^ W J ^"^^ A^ >^^2^ -^ ^^fc^ ■•%. i* THE MUSEUM CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES THE MUSEUM CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES: A SKIMKS OF PA I' K IIS OX AN (' IK XT A IIT. llUTEIi HV EDWAKD FALKENER. ■■•-■'■v^^.»tnk.,i.-*!^-C..^,,.-t':^,-^ COiMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. LONDON : TRUBNER AND CO., 12 PATERNOSTER ROW. T. RICHARDS, 37 GREAT QUEEN STREET. 1R55. CONTENTS OF VOL. I. ORIGINAL ARTICLES. PAGE Preface i (I.) On the Advantage of the Study of Antiquity, and on Excellence in Art. By the Editor 1 (II.) On the Kapid Destruction of Ancient Monuments : being a Portion of the Dedicatory Epistle prefixed by Fka Giovanni Giocondo to his Corpus Inscrlptionum 17 Building Laws. (XXV.) On the BuUding Act of the Emperor Zeno : being the Police Kegulation or Law of the Emperor Zeno, on the Construction and Disposition of Private Houses in Constantinople, by H. E. Dirksen; translated by W. E. Hamilton, E.R.S. To which is added, by the same, a Collection of several Imperial Laws enacted during the third and three following centuries of our sera 305 Egyptian-Doric Columns. (VIII.) On some Egyptian-Doric Columns at Thebes. By Edward Ealkeneu 87 Elgin Marbles. (XXVII.) Extract from the Eeport of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Earl of Elgin's Collection of Sculp- tured Marbles 403 Excavations. (XXIII.) A General Statement of the Excavations of Ancient Monuments in the kingdom of Naples, from 1830 to 1849, during the office of Carlo BoNUCCi, Director-General of the Excavations . . . 285 Exhibition-Building. (X.) On the Application of Polychromy to Modern Architecture, as exemplified in the Decoration of the Exhibition-Build- ing in Hyde Park. By Edward Palkener 98 Lescke. (V.) On the Paintings by Polygnotus in the Lesche at Delphi. By W. Watkiss Lloyd. Part I. The Painting on the right-hand wall ..... 44 (XIII.) Part II. The Painting on the left-hand wall 103 (VIII.) On the Plan and Disposition of the Greek Lesche. By the Editor 78 Lycia. (V.) Communication from Professor Schoenborn, of Posen, re- lative to an important Monument recently discovered by him in Lycia . 41 Mausoleum. (XV.) On the Mausoleum, or Sepulchre of Mausolus, at HaUcar- nassus. By Edward Ealkener 157 Minerva. (XVI.) Description of a veiy ancient Statue of Minerva at Athens. By George Scharf, Jun 190 Museums. (XIX.) Remarks on the Collections of Ancient Art in the Museums of Italy, the Glyptothek at Munich, and the British Museum. By Charles Newton, M.A 205 Nineveh. (XL) Discoveries at Nimrood : being a Communication fromTnoMAS N. Lynch, dated Bagdad, 17th November, 1850 97 Pcestum. (IV.) Description of one of the City Gates of Pajstum. By Pro- fessor T. L. Donaldson 35 Parthenon. (XXVI.) On the Lost Group of the Eastern Pediment of the Par- thenon. By Edward Ealkener 353 IV CONTENTS. PAOB Polychromy. (III.) On the Polycliromy of Greek Architecture. By I. I. HiTTORFF, of Paris 20 (XX.) On the Study of Polychi'omy aud its Revival. By Gott- fried Semper, of Dresden 228 (See Sculpture.) ... Sculpture. (XXI.) On the Polychromy of Sculpture : being Recollections of Remarks on this Subject by the late Professor C. 0. Miiller. By George Scharf, Jun 247 Xanthus. (XXII.) On the Ionic Heroum at Xanthus, now in the British Museum. By Edward Falkener 256 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. I. Ue Classical Museum, 1844—1850. (Ai-t. XI.) 93 II. Archceologische Zeitung, 1843—1850. (Art. XVIII.) 203 III. Annali, Bullettino e Momimenti, delV Instituto di Correspondenza Archeeo- logica di Eoma,^^}^ 1. (Art. XXIV.) 295 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. Rev. I. C. Bruce. T/ie Rovian Wall : a Historical, Topographical, and De- scriptive Account of the Barrier of the Lower Isthnus. 8vo. 1851 . 193 Professor Buckman, F.L.S., P.G.S., &c,, and C. H. Newmarch, Esq. Illus- trations of the Remains of Roman Art in Cirencester, the Site of the Ancient Corinium. 4to. 1850 197 Archit. Arch^eol. and Hist, Soc. of Chester. Journal. Part I. 8vo. 1850 201 E. A. Freeman, M.A. A History of Architecture. 8vo. 1849 . . . 200 E. Gerhard. Mykenische Altertliihner. 4to. 1850 200 E. Getty, M.R.I.A. Notices of Chinese Seals found in Ireland. 4to. 1850. 202 Antonio Magrini, Abate. Memorie intorno la Vita e le Opere di Andrea Palladia. 4to. 1845 95 Gio. Orti Manara. Di un Antico Monumento dei tempi Romani die trovasi nella terra delle Stelle presso Verona. 8vo. 1848 199 A. G. B. Schayes. Histoire de V Architecture en Belgique. Tome Premier. 12mo. 1850 96 C. Roach Smith, P.S.A. Collectanea Antiqua 96 The Antiquities of Richhorough, Reculver, and Lymne, in Kent. 4to. 1850 96 Marcus Ward and Co. St. Patrick's Bell and its Jewelled Shrine. Small folio. 1850 202 A. Ch. Ad. Zestermann. De Basilicis. Libri Tres. 4to. 1847 ... 95 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Aristion. Monument of Axistion, at Marathon. (Lithograph) 252 Bellerophon and the Chimera. A TeiTa Cotta in the British Museum. . . 133 from Cos 252 Celenderis. A Tomb at Celenderis, in Cibcia. (Lithograph) 188 'Egyptian-Doric. Capital of an Egyptian-Doric Column 87 Eleusis. Plan of Temple of Ceres, at Eleusis 173 Karnak, Plan of Southern Temple at Karnak 89 CONTENTS. PAGE Laiseion. Antiopc and Theseus 137 Leschc. Riepenhausen's Plan of the Lesche at Delphi 78 Proposed Plan ,, ,, 81 The Painting by Polygnotus on the right-hand Wall. (Engraving) 76 on the left-hand Wall. (ditto) . 130 3fausoleum. Texier's Design for 160 Fergusson's 162 Cockerell's 164 Lloyd's 164 Proposed plan of 171 Peribolus of • 175 Elevation, as restored. (Lithograph) 178 Trunk of Statue of Mausoleum 186 ^licipsa. The Tomb of Micipsa, at Souma, in Algeria. (Lithograph) . 1 72 Minerva. Birth of Minerva on Beugnot Vase 358 Cospiano MiiTor, Bologna 356 Passeri Lamp 375 Vase in Museo Gregoriano . . . 372, 374 Winckelmann Bas-relief 380 An ancient Statue of Minerva, discovered on the Acropolis at Athens. (Lithograph) 192 Munich. Plan of Ruhmeshalle 80 Oorda. Monument at Ooran, in Asia Minor. (Lithograph) . . . . 174 Pcestum. Plan of one of the City Gates at Psestum 36 Restored View of 39 Parthenon. Reduced Fac-simile of Carrey's Drawing of Eastern Pediment 353 The Eastern Pediment, as restored by E. Falkener. (Transfer on Stone) 402 The Western Pediment (ditto) 402 Fragment of Two Feet. (Elgin Marble) 383 Bust of Nike. (ditto) 386 Minerva as an Acrotcrial Ornament 402 Rome. Plan of Portico of Philip at Rome 82 Roman Wall. Sections of Roman Wall of Severus 193, 195 Tivoli. Plan of Poecile in Hadrian's Villa at Tivoli 84 Hanthus. The Ionic Hcroum at — Plan of Model in British Museum . 257 Actual Plan. (Engraving) 262 Perspective View. (Lithograph) . . . 256 • — : ColouredDecorationofLacunaria.(Engraving) 282 Sculpture of Upper Frieze. (Engraving) . 284 Architrave and Cornice of Doorway . . . 267 Lion 268 Ionic Base-moulding 271 Figure of a Persian 279 Harpagus and the Lycian Chiefs . . . . 13i) Coins of Ionic Cities 141 — 149 Harpy Tomb — Bas-reliefs 191, 253 Sphinx 251 CONTENTS OF VOL. II. ORIGINAL ARTICLES. Page (I,) On the Progress and Decay of Art; and on the arrangement of a National Museum. By Francis Puxszky 1 AcrcB. (XIV.) On the Theatre, Odeum, and other monuments of Acrse, a Syracusan Colony in the South of Sicily. By John Hogg, M.A., F.R.S., For. Sec. to the Roy. Soc. of Lit., etc 240 Amyclce. (IX.) The Throne of Amyclsean Apollo. By William Wat- kiss Lloyd 132 Asia Minor. (X.) On the True Situation of Cragus, Anticragus, and the Massicytus, Mountains of Asia Minor. ByPKOFESSOK Schoenbokn, of Posen 161 Calvary. (XVIII.) On the True Site of Calvary; with a restored plan of the Ancient City of Jerusalem. By ^jJi^^ 311 Notes **...,. 465 Candia. (See Crete.') Crete. (XV.) " La Descrizione dell' Isola di Candia." A MS. of thp Sixteenth Century • On the Antiquities of Candia, No. 1. With a Map of Crete. By Edwakd Falkenek 263 Egypt. (See Obelisk and Sphinx.) Frescoes. (See Pompeii and Home.) Holy Sepulchre. (XVII.) On the alleged Site of the " Holy Sepulchre." (See Calvary.) 311 (XIX.) Appendix 174 Jerusalem. (See Calvary and Holy Sepulchre.) Museum. (I.) On the arrangement of a National Museum 1 Naumachia. (See Verona.) Obelisk. (XIII.) Notes upon Obelisks. By Samuel Birch, F.S.A . . 203 (XVI.) Addendum to " Notes upon Obelisks." 309 Pompeii. (IV.) Report on a House at Pompeii excavated under Personal Superintendence in 1847. By Edward Falkener 35 (V.) On a Lydian Double-pipe (Tibise Pares) represented in a Painting in a House at Pompeii, excavated by Mr. Falkener. By James A. Dayies, Trin. Coll, Camb 90 IV CONTENTS. Page Rome. (11.) On Recent Discoveries at Rome. By the late Benjamin Gibson, Sculptor 16 1. A bronze Horse discovered in the Trastevere 17 2. A Marble Statue of an Athlete discovered in the Trastevere . 18 3. The Frescoes of an ancient House in the Via Graziosa, repre- senting the Adventures of Ulysses 21 Seleucia. (VHI.) On the Ancient City and Port of Seleucia Pieria. From Observations made during a Residence at Suediah, in the years 1846 to 1849. By William Holt Yates, M.D HI Sphinx. (HI.) On Excavations by Captain Caviglia, in 1816, behind, and in the neighbourhood of the Great Sphinx. By Samuel Birch, F.S.A 27 Theatre. (See Acr(^, Verona, and Vicenza.) Throne. (See Amyclce.) Tibice Pares. (See Pompeii.) Verona. (XI.) On the Theatres of Vicenza and Verona. By Edward Falkener 167 The Theatre of Verona '~. .... 174 Its Ambulacrum Pensile 186 :— The Naumachia of Verona 191 (XII.) Some Observations on the Theatre of Verona. By Conte Gio. Orti Manara, Podesta of Verona 201 Vicenza. (XI.) On the Theatres of Vicenza an^ Verona 167 The Theatre of Vicenza .- 169 COLLECTANEA, NO. I. (VI.) (A Record of Antiquarian Discoveries, etc.) For the year 1851 93 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. John Yonge Akermax, F.S.A. Sec. Remarks on some of the Weapons of the Celtic a?id Teutonic Races. (From the Archaeologia, 1852) . 109 M. Bock, Membre de I'Acad. Roy. de Belgique. Notice sur plusieurs Ouvrages (VArt Antique, qui sont mentionnes on decrits par les Auteurs du MoyenAge. 1". Article. (Bull. Acad. Roy. de Belg., xiii. 12.) 108 Carl Boetticher. Der Poliastemjyel als Wohnhaus des Koenigs Erech- theus, nach der Annahme vo7i Fr. Thiersch. 8vo. Berlin, 1851 . 107 British Museum. A Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum. Vol. i. 8vo. 1851 108 James Fergusson, F.R.A.S. An Essay on the Ancient Topography of Jerusalem. Sup. roy. Lend. 1847 107 Anthony Rich, Jun., B.A. The Legend of St. Peter's Chair. Lond. 1851 110 CONTENTS. V Page Rev. I. G. Sheppard, M.A., F.R.L.S. Theophrasti Characteres ; icith Notes Psychological mid Critical. 8vo. Lond. 1852 110 Friedrich Thiersch. Ueber das Erechtheum auf der AkrojJolis zu Athen. (Erste Abhandlung.) 4to. Munchen, 1849 107 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Acrce. Acroterial Ornament at Acrae 240 Plan of the Theatre and Odeum of Acrae 246 Stela of Acrae 252 Coin of Acrae 259 Aptera. Plan of the Ruins of Aptera 296 Candia. (See Crete.') Crete. A Map of Ancient Crete (A long folding Plate) 308 Coins of Allaria, (270) Aptera, (296) Arcadia, (276) Eleu- therna, (292) Lappa, (293) Hyrtacina, (298) Olus or Olonte, (274) Phsestus, (287) Pr^sus, (269) Sybrittia, (292). Gortyna. Plan of the LabjTinth of Gortyna ......... 284 Jerusalem. Map of Jerusalem, (Engraving) 464 Plan of Jerusalem as composed from Mr. Williams's description 339 ^ Plan of the " Holy Sepulchre," as sketched by Arculfus, in 695. 359 Plan of the " Holy Sej)ulchre," as it existed in the seven- teenth century 360 Interior of the " Holy Sepulchre" -.361 Mr. Fergusson's Plan of the Temple Area 376 Baitu-el-Mukaddas—" The Holy Abode"— i)omeo/^Aei2ocA- 388 Plan of Jerusalem, from SchafFter. (Anastatic; Process) . 472 Pompeii. Plan of a House at Pompeii, excavated in 1847, under the superintendence of Mr. Falkener. (Engraving) .... 35 Plan of ditto, as presumed to have been intended by the Owner. (Engraving) 88 Mosaic Fountain in Garden of House at Pompeii. (Lithograph) 74 Fresco Paintings in House at Pomjjeii. Lydian Double Pipe. (Tibia3 Pares) 40 ■ Suspended Shields '^ 46 Dramatic Representations 62, 63 Symposiac Scenes 64, 65 Writing Implements, Diptych, Letter, etc. ... 72 Statuary in House at Pompeii. Hermal — bicipital Statues of Bacchus and Ariadne . 74 Faun extracting a thorn from foot of Pan .... 76 A Faun : . . . . 76 Faun with Kid and Dam 77 — — Two Amphorae 79 — Musical Instruments. (Tibiae Pares) 90 VI CONTENTS. Page Pompeiopolis. Views of the Triumphal Avenue of Pompeiopolis, in Cilicia, 279, 281 Seleucia Pieria. Plan of the ancient City of Seleucia Pieria Ill Views of oi^en Cutting from first Tunnel 119 View of First Tunnel, looking East 120 Entrance to First Tunnel 122 Vertical Section of the upper portion of the Culvert .... 122 View of Second Tunnel, looking West 123 Sphinx. Plan of Excavations by Capt. Caviglia, in 1816, behind, and in the neighbourhood of, the Great Sphinx. (Engraving) . 27 Verona. Plan of the Theatre of Verona: from an unpublished Drawing of Palladio, in the possession of His Grace the Duke of Devonshire. (Engraving) 184 The Theatre of Verona: restored by E. Falkener, from Draw- ings by Palladio, Caroto, and Cristofali. (Engraving) . . 188 Section of the Theatre of Verona, with its Ambulacrum and the Naumachia, from an unpublished Drawing by Palladio, in the possession of His Grace the Duke of Devonshire. (En- graving) 192 The Naumachia of Verona: restored by E. Falkener, from Drawings by Palladio, Caroto, and other authorities. (En- graving) 200 Seal of the City of Verona 174 ■- Bird's-eye View of the Theatre of Verona as existing in 1749. By Cristofali 180 Plan of its Ambulacrum Pensile. By Caroto 188 Vicenza. Plan of the Theatre of Vicenza 169 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. EOYAL LIBRAEY. The Et. Hon. The EARL OF ABEKDEEN, First Lord of the Treasury. Rev. Dr. AITKIN, Manse of Minto, Hawick. SAMUEL ANGELL, Esq., 18, Gower Street. ARCH^OLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, Library of the BRITISH— (m exchange.) INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN, Library of the — (in exclumge.) ARTHUR ASHPITEL, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.A.S , 8, Carlton Chambers. Rev. JAMES ATLAY, M.A., St. John's College, Cambridge. G. W. AYLMER, Esq., M. Dil. 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Assoc, 8, Saville Row. JAMES PILLANS, Esq., A.M., Latin Professor, University of Edinburgh. GEORGE PLUCKNETT, Esq., 11, Frederick Street, Gray's Inn Road. WILLIAM WILLMER POCOCK, Esq., B.A., F.R.LB.A., etc., 10, Trevor Terrace, Knightsbridge. POSEN.— Professor A. Schoenborn. Rev. G. PRINGLE, Old Hall, Wai-e, Herts. WILLIAM PIPER, Esq., LL.D., Professor of Hu- manity, University, St. Andrew's. WILLIAM RAMSAY, Esq., A.M., Latin Professor, University of Glasgow. ROBERT RAWLINSON, Esq., C.E., F.G.S., Gene- ral Board of Healtlrf ANTHONY RICH, Jun., Esq., B.A., 58, Cambridge Street, Hyde Park. Rev. S. J. RIGAUD, IV^A., F.R.A.S., Gram. School, Ipswich. W. H. ROLFE, Esq., Sandwich. ROME.-»-Johu Gibson, PIsq., R.A., Sculptor. Benjamin Gibson, Esq. (deceased.) - — '■ — Henry Tolley, Esq. (deceased.) FRANCIS R. SANDFORD, Esq., Bal. Coll., Oxon. Downing Street. WILLIAM S. s'aRGENSON, Esq., 5, Pall Mall. Rev. E. J. SELWYN, M.A., Head Master of Black- heath Proprietary School. G. T. WALDO SIBTHORPE, Esq., Hackthorn Hall, near Lincoln. GEORGE ROBERT SMITH, Esq., M. Dil. S., 4, Great Cumberland Place, Hyde Park. Rev. Prof. PHILIP SMITH, B.A., New Coll., London. WILLIAM SMITH, Esq., LL.D., 81, Regent's Villas, St. John's Wood. J. H. SOLLITT, Esq., 2, Railway Place, Hull. S. R. SOLLY, Esq., M.A., F.E.S., F.S.A., 10, Man- chester Square. Rev. J. H. SPRY, D.D., 13, Devonshire Place, Regent's Park. HENRY J. STEVENS, Esq., Architect, Derby. SETH WILLIAM STEVENSON, Esq., F.S.A., Norwich. C. STOKES, Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.L.S., F.R.A.S., F.G.S., F.R.G.S., 4, Verulam Buildings, Gray's Inn. Rev. G. C. SWAYNE, M.A., Greenhill, Harrow. JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS, Esq., M.D., Berkeley Square, Bristol. BENJAMIN TABBERER, Esq., Architect, 8, Theberton Street, Islington. Rev. G. F. DE TEISSIER, M.A., Woodcote Park, Epsom. Mr. FRANZ THIMM, Bookseller, 88, New Bond Street. Rev. W. HEPWORTH THOMPSON, M.A., Regius Professor, Cambridge. WILLIAM TITE, Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A., 42,Lownde8 Square. LEWIS H. J. TONNA, Esq., Secretary United Ser- vice Institution. Sir W. C. TREVELYAN,Bart.,M.A., F.G.S., F.L.S., Edinburgh. TUBINGEN.— Dr. Chr. WaJz, Prof, de Philologie et Archeologie de I'Universite de — JOHN ROBERT DANIEL TYSSEN, Esq.,F.S.A., Manor House, Hackney. THOMAS BAMPFIELD UTTERMARE, Esq., „ Langport, Somersetshire. HENRY VINT, Esq., F.S.A., St. Mary's Lodge, Colchester, (deceased.) LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Eev. GEORGE WALLACE, Head Master of the King's School, Canterbury. CHEISTOPIIER KNIGHT WATSON, Esq., Trin. Coll., Cambridge. ALBERT WAY, Esq., M.A., Hon. Sec. ArcbsBol. Inst, of Great Britain. Rev. T. W. WEAEE, M.A., Deauls Yard, West- minster. Rev. HENRY WELLESLEY, D.D., Principal of New Inn Hall, Oxford. CONRAD WETTER, Esq., 6~, Myddleton Square. Rev. ROBERT WHISTON, M.A., Rochester. ALFRED WHITBY, Esq., Brandon House, near Coventry. RICHARD LLOYD WILLIAMS, Esq., London Road, Gloucester. Rev. ROWLAND WILLIAMS, M.A.,Vice-rrincipal St. David's College, Lampeter. J. EDMUND WOOD, Esq., St. Michael's Chambers, 42, Coruhill. R. N. WORNUM, Esq., 1, Bedford Blace, Hamp- stead Road. M. DIGBY WYATT, Esq., M.R.LB.A., 51, Guild- ford Street, Russell Square. JAMES YATES, Esq., M.A., F.R.L., and G.S., Lauderdale House, Higbgate. (TWO COPIES.) PREFACE. TN endeavouring to establish a new Archseological Journal, -*- it behoves us to give the reasons which have induced us to add to the number of publications already devoted to the subject of Antiquity — to state the objects for which it is intended to be set apart, and the limits to which it is to be extended. Though we owe much to the older antiquaries, many of whom devoted their entire lives to collecting the scattered notices of antiquity, it was not till the beginning of the present century that these studies became serviceable to art, having been previously pursued without a knowledge of those principles on which true art is founded and dependent. Of late years, however, a relish for antiquity has been combined with an improvement of taste, an effect to be attri- buted chiefly to the better and more extended education given to the people generally, and confined to no single land, but embracing all the countries of the civilized world. Every city of Germany has its Vaterlandisches Museum ; the modern Greek searches the soil to collect the proud evidences of the taste and learning of his ancestors; France establishes in every town a commission to preserve the existing remains of antiquity; Russia and the northern countries send their students to the classic soils of Rome and Athens; while America sends her many sons to finish their education in visiting the principal cities of Europe. In England, also. Antiquarian Societies have been established in several counties, new Institutions and Associations have been formed in the metropolis, vying with A 11 PREFACE. each other in talent and assiduity, and meetings are held annually to collect the combined knowledge of the learned of the day. But, though the German archaeologist stands pre-eminent in all that relates to classical antiquity — though the Greek selects the remains of classic art belonging to his Pagan, rather than the semi-barbarous relics of his Christian ancestor — though France sends out commissioners to every region of the ancient civilized world : to Greece, Asia Minor, Armenia, Persia, Egypt, Barbary, and Algiers — England, at present, devotes nearly an exclusive study to the picturesque architecture of a Gothic age. Yet, thouo-h Gothic architecture be considered more con- genial to our northern clime, though it be deemed by some more fitting and appropriate to our sacred edifices, though the poet and the philosopher love to descant on its " airy vaults" and " dim religious light," — we conceive we should not be just even to Gothic architecture, did we not strive to induce the archi- tect and the student to search into the history of Classic archi- tecture, to examine its characteristics, to investigate the causes of its success, and to endeavour to discover those principles of taste, which guided the ancient artists in the construction of their edifices, and from the ignorance of, or inattention to which, the works of modern architects have so frequently been judged defective. Notwithstanding the various publications in this and other countries, connected with the subject of Archaeology, there is none in the present day devoted entirely, or even we might almost say occasionally, to architecture and the sister branches of classic art. The Annali deW Instituto Archeologico of Rome, and the Arclidologische Zeitung of Berlin, are chiefly devoted to the elucidation of the myths displayed on the vases and other monuments of Magna Grecia; while the Classical Museum whose name we have in part adopted, has unfortunately ceased to exist. The Archwologia is chiefly confined to the antiquities of this country ; while the Transactions of the Royal Society of PREFACE. m Literature^ though occasionally containing papers on classical antiquities, cannot, from the very title of the Society, give that especial consideration to the fine arts of antiquity that we think desirable. With the views and objects, therefore, we profess, we shall have struck out a new path. It is true, unhappily, we shall stand alone; but doing so, we cannot be charged with infringing on the rights of other journals. We do not trespass on the province of the periodicals already referred to, nor of the Annates Archeologiques, or the Bevue Generate de V Architecture^ &c., of Paris, nor of the various journals in our own land connected with the subject of mediaeval antiquities. The object which we propose to our- selves, is to draw attention to the invaluable vestiges of classic antiquity, whether recently or long since discovered; to elicit researches and disquisitions on the descriptions by ancient authors of those monuments which are now lost to us ; and to bring together the scattered notices of classic art. We propose to make Architecture the basis of our researches, but we shall likewise turn our attention to the various branches of the sister arts, especially where they have any connexion with our main subject, ever selecting those studies which tend most to improve taste, rather than those which are matter of specu- lation. We shall also render it our particular object to strive to interest the public^ by selecting such themes as will prove agreeable and profitable to the general reader ; being convinced that invention, progress, and perfection in art do not originate so much from the studio of the artist, or the patronage of the great, as from the cultivated mind of the people. But in addition to the interest we hope to excite in the public generally, we trust that our pages will be welcomed by the classic student, as tending to render him more familiar with those works and customs of antiquity referred to by his cherished authors ; and, we trust, that in return many a scholar will be led to render us his support, by striving to enlighten and clear up the doubts and difficulties respecting monuments of IV PREFACE. antiquity with which the descriptions of these ancient authors so frequently abound. The classical traveller, we feel assured, will not only receive the work with pleasure, but impart interest to it by his o^vn researches ; and when we consider the quantity of material unedited for want of a publisher, and the enter- prising nature of the English traveller, we cannot fail to expect the most ample contributions from such sources. To the classic architect our pages will naturally be more especially directed, but we trust that even the Gothic architect will not refuse us his support, considering that as the classical languages of Greece and Rome continue to form the basis of our education to the present day, so whoever would be perfect, even in Gothic architecture, must first lay the foundation of his taste in the study of classic art. But before we can desire to see that ancient Attic law revived, which inflicted a severe penalty on those architects who displayed not sufficient taste in the works intrusted to them, we must hope to see the principles of taste diffused among and appreciated by the public generally; being fully persuaded, with the author of L' influence des Arts et des Sciences sur la Tranquillite Puhlique^ that " education, instruction, and a knowledge of the Fine Arts are as truly and essentially relative to the happiness and public tranquillity of a state, as ignorance and barbarism, such as that of the Dark Ages, were and would be prejudicial." " Le belle arti ben intese, ben regolate, e ben dirette, hanno una grande influenza al bene del popolo, dipendendo tutto dallo stesso unico pinncipio, dalla raggione ben coltivata ; ella fa il buon governo, ilhmiina colle buone scienze, istruisce e diletta colle belle arti, efa la felicita pubblica e privata." — Milizia. THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. I. ON THE ADVANTAGE OF THE STUDY OF ANTIQUITY, AND ON EXCELLENCE IN ART. Nescire quid antea quam natus sis accident, id est semper esse puerum. ^HE study of futurity is speculative; the present is wrapped -*- up in that which is to come ; and it is the past only which is complete. We are now in a state of progression, the future is shrouded in uncertainty, and we gain knowledge and expe- rience only from the past. The study of antiquity must there- fore be as useful to ourselves, as it is beneficial and instructive to our fellow-creatures. Every additional circumstance that we rescue from oblivion, becomes a fresh element of knowledge, and a lever, by which we may set in motion a vast fabric of creative wonder. As antiquity embraces all knowledge, so investigations into it must be distinct and various. Each antiquary labours for his own particular object, and each severally assists the other. The historian, the poet, the physician, the lawyer, and the divine, are all antiquaries, equally with the epigraphist, the numismatist, and others, whom we are more accustomed to call by this name; and each has his several field of labour marked out for his research. In proposing, therefore, the investigation of classical antiquity, it is necessary to define that we intend restricting ourselves to classic art. Other branches of antiquity may be more noble, or more instructive, but none can be more pleasing or delightful. It is well said that the arts and sciences unite together, and combine for the NO. I. B 2 STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. good of humanity, and that nothing gives so much lustre to a nation as their perfection. Of all the arts the fine arts afford the highest criterion of civilization; for no other art or science combines so many essential requisites. Of these, Architecture holds the first rank, and has been called the metaphysics of the fine arts. The other arts are produced by imitation of sensible objects, combined with abstract study of composition, but this is derived solely from reason and the imagination. No art is, therefore, so difficult to practise, depending so little upon imitation, and requiring — in order to succeed — so great an amount of genius and invention. Martial's well known satire* must consequently be considered, not as a satire upon the profession, but as a personal burlesque on some witless mortal who had presumptuously thrust himself into it. For, as the celebrated Mareschal de Saxe said of tactics, — " It is a mechanical art to the ignorant, but a science and liberal art to wise and skilful persons." Considering, then, the materials with which this art is practised, the prominent and conspicuous objects which it rears, the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of eff'ecting alterations, and the constantly increasing repugnance with which edifices are regarded that are once found defective, it becomes of the highest con- sequence to consider attentively the character of the architect we employ, and to study carefully the works we propose to execute. It would be well if, instead of adopting and carrying out the first crude ideas that suggest themselves to the architect's mind, and which are often waited for impatiently by his employers, we applied to public buildings, what Horace recommended to authors : — " If at any time you write anything, submit it to the judgment of your friends, and hesitate not in keeping it in reserve nine whole years; for so long as it is in your possession, you can alter or amend it, but when once it is * Epig., V. 56. Or it may be considered as a satire upon the degeneracy into which the art had fallen in his time. See p. 15. STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. 3 gone forth, you are no longer master even of your own words." One of the great advantages which the study of the fine arts affords, is the softening and elevating our minds : for how is it possible that he whose constant attention is occupied in studying the beautiful in art, can be animated by other than virtuous and beneficent principles! How pure and innocent, how admirable and exquisite is the delight which he experiences, who creates any object of surpassing beauty in the fine arts ! He who studies constantly the beautiful and grand, "mounting from nature up to nature's God," cannot be a bad man; and if this effect be produced on the professor, the more general cultivation of the fine arts must instil principles of quietness and contentment in a nation : for as Plotinus observes — " Only the beautiful (in mind) can judge of beauty;" so whoever applies himself to the study and imitation of whatever is beau- tiful in nature or in art, must gradually invest his mind with these perceptions. In order to render ourselves perfect in the practice of any art, we should investigate the causes of success in those who have preceded us. Now the Greek must be acknowledged pre-eminent in all that relates to the arts of design ; and we shall do well to endeavour to ascertain the peculiar circum- stances which led to their transcendent superiority. The Greeks fully felt the interest and utility derived from the study of antiquity. The works of their philosophers, poets, and historians, are full of recollections of the past, and of evidence of the veneration in which everything that was old was held by them. Homer, Herodotus, Aristotle, Xenophon, and Demosthenes, continually refer to some ancient custom or event, and always revert to the past with a sacred reverence. The Greek philosophers travelled into Egypt to study the ancient traditions, as well as the philosophy of that country. The study of antiquity should be cultivated, therefore, by every educated person; but more especially should we study those B 2 4 STUDY or ANTIQUITY. writings of the ancients, in which we find so many records of antiquity treasured up : Vos exemplaria Grseca Noctunia versate mauu, versate diurna : for it will be found on examination, that every nation remark able for virtue or greatness held their ancestors in peculiar veneration. Among the eulogia heaped on Augustus by Horace, the poet did not forget to add : — Et veteres revocavit artes. The study of antiquity has been objected to as idle and unprofitable. The customs of the ancients, say such persons, are changed, we have advanced greatly in civilization, and have need to find out something which is new and progressive, rather than to look back to that which is past: instead of seeking to revive antiquated tastes, we should discover what is congenial to our present habits. But — Homine imperito nunquam quidquam injustius, Qui, uisi quod ipse facit, nihil rectum putat.* Nobody, says Figrelius,f blames the study of antiquity, vnth- out evidencing his ignorance, as they that esteem it do credit to their own judgment: so that, to sum up its advantages, we may assert, — there is nothing useful in literature, if the knowledge of antiquity be judged unprofitable. Much has been written relative to the causes of success in the arts, and it has been attributed variously to the serenity of climate, to the natural beauty of the inhabitants, to their cultivated minds, to the freedom of a Republican government, to the patronage of an enhghtened monarch, and to the con- tinuance of peace. DeHcacy, beauty, and science in architecture necessarily depend, in great measure, on the cultivated mind of the inha- bitants of a country; but magnificence, grandeur, enterprise, * Teren., Adelph., 1. 2. t De Statuis illustr. Romanorum, 8vo, Holm. 1656. STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. 5 and frequently also the former qualities, are to be attributed more to tlie patriotism and enthusiasm of a people than to the causes already stated. The climate of Greece is as serene now, and the inhabitants as beautiful, as they were in the age of Phidias; but the Grecian temple has passed away, and been replaced by the Byzantine church, the Turkish mosque, and the English Gothic chapel; and the chaste Basilicon has been succeeded by the German palace. The opposite claims advocated for republican and monarchical governments, would show that no exclusive weight can be attached to either. We have seen what was effected in the middle ages by the republics of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, and what by the monarchy of Rome : in the present day we perceive how much may be done by a single individual, as at Munich and Berlin; and at some future day we may be able to compare with these works what may be done by some existing or rising republic ; but we cannot conceive that either state is essential to the progress or perfection of art. Again, the existence of peace is necessary for the carrying out and completion of any great work, but it is not the mere duration of peace which will necessarily prompt to any noble under- taking. On the contrary, we may perceive from history that it more generally induces a voluptuous and selfish feeling in the community. We must look, therefore, to other causes for the superior excellence of Greek art ; and these we think we may perceive in the simplicity of their living, their polished learning, their sacred institutions and love of country; in short, to their enthusiasm. In a country where the house of the highest general scarcely differed from that of the lowest peasant — whilst the public buildings were designed and finished with all the care and ornament that the most celebrated artists could bestow, the minds of the latter must have been impressed with expectations of glory and renown, when called on to assist in honouring the 6 STUDY or ANTIQUITY. sacred shrines and other public monuments of their country, rendered celebrated by the deeds of their ancestors, or the divine songs of their poets. Their art was never called into operation to administer to the vanity of individuals, but they felt that their talents were consecrated to the temples and public edifices of their country. These engrossed their highest care, these obtained their noblest aspirations, and happy did those artists esteem themselves who were deemed worthy to receive the honorary tripod or patera, or even the leafy coronet, in testimony of their country's approbation. Hence the artists were honoured, and hence an additional motive exciting them to increased zeal and emulation. No sordid hopes of accumulating gain prompted the unqualified artizan to enter a profession in which glory was the principal inducement held out and coveted ; and hence the practitioners in the art were certain of respect. After with- standing and overthrowing the countless hordes of Persia, after the many prodigies of valour they had displayed, the Greeks rightly considered themselves the most exalted of human nations. Conquest followed wpon conquest, colony succeeded colony, vying in importance with the mother country, till their empire became the greatest upon earth ; nor were they content with possessing merely a great empire, they claimed not only to be the greatest, but the wisest of mankind. So highly did they prize themselves in this, that they called all other nations, in contrast with themselves, Barbarians. The love and esteem felt by the Greeks for the fine arts are frequently alluded to by ancient authors. Plato is said to have frequented the schools of artists, as well as those of philosophers, in order that he might obtain correct ideas of beauty. Aristotle, in the third chapter of the eighth book of his Politics, says that " all were taught literature, gymnastics, and music ; and many also the art of design, as being useful, and abundantly available for the purposes of life." He recommends it also, not only as requisite for a just appreciation of the respective beauties of the works of artists, but mainly because, by familiarizing us with STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. 7 the nature of forms, it carries us to the contemplation of real beauty.* A remarkable instance of this appreciation of the fine arts is afforded by the follomng custom in Greece, which some have supposed to have been introduced by Alexander : — " The art of painting was so appreciated at Sicyon, and afterwards in all Greece, that freeborn youths were taught by masters, at an early age, the art of painting as the chief of the liberal arts : and by a perpetual injunction, to which riches were not allowed to plead exemption, he who was ignorant or inexpert in this art was held as unlearned, and the lowest of mankind, "f Among the various accusations alleged by Cicero against Yerres, was the cruelty of robbing Greece of those objects which were so especially dear to them, and which he coveted from vain and sordid motives. " The Greeks enthusiastically admire statues, paintings, and all works of art There is no calamity which the Greeks are so little able to endure as the pillage of their temples and cities ;" and he urged that the Romans had constantly refrained from robbing them of those things, to them of so little value, but which the Greeks prized so highly ; and that they were also induced to this act by the persuasion that they thereby gave additional glory to the Roman provinces. This love for and appreciation of Grecian art continued till the latest period of Grecian history, and we find that even so low down as the reigns of the Emperors Julian and Theodosius, Greek artists continued to repair to their mother country to copy the two great masterpieces of Phidias — his Jupiter at Elis, and his Minerva at Athens. And it is pleasing to see that Horace enters into all the spirit of Greek art, when he declares to his friend Censorinus that he would give him all the riches of the world, provided he had but the masterpieces of Parrhasius and Scorpas. Cicero also enters into the same feelings, when he desired to collect together the works of Grecian artists; * See Second Letter to the Earl of Elgin, by W. 11. Hamilton, Esq. t Alex, ab Alex., Genial. Bier., ii. 25; Plin., //. N., xxxv, 10. 8 STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. declaring — " Genus hoc est voluptatis meae :" and tells his friend Atticus that if he had but his library, he should exceed Crassus in riches, and would despise all the villas and territories that miofht be offered to him. Beauty in art, among the Greeks, was the result of a long- continued acquaintance with the laws of beauty as developed in all they saw around thera, and particularly in their inner self. To the Greeks, not only did all nature teem with beauty, but they endeavoured to incorporate it with their social and political institutions. They regarded beauty as only another name for excellence and goodness. Thus, in their art of war, we behold their greatness of soul, their daring courage, their dauntless heroism, their consummate prudence, their magna- nimous clemency when victorious, their moral fortitude when defeated. In marching to victory, the songs of their poets excited them to emulate the achievements of their ancestors ; their victory was celebrated "with glorious lo Pceans^ and triumphal honours awaited their return. In life they were greeted with the praises of their countrymen : divine honours followed their decease. So in hke manner, in their other actions : the several games of the theatre, the Odeon and the Stadimn, their religious festivals, their sacred myths, — all were impregnated with the ideality of beauty. Architecture and the other fine arts were constantly pervaded by this feeling. We find beauty to be equally expressed, whether we regard the gorgeous sanctuary of their religious worship, or the meanest implement of ordinary use; the sculptured deity of Beauty herself, or the heart-rending anguish of Laocoon and his children. It was not sufiicient that their architecture should be esteemed elegant and grand, it was requisite that it should be conformable to reason, and in harmony with their own feelings and surrounding objects. It was thus that their works became a reflection of the ideahty of beauty which pervaded them — beautiful because perfect ; and to which nothing appeared objectionable, and nothing wanting. But, as we affinn, the progress and perfection of Greek art STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. 9^ have as much connexion with the enthusiasm of the national character, as with their simple love and appreciation of the beautiful. Plutarch, in speaking of the Lacedemonians (and we may say the same of the Greeks in general), says, " Each man considered that he was born, not for himself, but for his country." And again, " They were possessed with a thirst for honour, an enthusiasm bordering upon insanity, and had no wish but for their country." Puit liiEC sapientia quondam, Publica privatis secernere, sacra profanis. So convinced were the Greeks of the policy of rearing monu- ments of national grandeur, that they devoted frequently one- tenth of the spoils taken in war to the object of their public works : thus at the same time embellishing their towns, raising up a monument to their prowess, and exciting their posterity to perpetuate their glory. Such was the enthusiasm of the Greeks with regard to art, that we find whole cities priding themselves on the possession of some masterpiece, and refusing to part with it even at the tempting offer of exemption from tribute, or remission of debt. This was no vulgar appreciation of such works for their supposed rarity and marketable value, as is often the case in modern galleries; this was no vain and fancied excellence by which they endeavoured to procure fame to themselves ; but it was the love and estimation of such works, produced by education and study. They were prized not only by the cities which possessed them, but strangers from every part, and the inhabitants of rival cities flocked to behold and to admire. There are many such instances noted by Cicero in his accusation of Verres, but there are so many collected together in the following passage, that we must j)resent it entire: — "What remuneration, do you imagine, could compensate the Rhegians, now Roman citizens, for the loss of their marble Venus? What the Tarentines, if they were to lose their Europa on a Bull, their Satyr, and other works deposited in their Temple of Vesta? What the Thespians, for their statue of Cupid — for which alone strangers crowd to Thespise ? What 10 STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. the Cnidians, for their marble Venus? What the Coans, for their statue of that goddess? AVhat the Ephesians, for their picture of Alexander? What the inhabitants of Cyzicus, for their Ajax or Medea? What the Rhodians, for their lalysus? What the Athenians, for their marble Bacchus, their picture of Paralus, or their bronze heifer by Myron?" He then continues, "It would be tedious and superfluous to dwell upon all the rarities which attract strangers throughout Asia and Greece." What emulation and enthusiasm must this appreciation and jealousy of their works have awakened in the artists' minds ! With what feehngs of noble ambition must they have desired to associate their name with that of their country ! and therefore with what energy and devotedness must they have applied them- selves to the study of their art. As appreciation of their works by the people must have called forth a corresponding application on the part of the artists of antiquity, so it is the want of this knowledge of art in the public that has produced such coldness, and carelessness, and inanition, in the works of posterior ages. It is not, there- fore, sufficient that we possess fine works of art in our museums, and perhaps remember them by name, or even recollect their general character ; it is not sufficient that our artists are told to admire them and to copy them ; but we must examine them care- fully, and study them, endeavouring to discover in what their peculiar excellency consists, by what train of study the artist arrived at such perfection, and how we may equal such works without recourse to ser\ile imitation. Thus, notwithstanding the treasures of art which Byzantium and Rome contained, we see how, through neglect of study and want of appreciation by the people, art degenerated to so low an ebb ; while by enthusiasm and love of art it was raised among the Greeks to so high a standard. It was this love of praise that caused the Greeks to attain such distinguished excellence. Graiis ingenium, Graiis dedit ore rotundo Musa loqui, praeter laudem nidlius avaris. Peace, it has been supposed, has much to do with the progress STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. 11 of the arts, and it has been attempted to show the connexion between Pliny's various Periods of art, and the successive dura- tions of peace. It is impossible to deny that peace is necessary to the practice of the arts, but we contend that it is not so necessary to their cultivation. The element, as we have endea- voured to show, that has most operated in their advancement, is enthusiasm. The Greeks had peace before the Persian inva- sion, and many celebrated works were produced prior to that event ; but it was not till their country was consumed, and all its sacred edifices destroyed, that Greece displayed the power of its genius, and raised those monuments which still, in their ruin, testify to the surpassing excellence of Greek refinement. It was subsequent to the first victory over the Persians, and in consequence of the excitement, the surprise, the joy, and glory of such a conquest, that Greece put forth all her energies ; and it is remarkable that this period of perfection terminated shortly after the final defeat of the Persians: so inseparably does enthusiasm appear to be connected with the highest culture of art. In attributing so much of success in art to enthusiasm, we must be understood as referring to a nation generally, though it is quite possible that great genius may be elicited by the personal enthusiasm of the artist, and which, if properly favoured, may enable him to attain considerable excellence ; but before he can find scope for his ability — before he can have opportunity of putting it in practice, he must hope to see an entire nation partaking of his own exalted sentiments, and it is not till after a long prevalence of such general cultivation that perfection can be attained. The various eras of art — as the age of Pericles, of Alex- ander, of Augustus, of Leo X., of the Medici — are generally regarded as having been caused by the establishment of peace, and by the patronage of art : but as we have seen Avith regard to the age of Pericles, so we shall find the other periods equally distinguished for victory, glory, or continued prosperity. It is needless to refer to the ages of Alexander and Augustus in proof 12 STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. of this : and the ages of Leo X. and the Medici, though not so distinguished in military exploits, are as remarkable for splen- dour, and the establishment of power and prosperity. But one important subject relative to this circumstance, which must not be overlooked, is, that not only the fine arts flourished during these periods, but the arts and sciences generally — and, indeed, all learning : so intimately is the success of one connected with that of the rest. The age of Pericles produced not only Phidias and Parrhasius, but Pindar, ^Eschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes; Anaxagoras, Plato, Socrates, and Aristides; Herodotus and Thucydides ; besides a host of illustrious generals : that of Alexander produced Aristotle, ^schines, and Demos- thenes ; as well as Apelles, Scopas, and Praxiteles ; Democritus and Lysippus : while that of Augustus not only produced Vitru- vius, but Horace, Virgil, Ovid, and Tibullus; Livy, Yarro, and Cicero. So the other periods referred to were equally distinguished by great men, and thus we see that success in art does not depend on its professors alone, but on the enlightened minds of their contemporaries. Let the arts, then, be studied, if not practised, together ; let poetry, music, and the dance, be joined to them; and the more frequently one is called upon to assist the others, the greater will be the benefits which itself receives. It was thus that the masters of the Revival became so celebrated. They practised conjointly the three arts, as occasion required; and so far from failing in that particular art in which they were brought up, they succeeded in all. Let us endeavour to discover the beauties of these several sciences; let us strive to ascertain and investigate the causes of the sublime and beautiful in all we see around us, and engraft this on our favourite pursuit. Let us acknowledge the services we are under to the poets for their striking pictures of art. Let us consider the connexion which the ancients felt to exist between music and art, and believe that the story of Amphion STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. 13 raising the walls of Thebes by the sound of his lyre is not alto- gether fabulous. One of the earliest instances we find in the middle ages of a regard for antiquity is afforded by Alphonso, king of Aragon, at the commencement of the twelfth century. This illustrious monarch experienced an extreme delight in the study of ancient monuments, declaring that he felt himself inflamed by them to glory and virtuous actions. On one occasion, while besieging Gaeta, and having no more stone for the catapult, he preferred raising the siege to pulling down an old tower, which was be- lieved to have formed part of one of Cicero's villas.* It was not till rather more than a century after this that we find art to have received its first impression from the study of antiquity. Among the ancient sculptures contained in the city of Pisa was a bas-relief representing Meleager. This had been lying there for ages — unnoticed, unheeded — till it accidentally caught the eye of Nicola Pisano, who was so struck by its truth and beauty, that it became the basis of his studies, and the germ of true taste in Italy. The study of antiquity was greatly promoted by Dante, in the same century, and by Petrarch. The latter was the first to collect medals, as a means of studying art and history — the first to direct attention to the stupendous monuments of Roman grandeur; and, with the exception of Alphonso, the first who was animated by them to deeds of greatness and sentiments of glory, and consequently to increased benevolence to his feUow creatures, and to a higher standard of moral virtue. In the Memoir of his Life^ written by himself, he says: "Among other studies, I applied myself to the knowledge of antiquity, for this age in which I live was never congenial to me ; so that had not the love of those most dear to me excited in me a con- trary desire, I should always have preferred living in any other * A similar story is told of Demetrius and the painter, Protogenes. Vide Plut. in Dew. 14 STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. generation. But, as it is, I strive continually to forget the age in which I live, and to realize to myself that which is gone by." The friend of Petrarch, Cola di Rienzo, was animated with similar enthusiasm. He collected together the various inscrip- tions contained in ancient Rome; he explained the several bas- reliefs which he brought to light, and descanted upon the mag- nificence and gi^andeur of ancient Rome, in thoughts and words commensurate with the loftiness and sublimity of the subject. These researches became the motives rather than the conse- quences of his policy, and he prosecuted them with the earnest desire of urging his countrj^men to emulate the glory and the virtues of their ancestors. About this time was founded the Academy of St. Luke, at Rome, and shortly after, Lorenzo di Medici established schools at Florence, in which the professors were required to point out to the students the beauty and excellence of the works of the ancients, before allowing them to give themselves up to their own genius. From this school issued a band of architects, painters, and sculptors of the highest order. Alberti was the first who introduced the true principles of Roman architecture. This enlio;htened man, who was so dili- gent a student of ancient monuments, united in himself all the learning and accomplishments of his age. He was a mathema- tician, philosopher, historian, rhetorician, orator, sculptor, architect, and musician, and one of the greatest men of his age. He travelled to explore all the monuments of antiquity then known, and he informs us that he shed tears on beholding the state of desolation in which many of them lay. The immortal Raphael, whose admiration for antiquity was such, that he formed the idea of excavating the whole of Rome, and rebuilding the modern city on the foundations of the ancient, and who was also an able commentator on Yitruvius, owed great part of his fame to the use which he made of the paintings in the Thermae of Titus and in the Septizonia, and which led so chiefly to the improvement of the art of painting. STUDY or ANTIQUITY. 15 It was likewise to a vestige of antiquity that sculpture was indebted for considerable advancement, when Michael Angelo discovered, and based upon a mere torso^ those principles of proportion and effect which he found so beautifully developed in that fragment. Seeing, then, the importance of the study of antiquity for the furtherance of art, we must unite with that author who says, " Do not ask, What is genius? — if you have it, you will feel it; if you have it not, you never wiU. But if you imagine a spark of that devouring lire animates you, fly — run to Rome, see" (the matchless monuments of Grecian art) " the Pantheon, the Forum, the principal remains of Roman greatness." The causes which enabled the Greeks to rear such wonderful works of art have been adverted to. It has been endeavoured to show that such excellence did not depend merely upon the advantages of climate, the enjoyment of peace, or the existence of a free government ; but that it was more correctly owing to their patriotism and nobleness of mind, to their polished refine- ment, their heroism and martial fame, the simplicity of their private life, their zeal in the furtherance of their country's fame. Here we see the causes of the vast difference between Greek and Roman art. In the former, the artist was animated by love of country, and often laboured gratuitously in monuments intended for the nation's glory; in the latter, the private individual fre- quently lavished on himself as much as had been expended on the pubhc monuments of Greece. This opened a new field for mercenary employment ; and in place of a few artists, honoured by their native land, there arose, in Rome only, no less than seven hundred* architects, whose study and endeavours, whether employed on private or public buildings, were too frequently how to render their works more sho^vy and extravagant than the buildings of those who had preceded them. The Greek thought only for his country, the Roman for himself. The * We believe the very same number that now exists in London. 16 STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. Roman sought principally his individual interest and aggran- dizement; the Greek carried out his public buildings with unsparing sacrifice, and forbade himself the enjoyment of un- necessary comforts. It is true there were not wanting political economists in the age of Pericles, who disapproved of the expenditure of money for the purposes of taste. When this great man, with the principles of sound policy, was occupied in rearing monuments to the eternal glory of his country,* he was accused by these of wasting the public treasure, and of reducing the revenues of the state. Fortunately for his country and for us, he had sufficient tact to avert their opposition, or the benefit to art derived from these structures would have been lost to us, from the sordid selfishness of a few individuals. The utilitarian may condemn whatever is not what he considers useful and necessary, but throughout the whole works of nature we find that the Deity has not only given us what was needful, but he has also stamped every object we behold with the highest evi- dence of Divine power and intellect, by imprinting on it the excellence of beauty. Let us, then, in our public edifices, con- sider that there are other objects to be attained than the mere destination of the building ; for there is nothing which so much exhibits the genius of a people, their nobleness or meanness, their invention or dulness, their refinement or vulgarity, as architecture. f Let the architect, then, remember that he builds, or should do so, to immortalize his name ; and his employers, whether public or private, that, whether for praise or censure, they build not for themselves, but for posterity. * An able writer on Grecian history has very truly observed, " the Parthenon and Propylpea may be considered as the trophies of Marathon and Salamis." " They were, at the same time, monuments of the past, and pledges of the future." — Thirlwall's History of Greece, iii. 18. f Thucydides has left us the following testimony of his admiration of the edifices of Athens : — " If Athens were to be made desolate, and nothing were left but the temples, and the foundations of the public edifices, the estimation which posterity would form of her power, in comparison even with her fame, would be doubled."— Thuc, Hid., i. 10. 17 11. ON THE RAPID DESTRUCTION OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS :* BEING A PORTION OF THE DEDICATORY EPISTLE PREFIXED BY FRA GIOVANNI GIOCONDOf TO HIS CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM-I ^HE appearance of Rome is, at the present day, so changed from what it was, that the things we read of in ancient writers are now scarcely intelligible. Those, also, who are esteemed to be the most conversant in antiquity, are frequently found to be deceived: chiefly because the authors who have given us the description of these things are so corrupted, that they would not even know themselves, were they restored to * From MuRATORi, Nov. Thes. Vet. Insc, torn. i. f This celebrated and early architect, engineer, philologist, and divine, was born at Yerona, about 1435. One of his principal works is the beautiful Sala del Conslglio, in his native city. His biographer, Temanza, says of him, " Rome was his great school. He studied there everything relating to antiquity. He measured and dehneated the ancient edifices, and by comparing them with the precepts of Vitruvius, he initiated himself in the secrets of his art. The study of antiquity has a certain incentive, which obliges men, without perceiving it, to undertake immense fatigues, especially such men as are well informed. He was particularly interested in the study of inscriptions. Whoever enters these employments should imitate those ardent hunters who search in trace of wild beasts, even in the deep recesses of their hiding-places. Thus did Fra Giocondo : travelling through the provinces in order to form as complete a collection as possible of ancient monuments." His collection of inscriptions exceeded 2000. Besides other works, he published editions of Vitruvius, Frontinus, Cato de Re Rustica, The Ejpitome o/AuRELius Victor, The Commentaries o/C.ksar, and Pliny's Epistles. % These were dedicated, in the first instance, to Lorenzo di Medici, and, on his death, the same epistle was addressed to Lodovico di Agnelli, Arehbisliop of Coseuza, but with the like want of success. The inscriptions remained unpublished till Mallei, Gori, and Muratori, incorporated them with their respective collections. NO. I. C 18 DESTRUCTION OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS. life again. But even though they were preserved to us entire, they would not even then be sufficient for our purpose, unless we saw with our own eyes that which they saw and have described. Nevertheless, there stiU remain considerable ruins in Rome which day by day become more ruined. For which cause it is difficult to affirm anything with precision of the Roman remains from inscriptions or otlier documents which are come down to us; especially of those which are not now remarkable for preservation. For those which to-day are in the Circus Flaminius, you will see to-morrow on the Tarpeian rock, if, indeed, you do not rather find them in some kiln, or in the foundation of some rustic cottage. Even that which by some diligent hand has been brought and fixed in a conspicuous place, you will afterwards find has been torn down by some ignorant or careless person, and trodden under horses' feet and reduced to powder. Such a spectacle being frequently presented to my eyes, moved my poor ability to search into the various monuments of antiquity, that I might not look on indifferently to the almost total destruction of the memorials of our ancestors. To the accomplishment of which purpose, as neither means nor power sufficed me, I apphed my mind to those things only, which I thought might be effected by talent, study, and perseverance, without expence or outlay, and which might excite the minds of the j)owerful by considerations of their beauty and excellency. Among the fruits of this research, I have collected many inscriptions, that under your auspices they may be rendered lasting, and delivered down to posterity, though the marbles and brazen tablets on which they are inscribed are broken, melted, or otherwise destroyed every hour. Many things occur to my memory, Avhich I myself have seen, but which I purposely forbear mentioning, lest they should recal tears to mine eyes, and afflict so diligent an observer of antiquity as yourself: I will refer, however, to what I have heard from others. Thus, besides circuses, theatres, amphi- DESTEUCTION OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS. 19 theatres, thermse, arches, columns, porticoes, areas, mutatoria,* nymphea, baths, capitols, caves, atria, chapels, shrines, cells, palaces, watch-towers of the cohorts, slaughter-houses, lakes, islands, libraries, granaries, mills, bridges, markets, aqueducts, colossal statues, naumachioe, tombs, pyramids, obelisks, hills, fields, gardens, city-walls, gates, fish-ponds, roads, cells, and other places and edifices of this kind, of which some are so rooted up, that not only no vestiges of them are left remaining, but even their very site cannot be determined — there are others which, with the greatest grief of mind, we have seen destroyed during our present calamity, f There are some who af&rm to have seen large heaps of stones formed entirely of fragments of inscriptions, — nor are there wanting others, who boast of having filled in the foundations of their houses entirely with the broken limbs of statues. Why should we not invoke curses on these violators of sacred antiquity? Let them tear, burn, or break other things — they should spare at least the inscriptions and statues which our ancestors have bequeathed to us, wrought with so much skill and dignity. For what subtilty, concise- ness, and elegance may be shown in those, and what symmetry, perfection, grace, and majesty in these, when the few which have not eluded our researches excite in us so much admiration, and prove to what perfection the genius of the ancients attained. * * * * Supposed to be Changes of Eesidence, according to tte season, t The Pope was then at Avignon. c2 20 III. ON THE POLYCHROMY OF GREEK ARCHITECTURE. T TRAVELLED in Sicily, in the years 1823 and 1824, in -^ company with two German architects, MM. Zanth and Stier. We discovered in excavations, which I caused to be made at Agrigentum, Sp'acuse, Acrie, Catanea, Segesta, &c., as Messrs. Harris and Angell had formerly done at Selinuntum, many vestiges of coloured stucco on the fragments of temples and other edifices built of porous stone, and many traces of colour employed without a coating of stucco, on hard and com- pact stone, and also upon marble. The great abundance of these indications of a primitive decoration by colour, the appearance of similar tints on similar members and mouldings, the presence of colour on figure-sculp- ture, bas-reliefs, and ornament, induced me to turn my attention to the theory which M. Quatremere de Quincy entertained rela- tive to the employment of polychromy on stucco, and which he has so ably established in his magnificent work — Le Jupiter Olympien. So fully did I concur with him in his opinion, that I thenceforward entertained no doubt, not merely with regard to the application of colour to statuary, as established by M. Quatremere de Quincy; but also, as a necessary conse- quence, to its adaptation to architecture, as evidenced by my own researches. Iimnediately on my return to Rome, I prepared, in con- junction with M. Zanth, restorations of those Sicilian temples, the colours of which we could identify, and we had the privilege of exhibiting the draAvings to the artists and antiquaries of that capital. THE POLYCIIROJIY OF GREEK ARCHITECTURE. 21 The principle generally followed we found to be — the colour- ing of the body of the wall a pale yellow, or golden colour, the triglyphs and mutules blue, the metopes and the tympanum red, and some other portions of the building green ; and varying these same tints, or using them of greater or less intensity, as the judgment of the artist dictated. This discovery, so entirely subversive of the hitherto domi- nant idea of the monochromy of Greek art, met with many opponents, and but few supporters. The latter, however, increased in number after 1830, in which year I published at Paris the complete restoration of a Selinuntine temple, founded on the ancient coloured vestiges which I had been enabled to discover. In this Essay, I showed that Polychromic architecture was practised by the Greeks in all ages, who endeavoured, by so doing, to add to the elegance of their buildings, without de- tracting from their majesty; and that this system of colouring, when applied under a pure sky, enlivened by a brilliant sun- shine, and surrounded by a gorgeous vegetation, was the only means of bringing the work of art in harmony with the richness of nature. Another reason for its adoption would necessarily have been the preservation of their monuments. The necessity for its application I proved by a consideration of its analogy with coloured statuary, from the employment of the latter con- jointly with mural historic painting in the edifices of antiquity, and from these requiring, in their union with architecture, a necessary similarity in the walls and decoration of the building. I maintained that the most admired structures of the ancients derived their effect from the harmonious combination of the three arts, the works of which, taken individually, may some- times approach to the sublime, but cannot, unless united, pro- duce that sentiment of satisfaction and perfection which they then possess. From the known fact, that the earliest temples of the Greeks were of wood, and that their first idols, derived from Egypt, 22 THE POLYCHROMY OF ■were of the same material, I concluded that the desire of pre- serving their sanctuaries must have caused them to apply some preparation to the surface of the wood ; and that this coating must have been analogous to that of the idols which they were intended to receive, in order that the temples and their images might present, after the same lapse of time, a corresponding appearance. In support of this natural inference, I cited the passage in Vitruvius,* where that author says: — '"'' Ideo quod antiqui fahri quodam in loco cedijicantes, cum ita ah interiorihus parietibus ad extremas ^:>arfe5 tigna prominentia Jiabuissent coUocata, intertignia struxerunt, supraque coronas et fastigia venustiore sqjecie fahrilibus operibus ornaverunt : turn projecturas tignorum, quantum eminebant^ ad lineam et perpendiculum parietum per- secuerimt: quce species cum invenusta iis visa esset, tabellas ita formatas^ uti nunc jiunt triglyphi^ contra tignorum prcecisiones in fronte jiMrunt et eas cera ca^rulea depinxerunty From this I deduced, that if, in accordance with this ancient custom, a coating of wax and colour was applied to those portions of the temple where wood continued to be employed, this custom must by degrees have extended to those parts, the forms of which, though executed in stone or marble, were imitated from the ancient practice of timber construction; and at length, by the sure result of religious tradition, and the requirement of a necessary connexion between the details and the whole, it must have been appHed to the entire surface of the edifice. The silence of M. Winkelmann and his followers as to the application of colour to ancient architecture, arose from the circumstance of the almost entire absence of remarks on this subject in the works of ancient authors; and I attributed this absence to the very universal employment of Polychromy by the ancients, which, presenting nothing remarkable from its * ViTR., lib. iv. cap. ii. § 17. GKEEK ARCHITECTURE. 23 singularity, did not require any special notice. This con- clusion I showed to be supported by the fact of traces of colour being discernible to the present day on the Parthenon, Erechtheum, Theseum, and on the temples of ^Egina and Bass£e, although Pausanias does not refer to any one of these as being so decorated : and I directed attention to the fact that, in the only passage of his book which has reference to the appli- cation of colour, — that which relates to the green and red tribunals, — it is not from the singularity of their decoration that he notices them, but because they served as a name to the edifices which contained them; in the same manner that the locality and form served to designate two other tribunals, one of which took the name of Parabyston, and the other of T7igonon.* I concluded from this passage that the red and green were the predominant colours of these two tribunals, and that this system of Polychromy must have been applied to secular as well as to religious structures: that the silence of ancient authors, so far from offering any objection to this theory, proves the certitude of its universal application: and lastly, that the material proofs of its practice, even now abundantly sufiicient, would have been much more numerous, as observes M. Quatremere de Quincy, if modern critics, whenever they perceive traces of decoration, either on the monuments them- selves, or historically in the descriptions of ancient authors, had not seemed to be resolved, sometimes to deny their conse- quence, as conflicting with their notions of the taste and genius of the ancients, sometimes to question their existence, and almost always to refuse them their due consideration.! Without adverting to every monument of Greece and Sicily, upon which any traces of colour are to be discerned, I will cite only the principal examples which served for my restoration of the Selinuntine temple. * Paus., i. 28, 8. I Le Jupiter Oli/mj)ien, p. 29. 24 THE POLYCHROIklY OF The pavement shown in the Pronaos and Cella of my design was imitated from the stucco floor still visible in the Posticum and Pteroma of one of the great temples of the same city ; and from the decorations of this pavement in the form of paintings, I imagined that the ancient mosaics were originally of a similar treatment; the forms of which, whether representing compart- ments, arabesques, or animal creation, were invariably disposed in imitation of paintings, rather than consisting of rich slabs, as generally practised in the marble pavements of our modern structures. The coloured shafts I showed to be not only in accordance with what I had observed in Sicily, but to be corroborated by an autograph letter of M. Dufoumy, which states — " Mr. Dod- weU. told me he had seen many temples in Greece, the columns of which were covered with stucco, as were those of Girgenti and Selinuntum, in Sicily. Sometimes the stucco, as at Seli- nuntum, was grey, red, or of a blue colour ; but stucco is found only on stone columns." Although this fact, observed towards the close of the last century, has been unnoticed in all modern works on Sicily, we should not refuse to receive it on this account, or consider as objections the silence of modern travellers. Slight indications of colour, preserved on various fragments, formed my authority for the restoration of the Ionic capital ; and for the caps of the anta? I referred to the colour found on an anta at Selinuntum, and on those of the temples of Jupiter at iEgina, and of Nemesis at Rhamnus. The coloured mouldings of the entablature were restored from portions of the entablature of this very temple, and from other fragments scattered among the ruins. I could find but slight traces of colour on the metopes and architraves, indi- catory of the existence of painted ornament, but I was enabled to recognise these features in various terra cottas found in the island, the forms of which, copied from Doric temples, repre- sented ornaments originally painted on the metopes and archi- GREEK AECHITECTURE. 25 traves of real monuments. The extent to which the ancients. even in the smallest utensils of ordinary use, imitated the forms and ornaments of their edifices, is very remarkable ; and how the fictile vases frequently offer the image of the crowning cornices of temples, or copies of celebrated paintings: thus giving to the rudest works of the potter a reflection of the most celebrated works of architecture and painting. The un- doubted identity between the terra cottas and the remains of Greek and Roman monuments has greatly corroborated the result of my inductions, derived from other sources, of a common origin and a common type between Greece and her colonies. vEgina, Metapontum, Pompeii, Herculaneum, and several other cities, furnished suggestions for the restoration of the roof, and the ornaments of the tympanum and portico. In justification of the rich decoration by colour given to a Doric temple, I showed how, in the almost universal employ- ment of this order, colour offered the surest means of varying the richness and appearance of the sanctuaries, and of attain- ing very sensible modifications, according to the character of the divinities. In all Greece, in Sicily, and Magna Grsecia, the most important edifices were Doric ; and the painted orna- ments, when more or less predominant, would necessarily give more or less apparent magnificence, or suitableness to parti- cular divinities. The same result took place in the almost general use by the Romans of the Corinthian order, the cha- racter of which they varied by a difference in the profiles, and by the number of mouldings and sculptured ornaments. This feeling is evident from an examination of the simplicity of the orders of the Pantheon, of the Temple of Antonine and Faustina, and of the Arch of Constantino, compared with the richness of the Temples of Jupiter Tonans, the Forum of Nerva, and some others. The Greeks, however, did not in all instances employ the orders of architecture according to the difference of their 26 THE POLYCHROMY OF character and richness; for we find Ionic columns decorating the exterior of the Temple of Minerva Alea at Tegea, and Doric columns supporting Corinthian in the Cella. The employment of the Ionic column with a Doric entablature is another example of inattention to any very strict classification of the Orders. I see in these instances a proof of a particular epoch in the history of architecture, and that the Temple of Empedocles is by no means an insulated example in this respect. In showing how perfectly a Greek temple, restored in all its colours, bore resemblance to the coloured decorations of Herculaneum and Pompeii, how fully the architectural remains of these cities of Greek origin, as compared with the existing remains of Greece and Sicily, bear the palpable proofs of as great analogy — so that the employment of each of these styles is perfectly admissible in the same edifice, without giving rise to the least inconsistency — ^^ve perceive unanswerable evidence in support of the permanence of forms and principles of architecture among the ancients, and a certain proof that this similitude on the exterior existed also in the interior. In seeking, with care and discrimination, to figure to our- selves as near as possible, the type of the monuments of the mother country, Herculaneum and Pompeii must offer us invaluable materials. Although I have selected authorities for the restoration of the Temple of Empedocles derived almost exclusively from Sicily and Greece, I have had recourse to the precious remains of these cities, in order to demonstrate more clearly, and to render more perfect, the connexion of these inductions. Thus the compartments of painted stucco imitating slabs of marble, introduced both in the exterior and interior of the temple, in the form of a dado round the walls, we see to be also so frequently employed in Pompeii, as to prove clearly that it is a tradition of a system of construction which we find to have been generally practised in the Greek temples, and which is likewise common to most Roman temples. I restored the roof of the CeUa in the form of a double GEEEK ARCHITECTURE. 27 truss and open framework, having established the use of this mode of construction by the discovery of ancient tiles, painted on both surfaces, so as to be visible from below as well as from above ; which idea receives further support from roofs of this nature being represented in Greek and Etruscan tombs cut in the rock, from Vitruvius's description of the Basilica at Fano, and other similar edifices, from its existence in most of the constructions of Pompeii, whether real or depicted, and, lastly, by the continuance of this system of covering in the primitive Christian basilicas of Italy and Sicily. The ornamentation of the timber-work of the roof is based on the traces of colour still visible in the marble beams of monuments in Athens and other parts of Greece, as also on the beautifully executed and highly-coloured casings of the timber- work which have been found in some places — as in terra cotta at Metapontum, and in some other instances of more precious material — and lastly I referred, in support of this portion of the decoration, as I have had occasion to do for many others, to the Sicilian churches of the eleventh century. Before resolving on the style of painting most in accord- ance with the dimensions and character of the temple, I examined with great attention the application of historic painting to the embellishment of the walls in the edifices of Greece, and particularly in her temples. I perceived that the use of this species of decoration had been general in Greece, as will be evident on considering the porticoes of Athens, Olympia, and Delphi, where Polygnotus, Euphranor, and Micon, in depicting the exploits of the heroes of their country, excited their compatriots to imitate their warlike virtues; the Curia, in which Protogenes and Olbiades painted the images of legis- lators; the theatres and Odeia, decorated -svith the portraits of poets and the representation of the Graces, their inseparable companions ; the Gymnasia, offering to the regard of the spectators the god-like conquerors in the contests of Mars and of the Muses ; the Propylcea, more famous for the precious 28 THE POLYCHROMY OF works of the painter than for the marbles with which they were covered ; the palaces, houses, and tombs, — in which latter, historical painting on the wall formed the principal ornament ; and lastly the temples, as in Athens alone, those of Theseus, Erechtheus, Bacchus, Esculapius, and the Dioscuri, — the paintings of which were all significative, and in accordance with the places and divinities. We must not, however, confound this characteristic system, common to all the epochs of art in Greece, and which dates back to Egypt, with the no less ancient and general custom of suspending wooden tablets in the sacred edifices to serve as offerings. The most ancient examples of painting on the wall were executed in Italy, as in the Temple of Juno at Ardea; in that of Csere, of a more remote antiquity; and in that of Lanuvium, where Caligula endeavoured in vain to detach them from the wall, and take them from the ruined temple which they had decorated. Paint- in o- in mosaic, whether in the manner of the ancient basilicas, or of the works of the Renaissance^ must necessarily have been a tradition of this usage. As to the subject and composition of their paintings, it must be observed that in vase painting, and other decorations of the Greeks, the subjects were often copies of celebrated works, and therefore necessarily gave a most exact idea of their character and efi*ect. On examining the difi'erent kinds of these compositions — those in which the figures are ranged in isometrical perspective, and those in which they are placed in one line — I selected the latter form of arrangement, on account of the restricted dimensions of the edifice. The sepulchres of the ancients being an imitation of their temples, I examined the tombs of Corneto, with the view of ascertaining whether any peculiar arrangement existed in the disposition of their paintings; and in accordance with the information thus obtained, ^vithout pretending that this dis- position was universally observed, I left a space above each painting for the exhibition of the votive ofi'erings, an arrange- GKEEK ARCHITECTURE. 29 ment whicli may be warranted by the descriptions of Pausanias. The buckler of Pyrrhus was placed above the doorway of the Temple of Ceres in Argos, and moveable portraits were sus- pended above the mural paintings of Polygnotus in the building contiguous to the Propylsea. The offerings so frequently repre- sented on the upper part of vases, the scene of which exhibits the interior of a temple, are no less conclusive proofs in favour of the position which I have assigned them. Wishing the paintings of the interior to be as much in harmony as possible with the period when the temple was erected, I turned my attention to the state of the arts at the time of its foundation. The most ancient temples of Selinuntum belong to an epoch approaching that of the foundation of the city, which was between the thirty- seventh and thirty-eighth Olympiad ; the next in age date back to the seventieth 013ml- piad ; and the latest, among which is the Temple of Empedocles, were executed in the most brilliant period of Grecian art.* It was, therefore, towards the ninetieth Olympiad, when Pan93nus, Polygnotus, Micon, and many other celebrated painters flourished, that we must suppose these paintings to have been executed. From the vases which have been attri- buted to this epoch, I have accordingly borrowed the character of the compositions which I imagined to be most in accordance with the destination of the building. The smallness of the temple caused me to consider it as having been destined to honour the remains of some deified mortal, in accordance with the religious motives of the Greeks, which caused many such temples to be erected to tlie memory of their heroes. This supposition being confirmed by the fact, as adduced by Diogenes Laertius, that the Selinuntines ofi*ered divine honours to Empedocles for having saved them from the plague, I have imagined that this temple might have been con- * These epochs may be said to correspond severally to the years G30, 500, and 440 before the Christian era. 30 THE POLYCHROMY OF secrated to this liberator of the city. Many authors concur that Empedocles was honoured with an apotheosis in the ninety- third Olympiad: but should there be no incontestable proof of this hypothesis, there is nothing opposed to it, and the presumption is justiiied by the name of the hero, the certainty of his worship, the identity of the time, and the probability of the event. The statue of Empedocles was possibly of gold and ivory, and glittering with all the brilliancy of polychromic sculpture. This effect of splendour and colouring is quite in character with the particulars handed down to us of this favourite of the gods ; who never quitted his purple mantle, or laid aside his Pythian crown :- and the statue thus restored would be quite in keeping with the system of coloured architecture established so success- fully by M. Quatremere de Quincy, and since confirmed by so many new and important discoveries. The exterior is ornamented with coloured bas-reliefs, which are evidently far preferable to paintings, inasmuch as the latter, representing but one particular effect of light and shade selected by the painter, can never offer the same powerful effect as poly- chromic sculpture; which, being always lighted in the same direction as the monument itself, presents continuously an effect in direct accordance and harmony with the structure. I have supposed the doors of the temple to be of bronze : and the description of the gold and ivory doors of the Temple of Minerva at Syracuse proves to what extent this species of decoration was carried by the ancients. I place the altar in the interior of the temple, from recol- lection of a passage in Cicero, where he states that two altars were placed in an cediculum at Messina. The great number of fragments preserved, and the limited dimensions of the temple, caused me to adopt this example, as presenting less difficulties and rendering its publication more practicable. The object of my researches has not been the precise model of an ancient sanctuary, but the restoration of a monument which gives the GREEK ARCHITECTURE. 31 most easy and complete idea of the application of polychromic architecture. After the publication of this memoir, and the exhibition of the designs which accompanied it, the learned archaeologist, M. Raoul Rochette, who, in the first instance, had accepted my discoveries in polychromic architecture, and acknowledged his belief in their accuracy from consideration of his own expe- rience derived in Sicily, eventually proceeded to impugn my assertions relative to the employment of mural painting. He maintained, in common with the late M. Boettiger, that the Greeks had never, in the best epochs of art, executed their principal works on other material than on tables of wood, to be let into or fixed to the walls. He concluded by rejecting my assertion of the general practice of coloured architecture, con- fining it to the secondary means of mere embellishment.* This opinion of the learned critic was in turn attacked by another eminent archseologist, M. Letronne, (lately deceased,) in a series of letters which he did me the honour of addressing to me, and in which he entirely concurred in the system I had laid do^vn, — the execution of historical and mythological painting on the wall in aU periods of Greek art, and the discontinuance of this style towards the decline of the Empire. f Subsequent to these publications appeared, among others, a pamphlet by M. G. Semper. J This architect, on returning from his travels in Italy, Sicily, and Greece, not only confirmed the existence of Polychromy in all monuments, whether Greek or Roman, but he gives to its application the greatest possible extension. This writer was followed by the German savant, M. F. Ivugler,§ who endeavoured to establish, by aid of remains * See several papers in the Journal des Savans; also, Pe'mtures Antiques inedites, and Lettres Archeologiques, by M. Eaoul Eochette. f Lettres d'un Antiquaire a nn Artiste, and Supplement, by M. Letkonne. I Bemerktmgen iiher hemalte ArcMtectur und Plastik, by G. Semper, § Ueher die Polychromie der Griechischen ArcMtectur und Sculptur und Hire Grenzen, by Dr. Franz Kugler. 32 THE POLYCHROMY OF of antiquity, and by quotations from ancient authors, that colour probably existed in the temples of Sicily, and in the most ancient structures in Greece built of stone ; but that its employment in Athenian edifices constructed by Pericles, and particularly the Parthenon, was confined to the application of blue colour to the metopes, the mutules, and the tympanum; of red to some fillets, and the painted ornaments of some mouldings ; and of gold to some of the accessories, as the shields and the inscriptions on the frieze, the lions' heads, and the sculpture surmounting the acroteria: but as for those parts which form the principal and predominant features, as the columns, architrave, triglyphs, and corona, M. Kugler con- sidered that they always presented the natural colour of the marble, as they do at present. With regard to the sculpture, he admits that the hair and drapery were painted, but beheves that the plain and naked parts were totally unrelieved by colour. The last writer on the subject was the late M. Hermann.* In this work the learned philologist examined particularly those passages in ancient authors which bear reference to historical paintings. From this examination it results, that if doubt may arise relative to several expressions employed to designate paintings executed on the wall, it is certain that where Pau- sanias speaks of paintings as partly or entirely effaced, they were unquestionably wall paintings. While these and several other kindred publications appeared, I collected from time to time fresh documents confirming my first discoveries, and the deductions I had drawn from them. The existence can now be proved of, we may say, the same colours on the monuments of Athens, as those which I had dis- covered on the Sicilian temples, and as I had suggested that they had been doubtlessly applied to the monuments through- out all Grecian countries, and especially in those parts where * De Veterum Grcacorum Piclura Paridum Conjectura, &c., Godefredo Her- MANNO. GREEK ARCHITECTURE. 33 Hellenic principles had been implanted, and had been pre- served in their primitive beauty. Once, indeed, that the atten- tion of artists and archseologists was awakened, and their researches especially directed to so remarkable a peculiarity of ancient art, and one hitherto so unnoticed, instances of the adaptation of polychromy multiplied constantly. The exca- vations in the Acropolis of Athens, executed under the direction of learned men and distinguished architects, nominated to this effect by the King of Greece ; the researches prosecuted by the English, German, Russian, and other artists, particularly the travelling students of the French Academy in Rome ; and the excavations executed in Sicily by order of the King of Naples — all these circumstances combined to furnish me with a variety of details as new as unexpected, and therefore, in republishing the Restoration of the Temple of Empedodes^ and a Dissertation on the Polychromy of Greek Architecture in general^ I venture to trust that I shall have answered satisfactorily the various objec- tions which have been raised against my ideas : but at least I can satisfy myself with the consideration, that artists and archaeologists will find materials in this collection of facts, reasonings, and deductions, which will enable them to form a complete idea of the question, and to resolve it according to their conviction ; and thus by further discussions and researches, suggested by the importance of the subject, enrich it constantly with new lights and fresh discoveries. J. J. HiTTORFF. M, Hittorff has been engaged in the study of polychromy for a quarter of a century. The work which he is now about to publish, consists of the restoration of the small Temple or Hieron of Empedocles; next, a series of the most remarkable coloured architectural ornaments discovered up to the present time ; then a collection of examples taken from terra-cotta vases, the paintings of Herculaneum and Pompeii, and the tombs of NO. I. D 34 THE POLYCHROMY OF GREEK ARCHITECTURE. Etruria, capable of throwing light upon the subject of poly- chromy as applied to architecture and sculpture, and to the employment by the Greeks of historical and sacred wall- painting. This collection of dramngs amounts to upwards of three hundred figures, engraved in twenty-five plates. As in these chromo-lithogTaphic plates, he presents to us all the known fragments of polychromic decoration, so in the letter-press he collects together all remarks pertaining to the subject, whether in ancient or modem writers, which can enable us to look at and judge of the question in all its bearings. To this end, it is accompanied by an analysis of the most important publications in favour of or against his opinion, by a detailed description of the restoration of the Temple of Empedocles, and by researches on the technicality of ancient painting, and on the application of polychromy to the productions of modern art. 35 IV. DESCKIPTION OF ONE OF THE CITY GATES OF P^ESTUM. I T is to be regretted that the interesting and numerous remains of ancient Psestum, lying in one of the most l3eau- tiful of the Italian gulfs, and immediately on the sea-shore, should hitherto have been so imperfectly investigated. For even a short day among the ruins is sufficient to convince the professional traveller that, independently of the well-known Greek Doric edifices which form such grand subjects in the landscape, there are antiquities lying just above the surface, or at a few feet beneath it, which, if properly examined, would further explain many customs of the ancients, and produce antiquities, such as vases and other funereal relics, of great value and beauty. The works of Delagardette, Major, Piranesi, and Wilkins, make us but imperfectly acquainted with those noble structures, which rise above the plain : imposing evidences of ancient civilization and grandeur. And the studies of Mazois, perhaps more complete, are still unedited, although prepared for publication, so that we are deprived of the results of his more pains-taking investigations. After my return from Greece, I passed with a friend a few days at Pa3stum, making some studies of the ruins; and, among other objects of cui'iosity, my fellow-traveller and myself foUowed the course of the city walls, as far as they existed. One spot in particular caught our attention, already familiar with the remains of ancient cities, as indicating a very peculiar arrangement for a city gate. A portion only of the construction rose above the surface of the soil, but the indications of the ground plainly demonstrated the plan. D 2 36 DESCRIPTION OF ONE OF CATE PAF. STViB The walls had a fossa or ditch outside, at the distance of some forty feet ; and this ditch was apparently about ten feet wide ; but it is now quite filled in. There were two bridges to traverse the ditch, about twenty feet wide, and they led up to a double opening or gateways, divided by a pier five feet three inches wide. The whole entrance presented a plain front about fifty-five feet wide, flanked on each end by a circular tower, the outer diameter of which is above twenty feet. The nature of the construction was so irregular, that the dimensions could only be taken approximatively, but with sufficient accuracy for such a building. The thickness of the wall at the gateways was twelve feet nine inches, and beyond this was a court about thirty feet square. On the further side of the court, next the city, was a single doorway, twelve feet wide, and the wall was there eleven feet three inches thick. The city walls were sixteen feet six inches broad, and consisted of two thicknesses of wrought masonry four feet in depth, the central mass consisting of THE CITY GATES OF PiESTUM. 37 rougher work, and thus constituting the emplecton of the Greeks, described by Vitruvius* and Pliny,f and the reimputa of the Romans; the facings were united together by ties (^layovoi) and occasional transverse walls. The mass of walling round the court was of solid masonry throughout. We were surprised, however, by the walls of the circular towers, which were only two feet three inches thick ; but this perhaps was merely the facing, and probably there was an inner casing, now destroyed, which gave the solidity necessary to resist the battering-rams, and other warlike engines of the ancients. At all events, the remains still existing are so little above the general surface as to leave several points of construction undecided. Having thus generally described the actual state of the remains, we shall proceed to consider this remarkable gateway, in reference to the description of city walls given by Vitruvius, J and to compare it with other like examples of the ancients. Vitruvius states " that the foundations of the towers and walls should be dug down to the solid, and should be of an enlarged breadth, proportioned to the proposed thickness of the walls above, and that they should be fiUed in solid. The towers should project from the outside face of the wall, so that, when the enemy approach to the attack, their flanks should be exposed to the darts of the defenders in the towers to the right and left, their sides being undefended. Care should be taken that the approach to attack the wall should not be easy, but should be precipitous, and the access to the gates not direct, but oblique to the left; for when thus arranged, the right side of the assailants, uncovered by the shield, would be next the wall. The thickness of the walls should be such, that armed men should pass each other without obstruction. The towers also should be round or polygonal, for the war engines more easily destroy the square ones, because the rams break away the angles * De Arch., 1. ii. c. viii. f ^^'f^i- Nat., 1. xxxvi. c. 22. X Be Arch., 1. i. c. 5. 38 DESCRIPTION OF ONE OF by their strokes ; but they cannot harm in the circular towers, as the wedge-shaped stones of the walls converge to a centre. But not, under all circumstances, is there to be a ditch ; but only on those occasions when the approach of the enemy on the outside would be on a level plane. In such cases, the fosse is first to be made of the most ample width and depth, and the foundation of the wall is to be carried down into the hollow of the ditch, and is to be constructed thick enough to resist easily the pressure of the earth," The example before us presents many illustrations of the precepts of the Roman master. There are two ways of approach, thus dividing the hostile phalanx into two bodies, and bringing them more immediately under the towers, and exposing them to a shower of missiles on all sides. The ditch would form a certain obstruction to the advancing host, and probably was anciently much wider than it appears at present. The double aperture offers another impediment, strengthened by the stout bars (/hokXoi) which held closed the thick gates, lined with sheets of metal. But even if the besiegers had penetrated this first barrier, and had got within the court, here they were sur- rounded by the lofty and thick walls, the tops of which would be covered by warriors, ready to hurl huge masses down upon the dense crowd penned within the enclosure. The narrower opening next the city, made secure, would stop the further progress of the attack ; and until this was cleared the slaughter would be immense. The arrangement of these gates is the reverse of that adopted at Messene,* where the outer gate was with a single aperture, and the inner ones on the other side of the circular court and next the city double, if not triple, there being one for the carriages, and one if not two for the foot- passengers. In the plan of the Hexapylon of Syracuse, as drawn by C. R. Cockerell, R.A., in Hughes's Travels in Sicily^ Greece^ and Albania^ there are double gates, but no court. Some of * Supplementary Volume of the Antiquities of Athens .• Entrance Gate of Messene. THE CITY GATES OF P^STUM. 39 the walls are twelve feet thick, where they consist of solid masonry; but where they are constructed of emplecton, as at Psestum, they are sixteen feet thick, which is a remarkable coin- cidence, the thickness of the Passtum walls being sixteen feet six inches. The restoration here presented is founded upon various authorities. Other gates of Posstum present this class of masonry — the pseudi-sodomum of Vitruvius. The large lintels over the doonvays are frequent, and notably in the example of Messene ; and the loop-holes are like those in the towers of that city. As regards the height of the walls, it was a strange rule of the Greeks, as stated by an ancient writer, to make them as many cubits high as they were stadia long ; and those of Athens, part of which were built by Callicrates, the architect employed by Pericles, appear to have been forty cubits high, equalling about sixty feet of our measure. These walls are 40 THE CITY GATES OF P^STUM. represented as forty feet high ; that over the gateways fifty feet ; and the towers sixty-five feet, in order more completely to rise above the probable height of the moveable war- turrets [irvpyoi) of the besiegers. There are no remains of the pavement of the roadway, nor of the parapets or construction of the bridges ; but the indications were sufi3.cient to convince one of their existence and position, and possibly the roadway of the bridge may have been of wood, to allow of their easier removal or destruction on the approach of the enemy. It can hardly be doubted that the gateways of cities had several stories, one over the other, containing galleries, in which the warriors in large bodies might under cover, and at consider- able elevation, more completely assail the besiegers as they approached the gate. And the terraces on the top afforded the opportunity of placing catapults and other engines, which, from their very elevation, would be the more formidable as a means of defence to the besieged. It appears to me probable that the term diplon, as applied to city gates by the ancients, referred to this arrangement of an inner and outer gate, and not to the division of one of the entrances into two apertures, one of which was probably appropriated to the chariots, the other to the foot passengers. Thomas L. Donaldson. 41 V. COMMUNICATION FROM PROFESSOE SCHOENBORN, OF POSEN, RELATIVE TO A MONUMENT RECENTLY DISCOVERED BY HIM IN LYCIA. TTTITH regard to the monument of which you desire parti- " ^ culars, I fear my information will be deemed very insuf- ficient. On two several occasions that I visited it, I endeavoured to examine it with becoming care; but the first time I was unable to do so from the heavy winter rains, and the second time I was prevented by another cause. The monument is in Lycia. That Mr. Spratt and Professor Forbes should not have found it is rather wonderful. Yet how often in these countries one passes in the immediate vicinity of extensive ruins without perceiving them ! at least, such has not unfrequently happened to me. It abuts close upon the ruins of a small mountain town, which is partly built of very good materials, but a portion is of later date ; as is rendered evident by a Byzantine cross. I believe the fortress to be of still later time, and that it was on the occasion of building this that the eastern side of the peribolus was thrown down, in order not to have any wall, behind which an enemy might hide himself; for only on the eastern side is an assault on the city practicable. The same reason must account for other magnificent tombs having been destroyed which were near the peribolus, and were built in imitation of wooden constructions. The ancient name of the place I have not been able to guess. The view that presents itself from the peribolus, I consider as the most beau- tiful that I have ever beheld. To the east one looks towards a distant promontory ; below you is the sea, with a row of rocky 42 schoenborn's discovery islands ; on the north and west rise mountains above mountains, while the immediate foreground is grand and striking. The monument consists of a peribolus enclosing a sarco- phagus, showing its sepulchral character. It is of a rectangular form, and the enclosing wall is about thirty paces long, by twenty-five in width. It is fonned of large squared stones, often of great length, which are placed in two courses, one above the other. Three sides of the quadrangle are in very good preservation, but the fourth, or eastern side, as already observed, is destroyed. The place which the colossal sarco- phagus, within the peribolus, once occupied, is very discernible, for the lower part of the sarcophagus, formed of beautiful white marble, is still existing. The entrance to the monument has been on the south side; the doorway is yet perfect, but the steps which must have given access to it are wanting. The bas- reliefs of which you inquire are in the enclosing wall, and form continuous friezes. On the exterior of the south wall are two such rows, placed immediately one over the other. Three similar rows line the interior of the same wall, while the west and north sides each have two rows. The sculpture is in rather low relief, as is generally the case in the tombs of Lycia. Some of them are greatly injured by the action of the weather, though still in sufl&cient preservation to enable the subject to be distin- guished clearly at a little distance. What gives them the greatest interest is the subject represented, for part of them refer to the Iliad ; and the deceased to whom this structure was erected must, in all probability, have derived his descent from one of the Homeric heroes. On one of the sculptured friezes of the enclosing wall is Achilles, when, fuU of anger and vexation, he sat on the sea shore, near the high-pro wed vessels. On an adjoining slab is the herald who calls the Achaeans together; then follow warriors, next to whom are battle-scenes. The battle approaches the city : the gate is besieged. The Trojan elders show themselves above and upon the gate. Thus the sculptures correspond, subject by subject, with the Iliad. The OF A MONUMENT IN LYCIA. 43 attack on the gate is evidently placed as the centre of the com- position. Not only is the sculpture here of higher relief than in the other parts, but, moreover, in this instance, the two chief rows are connected with each other with reference to the subject represented. I must observe, however, that the bas-reliefs do not all relate to the siege of Troy, and few of those on the south side seem so appropriated. From consideration of the subject they represent, from the certain connexion of the bas-reliefs with this place, and from their beauty, (notwithstanding they have greatly suffered from time, and are in very low relief,) I should assign to them the first place among the sculptured remains of Lycia ; and, there- fore, earnestly desire that they may be sufficiently known before they stand the chance of being destroyed or lost. The latter evil has already commenced. Between my first and second visits, two travellers, on their way from Egypt, passed this way, accompanied by an Egyptian Turk. The latter, whom I met on his return, told me that they had removed on camels the two corner stones of the exterior sculptures — which I had missed after my first visit — and had taken them to Smyrna. You may conclude from this, that the sculptures are of such excel- lence as to excite the desire of removing them, or, at least, some portions of the entire monument. In another year I shall probably be in a position to give you additional and more precise information. I hope to be able to revisit this country, in order that I may more fully investigate this monument and some theatres; and I may, possibly, also visit the interior of Caria and Cilicia Tracheia. I thank you for your suggestions, and will certainly work up the various valleys of the latter country, instead of following the line of coast. It will be my principal endeavour to bring back dra-svings of these bas-reliefs ; and should my wishes be accomplished, I shall have great pleasure in forwarding them to you. A. SciIOENBORN. 44 VI. ON THE PAINTINGS OF POLYGNOTUS IN THE LESCHE AT DELPHI. PAET I. THE present Essay has for its subject the paintings with which Polygnotus adorned the Lesche, a building dedicated by the Cnidians at Delphi : the important place of the painter in the history of art, his ancient renown, the grand scale of his compositions, and the interest of the detailed notice of them that has come down to us, are claims on the attention of artist and archaeologist which have met with due response in France as well as Germany.* England has hitherto, so far as I am aware, contributed nothing in illustration and elucidation of the subject, which, after aU that has been done, is stiU by no means exhausted; a iield where many more may yet toil without losing aU their labour, and, it is to be hoped, without serious offence to those who have gone before. Some lessons may perhaps be found at the present time in the examination of an ancient instance of pictorial decoration of a public building, that may have an application even beyond that simple historical interest which would justify the present attempt to gather up the better result of earlier inquirers, though it should not succeed, as I trust it will, in advancing * Die Gemdlde des Polygnotus erldutert von Otto Jahn ; Kiel, 1841. Die Composition der Polygnotischen Gemcilde in der Lesche zu Delphi, F. G. Welcker ; Berlin, 1848. Epikritische Betrachtungen iiher die Polygnotischen Gemcilde, &c. K, F. Hermann; Gottingen, 1849. These are the more important recent essays on the subject, and furnish full references to all the antecedent literature. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 45 the discussion some steps nearer to the necessary term given by restricted materials. Polygnotus, the earliest Greek painter of whose works we have any strictly historical notice, was the son and pupil of Aglaophon of Thasos, who also educated another son, Aristo- phon, in the art. His age is marked in general terms by his intimate attachment to Cimon and his family. Two most important public monuments that are associated with the name of Cimon were embellished by the paintings of his friend — the Theseion, which still exists, and that Stoa which was to furnish a birth-place and a name for the noblest of human philosophies. In the latter, the Poecile Stoa, he intro- duced a likeness of Elpinice, sister of Cimon, as Laodike, accordinoj to Homer the most beautiful of Priam's daughters. The date of the compliment is not recoverable from the age of the lady, and it is impossible to state with certainty at what date the connexion of Polygnotus with Cimon and with Athens commenced; the attempt of Miiller to trace it to the reduc- tion of Thasos by Cimon, b.c. 463, is, to me at least, entirely unsatisfactory. This island, with its dependencies on the mainland, was long subject to Persia, and was so at the time of the expedition of Xerxes, b.c. 480; it was, therefore, doubtless visited in due course by the victorious Greek fleet, and included, under a remodelled government, in the list of allies under the lead of Athens, and made answerable for an assessment accordingly. This could scarcely have occurred so late as b.c. 469, the later date assigned to the operations of Cimon against the remainder of the Persian force on the Strymon. Even if this were the case, the date gives us an occasion of intimacy six years anterior to that furnished by the revolt of the island and its reduction ; but it is far more probable that the attachment of Thasos to the confederacy under the Athenians, dated from an early year in the decade, B.C. 476-466. — See Grote's good chronological note. 46 LESCHE AT DELPHI. But, indeed, it is probable that a family connexion may have existed of much earlier date; Cimon may easily have inherited from his father Miltiades various connexions with Strymonian Thrace, so intimately connected with Thasos, as we find such connexions continued to their illustrious relative, the historian Thucydides, who possessed mining property in the country. Cimon brought the bones of Theseus to Athens, B.C. 469, and probably Polygnotus was engaged on his Delphic work at the very time the Theseion was building to receive them, as Simo- nides, who died B.C. 467, supplied his metrical epigraph. That these lines still style the painter a Thasian, may be received as an argument for what it is worth, that he had not then received his Athenian citizenship, which was granted to him in honour of his painting the Poecile Stoa gratuitously (Haepocration, p. 248). These are the only approximations to dates of the artist's life that appear worth notice ; the general result seems to carry back his full attainments and reputation quite beyond the commencement of the career of Phidias. Were it not dangerous to infer from one art the tendencies of another, its contemporary, we should be called on by these relative dates to antedate some of the characteristics frequently assumed to be originally Phidian. Pliny, indeed, says that Polygnotus also exercised the art of sculpture, and, we must suppose, in the same spirit as he painted. The following notices furnish us with the leading characteristics of his style and originality (Pliny, xxxv. 9, 35): "Primus mulieres lucida veste pinxit, capita carum mitris versicoloribus operuit, plurimumque picturaj primus contuht: siquidem instituit os adaperire, dentcs ostendere, vultum ab antiquo rigore variare." Lucian (Imag., t. ii. p. 465) praises in his figure of Cassandra the expression of the eyebrows, the bloom of the cheeks, and the drapery of the most elaborate fineness, giving the required indication of the form while freely yielding to the mnd. ^lian furnishes us with a notice of the extensiveness of his LESCHE AT DELPHI. 47 works; the correctness of his drawing; the delicacy of his draperies ; and that he painted life-size. He also mentions his power in passion, expression, and gesture (TraSoc kuI i]%g Kal ayjificLTwv y^^rimv). This excellence in expression gains for him from Aristotle the title of y^at^^vq ii^iKog (a painter of noble expression); and in the Poetica (ii. 2), he speaks of the works of Polygnotus as furnishing models superior to nature, while those of Pauson were inferior — those of Dionysius simply on a par. Accordingly, in the Politics (viii. 8), he approves of the influence on youth of the works of Polygnotus, while he condemns those of Pauson as prejudicial; n%Q here appears to be equivalent to refinement of expression; elsewhere it is employed to signify characteristic expression generally, and it is in this sense that the same philosopher declares Zeuxis to be absolutely deficient, while Polygnotus is pre-eminent (Poetic, vi. 15). The excellences thus ascribed to Polygnotus are precisely of that vigorous class that are ever found to be sure promise of the healthy growth and manifold development of a nascent art; it is also in accordance with numerous parallel examples, that, in the hands of the founder of an art, the resources of enriched embellishment provided by it — in the present instance, colour — should be held of subordinate importance. And yet, as in other parallel instances, the resources of colour, so far as they were developed, were employed by the early artist with such thorough feeling of harmony with the best qualities of his style, as even to command a preference on the part of many who were familiar with Avorks of highest elaborateness and finish. Thus witnesses Quintilian: "Primi quorum quidem opera non vetustatis modo gratia visenda sint, clari pictores fuisse dicuntur Polygnotus atque Aglaopho (whether the elder or a younger is not clear) quorum simplex color tam sui studiosos adhuc habct, ut ilia prope rudia ac velut futurce mox artis primordia maximis qui post eas exstitcrunt, auctoribus prseferantur, (he certainly adds — ) proprio quodam intelligendi (ut mea fert opinio) ambitu." 48 LESCHE AT DELPHI. Cicero mentions Polygnotus among the painters who only used four colours, and were admired " propter formas et linea- menta," (Brutus, xxiii.) In the enumeration of Pliny (xxxv., 32) these colours stand as white, red, yelloAv, and black ; we are surprised to miss the indispensable blue from the list; and the difficulty can scarcely be evaded otherwise than by supposing that the black of the list was itself, or included, a deep shade of blue. In fact, we find the colour of blue-black — the colour of a flesh-fly — distinctly specified by Pausanias as produced. We read of difl'erent modes of preparing these colours among the very artists who are said to have been restricted to them ; and if more than four pigments were employed, the restriction to four colours falls at once. The value of the evidence, how- ever, is to prove that Polygnotus, as might be expected from his early and healthy epoch, relied for his efi'ects on harmonies of the primary colours ; certainly not that the more compound were unknown or unnecessary to him. A preserved passage of Empe- docles, contemporary of Polygnotus, and a reference by Galen to his lost work, show how familiar at that date was the practice of the painter in mixing his colours together in various proportions, and thus enabling him to imitate any object in nature. The prac- tice serves the Agrigentine speculator as an illustration of his theory, that all the objects of nature might be and were com- pounded, by the operation of attraction and repulsion, from a few simple elements. His elements are four — Earth, Air, Fire, and Water — and of these and their combinations the poet-philosopher finds symbols in the four colours which suffice the painter. (Galen in Hippocrat. de Horn. Nat. Comrn., t. iii. p. 101 b.) The author of the Aristotelian discourse on the Cosmos makes the same application. {De Mundo, c. v.) The metals and geo- metrical forms were appropriated on the same principle, and probably at a date much earlier than Polygnotus. Any art and any science, as an organic whole, may evidently furnish a type of expression, and may supply suggestive forms to more com- prehensive philosophies — sonictimes fantastically ; it is not to be LESCHE AT DELPHI. 49 denied, however, that such metaphors, borrowed from art, may have had — have had — great and not altogether detrhnental influence, by reflection back upon the art itself. Enthusiastic sympathy with a grand idea of cosmical order and moral harmony, may be traced in some of the best inspirations of the best ages of art. How can art take higher stand than when the artist has a true sense of the dignity of universal nature, and regards his art as capable of furnishing a true and sufficient type and exponent of it ; and unsatisfactory and faulty, in so far as it falls short of corresponding harmony and catholicity ? Of the use and treatment of light and shade by Polygnotus we can say little more, than that he left it for a future artist to acquire the renown of an inventor, by at least the extension of this branch of art, and that while he no doubt painted shadow, and modelled and divided his forms by it — thus much is implied by the general scope of his praise — there is every appearance that the union of masses by its means, or the accounting for aerial distances, were problems he left unattempted. On the whole, it seems to me unallowable to make inferences as to the practice of Polygnotus from that of the very peculiar art of vase- painting, in which shadows scarcely make their appearance at all, and never become important, their office being performed by incised lines on dark surfaces, and when the ground of the figure is light by dark lines, the strength of which scarcely seems afi'ected by any reference to degree or direction of illumination. The defect in the painter's resources, implied by a restricted knowledge of or power over light and shade, has important consequences, afl'ecting his principles of grouping and compo- sition. The subjects painted at Delphi, which we are about to consider, were very extensive, like many others recorded as executed by himself and his immediate contemporaries and successors ; and the eff'ective disposition of the numerous figures was doubtless one of the great triumphs aimed at and achieved. But linear perspective seems to have assisted in this as little as NO. I. E 50 LESCHE AT DELPHI. aerial; we shall find veiy little allusion to any sort of back- ground or general landscape and scenery, and groups are placed one above another in the composition, that, it is clear, were to be conceived as following one behind the other, on the same level ground. The vases here furnish us with a true illustration, and the vase of Meidias in the British Museum, with the subject of the Rape of the Leucippides, and the Apulian amphora, with the madness of Lycurgus, may be studied in this connexion with great advantage. The Meidias vase, also, with others, furnishes illustration of the painter's practice in inserting inscriptions on his picture ; they agree with the Delphic painting in exhibiting the names of gods or men written against figures, even when most distinctly recognisable by character and attributes; and they furnish examples of the same seeming caprice of inscribing known personages with new names or titles, and of assigning names to subsidiary figures, which are otherwise unkno^vn and destitute of traditional acceptation and position. The significance of these alterations and additions is sometimes detectable in allusion to a j)ervading principle; but as frequently the solution of the enigma is beyond our reach, and we are disposed to doubt whether it ever had a solution. The site of the Lesche at Delphi is so exactly indicated in the local description of Pausanias, that more than one traveller has identified it to his satisfaction, but whether remains suffice to indicate the extent and plan of the construction, we are still to learn. Its purpose, however, as a place of pubhc resort for the citizens for intercourse both of business and amusement, implies spaciousness, and its pictorial embellishments are in accordance with the assumption. From its purpose, again, we should, I think, be inclined to infer that it was not entirely roofed in, but rather like an exchange or cloisters, of which it answered the ends — a colonnade, or a combination of colonnades. Pausanias speaks of it as an oiKrj^ta, a word not much more specific than our " building," in which, when entered, one pic- LESCHE AT DELPHI. 51 ture was on the right hand and another on the left, and his expressions appear to me to suit best the supposition, that they were placed on the opposite walls of a building much longer than it was broad, almost entirely open at one end, and possibly closed entirely at the other. On the assumption that the figures were of life-size, our restoration gives a length for the picture of between ninety and one hundred feet. At what date the Cnidians erected this building is not stated, nor can we safely assume that the labours of Polygnotus upon it were at their charge. Hermann assumes they were, and so do Schubart and Waltz, in their translation, which, how- ever, I think, misrepresents the text. It seems much less pro- bable that Cnidus incurred this expense, just on emerging from the troubles of the Persian war, than that the Delphians themselves employed upon the work a part of the wealth which poured in upon them, after the discomfiture of Xerxes. So it appears, from the gratitude of the Athenians to the painter, that they, and not Cimon, were responsible for the decoration of the Peisianactian Stoa. The question may affect the elucidation of the pictures very materially, as the traditions of the commissioning state would as certainly be consulted in the work produced, as an ^Eginetan victor in the games expected that his Epinician Ode should advert to his national connexion with the JiacidiE ; the balance of evidence from this source I believe to be conclusively Delphian. The description which Pausanias gives of the picture is on a plan of his o"\vn ; he begins at the nearest end of the compo- sition, and gives an inventory of the figures as they occur, one after another, with notes, more or less careful, of their relative position, and comments interspersed, far from being in every case the most interesting and pertinent that it was in his poAver at the moment to have written down ; but as " travellers must be content," so we must learn — and there is every disposition to teach us — to be content with archseological travellers. I will, then, in the first instance, follow our guide with E 2 52 LESCHE AT DELPHI. thankfulness his own way through the picture, referring as we proceed, to the engraving, in which I have endeavoured to exhibit an ordination of figures and groups, that shall be in accordance with his words when plain and unequivocal, and, where uncertainty prevails, in accordance mth the obvious or probable requirements of the subject, and with those principles of arrangement that declare themselves in the parts of the composition most intelligibly reported to us. For this purpose I have made use of the design of Rie- penhausen, lately republished by Welcker, as altered to his own suggestions. I have left the individual groups, with few exceptions, as they were, while freely revising their relative distribution to accord with my own views, so far as they can be made to do so by such treatment. The general proba- bilities of the composition would be much assisted, not only by a style of drawing more in harmony with its age and character, and a better scale of graphic importance among the single figures, but even by modification of general form of some groups, especially of those in most immediate connexion with each other. The nature of the task we have set ourselves will pre- sently appear; we have to determine the relative position of groups and figures, in order to ascertain their mutual relations and significance, of which position is a main exponent — and we have to help out the imperfect indications of position by inferences from significance and intention of expression. This renders it necessary to premise a few observations on the grouping of the painter : in the first place, although he disposes his groups at different heights in the picture, I do not think that he made tliem follow in quite regular lines; I think he took care to avoid the appearance of their doing so. Pausanias could scarcely have avoided a reference to such lines, had he found them as marked here as on the chest of C}^selus — he would have seized at once on such aids to enumeration. The groups themselves repeatedly confirm the inference, which, however, implies niceties of artistical management that are LESCHE AT DELPHI. 53 without the conditions of a typical restoration. As the groups are systems of figures, so systems of groups make up the picture, for it is on far too extensive a scale for the group to be the picture, as in more limited performances; and we shall find that the combinations of groups into systems, take courses to a great extent independent of horizontal arrangement, and tending indeed to counteract or relieve the impression of its prevalence. The sense of interval must have been a chief secret of the painter's art, — the adjustment of interval a main expedient in the efi'ective and consistent distribution of his groups, — interval to be economized, so as to gain every gradation of distinctness without risk of confusion, on the one hand, and, on the other, interval to be freely conceded for the sake of proportion, lightness, flexibility of the leading members of the composition, without incurring the mischief of the predomi- nance of uninteresting barren space, the intrusion of obstructive blocks and callous patches. The observation how successfully all this and more, is managed in the pediments and by the vase-painters, may instruct us what may have been efi'ected by such a master as Polygnotus. The following is an abstract of the description given by Pausanias of the first great composition : — " When the building is entered, the general subject of the " painting on the right hand is Ilion captured, and the depar- " ture of the Greeks. The preparations are in progress for the " embarkation of Menelaus ; a ship is represented and sailors in " it, men and boys among them. In the middle of the ship is " the steersman Phrontis, holding two oars Below him " is one Ithaimenes bearing clothing, and Echoiax is going " down by the ship's ladder, holding a brazen hydria. " Polites, Strophius, and Alphius are striking the tent of " Menelaus, which is not far from the ship. Amphialus is " taking doAvn another tent, and at his feet sits a boy. There " is no inscription to the boy. " Briseis is standing, and also Diomedc above her, and 54 LESCHE AT DELPHI. " Iphis in front of the two, and they seem to be reconnoitring " the beauty of Helen. Helen herself is seated, and Eurybates " near her. Her attendants are Electra and Panthalis, the " latter stands beside her, while Electra fastens her mistress's " shoe. " Over Helen sits a man wrapped in a purple garment, " and exceedingly cast down; easy to be recognised as Helenus, " without reading the inscription. N"ear Helenus is Meges " wounded in the arm, and Lycomedes beside Meges with a " wound on the wrist, and others on the leg and head. There " is Euiyalus also wounded on head and hand. These are " higher up than Helen on the painting. " Following in order upon Helen is the mother of Theseus " (^thra), and one of his sons, Demophon, in a state of anxiety, " to judge from his gesture, as to whether he will be able to " restore J^thra to liberty It seems that Eurybates, in " the picture, has come to Helen on the subject of ^Ethra, " and to report the message of Agamemnon (respecting her " liberation)." We shall see presently, that notmthstanding the order of the expressions of Pausanias here, Demophon, and not ^Ethra, must have stood on the side of Helen. " The Trojan women are represented as captives, and " lamenting ; there is painted Andromache, and a boy stands " before her taking hold of her breast ; Medesicasta is also " painted, one of the illegitimate daughters of Priam ; like " Andromache she wears a covering on her head, but Polyxena " has her hair plaited (or in a knot), after the fashion of " maidens." The position of this group is indicated presently as succeeding vEthra ; hence the presumption in other cases, when no difference of level is mentioned, that the place of the figure or group is on the level, or nearly so, of the last that is named and placed. But this is not always the case. " He has then painted Nestor with a pileus on his head, " and liolding a spear ; a horse seems about to roll itself in the " dust." A notice presently shows that the horse stood beside LESCHE AT DELPHI. 55 Nestor. " As far as the horse the shore extends, and pebbles " are seen upon it, but from this point there is no farther " appearance of sea." " Upwards from the women who are between ^thra and " Nestor (Andromache, &c.), are other captives, Klymene, " Kreusa, Aristomache, and Xenodike. . . . On a couch above " these are painted Deinome, Metioche, Persis, and Kleodike." The expressions appear to me to allow the interpretation that the captives on the couch — probably a long and low group — were less hnmediately above the second group than that was over the first. This is the only instance in which we get in this picture a distinct notice of triple tiers of erect or sitting figures, a rule which pervades the companion composition. That, in this exceptional instance, the three groups are closely connected in import, and that one of them was disposed about a couch, are arguments that they were so combined as not much, if at all, to exceed the total height of the double tiers of some other portions. This, again, leads me to infer that the scale of the figures in this picture was somewhat larger, and their treat- ment more ample, than in the other composition ; a contrast of which Homer may be said to set the example in his com- panion Epics, and which has plastic and graphic precedent of the highest authority. Another proof is, that when restored with figures on the same scale, this picture is found too short to match its companion. " Epeius also is painted naked, overthrowing the Trojan " wall to the foundation ; above the wall, the head only of the " wooden horse appears." As it is clear, from what is to follow, that Epeius Avas not on tlie lower line of the picture, we must place him, in the absence of other directions, above Nestor. The text appears to me to bear out the representation I have adopted, that nothing of tlie wooden horse was seen in the picture but its head that appeared above the wall ; Welcker, who exhibits the entire figure, must interpret the passage differently. 56 LESCHE AT DELPHI. Pausanias then proceeds to enumerate tlie figures of another group, which must have ranged nearly in a line with Epeius, as the notice already referred to excludes them from the lower course; " Polypoetes, son of Pirithous, and Akamas " beside him; Ulysses armed ; Ajax, son of Oileus, with a shield, " stands by an altar, making oath concerning the outrage " against Cassandra, and Cassandra herself sits on the ground, " holding the figure of Athene, which she displaced from its " seat, when Ajax dragged her away. The sons of Atreus are " represented helmeted, and Menelaus has a shield bearing a " serpent, in allusion to the ominous serpent that appeared at the " sacrifice at Aulis. Upon these matters they are taking the " oath of Ajax. " In a direct line with the horse that is by Nestor is " Neoptolemus ; he has just killed Elassus, who has the ajDj^ear- " ance of one who still just breathes, and he is striking with " his sword Astynous, who has fallen on his knee." From the reference of the position of the horse to Neopto- lemus, and of that of Nestor to ^thra, I have no doubt that, though they were grouped together, the horse was for the most part behind Nestor, and that the interposition of the horse, and the termination of the shore just in front of it, were managed in such a way as to interrupt the continuousness of the subject very distinctly at this point; the body of Elassus may also be disposed behind Neoptolemus to assist the same effect. I have transferred Nestor to the near side of his horse, and innate the congratulations of the equestrian on the change. " An altar also is painted, and a little boy clinging to it " for fear; on the altar lies a brazen cuirass composed of back " and front piece. On the other side of the altar is represented " Laodike standing. After Laodike is a stone base, and upon " it a brazen XovTi^piov (basin.) Medusa, (a daughter of Priam " was so named according to Stesichorus,) sits on the ground, " holdino; the stone foot or base with both her hands. Beside " j\Iedusa is an old woman, with hair cut close, (or it may be a LESCHE AT DELPHI. 57 " eunuch,) with a naked little child on her knees, which is " represented holding its hand before its eyes for fear. " Then dead, — Pelis, naked, is cast upon his back, and " below Pelis lie Eioneus and Admetus, both still retaining " their arms ; and others higher up than these — Leocritus above " the louterion^ and above Eioneus and Admetus, Koroebus." Leocritus, who lies above the louterion^ being associated in respect of height in the picture with a figure that is above Eioneus and Admetus, necessarily fixes the place of the latter in the lower course, at the bottom of the picture, which agrees with enumeration of them without more special notice of position, than that they lie under Pelis, who is named imme- diately after the eunuch with the child. Pelis, we are bound to assume, is named first, as nearer to the preceding group ; and this agrees with the fact, that Koroebus, whose position in the picture is higher than Pelis, has his position marked as above the very corpses that are under Pelis ; Pelis clearly, being nearer to the group of the louterion^ does not extend entirely over the space occupied by the pair of corpses : and that the position of Koroebus is referred to theirs and not to his, proves that this figure lay further towards the left of the picture. " Above Koroebus are Priam, Axion, and Agenor. . . Sinon, " the associate (or companion) of Ulysses and Anchialus, are " carrying to burial the body of Laomedon ; there is also one " other dead man painted, with the name Eresus." Pausanias seems to hurry over the latter part of the picture, for we are here left without leading indications of distribution. From the tenor of his course, however, I think we are at liberty to place Sinon and his companion higher than the group of Priam, and the body of Eresus, named last, towards the right. In which direction should the body of Laomedon be carried? I am inclined to think to the right, as towards the Greek quarters, and have reversed the group accordingly. " There is then the house of Antenor, with the skin of the " pardalis suspended above the entrance — the signal to the 58 LESCHE AT DELPHI. " Greeks to spare his house. Theano is represented with her " sons — Glaucus, who sits on a cuirass, and Eurymachus upon " a rock. Beside him stands Antenor, and next to him his " daughter Krino, who carries a young child. The expression " of the faces of all is that of misfortune. There are servants " placing a coffer and other utensils on an ass, on which a little " child is seated. " In this part of the painting is the epigraph of Simonides, — " Polygnotus of Thasos, son of Aglaophon, painted the Acro- " polis of Ilion devastated." In the absence of instructions, I venture to place the house of Antenor at a height to range with that of the tents at the opposite end of the picture, quite or nearly. Antenor with his family finds place before his dwelling, and the ass and the servants loading it, of whom two appear, in mercy, to be sufficient, form a concluding group on the lower line. Still there remains to be settled the position, relatively to the other groups, of that of the adjuration of Ajax, comprising, with Cassandra, seven figures. We have seen that all the way from the shij) of Menelaus to the heap of slain beyond the louterion, Pausanias accounts for the occupation of every place on the lower plan of the picture, and leaves no chance I would say, but that Welcker has ventured it, for con- scientiously interpolating a mass of figures so important. But, on the other hand, there is a wide gap left above this series, between Epeius above Nestor on one side, and the slain that lie above Eioneus and Admetus on the other. There is no specific notice of any figure on the second general plan above the horse : the interval that probably divided it from the next group : the body of Elassus : Neoptolemus, Astynous, the child and altar, and Laodike; and, indeed, as the body of Leocritus probably occupied little space, we might also add, above the group around the louterion. To this vacant space, therefore, we may assign with confidence the group of Greek chiefs and Cassandra, inserted as it is in the catalogue immediately after the mention of Epeius. