance for us in the present moment, if it was terminated not only in exact conformity to our wishes, but without even the interven- tion of France. I again repeat however that although it may be advantageous to discuss this question thoroughly, the decision of it will in ail probability not rest Avith us." 27th ... I have received M. de Montmorin's answer appointing me for tomorrow. I think this delay additional ground for believing he will not agree to any negotiation on these points. If so I submit that there would be a considerable degree of impropriety in my remaining longer 360 MSS. of t i iere than was necessary to receive the answer to my account of that V. Smith, „ Esq. conference. 1787, vSeptember 27. Se>e near Paris— Right Honourable Willia m Eden to the Right Honourable William Pitt. " I agree with you in forming great hopes that you will have carried a most important point and possibly without any expense worth nanimg : you will also agree with me, that in pursuit of it you have been obliged to look war in the face and rather closely. — I am not sure yet that we are clear, but I hope the best, and shall be able to form some conjecture with confi- dence before this day is over, for I expect M. de Rayneval to dinner, to meet several of our mutual friends and to endeavour to get into good humour ; but he comes so late (after the Conseil) that I cannot detain the messenger for him — you must therefore suspend your curiosity till Monday morning. In truth the end of the business is not flattering to them, and they are teased by the impertinencies which are circulated respecting their conduct and the superiority of your management. M. de Rayneval's note to me last night was so cross that it is quite laughable to have come from a man of his experience and superior understanding La void I — ' Je vous envoy e, Monsieur, la response pour M. Grenville. M. le C[omte] de M[ontmorin] lui donne rendez-^ vous pour Vendredy, et lui propose de diner chez lui. II lui a ete impossible de lui indiquer une heure pour demain 1 {which I had desired). i II laisse enticrement a voire choice de vous trouver ou non avec M. Grenville. M. de Mont, desire que vous y soyez ; ainsi vous determiner ez selon vos imports avec votre compatriote — Je ^attends rien de sa mission.* .... Postscript. I have this moment received an excuse from M. de Rayneval to say that he cannot come to-day. I begin to suspect mis- chief." 1787, October 1. Same place.— The same to the same. "The contents of Lord Carmarthen's last dispatch added to the general circumstances of the moment and the apparent wish of M. de Mont- morin have all together decided me to remain here five or six weeks longer." After stating the inconvenience caused him by the change of plan and hoping he will not be let suffer for his zeal for the service. " I have had an accident this moment whilst I am writing which vexes me beyond description. A servant brought me the dispatches for the Due de la Vauguyon without saying what they were, and I opened them without looking at the direction. The servant called out, but too late. I have sent them back to Versailles to be re-sealed ; but both Grenville and Mrs. Eden assure me it will not be believed that we have not perused the contents. It is exceedingly disagreeable — to have happened to those dispatches particularly — and so intrusted to me. Secret. I have often hinted to you that in the midst of all the apparent ill will between the Courts of Berlin and Versailles, I never- theless suspect that there is an understanding and occasional confidences : I was much confirmed in this suspicion today by several circum stances. I am afraid that our business is but half done at Amsterdam and that the Regents are left. It will be a glorious transaction if all this great business ends well. You attribute it entirely to the spirited activity of your arming. N.B. According to the prospect of business which Grenville and I have before us it would would be better if any acceptable means could be found to postpone the D[uke] of D[orset]'s coming for three or four weeks longer ", mi Same date. Paris. — Eight Honourable William Greuville to the v S |miti Right Honourable William Pitt. I had written a long letter but much ' esq. of what I had said had been superseded by the result of Eden's con- ference with M. de Montmorin and the rest will be better explained in person. I trust I am not wrong in coming over at this crisis, as nothing can be done till Mr, Ewart's letter is received which cannot be till the 12th at soonest, and there may be advantage in my seeing you in the interval. " My situation has been sufficiently uneasy, especially since the language here ha« been so warlike. My first conference was particu- larly difficult because I was obliged to determine what line to follow, without any instructions from home that could at all assist me. I guess from what we have received from England today that I shall be thought to have leant too much to the idea of present negotiation, and this is the more unfortunate because what I said on this head was against my own judgment, but in order not to preclude that line if it had been deter- mined in England that it ought to be pressed. " At present the appearance certainly is that as soon as Ewart's letter is received we shall all disarm. It is a great question then whether to wish negotiation or not, and this must be in a great deg?*ee decided on what Harris says of the situation in which Holland will be left. *' You will however I am sure feel that while the thing is stiii so uncertam and France expressly tells you " qiCil nest pas possible de ralentir " which were Montmorin's words to Eden, it is of the utmost importance that we should proceed with as much vigour as if war were certain. " Pray turn in your mind the point about Russia and the Porte. It is very probable that Montmorin may say something upon it tomorrow." 