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 59 A survey of the general arrangement of the groups must inform us how far the place it thus naturally takes, accords with the requirements of graphic sequence and proportion. The tent of Menelaus, his manned vessel, from which Eclioiax and Ithsemenes are bringing, as we shall see, various articles for Helen ; the group of Helen, with the fair triad who observe her ; her attendants and the herald, are all in intimate connexion with each other, and form, in fact, one scene, to which are supplemental Demophon and Jj^thra a little remote, and Nestor, who by his position on the shore, which extends under all these figures, is brought into relation with the embarkation of Helen as distinctly in the picture as we shall find him to be in the traditions it was founded on. Another system of groups, comparatively disconnected with this, is formed of the three groups of Trojan captive women, disposed one above another from the bottom of the picture to the top, with a tendency to the right ; and the supplemental group of wounded Greek warriors, "with the dejected Helenus, another scene in camp. It is by this combination, and by the insertion of the group of Polyxena and Andromache between Nestor and Demophon, that this system of groups naturally attaches to — articulates with, the preceding. Nestor, by the tranquillity of his isolated position, is a formal termination of one of the divisions of the subject, given by Pausanias as the Departure of the Greeks; he stands as the point at rest of a string that is vibrating harmonies. The second division is the representation of the devastated Acro- polis of Troy, introduced on the upper line by Epeius sub- verting the walls, and followed up by the important subject of the adjuration of Ajax. By the correspondence of Epeius to Nestor below on one side, and to Sinon on the same line on the other, the painter, while he places the more interesting Greek chiefs together, succeeds in uniting the interest of this otherwise very distinct group, to the circum- jacent subjects. The number of first-class figures that take 60 LESCHE AT DELPHI. part in this action, render it the most effective counterpoise to the elaborate subject of Helen and her attendants on the right hand division ; but by giving it an upper location, he conducts the interest over the field of the painting, and enlivens that portion of it which otherwise would be tame and unrelieved, if abandoned entirely to dejected captives and piles of the slain. Placed as it is, it gains and gives effect by the contrast of the adjoining scenes. The solemnity of this scene enhances the violent expression in the group of which the slaughterous Neoptolemus is the chief figure, and similar enhancement is derived from its position between the mourning captives and Nestor, on one side, and the slain Trojans on the other. The alarm of the child held by the eunuch marks the extent of the lower group. Beyond this, we arrive at a system of groups of slain Trojans, disposed at various levels, from the lowest to the uppermost plan of the picture, and thus materially assisting the unity of the composition, by correspondence with the similar distribution of the groups of captives. Lastly, the picture terminates with Antenor and his family — his house, and the preparations for his departure. The anti- thetical correspondence of the preparations here to those pro- ceeding at the other end of the picture, is obvious; and we have just remarked another instance of the same principle, which we shall find freely applied in the companion picture. These hints naturally bring to mind the rules of parallelism so remarkably exemplified in other Greek compositions, especially the pediments, and the result has been, that in the attempts of several restorers, great violence has been done to the words of Pausanias, in order to force the groups into numerical and geometrical agreements which they vigorously resist, and, it must be said, with a success with which they ought to be satisfied. Hence, the grandeur and boldness of the rhythmical intention of the present composition have failed of recognition, and we have placed before us instead, a vain phantasm of the LESCHE AT DELPHI. 61 art of Polygnotus, which, could we believe it, would only prove how hard he laboured, and to how little purpose, for an end that, at the sacrifice he would seem prepared to make for it, was merely mechanical. No ingenuity, not to say unscrupulousness, can make the family group of Antenor an equipoise, graphically, to that of Helen ; and this difficulty being insurmountable, the theory of reconstruction dependent on it collapses by necessary fate. The compositions that enriched the pediments of the Greek temples were adapted to be seen from a distance and taken in by the eye at once ; they thus represent on a single line a simple central action, to which every figure on either side bears a certain relation; the requirements of the architectonic style made the rule of parallelism still more stringent. This rule has a certain application to the circumstances of the pictures we are studying, but much more indulgently, — the field of the painting was evidently too large for the whole to be taken in at a glance by a spectator comparatively close to it ; to apply the same rule would therefore have been to challenge a painful, and after all futile attempt. The symmetry of the arrangement, there- fore, tells by its eifect on the memory rather than immediately upon the eye. The picture was one to be perused ; the interest of the perusal, I doubt not, was sustained by that skilful bias of grouping that indicates a sequel and promises a complement, but when these came I believe that they pleased, not so much by proportions measurable by the eye, but rather by fulfilling an expectation and satisfying a want — " congreeing in a full and natural close, like music." Thus, while the departure of Antenor has that degree of correspondence to the embarkation of Helen that gives roundness to the subject, the two incidents, as represented, have the diff*erences appropriate to them as, respec- tively, the commencement and the conclusion of the subject, and as the main incident of the first section of the picture may be expected to differ from tlie supplemental incident of the second. How essentially the picture is adapted for consecutive perusal 62 LESCHE AT DELPHI. appears at once, when we attempt to follow the subject the reverse way of the enumeration of the figures by Pausanias, unskilful as this is ; we find, on trial, that we are moving harshly against reversed and ruffled plumage — painfully backing a steed, that can only move with speed and gracefulness when it moves forward. But the painter of the Lesche had not only to provide that his picture should explain and develop itself as the spectator moved on — it was also necessary that, when the review was completed, the resultant impression from the multifarious groups should be clear, forcible, and, as a leading condition of force and clearness, that it should be at unity with itself. But as the harmony of the solar system is only preserved by the enormous superiority in mass and influence of the central sun, so neces- sary, in such a complicated composition, is a certain central and dominant interest, which shall admit no question of its supe- riority, and give the scale and rule of subordination for all that may be attached to it and dependent on it. For this strate- getical — this artistic key we are bound to look, especially after the indications of parallelism between extremities and wings, to the middle of the picture, or at least, to the most interesting of the groups that are near the middle. The groups before which, thus conducted, we have to take our stand, are those in which Ajax Oileus, and Neoptolemus, are respectively concerned, and it now behoves us to penetrate to the sentiment and significance of these groups, for here, if anywhere, will be found the exj)la- nation why Polygnotus, from a rich and multifarious subject, selected the incidents he did in preference to others, and treated them in the way he did, both individually and relatively. The son of Achilles takes precedence, in consideration of a remark of the describer. " Neoptolemus is represented," says Pausanias, " having just killed Elassus, whoever Elassus may be, — he has the appear- ance of one just expiring ; and he strikes with his sword Astynous, mentioned in the poem of Lescheus, who has fallen LESCHE AT DELPHI. 63 on his knee. Polygnotus has made Neoptolemus alone, of all the Greeks, continuing the slaughter of the Trojans, because the entire painting was designed by him to have proper reference to the tomb of Neoptolemus." By the " entire painting" there can be little doubt, from the general tenor of the sentence, that Pausanias intended the entire pictorial decoration of the Lesche, on either wall, to be understood ; and we shall have to consider the point "vvith some care, in reference to the other picture, — but at present we have our work before us. The poem of Lescheus, in which Astynous was mentioned, was the Cychc Epic, the Iliou persis^ or destruction of Ilion, from which Polygnotus borrowed other names of subordinate personages ; and Pausanias by repeated references indicates that he considered the painter to have had this poem particularly in his mind throughout ; may we look to the records that remain of the poem of Lescheus, and recognise there the scheme and story of our painting? "VVe shall be disappointed: from the silence of Pausanias, it seems clear that the poem did not fur- nish the treatment, and probably not the subject, of the oath of Ajax ; and in the subjects it did furnish, or might have fur- nished, we find traces not to be mistaken of the painter's origi- nality and independence in referring to various poetical sources for his materials, while the management of them was his own. We have therefore, I apprehend, to confront the groups of the painter, not with one particular record, but mth the general fund of poetry and tradition that may illustrate them, and trace the operations of a constructive, and not merely a repro- ducing energy. The second and more decided indication of our antiquary, as to the reference of the paintings to the tomb of Neoptolemus, remains to be appreciated; he says nothing to illustrate or justify his assertion, and it scarcely seems to be an inference of his own from contemplation of the great works; yet, speaking so positively as he does, he must have had grounds that satisfied 64 LESCHE AT DELPHI. him, and I suspect they were the information of a guide, and dependent on local tradition, and even authentic record. The tomb of Neoptolemus was in immediate proximity to the Lesche at Delphi, as both were to the great temple of Apollo ; and there the Delphians paid him yearly honours as a hero. Pausanias asserts that these honours were of late origin, and in recompence for the personal service of the hero in the repulse of Brennus and his Celts (1. iv. 4.), his very monu- ment having previously been an object of dishonour and neglect, as that of an enemy. It is true, that this assertion is disproved by allusions in Pindar's Seventh Nemean (v. 47); but it is also true, that this very ode furnishes the strongest evidence of the prevalence, and that at Delphi, of a prejudice unfavourable to Neoptolemus in his relations to the place. As in so many other instances, there were evidently conflicting traditions on the subject, and other traditions that endeavoured to reconcile both stories. The animus that originated these variations is constantly traceable to local or national feelings, rivalries or collisions, which varied from time to time, and gave rise in their course to traditions that survived them. Thus, the original charge against Neoptolemus has every appearance of expressing an early hostility between Delphi and tribes to the North and West and elsewhere, associated with his name; and it is of so grave a character, that however subsequent policy may have qualified it, I do not doubt that the prevailing ten- dency of Delphic tradition was to make a public and impressive example of the son of Achilles. Euripides represents (^Andro- mache) that Neoptolemus paid two visits to Delphi, the first on a really impious errand, to demand reparation from Apollo for the part he had taken in the death of Achilles ; his second visit, for the purpose of expiating the error of the first, terminated m his death, slain at the altar of the god by the Delphians, at the instigation of Orestes, who accused him of designs on the treasures of the god. According to Virgil (^n., iii. 331), Orestes himself slew him — and at an altar. This circumstance LESCHE AT DELPHI. 65 recurs in all accounts, and was held to be an example of divine retribution for his sacrilegious slaughter of Priam at the altar of Zeus Herkeios. (Paus., iv. 17, 4.) According to Pausanias, in whom I have great confidence for rendering the genuine Delphic tradition, Neoptolemus was reckoned in the unholy list of plunderers of the treasures of the god, and molesters of his services, and was slain at the express command of the Pythia, by the priest of Apollo, and on his altar. The altar was shown to Pausanias in the temple near the iron throne on which Pindar, when he visited Delphi, sat to sing his compositions in honour of Apollo. These are lost, but the slight account we possess of one of them, is of interest from its bearing on the presc'Ut subject. Pindar, in the ode already referred to, represents that Pyrrhus was present at Delphi to dedicate offerings from his Trojan spoil, and was slain by one of the priests with a sacri- ficial knife in chance-medley dispute about the flesh of the victims ; but, as we learn from the scholiast, he is here excusing himself to the iEginetans, jealous of the honour of the J^]acida9, whom he had offended by at least appearing, in a pa3an written for the Delphians, to favour the legend that Pyrrhus met his fate in a sacrilegious enterprise. The sensitiveness of the ^ginetans, if Pindar had not really, as he probably had, favoured this imputation, is proof of the vital energy of the tradition at the very date of the pictures of Polygnotus, of whom Pindar, it must be remembered, was a contemporary. But in this case the picture of Polygnotus may have been as offensive to the Jj^ginetans, and other dependents of Neo- ptolemus, as was the paean of Pindar ; this is a matter, however, that we cannot enter into, and the terms of our bond will be satisfied if we examine how far the painter laid stress upon the imputation that the poet was fain to extenuate or retract. Neoptolemus then is represented as alone of all the Greeks still continuing the slaughter, the last to cease from slaying, and only ceasing because the last of his enemies was slain ; the NO. I. F 66 LESCHE AT DELPHI. trait ao-rees with the bloodthirst and relentlessness ascribed to him in the Cyclic poem, which, however, only expanded the characteristics given in a few distinct and graphic touches by Homer. Ulysses describes to the shade of Achilles, how, when tears and trembling prevailed among the chiefs imperilled in the wooden horse, his son gave no sign of weakness, but still urged unmediate sally from the hold, and grasped his spear and sword-hilt with impatience, breathing woe to the Trojans. Polygnotus, it is true, avoids, like Homer, the shocking exhi- bition of the death of Priam, with its ferocious circumstances; but he does not fail to remind us of them by the body of the old king lying in the centre of a heap of slain subjects and defenders. The carefulness of the artist to soften the painful- ness of the scene, is further observable in the assignment to the victims falling under the sword of Neoptolemus, of names not known, or not familiar. The ferocity and recklessness of the hero are, however, characterized in the most important point, by the disregard of the sacred objects and the sacred precinct they indicate — the altar and louterion to which women and children are cHnging in horror and despair. Laodice, it is true, is said to be standing by the altar, and the phrase seems cold when contrasted with the excited action of Medusa, who is beyond her; but, without supposing Polygnotus intended to adopt the m5i:hus according to which she was swallowed up by the earth — ^the gods according her prayer, the silence of Pausanias need not interfere with the belief, that Polygnotus reconciled her atti- tude to the proprieties of the occasion, by those indications of passion and emotion of which he was so great a master. The empty cuirass that lies on the altar to which a child is clinging, is a symbol of the destitution of the city, its adult population slain — deprived of succour and reliance, both human and divine. The sentiment of the combination is the same as the burial of Astyanax in the shield of his father, in the Attic play. The associations with the name of Neoptolemus, therefore. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 67 were such that the introduction of sacred furniture into the scene of his violence, only admits of interpretation in the strictest sense. The painter could not have ventured to introduce such details, had it been his object to avoid the chance of the inju- rious accusations of sacrilege against Pyrrhus, rising up in, taking possession of, the mind of the spectator. But this is not the only gloss by which Polygnotus illustrated his meaning, and inculcated at once the formal and the moral duties, of respect for sacred localities and moderation in moments of success : both appeahng to such deep traditional feeling in the Hellenic mind, both such leading principles in the sacerdotal and religious theologumena of Delphi. The scene in immediate proximity to the deeds of Neopto- lemus, just above his irreverential violence, is the oath of Ajax respecting a crime of the very nature of that which is charged against the son of Achilles. The incident is treated with great importance and impressiveness, aided no little by the connexion of Cassandra in tradition, with the Delphic god. The introduc- tion of six important Greek chiefs into the group, necessarily gives this subject great preponderance; its place in the story is quite in accordance with this, and thus it becomes something more than a mere counterfoil and episode to the incident of Neoptolemus. I think, indeed, that it is the predominant sub- ject of the whole painting, notwithstanding the more vehement action of the lower scene. At the sack of Troy Ajax Oileus seized Cassandra, who clung to the figure of Athene, and incensed the goddess by his disregard of the sanctity of the refuge. Some accounts add shameful aggravation to his act ; and the confused expressions or faulty readings of Pausanias, indicate that the gravamen of the sacrilege was the displacement of the statue which followed the grasp of the prophetess as he haled her away. The painter seems to have adopted this view, as she sat on the ground holding the figure in her arms. Ulysses took up the charge against Ajax, and was in favour f2 68 LESCHE AT DELPHI. of appeasing tlie divine anger by stoning Mm; but, after the oath of Ajax, — in disproof of how much of the charge, is not quite clear, no penalty was exacted, and to this original slight was due the vengeance which Athene wreaked on the returning fleet. The Riepenhausen design puts Ulysses very judiciously in opposition to Ajax, and in the readjustment I have worked through, we find that Neoptolemus is brought midway between Ajax Oileus and Ulysses, the very position which, by resem- blance and contrast, lends force to the spirit of his proceedings. Still further illustration is given by the position of Nestor, who, according to the Odyssey^ was, as well as Ulysses, at variance with Neoptolemus in debates of policy and counsel. He stands here on the shore, with back turned to the proceedings in the Acropolis, and the pileus of the traveller on his head, ready to embark. Ulysses is armed, which is not usual in representations of him, and not absolutely required by the occasion. I suspect that we have here an allusion to another parallel incident in Trojan tradition, and that the arms he wears were intended by the painter to be recognised as those of Achilles, which were conceded to him in opposition to the claims of Telamonian Ajax. The failure of Ajax was the immediate occasion of his madness and suicide ; but the ultimate cause of his misfortune, according to the tradition which we recover from the tragedy of Sophocles, was haughty impiety, and offence to Athene especially, by boasting of his deeds as independent of divine assistance. It was like impiety that brought down the thunder on Oilean Ajax, and thus the two heroes agree in character and fate, as they do in having Ulysses, the protected of Athene, for foe and rival. It is on these circumstances, among others, that the con- nexion in subject of the two paintings will be found to depend. The position of Ulysses, as vindicator of the claims of piety, is still further strengthened by the representation of the per- formance of a pious office — the burial of a slain enemy, by Sinon, his friend or associate. So Sinon is called by Pausanias, LESCHE AT DELPHI. 69 and I do not doubt on sufficient authority, though he does not tarry to produce it. It will be remembered that it is to the piety of Ulysses that Ajax Telamon owes his burial, in the play of Sophocles. Correspondent to the group of Sinon, &c., is Epeius, engaged in levelling the Trojan wall: his naked body is expressive of eagerness in his occupation, the spirit of which seems intended to contrast with that of Sinon, and Epeius has but a bad name in legend. The prominence given to him here has an additional motive in local allusion, as he is called by Euripides, a Parnassian Phocian. Epeius constructed the Trojan horse which is seen above the wall he destroys ; I prefer an arrangement, however, which brings it into closer relation to Ulysses, as due to his importance in the picture, and to the con- sideration that he gained his title TrroXtTropSog, from his conduct as captain of the desperate ambush. The division of the picture at this point is clearly marked by the coincidence of the Trojan wall commencing just above the termination of the shore in the lower part of the picture. At the same time, the prolongation of the wall to the left would obviate the liability of what was intended as a pause becoming a break — the transition an interruption. The energetic exertion of the stark Epeius admirably relieves the otherwise tame sequence of the listening groups of Greek chiefs, and the groups of mourning captives ; and the misery of the latter, it appears to me, could scarcely be set forth with any circumstance of greater aggravation than the triumphant and fierce destruction, close beside them, of the bulwarks that for so many years had faithfully protected them and deferred the day of servitude, now come at last. The assistance derivable from the Troades of Euripides, as illustrative of this painting, has been underrated or forgotten. The play, doubtless, is comparatively late ; but the sources of the poet and the painter were the same ; and who can doubt the fami- liarity with the pictures of the Lesche, of the author oilon f The point of time in play and picture, is about the same — the prepara- 70 LESCHE AT DELPHI. tion for the embarkation of the Greeks. The commencement of the dramatic action, is the expression of divine anger, through the mouths of Poseidon and Athene, at the excesses and impieties of the Greeks in their victory ; the profanations of sacred places with slaughter (14 — 16), especially that of Priam; the sacrifice of Polyxena ; the unhallowed intercourse of Agamemnon with Cassandra, bride of Apollo; and especially the impunity of Oilcan Ajax, — in requital of all which the goddess threatens destruction and disaster. On the other hand, the pitiable reverse of the captive Trojan princesses and women, who form the chorus and give name to the play, is exhibited most touch- ingly, and might well engage the sympathies of even a hostile audience. The same appeal to compassionate sentiment — the same exhibition of lamentable reverse of for-tune — the same illustration, and by the same instances, of the perils of over- elation in the hour of victory, and of the divine jealousy of such excesses, — all are set forth as efi'ectively in the picture as in the play; and thus they concur in what Aristotle defined as the aim and tendency of tragic art; purification of the heart by the excitement of the sentiments of awe and pity. Pity for the Trojan women is enhanced by Polygnotus, as by Euripides, by contrast with the splendour and power of Helen, the original cause of both Greek and Trojan disaster; but we shall see how Polygnotus relieves the painfulness of the contrast, and casts a wann glow over the reappearance in the Greek camp of the wife of Menelaus, which redeems her in our sympathies. A coincidence more general, but quite as remarkable, is observable between the conception of the picture and that of the occasion it refers to, as set forth in a speech of Clytemnestra, in the Agamemnon of ^Eschylus; here we find the contrast between the state of^dctors and vanquished in Troy described in lively images ; and especially is declared the danger the Greeks would encounter on their homeward voyage, in case they failed in respect to the gods of the captured city and their consecrated LESCHE AT DELPHI. 71 precincts, and gave way in the hour of triumph to irregular passion. {Agamem.^ v. 320.) The two upper groups of female captives, each of four figures, were no doubt varied in composition, and this would be facilitated by the upper group being distributed about a couch. The names assigned to them do not mark out any as of special interest : they answer to the chorus of the play ; and the more direct appeal to our feelings is concentrated on the group at the bottom of the picture. Here, immersed in grief, we find the widow of Hector with his orphan son, Polyxena, and Medesi- caste, one of the illegitimate daughters of Priam. These, with the exception of the last, are not selected without a design to continue the course of associations set in motion by other groups. Andromache, in the division of spoil, was allotted to Neoptolemus ; Astyanax he threw headlong from a tower — the independent act of his own sanguinary impulses, according to Lescheus ; and Polyxena was doomed by him to be sacrificed at the tomb of his father. So, again, Helenus, who is grouped with the wounded Greeks, had intimate relations to Neoptolemus: he was the adviser of his settlement in Epirus, the guardian of his children, and the husband of Andromache after his death at Delphi. The wounded Greeks express the fierceness of the contest in the night battle, but the painter avoids including in the list any of the more distinguished chiefs; those that he gives were perhaps selected on grounds of local relations to Delphi, not now traceable in detail. Meges is of Dulichion, Lycomedes is a comrade of O'ilean or Locrian Ajax, and Euryalus is a comrade of Diomedes, the colonist of Southern Italy. The proximity of this group to Helen brings before us in forcible connexion the cause and consequences of the war. The action of the child, in touching the breast of Andro- mache, may receive its most natural interpretation, notwith- standing the circumstance, not necessarily inconsistent, that it is standing before her. A like detail is described by Euripides 72 LESCHE AT DELPHI. {Troad.^ v. 570), who evidently follows either Polygnotus or a common source in tradition, in thus heightening the expression of the tie of maternity so soon to be ruthlessly torn asunder. The representation of the camp of the Greeks by a couple of tents — their fleet by a single ship — is quite in accordance with those principles of graphic shorthand which rule so con- spicuously throughout the picture. Such principles necessarily rule in all painting, as all dramas necessarily violate to large extent the literal unities of place and time. The amount of demand which is made in either case by the artist is propor- tioned to his sense of the indulgence he requires or can requite ; the requital is ever so carried through by artists of the stamp of the Thasian, that obligation for, and admiration at, the result leaves no remembrance of the conditions as concessions to weakness or limits of capability. By selecting for representation the ship and tent of Mene- laus, Polygnotus obtains the most significant type of the success of the expedition in the recovery of Helen, and an opportunity for his art in the display of her beauty. Besides this, he gains occasion for the episode of Jj^thra, which has a significance relatively to the general scope of the picture, no less distinct than that of the departure of Menelaus. Nestor, by his position on the shore, averse from the scenes both of Neoptolemus and Ajax, by the travellers' pileus that he wears, and his impatience typified in that of the horse which belongs to him as Tepijviog tTTTrora, and Menelaus, by the pre- parations going on at his ship and tent, are marked as the Greeks most eager for departure ; and it Avas impossible that to an ancient Greek, familiar as with household words with the traditions of Homeric poetry, that these departures, thus in- stantly afoot, should not deepen to his mind's eye that hovering cloud of disaster that gathers above the fierce and ill-advised transactions of the Acropolis. Nestor, we read in the Odyssey, was the first to sail away, presaging the divine anger that impended (iii. 165); and he was soon joined by Menelaus. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 73 The Homeric record is decisively appealed to by the special introduction of the steersman, Phrontis, the son of Onetor, who, it is related in the same book, died suddenly on the homeward voyage, slain by the mild arrows of Apollo, and was buried by Menelaus at Sunium. The allusions to Apollo and to Sunium were doubtless welcome to the painter, Attic by sympathy if not adoption, and employed upon a Delphic work. I suspect that the Attic allusion reached further, and that the grave of the excellent steersman at the Attic promontory, Sunium, may have been connected with the naval games celebrated there at the Pana- thensea (Lysias, Apolog. gwpoSo/c.) — the pentaeteris probably, that Herodotus mentions (vi. 87, Boeckh's reading), a theoris sent to which was captured by the ^ginetans. So games are connected with the steersman of Theseus. There seems to have been an unlucky fatality for Menelaus about this coast, for close at hand, according to some of the ancient geographers, is "Cranae's isle" (Steabo, 399). How the tent was recognised as that of Menelaus does not appear, but the analogy of vase-paintings makes it probable that it was so inscribed. The serpent on the shield of Menelaus is considered by Pausanias to be an allusion to the omen of Aulis ; but unless it was so identified by details not mentioned, I should conjecture that it was but a speaking symbol of the Spartan, a reference of which we seem to have a trace in the Homeric comparison of the hero, when he leaps forward against Paris, to a serpent startling a wanderer in the woods. Returning to the group of heroes collected at the altar for the oath of Ajax, I would desire, in a restoration of it, that some graphic sign should be given of the future fatal assign- ment of Cassandra to Agamemnon, but by no means in such a way as to favour that form of the legend of the prosecution of Ajax, that interpreted it as a trick of Ulysses to further the designs of the king of men. The maiden prostrate by the altar brings also vividly to mind, the sacrifice by Agamemnon of his 74 LESCHE AT DELPHI. daughter Iphigenia, from which the chorus of ^Eschylus derives such evil bodings ; and the tragedian's description of the love- liness of the victim at the fatal scene, " fair as in the paintings," must have brought the group of Polygnotus to the mind of many of the audience — perhaps was suggested by it to his own. The ancient design adapted by Riepenhausen, has been referred by various interpreters to both Iphigenia and Cassandra. In the introduction into the group of Akamas, the son of Theseus, we have an evident trace of the Athenian sympathies of the painter. Akamas, who wears a helmet plumed, is grouped with Polypoetes, the son of his father's friend, Pirithous. The hair of Polypcetes is bound with a taenia, but why or whether for any special reason is not apparent. The sons of friends were probably grouped as friends, and this suggestion of the finer affections is a link by which the sentiment of the main group is attached to that which we have still to examine, and of which Helen is the centre. According to the story, when Troy was sacked, the sons of Theseus, Akamas and Demophon, found their mother, ^thra, the slave of Helen ; so she is introduced in the Iliad^ and other authorities tell that when the Dioscuri rescued their sister from Theseus, they carried off JEthra to Sparta, and thence and thus she followed her mistress to Troy. Her grandsons solicited her release from Agamemnon, who favoured their request, but referred them to the free determination of Helen, to whom, however, he applied on the subject by a herald. This is the action that is in progress in the picture: Demophon awaits with his mother, the answer of Helen ; but it is surprising to find that the herald who is near Helen, is the herald, not of A^-amemnon, as the reference to Lescheus would lead us to expect, but Eurybates, the name given by Homer to the herald of Ulysses. Polygnotus, it is true, painted Eurybates beardless, at variance with the portrait that Ulysses himself gives of him at an earlier date. But this detailed portrait is one that, characteristic as it is, a painter might weU be unwilling to LESCHE AT DELPHI. 75 reproduce in immediate proximity to the glorious beauty of Helen ; and, indeed, it would be ominous of little good fortune for his mission. Polygnotus, therefore, had a motive for introducing Eurybates, though in circumstances that compelled him to be false to the Homeric portrait. In fact, he represents by this means the intercession with Helen in favour of ^thra to be the act of Ulysses — not of Agamemnon ; and thus here, by the agency of his herald, as elsewhere by that of Sinon, his friend, the presence and influence of Ulysses are multiplied, and in every case for the behoof of piety, moderation, and mercy. This point, however, must not be pressed too far, as in the first book of the Iliad^ Eurybates accompanies Talthybius to the tent of Achilles, in obedience to the command of Agamemnon. A further difficulty has been naturally found in the circum- stance that Eurybates is seated by Helen, and, it may be inferred from Pausanias, in conversation with her; yet such a position has seemed scarcely in consistency with a herald's zealous execution of a message of which the result is eagerly awaited. The difficulty so far is real, but would only be aggravated were we restricted to the solutions of it that have been offered hitherto — yet an easy solution is near at hand. Helen, the story as delivered by Lescheus pursues, granted the suit, and not only released ^thra, but even loaded her richly with presents. For the first time, then, we now obtain a consistent explanation of another difficulty, as great, and it would seem it should have been as obvious, as those we have just mentioned. For what purpose, it might have been asked, are Echoiax and Ithsemenes bringing king's stores out of the vessel at the very time that the tent is being struck, and all is preparing for instant clearing out of port? The stores thus on previous theories inopportunely unshipped, are, in reality, the presents destined by Helen for ^thra ; she has sent for them, and while they come, the graciousness of the daughter of Jove receives the most expressive enhancement by her consideration 76 LESCHE AT DELPHI. for the herald : these were heroic days. Eurybates sits in the presence, awaiting the gifts, which he is to take back with welcome tidings ; and the delay that thus occurs explains the painful degree to which the anxiety of Demophon has risen. The toilet of Helen is a frequent subject on monuments, especially on Etruscan specula; and it is noteworthy that Euripides assigns to her a golden speculum {Troad.^ v. 1107), and in some representations she holds one in her hand. There is allusion to her approaching departure in the particular service of her attendant — putting on her shoe. Briseis, Diomede, and Iphis, favourites and fairest among the captives of Achilles and Patroclus, were painted regarding the beauty of the cause of their misfortunes, and I doubt not that it was not least in the expressions of their countenances, that the ethic art of Polygnotus was displayed. The phrase of Pausanias implies that they had the air of looking with eyes of curiosity (of reconnoitring) on the world's wonder, — with what mixture of other feelings in their expression of admiration or of wonder, is now futile to inquire. In turning to the incident at the other extremity of the picture, that in some respects is so distinctly parallel, we recognise first that pragmatical connexion by which the artist has provided for the more close combination of his independent groups. Some legends told that Antenor quitted the Trojan shore in company with Menelaus (Pindae). Mournful, again, as the group is, and could not but be, — for thus it is that it harmoniously ensues on the field of dead around : at least the family is safe, and the panther-skin hangs over the door of the house — symbol of a respected contract ; and thus is secured one more relieving reminiscence, another saving trait to secure our continued sympathy — errors and excesses of some of the confederation notwithstanding, with the general cause of Greece. It is not to be denied that there is a certain flatness in the concluding groups of this picture, but the restorers, who have m II THE PAINTINGS OF POLVCNQTUS. IN THE LESCHt AT DELPHI. TROV CAPTURED AND THE DEPARTURE OF THE GREEKS. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 77 crowded supernumeraries round the unhappy ass, — I have omitted two, have only enhanced incongruity by making the bulk and body of the groups exceed their significance — an error unknown to the Greeks : there is not story and variety of passion enough in the anecdote of Antenor to make it an equipoise to that of Helen, and it was not intended to be so. The picture is divided into two parts, and it is at the commencement of each that the most stirring incident of each, finds place — Helen and ^thra, Neoptolemus and his victims. The groups of captives balance those of the slain, and the ass with the servants concludes the second series as Nestor and his horse the first. The weighty subject of the outrage on Cassandra connects the two and gives a nervous centre to the branching organism. The depression and departure of Antenor do not satisfy the antithesis they suggest to the busy embarkation at the opposite extremity ; but a certain lack of cadence and emphasis at the conclusion, is the very means of indicating that a sequel is yet to be expected : we shall find it in the second painting, in which the subject as well as grouping of the first, receive the contrast and completion they prepare for and require. William Watkiss Lloyd. 78 VII. ON THE PLAN AND DISPOSITION OF THE GREEK LESCHE. TTrE cannot allow the subject of the foregoing paper to pass * " by, without adding a few remarks on the nature and form of the Greek Lesche : more especially as it is our object to con- nect together as much as possible, and to study simultaneously, the several branches of the fine arts; being actuated by the conviction that we cannot study any one of the sister arts, without learning somewhat that may be applicable to the others, and that we cannot render ourselves truly proficient in the knowledge and practice of any one, unless we endeavour to perfect ourselves in the principles of the rest. In the work by Fr. and Joh. Riepenhausen* to whose admirable restorations we are indebted for the illustrations of the preceding paper, (the grouping only of the figures being altered r" • • o • o • ^•o»oo»ft^ * Erlciuterung des Polygnotischen GemaJddes auf der redden seite der Lesche zu Delphi, 4to, Gottingen, 1805. THE GREEK LESCHE. 79 by Mr. Lloyd,) we find a ground plan which these brothers imagined might have been the arrangement of the Lesche at Delphi, referred to by Pausanias. They have represented it as an oblong court, the longer sides of which were appropriated to the paintings, and the front ornamented with an open portico.* From the very general application of this word, frequently to buildings which had been erected for other purposes, it is uncertain whether any edifices were raised with the sole object of being a place for lounging and conversation, and whether such edifices had any distinct peculiar form. Certain it is, that no buildings in all Greece are preserved to us of this nature, although we are informed that at one time they were of so exten- sive an use, that in the city of Athens alone there existed no less than 360. (Procles, in Hesiod^ 493.) But, as it is possible that buildings may have been expressly constructed and set apart for such a destination, and as one of the most striking excellencies of Grecian architecture was the appropriateness of each building to its specific purpose, and as the descriptions of some of these buildings do appear to corre- spond together, so we should endeavour to ascertain what form of arrangement will best combine to answer the various require- ments of such a building. The first particular we have of the Greek Lesche is, that it was a building witJiout doors. (Hom. Odys. 2, and Eustathius.) In this respect, the plan before us is consistent, for, although it is closed by a portico in front, it has no doors. A modern building, which has much of this character, is the Ruhmeshalle, or Hall of Renown, at Munich. It hasf nine columns at the flanks, and seven inside. The columns are 4 ft. 1 J in. diameter, English measure. We have here a building * This opinion was also advocated by Cte. Caylus, Mem. de VAcad. des Inscriptions, tome xxvii. t As rightly conjectured by the editor of the Builder (vol. viii. p. 517). 80 ON THE PLAN AND DISPOSITION of important dimensions, and decorated with paintings, but having neither door nor chamber. • • • • • • • • From Hesiod (Op. et Dies, 493) we learn that it was ivarm, and that in winter time any close warm room, to which people resorted, constituted a Lesche. From this passage Siebelis conjectures that the Lesche was not aSupwroc, but closed in on every side. This, however, does by no means folloAv: for the building might have been of any form, and opened or closed indifferently, provided it was warm. Riepenhau sen's plan is here defective ; for notwithstanding it is protected from winds by walls on three sides, the narrowness of the hypsethros would prevent its receiving much warmth from the sun. Another objection to this plan is that it consists of three walls, only two of which were decorated with paintings. The authors felt this difficulty, and pierced the end wall with a window, through which they imagined a view might be desired of the adjacent buildings. Let us now endeavour to ascertain whether any other form of edifice will be less open to these objections, and whether it will answer to the various other particulars which we have of such buildings. The most general, and indeed as its name denotes, the most apparent destination of these buildings was for the purposes of conversation. From Plutarch (Quces. Grcec. and Vit Lycurg., 24) it appears to be a place of assembly and conversation. From Ei apud Delplios, and from Suidas, — a place for dis- puting on scientific and philosophical subjects. From Proclus, it seems to have been devoted to any profitable conversation. OF THE GREEK LESCHE. 81 Poems were recited in them, and even Homer is said to have sung his verses in the Lesche of Cyma. (Herod, in Vita Ho7n.) From Eustathius, Proclus, and Moschopulus, we may gather that they were frequently diverted from these intellectual occupations to idle gossiping and chatting. Pausanias, in his description of this at Delphi, says they were used for idle and serious conversation. Antiphon, again, (in Oral. cont. Nicoclem,) calls the Lesche a place for lounging ; Harpocration, a place for idle people ; while Homer, Hesiod, and their commentators, make it a place of resort for beggars.* From these several authorities, it would appear that the Lesche was provided with ample seats, (see also Suidas, s. v.,) which might be placed in recesses, called Exhedra3. Another feature of the Lesche was probably a long ambulatory or colonnade, for the philosophers to exercise and enjoy themselves in. From these considerations, the following plan has been projected — consisting of a long continuous portico, open all round, and having merely a single wall in the middle, in the thickness of which, seats or exhedra) are contrived, at sufficient distance apart to preserve their privacy, and separated from each other by statues. Exhedree, disposed in this manner, may be seen in the Hecatonstylon, or portico of a hundred columns, attached to the Theatre of Pompey, the plan of which is preserved to us in * Casaubon {Annot. ad Strab., p. 396) supposes the Lesche to be identical with the Odeion ; but this idea has been refuted by Martini, {Ahhundlung von den Odeen der AUeri). iEsehyUis and Soplioclcs frccpicntly employ the term to signify a place of judgment; and from a passage in Athenaius, (iv. 139 e,) we may assume that even the Triclinium was sometimes called a Lesche. NO. I. G 82 ON THE PLAN AND DISPOSITION the marble plan of Rome. It has a single portico on the north side, and a double one on the south, in order to produce a greater shade. The small circles inscribed m squares probably represent statues. These vast niches, ornamented with columns, recal to mind the Basilica of Constantine, the deep exhedrai of which are now used as a Lesche by the modern Roman beggar : Hence to the Lesche, from the miduight air, Or some black forge, the vagrant's haunt, repair. A building which assimilates to the foregoing is the Portico of Philip at Rome — a colonnade attached to the Theatre of Balbus. It is restored by Canina, {Pianta Topog. di Eoma Ant.) partly from actual remains at Santa Maria in Cacaberis, and partly from a fragment of the marble plan of Rome. It is represented as 500 feet in length. RESTORATION PROPOSED RE STORATI ON □ n n n p □ p d a o /iiytix'U'x ij >?:'i :X' X! I Xi I >k.i iXi i X! iXi iXl lAi ! OF THE GREEK LESCHE. 83 Taking the principle of his design as correct, as being founded on actual remains, it seems probable, from the fragment of the plan of Rome,* that the pilasters represented in the Cav. Canina's plan should be columns, and that the columns should be statues, as shown in our amended plan. Here the objection ■will be made, that such a building does not correspond with the oUvna of Pausanias. On entering the doorway, say his commentators, you saw on the right wall one painting, and another facing it on the left wall. But Pausanias neither designates a door, nor does he describe one painting as facing the other, but simply says — When you shall have entered the building, you will see the following picture on your right hand and the other part of the picture which is on the left hand, &c. In such a building as we have represented, the spectator is supposed to enter at one end ; and he would then find one picture on the right hand side of the wall, and another on the left. It wiU here be further objected, that Plutarch tells us that such buildings were provided with doors, (De Orac. Defec.^ * The strong outline is frona Canina, the dotted line from Bellori, {Fray. Vest. Vet. Rom.) If the former be correct, there ought to be another column on the toj) line. The outer row on right hand side has seven columns in Bellori, instead of six. In Canina's restoration of this monument, {Arch. Rom., PI. cviii. No 44,) he represents twenty columns in length ; but in his enlarged plan (PL cxi.) he gives only fourteen columns, and etches in darker lines, instead of the part here shown, a portion in the centre of the plan as the existing fragment of the marble plnn. Where so little reliance can be placed on the fidelity of these plans, it would be of .high importance if the Trustees of the British Museum would obtain plaster casts of all the tablets containing the fragments of the marble jilaii of Rome, now in the Campidoglio, and have them inserted as ornaments in the walls of our Museum. g2 84 ON THE PLAN AND DISPOSITION vii. 625): in answer to which we might adduce the before- mentioned passage from Eustathius, showing it was without doors: but these may very readily be allowed, by imagining that the intercolumniations were closed in with a low wall — pluteum^ — or by ornamental transennce^ and that it is to the door of this enclosure that Pliny refers. In corroboration of this arrangement of plan, we find two buildings in Hadrian's Villa at Tivoli projected on a similar principle, but without exhedrse : one of them appears to have had remains of paintings, for it is called the Poecile. They are given below, from the Pianta della Villa Adriana by Piranesi. The principal one is at the northern end of the villa, and measures 970 Roman palms, or 710 English feet; the other is beyond the Odeon, and measures 650 Roman palms, or 476 English feet. They each consist of a long wall, perforated by a door in the centre, and surrounded by a continuous portico, the columns of which no longer exist. If it were to such a door that Pausanias referred, the paintings would be on the same side of the wall, and divided only by the door. But this does not appear so probable as the former supposition, of the entrance being at one end. Warmth, as we have seen, was an essential condition of the Lesche, but we have not determined how such warmth was obtained. Now we find that two authors expressly tell us, not merely that the Lesche was warm, but that it was sunny ^ (l*iiocLUS in Hes.^ and Callimaciius, Ep. ii. 3); which is in perfect accordance with those other passages, where we find OF THE GREEK LESCHE. 85 they were especially resorted to by old men, (Plutarch iii Lycurg.^ 119; and ^Elian, ii. 34), aprici setie.% who loved its genial warmth, and could take their gentle exercise in its porticoes, or enjoy quiet and repose on the ample seats. It is extremely interesting, in this respect, to find that the two porticoes in Hadrian's Villa face north and south ; but we have other instances of this arrangement, which would be of the greatest necessity in these climates, where the winters were sometimes severe and cold, and the summers always oppressive ; and where one would need as much the cool shade of the northern portico, as the genial warmth of the southern side. The Lesche appears to have been generally painted, and therefore frequently called Poecile, or enriched with a variety of ornaments, such as paintings. The latter building appears to have consisted of a stoa, or portico, which would naturally be suitable to the purposes of a Lesche, so that we may conceive that these buildings were frequently identical. Pausanias informs us that the Lesche at Delphi was decorated with pictures, and that the Stoa at Athens (i. 15), and one at Elis (v. 21), were called Poecile, because decorated with paintings; and that one of the two Lesche at Sparta was also called Pcecile, for the same reason, (iii. 14, 15). Lastly, the portico in Hadrian's Villa, which we have taken as the type of the Greek Lesche, is called the Poecile, and we know that the Poecile was among the buildings executed at Tivoli by the Emperor Hadrian. If this be admitted, we shall find the following further corroboration of our plan. In the description by Pausanias (vi. 24) of the Corcyrean Portico at Elis, (so called, because raised from the tenth of the spoils taken from the Corcyreans,) we read — " It was built in the Doric style : it had a double row of columns, one of which looked toward the Agora, and the other row was separated from it by a long waU." In like manner, the portico at the Piraeus is described as a long portico, (i. 1). All these buildings, of which we have any particulars on the 86 THE GREEK LESCHE. subject, faced nortli and south ; the two porticoes in Hadrian's Villa, as already noted, were so directed ; the Corcyrean Portico at Elis was so placed, and the sunny side was that next the Agora; and the Long Portico at the Piraeus presented its southern aspect, so as to enjoy the sea view. Another important circumstance connected with these buildings is, that with the exception of the Lesche at Delphi, which had a painting on each side of the wall, all the other instances referred to by Pausanias had but one painting, or one wall decorated with paintings; which, if we may judge from the Long Portico at the Piraeus, was executed on the southern or principal side. Thus, although Pausanias describes at length the paintings in the Poscile at Athens, painted by Polygnotus, Micon, &c., in a portico at Athens painted by Euphranor (i. 3), and in the Long Portico of the Piraeus painted by Leochares, he describes only the painting or paint- ings on one wall in each of these edifices. We have seen that these buildings were called indifferently by various names, and we find that the Stoa at Elis, called Poecile, Avas also called Echo^ (v. 21). This circumstance, unimportant as it seems, would appear to indicate that the building was of the form which we have attributed to the Lesche, the long wall of which probably faced a lofty rock, and thus produced the seven-fold echo, as we frequently find effected by the perpendicular cliffs of some river-gorge. It is probable that all these buildings were ornamented with statues. The Corcyrean Portico had statues on each side of the wall ; and Pausanias incidentally notices certain statues in the Eoyal Portico at Athens (i. 3), in the Poecile of that city, and in the Poecile at Elis. Among other decorations, the PoecUe at Athens was ornamented with sliields and other spoils. Ed. Note. — The effect of these buiklings must have been very similar to Schinkel's splendid facade of the Museum at Berlin. 87 VIII. ON SOME EGYPTIAN DORIC COLUMNS IN THE SOUTHERN TEMPLE AT KARNAK.* * Extracted from a communication to the Eoyal Institute of British Architects, in the Session of 1849-50. 88 DORIC COLUMNS IN EGYPT. TN a Dissertation by Dr. Lepsius, Sur les Colo7ines Piliers^ -■- that distinguislied antiquary has brought forward notices of numerous polygonal and fluted columns in Egypt. Of these, those Avhich approach nearest to the Doric order were the columns of a tomb at Beni-Hassan, and of a temple at Kalabshe, the shafts of which are ornamented with twenty flutes, and on these shafts is placed the abacus, without the intervention of any echinus or other moulding. This trifling resemblance to the orders of Grecian archi- tecture has caused many to assert that they see no affinity between such pillars and the Doric column, and that they cannot believe that one could possibly have been derived from the other. In the Southern Temple at Karnak, however, which is repre- sented in the accompanying plan, I discovered three columns which I believe have hitherto been unobserved, probably on account of the ruined state of the temple. Here, in addition to the fluted shaft and square abacus, we have a bold echinus and a beaded hypotrachelion, thus possessing all the characteristics of Doric columns, in conjunction Avith the evidences of Egyptian style. As these columns may assist in determining whether any and what grounds exist for attributing the origin of the Doric order to Egypt, I venture to ofi*er the following particulars on the subject. The Temple containing these three columns is on the south side of the great temple at Karnak. It is joined to it by a noble avenue of crio- sphinxes, each of which measures from fifteen to seventeen feet long, thus being the grandest avenue in all Egypt. There have been at least sixty sphinxes on each side, about one-half of which number are remaining. This avenue terminates with five detached pylons, which, with the sphinxes, clearly point out the once important character of this small and ruined temple. It is surrounded by a brick enclosure, •5 ,11 ft lany \52,S3.H \S Sti.59.6U,6 , . /,7 li9 50 5' fi5,Br,.63,62 1 66. (SI. i;g. GS. 10 1,5 ColossiH JFrayment H • • • » • • 1 ABC . SibudUtm' of Doric Cobuiuis D . Trohalile SibuiHoiv of anoEhtr^ E . F. Cluster e3/ Columns ^^^^ C . Columns 3'. 5 "HiamS H — — 3'.ll"d.^afiR5.9"aparb ilol,t,.t,6,i1.t,S. 50.il. iSanA 56 - Sittuifi Staines of Vie Zion.-'hetuled' GroiUless ofhlach GranUii t,S,58lo 66 aruL 68. Crio - Spliuixes . 1,5,52. 5li.!i'i, 61. 60 anil loAnSro-Splunxrs. K . GratuL jisrcnue of Crvo - Sjitiinau-a on. each side. . E. F.FEB. 13. le^ti PLAN OF THE SOUTHERN TEMPLE 4T KARNAK 90 DORIC COLUMNS IN EGYPT. containing an area of 775 by 1200 feet. A spacious reservoir of water runs round three sides. The interior, in its present state, forms a museum of Egyptian sphinxes, containing no less than fifty-one statues of a lion-headed goddess in black basalt, ten crio-sphinxes, and eight andro-sphinxes. The Temple is greatly ruined, so much so as to attract but little notice. The columns are all fallen, but their position may be clearly determined at A, B, and C. It is probable that another similar column existed at D. Their peculiarities, as compared with other columns in Egypt of this description, I now proceed to show. At Kalabshe, about seventy-five miles above the first cataract, are two columns of a similar character to those here represented. We find in each of these a square abacus, a cylindrical neck, and a fluted shaft divided into four parts by wide fillets facing the four fronts. Those at Kalabshe have twenty flutes, and four wide fillets covered with hieroglyphics : those represented in the accompanying wood-cut have twenty- eight flutes and four such fillets. The flutings of both are ellip- tical : those of Kalabshe are only a quarter of an inch in depth ; the flutes of the columns at Beni-Hassan are also shallow, and twenty in number; whereas those at Thebes are much more pronounced, being half an inch deep by three and a half in -width.* The abacus of the columns at Beni-Hassan reposes directly on the fluted shaft ; but at Kalabshe it is joined to it by a circular necking. The columns at Thebes approach more nearly to the Grecian-Doric in this respect, the abacus being separated from the necking by a bold ovolo. Another peculiarity of this capital is the necking, which is divided into five astragals : this is a certain indication of Egyptian origin. We find the same number of five astragals in the neckings of the columns of all * The temple at Esneh (Latopolis) exhibits a peculiarity in this respect ; the columns of which, though purely Egyptian, have the shafts formed polygonally, and divided into vertical compartments, each of which is filled in with a perpen- dicular inscription, giving very much the appearance of a fluted column ; and it is singular that at Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor, the Doric columns of the Agora have the flutings likewise filled in with perpendicular inscriptions. DOEIC COLUMNS IN EGYPT. 91 the principal temples of Egypt ; they are generally distinguished by different colours : the first, third, and fifth being of one colour ; the second and fourth of another. They represent the cords with which the prototypal reed columns were bound together. May not the annulets of the Greek and Roman Doric capitals have been derived from this member? The capital which I measured was perfect only to eleven and a half inches below the necking. I am, therefore, unable to say whether the column had any, and what, diminution or entasis. The examples of polygonal or fluted columns in Egypt are by no means rare. At Beni-Hassan there are six such columns in one tomb, and two in another, all of which are well kno^vvn ; in the tomb at Kalabche there are two columns ; in the temple at Semneh, a day and a half's journey from Wadi-Halfa (the second cataract), on the right bank of the Nile, there are three such columns; at Amada, in Nubia, there are four. In the great temple at Karnak there are three columns in the part called the Sanctuary, and four in the last chamber, behind the great hall. All these columns are fluted, with the exception of the four last described, which are polygonal ; and they have all been observed by Sir Gardiner Wilkinson, Dr. Lepsius, and other travellers. In addition to these are the three columns now described. We thus have twenty-seven columns from eight different monuments, separated from each other by a vast extent of country; which will therefore be sufficient to prove the general employment of such columns at some given period of time. It will be remarked that the polygonal columns are generally octangular, though sometimes of sixteen sides : that the columns of Beni-Hassan, and of the great temple at Karnak, are of sixteen flutes, while these here referred to have thirty-two flutes, including the four fascia : and this circumstance is interesting, as showing their gradual development from the square pier, the corners of which were first taken off, reducing it to an octagon, and tliis by the like process was brought to a polygon of sixteen or thirty -two sides; and it is interesting to find that the 92 DORIC COLUMNS IN EGYPT. columns at Segeste, JEgina, Sunium, Paestum, and a temple at Syracuse, as observed by Dr. Lepsius, have, in like manner, sixteen flutes. We are enabled to determine the age of these columns with tolerable certainty. Mr. Birch informs me, that the hiero- glyphics on the columns of the tombs at Beni- Hassan show that they were executed in the twelfth dynasty, during the reign of Osortasen I., or 1800 B.C. The portion of the temple at Thebes, in which the columns have been observed by former travellers, also bears the date of Osortasen I. The temples at Amada and Samneh, and the southern temple at Karnak, shown in the accompanying plan, all bear the names of Thothmes III. and Amunoph II. which gives us an antiquity of a period at least 1400 B.C. Lastly, the temple at Kalabche has the cartouche of Rameses 11. on its abacus, thus proving it to be at least 1200 B.C. Sir Gardiner Wilkinson and Dr. Lepsius are both of opinion, that many of these examples bear date from a still earlier epoch. Those of Kalabshe and Samneh we know to have been executed at the times stated, from the circumstance of the cartouches forming part of the original decoration ; but at Amada the columns are fluted all round, with- out the intervention of any fascia, and it is therefore probable, that these columns were not intended to bear any hieroglyphics ; and the cartouches of Thothmes 11. and Amunoph II., which occur in two of the flutes, appear as though they had been executed posterior to their erection. Those in the great temple at Thebes, and those at Samneh, are even considered to have formed part of more ancient structures. But though we are able to prove the high antiquity of these columns, there is no example of the ordinary Egyptian column of a greater antiquity than 1400 B.C., and it therefore appears evident that the octagonal, polygonal, and the fluted columns, were constantly employed throughout Egypt and Nubia from the earliest epochs to the year 1400 B.C., after which period we find no further trace of their employment. Edward Falkener. 93 IX. ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA.* I. Notices on Art and Antiquity contained in the late Classical Museum, 1844 — 1850. Acanthus, Acanthion, ^c. — On the use of the terms — in the ancient Classics. By James Yates, iii. 1 Antiquity. Tlie Illustrated Companion to the Latin Dictionary and the Greek Lexicon, forming a Glossary of all the words representing visible objects connected with the Arts, Manufactures, and eveiy-day Life of the Greeks and llomans. By Anthony llich, jun Notice of, vii. 324 Arabia — Ptolemy's Knowledge of — By Dr. W. Plate, iii. 167 Armenia. See Asia Minor. Art. Ancient Art and its Kemains, by C. O. Miiller: or a Manual of the Archeeology of Art. Translated from the German, by John Leitch. Bvo. L. 1847 Notice of, \.'i%& Asia Mitior. Travels and llesearches in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Chaldea, and Armenia. By W. F. Ainsworth, A.M. 2 vols. 8vo. L. 1842. Notice of, i. 131 Athens — Notice of Excavations at i.l36 See Parthenon. Topography of — with some Kemarks on its Antiquities — By Colonel Leake Notice of, i. 41 Baalbec, Palmyra, and the extreme North-Eastern Bounds of the Land assigned to the Israelites By Eev. W. Ewing, iii. 135 Chaldea. See Asia Minor. Cyclopean Remains. See Italy. Delphi — Excavations at — By K. O. Muller i. 136 Egypt of Herodotus ; with Notes and Preliminary Dissertations. By John Kenrick. 8vo. L. 1841 Notice of, lY.Vd^ A Tour from Thebes to the Peninsula of Sinai. By II. Lepsius. Translated by C. H. Cottrell, Esq. L. 1816 Notice of— By W., \. 12{) Etraria. On an Etruscan City recently discovered, and probably the Vetulonia of Antiquity By George Dennis, ii. 229 Etruscan Art. La Moneta ed i Monumenti dell' Italia Antica, messi in rapporto cronologico con quelli delle altre Nazioni civ iii dell' Antichita. By A. Genna- relli. Eome, 1843 Notice of i. 421 * It has been suggested that a Notice of Papers on the Pine Arts of Antiquity, pubUshed in the various British and I'^oreigu Periodicals woukl b(^ desirable. We eonunence with the late Classical Museum. 94 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. Greek Manners and Customs. Griechiunen und Griechea. By Panofka. Fol. BerUu, 1844 Notice of, iii. lU Topography By Rev. A. P. Stanley, A.M., i. 41 Ualicaruassus — On the Sculptures of the Mausoleum of — By C. Newton, v. 170 Herculaneum. Sec Paintbig. Jerusalem — On the Site of the Holy Sepulclire, with a Plan of — By George Finlay, Esq Notice of, v, 367 Italy — On Cyclopean Remains in Central — . . . . By E. H. Bunbury, ii. 147 Laocoon — On the Date of the — By K, F. Hermann, vii. 329 Mesopotamia. See Asia Minor. Museum Dismianum : being a Description of a Collection of Ancient Marbles in the possession of John Disney, Esq. With Engravings. L. 1846. 8vo. Notices of— By C. K. W., v. 262 ; vii. 71 Painting. Wandgemaelde aus Pompeji und Herculaneum, nach den Zeichnungen und NachbUdung in Farben, von Wilh. Temite. ]\'Iit einem erlantemden Text, von Prof. Welcker Notice of— By C. G. S., iii. 448 Some Account of Greek and Roman Portraits. By R. N. Wornum, iv. 47 Falmyra. See Baalhec. Parthenon — The two Models of the — and the Remarks upon them. By R. C. Lucas, Sculptor. Salisb. 1845 Notice of, ui. 443 Pediments of the — On the Sculptured Groups in the — By Prof. F. G. Welcker. Translated from the Author's MS. . by Dr. L. Schmitz, ii. 367 Western Pediment of the — Explanation of the Groups in the — By W. Watkiss Lloyd, v. 896 Further Remarks on the Groups of the — By Prof. F. G. Welcker, vi. 279 Pompeii. See Painting. Rome. Handbuch der Roemischen Alterthuemer, nach den Quellen bearbitet, von W. A. Becker, Prof. 8vo. Leip. 1844 Notice of, ii. 419 The Asylum of Romulus By W. Ihne, iii. 190 Excursions from — in June, 1843. . . By F. B. Whalley, A.M., i. 318 Beckeri Topograpliia Urbis Romse. . . By Prof. L. Urlichs, iii. 194 On the Topography of — With an Appendix on the Regionarii. By E. H. Bunbury, iii. 819 II. On the Roman Forum. . By Ditto, iv. 1 III. The Fora of the Emperors. By Ditto, iv. 117 IV. The Capitol By Ditto, iv. 427 V. The Environs of the Forum. By Ditto, V. 215 Sesostris — On the so-called Monument of — in Asia Minor. By Dr. L. Schmitz, i. 231 Stadium. Victory in the Horse-race. From a Painting on an Amphora. By Samuel Birch, vi. 296 Theatre. Was Music an Element of the Greek Chorus ? By G. H. Lewes, ii. 344 On the Choral Dancing of the Greek — . . By Thomas Dyer, iii. 229 Tusculiim. Notice of Excavations at — i. 135 Vase. The Portland Vase By W. Watkiss Lloyd, vi. 253 Vdulonia. See Elruria. Xanthian Marbles — Observations on the — By Sir Edm. Head, Bart., A.M., i. 222 95 X. NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 1. — A. Ch. Ad. Zestermann. Be Basilicis. Libri Tres. 4to. Brux. 1847. The descriptive portiou of this work displays great care and attention. The author has studied diligently the treatises of preceding writers, and gives his own reasonings and conclusions in a clear and perspicuous manner, supporting his deductions by many passages from ancient authors, which had hitherto escaped attention. Among other points which he endeavours to prove, Dr. Zestermann considers that the generally received opinion, that the basilica terminated with a large niche or absis, is erroneous. In the first book he treats of the Basilican-Stoa of the Athenians and other Greeks ; in the second he treats of the Roman, and in the third of the Chi-istian Basilica. Each Book is divided into several chapters, in which he enters at lengih into the origin, destination, and form of the several descriptions of basilicas. The work is accompanied with forty-three plans, in seven Sheets, con- sisting of a Plan of Athens — Plan and Elevation of the Basilican-Stoa at Athens — Restorations of the Basilica by Alberti, Palladio, Pen-ault, Canina, and Marini. His own Restoration of the Roman Basilica occupies Sheet Four. The Restoration of Vitruvius's Basilica at Fano, Sheet Five. It also contains the BasiUcas of Her- culaneum, Pompeii, Paestum, Palmyra, Otricoli — that of Constantine and the Sicinian and Ulpian Basilicas — the Christian Basilicas of Saint Peter's in 800, Santa Maria Maggiore, and Santa Agnese — and that of Tyre, and the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem as described by Eusebius, Among modern Basilicas is that of Vicenza. Several other ancient basilicas are referred to in the text, the plans of which we are unable to determine, in consequence of the state of rain in which they now exist ; as those of Nismes, Treves, Palestrina, and Albano. From the information it gives relative to the early Christian Basilica, the work will naturally be received with interest by the Ecclesiologist. The work is published by Messrs. Williams and Norgate, and may be had also in German, bearing the following title : — " Die Antiken und die Christlichen Basiliken, nach ihrer Enstehimg, Ausbildung und Beziehung zu einander dargestellt von A. Zestennann, Dr. Phil. 2. — Antonio Magrini, Abate. Memorie hitorno la Vita e le Opere di Andrea Palladio. 4to. Padova, 1845. London : Rolandi, Beniers Street. Although Italian architecture does not properly enter into the subject of this Journal, it contains so much in common that we cannot refrain from noticing the above work, which is a very copious and complete history of the life and works of 96 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. this great architect. The author confines himself strictly to his subject, without entering into criticisms on art. Much new and interesting detail will be found here collected ; and the work is followed by an Appendix, containing several unedited letters of Palladio. 3. — C. KoACH Smith, F.S.A. Collectanea Antigua. J. Eussell Smith. This indefatigable antiquary appears to have nearly exhausted the antiquities of his native countiy ; and is beginning to look to foreign lands. In Vol. IT. we find — The Roman Villa at Hartlip, Kent — Roman Remains discovered in Essex — Roman Tesselated Pavements in Somersetshire and Hampshire — and an illustrated account of Roman Remains on the Rhine and Moselle, &c. 4. — By the same Author. The Antiquities of Richborough, Reculver, and Li/mne, in Kent. Illustrated by F. W. Fairholt, F.S.A. John Russell Smith, Old Compton Street. 4to. London, 1850. This work wiU be found to contain much interesting matter relative to the Roman dominion in Britain, the form and arrangement of then- castra, and the distinctive peculiarities of Roman construction. Through the exertions of IMi'. Smith, a suffi- cient smn was raised by subscription to defray the expenses of an excavation at the first of these places, which brought to light many antiquities which are carefully illustrated and explained in the volume. Among these are several fragments of mural paintings, wliich have given occasion to speak at some length on the subject of the Domestic Decoration of the Ancients. The amphitheatre of Richborough is also described, and contrasted with that of Treves. The illustrations by Mr. Fairholt are of gi-eat elegance of execution, and the work is one of those which tend to render the study of antiquity as pleasing to the general reader as it is instructive to the learned antiquary. 5. — A. G. B. ScHAYEs. Histoire de V Arcldtecture en Belgique. Tome Premier. ]amo. Brux. 1850. M. ScHAYES is Conservateur des Monumens du Pays, and is therefore expected to visit them from time to time, to report on their state of preservation, and to inspect their repairs. We cannot but speak in praise of Commissions which produce works like the present. It is written in a clear and concise style, and lays before us an illustrated and methodical account of the architectui'e of Belgium. He divides his subject into six styles, — the Celtic, Germanic, Roman, Byzanto-Roman, Gothic, and Modern. This first volume principally relates to Roman architecture, though it extends to the consideration of Gothic. The author has considered it desirable to " begin at the beginning," for he has commenced with a treatise on the Five Orders, which woidd certainly have been better omitted.- The work is embellished with numerous figures, many of which are from the more elaborate work of Schmidt, and is especially valuable as giving an illustrated and complete point of view of the architecture of Belgium. 97 XL DISCOVERIES AT NIMROOD; BEING A COMMUNICATION FROM THOMAS N. LYNCH, ESQ. DATED BAGDAD, 17th Nov. 1850.* rpHE information you have received, that " the History of Assyria wUl shortly be -■- read from the architectural designs and sculptures on the bas-reliefs wliich decorate the walls of the palaces at Koyunjik and Nimrood," is correct ; but, as you rightly conjectui'e, these sculptui-es have no reference to architectm-al subjects, but the communication you have received merely signifies that the sculptui'es are disposed in architectural an-angement. In fact, few, if any, delineations of architectural stnictures have been met with, which can in any way show the progress of the art, or illustrate its history during the period in which these monuments were erected. In the central pyramidical mound at Ninu'ood, an immense massive wall has been discovered, but whether it was the outer wall of the palace, or one of the inner walls, it is difficult to determine ; the stones, as in all the ancient work, are of immense size. The obelisk and the arch were known to the architects of Nineveh, but the column and capital appear to have been invented subsequently. Square turreted castles are of constant occurrence in the bas-reliefs of both places. Though both sites have been completely excavated by Mr. Layard, still it is impossible to say what was the precise shape of either of the palaces, the height of any room, or their exact form ; and it is still more hopeless to determine what was the external appearance of the entire building. The British Museum will shortly contain all sculptures of importance that have been discovered : but the sameness of the sculpture, and the quantity of duplicates discovered in the same palace, are surprising ; and I must concur with Dr. Wall in the opinion that too much value has been attached to the cuneiform insciiptions, even should they become correctly deciphered. * This and the following paper arrived too late to be inserted in their proper place. We have therefore been obliged to print them in the smaller type. NO. I. H 98 XII. ON THE APPLICATION OF POLYCHRO:\IY TO MODERN ARCHITECTURE, AS EXEMPLIFIED IN THE DECORATION OF THE EXHIBITION BUILDING IN HYDE PARK. TTAVING received this day a printed copy of a lect\xre delivered at the Royal -■— '- Institute of British Ai-chitects, on Monday, 16th December, on the decorations proposed for the Exhibition Building in Hyde-park, the drawings exhibited on which occasion I had the privilege of seeing, though I was prevented from hearing the lecture itself, I venture to offer the following remarks on the subject. Mr. Jones, with great frankness and candour, lays before us his theories and proposals, and invites the opinion, '•' criticisms," and " advice" of his professional brethren. He acknowledges his task to be a " difficult operation," and we may therefore presume it to be of doubtful result. He refers, with great truth, to the circumstance, that England is far behind the nations of the Continent in the appli- cation of Polychromy, (witness the decoration of the haU and stafrcase of the British Museum,) and he likens those who, as on the present occasion, make the first trials for its introduction, to the leaders of a forlorn hope, who indeed may fail, but they will be followed by others, who, profiting by their endeavours, wiU. even- tually obtain success. From the diffidence, if not mistrust, involved in these remarks, I may be permitted to venture a few observations on the system of colouring proposed to be employed, even at the personal risk of joining the fortunes of the " forlorn hope ;" and if such observations appear rather as objections, I beg it to be understood that I submit them with equal diffidence, and ^"ith deference to his well-known taste and experience. The principle which he proposes to adopt is declared in the following words : — III the decoration of the Exhibition Buildimj I therefore propose to nse the colours, blue, red, and yellow, in such relative quantities as to neutralize or destroy each other. We have often heard visitors to Rome, and even professional men, speak with admi- ration of the wonderful beauty of proportions in St. Peter's, declaring that the parts are so skilftdly proportioned, that you have no idea of the size of the building tdl after you have thoroughly examined it. Nothing can be a more absurd error. As THE EXHIBITION BUILDING IN HYDE PARK. 99 if Sir Chiistopher Wren were not entitled to our praise for having, at infinitely less cost, made St. Paul's appem' larger than St. Peter's really is ! From the propriety of adopting sucli a principle, I must therefore unhesitatingly dissent. Were it considered desirable so to balance the various colours as to prevent any one tint being predominant, it would be far better to cover the entire building with a grey colour, than to employ considerable time and expense in painting it with various minute tints, the combined effect and object of which would be to obtain a similar result. In opposition, therefore, to this theory, I would maintain that the colours should be so selected and employed, that every tendency to confusion or neutralization should be avoided, and preponderance constantly given to some one colour. Ml-, Jones refers to experiments by Mr. Field, by which he established that white light consists of blue, red, and yellow, in the proportions of 8 : 5 : and 3 ; but however true this may be as a point of science, it does not necessarily follow that it is a law of beauty. Great stress is laid on the employment of the primaiy colom-s, and our attention is here directed to the best possible illustrations, — the effects produced in other bmldings. We are told that in the remains of Nineveh, Central Ameiica, Egypt, Greece, and throughout the vestiges of Eastern civilization, the primaries, blue, red and yellow, were the prevaihng colours — the secondaries appearing very sparingly. But if the secondaries were employed by the ancients, however sparingly, why should they be discarded altogether by us ? It may be true that primary colom's are found employed in the comparatively nide monuments of Nineveh and Central America, as they are found chiefly in Etruscan and Pelasgic art : I admit that green is used but sparingly by the Greeks, but I believe it is the general opinion of those who have studied the polychromy of the ancients that warm cream-colours, if not purple-reds, were extensively employed by them ; and it is certain that the secondaries, green especially, were employed by the Egyptians, this colour being possibly selected by them from its refreshing contrast to the glare of their sultry atmosphere. Among the coloured decorations at Thebes, I was much stmck with granites stained artificiaUy with transparent colour approacliing to yellows and reds ; the felspar, mica, and quartz, being perfectly distinguishable underneath. With regard to the vestiges of Eastern civilization, it is very evident that they are far from being confined to the primary colours. Let us turn over the plates of the First Part of Mr, Jones's magnificent work on the Alhambra, and we find the secondary colours of green and purple extensively employed — ^yellow but seldom, — and the tertiaiy coloui', brown, (which gold appears whenever it is, as is generally the case, in shade,) becoming the prevailing tint. In fact, the proportions here are much more like 3:5:8 than 8 : 5:3. Black and white are also extensively em- ployed. Not only in the modern edifices of Cairo, but in its gorgeous ancient structm-es we find the secondary colours alike employed. The Greeks apphed colour with a particular object — thai of clearing out and assisting their detail; 100 DECOEATIONS PROPOSED FOR the Saraceus employed it as ornament. They not only coloured the intricate fretwork of their vaidts, but the flat surfaces of their walls, with the most delicate and minute ornaments ; and their consummate skill and knowledge of colour cannot be denied. But in the Saracenic mosaics of Sicily and the southern coast of Italy, subjected to Saracenic influence, we find blue but seldom employed, yellow not at all, (unless we regard gold as yellow), and the principal colours to be red, green in serpentine, and purple in porphyry, relieved by white, gold, and black. In the more delicate mosaics of the East, we And the secondary colours supplied by tortoiseshell and other shell-fish ; and these colours equally abound in the ancient Turkish moniunents of Asia Minor — at Ballat, Mellass, Konieh, Aiasalik, Boursa ; and the very name of YesJteel DJammi at Nicsea (the green mosque) is sufficient to show the prevalence of the application of the secondary colours. We are told that in the " best periods," the secondary colours, when used, were generally confined to the lower parts of the buildings. It is true there are instances of this practice in the Alhambra, as in the Coiu't of the Fishpond, and the Hall of the Two Sisters ; but I must confess I do not recollect ever having seen or heard of any Grecian biulding that was decorated with a green, or even a pm'ple plinth. The theory, however, is supported by the assertion that " Nature employs the primary colours for her flowers, and reserves the secondaries for her leaves and stalks." But are not some of the most beautiful flowers purple, scarlet, or orange- coloiu-ed ? and are not some of the most delicate marked by pencillings varied by every gradation of colour- ? or are we to regard only those as beautiful which are composed of primary colours, as the poppy and the buttercup ? and is not the reason why green is so little used in flowers, owing to the consideration that Natm'e has employed it where it could be used most fi-eely, as in the leaves and stems. Green is, indeed, the most universally-employed colour in nature, and the most soft and pleasing to our eyes. Let it be gi-anted that colours in a given ratio (as 8 : 5 : 3, or any other) are most harmonious as applied to architectural decoration. Shall we, in consequence of this, confine ourselves invariably to such a disposition, at the evident risk of tameness and monotony, and deny ourselves the use of the secondary colours, and the important neutral colours, black and white ? The Greeks, as I have stated, applied colour with the particular object of clearing out and rendering their detail more distinct : the Saracens covered the entire sm-face of their buildings with coloiu', whether in the intricate moulding or the flat sm-face, but always in strict architectural arrangement ; while the Gothic architects frequently employed coloured decoration without reference to the form ; as in clustered columns, which are frequently covered with large diaper work. Now, as the Exhibition Building has but few large surfaces, the Saracenic system of colouring is wholly inapplicable, and it remains to choose between the Gothic and the Greek. The former would be very difficult of application in a building which has but little wall- surface and no vaulting. The iron-trussed girders might, indeed, be decorated in THE EXHIBITION BUILDING IN HYDE PARK. 101 imitation of the timber -i-oofs of some of oiir churches, or those of Sicily, San Miniato or others ; but the Greek system appears, of all others, the most applicable in a building, where so much requires to be done to render its mazy wilderness of columns intelligible. The result, which it is expected will be obtained by the system of coloming intended to be employed, is to "increase the height, the length, and the bulk." This would be the legitimate object of an architect called upon to decorate a building of restricted dimensions, but is it requisite to eifect this in an edifice which is already called the "monster" building? Axe Avant of length and breadth and height its main deficiencies, which require the aid of the skilful architect to conceal and to overcome — or shall he not rather endeavour to make its construction appear more solid, its disposition and maze of columns more simple, its vast and tiring monotony less irksome ? In the Greek temples we admire how the scidptm*es are brought out by a blue ground ; how the horizontal line of the sculpture on the cella wall brings out the perpendicular lines of the columns in front ; how the architects endeavoured to " neutralize" the confusion arising from a grove of columns in the pronaos and posticum of their temples ; how the indistinct forms of the mouldings and ornaments in the sofiites were lightened and picked out ; and to select one instance, how, in the Erechtheum, the dark confused shade produced by the great projection of the northern portico was remedied by the aid of toreutic art. This, I think, can only be obtained by party colouring, and this leads me to advert to another point on which I must differ from the opinion entertained by Mr. Jones, and that is, that the custom frequently observed in house decoration, of having one room green, another pink, and another red, is inapplicable to such a building. I consider such a system as the only proper one to be employed. The walls of Ecbatana were painted white, black, purple, blue, orange — and the last two were silvered and gilt. At Athens were two tribunals, the Green and Eed, clearly showing that these colours were the predominant ones employed in those particular buildings. What constitutes the charm of the houses at Pompeii is the variety of decoration which abounds in them. They did not select any set colour or design which they conceived to be the most beautiful, and adhere to that invariably, but they endeavoured to give a different character to each portion of the house. What can be more l)eautiful than the chaste arabesques on a white ground which decorate the tablinum of the Casa delle Capitelli Colorati, unless it be the more celebrated arabesques on a black ground, in the house called, in conse- quence, Casa della Camera Nera ? And to cite modern instances, I will refer only to the Glyptothek at Munich, the walls of which, throughout the building, though painted to set off the sculptiu-e to best advantage, are not tinted of any one colour thought most capable of producing such effect, but each suite of rooms is decorated in a different colour — green, brown, and red — in order to produce a greater variety. 102 THE EXHIBITION BUILDING IN HYDE PARK. From tliese considerations I would venture to submit : — That the columns, from their small diameter, instead of being reduced by strips of colour placed alternately, be treated in the simplest manner : that the nave and aisles be painted in different colours, and as there are seven galleries, they may be of the prismatic colours, the divisions along the sides of the columns being then less evident. These would be merely the groundwork of the decoration, and any appropriate ornaments might be overlaid upon them, so as to give the whole a connected and harmonious character. The great transept might be white, with similar oniaments. Or, — the building might be divided into compartments, each compartment of three or four bays being differently coloured, Edward Falkener. Dec. 30/7/, 1850. THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. II. — APEIL, 1851. XIII. ON THE PAINTINGS OF POLYGNOTUS IN THE LESCHE AT DELPHI. PART II. n^HE words of Pausanias imply that the second composition -*- on the left hand wall in the Lesche, is supplementary to, not to say j)art of, the first, and we have to look accordingly for the development of the same leading ideas. " The other portion of the painting to the left, he says, is " Ulysses descended to Hades, so called, in order to inquire of " the shade of Teiresias respecting his return home." In the general plan of this picture we shall find certain very remarkable parallelisms to the first, but still with the same art in avoidance of tame repetition, that we recognised in the associa- tion of limited groups. Again we are struck with the marked correspondence in significance between the terminal subjects, and again two extensive systems of groups divide between them the intermediate space. But the main difference between the two compositions begins here ; in the first, the parallelism in general arrangement of the two greater systems or divisions of groups, was far more salient than any that appeared between parts of the same system to each other : in the present instance this rule of correspondence is reversed, and we find, when we have recon- structed the composition in closest accordance with the descrip- tion, that each of the great divisions that together fill up the scene, has a distinct organization of its own, and it is within itself and between its component groups that parallelism is most NO, 11. I 104 LESCHE AT DELPHI. prevalent, — coherence of tlie two masses being provided for by identity in principle of distribution and rule of contrast, of which they conjointly illustrate the resources. The following is an abstract of the description, leaving out not only irrelevances, but those knots and entanglements in the writer's style that seem likely to remain of questionable inter- pretation, and are too much disputed to warrant citation for one view or another : — " A river is represented, evidently tlie Acheron, with reeds " in it and indistinct forms, less like fishes than shadows of " fishes. On the river is a craft, and a ferryman at the oars, — " Charon, represented as of advanced age ; for passengers there are " Tellis as a youth, and Cleoboia, yet a maiden ; she holds in her " lap a cista, such as belongs to the rites of Demeter. The poet " Archilochus (of JParos) is said to have been third in descent " from Tellis, and Cleoboia first introduced the orgies of Demeter " into Thasos from Paros. On the bank of the Acheron, " about under the boat of Charon, is an undutiful son throttled " by his father, and near him is a man, guilty of sacrilegious " robbery, receiving punishment from a female skilled in " deforming or disfiguring poisons. " Higher up than the enumerated figures is Eurynomus, said " by the Delphian guides to be a ^aijuwv who gnaws the flesh of " the dead, leaving only the bones ; he is painted of the blue- " black colour of flesh-flies, and shows his teeth ; beneath him, as " he sits, is the skin of a vultui^e. " In order after Eurynomus are Auge of Arcadia, and " Iphimedeia. Higher up than those already enumerated are " the companions of Ulysses, Perimedes and Eurylochus, " bringing victims — black rams. After them is a seated man, " named in the inscription Oknos ; he is twisting a rope, which " a female ass beside him is eating up as fast as he twists it. " Tityus is also represented, not now under punishment, but " as if worn out and consumed by his past sufterings, — a faint " figure, not altogether distinguishable. Proceeding with the " picture in order, we come to Ariadne, very close to the twister LESCHE AT DELPHI. 105 " of the rope; she is seated on a rock, and regards her sister " Phaedra, who is elevated in a swing, and holds the cord on " either side with her hands. " Below Phaedra is Chloris reclining on the lap of Thyia, " clearly expressing that an attachment existed between them " while they were living. Beside Thyia is Procris, daughter of " Erechtheus, and after her Clymene, who turns her back to her. " The story how Procris was the wife of Cephalus before Cly- " mene, and how she died by the hands of her husband, is matter " of notoriety. Inwards from Clymene is Megara. " Over head of the women enumerated is the daughter of " Salmoneus sitting on a rock, and Eriphyle standing near her, " holding the ends of her fingers near her neck, through her " chiton ; the position of her hands and the folds of her dress " readily suggest that she is concealing the celebrated necklace. " Above Eriphyle he has painted Elpenor in the garb of a " sailor, and Ulysses crouching over his feet and holding his " sword above the trench. The soothsayer Teiresias advances " to the trench; behind Teiresias, on a rock, is Antikleia, " mother of Ulysses. Below Ulysses, sitting on thrones, are " Theseus and Pirithous. Theseus holds both his own sword " and that of Pirithous ; Pirithous seems to look at them as " grieving at their uselessness in his enterprise. " Next in order, Polygnotus has painted the daughters of " Pandarus as maidens crowned with flowers and playing with " astragals, with the names Kameiro and Klytie. " After the daughters of Pandarus is Antilochus, &c., &c." In the arrangement I have adopted, the position of Eury- nomus, relatively to the figures " next in order after him," may seem open to dispute; but the words of Pausanias appear most naturally to imply that he is over, not merely the group of the sacrilegious man, but also higher up than Charon's boat; if, then, the group of Auge and Iphimedeia, who are stated to be " in order after Inm," are to be lifted up into the same line with him, the companions of Ulysses, who are " above them," will partici[)ute in the change, and we shall thus liave at I 2 lOG LESCHE AT DELPHI. this end of the picture four tiers of figures instead of the three that are repeatedly established in other parts of the descrip- tion, as where Elpenor is stated to be above Eriphyle, who is above Clymene. There is less violence in the free interpreta- tion I have followed — the general phraseology of the whole description considered, than in such a general and intolerable dislocation. The place assigned to Tityus is justified by absence of any definite account of his place — the notice of him is thrust in between that of Oknos and the figure that is " close to Oknos," by correspondence with the groups of the damned, (to borrow a term disagreeable but convenient,) in the lower line, which general similarity to the arrangement at the other end of the picture would lead us to expect, and finally by a subjective propriety in his relation to Eurynomus. Polygnotus in this picture, as in the former, softens the more shocking details and exaggerated inven- tions of poetry, as if knowing that what would bear to be related would not bear to be exhibited, and that therefore the painter, to keep within the limits of chastened expression, must restrict himself more severely than the poet. The Tityus of Homer lay extended nine acres large, and a pair of vultures, one on either side, tore his liver. I have no doubt that the carnivorous Eurynomus, on his vulture skin near the worn and wasted form of Tityus, is to replace the vultures of the poet. We trace something like this progressive anthropomorphism in other instances among the Greeks; the sea-god Nereus sometimes appears in form a merman — half human, half a fish, then entirely human, and riding on the complete sea monster, from which he has become detached and extricated ; lastly, the brute disappears, and Nereus walks alone in human form divine. So Cecrops, who is seen on the vase half man, half serpent, was represented by Pheidias on the western pediment of the Parthenon, in form a man, and seated on the coiling serpent.* * See my explanation of the Groups in the Western Pediment of the Parthenon, Classical Museum, xviii. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 107 The punishment of Tityus, according to Homer, was for the crime of molesting Latona on her way to Delphi ; he was thus a type of the sacrilegious troops or tribes who infested the route of the devout visiters of the fane. We have other notices of the annoyance in Greek antiquity ; and a like effect has followed like causes in Christian ages, as, apart from expenses of travel, the reception of a pilgrim at his journey's end, has ever depended on his not arriving empty-handed. The theme, so interesting at the wealthy Pytho, of the enormity of sacrilege, which was introduced in the first painting in the acts of Ajax and IS^eoptolemus, is here again enforced by mythical example, and also by the group at the bottom of the picture, of the plunderer of things consecrated and his tormentor. The retaliation on the un dutiful son furnishes a companion group, on the principle that made piety towards parents and towards the gods, the leading and constantly-conjoined inculcations in old Greek codes of moral duty. So Pindar gives them on the authority of the centaur Chiron, {Pyth. VI.,) and so they stand among the precepts ascribed to Eleusinian Triptolemus. Now, then, becomes apparent an additional propriety in the painter's treatment of the subject of the departing Greeks; the filial solicitude of Athenian Demophon for the release of his grandmother, -/Ethra, at once appears — these traditional associations recognised, in pointed contrast to the irreverent violence of Ajax and Neoptolemus, and we are bound to recognise a natural coherence between the two subjects. Xenophon, in the Memorabilia, claims for the Athenians the honour of peculiar tenderness on the head of filial duty. The boat of Charon, with Tityus and Eurynomus above, and the pair of tortured wretches below, constitute the first system of groups, to which we shall find another, at the other end of the picture, very exactly correspond. The introduction of Tellis and Cleoboia into the subject is an obvious anachronism, of which the full motives are probably 108 LESCHE AT DELPHI. now irrecoverable ;* the Thasian connexion of the pair directs our attention to the patriotic feeling of the painter, and this, with a certain harmony with the subject, of which we shall have to say more, will bring the case within the rule of those more familiar violations of the strict unities, that abound in the works of the great Italian painters. We may safely assume here, as there we can so constantly and satisfactorily trace, a principle of transcendental congruity dominating all minor, and, in truth, unhnportant incongruities. Some vestige of the painter's thought may be revealed by such hints as these. The birth and glory of Archilochus, the descendant of TeUis, Parian and Thasian, — and among Greek poets he was second in renown to Homer alone, was foretold by a Delphic response : it was in obedience to another that, at an early age, he was the leader of a colony from Paros to the native island of Polygnotus ; he fell in battle at an advanced age, and when his slayer appeared at Delphi, he was warned by the Pythoness off the sacred precinct with horror, as an unclean thing, stained with the blood of the favourite minister of the god. Among the works of Archilo- chus was a hymn to Demeter, for which he gained a prize at Paros, probably in a festival at the very sanctuary of which his relative Cleoboia had been a priestess. Telesicles, the name of his father, is an indication of the continued connexion with the worship ; and it is more than a mere coincidence that the great Iambic satirist of Greece, had such close family attachment to the worship, in which satirical improvisation was a sanctioned — it may be said, a sacred custom. Compare the mythology of lambe in the Homeric hymn to Demeter. I suspect that the hymn of Archiloclius to the goddess, together, perhaps, with his poem of the Shipwreck, would have helped us to an elucidation of the painting far different from that we are now fain to be content with. * IMay it be to this that the ni-expressed and much-debated observation of Pausanias, as to " the obscurity of the relations of the passengers in the boat" — I translate the ambiguity, alludes ? LESCHE AT DELrHI. 109 The parallel groups at the other end of the picture, will present additional allusions to the mj^steries of Demeter — allusions of which the appropriateness to the present occasion might seem sufficiently justified by the special reference of the goddess, both at Thasos and Attica, to the under-world, the subject of the painting. But there is a farther propriety, that it is as well to notice at once. The Amphictyonic league, of which a chief object was the protection of the Delphic sanctuary, was a combination from immemorial time, of two leagues, one connected with Apollo and Delphi, the other with Demeter and the neighbourhood of Thermopylae, where, at a temple of the goddess, the meetings were convened alternately with Delphi. It may not be too much to infer from a passage of Pliny {H. N. 35, 9), that the Amphictyony employed Polygnotus, and the references to Demeter became therefore as appropriate, as indispensable, as those to Apollo and Artemis, and admirable is the art with which the painter has availed himself of all the advantages, and responded to all the requirements of the combination. One more observation lies too close at hand to be avoided ; the Parian worship of Demeter comes into notice in the unfor- tunate events that cloud the last days of the glorious life of Miltiades, the father of Cimon the patron, or let us give more honour either way, and say, the friend of Polygnotus. The adventure in which Miltiades received the injury that proved fatal, exposed him also to a charge of violating a sanctuary. Herodotus recounts the application of the Parians to Delphi on the subject, and the answer of the god may be favourably interpreted as exculpating the hero. But Miltiades, who lay under such an imputation, claimed ^acid descent ; and on com- bining all the circumstances of the incident, it becomes a problem to explain how Polygnotus came to select for the stoa of his son, such a subject as the trial of Ajax Oileus for sacrilege. In the upper line, the extent of vacant interval between the group of Ulysses and his companions bearing the victims, is very large, but it cannot be conscientiously reduced; and we 110 LESCHE AT DELPHI. shall find other mstances in the picture of like vacuities, which no doubt were adopted and managed on definite and effective principles. I have relieved it a little by the introduction and management of the tree, in a manner authorized by the vase paintings, and fully vindicated here by certain agreement of effect, Avith the tree of the second set of groups. I have no hesitation whatever in making Teiresias a full-length figure, advancing to the point from which, in the Berlin design, in deference to a vase-painting rather than to either Homer or Pausanias, he is seen half emerging. Pausanias says distinctly that Ulysses crouches holding his sword above a pit, towards which Teiresias advances. Into this pit — " a cubit long and wide" — after milder libations the hero had, with face averted, caused the blood of the victims brought by Perimedes and Eurylochus, to run. Then he bade his two comrades flay and burn the slaughtered victims, praying to the gods, Hades and Persephone; but he himself sate with drawn sword, and per- mitted none of the ghosts, not even that of his mother, Antikleia, to approach the blood before he interrogated Teiresias. Teiresias approaches, and bids the hero retire from the pit and withhold his sword, while he drinks of the blood. Consistently with this description, there is no meaning in the position of Ulysses, unless the pit is to be considered already full of blood, and the victims slain ; but how, then, can the com- rades be represented bringing them for the purpose of being slain ? The notion that they are doing so, can only rest on the supposi- tion, that Polygnotus intended to represent two moments of time in the two groups : at the earlier moment, the bringing of the victims ; at the later, the proceedings after they were killed. No advantage, however, is apparent to compensate for the clumsiness of the plan, and the incongruity of the absence of Ulysses on the first occasion, and of his companions on the second. Polyg- notus, I believe, interpreted Homer to the effect, that having slaughtered the sheep, Ulysses dismissed his companions to burn the carcases; certainly, the whole tenour and effect of the remainder of the description, convey the unpression that he is LESCHE AT DELPHI. Ill quite alone among the crowding shades, and alone rejoins his crew on the shore. The accession of dignity to the chief person in the adventure, that thus accrues, is obvious and important ; here, however, as in several other points, the artist, and not the commentator, must furnish the last elucidation ; and I have not reversed the movement of the figures. There could be no more appropriate pendant to the subject painted on the opposite wall — the origin of the disasters of the returning Greek fleet, than the descent of Ulysses to Hades, to learn from the prophet the means of avoiding his share of them ; and the moral of respect for sanctuaries would again be pressed on the Greek who knew his Homer by heart, by the recollection that Teiresias made the safe return of the Ithakan, conditional on his reverentially abstaining from the sacred herds of the Sun, feeding on the isle Thrinacria — of the Sun that " hears all things, and all sees ;" and that it was in consequence of disregard of these injunctions by his crew and companions that they perished to a man, and he returned alone. The allusion to the funereal rites of Elpenor, piously per- formed by Ulysses, is another point of attachment to the first painting, as it necessarily reminds of the like ofSce performed by the same hero for Laomedon, through his friend and associate Sinon. The two lower rows of figures of this system of groups, exhibit very palpable symmetry of arrangement. Oknos, at his thriftless work at one extremity, has a pair of female figures on either side of him ; and the group of Theseus and Pirithous, as they gaze on their useless weapons, are similarly supported. Below the two central female pairs of this line are two other pairs, with a single figure in the midst. These five figures in the lowest line, divided by an equal interval from the sacrilegious wretch and from Antilochus, give central mass to the system of groups, and render the unconformable arrangement of the upper line more remarkable; but it is thus, in fact, that the painter seems to have given emphasis to the group in the upper line, and to have indicated that the common point of connexion 112 LESCHE AT DELPHI. and transition between the two grand divisions of the composi- tion, lay there. Polygnotus follows the Odyssey in introducing numerous heroines in proximity to the scene of the appearance of Teiresias — wives and daughters all, says Homer, of the great. The significance of this circumstance I am not quite prepared to appreciate. However, painter and poet seem to agree in the titles they admit to such place and precedence — misfortunes, crimes, and loves, of renown and scale befitting the state of heroines : Iphimedeia, Ariadne, Phasdra, Tyro, Eriphyle, Chloris, Procris, Clymene, and Megara, are all in the Homeric enume- ration; but the Pandarids and Auge and Thyia, replace Antiope, Epikaste, Alcmena, and Leda. In both catalogues the heroines number thirteen, and thirteen is too frequent and favourite a number in Greek legends for the coincidence to be accidental, ^olid descent seems the characteristic that is most nearly common to all — indication of the origin of the poetical tradition : the full investigation of the subject would lead too far, and I fear to little result ; but a few observations may be admitted on the scope of the painter's originality of treatment. Of Auge and Iphimedeia, who are grouped together, Pau- sanias observes, as if in explanation, that they were both con- nected with Asiatic localities : one was mother of Telephus by Hercules — Telephus, of all the sons of Hercules most like his father; the other rewarded the love of Poseidon with the giant twins, Otus and Ephialtes. The JEolian god, Poseidon, was also the lover of Thyia and of Tyro, and Chloris was mother of Nestor by Neleus, son of Poseidon. The affectionate grouping of Thyia and Chloris is thus sufficiently accounted for ; it contrasts with the slighting move- ment of Procris, as she turns away from Clymene, her husband's second wife. Megara, says Pausanias, is placed inwards in respect to Clymene. I suspect that their relative position indicated the sympathy that harmonizes with their not dis- similar fortunes, as Megara was deserted by Hercules on grounds that were no impeachment of her affection: the antithetic LESCHE AT DELPHI. 113 contrast of the pair thus combined, to Chloris and Thyia, will not fail to be noted. An antithesis seems also intended between Auge and Iphi- medeia — consorts of heroes, and mothers of mighty sons, and the pretty little Pandarids who were snatched away by ruthless fate just at marriageable age, and never had husbands at all. The daughters of Pandarus are seasonal types like the daughter of Denieter, and like the children of Niobe, with whom their monumental story interchanges details very re- markably. Of the family of Niobe, one alone, the youngest, was spared ; and it is an observation of Panof ka, that this type was reproduced in the parallel mythus, as represented on the Lycian tomb, where the Harpies carry off four Pandarids, and one remains behind. But the obligation was mutual, and an Athenian artist has drawn on a marble slab the daughters of Niobe, engaged in the childish game of astragals, as Polygnotus long before painted the daughters of Pandarus at Delphi. With respect to Oknos, it is certainly open to question whether Pausanias rightly renders the meaning of Polygnotus, as typifying in the destructive ass, the wastefulness of woman ; but there is much in favour of the view, and it may have had better authority than is now forthcoming. Certainly, such a type is quite in accordance with the spirit of Hesiodic poetry, and agrees to the letter with one of the less favourable com- parisons of Simonides of Amorgos. Oknos, at his toil, is suffer- ing the punishment appropriate to husbands who, neglecting the maxims and warnings of the satirical moralists, are content to slave for the support of drones. Perhaps we may even recognise a glance at this theory of domestic economy, in the Nehyia of the Odyssey, in the invectives of Agamemnon against the sex, moralized by Ulysses in the observation, that certainly the family of Atreus had not been fortunate in their feminine alliances ; though Homer is far above countenancing the shabby and ungrateful murmurs of the Boeotian. Next to Oknos, and not without a motive, are the sisters Ariadne and Phasdra ; the fate of the latter, who hanged herself, 114 LESCHE AT DELPHI. is delicately indicated by placing her in a swing ; the expedient is characteristic of the sensitive taste of the painter, and was redeemed from the slightest impntation of conceit, by the cur- rency of illustrative traditions. At the xiiora of Attica, the women were accustomed to swing, in commemoration, it was said, of an Attic heroine, Erigone, who hanged herself. The swinging scenes that occur on vases, allude to this festival ; the little dog that is frequently introduced is the dog Maira, trans- ferred, along with the maiden his mistress, to the stars : the dog is also traceable on coins. The rope of Phtedra might not suggest the more innocent twine of her sister — the labyrinthine clue she furnished to Theseus, but for the proximity to the pair, of the rope-twisting Oknos. I do not think this a mere coincidence ; had the con- nexion of ideas not been intended, the occasion for it would not have been given, and Polygnotus would have avoided the delicate theme dans la famille cfune 'pendiie. Of the sisters, Ariadne at least, as a wife, was more sinned against than sinning ; and in her place, and with the suggestion I have noted, she appears to be the qualifying apology for the imputation in the group of Oknos. Tyro is the first of the heroines in the enumeration of the Odyssey, and great is the glory of her family ; but on what grounds she was associated with the traitress Eriphyle, who sold her lord for a trinket, I do not know, and have not even a conjecture to offer that is worth the space it would occupy in setting down. There is suggestiveness in the proximity of Eriphyle to Ulysses — whether the painter intended it in this par- ticular form or not, and we naturally compare the fortunes of the Argive prince, doomed through the faithlessness of his wife to quit the home he was never to return to, and of the husband of the faithful and discreet Penelope. A reminiscence from the Homeric scene in Hades helps the association, — the warning of Agamenmon to Ulysses to bear in mind his fate, and, true as Penelope might be, to return at first in disguise, and prove her well before he placed himself in LESCHE AT DELPHI. 115 her power. The Ithacan makes no acknowledgment for the advice, but we may observe that he takes care to follow it. Theseus and Pirithous, fixed to the eternal seats that detained them when they descended to Hades in the impious design to carry oiF Persephone, are placed in significant proximity to Ulysses, more prosperous in a better-advised adventure. The weapons that they still hold, while they recognise their useless- ness in despair, assist in closing up the contrast to Ulysses, crouching with potent sword over the pit, — an observation made by Goethe. We need not Avonder that Ariadne and Phaedra were placed apart from Theseus, so entrapped on such an errand ; and we have had a glimpse of a reason for their position near Oknos ; and if by a parity of illustration we are bound to admit and inquire for the corresponding link between Theseus and Eriphyle, it is consistent that a type of a bad wife should be classed with one, whom his general character and actual disaster proclaim as no model for the best of husbands. Again, as the neighbour of Oknos, Ariadne, has relations to Theseus, so the neighbour of the Theseus, Eriphyle, the selfish perverter of the proper resources of Amphiaraus, wise beyond the sons of men but ruining all by uxorious concession, is anti- type of the evil helpmate of Oknos. The detention of Theseus in Hades here, agrees with the story of the other picture, where the duty of alleviating the misfortune of his mother, ^Ethra, devolves on her more pious grandchildren. Athenians, one might think, would take in ill part this exhibition of their heroes' misdeeds and disasters, yet Polygnotus, we have assumed, had already a connexion with Athens. Was the honour of Theseus redeemed by the sequel of the story, in which he owed his release to the friendship of Hercules? At any rate the tradition probably had very general acceptation, and we must not assign to Polygnotus, engaged in adding to the adornments of the common fane of Greece, and in the inculcation of a dignified sentiment, the narrow purposes and unscrupulous onc-sidedncss of a party politician. We now proceed to the next grand division of the picture, 116 LESCHE AT DELPHI. which exhibits in Hades, the Greek and Trojan comrades and contemporaries of Ulysses at the Trojan war. We shall find the transition marked by a certain break in the sequence of groups, and the division thus established corresponds with the pause in the hero's narrative to Alcinous, when, having enumerated the earlier heroines he had seen, he finds it convenient suddenly to stop short, just as the chief interest of the adventure approaches, to propose retirement to sleep, and to pray his immediate despatch homewards. It is no impeachment of the character of the hero, to suppose that he was not taken by surprise when his entertainers pressed him to continue his narrative, renewed assurances of safe convoy home, and kept up his spirits meanwhile by more liberal promises of rich presents at parting. He recommences in good heart, and tells next of his interview with his former companions in arms. It is for us to follow the painter and archseologist : — " After the daughters of Pandarus is Antilochus, with one " foot upon a rock, and holding his face and head on his two " hands ; Agamemnon is after Antilochus, leaning on a sceptre " under his left armpit, and elevating a staff with his hands. " Protesilaus looks towards Achilles, who is seated, and above " AchiUes stands Patroclus. These are all beardless, with the " exception of Agamemnon. " Above them Phocus is painted, in age a youth, and laseus " Avell bearded; he is taking a ring from the left hand of " Phocus ; apparently he wishes to examine it as a pledge of " former attachment, and Phocus yields it for the purpose. " Above these is Maira, seated on a rock, and in a line with " Maira, Aktaion and his mother; they hold in their hands a " fa^vn, and sit on the skin of a stag ; a hound lies beside them. " Looking again to the bottom part of the picture : in a line " with Patroclus, on a sort of eminence, Orpheus is seated, his " left hand on his lyre, while with his right he touches the twigs " of a willow against which he leans. His costume is entirely " Greek : he wears neither garment nor cap of Thrace. Against " the willow on the other side leans Promedon. LESCHE AT DELPHI. 117 " In this part of the painting is Schedios, the leader of the " Phocians at Troy: he holds a sword and is crowned with " agrostis, and after him Pelias, seated on a throne; he is " hoary, both head and beard: he looks towards Orpheus. " Thamyris sits near Pelias, blind, and in every way dejected ; " his hair, both of head and beard, is very profuse; a lyre is " thrown at his feet, "with horns and strings broken. " Above Thamyris sits Marsyas on a rock, and Olympus by him, " represented as a youth, and as if learning to play on the flute. " But if you look again to the upper part of the picture, " there " are in a line with Actason, Salaminian (Telamonian) Ajax, and " Palaniedes playing at dice with Thersites. (Cf. PiNDAK,/r«^. 95.) " The other Ajax looks on at the game ; his colour is that of a " shipwrecked person, with the salt of the sea yet about his skin. " Meleager is higher in the picture than Ajax Oileus. He " looks towards Ajax. Of these, Palamedes alone is beardless. " In the lower part of the picture, after the Thracian " Thamyris, is Hector, holding both his hands about his left " knee, exhibiting the appearance of one in grief. After him is " Memnon, seated on a rock, and Sarpedon grouped with " Memnon. Sarpedon leans his head on both his hands ; one " of the hands of Memnon rests on his shoulder. All have " beards; birds are wrought on the chlamys of Memnon. A " naked ^thiop boy is beside Memnon. " Above Sarpedon and Memnon is Paris, Avithout beard; he " is clapping his hands ( ?), and the action appears as if intended " to call Penthesileia to him ; Penthesileia looks at Paris, but with " an expression of contempt. She is represented as a maiden, " with a Scythian bow, and a pard skin on her shoulders. " Above Penthesileia are females carrying water in broken " vessels ; there is one still young, and one more advanced in " age. The women have no inscription individually, but one " common to both expresses that they are of the Uninitiated. " Above these women is Kallisto, daughter of Lycaon, and " Nomia, and Pero daughter of Neleus. Kallisto has a bear-skin " for the cover of her couch ; her feet lie in the lap of Nomia. 118 LESCHE AT DPXPIII. " After Kallisto and the Avomen with her, a precipice is " represented, and Sisyphus is straining to push the rock up to " the precipice. " There is in the picture also a pithos, (large jar or butt,) " and an old man and a boy with women, a young one below " the rock, (of Tantalus,) and an old one by the old man; the " others are carrying water; the old woman has broken her " pitcher, and what water is still left in it she is pouring out " again into the pithos. " Below the pithos is Tantalus, enduring all the miseries " Homer assigns to him, with the addition of fear of the " suspended stone ; in respect to wliich, Polygnotus evidently " follows Archilochus." In this description we have numerous illustrations of the laxity with which Pausanias applies his prepositions, and it is fortunate that the course of the context repeatedly furnishes indications more conclusive and precise. Antilochus is after the Pandarids, who are in a line with Theseus, who is heloio Ulysses ; but it is clear from the sequel that Antilochus is in the lowest line, and after^ therefore, in this instance, means the next to be enumerated after, &c. We have already had an instance of this phraseology in the case of Oknos, "sdio is in the same relative position to his antecedent as Antilochus — though not in the same row, the nearest neighbour. It seems necessary, however, to place the figures somewhat obliquely from the groups they come after, to account for their position not being rather indicated as below those groups. Above (or over) is in itself as little determinate. Patroclus is over Achilles, but it is clear he belongs to the same row — the row above which is Phocus, above whom is Maira. So Paris and Penthesileia are above Memnon and Sarpedon in a very different sense to that in which, again, above them are the uninitiated women. So, again, Meleager is higher up than Ajax, and Kallisto is higher up than the hydrophorai ; but ]\Ieleager is clearly in the same general line as Ajax, for he is looking at him; and Kallisto LESCHE AT DELPHI. 119 as clearly in a row above the water-carriers, for after her, in the same row, comes Sisyphus, who is over the pithos, and other water-bearers, who are over Tantalus. Looking now at the present system of groups as developed, we find it exhibit very marked symmetry, or rather symmetri- cism, which is only modified to accommodate the natural arti- culation of the rest of the composition of which it forms a part. It is the upper and lower rows that are here most closely occupied by figures; the middle row, in contrast to the first division, being comparatively open and unoccupied. On the lower line we have a group of five Greek heroes, answering to one of five Trojan worthies, and between them another group of five figures in which Orpheus is the chief person, and which asserts a central place in the arrangement by this parallelism at either side, by the interruption of the middle line by the tree, and by the distribution of other members. Above it is again a group of five Greek heroes, flanked symmetrically by two very analogous and corresponding groups, each consisting of three figures ; and a like correspondence obtains between the two pairs of figures that flank the central space in the middle row. If we now compare the two grand interior systems of groups, we observe that, while the important incident of the interview of Ulysses with Teiresias, gives animation to the first of them, it is in the second, with its more numerous and variously con- trasted groups, and in its important and interesting heroes and larger space, that the art of Polygnotus found the greatest scope, and we therefore recognise again the same absence of technical counterpoise which we found and considered in the first painting. There is diiference however, in the matter, which restores the general balance, inasmuch as, by a certain graphic polarity, it is at the terminal divisions of the double series that the chief energy becomes manifest ; it is in the first portion of the commencing picture, and in the last of the concluding, that richness of association and pregnancy of meaning attain their NO. II. K 120 LESCHE AT DELPHI. most emphatic expression ; and thus it is only on arriving at the conclusion of the second picture, that the mind is contented with a sense of having received fulfilment of all the promise opened, but unsatisfied by the first. The awe of refining upon points that are either self-evident or hopelessly incommunicable, alone restrains me from pressing further the analogies between the correlative divisions of the two pictures, and between the principle observed in the apposition of the halves of the latter painting, and that which governs the general contrast of the two in their entirety. We have now to do our best to find what was the principle of harmony in the inspiring and informing sentiment, that gave appropriateness to the figures selected, and their so closely studied ordination. The triplet groups in the upper row, by analogy to the heroines of the first division, assist in blending the two, and again we find names, Maira and Pero, that occur in the Homeric Nekyia. Kallisto is seated on the skin of a bear, a type of her transformation into the animal; that her feet are placed on the lap of the Arcadian nymph Nomia — nymph, no doubt, of the Arcadian mountain Nomia, typifies, in a like spirit, the maiden's haunt of hill and forest while still in the train of Artenfis. Pero is added to the group for a good reason, I doubt not, and perhaps to be found by searching for — but to me utterly unknown. In the corresponding group, Maira so far answers to Kallisto, that, like her, she was slain by Artemis for faithlessness to the law of chastity, and her name also has astronomical relations. It were long to investigate the connexion between Maira, daughter of Proetus, and Maira the dog of Erigone, transferred as Canicula to the starry sphere ; but the dog on a vase painting of Proetus and Bellerophon — the very same that enlivens the swinging scene of Erigone, convinces me that such there was. Pausanias notices that, according to the Nostoi^ Maira died a maiden ; even in this version of the story, as prematurely cut LESCHE AT DELrill. 121 off, a victim of the arrows of the sister of Apollo. The dog of Orion is named Maira by some authorities. Another victim of the wrath of Artemis is Actreon, the next figure, and another instance of transformation; the fawn held by his mother, and the hound beside him, hint at this, and the latter aids the association with Maira, as his story admitted in antiquity interpretations from the physical influence of the dogstar. It was not unintentionally that these personages found their place in the upper part of the picture. The group of Greek heroes at the bottom of the picture has many remarkable points; and here, as elsewhere, we find Polygnotus observant of Homeric authority and precedent, at the same time that he freely diverges from it, in obedience to dictates of his own imagination and the promptings of his proper theme. Antilochus and Patroclus are at opposite ends of the group — the latter close to Achilles, as they are his attendants in the Odyssey. The arrangement makes the presence of Achilles diffusive and dominant over the group, though, in accordance with Homer, Agamemnon takes precedence of him. What may be the significance of the rahdos held by the king of men, is a question that I have but to repeat, as I cannot answer it. His appearance here helps to unite the two compositions, and aids no little in the enforcement of their moral, by recalling the sad account that he gives to Ulysses of his catastrophe, the treachery of his wife, the fate of Cassandra, who is so ominously introduced in the scene of the oath of Ajax. The fio^ure of Ao-amemnon is in marked contrast to the other heroes of the group, all models of youthful military prowess as well as of the quick blood and warm sympathies of young enthusiasm. Though Antilochus stands as the friend loved best by Achilles after Patroclus, he is in the Iliad brought into direct personal relation with him only on the occasions of the announcement of the death of Patroclus and at his funeral games ; hence it is that friendship and its end that his presence K 2 122 LESCHE AT DELPHI. recals : he shared the same tomb as Achilles, though not, like Patroclus, the same funeral urn — a preference corresponding with that given in the painting. As Achilles expresses heroic friendship, so does Protesilaus heroic conjugal affection. The first of the Greeks to land on Trojan ground, and the first slain, he revisited earth for a three hours' interview with his wife, — such boon the gods accorded to the prayers of Laodameia, and at the expiration of the time she voluntarily died to accompany him to Hades. It is, then, not without meaning and significance of contrast that such a neigh- bour is given to Agamemnon, victim of the adulterous yet not unprovoked Cl3i;emnestra. Allusion to such a story obviously befits a picture which has for its subject a descent to Hades — the intercourse of the upper and under worlds. AYith Achilles, towards whom, and thus away from Agamemnon, he looks, he is obviously more in s}Tnpathy, — with Achilles, whose yearning for the upper world, solicitude for the welfare of his childless and unprotected parent, and interest in the exploits and honour of his son, give tone and character to his discourse with Ulysses. The introduction of Briseis, Diomede, and Iphis in the first picture, prepared for the appearance and importance of Achilles and Patroclus in the second. Antilochus, it may be added, sacrificing his life to save his father, Nestor, was the great heroic type of filial affection, the virtue that we have seen already enforced in the present picture, as the Pylian sage, the object of it, was prominent in the last. It may be said that there is nothing in the position of Antilochus whereby the reward of filial affection is very obviously set forth : this is true enough, and it is pleasing to recognise in the Greeks of this age, the theory of a duty para- mount to calculation of what was to be got by it, either in the present world or a future. It would be better, in the absence of an authority either way, that Protesilaus should be represented standing; and the words of Pausanias appear to require that the cheeks of LESCHE AT DELPHI. 123 Antiloclius sliould be enclosed within his hands, or at least rest on one of them. Passing now to the group of Asiatic notabilities that answer to these five Greeks, the first is Hector, whose dejected expres- sion seems due to reflection on the downfal of his nation, though the lines of Homer (Iliad xxii. 363) may be compared for what illustration they will give. Contrasted with him here, as in the Iliad, is Paris, who endeavours to engage the attention of Penthesileia — Paris still. He meets with only slighting regard, and one commentator has seen in this, the appropriate punishment in Hades of the professed lady-killer; but Paris, I doubt not, Avould readily pei'suade himself, Avith the usual philosophy of the frivolous — rational enough notwithstanding and better men may have occasion to envy them, that the loss was the lady's. In truth, I am disposed to consider that Pausanias misconstrues the gesture of Paris, or its intention, for there are notices enough to prove that a snap of the fingers had the same meaning — flippant disregard, in antiquity as now. Between Paris and Penthesileia sit Memnon and Sarpedon together as friends; they have many characteristics in com- mon; they both belong to the more remote allies of Troy: Sarpedon was slain by one of the friends of Achilles, and Memnon, more fortunate so far, slew Antiloclius, the other, but only to meet his own fate from the spear of Achilles : victors and vanquished are thus in corresponding groups. Both Sar- pedon and Memnon are of divine descent, and the body of either is carried away through the air by divine intervention for funereal honours. Compare the notice of the pair in the Clouds of Aristophanes, v. p. 622. On the robe of Memnon Polygnotus painted birds, in allusion to a mythus of his tomb on the Hellespont, and at his feet a naked ^Ethiopian, that is, a black boy — this evidently in concession to the associations with his name (nigri Memnonis arma, does not stand alone), though many monuments extant represent the prince, and his followers too, as of Hellenic pre- 124 LESCHE AT DELPHI. sence, and also equipment, and so doubtless Homer conceived the slayer of Antilochus — the beauteous son of the Morning. j\Iemnon and Penthesileia were distinguished in the JEthiopis of Arctinus; and that the beauty of the latter should attract Paris in the painting, is in accordance with its having suggested a slander against Achilles in the poem. Like Hector, she died by the hands of Achilles, and the close relations of the two groups are completed, by Paris having been with Apollo to aid — no derogation from the exploit, the slayer of Achilles himself. None of the Trojans are mentioned in the Homeric Nelcyia. Five more Greeks are grouped together at the top of the picture: first and single is Telamonian Ajax, the only one of the five mentioned in the Odyssey as seen by Ulysses. Next to him are Palamedes and Thersites playing at dice — the inven- tion of the former; the lesser Ajax is looking on; he is stained with the brine from the shipwreck — punishment of his misdeeds, as set forth in the companion-picture, the sign of the disaster which his ancient enemy, Ulysses, is learning from Teiresias how he may avoid. Pausanias remarks that Polygnotus de- signedly placed the opponents and enemies of Ulysses together, and certainly we must admit the significance of the arrange- ment. Thersites, who fiires so ill at the hands of Ulysses in the Iliad, might seem too mean for the painter's notice, but he was concerned importantly in the post-Homeric incidents. Pala- medes was still more important in the Cyclic poems, and is not mentioned by Homer at all ; it is very difficult to think that his story could have gained such place and favour in tradition, unless branches and germs of it were anterior to Homer, in which case the poet must have suppressed his concern in the Trojan war deliberately, and doubtless for good poetical reasons. Were these reasons his too great participation in the leading characteristics of Ulysses, and the troublesome impu- tation that tradition affixed to the latter, of havino; removed his rival by vile stratagem? So far as I can trace, the traditions as we have them are uniformly in favour of Palamedes, and against Ulysses, and I do not quite perceive how Polygnotus LESCHE AT DELPHI. 125 qualified the ungracious reminiscence — if indeed he desired to do so, unless to make him an associate of such a gamester as Thersites was held to discredit him sufficiently. Meleager closes the group. Homer tells how he was per- secuted by Artemis, and Pausanias that he was, according to some poets, slain by Apollo. He also figures in tradition of a descent to Hades — that of Hercules, whom he seized the opportunity of engaging to marry his sister Deianira. We now come to the central group of our secondary system, again composed of five figures, of whom the chief is evidently Orpheus; and surrounded as he is, it cannot be but that an important and crowning significance pertains to him. To Schedios, however, the leader of thePhocians at the Trojan war, seems assignable the middle place, and he serves to vin- dicate the connexion of this group with those around it — with the other assailants and the defenders of Ilium. There is, then, a pair of figures on either side of him, and of each pair one figure is a bard — on one side sits Thamyris in an attitude of deep depression, deprived of sight, his lyre broken at his feet. He challenged the Muses to a trial of skill; the stake he proposed enhanced the insult and impiety, and he now sufi'ers for his shameful failure. On the other side sits Orpheus, " on a sort of hill :" the best comment on the expression is to be found in the conventional indication of hills in the vase paintings ; one hand is on his lyre, with the other he touches the twigs of a willow tree, type of the grove of Persephone. Orpheus, as putative son of Apollo, has special claim to a place in a picture at Delphi, and Thamyris also had certain relations to the place, as his name occurred in the list of Pythian victors, in the early ages when the contest was a hymn to the god. — Paus. x. 7. The cause of the introduction of Pelias is not so obvious ; but, in a dearth of even conjectures, I think it worth remarking that at the funeral games of Pelias, an occasion of such great renown, we are told by Hyginus (273), that Orpheus gained the prize with the lyre, and Olympus, pupil of Marsyas, with 126 LESCHE AT DELPHI. the flute. Olympus and Marsyas thus gain an additional title to their place, besides their common relation to Delphi and its god. Meleager who appears in the group above Olympus was highly distinguished at the funeral games of Pelias. The Pythian nome was the work of the musician Olympus, whom the painter does not care to distinguish from his mythical prototype. Phocus and laseus have claims to place from local relations, and correspond, as a group of an old man and a youth, to Olympus and Marsyas: some farther parallelism Avould be satisfactory, but none occurs to me. Pausanias notices the profuse hair and beard given to Thamyris — they suggest the epithet ^/meeg; and the conjecture to an allusion to his name is quite fair, while like allusions are admitted in the white head of Pelias (TroAtoc), and the hand-to- hand weapon (ay^t^'ia) of Schedios. The meaning of the gesture of Orpheus, could we satis- factorily elicit it, would determine much. As Schedios is croAvned with leaves from his native Parnassus — the agrostis^ may we regard Orpheus as about to break off a wreath for his brows. Hercules, on his descent to Hades, cooled his brows with a wreath from the poplars of the same or a like grove of Persephone, and the underside of the leaf coloured by the sweat of the hero became white, and is so to this day. The story of the golden branch, which obtains for ^neas entrance to Hades, may be descended from the same associations; and, lastly, we find notice that the happy denizens of Elysium, those who enjoy the benefits of initiation, are crowned with chaplets. A passage in the Clouds of Aristophanes, v. 1006, always reminds me of this group of Oi^heus and his companion; but it may not be easy to communicate the force of the illus- tration. Orpheus, then, I have no doubt was intended to be placed in triumphant contrast to the defeated and dejected Thamyris at the opposite end of the group, a contrast corresponding to that between Ulysses and the Ajaces ; and this is quite in ac- LESCHE AT DELPHI. 127 cordance with his remarkable relations to the under- world and to mystical initiations. By this significance, of which more remains to be said, the son of Apollo has the same subjective pre-eminence in the second half of the painting, that belongs to Ulysses in the first. Neither of these protagonists, however, occupies the exact centre of his proper symmetrical system, and it is thus that Polygnotus pre- served the feeling that those systems are dependent parts, not independent or even companion wholes, and caused them, we may say, mutually to gravitate towards each other. Ulysses verges to the right of one side on the upper row, Orpheus to the left of the other on the lower line : and thus, in distribution cor- relative yet contrasted, they throw the balance of import towards each other, and towards the middle line of the picture, and compensate, by a pictorial ca3sura, for the weakness and blankness of the space so strongly occupied in the companion picture; and thus was braced a system of unity and purport such as no restoration we can provide will adequately set forth. Among the first figures enumerated in this picture were, as we have seen, TeUis and Cleoboia, of Paros and Thasos, repre- sentatives of the worship of Demeter, and the introduction of her mysteries into the latter island. The great interest of these mys- teries centered in the influence assigned to them in procuring for the Initiates safety through the perils of Hades, and happy return in due time to upper light ; hence the appropriateness of the allusion, in a picture representing a successful descent to Hades, for such mythical descents and re-ascents, whether of god or hero — of Dionusos, or Kore, or Herakles, and therefore by analogy of Ulysses, were held to be types and guarantees of the true hope held out to the Initiate. So the safe return of Hercules was distinctly ascribed to his previous initiation ; and in the picture before us we see the fate of the uninitiated con- fessedly typified in the endless and hopeless occupation of tlie hydrophoria — whether to fill a leaky cask, or broken pitchers. Now Orpheus had himself descended to Hades and returned, and he was accepted, in a certain range of tradition, as the great 128 LESCHE AT DELPHI. mystagogue — the great iiiculcator of the futihty of the fears of death, and the great example of the truth and reahty of his doctrine. See the most important literary authorities, — Lobeck ; Aylaophamus^ p. 238. Authorities as important for our present purpose are the pictorial decorations of Greek vases from Lower Italy. They present us with Orpheus in a scene of the under-world, and types of all the ideas that are so significantly assembled by Polygnotus. Orpheus, the mystagogue, in the Thracian costume which Pausanias is evidently surprised to miss, advances playing on his lyre to the palace of Hades and Persephone, and the Initiated are sometimes follo^\dng, sometimes stand listening to him, and regarding him with attention like the Promedon — otherwise unknown, of our painting. Above are the powers or priestesses of the mysteries, clearly marked by their spnbols, and mythical examples of respect or contempt for the solemnities — the Dioscuri, or Theseus and Pirithous. Below, Hercules, divinely conducted, drags the triple-headed Cerberus, undis- mayed by the Furies. Around, and bounding the scene, as in our painting, are the punishments of Sisyphus, Tantalus, &c. One remarkable difference there is between the painting of Polygnotus and the vases : in our painting, the Uninitiated are typified by figures of various ages and either sex, who are engaged in the futile task of carrying water in leaking vessels ; but on the vases, the maidens with vases in the scenes of the under-world are evidently not represented as punished, but rather as cheerfully celebrating a sacred rite. The analysis of the incongruity is a subject in itself. I can only notice here, that the punishment ascribed to the Danaids in Hades is clearly traceable by historical notices, to the polemical ingenuity of rival sanctuaries : the Argives claimed for the Danaids the honour of introducing the mysteries of Demeter into Greece, and rival claimants replied by assigning to the Danaids a place among the types of impiety in their Hades, and transforming their most sacred rite into a symbol of the imputed futility of their offices. There can be little doubt that Pausanias was right in asso- LESCHE AT DELPHI. 129 elating the group around thepitJws with the two water-carrying females, to whom the inscription Uninitiated was more imme- diately attached. There is, however, a little uncertainty as to their exact occupation ; the words of the description appear to imply that the four figures were carrying water from, not to, the pithos, as one of them, whose pitcher is broken, is said to be pouring back what water remained. The sense and intention of the group, however, would remain the same, and the varia- tion of the circumstances may be safely interpreted as nothing- more than one of the fanciful, or more than fanciful, alterations in which, as we have seen, the painter asserts his right of originality. From the illustration that the vase paintings mutually afford to each other, and derive in common from literature, their general significance under all variety of treatment is sufficiently recognisable, and in its leading lines is the same, and is that of the paintings of Polygnotus. In the practice of natural piety and respect for consecrated things, conjoined with conformity to certain symbolical rituals, of all which the initiating ministers of whom Orpheus was a type, were the great instruments and interpreters, lay the hope of the Greek religionist for peace in the grave and life beyond it. But as mere doctrine and incul- cation tell but with secondary force, to promises that such would be the efficacy of worthy initiation, was added distinct averment that such it had been ; thus the Dioscuri, thus Herakles, thus Orpheus or Ulysses, had surmounted the perils of the nether world — to pass over Dionusos, himself a god though son of Semele, and who, though a god, was precedent for human hope, like Egyptian Osiris, by himself having submitted to violent death, the condition of his triumph. Warning was as little wanting as example, and Sisyphus, Tantalus, Ixion, with a band of worthy comates, completed the requisite hieratic apparatus. But what belief and what influence could such inventions, in which allegory, and poetry, and arbitrary fiction, come forward into notorious daylight so constantly, have over rea- sonable beings — over Greeks ? The question is no slight one : 130 LESCHE AT DELPHI. that influence they did command, I must here assume, and it is most certain. It is another question whether such result was dependent on the peculiar state of the popular mind at a certain stage of historical development, or whether it exists as a permanent characteristic; and it behoves one who would be satisfied on this head, to examine whether he himself is so free from the weakness as to be entitled to propose the question ; or, not being so, whether he is prepared to entertain temperately whatever suggestions the discussion, conscientiously conducted, may be found to lead up to. Western Paganism had exhausted its last development, and was verging inevitably to the decrepitude that is unto death, when the forms of fable, in which it had so variously, but ever with a certain pervading homogeneousness, found expression for more teaching than it ever dogmatized, were confronted and compared with the substantial incidents — the promises and precedents, of a new faith. It is difficult at the present day for any but archseologists to appreciate the liveliness with which the Jewish controversialist, Tryphon, recognises in the super- natural story, urged upon his credence by evidence from his own prophetic books, nothing but the reproduction in yet another mythus — informed with whatever spirit, of the staple theory of man that the world was tired of, that had seemed effete and on the point of dpng out. The analogy is not denied nor evaded by Justin Martp", who conducts and records the deliberation. Few among us now, it is true, will assent to his confident solution of the difficulty, by ascribing the re- semblance to the finesse of devils — prescient of the coming revelation, and preparing for confusion and cavils; but we must admire the candour with which the Father accepts his adversary's challenge for an answer, and look forAvard to the appearance of an inquirer and expositor, of better historical acumen but only equal self-respect, for the elucidation of one of the most interesting questions connected with the history and progress of our race. William Watkiss Lloyd. Ifayfk Son.Iida'' to the (^ea - J •il T» MpAr'-'^^^'V'^-''^ 7^!T:r;.>i;T»7fiai.:;7i THE PAINTINGS OF POLYGNOTUS. IN THt LEJCHE AT DELPHI th: descent of ulvsses to hades 131 XIY. ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS, DISCOVERED BY SIR CHAELES FELLOWS.* IN an age so distinguished by the researches of men of learning, the discoveries of zealous and enterprising tra- vellers, — by whose labours we are enlightened and instructed, and through whom we are enabled to behold the acts and monuments, the manners and customs, of ages almost obliterated and swept from the records of time, — are entitled to the highest praise. By the labours of such individuals we are enabled to obtain a just and correct knowledge of the religion, legends, and tradi- tions of various and distant people, tracing the progress of each from its distant and original source, and thus to clear up many obscure passages, and to explain satisfactorily many his- torical events, of which few or very slight records at present remain: and it is thus that many facts recorded by ancient historians, and which the changes of ideas and customs in modern ages had condemned as fabrications, have been fully verified and confirmed. Among late discoveries of this description, we may class the monument recently discovered in Lycia by Sir Charles Fellows; a monument in itself of the highest importance as regards the sculpture with which it is adorned, and the remote and interesting historical events which its bas-reliefs clearly reveal to us. We cannot but admire the zeal and perseverance * This Paper has been kindly presented by the Council of the British Archajo- logical Association. 132 ON THE SCULPTUEES OF THE with Avliich our enterprising traveller and countryman prose- cuted his researches, and the ability and intelligence with which he conducted the excavations, so as to bring forth and restore to liglit a monument which had been lost for so many ages, and which is so important as illustrating an event recorded by the great Father of History, — the conquest of Lycia by the united forces of the Persians and lonians. That this is the subject of the monument it will be my endeavour to prove, from the facts recorded to us by ancient authors, and from an examination of the structure itself. The monument occupied the summit of a gentle eminence, standing on the edge of a cliff of nearly thirty feet in height, and situated about a mile from the city of Xanthus. The base of the monument measures thirty-three feet in length by twenty- two in breadth, and is of the natural stone of the country. The superstructure is of white marble; the pedestal of which is adorned with tAVO rows of bas-reliefs — the lower and larger one representing a general battle of horse and foot, and the upper series offering all the incidents consequent to the siege and taking of a town. Upon this stylobate stood a peristyle, of four columns at each end and five on each side. They are of the Ionic order, and the building terminates with a ridge roof, and pediment at each end. A female statue in light drapery, with an emblem at her feet, occupies each intercolumniation. On the apex of the front pediment are two male statues, holding up a boy. The frieze of the entablature has hunting and battle scenes at the sides, and Persians and Greeks bearing offerings at either end. The frieze of the cella, within the peristyle, is orna- mented with representations of funereal ceremonies. In these relievos we see clearly people of distinct nations, as is manifest from the difference of costume. To know who they are, and who they represent, it will be necessary to refer slightly to those events of Lycian history which may throw light on the subjects represented in the sculptures of this monument, which, from its differing so essentially from every other object in this IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 133 country in its style of art, naturally leads us to conceive that it owes its origin to some foreign influence. The fabulous history of Lycia records to us the myths of Bellerophon, and of the carrying away of the daughters of Pan- darus by the Harpies. The latter event is represented on, and has given its name to, one of the stelae in the city of Xanthus. The accompanying representation of the story of Bellerophon is taken from a beautiful terra-cotta found in the island of Melos, and now in the British Museum. It is of early Greek art, anterior to the time of Phidias ; and this corresponds with the fact, that the ancient j)oets make no reference to a winged Pegasus. It bears evidence of having once been decorated with colour.* Bellerophon, a son of the king of Corinth, having murdered his brother, fled to the court of Proetus, king of Argos. Being unjustly accused of intriguing with the king's wife, he was sent to lobates, king of Lycia, bearing instructions for his own death. For this purpose lobates furnishes him with troops, and * A very beautiM and superb Roman mosaic pavement representing- this subject, discovered at Autun, in France, has Lately been exhibited in tliis country. 134 ON THE SCULPTUEES OF THE directs him to kill the Chimera, a horrible monster, described by Hesiod as having the head of a lion, the body of a goat, and the tail of a dragon, which was possessed of great velocity, which belched forth fire from its mouth, and which had for a long time laid waste Lycia.* Now the poets have generally interpreted this extravagant animal by the supposition, that it might have been a formidable volcano of this name in the Gulf of Telmessus, the summit being inhabited by lions, the centre by goats, and the foot of the mountain by serpents ; and that the fable originated from Bellerophon's having reduced this tract of land and rendered it habitable. Now it is absurd to suppose that lobates would send Bel- lerophon with troops to the impossible task of destroying a volcano: it is most probable he was sent out on a military expedition; and with the suggestions afforded us by Tzetzes on Lycophro7i, we may be enabled to determine that he was sent against an enemy of three united people : for Tzetzes tells us that the lion was the emblem of the Solymean people, given to them by the poets on account of their bravery ; that the goat was given to another neighbouring people, celebrated for their agility, and whom he names Amazons; and that the serpent typified those who inhabited the plains. f The fact of lobates endeavouring, in fulfilment of the instructions given him by Proetus, to cut him off in an ambuscade on his return, shows clearly that it was a military expedition, and that Bellerophon, or the man of council, (BouXtj^ojooc avi]p^) had destroyed the confederacy and con- quered them. With this mythical introduction, we proceed to the historical description of the country. * From this animal, Hesiod tells us the Greeks derive the origin of their Sphinx : hence Bellerophon, Pegasus, and the Sphinx, occur frequently in the sculptures and on the coins of Lycia. The coins of Grecian Lycia, however, present the head and emblems of Apollo, whose worship in later times generally prevailed through the whole country. t See also Homer, II. vi. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 135 Lycia is a maritime province of Asia Minor, of peculiar interest, whether it be with respect to its historical records, or for the remarkable contrast of its past and prosperous condition with its fall and present desolation. Lycia was the ancient Mylias, bounded on the north by Phrygia, on the east by Pamphylia, on the west by Caria, and on the south by the Mediterranean. Xanthus was the capital, on the banks of the river of the same name. During the period of ancient civi- lization, this region was greatly populated. In the time of Pliny there were thirty-six cities in Lycia, and before that period there were thrice that number. The most ancient notice we have of the people of Lycia is furnished by Homer and Herodotus. They were courageous and valiant warriors, and especially renowned for their dexte- rity in throwing the dart, and in the handling of their arms. The prince of poets frequently mentions the name of Pandarus, the son of Lycaon, who signalized himself in the war of Troy against the Greeks : and he also records the deeds of Sarpedon, king of Lycia, and of Glaucus, who came to the assistance of the Trojans,* " bringing with him numerous squadrons from a great distance, from Lycia and the winding Xanthus." Hero- dotus tells us, that the city of Xanthus was originally peopled by the Cretans, who, according to the common tradition, founded a small kingdom under the government of Sarpedon ; this colony being a different one from that which he had formerly sent into Asia Minor, when he had ineffectually con- tested the crown with his brother Minos, king of Crete. Lycus, the son of Pandion, being driven from Athens by his brother ^geus, joined Sarpedon at Termilaj, and succeeded him as king, and from him the country was called Lycia. Defended by its fastnesses, and the bravery of its inha- bitants, Lycia had constantly maintained its independence; but on the death of Crcesus, Cyrus turning his attention to * IIOMER, II. V. NO. II. L 136 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE Asia Minor, sent an expedition to bring it into subjection. After reducing Ionia, -/Eolia, and Caria, and incorporating them with his armies, Harpagus marched immediately to the plains of Lycia, and proceeded to the capital. As Herodotus gives us so clear an account of his proceedings, we will quote it in his own words : — " ^ATien Harpagus moved his army to the plain of Xanthus, the Lycians drew out their forces, few against the many, and gave proof of the greatest valour ; but being over- come in battle, and driven back into the city, they collected into the citadel their wives, children, servants, and treasures ; then setting fire to the citadel, the whole were consumed. This done, they bound themselves by the most solemn oaths; when, sallying forth and fighting valiantly, all the Xanthians were cut to pieces. The Lycians who at the present time claim to be Xanthians are all foreigners, excepting eighty families, Avho at that time happened to be abroad, and so they survived. Thus Harpagus gained possession of Lycia, and in a similar manner he possessed himself of Caunus, for the Caunians, for the greater part, imitated the Lycians."* Every incident here narrated we find depicted in the sculptures of this monument, which thus becomes of twofold interest ; interesting from its characters as a work of art, and from its accordance with and corroboration of ancient history. Thus in the larger frieze of the pedestal, we have the general battle of horse and foot, " the fight of the few against the many." Li this spirited composition we may distinguish a style totally distinct from, and much more advanced than, the Archaic style of Lycian art, and nearly approaching the compositions of the Phigalean frieze, but not so correct in their proportions. The artist has illustrated this part of the composition with such incidents as are consequent to a general battle, and which add to its spirit and interest. Thus, in one of the sculptures * Herod., i. 176. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 137 we see a Greek soldier who has struck his lance through the head of a Lycian. He has placed his foot on the prostrate foe, and is drawing back his lance, notwithstanding the resistance of his unhappy victim : an incident which I do not remember to have seen in any other ancient bas-relief, though we meet with similar incidents in the poets. " Fierce from his knees the hapless chief he thriist, The monarch's javelin stretch'd him in the dust, Then pressing with his foot his panting heart, Forth from the slain he tugg'd the reeking dart." Homer, II. vi. 61. An interesting peculiarity exhibited in these sculptures is afforded by the circumstance, that several of the figures carry shields, to which is attached a piece of dependent drapery. A similar appendage is frequently seen on the painted vases, but this is the only instance among the bas-reliefs of antiquity in which it is represented. In a beautiful Greek vase published by Inghirami, we have an Amazon leading a Greek warrior, which, as explained by Millingen, represents Antiope leading Theseus to the walls of Thesmiscyra. To the shield of Theseus is attached this pendent drapery, on which an eye is painted in strong lines. It is fixed L 2 138 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE to the shield by a bar and rivets, precisely in the manner indicated in the bas-reliefs. This appendage* may probably have been made of leather, with the eye painted upon it as an emblem of vigilance. On many parts of the sculptures before us we have faint traces of painted lines, and I doubt not the eye has been indicated upon these shields, although no trace of colour is now to be found. We have three instances of its representation in these sculptures : one occurs in the large frieze already mentioned, the others in the smaller frieze. It is borne by a Lycian, heading a sally from the gate of the besieged city, and it distinguishes one of the chiefs assembled before Harpagus. From these circumstances, we may conclude that they were the badges of leaders, ((TTparriyoi,) or officers; and that Theseus is thus distinguished as being the leader of the Grecian army. The subject of the larger frieze appears, from the space allotted to it, to have been judged of greater consequence than the other bas-reliefs, the broad band being equal to the upper band and cornice together.f This upper series contains the incidents consequent on the termination of the war. The principal group is that of Harpagus, in the act of dictating terms to the Lycian chiefs. He is represented seated on his throne, with his feet reposing on a footstool. An attendant holds an umbrella over his head, a well-known eastern and Persian emblem of authority. J * I find that Prof. Welcker and Mr. Birch have identified it with the Xaicrtfiov. It is mentioned by Homer, II. v. 453, and Herod., xii. v. 426. It is always applied to Barbarians or Asiatic Greeks. Cf. Mtjller, Arch, der Kunst., § 342, n. 6. The covering is a raw hide : its use was to protect the lower limbs from arrows or stones. Herod, (vi. 91) mentions its use by the Cilicians. t Or it may have been selected from the more artistic flowing of the lines pro- duced by men and horses in varied action ; or from the difficulty of representing the many incidents indicated in the upper row, were the frieze to have been increased in height. — Ed. X The princes are thus distinguished in the sculptures of Persepolis. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 139 On his head he wears the cap which is commonly called Phrygian, and which may show the common intercourse which these nations had with each other. Something similar is described by Strabo, xv. 3 : and the same cap is seen on the group of the Persian i\Iithra. Behind Harpagus are the principal leaders of the Grecian allies, and before him stand the Lycian chiefs, recognisable by their dress and long hair, as described by Strabo. The action of Harpagus is dignified and severe. His right arm is elevated, and he appears to be dictating his terms to them as a conqueror. The action of the Lycian chiefs, on the other hand, is simple, natural, and noble: though vanquished, they stand firm, and answer the Persian general with dignity and composure. In another compartment are four Lycian prisoners, with their hands tied behind them, and conducted by soldiers in front and rear. As their backs are turned from the city, they may have been separated from their countrymen in their hasty retreat to the gates, and thus made prisoners. The next compartment represents the taking of the city, the representation of which perfectly resembles the peculiar architecture of this country. Soldiers are seen mounting the scaling ladders ;* others, kneeling down, hold the ropes which * Engines for sieges were invented and used in tlie East many years before tlie Greeks of Europe appear to liave had any knowledge of tUeni. 140 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE fasten the ladders to the walls; while others, again, crouch behind their shields, to protect themselves from the missiles thrown by the besieged. The conception is spirited, and each figure in energetic and appropriate action. In another, we have the sally from the gates. The Lycians are led, as has been before mentioned, by the figure with the Xaiariiov. The Xantliians appear to be throwing stones, such stones as are described by Homer : — Ot ^ dpa •j^epjxaCLOLaiv evSfiyjTioy utto irvpyuv HaWov .... //. xii. 154. This sally brings us to the great and last catastrophe of the war, so well described by Herodotus — " When sallying forth and fighting valiantly, all the Xanthians were cut to pieces." The principal compartments of the bas-reliefs on the base- ment of the monument being now described, we proceed to speak of the statues which adorn the intercolumniations of the peristyle. A very ingenious idea has been published,* appropriating these statues to the Nereids ; but hoAvever plau- sible such an hypothesis may appear, it destroys the connexion of the monument with the history of its erection, and dispels that unity and hamiony which are so conspicuous in all the works of the great artists of antiquity, and for which they are so justly and greatly admired. Now, as we have seen that the fall of Xanthus, and the consequent subjection of Lycia, is represented on these bas- reliefs, — then, that the statues of the peristyle must be sub- servient and relative to the same event, wiU be equally clear, when we take into consideration the universal custom of the ancients of erecting trophies in memorial of their conquests. Jealous lest oblivion should throw her dark veil over their exploits, they were ever anxious to hand down testimonials of their valour to their latest posterity. * Xanthian Marbles: the Nereid Motiiiment, hy \Yii.hiAM Watkiss Lloyd, (8vo, Pickering, 1845,) the merits of which we cannot here discuss. — Ed. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTPIUS. 141 At first their trophies were formed of the arms taken from the enemy on the field of battle. Afterwards they became more costly in their substance, and were erected of more per- manent materials, as stone or marble. These statues having each a distinct and separate emblem at their feet, as a fish, a dolphin, a crab, a dove, a snake, a shell, &c., gives them at once a positive and definite character. Believing, then, these emblems to be peculiar attributes, I look upon the statues as personifications of the cities and people of Ionia and ^olia, who furnished the contingents to augment the army of Harpagus,* and conjointly with whom he conquered the Xanthians. This opinion I wiU endeavour to establish by reference to the coins of these cities, these affording the surest data by which we may obtain information. MILETUS. On the conquest of Lydia by Cyrus, the Milesians alone, of all the lonians, were received into alliance by Cyrus, and as allies they must have rendered essential aid in the conquest of Lycia. The city of the Milesians was the capital of Ionia : it was founded by Miletus the Cretan, and we find several medals struck to his honour; this being one of the few cities whose * The name of Harpagus being given to a Median prince has been matter of surprise to some, it being a word of pui-e Greek origin, if it be not a Hellenized equivalent for this name in the Persian. I am inclined to believe that as it was the custom, particularly of the eastern nations, for their princes to assume epithets and titles taken from their divinities, or from some remarkable circumstance, it might be an epithet assumed by the beutenaiit of Cyrus, who might have styled himself the rapacious or exterminating sword. The custom was very prevalent among the Greeks in early times, as Homer constantly applies various titles both to the gods and heroes. t A silver Drachm. Brit. Mus. 142 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE founders are known by the coins or medals struck in comme- moration of the event. The Milesians eventually rose to such eminence, that they founded upwards of eighty cities in different places, chiefly maritime. The city was famous for the Oracle and Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchida^. It was burnt by Xerxes, but after- wards rebuilt with such extraordinary magnificence, that, from the testimony of Vitruvius, it was one of the four edifices which rendered the names of their architects immortal. We may therefore reasonably suppose, that in the erection of this monument Miletus should hold a conspicuous position. The Branchidsean Apollo was the protecting deity of the Milesians, who, among other various names, as we are informed by Strabo, called him Salutiferus^ regarding him as the protecting and healing god : whence, having the same attributes, he is easily confounded with his son iEsculapius.* The figure of Apollo occurs on the coins of Miletus, on the reverse of which is a lion, an emblem of the people. In the Museum San Clementi are two coins of this city: one has a figure of Apollo with his bow in his left hand, and apparently holding a stag in his right : on the disk are seen the two initial letters of the name of the city, M I, (the I being placed in the middle of the M, ) and on the reverse a lion, with an inscription beneath, probably the name of a magistrate. On the other is the head of Apollo, and on the reverse a lion, near the mane of which are the initials, M I, of the city. AVith the assistance of Strabo and Spanheim, we may explain the snake or serpentf * Vide Spanheim, Be Prast. et Usii Nmnm. t The only instance we can find of a serpent appearing as an emblem of this city, is in Mionnet : " NEPflN Tete lauree de Neron a gauclie. $^ Eni . TI . MIAIITOC. Miletus en habit militaire, debout, entre deux proues de vaisseau, tourne a gauche : il tient de la main droite une epee, autour de laquclle est un serpent, et de la gauche une lance transversale." — jMionnet, Snppl. louie. No. 1253. Mr. Gibson, to whom we have communicated this coin, considers it interesting, in showing the connexion between the worship of Apollo and the adoration of the sun by the ancient Assyrians, whom they represented as holding a sword. — Ed. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 143 at the feet of one of the statues as having direct reference to the city of Miletus ; while the lions which occupy the end intercolumniations may, by the help of the coins, be shown to refer to the Milesian people. As the ancients were greatly attached to their early symbols, and regarded them with reverential and religious veneration, they constantly adhered to the primitive type in representing them, a circumstance which may account for the Archaic style of these animals. PHOCiEA. * Phocasa was the first of the Ionian cities which fell into the hands of Harpagus. Herodotus narrates that the Phoc^eans were unwilling to submit to his yoke, and determined to defend their liberties to the utmost. Being hard pressed, they demanded a day to consider of his terms, which Harpagus granted, though he professed to know their intention in asking it. The Phocaeans fled by sea, leaving their town empty, and binding themselves by oath never to return to Phocsea till a large red hot mass of iron, which they threw into the sea, should rise again. But during the voyage the greater part of them were seized with such regret at leaving their former and ancient residence, that they returned to Phocaea,J and, submitting to the invader, must also have increased his army with their contingents. On several of the coins of Phocaea we find a wolf seizing a fish, as represented in the above woodcut. Hardouin was the first to point out this fish to be the phoca. Though some * A Greek Imperial Coin. Brit. jMus. f Autonomous Coin. Brit. Mus. X IIehod., i. 164-5. 144 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE numismatists have disputed it, liis opinion is confirmed by the testimony of Stephanus Byzantinus, who says : — " The Ionian city, Phoca^a, was so called because many phoca3 followed the founders;" and Sistinus shows that this fish is the dog-fish, which abounds in those seas. The wolf is said to have been regarded by the Egyptians as the emblem of the course of the sun, and the animal was also dedicated to Apollo, or the sun, by the Greeks. Macrobius says the year was anciently called by the Greeks \vKa(3avTa, which Pier. Valeriano derives from Xu)(w, signifying a wolf. The letter L occurs on several medals, and has been mostly taken as a numeral by the older numismatists; but as the Greeks adopted two forms of the Xa^jSSa, the A and the L, and this last form is used on coins for the word Au/cajSairoc, the year, so the wolf on this coin may refer to the year when the colony was founded; or as the inhabitants of these coasts were expert mariners, and occupied Avith fisheries, it might refer to the time of year when these fisheries took place, for some- thing of the kind is intimated by ^lian* as having existed on the lake Maeotis, at a place called Canopium. COS. Wlien Harpagus had subdued the lonians on the continent, the inhabitants of the islands, terrified at the fate of their brethren, immediately subnntted. In the statue with the crab at her feet, we have the emblem of the Island of Cos. This island was anciently known by * V. H., vi. 65. f A silver Tetradrachm. Brit. Mus. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 145 various name, as Cea, Staphylus, Nymphsea, and Meropis.* It contained a very celebrated temple of JEsculapius, as also an equally celebrated and more ancient one of Juno, concerning which Theodoras wrote a treatise. f The crab was dedicated to this divinity, and was by her placed among the constella- tions.J Hence the crab occurs frequently on the coins of this island. Mionnet gives seventeen such coins, bearing the head of Hercules with the lion's skin, and the crab on the reverse. Sometimes they are seen with a figure of Apollo before a tripod, and on the reverse a crab ; and, again, with a female head, and on the reverse a crab ; with a club placed horizontally, and the name of a magistrate beneath. The crab also appears on the coins of Agrigentum, that city being a colony of Cos. MYKINA ^OLIDIS. A maritime town of J^olia, and named by Herodotus as one of the eleven cities of iEolia. Tavo cities of this name are met with in ancient authors, — one in the Isle of Lemnos, which was noted for the shadow of Mount Athos falling into its forum when the sun was in the solstice, and the other this jEolian town of Herodotus. Strabo§ sa3^s that it derived its name from Myrina, an Amazon. A coin attributed to the city represents a dolphin^ beneath which is a trident, with the inscription M Y P. From this animal, therefore, we may conclude that the city of Myrina is represented by the statue which has a dolphin at her feet. * Tnuc, viii. 41. f Vitr., lib. vii. J Hyg. , Foet. yhh: § Lib. xiii. 146 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE PYRNUS. This city of Caria is noticed by Stephanas. It is mentioned by Pliny :f by some it is also called Urnus. On the coins of Pvrnus a head of Apollo in full is seen, and on the reverse a marine shell. So little is said about this city by ancient authors, that scarcely more than the name can be determined. Grynea is mentioned by Herodotus after he names Myrina. Stephanus calls it a small to^vn of the Cyrenians ; but here the text is evidently corrupt, for instead of reading Fpvvoi IloXi^^iuoi' Kvprjmtwi', it should be, according to Strabo,| HoXi^diov Mvpivaiov. He says, — " then Grynea, a small town of the Myrineans, Avhich had a temple of Apollo built of fine white stone, and an ancient Oracle, known as the Grynean Apollo." In the time of Pliny there only remained the port. On the coins of this city are found the head of ApoUo in front, with the crown of laurel, and on the reverse the inscription P Y P, and the emblem of the city, a marine bivalve shell. § From this shell we are enabled to appropriate another of the statues. CNIDUS. The Cnidians were a Lacedaemonian colony, whose territory occupied the peninsula called Triopium. On the north they * An Autonomous copper Coin. Brit. Mus. t H. N., V. 28. t Lib. xiii. § It is the Pinna, a molluscous animal of the conchiferous class. — Ed. IONIC MONUMENT AT XANTHUS. 147 were bounded by the bay of Ceramus, and on the south by the sea which flows near Syme and Ehodes. It was while under apprehension of being attacked by Harpagus that they purposed converting this promontory to an island, but were dissuaded from so doing by the Oracle, which said : — " Nor build, nor dig : for wiser Heaven Had, were it best, an island given." The city of Cnidus was famous for the worship of Venus, and it became still more celebrated, at a later period, from possessing one of the finest works of Praxiteles, — his statue of Yenus. The worship of Venus was very ancient, and long prevalent in the East, especially among the Assyrians. The name they gave her was Mylitta. She was worshipped under the title of Urania, or the Divine, and considered to be the general prin- ciple of vivifying life. But in the transition of her worship to the Greeks this idea was soon lost sight of, and she became the goddess of love and pleasure. The dove was sacred to her, and the Babylonians held her in especial reverence. They adopted the dove as their national emblem, and placed it on their standards. Thus, in Jeremiah,* we read in the Vulgate : — " Their land was made desolate by the face and wrath of the dove." From this place her worship appears to have extended to Ascalon, on the coins of which city we behold a female figure with an acrostolium in her left hand, an altar before her, and behind her a dove. The worship of Venus next established itself in Asia Minor, and at Cnidus became very famous, in which city she had a splendid temple. It was open on every side, so that the statue of the goddess could be seen perfectly from every point of view. * XXV. 38. 148 ON THE SCULPTUEES OF THE From Cnidus her worship passed to Troas, and from thence to Erix in Sicily, where she had a magnificent temple: and here doves were held as sacred as they were either in Palestine or Syria. Two days in the year were kept as solemn festivals ; the one called Ai/aywyia, or the Departure, at which time, as the doves had disappeared Venus was supposed to depart over sea and leave the island; and the other, Karaywyta, when it was believed she had returned, as a beautiful purple dove, consi- dered to be the goddess herself, was observed to fly to the shrine of the goddess. On the coins of Erix are seen a head of Yenus, and on the reverse a dove. Another city in which Venus was especially worshipped was Aphrodisias. This city was under the jurisdiction of the Cnidians,* and we find on its coins a female figure with a dove. From the foregoing, we may conclude that the female statue with the dove at her feet, represent Cnidus and her dependant towns. On the coins of Cnidus we sometimes see a turreted head of the city, which has been mistaken for Cybele,t and on the reverse a lion, an emblem of the people, which may be repre- sented, therefore, by one of the lions on the monument. The remaining statues are not sufficiently perfect to allow of their emblems being sufficiently distinguished. An objection will naturally be raised, that the ancients generally represented provinces and cities in sculpture as either standing, or sitting in a quiet posture. But it would appear that this was by no means an invariable rule with them ; and it will be seen that both Greeks and Romans altered the representation of provinces and cities on their coins in various ways, as time and circumstances required. Some- * Vide Steph. Byzan. de Urb. a Tho. Pinedo, Amst., 1678, p. 144. t EcKHEL.,3,Nr.219— 6;Nr. 228— 3,§339; Nr. 202 to 213 ; Supp. 6— 480; Nr. 213 to 225. A female head with a turreted crown: on the reverse, a lion's head. Mionnet gives seven other coins with the head of Venus, and on the reverse the half-figure of a lion, with the inscription, KNI . and KNIAIO. IONIC MONUIVIENT AT XANTIIUS. 149 times the city or province appeared in a more quiet and reposing attitude, and sometimes it was represented of a more warlike aspect. On a medal of Hadrian we see Spain reclining in perfect repose, with an olive branch in her hand, the emblem of peace ; the other arm resting on a rock. On one of the medals of Galba she is seen in a totally different costume, dressed nearly as an Amazon, extending her right hand, in form of alliance, to another figure, which from the inscription is Gaul : and on another medal of Hadrian she is seen in a more warlike aspect : — In her right hand she holds ears of corn, as an emblem of the fertility of the soil ; and on her left arm she carries a round shield and two javelins; whilst her drapery is flowing and agitated by the wind, as though she were moving in rapid motion, almost in the same manner as the statues of the Xanthian marbles. In a coin of Mostene, struck by L. Verus, we see the city, vnth her turreted cro"\vn, represented as an Amazon on horse- back :f the motion represented in which may be intended to designate the migration of the Amazons from Thermodon to Phrygia, iEolia, Ionia, Lydia, &c., in which countries several cities were founded by them. Having thus endeavoured to identify the statues of the peri- style with the several Greek cities which sent their contingent forces to the army of Harpagus, we have now to examine * An Aureus of Galba. Brit. Mas. t Amazons riding on horseback, says Oderici, are seen on other Greek coins ; " but Amazons riding with a turreted head I do not remember to have seen, except on the coins of those cities wliich were founded by Amazons, and a turreted liead is always an emblem of the city." — Ntmmnmta Qraca, p. 26. 150 ON THE SCULPTURES OF THE whether the sculpture in the pediment has any connexion with the subject represented in the lower part of the monument. In the centre of the eastern pediment we see a male and female figure sitting opposite to each other, with an attendant standing on each side of them. The difference in size between the principal figures and their attendants is a sufficient evidence of their representing divinities. This custom of representing the gods of colossal size was borrowed by the Greeks from Egypt, in order to give a more supernatural and elevated idea of the nature of the gods. Thus, in the eighteenth book of the Iliad^ v. 516, we have the following description of the shield of Achilles. In one compartment of the shield is represented a city at war, with Mars and Minerva leading out the youths to battle : — " They marched, by Pallas and by Mars made bold, Gold were the gods, their radiant garments gold, And gold their armour, these the squadrons led August, divine, superior by the head." The words are more expressive in the original — Ol 6' 'i(Tav, rjpx^e 8" apa (r(piv"Apr]s Koi UaWas 'A^irjVTj, "Afj.(j)(0 xpvdeio), )(pv(Tfia Se fLfiara ta^-qv, KaXcb Kai peyaKu) avv Tev)(f(Ti.v, axxn Sew TTfp, ^Ap| 1-104 1^106 [- 1-105 i-ioeJ 1-146 1-204 1-205 ■ 1-235 1-117 1-350 1-407] 1-426 1-440 1-444J 1-573 1-661 1-705 1-501 * This table shows that similar proportions were adopted at neighbouring places and at similar epochs. Thus, two temples at Selinus differ only '002 ; two temples at Paestum, the temple at Segesta, and one at Selinus, have the same difference, while that at Syracuse is only -009 less; two at Agrigentum differ only •001 ; the Erechtheum and Temple of Victory Apteros, but -002 ; and those of iEgina, Thoricus, Eleusis, and Sunium, approach each other tolerably near. IMr. Cockerell has made a similar observation on the proportionate heights of columns. {Temple of J up. Olymp. Agrigentum, p. 6.) t So called by Wilkins. MAUSOLEUM AT HALICAENASSUS. 171 Ionic. Athens: Temple on the Ilissus 2' 120 „ Erechtheum, west front 2'162 „ „ east portico 1-994 „ Temple of Victory Apteros . . . . 1*992 Priene:* Temple of Minerva Polias .... 1"739 Teos: Temple of Bacchus (as describedbyVitruvius) 2"25 Ephesus : Temple of Diana (by calculation) . . 2*25 Branchidse: Temple of Apollo 1-360 Samos : Temple of Juno 1-623 Mean 1943 The length of the mausoleum being 63 feet, and deducting 1' 9*195" for the projection of the base and cornice, and allowing seven columns at the sides — O '^ #«! 20 30 * The Propylsea at Priene has an intercolumniation of 2-554 ; but these sacred 172 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. we have an intercolumniation of 6' 1-011", or 1*722 diameter, which is nearly the same as that of Priene. If we suppose one column less at the sides instead of seven, we shall not be able to get in the total number of thirty-six columns; and if we propose one column more, we shall find that the intercolumniations will become reduced to 4' 8-525", or 1-333 diameter, which is less than that of many Doric temples : we are therefore compelled to adopt seven columns at the sides of the building. It will be objected that an odd number of columns would be productive of an unsightly effect ; but though it is opposed to the mechanical proportions with which we are too often in the habit of shackling architec- ture, I think it may be proved that the Greeks, so far from considering it as a defect, often esteemed it as a beauty — so far from avoiding an odd number of columns, frequently selected it. The majority of temples, as is well knowii,* have an uneven number of columns on the flanks — several in the fronts : while we may almost regard it as the fixed principle in hypsethral temples to have an odd number at the extremity of the naosf — a principle, the reason of which it would take too long to enter into in the present notice. The houses at Pompeii furnish an interesting particular in this respect : many of the peristyles have an uneven number of columns both at the sides and ends, where there is no necessity for this arrangement. The best example that can be cited is the " house of the Faun," the most splendid house yet excavated, and which has seven by nine columns in the peristyle, and eleven by thirteen in the hortus; and the " house of the coloured capitals," — Avhich, from its sym- entrances necessarily required a greater opening. The porticoes of tetrastyle por- ticoes, as tliat on the north side of the Erechtheum, which is 3'6]9, are also fre- quently increased, in order to give greater breadth to the composition. * Professor Cockerell has brought to my notice the circumstance, which I had overlooked, that an uneven number of columns occui's in several of the Egyptian temples. f See the plans of the Parthenon, (as established by Mr. Knowles, Ground Plan of the Temple of Minerva at Athens,) the Temples of Apollo at Bassaj, of Herd & Geor^e.LitAo^&ptin'S , 64-, HaLttut 0*r3ea ;, M:-./^^l CONSTANTINA ,IN ALGERIA CALLED SOU MA "THE TOWER" MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 173 metry and regularity, we may regard, in common with the " house of Pansa," as a type of the ancient Roman house, — has five by nine columns in the hortus. But not to speak of temples and houses, but to confine our attention to sepulchral monuments — the tomb of Micipsa at Souma, in Algeria,* affords us another example of this arrangement ; and if I am right in Apollo at Miletus, of Ceres at Eleusis, and the Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Agrigeutum. If the accompanying diagram of the manner in which I have °,- ..p.. ■-*r- -•- ...i?_. .,0_. -..0 o! P: '». io i O; N pi 1 io O; jo: •. i ioi jo Oj joj iO; io i Oi i ; ; P. io; s 10 j 1 1 1 o o o o • attempted to restore the plan of the Temple of Ceres be correct, there would be au odd column in every division. The tlu'ee naves might have a mystical signi- tication to the tripartite worship of the temple. * Souma, in Arabic, signifies a tower or minaret, a name which clearly shows the nature of the monument, though it is now a heap of ruins. It lays fourteen kUomc'tres (nearly nine miles) south-east of Constantina. The details of the monument are of pure Greek architecture, which is the more remarkable, as all remains in this country are of Roman date ; but Strabo informs us that Micipsa greatly enlarged and adorned his capital city, Cirta, afterwards called Constantina, and for that purpose called in a Greek colony. The total height of the monument is supposed to have been 18 metres 56 centimetres, which is equivalent to 60 feet 10^ inches English measure. The accompanying view is projected in perspective from the geometrical restoration by M. Ravoisie (fol. Paris, 1846). From the veiy great projection of the lower pedestal, it is probable that this portion of the monument was decorated with sculpture at the top, perhaps with lions ; and it is remarkable that both the upper and lower pedestals, and the steps beneath, all taper considerably. How much more elegant and natural these sepulchral monuments appear than the heavy, formal, vulgar mausolea which are beginning to adorn our cemeteries 1 How perfectly the Greeks understood the manner of uniting in these monuments the simple with the grand — elegant beauty with solemn sadness ! 174 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. my restoration, the monument at Ooran, in Asia Minor,* gives us yet another evidence of this principle. We now j)ass to another feature of the plan. Pliny tells us that the whole circuit (of the monument) was 411 feet. But as the sepulchre measured only sixty-three feet on the larger side, it is evident that Pliny here speaks of the sur- rounding area. But for what purpose, and of what description was this area? Was it merely a terrace to give base to the design, or may it not rather have been an enclosure, or peribolus, surrounded by a peristyle? It must strike every one that the manner in which Pliny gives us the dimensions of the plan is of the most complex description. He first gives us only the length of one side of the mausoleum, merely telling us that the front was less ; and then, describing the area, he gives us its circuit. In the first case, without a careful analysis of the proportions of Grecian temples, we are unable to tell how much less the front was ; in the latter, we are obliged to calculate a parallelogram, which shall be in proportion to the sepulchre, and the circuit of which shall be exactly 411 feet, before we can tell what the respective sides of this area were. But is it not possible that we are mis- understanding Pliny? Is it likely that he would have adopted the clumsy method of giving us the circuit of the area, when it would have been so much more intellio^ible to have given us its relative dimensions? Is it not therefore possible, that as Pliny gave us the latus longius of the sepulchre, he gives us here the latus longius of the circuitus ? and that the passage runs thus: (the larger side) measures on the north and south flanks 63 feet: the fronts are shorter; on the whole circuit (or the sur- rounding enclosure^ the longer side) is 411 feet. In conformity with this supposition, I projected a plan, showing a peribolus, * This monument I discovered, in 1844, on a hill caUed Ooran, five hours' journey from Denizli. The only parts remaining above the surface are the six large piers, mea- suring 4ft. Gin. square, and 5ft. Gin. high, carved on each face with bas-reliefs. Time did not permit me to sketcli the scidptures, but one subject represented a figure in a chariot, and another a female with a drawn sword, standing over a prostrate enemy. ET Test, Oct 2184* TOMB /-_ DISCOVERED, BY EFALKENER MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 175 259'.' O"- i-i n T-i r. / «9 H «)# > » # # » « • » C u u u u D n aiiiioiiciicjitiiaiiaiii ^Tsn* iti Hi 111 in 191 ifi iti III w SCALE OF FEET 100 200 one side of which measured 411 feet in length, and supposing that the sepulchre might have occupied one end, and the pyra the other, I considered that, to be in proportion with the monu- ment and these requirements, the width might possibly have been about 300 feet. Some time after having completed this plan, I discovered the following passage in Hyginus, which had hitherto escaped the attention of commentators : — " Monimentum regis Mausoli, lapidibus lychnicis altum pedes lxxx, circuitus pedes mcccxl." {Fabulce^ ccxxiii.) This dimension of 1340 feet will be found 176 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICAENASSUS. to coincide very precisely with what I had conceived to be the best proportion for a peribohis to enclose the tomb itself and the funeral pile, and the longest side of which was 411 feet. I therefore regard it as determined that the tomb was furnished with a peribolus, and that it measured 411 feet by 259 feet. It is possible that this peribolus is referred to in the following passage from Vitruvius, — " Per mediam autem alti- tudinis curvaturam, prsecinctionemque, platea ampla latitudine facta^ in qua media mausoleum," &c. : although I am not aware of the word platea being used otherwise than as a street. " But in the pr^ecinction, or middle curvature of the height, a broad area of ample dimensions is made, in the middle of which the mausoleum," &c. We should thus obtain an ample area, proportioned to the sepulchre, and fitted for the celebra- tion of those ceremonies which it was customary to pay to the memory of deceased friends and heroes,* and large enough to receive the sacred pyre — the whole surrounded and protected hj the lorica.f This practice of enclosing tombs was very common among the ancients. Pausanias gives us two instances ; the tomb of Opheltes in Nemsea, which was enclosed by a wall which contained certain tombs ;J and the sepulchre of the Phoezi (Arcadia), which he says, was surrounded by a low wall.§ The 7rf^t/3oXoc || of Alexander's tomb at Alexandria contained not only the body of Alexander, but those of the * TiBUL. i. 3, 8, 9; ii. 6, 31—34; iii. 2. t In a note from Captain Spratt, who was employed in the survey of this coast by the Admiralty, he states : — " On the western side, at ten or twelve feet from the masonry, stand the two posterns of a doorway, or approach by steps, since there was no opening in the masonry behind them. The position of these marble door- posts thus will correspond to your idea of such an approach, as denoted in your restoration of the mausoleum ; upon seeing which I was forcibly struck with the conviction of these porticoes being in situ, but untQ now felt some doubt about it. — Feb. 5th, 184:8." He considers that there were two platforms contiguous to each other, with a ditterence of level of from five to six feet, and that they measured to- gether at least 1100 feet in circumference. J Paus,, ii. 15. § Id., viii. 11. || Strabo, p 794. MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 177 Ptolemies. The enclosure of Nero's tomb was of Thasian stone ;* and in Cicero, we find the peribolus of tombs Q,Q^Q(\.vestihulum., or forum. ■\ The tomb of Cyrus at Pasargarda also appears to have been enclosed by a peribohis, in the angles perhaps of which were chambers for the magi, who had the privilege of guarding his body. J Many of the tombs of Pompeii still remain enclosed by their protecting wall ; but a very convincing proof of the practice of enclosing tombs is exhibited in the coin of Byblus, pointed out to me by Mr. Newton, and which represents a mauso- leum in the centre, surrounded by its pteron., and terminating in a pyramid, the whole enclosed by a peribolus, the front side of which the artist has been obliged to leave out, in order to place the mausoleum. He does not show the columns of the peribolus, but he represents its roof, the ridge-tiles of which slope inwards on all sides. As yet, we have determined only the plan of the building ; we will now proceed to consider its height. Pliny begins by saying that it was raised in height twenty- five cubits, or thirty-seven feet six inches : " attoUitur in alti- tudinem viginti-quinque cubitis." This dimension has been interpreted as the height of the order, but there is no indisputable authority in the original for this appropriation ; and it is far more probable that Pliny here intended us to understand that the principal part of the monument, i. e. the portico, or pteron, was raised from the ground twenty-five cubits. After describing the disposition of the columns, he goes on to say that the pyramid equalled the lower part in height, and that, including the quadriga, the total height was 140 feet. Taking 37ft. Gin. as the height of the order. Professor Cockerell divides the total height in two equal parts, one of which he gives to the pyramid, and apportions the other to the order, the height of which, 37ft. 6in., has been already found, * Suet, in Nero., 50. t Cic. de Leyibtis, ii. 2-i, Gl. X Arrian, Exped. Alex., vi. 178 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. and to an attic and a basement, without any certainty as to the exact amount to give to either.* This difficulty is avoided if we consider the 25 cubits to have reference to the stylobate. We then merely have to deduct the 37ft. Gin. and the height of the quadriga from the total height, and we have a remainder which, divided in two equal portions, gives us at the same time the height of the order and of the pyramid above. On discovering the passage in Hyginus, referred to above, I at once appropriated the dimension — 1340; but, like commen- tators in similar difficulties, I fancied the Lxxx feet must be a corruption of the text, or, as M. Texier would say, an " interpo- lation." This arose from having accepted the height of 25 cubits as that of the order ; but on attributing it, instead, to the height of the stylobate, it immediately occurred to me that Hyginus considered the height of the building to extend from the ground to the top of the cornice, and that he regarded the pyramid merely as a roof. On deducting, therefore, 37ft. 6in., I obtained 42ft. Gin. for the height of the order, and the like quantity for that of the pyramid; and thus there remained only 17ft. Gin. for the marble quadriga at the top. We have seen that the proportionate heights of the archi- trave, frieze, and cornice, without bed-moulds, are 742, 690, and 798. Above the sculptured frieze, and on the same block, is an astragal and fillet, which measures 1|- inch : as the astragal is enriched, there nmst have been an ovolo over, which would be about twice and a half that dimension in height, making together 5k inches, or '124 of a diameter; which, added to "798, gives the total height of the cornice as '922 including its bed-moulds. Thus we get the Architrave '742 = 2' 7-454" Frieze -690 = 2' 5-025" Cornice -922 = 3' 3-084" Total Entablature . . 2-354 8' 3-788" * The accompanying design is drawn to the same scale as that of Professor Cockerell's in the Classical Mmeum, already referred to, in order to afford more easy comparison. MAUSOLEUM AT HALICAENAvSSUS. 179 Deducting this amount from the height of the order, 42ft. 6in., we have 34ft. 2'212in. for the height of the column, which is equivalent to 9*677 diameters; which, by reference to the pre- ceding table, will be found to agree very well with the only Asiatic examples that have been determined — the Temple at Priene, and that at Branchidas. I have thus endeavoured to show how' the various dimen- sions, which at first sight appear so contradictory, may be reconciled together, both in the plan and elevation; and, secondly, how the proportions thus established correspond most perfectly with the proportions of ancient temples. I must now consider two or three points, respecting which there is less certainty. The first objection that may be urged against this restora- tion, will be the excessive height of the basement, and the un- sightliness of such a blank wall ; and, secondly, that the pyramid becomes too flat, and loses the application of Pliny's description, in metce cacumen se contraliens. To the first objection I would reply by two arguments : I think it can be shown that the lofty and rising basement is more in character with other monuments approaching the same antiquity — witness the tombs of Souma and Phrygia, given in this memoir — the Harpy tomb, and the other square elongated stela at Xanthus — that at Palmyra — the tomb of Scipio at Taragona — the monuments at Rome, as the tomb of Ceecilia Metella, and the sepulchre of M. Plautius near the Ponte Lucano — the tomb on Mount Lebanon, and others which are so generally divided into two nearly equal heights — and the general character of the tombs of Caria and Lycia; and, secondly, I would refer to the accompanying engraving in proof that a lofty basement does not necessarily imply a bare plain wall, without the opportunity of embellishment. On the contrary, I conceive that tlie basement was the most richly decorated part of the structure, and that it was to the sculptures of this part of the monument that the praises of Pliny, Pausanias, and Lucian arc directed. The sculptures of Grecian temples, though proportioned to the 180 MAUSOLEUM AT IIALICARNASSUS. friezes, were capable of being seen, because the eye of the spectator was nearly on a level with the base of the columns ; but if the sculptures of the mausoleum were confined in like manner to the frieze, they would be scarcely visible, being raised up to twice the height of those in temples.* They would con- sequently become mere decorations, and could never have elicited the high commendations of Lucian. Being confined to a narrow frieze, the architectural symmetry of which it was necessary to study, it would have been preposterous to divide the four sides among such celebrated sculptors as Scopas, Bry- axis, Timotheus, and Leochares; to confine the capi d^ opera of such artists to a situation where they could never have been seen ; to employ them as mere decorative sculptures ; to divide oif 228 feet of a narrow frieze, the detail of which would be in- visible, between four such artists, when 386 feet of metopes and 528 of large frieze, making a total of 914 feet run of sculpture, independent of the pediments, were executed in the Parthenon, from the designs and under the superintendence of Phidias alone. The diversity of styles again, and manner of treatment, adopted by these several sculptors, would be in want of harmony as an architectural composition. We are, therefore, obliged to conclude that these sculptures were displayed in the stylobate, where they would be so much better seen. I have accordingly indicated two lines of bas-relief running round the monument, the figures in the lower one of which would be of the size of life, and have skirted its base with statues in the solid. These two lines of sculpture I have adopted from the monument at Xanthus, for the discovery and acquisition of which we are so much indebted to Sir Charles Fellows. Another example of this disposition of sculpture occurs in the monument in Lycia, recently discovered by Professor * The frieze of the Parthenon is 3 feet 4 inches, and the metopes 3 feet 11^ inches in height, and raised 44 feet above the level of the surrounding area : while that of the mausoleum is only 2 feet 5^ inches, and raised nearly 80 feet. MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 181 Schonborn, and described in No. T. of the Museum of Classical Antiquities ; and in addition to the authority which these monuments afford for introducing sculpture in the stylobate, the Temple of Victory apteros affords us a beautiful example of the same practice. The ordinary Greek stelas generally contain a bas-relief representing a valedictory scene, and the later Roman monuments usually have a sculptured frieze, as in the monument of Philopappus, representing a triumph or an important incident in the life of the deceased,* or the banquet of Elysium, which he was supposed to be enjoying. In the funereal car of Alexander, described by Diodorus (c. 28), there were tour parallel paintings (which in Quatremere de Quincy's design are shown continuous, not parallel). These paintings were fiUed in with figures, and were equal to the walls. In the first (or upper line), Alexander was seated on his throne, surrounded by his Macedonian and Persian guards; in the second was a train of elephants, with their Indian attendants and Macedonian infantry ; in the third, his cavalry ; and in the fourth, his vessels of war in order of battle. Though there is sufficient authority, therefore, for the application of bas-relief to the stylobate, the introduction of statues may appear more questionable. But in the first place, we invariably find statues in those medals which represent the rogi or funereal piles, and which appear to be copies of sepulchral monuments; we see them introduced in the inter- tcolumniations of the monument at Xanthus, already aUuded to ;f and they are applied in a similar position in the restora- tions of previous illustrators : if, therefore, they are admissible in one position, they are in another; and as I show none between the columns, — the intercolumniations of which will not allow of them, — I think myself justified in applying them to the * Thus the tomb of Pyrrlius, at Ar^os, was ornamented with a representation of liis armour and his elephants. (Paus. ii. 21.) t A tomb at Antioch was covered with such statues. 182 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. decoration of the stylobate. But, independent of this reasoning from analogy, I think the descriptions of Cassiodorus, Pausanias, Lucian, and even Yitruvius, wiU confirm the appropriation of them. Cassiodorus does not speak of its magnitude or grandeur^ but merely of its beauty : he calls it pulcherrimum monumentum* Neitlier does Vitruvius describe its magnitude, nor make use of any corresponding expression, but speaks of its wonderful works ^ in the plural : " Mausoleum ita egregiis operibus est factum." Pausanias says, "it was erected by Mausolus, who reigned in Halicarnassus ; and through the magnitude of the work, and the splendour of its ornaments^ (^ical eg KaraaKivriv 7repi'j3A£7rroc rrju Tracrav,) the Romans wcre so struck with wonder, that they call all their sepulchres mausolea.'^^ The words of Lucian are still more remarkable : " No monument in the world is equal to it in magnitude or beauty : nor embellished like it in such an elegant manner^ with men and horses copied to the lifeT (aXX' ovVi. ovThyq eg kciWoq t^r/o'/cjj^fj'oi', 'ittttwu Kai av^pujv eg to uk^i- This latter statement I have taken advantage of, as it seems to show that men and horses were carved in the solid, and I have accordingly placed statues of men under each of the columns,§ and horses at the angles. Another consequence of the increased height given to the basement, is a more perfect accordance with Martial's descrip- tion of the Mausoleum, as being suspended in the void air : for * Cassiod. Tar. vii. 15. + Paus. viii. 16. I Lucian, Dial. Morf. xxiv. § This position of them is corroborated by the Temples of Diana at Ephesus, and of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, each of which had statues in front of the columns. Statues may also be seen in a similar position on medals of Antoninus Pius, and on the temple in the back ground of the picture, representing King Latinus receiving the Trojan ambassadors, and in other instances. Among other restrictions introduced by Solon, to prevent the expense incurred by such immense sepulchres as had been erected in the Ceramicus, he expressly forbids the introduction of statues, or Hermes; which proves that, before this law, they were commonly employed in the ornament of their tombs. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 26, 65.) MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. ' 183 being placed at so great a height, the solid* pier in the centre of the pteron would be scarcely visible, being concealed by the lines of perspective — thus furthering the analogy between the monument and this description of Martial's, obtained by placing a double line of columns all round the central pier. To the second objection, that my pyramid becomes too depressed, and in want of conformity with Pliny's description, I would submit whether it be not in stricter analogy with it in this respect than previous designs; that is to say, whether Pliny's expression, in metce cacumen se contrahens^ does not rather give us to understand that the entire monument resembled a meta, and that, like it, it was drawn inwards towards the top? for metas are never in the form of pyramids, but are always represented as elongated parabolic cones, nearly straight at the bottom, and contracting in a sharp curve towards the top.f Another argument in favour of the proportion which I have assigned to the pyramid, is that it more nearly assimilates to the angle of repose ; for if we suppose that the pyramid of the mausoleum is copied from the tumulus of the heroic times — as it undoubtedly is — the form of the pyramid would be made to assimilate to that of the tumulus, or, in other words, to the angle of repose : and this is the angle we find observed in other monuments, as in the tomb at Mylassa,J and the tomb at Constantina, in Africa. § The above are the observations I have thought it necessary to give in elucidation of my design ; there are, however, some features of the mausoleum which require further notice : the first of these is the quadriga. It was the custom of the ancients * I speak merely with regard to its appearance, without reference to wliether it were really solid. It might have contained the bust of Mausolus ; the body was probably deposited in the ground in the first instance, and the monument raised over it, like the tumulus over the grave. (See 1 Mace. xiii. 37.) t The tomb in the Via Appia near Albano is of this form. \ DiLET. Soc, Ion. Antiq. It is incorrectly given in the Classical Museum. § Mem. de LMerahire, xxvi. p. 334, pi. 4. NO. II. . O 184 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS, to raise columns over the tombs of their friends, whereon were inscribed the names and achievements of the deceased; and where the monument was of a more important character, statues or other emblems relating to the deceased were added. We have several instances in Pausanias of this practice. Over the sepulchre of Lais, in Corinth, was a lioness holding a ram in her fore-feet, (ii. 1). The sepulchre of Coroebus, in the forum of Megara was surmounted by the figure of Coroebus slaying the monster Poena, (i. 43). A golden ram stood on the sepulchre of Thyestes, near Argos (ii. 18), because, says Lucian {De Astrologia\ he discovered that sign of the zodiac. A rough stone was placed over the tumulus of Phocus, in ^gina, because he was killed with it by Peleus, who used this stone instead of a quoit (ii. 29). On the tomb of Pittheus, at Troezen, were placed three thrones, being those in which he and his colleagues* are reported to have sat in judgment (ii. 31). Over the tumulus of Auge, in Pergamus, who was celebrated for her beauty, was placed a naked woman of brass (viii. 4). Over the sepulchre of Androclus, the founder of Ephesus, was the figure of a man in amiour (viii. 2). On the sepulchre of the Thebans who fell in battle against Philip, at Chasronea, was placed a lion, to signify the valour of those men in battle, (ix. 40.) And, finally, the stones which formed the foundation of the tumulus of Amphion, at Thebes, were said to be the very stones which followed the harmony of his lyre (ix. 17).f Thus, the quadriga of the sepulchre of Mau- solus would be placed there as an emblem of the grandeur and glory of the King of Caria, his opulence and his military renown. I have introduced a curved moulding in my design between * The goveraors of the cities of Hyperea, Anthea, and Posidonias, which were afterwards united into Troezen. (P.vrs. ii. 30.) t On the tomb of Archimedes was a globe and cjdinder (Cic. in T/isc?d.) ; on that of Diogenes the cynic was a dog, (Laertius in Vita) ; and a siren stood on that of Isoerates (Plut. Bhet. 10). MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 185 the stylobate and the pteron, partly to prevent the projection of the cornice below from hiding a portion of the columns, and partly in reference to the character of the building. The portico of the monument being inaccessible from without, it would be an impropriety to represent steps, as in a sacred building ; but a curved moulding in lieu of steps would serve to denote that the portico was not intended for use, but merely as a decoration. The choragic monument of Lysicrates is another instance of a building, ornamented with a colonnade, raised considerably above the ground — having the same feature of a moulded plinth between the portico and the stylobate. The expedient adopted in the Xanthian monument is exceedingly interesting in this particular. The cornice, although composed of several mouldings, is of very low projection, in order not to hide the bases of the columns ; while, still further to remedy this evil, the bases of the columns have an extraordinary elon- gation. They are equal to a whole diameter in height, whereas the other Asiatic examples are only half a diameter. This was, doubtless, contrived to remedy the necessary concealment of a portion of the base by the projecting lines of the cornice. The Ionic base being so characteristic of this country, I have intro- duced it in my design, giving it an altitude of three quarters of a diameter. There is a strong presumption that the mausoleum was deco- rated with statues, but whom these statues represented, it is, of course, impossible to assert ; in the absence, however, of a more probable idea, I would suggest the following : — Mausolus might occupy the central pedestal on one side, with his father and mother and two brothers, making a group of five. Artemis might occupy a corresponding position on the other flank, Avith Artemisia and captive Rhodes on one side, and Ada the sister of Artemisia, and Artemisia the daughter of Lygdamis, on the other; while the eight remaining pedestals, four in either front, would support statues of the eight cities wliich were united o 2 186 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. together by Mausolus into Halicarnassus.*" Parallel instances are exhibited in the trophy of Artemisia's conquest of Rhodes, which represented Artemisia and captive Rhodes,! and in the monument to the memory of Homer, built by Ptolemy Philo- pater, who placed round the statue of the poet representations of the different cities which had claimed the honour of giving him birth. I Since writing the above, I find there is the trunk of a female draped statue in the British Museum, the height of which, curiously enough, exactly corresponds with those in my design. It was brought from Halicarnassus with the bas-reliefs, and is * Stkabo, p. 611. In the same manner, the cities Hj-perea, Anthea, and Posidonias, which were afterwards united into Troezen, were represented on the tomb of Pittheus, as akeady noted, (page 184, note.) Figures of cities are also represented on the pedestal of the statue of Tiberius, found at Puteoli. t ViTR., Arch., ii, 8. + tElian., Var. Hist., xiii. 22. MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 187 considered in the Bullettino deWInst. Archeol. di JRoma, (1832, page 168,) as having formed part of the decoration of the mau- soleum. Though some doubts may possibly be entertained whether it be of so early a date, it is nevertheless a beautifully executed statue ; and the delicacy with Avhich the deep folds of the stola or tunic are rendered just perceptible under the flat surface of the pallium, is very remarkable. The fringed border, considered to be a mark of later age, may possibly be an indication of Barbarian extraction. The monument being nearly square, having six columns on one side, and seven on the other, the door being of minor consequence, if perceptible, and the only indication of the front, independent of having one column less, being the position of the quadriga at the top of the building, it appears doubtful how PHny could speak of the monument having a front, or how the spectators could readily distinguish it ; and I therefore submit the possibility of the hexastyle porticoes at front and back having been surmounted by a pediment, as in the Xanthian monument, and as we so universally find in the rock tombs of Lycia. I have not, however, followed this suggestion, for I cannot deny that a pyramid resting on a pediment would be contrary to the principles of Greek art. I close these remarks by referring to two monuments in Syria. In speaking of sepulchres worthy of admiration Pau- sanias signalises two only; the mausoleum of Mausolus, "and one in the country of the Hebrews, at the city of Solymse, (Jerusalem.) It was the sepulchre of Helena, a native woman, but was razed to its foundations by the Emperor of the Romans" (Titus).* Unfortunately, we have no description of this monument, but we find the foUo^ving references to it in Josephus and Eusebius. It was situate in the suburb called iElia, and although three furlongs distant from Jerusalem, it appears to have given name to one of the city gates, a sufficient proof * Paus., viii. 16. 188 MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. of its splendour uiid magnificence. Queen Helena erected the monument which was called " the three pyramids" in her life- time, and on her decease, 45 B.C., was buried there by her son, Monobazus, king of Adiabene, who also buried there the bones of Izates, his brother.* The other monument in this country was the sepulchre of the Maccabei, and which, mth the substitution of the ships and armour for the chariot of Mausolus, seems to have borne a most remarkable resemblance to the mausoleum. This monument was erected, B.C. 143, by Simon Maccabeus, over the sepulchres of his father, liis mother, and his four brethren, at Madin, the city of his ancestors, which was one mile from Joppa. Over the graves he built six pyramids, one for each of them, and which were all of great size and beauty. And in the centre he erected a very large monument of white and polished stone, and raised it to a great height, so as to be seen a long way off, Midi finished it with a 2^yr amid. '\ And he ornamented it with sculptures, and encircled it Avith porticoes {aroaq irtQi avro /SaXAtrai), of columns of one block; and upon the top he made representations of their armour, and ships, carved, for a per- petual memorial. A work it was wonderful to see. J A proof of the magnificence of this monument is evinced by its being described as still standing in the time of Josephus, who died A.D. 93, and of Eusebius, who died a.d. 342, or about 500 years after its erection. The custom of raisin o; one monument to the memory of those who died together, or to members of the same family, was very common. The accompanying view of a tomb at Celenderis, in Cilicia, which I took fn May, 1844, may prove interesting, as showing the continued existence of the pyramidal type supported by piers, to a late period of Roman architecture. The most * EusEB., ii. 12; Jerom., Orat. de Obit. Beat. Paula; Josephus, de Bello ■hid., V. 2, 2, and 3, 3 ; Antiq,, xx. 4, 3. t Which is evident, from the historian telling us there were seven pyramids, 1 Mace. xiii. 28. :j: 1 Mace. xiii. 27 — 30; Josephus, Ant., xii. U, 2; xiii. fi, 6. VI vei w \ rKfi o -^ nej S. «Kn ^^ — 1 '^\S| <; s \? "ilw 33 F» f^ 2 O / cK vl' MAUSOLEUM AT HALICARNASSUS. 189 beautiful example of this very common form is the tomb of St. Kemi, in France. Another almost as beautiful, but a less known example, is the tomb at Ijel, near Treves. It consists of three steps ornamented -with sculpture, a square pedestal, in like manner enriched; above this is an open arcade, with a pilaster at each angle filled in with arabesque, a high frieze, attic, and pediment, all enriched with bas-relief. It is crowned with an ogee roof, enriched with laurel leaves, finishing with a Corinthian cap and eagle on a globe. Edward Falkener. 190 XVI. DESCRIPTION OF A VERY ANCIENT STATUE OF MINERVA, AT ATHENS. " The statue of Minerva, lately discovered on the Acropolis, was probably a copy of the old Minerva Polias, which was said to have fallen from heaven." nPHE above quotation from my note-book is one of a short -^ series of remarks on ancient art, communicated to me at Athens by that distinguished archaeologist, Carl Otfried Miiller, in June, 1840. I propose, on a subsequent occasion, to give these remarks in all their integrity, and wiU now confine my observations to the description of this statue, particularly as I am not aware of any engraving of this remarkable figure, except that from a sketch by Sir WiUiam Gell, and the one published by Adolf Scholl, in the Hinteiiassenen Papieren^ von C. 0. MuLLER, Frankfurt, 1843, in which many of the details — in the hair, costume, and style — are not sufficiently indicated. This sitting figure of Minerva is four feet six inches in height, and is of white Parian marble. It has a very Archaic character; the posture is formal and angular; the knees are close together, but the left foot a little advanced : the head and arms are wanting. Round the neck, and hanging like a cape, so as to cover the shoulders and body as low as the waist, is a broad tegis ; the edges are indented, and holes remain at regular distances, probably for the insertion of bronze serpents. The shape of the breast is distinctly marked beneath the a3gis, but no folds are visible on this surface. A large boss directly in front, and now perfectly smooth, was most probably adorned with a painted head of the Gorgon Medusa, whilst the jegis itself was coloured like scales, as we see on the painted vases. The hair falls in plaits over the shoulders, and in a great mass at STATUE OF MINERVA AT ATHENS. 191 the back. A similar fashion is to be seen in many other Pal- ladian figures, also preserved on the Acropolis. It is worthy of observation, that the texture of the remaining drapery is fine ribbed, and in wavy lines, such as are frequently represented on early vases, and archaic sculpture. From its lightness and peculiar gauzy quality, it is only to be seen used as an under garment ; and where the figure wearing it is seated, a mantle is invariably thrown over the knees. In the painted Sosias cup, in the bas-relief from the Villa Albani, and in the Harpy monument from Xanthus, this is conspicuously shown.* BAS-RELIEF ON ONE OF THE SIDES OF THE HARPY TOMB, IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. Here, however, it is the only garment to the limbs, and from the very want of an outer covering a serviceable argument may be derived. Miiller regarded this as a repetition of the type of the old Minerva Polias, chiefly judging by the art-charac- teristics about it, and from the position in which it was found. The statue was discovered, it is believed, at the Aglaurium.f This locality is situated immediately at the foot of the Acropolis, under the Temple of Minerva Polias (Scholl, p. 24). Pausa- nias says that her most sacred statue was a common ofl:ering of the demi, before they were collected into the city; it was preserved in the Acropolis, and reported to have fallen from * Zoega, Baasi rilievl di Roma, Tav. xli. ; Miiller Benkmdler, Tav. xlv. f A view of this ccle])nitecl p-otto, taken by the writer in 1 840, will appear in the next number of the Life and Tracels of Si Fntd, by Rev. J. S. llowsoN, M.A. 192 STATUE OF ^nNERVA AT ATHENS. heaven. He tells us also that an ancient sitting statue of Minerva was to be seen on the Acropolis, with an epigram upon it, signifying that it was the offering of Callias, and the work of Endseus, a disciple of Daedalus (Pausanias, i. 26). In neither instance does he name the material, and on both occa- sions uses the word ayaX/na. This old statue seems, according to Athena^oras, to have been of olive wood — a mere ^oavov — and it was to this — the Minerva Polias — and not to the Minerva of the Parthenon, that the Panathenaic peplos — the " embroi- dered fasti of Athenian glory" — was periodically dedicated. The peplos, again, was not a veil suspended before the statue in the temple — it was the drapery in which the statue itself was invested,* accompanied with ceremonies like those hinted at in the sixth book of the Iliad. Hecuba proceeded to her store of treasure, and selecting the finest and most valuable embroi- dered garment, gave it to the priestess Theano as an offering to Minerva. The priestess received and placed it upon the knees of the goddess, (Grj/ctP 'A9r]vair]g e-n-l yovvaaiu, II. vi. 303,) and, praying, supphcated. Thus might fancy picture the proto- type of this ancient and simply disposed figure, whose attitude seems best adapted for the purpose, raised on a pedestal, with the ever-burning lamp of Calimachus before it, and Avrapt in the many-folded vestment, gorgeous and heavy from its embroideries. Such drapery could only be adapted to lie upon so flat a surface, unless applied to a standing figure of colossal proportions, and even then the limbs must have been disposed in more violent action. Whether so really primitive a figure would have been represented sitting may admit of doubt, but it was the opinion stated by the learned Professor after he had seen my dra^ving, and as such entitled to the utmost respect; though Scholl, who does not incline to its exhibiting an early type, seems, by the wording of his notes, to indicate wavering upon the part of his distinguished fellow-traveller. George Scharf, Jun. March 22ncl, 1851. * WORDSAVORTH, pp. 126, 127. Museum 0/ Class- jif THREE VIEWS OF A VERY ANCIENT STATUE, ON THE ACROPOMS OF ATHENS 193 XVII. NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 1. — Rev. John Collingwood Bruce, M.A. The Roman Wall: a Historical, TopograpMcal, and Descriptive Account of the Barrier of the Lower Isthtmis. 8vo. Newcastle, 1851. John R. Smith, London; W. Sang, G. B. Rich- ardson, Newcastle. AKCHiEOLOGY, instead of being now an abstruse and dry study, is become an inte- resting and a fashionable one. Instead of the cumbrous tomes of Horsley and of Hodgson, works which, with all their learning and research, are unattainable and perhaps unknown to the general reader, we have in the elegant volume before us a well digested compendium of those earlier works, together with a statement of the author's personal investigations, and of the more accurate inductions which he is thereby enabled to draw — the whole presented to us in a clear and succinct manner, doing credit alike to the author's literary taste and to his antiquarian study. On the conquest of Lower Britain by the Romans, the more warlike of the inhabitants joined the nations of the north. Advancing to the Lower Isthmus, Agricola, in the second year of his campaign, sought to maintain his position by a series of insulated forts. In the following year he pushed on toward the Upper Isthmus, which he fortified in like manner. These lines of defence were subse- quently strengthened by the construction of an earthen barrier across the Upper — and of a stone wall across the Lower Isthmus. This wall, called the Roman Wall, extends from Bowness to Wallsend, a distance of nearly sixty-nine miles. BCD H THE WALL, EIGHTEEN MILES WEST OF NEWCASTLE. w 194 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. It consists of — I. The Stone Wall : intended as a defence against the Picts. 11. The Vallum, or Tm-f Wall : a defence against the Britons. III. Stations, Castles, and Watch Towers. IV. A Military Way. I. The wall (ii) varies in its dimensions, and even in its mode of construction. The masonry is of the kind called by Vitruvius the Eoman Emplectum, consisting of squared stones on each face, and filled in between with rubble ; differing from the Greek 'ifnrXeKTov, in not having the bond-stones, haroyoi, and in not being worked up course by coiu'se. The stones are about twenty inches in length, ten or eleven in width, and eight or nine in thickness ; being such as a man might easUy carry on his shoulders. Most of the bricks are tooled or " scabbled," and sometimes marked with what appear to be masons' signs. The average thickness of the wall is eight feet ; a platform ran along the top, protected by a parapet, making a total height of eighteen or nineteen feet. On the outside of the wall is a fosse (i), averaging thirty-six feet wide and fifteen feet deep. The wall and its fosse are projected in as straight a line as the natm*e of the country would allow. Like the Eoman WaU near Eatisbon — " no mountain is so high, no abyss so steep, no wood so thick, no morass so profound, through which it does not penetrate." It never deviates from a right Line, except to occupy the highest parts, and never fails to seize them when they occur, however often it may be thereby forced to change its course. These deviations of direction are always in angular, never in cm'ved lines. The WaU crowned the summit of clifi's, whose precipitous face would appear to have offered a sufficient bulwark ; and this the author attempts to explain by the supposition that it served, in such situations, merely as a protection against the cold ; but as the wall is not diminished in thickness, we think it more probable that it was in all cases calculated for defence against an enemy, to whom even the rocky heights of Sardis would have afforded no insiu-mountable obstruction. The fosse follows the line of wall with undeviating constancy : it has been drawn indifferently through alluvial soil, and rocks of sandstone, limestone, and basalt. At Tepper Moor, enormous blocks of whin lie just as they have been Hfted out of the fosse. When a flat and open country is passed through, a portion of the ground taken out of the ditch has frequently been deposited on its northern bank, thus making small outer agger (at k). In some parts the fosse appears to have been filled with water. II. The Valium, or Turf WaU, is properly a triple one. In the centre ran a second fosse (d), the earth from which, conjointly with that from the great fosse, has been used in forming the principal vallum (f) on the north of the second fosse. Its dimensions must have corresponded with those of the fossae, but at present it does not exceed six or seven feet in height. The southern glacis of the trench is for- tified by an agger, or rampart (c). To the south of this is the third agger (a), which Horsley makes the least considerable. I. II. The two lines of defence proceed across the isthmus in nearly a paraUel course, and are generaUy within sixty or seventy yards of each other. Sometimes there is scarcely room for the MiUtary Way between them, and sometimes they are half-a-mile apart. The greatest distance apart occurs in the mountainous districts NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 195 of the country, when the wall seeks the highest ground, and the vallum takes its course along the plains below. ..<^A SECTION OF WALL AND VALLUM AT BRADLEY. The murus usually formed the northern side of the station, and the vallum the southern side, but sometimes they serve as defences to the east and west gates. The interval between them is always contracted in crossing a river ; by this means they required one bridge only, which was more easily defended. III. At distances along the line, of about four miles, were stationary camps, (stationes, or castra stativa.) These formed the nuclei of military cities. They were from three to five acres in extent, of a square form, divided into fom* quarters by streets at right angles, at each extremity of which was a gate. The streets were narrow and the houses small, in order to economise room and render their position one of greater strength. An advantage attending this uniformity of plan consisted in the facility with which fresh troops could be allotted to their respective quarters, even before arriving at a station. The ground usually sloped toward the south, and was defended by a fosse and earthen walls. Although at nearly equal distances apart, their position was determined partially by the nature of the country ; and one of the most important requisites was an abundant supply of water. Suburbs extended round the cities for the convenience of camp-followers ; and it is remark- able, that although many of them must have been of considerable importance, adorned with temples and other public monuments, there is scarcely one at present which is not converted into sheep-walks. The sites of seventeen or eighteen stations may still be traced, and the names of many of them, from Wallsend to Birdoswald, have been determined by reference to the NotiUa Imperii. The Castella are situated about a Roman mile apart. One is generally found, however, close to a river or a mountain-gorge, in order to defend the pass. They measure from sixty to seventy feet square. Between each of them were four turrets for sentries. Thus a constant communication of signals and orders could have been kept up from one end of the line to the other. IV. An important part of the great barrier was its Military Way (g). This ran between the two defences, so that by the murus on the north, and by the vallum on the south, it was effectually concealed from view on either side, and thus troops could pass backwards and forwards without obstruction. It is usually seventeen feet wide, and is cambered, so as to give a rise in the centre of about eighteen inches. The road keeps an independent course ; it is sometimes nearer to the miu'us, and sometimes to the vallum ; the object of the engineer having been to afford the most 196 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. easy and dii-ect comrauuication between the various castles and stations. A smaller road ran immediately below the wall, and another on the south of the vallum (at b). The Upper Mhmns was protected by a barrier wMch is called " Graham's Dike." It extended from Borrowstoness, on the Firtli of Forth, to West Klrkpatrick, on the river Clyde, a distance of twenty-seven miles. It consisted of an immense fosse, forty feet wide and twenty deep, which, extended over hill and dale in one unbroken line from sea to sea. Within a few feet of its southern side was an agger of twenty-four feet in thickness at the base, and twenty feet in height. Behind this ran the Military Way, about twenty feet wide, communicating with nineteen stations and several intermediate castella. It is remarkable that the Upper Barrier is immediately to the north of the Clyde, the Lower Barrier to the north of the Tyne, the Irthing, and the Eden, and the " Devil's Wall," near Ratisbon, to the north of the Danube. The author endeavours to show, and with great probability, that the reason for not availing themselves of the natural trenches of river basins, was that they might be enabled to take advantage of the higher ground on the north banks of the rivers — to prevent surprise by the approach of an enemy up the rivers, concealed by the neighbouring forests, — and to enjoy to themselves the advantages accruing from the rich alluvial plains of these rivers. In the Fifth Part the author discusses the question — " Who built the wall ?" and we think that he has made a very clear case in favour of Hadrian, in opposition to the more general opinion, which ascribes it to Septimius Severus ; and as the barrier of the Upper Isthmus was formed in the reign of Antoninus Pius, the adopted son of Hadrian, the supposition seems extremely feasible that the Antonine Wall is but an advanced work of Hadrian's entrenchment. We have contented ourselves in giving but a summary account of the Second Part ; in the First is an epitome of the history of Poman occupation in Britain ; the Third and Fourth contain a local description of the works ; and the Sixth, an account of the antiquities discovered. It would be a delightful process to follow the author in his description of the works, traversing the Isthmus from one extremity to the other, and pointing out at each step the several points of interest which present themselves. Among the objects so described, are the " Baths" at Hunnum, p. 162 ; a Poman bridge over the North Tyne, p. 170 ; extensive remains at Cilurnum, p. 174 (which have been described by John Clayton, Esq., in the ArcJiceologla JEliana, iii. 142) ; the West Portal, and other remains of Borcovicus, pp. 216 — 228 ; the Castellum at Ca^^^elds, p. 248 ; an Aqueduct, or Watercourse, at jEsica, p. 257; the Station of Amboghanna, p. 280; and the remains at Plympton, or Old Penrith, p. 358. Among the antiquities discovered, we would call attention to a silver " lanx," or dish, found at Corbridge, p. 334 ; and to a very elegant altar at Nether Hall, p. 363. The publication of this work has prompted the Duke of Northumberland to announce his intention of instituting fuiiher researches, on a larger scale, on the site of the Roman Wall. We trust that Mr. Bruce will take an active part in the pro- secution of these researches, and that he may be induced to give us some further account of the Poman Wall from the discoveries which may ensue. The work contains 450 pages, nearly every leaf of which is embellished with a lithograph or woodcut. NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 197 2. — Prof. Buck man, F.L.S., F.G.S., &c.; and C. H. Newmarch, Esq. Illustra- tions of the Remains of Roman Art in Cirencester, the Site of the Ancient Corinium. Geo. Bell, Fleet-street ; Baily and Jones, Cirencester. 4to. London. 1850. Among the various publications which have appeared on topographical antiquity, there are few that can compete with the present work in beauty and interest ; but we trust that the example set by Cirencester may be speedily followed by other cities of equal antiquarian importance. Casual excavations, as the digging of a well, or the laying the foundations of a house, have almost invariably brought to light some evidence of ancient art at Cirencester ; but these have taken place at protracted intervals, and their results were either whoUy unheeded, or printed in scattered publications, and the remains themselves perhaps neglected or destroyed. With the increased zeal for antiquarian research, there is no fear that the latter evil will again occur ; and the authors have endeavoured to remedy the former, by collecting in one chapter a relation of aU previous discoveries, and referring to the various volumes in which they have been published. It is not merely within the walls of the ancient Corinium that these antiquities have been discovered, but remains of some of the most beautiful villas in England have been found in its immediate vicinity — as at Stancorab Park, Woodchester, Whitcomb, Withington, and Crippetts near Leckhampton ; thus denoting the importance of this city, and its long occupation by the Eomans, many of whom appear to have selected it from its well-secured and tranquil district. We are iudebted for the present volume simply to the circumstance, that two pavements were discovered in consequence of making a sewer in Dyer-street in the year 1849 : and the principal portion of the work is natm-ally devoted to their description, and to a relation of the objects discovered in the excavation : but the authors have taken advantage of the opportunity, to publish at the same time, a thii'd pavement, discovered at the Barton in 1825, but which had remained tiU now unedited. These three pavements are drawn, engraved, and colom-ed in the most careful and beautiful manner, and with such distinctness, that we can, as it were, count every tessella, and form an opinion ourselves on the character of the representations. Owing to this finished execution of the engraving, we would suggest that the toga of Orpheus in the Barton pavement is not " variously striped," as stated by the authors, but that the lines of colour merely designate the folds of the drapery, in the same manner that what they designate as " pantaloons" and " shoes" are simply the lines of the anatomy of the naked figure. In the centre of this pavement (Plate VII.) is Orpheus, surrounded by a circular frieze of various birds, — the distinctive characteristics of which, as usual, are expressed with great truth, — walking round the circle in rapid strides. Hound this is a larger frieze, containing various beasts of prey, treading the ground witli measured steps and slow, to the sound of the music. This pavement measures twenty-one feet square. In the same Plate is an octangular star pattern, which is remarkable from its exact identity vsdth the pattern so fretivicntly employed by the Byzantines and Saracens in their geometrical mosaics. These pavements are now well protected by the erection of a house over them. Tlie first of the Dyer-street pavements (Plate VI.) is precisely similar in general 198 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. form to a pavement in the House of the Mosaic Fountain at Pompeii ; but though more elaborate, it is not equal to it in purity of design. In the centre is a spirited representation of a chase; three out of four dogs remain, but the quarry is de- stroyed. It foiTus a square of fifteen feet. The thu-d pavement (Plate II.) is the largest and most elaborate. It is twenty- five feet square, and consists of nine entire cu'cles, in three rows of three. The central circle appears to have had a centaur, the fore-legs only of which remain. It probably represented Chiron and AchiUes. In the cii'cle above is Bacchus ; in that below, SUenus on an ass ; that on the right represents Actaeon, torn in pieces by his dogs ; the other on the left is destroyed. The angle medallions — three of which are preserved — contain heads of Ceres, Pomona, and Flora. As in the former pavement, so in this, we are not disposed to agree to the " trousers" and "shoes" of Sileuus, nor can we at all consent to the opinion that, as the antlers are but beginning to shoot out of the head of Action, and the metamorphose is only commencing, Actaeon must have " smelt strongly of venison," or his dogs would not have attacked him. Artists, in depicting such representations, selected always such points as best explain the nature of the histoiy : the induction, there- fore, " that the dogs of the ancients never followed by sight as our greyhound," must be regarded as gratuitous. Had the transformation completely taken place, it would have been a deer-chase, not a representation of Actaeon. The thi'ee heads of Ceres, Pomona, and Mora, foUow in Plates III., IV., and V. They are drawn with great freedom and breadth of composition : that of Pomona is very fine, but the Ceres is remarkably beautiful. The description of the pavements is followed by an interesting analysis of the materials of the tessellae, including a Report by Dr. A. Voelcker on the composition of ruby-coloured glass. On the discovery of this pavement, the head of Plora appeared to be crowned with green leaves and flowers. The colom- of the flowers being of a more dusky hue than that of the leaves, led the authors to examine the pavement more minutely, and they discovered that the tesseUae of which these parts were formed, consisted of bright ruby-coloured glass, the surface of which had become oxidized, and changed to this green colour. This circumstance is worthy of observation, as pavements in other parts may exist, the design of which might be incorrectly published, from ignorance of this fact. In these pavements, glass is used where broad masses of colour are required ; but in those mosaics of Italy which were executed by Greek artists, glass is employed, not so much for local colour, as to give delicacy in the detaQ and finishing. The next chapter describes the various modes of constructing tessellated floors, and it is rightly remarked, that the existence of " suspensm'ae" is not always an evidence of their being remains of baths. Though in Italy and more southern regions this is invariably the practice, in the cold damp climate of the north it was requisite to keep the pavement dry and warm, in order to render the house habitable, otherwise it would have been necessary to cover the mosaic constantly with matting, which would conceal the beauty of the ornament. The larger pavement is remarkable, in being partly on a solid foundation and partly suspended on pilae, the reason of which manifestly is, that hot flues under one- half of the pavement were considered capable of warming sufficiently the whole apartment : and, therefore, Mr. Tucker's opinion that this room served the double NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 199 pui-pose of a Trlcl'mium hybermim and of a TricUiuuiu cestivum, cannot be enter- tained. If any difference existed, the portion of the room over the hollow pavement would naturally be the warmest in winter and the coolest in summer, and, con- sequently, at all times preferable : besides, the distribution of pavement so univer- sally employed for Triclinia does not here exist ; and, moreover, by this sup- position, this beautiful mosaic would have been divided in two by a partition. The exteriors of Roman houses were far from being, as supposed by the authors, " inornate." From the paucity of openings in the lower floor, this portion of the exterior was generally very simple in its treatment. Pilasters occupied the quoins and doorways, but the remainder of the wall was plain. In the upper floors, however, there is reason to believe that greater richness and freedom prevailed. Prom the beauty of the pavements, and from the circumstance that ashlared stone was discovered on the exterior of the walls, we feel convinced that the exterior of this house must have corresponded in character and importance with the interior. It is with great pleasure that we find further investigations are about to be made (p. 21), especially as the smaller pavement was discovered merely by an " experimental shaft," and it is very desirable that the entire plan of this magni- ficent dwelling should be exposed to light, even should the modern Portici be sacrificed in order to recover the ancient Herculaneum. The plan, as at present given (p, 62), is so exceedingly indefinite — not a single door being indicated — that it is perfectly impossible even to guess at the distribution of the mansion. It is very certain, however, that the arrangement proposed in page 70, has no analogy with that of a Roman villa. If we might hazard an opinion from consideration of the character of the mosaics, without reference to the plan of the dwelling, we would suggest, that from the representations of Actseon, and of Chii-on and AchiUes, these rooms might have formed a portion of the Gynaeceum of the mansion. We cannot close the book, without noticing the great care with which these pave- ments have been copied and engraved. Complete tracings were taken of the mosaics by Mr. T. Cox, which were then coloured on the spot : and these fac- similes were then reduced by the Talbotype apparatus by Mr. PhUip De La Motte, thus ensuring the most perfect accuracy. We rejoice to see so numerous a list of subscribers, and that the Archajological Institute have so greatly promoted its publication : and we feel assured that the book will eventually force its way into every antiquarian library. 3. — Gio. Orti Manara. l)i un A7itico Monumento del tempi Eomani che trovasi nella terra delle Stelle presso Ferotta. 8vo. Ver. 1848. Imbued with love for his native city, and meditating on its ancient gloiy, derived fi'om the importance of its geographical position as one of the keys of Northern Italy, and from the remarkable vestiges of ancient monuments which attest its former power and opulence, the Conte Orti has proposed to himself " to collect together all the documents which refer to such monuments, to examine them with diligence and attention, and to delineate them with scrupulous fidelity and care, in order that he may be cnal^lod to describe them with requisite accuracy and pre- cision." Various works have already appeared from his pen, and we may shortly NO. II. P 200 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. expect a veiy interesting description of the excavations which he has conducted at the Villa of Catullus on the Lago di Gada. The present pamphlet treats of a subterranean viaduct and conduit, the former of which gives access to two small chambers, one of which is decorated with a mosaic pavement and fresco paintings. Santa Maria dclle SteUe derives its name from a stella found in one of the above-mentioned chambers. It is near Quinto, a village so called because five Roman miles from the city. The monument appears to have been luiexplored by !Maifei ; while Dionisi, Venturi, Da Persico, and Bennassuti, considered it to be a Cave dedicated to Jupiter, or Mercury Tro- phonius. Others, again, from the supply of water, have considered the chambers to have been baths. Conte Orti refutes these opinions, and establishes clearly that they served as the sepidchral vaults, or columbaria, of the individual who laid down the conduit. The entrance is by a flight of steps, on descending which is the gallery or viaduct, about four feet high. At a little distance is a square chamber, ten feet high, communicating with two vaidts, the further side of which is formed into a semicu'cle. They measm-e nineteen feet six inches by fifteen feet ; they are thu'teen feet high, and are ventilated and lit by small shafts from above. Beyond this are two larger shafts, from the further of which an inclined plane leads to the soui'ce of water. The stella or cippus found in one of the chambers bears the following inscription : — POMPONIAE AEISTOCLI AE ALUMNAE. 4. — Edward Gekhard. Myketiische Altei'tMmer. -ito. Berlin, 1850. This pamphlet will be interesting to the architect, from its elucidation of the sym- bolic character of the Gate of the Lions at Mycense. The learned archBeologuc endeavom-s to point out the connexion which these animals had with the w^orship of lo. The text is accompanied with a folding plate, in which is a representation of the Gate of the Lions, and of a terra cotta figure of the metamorphose of lo, found at Centorbi, in Sicily. 5. — Edward A. Freeman, M.A. A Hktory of JrcJiitecture. Masters, Alder sgate-street. 8vo. London. 1849. The title is a general one ; and the subject requires great experience, profound knowledge, and, above aU, an enlarged mind, and an unbiassed judgment. The Author, however, is an ecclesiologist. He acknowledges himself to be devotedly attached to Teutonic forms, and puts forward the engraving of a chm-ch in the pei-])endicular style as the frontispiece to his work. Instead, therefore, of writing a history of architecture, he writes an eulogium on Gothic arcliitecture ; and instead of treating Gothic architecture in a broad and comprehensive manner, he confines all the references and examples to ecclesiastical buildings, (p. xvii.) As it is not the province of this jom-nal to treat of Gothic art, we turn at once to the chapters which touch upon classic architecture. He informs us that this branch of his subject is " little more than a compilation from other writers" (p. 8). We find, however, that he holds extreme, and we trust pccidiar views. He begins NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 201 by asserting that " Gothic architecture is beyond all comparison the noblest effort of the art" (10) ; that " the products of Grecian heathenism neither can nor ought to be reproduced in Teutonic Christendom" (106). He affirms that " the Ionic and Corinthian orders are modifications, if not corruptions, of the Doric" (10-J-); that " the Ionic can hardly be said to be the development of any idea" (111) ; that the Erechtheum " is as great an absurdity as anything that Vitruvius or Palladio could have produced" (117); that the choragic monument of Lysicrates, that of Thrasyllus, and the Tower of Andronicus Cyrrhestes " could have been far better carried out in the Romanesque or Gothic" styles (120, 121); that "in domestic architecture their style must have failed" (131) ; and he regards the Elgin marbles, in their present position, as mere antiquities (108). In the next chapter, which treats of Roman architecture, he affirms that it is simply the exceeding excellence of the two elements — the perfect loveliness of Grecian detail, corrupted as it was by its Roman imitators, and the magnificent boldness of the genuine Roman construction — " that saves any of its productions from absolute hideousness" (140). In the concluding chapter, which treats of the revival of the classic styles, he says, " Italian architecture must be looked upon as simply detestable" (1-44). He acknowledges St. Raid's to be a grand building, " wretched as is its style, glaring, and even ludicrous, as are its individual defects" (440). He describes the lingering adherence, in the middle of the seventeenth century, to the old northern and Christian forms, as " the material reflection of that Catholic movement in the English Church, which has immortalized the names of Andrewes and Laud* and a host of inferior worthies" (440). Something of this Catholic feeling we fancy we perceive in other passages. Thus, not to speak of the " demons of heathendom" in St. Paul's (446), he says of other cathedrals, "the/ff6;7'c of Ely and Westminster may be renewed; but icldle the laity throng the choir, and pagan nudities stand um-cbuked, the Church is unrestored" (451). Several glaring eiTors might be pointed out — as that the Greeks never placed one colonnade above another (129); that the whole end and aim of Grecian archi- tecture was to produce an exterior (130); and that the Doric column had no entasis (110), &c. &c.: but we abstain. Such is the book which has been sent to us for the expression of our approba- tion ! — such the tenets to which we are expected to subscribe ! 6. — Archit. Akch.eol. and Hist. Society of Chester. Journal. Part T. 8vo. July, 1850. We are delighted to see an Archaeological Society springing up in the good old city of Chester, and trust that .the ample materials which they have before them in their own city will be amply worked out. In Part I. we find, among other papers, a description, by the Rev. W. II. IMassie, of a Roman wooden bridge, found buried * Laud!— that Christian prelate and "worthy" of the Catholic Church, wlio cropped the ears and slit the noses of those who dared to question the authority of the Church. 202 NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. fom-teen feet under the silt at Birkealiead, pp. 55 and 68. This paper will be found very interesting, ft'om the singularity of the bridge being built of wood, and from the evidences which the author adduces of the great alterations, botli of land and water, which the neighboming country has undergone. 7. — Edmund Getty, M.R.I. A. Notices of Chinese Seals foimd in Ireland. 4to. Belfast, 1850. Hodgson, 13, Paternoster-row ; Hodges and Smith, Dublin ; ]\Iarcus Ward and Co. Belfast. In establishing an Archaeological Journal of classic art, we might have expected that that most ancient nation, the Chinese, would not long defer advancing their claim to honourable distinction. The work which they have sent us is a collection of sixty seals, aU of which are in the form of a small cube, with a monkey at the top, serving as a handle, which it would be profaneness to say is anything but classic in its drawing. The impressions are accompanied with five translations, by which we are enabled to judge of theii* general accuracy. The mottoes are as vague and strange as any that are enclosed in bons-bons. No. 1. To sing with the wind and play with the moon ; 6. Plinntrees and bamboos; 17. Intimate with all the Savans of the world. Forty-six of these seals were found in different parts of Ireland ; but how they got there no one at present has been able to explain. Chinese vases have been found at Thebes and other parts of Egypt, but whether brought there by the ancient Egyptians, the Romans, or even the Arabs, is uncertain. On one of these was found the following motto : — The flower opens, and lo ! another year. 8. — Makcus Ward and Co. St. Patricks Bdl, and its Jewelled Shrine. Small folio. Belfast, 1850. Hodgson, 13, Pateruoster-row ; Hodges and Smith, Dublin ; Marcus Ward and Co. BeKast. Although we have as great respect for that preacher of pm-e Christianity, St. Patrick, as any Irishman possibly can, we are not able to say much in commendation of his beU. It is of a square form, and composed of two pieces of sheet iron rudely riveted together, without any attention to shape or ornament, and must have made about as delightfid music as any broken kettle. It is, indeed, almost as ugly as " our black lady of Loreto," and, like it, is enclosed in a costly and magnificent shrine. This latter is of brass, inlaid with gold and silver and precious stones. But what gives it the gi-eatest merit is the beauty of the arabesques and ornaments, which partake much of an Oriental character. The birds, the twisted " serpents" or lizards, and the scroll-work, so closely resemble the ornamental writing of the East, that we might almost believe some hidden signification is expressed therein. The sides are all different in design, and a separate plate is given of each. The work has been got up as a specimen of Irish chrorao-lithography, and its execution is so beautifid, that we sincerely hope Irish artists will henceforward be employed in the publication of Irish works, whether they be on literature, science, or antiquity. 203 XYIIL ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. II. Collections from the Archaologische Zeitung herausgehen von Eduaud Gerhard. 4to. Berlin, 1843—1850 inclusive. Vols. I.— IV. [The letter A denotes Anzeiger ; B, Beilage ; and D, Denkraaler.] Abacus. Athenischer — C. Bockh, iii. 42 Agora. Ueber die Miirkte hellenischer Stadte E. Curtius, ii. 292 AmphitJieatre. See Constantinople. Archciologische Bibliographie. i. 216, ii. 4, iii. 4, 195, iv. 4, 131. Besides very copious Lists in ii. B. Nos. i. ii. iv. v. and vii. — x. iii. 13,* 27,* 46,* 59,* 78,* and 93.* iv. A. 45, 79, 101, 127, 157, 181, and 213. Aricia. Discoveries at — Ludwig Ross, iii. 2, 9 Asia Minor. Griecliische Inschriften. Ealkenerischen Sammlung. iv. A. 43, 168 Assyria. Discoveries in— i. 381; ii. 51,* 70,* 107,* 379 ;* iii. 161 ; iv. A. 51, 71 Athens. Discoveries at — Ludwig Ross, iii. 2, 9 liber des Theseion zu — E. Curtius, i. 97 Bi'anchida. Die Statuen am heiligen Wege der Branchiden. L. Ross, iv. D. 130 Carthage. Karthagische Alterthiimer H. Barth, iv. A. 147 aus Liverpool iv. A. 148 Chiusi. Clusinische Wandgemalde Emil. Braun, iii. 310 Cologne. See Mosaic. Constantinople. Amphitheatre at — C. BoCKH, iv. A. 22 Corfu. Ueber die Insel der PhJiaken. . . . G. von Eckenbrecher, ii. 133 Corinth. Die Quelle Pirene auf akrokorinth, und das Kraneion unterhalb Korinth. C. GoTTLING, i. 326 Cos. Discoveries at, by Prof. Ross : — Temple of Ceres Augusta, i. 299 ; Friesplatten von Asklepiostempel, ii. 281 ; Das Brunnenhaus der Businna, iv. D. 241 ; and the beautiful Ionic Heroum of Charmylos, i. 299 ; iv. D. 241. Crimea. Discoveries in the — . Griechisches in Russland iv. A. 8 Cyprus. The Island Kurias, off — . Kuiion, und das Hedigthum des Apollon Hylates auf Kypros Ludavig Ross, ii. 99 Cypselus. Composition des Kastens des Cypselus. T. Bergk, ii. 150, 167, 182 Otto Jahn, iv. D. 191 Cyrene. Das Griechische Theater in — H. Bartii, iii. 233 Egypt. Notice of Dr. Lcpsius's Discoveries i. 78, 237 Egyptian Art. iEgj'ptisches aus Eti-urien E. Gerhard, i. 308 Erechtheum. Neueste Forschungen iibcr das — von Botticher. Notice of, iv. A. 120 Etruscan Art. See Chiusi and Museum Gregorianmn. Excavations. Report on — . . . . i. 209; ii. 1, 201; iii. 1, 194; iv. A. 1 Eountahis. Ueber Stiidtische Wasserbauten der llellenen. . E. Curtius, iii. 19 204 ARCII^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. Fountams. Sec Corinth. Halicarnasnus. Ilalikarnass unci das Mausoleum. . . . L. Urltchs, iii. 169 . . . E. G., iii. 169, 177, 81* Sculptures S. Birch, iii. 202 Hecate. Dreifache Ilekate. Marmorbikl im Koiiigl. Museum zu Leiden. i. 132 Kalymna. Terra Cottas from — iii. 277 Karabel. Ueber das Felsem-elief zu Karahel E. Lepsius, ii. 271 Labyrinth. See Egypt. Laocoon. Ueber den — F. G. Welcker, iii. 83* Lares. Ueber den Hausgottes dienst der alten Griecben. Vortrag. von Prof. Petersen. Notice of, iv. A. 115 Lindos. Discoveries at — Temples of Jupiter, and of Minerva Lindia. L. Eoss, i. 300 Mausoleum. Eoman Monument between Mizda and Kasr Ghm-ian in Africa. Discovered by H. Bartii, iv. A. 187 Mosaic at Cologne i. 271 Museum. Biondi, Monumenti Amaranziani Notice of, ii. Lxii. British — Der Bronzensammlung Th. Panofka, ii. 220 Disney Collection iii, 157 Gregoriamim, Eom Notice of, i. 94 Louvre. Marmorsale des — iii. 150 Mantua. Sculpturen zu — E. Gerhard, ii. 353 Niobe. Tochter der — in Konigl. Mus. zu Berlin Ditto, i. 301 Olympia. Discoveries at — iii. 2, 8 Paintings. WaU — See Chiusi and — i. 213 Parthenon. Pediment-Groups of — . iMte Denkmjiler, erklart von F. G. "Welcker. Erste Theil, Gott. 1849 Notice of, \y. k. Ill Phoenicians. Zur Kunst der Phonicier. . . H. Barth, iii. 326, 346, 362, 388 Pompeii. Haus des M. Lucretius iii. 26;* iv. A. 8 • Th. Panofka, iii. 56,* 110, 142 Bhamnus. Der Kleine Tempel in — L. Eoss, iv. D. 167 Rhodes. Pelsengriiber auf — Ditto, iv. D, 209 Rome. Discoveries at — Ditto, iii. 2, 9 Th. Mommsen, ii. 226 W. Henzen, iv. A. 165 House in the Via Graziosa. Dr. E. Braun, iv. A. 27, 166 On the Colossal Group on Monte Cavallo i. 238 Ueber die Lage der Curia Hostilia L. Urlichs, ii. 306 Sculpture. Discovery of Ancient — i. 212 ; ii. 3, 13 ; iii. 2 Sesostris. Das Sogenannte Monument des — bei Smyrna. . H. Kiepert, i. 33 Smyrna. See Sesostris, and Head of Statue from — iv. D. 1 Syme. Tumulus auf — Ludwig Eoss, iv. D. 134 Telos. Discoveries at — Temples of Minerva and of Jupiter. . . . Ditto, i. 300 Theatre. See Cyrene and Amphitheaire. Tiryns. Die Galerieen und die Stoa von Tiryntli. ... C. Gottling, ii. 17 Tomb. Ueber die Motive antiker Grabmaler. . . . M. Petersen, iv. A. 220 Trophonius. Ueber ein Marmorkopf des Pursten Talleyi-and. Th. Panofka, i. 1 Xanthus. Das Harpyienmonument von Xanthos Ditto, i. 49, 65 Das Denkmal des Hai-pagos zu Xanthos, und dessen Triimmer in Brit- tischen Museum E. Gerhard and Emil. Braun, i. 353, 371 THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. III. — JULY, 1851. XIX. EEMARKS ON THE COLLECTIONS OF ANCIENT ART IN THE MUSEUMS OF ITALY, THE GLYPTOTHEK AT MUNICH, AND THE BRITISH MUSEUM. ^HE following remarks originally formed part of a report -*- drawn up by the Author after visiting the Museums of Florence, Rome, and Naples, and the Glyptothek at Munich, in the autumn of 1848, and officially submitted to the Trustees of the British Museum. The cursory survey of Foreign Museums which the Author was enabled to make in this tour suorsfested to his mind some general conclusions, which he thought worth recording while the impression of what he had seen Avas still fresh in his memory ; and it appeared to him that these views might be most clearly and compendiously stated by comparing the several collections he had recently visited in respect of their extent and riches, — the British Museum serving as the standard of comparison for them all. The subject-matter of this com- parison being very varied, both in form and material, and the estimate to be formed being one rather of qualities than of quantities, — requiring, not a mere statement of the number of sculptures, vases, or coins contained in the several museums, but a careful appreciation of their relative values, according to some recognised standard, it may be convenient to class the objects to be compared under one general head as works of art, and to consider them rather in their original order of produc- NO. III. Q 206 ON THE COLLECTIONS OF ANCIENT ART tion than according to any system of arrangement grounded on their differences of form and material ; to divide the whole his- tory of Ancient Art into periods, and inquire what each museum contributes as examples of the several successive styles, and to consider sculptures, bronzes, vases, gems, coins, terra cottas, and other antiquities, as a whole, capable of arrangement in the mind in one great chronological series. For the illustration of that primeval period in the history of art which precedes, as it is believed, the earliest productions of Greek civilizatiou, and reveals to us two distinct sources from which that civilization may have been derived, the col- lections of the British Museum are unrivalled. In no other of the museums here under consideration is the character of Egyptian art so clearly and emphatically stated; none exhibit so many monuments of the best period of that art, and of such colossal size. In the British Museum alone are these works placed in immediate and instructive juxta-position with that style to Avhich they form the most singular contrast — the style of Phidias, as seen in the sculptures of the Elgin room. The Egyptian collections of Naples and Munich are comparatively insignificant. In the Vatican, indeed, we find the same great impressive monuments of the best period, but these have not altogether escaped those restorations and retouchings which most works of art in Italy have, till lately, undergone. The Assyrian sculptures brought by Mr. Layard from Xineveh are documents for the history of art, and, perhaps, for the history of the world, which have no equivalents in any of the Continental museums, the Louvre only excepted. They throw a new and unlooked-for light on the question which has occupied archaeology for more than a century — the origin of Greek art ; and, when so arranged as to exhibit clearly to the eye the peculiarities of their style and treatment, they will form the base of a new comparison and more scientific arrange- ment of the archaic monuments of Greece, Asia Minor, and Etruria. IN ITALY, MUNICH, AND THE BEITISH MUSEUM. 207 The mention of these recent acquisitions leads to the next point in this inquiry, — to what extent do the museums hei*e compared severally contribute to our knowledge of the most ancient Greek art? It is probable that the earliest productions of this period which we possess are either works in hammered metal, {'6>. Lucian : Imagines. 250 POLYCHROMY OF SCULPTURE. The same neglect would be instantly objected to in colour- ing a highly-finished pencil-drawing upon white paper. A great artist who knows his material can do wonders; and fine ex- amples of the application of red, blue, and brown colour upon a pure white surface are to be seen in the beautiful sketches of heads by Lawrence, and yet the same attempt in the hands of his imitators becomes artificial and displeasing. At the bare mention of colour applied to statuary our thoughts rush to the figure-head of a ship, or, in a milder form, to Gog and Magog of Guildhall; but Madame Tussaud is superior to these, and, as a comparison can be instituted so far, we may be assured a more favourable one in a better direction remains to be esta- blished. Hitherto no distinction has been drawn between the real and ideal in this branch : a shiny painted figure, and a great wax doll with real silk or velvet, real lace, and real glittering trinkets, are equally objectionable; but a sober, harmonious, well-balanced application of colour and metal to sculpture is likely to meet with a very difi'erent result. The colossal enshrined figure of Athene in the Parthenon, whose eyes were inlaid gems,* must have possessed additional grandeur in its sober variegation, and the Zeus at Elis, and the Hera wrought by Polycleitos, were doubtlessly indebted both to the brush and gilder, as well as to the chisel. Strength of colour would be mainly regulated by the amount of light upon it; where the forms are sharply defined, and the shadows are strong, a greater force of colour becomes admis- sible, but nowhere so as actually to deceive ; and the fact of a dull gold surface representing hair, appears a very good ex- ample of the extent to which the ancients employed that kind of variety. Sir Charles Eastlake, in his Essay on Sculpture^f has published * See the fragment of the face of the external figure, with the hollowed sockets, in the British Museum. t Contributions to the Litet'ature of the Fitie Arts, p, 61. POLYCHROMY OF SCULPTURE. 251 some excellent views respecting the treatment of statuary by the ancients ; and one sentence is of such importance and ex- tensive application, that I at once transcribe it : " The perfection of style requires that the imitation, how- ever really imperfect with reference to nature, or even with reference to other modes of representation, should suggest no want." He calls attention to the curious fact, that three classes of decorators finished the statue — the varnisher, the gilder, and the tinter.* Many instances of various colours and materials are to be found in the descriptions of Pausanias, and the Dialogues of Lucian. • Praxiteles was assisted in perfecting his statues by the painter Nicias ; he is said to have been best pleased with those of his productions in which Nicias had a hand. (Pliny, H. N. XXXV. 11, 133) : Hie est Nicias, de quo dicebat Praxiteles inter- rogatus, qu£e maxime opera sua probaret in marmoribus ; quibus Nicias manum admovisset : tantum circumlitioni ejus tribuebat. p. 633. Sir Charles Eastlake (p. 63) refers to an epigram of Virgil, which alludes to a statue of Amor with parti-coloured wings and painted quiver ; and a very complete example of the appli- cation of parti-colour to a flat surface is to be seen on the wing of a sphinx brought from Xanthus in Lycia, and now in the British Museum. In the same collection, a cast from the rock- AyaXjuctrwj', iyKavurai, xpuffwrat kuI Ba^af. — Plutarcii, de Glor. Athen. 252 POLYCHROMY OF SCULPTURE. sculpture at Tlos, representing Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus, shows how colour was employed to complete the work of the sculptor. The body of the horse is quite smooth to the touch, but a bright red saddle-cloth, with strong black outline, is clearly visible, and has been accurately copied on the cast in the Museum. The couch draperies of the sculptures from a rock-tomb at Myra display patterns and figures of animals in colour only, without the slightest indication on the part of the sculptor: copies of these are also to be seen in the Lycian room of the British Museum. Professor Muller expressed the greatest interest in the disco- veries then recently made by Mr. Fellows in Lycia, and more particularly upon seeing the copies of the painted sculptures at Myra. Very curious observations have since been elicited regarding other sculptures from Lycia; such as traces of bor- dering upon the garments of some of the most ancient statues; the remains of a bright blue background to the reliefs on the Harpy Tomb — traces of red in the hollow of the shields and H/AOA//^P/ r*Fhtff ,S4. HATton. Gardoft THE lONIQ HEROUM AT /vANTHUS. AS RtSTORED BY E.FALttENtH ON THE IONIC HEROUM AT XANTHUS. 257 on finding a fragment of the angular volute of an Ionic capital. On his return to England, he occupied himself with the restoration of the monument, as did, simultaneously with him, Mr. Rohde Hawkins, who had accompanied the expedition as architect. After several projects. Sir Charles Fellows, having had the advice and assistance of several professional friends, published his restoration, as exhibited in the model in the British Museum, consisting of a lofty stylobate ornamented PLAN OF MODEL IN BRITISH MUSEUM zifufies decimal 'SIiSTS, efiumileni^ to aOet i-iZ5M/:7ics m. i !:i4^^/^ ■Ml-^f^^ m w, i i ! *■ — ' ! i ' — ■■ i mm. :J .:::::: :::::....\ t Q SCALE OF INCHES EOUIVALENT TO FEET 258 ON THE IONIC HEROUM with two rows of bas-relief, and cro^viied with a peripteral monu- ment of four by five columns. Between the columns are floating or flying figures, occupying the three intercolumniations of each end, and the three central intercolumniations of each side. In the extreme intercolumniations of each side he placed the four lions, of which he found fragments in the course of exca- vation. Independent of these female figures, which stand on emblems, he discovered four other smaller figures, but mthout emblems, which he assigned as angle acroteria of the pedi- ments. A group of two male figures and one female, of still smaller size, form the central acroterium of the north-west pediment. AVhile Sir Charles Fellows was at work on this design, Mr. Hawkins prepared another, which was published in the Civil Engineer and Architects Journal^ April 1845, after having been exhibited at a meeting of the Royal Institute of British Architects. Tliis plan, like the accompanying, con- sisted of four by six columns. Sir Charles Fellows subse- quently published his pamphlet, reverting again to his original idea, and since that period no further objections have been made to his theory. Several circumstances induced me to take up the investi- gation of this monument ; among which were the beauty and singularity of the structure, my having visited the country in which it was erected, its analogy with the mausoleum at Hali- carnassus, and the unsatisfactory manner in which certain of its parts were represented in the model prepared by Sir Charles Fellows. I now propose to myself to detail* the various * The author of a paper like the following labours under great disadvantages. The theory which he proposes may be as good as any other, but the ground is already occupied. However excellent his own idea may be, it is not sufficient that he show its probability; he must fii'st prove the fallaciousness of all pre-existing theories. I have therefore to ask the indulgence, not only of my readers, but of the author of the previous restoration, if I should appear unnecessarily studious to point out the discrepancies of that design, rather than to confine myself to the explanation of my own. I am satisfied, however, that Sir Charles Fellows is as desirous as any one AT XANTHUS. 259 objections to his design which have suggested themselves to my mind, and the general process by which the present restora- tion sprung up. In doing so, it would both be ungenerous and unjust did I not bear testimony to the able and skilful manner in which he, as an amateur, assisted though he were by several professional men, succeeded in framing together a design consisting of so many complex parts. The analogy of this monument with the mausoleum was the principal cause which led me to investigate it. I had already made use of its double tier of bas-reliefs in the stylobate, as an authority for the decoration of the lower portion of that structure, and I was anxious, in like manner, to adduce it as an authority for the employment of an odd number of columns in the edifices of antiquity : but, however desirous I was of believ- ing in the correctness of Sir Charles Fellows' restoration in this particular, I was fearful of adducing as an example a building, the restoration of which might at some future time be found fallacious. On a careful examination of the model, therefore, I at once perceived a glaring want of connexion between the plinth of the monument and the superstructure. The former is equal to 22ft. by 33ft.* on the lower course, and 21ft. 9in. by 31ft. 9in. on of arriving at the truth ; and though I cannot pretend to say that he is ready to give up his own theory, I feel sure he would do so if he found another which he considered preferable : and I take this opportunity of acknowledging the kind assist- ance that has at all times been afforded me in the course of my investigation, both by that gentleman and by Mr. Rohde Hawkins. * Sir Charles Fellows gives the dimensions 33 feet by 22 feet to the lower coui'se ; Mr. Hawkins to the upper. Sir Charles Fellows does not speak confidently to the amount of set-off, but believes it to be 6 inches. Mr. Hawkins, however, has a sketch taken on the spot, in which it is indicated as 1} inch. It is manifest that Mr. Hawkins' measurement would best allow of the addition of another inter- columniation ; but I have preferred adhering to the dimensions given by Sir Charles Fellows, in order to prevent my not doing so being alleged as an objection. In the absence of more authentic particulars, we may conclude that, as one side only of the upper course is remaining, (see a "View of the Base," in p. 17 of Sir C. Fellows' ^ccomit, &c.,) the lower course would naturally be tliat measured. 260 ON THE IONIC HEROUM the upper or top course. The former was found sufficiently entire to leave no doubt of the precise dimensions of this part of the structure. Upon this plinth is placed the pedestal or stylobate, rising abruptly, as represented in the model, at a set-off of 2ft. 3|in.* at the ends, and 9fin. at each side. Independent of the awkwardness of having so great a difference in amount between the set-off at the ends and sides, and of the bas-reliefs resting on so large a plinth, we must consider that the monument stood on the brow of a cliff, and, therefore, as seen from below, a great portion of the bas-relief would be intercepted by the projection of the base. On asking Sir Charles Fellows whether he had not discovered, any fragment of a base-moulding, which w^ould have served to elevate the sculpture, and connect it more harmoniously with the plinth, he assured me that he had very diligently searched for such a member, but had not found the slightest vestige that would warrant its introduction. My next hope was, that on measuring the stones I might find that the length was insufficiently given in the model. Here, again, I was disappointed : after measuring most carefully all the bas-reliefs, I could find no authority for increasing the length of the building, supposing it to have had but five columns at the flanks. Notwithstanding my desire, therefore, of esta- blishino; an uneven number of columns for the sides of the mo- nument, the irregularity and incongruity of the base prevented my considering that disposition as satisfactory. Another objection to the model was the disposition of the lacunaria. These were represented as seven in front, and seven on each side, instead of nine, as shown in my plan. They were two in depth, both in the fronts and sides. Not only had they no connexion with the columns, but they presented blank margins, of irregular and greatly disproportioned widths. * In the litliogi-aph accompanying the Account of the Ionic Trophy Monument, the plinth has been originally drawn with a considerable, though not sufficient projec- tion; but the chalk lines have been afterwards scratched out, as may be detected on a careful examination, in order to render the outline more pleasing. AT XANTHUS. 261 They looked, indeed, as thougli they had belonged to some earlier building, and been subsequently appropriated to their present situation. On measuring the lacunaria, several of which exist in the Museum, I found that the width from centre to centre was 1ft. ll*7ins., which, multiplied by three, gave 5ft. ll'lins., a dimension which approached so nearly to the width of the intercolumniation, that I took it for granted that each intercolumniation had three lacunaria. On examining the sculptured friezes, I found three which gave indication of the width of the intercolumniation. The architrave of the entablature is omitted, and its place supplied by a fillet, 2Kn. wide, under which is a sinking of lin. This sinking corresponds with the width of the intercolumnia- tion, the ends of the stones being worked solid, in order to rest on the relieving die over the capitals ; the width of each I presume to have corresponded for that purpose. The inter- mediate width, or length of sinking, was, in stone 111, 4ft. llin. ; in 120 it was 4ft. 11 Jin. ; and in 117 it was 5ft. 2-4in. while the relieving die of capital measures 1ft. Sin. We thus obtain two intercolumniations, from centre to centre 6ft. 2-125in., and 6ft. 5-4in. Sir Charles Fellows has made use of two intercolumniations in his design, thouo-h rather diiFerent from these, his calculations being based on the total length of the stones; and he has applied the wider inter- columniation at the flanks, in order to assist in lengthening out the sides of his composition. This I conceive to be quite contrary to the practice of the Greeks, who, whenever they allowed any difference, always made the front intercolumnia- tions wider than the sides.* * Although I shall attempt to show that this was the case in the monument before us by other proofs, I cannot do so by reference to the only three blocks whose 262 ON THE IONIC HEROUM The accompanying plan exhibits the proportions, obtained by a careful admeasurement of every individual stone of this monu- ment in the British Museum, and by subsequent reflections and calculations. I commenced my investigations at the ends, from having more data at these portions of the building than at the sides. The intercolumniation, as we have seen, was 6' 5*4", which, multiplied by 3, gives 19' 4*2" as the front of the monu- ment, from centre to centre. The lacunaria being l' 11 "7" from centre to centre, and being nine in number, gave a total of 17' 9*3" from centre to centre; to which, on adding the two half-architraves (1' 3"), we obtain 19' 0*3"; to which may be added the remaining 3 '9" for the two half-beams, thus agreeing precisely, as will be seen on examination of the plan, with the dimension as determined by the lengths of the archi- trave. Another means of ascertaining the width of the fronts is aiforded us by the tympanum of the pediments. It so happens that a considerable portion of the tympanum of one pediment, and the greater part of that of the other, are still remaining ; and from these it evidently appears that the building must have been considerably wider than the dimension represented in the model, which is only 18' 6". The half- base of one length, we can accurately determine : for notwithstanding stone 120 does come in at the sides — as appears from the subject of its sculpture — and 117 at one end; stone 111, which is one of the shorter stones, appears from its subject to have occupied the central part of one end, a situation, of all others, which would require a wide intercolumniation. We must, therefore, either conclude that this stone did not occupy the place assumed, or that the length of the chase — the ends of wdiich would be concealed by the projection of the abacus of the capital — did not accurately correspond with the width of the intercolumniation. The best proof of this supposition is afl'orded by the circumstance, that the relieving die of stones 117 and 118, which, from the continuous lines of the sculpture, are known to have been contiguous, is 2 inches wider than the dimension calcvdated ; but if we were to suppose all the intei'columniations corresponded with this, we should not be able to work in the monument, either in width or length. Owing to these inaccuracies of construction, I cannot pretend to say that my design is precisely correct in all its dimensions : but I consider that the dimensions which I have selected are sufficiently true to enable us to form a correct idea of the form and structure of the monument. FLAN or the: ionic monumcnt at XANTHUS. i^ • 6. 5-4 ^ ti.S 4 E.F. tv.st J I LJ L n/ir&scurjjuR'TOTEE qtepin'. AT XANTHUS. 263 tympanum measures 9' 8*74", and that of the other, 9' 11-5", giving 19' 5*48", and 19' 11", as the total lengths respectively. The front being from centre to centre 19' 4-2" And adding the two half-architraves 1' 3" And projection of cornice 2' 3"95" 22' 11-15" And deducting the set-back of raking cornice . . 3' 10" We have the length of the tympanum, by calculation 19' 1-15" From the difference existing between the two tympana, it is probable that, either at top or bottom, they were let into a sinking in the corona of cornice, the proportionate depth of which would readily equalize them. We have thus seen that the dimensions determined by the lengths of the sculptured friezes, by the width of the lacunaria, and by the raking lines of the pediments, all coincide very accurately together; we now proceed to examine how these dimensions agree with the width of the existing base, which measures in its upper course 21' 9." The front, from centre to centre, being 19' 4 '2" And adding the two half-diameters 1' 2'318" The projection of base 6", and of cornice beyond base, 4" . 0' 10" 21' 4-518" Deducting the projection of cornice beyond face of pedestal . 0' 11 '5'' 20' 5-018" And adding for the battering of pedestal 0' 6" We have a total width of stylobate of 20' 11-018" which leaves 4*99 1" for set-off on upper plinth, or about one- half of that shown in model, while it agrees most perfectly with the measurements taken by Mr. Hawkins, at Xanthus.