1787, October 22. Phoenix Lodge. — The Duke of Rutland to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Secret. Am anxious for the event of the preparations being made and trust you will give me the earliest information when you can say it will be peace or must be war. Had understood it was intended to lay an embargo on the exportation of Provisions from Great Britain. Should be glad if that measure were taken "as it would remove many unpleasant circumstances in following a similar measure here, and you certainly will not be able without it to make the embargo in this country effectual. My informations from the South give me as yet no reason to think the French supplies are in forwardness, the slaughtering having so lately begun." . . . I apologise for employing an amanuensis as my strength has not sufficiently returned for me to write much. [He died two days afterwards.] I ask for two lines on the subject of this letter and in answer to my last about a successor to Mr. Orde. 1788, January 10. Whitehall. — Right Honourable William Grenville to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Enclosing a letter from the Secret Committee to the India Board on the subject of an order of the Impeachment Committee for the production of all the Bengal consulta- tions. I had prepared an answer for Rouse to send saying there was not a sufficient number of Commissioners in town to form a Board, but that he was directed by those who are in town to submit to the Secret Committee the propriety of waiting for the opinion of a board before they produced these or any other papers leading to the disclosure of orders which they had sworn not to disclose without the authority of the Commissioners. I had been prevented sending this by finding that Lords Sydney and Walsingham were in town but I do not consider them and myself sufficient to form a Board for any purpose, much less for resisting an order of the Committee of the House of Commons. 3G2 mss. 07 My own opinion would be " to remind the Secret Committee of their V Esq. ITH ' oatn anc ^ to take upon ourselves the refusal of all papers in any manner — connected with the orders which have been sent through the Secret Committee." Am prevented however by a doubt respecting the opinion of my Collegues. " For though I am myself perfectly clear respecting the extreme impropriety and even indecency of this order, I am ignorant how far it may have been made with the knowledge and consent of yourself and Dundas." Am a good deal apprehensive that the Secret Committee confine their doubts to the case of the Guntoor Circar and are not aware of the objection to the production of many other papers of at least equal importance — that for instance which relates to the line to be observed towards F ranee in the East Indies and many others. You must decide whether the messenger should be sent on to Dundas and Mulgrave, or whether you will send him back with any and what answer. The substance of the oath taken by the Secret Committee is given, which however was only taken in 1786 subsequent to the orders about the Guntoor Circar. I have since seen Motteux. Neither the Committee of the House of Commons nor the Court of Directors know anything of the letter of the Secret Com- mittee. . . "In the present temper of the directors which you will learn from Motteux's account of their proceedings of yesterday, it is very probable that on Tuesday they may direct all the papers to be laid before Burke's Committee, and if a doubt is stated by the Chairman or Deputy may be still more inclined to do so. I never was clearer of anything than that the H. C. Committee have nothing to do with the proceedings subsequent to Hastings' departure. This seems to me to be only a beginning of what we are to expect." 1788, January 28. Paris. — Right Honourable William Eden to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Private. Enclosing original letter of the 19th instant from Mr. Listen " because it may be material to you to be apprized that the disposition of the Spanish Minister respecting the Slave Trade is similar to that of M. de Montmorin. I have recently had another conversation upon this subject with the latter; he again expressed great doubts as to the practicability of the measure accompanied however with an extreme anxiety for its success ; and he desired me to say that if the words of his answer to me could be made of any utility, he had no objection to its being produced. He observed that the clamour and opposition would be great if the measure should originate here, and ' that the present temper of this country is unfavourable to any attempt of difficulty ; ' but that if England on discussing the point should be disposed to make a sacrifice of interest to the shrine of humanity, France has too much just pride not to keep pace with her in such a race. I could arrive at nothing more specific , he fairly and frankly said that he was unauthorised to go farther till the subject is better understood. Mr. Liston's third paragraph strikes me as deserving your attention. M. de Florida Blanca" had some weeks ago dictated a message to me, desiring some communication and concert thro' M. de Montmorin respecting the Turkish business. ... I have since observed that you have (as far as I can conjecture) adopted the system respecting the Imperial Courts and the Porte of waiting for events— Perhaps it is the wisest and best system. ... I own nevertheless that it strikes me in a different light, and I should have thought it good policy in the present moment to have entered into a real and ostensible good understanding with the Bourbon Courts : — if Spain had met us in this way she would have met us honestly ; and whether it may or may 363 not be true that there is duplicity and insincerity in the professions and Mss. 05 conduct of the French Court, it has appeared to me possible to confine p * V EgQ. IT them necessarily to a direct line of conduct." .... * — [1788.]— (The letter probably refers to the East India Troops Bill, which was before the House of Lords in March 1788. See Lords* Journals, xxxviii. 