* * " Upon the base which still exists there are the marks of the bed worked for the next course ; this bed extends 1' 9" inwards from the face of the work : it is 264 ON THE IONIC HEROUM The placing of the four statues on the angles of the pediment,* I consider to be quite at variance with the practice of the ancients. Looking at them from a diagonal point of view, they produce the effect of obelisks — crude perpendicular forms, having no harmony or connexion with the other lines of the pediment. I, therefore, propose to place them in the end intercolumniations of the sides. When we consider the unusual width of the intercolumniations of this monument, five such intercolumnia- tions would, I imagine, appear too straggling; to remedy which I have supposed the end intercolumniations to be 5' 10-85", instead of 6' 2'125": or, so much less than the central intercolumniations of the sides, as these are less than the front ; and that these end intercolumniations were decorated with the smaller statues, which would thus give a more com- pact character to the flanks, and offer a more pyramidal outline to the groups of sculpture. Several objections will be made to this position of the smaller statues, especially by those who maintain that the larger statues represent Nereids. It will be alleged that these statues are weather-worn equally all round, evincing that they occupied an exposed situation on the roof of the monument, while the larger statues are injured only in front; thereby showing that they were protected by their position in the intercolumniations. But, on examining these statues, it will be found that one of them (83) is weather-worn at the back as in front; and if it be said that this maybe accounted for by supposing it to have occupied one of the angular intercolumniations, then this same supposition will account for the smaller statues being so weather-worn, inas- therefore evident that the next course of stones must have extended to that size. Now, there is no evidence of any other stones being placed upon this, except those of the Parian marble : these stones are all 1' 4" thick, and, therefore, could only have been set-in 5 inches from the face of the base. This will apply both to the length and width."— Abridg. of a paper read at the K.I.B.A. by M. Rohdk Hawkins, Esq., and published in the Civil Eng. and Architect's Journal, viii. 100. * The griffins introduced in my restoration are purely conjectural, and are introduced only to show the form and character of acroterial ornaments. AT XANTHUS. 265 much as they would occupy a similar position. As regards the question whether these statues represent Nereids or Cities, my province is not to reconcile the building with the theory, but to let the theory base itself on the building. Of whatever, therefore, the emblems attached to the larger statues be in- dicative, I consider that the places most appropriate for the smaller statues, without emblems, are the end intercolumnia- tions, whether we consider the form, the size, or the character of these figures. Much stress has been laid upon the circum- stance of some of the statues having emblems, and others not ; but whatever may be the signification of this difference, there is too much identity of movement, of drapery, and of character, to be observed in these figures, in common with the larger statues, to allow of their being separated. We have then, 3 intercolumniations of 6' 2-125" = ]8' 6-375" 2 „ 5' 10-85" = 11' 9-7" Making a total on flank, from centre to centre, of . . 30' 4-075" Adding 1' 2-318", 6", and 4", as before 2' 0-318" 32' 4-393" Deducting the projection of cornice beyond stylobate . 0' 11-5" 31' 4-893" And adding 3" for battering 0' 6" We obtain 31' 10-893" Avhich leaves us just 5'053" (instead of 2' 3'75", as by model), for the set-off at each end of plinth, or within the sixteenth of an inch of what we calculated for the sides. The next points to determine are the disposition of the lacunaria and the size of the cella. On examining the model, it will be seen that the lacunaria are arranged in two rows all round, and that great irregularities are observable in the mode of working them. In constructing my plan, after having found the outer columns, I set off two lacunaria on the sides and three at each end ; and on conferring with Sir Charles Fellows, I found that the men employed in excavating had found what 266 ON THE IONIC HEROUM they called a triple " pig' s-t rough;" but, being broken, it had not been brought to England. The three panels measure 4' 6-75", each panel being 1' 6", and the margin at each end 5-375". The building, as determined by the preceding calcula- tions, was 30' 4-075" by 19' 4-2"; and, on applying these dimen- sions of the lacunaria, we find that they work-in most accurately both in the breadth and length, three lacunaria appearing in each intercolumniation, from whatever point of view the build- ing was regarded. Thus 2 half-architraves measure 3 panels at each end . . . 2" mouldings Architrave beams, ends of cella 7 lacunaria, centre to centre . 2 end ditto, mcluding end beams From centre to centre On sides. At ends. 1' 3" 1' 3" 9' 1-5" — 0' 8" — 1' 11" — 13' 9-9" 13' 9-9'' 3' 6-675" 4' 3-3" 30' '±•075" 19' 4-2" Taking it as a fixed principle that the lacunaria must have been designed with reference to the pteron, I laid them down according to the above calculation, without any regard to the form and dimensions that the cella would require. On com- pleting the lacunaria, I perceived that the cella became con- siderably Avider and longer than that represented in the model, which is 14' 10-5" by 9' 0", instead of 20' 8-393" by 11' 3-7", as in my restoration. This increased width of the cella involved two difiiculties : that of supporting the blocks of sculptured frieze which ran round the cella, and the awkwardness and unsio-htliness of this extended width. In the contracted width of the cella in the model, the stones 101 and 102, which origi- nally formed one block, could just reach from anta to anta, but by increasing the width this became impossible. In con- sidering how I might remedy this objection, the idea occurred whether there might not be room for the introduction of columns in antis at either end of the cella; and on examining the plan I perceived that there was precisely the space requisite AT XANTHUS. 267 for this arrangement; and thus both objections were completely answered. The long stones, 101, 102, extended from one of the antae to the further column ; and the cella, which at first appeared ill-proportioned, now assumed a form of increased elegance and beauty : and it was satisfactory to find that this disposition of plan in my design was not an arbitrary one of fancy, but one that grew entirely from necessity and construc- tion, — although the arrangement might have been surmised, from the circumstance of the antae having their internal faces wider than the external, as in the generality of Greek temples ; the former being 11 inches in width, the latter dj inches only. The doorway, as determined by the proportionate height of the columns, according to the rules of Vitruvius (iv. 6), should be four feet in width ; and on looking over Mr. Hawkins' note- book, I find two fragments* of an architrave and cornice which correspond very well with this proportion. From one of these it appears that the walls of the cella were * Left at Xanthus. 268 ON THE IONIC HEROUM thicker than those of the projecting walls of the antae; and they were probably made so, as space was of no consequence in the interior, and as extra thickness to these walls would give greater stability to the entire fabric. Among the objects connected with this monument were found the fragments of four lions, which, in the model, are placed in the end intercolumniations, as though projecting from so many ]3ort-holes.* The situation which I have con- sidered to be best adapted for them is in front of the columns and antae, looking towards and protecting the doorway, as in the Gate of the Lions at Mycenae. They accord with the Egyptian practice of guarding the doors of their temples in a similar manner, a custom which, by various gradations, was so generally adopted by the Byzantines in their churches. | * As Sir C. Fellows endeavours to fix the position of the smaller statues as the angle acroteria of the pediment by their being weather-worn equally all round, so he strives to fix the position of the lions in the end intercolumniations, by asserting that their noses are more weather-worn than the other parts of their bodies. But it so happens that the nose of one of the two lions in the British Museum (No. 139, a,) is better preserved than any other part ; in fact, it is the only part which preserves a portion of its original polish. t In another Lycian monument at Myra, we find a tetrastyle front, consisting of two columns on the outside, and two pilasters within, terminating with lions' heads. AT XANTHUS. 269 I have now explained the various alterations proposed in my restoration, together with the proofs and reasons by which I endeavour to establish them : it remains to offer a few observa- tions on the style of the edifice. We remark, in the first place, that as a heroum it is furnished with two steps, to distinguish it from the temples, which had three. Upon this rises the stylobate, the sides of which batter 3 inches in their height. Another example of this practice is the Tomb of Theron at Agrigentum, but there the diminution is rapid and unpleasing, whereas, in the examples before us the inclination is so gentle, that, like the entasis of the Greek columns, we are charmed with its effect, without being sensible of its existence. A striking peculiarity is displayed in the double line of bas-reliefs, it being the only instance of the kind with which we were acquainted. From analogy with this monument, I endeavoured to show that the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus was so decorated ; and in No. 1 of the Museum of Class. Antiq. we have had an account of a monument recently discovered by Professor Schoenborn, in which two rows of (Texier, iii. pi. 235). The reader will not fail to call to mind the lions of Solomon's throne, and the dogs of the palace of Alcinous. They might have reference to the emblem of the Solymean people, or they might be introduced merely as emblems of power and dignity. In elucidation of this subject, I have been favoured with the following note by Professor Gerhard : — " With respect to the lions which, in your restoration of the Xanthian monument, are at the entrance of the cella, you will not fail to recollect the mother of the gods, accompanied so frequently with the same symbol, as also the identity of that great goddess with the Aphrodite of Mount Ida, and the worship offered to Aphrodite in Lycia, recorded to us by Proclus (Cf. Lloyd, XantJiian Marbles, p. 14). The identity of Aphrodite with the mother of the gods is especially remarkable in a bronze figure published by Lechevalier {Voyage de la Troade, pi. 23), and which I have republished and explained in my memoir on the Metroon and the mother of the gods (pi. ii. No. 3). It represents an Aphrodite, clearly recognisable as such by her costume, and surrovmded by lions, even on her shoulders. I may also remind you of the funereal signification of Aphrodite Epitimbia and Libitina, (Cf. my Venere-Proserpina, Eiesole, 1825 ; and Lloyd, 1. c. p. 37). Thus the representation of the lions in front of the door of a monument probably sepulchral, and probably dedicated to Aphrodite as a Lycian goddess, will be \vithout any serious difficulty." NO. III. U 270 ON THE IONIC HEROUM bas-reliefs run round the walls of the peribolus. The Giganto- machia, or battle of the gods and giants, on the south wall of the Acropolis at Athens, may perhaps be adduced as a further example. Considerable beauty is obtained by the great dis- parity of size in the two bas-reliefs, which is evidently an indication of a pure style of art. This effect is heightened by the variation in the treatment of the two bas-reliefs : the lower represents individual groups, — the upper, collective masses ; the lower gives all the detail of the action, — the upper is confined to the general manoeuvres ; the lower is varied by every graceful movement of the human form, and by the balancing of individual parts, so as to exhibit those principles of com- position which we find in all works of art of the best period, — the upper derives its effect from the continued and united movement of large masses. The lower is characterised by the graceful flowing lines of cavalry, — the upper, by the marshalling of compact bodies of foot ; the lower is principally in basso- relievo, presenting the appearance of a solid slab, — the upper is almost entirely in alto-relievo, ha\dng the effect of a rich fret- work. It is worthy of remark, that in the lower frieze of the stylobate the composition of the several figures is regulated by the joints of the masonry, but not so in the upper frieze. We cannot deduce any certain inference from this fact, for we find these two methods pursued in buildings nearly contem- porary. The latter practice is followed in the Parthenon ; the former, with very few exceptions, in the Theseion. Several circumstances may have led to the adoption of the former method. The sculptor might have desired to avoid the inter- ference of perpendicular lines in his compositions; he might have been fearful of the parts in contiguity to the joints being liable to injury, or each composition might have been kept distinct, to enable the sculptor to finish it in his atelier, before the block was raised to its proper position in the temple. This we know to have been the practice in some of the Greek AT XANTHUS. 271 temples, and there is an anecdote recorded to us of Phidias and Alcamenes particularly relating to this circumstance.* Great skill is shown in the manner of ranging the sculpture with the face of the plain intermediate wall. Had the face of the sculpture been in the same line with that of the wall, the latter would have appeared bossed out, as in what we call rustics, and would have produced a heavy effect as seen from a diagonal point of view. On the other hand, if the ground or back of the sculptures had ranged with this line, the figures would then have appeared without support. To remedy this, a chase or sinking is introduced immediately beneath each course, which in the lower frieze measures 1"2", and in the upper '9". This at the same time affords a projecting ledge for the support of the figured reliefs, and it gives a clear sharp line of shadow, as in the chase similarly executed in the steps of Grecian temples. The cornice of the stylobate is remarkable, in consisting of a double row of egg and tongue moulding,f which, though occa- sionally met with in antas-capitals, is so unique in its present application as to afford presumptive proof of its early origin. The bases of the columns also are of peculiar profile, being con- -,X ;*Z ft iC * TzETZES, Chil. viii. lEst. 193. t An unappropriated fragment of the natural stone of the country exliibits a triple row of this ornament. u 2 272 ON THE IONIC HEROUM siderably higher than in any other known example. This was obviously intended to counteract the foreshortening caused by the obliquity of the visual rays. This evidence of study and design, this acquaintance with and attention to the principles of optical perspective, is another proof of remote antiquity ; the practice of the Romans constantly being to equalize the forms. Again, the largeness of the capital shows no affinity to Roman models, which appear more and more reduced as they become more recent. A peculiarity in the entablature consists in the frieze being increased so as to admit of sculpture, and the architrave being almost entirely suppressed. An inverse example of this prac- tice occurs in the ancient temple at Assos, the sculptures of which are now in the Louvre. They occur on the architrave ; the frieze, with the exception of the guttse, being totally omitted. Among the evidences of design and skill on the part of the Greek architect, the arrangement of the columns is particularly worthy of study. The statues do not merely stand in the inter- columniations, they are necessary to them: by their filling up the void spaces, they appear to give strength and compactness to the arseostyle arrangement : and the balance of parts is such, that it is difficult to say whether the statues were made for the intercolumniations, or the intercolumniations for the statues. My professed object being to treat of the architectural con- struction of the monument, I might be excused from entering into any explanation of its sculpture, or from attempting to define the age or purpose of its erection : but, as Sir Charles Fellows' restoration is mainly based upon his arrangement of the sculptured bas-reliefs, the upper frieze of which he main- tains cannot be placed in any other manner,* it is necessary to * Sir Charles Fellows founds this supposition in part upon the circumstance that he has made use of aU the blocks of the city fi-ieze ; that if one were taken away he AT XANTHUS. 273 examine whether any incongruities can be detected in such arrangement, and whether the blocks will at least as equally apply to the more extended proportions of the present design. Beginning, according to Sir Charles Fellows' numeration, with his north-west end, stones 50 — 54, the only alteration I would propose is the substitution of stone 68 for that of 53, the reason for which I will presently explain. On the north-east side, stones 54 — 60, we see at one end an irascible chief, on stone 55, inveighing against the cowardice or treachery of three Ionian soldiers on stone 54 ; and at the other end we see, on stone 59, eight lonians advancing boldly, in rank and file, against one poor soldier, a countryman carrying an umbrella and a stool, and another with a bag swung over his shoulders. With the south-east end, stones 60 — 64, 1 entirely agree ; but on the remaining side, the south-west, stones 64 — 68, and 50, we have some inexplicable story represented, of armed forces advancing against the city on both sides, one part of whom appear to be Xanthians, though it is impossible to divine their object. In lieu of this arrangement I propose,* in the first compart- ment, the north-east side, to represent the general battle in the plain. The two extreme blocks at either end exhibit armed troops advancing in close array. The end figure in stone 53 is calling on those behind him, and corresponds to the end figure would not be able to complete liis design, and that if one more were given him, he would not be able to make use of it. But if, in the restoration of the monument, we were allowed to make use only of those portions of it which have been discovered, we should have the bottom of the building smaller than the top, it would exhibit but one angle capital, no one complete statue, and many other absurdities. * Much light might have been thrown upon this arrangement, had a careful register been kept of the situation of the several blocks at the period of excavation. Such register was commenced at the second expedition, and the lacunae were sup- plied from recollection. The plan on the model in the British Museum, accom- panying Sir Charles Fellows' design, is the only document on the subject which has come before the public ; but, with every conscientious desire on the part of Sir Charles Fellows to render it perfect, it cannot be regarded as of any great authority. 274 ON THE IONIC HEROUM on stone 55, who in like manner calls on those advancing in his rear. The three central blocks are occupied by engaging com- batants. In the next scene, the south-west side, we have stone 60 on the right, the Lycians flocking in to the defence of the town ; and from the stool, and booty, and what appears to be an umbrella, it would seem that they had had a shadow of suc- cess in the late engagement. In the middle of the picture the waUs appear well manned; but, on the other side, the lonians are advancing with great ardour, against whom the Xanthians attempt a sally. The next event represented is the escalade, which is well described by Sir Charles Fellows. The only alteration I have made is changing stone 53 for 68, on account of the latter being longer, and enabling me to make up the dimensions I require; while stone 53 better agrees with the battle scene. The story ends on the south-east side, where Harpagus is represented sitting in judgment on the defeated Xanthians. By this disposition we have, according to Mr. Hawkins' dimensions, Avho measured every stone on the spot before the backs were sawn off, and consequently before many of the side joints were concealed* — N.E. side. S.W. side. N.W. end. S.E. end. 64 .. 4' 6-75" 54 . . 2' 3-5" 50 . . 2' 3-25" 60 .. 4' 5-5" 55 . . 4' 3" 59 .. 4' 8" + 51 . . 4' 2" 61 . . 4' 3-5" 57 . . 4' 8-5" 65 . . 4' 8" 52 . . 4' 5-5" 62 . . 4' 3-5" 56 . . 4' 3" 66 . . 4' 7-5" 68 .. 4' 8-5" 63 . . 4' 3-5" 58 53 . . 4' 9" 4' 3-5" 67 . . 4' 10" Two stones wanting. 60 . . 2' 0" + 54 . . 4' 6" + 64 .. 2' 2" 50 . . 4' 6-25" 20' 1-25" + 19' 6" 31' 4" 23' 1" + * The dimensious required by calculation are 31' 5-018" by 20' 5-018". It cannot be expected that we should determine the order of these sculptures with any certainty. Had the two adjacent sides of block 54 been on separate stones, we should have confidently asserted that one side represented the body-guard of Harpagus ; and the other, prisoners led away who had received their sentence : whereas, by being on one stone, we are now sure that neither subject can have belonged to the group of Harpagus on the south-east side. AT XANTHUS. 275 Two theories have appeared relative to the age and destina- tion of the structure. The one identifies the statues with the Nereids, and the structure itself as intended to commemorate the revival of population: the other assigns it as a tomb to Harpagus, and associates the statues with the various cities of Ionia that contributed to his victory. Among the objections which have been urged to the latter theory, is the circumstance that no coin is to be found in Avhich the serpent is represented as the symbol of Miletus ; and, indeed, it would appear to be much more attributable to Cos, which is provided, however, mth another emblem, the crab. The dove of Cnidus appears more to resemble some water-fowl, so naturally is the body thrown on one side to give full action to the leg, which is bent, as in the act of swimming. One of the three children of the pediment is evidently a female, a fact at variance with the idea that these figures represented Lydus, Misus, and Cares. On the other hand, the Nereid theory, although supported with great talent and research — although the appearance of the Nereids, the children on the acroteria, and the divinities in the pediment, are all accounted for — still remains unsatisfactory, so far as the structure itself is concerned ; for while the difiicult and doubtful mythological sculptures are attempted to be ex- plained, the more evident and conclusive historical bas-reliefs are totally disregarded. In the attribution of the principal figure in the north- western pediment to Hephaestus, some stress is laid on the sup- posed circumstance, that the block of marble of which this half of the pediment is composed, is the only specimen of fetid stone in the structure. It is true that this block is more strongly impregnated with carbonaceous properties than any of the others, but we find that several of the blocks, particularly 101, 102, 116, and 122, are of carbonaceous limestone, and no latent signification can therefore be attributed to the circumstance of its employment. This stone is, indeed, only applied to the upper portion of the monument, where it was considered 276 ON THE IONIC HEROUM less important. Corroborated though such theory be by those passages which describe the Nereids as rushing in rapid motion — "Winding in circles by the clear wliite beach, the fifty daughters of Nereus chorused her nuptials ;"* and as being carried by, or on, various animals — " The Nereids also went, the rumour heard, borne on various (creatures), and vie in heaping new presents on the nuptials ;"t and though we know that a monument was raised at Xanthus to commemorate the revival of population — " We hymn the Queen of the Lycians, Kour- Aphrodite Whose Ul-averting aid once enjoying. The divinely-prompted leaders of our country Founded in the city a sacred monument, Having the symbols of mystic marriage, of the mystic spousals Of Hephaestus fiery and Uranian Aphrodite," StcJ yet these circumstances, viewed conjointly, do not, I think, sufficiently explain the character impressed upon the monu- ment by its sculptured bas-reliefs. No doubt has been or can be entertained on the subject represented on the upper frieze of the stylobate. It so evidently depicts the taking of the city by Harpagus, that it would be unreasonable to deny the fact: the only objection which can be raised to the presumption is the circumstance, that the con- flagration of the city, recorded by Herodotus, is not here repre- sented. The lower frieze is accessory to the same subject, and therefore the most important of the bas-reliefs are devoted solely to the commemoration of this event. But had the monument * EURIP. IpJiig. in Jul. v. 1054 : quoted by Lloyd, XantJdan Marbles, 8vo. Pickering, 1845. t Claudian, deNiipt. H. ^ 3L 59 -. quoted by Lloyd ; though in this passage they are represented as naked. J Proclus, Ili/m. Aplirod. quoted by Lloyd, ut supra. AT XANTHUS. 277 been erected, as has been supposed, in consequence of the battle of the Eurymedon, we might have expected to find some refer- ence to that event exhibited in the bas-reliefs ; had the monu- ment been raised by the later Xanthians, in gratitude for the revival of their population, we might have expected to find their disaster but casually alluded to ; to behold their warriors contending nobly, though vainly, against overwhelming odds ; to have seen their inconsiderable numbers trodden down by countless hordes of Persians, assisted by their brother Greeks (instead of which, we find the numbers very equally disposed on either side) ; but, above all, we should have expected to behold the last and noblest act of their heroism — the destruc- tion of themselves, their wives and children, in the conflagration of their city. While one of the friezes was devoted to this subject, we might have expected to see in the other a repre- sentation of those causes which had induced the return of prosperity and independence ; but, however directly the mythical accessories may be supposed to refer to this event, it is a strong presumption against their interpretation in this light, that the event is in nowise indicated in any of the more intelligible historic sculptures : for in the other friezes we find on the cella a funeral procession, among the figures of which is the horse of a deceased warrior ; a sacrifice to the gods, a sacrifice in honour of the deceased, and a festive banquet ; and on the outer frieze we have a procession of Persians ofi'ering dresses, a procession of Greeks ofi'ering kids, fruit, &c. On one side of the monu- ment, the Greeks are commemorating their victory with games ;* and with the same object the Persians,! on the other side, are * That the Greeks had games of this description, see EAAHNIKA, von Dr, JoHANN Heinricii Krause, 8vo. Leip. 1841, pp. 612 and 861-863. The subject of this bas-relief has been hitherto interpreted as a battle of horse and foot. t Another argument in favour* of the Nereid Monument has been adduced by the assertion, that — "the absence of Persian costume among the cclcbrators of the funeral feast is another point controverting the idea of the building as a Heroon of the Har- pagi:" but the conspicuous figures of the Persians in the lower frieze, the principal position given to Harpagus in the upper or city frieze ; and the two friezes here 278 ON THE IONIC HEROUM amusing themselves in the chase. The subject even seems carried out in the pediments : for in the south-eastern, one half of which is preserved to us, we have a spirited charge of cavalry against infantry, and in the north-western there seem to be the supreme deities, to whose assistance they were indebted for the victory. The two male figures of the centre acroterial orna- ment are so identical in attitude, and so difficult to form into one group with the female figure, that I have supposed a similar group of one Ionian youth with a captive Lycian damsel to occupy a corresponding position on each pediment. Noav all these actions are perfectly intelligible, if we suppose the monu- ment to have been raised in honour of the victors ; but they are utterly at variance with the consideration of its having been erected by the vanquished. Judging, then, of the monument solely from its intrinsic evidence, I consider that it must have been erected during the period of Persian dominion ; that it served as a tomb, or rather was raised over the tombs of those who fell in the siege ; that it was designed and executed by the lonians, who, with patriotic feeling, represented themselves as fighting equally against the Lycians — Greek against Greek — and studiously avoided the introduction of more Persians than they were obliged to admit by the mil of their masters ; and, with the cunning for which they were so noted, at the same time that they were com- pelled to represent them in the action of victory, (see stones Nos. 39 and 47 in the British Museum,) they have so cleverly managed one figure, that while they could persuade the Persians that their countryman was striding to victory, he was in reality flying ignobly before his foe.* referred to, of the Persian sacrifice and the Persian hunting games, are a sufficient answer to such objection. Another proof of oriental influence on its architecture, were any wanting, is afforded by the Assyrian character of its city frieze. * This figure is on an angle-stone, and consequently there could have been no figures in front of him. The same contempt appears to have been intended, by indicating manly vigour in all the Greeks, as a mark of distinction from the effeminate Persians. The application of bronze for this purpose in the acroterial figures is very remarkable. AT XANTHUS. 279 In attributing the erection of the monument to the period of the Persian sway, from 541 to 333 b. c, we find that the Erechtheura occupies a position about midway, 409 b. c, a date which affords us some clue for the date of erection of the Xanthian monument. Herodotus recited his history at the Olympic games in 445 b. c, about a century after the conquest by the Persians, and he describes the inhabitants as calling themselves Xanthians, although but few of them were really descended from the ancient inhabitants: — a cir- cumstance which clearly proves that a feeling had then sprung up in favour of the original inhabitants. We can hardly sup- pose that, with such a revolution of feeling, the people would be desirous of perpetuating the remembrance of an event, the glory of which would be attributable to the Persians, and 280 ON THE IONIC HEROUM which, in their assumed name, would cast disgrace upon them- selves. It is far more natural to suppose that the monument was erected shortly after the conquest, when the rivalry of races was yet strong, and when the Ionian settlers, to whom Harpagus had granted the territory, felt proud of their late conquest: for it is seldom that we find costly works undertaken, except under the immediate impulse of excitement, and even these are often incomplete, in consequence of political or other changes. In attributing the erection to a period approaching to 500 b. c, were the monument at Athens we might require a more archaic style of treatment, both in the architecture and sculpture; but there is every reason to believe that the arts in Asia were more early cultivated than in Greece ; not that they ever reached so high a standard of excellence as they afterwards attained at Athens, but they more early shook off the tram- mels of the conventional primitive styles, and more rapidly advanced in invention and development of form.* The chief cause of this priority of cultivation was the widely-spread commerce of the Asiatics. These people were well skilled in navigation, extending their traffic to distant nations, while the small craft of European Greece scarcely ven- tured beyond the sight of land. They were daily brought into communication with the Egyptians, Phoenicians, and the older inhabitants of Asia, and by the impulse thus given by com- merce, the various arts and sciences rose, if not to perfection, at least to general cultivation. They had distinguished them- selves in poetry, history, music, and the arts and sciences, long before the Athenians applied themselves to these studies. But, apart from other considerations, the very name of the style of architecture in which this building is constinicted * The distinction of race between the Dorians and the lonians caused a similar difference in the cultivation of the arts in Greece, and it is well known that the Doric colony at ^Egina retained its ancient conventionality in art long after the lonians of the neighbouring city, Athens, had emancipated themselves from its fetters. — See MOller's Dorians. AT XANTHUS. 281 would prove its Asiatic origin ; and we may, therefore, readily believe that such a building as this, exhibiting all the character and details of the architecture of the Erechtheum, though inferior to it in the delicacy of its execution, may have pre- ceded that temple in point of antiquity ; and this reasoning has the greater confirmation, from the circumstance that all the peculiarities or points of departure from models of a more perfect character which are observable in this structure, are evidences of greater rather than of less antiquity. Thus, the bases of the columns are of Asiatic style, a similar combination of mouldings being met with only in the temples of Samos, Branchidse, and Priene, and in the baths at Cnidus. Now the Xanthian base is the highest in proportion to the diameter of the column of any known example, and we find this height continually decreasing as we approach a later period. The temple at Samos is known to be the most ancient of the Greek temples of Asia Minor, and the squareness of its base resembles the Xanthian example more closely than any of the others. The only approach to the Ionic base in Attica was the fluting of one or both of the torus-mouldings, as in the Erech- theum, the temple of Nike Apteros, and the Propylaea of Eleusis. The largeness of the capitals is another proof of antiquity ; and though the style of them is not equal to those of the Erech- theum, the design and character, and even the less perfect execution of them, will be found to partake of the archaic style of more early examples ;* and in the same manner we find that the shafts of the columns, though executed without that extra- ordinary precision of later times, exhibit a perceptible entasis, amounting to one-sixth of an inch.f The inferiority of execution might, notwithstanding what we have just said, be regarded as an indication of a decline in * See Nos. 398 and 410 Brit. Mus. from the Temple of Artemis Eucleia, and the Acropolis at Athens. t As measured with the assistance of Mr. Penrose. 282 ON THE IONIC HEROUM art; but we should consider that the structure, though de- signed by Greek artists, was raised in a distant country, and, possibly, under other disadvantageous circumstances. We are not sufficiently acquainted with the history of polychromy to determine when the custom of decorating their buildings with colour was discontinued ; but we know that the more early edifices were so ornamented. We find traces of this decoration on several parts of the structure ; but red is the only colour so preserved. A circle of red is very evident round the rim of the shield borne by one of the warriors in the western pediment ; a line of colour marks the deep spiral chase in one of the Ionic volutes ; but one of the most perfect portions of the building in this respect is the coffered ceiling. Each square sinking of the lacunaria has a well-preserved red line immediately in the internal angle. Other ornaments, of other colours, are very discernible, but, though the forms are perfectly recognisable, the colours can no longer be determined, and I have accordingly represented them by etched lines in the accompanying plate. The central ornament, in red outline, was probably gilt, on a blue ground. The reel moulding is remarkable in representing the bead as shaded, so as to give it the effect of a sculptured ornament. I am not aware of any other instance of this practice. It should be stated that abundant authority exists for every portion of the ornament represented, though the colour is fast fading from the sight by the action of our atmosphere, and the baneful effect of the sponge of the amateur-antiquary. It is extremely desirable that, whenever marbles are known to exhibit traces of colour, such colour should be preserved in the most careful manner. It is very certain that colour may remain on the surface, but, omng to dust and rain, and accidental stain- ing, such colours may become imperceptible even to the keenest eye, until brought out by some cleansing process. An instance to this effect is afforded in the Halicarnassian Marbles, which have now been exposed for some years in the British Museum, in a ^■^- Tte etctedkaes indicate amament the coIotuts cf-wtocTi "'ot cliscemi'ble. ,_.L AT XANTHUS. 283 position which would enable any one to examine them with the greatest care and attention; but not the slightest trace of colour could be discerned. Recently, however, plaster casts have been made of some of these marbles ; and, in the process of moulding them, colour was reported to have been distinctly traceable. The marble statues of Pompeii, whenever they show any indication of Greek influence, invariably exhibit colour on their first discovery ; but after a few years' exposure to the air, all such colour invariably disappears. It is to be hoped that some able chemist will be able to discover the best mode of bringing out colour upon such marbles as are sus- pected to have been once so decorated, and of protecting it with some preparation, the chemical nature of whicli_ shall not aiFect the pigments, while it shall have the effect of rendering them constantly visible, without imparting a gloss, or false surface, to the marble. Connected with this subject, the following extract of a letter from Sir Charles Fellows, dated 1st August, 1850, will be read with interest : — " Upon all the soffits or panels of ceiling of the Ionic monu- ment, beautiful Greek patterns were traced in red lines. You can still trace them, but you had better refer to the Lycian portfolio in the Museum, for which fac-similes were made when first found. Upon the sculpture, a line of red was traced around the border of each shield; also a kind of horse-hair tail was traced from the helmets, upon the unsculptured back-ground, in the figures of the tympanum. On these figures you also see that metal, or some material, has been used to ornament the breasts, &c., &c., of the figures. From these remains we may doubtless infer much more." This application of metal, as well as that referred to in p. 278, is remarkable, when we consider that those parts, as armour and the reins of horses, which were frequently executed in metal, were here indicated neither in the stone, nor in any other material. 284 ON THE IONIC IIEROUM AT XANTHUS. If we admit this opinion of the period of architecture to be correct, the sculpture must necessarily partake of the same antiquity.* This opinion of their antiquity Mr. Gibson coin- cides in, from a comparison of these sculptures with the Hali- carnassian Marbles ;f and an additional confirmation of it is afforded by a comparison of them with those of the Temple of Magnesia ad Mceandrum. The sculptures of this temple | are of a low style of art, while those of the Xanthian Monument, though inferior to the marbles of the Parthenon in execution and delicacy of design, are almost equal to them in power of in- vention. Now, as the Magnesian Temple is of about the same age as the other great temples of Asia Minor, this opinion of its relative antiquity will oblige us to assign a date to the Xanthian Monument approaching the period we have already named. Whether we regard this monument as illustrative of the development of art, or as elucidating historical events, there is so much that is worthy of study and investigation, that it is to be hoped its discoverer Avill one day present us with such an account of its character and construction, and such accurate drawings of its sculpture and ornaments, as shall do credit at once to the monument and himself. Edward Falkener. * Speaking of this monument, Professor Gerhard says — " These sculptures are the most valuable evidences of a style of art in Asia Minor of the Ionic race, which we can only attribute to the most perfect period of Greek sculpture {ArcJieeol. Zeitung. i. 353) ; and Professor Welcker, in his additions to Muller's Ancient Art and its Remains, speaks of its " masterly friezes " as " belonging to the period of the Phygalian scidptures," and of its statues as " siu-passing even the Maenads of Scopas in boldness and lightness of representation." t See ante, p. 154. \ They were brought over to Paris by the French government at great expense, and have since been allowed to lie neglected in the court of the Louvre. NIC HKR 3H MUSEl THE UPPER PRIESE OP THE IONIC HBROUM AT XANTHUS, NCW IM THE BRITISH SJUBfiUM, ':> ^$. §j_r :rr^^^^'^vi&^ Irt^"d-^ X/.V^ y^t 1^^ f?rr/i^ nr rr ^SSlXiHu' ^\UiMii:y^i 285 XXIII. A GENERAL STATEMENT OF THE EXCAVATIONS OF ANCIENT MONUMENTS IN THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES, FROM 1830 TO 1849: DURING THE OFFICE OF CARLO BONUCCI, DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE EXCAVATIONS. T^HE kingdom of Naples is crowded with monuments of all ages and of all schools. If their descriptions and details were published, they would afford many new pages to the his- tory of the arts and sciences, no less than to that of nations. Deriving its civilization from tne Pelasgians and Magna Grsecia, — our country, the glorious seat of the Lombards, the Normans, the Suabians, and the house of Anjou, has neVvir seen its star of civilization, of knowledge and of art, entirely decline. We have no need, like other nations, to travel into distant countries to study monuments not yet explored, to seek there some new angle, some column, some stone, which should reveal to us the past: we have too many monuments in our own country yet unknown, which reveal to us at every step some glory of our ancestors, now forgotten, or some woe no longer lamented. With these ample materials before us, it is our duty to record faithfuUy the excavations and discoveries that have taken place in different portions of the kingdom. CUMA. This is the most ancient city of Italy, and the centre of our earliest civilization ; deriving from the Pelasgians, Tyrrhenians, and Phoenicians the religion, the arts, and the learning of the East. NO. III. X 286 EXCAVATIONS IN THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES, Our excavations here have brought to light the ancient necropolis of the city. In it, we see revealed to us the arts, the faith, and the glory of this city during its various epochs. The tombs are placed on various levels, and appear one above another. They embrace twenty -five centuries of civi- lization, of power, and misfortune. Among the objects found are vases of an oriental style, ornamented T\^ith figures and animals, resembling in some measure those recently discovered in Persia and Assyria, Egyptian scarabaei, painted vases, necklaces, and other ornaments of gold, all of the best style of art. We have identified the plan of the famous temple of Apollo, constructed, according to Virgil, by Daedalus; and we have excavated the celebrated gallery cut out of the bowels of the mountains, which led from Cuma to the Lake of Avernus, and which Strabo informs us was executed by the architect Cocceius, by order of M. Agrippa. Near the amphitheatre of Cuma we have cleared away the earth and stones from about a temple, and found it to enclose several marble statues, among which there are two which are masterpieces of drapery, and which deserve a place beside the celebrated statue of Aristides from Herculaneum. POZZUOLI. This famous city, the principal of the empire after Rome and Capua, has preserved to us but few vestiges of its ancient greatness. One of the most important of these is the amphi- theatre, a monument which excites universal wonder. Direc- tions were given for its excavation, and we had the good fortune to restore it in great part to light, and to re-expose its sub- structions. These form, as it were, another and subterranean amphitheatre, in which they prepared and preserved everything that was necessary for the shows. There is no other example revealing to us this arrangement, excepting that of Capua, which is, however, inferior to it in many particulars. A hundred Roman tombs have been discovered along the road leading from Pozzuoli to Capua. Among these were FROM 1830 TO 1849. 287 found, besides many other objects, glass vessels of various colours, a circumstance before unknown. The tombs of the poorer classes have been discovered on the ancient road which led to Naples, near the Solfatara. A prodigious number of lamps, adorned with bas-reliefs copied from the most esteemed subjects of classic art, were found during this excava- tion. CAPUA. According to Mazzocchius, this city had a population of 300,000 souls, and it was the ancient metropolis of the Cam- pania. Here have been brought to light some of its secret riches, which had escaped, as if by miracle, from the rapacious search of the Koman colonies under Caesar. Among the tombs near the present railway were collected a great many painted vases of different periods of art. Together mth these was found a small bronze statue, representing a figure with a tiara on its head, the costume of which, and style of art, announced an Asiatic character. This mysterious idol appears as though it had waited so many centuries to reveal to the present inhabit- ants of this country their ancient origin, and their early com- munity of religion, commerce, and customs with the people of the East. In one corner of the subterranean constructions of the Campanian amphitheatre were discovered forty valuable gold coins, among which were some of Pertinax, Didia Clara, and various members of the family of Septimius Severus, but the greater number belong to Hadrian and the Antonines. Among the rarest were some of Marciana, Matidia, and Didius Julianus. Near these were found four other imperial coins, in the finest preservation. ALIFEA. In this city has been discovered a marble theatre, and two silver coins have lately been found, representing Pallas, and a bull with a man's head, with the legend Alifea^ offering fresh materials for the imperfect history of this remote epoch. Other silver coins of Capua, with the legend Sedicini, and of Naples, with the effigy of a half-buU with a human head, and x2 288 EXCAVATIONS IN THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES, the archaic epigraph, Neepolis^ were also brought to light, being either perfectly unique, or known only in the magnificent col- lection of the Museo Santangelo. Some bronze coins were also found of Telesia, Pandosia, and Medma, all unedited; and Judge Riccio has added to our science by the discovery and publica- tion of a Plautia in gold, restored by Trajan. NAPLES. On the decline of Cuma, Naples succeeded it as the seat of pleasure, of elegance, and art, being equally adapted to it by its climate, its Greek customs, its fertility and riches. The Romans flocked to it as to an Italian Athens. Lucullus chose his abode on the coast of Paus3dipo, and lavished all the riches of Asia in executing those stupendous works which entitled him to the appellation of the Roman Xerxes. Here he collected together the masterpieces of genius and of art. A great por- tion of his villa has of late been discovered, equalling a city in its vast extent. A tragic theatre and an odeon have here been excavated and exposed to light ; and a subterranean viaduct or grotto has been re-opened by command of his Majesty, which is higher and longer than that leading from Naples to Pozzuoli. Among the vestiges of the same villa was accidentally dis- covered an exquisite group of a Nereid, perhaps Leucothea, who, seated on a marine monster, hastens to offer arms to Achilles, or the girdle to the ship-svrecked Ulysses. It combines the grace of ineffable delicacy and the boldness of genius, with the impos- ing character of sublimity ; and it rivals the statues of Venus of Melos, the Venus of the Medicean gallery, or that of Syracuse. HEKCULANEUM. It is singular that a city, whose name is scarcely revealed to us by ancient historians, should now be associated with our highest notions of ancient art. The masterpieces revealed to us from this sepult city have afforded us a new appreciation of the treasures of antiquity, and revealed to the present genera- tion the state of science and civilization before the downfal of the Roman empire. By his ]\Iajesty's orders we have caused FROM 1830 TO 1849. 289 a portion of the city to be excavated, consisting of habitations of no inconsiderable grandeur, though yielding in suniptuous- ness to the vast mansions of the ancient capitaL An examina- tion of the strata discloses to us in the most satisfactory manner, the history of the phenomena which buried this interesting city, and shows us with the clearest evidence, the alternations of lava, scoria, and ashes which overwhelmed the mansions of its miserable inhabitants. POiMPEII. In the excavation of the Street of Tombs, in 1814, one single tomb and an adjoining villa escaped the notice of the workmen ; these have since been exposed, and the excavation has revealed to us four columns of an unique character, being encased with a continued mosaic work of figures, friezes and arabesques. In the tomb was discovered a most beautiful glass vessel, of a blue colour, adorned with a white bas-relief, and only equalled by the celebrated Portland Vase of the British Museum. The street which leads from the Temple of Fortune to the Gate of Isis, passing in a direct line from one extremity of the city to the other, has been re-opened within the last few years. The House of Cupid and Psyche, or, as better known, the House of the Camera Nera^ the House of the Figured Capitals, the House of Ariadne, the House of the Chase, and the House of Danae and Perseus, enrich the arts and sciences, and adorn our museum with their frescoes, bronzes, and other works of art. But the house which surpasses all others yet discovered, and which will, f)i*obably, be uneclipsed by any other, is that of the Faun, so called from a small bronze statue of a dancing faun, intoxicated with mirth and jollity, which occupied the centre of the Impluvium. This house also contained a wonder- ful effort of Greek genius, as skilfully copied by Roman art, a work which ought to decide the question, whether the ancients were as superior in painting as they were incomparable in the sister arts. The mosaic painting of the Qicus represents that immortal battle between the Greeks and the Persians, which 290 EXCAVATIONS IN THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES, decided for ever the supremacy of Europe over Asia — of civiliza- tion over barbarism. In this grand mosaic we behold, for the first time, those Persians whose names and history occupy so prominent a part in ancient history. We look at them, asto- nished and enraptured at the gorgeous pomp, at the splendour of attire, and at the richness and luxury of which the East has ever been so proud. May this superb monument, which we have snatched from the ruined city, open to our country a new school of study and of glory ; and may the remains of the awakened Pompeii recal incessantly to our contemporaries, and encircle ^vith the same glory, the names of Pericles and Augustus, of Greece and Italy. From March to June, 1847, the works were directed to the graceful and elegant little house, excavated under the direction of Mr. Falkener. Since that period to the present time, owing to the absorbing nature of political events, no further excava- tions have taken place, either in Pompeii or in any other por- tion of the kingdom. NOCERA. At this place we have discovered several small bronze statues, among which is one of Venus issuing from the bath. They were concealed and embedded in masonry, under the pave- ment of a house. They appear to have been placed there from a veneration of art and the beau-ideal which had inspired them, at a time when the worship of the divinities whom they repre- sented had sunk together with the brilliant fictions of paganism. P^STUM, FORMERLY POSIDONIA. Posidonia, the descendant and ally of Sybaris, seems to have survived to our day in order that we might imagine to our- selves what were once the several cities of Magna Graecia. Repairing there in 1831, I perceived a fourth temple under the weeds and ruins, the capitals of which exhibited the perfec- tion of the primitive Doric. The bas-reliefs of its frieze repre- sented Jason and the Argonauts. In one part might be seen Jason kilhng the serpent, guardian of the golden fleece; in FROM 1830 TO 1849. 291 another, Phryxus and Helle; then Hypsipyle, abandoned near the sea-shore. Castor, Hercules, Orpheus, and some marine deity, protector of the expedition, were also represented. I identified the porticoes of the ancient Agora in the centre of the city, and I found near the river Salso many tombs and several painted vases of great beauty; on the plaster of one of the tombs were painted some figures in a chariot, and a wounded warrior borne from the battle-field on a horse's back by a companion, or, more probably, from the public games. MAGNA GR^CIA. There have been discovered in Magna Graecia, at diff*erent intervals, several treasures of ancient medals, each of which would have been considered an important acquisition, and which seem to have been struck in great quantities on some occasion of emergency. Many rare gold coins of Locris and of Syracuse have been found in terra cotta vases near the ancient Medma, now Rosarno. A year or two previously, there was discovered a similar depository at Gerace of most valuable silver tetradrachms of Pyrrhus, near the spot where there had formerly been dug up many thousand gold coins of Philip and of Alexander, pertaining, perhaps, to the money-chest of Alexander Molossus — uncle to Alexander the Great — who was defeated near Pandosia. These coins were cast instead of being struck — perhaps on account of the hurry occasioned by these times of turbulence and war, or, possibly, from want of an artist. At Cotrone was found a vase containing many medals belong- ing to the finest epoch of art, among which were several that represented the head of Juno Lucina. At the ancient Siris, now Policore, were found in a large bronze vessel two or three thousand silver medals of archaic type, of the value of from two to four drachmi each; the greater part from Metapontum, others from Cotrone, Caulonia, Sibaris, and a few from Tarentum, bearing the type of the hero on a dolphin. Two others have figures which are believed by 292 EXCAVATIONS IN THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES, some to represent Apollo playing on the lyre and dancing at the festival of Zacynthus ; others were of Laos, among which was the rare medal of a bull with a woman's head, protected by a helmet — others of the confederation between Pyxus and Siris ; and, lastly, some from Pandosia. But more remarkable discoveries were effected at Messapia and Peucetia, and their vicinity, — now the territories of Lecce and Bari. Montescaglioso, Pomarico, Pisticci, Ginosa, La Terza, Ostuni, Ceglie, Oria, Rizza, Motta, and Altramura have furnished us with innumerable tombs and fine painted vases of Puglia, with idols, arms and furniture of bronze, and ornaments of gold, silver, and other metals. At Castellaneta, whose territory is covered with the remains of upwards of thirty ancient Greek towns, have been found an extraordinary number of tombs, with vases and rhytons of the most beautiful forms and work- manship. At Putignano and at Ceglie, near Bari, were dis- covered some most exquisite vases, resembling those of Euvo, and with a varnish similar to those of Nola. KUVO. Euvo has afforded us an archaic tomb, decorated with paintings, and containing many vases ■\A4th black figures, the most admirable necklace yet discovered, fibulae and pome- granates, besides some gold vases, or supports for glass vessels, of an azure blue colour. Above this was another tomb, which contained bronze horse-trappings, ornaments -with the head of Medusa, small bronze vases, and utensils of every description. On the outside of some of these tombs were disposed along the front a row of elegant rhytons. Enormous vases, on which are represented the death of Archemorus and the battle of the Amazons; another ^\nth the Judgment of Paris, an immense quantity of gold objects, and, lastly, a vase and several square bas-reliefs, were found in a tomb excavated by private indi- ^dduals, nearly the whole of which were purchased for the Museo Borbonico. Subsequently, from 1836 to 1838, the government have con- FEOM 1830 TO 1849. 293 tinued these researches, and opened two hundred other tombs, all equally rich in objects of art, embracing about three hundred painted vases. The tombs were of good Greek epoch, and chambers arched. The body of the deceased was placed in the middle, the larger vases arranged around, and the smaller vases and other objects hung up on the walls in one or two rows. One of the largest vases is usually found in a corner of the chamber, or at the head or feet of the body ; the others, of various forms and qualities, disposed along the sides. Terra cotta figures are rarely found except in the tombs of children, being those which had served them in their infantile amuse- ments. The tombs of noble individuals usually contain about forty to fifty vases and rhytons, and objects of furniture in great number and variety. CANUSIUM. The necropolis of Canusium, now Canosa, had one of its en- trances decorated with Doric columns of robust proportions, with niches for statues, and with a second order of columns of the Ionic style. The streets of this city of the dead are flanked by the funereal mansions, composed each of several chambers, adorned with columns and frescoes, and containing objects of the highest interest. Among the most remarkable are terra cotta statues, and large heads Avith small figures grouped above, — which last are peculiar to this place, — alabaster vases, and some utensils adorned with ivory bas-reliefs, of wonderful style and execution. The skeletons are frequently found covered with garments embroidered with gold, the walls are decorated with rich hangings, interwoven in some parts with gold wire. Among the furniture of the tomb are plates, vases, lamps, and basins, all of glass, which, from their size and beauty of form, seem to dispute with the magnificent terra cotta vases and paterae found also in the same city. These glass vessels are of so extraordinary a workmanship that we can scarcely imagine how they were executed. To form an idea of them, we should picture to ourselves the celebrated glass-ware of Murano, endued 294 EXCAVATIONS IN THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES. with finer and more varied colours, with the decorations pene- trating the entire thickness of the glass, and enclosing pieces of gold placed in it by an art now unknown, in the manner of a mosaic work of a new description. EGNATIA. Egnatia has furnished us abundantly with painted vases, especially with those delicate, elegant, and varied vases of small size. During the last year, we have had the fortune to obtain here various objects of ornament and furniture in gold, among which was a superb necklace adorned with hyacinths, two bracelets, a crown of laurel, and a garland of flowers, on which reposed insects and butterflies of a delicate and exquisite execu- tion. In the deeper tombs of Egnatia, we find some of those vases called Egyptian, or Tyrrheno -Phoenician, which are coeval with the earliest colonization of Italy, which, commencing with this city and Cuma, formed as it were two points from which it spread over the rest of Italy, dispersing ignorance and barbarism. Near the river Irno we discovered a marble statue of Bac- chus ; a Greek tomb at Sorrento ; and a bas-relief at Capri, re- presenting Tiberius Cassar with a Nymph on horseback, curious from its historical interest, and from the novelty of the subject. Future researches must now be directed to the investigation of the ancient Greek cities in the neighbourhood of Naples, and to those of Puglia. On these wiU be placed the hopes and the future prospects of science. The question whether Italy received its civilization from foreign lands, or whether, on the contrary, it was the means of imparting it to those nations, must be decided in these sites, where the Pelasgians arrived on the one side from Asia, and on the other from Epirus. A few palms of land cover their tombs and those of the earliest inha- bitants of Italy. These oracles of the dead would be found more true than those of Tiresias evoked by Ulysses. We have only to raise these few inches of dust and ask them. They will answer us. Carlo Bonucci. 295 XXIV. ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. III. Instituto di Correspondenza Archeologica di Koma.* Annali (A), and Bdlettim (B), 8vo. Eome, 1829-1850, vols, i.-xxi. Monumenti IneditiQJl), fol. Rome, 1829-1850, vols. i.-v. A Catalogue of the Library in the year 1833 occurs in A. iv. p. x.-xxii. And an Index to vols, i.-v A. v. 369. Acquatraversa (near Rome). Scavi L. C. B. vi. 106 Acqueducts. Intorno varj Monumenti di Romani Acquedotti. Aw. Carlo Fea, B. ii. 137 Sull' editto acquario venafrano. ... Th. Mommsen, B. xxii. 44 Adeloon (ant. Ornithopolis). Monumento di Sesostris a — , tra Tiro e Sidon. Conte GiULio De Bertou, B. x. 157. R. Lepsius, xii. 6. Wil. Abe KEN, xii. 109. ^gim. Notizie Topografiche sull isola d' — Scharnhorst, A. i. 201. Pianta deir isola, A. i. tav. a. Sopra il Tempio di — Barone di Stackelberg, A. ii. 314 Inscription (portant le nora) du Temple de Jupiter Panhellenien a — . A.i. 342 Vases trouvees dans le Temple de Jupiter. Prince de Canino, B. i. 113 Prof. Gerhard, 116. Emil Wolff, 122. jEzani. Description d'— Ch. Texier, B. vi. 238 Agrigentum. See Maggiore. Scavi nell' invemo del 1835-36 . . . Wil. Kramer, B. viii. 97 Nuovi Tempi, ed altre antichita di — . . . Duca di Serradifalco, B. viii. 129 '' Temple de Castor et Pollux . . . B. viii. 50' Concorde 52 _ d'Hercule 51 Pretendue Chapelle de Phalaris. ' . . . . 51 , V. Baltard Alba Fucense. See Promis. Albano. Carta del Territorio di— M. ii. 39 Monumento degli Orazj e Curiazj. Luioi Canina, A. ix. 50. M. ii. 39 Musaico del Ninfeo di— W. Abeken, B. xiii. 47, 58 Scavo d'un Teatro Dr. Emil Braun, B. xxii. 74 * In o-iving a portion of the index of this important work, we feel called upon to qualify in some measure what we said of it in our preface. But though it contains much matter relating to the arts in general, the great object of the Society appears to be, the exploration of the tombs of Etruria and Magna Grsecia ; and, in accord- ance with this principle, we find one of its secretaries exclaiming — " L'archeologia potrebbe chiamarsi la scienza de' sepolcri." — BulleU'mo, xiii. 35. 296 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. Amelia (in Umbria). Scavi del Foro (?) . . . Melchiade Fossati, B. xii. 81 Ammon. Euines de — Comte I. de Bertou, B. ix. 166 AmpJiitheatre. See Capua, PozzuoU, Sutj'i, Sp'aaise, and Venosa. Explicatio Musivi in Villa Burghesiana asservati, quo certamina Ampliitheatri representata extant. Gulielmo Henzenio. 4to. Eom, 1845. Notice of — By C. Cavedoni, B. xviii. 189. Apuleia. Scavi Apuli . . Onofrio Boxghi, B. vi. 36. G. B. de Tomasi, 53 Arch. Antiquity of — . See Sparta. Triumphal Ai'ches. See Fano, Rimini, Rome, Rossini. ArcMologische Zeitung. Yon E. Gerhard. Notice of — By H. Brimn, B. xvii. 199 Arezzo. Sopra alcuni ruderi di Mura ed Archi d'antica fattura a Castel Secco, o Monte S. Cornelio, presso — .... Francesco Inghirami, B. ix. 96. Argos. Sulla scoperta deU' Hereum di — Col. Wil. Mure, A. x. 308. Pianta deU' Hereum, tav. h. Aricia. Antichi Tempj di — Wilhelm Abeken, A. xii. 23, tav. d. Sostruzione della Via Appia . . . . L. Canina, A. ix. 50 ; M. ii. 39 Aries. Etudes archeologiques, historiques et statistiques sur — Jean Julien Estrangin. Svo. Aix, 1838. . . Notice of— By W. Abeken, B. xi. 140 Scavi del Teatro di — . Barone Langier de Chartrol'se, B. vii. 134 Scavi di — Aw. J. J. Estrangin, B. viii. 12 Artists. Greek — See Raoul-RocJiette. Kritias, Nesiotes, Kresilas, et autres Artistes Grecs. Prof. L. Eoss. Athens, 1839. Notice of — By W. Abeken, B. xi. 136. Asia Minor. See Mzani, Aspendus, Assos, Halicarnassus, Lycia, Lydia, Miletus, Niobe, Pessinuntum, Synnada, Tavium, Texier, Thyatira, Troy, Xantlms. Arrena. Statua in un torrine nel Golfo di — neUa Carramania. A. G. GiULiANiCH, B. xiii. 127 Aspendus. Teatro di — Charles Texier, B. vii. 64 Assisi. Scavi del Tempio di Minerva. Conte Severing Servanzi-Cgllio, B. xi. 145 ; xiv. 5. Assos. Bas-reliefs d' — I. de "\Yitte, A. xiii. 317 Athens. See Curtius ; Sepulchral. Fouilles d' — . . K. S. Pittakys, B. v. 89. Alfred Eeumont, 137 ■ Attiques A. Eizo-Eangabk, A. xxi. 161 Scavi. . . . Cav. Prokesch, B. X. 75. E. Curtius, xi. 75 Parthenon. See Brondsted. Scavi E. Curtius, B. xii. 65 Eapport sur ce que reste encore du — . P. G. Porchhamjier, B. V. 139 Description of the Collection of Ancient Marbles in tlie British Museum Notice of — By Jas. Millingen, A. iv. 197 On the Statue of MineiTa. Corrections on Plin. H. N. xxxv. 4. Theodore Panofka, A. ii. 108 De Zophoro Parthenonis . C. 0. Muller, A. i. 221, ii. 326 Su' clipei dell' Architrave della Facciata principale del — . Prof, Pappadapoulos, B. xxi. 146 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERAEIA. 297 Athens. Parthenon. Frammenti cli Maschera della Testa di Minerva creduta appartenere al Frontone Occidentale del— Dr. Emil Braun, B. xxi. 170 Inscrizione coutinente un Catalogo de' Tesori del — B. vii. 61 PropylfEa. See Folychromy. Scavi E. CuRTius, B. xii. 68 Scoperta del lugresso ai Propilei . . E. Curtius, B. xii. 135 Tempio di Nike-Apteros. Scavi WiL. Kramer, B. vii. 113 L'addunanza de' Numi che accolgono Ballade. E. Gerhard, A. xiii. 61 Bassirilievi ^^j,, g, Le Temple de — , restaure pa"r E. Kousmin, et decrit par Vincent Ballanti, fol. Rom. 1837. Notice of—ByL. Canina, B. ix. 218 ErecMheum. Scala del — Dr. L. Ussing, B. xviii. 178 Titulus ad sedem Minervse Poliadis pertinens. Ludolphus Stephani, a. XV. 386 Polychromia del— B. xiii. 171 Theseum. Spiegazione de' Monumenti sul Pronaos del — . H. N. Ulrichs, A. xiii. 74 Walls of. Inscrizione riguardendo il rinnovamento delle Mure di Atene, del Pireo, e delle Mm-e Lunghe . . J. Franz, B. vii. 49 a7id Port. 01 \ijiivtQ koX ra /laKpa rtiy^rf rCjv 'AStjvwv, vtto ENP. OYAEPIXON, a. *. 8vo. Athens, 1843. Notice of— By Br. W.Henzen, B. xvi. 76. Theatre of Heroics Atticus. Fouilles dans le — . A. Rizo-Rangabe, A. xxi. 161 Plans du Theatre tav.fg. TliermcB. Scavi dietro il Palazzo. Terme pubbliche con musaici. Dr. L. Ussing, B. xviii. 178 Lycee (?). Fouilles du — .... A. Rizo-Eangabe, xxii. 116, ]31 Fouilles d'une ancienne Eghse sur I'llissus. A. Rizo-Rangabe, B. xxii. 164 Sur quelques Colonnes Votives . Theodore Panofka, B. xviii. 109 Rendiconto de' Tessorieri di Atene B. vii. 60 Aurunca. Avanzi del antico — WiL. Abeken, A. xi. 199 Austria. Alterthiimer in der Oesterreichischen Monarchic , Notice of, B. v. 36 Autun. Mosaique d' — M. T. P. B. vi. 171 Avellino (F. M.). Opuscoli diversi di — . 8vo. Nap. 1833 . Notice of, B. vi. 58 Baalhec. Notizie intorno il Tempio del Sole in — . Giuseppe Russegger, B. ix. 94 Balearic Islands. See Majorca. Basilicata. Saggio sugli antichi avanzi deUa — . Andrea Lombard i, B. ii. 17 Bassae. See Staclcelberg. Belgium. See Ettelbreck, Tongres. Bologna. Capitello quadrato d'un Tempio presso — Girolamo Bianconi, B. iv. 108 Bolscmna. Scoperta d'una antica Camera dipinta . Stefano Camilli, B. x. 6 Bomarzo. Sepolcri . . . E. G. B. iii. 85 ; S. Camilli, A. iv. 284, M. i. 42 Bonucci {Carlo). Grande Mosaique de Pompei, 8vo. Nap. 1S33. Notice of, B. vi, 59 Bosco-tre-cose (near Pompeii). Scavi. . . . Conte di Lebzeltern, B. iv. 12 298 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. JSoville (near Rome). Avanzi di vasto Edificio, (Basilica?) Vincenzo Colonna, B. X. 112 Brondsted. Voyages et Eecherclies dans la Grece Notice of — By Ch. Lenormant, A. ii. 285, 363 Brescia. Vestigia Ilomane . . Lisandro Kaftangioglu, A. xi. 181, tav. c. Ccere. Osservazioni intorno alle Tomhe Etrusche di — A. vii. 177 Carta topografica M. ii, 191 Piante e spaccati di diverse Tombe . . . M. vi. 19j Scavi. L. Ulrichs, B. xi. 65. W. Kramer, 97. Otto Jahn, xi. 17. Geo. Dennis, xix. 54. L. Canina xix. 97 Descrizione di — antica, ed in particolare del Sepolcro scoperto nel 1836. L. Canina. 4to. Rom. 1838 . Notice of— By E. Bram, B. x. 169 Sepolcro d'un stilo egizio M. T. P. B. vii. 125 Scoperta d'un ricco Sepolcro Etrusco . . . Dr. E. Braun, B. viii. 56 Breve notizie sui Sepolcri recentemente scoperti L. Canina, B. xvii. 224 Musaico B. XV. 74 Vestigie di un Teatro L. Canina, B. xviii. 129 Canino. Scavi Edward Gerhard, B. i. 49 Canosa. Scavi Carlo Bonucci, B. vi. 165 Sepolcro a — Lombardi, A. iv. 285. M. i. 43 Capua. Anfiteatro Campana Principe di Sangiorgio, B. ii. 182 Carminello (ant. Teglanum?). Near Pompeii — Antiche Abitazioni e dipinture. W. Zahn, B. ix. 46 Carthage. Scoperte presso Sir Thomas Reid, B. ix. 47 Scavi d'una bella casa sul gusto di Pompei B. x. 76 Musaico della Mascliera colossale d'un Tritone . . . . B. xxi. 153 Caryatides.' De caussa nominis Caryatidum . . Prof. L. Preller, A. xv. 396 Carystos, a monte Ocha. See Ocha. Antico Santuario, P. Welcker, B. xiv. 169 Castel d'Asso. Sepolcri P. Orioli, A. v. 18. M. i. 60 . Vallee de — . . . M. i. 60 ; Details Acbitectoniques, M. i. 43. Catania. Scavi G. Can. Alessi, B. v. 1 Pitture antiche di una Camera in — Maler, A. ix. 60 Cefalu. Avanzi di— .... Rev. Dr. G. P. Nott, A. iii. 270. M. i. 28, 29 Cetona. Scavo d'una grandissa Pabbrica F. Sozzi, B. xv. 153 Chiusi. Scavi. B. i. 70. Cav. Antonio MAZZETTi,ii. 62 ; vi. 230. Ed. Gerhard, iv. 195. Capt. Pedbrico Sozzi, iii. 99; iv. 52; ix. 197. P. G. Porch- hammer, iv. 37. BuNSEN, viii. 29. ■ Sur les Pouilles de — Bun sen, viii. 33 Sepolcro della Mensa Vescovile Capt. F. Sozzi, B. xii. 2 Ipogeo di Poggio Gajella Wil. Abeken, A. xiii. 30 Prof. Anselm Feurbach, B. xiii. 6; xiv. 102 Le Pitture antiche di — (See Fresco). Rapporto del Consigliere Kestner intorno le Pitture scoperte nel 1827 A. i. 116 Anticlie Pitture nei Sepolcri di — . Francesco Inghirami, A. vii. 19 Tomba dipinta scoperta da A. Fran9ois nel 1846. E. Braun, A. xxii. 251 Avanzi di Pitture in una tomba all' ouest di — . E. Braun, A. xxii. 280 Rapporto su' Monumenti Chiusini E. Braun, B. xii. 145 Circus. (See Gymnastic). Intorno alia tensa de' Ludi Circensi. C. Caved oni, B. xi. 12; E. Beaun, A. xi. 238, tav. n. o. ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. 299 Cividale, nel Friule. (Foro Giulio). Scavi. Canonico Conte Michelb della. Torre Valsapina, A. vii. 213. Civiia Fecchia. Scavi di Terme a S. Marinelli, 7m. da — Duchessadi Sermonella, B. X. i. ; xii. 113; W. Abeken, xi. 85 ; Geo. Dennis, xix. 53 Tombe a Monteroni, presso — . . . WiL. Abeken, B. xi. 81. Colonnes Fotives, surmontees d'animaux Votifs. Prof. Ludwig Ross, A. xiii. 25 ; Th. Panofka, B. xix. 109 Corfu. Musaico di Corcii-a W. Henzen, B. xxi. 87 Corneto. See Tarquinii. Coron. Della citta messenica di Corone, e di Scultura ivi trovate. E. Curtius, B. xiii. 43 Cortona. Grotta di Pittagora. W. Abeken, A. xiii. 30; Can. Pasquini, B. vi. 197 Scavi del Sig. Francois B. xv. 49 Crimea. See Kertsch. Cross. De la Croix ansee Egyptienne, itnitee par les Chretiens. Letronne, A. XV. 115 L'origine et la signification de la Croix ansee. Felix Lajard, A. xvii. 13 Cuma. Scoperta di tre Statue in un antico Tempietto a — Carlo Bonucci, B. xi. 17 Scavo d'uu Tempietto e d'un bel SepolcroRomani. H. W. Schulz, B. xiv. 6 Curtius. Die Akropolis von Athen. 8vo. Berlin, 1844. . Notice of, B. xvii. 5 Cyclopean Remains .... Lettres de M. Petit Radel, A. i. 345 ; vi. 350 Walls Gerhard, Gell, Dodwell, A. iii. 408 Atina, Bovianum, Luce, Via Salaria, Saturnia, and Norba, A. in.tav.e. Eusellae, Cora, Isernia, Via Valeria k.m.tav.f TeiTacina A. iii. tav. g. h. Cypress. Du Cypres pyramidale, consideree comme symbole ou attribut des Dieux en Orient et en Occident. Felix Lajard, A. xix. 36, tav. b. c. d. e. M. iv- 38 Culto del Cipresso C. Cavedoni, B. xx. 169 Belos. Fouilles de I'lsle de— B. ii. 9 Reliquie dell' Altare corneo di Apolline in — . . Prof. Osann, B. ix. 44 Delphi. Tombeaux de — T. L. Donaldson, A. vii. 186, ^o-w./. Monumens de — I. DE Witte, A. xiii. 5 Plan de I'lsle • Ulrichs, A. xiii. tav. a. Dilettanti Sac. Les Antiquitcs Inedits de I'Attique, traduit par M. Hittorff. Notice of — By Cli. Lenormant, A. iv. 245 Dooricays. Bicherche sugli architectonici ritagli della porta del Tempio d'Iside a Porapei F. M. Avellino, B. X. 59 Eholi (ant. Eburi, Mag. Grace.) Scavi. Girolamo Matta, ed A. Romano, A. iv. 295 Antico Castello e Mura Ciclopee . Matta e Romano, B. viii. 102, 166 Ponte antico Matta e Romano, B. vi. 166 Egypt. See Luxor, Itossellini, Thebes. Researches. . . . BuNSEN, B. i. 97. Sir William Gell, i. 100 Sur I'etat actuel de nos Connaissances d' — A. vi. 87 Sopra i popoli strainieri introdotti nelle representazioni storiche dei monu- menti egiziana Col. WiL. Mure, A. viii. 333 Sur rOrdre des Colonnes Pilicrs en Egypte. R. Lepsius A. ix. 65, tav.f. M. ii. 45 300 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. Egypt. Brevi cenni sull' Archit. Egiziana, ed in particolare sui varj generi delle colonne. D. Jefiraoif, fol. Rom. 1838. Notice of — By L. C. B. x. 95 Pyramids. Eicherche sull' epoca, e sugli Autori delle Piramidi di Djizeh. BuNSEN, B. xi. 34 Decouverte de trois nouvelles chambres dans la grande Pyramide .... Capt. Howard Vyse, B. ix. 121 Obelisks. Interpretatio Obeliscorum Urbis (Romse), per Aloysmm M. Unga- rellium, fol. E. 1842 . Notice of— By A. M. Migliarini, A. xiv. 161 Eleeus (Villa de I'Argolide). Topographie d' — . . . Prof. L. Eoss, A. viii. 5 Equicoli. Ultime scoperte del Sig. Dodwell. . . . Sir W. Gell, B. iii. 43 Etruria, ^c. See Alba, Basilicata,Bolse?ina,Bomarzo, Ceere, Canino, Castel d'Asso, Ce- tona, C/iiusi, Cividale, Conieto, Cortona, Fiesole, Limi, Equicoli, {Lydia,) Nola, Norba, Norchia, Orvieto, Perugia, Ponte della Badia, Populonia, Ruvo, Sabina, Sentino, Signia, Sovana, Tarqulnii, Toscanella, Vespasia, Vetulonia, Volterra, Vulcia. Eestes des plus anciennes ViHes de I'ltaUe Centrale. Bunsen, A. vi. 35 Scavi E. Gerhard, B. i. 1 Scoperte George Dennis, B. xvi. 91 ; xviii. 51, 92, 99 Ettelbruck (Belgium). Edificio antico M.T.P., B. vi. 17 Falerone (Y&\em) B. i. 57, 71 Theatre. Notizie sullo scoprimento di un bel teatro in — Aw. De Minicis, B. viii. 131 ; A. xi. 5 ; Pianta e spaccato del Teatro, M. iii. 1 ; Scultura del Teatro, M. iii. 2. Tano. Eicberche ed Osservazioni suUa Porta di — . W. B. Clarke, A. xiii. 116 Fascinus. See MaVoccMo B. xiii. 125 Ferento. SuU' antica Citta di — L. Canina, A. ix. 62 Teatro di — Pianta del — . . Lis andro Kaftan gioglu, A. xi. /«»./. Fermo. (See Falerone). Piscina Epuratoria in — Achille Gennarelli, B. xi. 86 ; Aw. Gaetano de Minicis, A. xviii. 46 ; C. Cavedoni, B. xix. 75; Pianta, M. iv. 25 ; Spaccato, M. iv. 26 Fiesole. SulEonte Etrusca nuovamente scoperta in — Erancesco Inghirami, A. vii. 8 ; Leopoldo Pasqui, x. tav. b. Florence. Catalogo di una parte dei Disegni Arcbitectonici cbe si trovano inediti nella Galleria degli Uffizi a Eirenze. . Lisandro Kaftangioglu, A. xi. 192 France. See Aries, Autun, Lillebonne, Lisles, Margeaux, Morveau, Nerac, Nismes, Orbe, Orleans, Soissons, Toulouse. Fresco. See Bolsenna, Catania, Etruria, Po^npeii. Painting. Cenni sull' affinita e la differenza tra la Pittura parietaria e la Ceramografia E. Braun, B. x\dii. 179 Pitture parietarie de Clusium .... E. Braun, B. xiii. 1 Fucinus, Lacus. Claudian Emissary. Le Lac Fucine et I'Emissaire de Claude. Bunsen, a. vi. 24, tav. a. b. Scoperte Massari, B. ii. 87 ; Aw. Carlo Fea, 86, 113 Progetto della restaurazione dell' Emissario di Claudio del Commend. Carlo Alfon. de Rivera. 8vo. Nap. 1836 . Notice of—ByL. C. B. x. 94 Gabii. Anticbi tempj di — Willhelm Abeken, A. xii. 23, tav. d. Gerasa. Euines de — Comte J. DE Bertou, B. ix. 164. Germany. See Gundershoffen and Heidenberg, Salzburg, Suabia, Trieste. GiawM?<^r(?, JsZe (ant. Dianium). Avanzi d'un Palazzo B. vi. 192 Giugliano. Scavi B. i. 86 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. 301 Glass. Ueber die anfertigung und die Matzanwendung der farbigen Glasser bei den Alten, von E. C. di MinutoU, fol. Berlin, 1836. Notice of— By E. B. B. x. 29 Gortyna. (Crete.) Bas-relief de — . , Ph. Le Bas, A. xvii, 234; M. iv. 22 Gozzo. See Malta. Greece. See Mgina, Argos, Athens, Bassce, Brondsted, Coron, Delphi, Dilettanti, Maus, Locri, Morea, Olympia, Pallantioyi, Peanie, Phigalia, Sellacia, Sicyon, Sparta, Stackelberg, Simium, Xerocampo. Viaggio nella Grecia .... Lettera del William Muke, A. x. 127 ■ Remarks on the Topography of Oropia and Diacria, with a Map. G. Finlay, 8vo. Ath. 1838 Notice of, B. xi. 93 Viaggio da Tebe a Chalkis ed Anthedon . H. N. Ulrichs, A. xviii. 5 Greek Architecture. Construction. Wooden dowels. — See Simium. ■ Brevi cenni suUa dissertazione esegetica degli Accademici Erco- lanensi suU' origine e sistema deUa Sacra Architectura presso i Greci. fol. Nap. 1831 Notice of— By L. Canina, B.iv. 118 Sur les Monumens figures existant actueUement en Grece. Edward Gerhard, A. ix. 103; Statues, 106; Bas-reliefs, 112; Terres- cuites, 132; Vases peints, 134 ; Bronzes et Scarabees, 141 Gundershoffen. Fouilles de — L. Schnoeringer, B. vi. 40. Gymnastic Games. Osservazioni intomo ai Giuochi Ginnici rappresentati sue Amfore Panatenaiche. W. Ambrosch, A. v. 64 ; Corsa a piede, 66 ; Corsa de' cocchi, 71; Corsa a cavaUo, 75; Delia lotta, 76; Del Pancrazio, 83; Del Pentatlo, 84. Halicarnassus Mausoleum. Bassirilievi nel Palazzo del Marchese di Negro di Genova ... Dr. Emil Braun, A. xxi. 74; xxii. 385 ; M. v. 1, 2, 3 Bassirilievi inLondra. Dr. Emil Braun, B. xxi. 142 ; A. xxii. 285; M. v. 18, 21 Torso di Donna proveniente da — . . . B. xxi 150 Sur le Jupiter Pluteus d' — . . Theodore Panofka, B. iv. 171 Harbours. See Pyrgi, Terracina. Intomo al meglior sistema di Costruzione de' Porti : GiuHano de Fazio, 4to. Nap. 1828 Notice of— By L. Canina. B. v. 28 .fl(?i(^^«6^y (near Wiesbaden). Scavo d'un Castello Eomano . . . B. xii. 165 Herculaneum. Scavi . Carlo BoNUCci, B. i. 65. 96; iii. 22,27, 42; vi. 148 Albergo -^whWco B. vii. 129 Papiri Ercolanensi B. ii. Ill Hungary. Antichita Eomane — Zipser Di Neusohl, B. vii. 136 Hypcethros. See Temple B. xiii. 169 Irpini. Sulla Topografia degU — . . . Th. Mommsen, B. xix. 161 ; xx. 4 /»uio^«^eZ/«, (6 m. della Porta Flaminia a Roma). Scavi. . . L. C. B. vi. 104 Ipsamhul. Inscrizione d' — Sir William Gell, B. v. 131 Italica (Spain). Scavi Lns de Usoz y Rio, B. xi. 4 Italy. See Amelia, Apuleia, Arezzo, Assisi, Aurunca, Bologna, Brescia, Capua, Civita Vecchia, Cuma, Etruria, Fano, Ferento, Fermo, Florence, Fucinus, Meta- pmdum, Milan, Modena, Naples, Ostia, Pcestum, Parma, Piacenza, Pisa, Pyrgi, Bx>me, Terracina, Todi, Felhia, Fenosa, Ferona, Vicenza, Filer bo, Folaterruna. NO. III. Y 302 ARCEUEOGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. Kertsch (Crimea). Tre antichi Sepolcri . . . ' B. i. 57 Scavi del Chersoneso Taurico Kareischa, B. vi. 234 Fouilles de— . Alexandre Tocheutkow, A. xii. 5 Eagguaglio sue Anticaglie trovate in — . . . . Cav. Gille, B. xvi. 82 Lampadario di Cortona . . . Willhelm Abeken, A. xiv. 53 ; M. iii. 41, 42 Laocoon. Sull' antichitadel Gmppo del Laocoonte. P. G. Welcker, B. xxi. 12. 25, 43 Lares . B. viii. 19 LUlebone (Juliabona). Notice sur le Theatre antique de — Ch. Lenormant, A. ii. 51, tav. c. Lisles. Scavo di uu Edifizio importante M. T. P. B. vi. 1?1 Locri. Ruines de — Due de Luynes, A. ii. 1. Plan de — P. Debacq, M. i. 15 Luni. See Promis. Luxor. Sopra I'Obelisco di Luqsor a Parigi. C. Bunsen, A. v. 299 ; Acerbi, 301 ; Ippolhto Eosellini, 303 Luynes (Due de — et P. J. Debacq.) Metaponte. Notice of— By Ch. Lenormant, A. V. 292 Lycia. Remarks on some Inscriptions found in — . Dr. G. F. Grotefeud, Lond. 1832 Notice of, P. B. viii. 44 Lydia. Analogia de' Monumento Lidj, con quei d'Etruria B. xv. 74 Majorca e Minorca. Monumenti di — I. Talajots. Col. Alb. della Marmora, B. vi. 68 Maggiore (Niccolo). Opuscoli Areheologici, 8vo. Pal.l 834. Notice of—ByL.C. B. viii. 62 MaVocchio B. viii. 19 Malta. Monumens de I'lsle de — J. De Witte, B. xiv. 42 Scoperta di Caverne, 6 m. deUa Valetta B. xii. 87 Delia Torre de' Giganti suU' Isola di Gozzo presso. Archdeacon Proude, B. V. 85. Marcellina (near Rome). Avvanzidiun' antica Villa . . L. Canina, B. x. 50 ifar^eaMa; (pres de Puy). Resti d'un antico Tempio Romano . . . . B. ix. 47 Marino (near Rome). Scoperta di un Musaico B. x. 12 Marviedro (ant. Saguntum). Mediterranean. See Balearic, Corfu, Crete {Gortyna), Delos, Majorca, Malta, Milos, Sardinia, Thera. Metapontum. See Luynes. Micali. Storia degli antichi Popoli Italiani. 8vo. Plor. 1832. Notice of, B. vi. 180 Milan. Vestigia Romane H. W. Schulz, A. xi. 181 Colonne di S. Lorenzo in — B, ii. 1 40. Miletus. Le Geant de Milet J. De Witte, A. vi. 343 Milos. Inscriptions de I'Odeum de — Ch. Lenormant, Th. Panofka, A. i. 343 Military Ways. Strade Militari P. N. DE Wolfarth, A. xiii. 40. ■ Insignia. Di un Monumento Romano, con falere ed altre distinzioni militare C. Cavedoni, A. xviii. 119, tav. d. Modern,. Solignano presso — Scavi. Musaici. . . Cel. Cavedoni, B. iv. 163 Monteroni. See Civita Fecchia. archtEOGraphia litteraria. 303 Morea. Expedition Scientifique de — . Architecture. Notice of — By Ch. Lenormant, A. iv. 178 Morvau (Depart, de la Nievre). Fouilles d'une ancienne Villa. J. De Witte, B. xiv. 113 Mosaic. See Albano, Autun, Bonucci, Carthage, Ccere, Corfu, Marino, Orbe, Pia- cenza, Pontemire, Populo7da, Rome, Salzburg, Sentino, Terracina, Tivoli, Toulouse. Musaico. Marefaschi Dr. Emil Braun, A. xx. 198 Con ritratti di cette sapienti della Grecia, trovato in Prussia. Lersch, B. xix. 89 Nahr-el-Kelb. Monumento di Sesostris, presso Beiroot. Bunsen, B. vi. 30, vii. 20; F. Layard, vi. 151, vii. 23, ix. 135; Sir WiL. Gell, vi. 155; Capt. Collier, vii. 25 ; K. Lepsius, ix. 134, A. x. 12, M. ii. 51 ; Henri Guys, B. ix. 138: Rev. Padi-e M. Eyllo, ix. 145, x. 154; Comte J. de Bertou, ix. 147. Naples. See Canosa, Eboli, Pamilypo, Pompeii. Casa antica di due Piane disotterata. C. Bonucci, B. i. 69 ; F. M. Avel- lino, B. ii. 161 Museum. Guide pour la Gallerie des Peintures Anciennes, par le Chanoine De Jorio. 8vo. Nap. 1830 . Notice of— By E. G. B. iii. 203 Nerac (France). Fouilles de — L. Vitet, A. v. 327 Nettuno (near Rome). AnticM Ruderi presso — Carlo Fea, B. iii. 145 ; L. C. vi. 106 Niobe. La strage dei Niobidi E. Braun, B. xx. 68, 87 Figura di— , sul monte Sipilo. B. xv. 64, 65 ; Padre Secchi, B. xv. 65 Groupe de la FamiUe de — trouvee a Soissons. Ch. Lenormant, B. iv. 145 ; J. DE Breuvery, v. 105 Nismes. Fouilles faites au-devant du Temple de Diane. Auguste Pelet, A. vii. 195. Plan des Fouilles, tav. g. Nola. Fouilles de — Theodore Panofka, B. i. 18 Norba. Porte e Pianta di — Ed. Gerhard, A. i. 60 ; M. i. 1, 2 Norchia. Notizie preliminari, F. Orioli, A. v. 18; Nekropolis, 27; Sui dui principali Fasciate, o Frontoni, 52. Tombeaux de — Albert Lenoir, A. iv. 289 ; M. i. 48 Osservazioni sui Monumenti di — . Dr. Ulrichs, B. xi. 43 ; E. G. iii. 83, 89 Obelisks. See Rome, Luxor. Sugli Obelisclii di Roma L. M. Ungarelli, B. vi. 159 Ocha. See Carystos. Tempio di Giunone sul Monte — , vicino a Carystos. Prof. H. N. Ulrichs, A. xiv. 5 ; M. iii. 37 Olevano (Dintomi di Roma). Antiche Mure e Monumenti. WiL. Abeken, B. xiii. 49 Olympia. Sculptures d' — . Ch. Lenormant, B. iv. 17; A. Blouet, A. iv. 212 Bassirilievi di — Ch. Bunsen, B. iv. 28 La Nascita di Venere sulla base del Giove Fidiaco. H. Brunn, B. xxi. 74 304 ARCH^OGRAPHIA LITTERARIA. Oplonte (near Pompeii). Case Antiche Caklo Bonucci, B. vi. 145 Ornarimits. Sepulchral — . Osservazioni sopra alcuni Ornamenti rappresentati di preferenza dagli antichi sui Monumenti Funebri, e particolarmente nell' ador- uare il bel Sarcofago di Bomarzo. A. M. Migliarini, A. xv. 367, tav. m. n. o. ; B. xvii. 203; C, Cavedoni, B. xvii. 32; E. Gerhard, B. xvii. 204. Orbe (Canton de Vaud). Musaici Baron de Bonstetten, B. xix. 52 OrUam. Fouilles de — C. F. Vergnaud Eomagnesi, B. vi. 167 Orvieto. Antichita di — C. Bunsen, B. v. 93 Sepolcri LoDOVico Gualterio, B. iii. 33 ; iv. 216 Ostia. Scavi Pietro Campana, B. vi. 120 Pcestmi. Scavo d'una lunga colonnata C. Bonucci, B. i. 68 ; vi. 50 Scavi del Foro C. Bonucci, B. vi. 50 Intorno un quarto Tempio di — . . Cav. Pietro Bianchi, B. ii. 226 Teniplo Romano di — Emil Wolff, B. ii 135 Palermo. Sepolcri di recente scoperti in — Duca di Serradifalco, B. vi. 209 Palladio. Drawings by — in the Basilica at Verona . . . L. K., A. xi. 185 Pallantion — et le Temple d' Athena Soteira L. Eoss, A. viii. 10 Pandosia. Eecherches sur la ville de — . Due de Luynes, A. v. 5 ; M. i. 49 Parasites B. xiv. 11 Parnm. Euine di Antico Edifizio Michele Lopez, B. xiv. 148 Scavo del Teatro Antico B. xvi. 168 Lettere intorno alle rovine di un Antico Teatro scoperto in — , M. Lopez, Svo. Paris, 1844 Notice of— By E. B. B. xvii. 54 Pausilypo. Villa di Lucullo. Scavo pel Cav. Gugl. Becchi. Emil Wolff, B. X. 132 ; H. W. ScHULZE, xiii. 159 Grotta di — , disotterata .... H. W. Schulze, B. xiii. 147 Pearn^ (dans I'Attique). Sur le Demos de — L. Eoss, A. ix. 5 Pericles. Busto di — , dellaViHaAlbani E. Braun, B. xxi. 97 Perugia. Antica Fabbrica detta Tempio di S. Manno . F. Speroni, B. vi. 191 Sepolcro dei Volunni, scoperto nel Feb. del 1840. Gio. Bat. Vermiglioli, 4to, Perug. 1840 Notice of— By A. Gemrelli,'B. xiii. 12 Sepolcro dei Volunni. Servanzi-Collio e Prof. Feurbach, B. xii. 116 Sepolcri Servanzi-Collio, B. xv. 17 Pessinuntum. Decouverte de — , par M. Ch. Texier B. vi. 240 Phigalia. Intorno un Colosso di Apolline, trasportato di Figalia in Megalopoli, B. xviii. 109 Piacenza. Musaici di Pontenure presso — M. Lopez, B. v. 158 Pisa. Bassorilievo Greco in Campo Santo . . Ippolito Eosellini, A. vi. 236 Sulla Necropoli di — , antica A. Francois, B. xxi. 22 Pittura Antica. Alfeo che raggiunge Aretusa. Pittura trovata a S. Martino ai !Monti. E. Braun, A. xi. 229 ; M. iii. 9 Polychromy. See Athens (Erechtheum and Propylsea) ; Tarquinii. Systeme d' Architecture Polychrome, fondee sur les Vestiges du Temple de Concorde a Agrigentum V. Baltard, B. ix. 49 Disotteramento dei propilei in Atene. . . . L. Eoss, B. ix. 45 THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. IV. —OCTOBER, 1851. xxv. ON THE BUILDING ACT OF THE EMPEROR ZENO: BEING THE POLICE REGULATION OR LAW OF THE EMPEROR ZENO, ON THE CONSTRUCTION AND DISPOSITION OF PRIVATE HOUSES IN CONSTANTINOPLE. By H. E. Dirksen. Eead at the Academy of Sciences, (Berlin,) on the 8th February, 1844.* Translated by W. R. HAMILTON, Esq., F.R.S. TO WHICH IS ADDED, BY THE SAME, A TRANSLATION OF SEVERAL IMPERIAL LAWS RELATING TO THAT SUBJECT, AND ENACTED DURING THE THIRD AND THREE FOLLOWING CENTURIES OF OUR JERA. NE of tlie most remarkable documents in the collection of Justinian's Constitutions is an ordinance of tlie Emperor Zeno,f originally promulgated in the Greek language, and contain- ing regulations respecting the building of private houses. This ordinance not only treats generally and largely on the relative elevations and distances of contiguous private buildings in Con- stantinople, but also on the liberty allowed, in case of a friendly understanding amongst individuals having a common interest therein, to arrange the exterior architectural plan of their residences according to their own convenience. At the same * Das PoUzei-Gesetz des Kaisers Zeno, iiber die lauUche Anlage der PrivatJiauser in Constantinopel, von Hrn. H. E. Dirksen, (abhandlungen der Konig. Akad. der Wissenchaften zu Berlin, 1844, p. 81). t Zeno reigned from A. D. 474 to a.d. 491. Justinian reigned from a.d. 527 to A.D. 565. NO. IV. Z 306 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF time, there is scarcely any other existing monument of the Roman constitutional law, of which it can be said, on such good grounds, that the decree of the legislator, though kno^vii to exist, was so little appreciated in respect to its real character, its purport, or its contents. Some few preliminary observations may be acceptable on the cause of this remarkable circumstance. The codex of Justinian contains, in separate and distinct sections, the laws which relate to private buildings,^ and those which were enacted to regulate public works.^ And although, amongst the documents which still exist of the collection of the Constitutions of Theodosius,* we have that section only which treats of the last -mentioned division, namely, the public works,^ it can scarcely admit of a doubt that a section relating to the law of private houses did also exist in the Constitutions of Theodosius, and that it served as a model for the system com- piled under Justinian. The collection of the laws of Burgundy, for Roman citizens, cites indeed, a special title of this descrip- tion, though not with perfect official accuracy, from the codex of the Constitutions of Theodosius : ^ and we find in the corre- sponding title of Justinian's collection several laws of Constan- tine and his successors, the greater part of which appear to have been formed out of this supposed lost section of the Theodosian codex ;^ though we may fairly conclude, from the corresponding section of the Constitutions of Justinian^ that the Theodosian codex did not contain any very comprehensive enactments on the subject of domestic architecture; for such of the regulations as are contained in the Constitutions of Justinian, corresponding in order of time with those in the Theodosian codex, simply relate to some insulated and unim- portant objects of municipal building law. On the other hand, at the conclusion of this same title relating to private buildings, we find a law, subsequent to the reign of Theodosius, which, notwithstanding its originally merely local application, is par- * Theodosius reimed from a.d. 379 to a.d. 395. THE EMPEROR ZENO. 307 ticularly worthy of attention as a building police regulation, or building act as it may be called, remarkable for tbe impor- tant information which it gives us, and for the distinctness with which its details are carried out; — this is the ordinance of the Emperor Zeno, which is described as an Instruction to the prefect of the City of Constantinople f and which, as a munici- pal or civil law of a place inhabited by Greeks, is drawn up in the Greek tongue. '' Justinian himself declares this ordinance to be the most important and comprehensive of all the regulations on the subject, and he made it a common and general law of the empire.^ Consequently, in this redaction of the codex of the Constitutions, the corresponding ordinance of the Emperor Leo I.,* as well as an earlier law of the Emperor Zeno on the same subject, were effectually superseded, as mere essays on the subject, and comparatively useless and insignificant, although the law of Zeno, of which we are now speaking, expressly refers to them as precedents.^ And whilst Justinian thought it expedient to enact, by a special law,^^ that this later regulation of the Emperor Zeno should become, from a simple civic decree, an universal law of the empire, he was not induced to add anything to it. However, some years after, to prevent misunderstandings and evasions, he did make another special law on the subject, but merely as a supplement or appendix to that of Zeno.^^ In the collection of Justinian's Constitutions, this building law of Zeno was preserved in its original Greek text, whilst the copies of the collection made in the Western Empire omitted altogether the Greek text, without substituting anything in its place ; and when the Latin version was annexed to the Greek text, the contents of Zeno's ordinance were merely referred to, and the document itself was necessarily lost sight of, and Avas only recovered by a series of circumstances, which are not without their importance in estimating the value and * Leo I. reigned from 457 to 474. z2 308 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF genuineness of the existing text. A short description of these circumstances, though they have ah^eady been sufficiently explained by other commentators/^ will not be out of place here. The complete original text of Zeno's law was first brought to light in manuscripts of the Greek Novellas of Justinian :^^ it was given to the public in connection with them/^ and it thus gradually passed into the several editions of the codex of Justinian's Constitutions. In the collections of Roman laws sub- sequent to those of Justinian, we meet with the same text in a great variety of forms. ^^ In the Bodleian Manuscript of a collec- tion, composed of various fragments of laws, relating to profane as well as to ecclesiastical subjects, subsequent to Justinian, this text is given quite perfect, at least for the first half, reaching to the conclusion of sec. 5.^® The other known collections give only extracts of this text, from first, second, or even third-hand authorities, as it may happen. Of the former class of authorities are the Prochiron, and the Synopsis of the Basilica, of the Emperors Basil I., Leo VI., and Constantine YIL," (867-959), from which last the portion of the original text, which is im- perfect in this section, is completed in the editions of the Basilica.^^ The publications of Constantine Harmenopulus^^ upon this subject must be referred to the other class of authorities. These last are said to be memoranda, or notes, compiled by an architect of Ascalon, of the name of Julianus, from the edicts of the prefects. ^° The contents are a medley of the most varied description ; for they not only treat of the local rights or laws of single individual districts,"^ but references are also made in them at one and the same time to the Responsa of Papinian, and to the laws of Zeno;22 at times, also, expressions of the classic writers on the science of building seem to have been present to the memory of the architect-compiler. ^^ We can no longer say, with certainty, to what extent the original text of the Basilica contained the whole of Zeno's law ; but we may presume that the compilers of the Basilica must THE EMPEROK ZENO. 309 have especially had in view that part of the law (sec. 6, c. xii. 1) which referred to the public piazzas or squares of Constantinople, without regard to the rest of the law, or to the next following section, which treated of the public buildings ; for in the Synop- sis ^^ of the Basilica we actually find the same separation of subjects; and this explains the remarkable circumstance, that the insertion of the complete text of Zeno's ordinance in the Bodleian MS. is only continued to the close of the fifth section. ^^ On the other hand, we have no reason to doubt the fact, that the compilers of the collection of the Constitutions of Justinian admitted into the section on private buildings the text of Zeno's ordinance in as perfect and as connected a state, as that in which it was originally published from the manu- scripts of Justinian's Novelise, and as it was afterwards, for the more complete restoration of that law, transferred to the editions of the codex of Constitutions. It has recently been supposed by a learned writer,^^ well versed in this branch of documentary know- ledge, that the whole contents of Zeno's ordinance as they appear in the Constitutio Restituta of this emperor, and as they must, in all probability, have been preserved in the collections of prefects' edicts, can scarcely have been admitted into the collec- tion of Justinian's Constitutions ; as the compilers of these last would naturally have thought that a mere extract of its most im- portant principles would be fitter for their purpose. This view of the matter, though its consequences are not quite free from contradictions,-'' has, nevertheless, received the approbation of some high authorities.^^ But the argument adduced in support of it is more specious than demonstrative. It is assumed that Justinian's compilers could not have considered themselves justi- fied in collecting, besides his own. laws, those also of his predeces- sors without abridgment, when they saw that this abridgment was, in fact, quite as detailed as the full ordinance of Zeno itself; nor is the other plea thought to be without due importance, namely, that Zeno's law could scarcely have been admitted into the copies of the collection of the Greek text of Justinian^s 310 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF Novellas, if sucli law was already given at full length in the codex of the Constitutions. In this course of argument it has, however, been entirely overlooked that Justinian did, by an express law,^^ appropriate to himself the ordinance of Zeno, when he gave to what was before a mere local regulation the higher character of a general law of the empire. In this fact, we see the implied instruction to the compilers of the codex of his constitutions, to distinguish Zeno's ordinance from all similar ordinances of Justinian's predecessors, by the full and entire admission of it into the collection. In his Novellas, also,*"*^ Justinian again refers to this same municipal building- law of Zeno, and he makes one insulated point of it the object of a declaratory enactment. Seeing, then, that this declaration of Zeno's ordinance is mentioned with distinction in the edicts of the praetors, ^^ as well as in the extracts from the text of Justinian's Novella3,^^ it was natural enough for the collectors and copyists of the Greek text of the Novella3 also to admit the whole of Zeno's law in its Greek version, although it was also to be found in the codex of Justinian's Constitutions. It may at least be stated with great probability, that the text of this law would have been preserved in a much more perfect state in the edicts of the prsetors, than in the collections of Justmian. The remains of the eparchica of this period prove, without exception, the endeavours which were made to give merely a compendium of the many and varied contents of a legal document of the nature of Zeno's ordinance; not, indeed, to do even this continuously, but in detached parts, according to the subjects, and arranged under separate heads or rubrics; nor, indeed, are the extracts strictly confined to the original contents of the document, but mixed up with additions from a later system of legislation.^^ The foregoing explanations on the position held by Zeno's building ordinance in the body of laws compiled by Justinian, as well as on the manner in which it has been transposed from its original text, may account for the remarkable appear- THE EMPEROR ZENO. 311 ances which the treatment of the text presents to us on the part of the commentators on the Roman laws. We need only here refer to one important point in Justinian's enactments. ^^ That emperor laid it down in express terms,^^ that every doubt, (whether Zeno's law was valid outside also of Constanti- nople, and was to be preferred to the older and nearly obsolete law on the same subject,) should at once be set aside, and that it should be considered as of universal obligation. It is only in the later declaratory regulations^ that it is mentioned by way of note or supplement, that the distinct enactment of Zeno's ordinance against the shutting out of the view of the sea by a neighbour's house was only to have effect in Con- stantinople : a point which is also especially brought forward in the collection of laws^'' subsequent to Justinian. The com- mentators have not hesitated to view the whole of Zeno's law as Justinian did, namely, as a summary of many single ones of general import, and to distinguish permanent enactments from those of merely local application. But as, according to this method of interpretation, the law in question must remain a closed book to every one, it is no wonder that the literatur (or series of commentaries upon this Constitution, )s^ has little else to show than fruitless attempts to approach to the understanding of some peculiarities contained in it of small importance ;S^ whilst either nothing at all is said of the import of the entire document,^° or, if anything, very insufficiently.'^^ Against this mode of interpretation, the most effectual remedy would be, entirely to separate Zeno's law from the legislation of Justinian, and to comment upon it independently of everything else. The direction which should be given to such an inquiry is sufficiently pointed out by certain expressions in the law itself. Zeno, for example, expressly designates his own ordinance as the development or complement of an older ordinance for Constantinople only, enacted by his immediate predecessors. He enlarges especially on the dispositions which refer exclusively to the locality of that capital, and he describes 312 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF several of the building arrangements there in use as dependent on the peculiar locality; whilst at the same time he is con- sidered to allude to a mixture of the Greek and Roman style of architecture prevalent in the city. It then becomes the province of the expositor of our law, who would carefully keep in view the object of its author, to place in a just and proper light, first, the course of events which brought about the chief build- ing law, with its relation to other corresponding ordinances of the Roman emperors ; and, secondly, he should specially bring forward those peculiarities of Zeno's regulations, which refer exclusively to the local circumstances of the capital of the By- zantine empire, or which were at least produced by them. I. In the preamble of his law, Zeno premises that both of his own judgment, and in consequence of the reports of the prefects of the city, to whom the ordinance is directed, he is about to publish a comprehensive and general regulation for the building police of the capital of the empire, with the view of putting an end to the various doubts which had arisen in carrying out the corresponding ordinance of his predecessor Leo; and at the same time to combine and complete the separate dispositions of his own earlier enactment on the same sub- ject. The enacting portion of the law itself is in accord- ance with this preamble; and whilst the two older regu- lations of Leo I. on building police are repealed by it, those of Zeno are described as still in force ; and we are told that the present ordinance is mainly intended to form a comprehensive and declaratory supplement to them;^^ nor is it any contra- diction to these premises, that such earlier laws of Leo and Zeno were not admitted into the collection of Justinian's Con- stitutions; the only conclusion to be drawn from this fact^^ is, that Justinian, after having admitted into his codex the unabridged text of the most recent declaratory regulations of Zeno, thought it would be quite superfluous to adopt also THE EMPEROR ZENO. 313 that which Zeno himself had described as imperfect in its con- tents, and obscure in expression. There is another point, too, which Zeno has mooted in the Introduction, which deserves notice. The emperor assures the reader that he has taken pains to avoid all strictly legal or forensic expressions in the text of this declaration, and, by the substitution of descriptions intel- ligible to aU, to make it easy for every one to understand of himself the meaning of the several legal formulas, without having recourse to the instruction of a technical expositor or commentator. Hence we may infer, that a good knowledge of the locality, to which the regulation in question was limited, was of no less importance for the meaning of the terms, than for the understanding of its contents. If now we compare with this the language of Justinian, who, in the explanation he has left us^^ in reference to the extended validity of Zeno's law over the whole Roman empire, has described this very law as a constitution quoe de servituiibus loquitur ^ we shall be convinced, not only that the choice of this technical and forensic expression has deranged the historical point of view, which would have enabled us to understand and to appreciate Zeno's plan,^^ but also that even the contemporaries of Justinian could not possibly have derived from it any useful information towards understanding the practical bearing and meaning of the whole regulation. With a view, then, to make a nearer approach to the under- standing of the separate enactments of Zeno's ordinance for subjecting buildings to some public rules of police, we must show how the occasion for the law itself was connected with the history of the origin and the aggrandisement of the capital of the Byzantine empire. The official designation (felicissima urbs), which Byzantium bore from its new or second foundation by Constantine, was perfectly well suited to its very favourable geographical position, ^^ however inappropriate the term might appear to the frequent visitations to which it was exposed, of earthquakes and conflagrations, by which the ancient city of Constantinople suffered quite as much as its modern succcssor.'^^ 314 .ON THE BUILDING ACT OF The immediate causes of these destructive fires, and of the devastations which were produced by them, as well as by the earthquakes, were decidedly increased by the peculiar mode in which the city was built; for, in a proportionately cramped space, it contained the largest number of human abodes which it was possible to crowd within it. From the time of the earliest colonists of Byzantium, they had been obliged, in con- sequence of the plundering inroads of the Thracians, to confine themselves, in laying out the plans of their buildings, to those spots of a territory intersected and occupied by heights of very unequal elevation, which could be most readily fortified against hostile aggressions.^^ The public works, by which the emperors Hadrian and Septimius Severus secured to themselves the grati- tude of the Byzantines, had not for their object the extension of the city, but exclusively the supplying it with aqueducts, baths, and other constructions of public utility. ^^ Constantine, on the contrary, had in view both the one object and the other. He made room for a larger population, which would necessarily be drawn thither by the removal of the imperial residence, whilst he threw farther out the defensive bulwarks of the city.^° This operation must have been frequently repeated under his successors. ^^ We are informed by the historian Zosimus, ^^ that neither Constantine himself nor the succeeding emperors were ever able to provide sufficient room for the central parts, the heart, as it were, of the city, such as was required for the wants of public trade and traffic and for the accommodation of the inhabitants. " Look," he says, " at the buildings crowded together in narrow rows; and where the ground is insufficient for building room, attempts are perpetually being made to gain it from the sea by expensive constructions upon piles. The streets are no less confined than the open spaces within the dwelling-houses, so that the inhabitants feel themselves almost as uncomfortable in their own houses, as when out of doors in the immense press and crowd of persons who are continually passing along the streets.""^ We are presented with a similar THE EMPEKOR ZENO. 315 picture of tlie city in Agathias' description of the great earth- quake which visited Byzantium in 557. He says,^* that immediately on the first shock, notwithstanding the cold of the season and the hour of night, the whole population rushed into the streets and squares. But the open air, within the walls of the city, gave no greater security than if they had remained in their own homes; for those lofty buildings ranged close along- side to each other, in the event of their being thrown down, would have hastened the inevitable fate of the crowds of persons wedged together in endless confusion all along the narrow streets. With this, also, is connected the fact, that when larger public buildings were to be newly built up in Constantinople, as, for example, the construction of the church of St. Sophia under Justinian, the requisite space could only be found by the expensive jonr chase of many adjoining private houses. ^^ A system of construction so defective converted the capital of the Byzantine empire into a focus of the most calamitous conflagrations, and in a much greater degree than was ever the case with Kome. This also enables us to understand how the measures ordained by the legislative enactments, which were regularly called forth on the occasion of every great conflagra- tion in the imperial residence, were attended with very unsatis- factory results, on account of the peculiar difiiculties presented by the situation of the city ; or because, when the danger was over, the force of circumstances either led to evasions of the law, or induced the government to make concessions. The two ordinances of the emperors Arcadius and Hono- rius, which were addressed in 406 to iEmilianus, the prsetor of the city, and which are expressly announced as provisions against the extension of fires,^'^ have been pointed out by J. Gottofried^'' as regulations occasioned by the great and destructive confla- gration stated to have taken place in that year.^^ These regu- lations prescribe a more commodious plan of construction, and the use of fire-proof materials for the steps leading to the public porticoes. They prohibit also the walls of private 316 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF dwelling-houses from joining on witli those of any public building. They enact that, for the future, in all architectural plans, an open space of fifteen feet should be left between public and private buildings. We may presume, also, a similar connections^ between the building-law of the emperor Leo (to which the explanatory and more comprehensive ordinance of Zeno, which is under consideration, was attached,) and the great conflagration by which Constantinople was laid waste in the year 469. According to the most credible autlLorities,^^ amongst which we are to reckon the Metrical Imperial Chronicle of Ephraim, a production of the beginning of the fourteenth century, and lately discovered by Angelo Mai,^'^" this con- flagration, which lasted for four days, and extended from north to south, laid waste the whole of the buildings which covered an area of five stadia long and fifteen wide, and destroyed much property, and treasures of art of inestimable value. The emperor Leo escaped to the suburb of Pera, and took care to secure for the future to this district a greater number of muni- cipal buildings, by removing to it some of the public works.®^ The same chronicler, Ephraim, relates that another calamitous fire, though of smaller extent, but one deeply to be deplored on account of the destruction of the great public library, visited the imperial city under the reign of Zeno.^^^ The regulations enacted by the laws of Leo for rebuilding the capital are only to be collected from the references to them in that of Zeno ; for the former have not been handed down to us either in Justinian's Constitutions, or by any other channel. But the references in Zeno's law require to be very carefully ex- amined and criticized; for it sometimes takes the tone of a mere explanation and extension of that of Leo, and at others gives us the words in an authentic and original form of another and earlier law of Zeno himself, of somewhat similar import, but which is equally lost to us. The emperor Zeno expressly^- and particularly attributes to his predecessor, Leo, the prohibition, in the reconstruction of THE EMPEROR ZENO. 317 the houses in Constantinople, to alter their previous form to the prejudice of the neighbours, or to intercept their light. But whilst Zeno himseK confirms this prohibition, he thinks it expe- dient to make this reserve, that as such prohibition is only intended to benefit such neighbours, it may, on their free will and consent, be modified, or entirely laid aside. It must have been also clearly stated in the law of Leo, according to Zeno's version of it,^^ that, by a still earlier ordinance, on the reconstruction of a house destroyed by fire, if such new house was raised to the height of one hundred feet, the owner acquired the right of depriving his neighbour even of the view of the sea. This modification of the law is farther carried out by Zeno, to the effect that any mass of new buildings is also to be thus favoured. When, however, such mass of ncAv buildinors, the old ones not having been burned do^vn, is rebuilt, the liberty to deprive the neighbouring houses of their view of the sea by such lofty private structure, can only be assumed on condition that a space a hundred feet in extent, and without any buildinn- upon it, shall be left quite free between the new and the adjoin- ing buildings. To this, however, is added the further modifica- tion, that the claim of the proprietors of the adjoining plots of ground that their free and uninterrupted view should not be taken from them, should apply exclusively to the habitable parts of these private dwelling-houses, and not to those spaces which were merely appropriated to household purposes ; for in respect to these last, nothing more need be observed than the usual legal interval of twelve feet. It is also clear that the habitable part of a house might, by arrangement with the neighbours, and with the free consent of the ground-landlord, be deprived of the right of such free view. The question — whether the law of the Emperor Led may have contained express directions in respect to the position or disposition of maeniana or solaria, will be further examined in a subsequent part of this paper. The remaining portion of Zeno's ordinance consists of re;>u- 318 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF lations which have for their object, either the explanation of an older law of the same emperor, on the minimum of distance allowed between contiguous private dwellings; or which were sanctioned on this occasion by Zeno, as new and independent enactments for the completion of the regulations of Leo; or they are intended to ensure the efficiency of all the existing building ordinances, whether those of Leo or Zeno. This is done partly by denouncing severe punishments against the violators of the law, partly by the introduction of a simpler and more expeditious process for settling the several private complaints which had been occasioned by the new buddings. It is to the older law of Zeno that we are to refer those points of the declaratory ordinance we are now treating of, which have for their object the maintenance of a free interval of twelve feet between contiguous private houses.^'* The apparent uncertainty contained in the words of this law, to wXiov ?') eXar- Tov dvoKaiSeKa ttoSwi/, is set aside by the explanation, that the stated interval of free space was to extend from the founda- tion to the cornice of the contiguous buildings. He who observed this interval, whether in the renewal of old or in the construction of new buildings, was not to be obstructed in reference to the height of his walls, or the opening of Avindows, provided he did not shut out his neighbour's house, not includ- ing the garden, from the view of the sea. Eeference is also made in this document to such limitations and extensions of the right of building, as might pass from the ground proprietor to his neighbours by inheritance or by agreement. Whilst, then, this emperor (Zeno) makes express reference to a copy of the Sa'a vo/iio^eaia,^^ he docs not mean that his own older law should be understood by that expression, but the regulation of the Emperor Leo. He is not speaking of a corresponding ordinance on the legitimum spatium^ but on the liberty previously granted to construct windows ad libitum in the lofty dwelling-houses which were to be erected. The following enactments (to which we shall have again to THE E]MPEROR ZENO. 319 refer, when we come to the explanation of the several clauses of the law) are to be viewed as new and substantive regulations, to which the attention of Zeno was drawn by the concessions of Leo in favour of those who undertook to build. For example : the precise prescriptions in regard to the plan and elevation of the maeniana or solaria, and on their fire-proof construction, as also on the use and nature of the steps leading to the upper parts of the buildings ; '^*^ so also the restrictions in reference to the disposition of shops and ware- houses where goods were sold, in the intervals of the colonnades in the different squares, or open spaces of the metropolis.*^'' That section in Zeno's law is very carefully compiled, which treats of the punishment or penalty inflicted on those who violate the legal restrictions on construction;^^ and the same may be said of that which treats of the judicial proceedings in cases of private complaints. ^^ In the progress of this Essay, we shall have occasion to show the very favourable light in which Zeno's regulations for these objects present themselves, when we compare them with the corresponding ordinances of the earlier or later emperors. One of the characteristics of Zeno's law is, not only that he is anxious to secure the proprietor against the delays of the contractors and others, by means of the official intervention of the prefect of the city, but that, in order to secure the just and impartial treatment of complaints, which might be brought by the suffering neighbours against the pro- prietor, he has released the jurisdiction of the prefect from the observance of such formalities, as seemed most likely to interfere with a speedy decision, and which tended to encourage chi- canery. These regulations are introduced with so much cir- cumspection, that every prejudice is removed which might interfere with the right of both parties to a satisfactory and impartial hearing. After this general review of the elements on which was based the buildino- legislation, as well of Leo as of Zeno, it should be our object, before we proceed to the explanation of the 320 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF principal details in the ordinance of Zeno, to examine prelimi- narily the following question : — " Where are we to seek for the difference of principle between the two legislative acts? and how far some of the orders or precepts of both the legislators — which apparently clash with the express purport or motive of the law — may be justified by the necessary adoption of certain arrangements, in consequence of the peculiar locality of the capital?" '<^ We can hardly be mistaken if we conclude, from the above- mentioned peculiarities which Zeno adopted from the law of Leo, that, in order to forward the rebuilding of the capital, which had been laid waste by a wide-spreading conflagration, Zeno thought right to offer various advantages to those who were disposed to build, and, therefore, only kept in view the most indispensable provisions against future danger from fire : for it is clear that Zeno, as well in the declaratory por- tion of his additions to Leo's law, as also in his o^vn indepen- dent ordinances which are annexed to that law, decidedly took pains to assign the proper limits to these privileges, and to pro- •tect them against probable abuses. Amongst these privileges must certainly be reckoned the permission, by which it was not only allowed to erect houses to the height of 100 feet, but this was also accompanied by other special advantages to the owner. On the other hand, there are a few — but only a few — probable grounds for supposing that there were also in the same law some favourable regulations in respect to the mwniana. The raising of the dwellings to the great heights therein mentioned, which could only be possible here and there, on account of the foundations, seems to have been favoured by the terraces on which Constantinople was built, and, indeed, almost to have been rendered unavoidable by the limited space for building within the city walls. It is, therefore, more than probable that the prohibitions^^ enacted by the earlier Roman emperors especially for the city of Rome, against carrying buildings above the height of sixty or seventy feet, was not applied to Constanti- THE EMPEROE ZENO. 321 nople. Moreover, the • provision of the old Roman municipal regulations, that a certain extent of ground, unencumbered by any building, was in all cases to be left between adjacent houses for security against fire, appears to have been brought into operation also in Byzantium, and was considerably extended by the edicts of the Christian emperorsJ^ We need not, however, suppose that it was intended at Constantinople, more than in Eome, that this insulation of private houses should apply to all the four sides, but merely to those sides not bordering on the public streets : for the descriptions of the peculiar architecture of Constantinople which have been already given,73 shoAV that the habitations in the lines of the principal streets and squares were erected alongside of each other uninterruptedly.'^* The predecessors of Zeno contented themselves with prohibiting, in express words, the building of any private houses, or the making of any additions to them, in immediate contact with any public edifice ; but they enacted no prohibition against the close vicinity of private dwellings. ^^ And Zeno himself, in the passage of the law we are treating of, where he enjoins neigh- bours to preserve the legitimum spatium in a bye-street or passage, does not refer to houses ranging alongside of one another, but to such as were placed opposite to or facing one another.'^^ Now, when the Emperor Leo gave to houses which were a hundred feet high the privilege of intercepting from their neigh- bours the view even of the sea,^*" it is plain that he favoured one rule of local law at the expense of another. The favoured privilege of a free view of the sea is described by Justinian ^^ as a local regulation, exclusively calculated for the locality of Constantinople. AVe must not, however, assign as in any way a motive for this privilege a care for the sanitary state of the city, although, in ancient times, the free passage and current of air were carefully provided for in the disposition of private dwellings.'^'' The express words of the Emperors Zeno and Justinian ^° place it beyond a doubt, that the law for leaving NO. IV. A A 322 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF open the view of the sea had reference simply to the personal gratification of the inhabitants. Leo disregarded the favour altoo^ether, the moment he could ensure thereby that houses would be built a hundred feet high. Zeno also confirmed and extended the concession, when he confined his care on the sub- ject to a provision for the separation of the houses of private individuals, when carried to the height alluded to, by a con- siderable interval of free space from the neighbouring houses behind them. It is probable, though not absolutely certain, from the cor- responding words in the edict of Zeno,^^ that Leo's law also contained special stipulations for the guidance of the building- contractors, in reference to those overhanging and projecting structures appended to dwelling-houses, and which in Rome were known by the names of mceniana and solaria^ used also, with the same meaning, in Constantinople, though some- times confounded with the 'para'petasia : ^" * for, in the year 368, Valentinian and Yalens had indiscriminately removed all mcBniana erected in Constantinople, and prohibited them altogether for the future. ^^ By a law of the Emperor Ar- cadius, in 398, this prohibition was extended to all similar buildings in the metropolis coming under the name of parape- tasia.^^ The subsequent ordinance of Honorius and ;_ Theo- dosius, in 423,^"' concedes the construction of mceiiiana^ in cases where a free interval of ten, or, if required, fifteen feet, is reserved when they are erected; but this arrangement is ex- pressly confined to the provinces. On the other hand, Zeno's law, of which we are speaking, treats of the mceniana in the capital as of a common circumstance; but it is provided that they shall be constructed of fire -proof materials, and that the * The Mceniana may be considered as open balconies, verandas, or loggia ; and, indeed, though not generally spelt with diphthong ce, may be considered as being anything that projected from the wall; the Solaria were the flat roofs or terraces exposed to the sun; and the TarapetaMa appear to have been such projecting buildings as were concealed by awnings, lattice-work, or solid enclosure. , THE EMPEEOK ZENO. 323 proj)er distance should be secured between them and the adjoin- ing houses. ^^ This justifies the supposition, that the law enacted by Theodosius for the provinces had been, in the interval, ap- plied also to the metropolis of the Byzantine empire. The direct object of Leo's building ordinance, namely, to encourage a disposition to build in the capital so lately reduced to ashes, and to release it from all restrictions not absolutely necessary to provide against future accidents from fire, might have been justified by the pressure of existing circumstances; but we must seek for other causes to comprehend the merit of the subsequent ordinance of the Emperor Zeno. The ex- perience gained since the publication of Leo's building law had led to the conviction, that the extension of the liberty in question, like the limitation of it, in the extent of the legitimum spatium, opened a door as well to the groundless encroachments of the owners, as to the litigious reclamations of the neighbours, who pretended to be damaged. Zeno did what he could to put a stop to this source of odious complaints and endless lawsuits ; and his address in solving this difficulty deserves to be fully explained. He went direct to the root of the evil, in endeavour- ing to remove the vagueness of the form and words employed in the compilation of the older laws; and he thoroughly in- structed all persons interested therein, how, in laying out a plan for building, they might meet beforehand every future encroachment upon the limits of the ground-plan authorized by the law, and this by means of a kindly understanding with the neighbours who were entitled to interfere. An understanding of this kind could not, indeed, supersede the rights of indivi- duals, any more than restrictions on buildings required by the public interest could be considered as in any manner subject to the private arrangement of the neighbours. Zeno, moreover, gives it to be understood, that the weakness of Leo's legisla- tion on this subject consisted in merely enacting prohibitions and concessions, without laying down at the same time any suffi- cient rules for their practical application. This want of a com- A A 2 324 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF prehensive system of regulations is fully provided for by the law we are treating of as enacted by Zeno, inasmuch as it prescribes to tlie competent authorities a precise and definite mode of proceeding for the disputes which might arise out of the schemes and plans for building houses within the walls of Constantinople.^' It has been already mentioned that the older ordinances, both of Leo and Zeno, for regulating buildings, gave occasion to various chicaneries, litigious informations, and lawsuits. Zeno had especially shown the extent of this mischief in respect to the inadmissible interpretation which had been given to the words of his own earlier law, i. e. to nXiov ?) tXarrov ^voKui^sKa iro^wv. ^^ This will also apply to what the same emperor has said, in the preface to the ordinance in question, on the necessity of correcting the mal-interpretations of the law of Leo. The same may be said of the edict of Justinian, ^^ upon quibbling and vexatious misconstructions given to Zeno's provisions for the encouragement of private buildings, when they were sepa- rated from the adjacent houses by an interval of 100 feet. The proprietors had, for instance, taken advantage of this law to deprive their neighbours of the view of the sea, merely by building a wall outside of this interval, without troubling them- selves further about the erection of a dwelling-house. Such like infractions or circumventions of the law, which the emperor characterises as a confirmation of the proverbial denomination of neighbours' quarrels, were to cease for the future ; and the favour in question could only hold good when proper dwelling houses were bond fide erected. On another authority, also, a credible account has come down to us, which leaves no doubt that the litigious disputes of the inhabitants of neighbouring houses in Constantinople were not merely prompted by the peculiar position of the city, but that they had an inexhaustible source in the national character of the inhabitants themselves. Agathias distinctly relates ^° the following circumstances, amongst various others, which occurred THE EMPEROR ZENO. 325 on the occasion of the great earthquake in 557, by which the inhabitants of the capital were for a long time kept in a state of continual alarm. Anthemius of Tralles, whom Justinian invited to Byzantium on account of his distinguished acquirements in mathematics and in mechanics, and who there gave a very re- markable proof of his ability, in the construction of the church of St. Sophia,^^ was, in the beginning of his residence there, on terms of the most intimate friendship with his next neighbour, Zeno, a rhetorician ; but they became afterwards bitter enemies, from a cause which has never been accurately explained. It can, however, scarcely be a matter of doubt, that the erection of some new building, or the alteration of an old one in the house of one of the parties, by which the other felt himself aggrieved, either in respect to the view, or some other cause, contributed to their differences, such quarrels amongst neighbours in Constantinople being of daily occurrence. Upon this, Anthe- mius laid down a series of pipes or conduits under the founda- tions of his own house, which lay deeper than those of his neighbour, by which he contrived to play a great mass of hot vapour against Zeno's house, which lay on a higher level, in order to frighten him. The scheme did not fail of its effect : his frightened neighbour at first attributed the phenomena produced by it to an earthquake ; but after a time, and after other experiments creating optical and acoustic illusions, which were practised against him for the same objects, and which were meant to imitate thunder and lightning, he was no longer in doubt respecting the originator of these extraordinary appearances. He addressed himself to the Emperor, and peti- tioned him for protection against the ingenious annoyances of his persecutor. II. If we now proceed to consider in detail the contents of Zeno's ordinance, we shall find that some of its enactments are, by the circumstances attending their application, expressly limited to the locality of the metropolis. On the other hand, 326 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF in some of these details such local limitation can only be deduced from incidental allusions to the peculiarity of the Greek style of building, and particularly that of Constantinople. To the first of these classes must be referred the contents of the sixth section of our Constitution, which regulates the architectural plan and elevation of shops in the public squares or open places of the imperial residence. It is there enacted, that the intervals between the columns, which belong to the public colonnades and squares, in those parts of the city which lead from the MiXiov to the Capitol, must not be occupied by buildings, partition-walls or enclosures, or other permanent structures. It will only be lawful to place here stalls, or other places of sale, not more than six feet in width and seven in height, so that free access to the street shall be kept open in particular parts of the colonnades. It is at the same time decreed, that all such shops or stalls in this district shall be faced with marble, at least on the outside. In respect to the other parts of the city, it is left to the discretion of the prefect of the city to grant permis- sion for the erection of such shops as he may judge expedient, so as not to interfere with the public convenience. This magistrate is simply instructed, in the granting or in the refusal of such permissions, to proceed impartially, and without distinction of persons. It is evident, from the foregoing statements, that this favoured district of the city, from its situation and its archi- tectural decoration, must have been a very distinguished quarter of the metropolis of the Byzantine empire. It cannot be necessary to enter into any refutation of those who refer the expression Capitolium to Rome, and change the word MiXiov into MiXiapiov^ thereby imagining the Miliarium, which stood in the Forum of Rome, and which, from the character of its ornaments, was called Miliarium Aureum.^" The expres- sion Capitolium is applied not unfrequently to other cities subject to the Roman dominion, sometimes as marking the locaHty of the public treasury, sometimes the seat of some THE EMPEROR ZENO. 327 learned institute or academy — in both cases following the example of the Roman Capitol, which was as well the seat of the public treasury, as of the public library, and in process of time was used also as the theatre for holding the public exercises in rhetoric or oratory. ^^ Thus, a mention of the Capitolium of Carthage, in Africa, occurs in the Roman codex, ^^ to designate the spot where the landowners through- out the province of Africa were directed to pay the instal- ments of their land-tax. In the same manner, also, the Capi- tolium of Constantinople is spoken of, as being a public building quite distinct from the many imperial palaces which were in the same city. We may especially quote the Chronicon Alexandrinum^^ which tells us, under the year 407, A.D., that the statue of Christ, in the Byzantine Capitol, had been thrown down by a hurricane.^'' We may refer also to an ordinance of the younger Theodosius, of the year 425, which is preserved in the collections of the Theodosian Consti- tutions;^^ here the Capitol is mentioned as the place in which were delivered the public lectures to the High School in Con- stantinople ; and the lecturers themselves are therein described as intra Capitolii auditorium constituti, and hi qui in Capitolio docere prcecepti sunt. Nor have we less ample authorities for the mention of a distinct locality in Constantinople, under the name of MlXiov. We may begin with the reference in Suidas.^^ This reference comprises, under the same denomination, apparently very different objects — partly, i.e., a milestone, corresponding to the Miliarium Aureum at Rome, and partly a splendid archi- tectural monument at Constantinople, which contained an allegorical statue of the Fortuna Urbis^ and the statues of several emperors. This combination of objects is, however, justified by a comparison of the various appropriate or occa- sional epithets which Codinus gives to the MiXtor, called by him sometimes ^tyaXoi', and sometimes Kopojviov. He describes it amongst the architectural monuments at Byzantium^^ which 328 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF orio-inated with Constantine, as the termination of a laro-e colonnade near the imperial palace, and as one of the remarkable given points, according to which it was convenient to define the extent of the several regions of the city. He speaks also^°' of the sculptured monuments which surrounded the MiXio»/. Then again, of the triumphal arches on the place or area of the Mt'Xtoi', the tops of which were decorated with the statues of Constantine and Helena, also with a cross, bound around with a chain, which was considered as the symbol of the inviolability of the city.'°^ In the immediate vicinity of this monument Codinus places also the equestrian statues of Trajan and of the younger Theodosius, as well as the statues of some of the members of the family of the Emperor Justin. He mentions also a Basilica, which was built near the MlXiov}^^ In another passage,^^^ it is stated by him that the Emperor Phocas erected a Temple of St. Phocas on the area of the MtXtoi' ; and close by — namely, on the spot where Avas formerly an old gate, with a relief of horses for the cursus puhlicus^^^ he placed the image of a biga, from which the spot came afterwards to be called A'lnnnov. We must, therefore, consider the MiXiov at Con- stantinople as a place which had its name from certain pre- paratory arrangements there made for the cursus publicus^^^^ and containing also several public monuments. Some of these buildings Zosimus^°'^ places in the Forum of Constan- tine; we may therefore look for the jjlace of the Mt'Xtoi' in this spot. There is nothing contradictory with this in the fact that, according to the authority of the historians,^'^ the trophies of a war brought to a successful conclusion, as well as the decapitated heads of traitors, may have been exposed to view on the same place. On the other hand, the proposed change of the WOrds^'^^ tnro tov KaXovfievov MtXt'ou into a. t. k. MtXiaptou, in the text of Zeno's law, must be decidedly re- jected ;^°^ and it has already been disproved by the best commentators.^"^* Another question may be asked: — Which district or part of THE EMrEROR ZENO. 329 the city can it have been, which Zeno's ordinance describes as limited by the Capitol and the Mt'Xtot', and as traversed by open colonnades? The answer cannot be lono^ doubtful. This was the intersectional line leadinn; from the fourth to the eiohth region, mthin which were built the two Forums of Constantine and Theodosius, and which, consequently, adjoined those large spaces or squares which were adorned with splendid buildings and fine monuments of art.^°^ It can scarcely be required to enter into any justification of the opinion, that for such a distinguished quarter of the city, the admission of public shops within the range of the colonnades could only have been allowed under certain conditions; and these conditions must have been such as to consort with the character of the surrounding neighbourhood without prejudicing trade, whilst of course these restrictions would not have been requisite in the less ornamented regions of the city. It might rather excite our surprise that the same law, which just before '^^^ had expressly forbidden the appropriation of any space in the public streets or squares to the use of private buildings, should afterwards have permitted the erection of buildings for trade on those very spots, merely placing them under the superintendence of the magistrate. But similar contradictions are frequently to be met with in the most distant and distinct portions of Roman history. The Herculanean Tables "^ prohibit, in the most circumstantial and precise language, the occupation of the colonnades and public squares in Rome with private buildings ; but this restriction is immediately modified by a stipulation, that every exceptional authorization given for this purj)ose by the competent ofiicers shall be scrupulously attended to and maintained. The Christian emperors also, who were perpetually renewing these prohibitions against the extension of private houses to the public squares and buildings,^^" nevertheless frequently allude to the shops and stalls erected within the colonnades near the Baths of Zeuxippus in Constantinople; and they enjoin, withal, that the ground-rent, or land-tax,^^^ to 330 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF be raised on these localities shall be disposed of in favour of the building-fund belonging to the metropolis. Nor does it require any more direct jDroof, that the shops or magazines for the most costly goods were situated in the most showy parts of the city, ^^^ and by their rich and splendid decoration, contributed to enhance the gorgeous appearance of the whole city. The differ- ence, however, in respect to the arrangement and the decoration of these shops, which Zeno's law forces on our observation, between the different districts of the metropolis, is, perhaps, further explained by the fact, that during the reign of that emperor, a very great accession of magnificent public works in the principal places of the metropolis took place, owing to the liberality of one Mammianus;^'" and it thereby became necessary to make the prohibition still more stringent against their being disfigured by private buildings. Codinus also informs us,^^*^ that several public monuments of an earlier time, which encroached upon the public squares in Constan- tinople without contributing to their beauty, were removed by the Emperor Zeno. Amongst the particular stipulations of Zeno's ordinance, in which we seem to recognise a combination or confusion of certain architectural arrangements suited to Greek manners and to the locahty of the metropolis, with the mode of building specially prevalent in Rome, we must not omit to enumerate the follow- ing. In the first place, we may mention the details^^'' regard- ing the different restrictions for regulating the windows which give a free view, or prospect windows, in contradistinction to those which only served for the admission of light, or lumen- iferous windows. We are not to conclude from hence, that this description or form of window was first introduced by the imperial edict to which reference is here made. Zeno seems rather to have provided therein against any misinterpreta- tion of a former ordinance of his on the legitimum sjMtium^ which gave leave to the proprietor of a house, who had left an interval of twelve feet between him and his neighbours unbuilt upon, to THE EMPEROR ZENO. 331 open in his own wall windows of any form and character. Nor can we refuse to admit that occasions may have occurred in Rome, as well as in Constantinople, for distinguishing between windows constructed for the admission of light, and those which commanded also a prospect or view from them.