117, &c.) March 2. Camden Place. — Lord Camden to the Right Honourable William Pitt, in reply to a question relating " to a doubt that might be conceived of the King's right to raise troops for the service of the East- Indies without the consent of Parliament which might be thought unnecessary as they are not to be paid by the revenue of this coun- try." I do not think the question likely to be started in the present instance as troops have been allowed without objection to be trans- ported to the East Indies and to serve there in time of peace as well as war, and the four regiments now to go have already been stated in the estimate, which is notice at least to the House of Commons and might fairly pass for consent if not objected to or the objection over- ruled. But it is worth observing that in the first clause of the Mutiny Bill the whole number of troops to be raised are expressed as necessary to the safety of the kingdom the defence of the possessions of the Crown of Great Britain and the preservation of the balance of power in Europe. It might possibly be too much to say that the East Indies are part of the possessions of the Crown. If that construction should be allowed then the measure would appear on the face of the Act, and be ratified by the consent of both Houses. If not these words might be added and the territory now in possession of the United Company, fyc. At present it would be unnecessary and illjudged to discuss a point of Prerogative before the King puts forward any such claims but should anyone think fit to go out of his way to draw the matter into debate upon a mere surmise that the King may attempt to raise an army without the consent of Parliament, and it should be necessary to declare an opinion, " I should be very strongly inclined to think that he could not." It being contrary to law in time of peace to raise or keep a » standing army within the kingdom without consent, to say that u raising troops would not be illegal unless they are likewise kept within the kingdom would be a mischievous and a dangerous construction, for if under the pretence of transporting them they might be raised and the Crown be able to pay them without the aid of Parliament it might be a little too late after they are in the field to disband them by argument, and by this means the Constitution might be subverted." This is the reason in my opinion that the Act always states the whole number wanted for the foreign dominions. Again if they can be raised for the purpose of transporting how are they to be governed before they go. Not by martial law, no offence can be punished, they cannot be billeted and are under no kind of discipline. " It is very true that the King by treaty may bind himself to supply a number of troops to his ally upon the consideration of reciprocal succour," in case of attack ' c and such a treaty would be valid without the consent of Parliament, but whenever the casus foederis existed it ought to be. considered as a time of war and the High Prerogative of making treaties would overrule the Act of Parliament as neither within the words or meaning of it." .... 1788, May t. Great George Street. — H. Beaufoy, Esq. to [the Right Honourable William Pitt]. Asking on behalf of Dr. Kippis, permission to dedicate his Life of Captain Cook to the King. 364 3iss. op [1788.] — (The Committee referred to was moved February 18, Esq. ITH ' 1788, Lords' Journals, xxxviii., 82.) Lord Chancellor Thurlow to — the Prince of Wales. " Having been taxed in the presence of your Royal Highness with the folly and impertinence of disputing the point of Precedence with the Prince of Wales, permit me succinctly to lay before your Royal Highness a more distinct account of that doubt I entertained upon the order which now prevails in the House of Lords of walking from the Chamber of Parliament to Westminster Hall, than perhaps I had the good fortune to convey in the conversation " with your Royal Highness. " That doubt arose from the confusion of the precedents which seem to differ no less from themselves and from each other than from the nature and name of the thing. I allude to those wherein the question is put upon the footing of Precedency and this is given to the Lord High Steward above the Royal Family. " No office or distinction known to the laws of this land brings up any other subject to the level of the Royal Family. Therefore the Lord High Steward's (? Chancellor's) walking after a Prince of the Blood on the claim of Precedency was absurd, how correct soever it might have been on other accounts, which I now proceed to examine. The Peers sit in Parliament in the following order. The Princes of the Blood by themselves, then the rest namely, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Chancellor, the Archbishop of York, other great officers, Dukes, Mar- quesses, Earls, Viscounts, and Barons. By this order the Chancellor's place is on the Side Bench above the other great officers and next to the Royal Family. The Speaker's place in the House is the Woolsack from which he always speaks in the name and by the authority of the House. If the Chancellor, who is the ordinary Speaker of the House, has occa- sion to address the House not as Speaker but as a Lord of Parliament, he must leave the Woolsack and go to his place on the Side Bench, and speak from that place. When by Commission any other Peer is Speaker, he in order to address the House not as Speaker but as Lord of Parliament must go to his own place. When a Commoner is Speaker, he has no place in the House, but must still sit on the Woolsack and has no voice in Parliament. " By the usual orders for moving from the Chamber of Parliament the Lords are to go two [and two] according to their Precedency and to place themselves in Westminster Hall according to their Precedency in the House. The Sergeant at Arms is to go before the Lord Chancellor, The only question seems to be this, does this arrangement include the Speaker and direct him to walk in the order of his precedency, what- ever that may be as a Lord of Parliament or does it direct him to walk as Speaker and out of his place as a Lord of Parliament ? " Should the Speaker walk not as Speaker but as a Lord of Parliament when he happened to be one, lie ought, when Chancellor, to walk between the two Archbishops, when a Lord of any other class, to walk among those of his own degree, if he happened to be one of the atten- dants on the House, which is often the case, he ought to walk among them. If he were a Commoner of any other description, no place that I know of is assigned him but the Woolsack, when the House sits. " There is nothing incongruous in this, but it has not obtained. The Lords walk according to the order prescribed two and two. These files are closed by the two Arch-Bishops, the Chancellor not being in- terposed between them as the order of his Precedency would require. After the two Arch-Bishops go the Garter and Black Rod, which further shows that the Procession of the Peers is closed, and then the 365 Chancellor walks alone, with the Seals and Mace carried before him as mss. of Speaker. " This arrangement seems to have been meant for the sake of order, — namely, that all the Lords of Parliament should take their respective places in the House before the Speaker should take his place on the Woolsack and resume the House. " Thus there are two Orders of Proceeding, either might have been adopted, but neither has been followed. " In this view of the matter it occurred to me to doubt whether the Royal Family walking after the proc3ssion of the House seemed to be closed with the two Arch-Bishops attended by the Grarter and Black Rod and after the Speaker attended by the Mace would be deemed to walk as part of the House. " This doubt which was in truth suggested by others, . . was the only one I ever entertained on the subject. This doubt when required by your Royal Highness I had the honour to communicate to you. It was your Royal Highness' pleasure that Precedents should be searched, and by your Royai Highness' express command I moved for a Committee for that purpose, which without such command it would not have occurred to me to do, and when your Royal Highness thought that no longer necessary it dropped. " My present solicitude is by no means to prove that my ideas were correct, but to satisfy your Royal Highness, if that should be necessary, that so far from entertaining the ignorant presumption of comparing the place of any other subject to that of the Prince of Wales I did [not] mean even to encroach on the precedency of the Archbishop." . . . {Copy.) 1788, July 1. The Hague. — Sir James Harris to [the Right Honourable William Pitt ?]. Private. Concerning the Indian Con- vention with the Dutch. " Some private letters, but of high authority from Berlin, express a great eagerness on the part of His Prussian Majesty that Mr. Ewart should receive instructions to enter upon the main treaty of defensive alliance between the Courts of London and Berlin, and till this is actually under negotiation, that his ministers will not be quite in charity with us for having concluded the provisional convention at Loo " I have had an opportunity of ascertaining to a certainty what I believed Avas the case before that Lord Hertford's whole family is free to act in political matters as they think fit. I have also repeated to Lord Beauchamp what passed between us in London, and which he naturally expressed his sense of your very polite and handsome behaviour." 1788, August 7. Portman Square. — M. Barthelemi [the French Minister] to Joseph Smith, Esq. Requesting an interview with Mr. Pitt. 1788, August 14. Berlin. — Extract from a dispatch of Mr. Ewart, describing his audience of the King on presenting his credentials. The original is among the Foreign Office papers in the Record Office. 1788, September 12. Berlin. — Joseph Ewart, Esq. to the Right Honour- able William Pitt. Describing the King's satisfaction at Mr. Pitt's letter and stating that " he desired me to repeat to you the strongest expres- sions of his esteem and regard on personal as well as public motives, together with the renewal of his congratulations on the complete establishment of a system which possesses such advantages to both countries," and also describing how " Count Hertzberg was overjoyed with your obliging compliment to him, and desired me to repeat the strongest 3G6 Mss of assurances of his cordial esteem and attachment," and acknowledging P. v. Smith, on his own behalf the approbation expressed of his feeble endeavours. _ Esq. 4,3 • 1789, February 25. Plymouth Dock. — A grey-headed old seaman to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Recommending him " to get a couple of small cannon-balls of six pounds weight, slung with small cords twenty inches long, and in the most airy room in your house in wet weather vibrate them by the action of your arms, swinging one before yoli and the other behind you alternately, in moderate quick succession, keeping the time nearly of the pendulum of a good house- clock." A paper to be submitted to Dr. Willis, with suggestions for the treatment of the King is enclosed. 1789, March 2. 105, Brittain Street, Dublin.— A. B. to the Right Honourable William Pitt. " Nothing but official misrepresentations can induce you to acquiesce in measures tending to involve this country in confusion. The accounts first of course transmitted to you must in the present temper of the times be of course the reports of prejudice and personal animosity. Your wisdom will enquire beyond the reach of such reports and then you will find the real state of Irish affairs to be this. The Irish Parliament feel a veneration for his Majesty, and are utterly incapable of forming a Cabal against his Government in the hands of whatever ministers he may be pleased to appoint. But the late Regency business here produced at first some difference of opinion and afterwards open and direct hostility between the Marq[uis] of B[uckingham] and the two Houses of the Irish Parliament. His Excellency censured their proceedings as illegal ; they voted his censure an unwarrantable insult on their rights. Without entering into the merits of these reciprocal charges you must feel