^^^ On the other hand, we are to attribute only to the locality of Constantinople the enactment of Zeno,"^ that in the case of a distance of not more than ten feet between adjacent houses, the rule should be, that only lumeniferous or light-admitting win- dows should be introduced, and that these must always be at the height of at least six feet above the floor of the room. It is also expressly enjoined, that this distance was to be measured from the real level of the floor, and no false floor (To KoXovfUiVov xf/ev^oTrarov) was to be allowed; that is to say, there should be no banquette or raised floor under the windows within the floor of the rooms, which would afi*ord the means of seeing out of the higher windows.^'" This prescription seems to allude to a well- known or common construction in the disposition of Greek dwelling-houses, which served, indeed, to circumvent the pur- pose of the building laws, but need not in any way have been first called into existence by them. We find likewise in Yitru- vius^"^ other technical expressions, compounded after the same manner as xpev^oiraTov, and which always point to some special contrivance, occasioned by the peculiarities of the Greek style of architecture. We must also place in the same category the enactments in this ordinance of Zeno in regard to the solaria}~^ It has already been shown ^~' that the Romans clearly distinguished that upper portion of a residence kno^vn under the name of solarium^ which was exposed to the uninterrupted rays of the sun, from the mceniana^ or buildings projecting from any part of the outer wall of a house, and specially appropriated to the enjoyment of an uninterrupted view. So common were these projecting casements, that Vitruvius describes the painted scene in the comic theatre (or that required for every-day life), as 332 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF representing the fronts of houses, with many windows, and project- ing mgeniana.^"^ On the other hand, in Constantinople, it does not appear that these appropriations were so precisely^"" observed; for in consequence of the local regulation against the building out their neighbours from the view of the sea, the solaria may have also served the purpose of the mceniana. Zeno's law enacts that the solaria should not be built of wood, but of fire-proof materials, such as were used in the Roman buildings. (Tw ayjifxaTi tCjv Xeyo/Jiivojv piofiaviaiivv. ) It is at the same time provided, that these solaria must be raised to the heisrht of fifteen feet at least above the pavement of the street, and that the stone or wooden pilas- ters which served as their supports should only be erected in the lateral lanes or passages; nor even there be allowed to stand perpendicularly on the pavement, but were to be inclined towards the wall of the house, so as not to encroach on, or in- terfere with the public use of the highway. It was also pro- hibited to construct any access or approach from the street to such solarium. If we are not mistaken, we may here perceive a decided mixture of the elements of the Greek and Roman styles of building. In one passage, the imperial enactment respecting the height of the maeniana, and the mode of support- ing the solaria, proves their identity with the Roman ma3niana,^"^ to which also we are referred by the expression, pwinaviaiwv. But then, again, the mention of an approach specially and immediately leading from the street to the solarium* reminds us of a custom peculiar to the Greeks. This is the descrip- tion which Yitruvius^"'' gives of the peculiar distribution of the space in a Greek dAvelling-house ; in which are described the separate passages leading from the principal entrance of the house to certain adjacent portions of it, which were thus put in * When the Mseniana consisted of buildings covered witli a pergula, and ex- posed to the sun, they would acquire the name of Solaria ; and when the Solaria, or terraces on the roof, were enclosed in at the sides, and made to project over the wall, they would obtain the name of Mseniana ; and thus there would be a con- stant confusion between these terms. THE EMPEROR ZENO. 333 immediate communication with the street. The object which the architect has in his eye therein, namely, to provide for the accommodation and convenience of the guests who were lodging in the house, has, indeed, in itself no immediate connexion with the solaria. But still less can we refer this arrano-ement to an imitation of the custom in Rome for providing approaches to the ca^nacula by steps from the street. ^'^ For without taking into consideration the difference between the solaria and the ccBnacula^ the ordinance we are discussing does not treat of a flight of steps opening merely toward the street, but of steps quite out of the house, and leading down from the solaria* into the street. It was these last only which Zeno attempted to regulate, as constructions which narrowed the gangway, and in- creased the danger of fire. Finally, with regard to the enact- ment of Zeno respecting the support of the solaria by slanting pillars, it must not be overlooked that this mode of construction still exists in Constantinople, and in the suburbs of that city. Something still remains to be added, on the punishment which the Emperor imposed on those, who transgressed the prescribed regulation respecting the architectural disposition of the maeniana.^^® The illegal structure was to be demolished or pulled down, and the ground-landlord was to pay a fine of twelve pounds of gold. Similar punishments awaited the architect, as well as the contractor for the work, and the sujDcr- intendent ; and this last, if unable to pay the fine, was visited also with corporal punishment and banishment. The trans- gression of the prohibition of Justinian, which we have before alluded to,^^° namely, the depriving a neighbour of his view of the sea by a single wall within the legitimate interval, was also visited by this Emperor with the forfeiture of ten pounds' weight of gold. He added, however, a peculiar enactment for the * It appears probable, from the frequent interchange of the words Solarium and MtBnimmm, that the steps here referred to gave access to the ruseniana ; as it would be contrary to the universal practice of the East, for steps to lead up to the roofs of the houses. 334 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF application of these fines, and they were to be handed over to the theatrical fund, which was under the administration of the prefect of the city. The double purpose of the penal enactment of Zeno, that is, as well with a view to the immediate setting aside of such architectural projects as were contrary to law, as to the levying of the penalty incurred by the oiFenders, is not expressed with the same precision, or in the same decisive language, in the former precedents of the building laws of the Romans which have been handed down to us. Thus, for example, in the Table of Heraclea a power is purely and absolutely placed in the hands of those officers charged with the management of the city police, to remove all unlawful hindrances and nuisances created by build- ings on the open places and streets of Rome, and to inflict the legal penalties on the oiFenders ;^^^ and the activity of the. officers was ensured by the authority or privilege of the citizens to denounce all such violations of the law to the superior magis- trate. ^^^ And in later times this was rendered more perfect by the intervention of the public prosecutor.^'^'^ In the pro- hibition to sell to another the right or obligation to puU down houses, or to apply architectural ornaments to the decoration of the buildings of another city, the Roman laws^^^ mainly point to a penalty to be imposed on its infraction — this being the most efficient means of preventing the illegal act in ques- tion, i. e., the violation of a former Building Act; whereas, in other cases in which, without competent authority, any private scheme had been carried into execution on a ground and soil belonging to the public, all the classic jurists, ^^^ as well as the constitutional laws of the emperors, ^^^ prove that the imme- diate and inevitable consequence of such transgression of the law was the removal of the projected nuisance, and the replacing of everything in its former state. THE EMPEROR ZENO. 335 NOTES. ^ viii. 10, De ^dificiis Privatis. " viii. 12, De Operibus Publicis. ^ xv. i. id. "^ In the Ottoboni MS. of the LexEom. Burgundion. tit. xv., we read as follows: De servitute luminis, vel aeris, similiter constitutum est, ut inter privatoram fabricas X. pedes, inter publicas xv. dimittantur, secundum legem Thcodosiani, lib. iv. sub titulo, " De iEdificiis Privatis et Publicis." Amaduzzi (in his edition of the LL. Novella Anecdot. p. 205, not. 14, Eom. 1767, P.) has concluded from this citation, that Gothofred must be mistaken in his attempt to replace the lost section (De jEdificiis Privatis) at the conclusion of the fourth book of the Theodosian Collec- tion of Constitutions. The same objection was aftenvards made by Wenck, in the edition of the libb. v. prior. Theod. C. p. 269, not. y, Lips. 1825-8. There are, notmthstanding, some strong grounds in favour of Gothofred's arrangement, which is supported also by G. Hanel, in his edition of the Theodos. Cod. iv. 24. Compare also Haubold's Exercitation. Vitruvian. Spec. II. in f. (in Opuscul. t. ii. p. 425, not. f ) ^ The ninth chapter of the Codex Just. De ^Edific. Priv. 8, 10, has evidently crept out of the 46th chapter of the Codex Theodos. C. xv. 1, De Operib. Publ. But for the other Constitutions of the same titulus, which do not coincide with the time of Theodosius II., their origin can only be sought for in the lost section of the Theo- dosian Collection, which has abeady been aUuded to. ^ The address of this law has lately been well made out by E, Zacharia, in his edition of the Prochiron Impp. Basilii, &c., p. 318, Heidelb. 1837, 8°, on the autho- rity of a MS. in the Bodleian library ; on the same authority, the judgment which had been passed as to the name of the prefect of the city, ('Acafj.ai'Tioe), on the testimony of a MS., is further strengthened. (See Pet. et Franc. Pithoei Observation, ad Cod. et Novell. Cod. viii. 10, p. 384, Par. 1689, P.; Spangenberg's edit, of the Cod. Just, 1. 1. and the edit, of Hermann, p. 524.) The reading in Justinian's c. 13. Cod. 8, 10, " Constitutio Zenonis div. mem. ad AmantiumPf. v. Scripta," which is taken from the Kecensio Bononiensis, rests on a very pardonable mistake. Por during the period of the Christian emperors, the name of Amantius much more frequently occurs amongst the higher officials than that of Adamantius. Compare the Pasti Consulares ; the Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius, iv. 2 ; the Chronicon Mar- cellinus, p. 59, Lutet. 1619, 8°; the Chronicon Alexandi'in. p. 763, ed. Eaderi Monac. 1615, 4°, and Gothofred's Comment, on the Codex of Theodosius. Proso- pograph. C. Th. v. Amantius. 7 These are sufficient grounds to do away with the conjecture, that there might have been here what might be called a bilbiguis constitutio. On the Constitutions of this kind under the later emperors, compare Biener's Eevision of the Just. Cod. sec. 98 seq. Berlin, 1838, 8°, and the Author's Civil Law Treatises, vol. i. p. 57. Ibid. 1820, %\ 8 c. 13, 1, 1. 8, 10. 9 c. 12, sec. 2, 4, ib. 8, 10. lo See note 8. 336 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF 1^ Nov. 53. Oil tlie other hand the Nov. 165, corresponding to this in the contents, is not one of Justinian's laws, but a portion of the so-called Eparchica. Compare Biener's History of the Novellaj of Justinian, p. 452 seq. 476, Berl. 1824, 8°. ^2 See C. Witte on the Leges Eestitutse of Justinian, Cod. S. 20, p. 206 seq. Bresl. 1830, 8°: Biener's 1.1. p. 551 seq. 617 seq. and in the additions to the Kevision of Just. Codex, p. 163 seq. 13 Compare the -section : Description of the most important MSS. of the Novellfe, in Biener's History of the Novelise, Append, v. p. 551 seq. i"* Pithoiis 1. 1. p. 384 seq. See above, note 6. 15 Compare Biener, 1. 1. p. 385-401, and in the additions to the llevision, p. 164. 16 Zacharia hi. p. 315 seq. See note 6. i' Ibid. p. 209 seq. 1^ Basilicorum, Iviii. 11, c. 12, Iviii. 12, c. 12. '9 In the Manuale Legum, II. 4. (Compare the edition by 0. Eeiz, in the sup- plemental volume of the Thesaurus Nov. Jur. Civ. et Can. by Meerman.) 20 Compare the Rubric to sec. 12 of the Manuale Legum, 1. 1. ~i Id. sec. 42. ~2 Id. sec. 51. "3 Id. sec. 49. Compare Vitruvius de Architectura, vii. 5. 24 See above, note 18. 25 ggg note 16. 26 c. Witte, 1. 1. (Note 12.) 27 Witte sets out with the supposition (p. 20), that the text which we have in the printed editions of Justinian's Constitutions is much too detailed for the object of the collection : accordingly, he considers this text to be the original of the law. On the other hand, at p. 207, he concludes, from the deviations from that text in Harmenopulus, that the reporter may have made use of a more perfect original copy of Zeno's Ordinance, which may have found its way into the Eparchica (Regula- tions of Police). The passage, however, in Harmenopulus, (ib. sec. 46,) to which special reference is made, is not in any degree the origin of Zeno's law, but an ex- traneous addition from other sources. 28 See Biener's additions, p. 164, and Herrmann, ibid. p. 519, not. a. See note 6. 29 Compare note 8. ^^ See note 11. 31 Compare Novelise, 165, (note 11); Harmenopulus, ibid. ii. 4, sec. 46, and Theodorus Hermopolit. Nov. 165, p. 165, cited in the following note. 32 Athanasii Scholast. epitome Novellar. Justiniani, tit. 21, c. 2, (in G. E. Hein- bach's Anecdota, t. i. p. 180, Lips. 1838, 4°) and Theodori Hermopolitani Brevi- arium Novellar. Justin. Nov. 63, (in E. Zacharia's Anecdot. p. 68, Lips. ] 843, 4°.) 33 Compare Zacharia, 1. 1. p. 246, cap. 3. De Edictis Praefectorum Pr. quae super- sunt; and p. 266 seq. Edicta Prsefectorum, Pr. Harmenopulus, ibid. 34 We need not pause as to the other question, whether the modern common-law praxis can take cognizance of the contents of c. 12, sec. 8, 10, although this, being a Lex Restituta, does not belong to the received code — whereas, the received law of Justinian, (that is, c. 13, id. 8, 10,) of which there is no doubt, and by which Zeno's ordinance was confirmed in its fullest extent, must remain inap- plicable and unintelligible, as a ref er ens sine relato, unless the practical lawyer refers to Zeno's text. Compare Pfeiffer's Practical Conclusions, vol. iv. No. 1. 35 c. 13, LI. 8, 10. 36 Nov. 63. 37 Prochiron Basilii, etc. tit. 38, 5, p. 210. (See above, note 6.) Basilicorum, Iviii. 11, c. 12. Harmenopulus, 1. 1. ii. 4, sec. 46. Compare Jo. Luenclavius No- tator, lib. ii. (in Otto's Thesanr, t. iii. p. 1548.) THE EMPEROR ZENO. 337 ^^ Haubold, in his Manuale Basilicoruin, gives a view of books illustrative of Zeno's law, Cod. Just. viii. 10, c. 12, c. 13, and much more completely in Exercita- tiones Vitruviauce, 1. c. p. 425. (See above, note 4.) The several works on the building regulations of Rome are given by Treckell, in his Observations on the Select Antiquities of Brisson, I. (Opera Minora Brissonii, ed. Treckell, p. 1, Lyons, B 1747, F.;) and in Haubold's Institution. J, E. Hist. Dogmat. iii. 3, sec. 164, p. 109, of Otto's edition. Unfortunately, we have not had it in our power to com- pare the treatises of A. Federigi, which are there quoted (Diss, in qua L. 12, De iEdif. Privat. explicatur, Neap. 1760-1770,) with those of N. Carletti, (La Costitn- zione del Imp. Zenone, Neap. 1783, 8°,) which treat exclusively of Zeno's Ordi- nance, both in a juristical and an architectural point of view. The judgment given of these treatises by Griesinger, (De Servitute Luminum, p. 167, Lips. 1819, 8°,) does not bear the stamp of his having very carefully examined their contents. This is not the case with that of Haubold, 1. c. This last writer praises but moderately the work of Federigi, and describes Carletti as having copied from him. ^^ Thus, for example, in the concise observations of the brothers Pithcei, (see above, note 6,) and in the Commentators on Harmenopulus. (See above, Reiz. loc. cit. and Abr. Havercamp's Specimen. Jurid. Inaug. ad C. Harmenopuli promptuar, ii. 4, sec. 34 in G. Olrich's Thesaur. Diss. Jm'id. Belg. vol. 1, t. 3, p. 45 seq.) ^° e. g. in G. Pancii'olus' Thesaur. Var. Lection. II. p. 228. In Heineccius' Juris- prud.Rom. etAtt. t. ii, p. 1350. ■^1 Westphai (De Libertate et Servitutib. Preediorum, ii, 7, sec. ISO seq. p. 195 seq. Lips. 1773, 8°); this author is said by Witte, loc. cit. p. 208, to be the only good editor of Zeno's law, but by following his own mode, of acting merely as a com- piler, he has given us nothing like an original inquiry into the subject. *2 c. 12, sec. 1, 2, 4, h. t. 8, 10. ^^ Compare note 8. ^4 ^ 13, id. 8, 10. *^ This clearly results from the list of works illustrative of Zeno's law ; see note 38 seq. '^6 Compare Procopius de jEdificiis, i. 5. *'' A long list of these calamitous events might be made from the Chronicles. A specimen from the time of Constantino to that of Justinian will suffice ; local earthquakes of considerable importance are reported in the years 396, 407, 417, 422, 423, 447, 480, 487, 533, 557. See the Chronicon of Marcellinus, p. 9 seq. 27, 40, 52. Lutet. 1619, 8°; the Chronicon of Alexandria, pp. 714, 718, 726, 734, 738, 758, 786, ed. M. Raderi. Monac. 1615. 4; the Histories of Agathias, v. 3. Compare Gibbon's History of the Decline, &c., cap. 43. ad fin. Slighter volcanic phenomena, which, however, were very destructive in the capital of the empire, and gave occasion to the foundation of several penance-days in the church, may be passed over; as, for example, the copious shower of ashes in 472, which coincided with a remarkable eruption of Vesuvius. (Marcellini Chronicon. p. 37 ; Chronic. Alexandr. p. 748.) The less extensive conflagrations were those of the years 446, 448, 491, 498, 507, 509, 510. Marcellin. 1. cit. pp. 27, 28, 44, 50, 51. Chronicon Alexandr. p. 760. The most destructive belong to the years 404, 406, 407, 433, 465, 469, 532. (Marcellin. loc. cit. p. 13 seq. 23, 63 seq. Chronicon Alexandr. pp. 714, 710, 728, 744, 748, 778.) *® Codinus de Signis Constantinopolitanis, p. 51 seq. The same, De iEdific. Constantinopolitanis, p. 84 seq. Becker's ed. Bonn, 1843, 8vo. Chronicon Alexandr. NO. IV. B B 338 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF p. 618 seq. Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 16, (in the Appendix to his Histor. Byzant. Lutet. 1618. F.) Gibbon, eh. 17- *9 Codinus de Origin. C-poL p. 1 2 seq. ed. Becker. Chronic. Alexandr. pp. 662, 664. Du Cange, loc. 1. p. 31. 60 Id. p. 23 seq. Codinus, 1. 1. p. 15 seq. Zosimus Histor. ii. 30 seq. 61 Du Cange, p. 37 seq. Codinus de Forma et Amb. Urbis C-pol. p. 26. Idem de iEdif. C-polit. ininit. p. 71. seq. 62i^istor. ii. 30 seq. 35 seq. 53 We are here strikingly reminded of the descriptions of the locality of the more modern city. Compare extract of the description by the American traveller, N. P. Willis, in the Magazine of Foreign Literature, 1843, N. 77 seq. 5^ Historiar. v. 3. ^5 Codinus de S. Sophia, p. 132 seq. ed. Becker. 56 Theod. Cod. xv. i. c. 45, c. 46, de Operibus Pub. (Just. Cod. c. 9, De ^Edific. Priv. 8, 10.) 57 See his Comment, in Theod. Cod. 1. 1. 58 ggg above, note 47. 59 This has already been pointed out by G. Pancirolus, loc. cit. (See above, n. 40.) 6" See Evagrii Scholast. Ecclesiast. Histor. ii. 13. Compare Du Cange, 1. 1. lib. i. p. 66, and Gibbon, loc. cit. 60a In the Nova CoUectio Scriptorum Veterum, t. iii. p. vii. seq. 24. Eom. 1828, 4". 61 Chronic. Alexandr. p. 748. The formal concession of civic or municipal rights to Pera, as well as its connexion with the city, were first granted by Justinian. Compare the last cited authority, p. 774, with Du Cange, I. 1. lib. i. p. 66 seq. 61^ loc. cit. p. 26. 62 c, 12, sec. i. Compare pr. C. h. t. 8, 10. 63 c. 12, sec. 4, ibid. 8, 10. The expression used in this document, eVi ht tov Trporepov j'Ofiov, in accordance with the reference immediately following to houses consumed by fire, can only point to the law of Leo, and not to the older ordinance of Zeno, spoken of in the second sec. of the same. 6^ c. 12, sec. 2, 3. id. 8, 10. On the relation of this injunction of Zeno to the ordinances of earlier emperors bearing the same appellation, compare the list of works regarding the building laws of Rome, referred to in note 38., 65 c. 12, sec. 2, ib. 8, 10. 66 c, 12, sec. 5. ibid. 67 c. 12. sec. 6. ib- 68 c. 12. sec. 5, 1. 6^ c. 12, sec. 7, 8, loc. cit. 8, 10. 70 The commentators on Justinian's Jurisprudence, who make mention of Zeno's ordinance, readily pass their judgment on its real object ; we entertain, how- ever, some doubts, although the purport of this enactment may in fact be in con- formity with the expression of Greisinger, loc. cit. p. 167, (see note 38,) whether the emperor had specially in view to restrict the right of house-owners, to con- struct on their own walls prospect or look-out windows, commanding a view of their neighbours' property. 71 Compare the list of works in note 38. 72 j^, 73 gee notes 52 and 54. 7* On this mode of building, compare Haubold's Exercitation. Vitruv. p. 395 seq. 406, 410, 440 seq. (See note 4.) 75 Theod, Cod. xv. 1, c. 39, c. 46, c. 47. De 0pp. Public. J. Gothofredus in Comm. ad 1. 1. Ammianus Marcellin. xxvii. 9, sec. 10. 76 c. 42. sees. 3, 5, h. t. 8, 10. ^7 Compare note 63. 78 Nov. 63. 79 Compare Vitruvius de Architect, v. 1, 7. 80 c. 12, sees. 2, 4. Ibid, 8, 10. Nov. 63, Prasf. 81 c. 12, sec. 5, loc. cit. 8, 10. 82 Com. the Author's Manuale Latinitatis, v. Manianum, Parapetasia, Solarium. THE EMPEROR ZENO. 339 ^3 Ammian. Marcel. 1. cit. : Namque et mfeniana sustulit omnia, fabricari Komae priscis quoque vetita legibus; et discrevit ab eedibus sacris privatorum parietes iisdein inverecunde connexos. Compare Valerius and the other commentators on this passage. ^^ Theod. Cod. 1. 1. c. 39. 85 j^gt. Cod. c. 11. 1. 1. 8, 10. 86 See note 82. 87 See note 69. 88 gee note 64. 89 Nov. 63. ^'^ Historiar. V. 6, 7,8. Gibbon's objections (chap. 40) to this narrative of the historian are rather calculated to support its credibility ; for though many throw a doubt over the problems said to have been solved by Anthemius the mechanician, Gibbon himself allows that this is confirmed by the improvements introduced into the mechanical contrivances of our own times. ^^ Compare Procopius de ^dific. I. 1. ^2 Compare Spangenberg, in the Gottingen edition of the Corpus Jur. Civ. and the Codex Const, viii. 10, c. 13, sec. 6, note 61. ^^ Compare J. Gothofredus in Comm. ad. Theod. Cod. xiv. 9, c. 3, and J. C. F. Bahr's History of Roman Literature, sec. 14 b, p. 39 of the second edition, Carlsr. 1833, Svo. ^ Theod. Cod. xi. 1, c. 34, de Annona et Tribut. 95 Compare DuCange, 1. 1. lib. 2, p. 113 seq. 149. (See note48.) 96 Loc cit. p. 714. 97 Codinus, de Mdif. C-poUtan. p. 76 seq. 83, ed. Becker, (compare Procopius, 1. 1. i. 10,) places a brazen statue of this description, and set up by Constantine, in the x"^X^ ' ^^^^^ biulding, however, formed a part only of the great Imperial palace. Compare Gibbon, loc. cit. 98 Theod. Cod. xiv. 9, c. 3, de Studiis Liberalibus Urbis Eom. 99 MiXioy. v. Sra^iov. 100 De Originibus C-polit. p. 22. De Forma et Amb. C-pol. p. 25. 101 De Signis C-polit. pp. 35, 40, 69 seq. De ^dific. C-polit. pp. 101, 103. Compare Incerti Auctoris enarrat. Chronograph, (at the end of Becker's edition of Codinus.) 102 This cross was substituted for the car of the sun and the statue of Fortuna Urbis, which had previously occupied this site. lo^ De Signis C-polit. p. 38 seq. 69- 10* Ibidem, pp. 37 seq., 51. Compare the notes of Lambeccius, ib. p. 237, Becker. 104a ijijjjg ^g probably the same ancient gate on the site of which Constantine, in extending the walls which surrounded the new city, constructed the splendid forum, which was called after him. Compare Zosimus, Historiar. ii. 30 seq. 105 Y^Q jjged not here refer to the more recent meaning of the word filXwv, which is synonymous with niXiaprjcnov, and which occurs on a small coin. (Com- pare Codinus de S. Sophia, p. 136 seq. ed. Beck. Du Cange's Glossaiy Med. et Infim. Gra)cit. h. v. Veteres Gloss, verb. Jur. v, MiXiaplaiov. In Otto's Thesam'us Jur. t. iii. p. 1764.) Compare also the Journal of the History of Law, vol. xii. N. i. p. 12. 105a Loc. cit. 106 The several passages of the Byzantine Historians are collected by Pithoeus. loc. cit. and in Du Cange's C-polis Christiana, lib. i. pp. 73, 113 seq. See notes 6 and 48. 107 The meaning of MiXidpioy does not exactly correspond to the Latin expres- sion Miliarium. See Du Cange's Gloss. Med. et Inf. Gra^citatis, h. v. 108 e. ff. Pithoeus and Herrmann, loc. cit. (See note 6.) 10811 rpj^g criticism might be dispensed with, as the Miliarium Aureum in Rome is called by Dio Cassius, Ilistor. liv. 8. to xp^nrovy fxlXioy. bb2 340 ON THE BUILDING ACT OF THE EMPEROR ZENO. ^^ Codinus de Orig. C-polit. p. 15, 22; de Sigiiis C-polit. p. 41. Procop. de ^dific. i. 10. Compare Du Gauge, C-pol. Christ, lib. i. p. 64 seq. 70 seq. 110 c. 12 sec. 3. h. b. 8, 10. 111 Aer. Britan. Lin. 68 seq. Compare the Author's Treatise on the Civil Law vol. 2, p. 296 seq. 307 seq. 112 Theod. Cod. xv. 1, c. 22, c. 35: de 0pp. Pub. Just. Cod. c. 20, c. 21. ib. 8, 12. 113 Theod. Cod. loc. cit. c. 52. Compare J. Gothofredus in Comm. ib. Ill See Du Gauge C-polis. Christ, lib. 2, p. 109 seq. 115 Evagrius, loc. cit. iii. 28. n^ De Siguis C-politau. pp. 41, 46. 117 c. 12. sees. 2, 3, h. t. 8, 10. lis Compare Cujacius, Obss. xiii. 30. The carefuld istinction between Imnina and prospectus, well observed in the language of the Roman jiu-ists, is known to all. Fr. 16, Diss. de. S. P. V. 8, 2. Compare the Author's Manuale Latinit. v. Lumen, sec. 1, A., v. Prospectus, sec. 1. 113 c. 12, sec. 3, ib. 8, 10. Compare Havercamp, loc. cit. p. 53. See note 39. 120 Harmenopulus, 1. 1. ii. 4, sec. 55, and the commentators on the passage. (Note 174 of the edition cited in note 19.) 121 loc. cit. ii. 8 (where the author is speaking of the pseudisodoiimm, or stone walls built in unequal layers), and iii. 2, iv. 7, (where mention is made of the pseudo- dipteros and pseudoperipteros.) Compare the commentators on these passages, e. g. A. Eode in his edition of Vitruvius, Berlin, 1800, 4°. Compare also Gloss. Placidi Grammat. (in A. Mali Collect. Auctor. Classic, t. iii. p. 495, Eora. 1831, 8°) v. PseudotJiyrum. 122 c. 12, sec. 5, eod. tit. 8, 10. 123 See note 81. Compare Pestus. v. Meeniana ; Isidor. Origin, xv. 3 ; Veter. Gloss. Verbor. Jur. v. l^wXapiov. (Otto's Thesaur. Jur. iii. p. 1806.) 12^ loc. cit. V. 7. 125 Compare Cujacius Obss. i. 30, xiii. 30. 126 In the Commentary of Asconius on Cicero's Divinat. in Caecil. c. 16, on the origin of the mceniana, we read the following description : — " Exceperat jus sibi unius columnae, (sc. Maenius,) super quam tectum projiceret ex provolantibus tabu- latis, unde ipse et posteri ejus spectare munus gladiatorium possent, quod etiam tum in foro dabatur." Compare Schol. ad Cic. p. Sextio, c. 58, sect. 4. (In A. Mali Classicor. Auctor. e Vatic. Codd. editor, t. ii. p. 152, Rom. 1828, 8°.) 127 Loc. cit. vi. 10. 128 Comp. E. Otto de Tutela Viarum, iii. 5, p. 481 seq. ; Trajecti ad Rh. 1731, 8° ; Haubold, 1. 1. p. 442. See note 74. 129 c. 12, sec. 5, 1. 8, 10. 130 ]sfQy_ 53^ (,_ 1^ Compare note 89 seq. 131 Compare the Author's Treatises on Civil Law, vol. ii. p. 295 seq. 132 Fr. i. sec. 14, 16, 17; Diss, de Oper. Novi Nunciat. 39, 1. Compare J. Ravardus, Conjectan. iii. 12. 133 pr, 48, Diss. eod. 39, 1. Compare Fr. 1, pr. de Jure Pisci, 49, 14. 134 Pr. 52, Diss, de Contr. emt. 18, 1 ; Pr. 41, sec. 1 seq. Diss, de Legat. 1, (30.) Compare the Author's Scriptores Histor. Aug. p. 152 seq. Leips. 1842, 8". 135 Pr. 11, sec. 14 Diss, de Legat. 3, (32.) 136 Theod. Cod. xv. 1., c. 22, c. 25, c. 38 seq. c. 46 seq. De 0pp. Pub. 341 A COLLECTION OF SOME OF THE BUILDING LAWS OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. (JUSTINIANI CODICIS LIB. VIII.)* Tit. X. On Private Buildings. 1. On Baths. Severus and Antoninus, Impp. AA. to Taurus. — You are hereby empowered to build the bath, as you desire, and raise a building over it ; but you must observe the same form which is prescribed for others who are allowed to bidld over a bath : that is, you must raise it upon arches, and it must be itself arched ; nor must you exceed the usual height. P.P. (without date or consulship.) 2. On the Non-destruction of Buildings. Alexander, Imp. A. to Diogenes. — It is already prohibited, by an edict of the blessed Emperor Vespasian, and by a decree of the senate, to pull down buildings, and cany away the blocks of marble.f But an exception is made in favour of transferring such materials from one house to another. Yet it is not lawful even for proprietors so to conduct such removals, that the public appearance should be deteriorated by the demolition of whole buildings. P.P. 11 kal. Jan. Alexander, A. Cons. 223. 3. On Ruined Buildings. The same A. to Evocatus. — Whether it be allowable in the case of a whole house tumbling down, not to build it up again in the same form, but to convert it into a garden, and whether this may be done with the consent, as well of the magistrates offering no opposition, as of the neighbours ; — Let the Prseses take cognizance of the case ; and when he has ascertained the prac- tice of the town in disputes of this kind, let him order what is right. P.P. 7 kal. Apr. Julian. (2.) and Crispin. Conss. 225. 4. On Buildings in common. Philip. Imp. A. and Philip. C. to Victor. — If, as you submit to me, the co-proprietor of a building refuse to contribute his propor- tion of expense to its repair, you will not necessarily require any extraordinary aid. Por if you complete the buildings at your own sole expense, and his proportion, together with interest, shall not have been reimbursed to you within four months after it has been demanded, or if the said co-proprietor shoidd in any manner have prevented this from being done, you will be entitled to claim the right of property over the whole, or you wiU obtain it according to the precedent of ancient usage. P.P. 4 kal. Apr. Philip. A. and Titian. Conss. 246. 5. On Baths built on joint Land. Diocletian and Maximian, Impp. AA. and CC. to Octavius. — If he against whom you petition, being already cognizant that a part of the ground belongs to you, shall have attempted, not as your partner or colleague, and as therefore sharing in his anxiety for a work in which you are both interested, to restore the substantial construction of the baths, not wdth the view of receiving from you your portion of the expense, but that he may seize upon the whole property, and re-construct on his own account the building which has fallen down, the new structures which are thus erected on the ground of another person shall be forfeited to the proprietor of the ground, and the expense * These Imperial Laws, of which an English version is now appended to H. E. Dirksen's paper, by the Translator, do not form a part of the original work. The titles &c. are taken from Gothofreds Corpus Juris. + (of which they are constructed, with a view to trade and profit.) 64:2 BUILDING LAWS OF incurred for tliis iniquitous purpose need not be repaid to him. The Prnsses of the province, as the mindful guardian of the public law, the decree of the blessed Hadrian being obsolete,* will take care that the enactments of the law are observed in settling the dispute, P.P. 4 and 3 non. Oct, AA. Conss, 290, 6. 0)1 the Removal of Marbles, ^c. Constantine, Imp. A. to Elpidius, Vicegerent, Prefect of the Province. — If any one after the passing of this law shall remove into the country, from the plundered city, any ornaments, (i. e. marbles or columns,) he shall lose the estate which he has thus enriched. But if any one should be desirous to remove from his own house in any one city to his own house in any other, the marbles or columns from walls in a falling state, as such an operation is likely to tend in a double manner to the decoration of the public property, he may freely do it. Power may also be given to transfer ornaments of this kind from property in one partf to another, although such removal should take place through walls, or though the objects be carried through the midst of the city — with this restriction, however, that that only which has been brought into the city be exported from it. Given at Viminacium, 6 kal. Jan. Crispus (3.) and Constantin. (2.) Conss. 321. 7. On the Removal of Marbles, ^c. Julian, Imp. A. to Vitianus, the Vicar of Africa. — It shall not be lawfid for any one to take away:{:, or remove from, any of the provinces, columns or statues, of whatever material they may be. Given, 6 kal. Nov. Julian. A. (4.) and Salustius, Conss. 363. 8. On the Duties of the Curiales and non-Curiales. Valens, Gratian, and Valen- tian II. Imppp. AAA. to Modestus, Prefect of the Province. — Be it enacted, that the curiales of the several cities shall be obliged, even against their will, to repair the houses which were formerly within such cities, or to rebuild them anew, it being their duty ever to discharge the public offices there, and to increase the number of their inhabitants. But the proprietors of houses in cities where there are not curiales, shall be bound to repair them if neglected and dilapidjited : this will be done under the control of the judicial authority specially superintending a compliance with this law. Given, 13 kal. Nov. Gratian. (4.) and Merobaud. Conss. 377. 9. On the Space to be left between New and Old Buildiyigs. Arcadius, Honorius and Theodosius, Imppp. AAA. to Aurelianus, Prefect of the City. — If the proprietor of a piece of ground near any public building is desirous of building upon it, he must begin by placing an interval of fifteen feet between the public and the private buildings : and he must be made to understand, that by this interval it is intended that the public buildings should be protected from harm, and that the private builder may avoid the loss of having to pull down, for having built on forbidden ground. Given, 10 kal. Nov. Arcadius, A. (6.) and Probus, Conss. 406. 10. On the Construction of enclosing Walls. Honorius and Theodosius, Impp. AA. to Monaxius, Prefect of the Province. — Permission is hereby given to all who wish it, throughout the provinces of Mesopotamia, Osdrcena, the Euphrates, the Second Syria, Phoenicia, Libanus, the Second Cilicia, both the Armenias, both the Cappadocias, the Pontus of Polemon, and the Hellespont, and to all other provinces, where it may be desired, to sm-roimd with a wall their own possessions, or consti- tuted places of dominion. Given at Constantinople, 3 non. Maji. Theodosius, A. (9.) and Constantin. (3.) Conss. 420. * anllqualo B. Hadriani cdiclo. + (of the province.) % auferri, not afferre. THE KOMAN EMPIRE. 343 11. On Mceniana. The same AA. to Severinus, Prefect of the Province. — Moeniana, which the Greeks commonly call reixioarag, whether those already built, or those which may hereafter be built in the provinces, unless there shall be ten feet of clear space between them, shall be absolutely demolished ; but in those places where private buildings are placed facing the public granaries, owing to the obstruction of these moeniana, intervals of fifteen feet must be preserved. We announce also to those who are about to build, that they must all observe these intervals for the future, so that if any one shall attempt to build within the pre- scribed limits — i. e., ten feet for ordinary structm-es, and fifteen feet in the case of there being mojniana, — he must be apprised that not only will all that he has so constructed be pulled down, but the house itself will be forfeited to the Fisc. Given, 3 kal. Oct. Asclepiodotus and Marinianus, Conss. 423. Law^s of the Empekor Zeno. 12. Freface. — Zeno, Imp. A. to Adimantius, Prefect of the City. — Ever since we began to be in the enjoyment of a state of peace, and doing our utmost to preserve our subjects* from external wars, we have applied our mind to the enactment of various useful laws. Amongst these, we have determined to include the present law, in which we propose clearly to exhibit what your excellencyf has suggested ; and, adopting every precaution to prevent any possible ambiguity of expression, we have also avoided as much as we coidd technical words, preferring the use of the more vulgar terms, in order that all Avhom it may concern may understand it without the assistance of an interpreter. For we have been informed by your excellency:}: that the divine law, enacted by Leo, our predecessor, § of immortal memory, concerning those who might be ambitious of building in this our glorious city, is in some parts of it doubtful, in consequence of the mistaken opinions of its interpreters. — Sect. I. On the Space requisite to he left by him who builds. — We therefore ordain, that neither those who wish to repair their houses, (nor those Avho intend to build anew,) shall depart from the previous forms, nor shall they take any light or prospect from their neighbours, unless in accordance with the original structure ; but we are pleased to add also, what extent of right may be acquii-ed by the builder of each new house, in cases where he may have obtained the power, either by contract or other stipidation, to change, if he pleases, the old form. We accordingly authorise him, if such contract or stipulation should be in his favour, to build according to such contract or stipulation, even though by so doing he may seem to injure such of his neighbours as might have objected to tne contract. — Sect. II. On the Height to tchich it is permitted to raise a House. — Moreover, since our constitution directs that an interval of twelve feet must be left by him who is about to build, between his own and his neighbour's house, and that he may add to it more or less, — (as this gives great security to those who build), and as no doubtful or ambiguous words ought to be admitted, — we ordain, in the most clear and explicit terms, that an interval of twelve feet must be left between each house, beginning from the part immediately above the foundations, the same ad- measm-ement being preserved to the very summit of the building. He who shall accordingly in future observe this ordinance, will be allowed to raise his house * populos nostras. + iua magnificentia. % magnitudo tua. § pater. 344 BUILDING LAWS OF as high as he pleases, and may construct windows, as well those which we call prospective,* as those which are only luminiferous,t according to the said divine constitution, whether he is desirous of erecting a new house, or of reinstating an old one, or of re-constructing one which has been destroyed by fii-e. He shall, however, be in nowise permitted to encroach upon the prescribed interval, so as to deprive his neighbour of a direct and uninterrupted prospect towards the sea, from any or every side of his house — a prospect which he may enjoy at home either standing or sitting; nor can he be allowed in any such manner to afiect this prospect, so that his neighbour should have only an oblique view of the sea. In respect to gardens and trees, the former constitutions contain no regulations re- garding them, nor will any be given on this occasion — they are not required. — Sect. in. 0)1 Windows. — No one who is building a house near a cross- road, alley, or street, of twelve feet in width, shall be allowed to take from, and add to his own building, any portion of such street or cross-road. But in prescribing the interval of twelve feet between the houses, we do not intend to diminish that which of right belongs to the public, or to divide it amongst private proprietors, but we are desirous of preventing that such intervals between the houses be made more narrow. But if the space exceeds twelve feet, the same must remain as it is, for our intention is not that the width of the streets should be diminished, but that the rights of the city should be preserved. But if the previous form of the old building- was such that the interval between two houses was less than twelve feet, the owner must not be allowed to raise his house beyond what it has been heretofore, nor must he construct any windows, unless he gives an interval of at least ten feet. But in such case, he who is about to build cannot make any prospect windows, except such as were there before ; but he may make luminiferous windows, provided he preserves an interval of six feet upwards from the floor. He must, however, in no case, venture to make what is called a pseudopatum, (that is, a false or fictitious flooring or pavement in the building itself, |) and then from the real floor measure his six feet to the luminiferous windows. This would be a false and sophistical construc- tion of the law, and a mere pretence of obeying it. Por if this were to be permitted, it would happen, by the introduction of such pseudopatum, that the luminiferous windows would be used as if they were prospective, and there woidd be no difi"er- ence between them. This would be a decided nuisance to his neighbour, and we therefore prohibit it to be done, and forbid the builders so to act, even should they attempt to procure the right by virtue of any agreement or stipulation. — Sect. IV. On the Rigid of Prospect. — Moreover, since it has been judged expedient to give permission by a former law to raise the height of houses rebuilt after a fire to the extent of one hundred feet, even if the neighbour should thereby be shut out from his prospect of the sea, — in order to prevent any doubt upon the subject, we ordain that this power shall hold good in favour of those wliich are renewed after a conflagration, as of those which did not exist before, and are now built for the first time. But in respect to those which have suifered no injury from fire, but have become decayed from the effect of time, or any other cause, and all other kind of houses, if an open interval of one hundred feet is left between them and their neighbom-s, they may be erected free of all impediment, even although prospective. + luciferoe. J (under the window.) THE EOMAN EMPIEE. 345 ttey may deprive others of the sea view. But such sea view may be taken from kitchens, privies, closets, staircases, passages leading to bye-alleys, or from courts for carriages, although the new buildings may not have such intervals of a hundred feet, provided only that the interval be not less than twelve feet. These regula- tions must be observed in all cases, where there is no special agreement in favour of the party building. But neighbours who build in virtue of such special agree- ments, may build according to the manner determined between themselves. They are in such case allowed to construct houses in the space not reserved, although they may deprive of the sea view those who have given their consent and made the agreement, or their successors ; for it is not right to take away by a general law competent rights, which have accrued legally to others. — Sect. V. On Solaria, Mceniana, and Staircases. — This, also, we decree to be observed as law. That no solaria shall hereafter be built entirely of wood or planks ; but they must all be constructed after the manner and form of those which are called Eomanensia, and a space of ten feet must be left between any two opposite solaria. If the narrowness of the street does not admit of this interval, the solaria must then be built ek 7rapa\\ay>/e, *. e., not facing each other, or ek TrapaWriXov, but alternating one with the other, transversely and obHquely. But if such interval does not exceed ten feet, no solaria or mceniana at all can be allowed to be built, whether facing each other directly, or only obliquely. When, however, they shall be erected in conformity with the preceding regulations, we ordain that they be elevated at least fifteen feet from the ground, and the pillars which support them, whether of wood or stone, must be so fixed in the ground as not to stand Kara kcl^etov, or perpendicularly ; so that neither the wall, nor the void space which is beneath those solaria built above, as we have described, be encroached upon, nor the alley or public road be made more nan'ow. We forbid also that steps shall commence from the level of the footway and lead up to the solaria : so that by the greater care and precaution thus employed, a greater distance between the solaria may be obtained, peril to the city and to the inhabitants of houses may be diminished, and fires may become less frequent, of less duration, and more easily extinguished. If, however, solaria or steps should be erected in any manner contrary to this our law, not only shall they be forthwith demolished, but the owner of the house shall pay a fine or penalty of ten pounds of gold ; and the architect who designed, or he who received commission for the work,* shall pay other ten pounds of gold ; and if the workmant who executed it shall not be able, through poverty, to pay the fine, his punishment shall be no less than banishment from the city. — Sect. VI. On the Colonnades of Public Porticoes and Areas. Moreover, we ordain that no one shall be allowed to obstruct with buildings the numerous rows of columns Avhicli are erected in the public porticoes and areas | leading from that which is called Milimn to the Capitol : or by setting up close boarding, or any other construction, among the columns. But any such buildings § must not exceed six feet in width, inclusive of the wall towards the open street, and they must not be more than seven feet in height. But in every case we will ■ that a free way from the porticoes to the streets, through four rows of columns, be set * qui desigiiavit arddtectns, nut qui opus recepit. + artifex : probably the builder. X Slationes. § (ns are at present existing.) 346 BUILDING LAWS OF apart :* shops or booths of this description must be ornamented, on the outside at least, with marble, that they may be an ornament to the city, and give pleasure to the passers-by. But in all other quarters of the city we allow the erection of shops amono-st the columns, as far as, and in whatever manner, you think they may be useful to the city — the strictest impartiality being observed, so that whatever is permitted to one person be not prohibited to another. — Sect. YII. On Lawsuits raised against Persons bnilding. We ordain, also, as follows, with a view to prevent our just and honest citizens from being injured by the tricks and machinations of litigious persons. f It frequently happens that when such persons are about to build, vexatious lawsuits are got up against them, not for any injury done, but from sheer envy, and with a view to create delays : for example, — that they may oblige one who has begun to build to suspend his operations, and leave his work half finished, they drag him into a court of justice, and make him spend in law the money he had laid aside for building, and (what is the most prejudicial of all), when he shall have got a sentence in his favour, they still hold him bound by the most indissoluble chains, whilst, under pretence of an appeal, he is kept expecting the appointed tenn, J and all the while the adversary is enjoying his disappointment, and the interruption of the building. We enjoin, therefore, in cases of this kind, that if the appeal is made from the decision of an arbiter, as soon as ever the notice has been laid before the judge, or the form of the appeal reduced to writing, it shall be lawful for either the appellant or the appellee, without being strictly bound to observe the legal period of appeal, to address themselves to your excellency,^ either alone or with the adverse party ; and if this adverse party does not make his appearance after being duly summoned, the controversy shall come to a close, so that, without any further delay, the suit shall be legally put an end to, in order that the party who has been unjustly prohibited from proceeding with his building may not suffer irreparable mischief, if forced, during present or approaching winter, to wait a long period for the stated days of appeal. Moreover, that which is most important, — if any one, in cases of this kind, should complain of your excellency's sentence, and be desirous of appealing, we ordain that a consultation shall be immediately held, and either of the parties, appellant or defendant, shall be entitled to have the sentence more accm-ately dis- cussed within the precincts of our own sacred palace, and without delay. Who- ever shall be so presumptuous as to put impediments in the way of persons build- ing, should be informed, that if they lose their cause, they will have to make good all loss which shall have been sustained, and will moreover have to replace the price of materials, which will probably have been spoiled or deteriorated in the delay caused by the law- suit. But in respect to those who shall have attempted to build contrary to law, if these are defeated in the suit, they will have to refund the losses or injuries of the person who denounced it, and who was therefore obliged to attend the pleadings. All controversies of this kind we direct to be decided by your excellency || per quatuor columnarum ordines : probably signifying tbree inter cohminiations. + calumniantium. % /(stales dies. § tua magnificentia. \\ magnitudo tita. THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 347 alone, nor do we allow them to be heard before any of the other illustrious magis- trates, nor do we permit those who litigate on these questions to plead public service, either militaiy or civil, for refusing judgment, nor to be excused the pay- ment of expenses and losses, which shall be decreed in the sentence of the most illustrious* Prefect of the city, or by the decree of the officer appointed by him ; but we will that those who have lost their suit by your excellency's f sentence, shall be answerable in all things, no one alleging, for purposes of exemption, the pre- scription of the Forum, — Sect. VIII. On the finishing of a Work left incomplete. Your excellency will also take care that no contractor, or smith, or workman, shall leave a work begun by him till it is finished ; but, as he has received the price of the work, he shall be obliged to complete it ; or he must make good every loss which the person desirous of building may expect to sufi^er from it, as well as every farther loss ensuing from its not having been finished. But if he who shall have incurred this penalty shall be unable from poverty to advance it, he must be beaten with rods, and expelled from the town. No one shall be prohibited from completing work begun by another, an opinion which we know to have been entertained by some w^orkmen, or contractors, who would neither finish what they had themselves commenced, nor allow others to complete it, and thus bring very heavy losses on those who wish to build their own houses. He, therefore, who refuses on this account to finish a work which was begun by another, shall pay the same penalty as is incurred by him who abandons the work begun by himself. 13. On the above Law of the E'inperor Zeno. Justinian, Imp. A. to Joannes, Prefect of the Province. — Doubts having been entertained whether the constitution of Zeno, of blessed memoiy, which was addressed to Amantius,| prefect of the city, and which treats of services, § was only local, and exclusively applied to this most flourishing city ; and that these (ordinances) were only to be observed here, but that the old ordinances, which are of a different purport, still hold good in the pro- vinces, — we, being of opinion that it is unworthy of this period, that one law should be observed in this our royal city, and another amongst our provincial cities, do liereby decree that the same constitution shall be held valid throughout all the cities of the Roman empire, and that everything relating to it shall be regulated thereby ; and if, by any enactment in that law, innovations shall have been made upon the old an-angement, the same shall be observed by the prefects in their respective pro- vinces j all former ordinances, not altered by the Zenonic constitution, remaining as before under the old laws. Given at Constantinople, kal. Sept.,|| after the consulate of Lampadius and Orestes. V.V. C.C. 531. Tit. XI. — On the Injunction of a Nev^t Work. 1. If the Denunciator of any new Building i& prepared to show canse, let him be heard, and the cause be enquired into, and Jtidgment pronounced within Three Months. Justinian, Imp. A. to Joannes, Prefect of the Province. — It has come to our know- ledge^f that some doubts have been hitherto entertained respecting the injunction of * glorississimi. + magnificentia tua. t Adimaiiliiis. § servitutibiis (with respect to property). |1 (the first year) f nostra tranquillUas. 348 BUILDING LAWS OF a new work ; and it has been said, that if any one has issued an injunction to prohibit a work, he cannot, after the lapse of a year, again prohibit the proceeding with the building. There seems to us to be a double injustice in this conclusion; for if he has unjustly prohibited the work, such prohibition ought not to last for a Avhole year : if it has been done rightly, he should be at liberty to prohibit it also after the expiration of the year. To prevent, therefore, this unjust version of the law, we decree that if any oue shall have issued the injunction in this royal city, the prefect of the city shall hasten a decision ; and in any of the provinces, the governor* shall determine it within the space of three months ; but if any kind of impediment shall arise, so as to delay the decision of the difficulty, permission shall be given to him who is anxious to proceed in the building, to do what is required, after he shall have given proper securities to the office of the prefect of the city or of the province, — That in case it sltoll he decided that he has built contrary to law, he will at his own expense pull down all which he had erected subsequent to the injunction. In this manner, works will not be prohibited by futile denunciations, and the rights of those who apply for the injunction will be duly consulted. Given at Constantinople, 12 kal. Nov, the second year after the consulate of Lampadius and Orestes, YV. CC. 532. Tit. XII. — On Public Works. 1. On. Immunitij. Constantius and Constans, Impp. AA. to Catulinus. — Many persons have obtained immunities from public works by awards of the judges. We, therefore, order that all immunities hereafter so obtained shall be of no value. Given at Sirmium, 6 kal. Aug. Ursus (Lupulus,) and Polemius, Conss. 338. 2. On the Statement of Expenses incurred. The same AA. to MarceUinus, Count of the East. — Whatever expense shall have been incurred for public works, you will take care that an account be kept. Given at Constantinople, 5 non. Oct. Limenius and Catulinus, Conss. 349. 3. On the Cross and Holy Relics. The Epitome of a Greek Constitution. — Xo monk, nor any one else, shall erect a cross, or any holy relics, in a public place, or where public shows are exhibited. 4. On the Pretoria and Public Buildings. The same Kk. to Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt. — Care must be taken to preserve (at all times) for the rights and use of the public, the prtetoria of the judges and all public buildings. P.P. at Antioch, 4 non. Dec. Mamertinus and Nevitta, Conss. 362. 5. On the Judges. Valentinian and Valens, Impp. AA. to Symmachus, Prefect of the City. — Let no one of the judges project any new work within the city of Eome (the new city as well as the old) t without our special approbation, (unless he is willing to defray the expenses of it from his own resources.) But we give per- mission to all of them to sanction the re-construction of those which are affirmed to be in a state of dilapidation and ruin. Given at Philippi, 8 kal. Jun. Divus Jovian, and Varronian. Conss. 364. 6. On Prescriptions of Time and Eescripts. Gratian, Yalentinian, and Theodosius, Imppp. AAA. to Proculus. — Prescription of time ought not to obstruct a public right, nor shodd even imperial rescripts be allowed to operate in such manner : and therefore all buildings ought to be demolished which, throughout the various * Rector. + Constantinople, as in Rome ? THE ROiLA^N EMPIRE. 349 cities of the empire, either in the Forum or in any public place whatsoever, are acknowledged to have been erected (without regard to beauty or utility, or the decent appeaiance of the city.)* Given at Constantinople, 3 id. Jun. Merobaudes and Satuminus, Conss. 383. 7. From what TForks the Prescription of Dignities does not exempt. The same AAA. to Cynegius, Prefect of the Province. — All people are bound in duty to give their earnest aid in the construction and repairs of harbours, aqueducts, (and walls,) nor should any one claim the privilege of being excused from bearing his part in a labour of this nature. Given at Constantinople, 15 kal. Feb. Richomeres and Clearchus, Conss. 384. 8. On the Failure of Buildings. The same AiiA. to Cynegius, Prefect of the Province. — All persons who have been entrusted with the care of public buildings, or to Avhom money has been in the usual manner entrusted for erecting them, must, with their heirs, be held responsible for the same for fifteen years from the comple- tion of the work : so that if any fault or failure shall have occurred in the build- ing within that prescribed term, it must be repaii'ed from their estates or patrimony (excepting, of course, what may be the effect of accident.) Given at Constantinople, 3 non. Pebr. Arcadius, A. (l\) and Bauton, Conss. 385. 9. Whether Houses may be destroyed for the sake of erecting Public Buildings. Theodosius, Arcadius, and Honorius, Imppp. AAA. to Aurelian, Prefect of the City. — Whenever we shall have granted permission to erect a public structure, your excellencyt will take care that provision be made, that no house is to be puUed down for the pm'pose of beginning any public building, unless compensation be given to the value of fifty pounds of silver. But with respect to buildings of a higher value, let the matter be brought before us, and referred to our decision, that when a larger sum may be required, the imperial authority may act. Given at Constan- tinople, 3 kal. Mar. Theodosius. A. (3.) and Abundantius, Conss. 393. 10. On the Inscription of Names. The same AAA. to Eufinus, Prefect of the Province. — If any judges shall have inscribed their names on any work completed (with public money) without mention of our name, let them be guilty of treason. Given at Constantinople, 3 non. Jul. Arcadius (3.) and Honorius (2.) AA. Conss. 394. 11. On the Repair of the Fuhlic Walls and Baths. Arcadius and Honorius, Impp. AA. to Eusebius, Count of the Sacred Largesses. — In order to prevent the destruction of the very splendid cities and towns of the empire, we assign one third part of the revenues of estates belonging to the Eepublic for the repair of their walls and baths. Given at Milan, 11 kal. Jul. Olybrius and Probinus, Conss. 395, 12. On the Walls of the City. The same AA. to Cajsarius, Prefect of the Pro- vince — Let all governors % of provinces be admonished by letters, that they do assure themselves that the several orders and inhabitants of every city ought to build their Walls anew, or to strengthen those already built ; and the charges are to be regu- lated on the following conditions, namely, that the apportionments be assigned according to the means of each individual ; that the lands of the citizens be taxed according to the estimated expense of the work to be undertaken, so that neither * contra oriiatum, et commodum, ac decoram faciem civitalis exstructa nascinitur. + subllmis magnificeiiiia tua. + Rcctores. 350 BUILDING LAWS OF more nor less tliau what is required shall be raised, and that no time be lost in putting it in hand. Its fair and just proportion must be laid upon every (pro- ductive) acre, that all may equally provide for the expense required. (No excuse will be allowed, nor any claim for immunity will be listened to.) Given 9 kal. Apr. Arcadius, (4.) and Honorius, (3.) AA. Conss. 396. 13. On the Judges and Corporations of the City. The same AA. to Theodorus, Prefect of the Province. — Let no one of our judges so far presume upon his office as to order the commencement of any new work without consulting our authority ;* nor let him dare, without your excellency's sanction, to take down from the public w^orks any ornaments or marbles, or anything of that nature which shall have been esteemed to be either useful or ornamental to the state, or to remove them to any other place. If any one shall act contrary to this order, he shall be fined six pounds of gold ; and the like penalty shall be incuiTed by the several orders of the citizens, unless they protect the embellishments of their native place, f under the authority of this decree. But the judges of the provinces may, by their own authority, undertake such buildings as shall serve for granaries or hosteliies,:!: if moved by such laudable devotion to the public good. Given at Milan, (3) kal. Jan. Hono- rius (4.) and Eutychianus, Conss. 398. 14. What Buildings may be destroyed. The same AA. to Severus, Prefect of the City. — If any structures, such as are commonly cdMedi par apetasia, or any other de- scription of building, be so attached to the walls, or to any public buildings, as to endanger the neighbourhood, in respect to fire or thieving, or so as to reduce the extent of the streets or the width of the porticoes, om- order is that they shall be destroyed and razed. Given at Constantinople, 6. id. Oct. Honorius A. (4.) and Eutychianus, Conss. 398. 15.7/" ^^'^ Prince may grant a Deed of Gift of any Public Building. The same AA. to Eutychianus, Prefect of the Province. — In the event of any persons requesting from our bounty the gift of any public work or building, they shall not be granted to him unless they are in a state of absolute ruin, and of little or no use to the city. All rescripts of this kind are to be forwarded to the judgment of your illustrious office. Given, id. Dec. Honorius A. (4.) and Eutychianus, Conss. 398. 16. On the Statues of the Prince. The same AA. to ^milian, Prefect of the Province. — If at any time the public service should require that porticoes or other structures, failing from old age, or shattered by fortuitous causes, should undergo a thorough repair, it shall be lawful, even without application to us,§ to remove from such building either our own statues, or those of our predecessors, provided it be ^one with proper care and respect, || and when the building is repaired they shall be again restored to their proper places. Given at Constantinople, 5 kal. Jul. Arcadius A. (6.) andProbus, Conss. 406. 17. No Po7'tion of the Ground of a Public Palace may be occupied by Private Buildi7igs. Honorius and Theodosius AA. to Monaxius, Prefect of the Province. — Wherever any portion of ground within the Palatium of the city has been incon- veniently occupied by private buildings, aU such buildings shaU be forthwith pulled pictatc nostra. + genitalis jmlricc. \ stabulum. § nostra dementia. || cum revvrentia. THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 351 down, and tlie ground be restored to the palace, which ought in nowise to be strait- ened by the structures of private individuals. For it is an imperial privilege to be acknowledged by, and due from all persons, that those habitations should be reserved for us, which have been selected by our lawful authority, and according to the statutes of the Eepublic. Every such act of usurpation for the futm-e must be prohibited. Given at Constantinople, 9 kal. Mar. Honorius, (8.) and Theo- dosius, (3.) AA. Conss. 409. 18. On the Totcers on the Walls, for the Defence of the City. The same .AA. to Anthemius. — The work being now complete, we direct that the towers of the new wall, which has been built for the better defence of the most splendid city, vinder the superintendence of your excellency, and by our authority, shall be assigned to the use and accommodation of those through whose lands it has been earned. The same also is to be a perpetual decree, with the condition, that those who thus become entitled to the use of these towers shall be bound to keep them in due repair at their own expense. Being in the enjoyment of a public property, they must be aware' that the repairs and care of it must belong to them. In this manner, the beauty of the work and the defence of the city will be combined with the benefit and conve- nience of individuals. Given, prid. non. Apr. Lucius, V. C. Cons. 413, 19. On the Rents of Houses and Shops in the Portico of Zeuxippus. The same AA. to Severinus, Prefect of the Province. — As many private houses with their shops are said to exist in the portico of Zeuxippus, we ordain that the rents of the same, according to their number, shall, without any reserve, be appropriated to the main- tenance of the lights, to the repairs of the buildings and roofs, and to the Baths of this royal city. Given, 5. id. Jan. Victor, V. C. Cons. 434. 20. On Alleys and Porticoes. Theodosius and Valentinian. Impp. AA. to Cyrus, Prefect of the City. — Those persons who, without the authority of the divine rescript, to be addressed to your excellency's* judgment, have blocked up with their own private houses any lanes, either entirely or in part, or who have trespassed upon the porticoes, shall (by this our enactment) render to the most holy city its former rights ; and a penalty of fifty pounds (of gold) shall be imposed upon any who shall hereafter be bold enough to attempt a similar encroachment. Given, kal. Nov, Theodosius, A. (17.) and Festus, Conss. 439. 21. On the Basilica. The same AA. to Cyrus, Prefect of the City. — We ordain that the gilded Basilica, which is also decorated with marble slabs, shall for ever remain free and unincumbered, and that it shall not be concealed and obscuredf by the addition of any statue or painted portraits in honour of any one, nor shall any stalls or workshops, consisting of frame-work, be erected in any part of the said basilica. We also decree, that no horses shall be admitted into it, nor any nuptials be celebrated within its walls. Given at Constantinople, 11 kal. Feb, Valentinian, A. (5.) and Anatolius, Conss. 440, 22. -Z/" New Works may he commenced before former ones are completed. Leo, Imp. A. to Eiythrius. — It shall not be lawful for any one of the judges in this noble city, or in the provinces, to commence any new works before he shall have done his utmost, and with due diligence and earnestness, to complete those which were begun by * Uia: ccUitudinis. + obumbralidttc fuscari. 352 BUILDING LAWS OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. his immediate or more remote predecessors, and which may have perished from age, or have been abandoned through carelessness. More merit and praiseworthi- ness will result from thus restoring to a state of neatness and perfection what are decaying from age, and requii-e repair, and which, being commenced by others, have been left by them half finished. Given at Constantinople, 11 kal. Mar. Martian, and Zeno, Conss. 469. Tit. XIII. — On the Expenditure of Public Works, and on the Elders (Patres) of the City. 1. The Rectors of the Provinces and other Dignitaries are forbidden to destroy any of the Public Works, and to receive even a single grain of the Moneys appropriated to such Works, as they have formerly done. The Defeyiders of the City are required to look to the fulfilment of this. Zeno, Imp. A. to Arcadius, Prefect of the Province. — We command all and each of the governors of the provinces, and the respectable judges of each diocese, — that is to say, the augustal prefect, the count of the east, and both the proconsuls and the vicars, together with their apparitors, according to the tenour of the general arrangements within the limits of your illustrious government,* that they shall abstain from destroying any of the public buddings or aqueducts, which have been, or which may hereafter be, erected from the income of the cities, or from any source whatever of voluntary Liberality ; and that they shall not, at any time, or in any manner, impair the civic revenues, or public works executed, or to be executed, by appropriating to themselves a single grain from any of the moneys so laid out, or by receiving any gain ; the same sums being made over to the fathers of the cities, and to their care. If, however, any persons shall engage to execute any public work at their own expense, — although they promised to do so of their own free will, it is nevertheless certain that they are bound by legal obligation to act up to their promise, and to fulfil their engagement by the completion of such work, — yet we grant to them, that neither they, nor their heirs, shall ever be ex- posed to any inconvenience or molestation for alleged non-fulfilment of their pro- mise, in any manner, or at any time, either by way of forfeit, or by compulsion to complete. If, however, any governor of a province, or his officers, by wasting the public revenues, or by neglecting, in despite of our orders, the public works, shall take to his own use a single grain from the revenues, or shall in any manner transgress the commands of this most sacred law, the five chiefs of the office shall be condemned to perpetual exile, and shall forfeit aU their property to the city which they shall have injured ; moreover, the governorf of the province shall be mulcted in the penalty of fifty pounds of gold. To the same punishment shall also be subject the illustrious judges, (however high then- situation,) J and all theii* official servants, (as aforesaid.) Given — § * magnifies iuce sedis. + Rector, X Spectabilihus Judicibus {licet illustrl dignitate fuerint decorati.) § (No date.) 353 XXVL ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON.^ REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF CARREY's DRAWING, EXECUTED IN IGTi. " Cependant, je ne puis pas le disslmuler, faime a me representer ces magnifques ouvrages dam leur primitif etat. Malgre moi, mon imagination les remplace dans leur ensemble, avec tons les details, et tous lews accompagnemens, et il me semble que toute tentative qui produiroit une partie de cet effet, serviroit utilement les interets de Vart." QUATEEMERE DE QuiNCY. " The universally acknowledged pre-eminence of the sculptures of Phidias, is a reason why we should endeavour to derive as many deductions and conclusions as possible with regard to their pristine character ; and the greater the genius which produced them, the more important does it become, accurately to comprehend the thoughts and intentions, as expressed both in the whole and in all its particulars^" ^ Welcker. T HAVE been encouraged by the above quotation from the -^ admirable Letires a Ca7iova, by that enthusiastic and eloquent artist, M. Quatremere de Quincy, to venture upon a subject, from which I might otherwise have been deterred by the very different opinions of other writers. (■) 1 The accompanying engravings have been copied from the copper-plates of the Eastern and Western pediments, as restored by Professor Cockercll, and published by the Trustees of the British Museum, who have very kindly lent them for that purjjose ; and I take this opportunity of thanking them, to express my obligations to Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Newton, and other friends, for several valuable suggestions. The western pediment exhibits only one or two trifling alterations, but the eastern has been entirely re-arranged. In submitting this design to the public, it is necessary to apologise for any defects, whether of drawing or composition, which it may exhibit ; and to beg the reader to consider that it is formed, not from any description of the sculptures, not with any idea that it represents the actual works of Phidias, but simply as an illustration of the text, and as founded solely upon incidental notices in the poets, upon vase paintings, and other monuments. 2 " Apres avoir vu la difficultc qu'il-y-a de rendre compte des figures meme NO. IV. C C 354 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE No small degree of credit is due to the accurate Stuart for having been the first who perceived that the eastern end of the Parthenon formed the front of the building. Dr. Spon, Sir George Wheler, M. de Nomtel and others, in looking at the sculpture of the western pediment, which was then, with the exception of the statue of Minerva, tolerably perfect, all be- lieved that what was before their eyes was not existing, and that what was destroyed was visible before them. This mistake arose from the almost total destruction of the eastern pedi- ment, and the meagre description of the temple given us by Pausanias. The figure of Mmerva in the western pediment having fallen, led these persons to suppose that the statue of Neptune represented Jupiter, and thus not only each indivi- dual statue in this pediment was misinterpreted, and those remaining of the eastern pediment equally misunderstood, but the very plan and arrangement of the building was not com- prehended. Notwithstanding the opinion and authority of Stuart, and more recently of Visconti, the French interpreters of the Antiquities of Athens reverted again to the former error, which opinion was also accepted by one of the most distin- guished antiquaries of the present day ; and it was not till 1825, when M. Quatremere de Quincy published his Restitution des deux Frontons du Temple de Minerve a Athenes^ that Stuart's opinion was ultimately established and confirmed. The leading cause of all this error was the ruined state of the eastern pediment. Long before the damage occasioned by the Venetian bombardment, we find in the drawings by Nointel, qui restent, on voit combien il doit etre plus difficile encore de rendre compte de celles qui ont cesse d'exister. II faut meme avouer que de semblables projets de restitutions, quoique utiles aux artistes comme etudes, doivent etre exclus d'ouvrages de la nature de celui dont il est ici question." — Millingen, Annal. delVInst di Corr. iv. 207. — " The attempt to infer the treatment and details of the alto-relievo group which once occupied the eastern pediment, from the fragments of it which remain, would be as futile an enterprise, as that to reconstruct an Athenian tragedy from a few broken lines." — Che. Woedswoeth. Athens and Attica, 8vo. Lond. 1836, p. 116. EASTEEN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 355 taken in 1674, the centre of the pediment is one large void : and in 1676, Spon and Wheler write — " The postick or hind-front" (as called by them) "was adorned with figures, expressing" (as supposed by them) "Minerva's contest with Xeptune about naming the city of Athens; but now all of them are fallen down, only part of a sea-horse" (a horse's head) " excepted."(') The destruction of the eastern pediment was caused by the Christians, who had pulled down a portion of the pronaos of the temple, in order to make room for the absis of their church. M. de Quincy did not content hunself with proving the eastern extremity to be the front of the temple ; but he pro- jected an imaginary restoration of the composition of its pedi- ment, based upon an observation of Yisconti's.C'') It is due to this distinguished architect and antiquary (M. De Quincy), that we give the chain of reasoning wliich he adduces in sup- port of his argument : — " The mythological origin or birth of the divinities formed, if we may so say, the foundation of pagan religion ; and the theogony, the source of all fable, was in some measure the element of their creed. Nothing was more common in works of art than these theogonic representations. On the base of the statue of Minerva, by Phidias, in the interior of the Parthenon, that sculptor represented the birth of twenty divinities, ' viginti dii nascenies,' among others that of Pandora. (^) Would it not have been most natural for Phidias, charged with the sculptures of the Par- thenon, to choose for the subject of the principal front of his temple, the birth of her to whom it was dedicated ? How can we suppose that Phidias, who must have been acquainted with the marvellous story of her birth, the details of which are still remembered by all the world, would not have seized this idea for the principal sub- ject, and represented it under those cii'cumstances which would render it apparent to the spectators ? We must, then, allow that the worshippers of IVIinerva, with whom the mii-acle of her birth was an article of faith, would never have been induced, so complacently as Spon and Wheler, to accept the presentation of the daughter, mentioned by no ancient writer, for the accouchement of Jupiter, sung by all the poets. 1 Wheler's Journey into Greece, p. 360-364. 2 " Toutes les figures qui appartenoient au centre de la composition, dont les principales reprcsentoient Minerve tout armce, sortant de la tcte de Jupiter, avoient disparus depuis un terns immemoriel." — Visconti, Memoire stir les Ouvrayes de Sculpture qui appartenoient au Parthenon, 8vo. Lond. 1816, p. 38. 8 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. CC 2 356 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE " In the Museum at Bologna is an ancient Etruscan patera" (mirror) (}) " repre- senting the birtli of ^linerva, the treatment of which is so conformable to the ancient myths, that I cannot imagine any composition which would be more suited for the centre of the pediment. It represents the birth of Minerva, who issues from the head of Jupiter. The goddess has the helmet on her head, the buckler on her arm, and a spear in her hand. Jupiter is seated, holding the sceptre in one hand, in the manner of a spear, and the thunderbolt in the other. On each side of the goddess is a woman. On his right is the deity called Diana, Juno or Lucina, whose two arms are elevated, and who seems by the action of one of her hands to have assisted at the operation of the extraordinary childbu'th. On the left of Jupiter is Yenus, recognisable by her half-naked attne, a sprig of myrtle, and a dove. Behind Juno Lucina is Yulcan, still armed with the axe which has cleft the head of the god, and seeming to regard with admiration the success of his operations 1 It is published by Dempster {Etr. Reg.i. 78) ; Gori(J/w5. Etr. tab. 120) : and explained by Foggini (2)m. Corton. ii. 93); and 'LdiU.zi {Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, ii. 191). EASTERN PEDIilENT OF THE PARTHENON. 357 " Engraved pateras (mirrors) and terra-cotta vases may be considered as the pro- ductions of a manufacturing industry-. 'WTiatever degree of ability we might wish to attribute to the artists employed in multiplying such works, we cannot award to them the merit of invention, of composition, of whatever constitutes, in fine, the original idea of those various subjects presented to us in such works. It is probable that such manufactories had formerly, as our own in the present day, models of figures and groups copied from ancient scvdptures or paintings, and that these designs formed types, which were copied with more or less fidelity, and which served to per- petuate the more ancient style of drawing of the primitive schools. " Thus may be explained the excessive difference of style in the draper\-, the drawing, and the general treatment, wliich one beholds in two vases, found, perhaps, in the same tomb, and which display the same form, material, varnish, and work- manship, though their style and drawing indicate a difference of many ages. " A similar anomaly of style is met with in the Etruscan pateras. Some of them display an apparent treatment withoxxt art, or anterior to art, which is in all proba- bility imitative. Others, on the contrary', exhibit compositions, forms, outlines, attitudes, and movements, which indicate either the epoch of a more advanced art, or that they are copies of original works by superior artists. In this last category may, we imagine, be placed the design of the copper patera representing the birth of Minerva. The general composition, the grouping, the character of the heads, the style of draper}-, the costume of the figures, the pose and attitude of Vulcan, — all are distinguished from that stiff, false, and unpractised drawing of the outhnes, that monotony of drapery, that absence of truth, that awkward stiffness, that affectation of constantly showing a profile, — incontestable signs of ignorance, which betray the age of the first essays of imitation among all people. " If the style of drawing and the composition of this work had offered us those traits of a primitive style, which in Italy, as in Greece, preceded by a lapse of several ages the epoch of Phidias, we might suppose that the idea of this representation of the birth of Minerva, on an instrument of sacrifice doubtless in use in the worship of that goddess, might have been handed down by tradition, and after being multiplied under the same form as an object consecrated by rehgion, might have suggested to the sculptor of the pediment in question the general intention of his subject. " But it is otherwise. The composition, the adjustment, the design of this scene traced on copper, evidently indicate an age in which the arts of Etruria, although greatly inferior in several respects to those of Greece, had yet received from them some reflection, and thrown aside their fii'st stift'ness. Thus it will be per- mitted to suppose, that the grand and celebrated compositions of the Parthenon at Athens were reproduced in design, and that some of the subjects became the objects of free imitation for many of those dependent arts, which in all ages exist at the expense of the superior. It is probable, therefore, that the Etruscan patera may be a reminiscence of the pediment of Phidias. At aU events, and without carrying these conjectures too far, we shall find, I think, by a comparison of the design of this patera, with due regard to the composition required in a pediment, that the centre of the pediment, considering its pitch, and the elevation of its upper angle, would present the most natural situation for a subject such as that I have restored. Mnena, rising above the head of the god, would be placed immediately under the angle, and nothing would have been more easy than the execution of such a group. 358 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE especially when one considers that the sculptures of these pediments, instead of being executed in bas-relief, carved out of the solid blocks of the tympanum, were composed of statues, each of independent workmanship, and afterwards placed together so as to form one general composition." This opinion of Minerva rising from the head of Jupiter was adopted by Brondsted, ( Voyages et Recherches en Grece^ fol. Paris, 1830), and more recently by Gerhard, (Athenens Gehurt^ 4to. Berlin, 1838), who only differs from M. De Quincy in the appropriation of some of the accessorial figures. He founds his opinion, however, not on a single Etruscan mirror, but on the numerous representations of this subject on painted vases, which he considers " should remove all doubt as to the subject repre- sented in the pediment of the Parthenon." In a subsequent pamphlet, {Drei Vorlesungen i'lber Gyps- Ahgusse^ 8vo. Berlin, 1844), M. Gerhard has given a restoration of the pediment, taking as his basis a vase of remarkable beauty and importance (formerly belonging to M. Beugnot, but now in the British Museum), (') which vase has also been published and explained by MM. Lenormant and De Witte, {Elite des Mo- numens Ceramographiques)^ and by Forchhammer, {Die Gehurt der Athene). THE BIETH OF MINERVA, AS KEPRESENTED OX THE BEUGKOT VASE. As considerable use has been made of this vase in the accom- panying restoration, it may be useful to describe the different figures, as explained by these writers. In the centre we behold Jupiter (Zeus) and Minerva (Athena). On their right are Yulcan (Hephaestus), Neptune (Poseidon), and Bacchus 1 No. 741 *. See Vase-Catal. Brit. Mus. EASTEEN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 359 (Dionysus) : on their left Eileithyia and Diana (Artemis). All these have their names written in characters running towards the centre. Between Poseidon and Dionysus are two figures, which have been taken for Nike (Victory) and Apollo, or Iris and Theseus. The outside figures have been described by Ger- hard as a Demos and Nereus ; by the British Museum Vase- Editors as a Demos and Hades ; by Forchhammer as Olympus and Thessalus ; and by Lenormant and De Witte, as Amphic- tryon or Icarius, and Cecrops. This vase not only puts us in possession of several parti- culars relating to the myth, but it is also interestmg, as being the most carefully-painted vase of the Minerva series, and in having the figures red on a black ground, like the Magna- Graecia vases. Although we cannot consider that it ofi'ers us a precise indication of the order and arrangement of the Par- thenon pediment, there being six figures on one side, and only three on the other, it is possible that some of the figures may have been copied, by various gradations, from the Parthenon pediment ; and we may at least be allowed to give a greater im- portance to the representation on this vase, from its vast supe- riority over other similar monuments. The points which I con- sider of such interest are — The appearance and attitude of Diana and Nike : The attitude of Apollo, whose clenched hands so admirably correspond to the description by Homer :(') The attitude of Eileithyia : And the presence of Hades and a Demos. With respect to the unequal distribution of the figures, we may imagine that the artist has omitted two figures on the left of the centre, from want of space ; and if we suppose these to be Mars (Ares) and Venus (Aphrodite), we shall have the same characters as in the accompanying design, with the exception of Dionysus in lieu of Juno (Hera). ^ See page 394, note 5. 360 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE In opposition to the advocates of the foregoing theory, that the actual birth was represented, several writers have reverted again to the original supposition, entertained by Spon and Wheler, and by Stuart, that the presentation rather than the birth of Minerva was selected by the sculptor, as being equally indicative of the sacred myth, and as being more consistent with the principles of artistic treatment. This idea was first put forward by Professor Cockerell, in 1830, (in his Illustra- tions of the Elgin Marbles in the British Museum^ vol. vi. pi. xxi. p. 13), whose opinion Millingen immediately supported, (Annali deW Inst, di Corr. Archeol. iv. 1832, p. 207), though he objected, that the figure of Jupiter must have been repre- sented standing, as, otherwise, the projection of the feet and knees would have been greater than that of the corona. More recently. Professor Welcker has published an essay on the same subject, (On the Scidptiu^ed Groups in the Pediments of the Par- thenon: translated by Dr. L. Schmitz, Class. Mus. vol. ii. 8vo. Lond. 1844, p. 367,) in which he advocates a similar opinion, believing, with Millingen, that Jupiter must have been in a standing position. He considers the former theory as monstrous, and objects to its advocates, that representations depicted on vases were copies rather of paintings within the temple, than imitations of the sculpture without: — "Architectonic sculpture, as applied to the ornamenting of temples {koojxoq), does not follow quite the same laws, and has, in part, its peculiar subjects. It is at any rate obvious, that the products of vase manufactories, destined for certain purposes in ordinary life, can have had but a very limited influence upon scidpturc and upon great public monuments. Eveiy one who looks at the creations of Phidias with eyes entirely free from the impressions made by vase-paintings, and with an unbiassed judgment, must confess that he could not have represented Zeus in the same manner as the vase painters. And if ever so many other artists, work- ing as they did for the most distant localities, and with the most distant objects in view, had followed the examples of those painters, certainly the sculptor who created the groups of Aglauros, Herse, and Pandrosos, and of Thallo and Auxo, who knew how to manage within a given space the original figures of Aphrodite on the knees of Dione, and the gi'oups of the Eleusinian divinities, and who invented the figures of the twelve gods sitting on chairs in the eastern frieze, cannot have adopted an ancient type in representing Zeus giving bii-th to his daughter; he cannot have disfigured, by a monstrous notion of the ancient belief in mu-acles. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 361 and by a remnant of the rude simplicity of early ages, a work which, in all its details, contains evidence of the most extraordinary power of invention, and, at the same time, of the deepest and purest artistic taste, and which throughout breathes life and nature, notwithstanding its sublime grandeur ; he cannot have intolerably exaggerated in his colossal marble a representation which, destined as it was for a small painting on a small vessel, and for small and limited circles, was still bold and dangerous : and he cannot have exhibited such a thing to the eyes of all Greece, in a spot which, of all others at Athens, was calculated to invite the curiosity of all admirers of art. It is, indeed, repugnant to our feelings, and impossible to conceive it." I have thought it necessary to give the opinions of these writers thus fully, that the reader may be able to form a more complete idea of the subject in dispute, and to judge more freely of the probability of the theory which I am about to propose, and which will be found to be in part compounded of the two opinions, without being identical with either. I agree with MM. Yisconti, Quatremere de Quincy, Brondsted, and Gerhard, in the opinion that the presentation of Minerva to the gods of Olympus, cannot be understood as identical with the birth of Minerva as described by Pausanias ; and I agree with MM. Cockerell, Millingen, and Welcker, in condemning the conceit of representing a doll-like figure of Minerva, issuing from the head of Jupiter, in so palpable a material as marble, as being altogether monstrous and inartistic. " Non tamen intus Digna geri promes in scenam : multaque tolles Ex oculis, qua3 mox narret facundia pr8esens."(i) " Nee, quodcumque volet, poscat sibi fabida credi."(~) With the exception of Professor Cockerell, who unites in himself the practised knowledge of architecture and sculpture with the power of learned criticism, and of M. Brondsted, the other writers have treated the subject only in a mythological aspect, n Leaving this part of the question — so far as regards 1 HOR. De Arte Poet. 182-184. 2 jj^ 339, 3 Since the preparation of this article, I find that Mr. Lloyd, in an essay written in 1846, and unpublished (but communicated to a few friends), adopted the view of placing Minerva upright, in the centre of the pediment ; Juno being seated on one side of her, and Jupiter opposite on the other : the grouping of Jupiter and Vulcan being taken from the bas-relief published by Winckelmann. 362 ON THE LOST GEOUP OF THE the central figures — for the consideration of those who are more competent than myself to express an opinion, I purpose to treat the subject simply in an artistic point of view. I propose to consider, not so much the instructions which the Hierarch would give through Pericles, as the conceptions which Sculp- ture would create in the mind of Phidias — ^not so much what Phidias had to do, as how he did it. There can be no doubt that of the two theories which have been suggested, the presentation of the new-born goddess to the deities of Olympus would afford a subject of great noble- ness and beauty. Jupiter would be seated in the centre of the pediment, and with his attributes — his lofty and magni- ficent throne, his carved footstool, his sceptre and his eagle, — would form an imposing and splendid centre to the compo- sition. No " monstrous " wound, no expression of pain, would detract from the god-like serenity of Jupiter's appearance; no exaggerated character in the other deities would tend to lessen the simple majesty of the general composition. The various figures of the pediment, though disposed in different attitudes, would yet form one continued whole, having a grand central point of unity, and that centre, the sovereign deity himself. Surely, no subject could exceed in nobleness of cha- racter that in which the king of the gods is represented sitting on his throne, surrounded by all the superior deities. But though one of the most desired objects with the sculptor would be to form the noblest scene he could devise, this was not the paramount requirement. It being Minerva's house, he had to represent Minerva's birth; and such, according to Pausanias, was fully executed : — " To those entering the temple called Parthenon, aU that is placed in the pediment refers to the birth of Minerva ; but in the back of the temple is the contest of Minerva and Neptune for the right of territory." 'Ec ^e Toy I'aoy, ov liap^evwva orofjia^ovffiv, eg tovtov kdiovaiv, biroaa ir toIq KaXovjievnig aerolg Ke~irai, ttcivtu tc rijv ^A^Tjydg £^£1 yeveaiv. ra ce oTnorBev y UotTtidaiyoQ irpoQ 'A^r)va.v iarev epiQ vTrep rrjc yilQ-Q) ^ Paus. i. 24, sec. 5. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 363 Although this event is literally represented in the vase- paintings adduced by the opposite party for their authority, and although the compositions on such vases are generally such as are most typical of the event indicated, and which most per- fectly embrace, as well the events which preceded the moment chosen, as those which followed it; yet we have no authority for supposing that the artist of the Athenian pediment was obliged to select such moment, embracing most completely every event referred to. Such representations become liable to objection, when we consider that the moment chosen being that which is most perfectly in equilibrium, and referring equally to the events preceding and following — would relate equally to Jupiter as to Minerva. Were an earlier moment indicated, then, although the subject would still relate to the birth of Minerva, the scene would have especial reference to the pain induced by the operation of Yulcan; or still earlier, to the labours of childbirth; or earlier still, to the swallowing of Metis : and in these cases, Jupiter would be brought more and more in view, and Minerva less. It is precisely thus that we find the subject treated by the vase-painters. In more than one example, we have Jupiter in labour, in which the condoling expression of the surrounding deities is most comically represented ;(^) in another, Eileithyia is actively engaged in her professional duties ;(*) in others, Jupiter is represented with his hands clenched, as in the vehemence of pain;(^) in another, he is in the action of hurling his thunder- bolt at Yulcan, in return for his compulsory assistance ;0 in others, with the hand outstretched, as in the moment of de- livery ;(^) in several, we have the goddess rising from the head of Jupiter; in two vases, we see Minerva standing on his knee;^) and we have two other examples, in which she 1 Lenormant and De Witte, i. pi. 54 ; Miiseo Etrus. ii. 1, 2, 31?, 48. 2 Len. pag. 190 ; Passebi, Pict. in Vase. tab. 152 ; Dempster, Etrnr. Reg. i. pi. 74. 3 Lenorm. i. pi. 58, 60, 61. ^ Id. pi. 56. 5 Id. pi. 62, 64. 6 /(/. pi. 55, 59 ; Vases of Corate Lamberg, i. 83. 364 ON THE LOST GKOUP OF THE appears in perfect stature, before Jupiter, who stretches out his hand towards her in exultation. (') It is far from impossible that vases may one day turn up, which shall represent the swaUow- ino- of Metis, or the operation of Vulcan's axe: for as the decoration of vases was left to the fancy of the artist, the scene mio-ht be represented in a thousand manners, though, as I have stated, the point of time most generally chosen is that of the actual delivery. But in the application of this myth to the pediment of the Parthenon, we have no authority for supposing that the artist was under the obligation of selecting such said moment of most pef- fect equilibrium. On the contrary, his object would naturally be to give as much importance as possible to the representation of Minerva, and he would endeavour to select such a point in the his- tory as, at the same time that it effected this, should refer clearl}^ to the previous events. Another objection to the adoption of the vase-paintings is the diminutive size given to the principal fio-ure, the infant puppet-form of which would appear another beino* from the gorgeous chry so-elephantine statue within the naos of the temple. But independently of the want of import- ance given to the figure of Minerva, the difficulty and ab- surdity of executing such a figure in the solid, constitutes an insuperable objection. (') Before venturing on any conjectural restoration of the eastern pediment, it will be well to examine attentively the composition of that of the western front. In doing so, it will be found that order and symmetry, (') required by Vitruvius in all architecture, are peculiarly necessary as the very funda- mental laws of a pedimental composition : and that no statue. 1 Lekorm. pi. 66; Mus. Etrus. ii. 29. 2 It is true that a statue of this description did actually exist at Athens, (Paus. i. 24,) but as an individual work it might have been treated ever so capriciously. 3 " Non potest sedes uUa sine symmetria atque proportione (Eurhythmia) rationem habere compositionis, nisi uti ad hominibus bene figurati similitudinera, membrorum habuerit exactam rationem." — ViTRUV. de Archit. iii. 1. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 365 however well executed, or however beautiful in itself, can look well in a pedimental group, unless its form, and mass, and attitude, and, indeed, its entire character, be in accordance with the figures immediately surrounding it, but more particularly with the figure corresponding to it on the other side of the pediment. There is a passage in Aristotle which directly bears upon this subject. To form a unity^ it is necessary that " the parts be so con- nected, that if any one of them be either transposed or taken away, the whole will be destroyed or changed : for whatever may be either added or omitted without making any sensible difi'erence, cannot be a part of the whole."(') With this key to our enquiries, we proceed to examine the sculpture of the more perfect pediment. (■) In the Western front of the Parthenon we have the most beautiful group left us from antiquity. Nothing can exceed the admirable play of lines produced by the sculptor in this com- position. Notwithstanding the variety of figures, there is not one which presents a perpendicular line. Artistically speaking, the subject is divided into two masses, the figures of which are of proportionate size. In the central group are Neptune and Minerva, with their chariots and attendants. These figures, by their arrangement as well as by their size, constitute the principal and more prominent group. The second mass, if we ^ Aristot. Poetica, viii. 4. Ed. Hermann. - In decorating the pediment of a temple, the sculptor must have felt great difficulty in applying his group to so unaccommodating a form as a triangle. When the subject admitted of the introduction of the supreme deities in the centre of the group, as in the pediments of the Parthenon, the artist availed himself of the com- mon practice of remote antiquity, of representing the deity as of colossal size ; and he was thus enabled to fill up his pediment more easily. But when the subject was of no sacred character, but represented such scenes as a battle between Greeks and Amazons, no such liberty could be permitted, and the sculptor was obliged to have recourse to other means to raise up the centre of his composition. We find these two manners well exemplified in the monument at Xanthus. In the eastern pediment, the god and goddess, seated in the centre, are of colossal size ; and, in the western, the centre is occupied by a figure on horseback, which fills up the composition very successfully, while the shoulder of the half-pediment which is pre- served to us is occupied by men on foot, advancing against him. 366 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE may so call it, is composed of the accessorial figures in the two extremities of the tympanum, which also correspond to each other in their individual parts. By this division of the sculpture, the eye is enabled at a glance to grasp the leading subject represented by the artist, instead of wandering indistinctly over the whole of the com- position had the figures been of a more equal gradation. As the central group comes out distinctly from the side groups, so the two principal figures, Neptune and Minerva, stand out boldly from all other figures : and thus the eye is attracted at first by the general character of the central group, and imme- diately after by the principal personages of that group. Though the figures of Neptune and Minerva are so colossal, that were they standing upright their heads would touch the apex of the pediment, yet, by the attitude given to them, all appearance of heaviness is overcome, and the figures are promi- nent without being overpowering. The Neptune leans to the right, the Minerva to the left, while their arms and legs cross each other, so as to form, with these two figures only, a central group of great variety and beauty of lines. (^) The land and sea-horses on either side give a pyramidal form to this central group, and by the undulating lines of the horses, give a peculiar grace and compactness to the whole composition. Mr. Lloyd very correctly observes of the Minerva, that "from the view that is shown (in Carrey's drawing) of the fracture, or stump, of her left arm, it must have extended before him, and outwards from the pediment." This position of the arm I consider necessary to the perfect balance and expressiveness of the figures. Minerva is placed behind Neptune, and behind her horses, and we require this 1 I would refer tlie reader to Mr. Lloyd's judicious remarks on these two statues, in the fifth volume of the Class. If us., where he very accurately describes the tension and relaxation of the different muscles, the relative proportion of vigour and spirit, the contrasted and symmetrical gesture, and the interlacing of the several parts. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 367 extension of one arm, to denote the superiority of the virgin goddess. I have, therefore, in accordance Avith this feeling, shghtly altered the accompanying plate, by introducing the arm and shieldQ) of Minerva warding off and protecting her country from the attack of its enemies. The spear is in Minerva's right, the trident in Neptune's left, or weak hand. By this position of the goddess, the sculptor has cleverly managed to place Neptune in the way of his horses, while Minerva allows free passage to her own. Another remarkable evidence of careful study of effect evinced in this pediment, is seen in the manner in which the voids and masses of the pediment are made to alternate regularly with the columns and intercolumniations below; thus avoiding those perpendicular lines observable in the portico of one of our public buildings, where the columns appear to be not only extended by the pedestals below, but to run up into the sculp- ture above. This pediment, then, is so remarkable, that we at once turn to the Eastern, naturally expecting to behold there a still more transcendent grandeur and beauty. But, instead of finding in the restorations of this pediment by the various critics who have written on the subject, (") that blending of the lines, and weld- ing, we might almost say, of the forms together, we perceive in the generality of such designs, insulated perpendicular figures, without life or meaning : instead of the greatly increased pro- portion given to the principal figures, as observable in the western pediment, we find there the figures are, as much as possible, reduced to one medium size. Judging of these designs abstractedly or artistically, I 1 A proper type of Minerva as a guardian deity. ^ It would betray a want of candour to include Mr. Cockcrell's design, {And. Marb. Brit. Mas. vi.) in this category, which displays great judgment and ability, though the theory is diiferent from that at present oifered. The sculptured pediment of St. George's Hall, Liverpool, designed by Prof. Cockerell, is the finest modern composition for a pedimental group that I am acquainted with. Its general cha- racter approaches somewhat to that of the western pediment. 368 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE cannot consider that they express the spirit and character of the lost original : we must seek, therefore, in what other manner these elements may be best obtained. It has been stated that in the western pediment the sculpture is divided into two dis- tinct groups, occupying the centre and the extreme ends of the triangle. In the eastern pediment we have only the extreme ends of the pediment, which can give but little or no clue to the arrangement of the central group, which is entirely wanting. The temple being dedicated expressly to Minerva, and finding Minerva holding a conspicuous position in the western pedi- ment, it is reasonable to suppose that Phidias, who was — " Diis quam hominihus ejjiciendis m.elior^^\^) would have given a still more prominent position in the eastern pediment to the figure of Minerva; by reason both of the greater importance of the subject of representation, and from the east end being always considered as the principal. Minerva should, therefore, be the central figure in the eastern pediment ; and, as in the western pediment the central figures are of colossal size, so in the eastern the statue of Minerva should not only occupy the centre of the pediment, but form the most important figure in the composition. In the western pediment, we observe great beauty is effected by the lines of the horses, the forms of which appear necessary to connect the whole together, and prevent an undue preponderance of the perpendicular form. Some lines of this description are required in the eastern pediment, though it is possible that the direction of these lines should be so managed as to produce variety. Thus, the central figure of Minerva, in the eastern pediment, would form a contrast to the double figures of Neptune and Minerva in the western, and thus the converging or pyramidal lines of the horses might require diverging lines in the eastern pediment, which lines are pro- cured in the accompanying engraving, by means of the sceptres of Jupiter and Juno ; precisely in the same manner that we find 1 Quint. lust. xli. 10, sec. 9. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PAETHENON. 369 this occasionally managed in vase-paintings.(') And if we com- pare the several other groups in the two pediments, we shall observe similar marks of contrast. This variety we might have expected to behold in the cen- tral group of the eastern pediment, had the figures been pre- served to us. As the central figures in the western pediment are in animated attitudes, those in the eastern might have been calm and sedate : as the side figures in the western are in quiet attitudes and seated, those of the eastern might have been raised and erect. These, then, are what I consider to be the characteristics of the eastern pediment, — such a perceptible difference in the size and composition, as should render the central group easily distinguishable from the side groups — such predominating im- portance given to the central figure, as should render it pre- eminent over all others — such freedom and gracefulness in the curved lines on each side of the centre, as should contrast most efi*ectually with the straight lines, and such fulness and round- ness as should unite the whole in one composition. But in imagining the figure of Minerva to occupy the centre of the pediment, we must not forget that the glorious statue of the goddess, the masterpiece of Phidias' art, stood below. The attitude of this figure was erect. She stood upon a lofty pedestal, and her head nearly touched the summit of the roof. The doors are open; and she is visible to the eyes of the countless multitude before the temple. It is impossible, then, to suppose that the Minerva of the pediment could have been represented erect, for she would then have appeared to stand upon the head of the statue beneath. An attitude must, there- fore, be selected for her, which shall appear least identical with ^ See plate 243 and 317 of Inghir ami {PiUit7'e di Vasi Fi f till), where we see spears and thyrsi so arranged. The celebrated vase of the death of Priam, in the museum at Naples, is particularly remarkable for the pyramidal forms of the various groups. NO. IV. D D 370 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE that below. The being is the same, but the appearances should be most dissimilar. In conformity with these several requirements, I have imagined the figure of Minerva to occupy the central portion of the pediment, to be represented as just issued from the head of Jupiter, and as rising supremely towards the highest heaven, and springing up into ether. (^) 'H y£virj]poQ Ilrjyiic EKTrpo^opovtra, KUt aKpoTorrfQ ano ffeipac.{~) She has attained her full stature; she utters a loud shout ;(^) her arms are extended upward, holding a spear and buckler ;(^) while her feet are raised from the ground, to indicate, by the continuity of action, the period of recent birth. Thus is she described by Pindar, — What time, by Vulcan's adze, the poets sung, From great Jove's head, the armed Minerva sprung With awful shout — Heaven's thunders rolled, (^) And gods and men all shuddered to behold. 1 See page 373. ^ Proclus, Hymn, ad Afiner. 1, 2, ^ avTi] TE TTToXenoi TE. HoM. Hi/m. ad Min. xi. 3. tpiX6^a)(oe, -SlscHYL. Sept. c. Tlieb. 130. In an Etruscan Mirror, published by Dr. Braun in the Annali, 1851, (p. 141, pi. G, H,) Lalan, a personification of the war-shout, dXttXct, is represented, together with Preale, who may be considered as a personification of the impetuous leaping -ioxi\\ of Minerva, iwS\y-a7-med (irpyXig) from the head of Jupiter. * See TzETZES, ad Lycopk. 355; Schol. ad Apoll. iv. 1310. Among other derivations of the names of Minerva is that of IlaXXw, to brandisJi, or vibrate. See also Plato, Cratyl.,'^0&. Minerva is also described as shaking her shield, (Nonnus, Dionys. iv. 390, xxvii. 296) ; and thus, paying attention also to the vibrating crest of her TTijXr)^, we must consider that her impetuous leaping motion, so constantly exhibited on the vases, is an important element to be expressed in a representation of her birth. ^ This appears alluded to in the many vases representing the birth of Minerva, where we find Jupiter so generally grasping his thunderbolt. See Lenormant and De Witte, i. pi. 56, 57, 59, 62, 63, and 65 A. It is partly with this view that I have introduced the eagle and thunderbolt under the feet of Minei-va, and partly as a figurative representation of the bii'th of the goddess from the head of Jupiter. The owl might have been introduced in the folds of the drapery. The Scholiast of Aristophanes (ad Uquit. 1091) says that the owl flying was a symbol of victory. Sec also DiOG. Proverb. Cent. iii. 72. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 371 'A.vi^ ' A(f)ai(rTOV rexvaiaiu XaXAceXdrm TreXeKct narepos 'A'^avaia Kopv(f)av kut aKpav ' AvopoiKTacr , dXaXa^ev VTrepfiaKd ^oa. (*) Thus by Hesiod,- From his head proceeded, self-created, Pallas Tritogenia, blue-eyed maid ; Awful, (") unconquer'd, leader of the fight, Whom shouts and tumults, din and wars delight. (^) And thus by Homer, — Forth from the head of him, ^giochus. Immortal Jove ! she rushed impetuous. Brandishing aloft her sharp-pointed spear. At the dread sight Olympus shook with fear; The earth groaned heavily, the sea distress'd. With purple waves her sovereign might confess'd. (*) And in the same manner is she described by Philostratus, — " The gods were affrighted at seeing IMinerva just issued from the head of Jupiter, by the assisting instniment of Vulcan, appearing completely armed, (^) 1 Pindar, Oli/m. vii. 65-70. ^ yopywTTtg ala^aroQ ^ea. SoPH. jijax. 450. ^ AvTos 8' en Kecf)a\rjs yXavKcoTrtSa Tpiroyevfiav, Aeipfjv, iypfKiiboifiov, ayearparov, drpvTapTfp, Horviav, fj KiKaboi re a8ov woXepoi re (id)(at, re. — Hesiod. TheOff. 924-926. tTTTTwv Kal aaKEwv a^ofxii'a Trarcty^. — Callim. Hymn, in Lavac. Pall. 44. ^o\tjxoK\6vov T 'A^tjvrjy, Anac. liii. ■* H Se npoa'^fv Aios diyi6-)(oio 'Ecra-vpevcos (iipov(T€v dir d'^avdroio Kapr]vov, ^eiaaa-' o^vv I'lKovra' ptyas 8' eXeXifer "OXu/xjrof Advov vwo fipipfi y\avKu>inbos' dpcf^l Be yaia 2/xfpSaXeoj/ Idxrja-fv' eKivq'ir] S' tipa irovTos Kiipaa-i 7ropcf)vpfoi(n KVKapevos, fcrxfTo 8' oKpr] 'E^airimjs. — HoMEE, Hymni, ii. 8. , ^ ^piTTOvoi Be Ttiv 'AS'Tjva.y, aprt Tfjff rov Aiog K£ai(TTOv fir)^uvaiQ, wc b iriXEKVQ. (PhiLOST. Imag. ii. 27.) 'A^jjm avv ottXoiq ave^ope. (Apollod. Bi//L i, 3, sec. 6.) Fevofiivri h' in Aioq kui fiovov Kal ek rijc KECpaXyJQ ou^ I'lTTOv TOVTWV Buvf^aaToi' TO reraprov ia\iJQ TOv ^Eov (paafia. ctj-jftt yap Ev^iig tt'OirXog, iHairEp HXiog Uav iaywvbfiov raiq aicrliTiy, iySoBEv Koafxij^Eiaa vno tov TtarpoQ. (Arist. Orat, i. 18.) See also Eustathius, Comment, in Iliadeni, A, p. 83, Rone ; Lucian, Dear. Dial. viii. ; Martian. Cupel, vi. D D 2 372 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE Such an appearance of their virgin goddess, the personifica- tion of intellectual wisdom and excellency, commanding alike from her position and attitude, her casque and £egis, her spear and buckler, — glittering in all the brightness of the sun, — must have elicited a proud boasting, must have awakened a sacred fire in the breast of every Athenian citizen. On either side of Minerva would be Jupiter and Juno, seated on thrones, and the attitude of whose bodies, assisted by the diverging lines of their sceptres, would correspond to, and contrast with, the curved lines of the horses of Nike and Amphitrite, in the western pediment. The position of the goddess before Jupiter would be con- formable with the description by Philostratus, who says that, — " Jupiter seemed to gasp witli delight, as those who endure great labour for the accomplishment of some good, and contemplated his daughter, exulting at her birth."C) Nor are we without authority from vase-paintings for this position of the goddess. On two vases she is represented as standing on the knee of Jupiter; on two others as standing THE BIRTH OF MINERVA, ON A VASE IN THE MTJSEO-ETRUSCO. ' 'O Zeiis Se da^fiaivei trvv rjdovfj, Ka'^cmep ol fieyap enl fieyaXa Kapira 8ia7rovi'](raVT(S dSXoi/, KoX TTjv TrmSa i^KTTopd, (^povmv ts aXrj'3a>s /jprjKvia (vcl rjpKvla) Koi rav au'^pcoirav ocroi Sf o(|)i\eif ovK "Art] irarfl ras K€(f)a\as, 'A'^rjva 8e dvfx^i Koi e/x/Sarevet, Ttjpovcra to avp.^6\ov TTJs avT^s ytj/eVewy.— AeisT. Orat. i. 19. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 375 "She occupies," says Diodorus Siculus, "the summit of the universe," — TOP aKpOTOTOV ilV€)(€lV TOTTOV TOV (TVllTTaVTOS /CO(r/XOU.(') She was said to be born from the summit of Jupiter's head, because ether is the highest portion of the atmosphere, — aiSepa tov vyl/^rjXoTaTOv livai aepa.{") Eandem hanc alii cBtherium verticem, et summitatk ipsius esse summam dixerunt.{^) Ego in altissimis habitavi, et thronus mens in columna mibis.(^) THE BIRTH OF MINERVA. (PASSERI, LUCERNE). We meet with a striking illustration of this hypothesis in an ornamental lamp, given by Passeri, (Lucerne, i. tab. 52,) where we behold Minerva just issued from the head of Jupiter, floating horizontally in the air.(^) Another still more hazardous conjecture, and one which I propose with the greatest diffidence and hesitation, is that of attributing wings to Minerva ; but although hypothetical, I have thought it necessary to express these wings in the drawing, 1 DiOD. Sic. i. 12, sec. 7. ^ Eustath. Comment, in Iliad. A, 124. ^ Arnob. advers. Gent. p. 118, lib. iii. * Scrii)t. Rer. Myth. 8vo. Cellis, 1831, iii. 10. Ihc JdgJiest god : see Ckeuzer, Symh. ii. 800. 5 Compare MiLiiN. Pierres grave'es, xvi. where she is represented as moving noiselessly in the air, precisely as she is described by Homer, E. E 778. 376 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE that the reader may form a more definite impression of the effect produced. I have been led to adopt this idea, from the objection which might be made to a figure being represented as suspended without support. It is quite certain that Minerva was fabled by the ancients as having wings to her feet and helmet ;(^) and it has been very reasonably supposed that such appendages were intended as indicative of wings on shoulders. (^) Tlius spake the goddess : Then on her feet her feather'd sandals bound. Immortal, bright with gold, which o'er the ground And waters swiftly bore, mid space around. (^) So Cicero, to the same effect, — " Pallantis .... cui pinnarum talaria affigunt," (affingunt.) (*) Tzetzes gives us this origin of the fable. He says that the goddess Pallas, having slain her father, the winged Pallas, furnished herself with his skin as an aegis, and adapted his wings to her feet.(') We know, moreover, that Minerva was commonly represented, among the Etruscans, as having wings on her shoulders ;(") and there is a passage in Aristophanes from which we might imagine that she was also thus regarded by the Greeks : — " ' IT - o y hpnTji TleTeTai, 3eos av, Trrepvyas re (f)opei, ttciWoi ye Seol Traw ttoXXoi. AvTiKa NiKT) TreTeraL irrepvyotv ;(pii(rnii'.(') JEschylus represents the chorus of the Eumenides as placing the people under the protection of Minerva's wing — naXXaSoy S vno Trrepols Ovras a^erai narrjp — (f) 1 See EcKHEL, Doctr. Num. Fet. v. 84. ^ Inghirami, Mon. Etr. ii. 643. ^ Qs eliTova, inro Troa-alv edrjcraTO KaXa TreSiXa, Afi^pocria, xP'^c^i'O; to. fiiv (pfpoi> rffiev e(f)' iiypfju, 'H8' eV dneipova yaiav, apa nvoirjs dvepoio. — IIoM. Od. i. 96-98. 4 Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 23. ^ Tzetzes, adlycoph. 155. ^ Among the instances which may be quoted of Minerva's being represented with wings, are a small bronze statue found at Orte in 1837, published in the J/?/*. Etriis. i. 43 ; a bronze mirror in the Brit. Mus., on which are figured Minerva, Hercules, and Hydra ; and other monuments published by Inghirami, Mon. Etrus. i. 54; ii. 34, 65. 7 Aristoph. Aves, 572-4. ^ ^sciiyl. Eimi. 999. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 377 and from Eustathius it would appear that these wings, which from her subhme flio;ht were attributed to her in common with Victory, were golden, — Ai6 KoX 6 fiv'^os TTfv N'LKt]u ov fxovov ■)(^pvs innlv fiereapcmopov, aWa Koi ttj ^A^irjva. eis ravrou fjyayev, ms SijXoi Kal 6 ypdylras to 'ASt/i/S rj NUrj, (l) which Phurnutus in some measure confirms, by stating that wings were attributed to her by reason of her rapid motion, which no impediment could stay, — UTepooTT) TTapeicrdyeTai, 8ta to o^vppoTTOv Koi ivp.eTa€o\ov tcov rrapaTa^emv. (^) Bearing, therefore, in mind the fact that Minerva only, of all the gods, was called Nike, — ^ fiovr] fiev dnavTiou 3ewv, ofjioiays 8e Traaatv, ovk (Troiwpos ttj? vikt}! ((ttlv, aKKd ofMairvpLos, (^) we may consider that the figure of Nike, which we find on so many coins, the obverse of which bear the head of Pallas, is intended to denote the unity of the two goddesses in the form of Athena-Nike, the deity so generally venerated by the an- cients, and most especially by the Athenians. There are many passages in which Minerva has this title appended to her own name, as — Nt/tr? t' 'A%va, (Sophoc. FM- locf. 134.); NiKr, 'A%i^a, (Eurip. Ion, 1529). In the frieze of the temple of Victory- Apteros, at Athens, it is Minerva who 1 EUSTA.TH. Comment, in Iliad. A, p. 879, lin. 63, fol. Rom. 1542. 2 Phurnutus, Be Nat. Deor. xx. 189, LeFallade. " Minerva is called Pallas, allegorically, because of the rapid motion of Providence, or Intelligence, for whom she is considered typical." — Eustath. Comment, in Iliad, p. 84, Rome. ^ AuisTiDES, i. 29, Oral, in Pallad. Por other examples see Eustath. II. xi. 64, fol. 879 ; Meursius, Cecr. viii. ; Harpocration and Suidas, stib voce. ■* The example here given is from Combe, Vet. Pop. et Reg. Num. Ath. No. 128. 378 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE appears as Victory, standing before Jupiter ;(i) and in the poets we find frequent instances of Minerva being called by tbis name: — 'A^i]vr]v, Nikjji^ ^i^ KaXeovaiv, (NoNNUS, Dionys. XXvii. 63); u^ov ASr/mc TrsiroiriTai KaXov^evr^g NtK:r/e,(") (PaUS. i. 42, sec. 4); irayKpaAg Kopa, (Aeistoph. Thesiiioph. 325); w TTorm Nf'/ca, (EuRIP. Io7l^ 460); w fxtya a^jjiva Ni'/ca, (Id. Orest, Phoen.^ Iphig. in Taur.^ adjinem; i^ ov kuI Nt'/o) irpoaayo^eveTai^ (Phuenutus, XX. 188). Were it not for the identity of these two goddesses, we might regard some passages as of doubtful authority. Some poets make Minerva assist Jupiter in his battle with the giants, and others Victory; and in Philo (Ph. Judceus^ Lib. de Mun. Opif.) we find Victory, and not Mi- nerva, springing from the head of Jupiter. (^) Athena-Nihe was, therefore, the tutelary deity of Athens, and from her statue in the temple of Nike-Apteros being repre- sented without wings, it clearly appears that wings were for- merly attributed to her. Moschopulus tells us that the statue of Minerva at Athens was in the form of Victory. (') NiKw, TO nepiyivofiai. d0'. ov N/kj;, t] rpoTraiovxtci) koi ^oavov 'ASj^ms Trapa rots 'A37;j/atotf. Aristophanes, in the preceding quotation, gives golden wings to the figure of Victory. (^) Eustathius, as we have seen, gives them in like manner to Minerva; and Ulpian states that the wings of Athena-Nike^ in the Acropolis, were stolen by wicked persons. Tlv€S 8e f^TjyovvTai NtKjjs 'ASt/i/Ss elvai ayaXfia iv rfj aKpoiroKei. Tavrrjs 8e ras TTTfpvyas, xpi^fos ovaas, iTr€')(e'ipr](Tav rives KUKOvpyoi dc^eXecrSat. (^) 1 See page 373. ^ See Harpockation, snb voce. 2 CuPER. Apoth. Horn. p. 172, " Quod si accipit res fidem, nulla est ergo Mentis filia, nulla Victoria, nidla lovis enata de cerebro, inventrix olea?, nulla ma- gisteiiis artium, et discipliuarura varietatibus erudita." — Arnob. adv. Gent.^. 118, lib. iii. * See Meursius, Attic. Led. i. 20. ^ Aristoph. Aves. See also Athen^us, v. 197, d. ; Prudent, cont. Symm. ii. 27. ^ Ulpian. Orat. cord. Timocr. See Meursius, Attic, Lect. i. 20 ; and Cuper. Apoth. Eom. p. 172. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 379 It does not appear whether the statue here referred to was that described by Harpocration, from the authority of Lycurgus and Heliodorus, as existing in the temple of Nike-Apteros at Athens, (^) or whether it was that of the temple of the Winged Victory^ which we learn from Pausanias also existed at Athens ;(") the fact, however, is equally important, as esta- blishing that Athena- Nike was occasionally represented by the Athenians as having wings. Thus, then, notwithstanding the boldness of the conjecture, I have given wings to the statue of Minerva in the eastern pediment, from the consideration that, if wings were ever attributed to this divinity, they would naturally be exhibited at her birth, when she issued from the head of Jove completely armed, in perfect stature, and in possession of all her attributes; when she was represented leaping forth from the paternal head, and, as it were, springing up into her ethereal regions ; when, from the difficulty of representing her in this position in a group of sculpture, the artist may be supposed to have gladly availed himself of such assistance, especially as the lines of the wings would form so appropriate a finish to the apex of a pedi- ment; when he would thus obtain the greatest contrast to the statue in the Naos, at the same time that the statue of Athena- Nike in the pediment would be in harmony with that of Athena-Nicephora below; and lastly, when the appearance of their goddess, with wings extended, would be typical of rising to victory ; in close connexion with which would be the brazen- gilt shield affixed to the eastern architrave. (^) The idea of thus representing her is rendered probable by the fact, that many temples had their pediments crowned with figures of Victory. Thus, that portico at Sparta, which faced the west, had two pediments, on each of which there was a Nike, the gift of Lysander, and which were monuments of a double ^ Harpocr. Lexicon, l^Ur} 'A^r)va. Paus. i. 22. ^ Paus. ii. 30. 2 There were shields also in the western architrave, but only half as many, and without inscriptions. 380 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE victory ;(^) and in the Temple of Jupiter, at Olympia, a golden Victory occupied the apex of the pediment, beneath which was a golden shield, bearing the Gorgon's head, with the inscription of its dedication, on occasion of a certain victory. (-) Behind Jupiter is Vulcan, (^) whose form and character are ad- mirably represented in an ancient bas-relief of the Museo Ron- divini, the form of which is nearly identical with that of the THE BIRTH OF MINERVA, BAS-BELIEF IN THE MUSEO RONDIVINI. Beugnot vase;('*) he has just struck the blow, and is retreating hastily from apprehension of the eiFect which might ensue ; but in retreating he turns his head, and beholds, with amazement and admiration, the beautiful being so wonderfully brought forth. The admiration on his countenance, and the finger drawn to his lip, are admirably expressive of the desire which anunated his breast : — " Viilcan appeared to entertain doubts in what manner he might best conciliate the goddess, and lavish his enticements upon her, for he perceived that she was bom completely armed. "(^) Altogether, the figure in the Winckelmann monument is so 1 Paus. iii. 17, sec. 4. 2 jj, y ^q, sec. 2. ^ Vulcan is said to have opened the skull, because, allegorically, he is taken for fire. See Eustathius, Comment, in Iliad, p. 83, Udit. of Rome. The vase painting of the birth of Minerva in the Ifmeo Etrnsco (ii. 39) is very remarkable ; as, instead of a hatchet, Vulcan is represented as effecting the delivery by the motion of his hand. * Winckelmann, Mon. Ined. \\. front. * Kai 6 "H^aioTos a-nop^lv i'oiKfv, otco irore ttjv ?le6v irpocrayayrjrai' irpoavoKcoTai yap dvra TO SeXeap vno rov ra OTrXa crvveK(jivvai ol. — Philost. Imag. ii. 27. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 381 statue-like, so suited to the composition as well as to the myth, and so superior to the other representations of this divinity, which, however, as in the Beugnot vase, are found to par- take of the same general character, that we might almost imagine it has been copied, perhaps by several gradations, from the pediment of the Parthenon. If we adopt this figure, we must then accept that of Jupiter, shown in the same bas-relief, opposite to whom would naturally be the figure of Juno, enthroned in like manner ; and as, from the attitude of Vulcan, it is evident he beholds the virgin goddess, and as she is not represented over the head of Jupiter, we may feel assured that, were the bas-relief complete, she would be seen in front of the Father of Olympus. I have already alluded to the correspondence and balance required in the aeroi of a Grecian temple. These characteristics are par- ticularly observable in the western pediment. Not only do the statues of Neptune and Minerva exhibit great uniformity, combined with great variety of 'detail and expression, but the other figures of the pediment correspond in number and attitude. Thus, the curved lines of the horses of Minerva on one side answer to those of Neptune (^) on the other; the figure of Thetis to that of Erechtheus ; the figure of Nike to that of Amphitrite ; and so with the remaining figures of the pediment. Now we must believe that a similar regularity reigned in the eastern pediment. I have placed Juno opposite to Jupiter, 1 The car of Neptune has been supposed by some writers to have been drawn by hlppocampa, or sea-horses ; and this opinion has been supported by the figure of a dolphin apparent in Carrey's drawing, and by the fragment of a serpent, which was supposed to have formed the extremity of one of these animals. The frag- ment, however, has been clearly shown by Lloyd to have belonged to the statue of Cecrops, in the western pediment {Class. Mm. v. 429) ; while the introduction of the dolphin would be less necessary with hippocampa) than with horses. I see no reason, therefore, for altering Mr. Cockercll's more artistic conception, especially when we consider the Athenian myth of Minerva's having created the olive, and Neptune the horse. Sec the authorities relative to Poseidon 'UiTioq, quoted by Mr. Cockerell, {Desc. And. Marb. Brit. Mus, vi. 22). The car of Neptune in the Temple at Corinth was drawn l)y horses, not sea-horses. — Paus. ii. 1. 382 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE for although, on some monuments, we find her standing or seated at some distance, to indicate the jealousy with which she regarded the circumstance of Jupiter's giving birth to a daughter without her intervention, we find her on many others identified with Eileithyia, and taking an active part in the delivery. This position of the goddess is, therefore, in entire accordance with these authorities, and with the painting by Cleanthes, (') of which Philostratus says, — " Even Juno, instead of feeling anger on that account, rejoiced not less than though she had been her own offspring."(-) We now want a figure, the attitude and character of which shall correspond with that of Vulcan. The most suitable per- sonage for this position is Eileithyia. The part which she occupied in the event is very identical with that of Vulcan. They each assisted in the birth, and each rejoiced at its success. A^ulcan was seized with admiration at the beauty of Minerva. Eileithyia is supposed to denote her joy by the attitude in which she is constantly represented on the vase-paintings. After the fearful blow, Vulcan retreats hastily from the apprehended anger of Jove ; while Eileith3da, having performed her task, and her presence being no longer necessary, retires from the assembly of the gods. We thus get a figure, not only whose character, but whose pose and action correspond with those of Vulcan ; • and it is remarkable that, though these two figures have been taken from different monuments, their attitude and posture should so perfectly agree. Among the Elgin marbles is a fragment, representing two feet and a trunk or prop. It is published in the Desc. Ant. Marh. Brit Mus. vi. 6. It has been imagined that it formed part of the statue of Minerva in this pediment, and that the trunk between the feet represented the celebrated olive tree. Professor Welcker, however, clearly shows that the trunk cannot be iden- * Cleanthes of Corinth. Sec Stkabo, viii. 343. (") Kal ovhe Tr]s "Upas tl heivbv evrai'^a' yeyrj'Ze fie, cos av el Koi avrrjs eyevero. — PniLosT. Iiiuf;/. ii.27. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 383 tified with the olive, as "the stump interferes just with the beginning of the calf of the leg : it would, therefore, necessarily have been covered by the garment of Pallas." These feet have < 3 I' . 4. p' „ { Two Feet. ELGIN MARBLE, BRITISH MUSEUM. been supposed to belong to a statue of Minerva, Neptune, or Mars : in fact, like Cinderella's slipper, they have been tried upon every figure but the right. That they could not have pertained to the statue of Neptune, is evident from the comparatively small size of the feet; while their feminine character Avould preclude their being appropriated to Mars ; and that they could not have formed part of the statue of Minerva, appears from the fact, that the trunk of the tree inclines inwards. For this circumstance not only shows the impossibility of its being the olive tree, but it proves that it could not have belonged to a statue of Minerva,'the broad folds of whose drapery, being solid, would neither have required nor permitted the introduction of such a spur to strengthen it. From the delicacy of the feet, they are regarded by sculptors as having belonged to a female statue; they can, therefore, have appertained only to some deity, as Diana, whose short tunic, reaching to the knees, could afford no sufficient security to the statue ; and which would require exactly such a prop as the trunk or spur, to strengthen the otherwise too delicate legs : the whole upright of the statues being thrown on their bases, and the statues being in nowise relieved by connexion with the upright slabs of the tympanum. It is probable, however, that this trunk was inserted for other reasons than mere stability. From the receding direction of the trunk, it would seem that it went behind the leg, and re- 384 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE appeared again at the back of the figure ; and we may, therefore, assume that the sculptor, considering the nature of Diana, as goddess of woods and hunting, gladly availed himself of so characteristic an emblem of the deity, in order to give strength and support to his work. Q) But another circumstance of great importance observable in these feet is, that the smaller toes are not expressed, but a separation is only visible between these and the great toe. Now, from the care with which the sculptures of the Parthenon are invariably finished, as well the parts concealed from the eye, as those exposed — those which were never seen after the statue was raised to its position in the pediment, as those which were most prominent, we cannot conceive that these feet would have been thus imj^erfectly expressed from motives of mere negligence. This imperfect representation of the toes is, therefore, unquestion- ably caused by their being concealed by the texture of the cothurnus, or hunting-boot; and thus we have another evidence of these feet having belonged to the goddess of the chase. {") The left foot measures fifteen inches in length, which, multi- plied by six, gives us the height of the statue at seven feet six inches, to which we must add something for the more delicate proportions of the female form. Perhaps a surer guide would 1 It is scarcely necessary to refer to examples of the introduction of a tree in statues of Diana, it being a frequent practice of the ancients to make use of a trunk as a support to naked or half-naked statues, as Apollo, Mercury, or Diana : but there are two statues of this goddess, at Versailles and the Vatican, where we find a tree introduced, although the figure is sufficiently strengthened by a dog and a fawn. See MiiLLER, Benkm. 156,158. " The chaussure effe'minee, which Millingen objected to in the attribution of these feet to Minerva {Atmali, iv. 200), is in perfect accordance with the attributes of Diana. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 385 be, the length of stride between the feet, which is three feet. We shall not be very wrong if we suppose the statue to have been eight feet in height ; and we shall find that this is pre- cisely the height offered us by the void space of our pediment, after filling in the five central statues. From the position of the feet, we must place Diana on the south side of the pediment. The feet are not only important in establishing the identity of the divinity and the position in the pediment, but also in in- dicating the attitude of the figure. The feet are stretched out, and, as has been said, about three feet asunder : the left foot is placed firmly on the ground, while the right scarcely touches it. She was therefore in rapid motion, hasting to the scene of the wonderful delivery: and it is this position of the goddess in the Beugnot vase, and which we so constantly see on medals and other monuments, (^) which has induced me to adopt its character as best adapted to the Parthenon pediment. (") Next to the immediate actors in the scene, as Vulcan, Juno, and Eileithyia, (with whom, indeed, she is often considered to be identical, ) there is no deity whom we might so naturally expect to be present as Diana, (^) both from her presiding over travail, and from the affinity of her character with that of Minerva. (^) Sv (Atliena) koI wals a Aaryevfis Avo Seal, 8vo nap'^evoi, KacrLyvrjTM cre^vai tov ^oi^ov.i^) The attitude of Diana, bending forward, composes avcU with that of Vulcan retreating backward, the corresponding lines of whose figures would thus present a perfect balancing of parts, forming by themselves an independent group, subsidiary to the whole composition; a practice which we find so constantly observed in all monuments of pure Greek art. ^ See MiiLLEB, De«te. ii. 156-160. 2 Compare IIenzen, AnnalidelV Inst. xiv. 91. ^ It is probable that Diana is frequently represented on the vases in the form of an Eileithyia. Dr. Braun endeavours to prove the identity of this goddess with the T/mZwa of Etruscan mirrors. — AnuaU, 1851, p. 140. * NoNNUs, xlii. 371. ^ Euiiir. Ion, 408-470. NO. IV. E E ;86 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE Corresponding to this group, we have on the north side the figure of Eileithyia, tallying with that of Vulcan ; in connexion with whom we require another figure, the attitude of which shall airree with that of Diana. BUST OF NIKE, IN THE EASTERN PEDIMENT. This figure I should suppose to be Nike (Victory) ; the bust of which, now in the British Museum, was discovered prostrate within the tympanum, after the execution of Carrey's drawings. The precise situation in which it was found has not been recorded, (^) but it has always been placed contiguous to the Fates. This position of the figure is seemingly confirmed by its resemblance in attitude and size to the figure of Iris on the opposite side ; but it is very important to observe, that its aspect towards the centre of the pediment does not correspond with the outward-bound direction of the Iris. The uniformity of size with the Iris, the Parcae, and the Eleusinian deities, constitutes, it is true, an objection to its being placed in the position I would assign to it ; but in the celebrated Beugnot vase, we not only 1 See ViscoNTi's Catalogv^ of the Elgin Collection, in Appendix to Report from Select Committee. "Noch geliort zu diesen Giebel ein torso einer weiblicheu Figur, warscheinlicli eiuer Nike, welcliem man indess keinen bestimmten Platz auweisen kaua." MiiLLER, Benhri. Bd. i. p. 14, Taf. xxvi. 120. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PAETHENON. 387 find the figure of Nike opposed to that of Diana, but we see it represented smaller than any other figures of the composition. This diminutive proportion has been attributed to the acci- dental circumstance of the vase being a Pelihe^ and one of the handles coming immediately above the figure: but the artist would scarcely have distorted his composition for this cause; besides which, there is no corresponding reduction of figure under the other handle. The real object of the artist I believe to have been, to thereby represent the recent birth of Minerva, and her subsequent power and glory. The goddess Nike is generally represented with some other deity. But as Peitho was considered as an attribute of Aphro- dite, so, in an especial manner, may Nike be regarded as imme- diately self-connected, and, indeed, identical with Minerva. (') Beino-, then, at least so far as this individual Nike is con- cerned, called into existence simultaneously with Minerva, it is veiy natural that we should find her represented of diminutive proportion at the birth of her companion goddess. Only in two other vases is her figure introduced, and there of still more diminutive size.(") This figure, then, in our pediment, like that on the Beugnot vase, is hastening to greet the victorious goddess, rising into ex- istence contemporaneously with herself. An examination of the trunk in the British Museum will show, that the right thigh of the figure is raised. She must consequently have been in a similar posture to the Diana on the opposite side, having the right leg elevated by an inequality of the ground. The individual action of the foregoing figures would require a change of grouping in the remaining statues. As, in the pre- 1 See Inghibami, Hon. Etr. ii. pi. 71. 