too much for the pride of Parliament to think it possible that after this the Irish Parliament could possibly go on with the Marq[uis] of B. He may gratify his revenge but he cannot carry on the public business. Early in this con- test his Excellency was pleased to tell a Member of Parliament ' That he toould malic him the victim of the vote he gave.' This declaration naturally induced all those under his power and discipline and all the greatest and most powerful interests in this kingdom to unite under a Covenant of common defence against the resentment which they had reason to know was rooted in his Excellency's mind. All efforts con- ciliatory and otherwise to dissolve that connection have been found fruitless and ever will prove so while the Marquis remains here, because no man will trust to his promised lenity, should his power be re- established and the strength of his opposition broken. Whereas should another Lord Lieutenant be immediately sent over without any effort bat oblivion he would instantly dissolve the connected Opposition and find all the strength of the country unite in support of his Majesty's Government. If on the other hand you should be persuaded to indulge the passions and gratify the animosities of the Marquis you may punish but can't subdue his enemies, for they are numerous and they are strong. Instead of dissolving you will bind together a powerful confederacy, and though you may give a triumph to his resentment you can't give tran- quillity to his government. ... Be assured this is written by one onlv interested in the public tranquillity and a person attached to the name of Pitt." 1789, April 29. Thomas li ving to — — . — Enclosing a paper con- taining an account of the number of negroes imported into and exported from the British West India Islands with the number retained in the whole of the islands and in each of them for five years from 1783 to 1787 367 inclusive, and also an account of the quantity of sugars imported into Mss.o? Great Britain from the British West India Islands in a period of four ^ EaS* 1 years immediately preceding the late war and also in the last four years. — ■ [1790], January 7. Bederlem. — Lord Auckland to the Right Honourable William Pitt. With regard to the attempts which will be made on the part of the Protestant Dissenters and of the Roman Catholics, " I trust that I have neither a narrow or a prejudiced mind on this subject, and I went great lengths respecting it in 1781 m Ireland ; but as far as individual opinion goes, mine is very strong for your resisting in gentle expressions but in the firmest and most decided manner every part of this business in the ensuing session : — You will be told that it will affect your parliamentary interest, but that is not true ; I believe that the kingdom in general will approve of your resisting in the present moment anything tending to innovation. Perhaps it would even be right for you to see the Archbishop on the subject." . . • . After a reference to the coming Bristol election, and a suggestion made to him to stand which he had declined : — " I had a letter from Madrid today which says, ' that the Court of Spain is under uneasiness about the conduct of some of the Northern Powers in regard to the disturbances in Brabant, and the unwillingness of those powers to see an accommodation take place in the East.' This idea is well suited and preparatory to the steps on which you speculated yesterday. It is a pleasant circumstance that the Spanish Inquisition has issued a thundering prohibition against i Tin Tratado en Frances, entitulado, V Importance des opinions jReligieuses par M. Neckar " — ' Les Tres-serieuses remonstrances des Filles du Palais Royal ' — i Le Diable dans Veau benite ' — and all other similar books containing false, impious, and seditious doctrine." 1790, May 20. Paris. — Right Honourable Alleyne Fitzherbert to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Private. I have not been able " to renew my acquaintance with M. de la Fayette, but I have learnt from several of his intimate friends that the opening a free intercourse between the nations of Europe at large and the Spanish colonies is still one of his favourite objects, and therefore it is by no means to be presumed that he and his party will be disposed to concur in a war, which, when the causes of it shall come to be clearly explained, will be found to be undertaken upon principles so diametrically opposite. Indeed I have had occasion to observe in general that while the aristoeratical party continue to be guided in their Foreign politics by that malignant jealousy of G. Britain which for these last forty years has been the leading principle of this Government, their opponents are actuated towards us by sentiments of much more liberality, and as their interests will moreover for some time to come render them extremely anxious to keep well with their neighbours it appears to me that by propel* management, they might be rendered extremely useful to us. By management I do not mean the endeavouring to gain them by money, as not to mention other objections, it would be next to impossible to conduct a plan of that sort with the requisite secrecy, but they are extremely desirous of the good opinion of all leading persons of our Government and particularly, Sir, of yours, and are moreover wonder- fully attentive to everything that happens to be mentioned on the subject of French Politics in either of our Houses of Parliament, so that if it should ever happen to be in your way to drop .a word in their favour, were it ever so vague and general, it would produce, I am confident, the most salutary effects. I take the liberty of enclosing some of the late Moniteurs (which are here what Woodfall's Diary is 3G8 ;mss. of with you) containing the debates of the National Assembly upon the great • v j«f J ITH * question that has been agitating them for the last five days, respecting the King's right of declaring peace and war, and I think you will find if you have leisure to peruse the speeches of the leaders on both sides that their sentiments confirm in great measure what I have taken the liberty of stating to you. . . ." 