2 See page 389. In botli tlu^se instances, she is rcpn;scnted under the throne of Jupiter. It is strange that this figure in the Beugnot vase should not have been fully reeognised. Forchhammer takes it for Iris; and Gerhard, Lcnonuant, and De Witte, for Nike or Iris. EE 2 388 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE vious groups, the figures have been separated by large vacuities, Ave now require close compact masses, to give variety and relief to such arrangement ; and as great variety of line has been ob- tained by the action of the preceding figures, we now require a balance, in the repose of the perpendicular line. To answer this requirement, I would suppose two figures to close in the central composition on each side ; and, as the central figures are all in one plane, these, I would imagine, might stand in a double line, but somewhat obliquely with respect to each other. We should thus have the whole central part of the pediment de- voted to the general subject of representation; the extreme figures of which would form a kind of frame to the composition, and distinguish it effectually from the supplementary groups of the extreme angles. These figures would probably be — Apollo and Neptune on one side, and Mars and Venus on the other. (') It is not merely in the outline that the Greek sculptor would seek to give beauty and variety to his composition. Were the decoration in painting or in bas-relief, this only would be required ; but the sculpture of these pediments was in complete relief: each figure was a statue, and therefore capable of chang- ing its effect at each movement of the spectator. Confined in his composition by the raking lines of the pediment, he sought to give diversity and freedom, not only by greater or less height, by variety of action, but also by the relative projection of the figures on the horizontal line. Thus, the pedimental sculpture of a Greek Doric temple must have produced an extra- ordinary effect. Viewing it at a distance, it would present a general outline of the whole composition ; but as the spectator approached, and as the sun rose or declined, the groups would appear to move and take up a new position at every change of posture. An ordinary pediment of bas-relief would present the same feature, whether the spectator viewed it in front or in an oblique direction ; but a Doric pediment would present a 1 See note on following page (389). EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 389 totally different aspect from these three points of view. From one extremity he would see the faces of some of the figures, which would in their turn disappear, and others become visible, as the spectator approached to the other end. But, indepen- dently of this change of appearance, the different positions of ^ {referred to in p. 388). The selection of these deities is confirmed by the following table, which has been framed chiefly from the Minerva series, published by Lenorraant and De Witte, by which the reader will be able at a glance to perceive how frequently each divinity is introduced. Those marked with an (*) arc pub- lished in this essay. '^ a ^A 5 . ., . s J "^ S .2 ^ - . •- ^ - aal||ti|l|il1|liill Lenormant, I. pi. 54 3 M... A H — 55 1 — 56 V — 57 2 MM.. .J — 58 2 ...V...M — 59 1 MA P — 60 1 ...MM — 61 2 ...V N — 62 1 ...MMA — 63 2... VM J V P P — 64-5.* ... 1 V A...NDN...PB D — 65 a 1 VM... A J N H Id. page 190 2 ZJwe^. ^or. p. ] 84, No. i 2 M — ii 2...V...M — iii 2 M... A B — iv 1 ...M...A...N...N — V 2 — vi 2 MM Afus. Etrus. ii. pi. 1 MA D — 2 — 29* V * 1 A — 31? — 39 2...V — 48 1 ...MM N Cospiano Mirror * V J f V or ^i^cviEi.. Bas-rellof * V Id Passeri, Zffw^ * 1 V Amali, 1851, p. 141 J ...D P L E^Tm MAJNDNVP131IFPD PL 12 10 12 10 10 9 5 4 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 II 390 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE the statues, in single or grouped combinations, in greater or less projection, would exhibit a constant variety of form and outline, productive of the highest beauty. It is this variety of plane which must have given such especial richness and fulness to the composition, and rendered it so admirably in character with the nature of the architecture. By this position of one figure before another, the artist obtained for his groups, as viewed from below, an apparent difference of height, which gave the greatest variety of outline to a composition, the sides of which were con- fined by straight lines. It is this union of the straight lines of the architecture with the rich and broken lines of the sculpture, which must have given such inherent grace to the temple. Thus, the formal outline of the triangle, by the abrupt grada- tions of size, by the avoidance of straight lines in the composi- tion, by the ease and natural simplicity of the attitudes, by the artful position of the groups — keeping some within, and some without the line of projection ; debasing some and raising others above the line of the raking corona, was rendered one, the most effective for the exhibition of works of sculpture. By these pediments, Phidias has shown how the true artist rises superior to his difficulties — nay, how difficulties in the hand of a true artist often become conducive to fresh beauties; for here we find sculpture applied to the architecture, not in the quaint simplicity of archaic types, not in the vulgar elabo- rateness of Roman examples, or in the frigid poverty of modern times, but with that exquisite beauty and simplicity of grace, with that boldness of design and delicacy of execution, with that freedom and richness, with that variety and fulness, and with that happy adaptation to the necessities required — that, instead of being mere ornamental sculpture, {sculpture de hdti- ment^) we are forced to consider them as the very perfection of art ; and instead of regarding the architecture as a formal and separate design, we are compelled to regard the whole temple as one indissoluble whole — as the emanation of one master mind. In treating of the central group of the eastern pediment, the lost figures of which I have thus attempted to replace, it is EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 391 requisite to consider its connexion with the side or terminal groups. Now, it is remarkable, and some have deemed it unaccountable, that the figures composing these groups should be directed outwards, and should appear so utterly indifferent to the main action. But this changing of the position of the end figures would not only give a greater variety of posture to the whole composition, but enable the artist to represent these figures in more easy and natural positions. The principal advantage, however, would be, that in whatever point the spec- tator might stand, he would always see the nearest figures of the composition facing him, instead of having a repetition of broad flat surfaces.(') But we must not suppose that the attitude of these figures was contrived solely with reference to their artistic efiect ; it may be regarded as certain that some latent signification was connected with this arrangement. Brondsted interprets the two extreme compositions to signify — " Jour et Nuit, Orient et Occident, lever et coucher du soleil, commencement et fin," and his opinion upon this point has been generally accepted. I con- ceive, however, that the sculptor has wished to represent some- thing more than this ; and if we examine other monuments, in which the sun and moon are represented, we shall perceive that such emblems are intended to convey some other meaning than the mere rising and setting of the sun, the period of noon-day, or the relative position of east and west, and that they are always introduced with some specific meaning. In the example before us, either they are expressive of the effect of wisdom bursting upon the world, or they are intended to designate the moment of birth, and the communication of the event by the heralds of Olympus. In the former hypothesis, Minerva springs forth impetu- ously and fuUy armed from the head of Jupiter. She shakes her lance — Olympus trembles, the earth groans, the sea is troubled, the sun holds back his horses. With the appearance ^ The end figures of the western pediment, though reclining in a similar position to those of the eastern, arc varied from them, by being represented not only as rising from their couches, but as tuniing round, so as to behold the action taking place in the centre of the pediment. 392 ON THE LOST GEOUP OF THE of Minerva, no darlmess can longer exist, no mist any longer remain : the clouds which had concealed her presence are re- moved, the goddess has burst to light, and wisdom is revealed ;( ' ) " La verite s'en echappait, toute jeune ct toutc belle." (-) But this supposition, though it gives a sublime motive to the introduction of Helios and Selene, leaves the former difficulties respecting the other figures of the side groups unremoved ; and it is therefore that I consider the second hypothesis as more natural, and more satisfactory. (^) 1 See Creuzer, Symh. ii. 759. 2 J. H. Merle d'Aubigne, iZzs^. de laReformA. 61. ^ The first monument I would adduce is the description of the Delphic peplos, in the Ion of Euripides, (ll^,) in which the moon and stars are represented in the centre, the sun setting in the west, and Aurora rising in the east. In this case, it is true, Helios and Eos merely express the period of time of the subject represented — the hour of midnight : but it must also be confessed that their introduction is not arbitrary, but fuU of meaning. A similar example is seen in the bas-relief of an altar to Artemis-Selene, in the Louvre, and published by Bouillon, {Mime, iii. 69,) and by Miiller, {Deukmaler, bd. ii. 190.) It represents Diana as the new moon; beneath whom is a head, indi- cating the ocean. On the left is Lucifer, or the morning-star, distinguished by a star and an upright torch ; and Hesperus, or the evening star, appears with another star and an inverted torch on the right. Another example is exhibited on the arch of Constantine, on the east and west sides of which we find Sol and Luna, which are probably introduced, not merely to distinguish their relative situation, but to denote the conquests of the Roman empire in the two principal divisions of the ancient world. A third example occurs in the description by Pausanias (v. 11) of the bas-relief ornamenting the pedestal of the statue of Jupiter in the Temple at Olympia, and which represented the birth of Aphrodite. Here the figures of Helios and Selene have no relation to time, but are symbolical of the twofold nature of the planet Venus — as Phosphorus (Lucifer) and Hespera (Vesper): or, if the planet be con- sidered as not sufficiently connected with the Cyprian goddess, then these symbols might have reference to her being the parent of aH mankind ; or, they would indicate the universal dominion of the Mother of Love. — See Millin. Mons. Ined. 318, 322 ; AntJiol. ii. 113. Other examples occur, in which the Sun and Moon are introduced to designate the universal power of the sovereign ruler of the gods and men. In a bas-relief given by Piranesi, (Maguif. ed Arch, de Rom. 198 ; MiiLLER, JDenJcm. ii. 13,) is a representation of the three Capitoline deities in the centre of a pediment, between which are the cars of Day and Night ; and in the one angle of the pediment which is preserved to us, there is a tree and a reclining figm'e, to indicate the earth ; some EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 393 Under the figure of the setting sun, Selene, "the eye of night," ( J^SCHYL. Sept. 390,) appears a significant emblem of that t6(poq^ ocean-god having probably corresponded on tbe other side as an emblem of the sea. Simdar to this is a coin of Nicaea, representing Jupiter as the centre of the universe, suiTounded by Helios and Selene, Gaea and Pontos ; the whole enclosed by a circle containing the twelve signs of the zodiac (Mionnet, Suppl. v. 78; MiiLLER, Denkm. ii. Si 6); and precisely simdar in signification is a gem, on which we see Juno, with the heads of Helios and Selene appearing as ornaments to her throne. (LiPPERT, Daktyl. Serin, i. 25 ; Benkm. ii. 65.) Similar instances occur in a lamp published by Beger (iii. 439, lit. h) ; and in a gem given by Inghirami [Man. Mr. vi. pi, c. 2.) In none of these instances, therefore, do the sun and moon indicate the period of noon-day ; much less are they inserted as mere artistic decorations ; but in every such instance we find them introduced with some specific meaning. But another more important instance to our argument, is exhibited on a sarco- phagus in the church of S. Lorenzo, (fuora le mura), at Eome. On the lid of this sarcophagus is a bas-relief, wliich Ficoroni considers to " represent the birth and death of the deceased person ; for at one extremity is a figure in a quadriga, assisted by a Victory, who urges the horses to the ascent of a mountain j* at the further extremity is another figure, in a biga, giving the reins to the horses, which fall headlong to the ground ; and above them is a Genius, in the act of covering them with a mantle." (Ficoroni, Le Vestigia di Roma Ant. p. 117.) In the centre of the composition, under a cariopy, there is what appears to be the standing figure of the deceased ; on the right of whom is Tellus, and, on the left. Abundance, or some other divinity ; next to whom are the Dioscuri, as protectors of man. The end figm-e of vase 59 of Lenormant's IVIinerva series appears to be Hades ; the end figure of vase, pi. 63, is interpreted as one of the Fates, while the figure at the opposite extremity, taken for Peitho, appears rather to represent Proser- pine (Compare Millin, Pierres Gravees, pi. 50, 51), or Ceres; and the end figure of vase, pi. 64 and 65, is considered by the Editors of the Brit. Mus. Vase Cata- logue to represent Hades, while the figure at the opposite extremity appears to be a Demos. If this interpretation be correct, we have in the latter two vases an additional confirmation of the theory which is now proposed. Here, then, we have the sun and moon represented as emblems of life and death ; and it is with this same signification that I would interpret these figures in the eastern pediment. It may appear to some unnecessary to have made so long a digression, in order to prove the connexion between sunrise and sunset, and the dawn and decline of life; but the interpretation I am desirous of giving to the end groups of the eastern pediment is new, and I have therefore thought it requisite to bring forward these several authorities in support of my argument. * The Hill of Life, at the bottom of which is a sea-god, in allusion to the Xijjirr} 'HeXioio, out of which the sun was supposed to rise. — Homer, Od. iii. 1. In the eastern pediment, Helios is actually represented rising from the waves. 394 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE which is more especially interpreted as the darkness of the in- fernal regions, (^) or the "darkness of night," as hades is expressly- called by ApoUodorus; (") and we are more particularly war- ranted in attaching this signification to the emblem, by the fact of findino- the statues of the three Moira?, or Fates, the " daugh- ters of night," Kovpai ^vKTOQ^ (^) vvKTspioi^ (*) lu immcdiatc con- tiguity to that of Selene. From these circumstances, I consider that the group in the northern extremity represented the earth, and that in the southern the infernal regions. According to this hypothesis, we very naturally find Ceres (Demeter,) and Proserpine (Persephone,) on the one side, and the Parcse on the other: the rising horses of Helios (^) to represent life, (*^) the horses of Selene descending into the ocean, to indicate death. Thus, the representation of Helios and Selene in the eastern pediment, unlike their supposed introduction in the pedestal of the statue of Jupiter at Olympia (Class. Mus. ii. 372), would be equally expressive with the reason of introducing the Ilissus on the north, and the Cepliisus and Callirrhoe in the southern extremity of the western pediment, as explained by Mr. Lloyd (Class. Mus. v. 426). The much-contested figure next to Ceres and Proserpine, I regard as the autochthon Cecrops, ('') the earliest hero-king of Athens. The general attribution of it to Theseus is an ana- chronism, that hero not having been born till subsequently to the 1 Homer, II. xv. 191 ; xsi. 56 ; Od. xi. 57 ; xx. 356 : and IT^mn. ad Cer. - Apollod. i. 1, sec. 5 ; and 2, sec. 1. 3 DuBNEK, Fra(/ni.Eiir'ip. Anon. Trag. Frag. 316. ^ Orpheus, Hymn. Iviii. 114. ^ It was frequently customary among tlie ancients to represent two or more circum- stances by tlic same emblem,- It is therefore possible that the introduction of these horses may have reference to the Hymn to Minerva, in which Homer says, — Srf/crez' S YTrepiovos aykaos vlos Irnrovs wKVTTO^as Bripov xpovov. ^coapKeos a ava irqyrjs A.VTOS exa>v K\r]'i8a. — Peocltjs, Ilym. ad Ajpol. 7 Apollod. Bill. xiv. 1. Dr. Braun considers it to be Bacchus, a deity who would be equally indicative of the earth. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 395 period represented by the sculpture. The characters selected in such a composition would naturally be those existing at the period assigned, or such as pre-existed. Minerva's birth is proclaimed to Athens (') and the earth, and a figure is very appropriately introduced, the appearance of which would in- dicate at once the connexion with Athens, and the novelty of the event portrayed. There yet remains one vacant space in the southern ex- tremity of the composition, corresponding to the position of Iris in the northern. It has been imagined that this space was occupied by Nike, advancing towards the virgin goddess ; but it seems far more probable to suppose that the figure occupying this position would assimilate in attitude and character with the Iris of the opposite group ; that is to say, that the figure occupy- ing this position should be Mercury. The central group, which we have just considered, closed in by the figures of Mars and Venus on one side, and of Apollo and Neptune on the other, is Olympus. Within this region, every eye is directed to the new-born goddess, with the various tokens of joy, wonder, fear, or envy, as the different personages of the scene were influenced. " The immortal gods were seized witli admiration,"(~) "At tliis startling sight to Olympus." (^) This unity of action alone can express the precise moment of time so essentially necessary to be indicated in this scene, especially if the figure of Minerva were represented in any other manner than as issuing from the very head of Jupiter. By the striking attitude given to the figure of Minerva, and the unity of action in the otheV figures, we may say, — " Phidise signum simul adspectum et probatum est." ('*) Outside the precinct of this sacred sphere, the individuals 1 The reader must bear in mind the fable related by Pindar and Diodorus, re- specting the first worship of Minerva at Athens and Ehodes, ^ 2f€as S' ex^ nuvras opwvras oSamrovs. — HoM. Hymn, ad Min. •* c})otepui> S/ai/ O'kv^Trcp. — AnaCE. llii. ^ Cic. Bnd. 64. 396 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE who compose the terminal groups have their faces averted, as being unconscious of what is passing in the heavens above. Thus, Pluto is represented as being ignorant of the events trans- acting in Olympus (Iliad, xx. 61). Iris, however, is dispatched to the earth, and particularly to Attica, to announce the joyful event; while Mercury, on the other side, is commissioned by Jupiter to proclaim the news to the sad inhabitants of the realms below. The representation, therefore, embraces the entire Cosmos: the scene takes place in the presence of the gods, but the event is immediately communicated to Gaia and Hades, to the living and the dead. Such an interpretation is, I conceive, both plain and evident ; and one that, while it explains perfectly every re- quisite condition of the scene, completely answers every objec- tion and difficulty that have been raised against the introduc- tion and attitude of the several figures. The treatment seems at once simple and poetical, and, being so, it is essentially Greek. Had a Roman or a modern sculptor been called upon to indicate such a scene, he would probably have represented the city of Athens with a turreted crown, and a portion of the city, per- haps, on one side; and on the other he would have introduced grim Pluto and sad Proserpine, with the monster Cerberus. Instead of damaging the eifect of his sculpture by the introduc- tion of such objects of terror and aversion, the Greek artist, who loved everything that was beautiful, who represented even the Furies as of serene countenance, (^) has here indicated that fearful place of abode, the Infernal Regions, by three quiet female figures, the graceful attitude of whose bodies is inimitable. The reclining or end figure, Clotho, the youngest of the sisters, is perfect loveliness ! " Nocturnal Fates ! mild, gentle, gi-acious-fram'd, Atropos, Lacliesis, and Clotho nam'd."(~) 1 Paus. i. 28, sec. 6. ^ "AWo ^01 VVKTtptOl fXaXuKOfpOVEQ ilTVW^VjJLOL 'Ar/J07re, kuX Aux£(Tt, K\w%. — Orpueus, Hymn. Iviii. 14. EASTEKN PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON. 397 It remains now to offer a few additional observations on the statue of Minerva, this being the point on which the whole of the present theory depends. It fortunately happens, that portions of the head and bust of the Minerva of the western pediment have been preserved to us. These fragments are sufficient to show that the eyes were filled in with precious stones, that the helmet was of bronze, and that the segis also was decorated with brazen serpents (^). This toreutic decoration, this application of colour and metal, may serve as an evidence of the general application of polychromy to these sculptures ; but care must be taken in the manner of adopting it. In the iEginetan and earlier sculpture, the whole figure was more or less painted, a custom derived from the practice of using wood, or terra-cotta, in early build- ings. In the works of pure Greek art, colour must have been employed generally, or used with extreme caution. (^) Either the whole building, its sculpture with its architecture, was 1 Maintenant le fragment colossal de statue cle Mincrve a decide la question : on ne peut y meconnoitre I'egide, chaque point des angles est perce d'un trou, pour y pouvoir rapporter en bronze dore les glands precieux qui faisoient I'ornement. On a trouve sur le plan inferieur du meme fronton le demi-raasque de la deesse ; ses yeux sont creuses pour y encastrer les globes d'une matiere plus precieuse, ainsi que Phidias lui-meme I'avoit pratique dans le colosse de la deesse place dans le temple : un sillon, faisant le contour de son front, indique jusqu'ou descendoit le casque de bronze dore qui le couronnoit. — YiscoiiTi, Memoire sur les Ouvrciffes de Scidjdnre qui appartenoierd mi Parthenon. 8vo. Lond. 1816, p. 23-25. 2 In referring to the sculptured pediment of the British Museum, it is due to the eminent artist who executed it to acknowledge its great superiority over other similar works in the metropolis : at the same time, a slight want of balance, a want of delicacy in the drapery, a preponderance of straight lines, the Atlas-like position of one figure of the pediment, and the doubtful authority of introducing sculpture en roiide-hosse to an Ionic building, prevent my considering it as wholly satisfactoiy : added to which, the manner in which gilding is applied to so many parts of the composition is, to my mind, like a painting in which too many lights are introduced. Had it been considered necessary to represent the figure of Astronomy, it might have been sufficiently indicated without the introduction of an armillary sphere ; and, having this, it would not have been necessary to gild it. I must confess, when I first saw it, I thought the w^orkmcn had forgotten a portion of their centering, or a cradle for some work they had left unfinished. Connected with this subject, it has been well remarked by Colonel Leake, "that the gods were dis- 398 ON THE LOST GROUP OF THE equally coloured, or those parts only were heightened in effect by colour, which were intended to be the most prominent, and to produce the greatest effect upon the eye. With the exception of the parts just described, and of the spear and trident, which may have belonged to the two principal actors, the remaining figures exhibit no evidence of metal decoration or gilding, and it is probable that they were not profusely ornamented with coloured pigments: (^) for not only do we find indications of few accessorial ornaments connected with the other figures of the pediments, the delicate forms of which would require application of metal and gilding, but in no other head but that of Minerva, in the western pediment, were the eye-sockets filled in with precious stones. This circum- stance is remarkable, as it shows that the effect was intended to be concentrated in the principal figure. Now, if we find that the statue of Minerva in the western pediment was so conspicuously decorated, in a composition in tinguished from one another, among the Athenians, more by countenance, attitude and form, than by symbols ;" and tliis remark will apply to their sculptm-e in general : " Sua quemque Deorum Inscribit facias." — OviD. Met. vi. 1. At the same time it must be remembered, that if other colours had been applied, so as to carry out the blue and gUding, all connexion would have been destroyed be- tween the pediment and the rest of the architecture, the contrast between which is already too violent; and it was doubtless this circumstance which induced Sir Kichard Westmacott to hesitate in adopting a complete polychromatic decoration. The blue colour, however, is exceedingly effective :* and altogether, notwithstanding the few objections just noted, the pediment enables us to form some idea of the glorious nature of the Parthenon-compositions in their pristine grandeiir. 1 From an examination of the Parthenon friezes, we learn that many parts of the sculptures were worked out in metal, painted to imitate marble : and it is pro- bable that the minor accessories, as the hatchet of Yulcan, the sword of Mars, and the lyre of Apollo, were either of marble, or in imitation of that material ; that the sceptres of Jupiter and Juno, being more important accessories, were of ivory ; and that the arms of Minerva alone were gilt. — See Desc. Ant. Marb. Brit. Mus. viii. 38, 46, &c. * The tympanum of the Parthenon appears to have been coloured red; and if we may judge from M. Hittorlf s restoration, its eifect must have been equally beautiful with the blue colour employed in the j^Eginetan pediment. EASTERN PEDIMENT OF THE PAETIIENON. 399 which she held little more than equal honour with her great rival, it is probable that, in the eastern pediment, her statue would be distinguished by even greater splendour. Her figure would be the principal object in the composition, and her arms and accoutrements would glitter with gold and colour. (') Not only would this be required by the laws of art, but the character and attributes of the divinity would demand such treatment at the hands of the sculptor. In the hymn to this divinity, attributed to Homer, she is described as — " liaviug warlike arms, Golden, splendid. "(") And in the Iliad we read — Among them was Minerva, blue-eyed maid ! Bearing the j3Egis of immortal aid. Eound the bright rim a hundred serpents roird,(''^) Form'd the dread fringe, and seem'd to burn in gold : Each finely wrought, as in a weaver's loom, Each of pure gold, and each a hecatomb. ('^) In the description of Cleanthes' painting, Philostratus says — " It was difficult to perceive the nature of her armour, for as various as are the colours of the rainbow, so, sparkling by turns with changing light, appeared the armom' of the goddess. (5) 1 In the Cospiano Mirror of Bologna (see figure, page 356), we perceive Vulcan shading his eyes with his hand from the dazzling splendour of Minerva's appearance. — Amiali, 1851. p. 143. 2 JIo\eiii]ia TEv\t' 'iyovaav, Kpvaea, TrafKpaj'owyra. '^ QupuK Ej^t'^j'jjg 7repi€o\oic ajTrXiafiirov. — EuR. Ion, 993. ** ^£7-11 Ss, yXavKwing 'A^yvr), Aiy/S' t'xouc' tpiTif.ioy, ayijpaov, aSrcu'dTtjv re' Trjg kKaroy ^vaavoi Trctyxpyo-eot riepi^ovrai, Ilavrec IvTrXeKeec, tKaTOix^oioc ^e iKaffTog. — II. ii. 446-449. 5 Tijy ^£ iiXrjy r>7e TraroTrXtae ov^ av r! the Propylsea, and therefore that first seen, would, with tl ; magnifi- cent arrangement of its pyramidal sculpture, naturall} <;xcite the admiration of the stranger visiting the city for the i ^t fane ; after viewing which with suitable attention and deligl we may imagine the pleasure the citizens would experience • ' ; him up to what he might have considered the Opistnoaomus, and witnessing the wonder and ecstasy with which he would behold this transcendently superior composition. ('^) At the western extremity of the temple they would explain to him the importance and power of their protecting deity, and the zealous care and protection she constantly manifested to their favoured land ; at the eastern they would point out the higher advantages they received from the spiritual character of the goddess, — her ^ EuRiP. Ion, 9 ; Aeistoph. Thesmoph. 325. 2 EuuiP. Phoen. 1387 ; crystal shield, Gyeald. Hist. Deor. Syntag. 339, F ; Albric. J)e Deor, Imag. viii. 3 EuiiiP. Fragm. 354, EreMh. v. * Of whatever nature it might have been, as designed by Phidias. NO. IV. F F u)2 EASTERN PEDIMENT OF TIIE PARTHENON. ethical pre-Cii by re^> ••-itu •. stei agaui we b^ absoi! as contrasted with her physical nature, — and assert the nence in wisdom of the Athenians over the other Greeks, on of the power and attributes of the virgin goddess. s soaring attitude of Minerva, raised from the ground ing upwards with extended arms, is in perfect analogy le subject of this pediment as distinguished from the I. In the one all is conflict and contention ; in ,the other 3 tranquillity pervades the whole. There the attention ned to the land of Attica ; Neptune is vainly contending Minerva for the ground, — but in the eastern pediment old the spiritual dominion of the goddess ; the mind is d by the excellency of wisdom. The daughter of Metis^ with the sovereignty of omnipotence, despises mundane ent, and fixes her regard on spiritual excellence — "Unconscious of base earth's control. "(^) >.J1 'Q /if'ya aefiva SUa, tw i^iov BlOTOV KaT€)(OlS, Kai fjLT] \r]yois (TTe(pavovaa. Edward Falicener. * Taylor's Proclm, Hymn to Minerva. "< l-piece of this essay exhibits a first design for the centre of this composi- '"' •-, 0) hioh Minerva would appear above the head of Jupiter, and in which the fi|fure W' lid assume the form of an acroterial ornament. The reader can select rr >h li pleases. ulu U LT w U LJ U U UJ" ^ r Y rrr r y Y r r TT] JMY i SON, LITH''^ TO THK CiTOEN. i ? M 1 w E s IT g inm^ IP £ ® y ra e h t IF A iR f°'d'k m©m. DAT & SOtl.LITH"-' TO THF. QT7EEH . IT tl lE E A S Y E K IKI_, 1? E, a J Wi E *l Y 403 XXVII. EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE EARL OF ELGIN'S COLLECTION OF SCULP- TURED MARBLES. MarcJi 25tk, 1816. YTOUR Committee cannot dismiss this interesting subject, without submitting to the attentive reflection of the House, how highly the cultivation of the Fine Arts has contributed to the respect, character, and dignity of every government by which they have been encouraged, and how intimately they are connected with the advancement of everj^thing valuable in science, literature, and philosophy. In contemplating the im- portance and splendour to which so small a republic as Athens rose, by the genius and energy of her citizens, exerted in the path of such studies, it is impossible to overlook how transient the memory and fame of extended empires and of mighty con- querors are, in comparison of those who have rendered incon- siderable States eminent, and who have immortalized their own names by these pursuits. But if it be true, as we learn from history and experience, that free governments afford a soil most suitable to the production of native talent, to the maturing of the powers of the human mind, and to the growth of every species of excellence, by opening to merit the prospect of reward and distinction, no country can be better adapted than our o'wn to afford an honourable asylum to these monuments of the school of Phidias, and of the administration of Pericles ; where, secure from further injury and degradation, they may receive that admiration and homage to which they are entitled, and serve in return as models and examples to those who, by know- ing how to revere and appreciate them, may learn first to imitate, and ultimately to rival them. LONDON : SAVILL AND EDWAEDS, PEEN'TEES, CHANDOS STREET, COTENT GAEDEN. THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. v.— MARCH 1852. ON THE PROGRESS AND DECAY OF ART; AND ON THE ARRANGEMENT OF A NATIONAL MUSEUM * ^HE education of the people is a question of the most vital -^ consequence to our age ; indeed, its importance is acknow- ledged both by political and religious thinkers. But, when we speak of education, we too commonly understand the term as implying merely the training of the understanding and the development of the moral feelings ; and we bestow too little attention on the improvement of taste, and on the guidance and direction of the imagination. The sentiment of the Beautiful, therefore, remains undeveloped in the mind of the public ; but it cannot be doubted that purity of imagination, bent on the noble and the beautiful, is the best support of the moral feelings. History and experience teach us that the greatest crimes against nations and against individuals, have been generally perpetrated by those whose imagination had been accustomed to dwell upon the coarse, the horrible, and the depraved. The influence of the drama on the aesthe- tical education of the people is not to be denied, nor can we complain, in the present day, of its want of encouragement ; * Being a lecture delivered at University Hall, London. The lecture was illustrated by an extensive series of admirably executed drawings, taken from select objects in the collection of antiquities which Mr. Fejervary, the uncle of Mr. Pulszky, formed, during the course of forty years, upon the comprehensive plan of illustration explained in the Lecture. This valuable collection has recently been purchased by Raikcs Currie, Esq., M.P. VOL. II. B rir/.' . C Q, line of£u-cav(if7<'/i />// ('/// f's huilt. E E hff//s or ShaJis descending from three u^i/ier chinnhers to five lower chambers . Enfrance to a sma// roomthe /acin/i of irhich is ropered U'ifh hierofy/i///hirs. I,,i„„l I —n 2qofeet. /f.modjc. 27 III. ON EXCAVATIONS BY CAPT. CAVIGLIA, IN 1816, BEHIND, AND IN THE NEIGHBOUKHOOD OF, THE GREAT SPHINX. TN the autumn of last year, when looking over a portfoHo of -*- unpublished papers in the Egyptian room of the Santa Caterma Museum at Florence, Mr. Cottrell discovered the accompanying plan of an excavation made by Capt. Caviglia immediately around the Sphinx, probably in 1816 ; but there is no date or memorandum attached to it. He was assisted in this operation by Dr. Ricci, by whom the original of this plan was made. It came into the possession of the Tuscan govern- ment, with that gentleman's other papers on Egyptian subjects, after his decease, and has been buried ever since, mth many other valuable documents, in that little-visited and much under- valued museum. Thanks to Professor Migliarini's friendship, Mr. Cottrell was enabled to make the accurate copy now pub- lished. Carefully as the original was executed in every other respect, it is singular that Ricci should not have copied the hieroglyphics with which the facade of one of the rooms is covered. These, however, are probably stiU in the same condi- tion in which he found them, as no other Egyptologue seems to be aware of their existence, and they have long since been hidden from view (perhaps protected) by the sand of the desert. The whole, however, might be reopened with little trouble and expence ; and it is to be hoped that somebody may be found sufficiently interested in Egyptian science to undertake such a labour, by which, perhaps, the enigma of so many thousand years may at length be solved. 28 EXCAVATIONS ROUND THE SPHINX. As, however, it is not my intention in the present notice to retrace minutely the history of this work of ancient Egypt through the Greek and Latin writers, I shall chiefly consider it in relation to the older hieratic sources of the hieroglyphic legends. Throughout the Egyptian religion the deity was represented either as purely human, with indications of his nature by the addition of appropriate attire and emblems, or by the union of a human and animal type. In this last case the head was generally animal, the form human ; but though this is the rule, there are some exceptions to it. Animals and birds with human or animal heads, and even limbs, or tablets with heads aflixed, which aided to complete the Pantheon, are occasionally met with. As a terminology the w^ord Sphinx has been ajoplied to such figures when the body is leonine ; andro-sphinx meaning a Sphinx with a human head ; criosphinx to those with rams' heads ; and hieracosphinxes to such as were hawk-headed. When complete, wings were added to their forms, an idea which appears now to be of Aramaic rather than of Egyptian origin. Throughout the monuments the androsphinx seems to personify the monarch ; the criosphinx Chnumis or Ammon ; and the hieracosphinx Mentu or Mars. For the ram's head represented the soul of the universe, symbolized by Ammon ; the hawk's, the solar God Mentu ; the human, the king. The connexion of the lion with the solar myths is proved by the two lions,* the gods Ueh or Leh, which supported the disk of the sun upon the horizon, or under the throne of the god Horus,'f' or even as the individual personification of the sun itself,:}: while in Nubia the Sun god is represented with a lion's head.§ Hence * For the two lions supporting the Horizon, of. Lepsius Todtenbuch, pi. vii-viii; cf. c. 17, 9, 25. f Birch, Gallery, pi. 19, fig. 63. \ A lion as the sun is found. Champollion, Mon., torn, i, li. 3. § Cailliaud, Voy. a Meroe, pi. xvii, xviii ; Champollion, ibid., Ixxiii, 5 ; BiBCH, Gallery, p. 29.] EXCAVATIONS ROUND THE SPHINX. 29 arises the uncertainty why the lion was connected with solar ideas. Following Egyptian indications, indeed, it would appear that the similarity of its name mau with mau^ light, or that of reli with rulia^ " evening"* may be the inherent cause. Physical reasons were probably added at a later period, when philosophical ideas supervened on the originally simple and hieratical notions. The meaning of the Sphinx in the hieroglyphic legends indeed was apparently neb^ " lord", or akm\\ " ^4ctory",+ which seems to render it probable that this monster was employed in a trophaic sense. At all periods the monarch of the country was represented by this animal, sometimes in a quiescent or couchant attitude, wearing upon his head a disk and tall plumes, the chepersh or helmet, or even the tesher, the red cap, or lower crown ; while at others the king thus personified tramples upon fallen negroes or Asiatics.. In this case the garment or tunic, the shent^ is suspended from the neck in front, or a rich collar, the uscli^ is placed round the neck. The connexion of the sphinx with the leonine nature of the king (for the monarchs of Egypt were compared to lions and bulls), probably suggested the idea, and these modes of dressing the monster are important for considering the architectural details in front of this gigantic work, as they are not all explained by the beard, which undoubtedly formed part of them. On the forehead was the usual uraeus. Although this colossal work has no inscription attached to it§ explanatory of its object, or even of the name of the monarch * Puerile as these reasons may appear, they are those of the genius of the language itself. f So it occurs in the name of Necht, neb-f (Nectanebo), a name meaning "the power of his lord". (Rosellini, J/on. Stor. torn, ii ; pi. xiv, 156, h. c. ; of. Rosellini, M. R. cliv.) X With the eagle as an initial, (Champollion, Gr. Eg. p. 463,) and not that of ahar, Avith the reed, which is the Coptic goore, "acute, sharp, clever". § First in the Quarterly Revietv, vol. xix, p. 412 ; then in Col. How. Vyse, Pyramids. {Appendix to Operations carried on at the Pyramids of Gizeh ; roy. 8vo., 1842, p. 107.) 30 EXCAVATIONS ROUND THE SPHINX. by whom it was made, yet some information is conveyed by the structure in front of the paw^s, which was uncovered with great labour by M. Cavigha in 1816. An account of his exca- vations was drawn up by Mr. Salt, and these are illustrated more fully than has hitherto been done, by the accompanying sketch of Dr. Ricci's, which completes the plans and drawings published by Colonel Howard Vyse from Mr. Salt's papers. Some clue, indeed, might have been afforded by the figure of the monarch kneeling and offering, w^hich is sculptured at the side of the beard, but the royal name is unfortunately wanting, and nothing certain can be predicated from the attire and features of the king. There was, however, found immediately in front of the breast, placed upon a platform of masonry, a small naos or chapel, formed of three hieroglyphical tablets,* one of granite, 14ft. high, and 17ft. wide, and 2ft. thick, placed against the breast ; another, of which the material is not mentioned, is placed against the right leg ; and a third against the left leg, said to have been removed to the British Museum. The fourth side of this naos was formed by two walls, on each of which was a couchant lion. In the centre was a door. The oldest of these tablets was the first. The upper part is divided into two scenes, in each of which Thothmes IV adores the Sphinx seated upon a very tall pedestal or pylon, on three steps or bases, with a gate ornamented like the doorways of the oldest style of the pyramids. The Sphinx — here called Har-em Acha,t " the sun in the horizon", or solar hill — says, in reply to the adoration, that he gives to the king power, and health, and to be cro"\\Tied on the throne of Seb, or Saturn, and in the splendour of Tum, or Heron. Although the inscrip- tion on this tablet has been twice published, yet from its bemg * A plan of their position is given in the Quarterly, vol. xix, p. 416 ; Young, Hieroglyphics, pi. 80 ; Vyse, pi. B. t Wilkinson (Sir G.), Modern Egypt, t. i, p. 353. M. Lepsius, Einleitung, s. 294. The proof of this will be found in the variation of the usual title of the god Hut, "emanating from the Horizon". (Champollion, Mon., cxcv.) EXCAVATIONS ROUND THE SPHINX. 31 ill copied, and taken from a granite tablet, the text is in so bad a condition that it is scarcely legible. It is dated on the 19th of the month Athyr, of the first year of the king's reign.* As mention is repeatedly made of the king being crowned, it would seem to have been set up on the occasion of the corona- tion ; yet the condition of the text, and the mutilation of the lower part of the monument are such, that it is almost impossible to know what was intended. In one passage, indeed, the Sphinx replies to the king : " That great god spoke to him (the king)", the text says, "with his (the sun's) own mouth like the words of a father to a son." He indentifies himself with the sun, as " I am thy father Horus in the horizon, I give thee my dominions . . . dwelling among the living." Here it is evident that the Sphinx was identified with the sun in its strictest sense. But in two passages of this inscription, the king is called the prince, as in line 8 ; when speaking of the offerings made, it says, " when came the prince Thothmes"; and again, in line 12. In the next line is part of a name of a monarch, apparently Ra-shaf ; but in what connexion or meaning it is impossible to determine. The other tablet on the left paw represented an adoration by Rameses II to the Sphinx, who is called, as before, the Har-em Ach, or A/i>ax. li-imrae PLAN OF A HOUSE AT POMPEII. EXCAVATED UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF EDWARD TALK EN ER. IN 1847. Jl^ 35 IV. REPOET ON A HOUSE AT POMPEII, EXCAVATED UNDER PERSONAL SUPERINTENDENCE IN 1847. La casa puo a buon dritto contarsi fralle piu importantl di essa citta, tanto pel numero de' quadretti che decorano le diverse stanze, quanto per le buone sculture di marmo che vi si rinvennero. — Bull. delV Inst, di Corr. Archeol. 1847, p. 129. rpHE house which I am about to describe may be considered -*- as. amongst the most interesting in Pompeii. It is true that it is not so large, nor so regular, as some others ; but it exhibits many important peculiarities ;• it contains several most extraordinary paintings; its decorative arabesques are of the most elegant character; and, lastly, there is no house in Pompeii which affords such sure data to determine the cha- racter, if not the name and occupation, of its owner. Another circumstance which will, no doubt, cause it to be viewed mth peculiar interest, is that it is the only house in which the objects found have been allowed to remain in the situation in which they were discovered. It is, consequently, the only house in which the casual visitor to Pompeii will be able to form something like a correct idea of the original appearance of these dwellings. The house, indeed, is roofless ; its upper floor has fallen in ; its walls are more or less de- stroyed ; its furniture in chief part gone. The reader who desires to realize to himself all these portions of an ancient house, must pay a visit to Aschaffenburg, and see ' the Roman idlla' so splendidly designed and executed by king Louis of Bavaria. But though deficient in these advantages, we have at Pompeii the soft and exquisite Bay of Naples, the richly-clad Vesuvius, the luxuriant vineyards ; but, above all, D 2 36 REPORT ON A HOUSE AT POMPEII ; there is still the same genial clime which rendered it so j)lea- sant a retreat to the wealthy Roman. Let but the fountains resume their play ; let but the grateful vine be trailed over the rude pergula, hanging in rich clusters over our heads, and we might even now spend hours in a state of dreamy bliss, behold- ing the sunny exhalation rising from the parched ground, or the unbroken reflection on the distant sea, while listening to the gentle ripple of the murmuring fountains. Many a passing visitor of Pompeii returns full of disappoint- ment, complaining of the smallness of the apartments and the unimportant character of the ruins. Many an artist comes back with equal disappointment, inveighing against the corrupt taste of the architecture and the barbarous modes of decora- tion. With such visitors, a few hours is all that is given to this wonderful city ; and the former return with the self- satisfaction of having performed a duty ; and the latter, with the regret of having lost a day. Had they taken up their abode in the city, and visited it carefully each succeeding day, the former would have found that, like the pyramids in the desert, which at first offer to the eye the simple form of a tri- angle, and, even as one advances, scarcely appear to increase in size, but which, on close examination and reflection, fill us with wonder and astonishment, — so they would have found the different buildings grow before them, till what at first appeared to be but a very small room, would be found to be a portion of a very large one ; and wharing was found in one corner of this room ; and 80 REPORT ON A IIOL'SE AT POMPEII ; a large ronnd mass of greenish-black marble, ftat on one side, as if used for polishing pavements. It weighs about f cwt. At the extremity of this room is a small latrina. The second chamber has the lower part of its walls yellow, and the upper part white, both charged vdt\\ arabesques nearly effaced. The pavement is of stucco, cU^ided in squares and diamonds by lines of small white tesserae, in centre of each of wdiich is a piece of v^\\\te or coloured marble. The cella vinaria is under the triclinium; it has not been excavated. It was approached by eight steps, at end of which the passage was vaulted to within a short distance of the end w^all, in which an opening appears, answering as a shoot-hole. One vault, immediately on right, at foot of steps, has been bricked-up, and another, at further end, is much lower; but only the upper part of arch is visible. Near these steps was discovered a lean-to roof, in perfect preservation. Access to these apartments was afforded by the small side door of the triclmium, which enabled the attendants to go in and out with- out impeding the view of the garden, obtained through the wide opening in front. Another accessory of the triclinium was the culicidum me- ridianum, an apartment appropriated for the noon-day siesta: this chamber we see immediately on the left of the cecus ; its pui-pose being indicated by the recess in the thickness of the wall, so frequently seen in the houses of Pompeii, where the rooms arc of restricted dimensions. The pavement is similar to that of adjoining occus. (ECUS. The principal room at back of garden, which occupies the site usually appropriated to the oecus, was probably intended, notwithstanding its diminutive size, to serve such purpose. The occus appears to have been used by the owner of the house to converse with his friends apart from the noise of the atrium ; a EXCAVATED UNDER PERSONAL SUPERINTENDENCE. 81 purpose, for which its position at the extremity of the peristy- lium, rendered it peculiarly fitting. It might also have been used vv^henever he wished to show greater distinction to his guest ; in the same manner that, in the modern Roman houses, the innermost of a long suite of rooms is considered the most honourable. The expectant chents, confined to the atrium, would see their patron seated at his ease in the distant oecus ; who, on his part, would take advantage of this central position, which enabled him to note the various persons entering, and to judge when it was convenient to show himself. ' The cecus of this house is small ; but it would appear that it was originally smaller even than it is at present, the marks of an 8-inch wall being \isible on the pavement, which was after- wards destroyed, and a thin partition placed a few inches fur- ther, and secured to the pavement by a line of small holes. The oecus was then newly stuccoed and decorated. The walls have a black phnth, yellow centre, and red side panels, over which the wall is white ; the whole being charged with ara- besques. In centre of end wall is a paintmg, 15 by 16| ins., in which we see Narcissus in love with his reflection in the water. On right hand wall is Apollo and Daphne. The side panels have circular inserted paintings, 8^ ins. diameter, and representing Bacchic heads. The pavement of this and adjoining rooms consists of black stucco, dotted with small white rectangular pieces of marble ; and the larger room has a few diamond-shaped pieces of striated glass of different colours, in the centre. CULINA. This portion of house is so entirely devoid of ornament, that the plan alone will afford a sufficient description. It consists of four portions : — a large passage ; the kitchen, paved with tiles, with two dressers si^pported by arches, a small oven (an VOL. II. G 82 REPORT ON A HOUSE AT POMPEII ; unique specimen), and a wooden dresser ; in front of which is a room, serving for what we might call a servants' hall ; and at side of kitchen, as usual, is a large privy.* It is possible that these apartments were lit by a small skylight. The room on left of tablinum, opening on to left ala, appears to have been connected with the kitchen department, the walls being entirely plain, and the pavement of opus signinum.'j' ADJOINING HorsE. (Letter A.) This was the original extent of the house, to which has been subsequently added a small adjoining tenement on the left side of garden. It consists of a prothyrum, with a cubiculum on * Two enormous ^aWoi appear on the rude plaster of kitchen Avail. f These rooms were excavated subsequently to my departure ; but, by the superintendents' reports there were found here : — Several vases and vessels, 6 to 16 ins. diameter, one of which was ornamented with two dolphins; an iron grater, a key, and a bolt : a bronze strainer, a funnel, a mirror, 3 ins. in diameter, a candelabrum-top, two weights of balance, two keys, rings and ornaments of furniture, a lock, a hinge, a patera : a glass bottle, 4 ins. high, a long bottle with a short neck, a long-necked bottle, two cups : a terra- cotta statue of Venus Anadyomenc, with a statue of Priapus near her left leg ; a female enveloped in her mantle ; another similar, 4 ins. high ; a group of two slaves bearing a box, in which is a figure ; another of a gladiator, another of a male figure, — all these are about 5 ins, high; three lamps, one of which has a horse at top ; a fragment with two Bacchic heads ; a fragment of female figure : a marble mortar and pestle ; a stone weight, an altar, 4 ins. high : a bone tessera, bearing No. viii ; twenty-six pieces of circular bone, an ear-pick, and a small spoon-bowl. The following inscription is said {Arch. Zeit., 1847, p. 144) to have been found scratched upon a red wall in this house, together with the rude plan of a labyrinth. I did not see it : LABTKINTHt HIC HABITAT MIN OTAITR. Sigr. Minervini considers that this inscription may have reference to an ara- besque figure, supposed to represent a Minotaur, which occurs at the top of an architectural scene on the walls of the tablinum ; a connexion which, I must acknowledge, I consider as somewhat fanciful. EXCAVATED UNDER PERSONAL SUPERINTENDENCE. 83 each side; an atrium, with a very small impluvium ; two recesses for beds on right hand side, furnished with wooden fronts flush with wall, 3 ft. 2J ins. wide, and raised about 2 ft. 6 ins. from the ground ; a tabhnura, with fauces on right, and a cubiculum on left. Beyond tablinum, is a large room, with steps to upper floors. It is probable that this part of house was only recently added to the other, as no alterations have been efi"ected, either in con- struction or decoration, to render it suitable for those purposes of magnificent display, to which it was doubtless mtended to have been eventually appropriated by its new possessor. The wall dividing it from the larger mansion has been destroyed ; and the large room separating the garden from the tablinum of the smaller house, although quite exposed to the garden and tricHnium, has been left in its rough state, devoid of stucco. A heap of lime (c) lies under the stairs leading to upper floor, as if the order had already been given for the contemplated improvements. Some frustra of two Ionic columns were also found here ; one in the cubiculum (e) on right of prothyrum, the others in the large room (/) between tabhnum and the garden of adjoin- ing house. They seem to have been brought hither by the owner of the mansion, for the embellishment of a noble room he proposed to add on the left-hand side of the garden.* GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. The reader of the foregoing account must have been struck with the great number of Bacchic representations contained in this house, and with the unusual number of inserted paintings. In the fii'st cubiculum on right is the figure of an actor with * There were found in tliis house : — In right hand cubiculum. — The iron portion of a grating, with marble cover; a weight, a ring. In the left hand cuhicuhim. — Two glass vessels, a circular piece of blue glass, G 2 84 REPORT ON A HOUSE AT TOMPEII ; his pedum and mask, and probably there was another on the opposite wall, but now destroyed ; below these are panels con- taining two masks. In left ala are two theatrical paintings. All those of right ala and exhedra are so ; and lastly, the garden occus has cu-cular Bacchic heads. With the exception of those of cubiculum and left ala, all are inserted paintings. Most of the statues in the garden also were Bacchic, there being four hermal statues of Bacchus, in adcHtion to the figure of Marsyas. We cannot consider that all this is a matter of chance, but must rather regard them as bearing some reference to the pursuits of the o-s\Tier of the house. I imagine, therefore, that the j^roprietor was a j'^oet ; and it is with this feeling that I Avould venture to oiTer a new interpretation of the painting on the left wall of the exhedra. Undoubtedly, if a satisfactory mythological explanation can be given of any picture, we are not warranted in attributing to it any suppositional incident of ordinary life ; but from the acknowledged difficulty and uncertainty which has attached to this monument, we may be permitted, till some more satisfac- tory explanation is discovered, to, consider it in such light, especially if we find the h}^othesis borne out by correlative facts. li ins. diameter, having a head of Medusa in relief; a terra-cotta lamp, a vase-cover. In atrium. — A hinge and lock, an iron key; a bronze patera, handles broken ; a bronze vase; a lead- strainer, 4| ins. diameter; a broken glass tazza; the bottom of a terra-cotta cup of red varnish, on which are the letters form, writ- ten backwards. In ctihmdnm on left of tahlinum. — A small vase, another with sulphur inside, a square mirror, top of a candelabrum, part of a lock, a cylindrical hinge- socket, a sewing-needle, twenty-four rings, nails, etc., four surgical instruments. In first recess, or cubiculum of atrium. — Twenty-three coins, five unguen- taria, a small spherical vase, part of a lock, a ring, parts of hinges. In tahlinum. — Sixty pieces of a bronze chariot, with four iron felloes. In fauces. — A bronze lamp, with head of a goose, ten portions of hinges, a lock, a portion of an iron chariot-pole (r), nine terra-cotta rings. EXCAVATED UNDER PERSONAL SUPERINTENDENCE. 85 The principal figure* I would regard, therefore, as the poet, or owner of the house. He is cro^vned with ivy or laurel, and robed in a pecuhar vestment, with triangular lappets round the waist. Before him are various objects, which seem to indicate the subject of his poem. In front is a trophy, consisting of a cuirass, helmet, and shield, denoting the victory of his hero. Beneath is a captive slave with his hands tied behind him, and sitting on a shield, representing the subjection of the hero's adversaries. Above is a winged genius, or Victory, receiving the spoils of war from another figure. The Faun following behind, with a thyrsus, would denote that the poem was rehearsed or acted on the stage, j* But in considering this as the house of a dramatic i^oet, we must see how Ave shall be confirmed in our opinion by other evidence, and whether we can ascertain any more particulars respecting the individual himself. It would appear that the poet had not been long in possession of the house, or that he had not long thought of rendering it suitable to his fame, for the mosaic pavement of the triclinium is still unfinished, as are also the two paintings of the tablinum. That the house was richly decorated before he acquired it, is •evident from the superb paintings of the atrium, which have not been touched, and from the decorations of the prothyrum, which correspond to them in character, and which the last owner has only altered in inserting the two pamtings. The ceiling of the tablinum, etc., we may conclude to have likewise formed part of the house in its original state. These decorations being so magnificent, we may conceive that it must have been * This figure, I never doubted, was a male, and Prof. Panofka, in his first explanation, so describes it ; but it has subsequently been regarded by archaeo- logists as a female. f I exceedingly regret that I have not been able to obtain a drawing of this painting. I have written several times to Naples on the subject, but have not been able to obtain a copy, on account of its being an inedited monument. 86 REPORT ON A HOUSE AT POMPEII ; equally adorned with a sufficiency of pictures, especially as we find even the cubicula enriched with them, and consequently there could have been no necessity for its subsequent owaier to have inserted so many new paintings. But regarding him as a poet, and calling to mind that all the inserted paintings, ^^dth the exception of those of prothyrum, are Bacchic, we see at once the reason for his so doing ; and we can now explain the formerly perplexing circumstance of the paint- ings on wood being removed from the tablinum. Were it not for the certainty that the paintings of the tablinum have been removed, w^e might suppose that all the inserted paintings of this house are easel-paintings, and therefore that the house was not quite completed at the time of the destruction of the city. Tliis, however, is not probable. The paintings, though of admirable conception and execution, do not exhibit an extra- ordinary degree of finish; on the contrary, the six exquisite Httle dramatic and symposiac scenes m the exhedra are remark- able for their playful and sketchy character, while the cu'cular paintings of peristylium are by no means superior to the ordi- nary Pompeian paintings. Moreover, the large paintings in the exhedra must have been as difficult to execute in the atelier as on the wall. But judging from the splendid decora-* tions of the house, and especially from the gorgeous ceihng of the tabluium, we must imagine that the pictures of that room were of a superior description, particularly as they were on wood, which Pluiy tells us was always chosen for the finest paintings : but the poet was not satisfied in having a beautiful house, he wished to make it suitable to his taste, and he there- fore caused these paintings to be removed, intending to insert others of a Bacchic nature, as he had akeady done in other parts of the house. It would appear to be with such feelings that the large room opening on to right-hand ala, Avas converted into a rehearsing room, or " green room", in the vicinity of the atrium ; and this was placed, very conveniently, contiguous to the ala, but separated from it by double fokUng doors, in order EXCAVATED UNDER PERSONAL SUPERINTENDENCE. 87 to render it more secluded. In this room, consequently, we find collected together the greatest number of Bacchic paint- ings, all of which have been inserted. Two opinions may be offered for the pavement of triclinium not being completed; one, that it was intended to msert a Bacchic mosaic picture in the centre of the pavement ; the other, that the triclinium might have been excavated by the owner of the house, subsequently to the destruction of the city. There is reason for believing that the pavement was not completed, for the large stone found in the room at back of this was doubtless employed for the finishing and polishing of pave- ments. We can form no idea of the nature of the alterations proposed in the adjoining house, (a,) as with the exception of pulling do^vn and destroying the party wall, and the bringing in of lime and the frustra of two columns, no works had been com- menced. The tablinum {d) served as a temporary chariot- house ;* and we may therefore feel assured that it was not in- tended to make this house an atriolum or smaller atrium to the principal house, this apartment being in every other instance attached to the large atrium. But besides the destruction of wall dividing this house from the garden of larger mansion, there was discovered at the time of excavation an aperture, (a,) forming a doorway, broken through party wall between this house and adjoining tenement, (b,) which has been lately filled up again by the workmen charged with the repairs ; and this is one of the many instances where as much mischief is effected by injudicious " repairs", as by parsimony and neglect. There still exists, however, another opening (at h) in this same wall, and these works of destruction justify us in believing that this tenement likewise was the property of the poet, and that he intended to join it also to the larger mansion ; and we are con- firmed in this opinion by the circumstance that with the excep- * See p. 8-1, note. 88 REPORT ON A HOUSE AT POMPEII ; tion of a capital lying in prothyrum* (g) of this house, and belonging to the frustra of columns discovered in adjoining house, (a,) no objects whatever were found here ; and conse- quently the house must have been uninhabited. *■ I cannot ajjirm that it was found in prothyrum of this house, not having been present at the time of excavation of these tenements ; but it was lying there on the occasion of my rcA'isiting the city in 1849. These tenements having been excavated after my departure, I am dependent on the superin- tendents' reports for the particulars of the various objects discovered. From the vagueness of the titles in these reports, it is sometimes dithcult to tell which house is referred to ; but it would appear, by these reports, that nothing whatever was discovered in house, (b.) In order to make the subject more complete, I append a statement, from the superintendents' reports, of the objects discovered in house, or manufactory, (c,) premising that the shops in front of the principal mansion were excavated several years ago. In circular niche of lararium, in peristyle, were found five bronze statuettes, a figure of Fortune, or Abundance, veiled, with a patera in her right hand and a cornucopia in her left, — b\ ins. high, including base ; Hercules, with a key in his right hand, and a lion's skin in his left hand, his head crowned with vine- leaves, — 4 ins. high; Jupiter, bearded, and crowned Avith laurel, holding a thunderbolt in his right hand, his left hand resting on a spear, — 3 f ins. high ; a male figure, bearded, and crowned with laurel, the left arm is raised, and the right hand holds a patera, — 2| ins. high ; Isis, or Fortune, holding a rudder in her right hand, and a cornucopia in left, on her head is a crescent and a lotus- flower, — 3§ ins. high ; the terra-cotta bust of a child, 1\ ins. high, was also found here. At height of 5 ft. 6 ins., part of a hinge. At height 9f 4 ft. : — three silver coins, a hinge, a needle, three nails, three terra-cotta lamps, two fragments of circular tazza of red varnish, embellished with a quadriga guided by a Cupid, above whom is written eakcae. At height of 3 ft. 4 ins. : — a terra-cotta lamp, a hinge, a boss, an iron candelabrum, with bronze feet, capital, and cup ; three fragments of a chain, a key, a terra-cotta tazza with red varnish, well preserved ; portion of a tazza representing two heads of hippogrj'phs, in relief. The following were also found : — a silver coin, a bronze candelabrum, 3 ft. 4 ins. high ; five saucepans, four vases, a pair of scales, a hinge, three little cups, five terra-cotta tazzas, three of which are glazed ; a secchia, with a goose- head handle, a vase, two plate-covers, a circular vase Avith bas-relief, 12 ins. diameter, a hunch-backed dwarf, three pieces of coral, and a piece of pumice- stone. JEWood. fc. P LA J^J DJ^ ^J D iJ5£ AS COIVIPLETED ACCORDING TO THE PRESUMED INTENTIONS OF THE OWNER If) (|. x;,/, ,/•/■//,///.•>/, /;,/. EXCAVATED UNDER PERSONAL SUPERINTENDENCE. 89 Having now terminated my report, it remains to return my thanks to the Poet for the interesting house he has left to us ; and feeling myself under considerable obligations to him on this account, I consider it my duty to give him the benefit of my professional assistance, gratuitously, and to present him with a plan for the completion of his mansion. Edward Falkener. MARCO LUCRETIO F A V EN T I E . F . D . D . 90 V. ON A LYDIAN DOUBLE PIPE (TIBI^ PARES), llEPRESENTED IN A PAINTING OF A HOUSE AT TOMPEII. EXCAVATED BY MR. FALKENER. L^ / v r^ r: nPHE picture is very remarkable for the two pipes in the -*- hand of a female performer, and from their being of a description of which I have never met with an exact parallel. The only example similar is of a Phrygian and Lydian pipe, from a bas-relief in the Palazzo Farnese, given by Burney and others. The pipes are evidently of a comparatively modern epoch, for we find from Horace and Ovid, and other authors (Plut. de Mus.), that the ancient pipes were very simple, and had few holes : " Tibise non ut nunc orichaleo vincta tubseqne ^mula, seel tenuis, simplexque foramine pauco."* " . . . rara foramina buxo."f The holes were originally four, if we may believe Julius Pollux, lib. IV, c. 10, tit. 3. The Phrygian pipe is said to have had only two holes : "... biforem dat tibia cantum." J And Varro says the right-hand pipe had only one : " Tibi Phrygia dextra unum foramen habet."§ ^ Hor., lib. i, De Art. Poet. X Virg., JEn. ix, 617-620. I Ovid, lib. Va&t. 6. § De Re Runt. ON A LTDIAN DOUBLE PIPE. 91 So that to make tlie three principal modes, namely, the Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian, there were three pipes. But in process of time, there were more holes made in the tibia. Thus, from the passage in Horace, above quoted, we learn that there were more holes in his time. Sidonius, lib. i, Ejnst.^ calls it " sejjti- foris tibia \ or the seven-holed flute. Avienus, quoted by Caspar Bartholini, attributes more to it. In Seneca's Agamemnon^ we find it called " multifora tihia\ And Ovid, in another place, says : " Non multifori delectat tibia buxo." And we are told by Pausanias (ix, 12, § 4) and Athenaeus (xiii, 631), that (about 300 b.c.) one Pronomus, a Theban, invented certain adjustments to the flute, aimout'ai ; but we are not informed in what these consisted, only that the diflerent modes could be obtained by them. Again, Julius Pollux (lib. iv, c. 9, tit. 5) tells us (speaking of the various parts of pipes or flutes), that among other parts, besides the mouth-piece, etc., there were ox^ioi kuI v(po\f.ua — o'X/to?, according to Hesychius and Stephens, was a mortar, some- times the pestle ; therefore, from similarity of form, there seem to have been certain " stopplcs'\ called ox^iot, lat. paxilli, and this explanation would answer very well for the larger stops on the flutes in question ; similar to which are found in Grutcr, Ex JEdiculd S. Michaelis Romce in Vatican, t. i, fig. 5. 1^5= But this does not seem to sufliciently account for the other peculiar kind of stopples like porcupine's quills ; but here, I think, a passage from Arcadius, the grammarian, will come to our aid; from which it appears that besides the oV'? tliere were other stopples, called fce'/joT«, or horns : (Arcadius, apud Salmasium in Plinianis exercitationibus.). The notes were not all open at once ; but there were certain A.e/>aTa, or horns, like the small lines wc put over words to denote accents, etc. 92 ON A LYDIAN DOUBLE TIPE. From all these authorities, I conclude that the pipes in question are the more modern " tibiee pares Lydisc", with oVo/, or stopples, for the modes, and /ce'/jaTa, or horns, for the minor adjustments of scales, as enharmonic, chromatic, etc. " Et stet solutio donee melior occurrat." James A. Davies. 93 VI. COLLECTANEA OF 185L Africa. Mr. Hogg read a paper, at the Royal Society of Literature, on some Roman antiquities recently discovered, by Dr. Earth, at Ghareeah el Gharbeeah (the Western Gharbeeah), situate about 160 miles south of Tripoli. The principal remain is a Roman gateway, and, indeed, the entire bastion of a castruni stativum. A bas-relief over one of the side-arches represents two Victories holding a crown and an eagle over a personage beneath, riding in a chariot. One inscription exhibits Punic characters ; and another, a dedication to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Alhano, Villa Doria. The vestiges of a theatre have been discovered here, among the ornaments of which are a youthful Centaur of various coloured marble : the human parts and the tail are of rosso-antico ; the horse- termination of bigio. It appears to be a duplicate of the famous Borghese Centaur in the Louvre. Several terra-cotta fragments, and some fine bas- reliefs, have been also discovered. {Bull. delV Inst.) Alexandria. A marble foot has been discovered here, rather larger than the size of nature. It is now in the possession of Mr. Harris of Cairo, who supposes it to have belonged to the temple of Perseus at Chemnis, (see Herod.), where the sandal of Perseus was long preserved. It is sur- mounted by a small statue of Jupiter OljTnpius, on one side of which is a dolphin, and on the other, the serpent Urseus, On the sole is an inscrip- tion, probably recording the name of the donor of the ex-voto. {Revue Archeologique.) Algeria, Aumale. A very handsome mosaic pavement has been discovered at this place, unfortunately in part destroyed, from having served as the floor of a stable. The part still preserved measures 17 ft. by 6 ft., and is divided into several compartments, enclosing mythological or other sub- jects. M. Berbrugger, the librarian of Algiers, superintended its removal to that city. One of the compartments represents a native female, with a panther's skin thrown over her, and holding in her hands a pick-axe and a couple of ducks, which M. Berbrugger regards as exemplifying a local custom peculiar to this portion of Algeria, where the women labour in the field, together with the men. Another compartment represents Thetis . with two dolphins, and Apollo (?) conveying to her a lyre ; a third exhibits the rape of Europa ; and a fourth, Amphitrite and Neptune. Two others are much damaged. The compartment of Amphitrite and Neptune has been brought to Paris by M. de la Mare, and placed in the Algerine 94 COLLECTANEA OF 1851. collection of the Louvre. A riule plan of this pavement is given in the September Number of the Revue Arclieoloyiqtie. We would not, how- ever, advise any of our more enthusiastic readers to undertake a journey in search of these or other remains, for the insalubrity of the country is such, that an inscription found here records it as an astonishing fact that a certain female VIXIT SINE FEBRIBUS ANNIS XXVI. Antiquarian researches of Col. Carbuccia. Col. Carbuccia, whose name is already known by his discoveries and researches in Algeria, has addressed a communication to the "Academic des Inscriptions" of Paris, giving an account of his recent investigations in the province of Batna. He has identified nearly all the Roman cities and stations by means of the indications to be obtained by the Antonine itinerary and the Theodosian table, and by the examination of inscriptions, the traces of the Roman ways, and by careful measurements. He has thus been enabled to con- struct a map of the country in its state under the Romans. The relative positions and commimications between Tebessa (Theveste) and Cirta (Constantine), Lambese, Sitifis (Setif), and BatenDG (Batna), are clearly laid down. Col. Carbuccia has also presented to the Academy a rich portfolio of plans and drawings, containing details of an immense stadium, a theatre, a magnificent temple of ^sculapius, preceded by an avenue of sedicula to other gods ; a Christian basilica, with a most splendid pave- ment ; a schola for the veterans of a legion ; an immense cokimn, on the base of which are eight large tablets containing an imperial proclamation, a kind of harangue to the troops ; and six triumphal arches. {Revue Archeologique. ) Antiquities at Bougie (Boudjaiah). A description of these remains, comprising cisterns, a temple, stelae, and other monuments, is contained in the December Number of the Revue Archeologique. The ruins of Tagumadi (Bordj-Timiga) have been explored by M. le Commandant De la Mare, at a place seven leagues north-east of Lambese. He reports to have found a theatre, nine feet below the ground, and nearly entire ; a temple of the Corinthian order, the columns of Avhich are about two metres in diameter. It is surrounded by a peristyle. The finest monument in the city is a triumphal arch of three openings, enriched with Corinthian columns. Many mosaic pavements have been exposed, and many ruined buildings. {Revxie Archeologiqxic for March). A further account appears in the number for June. Diana and Signs. After the departure of M. De la Mare, M. L. Renier has explored the ruins of Zana (Diana), and of the ancient Sigus, and has obtained an interesting series of drawings. {Revue Archeologique.^ A " Societe Algerienne des Beaux- Arts" has been founded at Algiers. {Architect.^ COLLECTANEA OF 1851, 95 Archceology. An archceological journal has been established at Boulogne, entitled Annales Boulonnaises. Asia Minor. M. De Soulcy, Membre de I'lnstitut, with M. I'Abbe Michon, of Angouleme, member of the Societe Frangaise, are at this moment in Asia Minor, forming a collection of the inedited or inaccurately published inscriptions of that country. M. Pigeorry, another member of the Societe Fran9aise, is also travel- ling in the East. {Bull. Mon., par M. De Caumont.) Assyria. The commission appointed by the French government to explore Assyria, Mesopotamia, Babylon, Chaldea, and Media, will shortly com- mence its investigations. It consists of M. Fresnel, formerly French Consul in Syra ; M. Affert (philologist), who is well studied in the Perse- politan and Median inscriptions ; and M. Felix Thomas, architect. They are to remain there two years. Especial attention is to be directed to Ecbatana (Hamadan), the capital of Medea, and to Babylon ; the mounds of tiles at which place will be thoroughly searched, till the foundations of the old buildings are discovered. {^Allcjemeine Bauzeihmg.) M. Victor Place, lately appointed consul at Mossoid, is now charged with the excavations about to be carried on at Nineveh. He will be assisted by M. Tranchant. [Allgemeine Bauzeitung.) The Lords of the Treasury have granted the sum of £1,500 to Colonel Rawlinson, to enable him to prosecute further researches in Assjrria. On the 14th of April, Colonel Rawlinson read a paper at the Geogra- phical Society, " On the Identification of the Biblical Cities of Assyria, and on the Geography of the Lower Tigris." Athens. The important discovery of what is supposed to be the Bouleuterioji, Metroon, and other buildings, has been eff'ected at Athens, in a spot on the north-west of the Acropolis. At a depth of about nine feet beloAV the ground have been discovered many Ionic columns of large dimensions, ornaments, statues, bas-reliefs, and about eighty inscriptions. They have been excavated by the Archaeological College, who lock up the objects found with extreme jealousy. (M. Rizo Rangabe and Dr. Pischon, in Bull. delV Inst.) Lithographs of the inscriptions found are now said to be ready for publication, and will occasion some corrections in the topography of ancient Athens, and confirm, for instance, the opinion of some who assert that the Temple of Theseus, and that of Ares, arc the same. Christian Church. M. Rizo Rangabe describes the finding of a wall, and some fragments of Roman Corinthian columns, in digging the founda- tions of the eastern enclosure-wall of the palace gardens, some hundred paces north of the extended axis of the Stadium, in the situation which Colonel Leake ascribes to the Delphinium. He considers them to be the remains of a noble Christian church. {Bull. delV Inst.) Propyloea. M. Desbuisson, one of the " pensionnaires" of the French Academy, has sent home a restoration of the Propylaea at Athens, in eight large drawings, and twenty-eight sheets of details. 96 COLLECTANEA OF 1851. Athens University. An article on tlie history and description of this newly endowed University appears in the Allyemeine Bauzeitnng . It has been translated in the Architect. Atdium. Researches are being carried on on the banks of the ancient Aulium, where the walls of villas are still visible beneath the water. {Literary Gazette.) Avenches. The foundations of an ancient building, with halls adorned with columns, have been discovered here by M. d'Oleyres. (^Gerhard, Archdol. Anzeiger.) Baden. An illustrated description of the Roman baths at Baden is given in the Transactions of the Baden Antiquarian Society. Berlin. A Museum has been formed, by Prof. Zahn, of 8000 plaster casts from all the most remarkable sculptures in the Museo-Borbonico at Najiles, derived from Pompeii, Herculaneum, Stabise, etc. Bordeaux. The Municipal Administration of Bordeaux have caused excava- tions to be made along the Rue Neuve de I'lntendance, occupying the line of the ancient wall of the city. In addition to many inscriptions, there have been discovered many fragments of architecture, together with bas- reliefs of good style. The various objects discovered have been placed in the museum. {Revue Archeologiqlie.) Cambridge University, Professorship of Archaology. A grace has been offered to the university of Cambridge to accept the proposal of John Disney, Esq., to give £1,000 for establishing a chair, to be called the Disney Professorship of Classical Antiquities, the lecturer to be an M.A., or higher degree, and to give not less than six lectures during the academical year, on antiquarian research and the fine arts, the office to be tenable for five years, with the privilege of re-election. Mr. Disney gave to the Fitzwilliam Museum the collection of ancient marbles which is named after him, and it is proposed that he shall be professor for his lifetime, the appointment afterwards to rest with the vice-chancellor and heads of colleges. {Literary Gazette.) Carthage. A colossal head of Astarte, a Syrian deity, corresponding to Luna or Juno of the Romans, has been dug up from a considerable depth within the citadel of Tunis. It measures upwards of two metres (6 ft. 7 in.) It is now in the gardens of the church of St. Louis at Tunis, but it is intended to transport it to France. Catania. In the digging up of some foundations at Catania, the foot of a statue has been found, composed of chalcedony. It forms part of the statue of a female, represented in a sitting position. Professor Camallaro is com- piling a paper on the subject. Champlieii, near Compiegne. (Oise). M. Edmond De Seroux has effected some important discoveries at Champlieu, at a place called les Totirnelles, the remains of a military camp, (castrum stativum). Many statues of great beauty, a bacchante, Mercury, a young warrior with the Greek helmet, a group of Leda and the swan, Thetis and the infant Achilles, Hercules, Diana at the chace, a huntsman, bulls, various groups, fantastic animals, COLLECTANEA OF 1851. 97 Ionic and Corinthian columns, and other architectural remains, have been brought to light. The shape of the blocks of sculpture shews that they formed parts of piers sculptured on all sides. M. Thiollet was subse- quently commissioned by the Societe Franmise to conduct further re- searches, and 150 francs were placed at his disposal. The square piers measure 2 ft. 6 in., and are ornamented with the figures above described, which are enclosed by perpendicular panels. From the basreliefs exhi- biting marine subjects, as nereids, cupids on dolphins, marine monsters with heads of a ram, a dog, an eagle, etc., M. Thiollet considers the building to have been baths or a temple to the nereids. The Minister of the Interior has consented to place 500 francs at the disposition of the Society, to enable M. Thiollet to prosecute further researches. (^Congres archeologique de Fra7ice, published by the Societi Frangaise jmtir la conser- vation des Mons. Hist.) For further information on these remains, sec Polychromy. China, Great Wall of. A description and views of the Great Wall of China are given in the Illustrated London Neics, No. 449. Cleopatra" s Needle. Another attempt has been made to procure the celebrated obelisk, called " Cleopatra's Needle", for this country. At the end of the campaign of 1801, £5,000 were raised, and the work commenced, when owing to some unexplained counter-order, it was again stopped, and the money collected was returned to the subscribers. In 1820 Mehemet Ali gave it as a present to George IV, and Capt. Smyth endeavoured, ineffec- tually, to get government to remove it. In 1830 the French obtained the Luxor obelisk, and were anxious to have seized this : on which another proposition was made to government, offering to bring it to England at a cost of £15,000. It is to be hoped that the present attempt will be more successful than the preceding. {Literary Gazette.) A long article, by Nathaniel Gould, Esq., on " the mode adopted by the ancient Egyptians in the removal of large masses ; also by the French, of the column" (obelisk) "of Luxor; and a proposal to bring to England the column called Cleopatra's Needle", appears in the Builder of August 2. A diagram of the obelisk, with a translation of the inscription, is given in the Builder of Sept. 6. A sketch of it is given in the Illustrated London Neics of June 21 ; and a description of its present state and condition in No. 518, Nov. 29. Cane. Eight statues of superior workmanship have been found in tlie Augus- teum of this city. They are now in the Vatican. {Builder.) Colchester. A paper on the Roman fortifications of this town was read before the Colchester Archaeological Society, by Dr. Duncan, on Octo- ber 10. Constantinople. The Sultan has established an acadclny of Sciences and Lite- rature, to be called an " Assembly of Knowledge". It consists of forty native members, and an unlimited number of foreign correspondents. {Literary Gazette.) VOL. II. H 98 COLLECTANEA OF 1851. . Constant'i)iuj)Ir, Library at. The Turkish government is forming a A'ast public library at Constantinople, collecting together all the manuscripts in the city and provinces, and enriching it with the most important scientific and art-books of western Europe, {Literary Gazette.) Curved lines in Grecian architecture. A lecture on this subject has been read by M. de Radowitz at the Erfurt Society of Art Friends. Eyypt. M. Latten de Laval, a French savant, has lately visited Egypt and the Sinai peninsula, by order of the French government. He has made and collected 684 casts of basso-relievos and inscriptions for the Paris galleries of art. Euphrates. A letter from Capt. H. B. Lynch was read, on the 1st of March, before the Asiatic Society, describing the remains of antiquity on the banks of the Euphrates from Ethdeheen to Asharah. Among the most interesting of these remains is a magnificent church at Resaphe (Sergio- polis). The nave is 150 ft. by 80 ft., and is divided from the aisles by marble columns. A gallery runs round the upper part of the church, the small columns of which supported the roof. The windows are filled with delicately-executed slabs, perforated in various patterns. France. Budyet of the Minister of the Interior for the Fine Arts, 1851. Establishments of the fine arts - - francs 454,500 £15,150 Personnel of the national museums - - - Matiriel ,, ,, ,, Works of art, and decoration of public buildings Tomb of the Emperor Napoleon - .. - Purchase of paintings and statues for the Lou\Te - Preservation of ancient historical monuments Encouragement of the fine arts, and the drama Subscription to works on the fine arts Publication of " Rome Souterraine" Relief to artists, actors, composers, or their widows - Subsidy to the national theatres - . - retiring fund of the Opera ~ Conservatoire of Music Revue des Beaux Arts. Greece. The French Academy have given the following subjects for the study of its " pcnsionnaires". I. To investigate and describe minutely the Acropolis of Athens, exhi- biting its actual state and recent discoveries, and comparing them with former restorations. II. To visit the isle of Patmos, and form an exact and analysed cata- logue of its manuscripts. III. To investigate the topography of Delphi, Parnassus, and its envi- rons ; to write a history of the city, its monuments, and the temple and oracle of Apollo, combining other investigations of former authors with more recent knowledge obtained from inscriptions and later discoveries. lY. To explore the mountains and environs of Ossa and Pelion, Thessaly, 162,700 - 5,414 146,700 - 4,890 900,000 - 30,000 500,000 - 16,666 100,000 - 3,333 745,000 - 24,833 75,000 - 2,500 454,500 - 15,150 100,000 - 3,333 137,000 - 4,566 1,329,000 - 44,300 200,000 - 6,666 10,000 - 333 COLLECTANEA OF 1851. 99 the Vale of Tempo, etc. ; to mark the situation of ancient cities ; to collect inscriptions ; and to describe such manuscripts, etc., as may be preserved in the various monasteries. V. To make a geographical, historical, and archaeological study of Magna GrKcia. Hadstock. A Roman villa has been discovered at Hadstock by the Hon. Richard Neville, who has sent some beautiful drawings, and a detailed report of the excavation, to the Archaeological Institute of Great Britain. Indian antiquities. The Bombay government have engaged the services of Mr. Fallon for a twelvemonth, at £40 a month, for the purpose of obtaining drawings of the cave temples of western India, in compliance with the wishes of the Court of Directors. They have allowed £840 for drawings of the ruined city of Beejapore, but have not as yet found an artist. A magnificent set of drawings of the caves of Ajanta, by Captain Gill, of the Madras army, got up under the Madras government, has recently been exhibited. (^Athenceum.) Jerusalem. Professor Robinson has left New York for another tour in the Holy Land. (^Nev:i York Literary World.) Literary Society. This Society was instituted in November 1849, under the patronage of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Jeru- salem, and the Earl of Aberdeen. J. Finn, Esq., M.R.A.S., Her Majesty's consul at Jerusalem, is President. The names of subscribing members will be received by Messrs. Wertheim and Mackintosh, Paternoster-row. It is the intention of the Society to publish, in London, a " Jerusalem Quarterly Magazine", to consist of: — 1. Original papers or inquiries on matters of fact, literature, or science, belonging to the Holy Land. 2. Answ-ers to the above inquiries ; such answers, if of sufficient im- portance, to be previously read at the literary meetings. 3. Reviews, and other miscellanies ; with notices of the principal passing events in Palestine, and documents referring to the same. 4. Transactions of the "Jerusalem Literary Society", with illustrations taken from original drawings by members of the Society itself. The general secretary for England is R. Sandford, Esq., Isle of Up- Rossal, near Shrewsbury. Isernia. A work by R. Garucci, has recently been published by the Neapolitan government, on the " Storia d'Isernia, ricavata da' monumenti di archi-- tectura". Kertch. Two very fine statues have been found at the close of 1850. Tliey are of marble. One represents an orator or philosopher, clothed in the hymation, (pallium). The other is the figure of a female, clothed in a funereal peplus. The expression of this figure is extremely animated. They are described by Herr Aschik, the Director of the Museum, in the Journal d^ Odessa. Landunum. (Territoire de Vertaux, canton dc Laignes, arrondissement de Ch&- tillon-sur-Seine.) Discovery of- — The city occui)icd a ])latcau of the II 2 100 COLLECTANEA OF 1851. mountains, measuring two kilometres by 500. (6560 ft. by 1650). It was one of the most important of the Gaulish provinces, as would indeed appear by the various ancient roads which led wp to it. It is supposed to have been destroyed about the third or fourth century. The site has been discovered by M. Lucien Coutant, the director of the excavations, who de- scribes a temple, basilica, walls, caves, and about forty houses. Several of these have subsequently been tilled up again. In a letter from M. Pothier, that gentleman mentions streets, edifices, temples, and baths, as being clearly recognizable, and in fine preservation; he also mentions two chambers of a bath, nine feet below the ground, one of which has a mosaic pavement, and has its walls lined with hollow tubes. Five or six liouses, and a basilica, may still be seen. (Revue Archeologiqiie.) An inaccurate translation of the description of this discovery has been given in some of the English journals, copied one from the other, where we find no end of a description of the " Termse" ; and, curiously enough, the name of the place is there given as Laudanum. The circumstance recalls to the writer's memory an occasion when he was laid up with a fever and " coup dc soleil" at Athens, and attended by a doctor whose modern Greek was interpreted by the landlord of the hotel. On one of his visits he found his patient suffering from the additional evil of a severe sore throat, and he accordingly asked whether he had been taking any calo-mel. " Monsieur vous demande," explained mine host, " si vous avez pris du bon miel?" The government is said to have granted a simi for the further explora- tion of this site. Leicester. Discover)/ of mosaic pavements. Among the many Roman remains in and about Leicester, was a mosaic pavement, discovered in 1782, and published by Nichols in his History of Leicestershire, the exact site of which was subsequently forgotten, though it was known to exist in an ■orchard near the West Bridge. The proprietor of the orchard recently promised the pavement to the Literary Society of Leicester if they could succeed in finding it. The result has been that they have not only redis- covered the pavement known to Nichols, but they have also discovered several other pavements. A long gallery gives access to three large rooms on one side, the first and second of which are separated from each other by a considerable dis- tance, and there is also a large space beyond the third room. At the termination of the gallery, but on the other side, another gallery branches ofi" on an inclined plane. The galleries appear to have surrounded a noble peristyle, but neither columns nor walls have been found in any part of the excavation. The handsomest pavement is that of the second room ; it terminates in a semicircular form, and is radiated in the manner of a curtain; a mode of ornament which we frequently see in ancient frescoes. This pavement has given origin to a pamplilet containing a visionary hypo- thesis, wherein the author fancies he discerns "a glory", "the sun and ■earth", " the hours", " the difference between the visible and the true COLLECTANEA OF 1851. 101 horizon", "the law of refraction", etc. The guilloche he considers as ''a mystic band of union between the sun and the earth", "the whole forming a mythological picture of surpassing interest." The mosaic has been removed with great care by Mr. Larkins Walker, and it is intended to form the pavement of a handsome saloon in the town museum, a well adapted design for which has been prepared by Mr. Walker. Literary Gazette. It is proposed to raise a " Fund for the late Editor of the Literary Gazetted The Gazette was founded by Mr. Jerdan in 1817, and has been carried on by the same hand till the close of the year 1850. (^Builder.) Liverpool. A public museum and library are about to be erected in the neigh- bourhood of St. George's Hall. [Literary Gazette.) London. An article on the extent of Roman London appears in the Literary Gazette, Dec. 27th, 1851. Lymne, in Kent. A view and description of excavations carried out in this ancient city, by Mr. C. Roach Smith and Mr. Elliott, are given in the Illustrated London Neivs, No. 449. Malta. Three ancient caves have been opened at about three-quarters of a mile south-east of Citta Vecchia, by Mr. Winthrop, American Consul, and Mr. Lock. A plan and view, with an account of the discovery, are given in the Illustrated London News, No. 456. Mausoleum. M. L. Leclere has discovered a tomb among the hills of Akbar, in Kabylia. It consists of four steps surmounted by a cube, above which is a pyramid. A view of it is given in the September number of the Revue Archeoloyiqiie. Memphis. M. Marie tte is said to have discovered some vestiges of this renowned city. This gentleman, who is charged by the French government Avith a literary and scientific mission in Egypt, has stated to the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences at Paris, that he has made excavations in the site of ancient Memphis, and has discovered the Serapeum mentioned by Strabo, and other monuments of Egyptian and Greek architecture, comprising statues, bas-reliefs, and about five hundred bronze figures. In front of the Serapeum is, a semicircular line of statues, representing the sphinx and other Egyptian subjects, together with those of Greece ; all of great beauty. Drawings of his discoveries were also exhibited. In conse- quence of the interest created by these researches, the government have agreed to provide funds for continuing the excavation. £1,200 have already been paid. {Literary Gazette!) Metz. Excavations have been made between Metz and St. Mihiel, in the territory of Creuil, which have led to the discovery of some mosaic pave- ments. {Bulletin Monumental, par M. De Caumont.) Mines, Gold, of Ethiopia. A paper "Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses 11, relating to the Gold Mines of ^Ethiopia", by Mr. Birch, F.S.A., was read before the Antiquarian Society on January 22 and February 5, 1852, and will appear in the approaching number of the Archaoloyia. Emerald, in Egypt. Mr. Robert Allan, C'.K, who has been for some 102 COLLECTANEA OF 1851. time employed by the Pasha of Egypt in directing the works of the rich emerald mines of Mount Zabarrah, in one of the small oases of the Red Sea, has recently effected an important discovery. At the bottom of a deep shaft he has struck into a gallery, the appearance of which at once shewed itself to be antique. On continuing his researches, he found several Egyptian tools and implements, and a hierogl}'|)hic inscription cut on a rock, which clearly indicated that the mine had been worked in the reign of Rhamses-Sesostris, (about 1600 B.C.) a monarch who was at once a conqueror, a lawgiver, and a patron of the arts of peace. From the pecu- liarities and general appearance of the whole, Mr. Allan is convinced that the Egyptians must have possessed great science and experience in the art of mining. {Allgemeine Baiiteitimg .) Mines, Roman Zinc. The discovery of what is believed to be a Roman zinc- mine has been made at Wislech, in Baden. The ancient chronicles of the place say that a mine existed here a thousand years ago. This is confirmed by the fact that a huge quantity of refvise brass-ore (carbonate of zinc) has been left behind, calculated at 50,000 tons ; the Romans being accustomed only to silver and lead mining. {Architect.') Montbouis, or 3Ionthonrg, near Chatillon-sur-Loire. Some Roman baths have been explored, in the month of August 18.50, at Montbourg, (the ancient Aqiiee Segestce.) Although on the banks of the river, conduits have been discovered which supplied the baths with water of a softer or purer quality from a distance of one league. They are situated on the south-east of the amphitheatre of Cheneviere, between the river Loing and the canal Briare, forming a kind of island between the two. The area measures about 60 by 50 metres, (196 by 164 feet.) Many of the walls exhibit traces of fresco decoration, both on the interior and exterior surfaces. A plan and description of them are published by the Societe Frangaise pour la Con- servation des Monuments Historiques, in the account of the Congres Archeologique de France. Mosaic jyavements. Messrs. Minton and Co.'s pavements are formed of tesserae of China clay, compressed dry in moulds by Prosser's patent process, and then baked. The colours are metallic oxides introduced previously to compression. Mosaic-ivorhing . A school of mosaic has been established four years ago at St. Petersburg. Some of the finest works of ancient art have been copied ; among which are four large scenic masks, and a copy of the celebrated pavement in the circular room of the Vatican, in the centre of which is a colossal head of Medusa. The copy of this latter pavement is valued at £5,200, and has occupied three years in its formation. Another speci- men is a copy of a mosaic of Byzantine style. The school has been established under the Roman Musaici&ta, the Cav. Barberi. The modern specimens are said to be greatly siiperior to the ancient. {Morning Post.) We should conclude that their superiority, like the specimens of modern mosaic in this country, consists in an excessive fineness of execution and gaudincss of colour. COLLECTANEA OF 1851. 103 Naples. The following works have recently been published by the Neapolitan government : NapoU e i luoghi celebri clelle sue vicinanze. — MontimeHti del Regno delle Due Sicilie, — and Tesoro lapidario Napoletano, by the Cav. Aloe. Nervi. The Lake of Nervi, once surrounded by villas and temples, is being searched, and a rich harvest expected. {Literary Gazette.^ Nineveh marbles. Drawings of the Nineveh marbles recently brought to the British museum are given in the Illustrated London News of October 26, December 21 and 28, 1850; and those in Paris, in ditto, February 8, 1851. Nismes. Excavations are being carried on at the back of the temple of Diana, under the direction of M. Revoil, architect, and M. Faure. The expense, which will amount to £350, will be defrayed conjointly by the department, and the city of Nismes. {Revue Archcologique.) Oxford University Museum. A proposal was made to grant £30,000 from the press account, towards a fund for building a new University museum. The proposition has been negatived. {Literary Gazette.) Parthenon. A fragment of the Parthenon frieze, discovered at Marburg Hall, near Northwich, by Mr. George Scharf, Jun., is represented in the Illus- trated London Neivs, No. 457. iSt. Pctersburgh Museum. This building, erected by Von-Klenze, the architect of Munich, is now finished. It is covered with an iron roof lined with ornaments in copper, which produce a brilliant effect. The pavements are of mosaic, and the walls of marble. The central court is adorned with one hundred and eighty- two marble and granite columns of the Corinthian order. , Museum of the Fine Arts. A plan and view of this building, with a short description, is given in the Builder, July 12, 1851. Philology. The National Institute of France offers, for the year 1852, a gold medal of the value of 1,200 francs (£40) for the best work, whether in manuscript, or printed subsequently to 1st January 1851, which shall be submitted to the Institute, on the subject of comparative philology. They must be delivered by the 1st August 1852. {Journal des Savants.) Polychromy. An article on the discovery of Roman remains at Champlieu, near Orrouy, (Canton of Crespy-en-Valois), has appeared in the June number of the Revue Archeologique, by M. E. C. de rHervillier. The architectural remains exhibit well-preserved indications of polychromatic decoration, the principal colours of which are deep red and yellow. The larger masses have the addition of delicate ornaments, to give more light- ness and elegance to the detail. " Chose digne do rcmarque, c'cst qu'on avait ajoute a ces fonds des details sur la surface des ornemens, pour leur donner de la legercte,'et diminuer la lourdeur de I'ensemble." According to the Transactions of the Sociite Fran^aise, the sculptures are covered with encaustic colouring. The projecting parts are white, on a gro\ind of a yellowish red. The borders and profiles of tlic ornaments are distin- guished by red lines. lO-i COLLECTANEA OF 1851. Pompeii. A marble bas-relief, representing Alexander and Bucephalus, was dug up in presence of Pio IX, and publisJied by tlie late Cav. Avellino ; but the marble does nut seem to justify the attribution of this date. {Dr. Brunn.) It is, however, of Greek style, and the composition is simple and full of grace. ^Bull. dcIT Inst.) M. Normand, one of the pensionnaires of the French Academy, has sent home a finished restoration of the House of the Faun at Pompeii, besides other drawings from that city and Herculaneum. Rome. Basilica Julia. By the recent excavations, this basilica is shewn to have stood lengthwise by the side of the Forum Romanum. [Bull. deW Inst, di Corr. Archeol.) Catacomhs. M. Perret, assisted by an accomplished French artist, ^\, Savinien Petit, has spent five to six years in exploring these subter- ranean galleries. He has obtamed three hundred and sixty folio drawings, among which are about one hundred inedited frescoes. The French government have purchased the collection for £7,500. [lievue des Deux Mondes.) House in the Via Graziosn. Three fragments of an ancient caleudar, painted in fresco, were foimd here : MENTI IN C CAPITOJLIO ST.N D... ....VESTAE.AD IA]S V E. It has been explained by Sig. G. B. De Rossi, in the Bull. delF Inst, di Corr. Archeol. Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. Dr. Braun has recently brought to notice a bas-relief in the Palace of the Conservatory, at Rome, which he considers to be a representation of the pedimental arrangements of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. {^Gerhard, Archdolog. Aiizeiger.) Dredc/ing the Tiber. A project was made by M. Vansittart to explore the bed of the Tiber by means of the newly -invented breathing apparatus, and to divide the antiquities which might be discovered between the British Museum and the Papal government. The offer has been declined. {^Literary Gazette.) Vicolo delle Palme. Subsequently to the other objects already de- scribed, there have been found here : part of a colossal bull, in the action exhibited on the coins of Thurium ; and a bronze foot. It is considered to have belonged to an equestrian statue, and possibly to that here discovered. The decorations are of extraordinary beauty of detail, and of very pure .style. Thin pieces of leather are represented at back and sides, on which are sculptured the arabesque ornament already spoken of, and they are united together by a palmette. The sole of the sandal is in three thick- nesses, elegantly sewn together, as in the Minerva of Antiochus in the Villa Ludovisi. {Bull. delV Inst, di Corr. Archeol.) COLLECTANEA OF 1861. 105 Rome. Not far from the Vicolo dcUe Palme, -where the Apoxyomenos, the horse, and a small bronze figure of Hercules were found, and near the Ponte rotto, have been exposed a portico of travertine columns, and two other columns of breccia corallina. The excavation has been filled in again. (^Gerhard, ArchUol. Aiizciger.) Via Appia. Excavations have been made along this ancient road to the extent of the fifth mile-stone. Among the objects discovered are a beautiful fragment of Roman architecture ; a frieze, with festoons and children ; heads of Medusa ; a cippus, with bas-relief representing a soldier of the Urban cohorts ; four statues, and several inscriptions. {^Giornale di Roma.) An excavation alon,gSK, View of lirst tuuuel, lookiug ea Kroiu a sketch by Capt. William Allen, K.N. But the entrance to another tunnel is before us. Advancing a few paces, we get a fine view of the tw^o gateways, which are universally admired, not only as works of art, but on account of the picturesque form of the rocks which tower above them, as well as for the beauty of the open cutting in which we stand, itself a fine specimen of engineering art. The length of the upper tunnel is just double that of the other; but the road through it is better, and w^e soon find ourselves emerging from it into a circumscribed ^ alley, or wild, rocky glen, in the centre of which is the bed of a considerable mountain torrent. Huge stones and holders lie scattered on every side. To the left, and OF SELEUCIA PIERIA. 121 before us, the heights, diverging, take a semi-lunar form ; and, as we advance, we find ourselves midway between two cres- cents, or gigantic hollows, the rocks still receding, and rising in terraces, one above the other, to the height of from 400 to 500 feet. Those on the one side are crowned with rich verdure and forest trees ; but their opposite neighbours are not devoid of interest, although comparatively bare of foliage. These two ranges form together an enormous amphitheatre, or cul-de-sac, (for there is no outlet,) — a natural basin, or reser- voir, for the reception of the waters which flow from this portion of the steppes of Mount Rhossus, which rise majestically above the city. In the winter, a considerable volume of water finds its way, by torrents, from the mountains into the central chan- nel of this valley ; and we are not surprised to find that the early settlers should have been inundated by " rivers of water", as the ancient writers described ; for in the winter time it must have poured over the hill down to the sea in torrents and cata- racts, for there was then no culvert, and it was not likely that a few rude villagers would adopt any efi'ective measures to con- fine the waters to a single stream. But what was to them an inconvenience, the master-mind of Seleucus made subservient to the grandest designs. Having decided on fortifying this important locality, he required a port for the protection of his ships ; and he knew that a harbour without a back-water to cleanse it, would speedily fill up. He conceived the idea, therefore, of forming a culvert, which served the double purpose of carrying ofi" the accumulated waters from the mountain, and of clearing either the outer or inner port, as occasion required, by, as we suppose, sluice-gates of some kind or other. He then built up a strong wall between the upper tunnel and the clifts which crown the hill on which the ancient village stood ; thus eff"ectually closing the entrance to the glen or basin in which the waters collected. But he left an opening in the centre, which communicated with a strong conduit, by means of which, and by suitable sluice-gates, he could, at plea- 122 ON THE ANCIENT CITY AND PORT sure, direct tlie whole of the water mto the mner harbour, or into the culvert to the outer port. i ^1 ^,|f 'J Eutrauce to first tunnel. From a sketch by Dr. Yates. This w^all still exists ; it is built of large stones, and is in good preservation. Of course the sluice-gates are gone, and there is an open gap, through which the waters pass as formerly ; and the conduit which supplied the back-Avater being defective, the hill is more or less flooded, as already stated. About fifty yards from the western extremity of the great wall, the first or upper tunnel begins. It is 142 yards long, 21 feet high, and 21 feet mde ; and there is a central channel of from three to four feet in depth and width. The conduit on the left side, before mentioned, is so situated as to insure an abundant supply of water, and it passes along both tunnels and the intervening cutting, as far as the staircase and bridge, where, in consequence of the fall of the culvert, it meets the A Tertical section of the uf per portion of the culvert at Seleucia I'ieria, as suiTeyed by Capt. W. Allen, R.N. OF SELEUCIA PIERIA. 123 surface of the hill, and was thus made to supply the town with water. The cutting between the tunnels is 88 yards long, open at the top ; and, according to Captain Allen's survey, a vertical section of it at the upper end measures 150 feet, and it gradu- ally dechnes to 75 feet, where the second tunnel commences. View of second tunuel, looking west. From a sketch by Capt. W. Allen, R.N. On the left side of the cutting are the remains of another flight of stairs cut in the rock, the lower portion broken away. The second tunnel is like the first, but only 45 yards long ; an open cutting is then continued to the end of the culvert. A vertical section gives 50 feet at the upper end, and it declines gradually, according to the undulations of the hill. The tunnels only have the channel in the middle. This, together with the ledges left on either side of it, afl'orded facilities for clearing away holders, stones, detritus, etc., which would otherwise have col- 124 ON THE ANCIENT CITY AND PORT lected; and it is remarkable that, although the culvert has been totally neglected for ages, the tunnels have not become obstructed ; which Ca2)tain Allen thinks may be accounted for by the fact of the stream finding an exit by the gap in the great wall. " Tlie fall," he says, " is one foot m fifty, as far as the bridge." Below bridge it increases obviously ; and in some places it is very abrupt. The culvert winds rather more than is shown in the map ; and the hill through which it is cut, is continuous with the heights above. At about 440 yards from the entrance to the first tunnel, the hill declines, the culvert is more or less open for a short distance, and the wall on the left, which formerly kept up the water, has become dilapidated : 200 yards further, on the western side, are the remains of a Greek inscription, cut in the face of the rock ; and near it is also one in Latin ; but both are so much defaced, that it is impossible even to guess at their meaning. At about 120 yards further the hill declined so much that the ancients found it necessary to build a strong wall for about 40 yards, with large stones, like that above (a) ; and some years ago, the Turks, wishing to clear out the port, opened a gap in it, thinking that the winter torrents would efi'ect their object ; but taking no precautions, as might have been expected they brought down large stones and a quantity of silt, which helped to fill up the mouth of the harbour, and destroyed many beau- tiful gardens. After another 175 yards, three more inscriptions may be observed, (two of them high up, near an arch, and in sunken tablets,) but, like the preceding, they are quite illegible. Captain Allen estimates the entire length of the culvert at 1,200 paces from the great "bend", or wall, to where it termi- nates near the north pier. It opens out into a most fertile and beautiful sequestered valley, by an abrupt and sudden fall of enormous rocks, over which the water must have issued as a foaming cataract, with a loud roaring ; and I conceive that these precipitous rocks were left in this state as a matter of security against the approach of an enemy. Rather high up OF SELEUCIA PIERTA. 125 on the terraces to the right, above the water-fall, are some sepul- chral chambers, but no inscriptions. Poly bins, in his description of the storming of the city, speaks of a town in this direction called " Dioscurium", from which point certain officers were commanded to lead their troops to the assault ; and I believe it to have been situated on the rise of the hills, or the upland, rather than in this vicinity. I con- ceive it to have been a village close to Seleucia, to which, in times of peace, the inhabitants may have resort'ed, and where some of the more wealthy may have had their chateaux or country houses ; but the site of Dioscurium requires further investigation. Quitting the tunnel, we pass through orchards and planta- tions to one of the finest sandy shores I ever beheld, and, turn- ing to the left, the port and moles come into view ; but it is evident that formerly there must have been a fortified wall and outworks to defend this approach to the city and harbour. The culvert, viewed as a work of art, raises the ancients greatly in our estimation ; and, if proof were wanting, shews them to have been a people of no ordinary capacity. It would be considered a great undertaking even in the present day, with all our experience in engineering, our scientific attainments, and appliances of gunpowder, steam, and machinery. What a work of labour it must have been then, at that early period, to excavate a passage of such magnitude through hard limestone rock for a distance of three quarters of a mile ; indeed, includ- ing all the outworks or appendages, we may fairly say a good English mile. Both the tunnels and cuttings are exquisitely contrived and shaped. They could not be better done by any of our modern engineers : there is no denying the fact — scien- tific men who have seen it allow it ; and yet this magnificent triumph of human ingenuity is scarcely known to the world, and no use is made of it. But viewed in connexion with the port and basin of Seleucia, the moles and fortifications, (also the work of Seleucus and 126 ON THE ANCIENT CITY AND PORT Antiochus the Great,) our admiration is increased ten-fold, and we deeply regret that a work of such usefulness, so admirably adapted for the extension of commerce, so importantly located, and so much needed on the coast of Syria, should be so utterly disregarded by the possessors of the soil. On the brow of the hill, two or three hundred yards south of the foot-bridge which crosses the culvert, concealed by planta- tions and orchards, is a large excavated hollow (f), having the appearance of an old quarry, which, however, the inhabitants took the pains to improve and level ; and then cut numerous spacious chambers in the face of the rocks, similar to those at the " Bab el Molook", at Thebes. These I believe to have been the most ancient of the royal sepulchres at Seleucia ; and one of them may even have contained the remains of Seleucus himself. But from this spot ha^dng for ages been regarded, not only as the burial place of kings, but as the " Cave of the Despot", — and the legends of a patriarchal people like these ought not to be altogether disregarded, — it is not improbable that the tyrannical Antiochus Epiphanes, who oppressed his own people and persecuted the Jews, is here alluded to, and that he was interred on this very spot. The catacombs which occupy the northern side of the court, are more spacious and beautiful than the rest, and might justly be assigned to royalty. We enter by an oblong hall or vestibule, of which we find an admirable representation in Fisher's Views in Syria. It is 25 feet long and 7 feet 8 inches broad, and may be said to consist of a double row of columns, supporting a vaulted roof orna- mented with sculptured scrolls and cornices. Passing under the central inner arch, we enter a very lofty and capacious chamber, 25 feet by 14|, on either side of which there is also a commodious sepulchral corridor, like the aisles of a church, which conceal the circumscribed resting-places of mortals ; and instead of windows, the boundary walls are pierced with semi- lunar recesses of various dimensions for coffins and cinereal urns. In the middle of the central division are sunken vaults. OF SELEUCIA FIERI A. 127 covered by arched walls raised above the floor, but quite plain and Avithout inscriptions, and there are others on the sides. The roof of the apartment is flat and without ornament. Returning now to the vestibule, we perceive a handsomely- carved arched-doorway, Avhich leads to another sepulchral chamber, 22J feet by 21 feet, without reckoning the ante-room. The roof is very handsome ; it is divided into vaulted sections, and supported by four Ionic columns, now broken, and at each end are two more, broken in half. The sculptured orna- ments above consist of scallop-shells, scrolls, cornices, and mouldings, and the ivy leaf. The tombs are very numerous : there are ten in arched recesses, and a few others still sealed, but whether any have escaped notice and the ravages of fanatics I cannot say. These sepulchral chambers are many of them now used by the inhabitants as goat pens ; and occasionally have become the abodes of hermits ; and very convenient resi- dences they make. I resided in just such an one some years ago in Egypt, and some of these, in more open situations, com- mand the finest scenery in all Syria. As the number of inhabitants increased, the semi-circular space between the range of cUffs and the Antioch gate, (known as the " Marine Suburb", through which the modern road to Suediah now passes, as seen in the map,) became occuj)ied, buildings rapidly sprang up, and Seleucus Nicator then con- structed the new city on the table-land or gently rising ground between the verge of the clifl's and the heights beyond, both of which districts he embellished and fortified. According to the ancient writers, the markets were at the angle formed by the Marine Suburb and the old city, and they may also have been inclosed by a second wall ; but no traces of it remain. The whole range of cliff's is from 150 to 200 feet perpendicular, and the face of the rock is perforated with sepulchral chambers : a water-course consisting of earthenware pipes (of course dilapi- dated) may still be seen, and a tower and fortified wall, run- ning for a considerable distance along the verge of tlic cliffs, VOL. II. K 128 ON THE ANCIENT CITY AND PORT are conspicuous objects. The remains of stone buildings lie scattered about in all directions among the plantations ; some stone sarcophagi also, two of which (k) may be seen on the high road, about half way between the " Antioch" and the " South- gate", The former of these gates in the time of Pococke was tolerably perfect ; a large portion of it has since fallen down, and near it, on the sea-side, are the remains of some public building, and also some modern farm-houses in the midst of mulberry plantations and orchards. The " Antioch-gate" is close to the cliffs, and, like the other gates, forms a portion of the city walls and out-works, being defended by strong circular towers. Near this spot is a large recess in the cliff, and a little further on are the ancient limestone quarries, which no doubt supplied a large proportion of the material for building the moles and fortifications. The ancient " Coryphoeus" river here crosses the road. It is very short, rising in the adjacent heights not above a mile distant, and is beautifully clear and delicious. In this vicinity (l) are the remains of the ancient circus, near which Antiochus encamped when he prepared to besiege the city, then in the hands of Ptolemy. See PolyUus, b. v, ch. v. Having passed this nectar-like stream, we enter upon the rich plains of Suediah, and turning off to the left, we reach various inlets m the upland country, where there are numerous lovely spots well adapted for private residences, certainly not surpassed for scenery and situation in any spot of Syria, and abounding in everything that is calculated or required to render a home agreeable. No elegant villas remain, but I cannot imagine that a situation so desirable, yet so convenient to the great city, could escape the observation of the more wealthy inhabitants, than whom none perhaps could better appreciate its delights ; and I can quite picture to myself the country-houses and gardens of the nobles of the period studding the undulating country in this still healthy and attractive neighbourhood, one portion of which is traversed to this day by an ancient Roman road, which forms a part of the more direct route between the OF SELEUCIA PIERIA. 129 old port of Seleucia and Antioch. The distance between the cliffs and the sea is about two-thirds of a mile ; one half is covered with mulberry plantations and gardens, the remainder admits of high cultivation, but is overgrown with myrtles and squill, for want of population. The city is about six miles in circumference. At the point where the wall near the Antioch- gate joined the cliff, the latter makes an abrupt turn to the northward ; and here is a steep ascent over ruins and terraces, and through plantations to the top of the cliff; and so, if we please, we may ramble on along the heights until we reach the new city, or we may take the route more usually followed, viz., by what I have called the " Eoyal-gate", (g) — as we presume it was in the upper city that the nobles chiefly resided, — that is to say, by the gate which is at the angle formed by the di- verging of the cliffs where the wall of the old city terminates, and that of the "Marine Suburb" begins. The gate was flanked by fine semi-oval towers ; one has been thrown down, the other is almost concealed by the trees ; the springings of the arch re- main : and here we have another specimen of engineering skill — a fine military road cut through the solid rock in a serpen- tine direction up the acclivity to the royal city, (g) About two- thirds of the way up, a ravine is passed by a bridge of a single arch of cut stones, and a span of about 24 feet. At this point, a few paces from the road, on the left hand, are some fine capa- cious vaults excavated in the rocks, which I imagine may have been used as guard-rooms for soldiers ; and immediately above them, there has been evidently a large building of importance, most likely a fortress, perhaps the citadel itself. Crossing the bridge, the road still winds for some distance until it reaches the summit ; it then divides, one branch leading along the cliff to the left, overlooking the basin, — and a fine causeway it is, — the other, diverging to the right, leads to the fortified wall already noticed as running along the cliffs to the eastward, and marked by a conspicuous tower : but it also sends off a short branch here to the new city, which is close at hand, and the K 2 130 ON THE ANCIENT CITY AND PORT approach to which seems to have been very strongly de- fended. There are extensive foundations still to be seen, some in the natural rock, which in one place itself forms a wall about 15 feet high and 60 feet in length, with a noble gateway. This has been a very strong position. There is no sentry now to challenge us as we pass. We walk on unmolested, and tra- verse an extensive area of ploughed fields and ruins, once, as w^e suppose, the stately palaces of the rich and pow^erful, but now mere heaps of stones, and mounds and walls, a confused, indescribable mass, with here and there the shafts of columns mixed up with trees and vegetation. About half a mile beyond the gateway are a few broken shafts still standing, marking the site of an ancient temple ; and in the same field a farmer one day ploughed up a beautiful colossal statue (about 8 feet high) of a female figure, robed and sandaled like the figure of Minerva, in white marble. It was in beautiful preservation, but without the head. This perhaps was not far oif. I lost no time in endeavouring to secure this figure, but found that it was already sold to a Turk, who, before I could see him about it, caused it be broken up for the convenience of transport, and that he might apply what remained to domestic purposes. Captain William Allen, R.N., who surveyed the Niger, and to whom great praise is due for the care and attention with W'hich he has surveyed the port of Seleucia, is of opinion that the latter might be restored at a very moderate expense, com- pared with the advantages which w^ould result from it, viz., the restoration of the prosperity of the north of Syria. Neither the destructive power of man, he says, nor the convulsions of Nature, have done it irreparable damage. It is an enduring monument of the beneficial energy of its founders, and earnestly invites their successors to profit by so valuable a legacy, while the same natural elements of prosperity still exist in the inex- haustible fertility of this w^ondcrful country, which may be said to comprise the valleys of the Orontes, the Euphrates, and the OF SELEUCIA FIERI A. 131 Bekaa, — all capable of producing, to an almost unlimited ex- tent, articles most valuable to commerce. To these, the cities of the Tetrapolis, and many others, owed their origin and rapid prosperity ; and if it was worth their while to construct such a great work to facilitate the export of the riches of their soil, it surely ought to be worth the while of their successors, as those riches are still to be obtained for the seeking — to restore the port of Seleucia. In these sentiments all who are practically acquainted with the subject fully coincide : and in support of them we have the published testimony of Colonel Chesney, Colonel Estcourt, M.P,, Captain Charlewood, W. F. Ainsworth, Esq., and the other officers of the late Euphrates expedition. I may mention also, that the Bay of Antioch and coast of Seleucia have been surveyed recently by H. M. B. " Frolic", Commander Vansittart, and that the report is favourable. I must not enlarge on these matters. I have already extended my remarks more than I intended. William Holt Yates, M.D. 132 IX. THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. A T Amyclse, in Lacorda, Pausanias found, and describes, a ■^-^ throne of great size and elaborate decoration, dedicated to the Amyclsean Apollo. The seat of the tlirone was at least of such height as to admit free passage under it ; of the mate- rial he says notliing ; but the absence of any reference to colour and inlaid woods, stone, or metals, favours the opinion that the surface of it at least was of one uniform substance, probably bronze ; and that the forty different subjects, and more, which he enumerates as wrought upon it, were ^vrought, for the most part, in relief : " The part of the throne where the god should sit, was not continuous throughout, but afforded several seats, a free space remaining by each seat ; the "widest space was in the middle, and there stood upright the figure of the god." This figure was some forty-five feet high, archaic, and with no appearance of art ; bearmg, in fact, with the exception of the face and helmeted head, the feet, and the hands, which held spear and bow, resemblance to a bronze column. Some strange hints even occur (Hesychius), that this was the Lacsedemo- nian god that was represented with four hands and four ears ; but, if so, the silence and the statements of Pausanias are alike unaccountable. I suspect some confusion with the archaic symbols of the Dioscuri or the Actorids. The pedestal it stood on was in the form of an altar. The painted vases have made us familiar with archaic statues of the form described — most frequently of Athene ; and the Ephesian Artemis is a variation of the same type. The altar-pedestal is also of frequent occurrence; but as yet no adequate monu- THE THRONE OF A]MYCL.5:AN APOLLO. 133 mental illustration has offered of the many-seated throne. Possibly Pindar had such in his mind when he described the " well-circled seat on which sat the gods of sea and land", at the marriage of Peleus. The subordinate places were, no doubt, appropriated to the Oeol Trapdo/ioi — "the associated divinities wor- shipped in especial combination with the Amyclsean Apollo. Were the seats divided by arms, or were they distinguished by curved recesses along the front ? The pillar-like statue would then occupy, or rather stand opposite to, that in the midst ; for we cannot place the altar-pedestal on the seat of the throne, and the expression of the text must be interpreted by the light of general probabilities. Quatremere de Quincy, in his great work, (Le Jupiter Oli/m- jo/ew,) enters at large into the subject of this throne. The observ- ations of Welcker, in his Zeitschrift^ are of far more value, and will well repay perusal. My own point of view has so little in common, however, with these anterior notices, that I may be excused encumbering myself with continual references or refu- tations. The throne was made by a certain Bathykles, a Magnesian. Of whom he was the scholar, or under what Lacedaemonian king he flourished, Pausanias would not — probably could not — say ; but he implies that his work was entirely contrasted with the archaic statue, and claimed the honours of a work of art. From the circumstance that the artist dedicated a statue to Artemis Leucophryne, on the completion of his Avork, it has been plausibly inferred that his native city was the Magnesia on the Maeander, for there the goddess so entitled had peculiar honours. This Magnesia was among the Greek cities in Asia subjected by Croesus ; and when we find this king sujoplying the Lacedaemonians, as a free gift, with the gold they wished to purchase for ornamenting the statue of Amyckc or its counter- part, it is tempting to conjecture that the employment by Lace- dajmonians of a Magnesian artist was due, in some manner, to these mixed transactions of revolution and courtesy. These arc 134 THE THRONE OF AMYCLiEAN APOLLO. questions, however, that it is wise to leave open questions ; for we shall find that there were independent reasons w^hy the employment of a Magnesian artist at Amyclse should be natural and fitting. The words of Pausanias at first seem to indicate that he intended to give only a selection from the subjects represented, but he takes heart as he goes on, and goes through them all. The throne, he says, is supported before and behind by two Charites and two Horai. Thus a pair of mythological female figures at each foot : " On the left stands Echidna and Typhos ; on the right, Tritons". These figures would occupy the outside space between the back and front legs, in a position which is frequently thus disposed of in the thrones on the vases. Pau- sanias then proceeds with his notice of subjects in the following order. I attach numbers for the sake of comparison and reference: Figures. No. 5 . . 1 . Poseidon and Zeus carry off Taygete, daughter of Atlas, and her sister Alcyone ; Atlas also is represented. (Notwithstanding the conjunction in the test, we may ascribe this figure to the same group as his daughters.) 2 . . 2. The single combat of Hercules and Cycnus. 5 (?) , 3. The battle of Centaurs ; and Hercules at the cave of Pholus. 2 . . 4. Theseus leading the Minotaur alive and bound ; an unusual ver- sion of the story. Several 5. There is also upon the throne the chorus of Phseacians, and De- modocus singing. ' 2-3 . 6. The exploit of Perseus upon Medusa — (was Athene present, as usual on monuments ?) 2 . . 7. Hercules fighting the giant Thurius. 2 . .8. Combat of Tyndareus and Eurytus. Several 9. The rape of the daughters of Leucippus by the Dioscuri.' 2 . .10. Hermes carrying the infant Dionusos to heaven. 2-3 . 11. Athene conducting Hercules to his abode with the gods (pro- bably in chariot, as on vases). 3 . .12. Peleus delivering Achilles to Cheiron to be nurtured. 2 . .13. Cephalus snatched away by Hemera for his beauty. Several 14. The gods bringing gifts to the marriage of Harmonia. 2 . .15. The single combat of Achilles and Memnon. 2 . .16. Hercvdes chastising the Thracian Diomedes. 2-3 . 17. Hercules chastising Nessus. (Dcianira could scarcely be omitted.) THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. 135 Figures. Xo. Several 18. Hermes conducting the goddesses to be judged by Paris. 4-5 . 19. Adrastus and Tydeus stay the fight of Amphiaraus and Lycurgus, son of Pronax. 2 . . 20. Here contemplates lo, daughter of Inachus, being in form of a cow. 2 . .21. Athene flies from the pursuit of Hephaestus, f 2 . .22. Exploit of Herakles with the hydra. (. 2 . . 23. Exploit of Herakles with Cerberus. f 2 . . 24. Anaxias and Mnasinous (sons of Dioscuri) on horseback. (2 . . 25. Megapenthes son of Menelaus, and Nicostratus, riding on a single horse. ( 2 . . 26. Bellerophon killing the Chimsera. (. 2 . . 27. Herakles dri^•ing the oxen of Geryon. 28. At the ends of the throne, above, are the sons of Tyndareus, mounted ; Sphinxes are below the horses, and wild beasts running above ; to one, a pardalis ; to Poludeuces, a lioness. 29. At the very top of the throne is a chorus, the Magnesians who assisted Bathykles in making the throne. Such, in the order as enumerated by Pausanias, are the deco- rations of the throne, exclusive of those which were seen by going under the seat. What is the law of symmetry and order, that, by the analogy of the paintings of the Lesche, of the decorations of the vases, of Greek ornamental decoration gene- rally, we are bound to expect and to assume, until examination disappoints us 1 The expectation is strengthened by the obvious symmetrical correspondence of the Charites and Horai with the antithetical subjects, Chthonian and Marine below, and of Castor and Pollux above ; • the whole surmounted by the chorus of Magnesian artists. It will then be readily observed that the subjects from 20 to 27 fall naturally into pairs. Apart from deeper analogies, they would strike the eye ; and most of the groups on the throne are familiar, in numerous examples, to the students of figured antiquity, as parallels pictorially. A goddess ajipears in each adventure of the first pair ; the second pair comprises two exploits of Hercules upon two many-headed monsters ; in the third, a pair of equestrian cousins confront a pair of half-brothers on a single horse; the fourth paii' asso- 136 THE THRONE OF AMYCLJSAN APOLLO. ciates Hercules, again victor over a triple enemy, with Bellero- phon Blaying the triform Chima^ra. Following the hint of arrangement thus obtained, we have four rows of subjects, in relief, each row exhibiting a pair of parallel subjects, and an alternation is discovered ; the first and third rows having very direct analogy, and contrasting with the second and fourth. Tliis residt is precisely of the nature that we should expect from our acquaintance with the matter-of-fact plan upon which, in the Lesche at Delphi, we found Pausanias commencing at one end of an artistic composition, and telling off its component figures and groups with the method of a lord-mayor telling horse-nails at Westminster. He evidently commenced at one end of the throne, and noted down the groups and subjects consecutively ; and attention to the natural aspect of the sub- jects, may give us a shrewd hint of the course of his enumeration. The fourteen subjects numbered from 5 to 18, betray their arrangement very satisfactorily; they divide into two sets of seven each, which correspond among themselves, but in inverse order, as if the enumerator had proceeded ^ovarpocprj^Sv ; taking one now from right to left, then descending a step, to return from left to right ; or, as I think more probable, proceeding up one column of subjects, and down the other that was arranged parallel to it. The subjects 10 and 11 form a pair corresponding, in number of figures, as well as nature of subject, with 12 and 13. Num- bers 9 and 14 are both subjects comprising a greater number of figures, and as nearly related to each other as passionate and impatient love to marriage, with its " state and ancientry". Then succeed, on either side, triplet subjects of combat or slaughter, 6, 7, 8, antithetical to 15, 16, 17; and then again a single, but in itself more numerous subject is interposed ; and 5, the song of Demodocus and Phfeacian chorus, ranges oppo- site to 18, the judgment of Paris, and, I tliink, to 19, the quar- rel of Amphiaraus and Lycurgus. The chorus could scarcely be treated with such scantiness as to have sufficient equipoise THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. 137 in the three goddesses and their conductor. In another part of the throne we shall meet with a similar instance of departure from precision without prejudice to general conformity, — I have no doubt, with deeply studied feeling of enhanced expression to the general law. Again, therefore, we have, and in two instances, four rows of subjects ; and, on collating them with the four already obtained, we find a parallelism that cannot be fortuitous. Combats are excluded from the second and fourth rows, but exclusively engross the third. I have assumed, in my tabulated scheme, that Pausanias passed along uniformly from left to right — the course of the sun — the course of his stylus on his tablet or memorandum book ; yet here and there there seems a tempta- tion to suspect a deviation; for instance, if subjects 13 and 12 were to change places, they would correspond a little more accurately with 11 and 10 ; the youthful, if not infant, Achilles, ■ — Pindar avouches that he was consigned to Cheu'on at least before six years old, conforming with the infant Dionusos. The plan, as thus far traced, presents us with three tablets of subjects, comprising a centre and two corresponding wings, — strophe, antistrophe, and epode, — and presenting a web of well contrasted, and therefore not incoherent, but distinctly accentu- ated, representations. This contrast and coherence induce the conclusion that the three tablets were so disposed on the throne that they might be taken in by the eye at once, which thus was at liberty to wander its own way, and catch in its varying course the varying harmonies of the versiform combinations. If this be so, the only place that can be assigned for them is upon the internal face of the back of the throne above the seat, and so disposed as to be visible to the spectator standing in front of the monument. This back may have been either curved or straight, whatever might be the outline of the front edge of the seats, but the distribution of the subjects does not admit any sharp return of the sculptured surface to form a side. As there appears to have been a clear passage below the throne from front 138 THE THRONE OF AMYCL.^AN APOLLO. to back, it will be observed that the assignment of these decora- tions to the external face of the back of the throne would leave the front view almost destitute of enrichment of any kind. We can scarcely be wrong in ascribing the figures of the Tyndarids on horseback " at the ends of the throne above" to the proper arms of the throne. The sphinxes that were below them are ornaments that are constantly seen on monuments in this position, the supports of the rails. It seems not at all unlikely that the Dioscuri, sphinxes, pard, and Koness, were executed in the round, as detached figures. The next words of the describer, locating the chorus of Magnesians " at the very top" of the throne, appear to exclude the antecedent groups from the lofty position, that otherwise might have some claims of plausibility, at the extreme angles at the top of the back. The four first subjects enumerated present two distinct groups of single combat, Theseus and the Minotaur, Hercules and Cycnus, interposed alternately between two more extensive subjects, a general battle of Centaurs, and the rape of the daughters of Atlas. I conjecture that this system of subjects was adjusted upon the base of the throne. The base of the Olympic throne had its special ornaments, and there is an indi- cation in the text of a marked transition in passing to the fifth subject, which is noted as " upon the throne", as if the pre- ceding were not upon it also, at least in so strict a sense. The mention of the throne of the Olympian Zeus of Pheidias, invites allusion to other analogies and illustrations. Pausanias catalogues the paintings with which the brother of Pheidias, Pansenus, adorned the walls or panels that closed up the inter- vals at the sides and back between the supporting pillars and legs. It was from noticing the principle of order to which this list is reducible, that I "was encouraged to test the regularity of the Amyclaean enumeration. The subjects at Elis are nine, and they are told ofi" in the order that foUows as numbered, but with no hint of the relative position in which they arc placed. THE THRONE OF AMYCLiEAN APOLLO. 139 1. Herakles relieving Atlas. 4. Herakles and Neniean lion. 7. Herakles relie\-ing Prometheus. 2. Theseus and Phithous. 5. Ajax Oileus, & Cassandra. 8. Achilles and Penthesileia. 3. Hellas and Salamis. fi. Hippodameia and mother. 