1790, July 7. Hardlabour, near Haverford West. — John Napier to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Suggesting that he should endeavour to procure the cession of Porto Rico and Trinidad in satis- faction of the British demands on Spain for the expenses relative to Nootka Sound, the Manilla Ransom, &c. Describing the natural ad- vantages of the islands and predicting that " this immense country can't be long under the dominion of Spain as the inhabitants in general from Orinoco through the Province of Caraccas as far as Mara- caybo ... in particular the Indians, in short inhabitants in general from the city of Caraccas to Santa Fe are much dissatisfied with the Spanish Government." 1790, August 9. Goodwood. — The Duke of Richmond to the Right Honourable William Pitt. Private. Acknowledging an abstract of the agreement at Reichenbach between the Kings of Hungary and Prussia and a notice for a Council tomorrow, and instead of coming giving his sentiments by letter on the subject of becoming a guaranty to which on the whole he objects, especially when they are not confined to possessions but extend to Constitutions. If however Great Britain's guaranteeing the Constitution of the Netherlands is the desire of sovereign and people and can facilitate a reconciliation I see no harm and some good in it, but I think the request should be distinctly specified, and great care taken not to leave any pretence for a reciprocal guarantee even of possessions, but still less of constitutions. Am against any active interference in the Low Countries. 1790, October 26. Windsor. — George III. to the Right Honourable William Pitt. " Prom a thorough conviction how essential Peace is to the Prosperity of this Country it is impossible for me to object to any means that may have a chance of effecting it; though not sanguine that Mr. H. Elliot and his French Friend [Mirabeau] are likely to succeed where caution and much delicacy are necessary. While our Ambassador and Official Correspondence are kept clear of this business it will certainly be wise to keep up the proposed Communication for the sole purpose of restoring peace, but no encouragement must be given to forwarding the internal Views of the democratical Party. We have honourably not meddled with the internal dissensions of France and no object ought to drive us from that honourable ground." (Holograph.) 1792, March 2. — " Clericus " to the Right Honourable William. Pitt. On the Parish Register Tax on Births, Marriages and Burials of 3c?. each, and suggesting that marriages by Banns be exempted, that 5s. be levied on those by License and 51. on those by Special License, and proposing instead of the tax on every burial a tax of 1/. on every burial within a church or in a vault in a churchyard and of 5s. on every coffin covered with velvet, cloth, or baize, and further proposing to double the penalty of 51. for burying in Linen, now " divided between the informer (who is generally of the family of the deceased) and the poor of the parish." I am wholly averse to a tax on births or baptisms, but if something must be raised from them I propose a Government fee of 5s. on every baptism performed in a private house. " This practice f 369 of performing a public office privately much prevails in the metropolis, mss. op and universally among families of fashion." p - ^sq. 11 ' 1792, August 16. Paris. — General M[irandja to John Turnbull, Esq. "The events of the 10th of August have produced here such a change that everything is altered. My friends have obtained the confidence of the nation and also the administration and make me very advantageous proposals in order to join me to them in support- ing the cause of liberty which, as you know, is my divinity. It is only this high motive that detains me, and tomorrow I hope to have decided either to stay or to leave next Sunday with Mr. Forbes." . . . (In French.) 1793, April 14. — Memoir and observations of the Due de Choiseul on the state of affairs in Belgium. (Copies.) ±79(5, July 30. New Norfolk Street.— Sir E. Woodford to Joseph Smith, Esq. Most private. (,t I leave it entirely to your discretion to convey to Mr. Pitt that there is lately arrived here a French gentle- man, with whom I have conversed, and whom 1 knew formerly in the Chancellerie Francoisc in Barthelemi's time, with whom he has been since, a clever man, who tells me he is in intercourse with some of the Directoire at Paris, and could make it clear that he is grounded in asserting, that they are disposed to treat for Peace, and would lend themselves to any reasonable proposals for entering upon the negocia- tion with due decorum either in the mode of appointing persons in the way of M. Bussy and Stanley, or if persons of superior rank should be nominated to negociate, they should cross the water at the same time." 1796, August 3. — [Substance of First Conversation with M. Nettement.] No. L Note. " The French Administration con- vinced that the view of the Government of England is [reading est for et\ to put an end to the evils of the war, and foreseeing that a separate peace between France and the Emperor might be such as would be in no wise consistent with its true interests, and that it would thereby inevitably prolong a disastrous war, proposes to the English Government to send reciprocally two accredited persons in order to lay the foundations of a general negociation." (In French.) 1796, [? Same date.]— No. 2. " If the Note No. 1 is approved of by the British Administration will address himself directly to the French Administration, that it may give adhesion to a similar note, which would be sent here and exchanged with a corresponding one of the British Administration at the same time and place." (In French.) 