0. Two Hesperides with apples. The subjective parallelisms and proprieties, which are very subtle, must be passed over here, but it will be noticed at once that the upper subject of every row is an exploit of Hercules, that the three lowest correspond in presenting pairs of female figures ; the intermediate groups are linked by laws of analogy that must and may readily now be assumed and taken for granted. There would be some considerations in favour of commencing the enumeration from below, in which case the subjects of the upper and lower lines would simply change places. The corresponding space in front had no pictures, pro- bably because the portions of the statue in front of it would have interfered with such decorations, and because the blue with which it was coloured furnished a better background for the robe of the god and its enrichments. Yet again: the Olympic throne, says Pausanias, was sup- ported not only by the proper legs, but by columns between and of the same height as the legs. If we assume only one column on each side, we have a pair of vacant spaces, which will not agree with the requirements of the scheme, and neither will the triple spaces, lateral instead of vertical, that would be given by a pair of intermediate columns. But the columns could scarcely have been in a line or plan with the legs, be- cause they would have interfered with the bar that ran from one leg to another, bearing a continued subject executed in the round. The latter point is clear, from one figure having been lost from the front bar. The columns then, I conclude, were set a little back, and this enables us to place them at the angles of a reduced square, so that two would be visible between the legs of all the sides, with the single wall curtain at the several fronts of the very form and proportions suitable for our vertical pictorial ternaries. It appears, from the description of Pausanias, that it was 140 THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. possible to pass under the seat of the Amyclsean throne in order to inspect another set of subjects which were distributed to the right and left — thus apparently at the back of the Tritons and Typhon visible from without. The notice fiu'nishes us with the liint for the scale of the work, that the seat of the throne must have been some six feet above the ground, and it would have been welcome had a note been given us of the point of division of the subjects between the two sides; wanting this, we gain at least an opportunity to test the rule of symmetrical arrange- ment that has appeared to develop itself in the general list. " Going under the throne, we find within, on the side of the Tritons":— FiorRES. No. many 31. The chase of the boar of Calydon. 3 . . 32. Hercules slaying the Actorids. 3 or 4 33. The Boreads driving away the harpies. 13. . 34. Pirithous and Theseus carrying off Helen. 2 . . 35. Hercules strangling the lion. 3. . 36. Apollo shooting Tityus ; and Artemis. 2 . . 37. Hercules fighting the Centaur Oreios. 2 . . 38. Theseus and the Minotaur slain. 2 . . 39. Hercules wrestling with Achelous. 2 . . 40. Here bound by Hephaistos. many 41. The games instituted by Acastus at funeral of his father. 3 or 4 42. The adventure of Menelaus with Proteus, as related in the Odyssey. 3 . . 43. Admetus yoking a boar and lion, many 44. The Trojans bringing funeral libations to Hector. This series, from 31 to 44, w^e must divide into two parts for ourselves, as Pausanias, in his haste, omits to mark the point at which he turns to the side of Echidna and Typhon. In attempting this we find, as before, that the correspondence is inverse — the first subject answering to the last, and so in order towards the middle. The tabulated scheme exhibits the cor- respondence, but it will be seen that the games of Acastus, no doubt a subject comprising several groups, has not one but three subjects of minor groups to balance it. Again, as in our first examples, we are brought to a double system, each of four THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. 141 rows ; which are severally, either single, double, or triple in composition. There are two single-subject rows in the first scheme, two double-subject rows in the second, but in neither case do rows of like composition follow each other. The two plans or schemes agree in the arrangement of commencing or concluding either as a single or a double row, the triplets being placed internally. I suspect that in one case the single-subject rows were at the top of the system, and in the other at the bottom, but this is a point to which the text gives no clue. It is useless, I fear, to attempt to elicit from our materials whether the several bands or friezes were all of the same height, and the figures introduced all of the same relative proportions. I am inclined to think that this was the case, from the observation of the agreement in number of the figures in each of the rows of the central tablet, which range with the more varied lateral combinations. The Greek vase painters exercised the most admirable art in combining several friezes one above another of varying depth and, so to speak, populousness, with nicest feeling for contrast and relief, in har- mony with the proportionate interest and importance of the distributed subject. Of this, as of so many other artistic and poetic excellencies, the Francois vase is probably the noblest example. The resource in question, however, was, I suspect, not unknown to Bathykles, but neglected, as not required in addition to the contrast and distinction given by the varying division of the several rows, and by the grand contrast of the bas-reliefs with the round figures at the top, the ends or arms, and basement of the throne ; and moreover as inapplicable to a combination so multitudinous, and which Avas not mtended to concentrate chief interest on one main incident and chief repre- sentation. The altar pedestal of the statue was said to contain the ashes of Hyacinthus, the hero of the Hyacinthia, the great festival of Amyclse. On the left side of it was a door of bronze, aff'ording access for ofi'erings to the dead previous to the sacrifices made 142 THE THRONE OF AMYCL^EAN APOLLO. to Apollo at the Plyacinthia. The sculptured decorations of the altar exhibit a degree of correspondence that intimates their distribution on the several sides of the altar, but how far the left side and its door may have shared in them is not absolutely clear. " 1. On the altar were w^rought the figures of Biris [Dorice for " Iris, say those who best should know, and thus we get a hint " that the names of the, figures may have been inscribed), and " Amphitrite and Poseidon. Also Zeus and Hermes in talk toge- " ther, and near them Dionusos and Semele, and Ino beside her. " 2. There are also made upoii the altar, Demeter, Kore, and "Plouto; besides these, the Moirai and Horai (Fates and Sea- " sons); and with them, Aphrodite, Athene, and Artemis. They " conduct to heaven Hyacinthus and his sister Polyboia, who, " as they say, died in her maidenhood. Hyacinthus has a beard " here, but Nicias (about the time of Praxiteles) painted him " extremely youthful, with allusion to the passion of Apollo. " 3. Hercules also is represented upon the altar, he too led to " heaven by Athene and other gods. " 4. There are also on the altar the daughters of Thestius, the " Muses, and the Horai (qy. Apollo ?). The fourfold repetition of on the altar seems to hint a four- fold division referable to the several sides. The three first subjects have obvious agreement ; the fourth diifers, and in this very point seems suited for the door or its borders. The Horai which, in the fourth, are a recurrence, seem to be due to a transcriber's error, his eye catching, as not unfrequent, a pre- vious final word. The names enumerated for two first subjects are in each case eight, but the addition of Moirai and Horai to the second, disturbs the balance, and suggests some oversight. The three first names of each set seem to have some independ- ence of the rest that foUow^s, and the remark may be extended to the fourth side, the Thestiadce being three — Althaea, Leda, Hyperm nostra. The fourth set of figures being on the left of the altar, the subject on the front must — such we have seen is the method of THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. 143 Pausanias — have been one of those next to it, that is, either the third which precedes it, or the first which stands at the other extremity of the list. I suspect that Pausanias, passing under the throne, had the back of the altar fuU before him when he had finished there, and taking that first, passed on to the right hand subjects, and thence to No. 3 ; which would thus give us the progress of Hercules to heaven as the subject in front of the altar and the god and his throne. Now this result perfectly agrees with the preeminence as- signed to Hercules in the general collection of subjects chosen to decorate the common dedication of throne and altar, for there are other confirmations that the altar also was no less the work of Bathykles. Heracles is the hero introduced most frequently — the only hero who appears, and frequently, in several adventures in all the six great systems of groups. Besides a repetition of his apotheosis, twelve of his exploits are represented, and the very number is proof that the whole form a designed series, although they are selected upon some other principle than that of his great series of labours, a list that itself varies with various authorities. An obvious justification, or rather explanation, of this preference, is the claim of the kings of Dorian Sparta to be descendants of the great hero — the favourite hero of the Dorian race. Something more, how- ever, than mere compliment and consideration for even the highly honoured Herakleid monarchs, is required to complete the illustration of the scheme. "We have farther to seek for — it will not be far — the special analogy of his myths to that of the god, and to the festival to which the monuments of Amyclce more especially refer, and to trace the concurring local and symbolical proprieties that decided the selection of certain exploits out of the multitude that on difierent grounds were equally available. The festival of the Hyacinthia was one of the most important celebrated by the Lacedaemonians ; for the due observation of it they delayed or interrupted the most urgent military ex- VOL. II. L 144 THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. peditions : they were engrossed by its festivities in the midst of the danger of Greece, when Xerxes had ah-eady forced the pass of ThermopyliT. At a later date the mora of Spartans destroyed by the manoeuvre of Iphicrates, consisted of Amyclceans, who* were returning as usual with them from foreign service, on the approach of the festival. This took place about the time of the summer solstice, and Athenseus furnishes an account of it from an original source, and other details are forthcoming. The sacred rites continued for three days; they commenced with the funereal ceremonies within the altar already described, where Hyacinthus was said to be buried ; the nocturnal pro- cession, for which Euripides is our authority, probably came in here ; the funereal feast followed, with all tokens of solemnity and grief; certain cakes were substituted for bread, no crowns were worn, no paeans sung, and the assemblage separated in grave orderliness and silence. The second day was devoted to Apollo, and now succeeded a cheerful and lively series of spectacles. A great procession, under direction of a special director, com- prised all Amyclaeans and the majority of the Lacedaemonians now crowned with ivy ; the paean to the god was now heard, boys in festal garb accompanying the voice with lyre and pipe ; and the theatre was the scene even of equestrian exercises, as well as of the varied performances of choruses of youths who sung the poetry of the district to the accompaniment, not only of the flute, but of certain mimetic dances of archaic style. The Spartan maidens took part in the show ; they passed along in cars ornamented for display, or they took part in contests of the chariot race. It was, no doubt, on this day that the robe wrought by Spartan matrons for the Amyclaean god was carried in procession and dedicated. The entire state was effused in rejoicing ; every class shared in the rites ; the citizens entertained not only friends and relatives, but their very slaves. The third day appears to have been occupied with games in honour of Hyacinthus, — the discoboHa especially, and races in full suit of armour. THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. 145 These details betray the character of the festival as of the same nature as so many others occurring far and mde over Greece, in which the same alternation of depression and exhi- laration, sometimes in inverse order, gave outlet for the sym- pathies and excitabilities of the mind, that find vent among southeiTi nations still, in vehemencies not less extravagant, in fast and festival, in Carnival and Lent. In the various instances, the various elements might be differently combined in order and degree ; but the set is usually the same, and complete, and ever grouped around some mythic personage, hero or heroine, who is at once a type of all nature and of every individual, arrayed in the symbolical imagery and attributes of the vege- table world and the astral cycles ; and yet of like aspirations and of like sympathies with his worshippers. These were far too engrossed with the workings of their own sensibilities to criti- cise historically the tale which gave opportunity for their grati- fication ; they assumed a truth Avhere they recognized a beauty, and were saved from the mischiefs of superstitious veneration for a blunder or a falsity, by the refinement of their sensibility withdrawmg their attention from the dead vehicle of fable and mistake, and attaching it to the eternal veracities of sentiment and expression. Thus it was that, with no insincerity and no degradation, the Amyclseans mourned for Hyacinthus, as the Greeks generally for Kore, carried off by the kmg of the shades ; for Linus, for Dionusos ; though in every case the symbolical import of the tale of woe was far more salient than any pretensions to literal tradition. The heart that finds itself unburdened of a present grief, is too gratefid to inquire curiously, still less sceptically ; this duty falls to the more intelligently benevolent, and must be undertaken, perforce, by the phUosophical, when the chil- dren of impulse have lost the safeguard of original simplicity, and are despaii'ing and entangled in the meshes of dogma and formalism. The mythus of Hyacinthus is of a class that was wonderfully l2 146 TI^E THRONE OF AMYCLJEAN APOLLO. prevalent and influential, not only among the Greeks, but among all the nations around the Mediterranean, of whatever origin ; and the agreement not only evinces agreement of sympathy, but led the way chiefly to that ultimate fusion of mythologies that took place in the later days of the Roman emj)ire, and gave a common term to the Kore, and Dionusos, and Hercules, and Hyacinthus, of Greece ; the Atys, Lityerses, Bormus, and Hylas, of Asia Minor ; the Adonis and Thammuz of Semitic races ; the Maneros, and, above all, the Osiris of the Egyptians. The Greek soiu'ces for the mythus of Hyacinthus are neither abundant nor early, yet sufficient to authenticate the general accuracy of Ovid, and to illustrate it even by variations. Hya- cinthus, son of the Spartan king, Amyclas, and Diomede, — or of CEbalus, a youth of exquisite beauty, — was loved by Apollo, but slain unintentionally by his rebounding discus ; or the dis- cus swerved, driven by Zephyrus, the jealous rival of the sun- god. In other accounts, Thamyris, the Thracian singer, is attached to Hyacinthus, now son of the muse Clio and Pierus, the eponymn of musical Pieria. In every case, it is by the dis- cus of Apollo that the boy is slain ; and from his blood springs up the purpled hyacinth, on the petals of which Greeks found without difficulty the letters ai ! ai ! the exclamations of woe. The flower and its inscription are elsewhere connected with the fate of Ajax, — Aias ; and the general parallelism of the myth merits the attention that in another place I have endeavoured to bestow upon it. The youth Hyacinthus, then, is a personification of the bloom- ing vegetation of the year ; as that, again, is a type of the youth and strength of humanity. Hyacinthus, beloved of Zephyrus and Apollo, the breeze and the sunshine, is the floral decoration of the earth, fostered by genial light and air. On the Tower of the Winds, at Athens, we see Zephyrus with lap full of flowers, the hyacinth, now double, among them. The fatal disc that swerves or rebounds, and slays him, is the orb of the sun, which, at the turn of the year, burns up the ripening bloom. l2 THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. 147 Hence the festival took place at the summer solstice, about the longest day. According to Ovid, the god and his favourite resort to the exercise of the discus about high noon : " Titan, intermediate between the past and coming night, distant either way at equal intervals", a transference of allusion from the annual to the diurnal culmination. Hyacinthus is the fading bloom of the year, as Persephone is the falling harvest ; and the exactness of the analogy is evi- dent by the introduction, on the altar, of a sister, Poluboia, who can scarcely be distinguished from Kore. The natural cycle of the harvest in the mythus of Kore, furnished at Eleusis the impressive type of mortality, the faith in the healthy vigour of nature, and the confident hope of individual revival. At Eleu- sis it was Dionusos who supplied the second elemental symbol of humid nature — not wine alone, but all humidity, as Kore, not bread-corn alone, but all vegetation ; and on the altar of Amyclae these cycles of fable are again united. The violent abduction of youth and beauty was another mythological form, parallel to that of premature death ; and the fable of the daughter of Pandarus carried off by the Harpies, finds its nearest parallel in that of the slaughtered children of Niobe. The physical or mixed physiological symbolism of these tales is elevated into a moral type in the story of Hercules. This mythus is not without a natural, and especially an astronomical aspect, which is of value in association with the Sun god ; but the moral import predominates. The career of the hero is not simply beautiful, but heroic. Heroism and beauty Averc both easily expressed by the Greek by a single word ; and offer parallel sequences of growth, culmination, premature interrup- tion, and claim equal promise of beautified restoration. Hyacinthus, it will be observed, is only represented on the altar, within which he was said to be buried, and not on the throne connected with it, as neither was Apollo himself but once ; but the analogy of the decorations proves that his mythus gave the pervading sentiment of the whole. Aphrodite, Arte- 148 THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. mis, and Athene, conduct him and his sister to heaven ; and in the same composition, or system of groups, the especial divi- nities of earth and its fruitfulness, Demeter, Kore, Plouton, are introduced. On another side, Dionusos appears liimself in heaven, and greets there or conducts, his mother Semele, as on the Etruscan speculum, and in the celebrations of Delphi ; and here, along with Zeus and Hermes, we are introduced to powers of vapour and the brine ; to Iris, Amphitrite, and Poseidon. Lastly, Hercules, whose importance on the throne is so predo- minant, appears to engross the front of the altar, by his progress to the assembly of the gods. The symbolism of the throne is harmonized with that of the altar, not only by repetition groups, in conspicuous places, of the transference of Dionusos (45) and Hercules (47) to heaven, but by the continuation, in the first instance, of elemental allusion. The Horai and Charites suj)port the throne, — the Seasons, and the Graces ; and on either side we find contrasted forms of the wilder manifestations of nature : on one side, the briny Tritons ; on the other. Echidna, the scaly inmate of cavernous earth, with Typhon, her associate power of noxious and violent exhalations, and gaseous outbursts. It would only weary to set forth, even in epitome, the illus- trations that are available, of the solar and seasonal associations that, in the Greek mind, were prompt to be suggested by almost every subject selected for the throne. The ravaging Calydo- nian boar, for instance, is a recognized wintry symbol (5? is not unrelated to vaKiveo^ and ve7v — if space could be spared to show how). The lion, again, is a summer type ; and both lion and boar are yoked significantly in this connexion by Admetis; the instructed of Apollo (20), lo, who is entitled to be jDresent as ancestress of Hercules, has also a claim as a cyclic personifi- cation of the moon. {JEschyl. Prom.) The decorations of the throne and altar must be regarded as the complements of the symbolism of the celebration, of which much the most explicit and direct found place in the songs and THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. 149 mimetic exercises of the festival itself: hence a certain indirect- ness of allusion throughout to the local mythus ; by no means remoteness, for the sculpture attends the spirit of the festivity with the truth and duty of an accompaniment, as in the sub- jects of the funeral offerings to Hector (44), and the funeral games celebrated by Acastus (41). Apart from other proprieties, to be adverted to presently, the twins Castor and Pollux are clearly reducible to diurnal types, as Hyacinthus to an annual. Like him, they pass to heaven ; but on alternate days they die and live by turns ; and there is little uncertainty about the point that, whether originally or not, in this eTepijfiepi'a was seen an allusion to alternating day and night, — the brothers who, according to Hesiod, return and retire from the house by turns, and never occupy it together. Closely allied, again, is the subject of Cephalus carried off for his beauty by Hemera, the day or dawn — Pier: i era, mother of Zephyrus, by whom Hyacinthus was beloved ; nor less so, those of the daughters of Leucippus, whom the Dioscuri them- selves are carrying off just when they are at the point of mar- riage ; and Plelen, the prize of Theseus and Pirithous. Lastly, the two daughters, Taygete and Alcyone, are carried off by the two very chiefest gods, by Zeus and by Poseidon. The ruling sentiment of the story of Hyacinthus is still fur- ther emphasized by the representations of heroes whose forms and fortunes sprang from the same suggestions, or at least attracted and assimilated them. Memnon (15), the most beaute- ous of all that fought at Troy, was the subject of devotional lamentations; and his slayer, Achilles, himself prematurely slain, was mourned by the women of EUs, with faces turned towards the setting sun. The apotheosis of Achilles at Leuca, associates him with both Helen (34) and Ino (45). Amphiaraus (19) and Menelaus (42) are other instances of similar advance- ments after death ; and Admetus, favoured of Apollo, owed at least prolonged existence to the self-sacrifice of Alcestis. But if beauty and loveliness are mortal, if all that is bright 150 THE THRONE OF AMYCL.^AN APOLLO. must fade, this is not because vitality throbs more healthily in hideousness and deformity. Those whom the gods love die young ; the fair and the excellent that perish early, are snatched away, not without love, by the gods ; or they quit their seat and sojourn here, not without a better compensation. Hence the lament for the disappointment of the beautiful is cheered by promise of its exaltation ; and the certainty of this, to be assured, requires the declaration of the destiny of the mischiev- ous, — to be disgraced, destroyed, extirpated. Hence, to minds alive to the expressiveness of the festival, and its natural types, the significance of that scheme of subjects which we found to arrange itself in four consecutive pairs of pairs. On this tablet are concentrated, not unmeaningly, three exploits of Hercules (27), and one of Bellerophon (26), of which the several victims are, Chimsera and Geryon, Hydra (22) and Cerberus (23). Tri- form monsters all, or polycephalous, they are united by blood alliance within a short paragraph of the theogony. Chrysaor, who sprang, together with Pegasus, from the severed neck of Medusa, begot three-headed Geryon in the embrace of Kalli- rhoe, daughter of Ocean, the mother of the portentous Echidna we have already passed. Tellurian Echidna bore to gusty Typhaon, Cerberus and Hydra ; and from Hydra sprang Chi- msera. Another offsjDring of Echidna was Orthios, dog of Ge- ryon, often introduced, and probably on the throne, in scenes of his death. The inference forces itself upon us, that the artist chose and combined these examples of monstrous and disorderly oifspring of nature wild and noisome, of foul haunts and explo- sive exhalations, to contrast with the bright and cheerful, the healthy and happier natural types of Hyacinthus and Poluboia, the nurslings or favourites of all the developed and invigorating influences of earth, and air, and sky. The same principle is observable in the subject of the winged sons of Boreas (33) driving away the filthy harpies. The harpies sprang from, or became types of, winds, as certainly as Boreas himself; and we have here a corollary of the influences of Zephyrus in the con- THE THRON'E OF AxMYCL^EAN APOLLO. 151 flict of opposed powers, of the winds potent for good and ill. Thus the honours and the fate of beauty, and of the excellence of which it is a type, that are set forth in the mythus of Hya- cinthus, receive illustration and definition from the subjects associated with it on the throne, both by parallel and by con- trast. But the illustration of beauty and its influence would be incomplete, or liable to misapprehension, in its free mythic sense, but for glances directed from yet another point of view. The rivalry and passion of Zephyrus and Apollo is kept in har- mony by the parallel of Zeus and Poseidon (1), of the Dioscuri (10), of Hemera (13), and even Theseus (34); but admiration or love, in passionate exaltation, have yet to be sundered from violence ; and this is effected by displaying the vengeance of Hercules on Nessus for his attempt on Deianira (17); the punishment of Tityus by the filial ire of Artemis and Apollo (36). Jealousy finds its type in the group of Here and lo (20) ; the pursuit of Athene by Hephaestus verges upon that step which descends to the gay and the laughing in the allusion to the entrapping of Ares and his paramour, that lurks in the sub- ject of the chorus of Phseacians and Demodocus singing (5) ; for even this was the subject of his song. The contest for the prize of beauty by Aphrodite, Here, and Athene (18), the very goddesses who lead Hyacinthus to heaven (46), and who all occur, it may be remarked, in other subjects, on the same row or line, furnishes the highest example of the glory of beauty ; and the marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia, an incident so rich in all the symbolism of order and political regulation, is wit- nessed by all the gods, who honour and contribute to the great seal of flourishing society, and celebrated by the hymenseal song of the Muses, themselves a cosmical quire. If our theory of the significance of these subjects has any value whatever, it ought to receive vindication by some special reference to the mythus of Hyacinthus, of the subject of the quarrel of Amphiaraus and Lycurgus(19). The incident fully answers these demands upon it ; for it is connected with the 152 THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. institution of games, which, like those of the Hyacinthine fes- tival, pertained to a funereal solemnity, and were set forth with funereal emblems. The seven chiefs aUied against Thebes honoured thus the memory of Archemorus or Opheltes, youth- ful son of Lycurgus, or that of Pronax, the father of another Lycurgus, who met his death either by a serpent, as his nurse was guiding them to a spring, or in some other unrecorded way dependent on the requirements of their expedition. It is Am- phiaraus who, in most of the preserved versions of the story, appeases the ii'e of Eurydice, wife of Lycurgus, and mother of the infant ; and this hint justifies us in completing the parallel but less perfectly preserved anecdote of the son of Pronax, by ascribing to him a like altercation with the same antagonist, Amphiaraus. Vases present us with many grouj)s of quarrel- ling heroes separated by their friends ; examples have been published in England by Mr. Birch, in the ArcJiceologia. Other well-known vases exhibit the scene of the death of Archemo- rus, the intercession of Amphiaraus for the nurse, the Lemnian Hypsipyle, the corpse of the hapless youth on a bier ; the fune- real offices, the gods, and the nymph Nemea, associated with the games in his honour. Archemorus, by his age, would be the more exact antitype of Hyacinthus ; but enough is preserved of the legend of Pronax to prove that he was little less so. The preference, for the sake of variety, of an analogy over a closely parallel example, appears again in the subject of the funeral offerings to the maturer and warlike Hector ; and again in that of the funeral games in honour of the aged Pelias. There is something of the character of an arnhv, it may be remarked, in the rendezvous of the goddesses, led by Hermes to Ida (18). Contests of beauty were quite familiar to the Greeks, and they could not be reminded of them more appropriately than on a monument consecrated to Apollo and the lovely Hyacinthus ; mdeed, Pausanias furnishes distinct record of the association of Aphrodite with the honours of the god of Amyclse (30). Bathykles, it will be remembered, placed, not unconspicu- THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. 153 ously, on the throne a chorus of his assistants, and probably a figure of himself in the midst of them. There is nothing in the expressions employed by Pausanias to preclude the possibi- lity that they were a row of detached figures along the top of the throne. The Greek artists were prompt to assert their proper interest and dignity in theu' works. The recorded anecdotes of Pheidias and others are fully borne out by the practice of the vase painters, and by the assertions by Pindar of himself and of his craft : hence the peculiar patron of the workers in metal, Hephaistos, — the artist-god, is not left without honour. His pursuit of Athene (21), the wise, the warlike, yet, no less than himself, the encourager and protecter of art, is deeply symbo- lical; and legends there are that intimate broadly that the pursuit was neither uninvited nor in vain. More obviously expressive of his specialties in reference to the actual dedica- tion, is the group in which he was seen triumphant in his reta- liation on Here (-AO), caught fast and fixed in the throne that he had made for her, and in mock dutifulness presented. De- modocus singing to the chorus of Phseacians (5), is correspond- ent to Bathykles and his chorus, — not without design. What was the song of the bard, which the Phseacian dancers, by an art highly cultivated in antiquity, and delighted in, but now lost, and almost disbelieved, accompanied mimetically, as best they might, and as, no doubt, well they did ? Again, a triumph, though somewhat of the ruefullest, of the smith Hephaistos, who again, mth fine springes, has entrapped his enemies, — but one of them, alas ! his wife. By the laws of Greek art, however, which are those of the most accurate sense of nature and nature's truth, — taste seems too confining an expression when Greek art is in question, — the subjects selected for the expres- sion of technic sympathies must also have had an import by which to inosculate -with that or those of the general dedication. Thus the fraudful chair of Here belonged to the story how He- phaistos gained his establishment in that heavenly scat which receives Dionusos (45), Heraldes (11 and 47), Hyacinthus (46), 154 THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. and is also found the vehicle of expression for the relation of elemental nature, — the agency of tellurian heat unlocking the frost-bound atmosphere and earth. In this sense, the return of the fire-god to Olympus expresses the revival of earth's fertility and genial airs, as explicitly as the return of the appeased Demeter, and the ascent of Kore to the upper world, (cf. Hor. Od. i, 4, 10.) The pursuit of the coy Athene by the fire-god has analogous significance ; and such is abundantly traceable in the capture of Ares (5), the constant type of winter no less than war. Is not all this, however, set forth at large in sources notorious, and by authorities well accepted and acceptable ? It is enough here to advert to the fact as furnishing another link of propriety to the mythic incidents, in addition to the obvious recommendations they possess as love passages. It now remains that we should glance at the especial connec- tion of the mythical subjects of the throne of Amyclse with the history and genealogy of the tribes and populations among whom, and as an ornament for whose temple and festivals, it was erected and enriched by Magnesian Bathykles. The mythic stores of Greece were so varied and exuberant, that they afforded abundant incidents illustrative of any principle, theory, or moral, that might recommend itself to the artist. But this very richness of resources compelled to discrimination, that among many significant the most significant might be adopted. The selection was therefore required to be made under the control and guidance of many consenting proprieties, and thus to address and satisfy all the chief feelings and associations habitu- ally present to the Greek mind. Among these, pride and pleasure in the mythic history of his own nation and tribe of the great Hellenic body, was ever predominant; this was a feeling that was in full force in the great historic period, and that it had descended from long ages in which it had constantly grown and strengthened, is the fact that gives to Greek mytho- logy that historic value which would render it a most valuable study had its poetic and artistic merits been of the lowest instead of, as they are, the very highest character. THE THRONE OF AMYCL.^AN APOLLO. 155 We may therefore confidently anticipate that we shall find on examination, that all the subjects we have been considering under their symbolicajl or artistic aspects, are derived from the mythic and semi-historical treasury of Laconian antiquities. Even in modern times we recognize the tendencies that struggled with adverse influences in the direction of a like development. It is not merely in the antique songs and here- ditary tattoo of actual savages that this is seen ; the emblems that have descended traditionally, with whatever falsification intermixed, as armorial bearings in the families and nations of modern Europe, are clung to, as all may have observed, and many must have felt, Avith a spirit that assuredly was not less strong five hundred years ago, and that is the best voucher of their general authenticity. Such is the case even with symbols that as materials for art are for ever hopeless ; in themselves for the most part they have remained as they were originally, barbarous badges, either dumb, or of speech frivolous, when not nonsensical, and yet are they precisely the abuse of materials which a people like the Greeks, of plastic faculty and genius, and a lively utterance, would have fashioned and developed into creations of art, and associated with poetry that would have ennobled to all ages the historical traditions it attached to. There may be no remedy now, and no choice open, but to cover national monuments with rows of memorials which have a cer- tain interest to the conventional sense, though to a purged sight, ugliness unredeemed; the Greek was more fortunate; the quarterings which he exhibited were no less historic, but associated with beauty and refinement, artistic, ethical, poetic, that crowned them with a glory, and gave them currency for all time as the very tests and types of civilization. The two most important Greek races that figure in Lace- dsemon in historical times are the Dorians, and secondarily the Minyans, who however were of far higher antiquity in the land. Both races traced their origin to Thessaly, to the banks and embouchure of the Peneus, and to the general precincts of the 156 THE THRONE OF AMYCLtEAN APOLLO. country of the Magnetos, with whom, especially in the Argo- nautica, the Minyans are freely identified. Already in these northern seats, and in very remote age of Greek antiquities, the worship of Olympic Zeus and Delphic Apollo formed a tie among a great variety of tribes, and in the great Amphictyony that combined it with the Pelasgic type of Chthonian worship of Demeter, we have the same combination of Olympic and Chthonian worship that is so conspicuous among the monuments of Amyclae. Abundant allusion to the mythology of these tribes appears on the throne of Bathykles ; but time and the hour warn to be brief, and it will be most convenient to drop rapidly down the main stream of mythic history, and mark the illustrations as they pass swiftly by us. The Leleges have an early renown in Laconia, but are of equivocal Hellenism, and leave no mythic trace. Their dynasty quickly resolves into that which is marked as autochthonous, springing from Zeus and the personified mountain chain of the country, Taygete. Hence arose Hyacinthus (46), the hero of our monuments, which explains the conspicuous place assigned to Taygete (1). Pier sister Alcyone (1), grouped with her, was ancestress of the Minyan Euphemus, who is located at the liaconian promontory Tsenarum, descendant and therefore wor- shipper of Poseidon, and the sufficient explanation of the abun- dant Poseidonian allusions of both altar and throne. The next indication of importance is that of intercourse with Danaan Argos in the alliance of (Ebalus with Gorgophone, daughter of the Perseus whose great exploit, alluded to in her name, is before us (6); and Tyndareus, the hero of a neigh- bouring group, was their offspring. To this and other Argive alliance may be ascribed one of the motives of the group of Here (20) and lo ; variants yoke Tyndareus and Hyacinthus together as QEbalids. The order of mythic history brings Pelops next, with whom the Achseans descended from Phthiotis upon the peninsula, afterwards named from him Peloponnesus, and where they THE THRONE OF AMYCL.EAN APOLLO. 157 more or less gradually became the dominant race during an eventful period. Pelops, it is said, founded many cities in Laconia, and possibly Achaean interference may have caused the political change typified or recorded in the retirement of Tyndareus as an exile to -.^toHa. The connection of Laconia with ^toha, thus commenced, recurs in the sequel, and this con- currence of tradition explains the value assigned on the throne to ^tolian legends. Tyndareus maiTies Leda (48), the daughter of ^tolian Thestius — she was represented with her sisters on the Hyacinthine altar — and hence sprung Helen (34), and the Dioscuri, to whom such conspicuous places are given, both sepa- rately (28 and 29), and in their common enterprise of carrying off the daughters of Leucippus (9). They would also no doubt be represented as usual among the hunters of the Calydonian boar (31), with their cousin Meleager. Tyndareus is reinstated in his throne by Hercules, as an ally of whom apparently he is seen engaged in combat with Eurytus (8). Eurytus was hateful to ApoUo, and it was at the temple of Amyclse that Hercules obtained purification for the slaughter of Iphitus his son. The mythological authorities of Bathykles probably consi- dered that the Dorians at this period had already migrated from Tempe to their second seat between the mountain ranges of Q^ta and Parnassus, and in proximity to ^tolia; the JEtolian adventures of Hercules with Achelous (39), and with Nessus (17) at the river Euenus, would no doubt convey to a Dorian Spartan the sense of the early alliance of the races. The establishment of an Acha3an dynasty is expressed by the marriage of Menelaus with Helen, and thus are opened all the associations with the Trojan cycle which find their expression in natural, as well as symbolic harmony, in the subjects of Peleus and infant Achilles (12), the combat of Achilles (15) and the son of Eos, the judgment of Paris (18), the funeral rites of Hector (44), the adventure of Menelaus with Proteus and his phocae (42). It will be remarked that these subjects all occur in the right hand divisions, as if from a view to inti- 158 THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. mate a certain historical sequence, though not so strictly as to interfere with the main interest, the symbolical and religious. The obsequies of Hector, whose sister Cassandra found her death and had her tomb at Amyclae, are also a Theban reminis- cence ; such duty was imposed on Thebes by an oracle. Amyclae was the great seat in Laconia of memorials and tra- ditions of the Atreidee, and appears indeed to have been the city of Lacedaemon of the Homeric epics. Homer celebrates the architectural splendour of the palace ; and a reference to this occurs again in a story, told by ApoUodorus, of a relative of Hercules who was killed as he was admiring it. On good mythic grounds, Miiller concluded that car ef id. search could not fail to discover in this locality the ruins of constructions like the so-called treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, and the like remains at Minyan Orchomenos; and so it has in fact turned out. Homeric students of the better vein will appreciate the coin- cidence that the alternation of grief and cheerfulness, of pity and vivacity, which corrected the tone and elasticity of the celebrations of the Hyacinthia, affords the very expression of the aifectionateness of heart by which Homer preserves our respect for Menelaus (42). TToWaicc^ iv f.ie'^iapoiat KciOi^f.ievo's ij/iie7epoicni>, aK\o7e fiev -re r^ow (ppeva TepTrojiidi, uWore ccivre •Travofxai' ai'\^i^po's Ce Kopo^- Kpvcpoio i^ooio. (Od. IV. 101. Compare the entire incident, and especially the speech of Pisis- tratus, 190-202. The son of Menelaus has not casually the name of Megapenthes (25), and his ^^tolian mother refers to the source of this symbolism in Sparta. The ^ginetan fes- tival, which I have elsewhere shown to be by symbols and usages parallel to the Hyacinthia, had a direct reference to those wdio perished at Troy. The next great revolution averred by the traditions was the consequence of the invasion of Peloponnesus by the JDorian tribe, with allies from ^tolia, and doubtless, whatsoever others could be engaged — even Achaeans and Athenians are spoken THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. 159 of, but especially certain members of a Cadmeian tribe, the -^gids, closely connected also with the Orchomenian Minyans. The influence of this tribe in the expedition seems largely due, at least ascribed, to their affinity with the earlier Minyan popu- lation of Amyclse and Laconia generally, and they figure in very important public events of a later date. Allusion to their origin appears on the throne, in the marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia (14); Cadmeian, of course, is the story of Dionusos with Semele and Ino (45); the story of the Boreads (33) is Argo- nautic, and thus Minyan; and those of Admetus (43), and Pelias (41), belong to the primeval seats of the race, as Thes- salian or Magnesian. The Cadmeian -^gids were especially connected with the festival of Carneia celebrated in honour of Amyclsean Apollo. Semi-historical mythus goes on to tell how Dorians and Minyans, primitive, allied, or refugee from Lemnos, isle of Hephaestus (21 and 40), fell into dissensions, and large bodies of Minyans left for Crete, where they joined an earlier settlement of Magnetes in the territory of Gortyna, the locality of the adventure of Theseus and the Minotaur, that we have seen represented in more than one form among the sculptures of Amyclae (4 and 38). The introduction of this subject we may ascribe to the patriotic sympathies of the artist. His native town on the Maeander was settled from the Magnesia of Crete, and in the midst of Dorians long avouched, its origin by its ^Eolian tongue. The Magnesians of Crete, moreover, pre- tended — for reasons we cannot here pursue — to be of Attic origin by the mother's side. That the leaders of the Minyan colony from Amyclae were Spartans, fully accounts for the ascription of Asian Magnesia to a Lacedaemonian founder. Lastly, or nearly so, a wild tale of Parthenius preserves a glimpse of the associations that justified the single Asiatic sub- ject of Bellerophon and the Chimaera (26). At Magnesia, as among the cities of the Ionian confederation, the Glaucid princes of Lycia, descendants of Bellerophon, were honoured, and for a certain period obeyed and followed. This connexion reminds VOL. II. M 160 THE THRONE OF AMYCL^AN APOLLO. me that a namesake of Bathykles, the Magnesian artificer in bronze, is in the Iliad slain by a Lycian. So fell Bathykles, son of the wealthy Myrmidon, Chalkon. The name Chalkon may seem to have been invented simply to harmonize with the as- cribed wealth, of which, as we find by the epithets of Troy, brass was a type, as well as and along with gold ; but I have no doubt there is more in the coincidence, — of what nature will be comprehended by those who have insight into the theory of Greek proper names. Such is a brief abstract of one of the most complicated webs of Greek tradition. The full details, which clemently I with- hold, though they are beneath my hand, confirm the truly his- torical basis of associations and feelings so strictly social, which descended by an unbroken chain of tradition, received, retained, and delivered with the same liabilities to change, doubtless, but scarcely with more, than that surest of historical evidence, the dialect in which they were declared and sung. W. Watkiss Lloyd. [JLPTURAL DECORATIONS ON THE THRONE AND ALTAR OF A^IYCL.EAN APOLLO. BACK OF THE THRONE. Bathycles eus and rtus. 20. Bellerophon and Chimara. 24. Anaxias aud Mnasithous on horses. 22. Hercules and Hvdra. 20. Here and lo. 2". Hercules and Ge- nou. 25. Megapeiithes and Nicostratus on one horse. 23. Hercules and Cerberus. 21. Athene and He- phaistus. 12. Peleus commits Achilles 13. Hemera carries off Ce- to Cheiron. phalus. 14. The gods at the marriage of Harmonia 15. Achilles and 16. Hercules and 17. Hercules and Memuon. Diomedes. Nessus. 18. Kermes leads Goddesses ) 19. Quarrel of Amphiaraus to Paris. i and Lycurgus. 3. Battle of Hercules aud Centaurs at Pholoe. 4. Theseus killing Minotaur. Base of Throne. 2. Hercules and Cycnus. 1. Taygete and Zeus, Atlas, Alcyone, and Poseidon. OBNAMENTS OF END OR ARM. 29. Polydeuces mounted. Lioness. Sphin.\. ilRONE, AT BACK OF ECHIDNA. BELOW THE THRONE, AT BACK OF TRITONS. ON EXTERIOR OF SUPPORTS OF THRONE. It of Calydonian hoar. olid 33. Boreads and Harpies. eui5. Hercules 36. Apollo, n, and Titj-us, ho'emeau Uon. Artemis. ;ulZ r^'"' 1 39. Herenlo "" 1" pbaiBtua. (round figureal. 45. Iris, Amplii- *"&*■ .*„„, «. Hyscln- ven by Athene 161 X. ON THE TRUE SITUATION OF CRAGUS, ANTICRAGUS, AND THE MASSICYTUS, MOUNTAINS OF ASIA MINOB. ^HE names of Cragus and Anticragus have generally been -^ attributed to the mountains which lie to the west of the river Xanthus ; the more northern part of the mountains being identified with Anticragus, and the southern with Cragus. There is, however, no authority for this nomenclature and divi- sion of the mountains. While Spratt, in his map of Lycia, gives the name of Anticragus to the important northern half of the mountains, — in which appropriation Mannert and Cramer concur, — Leake, in his Remarks on Mr. HosJcyns Narrative of a Survey of 'part of the South Coast of Asia Minor., {Journ. Roy. Geog.Soc.^\o\. xii,) refers the name to merely the northern extre- mity of the mountain, as Hoskyn himself uses it for the nor- thern division of the mountain in its extension from west to east. But though the latter attributes the name of Cragus to the southern part of the mountain, he leaves the exact division of the two ranges to the opinion of the reader. This caution is likewise manifest in the maps by Fellows and Kiepert, who, percei\dng that the mountain has no natural division, lose sight of Anticragus, and call the whole mountain by the general name of Cragus, without explaining how this can be made to agree with the account given to us by Strabo. This difficulty in the division of the mountain is, I conceive, unnecessary, as the real Cragus does not lie in this direction. It appears to me to be much more probably the Lycian Ak- dagh, {tvhite mountain,) to the east of Xanthus. The mountains 162 ON CRAGUS, ANTICRAGUS, AND MASSICYTUS, to the west of the river were indeed considered a part of the same formation, and called indifferently Cragus by the old geo- graphers; but when they wished to distinguish them from those on the eastern bank, they gave them the name of Anti- cragus ; and this name became eventually appropriated to the whole range of mountains along the coast. That this is the fact appears especially from Dionysius and Pliny. The former [Perieg. 848, et seq.) calls Cragus a part of Taurus, stretching from the mouth of the Xanthus to Pamphylia. This can only apply to the mountains lymg to the east of the Xanthus, as those to the west of the river are separated from the Taurus mountains by the valley of the river, by the sea, and by the plain of Telmissus. Thus also it is defined by Pliny (v. 27). He calls Cragus that chain of mountains which extends from Taurus southward to the sea. Now Ak-dagh is properly a por- tion of another mountain ; but the mountains to the west of the river form an insulated group, and consequently Pliny, as well as Dionysius, applies the name to the eastern mountains. To enable us to decide upon this as the real Cragus, we must recollect what Ptolemy says. He describes the city Tlos as occupying the central point of Cragus, both in length and breadth. Now Tlos is known to lie on the w^estern slope of Ak-dagh, and several hours' distant from the mountains to the west of the Xanthus ; and this mountain not only attains the highest altitude of any of the mountains about Tlos ; but it is likewise exactly central of the whole group. The mountains which extend from the table-land of the Cibyratis, east of the Xanthus, down to Patara, form a single chain of mountains, being intercepted by no deep. This chain of hills evidently corresponds to the extension of Cragus from north to south, referred to by Ptolemy. As the extension from east to west, we must consider those mountains commencing at the western coast of Lycia, and continuing to the Plain of Almaloo ; thus including also the mountains which lie to the west of the river Xanthus. Were it not so, Ptolemy could not MOUNTAINS OF ASIA MINOR. 163 have made Tlos the centre of the chain, but the mountains lying east of that city. In further proof of these mountains being Cragus, we have a coin of Tlos, bearing the motto taokp. As, in a broad sense, the mountains on the west of X an thus also constitute part of Cragus, so it cannot appear strange that Scylax here calls it Anticragus, and that Mela, who examined merely the coast of Lycia, speaks of a 3Ions Cragus. But Strabo's account does not accord with their opinion. After speaking of Telmissus, he says : Et^' t^Tp o 'A.vriKpa'^/ov, oj}6iov opo^, 60' w K.apfivKtjaao'i y^wpiov, eV (papar^^/i'iu Keifievov, Kai ficTa toutov o K^jcfyo?, e'xa;*' uKpai oktw, Kai iroXiv ofiwvv^ioi/. Ylepi ravra fivOeverai ja oprj ra ircpi tws ^i/naipas' eoTi b ovk uvwOev Kai 7j ^i/naipa j neaorfaia Kwpt'a ^eWov, Kat 'AvT/0e\Xo9, Kat 7/ Xt^aipa, ^9 ifivrjadtj^ev eTrdvio. ihO ftrst words should run thus : 'E./ Sc tJ) MaaatKvrui Not only should we then find what we might have expected, the name of the moun- tain, and this in the place pointed out by other authorities, but thus also aU the great difficulty would cease which the passage 166 ON CRAGUS, ANTICRAGUS, AND MASSICYTUS, ETC. in question has caused to geographers with reference to the situation of Phellus, Antiphellus, and the Chimeera. The situation of Phellus has been clearly established by- Ross, and in a situation not far from the line of coast. Anti- phellus is a sea town, and therefore to neither of these can the expression in the interior apply: neither can it refer to the Chimeera,* for Strabo has previously stated that it formed one of the mountain defiles towards the coast. The position of Massicytus is therefore unquestionable: it lay on the coast between Bazirgianchoi and Antiphellus. The next traveller in these regions who searches for it will find it. We must hope that Captain Spratt, to whom we are abeady so much indebted with respect to Lycia, will make us acquainted mth the parti- culars of this mountain also. So much at present for the Lycian mountains. We must be satisfied with conjectures and sur- mises, till he solves them, whose opinion every searcher of anti- quity so highly respects, especially in reference to Asia Minor — Col. Leake. A. SCHONBORN. *• In a former letter, Professor Schonborn states, "In the Massicytus moun- tains lay the celebrated defile of Chimeera, to the west of Antiphellus, perhaps that of Suaret." 167 XI. ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA. /^NE of the circumstances which causes most astonishment ^^ to the mind, on considering the works of the Romans, is their exceeding number. It is true that the more general wonder is excited by their prodigious magnitude; and with this sentiment our imagination is naturally directed to the Colosseum and other monuments of Rome ; the amphitheatres of Pola, Capua, and Verona ; the temples and other structures of southern France ; the arches of Benevento and Ancona ; a few scattered monuments of the Rhine ; a few villas in our own land ; the extensive ruins of Baalbec, Palmyra, and Dalmatia ; the aqueducts of the Campagna and the Pont du Gard ; and we imagine that we can form a very definite idea of the nature and extent of the works of the Romans ; and we are apt to fancy that these and some other monuments are preserved to our day by reason of their greater massiveness of construction or solidity of execution, and that their other works are perished on account of their inferior importance and dimensions. There are two ways of correcting this illusion : one is by considering the various countries in which such gigantic moles are found, as the vast countries of Asia, the burning coasts of Africa, the distant isle of Britain, and the extensive plains of Germany ; the other is by a careful investigation of the antiquities of any limited district. We shall thus become acquainted with nu- merous and important remains, of the previous history of which we were entirely unacquainted, and which will appear so fre- quent, and rise up in such unexpected places, that we shall be 168 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA. constrained to believe that the only way of forming a correct idea of theii* number and extent is to take a map of the Roman empire, and attribute to every town or city shown thereon a temple, theatre, baths, triumphal arches, and the other usual evidences of Roman grandeur. It is probable that the reader is not aware that theatres, and those of no little magnitude, may still be traced in the ancient cities of Verona and Vicenza ; and yet these places are not out of the common route of travellers, but are on one of the high roads of Italy. It is remarkable that each of these theatres is indebted for its excavation to a single individual. The theatre at Verona has been explored at the sole charge of Sig. Andrea Monga ; and the theatre at Vicenza, though excavated at the expense of the Austrian government, the Academy of Venice, and the municipality of the place, owes its reappearance to the exertions of the architect Miglioranza, who has devoted his whole life to its accomplishment. It is to this theatre that I would first direct the attention of my readers. 169 THE THEATRE OF VICENZA. Plan of tbo Theatre of Vicenza. — From Barbarg's edition of Vitruvius. In the vicinity of the Piazze de' Giuildi and S. Giuseppe and the Contrada de' SS. Apostoh, a stranger may behold a circular form of street, without having any idea of its real origin ; but on entering one of the houses, he will at once perceive that the back fronts form one regular curve directed toward the straight line of what he might fancy to be the scene of an ancient theatre, and such indeed it proves to be. On more attentive consideration, the gardens of these houses will be seen to 170 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA I decline toward one common centre, and the party fence walls will be found to represent the converging lines of the ancient scalse. With the exception of a rude drawing, published by Mazzari in 1603, and of one or two subsequent di'awings unpublished, Sie. Miclioranza claims to be the first who has devoted himself to the elucidation of this ancient monument. His studies were first directed to it in 182-4, when he executed a bird's eye view of the theatre as restored ; the validity of which being ques- tioned, he was excited only to greater care and attention in the study of its remains. After an absence of some years in Venice, he returned to his native town, and prepared in 1831 plans and details of the theatre, in seventeen sheets, whereby it appeared that the theatre was " disposed in exact accordance with the precepts of Vitruvius". These labours were rewarded by the emperor by a grant of 300 florins, and a further grant of 400 florins towards the expense of publication ; while the municipality of Vicenza awarded a considerable sum for the purposes of excavation, the works of which were commenced on the 6th of August 1838. Two reports* have been published of these excavations, from the information in which we learn the following particidars. At the depth of 3 ft. 9 in. below the ground they attained the level of the pulpitum, the surface of which, covered with cement, gave indication of its having been finished with marble slabs 1^ in. thick, some of which, of different colours, were still in place. Other slabs of about half an inch in thickness, of African marble, cepolino, blood jasper, and other qualities, appear to have formed the lining of the pedestals. Many pieces of coloured stucco were discovered, from the existence of wliich it is supposed that some portions of the theatre were so deco- rated. The stucco is composed of coarse sand and pounded * Relazione intorno git scavi infrapresi per V illiistrazione dell" aiitico teatro di Berrja in Vicenza, pp. 1-44, 1838, 1839. THEATRE OF VICENZA. 171 terra-cotta, mixed mth lime, and finished with a fine coating of pounded marble. The theatre is about 275 feet in diameter, and is of very beautiful plan. The scene is disposed in the form of three large niches, the centre one of which in Palladio's draAving is marked 48 ft. in width, and those on each side 33 ft. 6 in. These are divided by tabernacle work and statues of two orders, composed of columns 2 ft. 4 in. in diameter, of cepolino, African, and other dark-coloured marble, with capitals and bases of white marble. The niches were in like manner or- namented with columns. Those of the eastern niche were found in situ. The western niche still retained its pavement of various coloured marbles, with the plinth of a pedestal of bargiglio. Some of the marble employed is from Pares ; and it is remark- able that some of the capitals are of Greek design, being orna- mented with the peculiar water-leaf observable in the columns of the Temple of the Winds at Athens. The floor of the platea was likewise adorned with coloured marble, as were also the face of the pulpitum and the front of the scene. The original drawing* of the plan of this theatre by Palladio appears to have been a " first idea". Several of the walls beneath the cavea do not radiate to one common centre ; the arrangement of the chambers behind the scene is awkward and unfinished ; the porticus at the back is omitted ; and the distance of the scene from the ends of the cavea, figured 26 ft. 2 in. in Palladio's drawing, is insufiicient to allow of the Vitru- vian diagram. The drawing which Palladio furnished to the Patriarch of Aqueleia must have been the result of subsequent study and research. It is true that Barbaro does not publish it as the plan of the theatre at Vicenza, but as a Roman theatre ; observing, however, that the theatre at Vicenza had aflbrded him alquanto di lume. The passage runs thus, and it is important in shewing that the scene of the theatre at Vicenza was sufiiciently distant * In the collection of the Duke of Devonshire. See pages 181, 182. 172 ON THE THEATRES OF VTCENZA AND VERONA: from the cavea to allow of the Vitruvian diagram being inscribed within the platea ; which circumstance we find confirmed by Sig. Miglioranza. Speaking of the manner of drawing the four triangles, he says : — " Non nigo jDero che ancho ad altro modo non si possa conglugnere, ed ancho dissegnare la Scena ; ma con grande pensamento consultando questa cosa, della quale non ne havemo essempio antico, insieme col nostro Palladio, si ha giudi- cato questa esser convcnientissima forma : e di piu siamo stati ajutati dalle ruine d'un teatro antico che si trova in Vicenza tra gli horti e le case d'alcuni cittadini, dove si scorgono tre nichi della scena, la dove noi havemo posto le tre porte, ed 11 nichio di mezzo e bello e grande, e ci ha dato alquanto di lume."* Another feature of this plan confirmed by Sig. Miglioranza is the existence of a porticus at the back of the scene. For these reasons I have thought it better to reproduce Barbaro's plan at the head of this article, rather than the earlier drawing by Palladio. Among the ornaments discovered in excavation are a circular disc and a mask, both of terra cotta; several fragments of marble statues, including the lower portion of a fine draped figure of a female ; a colossal statue of a warrior ; a colossal arm holding a globe in the left hand ; another colossal left hand ; a finely carved bull's head, forming the ornament of a keystone, 2 ft. 3 in. in height ; and many other fragments. But the finest statue is one of Bacchus. It is almost nude, but has a pallium suspended from the left shoulder : it is one-fourth less than the size of nature. Another fine statue represents Augustus. The drapery of the female statue, above referred to, is of wonderful execution ; the general effect is simple and easy, though the folds are undercut in an extraordinary manner, like the statues which served as decorations to the Ionic Heroum at Xanthus. Several fragments of bronze statues have also been discovered ; and the whole of these remains are about to be disposed in the palace of the Chiericati family by Palladio, * Bakbaho, / dieci libri dell' Architettwa di M. Vitruvio ; fol., Vinegia, 1556; lib. V. THEATRE OF VICENZA. 173 which has been purchased by the municipality for the purpose of forming a museum of ancient art — ^a noble destination for so magnificent a palace. It is satisfactory to know that the exploration and measure- ment of this theatre are committed to so able an architect as Sig. Miglioranza, and the care and labour he has bestowed upon this monument are beyond all praise. We must look forward with interest to the time when his important work shall be given to the public, more especially when we consider the sacrifices he has made in its preparation. His drawmgs, which are eighty in number, are all in duplicate ; one plate represents the object in exact imitation of nature, the other as restored. His drawings, presenting as it were a facsimile of every stone, will enable everyone, at any distance, to form for himself a correct appreciation of the accuracy of the restoration. It is much to be regretted that the writer is not enabled to present some indication of the result of these labours, but it would be unfair towards the indefatigable artist were he thus to forestall his subject. 174 THE THEATRE OF VERONA. Seal of the City of Verona. " Nobile, praecipuum, memorabile, grande Theatrum, Ad decus extructum Sacra Verona tuum."* During my artistic studies iii the north of Italy in 1849, I paid the usual visit to the far-famed Verona. " Magna et prseclara pollet urbs in Italia In partibus Venetiarum, ut docet Isidorus, Quae Verona vocitatur olim ab antiquitus. Discere lingua non valet hujus Urbis schemata : Intus nitet, foris candet, circumsepta laminis In sere pondos deauratos metalla communia."f * These lines are placed by the side of the amphitheatre, in an ancient plan of Verona, which is supposed to have been executed by Raterio, bishop of Verona. It forms part of a manuscript in the library of the Benedictine monaster)- of Lobia, near Cambrai. The theatre is there called Arena Minor, and the amphi- theatre, Theatrum. But though these verses were applied to the amphitheatre by the monkish writer, it is probable he would have spoken of the theatre with even greater enthusiasm, had it been standing perfect in his time. By Beren- garius the theatre is called Medius Cirmis. t Rhythnus Pipinianus, stanzas i and vi. Supposed to have been ^\Titten THEATRE OF VERONA. 175 After viewing the Amphitheatre, the triumphal arches, the wn\h, and the other well-known antiquities of Verona, Avith admiration and delight, I proceeded to Vicenza, where I had the fortune to make the acquaintance of the Abate Magrini,* and of the architect Sig. Mighoranza, who kindly pointed out to me the vestiges of the ancient theatre in that city, which I have just described, and then informed me of the fact of traces of a still more important theatre being visible at Verona ; of the existence of each of which I was previously alike igno- rant. I had passed through the city, and visited its various antiquities, but neither by my guide-book, nor by any of the natives, had I been led to expect the presence of such a mo- nument. I immediately resolved to return to Verona, and on so doing was amply repaid by beholding the remains of one of the most interesting and extraordinary of the monuments of antiquity which are in part preserved to us. On the left bank of the river, on the south-western slope of the hill called San Pietro, are the remains of an ancient theatre, above which on the steep slope of the hill were noble ambulatories, consisting of arcades and terraces, leading up to the summit of the hill on which stood the Roman Capitol. Beneath the theatre, and behind its scene, is the remaining portion of this grand structure, con- sisting of an artificial basin projecting into the bed of the river, and serving the purpose of a Naumachia. It is the triple character of these remains, which, viewed in their collective appearance, causes them to possess this unique and important character. The traveller in regions once celebrated as the focus of civi- lization comes upon the ruins of many an ancient edifice, all associations of which are lost ; he discovers the traces of once between the years 781 and 807. Dionisi, II Riimo del Anonimo Pip.; 4to., Ver., 1773, p. 29. * Author of the Life and Works of Palladio, and of many other writings on the history and antiquities of his native city. VOL. II. N 176 ON THE THEATRES OF VICEXZA AND VEllONA ! opulent cities, the very names of which are unknown, and thus it is not extraordinary that we can adduce nothing in elucida- tion of the early history of this theatre. Almost the first evidence we have of the existence of this monument is the edict for its destruction. In the ninth century the vaults of the theatre served as refuge to several poor families, but some of these vaults falling in, and occasioning the death of nearly forty persons, Berengarius, king of Italy, residing then at Verona, issued a decree allowing anyone to take down portions of this or other ancient monuments which threatened ruin. "In the name of our Loid Jesus Christ, the Eternal God. " A certain part of the theatre ^vhich is in the city of Verona, and situate beneath the castle, having fallen down not very long ago, by reason of its very great antiquity, and destroyed all the houses which were below it, and caused the sudden death of nearly forty persons, we, at the entreaties of Adelard, bishop of the holy church of Verona, and of all the clergy and people of the city, and for the love of our successors, and for the salvation of our soul, by this edict of our sovereign command, allow to the holy church of Verona, and to all the clergy and people of the city, and to all the inhabitants beneath the castle, that if any such public building near the bridge threaten ruin, or, in the opinion of any one, endanger to him loss or damage, they may, without fear of offending the public interests, or without let or hindrance, pull down, as may seem neces- sary, such public building, even to its foundation" * ''^ * " 4 Xones of May 895, in the ninth of Berengarius." Shortly after this, we find a second decree of Berengarius, granting a portion of the ruins to his chancellor, and referring to a previous grant of some other arches. *' In the name of our Lord, the Eternal God, Berengarius, by the grace of God, king. " At the request of Count Grimaldo, the king grants to his chancellor, Gio- vanni Chierico, a small quantity of land called the Arena del Castello Veronese, Avith its arches and vaults, and a small quantity of ground in front of the same, where the entrances from the east and south are situate, and where the highest portion of the theatre Avail exists ; Avith the exception of those vaults, thirteen in number, already given to Azzo del Castello, which said piece of ground mea- sures 10 perches (60 feet) in length on one side, by 7 in length on the other side ; and having 2 perches in breadth on one side, and 6 on the other, of pre- cise measurement, bounded on the east and north by the public and royal THEATRE OF VERONA. 177 buildings, on the west by the property of the said Giov. Chierlco, and on the south by the public road" '^' * * "Dated 6 kal. June 913, 26th of Berengarius. The ground here given to the chancellor, or the adjoinmg pro- perty which he previously held, appears to have been occupied by a house; for by his will, dated a.d. 922, he describes it as dedicated to S. Siro. This subsequently became the church of SS. Siro and Libera, shewn on plan, page 180, by letter (c). The earliest of modern writers who has entered into any description of this theatre is Sarayna. He compiled his history in 1540, and employed a skilful painter, of the name of Caroto, to prepare drawings for his publication. His want of archi- tectural precision in plan-drawing is made up for by his ima- ginative and artistic feeling. No doubt but that even in the sixteenth century the theatre was much buried, and it must have required long investigation to enable an antiquary to form a correct idea of the general detail and arrangement. But though this artistic license was allowable in the painter, it is less excusable in the historian, and we must regret that Sarayna and Canobio were not more precise in their notices of this theatre: they occupy themselves in a description of Caroto's drawings rather than of the monument itself. In 1757 an excavation was made in the house of Fontana, situate between the Piazza S. Libera and the Piazza del Reden- tore, and the following objects were found : — many squared stones of good workmanship ; pieces of African marble, and of other rare descriptions, including lapis lazuli ; some coins which passed into the Muselli collection ; a portion of a colossal foot of bronze and of beautiful workmanship ; fragments of plain columns, 2 feet diameter ; others of spiral columns ; many fragments of white marble statues, architraves, and cornices, and a Corinthian capital, all which were collected by Dr. Fidele Fontana, who generously presented them to the municipal library. During the three following years were found part of a column N 2 178 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA '. of verde antico, 18 inches diameter ; several other columns ; two i^ilasters, in situ, similar in form, size, and character, to those of the Amphitheatre. These, unhappily, were destroyed in order to use the materials for the Ponte delle Navi, then in course of reconstruction; and at the same time columns of the richest marble were sawn in slabs for the construction of an altar in the church of S. Marco, and for the high altar of the church of Bovolone. In 1780, while some men were at work behind the church of SS. Siro and Libera, and near that of S. Girolamo, the earth falling in disclosed to view a subterranean corridor, of about 8 feet in width, which ran between the theatre and the moun- tain. The whole w^as then covered in entirely to conceal the aperture. About 1816, a Sig. Detogni, whose house occupied a portion of the site of this theatre, was reminded of the fact in conse- quence of the loss of a duck. The animal had fallen into a hole, and some days after, hearing its cry proceeding from the ground, he became sensible of the existence of some hollow chamber. He immediately caused this to be opened, and dis- covered a corridor and several rows of seats contiguous to one of the scalse. The theatre remained in this state till 1836, when Sig. Andrea Monga conceived the idea of acquiring the whole of the ground occupied by the theatre, and of devoting a yearly sum to its excavation. This resolve he immediately put into execution, and from that period has continued with untiring assiduity to prosecute the accomplishment of this great object. For this purpose Sig. Monga has had to purchase a small church, with houses and lands in the occupation of nearly thirty individuals ; and when we consider the prodigious size of these ancient theatres, and the enormous cost of their erection, we must be struck with admiration at the generous exertions which have been made by a single individual, in order to form a correct idea of the integrity of the original structure, by bringing to THEATRE OF VERONA. 179 light those portions which were still preserved from destruction by the accumulation of soil and ruins over them. A description of these excavations was published in 1845, by Consigliere Gaetano Pinali, to whom I am indebted for many of these details. The other authorities upon which this descrip- tion is founded, in addition to the various historians of Verona, are : — A plan, and vciy spirited external and internal views, of this edifice, with details of the several parts, as restored by Giovanni Caroto, painter, in 1540; the external view representing the Naumachia ; and the internal, the Ambula- crum and Capitoliura. The internal view, as above, slightly altered, by Andrea Cristofali. A bird's-eye view of the ruins, as remaining in the time of Cristofali. And a restoration of the whole group of edifices, by Palladio. It wiU be observed that we have three independent pictorial representations of this edifice ; and this circumstance is of im- portance, as it enables us to form a more just idea of the value and correctness of these drawings. We perceive, at first sight, considerable discrepancies in the details of the several restora- tions, thereby showing that one or other of the authors must have relied somewhat on his imagination. This is principally to be remarked in the Postscenium, and in the details of the Naumachia, where we find these diff'erences so striking, that we are forced to believe that few or no traces could have existed of these parts, even in the sixteenth century, of sufficient integrity to warrant any certain form of restoration ; but I shall refer to these details more minutely when I describe these portions of the edifice. The diff'erences and alterations in the other parts are only more certain evidences of the general arrangement. The view of the interior of the theatre, by Caroto, is in per- spective. It is drawn with great freedom and spirit, and yet with considerable attention to the accuracy of the several parts, detail drawings of which are given in the margin of his plate. His restoration has evidently served as a model, not only to Cristofali, but to Palladio. Hit drawings were published first 180 ON THE TilEATKES OF YICE^ZA ANIJ VERONA ^-1^-& -Bird's-eye View of the Theatre of Verona, as existing in 1'.49. By Cristofali. THEATRE OF VERONA. 181 by Sarayna in 1540; subsequently by bimself in 1560; and they have been republished in 1764. The drawings by Cristo- fali were prepared under the direction of Ramanzini, who thus speaks of them : " Queste reliquie del teatro, siccome tali e si fatte, che si puo ancora per esse conoscer benissimo qual fosse I'ordine e la struttura di quel meraviglioso edificio, quindi abbiam avuto cura che pel nostro Adriano Cristofali raccolte fossero e in disegno poste come a' tempi nostri si veggon nel colle, nelle case e chiese appie di quello edificate."* We may therefore regard this drawing, showing as it does the state of the building in his time, in its ruined condition, and without restoration, as of incontrovertible authority. The drawings by Palladio are in elevation. They represent the building as restored, but dimensions are put to the several parts, which give them the appearance of being founded on the admeasurement of the ruins then extant. From the regularity of these dimensions, it may be suspected that some of them, at least, are conjectural, and founded upon his kno wedge of the harmony of proportion and the laws of composition, rather than upon the measurement of the actual remains. It is probable that this great architect was conversant with the restoration by Caroto, the general principles of which he approved of and adopted. His detail is purer, his drawing more architectural, his proportions more regular, his addi- tions less capricious, but the general features are the same ; and this cu'cumstance affords us strong confirmation for the general accuracy of the restoration, at the same time that it shows the importance which was attached by the older archi- tects to the imaginative restorations of ancient monuments, as an exercise of the mind and an improvement of taste. These drawings, from their importance and great interest, I have taken as the basis of my illustrations. I had the fortune to discover them in the magnificent collection of original and Supjil. alia CroHica di Zacjata, \(A. ii, Pt. li, in principiu, 1749. 182 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA: unedited drawings by Palladio, in the possession of the Duke of Devonsliire, who has kindly permitted me to copy them for insertion in this journal. The theatre at Verona is supposed to have been built about the time of Augustus.* It was built on the slope of a hill, afterwards called S. Pietro, from an ancient Christian church which formerly occupied its summit. The stone of which its w^alls are composed was quarried from the same site which the theatre afterwards occupied.-]* According to the general prac- tice of the ancients, the slope of the hill was taken advantage of for the inclined line of the seats, so as to diminish the cost of construction. Caroto, followed by Sarayna, Canobio, and later waiters, state the diameter to be 360 />^ef/2 Veronese; but by recent measurement, Sig. Monga makes it 380. Da Persico states it at 115*713 metres, which are equivalent to 378 feet English. Palladio calls it 322^, w^hich he makes equal to 389 ptedi antiquo, (sic,) which are nearly identical with so many English feet ; the length of a piede antiquo being marked oiF on the margin, and measuring 11-7 inches. J The scene is shown, both by Caroto and Palladio, as of equal width with the diameter of the cavea, a disposition which is contrary to the usual custom, but which may have been considered desirable for the purposes of the Naumachia. The Proscenium is ap- proached by three handsome doorways, 10 ft. 6 ins. wide,§ one of which existed in 1583, in the house of Michele dell' Orefice.|| In front of the stage are some stones fitted into holes, the pur- port of which seems to have been to receive wooden standards for the enlargement of the stage, on occasions when, for gym- nastic or other purposes, a greater width was deemed desirable. A similar arrangement may be observed at Segeste, Taormina, Orange, and many other theatres. The cavea is made to consist of * Panvinius, A)i(. Ver. f Canobio, Ann. Siippl. al Zagata, ii, 303. X The piede Veronese is marked off on the margin of a drawing by Caroto, as 13i inches English. § Caroto. II Canobio, p. 306. THEATRE OF VERONA. 183 thirty-five rows of seats, by Caroto ; or thirty-four, according to Palladio. I have shewn thirty-eight in the accompanying view, considering that a theatre of about 380 feet would require so many to reduce the platea to its usual proportion. Calculating the accommodation according to the standard marked upon the seats of the theatre at Pompeii, it must have held 16,000 per- sons. The cavea was divided into cunei by five lines of scalse extending the whole length, and five upper lines, extending from the line of prcecinction to the portico at top. This portico consisted of thirty-nine arches* of the Ionic order, t Over this is a solarium, or upper gallery, o^Den to the sky, j with a wall at back 20 ft. 6 ins. high, the summit of which ranges with the top of scene. This portico is among the most interesting fea- tures of the theatre. Several portions of the piers have been discovered by Sig. Monga, on the sides of which are engraved the names of their ancient proprietors, among which we per- ceive several of the female sex. One of these arches has been rebuilt by Sig. Monga in its original position, from the broken fragments found at the bottom of the cavea, where they had fallen from the inferior galleries. Among the names so pre- sented are fabull^, Valeria, and severa, the existence of which Sig. Pinali considers as evidence of the upper prtecinc- tion or portico being appropriated to the female sex, and there- fore as rendering it difficult to explain the assertion of Calphur- nius, that — '' Venimus ad sedes ubi pulla sordida veste Inter fcBmineas spectabat turba cathedras." This arcade is of the Ionic order ; the columns have Attic bases, witliout plinths. The keystone of one of the arches is decorated with a bull's head, like those of the large arches at each ex- tremity of the orchestra. The Cavea was enclosed by an arcade * Palladio. Caroto makes forty-one. f Pinali, Relazione, etc. Caroto represents them as Doric, and Palladio as Corinthian ; but by recent excavations they arc shown to be Ionic. \ Caroto represents it as enclosed, and having small scpiarc windows in front. 184 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA : ill two orders ; Doric below, and Ionic above. Some of these arches, at the eastern extremity of the cavea, were standing only a few years ago ; and it was of these arches that Palladio spoke, when he directed that the breadth of the pier should be equal to that of the arch, " as in the theatre at ^Verona".* The arches just referred to have been repaired by Sig. Monga, but in such a manner that the new work can readily be distinguished from the old. At each extremity of the cavea is a noble staircase, as in the theatre at Taormina, giving access to the prcecinction and upper portico. It is to be regretted that the plan of this theatre, as given by Palladio, is very imperfect ; probably from the vestiges above ground not being sufficiently entire, even in his time, to enable him to take his measurements with any certainty. It is dra^wn on the back of one of the other drawings, and looks, indeed, like an unfinished sketch. None of the columns or other orna- mental features of the Proscenium are shewn in plan, though they are represented in the section. In like manner, the nine- teen seats of the Naumachia do not appear in Palladio's plan, but he shows them in his section, and I have therefore inserted them in the accompanying plan, in order to make it more com- plete ; for which same reason I have also indicated the seats in one half of the theatre. A projecting arcade is observable on plan, jutting out from each extremity of the cavea. This is still standing, and a plan of it by Sig. Lisandro Caftangioglu, has been published in the Bidlettino of the Institute. By having an angle column at the extremity, it appears to have turned round and formed a cortile, and perhaps united with the Postscenium or river-front next the Naumachia, as shown by the dotted lines. The theatre being built on the slope of a hill, it became ne- cessary to protect it from being flooded by the waters which would rush down the face of the cliff. This has been done by cutting a trench, 6 ft. 6 ins. wide, and 32 ft. 6 ins. deep, wiiich runs round so much of the outer wall as abuts upon the hill * Palladio, Arch, i, 13. THIAT^l ©F ¥[E1R©MA l?K©ya AM.UjI/'UIIBa.JSiKiiEE) ©KAY/llflS BY PJ\iLl.A[E)a©, IN THE POSSESSION OF HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF DEVONS THEATRE OF VERONA. 185 and then disgorges itself into the river beneath. The interstice is filled in at intervals with cubes of hard stone, to give support to the walls of the structure. Desirous of ascertaining the whole economy of the theatre, Sig. Monga opened the sewer which traverses the orchestra, and found that one branch is continued in a semicircular direction, and the other in a straight line, till they meet together, and then proceed towards the river. Another means of draining appears to have been afforded by some of the columns being hollowed to receive terra-cotta pipes. They are described by Dr. Emil Braun, [Bull. delV Inst. 1837, p. 175.) Within the sewer just described, and immediately beneath the entrance to the platea, the excavator discovered several in- teresting objects of antiquity, among which w^as a caryatide of Greek marble, but without a head, adjoining which was a frag- ment of cornice and trabeation, from the appearance of which it was considered that they must have formed part of a throne or imlco., adorned with two caryatides, of a similar nature to those in the theatre at Pompeii. It would be impossible to give a detailed account of all the objects found in these excav- ations, comprising columns of Greek marble, of African, and verde-antico ; white marble, basalt, and bronze statues : many pelia-shaped shields, sculptured on both sides, with representa- tions of Silenus, sphinxes, panthers, dancers, etc. These latter were furnished -with rings at their upper extremities, for the purpose of being suspended in the intercolumns. From the immense number of these accessorial ornaments, whether we regard form or material, we may entertain some idea of the richness with which the scenes of the ancient theatres were decorated.* It was while excavating at the eastern wing of the theatre, that Sig. Monga came upon a deposit of sculptured remains, the care in protecting which seemed to denote the * The scene of the theatre of Scaurus was adorned with three hundred and sixty marble cohimns, 38 feet high, the second order of cohimus being of glass, and with three hundred bronze Htatues. (Plin. xxxvi, 5.) 186 ON THE THEATRES OF YICENZA AND VERONA : great estimation in which these objects were held. Among them were four hermal figures, of equal size, and quite perfect, representing Bacchus, Silenus, Thaha, and Melpomene, all crowned with ivy, and richly adorned. A considerable sum of money was offered for these sculptures ; but Sig. Monga, with noble liberality, presented them to the Veronese Museum, that they might be inspected by everyone in their native place. But the most numerous objects found were portions of the architec- tural decorations, columns, capitals, cornices, etc., of native and oriental marbles. In some of the blocks, which contained the cornice of the upper or Ionic order, are square holes, which held the masts of the velarium. The bidk of the theatre is of the stone of the country; the ornamental parts only are of more costly material. The capi- tals and other decorative parts are of white marble, and the rest of the structure of red stone; in the cavea the scalae are of red stone, and the seats of white marble. This employment of stone of different colours is observable also in the Amphi- theatre. The columns of the Doric order, both of the theatre and of the terraces above, have a circular plinth instead of a moulded base, a detail which we find in the theatre of Mar- cellus, and wliich Palladio has imitated in his basilica of Vicenza. The columns of the theatre at Verona are rather larger than those of the theatre of Marcellus. Caroto describes them as 2 ft. 6 in. in diameter. Palladio figures them as 24 ft. in height. AMBULACRUM PENSILE. A constant appendage to tlie ancient theatre was the por- ticus, the usual position of which was behind the scene. The example before us is remarkable, and indeed unique, in exhi- biting this luxurious adjunct to the theatre in the form of hanging gardens, in a series of terraces one immediately above another, decorated and enlivened with statues and colonnades. THEATRE AND AMBULACRUM OF VERONA. 187 This series of terraces was ornamented with porticoes and other accessories.* The labour of ascending these terraces would be abundantly repaid by the exquisite and varying view afforded, as the spectators climbed sometimes in one direction, sometimes in another, till they reached the summit, and enjoyed at their ease the splendid view laid out before them. The river Adige intersects Verona in a similar serpentine form to the course of the Grand Canal at Venice. On a bend of this river, looking towards the west, stood the ancient theatre, surmounted by the terraces I have described. The amenity of the aspect of this hill, its commanding position, and its fine prospect, caused it to be selected as a favourite residence by the kings of Italy. Maffei thus speaks of it : — " On cross- ing the Ponte della Pietra, we are immediately struck with the immensity of the space, divided in various terraces, and the incomparable beauty of the situation ; for the lowermost ancient wall rises immediately above the Adige, and the last is under the wall of the castle, at the very summit of the hill. To build this castle much of that which was below was taken down and destroyed. "f The castle was dismantled in 1797, up to which time the terraces had formed a favourite walk for the inha- bitants of the town.:}: My visit to Verona being immediately after the Austrian re- conquest of Lombardy, I was not permitted to examine these terraces, much less to climb the summit, as the commanding position of the hill, immediately overlooking the whole city, was esteemed too important to allow strangers to approach unnecessarily. The terraces are said to be of equal length with the diameter of the theatre. They are distinctly recognizable even in a view taken so late as 1820,§ which represents five arches remaining * Maffei, Verona Illust. 8vo. Ver., 1732; vol. iii, p. 68. f Id., p. 64. \ Venturi, Compendia della Storia sacra eprof. di Ver. 2'' cdiz. 4to., Ver. 1825; i, 161. § Id., vol. ii, tav. ult. 188 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA. at top, and two at bottom next the river, forming the facade of the Naumachia. The lowermost portion of the edifice, shx)wn in the accompa- nying illustration, is a row of simple arches. They are repre- sented neither by Caroto nor Palladio, but they are very care- fully noted by Cristofali, in his bird's eye plan. Above this Caroto shows a terrace 25 feet wide, from which rises a row of I'lan of Ambulaeruiu. — From Ciu-oto. seven seats, with scalpe at regular distances, as in the theatre beneath. These lead up to the first loggia, the general charac- teristics of which are alike in the several authorities, differing only in the number and disposition of the niches.* Details of each loggia are given both by Caroto and Palladio, with the measurements carefully afhxed. In the accompanying illus- tration I have followed the arrangement by Palladio, in which we see in the lower loggia, four clusters of seven intercolumni- ations of 9f ancient feet from centre to centre, divided by three large niches, each equal to two intercolumniations in width. This order is Doric. The ujoper loggia, which is Ionic, stands with its columns alternately over this, and consists of 31 inter- columniations, all of equal width. Each tier of these loggie is figured as being 20 feet in height, including its pedestal and cornice. Caroto describes three arches or intercolumniations of this upper loggia as remaining in his time. It had a terrace in * Caroto represents eiglit small intercolumniations on each side of the niches ; Cristofali shows only four, and places a circular niche at each extremity. A JE-Ubcd/c. CRISTOFALI T nz ^rnzAiRE at v e [^ ® s^ a W J T >J J T .'J A B) B U l A C R I) M P £ M S E. E . r THEATRE AND AMBULACRUM OF VERONA. 189 front, from which it was raised by a few steps. Stairs are shown in the extreme arches, leading to the Capitolium above. The back wall of the intercolumniations is filled with reticn- lated masonry, which Canobio describes as having once been covered with mosaic,* bnt which Ventnri asserts was decorated with fresco-painting :f perhaps both. The pavement in front was of marble. :J: Above the upper loggia is a wall 20 feet in height, with two groups of treble arches, giving access to the summit. The terraces have been restored by Sig. Monga, who has strengthened them at their western extremity by arched substructions ; and he has planted trees along their length, to furnish some slight idea of their original appearance. The summit of the hill formed the ancient CcqntoUmn^ — " Castro magno et excelso firma propugnacula".§ Many cities of the Roman empire had their capitolium, in fond imitation of the splendour of the metropolis ; in the same man- ner that, at Padua, and other cities once subject to the Vene- tian republic, we find the lion of S. Mark, and other emblems of the queen of the Adriatic. || The title appears on a statue in the museum at Verona, where, it is said, that it lay for some time neglected in the Capitol, — " in Capitolio diu jacentem".^ Here is generally believed to have existed an ancient temple, which is vulgarly attributed to Janus or to Jupiter.** This is supposed to have been succeeded by the palace of the Longo- bardi, built by Thcodoric. This king erected a magnificent palace, and surrounded it by a portico communicating with tlie gate of the city. He also restored the ancient aqueduct, and * Siippl Zacjafa, ii, ii, 307. f Vcnturi, Compend., i, 22. I MafFei, T'er. Illust., iii, 08. § Rhythmus Pipiiiiain/s. II They have since been removed by the Austrians. ^ MafFei, Ver. Illust., Insc., No. XLV. ** Caroto exhibits a fantastic temple, crowned with an octagonal dome. Pal- ladio shows an equally capricious Palladian rotunda, flanked by a Corinthian arcade of five arches on each side ; the columns of which are figured as 20 feet high. Caroto shows a similar arcade. 190 ON THE THEATRES OF YICENZA AND VERONA. attached Thermae to his palace* In ancient documents we find palatia described in different parts of the city. Some refer to the palace as being near the Regaste,"]* and it is shown in this position in the ancient plan of Verona already referred to as existing in the monastery of Lobia ; others speak of it as near the bridge ; while in others it clearly appears that a palace existed in the Capitol. Thus Raterio, bishop of Verona in the tenth century, speaks of " ascending to that strong place called the palace". J Venturi§ agrees with Maffei|| in supposing that this palace extended from the summit of the hill down to the banks of the Adige ; and they endeavour to identify this with the PALATiuM sho"v^Ti in the ancient plan of Verona, and wdth the ancient seal of the city, given at the head of this article, which, they pretend, bear a striking resemblance to each other. A glance at the two representations, however, is sufficient to show the futility of this statement ; and there appears every rea- son to concur in the opinion of the earlier antiquaries, that this seal represents the palace in the Capitol, rather than that on the banks of the Adige,^ shown on the ancient plan. Beneath the palace is a line of battlements, to signify the castle, below which is a double colonnade, which may well be taken for the Ambulacrum pensile ; and, considering the beauty and import- ance of this monument, we can scarcely imagine an object which would be more suggestive of the grandeur of the city, and more likely to be adopted for such a commemorative purpose. The seal, formerly in the possession of the Moscardo family, is, un- happily, now lost ; and it would appear from the following paragraph, that the drawing of it given us by Maffei and Dio- nisi,** has been slightly altered :tt " ^el secondo piano ove * Panvinius, Ant. Ver., iv, 18. f The modem road, between the theatre and the river. X Maffei, i, 445. § Compeiul., p. 121. || Ver. Ilhtsf. ^ Known by the name of " Corte della Duca". {Suppl. alia Cronica di Zacjata, vol. ii, Pt. II, p. 237.) *"''■ Dionisi, DelV origine dclla Zecca di J^crona. 8vo., 1776. ff This, however, is not very clear. The word nggkmte signifies merely that THEATRE AND NAUMACHIA OF VERONA. 191 furono aggiunte le lettere, par die fossero logge architravate, dalle quali altresi principesca fabrica si dimostra : ma le colonne nell' originale son tonde, e piu piccole, e mono distante, che nella stampa non apparisce".* Connected with the castle,t were subterranean vaults, wliich are referred to by the anonymous author of the Rhythmiis Pijnmanus^t and by the author of the ancient plan, who says, — " De summo montis Castium prospcctat in urbem, Dedalea factum arte, viisque tetris." NAUMACHIA. The third feature of the theatre of Verona is the Naumachia. The bridge above the theatre is called the Ponte della Pietra ; at an equal distance below the theatre was formerly another bridge, the Ponte Emilio : " Castro magno et excelso firma propugnacula, Pontes lapideos fundatos supra flumen Athesis, Quorum capita pertingunt in urbem ad oppidum."§ The basin of water between these two bridges formed the Nau- machia. All this is considered as a soffno by MafFei, who doubts the existence, at any time, of this second bridge ; but when we consider that this able historian mistook the ruins of the theatre for those of the palace of Theodoric, we need not express sur- prise that he did not recognize these less evident remains. the letters were added on the seal, and did not exist in the original building ; but where he speaks of the smallness and roundness of the columns, it is ditfi- cult to determine whether he refers to the original building or to the original seal. * Ver. Illust., i, 448. f This castle was succeeded by one built in the middle ages by Giovanni Galeazzo, so that with these alterations, and the continual crumbling away of the face of the hill, the terraces and loggie had become more and more buried and concealed, previous to the excavations by Sig. Monga. j Rhythm. Pipin., Stanza in. § I(f-, Stanza vii. VOL. II. O 192 ON THE THEATRES OF YICENZA AND VERONA : But even he cannot deny that fragments of ruins exist along the whole bank of the x\dige, and that masses, like small rocks, lie in the bed of the river at each extremity.* The central position of this naval theatre admirably fitted it for the pur- poses to which it was intended ; it being very common to con- vert the principal area of a city into a temporary Naumachia. An instance of this occurs in the neighbouring city, Padua, the inhabitants of which having captured the fleet of Cleonymus, king of Lacedsemon, established the yearly exhibition of a sea- fight in the river, which runs through their city, on the anni- versary of that victory, f This portion of the structure causes the theatre of Verona to be regarded with especial interest, as it is the only example of the ancient Naumachia which is known to exist at the present day. The northern bridge, known by the name of the Ponte della Pietra, still preserves two arches, and part of another, entire. On the keystone of the second arch is a figure of Neptune, of Parian marble. Though called merely the Ponte della pietra, the construction is of marble ; and in the old plan of Lobia it bears the title of Pons Marmoreiis ; and it would seem that this appellation was given to it, not on account of its masonry, but because it was ornamented with a marble colonnade, clearly shown in the plan of Lobia, and which was probably that built by Theodoric, for communication with his palace. Liutprand (ii, 1) calls it a marble bridge of wonderful workmanship, and prodigious magnitude. The bridge was broken in 1512, and restored by Fra Giocondo in \^21.% Both bridges were orna- mented with beautiful bas-reliefs. § The southern bridge w^as called Militare and Rotto, though the more general name was the Pons JEmilius, from its being in a line with the Strada del Corso. It communicated with the church of S*"- Libera, 1 1 or * Maffei, iii, 64. f Liv., x, 2. X Dd Persico, Verona e la sua Provincia. 4to., Ver., 1838. § Sarayna, DeW origine, etc. cli Ver., p. 9. II Id. Girol. Dalla Corte, L' htoria dl Ver., 1596. ^ JnJ] [W] f- ^ § 3 ff- ^ < Si [UJ] THEATRE AND NAUMACHIA OF VERONA. 193 the monastery of the Redentore,* or the church of S. Faustmo,f or the hospital of S. Apollonio, now S^- Maria in Organo.:|: These churches are all close together. (See the plan of Verona in Biancolini, Dei Vescovi di Verona^ 1757 ; tav. v, p. 60).) In the plan of the theatre by Cristofali (see p. 180), (a) to (b) indi- cates the site of the convent and cloister of S. Bartolomeo ; (c) the church of SS. Siro and Libera ; and (d) the church of the Redentore. The bridge was destroyed, in 1153,§ by an inundation of the Adige ; but several writers concur in stating that vestiges of this bridge might be seen at either extremity, in their time.|| MafFei, as we have seen, testifies to the masses of ruin appear- ing in the water like so many rocks. ^ Some of these have since been removed, in order to clear the bed of the river.** One author, even so late as ISBO,^^ affirms that some of the piles might be perceived when the water is low, and that many stones were dug up from one of the piers, with which the cam- panile of S. Anastasius was erected. This bridge has been re- placed by the Ponte Nuovo, lower down. Other bridges are referred to in an inscription over the door of the church of S, Stefano, whereby it appears that " pontes omnes, excepto lapi- deo", were swept away by an inundation of the Adige in 1238, in the nineteenth year of Frederick 11.++ The whole length of quay between the bridges, on the east side of the river, was occupied by a covered arcade, the roof of which was even with the roadway. Not only are some of these arches next the river still preserved, but several of the corre- sponding vaults beneath the Regaste are yet entii'e, and made * Da Persico, Verona, etc., p. 187. f Biancolini, Dei Vescovi, etc., p. 85. X if/., p. 62. § Da Persico, p. 187. Moscardo, 1st. di Ver., p. 16. Compare Sarayna, p. 9. Biancolini, Dei Vescovi. II Canobio, cited by Biancolini, Dei Vescovi, p. 85. ^ Ante, p. 192. *"* Pinali, Relaz., p. 62. || Da Persico, Verona e la sua Prorincia. \X Zagata, Cronica, AnnoUi/.., Pt. ii, vol. ii, p. 241. o 2 19^ ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AISD YERONA I use of as cellars by the neighbouring inhabitants.* The arcade next the river is shown by Cristofali, Venturi,*]* and Palladio ; while Caroto furnishes us Avith its measured detail, by which it appears that the piers are 6 feet square. (See also MafFei and Canobio.:}:) Above this rose the Postscenium of the theatre, which was so arranged that its openings served as loggie for the accommodation of the spectators of the Naumachia.§ At each extremity of this quay was a fountain, the water of which flowed into the basin. That at the northern extremity was supplied by subterranean conduits from Parona, three miles from Verona ; the other from Montorio, a village at like dis- tance. || Various marine animals and monsters, as Tritons, fish, etc., which are to be seen in various parts of the city, as in the Spezzaria del Giglio, in the house of the Conti Giustini, at S"- Maria della Scala, and in the Capuchin convent, are sup- posed to have formed part of the ornaments of the Naumachia ;^ but this appears improbable. On the opposite side of the river, and facing the theatre, Palladio shows a row of nineteen seats. Whether the great architect found any traces of these, I cannot state ; but Canobio, in his Awiall, records that one Francesco Genovese, who" held a house near the convent of S. Anastasius, having occasion to rebuild it, discovered several of these seats, "•like so many steps"; and that under the piazza of S. Anastasius were found several vaults with mosaic pavements.** Serlio, in speaking of the grandeur of the Romans, refers at once to the theatre at Verona, describing the Naumachia, with the contiguous theatre and ambulacrum, as being most grand and beautiful ; and then lamenting their general destruction, he observes, that the ruins are so numerous and important that " mi da stupore a pensarvi".j* j" * F'mali, Relazto7ie, etc., p. 61. f Compenil, tav. xilt. :J: Suppl. alia Cron. dl Zagata, p. 306. § Canobio, Annali, cited by Zagata, Cron., p. ."JOT. II Sarayna, p. 0. ^ Snppl. alia Cron. di Zagata, p. 308. ** Id., p. 308. Biancoliui, Del Vcu-ovi. ff Arch., lib. iii. THEATRE A^'D NAUMACIIIA OF VERO^'A. 195 This building being the only one of the kind of which any traces can now be discerned, I may be excused in referring to the scanty notices which we have of Naumachia in general, even though they be, in great part, familiar to my readers. It is true there were no less than five Naumachia? at Rome ; but though the sites of some are described to us, no remains of them can now be traced. The Naumachia, properly speaking, was of later invention, and, as it were, a supplement to the amphitheatre, — the intro- duction of water being another element placed at the disposition of the extravagant sumptuosity of the Roman citizens. At the same time it cannot be denied but that the germs of these shows were already in existence. The Greeks and Romans had long been accustomed to the exhibition of sham naval combats, which their commanders had thought necessary for the practice and efficiency of their seamen, Alexander frequently exercised his fleets, and adjudged ]3rizcs to the most skilful. (Arrian, De Alex:., vii.) We learn from Appian that Mithridates acted in like manner. So also Alcibiades. (Xen., i.) The Lacedaemonians, when within sight of the enemy, prepared themselves for battle by engaging in sham fights. (Diod. xiii.) Such engagements were practised, with like object, by Thrasyllus and Thrasybu- lus, (Id.); by the Syracusans, (Thucyd., vii); by the Lacedae- monian tyrant, Nabis, at Gythium, (Li v. xxxv, 26) ; by Scipio, (Polyb. x; Liv., xxvi, 51 ; xxix, 22); by Anthony, (Diod., 1); by Duilius, (Front., iii, 2) ; by Cassius, (Appian, B.C. iv) ; by Agrippa, (Velleius, ii, 79) ; and by King Theodoric, (Cassiod., iv, 12). Pompey, having possession of Sicily, formed a sham fight in presence of the enemy, off" Rhcgium, with barks of skin, in order to ridicule Salvidienus Rufus, who had attempted to cross over in such vessels. (Dio. Cas., xlviii, 19.) Naval engage- ments formed part of the funereal rites in honour of the dead. (Isoc, in Evar/. ; Phit., Vii. Ccvs. ; Hyg., cclxvii ; Virg., yEn. v.)* * Schcffcr, Dr Militia Xavctli, iii, 2. 196 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA : But though some of these sea-fights were given for amuse- ment, as well as for the exercise of the mariners, we do not read of exhibitions of this nature, intended solely for the purposes of entertainment, till the time of Julius C?esar. Velleius Pater- culus* affirms that Csesar gave several magnificent spectacles in the Naumachia. The first of which we have any record took place in the year 46 b.c, in the "lesser marsh".t The vessels consisted of two, three, and four banks of oars, and were divided into two fleets, Tyrian and Egyptian, manned by captives con- demned to death. The crowds that came to Rome to see these sports were so vast, that many were obliged to live in tents. This basin he intended to have filled up again, and to have erected a temple to Mars on its site ; J but though he was pre- vented so doing by his death, the area was filled up and level- led the same year, in consequence of various epidemics which took place at that time, attended by extraordinary natural phe- nomena.§ Augustus exceeded all others in the magnificence of his public spectacles. During his reign he gave forty-seven festive games, each of which lasted several days. His Naumachia was in the Campus Martins, in the vicinity of the Tiber. || It measured 1,800 feet in length by 1,200 in width, and held thirty triremes and quadriremes, besides smaller vessels. It was supplied by the Aqua Alsietina, called also Augusta. He sometimes used the Flaminian Circus. In one engagement the mariners, who were divided into Athenian and Persian fleets, numbered 30,000.^ Thirty-six crocodiles are said to have been killed in the Naumachia, during his reign.** On his conquest of Antony and Cleopatra, he is said to have exhibited naval games at Mi- senum and Ravenna. If Tiberius is said to have given several * ii, 56, 1. t Suet. /. C. 39. Dion Cass., xliii, 23. I Suet., /. C, 44. § Dion Cass., xlv, 17. |1 Suet., Au(/., 43. Tacit., xii, 56; xiv, 15. ^ Mon. Ancyr., tab. i ; Statius, iv, 4 ; Front., lib. i. ** Tacit., XV, 37. || Marliani, Urb. Rom. Topocj. THEATRE AND NAUMACHIA OF VERONA. 197 " magnificent spectacles" in the Naumachia ;* but we are not furnished with any of their details. In the year of our Lord 50, the emperor Claudius determined to give a naval spectacle on Lake Fucinus, previously to its proposed drainage into the river Liris. The lake was twenty- six miles in circumference, yet the hills, like one immense am- phitheatre, were lined with spectators, some of whom came even from Rome. The emperor surrounded the lake with a wooden wall, and erected stages and seats. The mariners, nine- teen thousand in number, consisted of men condemned to death ; and to prevent their deviation from the fight, the banks were lined with rafts of timber, on which were stationed the praetorian guards, with redoubts from which to propel stones and missives of all descriptions. Claudius and Nero attended in military costume, and Agrippina in a magnificent chlamys interwoven with pure gold. The hostile fleets, which took the names of Sicilian and Rhodian, consisted of fifty vessels on each side, twelve of which were of three, and some even of four, banks of oars. The signal for charge was given by a silver Triton, on which the gladiators cried out with one voice, " Hail Emperor! Dying men salute you." To whom Claudius an- swered, " Health to you also" ; which gracious answer they interpreted as a token of pardon, and it was with some difficulty that they could be persuaded to begin the combat. After much courage had been displayed, and much blood shed, the sur- vivors were respited. •]* The Emperor Nero made use of the Amphitheatre, but filled it with sea water. Li the year 55, he represented a battle between the Athenians and Persians ; and to render the scene more animated, he introduced large fish, and other animals. A ship divided in two, and after giving forth various wild beasts, closed up again. By means of hidden conduits, the water *■ Veil. Pater, ii, 100-2. f Suet., Clmul. 21 ; Tacit., Ann. xii, 56; Dion Ca.ss., Ix, 33 ; Plin., xxxiii, 19. 198 ON THE THEATRES OF YICEXZA AND VERONA : suddenly retired, and a battle of infantry took place.* In the year 60, he gave a floating banquet in the Naumachia of Au- gustus.f Suetonius informs us that he often supped in the Nau- machia. J On occasion of another entertainment, in the year 64:, he exhibited first a chace of wild beasts, then a naval en- gagement, then a gladiatorial fight ; after which the water was again admitted, and a floating banquet prepared, called by Tacitus ratem, the details of which are too horrible to narrate. § The floating fabric was moved about by vessels adorned with gold and ivory. The water teemed with river and sea fish.|| Similar excesses were perpetrated by the same emperor in the grove planted round the Naumachia of Augustus near the Tiber. ^ The Emperor Titus made use of the amphitheatre. Circus Maximus, and the Naumachia built by Augustus, indifferently. In the year 80 he filled the Colosseum with horses, bulls, and other animals, which he made to swim about in the water during a conflict between Corinthians and Corcyrians ; and in another spectacle which took place in the Naumachia of Augus- tus, and which had been surrounded by a wood by Cains and Lucius Caesars, he covered the water over with planks, on which he exhibited a gladiatorial engagement, and then a chase of wild beasts ; on the second day, chariot-races ; on the third day, a naval battle of thirty thousand men, after which a battle of infantry. The Athenians having conquered the Syracusans, landed on the island, and gave assault to a city. The games lasted one hundred days. At the conclusion, Titus threw among the people small wooden balls, which contained orders on his treasurer to pay the bearer houses, garments, gold and silver vessels, horses, slaves, etc.** Domitian represented a naval engagement in the Colosseum by torch light. He also dug a large lake near the Tiber, and ■'■• Suet., in Nero., 12 ; Dion Cass., Ixi, 9 ; Mart., De Sjjectac. ■\ Dion Cass., Ix, 20. % Suet., Nero, 27. § Dion Cass., Ixii, 15. || Tacit., Ann. xv, 37. % Id., xiv, 15. ^•^' Dion Cass., Ixvi, 25 : Suet., !n Nem., 12. THEATRE OF VERONA. 199 formed it into a permanent Naumachia with stone seats ; the materials of which afterwards went to the Circus Maximus.* This was in the year 91, and took place in honour of the con- secration of his beard to Jupiter Capitolinus. On this occa- sion the spectacle was interrupted by a heavy storm, but the tyrant refused to allow any of the spectators to retire, or to change their clothes, though he did so himself; and many of the people died in consequence. In order to console the popu- lace for their sufferings, he gave them a banquet, which lasted all night. But the greatest extravagance was reserved for Heliogabalus, who, not content with imitating the magnificence of his prede- cessors, filled the Circus with wine instead of water, f Till when the Theatre of Verona remained entire we know not, but on the 31st April 793, an earthquake took place, which destroyed a great portion of its walls ; and owing to its ruinous state and condition, as we have already seen, a further part of it fell in 893 ;X an event which caused the decree of Berenga- rius. Its final destruction took place on the 14th June (18 Kal. Jul.) 1195, in consequence of an inundation of the Adige.§ It has been already remarked that Palladio has cojDied some of his details from this theatre. It has also furnished models to Sanmichele for his balustrade in the Canossa palace; and the beautiful spiral columns of this theatre, which are noAV preserved in the library of Verona, have been imitated by that architect in the Bevilacqua palace. * Suet., m Domit. 4, 5. f Lampridius. X Girol. Dalla Corte, L'lst. di Ver., 1596. § Zagata, Cronica, i, 191 Panvinius, Antiq. Ver., p. 187. 200 ON THE THEATRES OF VICENZA AND VERONA. It is now sixteen years ago since Sig. Monga commenced the excavation of this theatre. It is much to be desired that he win not be content with exposing the parts to light, but that he will cause that to be done which has been so ably carried out in the neighbouring theatre of Vicenza, viz., the careful drawing of every portion of the ancient structure. We shall then be enabled to form an estimate of the value of the draw- ings by Palladio, Caroto, and Cristofali ; at the same time that we picture to ourselves the structure in its original state, and perhaps attain knowledge of many important details affecting the grandeur and beauty of the building, of which we are, at present, ignorant. " Magna Verona, vale, valeas per secula, semper Et celebrent gentes nomen in orbe tiium." Edward Falkener. 201 XII. SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE THEATRE OF VERONA. /^N the slopes of the hill on which stood the Capitolium* of ^-^ Verona, are prodigious remains of the ancient theatre, evidences of its former grandeur, and which cause us the more deeply to deplore its present ruin. This theatre and the amphi- theatre, which, fortunately, is better preserved, shew the import- ance and power Avhich Verona possessed under the Roman dominion ; on which account it is praised by Livyj" and Strabo^ for its greatness, and by Tacitus § for its flourishing condition and abundance. We are unable to determine the exact epoch of the building of this theatre. Sig. Consigl. Gaetano Pinali, in his description of the excavation, adduces argument to show that it was built in the Augustan age, supporting the conjec- ture by the inscription OCTAVIAE c . F . EXSORAT. The local historians who bring forward this inscription forget to tell us that it is surmounted by a bas-relief containing the images of three persons, under whom are written, patruus, PATER, and MATER, and that it is the portrait of a lady of illus- trious family. * Cont' Orti describes this building at considerable length, in a former work, Di due antichissimi Tenipj Christiani Veronesi, p. 57 et seq. Ver., 1840. t Lib. iv, cap. 35. % Geog., vol. i, lib. v., Amstel., 1707, p. 213. § Hist., iii, 494; torn, iii, Ven., 1708. 202 cont' orti on the theatre of yerona. Nor can we regard as of greater authority the conjecture offered by Sig. Pinali, that the diphthong ai, which is found in some of the loggie of the theatre, is confirmatory of the opinion that the theatre is of this age. This apparent archaism was used and practised by the Veronese in many of their documents, even in those of comparatively recent period ; thus showing that in authors and in monuments, scribendi rationem muUum diversam fuisse, et sui dissimiktn, in and after the time of Au- gustus.* The other inscription brought forward by Con sig. Pinali is equally inconclusive : COESARE AUGUSTO IMPERANTE, being, as he acknowledges, cut in a late Roman character. It is necessary to correct another error into which Consig. Pinali has incidentally fallen, where he asserts that the loggie forming the upper arcade were the exclusive property of females, and reserved for their sole use ; and that this is proved by the fact, " that the name of each owner was engraved on the marble piers of the several loggie". It so happens, however, that among the vestiges of these same loggie, which he refers to as existing in the stables of the bishop's palace, are visible the names of several male proprietors, in even greater number, as pomp, comps., CAPILONIS, L . GAVI, COMISIAI ARIADNES, M . PVLII, C . F . FA- BULLAE, and c . gavi ; and in the theatre, adjoining the pier which has the inscription valeriai severai, we find l . cael (Lucii Caelii) and prisci ; thus clearly showing that these loggie were appropriated indifferently to male and female proprietors. * Fleetwood, P)-(b/. ad Tnscr. Antiq. Syllog. : Labus, Museo clella Reale Accademia di Mantova ; vol. iii, tav. xli, p. 237-8. Mantova, 1820. Gio. Orti Manara. Verona, 26 Jan. 1850. THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. VII.— SEPTEMBER 1852. XIII. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. ONE of the most remarkable features of the architecture of Egypt was its obelisks. None, probably, have excited greater attention, or are more popularly known. Two capital cities of the old world preserved them as decorations ; a third, of modem Europe, preeminently imbued with the love of the fine arts, has added one to her magnificent treasures of ancient remains, and to her noble public buildings. Even here, slow as we are nationally to undertake such enterprizes, the spirit of individuals has removed some examples, although they are not the giants of their race. At all times they have commanded the admiration of their beholders ; and, if the motive of their creation was intelligible to the pagan world, the same cannot be said of the middle ages of Christian times. With theology in the ascendant, the history of Egypt disappeared ; and it was not till the time of the renaissance that awakened Europe gazed upon the dehris of ancient art with credulous admiration, and while collecting the shattered remains, sought still to give them a greater charm by interpreting their legends as the philoso- phical tenets of Egypt, or the dogmas of theology. Nor has this craving yet disappeared, and the many are still disappointed at finding that such gigantic works had a scope apparently so simple as the piety of kings to gods, and to perpetuate to pos- terity the names of monarclis once renowned. It is not here proposed to record the errors of past inquirers, VOL. II. p 204 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. or to treat of obelisks in every point of view, that would require a folio, like the work of Zoega, to complete ; but to examine their legends in detail, and to show how far the discovery of the mode of reading the hieroglyphs illustrates their object and the meaning of their inscriptions. They contain no mysteries, but a few curious facts. In their shape they are generally a four-sided prism, tapering towards the top, which the Greeks called the akrobolis. This is of the shape of a small pyramid, called the fijramidion^ with one exception, which is rounded. They resemble huge crystals of granite or basalt, placed erect upon their bases, of very sym- metrical shape ; the general law of proportion being, that the base is one-tenth of the elevation up to the point. All the obelisks are monoliths, and generally of red syenitic granite, although a few were made of basalt and sand-stone. Each of the four faces Avas decorated with a line of hieroglyphs in cavo- rilievo, sculptured with great care, and painted in the prevalent colour of the period. This portion of the work Avas executed after the obelisk had left the quarry, as is proved by the plain, one still remaining at Syene, and numerous uninscribed ones at Rome. The apex has often a subject, generally the Idng, under the form of a sphinx, adoring a god; or else the car- touches, or names of the king. The height of the cap is also one-tenth of the elevation. They were placed upon bases, which also tapered, being broader beloAV than above. In finished examples, this base was in- scribed Avith a legend, in hieroglyphs, recording Avhen and how the monument Avas erected. Some of the bases AA^ere steps. They were placed at the doorway, a little before the lintel, and before the propyltca. The relation of obelisks to the buildings before AAdiich they stood, is that of triumphal columns placed before the propylsea or triumphal arches ; and they Avcrc probably suggestive of the column, as the pyramid had been of the mausoleum, and the propylon of the triumphal arch. In the tomb near the Pyramids of NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 205 Gizeh, which was made for a priest of three monarchs of the fifth dynasty, Ra-nefer-ka, Ea-sahu, and User-cn-ra, an obelisk is represented in the hieroglyphs, placed on a base.* M. Lep- sins-j- found one of 7 feet high, in one of the sepulchres of Gizeh, inscribed with the name of the tenant of the tomb. In the museum of the Duke of Northumberland, at Alnwick, Dr. Lepsius recently discovered a small obelisk of the time of the twelfth dynasty, covered with dedications to Osiris and Khem, for the Prince Beba, son of a royal concubine Aarru, Amen-em-ha, and one Hannu, chief of the " southern thir- tieths". This sepulchral use appears even in the ritual of the dead, executed about the age of the Persians, in which the vignette of the funeral ceremonies shows the priest consecrating two obelisks.:|: with other gifts. No public obelisks of the old monarchy remain, nor am I aware that there is reason to suppose that they were employed ; yet the rich quarries of syenite were worked, and if limestone was not sufficiently compact, other hard materials might have been employed. Notwithstanding the immortal pubKc works then undertaken, the earliest obelisk that has remained is the one of Matarieh, or Heliopolis, of User-tsen I, the only relic of the magnificent temple erected there to the god Horus, or Turn, the setting sun. It is placed upon a block or pedestal now covered by the deposit of the inundation. On all four sides is the same inscription, consisting of the five names and titles of the king, who is styled "beloved of the spirits of Peten",§ to whom, it would seem, the temple was dedicated ; while the expression after the king's titles, " the first time of celebrating the festival" (scp shaa set heb), seems to show that it was dedicated on the occasion of some jubilee, probably towards the close of the king's reign. That great public w^orks were * Burton, Excerpia Hieroylyjyhica, pi. xxvii. |- Briffe, 8vo., Berlin, 1852, s. 40. % LcpsiuR, Todtnihvrh, v, L § Read Pen or Poni. How it was ])ron()uncccl is not certain. i> 2 206 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. undertaken at this period, the accounts of which have reached us,* is not only evident from the labyrinth, the pyramids, and the lake Moeris, the fortification of Samneh, and adjustment of the Nile level, but also from the celebrated inscription of Beni- hassan, in which Nehar, son of Numhep-t, states, " I set up tablets in the south, like the heaven I stretched out the great river in its valley"; and that his father had done the same as far as the Mareotis on the north, and Lycopohs on the south. Of this dynasty, the only other obelisk, if it is really one, is that of the Fayoum i-f but this monument is so diff"erent from all others that it is difficult to believe that it is an obelisk. It is a squared block, tapering to the apex, broader on two sides than upon the others ; and on one of these, Usertsen I is re- presented five times, in compartments, ofi"ering to the gods Phtha, Ra, Chnumis. The narrow sides, which are rounded at the top, have each a perpendicular line of hieroglyphs,' — the usual prenomen and titles of the king, who is said to be '• beloved of the gods Mentu" (Mars) and " Phtha" (Vulcan) ; but the lower half is wanting, and its use is not easily explained. M. Lepsius has, indeed, given a copy of the base inscription of this object, which is, unfortunately, too much mutilated to throw any light upon the object of the monument. It com- mences with the name of the king, and continues with the speech of the gods, speaking in the plural, but to w^hat purport is not very clear. One expression only, mentioning " this con- struction of wood, inlaid with" (gold]), 1. 8, seems to show that it was part of an edifice. From this period no obelisks are known till the age of the eighteenth dynasty. It is to the flourishing period of the eighteenth dynasty that the greater number of obelisks belong ; but no examples remain * Rosellini, M. R. xxv, 1 ; Lepsius, Denkmaeler, Abth. ii, Bl. 118 h. ; Kir- cher, (Edipus, iii, 333; Norden, xxxix, Descr. de VEg. A. vol. v, pi. 26. f Burton, Exc. Hier., pi. xxxiii ; Rosellini, M. R. xxv, 1. a., h. ; Lepsius, Denhnaeler, Abth. ii, pi. 119, calls it the obelisk of Begig, and places it at Kro- kodilopolis. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 207 of the two first monarchs of the dynasty, whose active life did not allow of much repose for the embellishments and arts of peace. Four obelisks, however, of their immediate succes- sors decorate the pylons of the temple, or the granite sanctuary, as it is called, of Karnak, which was commenced by the kings of the twelfth, and continued by Thothmes I. He placed before the pylon, which led into the peristyle, two obelisks of syenitic granite, at the side of the door, of nearly the same dimensions, viz. about 70 feet long, and 5 feet 7 inches wide at the base. On the obelisk which remains entire, the central lines of the four sides contain the name and titles of the king, and some slight information relative to the occasion of placing them in their position. It is stated on the west side, that the king, who was " the divine ruler of Peten, had made them as a gift to his father, Amon-Ra, who dwells in Thebes",* with a repetition of the same on the eastern side, with the addition that " he had erected two great obelisks" at the two propylsea, capped with (gold)". Hence it is clear that the propylsea of the temple of Amon-Ra are intended. The occasion appears to have been on the celebration of the great festivals ; for it states (north side) that " the lord of the gods assigned to him to celebrate festivals on the (great) Persea"(«.s/«if), or tree of life ; and we have already seen that the obelisks of Usertsen I were set up "the first time of celebrating the festival", probably the triaJconteris. A consideration of the lateral inscrip- tion, I reserve for the present. It is, however, on these obelisks that the position of these monoliths is first mentioned, which continues to be the case throughout their numerous inscrip- tions.^ The companion obelisk to this lies broken in several fragments in the same courtyard, and was restored by a subse- quent monarch. It appears that Thothmes I projected and commenced a second pair of obelisks, but that cither lie lost his political power, or did not survive to erect them, as they * lloscUini, M. K. xxx, 1. ; Lepsius, Denh., Abth. iii, HI. 6. 208 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. Avere subsequently set up by his daughter, the queen regent, Hatasu. These, which are the largest in the whole of Egypt, rising to a height of upwards of 90 feet, were placed before the second propylon of the courtyard of the sanctuary, and their inscriptions contain the fullest information on these monuments that the hieroglyphs afford. It is not here the place to enter upon the discussion of the confusion of the period. The reign of Thothraes I probably closed with political or domestic trouble. Thothmes II, his son and successor, had but a feeble political existence, to judge from his monuments ; and his children, Hatasu and Thothmes III, mounted conjointly upon the throne of Egypt. After the twenty-ninth year of their joint reign, which was probably dated from the death of Thothmes I, the sister had died, as well as her daughter,* whom she had in vain assumed into the sover- eignty, and Thothmes III became sole ruler, having reigned with her from her nineteenth regnal year at least. Now the great obelisks contain no notice of Thothmes III, and the queen expressly states " that she", alone, " erected them, in the name of her father", so that they fall into this period. One only of these colossal objects remains upright upon its base ; the other has been overthrown, and comparatively a small portion only remains, which throws no additional light upon their object. On the first side of the standing obelisk, it is stated, after the usual names and titles, that the queen " has been crowned by Amon, upon the throne of Horus, in the hall ftasrj of the great temple, enshrined, as the other great gods, for the mistress of the circle of the disk, provided with the breath of life",*!* etc. On the other main side it is stated, " her majesty made (it in) the name of her father, setting up this sacred monument, when prayers were offered for the king Thothmes I, to the *• The queen, Ra-neferu, as appears from an inscription copied by Sir G. Wilkinson, al Eilethyia. t Rosellini, M. R. No. xxxi, JJcscr. dc rEr-us)--(/sr. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 219 None of the monarchs of this dynasty, who succeeded, have left obelisks behind them. This is the more extraordinary, because one, Amenophis III, executed architectural works of equal magnificence and difficulty, and the temples of Luxor and Gournah ought to ha^'-e been provided with them. It is, indeed, possible that the rival sects of Anion and Aten, who succeeded him, may have destroyed aU such, and that in the confusion which followed there was no time for aught but public disturbance and religious hatred. But as the fortunes of the monarchy once more revived, the desire to perpetuate the memorials of great deeds on imperish- able monuments reappeared also ; and conquests and the arts marched hand in hand. The time of the first monarch was amply engaged in chasing the enemies of Egypt from her soil, and he left the unfinished task to his successor, who once more restored the limits of the empire and who undertook public works on a style still more magnificent. One obelisk, the Flami- nian,* remains of Sethos I, and that he did not live to complete, for the inscriptions of three sides only bear his name, those on the fourth being added by the great Rameses, his successor, who also placed lateral lines to the other, to show that he had dedicated the monument. On the north, south, and west sides, the scenes of the pyramidion represent Sethos, as a sphinx, worshipping, either Ra, or Tum, the gods of Heliopolis ; in the scenes below and at the base he repeats the oiFerings. In this obelisk there is nothing of a political interest, except that the king has " afflicted the Mena or Shepherds", and of the position of the obelisk, only general terms aUuding to Pen or Peten occur : " glorious are his gifts in Pennu, placed for ever, opening to the props of the heaven, remaining perpetually tp — the temple of the Sun", which is detailed on the north side. On the west is mentioned his " filling Pennu with obelisks in the * Bp. Gibrcaltar. Tr. R. Soc. Lit., vol. i, new series, p. 176 and following. Ungarelli, Int. Oh., tab. ii. VOL. H. Q 220 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. light of the beams of the temple of the Sun", a second allusion to the monoliths, considered as the sunbeam. The greatest number, however, were erected by the great Rameses ; and the consideration of his works reopens the question of whether there were two or three monarchs of that name in the 19th dynasty; to settle which it is necessary to commence with those of Luxor. Now, it will be remembered that there are two obelisks before the propylsea at Luxor, one of which has been removed to Paris, the other still remaining in its place. Both differ considerably from those of the eighteenth dynasty. On three sides of the Paris obelisk there is a central line, which is always that of the original dedicator, flanked by two others, in the name which supplies the triple inscription on the fourth side. Yet the difference is wholly in the prenomen, or solar name, of the king, for both were called Rameses, the one of the original legends, Ra user ma, which Hermapion has translated for ov u\Ki^o^''Apyj^ icwpijamo, while the subsequent form, which appears in the cartouches of Rameses, satp en Ra, is translated by the same ov^YiXio<=► A cap, the tip, the horn", ^ ML or " pyramidion" of the obelisk. The material with which all the other obelisks were caj)ped, was gold ; and Abdallatif, it appears, says he saw a cap of bronze gilt still remaining in its place. Here, however, the phrase is hem-ham ^ The instrumental m before it, however, shews that it is a substance. It is, unfortunately, mentioned elliptically, without any determinative ; the latter syllable means " black", and, from analogy, some black substance. The nearest approach to this word occurs in the plate representing the tribute brought to Thothmes III from Phut, in the tomb at Thebes, and described in the hieroglyphic text as " the coming in peace of the chiefs of the south land of Phut Pent-han nefer",for " Sent- han nefer, dancing on their foreheads, bearing their tribute, falling down before his majesty the king, the Sun placer of creation (Thothmes III), they see his power in every land". The sixth offering, of the colour of vermillion,;}: reads hemJca ; but it is not sure that it is the same word. Jasper, indeed, is often written shespu. Whatever the material was, it was not gold, but some black substance, to harmonize with the basalt. The monarch who erected these two obelisks has been supposed * ChampoUion, Gr. Egypt., p. 100. \ This place is often mentioned in the texts. The Kefa, who appear in the same place, are stated to be the isles in the midst of the great sea. {Cyprus.) X Hoskins Ethiopia, 4to., Lond. 1830, Tomb at Thebes; Sir G. Wilkin- son, Manners and Customs, Series I, pi. iv. 230 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. to be the Amyrtseus, or Nectabis, /. e. Nectanebo II, whom his name rather resembles. He was after the Persian rule. Soflie fragments of obelisks of the later period existed in the time of Kircher, at Rome. One, which he engraved in his (Edipiis* has the titles of the god Phtha Socharis Osiris, as " great god, lord of the tomb (shfa), who dwells in the palace",t as part of the title of a monarch " beloved of that god"; pro- bably that it was set up at the Hephaesteum of Memphis. After this period, no obelisks of sufficient consequence to attract the attention of travellers have remained, if, indeed, any were erected in the period ; for Egypt, as a conquered province, had all her revenues carried out of the country, and nothing left for public improvement. These great works were connected with the national feeling, and required the energies and re- sources of the people to execute. Even the Ptolemies, the earlier of whom were deeply imbued with the love of art, were unable to execute these works, so low had taste declined. According to Pliny, Ptolemeeus Philadelphus erected one at Alexandria, of 80 cubits in height, which Nectabis had cut in the quarry, but not sculptured with hieroglyphs. This obelisk was transported by the architect, Satyrus. It was placed in the Arsinoeum, by the king, as a mark of conjugal affection. :{: The Ptolemies, indeed, were more distinguished as renewers of obelisks than makers of them ; at all events none remain of theu* temples, although they have raised some that vie with those of the older dynasties. One perfect obelisk, and the broken base of another, remain of those set up at the temple of Philae, which stood at the entrance of the propylon, and which bear the names of Ptolemy Euergetes II, and his wife Cleopa- tra. § A copy of them was first published in a privately-printed plate, by Mr. Bankes, which has been subsequently given by M. Lepsius in his Aiistvahl,\\ from collations and corrections * Kircher, iii, 382. f Place of the Bee I Pliny, N. H., xxvi, s. 14. § See M. Lepsius, Lii. Gaz., May, 1839, p. 279. 1| Tab. xvii. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 231 made with the text. Each side has carved upon it a single Une of hieroglyphs, which offer the curious anomaly of facing two w^ays, those which allude to the king, one way, and those referring to the deities, another. On it are the names of Pto- lemy Euergetes and his wife Cleopatra ; but the inscriptions are loaded with religious phrases, and scarcely express more than that the king has set up this obelisk to his mother, Isis. On the base is a petition, in Greek, to relieve the priests from certain charges made upon them by the different officers of state,* and the rescript of the monarch. The inscriptions of this obelisk have a certain interest, from the part they play in the decipherment of hieroglyphs, as it was from the joint names of Ptolemy and Cleopatra they were first discovered. In the religious portion of the inscriptions there is little of interest. From this time till the Augustan age there is nothing relating to obelisks, except that Strabo,j" who visited Egypt at the period, mentions obelisks at the tombs of the kings, and those of Helio- polis.:}: The idea of transforming them into the gnomons of dials thence commenced, an idea which originated with the Alexandrian school, a great departure from their original scope. Augustus transferred to Pome the obelisk of Semen]3serteus, removed by Ptolemy Philadelphus to the Arsinoeum at Alexan- dria ; and Pliny speaks of the two obelisks of Alexandria, which were the work of the ancient king, Mesphres, by whom he means the king of Manetho's, eighteenth dynasty. These he reckons at 82 cubits ; and, in his time, they stood in the Port at the Temple of C8esar.§ The obelisk which was erected in the Campus Martins at Rome, also removed by Augustus, was nine Roman feet less, and made by Sethosis. This obelisk was con- verted into a gnomon of a dial by the skill of Facundus Novus, a mathematician of the time ; but, after thirty years, it per- formed incorrectly. II These obelisks were dedicated to the Sun. Tiberius dedicated another to Augustus. * Letronne, Inscript., Georg. i, p. 303. t Lib. xviii, p. 1171. \ Ibid., xvii, 1158. § Pliny, N. H., xxxvi, c. 9, s. 14. || Ibid., xxxvi, c. ix, s. 15. 232 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. Caligula removed another obelisk from Heliopolis, and placed it on the extremity of the circus of the Vatican, at the end of the Sjnna* According to Pliny, this obelisk had been erected by Nuncoreus, the son of Sesosis, for the recovery of his sight ;-|* but he merely repeats the story of Pheron. To it Nero hung the crowns which he had gained in the chariot-races of Greece.