1796, August 15. At Mr. Charretie, Walcot Place, Walnut Tree Walk, Lambeth. — M. Nettement to Joseph Smith, Esq. Informing him that since their last interview he has received a letter im- peratively obliging him to go Paris on family affairs. " If my frankness and the rectitude of my intentions have been able to inspire you with any interest and if 1 have been able to forward the wise views of your Government, whose moderation I admire, I venture to ask you to give me a mark of your particular goodwill, by procuring me a Passport for going to Paris by way of Dover and returning to London." My reason for wishing to return is that I have been too well received not to desire to come back as soon possible. " You have doubtless observed in the papers that Lareveillere is President, and you know that he belongs to the moderate party." ... I ask that the notes in my handwriting may be returned. (In French.) U 60050. A a 370 MSS. op [1796, August.] — Three papers in French in the hand of M. Nette- ,V Esq. ITH ' ment 5 tw0 of which are marked Secret No. 1 and No. 2. The third is — unmarked. No. 1. "The five members who at present compose the Executive Directory have been named by the faction of the Jacobins, and that choice did not have the approbation of the moderate party and the majority of the nation. But they have overcome so many obstacles since they have been in place, that the Moderates have disregarded the names of those who govern in order to make common cause with the government. People have thought this was the only means of extricating themselves from the evils of anarchy, and of destroy- ing Jacobinism in France. It is then the interest of the Moderates and the Directory to make common cause with one another. The moderate party with the majority of the nation is inclined for a general pacification. If the Executive Directory having more regard for its hatred against the British administration, its private ambition, and even its own authority than for the iuterest and inclinations of the French nation should haughtily reject the conditions of peace proposed by England, I should not be surprised by a union between the Moderates, who wish for peace, and the Jacobins, who do not love the Directory, in order to replace them by other governors. But as long as the British Administration has not made known its views in an authentic manner, they will be protected from every sort of influence, and will govern the armies and the people despotically. Then there will be between France and England a war to the death, which the ambitious Catherine will not fail to applaud. "The British Envoy to Paris should therefore make himself popular with the two parties, who will ultimately influence the Directory, should it prove intractable. He will do well to attend the sittings of the two Chambers. He will be affable, and generous and frequently enter- tain mixed parties of Jacobins and Moderates, and will make a point of saying that he belongs to no party. He must expect to have spies upon him, and must be on his guard against the traps that may be set for him. He will bring letters of recommendation to different Bankers of Paris, through whose intervention he will meet the most important personages. While the negociation is going on he will not be admitted to audiences of the Directory, but may ask for private interviews with them. He will say nothing in favour of the Emigres. He will throw on Robespierre the responsibility for all the horrors of the war. He will refute all that has been said of the exhaustion of the resources of England, and will present a picture of all that she has remaining. Above all he will make it his business to prove that it is the interest of the only two free nations in Europe to stop for ever the scourge of war, and above all to direct it against Russia. I believe that by these means Mr. Pitt will succeed in making an honourable peace and in putting his enemies to silence." No. 2. " It is very important that the British Envoy at Paris should have the talents and address not to force an immediate answer. He will be sure to obtain with a little patience and moderation what might be refused in the first instance. He must make it his principal business to inspire the Government with confidence, and must wait till public opinion is strongly in favour of peace before declaring the final inten- tions of his Court. People commence by disputing over details before coming to the important points. Above all he must direct the attention of the French Government to the Neutral Powers, who alone are in- terested in prolonging the war. It might perhaps be successfully put before the Executive Directory, that it belongs to England and France 371 to maintain for ever the balance of power in Europe. It is certain that mss. op the prolongation of the war cannot prove advantageous to either of the P * V j;f MITH ' two powers. If England waits for the result of the peace forced upon — * Austria. I see no hope of a sincere reconciliation between the English and the French. A frank declaration of the British Administration on that subject cannot fail to be well received." No. 3. * The deportment of the British Administration towards the Executive Directory should be such that the latter should be forced to declare openly if it desires peace or wishes to continue the war. The more frankness Mr. Pitt shows in his declaration, the more power he will have over his adversaries. " Hitherto they have believed or professed to believe, that the British Administration was laying traps for them. If they sincerely desire to enter into negociations, they will immediately give the passport that will be demanded for an envoy of His Britannic Majesty, and their reply to a frank declaration will show how far they are sincere in their declarations. One has a great advantage over an adversary when his measure has been taken. " If on the contrary the Directory intends to continue the war, it must be made to contradict itself and to prove to Europe, and above all to France, that it is only itself that wishes to make the war perpetual. Mr. Pitt will attain that end if his declaration is such that they cannot persuade people that it is still intended to lay a trap for them. " It appears to me therefore demonstrated that the Note of the British Administration should be expressed in unequivocal terms and sent in the most direct manner. " There might be great inconvenience in sending an Englishman to France without having previously advised the Directory. It might be possible they would send him back unheard, and they might perhaps accuse the English Government of having wished to feel the strength of opinion against their authority. They are jealous of their prerogatives, and do not like publicity in negociations. " The following is the only method that seems suitable to me. Lord Grenville should declare in a note addressed to the Minister of Foreign Affairs that the British Administration is as desirous as the Executive Directory to terminate the evils of the war, and that with this object His Britannic Majesty intends to send to Paris Mr. with the powers and instructions necessary for treating with the French Government with a view to a lasting peace, and should therefore request the Minister of Foreign Affairs to send him a passport for Mr. . This note should be sealed and addressed to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris. I shall be considered to be ignorant of its contents." After further details about the manner of sending the note, he concludes, " This is the true method in which the affair should be conducted to ensure the result being favourable to Mr. Pitt, whatever may be the answer of the Executive Directory and to secure the most inviolable secrecy." 1797, September 27. Paris. — General de Miranda to Joseph Smith, Esq. Introducing the bearer M. Caro. (In French.) 1797, November 17. Temple. — Rev. W. Pearce to Joseph Smith, Esq. Expressing his gratitude to Mr. Pitt and his readiness to resign the Mastership of the Temple, whenever he wishes. 1798, February 14. Strand. — Edward Antrobus, Esq. to Joseph Smith, Esq. Expecting to be able to supply to a moderate extent the application for specie for Ireland. A A 2 372 v S |'mith 1798, February 15. Hanover Square. — The Duchess Dowager of Esq. ' Rutland to Joseph Smith, Esq. Mentioning certain places, one of which — she asks for her friend Mr. Dawson. Also asking that the window- tax gatherership and postmastership at Newmarket may be given to certain persons on the death of the present holder. 1798, March 2. Hackwood Park. — Lord Bolton to Joseph Smith Esq. Private. Had lately come from the Isle of Wight. Had felt no small vexation in the difficulty of moving any disposition to contribute. " The Corporation of Newport had been excited to a pretended inten- tion of giving 500/. but it was necessary to borrow the money and give security. Ld. Holmes and Dr. Worsley his son-in-law refused to give the security although they secured above 8,000/. for the last sale of the seats, which they had stolen from Government." . ..." I have been entertained with the Newspaper account of the alarm in the Isle of Wight last week. To do but justice to the Inhabitants their only hurry was zeal to offer their services." 1798, Monday, March 5. At Governor PownalPs, Rodney Place, Clifton. — General de Miranda to Joseph Smith, Esq. Had left on Saturday at 4 a.m. and reached Bath at 9 p.m. Referring toTurnbull's book on Antient Painting, and reminding him to lay before Mr. Pitt the Tables of the Population and Commerce of America, and to procure for him a decision of some sort or other. {In French?) 1798, July 5. Hanover Square. — The Duchess Dowager of Rutland to Joseph Smith, Esq. Soliciting that Mr. Preston should be quartered on some place for 100/. a year. [1798J, August 8. London. — General de Miranda to Joseph Smith, Esq. Congratulating him on his marriage and requesting that the sketches of his plans of Country houses, which he has lent him should be returned, as Mr. Bonomi, a pupil of his friend Clerisseau, has promised to arrange something wanting in them. 1799, April 25. Union Street. — Colonel Francis North to Joseph Smith, Esq. Forwarding the resolutions of the last Court. 1799, November 7. Belvoir Castle. — The Duke of Rutland to Joseph Smith, Esq. Soliciting two places for a Mr. Pattison and a Mr. Bawdon. 1800, July 19. Sackville Street. — The Duchess Dowager of Rutland to Joseph Smith, Esq. Repeating her solicitations in favour of Mr. Preston, the late Bishop of Ferns' nephew, who is at present a very heavy charge on her, and is so very helpless and unequal to the per- formance of any office that she fears the only way to be of any use to him would be to give the place to another person with the proviso of his giving him 80/. or 100/. a year out of it. 1800, September 19. Bath. — Lord Bridport to Joseph Smith, Esq. Replying to his congratulations on his appointment as General of the Marines. 1800, September 24. Bolton Hall. — Lord Bolton to Joseph Smith, Esq. Commending the bearer " the son of his old friend and tutor Dr. Bates." 1 800, October 5. Cheveley Park. — The Duke of Rutland to Joseph Smith, Esq. Expressing his perfect satisfaction at Mr. Pitt's intentions concerning Mr. Good. 373 1800, November 15. Belvoir Castle. — The same to the same. p ^ss^c Thanking him for reminding Mr. Pitt of his former application on behalf ' esq. of Messrs. Preston and Dodsworth. 1801, February 15. Sackville Street. — The Duchess Dowager of Rutland to Joseph Smith Esq. Thanking him and desiring him to express her thanks to Mr. Pitt on the appointment of Mr. Preston as Commissioner of the Lottery. 1801, February 18. Belvoir Castle. — The Duke of Rutland to Joseph Smith, Esq. The same subject as the last. 1802, March 13. Stowe. — The Marquis of Buckingham to Joseph Smith, Esq. Referring to business connected with a proposed canal. 1806, May 2. Cambridge. — Dr. Herbert Marsh to Joseph Smith, Esq. Soliciting his influence on the approaching vacancy in the Margaret Professorship of Divinity. A bundle containing a number of Lists of the House of Commons. I. A List of the Irish House in May 1784, classified thus: For, 184 ; Doubtful, 39 ; Against, 74 ; with one absent, one vacant, and one Speaker. In many cases a member's