^ The first Caesars were content to transport, as has been shewn, the magnificent obelisks of the old Egyptian period, and use them as metce or spinse in the hippodromes ; but the last of the twelve, Domitian, who possessed a certain taste for the arts, allied with superstition, revived the Isiac worship at Rome. The rites of this goddess had, indeed, been introduced under the republic ; but they were distasteful to the sterner spirits of the republic, and abolished. Under the empire the worship again revived, but it does not appear that it was well received by the state. Domitian, however, became attracted by its rites and doctrines, and in a spirit of paneclecticism built a Serapeum and Isium in the Campus Martins, instituted a college of priests, had daily offerings of Nile-water made to the goddess, set up at least an obelisk, which still remains at Rome, — the one called the Pamphilian Obelisk, which formerly stood in the circus of Maxentius, near the Appian way. The pyramidion is much destroyed ; and upon each side the emperor stood adoring Ra (Serapis) and Isis. On each side is one perpendi- cular line of hieroglyphs, quite different from those of the Pha- raonic time, distinguished by their leanness and the admixture of new and unusual signs. An attempt is, however, kept up to follow the ancient Pharaonic style of five titles. § It also appears to have been set up early in the reign, for on the eastern side he commences by stating that " he received the kingdom of his father Vespasian, in the place of his true brother, when his soul mounted on high" (ter ap ha f er hri).\\ He also claims to be " lord of festivals, like Phtha", and " beloved of Phtha * Pliny, N. H., xvi, c. 40. f Id. xxxvi, c. 14. X Dio., Ixiii, c. 21. § Ungavelli, tab. iv. i| Id., p. 143. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 233 and Isis". The expression in the standard of the north side, " the powerful youth", shews the commencement of the reign ; he also states that "he has been crowned with the dominions of his father"; and, that " he has set up an obelisk of granite to his father, who allows those that have eyes to see, he has done all that he wishes, establishing the name of the kings of the upper and lower world on the great throne, on the throne of Horus, with those for the Kans Pluia {gens Flavia)^ inscrib- ing the victories of his ancestors". The rest of this inscription is not very intelligible, and is rather in a religious than histo- rical strain. The general information is, that Domitian erected it at the Serapeum. A further proof of the devotion of Domitian to the Isiac worship, will be seen in the obelisks erected before the temple of Isis, at Beneventum. They were a pair; one, the most perfect, still remains in the town ; the other fragment at the Bishop's palace. The first side of the perfect obelisk is probably that marked ii in Ungarelli,* which contains in itself the purport of the whole, stating, that " the noble temple of Isis, mistress of Benemts", or, " Beneventum, and of the parhedral gods, was founded by one Lucillus Lupus", or, " Ilufus,"|' an im- perial officer";:}: the same idea, Avith variations, occurs on the other sides, " whose good name", or appellation, is "Lucillus", etc. " To all the gods and the gods of his country of Beneme- tus", or, " Beneventum". The second, or mutilated obelisk,§ has four lines, one upon each side, repeating the same idea. The emperor is called the ruler of all the tribute countries coming to his house, who takes the country of Rome. There are two other obelisks of this age, one called the * Ungarelli, Int. Ob., tab. v, A. ; Zoega, p. 84 ; also a private plate of Cardinal Borgia. f This name has been hastily read Rufus (Champollion, Precis, p. 95) ; but the sound of the standing lion is by no means known. The seated lion is, of course, an l or k. J Uga nen, etc., on side li, iii, iv, literally, " bringer forth of what is brought"; but whether in the active or passive sense is uncertain. § Ungarelli, tab. v, B. 234 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. Borgian, the other the Albani, which are scarcely known, except from the plates of Kircher* and Zoega ;-|* the first is in the Museo Borbonico of Naples, but the second has unfortunately disaj)peared. There is every reason to believe that they were a pair, which stood before some temple. The' Borgian obelisk bears the Roman name Tacitus,^ or Severus Tacitus,§ perhaps the prefect of Egypt ; while other names, Sextus and Afric- anus, are legible upon both obelisks. || It is impossible, how- ever, from mutilated inscriptions, to make out the reason of the erection of these obelisks, although it is probable that, like those of Beneventum, they were destined for some temple erected in Italy. The aged Nerva, and the rude Trajan, seem to have cared little for the religion of Egypt, which continued to draw forth the sarcastic bitterness of the Homan aristocracy ; and was re- garded as the most degraded form of pantheism, notwithstand- ing the philosophical explanations. Even caricatures were in- dulged in against the Egyptian gods in Egypt itself. The sceptical Hadrian mourned his deceased favourite upon an obelisk. His death in Egypt, upon the Nile, suggested the idea, and the emperor, who probably looked upon the religion as a policy, endeavoured to revive the decaying feeling for paganism by imposing it in all points of view. It is much to be regretted that the critical knowledge of the hieroglyphs is not so far advanced as to clear up the mystery which envelops the death. This monument must have been erected about a.d. 122, and it is the taste of its age. The hieroglyphs are in two vertical lines, like those of the obelisk of Psammetichus, but of an execution far inferior. This obelisk is said to have been discovered on the site of the circus of * Obeliscus Minerveus, p. 176. f De Obelise, p. 192. It is only followed by the expression, shaf, "sets up". I Champollion, Precis, p. 98, pi. vii, 9-11. § So, I think, is to be restored the mutilated group, Sev. Tkts. Champollion, 1. c. NOTES UPON OBELISKS, 235 Aurelian ; but it was probably removed there, for its legends point to another destination. Itis rather difficult perhaps to decide which side commences this inscription ; but the north, which, although mutilated, contains the titles of Hadrian, and which has the emperor represented on its pyramidion, is the first to all appearance. The emperor has a prenomen of some significance, " beloved of the Nile and the other gods". In the second line, which continues with the titles, are some remarkable expressions : — " he has penetrated (peh-naf) every where (au-ateru)^ he has trod this earth in its four directions (client naf ta pen her aft f); the bulls and their cows (females) responding with joy ; he rejoiced his heart with his dearly beloved empress, the regent of the earth, Sabina, the ever-living Augusta." After this occurs, " the Nile, the father of the gods" : (au ter sau) " it was the time of pouring forth the water", refers, imdoubtedly, to the inundations ;* but why men- tioned is by no means clear ; whether describing the death, or festival, of Osiris- Antinoos. The eastern side commences with the name of " Osiris- Antinoos, the justified", coming out of the flesh ; the good youth lamented, or " feted daily", must allude to his death : as that " letting fall liis arms he received the commands, which are those of the gods", may to his throw- ing himself into the Nile, at Besa, for the welfare of Hadrian and the empire ;•!• and there is an allusion in it to Thoth, as lord of Hermopolis, near which he perished. The remain- ing expressions of this side allude to his condition in the future state ; " in", it says, " their time of the night, constantly and daily, as he wishes in the heart of his (Osiris's) servants, he has gone discoursing all that he thinks or wishes, like the beatified souls (recli) offering his adorations, taking his place in the fields of the wise spirits {hacli almr\ who belong to {em necM) Osiris, in the midst of the hills (taser). They make his * Ungarelli, Inf. Ob., tab. v, Kircher iii, p. 371. Zocga, pi. 3. f Dio Cassius, lib. Ixix. VOL. II. R 236 NOTES uroN obelisks. justification, they make his words true in the whole earth, they delight him, allowing him to go wherever he wishes. The doorkeepers of hell say to him, Hail to thee ! they draw their bolts, they open their doors. He begins to be in millions of millions of years, his time is " In the southern inscription the apotheosis of Antinoos is more distinctly described. He is there called Ntiam or Divoni. The part immediately following this is not very clear; it states that xlntinoos "has made his — (heJca) in the midst [em chen) of the city,* which is is its name {fem)^ is his name victorious over those on this earth, with the leaders of the boat, with the of the earth, throughout all mankind, as it were " This is followed by the speech of Thoth and Truth, who announce that they have conferred the usual benefits at his tomb. The left line continues, — that he has been adored by the influence of Thoth and Truth going by his spirits he has gone in his city — of the whole earth because he has heard the lament (?) neh^ he has cried, he has , he has not failed in his career, holding up his head, doing his work while being ; he has made all the transformations to ofler his heart, because he has made himself a god, he is the issue of Subsequently it mentions his mystical birth from his mother. The transformations to offer the heart is a purely Egyptian notion, often found in the ritual.-j* The western side contains information of a more important character, and it is remarkable that no previous decypherer has discovered its meaning. This part commences with " the Antinoos divine, who is at rest in this city, which is in the midst of the fields of the district of the powerful lord of Harama (Rome). He is recognized for a god in the divine city which is in Egypt. Temples have been built to him; he is * If this ambiguous part referred to Hadrian and Sabina, as Ungarelli, p. 180, supposes, it would connect with the north side, but it cannot. f Cf. Lepsius, Todt. tab. xv, c. 26. The chapter of taking the heart in the Hades, and of avoiding that the heart should be taken away, c. 27, 28 ; that he should keep the heart (c. 29), or detain it (taf. xvi, c. 30) ; also taf. xxviii, c. 76. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 237 adored as a god by the prophets and priests of the upper and lower country of Egypt. Likewise a nome has been inscribed to his name, he has been called most honoured (atimiti) of the Greeks of Seth and Ra (Sethroites), who are in the city Baka (Besa). Those who come to this nome have given to them splendid fields, they are good, and live, opening the temple of tliis god, which has been made to him under his name of the Osiris Antinoos, the justified, built of good white stone, sur- rounded with sphinxes, having very many caryatid statues,* both those made of great men before (Egyptians), and of the Greeks, and of all the goddesses, who gave him the breath of life which he breathed in his youth." On the northern side of this obelisk the emperor is seen adoring Anion ; on the others, Antinoos, wearmg the head attire of Phtha Socharis, worships Amon and Ra. The fields of the task, or quarter, of the powerful lord, are probably the Campus Martius, and it is evident, from the expressions, " he is at rest", that the ashes of Antinoos were carried back to Rome and deposited in a sepulchre of the most magnificent description, surrounded with statues, but of what nature it is not quite certain. The probability is, that the statues of the Villa Albani, which are portraits of Antinoos, are thence derived. Another obelisk stood in the circus of Caracalla.f Very conflicting statements are found in the Roman topographers as to the number of obelisks extant in the city. According to P. Victor:}: there were two in the Cu'cus Maximus, the one erect, the other fallen. In the recapitulation§ he gives six great obelisks ; two in the Circus Maximus, one of 120 feet, another of 88| feet ; one in the Vatican of 72 feet ; one in the Campus Martius of 72 feet ; two at the Mausoleum of Augustus 42| feet ; and another in the Insula Tiberina ; besides forty- * Tut, uch, or chti, determined by a sceptre. The meaning of this is un- certain, but perhaps it is the Coptic shau, " a trunk". f Dio, lib. Ixxviii, 9. | De Rec, Grocvius, Thes. iii, p. 108. § Ibid. iii. r2 238 NOTES UPON OBELISKS. two small obelisks with inscriptions. An uncertain author, in the description of Rome, mentions five obelisks; one in the Circus Maximus, 88 J feet high; one in the Vatican, 71 feet high ; one in the Campus Martins, 82^ feet ; the pair at the jNIausoleum of Augustus, 82| feet. Another gives six obelisks ; the two in the circus Maximus of 122 and 88| feet high The one in the Campus Martins, 75 feet high ; two in the Mausoleum of Augustus, 42J feet high. Another version is two in the Circus Maximus, 122 and 79 feet ; one in the Campus Martius.* In the reign of Constantius, a.d. 354, another obelisk was brought from Thebes, and erected in the Circus Maximus, and set up with a brazen sphere upon its apex. Ammianus Marcelli- nus"|* gives the translation of this obelisk from Hermapion ; but its description does not at all coincide with any of the Roman obelisks, and rather resembles that of the obelisks at Luxor. The last of the obelisks is the so-called Sallustian, which was found in the gardens of Sallust. It looks like a barbarous imitation of the Flaminian shaft, probably cut in Egypt, but the hieroglyphs executed by unskilled hands at Rome. As to interpreting its legends, it is an insult to the imagination to attempt them.:}: Strange notions, indeed, prevailed amongst the later philosophical writers as to the nature of obelisks. Porphyry § states that they referred to fire, and that they were therefore dedicated to the Olympian gods. Cyrill thinks that they touched on scientific matters. || In the false book of the Kore kosmou of the Trismegist Hermes,^ the god says that his learning is inscribed upon obelisks. TertuUian** mentions an obelisk which was in the Circus of the Sun : " this enormous obelisk", says he, " as Hermoteles afiirms, has its * Zoega, p. 29 ; Inc. Auct.Descr. tirb. Rom. apud Bandinium deOhelisc. Cats. p. 64. f Lib. x^di, 4 ; for its metrical inscription in Greek and Roman, see Zoega, p. 53. % Ungarelli, tab. vi. Zoega, tab. iv. § Apud Euseb., Prcepar. Evangel., iii, e. 2, 7. 1| Adv. Julian, lib. ix, p. 299. f Fo. 1791. Stobaeus, Eclog. Phys., p. 124. ** De Spectacul., c. 8, p. 418. Obelisci enormitas, ut Hermoteles afRrmat, Soli prostituta. NOTES UPON OBELISKS. 239 sculpture dedicated to the Sun, which gives a notion of the superstition of Egypt". An obelisk appears to have existed in the Strategeum, or hippodrome, of Constantinople, removed from Athens by Pro- clus, a Patrician, under Theodosius the Younger.* In the fourth consulate of Valentinian, and the first of Neoterius, a.d. 390, an obelisk was placed in the Circus. According to Cassi- odorus,']* the greater was dedicated to the Sun, the lesser to the Moon. Julius Valens mentions two obelisks, dedicated by Se- sonchosis to Serapis, in the temple:}: of that god at Alexandria. I have not here endeavoured to identify the existing obelisks with the descriptions of authors ; the task is replete with diffi- culties, and has already been fully weighed by others. To recognize an Egyptian monarch in a Latin or Greek author, is like detecting a known face in a masquerade ; and the question is purely for the topographer. Those who wish to trace them can consult the works of Kircher, Zoega, M. Bunsen, and Nes- tor L'Hote. Neither have I treated on the machinery they required, the restoration of them by popes to proper sites, or their consecration to the saints ; nor have I critically discussed with others their interpretations, sometimes more singular than true, from the time of Kircher to P. Secclii. The critic who ferrets out the sense of these hidden characters, may collate what I have written with the translations of the Jesuit, the labours of Champollion, Rosellini, Ungarelli, and last, but not least, M. Sccchi, who threatens to renew the labours of Kircher. It is, however, to be hoped that he will take care that his novelties arc true, and his truths really new. I have availed myself of the best philological resources in my power ; a more complete labour must be left to those who have genius, leisure, and a hieroglyphic type at their command. S. Birch. * Inc. Auct. Descr. Const, a Guid. Pa/icirullo, 8vo., Vcnct. 1G02. Banduri Imj). Archiv., iii, p. 28-42. f Variar. iii, c. | Mui., Auct. Class., vii, p. 99-100. 240 XIV. ON ACR.E, A SYRACUSAN COLONY IN THE SOUTH OF SICILY, AND ITS PRINCIPAL ANTIQUITIES. Acroterial ornament at Acrte.* QINCE many English travellers annually either visit parts of ^ Sicily, or else make the circuit of that beautiful island, it is not a little remarkable that very few seem to pass through Palazzolo, which is distant between twenty and thirty miles to the west of Syracuse ; but, if they have reached that small town in their wanderings, none of them have yet given to us in England any full or correct account of the important remains of ancient Acrse, which have, of late years, been excavated at Acremonte, near Palazzolo. In order to make up this defici- ency, I purpose^ in the present communication, to describe, although briefly, some of the chief architectural and other interesting monuments still existing in that ancient locality. * See the autkor's paper on "Floral Ornaments", in Trans. H. S. Lit., vol. ii, New Series, and pi. 1, figs. 10, 12. ON ACR^ IN SICILY. 241 The earliest author who mentions Acrse ("AKpm') is Thucy- dides (lib. vi, cap. 5) ; and, from his statement, we learn that it was built by the Syracusans seventy years after their own city had been founded ; and this would correspond with the year 665 B.C. As I travelled directly from the old parent state to Palazzolo, on making the tour of Sicily in 1826, I think it will be not altogether uninteresting to commence this notice with the fol- lowing extract from my diary; then to translate the Duke of Serradifalco's descriptions of the theatre and odeum, which had been discovered near that town three or four years before my visit, adding some comparative details of other like edifices ; and to conclude with an account of the more important anti- quities that have been there disinterred. June 1st, 1826. — We left Syracuse, passing over several draw-bridges, at twenty minutes past 5 o'clock, a.m. We rode up to see the ruins of the castles Labdalum and Euryalus, situated on a hill or ridge, now called Mongi- bellisi,* in the quarter formerly named Epipolse. Of these castles, I only remarked pieces of ancient Hellenic walls, built with solid blocks of limestone, without cement. On one side was a strong square tower. There are also one or more subten-anean passages cut in the rock. We enjoyed here a fine view of the Hyblas, much cornland, the town of Augusta, and the glorious Etna, on one side ; and on the other, Syracuse, the bay, and the blue sea extending towards Cape Passaro, or the promontory of Pachynus. We descended from this table land, and continued our journey towards Floridia. The sun was already very hot. Some persons were engaged in grafting the good olive on the wild olive stock. This sight brought to my mind the beautiful description '-n Romans xi, 17-24. Arriving at the small town of Floridia, at twenty-five minutes past 9 o'clock, we halted two hours, and breakfasted there. Fahren- heit's thermometer, in the shade at 10 a.m., stood at 74°. Remounting our mules, we rode thi'ough a narrow pass, with limestone rocks on each side, along the bed of a river. We then ascended the broad top of Hybla major. Passing some oaks, and trees of ilex and cork, we noticed plenty of the common wild honey-bees. The ground was frequently carpeted with aromatic fiowers ; but the hills were covered only with grass. Many boys were tending cattle and fiocks of goats, and amusing themselves with their little pastoral pipes ; some of them were sitting or lying down in caves in the limestone rocks. The road "''• This is a Siculo-Arabic word, being compounded of an abbreviation for Monte, and of a corruption from Gcbel; both signifying a hill or mount. 242 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS was bad, and the sun, in the afternoon, intensely hot. Our path became much Avorse as we approached Palazzolo, a small town built on the top of a hill. We arrived there at 6 o'clock ; and, as there was no inn, our guides obtained a bed- room for us in the Franciscan convent. We went to call on the Baron Judica, and to see his collection of antiquities. This elderly nobleman was fortunately at home, and he kindly shewed us his interesting relics. Having been engaged for the last sixteen years in making extensive excavations in the site of Acrse, near Palazzolo, his labours had been rewarded in discoverfiig many curious remains, which he explained to us with considerable pleasure. Among these were numerous bronze figures, instru- ments, and utensils ; casts for lamps, in terra-cotta ; a head of Cupid, small, of Greek sculpture ; a little Greek statue of a Faun, very good ; a small head of Minerva, also Greek ; a vast number of Gra2co-Sicilian fictUe vases, with figures, or representations, but mostly of coarse execution ; several Greek in- scriptions, some few of which were of early Christians ; glass bottles, coloured blue, green, etc., found in some of the sepulchres, which the Baron erroneously called Phoenician ; some manuhria, or handles of pottery, inscribed with Greek proper names ; an iron ring, like a serpent, which had been covered with silver, and used for an armlet by some fair Acraean ; and a few engraved gems.* The worthy Baron also showed us his work, entitled Le AntichitA di Acre, which was jiublished at Messina in 1819, and wherein he had given roughly- etched plates of many of his antiques. We bade adieu to the learned Baron, and returned to the convent, where the good monks gave us a very fair supper; and on going to bed at 10 o'clock, I found the height of the thermometer to be 62°. Jime 2nd. — At 5 o'clock, a.m., we started, to \dsit the excavations of Acrse and the theatres. These are situate on a hill, about a quarter of a mile south of Palazzolo, which bears the old name, partially modernized, of Acremonte. The small Greek theatre first arrested our attention. It is in part excavated from the natural rock, and has twelve rows of seats, with eight staircases, which divide the coilon, or cavea, into nine cunei. Portions of the scena and orchestra remain. I stepped the internal diameter of the orchestra, in front of the scena, and foimd it to be twenty-three of my paces, or about 64 English feet.f This * Also in the collection was a winged lion, in terra-cotta, representing a double (paWo9 (see Aniich. di Ercolano, tom. vi., tab. 97 ; and for the icings of a (f)a\\o9, note 2, p. 405), the head forming one, and the tail the second. I observed upon it the two Greek words, KAICY, kuI av, and you J Perhaps meaning, "And hail thou !" f Serradifalco states, in his account (vide post, p. 246), that the internal dia- meter does not exceed 63"5 Sicilian palmi ; but from his plan (fig. 1, tab. 32, vol. iv), the diameter is about 75 s. p., which is much nearer to my measure- ment ; and the latter corresponds with the scale on which the same theatre is again drawn in tab. 44, vol. v. OF ACR^ IN SICILY. 243 neat theatre was discovered in 1825 ; its seats were built upon, not dug out of, the rock. Its back is placed against the hill, and, looking north, it commands a good "view into the neighbouring valleys. Next the theatre is a fine cistern. Its appropriate ocletim is close adjoining, towards the west, but lower; and it has the remains of five rows of seats, divided into three cunei by two staircases ; and I found the internal diameter of the orchestra to be seven of my paces,* about 19 English feet. This very pretty edifice was discovered in 1822 ; but, being so small, it resembled, in my mind, more a model of a theatre, than one which had actually been erected for use. I then observed a piece of a hand- mill, in lava, like those which are commonly seen at Pompeii. Some remains of architecture belonging to temples and pedestals were noticed ; of the latter, one inscribed over, supposed to mean c . verkes, the plunderer of Sicily, was worthy of remark, f Our guide showed us some latomia:, and very many ancient sepulchres, — some having clearly been made by early Christians. The places for the bodies were hollowed out of the rock, like those in the catacombs at Syracuse. I saw a few common Greek characters scratched about on the walls. At the base of a hill, near the rock (Acremonte), are some remarkable and ancient bas-reliefs, sculptured on its surface. They have once been of good execution, but many are much decayed. Some of the figures represented are of large size, particularly one, a female, draped, and sitting down. I thought one of the subjects referred to a sacrifice; and others, to certain rites of the dead, or the reception of souls in hades, or the infernal regions. From the grassy mountain there is an extensive view of the sea near Syra- cuse ; also to the south, and the intervening country. In descending, I observed some huts covered with thatched roofs ; these, our guide said, were houses for the preservation of ice, for the supply of Syracuse and other towns. Much snow falls there in the winter; so, at the present day, the words of Silius Ita- licusj are verified, — " non e tumulis glacialibus Acra) Defuerunt." " \icpa signifies the point or tip of any thing ;§ here, doubtless, the summit of the mountain. The name likewise occurs as a part or division of the ancierit * Serradifalco's plan measures about 22^ Sicilian palmi. f I asked Baron Judica if he knew to what deities the chief temples had been dedicated, and he told me that there was evidence, from inscriptions, of the former existence of a temple to Venus ; of a second to Ceres, of a third to Proserpine, and of a fourth to Diana. \ Punic, lib. xiv, v, 206. § It also means a castle, fort, or jxduce : indeed, some derive the Latin word arx {vom"AKpa. 244 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS city of Jerusalem, — probably for the same reason ; and other Acrae are recorded in Greece. We returned to breakfast at the convent about half-past 6 o'clock. It will be unnecessary to dwell on the early history of Acrae, since little is kno\Mi of it, except in connexion with Syracuse ; and, after the island of Sicily passed into the Roman power, it of course became a tributary city ;* but as it was placed on an eminence, and near lofty hills, it probably had once proved a useful stronghold. It is mentioned, in addition to Thucydides and Silius Italicus, by Diodorus Siculus,-f Livy,:{: Plutarch,§ and others ; and the inhabitants are called by Pliny,|| Acrenses, and by Ptolemy,^ "AKpatol. In later times, the able Sicilian antiquary, Fazzello, correctly pointed out the neighbourhood of Palazzolo for the site of the lost Acroe. He writes : ^'■Pala- zolus oppidum Ao^ce olim appellatum ejus egregium adhuc ad coenobium minorum S. Mariae de Jesu cognominatum jacet cadaver : quod ipsum illius esse et nominis apud seniores vesti- gium, quod u4creM0W5 adhuc est";** in which opinion the learned Prince of Biscari coincided. In the third edition of his book on the antiquities of Sicily jff the Prince, mentioning " la terra di Palazzo" (doubtless intended for Palazzolo) observes : " One meets in this territory with the mountain named Acrimonte, — a name, perhaps, retained from the destroyed city of Acri, which is believed to have been situated in this district, according to the statement of Fazzello." The site of Acree in that place has at length been fuUy * Pliny calls the people of Acrae, " stipendiarii". f Diod. Sic. /ra(/m. lib. xxiii. X ^iv., lib. xxiv, cap. 36. § Plutar., Dion., c. xx\ii. In Reiske's edition (Lipsise, 1776), vol. v, p. 299, the note (54) states that, as there is no place named Ma/c/jfk (the word used in the text) in that part of Sicily, "Aat/jos must be intended ; and in the English translation (edit. Tonson, 1758), vol. vi, p. 27, it is properly rendered, — "this news being brought to Dion, while he lay near Acrce". II Plin., Nat. Hist., lib. iii, cap. 8. ^ Ptol., iii, iv, s. 14, ** De Reh. Sic, Prior Decad., lib. x, p. 207; edit. Francof., 1579. If Viaggio per tutte le Antickitd della Sicilia, Palermo, 1817, p. 100. OF ACR.E IN SICILY. 245 confirmed ; and since the distinguished archaeologist, the Duke of Serradifalco, has published, in his recent beautiful volumes on the Antiquities of Sicily, able and interesting accounts of Acrse, and its ancient remains,* I will insert some extracts from them ; particularly as the work itself is expensive, and not easily obtained by the general reader. " It remains to speak of Acrae, the only one among the Spacusan colonies of which there exist any valuable remains and important records. Various controversies arose at different times among antiquaries about the site of this city, but the monuments, which, by the excavations effected by Baron Judica, and recently by the Sicilian commission of antiquity, were discovered in Acre- monte, near Palazzolo ; as well as the distance of 24 miles that separates it from Syracuse, and which exactly answers to that indicated in the itinerary of Antoninus, and to the Roman Tables, do not leave any doubt that there stood the ancient Acrse.f We have already remarked that the epoch of its foundation was (665 B.C. ; or) in the fourth year of the 28th olympiad : little, in fact, is preserved of the history of its events, connected as they always were with those of the mother country, to which it remained united up to the time of Hiero II (who died 216 B.C.,) when, through the treaties between the Romans and this prince, it was comprehended among the cities that formed the kingdom of Syracuse ;J and when the latter fell into the power of Marcellus (212 e.g.), it followed the lot of all the cities of Sicily, and was numbered by the Romans amongst their tributary places. § " The cavea of this theatre shews that, according to ancient custom, it was cut out of the rock, but the seats were placed upon it, and have therefore for the most part disappeared. The Greek architects were accustomed, in order that those who assisted at the spectacle might be recreated with a pleasant * Vide Le Antich. delta Sicilia, per Domenico Lo Faso Pietrasanta, Duca di Serradifalco, vol. iv, pp. 158-66; Palermo, 1840. f Fazzello (Decad. i, lib. x) determined the site of Acrse to be near Palaz- zolo. Cluverius, taking upon himself to oppose the opinion of Fazzello, esta- blished it where, at this day, is the convent of St. Mary of the Arc ; which, the better to sustain his own assumption with the resemblance of the name, he denominated arbitrarily, of Arcia. But Bonanni {Siracusa Illustrata, p. 190) refuted his error with the best reasons, and supported the opinion of Fazzello, which is now no longer doubted. I Diod., in Excerp. ex lib. xxiii, 5 : 'S.vpuKovaUcv kiu tu'v vtt av-rwv ttoXcwi', AhjJWl', /iT.T.X. § Plin., H. N., lib. iii. 246 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS prospect, to place the cavea in that direction which would afford the most delightful and cheerful landscajie. Nor, indeed, could any one desn-e a better SCALE OE 40 ENGLISH BEET Plan of the Theatre and Odeum of Acr®.* site than that w'hich the inhabitants of Acrse had selected for their theatre, in- asmuch as it commands the fertile valleys and verdant hills of Acrse ; and the majestic Etna, erecting its crest above the clouds, closes the picture. " The theatre is divided by staircases into nine wedges {cunei), in each of which are comprised twelve rows of seats. There is no doubt, however, that the cavea of the Acrensian theatre possessed greater extent ; for traces of some seats that are discernible all along, in the plane of the rock which is inclined from the south side, convert the conjecture into certainty. The edifice, of which the internal diameter does not exceed the measure of 63-5 Sicilian palmi,f presents no trace of an inclosure ; the smallness of which attests that it was not necessarily made by chance. Moreover, there exist remains of the pulpitum and proscenium, in the front of which two niches are to be seen. On both sides of the scena, traces of two doors are still visible, by which, like those in the theatre of Pompeii, access was had to the orchestra. On the other side of the scena one there finds some places for preserving water and grain. " On the west are to be seen, hollowed out in a great measure under the rock whereon the theatre is situated, the remains of another smaller theatre, * Reduced from Serradifalco, vol. iv, pi. 32. A picturesque view of some architectural fragments, and of the theatre of Acne, is given in vol. iv, pi. 31. t But see my measurement a)i(e, p. 242, and note f . OF XCRJE IN SICILY. 247 whicli every thing demonstrates to have been entirely covered. This is divided by tw^o staircases into three wedges, or eunei, the seats of which Avere placed over. Upon the diameter of the cavea there exist, all along, the foundations of a rectangular building that is prolonged towards the south, where, at the end of the semicircle, are the remnants of stairs, by which one descended from the upper floor, where the theatre stood. "It is known that ever since the time of Pericles, the Greeks had, besides the theatre, another sort of edifice, wherein poets and musicians contended for the prize, and which bore the name of odeum,* from the use to which it was destined. Not yet, indeed, has any writer on this kind of edifice handed down to us a complete description of it ; and Vitruvius himself, who minutely explains so many buildings of less importance, is silent respecting the rules for the proper construction of the odea. It is, therefore, our business to investigate what traces of them exist in the neglected passages of ancient Avriters. " Pausanias, describing the monuments of Athens, says, ' before the entrance of that theatre Avhich is called the odeum, are the statues of Egyptian kings'. f Accordingly, as his words denote, the form of the odeum was in a great degree similar to that of a theatre. And to strengthen the argument, a passage of Plutarch assists much, wherein, speaking of the odeum at Athens, it is related that there were seats in it, J exactly like those which are to be seen in a theatre. Finally, the scholiast of Aristophanes (in Ves])is), does not permit of any further doubt on this subject, where he says, that ' an odeum is a place in the form of a theatre, in which poems used to be recited, previous to their being acted in a theatre'. In fact, all those who have preceded in these researches, have constantly affirmed that odea possessed a form like that of theatres, if not for the very same purpose for which they were at first designed, and they have argued that they were only smaller theatres. " Vitruvius, treating of porticos and covered passages, that were usual behind the theatre, speaks incidentally of the odeum, Avhich Pericles built in Athens, adding, that it was covered with the masts and sails of the Persian ships : — * et exeuntibus e theatre sinistra parte odeum, quod Athenis Pericles§ columnis * Suidas, V. wcctov, says that this word was derived from 'Qr »), a song. \ Pausan., lib. i, C. 8, S. 6 : To*) Ocdrpou ^e 8 KaXovtriv wte7ov, av^piavTCi Trpo Tws i(p6?jov ftaaCKciov ciaiv Ac'ivTrTiwv . J Plutarch, in Pericl. § Dr. E. D. Clarke (in note I, p. 254, chap, iv, vol. vi, 8vo. edit, of his Travels) considered that this account of Vitruvius "caused the odeum of Hero- des to be confounded with the theatre" of Bacchus. He observes : " There were three diff'erent monuments which had received the name of odeum ; one at the south- cast angle of the citadel, Avhich was the Odeum of Pericles ; ano- ther at the south-west angle, which was the Odeum of Herodes Atticus ; the 248 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS lapideis disposuit, navlumque inalis, et antennis e spoliis Persicis pertexlt';* and Plutarch remarks, that this covering was made for the entire height, because, as rejiort said, it resembled the tent of Xerxes. f From this we learn that the odeum differed from a theatre, in being furnished with an awning or roof; nor could this have been otherwise, when we consider that a covering was convenient| for an edifice intended for the contentions of poets and musicians ; so Vitruvins calls this to mind where he mentions the porticos and covered passages that were erected behind theatres, and lastly, that the small dimension of the odeum made it very easy to cover it with a roof.§ I must say, indeed, that there is no author who attributes a scena to the odea ; and, in truth, from the purposes of this kind of edifice, it need not be argued for what the scena might have served, because the pulpit was alone sufScient, as poets and musicians made in it a trial of their power. Hence we must conclude, 1st, that the odeum had the form of a theatre ; 2dly, that it differed from it in being furnished with a coverifig ; 3rdly, that it wanted the scena, having only the pulpit ; and 4thly, that being erected near a theatre, it might, with its porticos and covered passages, serve for shelter to those, who being present at the spectacle, might be surprised by showers. || odeum mentioned by Pausanias, again, is considered as a third. The Abbe Barthelemy believed the Pnyx to have been called Odeum by Pausanias. The subject is, indeed, somewhat embarrassed." * Vitruv., lib. v, c. 9. The same writer adds that this odeum having been burnt, was afterwards restored by Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia. This was destroyed by fire on the occasion of Athens being captured by Sulla, in the year 86 B.C., and was rebuilt by Ariobarzanes the second, between the years 63 and 50 B.C. •j" Plutarch., in Pericl. X And, indeed, necessary for the better retention of the sounds of the music and singing. § Plutarch says Pericles had ahead like a axivo's, squill ; wherefore Cratinus, alluding to the conical figure of the roof of the odeum, thus ridiculed him : *0 ff'x^tvo h:e(pa\o9 Zevs o^e Trpoaepj^etai YXepiKKerfi, Twcetov iiri too Kpaviov Fi')(wv, e7rei(J7] TouaTpaKOV TrapoiKerai. (Plut. in Pericl. tom. i, p. 353.) The squill, or sea onion, in Athenian vernacular dialect, was sometimes called axivo'i, instead of 'S.KiWa (Dioscor., lib. ii, cap. 202), or 'S.KvWa (Theoph., lib. vii, cap. 12). The large globoso-ovate bulb of this plant, abundant on the shores of the Mediterranean, "is frequently as big as a child's head". It is the Scilla maritima of Lin. (See fig. 918, vol. xxiii; Curtis's Bot. Mag.; and the author's memoir on the Classical Plants of Sicily, No. 141. II Vitruv., 1. c. OF ACR.E IN SICILY. 249 "Proceeding next to examine the Acrensian monument, it will be easily seen how all these circumstances concur, and quite agree in it ; because it is clear that it is a little theatre, covered, in a great degree, by the same rock wherein it is excavated ; deprived of the scena, but furnished with a pulpit ; that being prolonged to the south it presents space enough for the construction of porticos ; and lastly, adjoining to the theatre, with which, as w^e have observed, it could communicate by the staircase, of which there remain several steps. Hence then, without fear of mistake, we are able to esteem the identical edifice an odeum. " But since the importance of this monument is considerable, it is necessary to take a view of those edifices, of the same kind, of which ancient writers have preserved the memory. The first odeum, of which any notice is left, is that which Pericles caused to be built* in Athens, wherein the choristers of the difierent tribes exercised.f This noble example was copied by many cities of Greece. Pausanius records the odeum of Corinth, near the fountain Pirene,}' another at Smyrna, worthy of note for the famous picture by Apelles, represent- ing the Graces, § and finally, the odeum of Patrae ; and there, by a digression, he alludes to that which, in his time, Herodes Atticus constructed in Athens, for the purpose of honouring his consort Regilla.|| " Rome had similar monuments at a later period. Fabricius, in his description of Rome, interpreting erroneously a passage in the letters of Cicero to Atticus, supposes that in Rome even four odea^ existed, though the learned allow but two ; — viz., one built by Domitian,** and the other, which was erected when Trajan was emperor,ff by the celebrated architect Apollodorus.j:!: Of these indeed the memory alone remains. " Coming now to the examination of the existing monuments, we must first of all consider that the resemblance in form between theatres and odea was the * About the middle of the fifth century before Christ. f To understand what importance the Greeks placed on these musical con- tests, it is well to remember the Choragic Monument that is seen in Athens, raised in honour of Lysicrates, on account of the victory which the tribe of Acamantis obtained in the contests of the Choruses, when Evsenetus was archon. (b.c. 335.) See Stuart and Revett's Antiquities of Athens, vol. i, cap. iv, plate 23. % Pausan., lib. ii, cap. 3, s. 6. § Ibid., lib. ix, cap. 35, s. 2. II Ibid., lib. vii, cap. 20, s. 3. This author writes, " in memory of his de- ceased wife"; and see Dr. E. D. Clarke's account of what he calls the Odeum of Regilla. {Travels, vol. vi, p. 253, 8vo. edit.) ^ Fabricius, Descrip. Urbis Roitice, c. 12, p. 510, apud Gx^sVn, Antiq. Rom., tom. iii, ** Sucton. in Vit. Domit., c. 5. ff Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xvi, cap. 10. X\ Xiphilin. lib. Ixix, p. 336, tom. iv. 250 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS reason, as the eminent Quatremere de Quincy* has opportunely remarked, why artists and travellers have frequently confused the one with the other ; and, perhaps, the same thing happened to Stuart,f when he gave the name of the Odeum of Regilla to the ruins of that vast theatre at Athens, which Spon and Wheeler esteemed the Areopagus, and which Dr. Chandler supposed to be the Pnyx;J and who, it seems, ought not to say the same of the little theatre of Laodicea, which some have judged to be a Greek odeum, § and which Chandler ascribed to the time of the Romans. || The want of characteristic circumstances, therefore, wherein odea differed from theatres, is the real cause why the ablest men have held different opinions concerning those monuments which they have visited, omitting to detain themselves on the odeum of Pompeii, because it is Roman ; and on the smaller theatre of Catania,^ of which we shall say that it possibly might, in its day, have been an odeum, and of the Grecian, or Roman period as Millin** judged. So it does not seem that we have raised our hopes too highly by flattering ourselves that we have evidently demonstrated, in this Acrensian monument, the first distinct example of a Grecian odeum ; because, until now, in it alone concur the conditions of being small, covered, deprived of the scene, and adjacent to the theatre." The preceding accounts of the theatre and odeum, If I have translated in full from the Italian of the Duke of Serradifalco, because of their great architectural interest. That of the latter especially, I consider to be the most complete of any on the same subject with which I am acquainted ; indeed, in this * Diet. (V Architect, v. Odeon. j- Antiq. Athen., iii, c. 8, p. 51 ; and see the former note § at p. 247 ante. \ Travels in Greece. See also Dr. E. D. Clarke's description of the Pnyx, Travels, vol. vi, chap, v, p. 299 ; 8vo. edition. § Antiq. of Ionia, ii, p. 32. II So Millin thought of it ; vide Diet, cles Beaux Arts, v. Odeon. ^ On the theatre of Catania, the memoir of the able architect, Musmeci (^Illustrazione dell' Ocleo di Catania, 1822) may be consulted with advantage. ** Millin, Diet, des Beaux Arts. f f I may as well remind the reader of the three kinds of ancient edifices for spectacles and music : — 1, the theatre {Odarpotf) was the most ancient, and was used for seeing plays acted, or spectacles ; 2, the odeum {wheiov), was an edifice for music and singing, — and was so named from the Greek word, t*;^?) {ode), a song; 3, the amphitheatre (^a^ipiOeaTjwv), literally a double theatre, exactly resembled two theatres joined together at the diameters of their orchestras. It was the latest kind of building invented by the Romans, for spectacles, and in which the visitors could perfectly see all around. OF ACR-T. IN SICILY. 251 country, I do not know any description of the ancient odeum so ample and instructive.* In Messrs. Spratt and Forbes's Travels in Lycia (vol. ii), there is a plate representing the comparative sizes of some Lycian theatres, and of one odeum. The latter was discovered at Cibyra ; and, with regard to its close position (about 100 yards) on the south of the theatre, it may be compared with that of the Acrensian structures. In the description of this odeum, the authors observe : "On the inner surface of the high wall or front connecting the two sides, are several 7'ows of small holes pierced in the stones, as if for the purpose of hanging shields or trophies. "■]' These holes, however, appear to me rather to have served for rods, or cords, for the purpose of supporting or fastening the tent-like roof oy covering of the odeum. Another small odeum is shcsvn in the same work (vol. i, p. 1, letter f) as existing at Pinara, 86 feet in diameter, but this is large in comparison with the odeum at Acrse, which is the smallest of all such edifices that have, as far as I know, yet been discovered. The one nearest to it, which I have seen, is the " little theatre" at Pompeii, the internal diameter of the orchestra of which is about 23 feet ; but this is owing to there being four rows of seats placed within the space usually reserved for the entire orchestra. The theatre in all other respects is very much larger than the odeum at Acrae ; and this " little theatre" at Pompeii must, notwithstanding the different opinions of some travellers, be truly considered as an odeum ; for in an inscrip- tion found there, and given in Sir Wm. Gell's Pompeiana (vol. *" For a comparative view of different Sicilian theatres, as well as of another odeum at Catania, which, in fact, nearly equals in size the theatre of Acra;, I will refer the reader to Serradifalco (vol. v, plate 44), and to Col. Leake's Tour in Asia Minor (p. 328), for the diameters of many Grecian theatres and of two odea. Also the student's attention should be directed to the same learned author's exposition {ihid. pp. 323-8) of Vitruvius's construction of the Roman theatre, and of the orchestra of the Greek theatre. f Spratt and Forbes, vol. i, p. 250. See the plan of (he ruins of ('ibyra, by Capt. Spratt. VOL. II. S 252 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS ii, p. 247), it is called " Theatrum tectum'', also, its immediate proximity to the real, or " great theatre", with which it com- municated by a portico, clearly determines that it was so.* Among the sepulchral monuments represented in the work by Serradifalcof is one of a somewhat pyramidal form, " crowned," stela at Acrse. as the duke writes, " by a Doric entablature with a dentilled cornice, and by a gable with angular antefixes. In the front of this monument, a large square case (shiine) is seen, in the bottom of which there is a hollow, which denotes the outline of an allusive statue of pottery,+ which occupied it ; and in the plain cornice of the case are to be seen two other small circular hollows that contained votive rings. * See plate 73 in Gall's work, for a good view of the interior of this odeum; and for the plan of it, and scale on which it is drawn, consult ihid., plate 64. f Vol. iv, plate 33. The statue is shewn to a larger scale in the vignette, p. 156, No. 3. \ From these may have originated the small shrines with the figures of the Madonna, so common in Sicily, Italy, etc. OF ACR.^ IN SICILY, 253 " This monument becomes a most important one, because it distinctly shews the use for which the frequent little Doric entablatures might have been intended, all designed after the like fashion, that have been discovered in Acrae ;* as besides, it points out for what these statues of pottery might have served, which evidently represent portraits, and have been recovered at different times in Acrse." But in further considering the use of these statues, or images, and ornaments, these questions have occurred to me : Can these statues have been designed for what many of the Greeks, and particularly the Athenians, called 'Eiccnaia, little statues of Hecate, which were placed in small cells, in the public roads, and before the doors of their houses ? — ^inasmuch as they were wont to esteem her the overseer of their families, and the protector of their children : consult Potter, Arch. Grcec, vol. i, p. 386. Or were they merely the images or portraits of deceased relatives or friends ] The rings were probably funereal, Koafioi, ornaments : and the late Dr. E, D. Clarke has " stated that the sepulchral terra- cottas have sometimes the form of images." He likewise observes, that " the nature of the kSct/xoi has never been ex- plained ; any more than that of the veprcpwv thjdXjuma (Eurip. in Ale, V. 612), said to be carried by those who followed the corpse; by some translated imagines; by others, g7'ata muneray Fine pottery, or " pure clay, was an offering to the gods."t In the neighbourhood of Acrse are several remarkable figures in alto-rilievo, executed in the natural rock, and which, though long known to the traveller, have not yet been sufficiently studied by the antiquary. M. J. Houel, so long ago as 1785, engraved in the third volume of his Voyage Pittoresqiie en Sicile^X some of these sculptures ; he supposed them to be alle- gorical figures, but did not attempt any explanation of them. * Serradifalco, vol. iv, pi. 34, gives some architectural fragments also of tlie Doric order. f Clarke's Travels, vol. vi, p. 464, 4th edition, 8vo. I They are also shown in Serradifalco, plate 35. S 2 254 ox THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS The place where they are to be seen is commonly named by the Sicilians, La Cuntrata del Santicedda, " the street of the holy cell", which is a small hill near the mount of the ancient Acrse. At the base of this hill, and in the natural stone, are cut in high relief many well-executed figures of good design, which the common people have called Santtmi, i.e., the " Great Saints". Houel Avrites : " If these sculptures have been made in the time of Hiero II, when his palace occupied the summit of the hill, of which they ornament the foot, they may have pertained to a temple of the infernal gods, or to some monuments of the dead,"* And Sir R. C. Hoare, who travelled in Sicily in 1790, says,t in " Acre Monte, I was shewn a subterraneous passage, said to belong to a palace + of king Hiero; and was informed that a Greek inscription, with the words BaaiXev^ 'Upiw, had been used by the Dominicans in some building. In a small valley beneath, and near a spring which issues from a cavity in the rock, are some fragments of antiquity, which deserve notice for their singularity. They are unlike any others in Sicily, and seem peculiar to this district. In niches formed in the rock are figures cut in basso-rilievo. The principal is a female, the size of life, and it is often surrounded with others of smaller dimensions. Most of them bear crowns, similar to those usually given to the goddess Cybele.§ I could discover no traces of any inscription. These sculptures have suffered much from inattention: the forms of several are distinguished with the * Voij. Pitt., iii, 114. f Classical Tour, vol. ii (2nd edition), p. 305. \ From the supposed ruins of this palace, or arx, the modern name of Acre, or Palazzolo, has very probably been taken ; indeed, Biscari has actually termed it Palazzo. (See ante, p. 239, and note §, at p. 238.) § This is a mistake, for the crown is not a mural one, or consisting of turrets, such as is assigned to Cybele, but the simple modius, or corn measure. That goddess also was generally accompanied by a lion, and not a dog. (See Tassie's Gems, vol. ii, plate 16, No. 800.) Capt. Smytli, in his Avork on Sicily, has continued the same error. OF ACR.E IN SICILY. 255 greatest difficulty, and all the faces are totally destroyed. They have been little noticed by travellers, and no one has attempted to explain their use or signification." Some of the subjects so represented in the hard rock, allude, I have no doubt, to certain funereal rites, or were intended as sepulchral honours to deceased friends, who have been very Hkely interred in the neighbouring catacombs .or necropolis. The most remarkable figure in nearly all these niches is a colossal female, often sitting down, covered with a long garment, and bearing on her head the modms, corn measure, or bushel ornament. These reliefs contain nine principal, and several smaller groups, disposed in two rows, with some partly-effaced little niches, whose figures have either fallen out, or been removed. In all of them the same large figure of a female, clothed with long drapery, and crowned with the modius, occurs ; and behind her are to be seen children, or little human figures, in different postures. In the second large relief on the left of Serradifalco's upper roAv, in fig. 2, pi. 35, which is the same as Houel's third bas- relief, pi. 198, the colossal female is standing, and placing her right hand, as if in approbation or protection, upon the head of a little girl, and pressing with her left the right hand of Mercury, who holds the caducous in his left hand. A dog,* between them, is turned towards the female ; and some other figures, with a man upon a horse on each side, complete the tablet. The Duke of Serradifalco supposes this colossal female to signify Isis, and the dog represented at her feet to be Cerberus. In answer to the latter, I must observe that, as the dog there sculptured bears only one head, I cannot think that it was meant for Cerberus ; and instead of the former, or Isis, I con- ceive it more likely that the female was intended for Hecate. In considering the greater probability of this large and dig- * Sec note S. p. 219. 256 ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS nified female figure having been executed at an earlier period than that in which the worship of Isis prevailed, and therefore meant for the goddess Hecate, it will be here unnecessary to discuss whether or not Libera, Cora, Proserpine, or the Grecian Persephone, or Ceres, or the Grecian Demeter, or Luna, Diana, or the Grecian Artemis, or the Egyptian Isis, are identical with Hecate, or merely different attributes and personifications of the same mystical goddess, or totally distinct and separate deities. It will be enough for my view of the subject to regard Hecate as a divine personage, more plainly delineated in the mythology of the earlier writers, Cicero states distinctly that the whole of Sicily was dedicated to Ceres and Proserpine, — " Vetus est hcec opinio quoe constat ex antiquissimis Grcecorum literis atque monumentis, insulara Siciliam totam esse Cereri et Liberie consecratam".* And Pindar had long before narrated that Sicily was the portion of Proser- pine rf "^TTe^pe vvv (i^fKaiav riva vaatv, Tap 'OXv/LiTTov BeffTTOTa'i Zeus eCioKev ^epae(pova' Kaievev- aev T6 01 ■^atjais, api- arevoiaav ivKafnrov ■)(6ovo9 "SiiKeXiav TTieipav op6w- eetv Kopv(pai^ ttoXiiov a(pvea7s. " Now to the isle some tribute raise, Which Jove, Olympus' sovereign lord, Pledged with a nod his sacred word, (When to Persephone^ s command Was given Sicilia's fertile land) To gild with wealthy cities' towering praise.":]: Also the scene of the well known and beautiful tale of Cora or * In Verrem, Act. ii, lib. iv, cap. 48. f Find., Nem. i, v. 16-22. The Scholiast, on this passage, says, Jupiter gave the whole of Sicily to Proserpine, as a portion on her marriage with Pluto, and observes that the entire island was (e^ "PX^]^) under the rule of Ceres and Proserpine. t Rev. C. A. Wheelwright's Transl. Pincl, First Nem., Ode v, 15-20. OF ACR^ IN SICILY. 257 Proserpine, the daughter of Ceres, having been carried off by Pluto, was laid, by some ancient authors, in the meadows — " Of Enna, where Proserpine gathering flowers, Herself a fairer flow'r, by gloomy Dis Was gather' d",* — to the north-west of Acrae ; and it is related that the trans- parent and deep fountain of Cyane, near Syracuse, issued forth from the place where Pluto descended with her into his realm below. f On this occurrence, Hecate, a daughter of Jupiter and Ceres, was sent by the former to seek for Proserpine. More- over, Homer, in his hymn to Ceres, says that Hecate and Apollo (Helios):}: witnessed from her cavern the carrying away of Pro- serpine, and also heard her cries ; that, after Ceres had wan- dered for nine days, she met, on the tenth day, Hecate, who, with a lighted torch in her hand, accompanied her mother in searching for Proserpine ; and, that after they had discovered her, Hecate, remaining with Proserpine — then the queen — was instituted a goddess of the infernal regions. Afterwards she ruled over, and wandered about with, the souls of the dead, and became the chief deity of purifications, and was usually followed by Stygian dogs. Her appearance was made known by their bowlings ;§ and the same animals formed part of the sacrificial offerings to her, — wherefore Lycophron has termed her Kvv6(f)dr{rj, the " devourer of dogs". And so the Sicilian poet very appro- priately invokes this mighty divinity, of whom a more ancient bard (Hesiod) states (Tlieog, v, 415) : * Milton, Par. Lost, iv, 269. f Vide Cicero, in Verrem, lib. iv, cap. 48; Diodor. Sic, lib. v, c. 3, 4, 5 ; Ovid, Met., lib. v, v. 385-437; Fast., lib. iv, v. 422, etc. X Horn., Hymn, in Cer., v. 25, 26, etc.. Lips. 1787; and also sec Rev. R. Hole's translation into English verse. Lond. 1781. § " VisKque canes ululare per umbram, Adventante Dca". — (Virg., ^n. vi, 257.) " And howling dogs in glimmering light advance. Ere Hecate came". — (l)rydcn, Jlry. ^l^n. vi, 367.) 25S ON THE THEATRE, ODEUM, AND OTHER MONUMENTS 'AdavuToi^ TG Oeo7ai TCTi/Liei'ij icsii /LiuXicna.'^ 'AWo 'S.eKcu'a ^aive KoXbv 7\v '^/ctft TTOTaeitro^iai aav)^a caifioi/, Ta -^Oovi'a 0' 'EiKara, -rav at aKvXaice^ rpofieovri ^p-)(Ofievav vcKvwv ava t' ^ipta kiu fteXav aifia. Xfu// 'E.voTw cacTTrXijTi, icai e's teXos uf^ii.itv oTTTjSet. " O queen of night, Pale moon I assist me with refulgent light ; My imprecations I address to thee, Great goddess, and infernal Hecate, Stain'd with black gore, whom ev'n gaunt mastiffs dread, Whene'er she haunts the mansions of the dead : Hail, horrid Hecate ! and aid me still. "f * The presence, then, of a clog in several of the Acrensian rock-reliefs, will tend to confirm my supposition that Hecate is the large figure there sculptured ; and, as the mighty ruler over the souls of the dead, conducted by the god Mercury (Her- mes Psychagogos), she would be a proper deity to be thus intro- duced into sepulchral memorials to departed friends, by their survivors, and in the immediate vicinity of the necropolis of the city. Hesiod fui'ther describes Hecate as affording victory and fame to warriors, assisting horsemen, and superintending the birth and nurture of children, Kovporiwcpo^.-^ Hence it appears that the small human figures in the sculpture (fig. 2, upper row of Serradifalco, already described) are intended for children, whom that goddess was wont to protect, and the men on horse- back, travellers, or more likely warriors, to whom she had ren- dered assistance, or granted the rewards of victory : EaOXij S 'nnnjeaai Trapearapev, 019 k iOeXrjffi. * So Virgil, ^n. vi, 247,— "Voce A-ocans Hecaten, coeloque Ereboque potentem". t Theocr., Idi/l. ii, v. 10-14; and F. Fawkes's Trans, of Theocritus, idyl, ii, V. 11-17. This Greek poet, being a native of Syracuse, is most likely to have given a true, though a poetical, account of the invocation or worship of Hecate, as practised in his time in that part of Sicily. X Hesiod., Thcoyonia, vv. 431-52. OF ACR-E IN SICILY. 259 Some, perhaps, may be inclined to hold that, as this large sculptured female is not a triple figure, it cannot represent the goddess Hecate ; but I must remind them that we learn from Pausanias that the more ancient and original figure of this goddess had only one face and one body ; and that Alcamenes was the first (about 4^0 b.c.) who made a triple statue of Hecate with three bodies joined together.* In connexion with a portion of the preceding mythological narrative, I may mention that, as there was a famous temple dedicated to Ceres and Proserpine in the parent city of Syra- cuse jI or as, according to Cicero, there were, in the quarter of Syracuse called Neapolis, two celebrated temples, one of Ceres, and another of Proserpine,:j: — so at Acrse, the daughter- city, it is known from inscriptions that a temple to each of those goddesses once existed. These facts, then, will go to prove that the rare Acraean coin I am now about to describe, bears further reference to the same myth respecting Ceres and Proserpine. § The Duke of Serradi- falco docs not describe this coin ; but the Prince of Torremuzza (Castello)ll thus notices it : " This coin was first published by * '0/uoi'w9 eu Trpoaunrov re, icai to \017rov aw/iiu. ' A\Kajuei>7j9 Be (^ejiioi ?ovc?i') TrpwTO'} «'ya\/^/6piov ripaiTe(^^')ra70v,'rov \afnrpo7a70v aTroeTrapxj^v Tij? jSafftXev- Vfidvt09 i^oaoOeios'AaKKrjTriocoTO's oXafnrpOTaTO^ VTrmiKO^ avearrjffev, (8.) (.prjTwv eTrapxj-a's OiKOVfievios AoS'/. Toma. In the jurisdiction of Castel Bonifacio, and in the neighbour- hood of the village of St. Toma, the following Greek inscription is found engraved on a lofty and precipitous rock, beneath which are the ruins of some ancient buildings. " Deabus Cereris, et filiae Larchia Diana Eutonide filia."* LEBENA. This city is referred to by Homer in the second Iliad. It contains a large spring of w^ater, from whence water was sup- plied by aqueducts, parts of which are still remaining, to Gortyna. A bridge of considerable span, and various other remains also exist. It contained a temple of JEsculapius, built on the model of that at Cyrene, and was resorted to even by strangers from Africa. t the cultivated land in Crete must have been too valuable to allow of its being wasted by the working of an open quarry ; and from this cause, and for the more easy quarrying of the stone, and from its receiving less damage from the action of the atmosphere, he considers that this subterranean quarry was con- trived. " The galleries are generally wide and spacious, and almost always sufficiently high ; the chambers are three to five fathoms high ; and the walls, where stones have been quarried, smooth." (F. W. Sieber, Reise nach der Insel Kreta, i, p. 511-520.) (a) and (b) are entrances to the quarry, now filled up. At (c) the corridor is obstructed by blocks of stone and chips, and there must have been another entrance in this vicinity : a communication with the exterior must also have existed at (d). By the side of the principal entrance is a smaller excavation, at (e). * The original is not given. t Paus. ii, 26; Philost. Vita Apollon., iv, 11. THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 287 " Fairhavens.''* [This place, which, with the cape Sammonium, the port Phcenix, and the island Clauda, are interesting to us from their connexion with St. Paul's ship- wreck, still preserves its ancient name of Kaloi-limenes. LAPSEA, [sive LISEA ?) Near the Caloi Limenes, on the summit of the hills, are the remains of the city Lapsea, surrounded by precipitous mountains. A temple, with its statue, lies in ruins. Other vestiges may be traced near the harbour. f] MATALIA. Proceeding from this spot towards the west, we come to Santa Maria di Matala^ where are some ruins and mosaic pavements,^ the site of the ancient Matalia, which was one of the ports and emporia§ of Gortyna. In this city of Matalia was a temple, on which was written the following sentence : — "Uncover thy head, and wash thy feet, and then enter into this holy place." || PHAESTOS. In the British Museum. * The most recent and elaborate account of this portion of St. Paul's travels, is contained in the Lije and Epistles of St. Paul, by Rev. W. J. Conybeare and the Rev. J. S. Howson, now publishing by Longmans. •j- Bondelmonte, Dcscript'w Cretcc, in Cornel. Creta Sacra, i, 3. % Bondelmonte calls them "most noble"; so also MS. No. 11. § The other port of Gortyna was Lebena. II Dr. Pococke states that the plans of several chambers arc visible in the rock, and that some tombs cut in the perpendicular cliff are six and seven stories in height. The walls of the city can be traced. {Dcscn'pL of the East, p. 250.) 288 ""DESCRIZIONE DELL ISOLA DI CANDIa", 1538. [Phsestos was celebrated for its temple of Latona Phytia* It had also a temple of Venus Scotia.]^ OAXOS. In the district of Rettimo, in the territory of Castel Milopo- tamo, on the north side of Mount Ida, are found many vestiges of the ancient Oaxos, at a place now called Axo^ consisting of mutilated inscriptions, ancient sepulchres, broken columns, and foundations of walls. The principal object is a noble aque- duct which conveyed water from a lofty mountain to another which, from its numerous ruins of great and sumptuous edifices, is supposed to have been included in the city.+ Here was found a marble tablet attached to an ancient wall, and bearing the following inscription, which, though rudely and ignorantly executed, consists of four beautiful Greek verses. It has since been removed to the church of the Santo Crucifisso, Avithin the town. M?y fiov ivv^pia(^a)7j'i ar^ivov tacjiov, w TrapoCira Mr] aoi fiTjviai^tti) wiKpov iir 'Aye(Ti(^\a) T\epae(j)ova re Kopa ^afiarepo^' a'^W^a irapepTrwu EtV(o)i/ 'ApareiW Ta7av e;>^ojs i\a(jipav. " Scoff not, O mortal ! at the humble grave, Lest thou be called by Pluto ; lest the wrath Of Ceres' daughter, Proserpine, o'ertake thee : But, passing by, say thou to Arate, — 'Earth light lie over thee.' " There are also many other inscriptions scattered about among * Anton. Liberalis, Met., c. 17. f Etym.Magn.{s,vib. v. Cytherea.) It possessed the port of Matalia previously to being conquered by the Gortynians. (Diod. Sic, v; Polybius, lib. iv.) Bondel- monte mentions a lofty rock, immediately after describing Priotissa, on which an aqueduct, and columns of different coloured marbles, are to be seen. He assigns the ruins to the ancient Succeta ; the modern name is Calenus. [Descr. Crefce, i, 5.) Culevi appears, in Coronelli's map, in the immediate neighbourhood of Priotissa. X The distance across the valley is about seventy to eighty paces. (Pashley, i, 152.) The walls of the city are very remarkable, being of carefully-fitted Cyclopean masonry. A view of them is given in p. 143. THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 289 the ruins, but which, either from the ignorance of the sculptors, or from the use of abbreviations, are unintelligible. [The tombs of this place are singular. They are not cut in the rock, but project in front of it, and are covered with vaulted roofs. They are lined on the inside with plaster.*] Grotto of Mercury. At Milopotamo, in the district of E-ettimo, close to Castel 3Ielleclone^ and a mile and a half from the said village, is a cavern penetrating the flanksf of a mountain. At the entrance of the grotto, on the left hand side, is an inscription of twelve Greek verses cut in the live rock,:{: which, though of elegant construction, display many errors of the unpractised sculptor. "ApTCfii^ y 'S.aWoviov Ov^anjp. Ovpeai TaSXaioiaiv ihpvfieve Maia£o9 'Epf.ifj, 'S.Trot/t'^v Kai Ovaitjv Se^o (jiiKo(ppoavvo'i, 'Hi' aoi 2aA.\oV«05§ Mj^i^as \oi^a7ai f^epaipei, KTwffeo? G^ oatrj's '^v)^iKa hwpa StBovi. Kat Trplv fiev ^wtrrj^ aX6')(^ov (pao aoi j^jvc cTropev 6vai{ij')v. Kat ah he, TraviOKpajiop 'Eptovvie, Tovce (pv\a»Ov SCALE OF UALP A MILE Plan of the ruins of Aptera.+ ** Bondelm. in Corn., Greta Sacra, i. 5. f From the Hydrographical Survey. Olivier describes two large cisterns, above ground, lined with red plaster, and showing the lines of the water marks. The city was built partly on a platform, and partly sloping towards the sea. The walls may be traced throughout. One of the gates of the city is visible on the eastern side. {Voyage dans V Empire Othoman, ii, 293.) To the east of Aptera, near Castel Apicorno, is an ancient stone bridge over the river Chephalonisi. (Bondelm. Corn., Creta, i, 8.) THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 297 terns* and columns, and a beautiful amphitheatre, of an oval-j* form4 The ruins are now called Paliocastro, and the site is admirably adapted for a city and fortress. Would that the city of Canea had been built in such a spot, for the better security of this kingdom ! CYDONIA. [This port was capable of being closed (Scylax). Some remains of mosaic work are said to exist. § The temples of Cydonia were built by the Samians.|| It was at one period the principal city of the island.^ Minerva Cydonia was the chief divinity.** It is generally considered to have occupied the site of the modern Canea, the port of which very exactly agrees with the description of the port of the ancient Cydonium. MONS TITYRUS. Pococke suggests that Cydonia was situated on Mount Tityrus, in a position of great strength, where marks of the tool are visible on the rock, and where walls are still standing on the brow of abrupt precipices. ff The foundations noticed by Pococke may possibly be the remains of the cele- brated temple of Dictynna, which stood here, and which is mentioned by Strabo, Diodorus, Callimachus, and Mela. TARRHA. This city was celebrated for its fane of Apollo Tarrha;ns.\X POECILASSUS. At a place called Phelinus, Bondelmonte noticed the prodigious foundations of an artificial harbour, which he attributed to this city.§§ * The usual mode in which cisterns are constructed in these covin tries is by building a wall of irregular small stones, and lining it on the inside with fine brickwork covered with a very hard cement, which is generally very perfect. (Pashley, Creta, i, 39. See a view of one of them in p. 61.) Bondelmonte found the dimensions of one to be 45 by 18 feet. (Cornelius, Creta Sacra, i, 8.) t Ovata, in all the MSS. except No. 1, which reads ottagonale. Pashley describes it as a theatre, but states that it has lost about two-thirds of its original size (i, 37). X One building is 25 feet square, with niches as for statues. (Pococke, Desc, ii, 262.) Pashley observed several public buildings, and traced the walls to a considerable extent, part of which arc of a cyclopcan character, with stones 9 feet in size ; a view of which is given in i, 38. § Voy. du Levant, i, 99 : a MS. by Louis Chevallier in the Bibl. de 1' Arsenal, Paris, No. 19. II Schol. ApoU., iv. ^ Phranzes, i, 36. • ** Pans., vi, 21. ff Descript. ii, 247-8. J| Steph. Byz. suh v. §§ Cornelius, Creta Sacra, i, 5. 298 "descrizione dell' isola di candia", 1538. COITE. The island, improperly called Latoa by Bondelmonte, between Psacum and Cydonia, is probably Coite. He gives the modern name as Todriim, Avhich appears to be a corruption of St. Theodoro. It contains an extensive cavern on its southern side.* ELYROS.f The first object that presents itself is a building consisting of a series of arches ; and next, vestiges of walls, especially on the north and north-eastern sides of the ancient city. Further on, are some massive stones, some pieces of an entablature, and several fragments of the shafts of columns, all that now remain of an ancient temple. Twenty years ago the antepagmenta of the door- way, 10 or 11 feet high, were standing, but Avere converted by a Turk into millstones. The pavement was of mosaic. Some cisterns were also visible. The walls may be traced on the north and north-east sides, and must have been of about two miles in circuit. At a slight elevation above are other walls, as of an acropolis. J SYIA. Traces of the walls of the city, and of some public buildings, may be observed. It still retains its ancient name. Several tombs exist, resembling those of Haghio Kyrko. It had a small port.§ An aqueduct is also remaining. || Haggli io -Kyrko . Haghio- Kyrko, which Pashley regards as the ancient Lyssus, occupies a small hollow of the hills, facing the sea, like a theatre. Near the church of the Panaghia are what appear to be vestiges of an ancient temple, consisting of granite columns, and white marble fragments, architraves and pediments. Further on, appears to have been another temple, and a theatre. The tombs are on the south-western side of the plain. They are worked independent of the rock, with arched roofs. There are perhaps fifty of them.^ HYRTACINA. In the British Museum. * Cornelius, Creta Sacra, i, 7. f The coins of this city have the same type as those of Hyrtacina. X Pashley, ii, 105, 106. § Pashley, ii, p. 102. II Capt. Graves, Admiralty Chart of the western extremity of the island. ^ Pashley, ii, 88. THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 299 Mr. Pashley, who visited all the ancient sites in this vicinity, reports the existence of numerous vestiges of polygonal masonry on the north and western sides, and measuring little more than half a mile in length. On the other sides the city was precipitous. Although so small, it was furnished with a little acropolis on its southern side. He also describes the care observed by the inhabitants in defending the gateways of their city. Not only do walls project Avithout the gate, but flanking walls are executed within, forming passages through which the enemy would have to pass ere he could set foot within the city.* KANTANOS. Here, also, Mr. Pashley observed cyclopean walling, but of an earlier and more angular character than at Hj'rtakina. On the eastern side, where the ground is less steep, there is a quadruple wall, in order to make up for the want of natural defences. The modern name is Khadros.~\\ DICTAMNUM, sive DICTYNN^UM.ij: The remains of this city are found above St. Zorso^ di Magnes, twelve miles west of Canea, and six from Capo Spada, in a conspicuous elevation of a lofty mountain. There now exist only a few cisterns, columns, and marbles,l| the rest having been carried away to Canea. ^ CISAMUS. Many remains and ruins of this important city may be seen at Paliocastro di Chissamo** The harbour of the Garabuse * Crefa, ii. 111, 112. f Id. p. 115. J Called, in the original, Cydonia. § St. George. II Tournefort describes a fine frieze, and states that the remains, though few, show the city to have been an important one. In what appeared to be an ancient temple, Pococke describes a pedestal of grey marble, 3 feet square, with a festoon on each side and a figure of Pan. It is of good execution. {Descript. ii, 244.) *\ Dictamnum was the principal seat of the Avorship of Dictynna. ** The walls remain entire. There are so many fine cisterns that the mind is struck with astonishment. The harbour is nearly choked up, but sufficient remains of the city exist to attest its former grandeur. (Belon, Singularitez, p. 7.) To the west of the port are the foundations of some considerable building. (Pococke, ii, 245.) Bondelmonte describes a copious spring of soft water in the centre of the city, and the remains of a palace, once ornamented with columns. A stone bridge exists over the river Tiflon, and several caverns may VOL. II. X 300 "descrizione dell' isola di candia", 1538. served anciently for the commerce of the town.* Near this city was a temple of Apollo. t polyrrhenia. [Pococke describes this site under the name of Aptera, as existing at Paleo- castro, and consisting of two platforms or terraces, with an acropolis above of great strength, with walls seven feet thick. A fine large semi-circular tower is very remarkable. Many edifices may be traced in the central portion of the "ty.]t CORYCUS. The city of Corycus, called Chimarus by Strabo, was built on the side of the bold promontory of the same name, in a situation facing the north. Some remains may yet be traced. The site is marked by a church dedicated to St. George. § phalasarna. [The walls of this city, the modern Kutri, are very remarkable. At distances varying from 120 to 250 feet are square projecting towers, like bastions, the be seen in the vicinity. (Cornelius, Creta Sacra, i, 6.) Pashley observed several fragments of marble and granite columns, and an Ionic capital. The principal remains lie to the south (ii, 43). *• No authority is given for this assertion, and Chisamus itself being a port, the harbour of the Garabuse would not be needed. f Siadiastnus Magni Maris, Cretse Perip. X Descript. of the East, ii, 246. (Compare Olivier, Voyage, ii, 289.) The ruins are three miles from Chisamo-Kastelli, and six from Phalasarna, which distances agree precisely with those given us by Strabo. The walls would appear, from a view of them given by Pashley, (ii, 46,) to be of the last period of Cyclopean masonry, with horizontal beds, but inclined upright joints. There are the remains of what appears to be a temple, between the acrojDolis and the western extremity of the city. A water channel and sepulchres are also ob- servable. Diana Dictj'nna was worshipped here. § Bondelmonte's description is as follows: — ''We ascended by a difficult path to the summit of the hill, which seemed to reach to the stars, and found a small platform, on which the city was built, with its walls remaining of con- siderable height. We could clearly make out the plan of houses, with subter- ranean chambers artfully contrived ; and we especially admired the cisterns, cut in the rock with such wonderful skill and patience. At the foot of the mountain are other cisterns, and not far off" is an ancient fort, now destroyed." (Cornelius, Creta Sacra, i, 6.) THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 301 walls of which, together with the intermediate curtain, are inclined like those in modern fortifications.* Beyond this is an outer wall, similarly disposed, at a distance of 16 feet. Where the wall is less steep, nine or ten walls were observed parallel to each other, and which were considered to have been built for the greater protection of this side ; but it would seem probable, both from the number of the walls, and from their being built in the polygonal manner but of small stones, that they are mere retaining walls to the successive terraces. On the acrojDolis, which has two summits, appeared, amid a confusion of ruins, the remains of what might have been a temple. f The city had a closed port, and a temple of Diana Dictynna.;}: KALAMYDE. The polygonal walls of what he supposes to be this place, are described by Mr. Pashley as existing near Selino-Kasteli.^ UlitJiias. Two miles from Ulithias, on the road to Spaniako, is a beautiful specimen of the second cyclopean style. A small conical hill is surmounted by a sepulchral- looking biiilding, 14 feet internal diameter, and with walls 4 feet thick. The masonry is beautifully executed, laid together with sharp angles, without inter- stices, and is very remarkable from its circular plan.||] There are also many other remains in different parts of the island,^ on the coast, and in the interior of the various cities which it once contained ; to give particular notice of the beau- tiful sites, ruins, and antiquities of which would occupy too much time and labour, especially as the ancient names of several of them are now lost. * Mr. Pashley refers to the walls of Priapus on the Hellespont, the bastions of which still more nearly assimilate to those of modern fortresses. They project out at right angles with the main wall, terminating with two other sides in an angular form. f Pashley, Crete, ii, 69-73. \ DIcscarchus, Vita Grmc. § Pashley, Crete, ii, 123; where also is a view of the walls. || Id. p. 121. ^ MS. No. 11 describes some remains in the island of Cerigo, the ancient Cythera. On a mountain, where was anciently the temple of Neptune, a beautiful mosaic has been found, representing Castor and Pollux armed, clothed in white, and with stars over their heads. Many remains of the city, with its famous temple, may be seen at the foot of the hill. Very considerable remains are said to be visible in the island of Carpatho, between Candia and Rhodes. (Pashley, Crete, i, 188.) 302 ON THE MAP OF ANCIENT CRETA. Here follows a list of the " 100 cities" from Ptolemy, Strabo, Stepbanus, Pliny, and otber authorities ; several of which have been incorporated in the preceding article. The accompanying map of Crete has been constructed on the outline of the French map of Messrs. Dumas, Gauttier, and Lapie, 1825; corrected, at the eastern and western extremities, from the hydrographic charts of the Admiralty, executed from recent surveys by Captains Graves and Spratt, and which have been liberally offered to my inspection by the kindness of Captain Beechey. A few observations are requisite relative to the positions here assigned to some of the ancient cities. Much difference of opinion has been entertained relative to the identification of that most celebrated foreland the Sammonian promontory, the position of which would seem to be incontrovertibly ascertained by the existence of the modern name, Capo Salomon. Notwithstanding that several writers suppose the ancient name to have been attached to C. S. Sidero, others are not wanting, even of high authority, who attribute it to Capo Salomon. But though the name is certainly in favour of the latter site, and its position would accord with Sammonium as being the most eastern promontory of the island, there are some circumstances which would seem to determine its location at C. S. Sidero. It is true that, by the recent survey, it is not quite so far to the east as C. Salomon (the difference, however, is very trifling, only a few seconds of longitude), but, by its extreme extension from the mainland, it Avould be considered by everyone as the principal promontory at this end of the island; and would therefore be generally considered and known as " the eastern l^romontory". Nor should we attach undue importance to such a designation. The islet Musagora, at the western extremity of the island, is said, in the Anonymous Periplus, to face the east, because it projects sufHciently beyond the north coast to allow of a view being directed towards the east. But there are other reasons for assigning it to this position. Though Strabo describes it vaguely as regarding Rhodes and Egypt, Pliny says, expressly, that it faced the island of Rhodes, and from the many islands round about Crete, there would have been no necessity to have named Rhodes, unless the promontory did actually face that island. If C. Salomon had been intended, the celebrated naturalist would have described it as facing the island of Cyprus, not that of Rhodes. Sammonium is stated, in the Anonymous Periplus, as being furnished with a port, and we find a jjort actually exhibited in the recent- Admiralty survey as existing towards the extremity of the headland on its eastern side, in a position which agrees very well with the 120 stadia given us as the distance from the Dionysian islands ; while C. Salomon much exceeds that quantity. The description in the Stadiasmus, however, seems to be conclusive. It is there referred to as stretching out considerably towards the north — (iKpunrjpiov THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 303 caTi rrj^ Kpijrrj's oi't'p^oi' tt^os fjopeav eTTiTToXv. The islets 01' I'ocks round this promontory form another unanswerable argument in favour of the position. Pliny gives us the names of seven such islands, a number which it is impossible to find near any other cape. The names of these, as indeed of all the islands surrounding Crete, are so variously given by modern geographers that it would be only confusing the map to insert them all. If we may place any reliance upon the Italian chart, the modern name of Itag7iia would show the position of the ancient Itanus, and its proximity to C. Salomon would induce us to suppose that that promontory was thus called, especially as we find the Grandes islands in this vicinity corresponding with the Onisia and Leuce of Pliny. Next to this are the promontories Ampelus and Erythrsea, one of which was also called Dictaeum. (Etym. Magn.) It unfortunately happens that the first two dimensions given us in the Stadiasmus are incorrect. That from Sammonium to Casius is stated at 500 stadia, a distance which nearly doubles that of either Salomon or Sidero to that island, but we are happily relieved from this difficulty by finding the distance recorded by Strabo as 250. The next dimension, of 80 stadia from Sammonium to Hierapytna, is so manifestly absurd, that I have ventured to suppose it to be an error for 800, the distance to that city by sea ; a conjecture which is in some measure supported by finding no intermediate places men- tioned in the Stadiasmus, either on the south, or for 420 stadia on the northern coast. The next difficulty occurs in the position of Gortyna. Till the survey of this portion of the island is completed, it will be impossible to determine this most important position, affecting as it does the site of several other places. As marked down in our present maps, we have the distance from Biennus to Lebena more than three times that from Lebena to Matalia, although the former distance is stated at 70 and the latter at 320 stadia. I have attempted, in the margin of the map, at Fig. a, to show how these numbers may be ex- plained, by shifting the position of Gortyna a little to the eastward. We thus have Lebena at its proportionate distance, both from Biennus and Matalia, and the arrangement further agrees with the order of Ptolemy, who mentions Lebena as eastward of the Leo promontory. In the neighbourhood of GortjTia was the river Potherius, which divided the territories of the Gortynians and Gnossians. (Vitr. i, 4.) This important river is not shown in a recent map of Crete, though it clearly appears in all the earlier majDS. On arriving at Psychion, a further difficulty has occurred, in the impossibility of conceiving how the distance from that city to Apollonia (30 stadia), and from thence to Phoenix (100), can be made to agree with the actual distance between these two extreme places. But by a reference to the table it will be seen that a further distance of 150 stadia is stated as being that between Psychion and Lamona, and on measuring off 150 stadia westward from Psychion, wc find a 304 ON THE MAP OF ANCIENT CRETA. small bay, or cove, answering to this position ; 30 stadia from which place (not from Psychion) I have imagined ApoUonia to have been situated, and thus the recorded distances tally pretty nearly Avith the actual : and as it seems unac- countable how the geographer can have returned to give the distance from Hierapytna to Psychion, w-hich distance (350 stadia) is only about one-half of the reality, I have ventured to suppose that this distance of 350 stadia is the measure of distance from Psychion to Phoenix. From here the distances work in very well to Syia, another known site : after which I have placed Lyssus nearer to Criumetopon (Cf. Scylax) than the site generally received. The anonymous geographer describes the distance from Criumetopon to Biennus as being 12 stadia by sea; and it is therefore probable that the distance of 260 stadia from that city to Phalasarna was also reckoned by sea. At the north-western extremity of the island we come to Tretus Promontory, the identification of which appears fixed by the description —uKpunnpiov itnt Terpij^ierov. By the modern survey we find a small j^romontory in the bay of Martylus extending out just 25 stadia from Cisamus in a northerly direction, thus agreeing precisely with the description of Tyrus. We meet with another gap between Amphimale and Heracleum, which has caused considerable difficulty to the commentators ; to extricate themselves from which they have endeavoured to identify Amphimatrium and Pantomatrium, Hydramon and Rhithymna, Rhithymna and Eleuthernse, Astale and Amphimale ; while Pashley thought to have found Hydramon at the modern Dhrami. It would seem, however, that the words Amphimale, Amphimatrium, and Pantomatrium, refer to the peculiar forms of the coast at these places, and it is singular that the distances recorded tally precisely with the localities thus apparently indicated. From Minoa we have 150 stadia to the double cape of Amphimatrium, across the double bay of Amphimale, and from Amphimatrium, measuring ofi" 100 stadia to Hydramon, w^e find ourselves close upon the rugged cape of Pantomatrium. From Hydramon 30 stadia more bring us to Astale, a position fixed by the modern name A tali, and from each of these two points, Hydramon and Astale, we shall find just 50 stadia distance to Eleuthernse, thus explaining satisfactorily this troublesome passage of the Stadiasiniis. It remains only to say that Dhrami is the site of the ancient Dragmus. We meet with no further impediment till we reach Chersonesus, between which place and Cetium the various cities have been diff"erently placed, im- mediately to the south or west of C. S. Zuan. The distances, however, of the Stadiasmus, agree precisely, not only with the position assigned to Cetium and the intermediate places from Chersonesus, but with the distance of the Cetium Promontory from the Dionysiades. The only other inland city there is occasion to refer to, is Arcadia, which, notwithstanding a recent opinion to the contrary, was, without doubt, at the THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANDIA. NO. I. 305 modern village, Arhlmdi, the position of which, on the maps, agrees exactly with the distances of the Peutigerian table (16 miles from Lyctus, and 30 from Biennus), and is further proved by its being situated behceen the districts of Gnossus and Lyctus, as mentioned to us by Hierocles. The accompanying Table of the Itineraries will enable the reader, at a glance, to discover the authorities for the position of the several names in the map. For this purpose the names are not given in the order of the original, but are divided in two sections, the north and south coasts, and are placed in their order from east to west, the arrangement of the originals being preserved by the numerals prefixed to each name. Thus it will be seen that the Stadiasmus of the Mediterranean, starting from Sammonium, makes a periplus of the island, commencing on the south coast. Ptolemy begins at Corycus, and travels in the contrary direction, also making a complete tour of the coast ; after which he starts again from the western extremity of the island, visiting several inland cities, as far as Lyctus. Pliny begins at nearly the same place as Ptolemy, but travels in the contrary direction till he gets to Hierapolis, after which he mentions several inland towns, at random. Scylax commences at the west coast, and proceeds towards the east, grouping inland and coast towns together.* Hierocles sets out from Gortyna, eastward by Hierapytna, nearly completing the tour of the coast : while the Peutingerian table, commencing at Tharrus, pursues the opposite route with occasional deviations. Edward Falkener. * According to this arrangement, many places which Scylax is supposed to describe as being on the south coast, are to be understood, in reality, as being merely south of the places immediately preceding. 306 TABLE OF THE ITINERARIES NORTH COAST. STAPIASMtrS MAGNI MARIS. 47. 46, 45. 44. 43 40. 39. 37. 36. 35. 34. 33. 31. 30. 29. 28. 26. 22. 21, 20. Casius Ins. to Sammoiiium, 500 st. Sammonium. Prom, et Port. Longissime ad Septen- trionein versxis por rectum. T. Minervaj. 48. Dionysiades, diice Ins. et Port., ad 1—120 St. ; ad 47—300 st. Ceteum. Prom, et Port, ad 46 — 15 st. Hetera ad 45 — 25 st. Camara ad 44 — 15 st. Olus. Prom, ad 43 — 60 st.\ a continente 20 st. Chersonesus {Prom. ']) Civ. et Ins. ad 40 — 30 .5^ Heracleum. Civ. et ) 42. Dia. /«s.ad40 — iO st. Port.a.dZ{)~\mst. ] 41. Gnossus ad 40— 205i!. Astale. Port, ad 38—50 st.; ad 36 — 30 st. 38. Eleuthera ad 36 (37 ?)— 50 milia {st. 1) Hydramon. ad 36 — 100 st. Amphimatrium. Civ. etflumen, ad 35 — 150 st. Minoa, contra quem tres Ins. Leucse. Aptera ad 33, a mare, 150 st.; a terra, 120 st. Cydonia. Civ. et Port, ad 32 — 60 st. 32. Coete. Ins. ad 31—170 st. Dyctynnaeum ad 30 — 80 st. Tyrus. Prom, ad Sept. ad 29 — 25 st. Cisamus. Civ. et Port, ad 28 — 80 st. Agneus. Port, ad 26 — 50 st. T. ApoUonis. 27. Martilus Sinus. Tretus. Prom, perforatum,, ad 25 — 50 st. Phalasarna. Em2)ori- 25. Myla, Ins. urn. ad 21—260 st. 24. Mesia (Media), /ns. etPort.B.^22 — Zst. 23. Musagores, Ins. et Port, ad 22—60 st. T. Apollonis. Biennus. Civ. et Port, ad 20 — 12 st. Criumetojjon. Prom. PEUTIiVGERIA TABULA. n. Litium too — 16 m. m. Cresonesso to n — 16 m. I. Cnoso to m — 16 m. 0. Arcade to p — 30 m. h. Eleuterna to i — 8 m. ff. Lappa to h — 32 m. f. Cisamo to g — 9 m. e. Cydonia to f — 8 m. d. Cisamo to e — 32 m. SOUTH COAST. 1. Sammonium. Prom, et Port, ad 2 — 80 st. 2. Hierapytna ad 4 — 180 st. contra quem ] 3. Chrysa, Ins. et Port. 4. Biennus ad 5 — 70 st. 5. Lebena ad 7 — 20 st. contra quem 6. Oxia, his. 7. Halas ad 8 — 300 st. 8. Matalus. Civ. et Port, ad 9 — 65 st. 9. Sulia. Prom, et Port, ad 10—12 st. 10. P-sychium. Port, ad 11—150 St.; ad 12—30 st. 11. Lamona. Civ. et Port. 2 ad 10—350 st. 12. ApoUonia ad 13—100 st. 13. Phoenix. Civ. et ins. ad 15 — 60 st. ad 14. Claudia, Ins. 300 st. 15. Tarrha ad 16—60 st. 16. Poecillassus ad 17 — 50 5^. 17. Syia. Civ. et Port. 18. Lyssus ad 19—250 st. 19. Calamydes ad 20 — 30 st. 20. Criumetopon. Prom, altum. q. Hiera to r — 32 m. p. Blenna to q — 20 rn. r. Inata to k — 24 m. s. Lisia to k — 16 m. k. Cortina to I — 23 m. t. Ladena to k — 12 m,. i. Subrita to k — 32 m. a. Tharrhus to b — 30 m. h. Liso to c — 16 rn. c. Cantano to d — 24 m. OF CRETE. 307 NORTH COAST. 27. Sammonium Prom. 28. Minoa Portus. 29. Camara. 30. Olus. 31. Chersonesus. 32. Zephyrium Prom. 33. Heracleum. 34. Panormus. 35. Cytseum. 36. Dium Prom. 37. Pantomatrium. 38. Rithymna. 39. Amphimales Sinus. 40. Drepauum Prom. 41. Minoa. 42. Vjchms Jlumen. 43. Cydonis. 44. Dictamnum. 45. Psacum Prom. 46. Cisamiis. 1. Corycus. 2. Phalasarna. 3. Chersonesus. 4. Rhamnus Portus. 5. Inachorium. 6. Criumetopon Prom. SCYLAX. 56. Lyctus. Dia Ins. 55. Gnossus. 54. Panona. 52. Eleuthernse. 51. Sybrita. 50. Lappa. 48. Aptera. 47. Polyrrhenia. 20. Lyctus. 17. Gnossus. 16. Oaxus. 13. EleuthernEe. 12. Osmida. 11. Lampsea. 10. Aptereas Regio. 6. Cydonia. 4. Pergamea. 3. Dictynneeum. T. Dianje Dictynnee. 1. Phalasarna. 2. Polyrrhenia. SOUTH COAST. 27. Sammonium Prom. 26. Itanus. 25. Ampelus. 24. Erythrteum Prom. 23. HierajDytua. 22. Hieron-Oros. 21. Inatus. 20. Lethseus/. 19. Catarrhactusj'7. 18. Lebena. 17. Leo Pro-m. 16. Matala. 15. Helectray?. 14. Psychium. 13. Massalia/. 12. Phoenix Cio. 11. Phoenix Port. 10. Hermaea Prom. 9. Poecillassus. 8. Tarrha. 7. Lissus. 6. Criumetopon Prom. VOL. II. 53. Gortyna. Letoa Ins. Claudus Ins. 49. Hyrtacina. 22. Itanus. 21. Praesus. 19. Caunus, 18. Gortyna. 15. Phsestus. 14. Subrita cum portu. 5. Hyrtacina. 8. Lissa. 7. Elyrus. 9. Criumetopon. 308 TABLE OF THE ITINERARIES OF CRETE. NORTH COAST. HIEROCLES. PLINY. Sammonium circum ) Phoce, Platise, Sirnides, \ Naulochos, Armendon, et quern Zephyre his. 30. Asum. r. Camara. 16. Miletus. 26. Lycastus. 6 AUyngus. 7 Chersonesus. 8. Lyctus. 9. Arcadia. 28. Lyctus. Dia Ins. 10. Gnossus. 15. Heraclea. 14. Matium. 23. Gnossus. 12. Oaxus. 13. Apollonia. 29. Dium. 13. Eleutherna, 12. CytEeum. 11. Panhormum. 37. Eleutherna. 14. Lampe. 10. Rhithymna. 9. Amphimalla. 8. Pantomatrium. 15. Aptera. 7. Apterou. 6. Minoum. 16. Cydonia. 5. Cydon. 4. Pergamum. Leuce et diue Budrae his. 17. Cisamus. 3. Cisamum. 2. Etea. 1. Phalasarna. Du(B Corycae Ins. Diixe Nylae Ins. Tres Musagores Ins. {circwmvectisque Cirumetopon.) 24. Polyrrhenium. 27. Rhamuus. SOUTH COAST. Itanum contra ) Onisia et quern ] Leuce his. 17. Ampelus. Ophiussa, Butoa et Aradus. Ins. 4. Hierapydna. 18. Hieraytna contra quern Chrysa et Gaudos Ins. 3. Bienna. 2. Inatus. 32. Rhytion. 1 Gortyna. 19. 20. 21. Gortyna. Lebena. 31. Poloros. Hierapolis. 22. Phaestum. 11. Subritus. 25. Myrina 33. Elatas 21. Phoenix sive Aradena. 34. Pharae 38. Therapnae 39. Marathusa 20. Lissus. 19. 18. Elyrus. Cantania. 40. Cylissus J E.hv.u-.l KilL f.iui-' I'V l]l<.l),nirs.l(i (•„■,;■.,•■ SU: Kiixti'ii S./ii . 309 XVI. ADDENDUM TO " NOTES UPON OBELISKS." SINCE the preceding " Notes upon Obelisks" passed through the press, the arrival of the third portion of the monu- ments of M. Lepsius, enables me to make some observations about the great obelisks of Karnak. It appears from a proscy- nema incised upon the rocks at Assouan, or Syene,* that Sen- mut, the chamberlain of the palace of the young queen, E-a neferu, came down there to quarry obelisks, upon which occasion he made his adoration to the queen, Hatasu, or Ta-ha-asu, who is styled a king's sister, a king's daughter, the eldest divine wife of a king ; probably meaning that she was, at that time, a widow ; as she is said to be living. These must, consequently, have been either the great obelisks of Karnak, or some of those of Thothmes III. In the continuation of the so-called statistical inscription at Karnak, occurs a new and remarkable fact, for the first time mentioned. It appears that obelisks received a kind of worship similar to that ofiered to idols and gods. In the account of the gifts made by the king to the temple or palace, it states: — "[his majesty augmented]-j- the food and drink-offerings made to the four obelisks erected by his majesty to his father, Amon, 100 portions (un) of bread, and four draughts(^5)of water, of which each of the obelisks had twenty- five loaves (ak), and one draught (ts) of water. His majesty added to the divine ofi"erings of food and drink made to the statues of " The worship of the obelisks is most remarkable, and shows not only the high religious importance of these monu- ments, but also helps to explain this object in the hieroglyphs appearing as the name of Amon-Ka. The statues referred to are probably the colossi placed beside the obelisks at the gate of the * Denkmaeler, Abth. iii, Bl. 25, bis. 9. f Lepsius, Denkmaeler, Abth. iii, Bl. 39, b. 16. The word here used, tmJi. is by some read " added", in Coptic, otiahe. Sometimes, however, it seems to mean " sacred", and has a man pouring water, as a determinative. 310 ADDENDUM TO ''NOTES UPON OBELISKS." temple, which probably received offerings at the same time. Two obelisks of Thothmes III are also represented in a tomb at Gournah,* which was made for Puam, an inspector of the con- structions made by the king to Amon-Ra, in Thebes. He is represented seated, with the chief masons and builders address- ing him, while behind them are two obelisks, each inscribed with a line of hieroglyphs, — the dedication of the monarch. A copy of the obelisk at Constantinople is also given in the same work.f There are some expressions which it may be necessary to cor- rect: one is the word "object", (p. 206,) used in speaking of the obelisk of the Fayoum ; and by the base inscription, I refer to the lower vertical lines on the monument. There are also some difficulties about the expression I have translated " vowed"; literally, it reads, ta api rat, " given on the feet", and appears often in connexion with works. The continuation of the annals of Karnak, shows that the joint reign of Thothmes III and his sister terminated sooner than the twenty-ninth year, as hitherto supposed, (p. 208.) The word after his majesty, on the Lateran obelisk, (p. 216,) may be mut, " died", — when the king died ; and the uncertain word, " remained", may be kam, to "devise". The land of Riitech, mentioned in p. 217, may be an error of Ungarelli's copy, for Ruten, so often occurring in the inscriptions. The discussion upon the two royal names upon the Luxor obelisk and the supposed two kings, Rameses, will be found in Salvolini's treatise^ on this obelisk, which I refer to to in p. 220. There are also some difficulties about the expres- sion, " place of the great soul", probably the same as that copied ta, or ka, in p. 225. The badness of the script of Sallier papyrus renders it uncertain whether the expression, " leading obelisks from Ahii', may not be, m' ahich, " leaping", — a poetic phrase, (p. 232.) The expression, "true brother", probably means that it was his own brother. The death I refer to in p. 234, is, of course, that of Antinous. * Lepsius, Denk., Abth. iii, Bl. 39, c. f lb., Abth. iii, Bl. 60. X Traduction des inscriptions de Fobelisque de Paris. 4to. Paris, 1837. THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. VIII.— APRIL 1853. XVIII. ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVAKY WITH A RESTOKED PLAN OF THE ANCIENT CITY OF JERUSALEM. Walk about Zion, and go round about her. Tell the towers thereof: mark ye well her bulwarks : consider her palaces. T^HE age of Constantine occupies, as it were, the neutral groiind of classic and mediaeval antiquity ; but though the subject we are about to consider — the site of Calvary — is almost extraneous to the scope of this journal, it is one which, connected as it is with our holy religion, must always command a paramount interest and attention ; and one which, therefore, we are by no means inclined to set aside. From the day when the " Church of the Holy Sepulchre" was founded, to the present time, on each anniversary of the Saviour's death, crowds of anxious and zealous pilgrims flock to the sacred shrine, fondly bcheving that each object they see around them is hallowed by the Saviour's touch, that here exist the evidences of all that they have once been taught,* that to * Thus, so early a Christian writer as Cyril (c. 348) exclaims : — " Though I should now deny it, (our Lord's passion,) this Golgotha confutes me, near which we are now assembled ; the wood of the cross confutes me, which has from house to house been distributed piecemeal to all the world." (Sec also in p. 316, the extract, iii. 28, of Eusebius' Life of CDimfantivr.) VOL. II. * Y 312 ox THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. stand Avithin the Holy Sepulchre is to be in communion with their God, and thinking that not to have seen Jerusalem, they had almost not known the Lord. With the prevalence of such feelings, we cannot wonder at the sacred awe with which the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was regarded, at the jealous earnestness with which its identity was insisted on, and at the wrathful feelings which its first calling into question would excite. Such questionings did at length arise. " From time to time objections were urged with much earnestness by several writers, which, if substantiated, would altogether overthrow the history of the discovery of the cross : viz. that ' Helena chose a wrong site for the Holy Sepulchre'." (Newman, Essay on 3Iiraclcs.)* Even so early as the year 1600, we find Pope Gregory •]• implying the difficulty of the site. So too other writers in the subse- quent centuries :% Monconys, in 1647, speaking of the Gate of Judgment, so called, says it is " the gate by which Jesus Christ went to Calvary ; which, therefore, ought to be outside the city ; which is difficult to conceive, for at present it is in the middle, although the town is. now much smaller than it was then."§ These, however, were rather objections which an obedient son of the Church would easily gulp down, rather than serious difficulties. The first determined charge was made by Korte, a Saxon schoolmaster, in 1741, the dream of whose whole life had been to visit Jerusalem and the Holy Land. From the extract which I have given of his work, lie will doubtless be considered by some as an enthusiast or fanatic ; but his honest and sen- sible remarks have found him favour with Busching, Bachiene, and Bruns. His unacquaintance with the dead languages de- prived him of the power of following up the deliberate convic- * J. H. Newman, Essay on Miracles, with a translation of Flcury's Eccles. Hist., p. cliii. t Id., p. clxix. X Robinson, Bihl. Sac, pp. 172, 173. § Voijayc's, i. 307. ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SErULCHRE. 313 tions at which he had arrived : to suj^ply which defect, Pless- ing, another German writer, " resolved to strengthen and sup- port the arguments of the worthy Korte, and set them in a stronger light, and so to supply what fhe want of reading had denied him."* It is much to be regretted that neither of these Avorks has yet been translated into our language. The first, in this country, to make the attack, was the learned traveller, Dr. Edward Clarke. It would be idle to enter into particulars of the theories attempted to be set up by this writer^ for they are now exploded. Suffice it to say, being overwhelmed with the conviction that the traditions respecting the Holy Sepulchre were monkish fables, he was content to take nothing upon trust, and extended his disbelief to other portions of the city, as the Mount Zion, respecting which there could be no doubt. He seemed to be content to allow objects to be any- where, provided they did not remain where the monks had placed them.t He was answered by Bishop Heber (?) in the Quarterly Review for March 1813. Things had reverted now to pretty nearly their former state, when the Rev. Dr. and Prof. Robinson, and the Rev. Eli Smith, visited the Holy Land in 1838. Their work, entitled Researches in Palestine, (3 vols., 8vo., 18-41,) is, or ought to be, too well known to require a description. It is an authentic, impartial, and compendious account of the Holy Land, and must ever remain the standard of reference for all treatises on that country. In it they proceeded to examine the ' sacred places' of the holy city ; confronting the traditions and legends connected with them with the unimpeachable testimony of the Bible, the lamp of history, and the light of reason. Not only did they state their conviction that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre did not represent the place of Christ's burial, but they supported * Plessing, Golgotha, Vorrade, xiii. . f The wildness of his views has been scoffed at and refuted by the advocates of traditionary evidence, who forget that "infidelity is tlie daughter of su2)er- stition." •Y 2 314 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. their argument with topographical proofs which were as new as they were unexpected. This was met by the Rev. J. II. Newman, with his Essay on Miracles, wherein he had the temerity to declare that " the greater part of the miracles of Revelation are as little evidence for Revelation at this day, as the miracles of the church are evidence for the church ;"* i. c, that the miracles of the Bible have equal, but no more credibility than the miracles of the church. Of these, he asserts nine to be fully conclusive in his mind,-]' the fifth of which is that of "the Discovery of the Holy Cross by Helena." On a reply by Dr. Robinson, in his Bihliotheca Sacra^X in which work the author brings forward some additional objec- tions, the Rev. George Williams, who w^as sent out as chaplain to the late lamented Bishop of Jerusalem, seized the opportu- nity of wTiting a work, (The Holy City, 8vo., Lond., 1845,) the object of which he is at no pains to conccal,§ — the bringing into disfavour, or, as he expresses it, the " exposing the fallacy of the Biblical researches" of Dr. Robinson. Two years afterwards, in 1847, appeared An Essay on the Ancient Topography of Jerusalem, '\y^ James Fergusson, F.R.A.S., wherein the author, projecting a theory of his own, not only pulled down the present Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but built up another in its place. This bold attempt was speedily visited by a second edition of * Essay on Miracles, p. cix. f Mr. Williams is vexed thatMr. Newman brought forward particular examples, (which might always be objected against,) instead of dealing in generalities. " The subject of ecclesiastical miracles has been discussed with great ability in an essay and I cannot help fearing that he has said more than can with safety be advanced, not in defence of them generally, but in support of parti- cular alleged miracles." {Holy City, p. 152.) Compare with this what he after- wards says of some of them in particular, (p. 152, 175, 177, etc.) I A most valuable and interesting publication, commenced in 1843, and continued to the present time. § Holy City, Prcf., p. G. ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SErULCHRE. 315 Mr. Williams's book, now grown into two thick volumes, where- in, backed by Professor Willis, he turns upon his new assailant, at the same time that he elaborates his attack upon his ancient foe. To notice all the arguments brought forward by these writers, and to lay before the reader a clear exposition of the topo- graphy of Jerusalem, would require volumes; I propose, there- fore, in the present Part, to exhibit only some of the more prominent features of each, relative to the Alleged Site of the ''Ilohj Sepulchre^ after giving an introductory view of the subject, from Eusebius ; and then, in a Supplement, to lay before the reader my own deductions as to the True Site of Calvanj. Pilgrimages to the Holy Land commenced early in the third century ; and, from that period, they gradually increased till the year 315, when Eusebius speaks of Christians "who came up to Jerusalem from all the regions of the earth, partly to behold the accomplishment of prophesy in the conquest and destruction of the city, and partly to pay their adorations on the Mount of Olives where Jesus ascended, and at the cave in Bethlehem where he was born."* On the conversion of Constantino, his mother, Helena, then nearly fourscore years of age, in con- formity with this custom, made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 326, and having visited the places of the nativity and ascen- sion, caused splendid churches to be erected over those spots. I. The Discovery of the IIolij Sepulchre as recorded hy Eusebius. (in. 25.) " The pious emperor, Constantine, judged it incumbent on him to render the blessed locality of our Saviour's resurrection an object of attrac- tion and veneration to all. He issued immediate injunctions, therefore, for the erection on that spot of a house of prayer; and this he did, not on the mere impulse of his own mind, but feeling his spirit directed thereto by the Saviour himself. (in. 26.) " For it had been, in time past, the endeavour of impious men, (or * Robinson, Bib. lies., ii, 12, 13, quoting Eusebius. 316 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE, rather, let me say, of the whole race of evil spirits through their means,) to consign to the darkness of oblivion that divine monvmient of immortality to which the radiant angel had descended from heaven, and rolled away the stone, etc. . . . This sacred cave, then, certain impious and godless persons had thought to remove entirely from the eyes of men, supposing, by their folly, that thus they should be able effectually to obscure the truth. Accordingly, they brought a quantity of earth from a distance, with much labour, and covered the entire spot; then, having raised this to a moderate height, they paved it with stone, concealing the holy cave beneath this massive mound. Then, as though their purpose had been effectually accomplished, they prepare on this foundation ... a shrine to the impure spirit, whom they call Venus. . . . These devices of impious and wicked men against the truth had prevailed for a long time, nor had any one of the governors, or military commanders, or even of the emperors themselves, ever yet appeared with ability to abolish these daring impieties, save only our prince, who enjoyed the favour of the King of Kings. And now, acting as he did under the guidance of His Spirit, he . . . gave orders that the place should be thoroughly purified, etc. . . . (ill. 27.) " Nor did the emperor's zeal stop here; but he gave further orders, that the materials of what was thus destroyed, both stone and timber, should be removed, and thrown as far from the spot as possible; and this command was also speedily executed. . . . Nay more, fired with holy ardour, he directed that the ground itself should be dug up to a considerable depth, and the soil which had been polluted by the foul impurities of demon- worship transported to a far distant place. (ill. 28.) "This also was accomplished without delay. But, as soon as the original surface of the ground, beneath the covering of earth, appeared, imme- diatel}', and contrary to all expectation, the venerable and hallowed monument of our Saviour's resurrection was discovered. Then, indeed, did this most holy cave* present a faithful similitude of His return to life, in that, after lying buried in darkness, it again emerged to light, and afforded to all who came to witness the sight, a clear and visible proof of the wonders of which that spot had once been the scene, a testimony to the resurrection of the Saviour clearer than any voice could give." The Emperor's Letter. (hi. 30.) "Victor Constantinus, Max. Aug. to Macarius. " Such is our Saviour's grace, that no power of language seems adequate to * " There were not a few caves in the city hollowed out of the rock, which we observed concerning the floor of the Temple. Into one of these Simon the Tyrant betook himself, with his accomplices, when he despaired of his affairs.' (Lightfoot, Chorog. Cent., xxxv. 9.) See another instance in xxxv. 8; and sec Joseph. Bell. vii. 14, 16, and 20. EUSEBIUS' LIFE OF CONSTANTINE. 317 describe tlie wondrous circunrstance to which I am about to refer. For, that the monument of His most holy passion, so long ago buried beneath the ground, should have remained unknown for so long a series of years, until its reappear- ance to His servants now set free through the removal of him (Licinius?), who was the common enemy of all, is a fact which truly surpasses all admiration. For, if all who are accounted wise throughout the world were to unite in their endeavours to say somewhat worthy of this event, they would be unable to attain their object in the smallest degree. Indeed, the nature of this miracle as far transcends the capacity of human reason as heavenly things are superior to the interests of men. For this cause, it is ever my first, and indeed my only object, that, as the authority of the truth is evincing itself daily by fresh wonders, so our souls may all become more zealous, with all sobriety and earnest una- nimity, for the honour of the divine law. I desire, therefore, especially, that you should be persuaded of that which I suppose is evident to all beside, namely, that I have no greater care than how I may best adorn with a splendid structure that sacred spot, which, under Divine direction, I have disencumbered as it were, of the heavy weight of foul idol- worship; a spot which has been accounted holy from the beginning in God's judgment, but wl.irh now appears holier still, since it has brought to light a clear assurance of our Saviour's jiassion. (ill. 31.) " It will be well, therefore, for your Sagacity to make such arrange- ments and provision of all things needful for the work, that not only the Church itself, as a whole, may surpass all others whatsoever in beauty, but that the details of the building may be of such a kind, that the fairest structures in any city in the empire may be excelled by this. And with respect to the erection and decoration of the walls, this is to inform you, that our friend Dracilianus, the deputy of the Praetorian Prsofects, and the governor of the province, have received a charge from us. For our pious directions to them are to the effect, that artificers and labourers, and whatever they shall understand from your Sagacity to be needful for the advancement of the work, shall forth- with be furnished by their care. And as to the columns and marbles, whatever you shall judge, after actual inspection of the plan, to be especially precious and serviceable, be diligent to send information to us in writing, in order that whatever materials, and in whatever quantity, we shall esteem from your letters to be needful, may be procured from every quarter as required. (hi. 32.) "With respect to the roof of the church, I wish to know from you whether, in your judgment, it should be ceiled, or finished with any other kind of workmanship. If a ceiling be adopted, it may also be ornamented with gold. For the rest, your Holiness will give information, as early as possible, to the before-mentioned magistrates, how many labourers and artificers, and what expenditure of money is required. You will also be careful to send us a report, without delay, not only respecting the nuubles and coluiuns, but the ceiling also, 318 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. should this appear to you to be the most beautiful form. God preserve you, beloved brother!" (Eusebius, Life of Constantine.) The church was completed in the year 835. II. loNAS KoRTENs, ehemaligcn Buchhiindlers zu Altona, Reise nach dem weiland Gelobten, nun aher seit sichensehn kimdert Jahren unter dem Fluche liegenden Lande; wie auch nach Egypten^ den Berg Llhanon^ Sgrien, und Mesopotamien: Von ihm selbst auf- richtig- beschieden und durchgehends mit Anmerkungen be- gieitet. 12'. 1741. "In my twentieth year, while teaching the children of a village school in Saxony, my attention was struck by reading Deut. xxix. 22-29, in which occur these words: — ' The strangers that shall come from a far land shall say, when they see the plagues of that land, and the sicknesses which the Lord hath laid upon it Even all nations shall say, wherefore hath the Lord done thus unto this land? What meaneth the heat of this great anger r' " These words made ujion me, even then, a very strong impression, and the idea thenceforth engaged me, to go and see that land to which God had espe- cially manifested his goodness and his retributive justice, and which he had set as a manifest example to the whole world, but especially to Christendom. In my twenty-fifth year I was laid on a bed of sickness, and by the cords of His mercy was led to vow unto Him a sincere repentance I now endeavoured, after the injunction of the Evangelist, to care for nothing in the world but food and clothing, and gaining these by the labour of my hands, to trust in Him who knows beforehand what we require. Formerly, I had thought it impossible to journey to the land of Canaan without a well-filled purse, but now I said to myself, ' You seek no longer the things of this world, you care not in what state of life you may be placed, you desire neither courts nor palaces, so it must be indiflerent to you where in the world you may be found ; and clothing Avill not fail you, if you are content to labour in whatsoever thy hand findeth to do.' In this persuasion I left England in my thirtieth year, and reached Constanti- nople and Smyrna. LTp to this period, I had been without care, anxiety, or restlessness; full of courage, joy, and faith, and had failed in nothing; but now, I began to lay aside my humility, I refused to work, and my previous content- ment of mind gave place to restlessness, care, and trouble, and all was lost. I took ship again for England My greatest trouble was, that I felt that my heart was not at peace with God. I now took up the trade of a bookseller, and after twenty years of busmess, I found myself blessed with many temporal enjoyments. Serenity and contentment again returned to my mind, and KORTENS WEILAND GELOBTEN LANDE, 319 nothing hindered, but that I should resume my former project of visiting Jeru- salem and the earthly Canaan. "The object which I had in view, I have already explained. It was, us a stranger from a far country, to see how exactly and righteously God had fulfilled his threatenings to his once favoured people, and thus, at the same time, to convince myself of the truth of his prophecies, and to be a witness of the same truth to those who had not opportunity to see those things with their own eyes. " Among other results of my journey, I must especially mention the discovery that what is now received as Mount Calvary cannot be the true one. I trust that the veil of error will now be removed from the eyes of the whole world, and such a blow be given to the godless honouring of this place, that the de- ceived people may at length open their eyes, and consider how long they have been groping in the dark, and fancied that those offerings could be well- pleasing to God, which are so opposed to the service which God requires." ( Vorrede.) " The 'holy places' are brought together in this church as in a 'raree-show'. It is the greatest spiritual toll-house, as it is also the most godless place, in the whole world : and it forms a fearful stumbling-block to Jews and Mahometans, (pp. 44, 51.) How could the place of burial have been only fifty paces distant from that of the crucifixion ? How was it that the cross was allowed to have been removed? Did they bury it by permission, or secretly? It could not have remained on Calvary : for if the Jews discovered that the Christians were in the habit of coming hither, to pray to a piece of wood, this being contrary to the precepts of their religion, they would have burnt the cross, and stoned the blasphemers. (51-52.) How is it that the rock, in which they show the rent of the earthquake, is hollow underneath, and reposes on two stones ? (55.) How is it that we hear nothing of Melchizedek's grave, and of Adam's head, in the tradition of the Jews ? From whom did the Christians receive the in- formation? (56.) How could Calvary be so near to the Temple, and in the very heart of the city? (158, 193.) "Another error into which the learned are fallen, is that Jerusalem docs not occupy the same place as the old. For not only does the present city stand within the ancient boundaries, but it occupies the most central and the prin- cipal portion of the old city : and therefore I could scarcely believe my eyes, when I considered how many travellers and learned men had fallen into this error. For, indeed, it is impossible that the walls on the east and west sides, confined as they are by deep valleys, can have been otherwise than as at pre- sent existing. To be persuaded of this, you ha^'e only to look at the position of the city from without.* (164, 165, 177.) ^ "I can only explain how so palpable an error has been handed down and * See the general view of Jerusalem in Bartlett's Walks about JerusuUni. 320 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLX SEPULCHRE. received from antiquity, by considering that it is in God's anger that they have been smitten with blindness, and been groping as blind men in darkness, even in noon-day. For when in the third and fourth centuries the knowledge of Christ was gradually lost sight of, — especially the fundamental principle that salvation is obtained only by faith in his name, — erring men laid their salvation in inanimate objects, in lifeless places, in wood and stone ; and thus God was pleased to visit them with darkness, so that they mistook even the places which they designed to honour." (167, 168.) Other objections which he adduces are those of — Pojmlation : He asks, how the city, restricted in the manner insisted on by the advocates of the sepulchre, could have contained the popu- lation specified by ancient historians, and this in a land where the houses are seldom of more than two stories in heighf? (176.) Impolicy : How could the Jews have built their wall in a situa- tion by which the city would be exposed to the superior position of Mount Calvary, while the western valley was so near to them? (177, 178.) Want of correspondence ivitli Scripture: The Evangelists say nothing of Golgotha being on a mxount, but rather lead us to infer that it was in a valley: (189, 190:) and Prohability of Deception : He objects the frequent recourse to rocks and caves. Indents in the rock are pointed out as caused by Stephen when he fell: and impressions in the rock are shown at Gethsemane, as proceeding from the feet and hands and one knee of the Saviour. (75, 81.) '' After long consideration how it could be possible that the early fathers could have erred so grossly as to choose this false site instead of the true one, in a manner so contrary to the evidence of their senses, I found for them the following excuse. It is manifest to all confirmed Christians that God, who, as eternal Love, only desires that fallen creatures should be raised up again, should permit those means which men adopt in sincerity of heart. This, how- ever, is certain, so soon as such means degenerate into empty custom, and fall into misuse, they are deserving of abolishment and curse, like the brazen ser- pent in the wilderness. The first authors and founders of these things had doubtless a good design and honest intention therein, and believed that it was even incumbent on them to observe with becoming solemnity the anniversaries of the death, and resurrection, and ascension of our Lord, and that the place? of those events should be sought out; and thus to remind themselves, or rather to bring home to their hearts, what the Saviour had done and suffered on their KORTENS WETLAND GELOBTEN LANDE. 321 behalf. Had they thus only regarded the thing, and not to the honouring of the outward places, it might have been excusable that they should openly have selected this hill, knowing all the while that it was not the true site ; and that some one should have cut the footsteps in the Mount of Olives, when Helena desired to build a church there. From such original intention, which, however, was not a pure one, afterwards grew the gradually increasing corruption in religion, which has now reigned for so long a time, and still exists. That such places are worthy of curse, we must consider as a sufficient reason — the placing of remission and forgiveness of sins on the pilgrimage to, and honouring of, such places. For thus was lost the chief and fundamental article of the Gospel, viz. that we obtain forgiveness of sins only by faith in the name of the Son of God, together with that which follows therefrom, that God purifies our heart by such faith. But this is certain, that no dead, but a living faith, is necessary. " The foregoing considerations had mduced in me respect to the early fathers, although there yet remained many difficulties : but when, after my return to my native country, I read the following accounf^" of S}'Tiesius, afterwards Bishop of Ptolemais, such respect well-nigh vanished from me altogether. He writes thus to one of his friends : ' The populace despise things easily to be imderstood : you must have recourse to imposture, A philosophical spirit, which searches after truth, permits itself to lie when there is occasion : for there is the same analogy between light and truth, as there is between the eye and the people. If the eye received too abundant light, it would be hurtful to it, and obscurity is more useful to those whose sight is feeble. In the same manner is falsehood useful to the populace, and truth is dangerous to those who have not power to contemplate it in its simplicity. If the laws of the Church permitted such pro- ceeding I would embrace the priesthood, but on condition, that I might be a philosopher at home, provided I appeared in public as a relator of fables. . . . What is there in common between the people and philosophy ? Truth should be ke^it secret : the populace require a diff'erent teaching.' " I readily allow that few doctors of the Church were so shameless as he : but this I say, that the ground and desire of lying exists in all unregenerate men, and such men are unable to contend against it ; nay, they feel an inward plea- sure in such cleverly-imagined fables. Of this accursed lust it happens that all travels and topographies of the Holy Land are filled with such talcs ; thus writes one after another, although a half-witted can comprehend that it is but a fiction. Thus the cause is manifest as the light of day why- the talcs, the lies, tlie histories, and the other deceits at Jerusalem and in the Holy Land are in- * In Maturin Veyssiere la Croze, Hist, du Christianisme d' Ethiojne et cV Ar- menie, La Haye, 1739, pp. 11, 12. Synesius was ordained by Theophilus, a.d. 410. He is accused by M. La Croze of having forged the writings of Dionysius the Areoi)agite, in favour of monophysm. 322 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. troduccd, and how these damnable doctrines of Satan's synagogue* have swept over Eastern Christendom as a mighty flood, and been followed by a turning- back into sin, and an imbibing of the errors of Mahometanism. Nor should we wonder that they, in return, are smitten with blindness, so that not only can they not find the tomb of Christ, but even the site thereof remains un- known : which fact I think to be prefigured by the tomb of Moses, of which it is said that ' no man knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day'." (193-196.) III. Johann Friedrich Plessing, Ueher Golgotha und Christi Grab. 12mo. Halle, 1789. pp. 1-542, divided into 46 Sections. This work was intended by its author to supply the defi- ciencies of Korte's description, and consists of a most able and elaborate exposition of the falsity of the so-called Holy Sepul- chre. I proceed to notice some of his principal arguments. 1. Golgotha was the place of public execution. The Golgotha of Jerusalem answered to the Pompeian way of Mamertia, the Corvus of Thessaly, and the Sestertium of Rome. (i. 1, 2.) The gate which led to this place corresponded to the Esquiline Gate, (Lipsius,) or the Porta Metia (Parens) of Home, and the Porta Charonia of Athens, (iii. 16. )t The place of execution, among the Romans, was near a public thoroughfare, J that the execution might be not so much a punishment as an example. Quintil., Declam. cclxxv. (v. 27, 28, 32, 33.) Thus we read, ' They that passed by,' etc. Matt, xxvii. 32. 2. The place of Christ's burial teas held in no esteem by the Apostles and early Christians. The Apostles were living witnesses of Christ's crucifixion and resurrection: what need had they of lifeless stones ? The disciples have received instruction * '^ The church of the ' holy sepulchre' and its chapels are the sepulchre of the Christian religion of the East, wherein all vitality is swallowed up, where the very stones receive the homage which belongs to the Redeemer alone." (Rev. W. J. Woodcock, Script. Lands, p. 158.) f " Caussa nominis quod ibi decollare homines solerent, qualia loca Romac erant Sestertium et Gemonise." Matth. Hilleri, Onomasticum Sacr. s. v. Golgotha. Jerom.e refers to the Gemonia) at Rome, the Ceadas at Sparta, and the Bara- thrum at Athens {Opera, iv. i. 137; iv. ii. 547.) See also Suidas, s. v. Bn/oa- Opov, Kaidcwi, and Keacas. ^ He conceives it to have been on the Joppa road, which lay north-west of the city ; but he determined this position from a mistaken notion of the Dung Gate. The road to Bethlehem, across the valley of Hinnom, would also be a great thoroughfare. It was, indeed, the great South Road. PLESSING, GOLGOTHA. 323 from the Apostles, and seen them sealing their testimony with their blood : what need have they of other witness ? S. Chrysostom states that the Apostles and early Christians ''had not busied themselves with it, partly because they were fearful of so doing, and partly because they were occupied with other matters." Horn. Ixxxiv. in Joh. The acknowledgment is important that they did not busy themselves about the place of burial ; but we are better able to appreciate the character of the early Christians, than to believe that their reason for so doing was that of fear. Minucius, in refuting the calumny of Ca^cilius, says, we neither honour nor fear the cross. " Cruces etiam nee colimus, nee horremus," xii. 4, and xxix. 7. (x. 72, xlii. 368.) The sepulchre might have passed into other hands, and been used for other purposes, and thus, gradually, all knowledge of it would be lost. (ix. 61.) The Christians had fled to Pella before the siege of the city by Titus, and they remained there till the reign of Hadrian, when Aquila was appointed as governor. Epiphanius, De Mensuris et Pond., XV. 171. Sulp. Sev. Hist. Sacr. ii. 31, n. 4. (xviii. 133.) Indeed, had they desired to return, the troubled state of the country would have precluded their so doing, (xi. xiii.)* The first pilgrimage that we read of is that of Alex- ander, a bishop in Cappadocia; Euseb. H E. vi. 11 ; and the next is referred to by Firmilianus, in a letter to Cyprian; Cypr. Epist. 75. But these earlier pil- grimages, down to the time of Eusebius, were always to Bethlehem and the Mount of Olives. Cyril interprets Ps. cxxxii. 7, 'We will go into his tabernacle, and fall low on our knees before his footstool', as referring to Bethlehem, Catech. xii. 20; as he refers, Zech. xiv. 4, to the impression of the feet on the Mount of Olives. Eusebius, Jerome, Origen, all consider that Bethlehem is the place referred to in the former passage, (xix. 149-158.) During this time, the bishops of Jerusalem had resided at Pella, where Ave find one of them, Simeon the son of Clcophas, put to death in the reign of Trajan, in the year 120. (xv. 102.) Up to their return to Jerusalem, they had always elected Jewish bishops, but at this period we find the election falling upon a Roman, Marcus, (xviii. 136.) Hadrian not only received them kindly, but took them into his especial favour and protection ; and, as wc find from Grosius, Lampridius, and Epiphanius, he forbad their being condemned without proof, he built a temple in honour of Christ, he appointed as governor a man whom he knew to be favourable to their opinions, and he allowed them to remain in Jerusalem after the in- surrection of Barcochba, though he prohibited the Jews from so doing, (xxvi. 203, 204.) This circumstance, alone, would show that the Christians could not have been present at the second siege of Jerusalem, or they would * The Christians were treated by Barcochba in the most cruel manner for refusing to join him in his revolt. The country was so desolated, that wolves and hyaenas are recorded to have entered the city in the year 133: (Dion Cass. Ixix. [14:) and the celebration of the passovcr was transferred from Moxmt Nisan to Mount Ijar. (Bp. Muentcr in Bib. Sacr. i. 425, 226.) 324 ox THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. have been excluded in common with the Jews. (xxvi. 193.) How could Hadrian have thus invited them, had he, as represented by later writers, pur- posed to insult them, by desecrating the spots which they held as sacred ? (xxvi. 202-204.)* "How awful is the consideration that the Spirit of God should be brought forward as a lying witness, in order to account for a pre- tended desecration of the spot by the heathen! (195.) The statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was not over the grave, as pretended by Jerome, nor over the place of crucifixion, as pretended by Paulinus, but over the temple of Solomon ; and it was erected, not in enmity to the Christians, but the Jews. Did Hadrian hold the goddess Venus in so little esteem, to be of so foul and degrading a nature, that he was content to build her a temple over a tomb ; and could he think to raise a temple to the king of gods in a spot of infamy, in a place of public execution ? (205, 206.) On the contrary, the emperor gave to his city perfect religious freedom, and the Christians might, had they so desired, have built their church at the Holy Sepulchre; but, in accordance with the Psalms and the Prophets, they chose Zion for their residence, and erected there their churches, which they called synagogues, (xvili. 142-148.) Either, therefore, they did not regard the sepulchre with feelings of peculiar sanctity, or they were ignorant of its situation; and, consequently, the story of the temple of Venus is a fable. But it is probable that in the time of Hadrian the position of the sepulchre was no longer known, for in the second year of his reign, and previous to his rebuilding it under the name of ^-Elia Capitolina, he entirely destroyed the remainder of the city, which had escaped in the siege of Titus. (xiv. 99, 100.) 3. Tlie Jindiny of the ^ Holy Sepulchre' was a mailer of tvorldly polity. The fourth century believed in dreams, visions, and other proofs of divine attestation, (xxi. 164.) It was by means of a dream that the empress Pulcheria discovered the bodies of the fort)' soldiers who were slain by Licinius ; it was by a dream that Ambrose freed himself from the authority of Rome, and set up his church at Milan, through the discovery of the precious relics of Saints Ger- vasius and Protasius ; and it was thus that the Bishop of Jerusalem sought to free himself from subjection to the Bishop of Caesarea, by feigning Helena to have been instructed in a dream as to the position of the cross and sepulchre, (xxi. 164; xxiii. ; xxxiv. 268.) Would Mahomet have established his kingdom, if he had not given out that he was the prophet of God? Would Constantine have succeeded in inspiring that confidence in his troops which enabled them to overcome all their enemies, if he had not pretended to have seen a vision of the cross? Euseb. Vita Const, i. 29; ii. 8. (xxxi. 171.) The heathen ideas which still animated Constantine and Helena, led them to search for the cross of Christ. The heathen believed that, by the use of The same opinion is expressed by Milman, Hist, of Christianity, p. 308. PLESSING, GOLGOTHA. 325 certain words, hymns, signs, and other actions, according to the instructions of theurgy, the gods might be induced to confer particular benefits on their wor- shippers, to grant their requests, and to bestow victory and protection. The emperor observed that the Christians constantly made use of the sign of the cross, '^'^ and he believed that such sign had an extraordinary virtue in protecting the person using it from the power of evil spirits. He found himself opposed to Maxentius, a man who employed all manner of magical arts against his enemies. To whom shall he apply in such extremity ? He is overwhelmed with concern. What shall he do ? He has It ! He will turn the superstitions of the people to his own advantage. How natural then does not the dream appear, that Christ appeared to him, and commanded him to make use of the cross ?f Nor were his expectations frustrated. He obeys the revelation, and conquers Maxentius. We find him afterwards acknowledging, " So soon as I displayed thy sign (the cross) I raised together a victorious host," Vita Const, ii. 55 ; and. Eusebius observes, " The emperor honoured this conquering sign, because he thereby obtained secret power from God. By this sign have the hosts of the enemy been put to flight, and the legions of evil spirits been destroyed. By this sign has the pride of those who withstood God been humbled, and the tongue of the godless blasphemer silenced. By this sign are the savage nations brought into subjection.":}: Orat. de laud. Const. 740. (xxvii. 211-215.) But his thoughts are influenced also on behalf of Jerusalem. He reflects that other cities rose into importance from the celebrity of their fanes. But if he be asked where was the principal seat of his religion, what could he an- swer ? He resolves therefore to embellish the city, and to erect sumjjtuous temples : (xxxi. 237-244:) and he believes that the city shall remain impregnable so long as the wood of the true cross should be supposed to remain there, (xxi. 171.) Need we be surprised, then, at the discovery of the sepulchre ? Even before * Cyril insisted on the efficacy of the cross in exorcising evil spirits. {Catevh., XV. 14; xiii. 3, 36.) A story is told of the Emperor Julian, who, being ini- tiated into the Eleusinian mysteries, at Ephesus, by Maximus and Chrysanthus, and seeing spectres of fire, involuntarily made this sign of the cross, on which they disappeared. Pie then observed, "There is some efficacy in this sign of the Christians": on which Maximus, with ready wit, answered, *' Do you think you have frightened the gods ? No ; but they will not hold converse with a profane person, such as you appear." f Cyril considered this as the 'appearance of the sign of the son of man.' {E2)ist. ad Constantiam, v. and vi. p. 213.) I It seems probable, from the present dispute between the French and the Russians, relative to the ' Holy Places', that the so-called ' Holy Sepulchre' may again become a pretext for political intrigue and temporal aggrandize- ment. 326 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. the event was accomplished, we find Constantinc making preparations for the intended church. " Quippe jam pridcm hoc apud sc constituerat, idrpie quod erat futurum, divina quadam alacritate prreviderat." {Ufa Cotisf. iii. 29 ; xxvii. 217.) How could the doting Helena be indifferent to so specious an under- taking ? She does whatsoever is desired of her. She considers herself the favoured instrument in the hand of God for bringing to light this ' salutary sepulchre.' She is even made to believe that she has surpassed the Virgin Mary. — " Ilia (Maria) quasi sancta Dominum gestavit — ego crucem ejus resus- cltatum. Ilia generatum docuit — ego resuscitatum. Ilia fecit ut Deus inter homines videretur — ego ad remedium peccatorum divinum de ruinis elcvabo vcxillum." Ambrosius, In Coticione de Obitu Theodosii Aug. n. 43, t. ii. op. p. 1210. (xxvii. 218.) Cp-il collects together most of the passages in the Bible descriptive of the praise and glory of Zion and Jerusalem, only to apply them to the seat of his bishopric, and to make it of more consideration in the eyes of Christendom. The following passages are thus misapplied: — Is. xliv. 23; Zach. ix. 9; Ps. xlvii. 1, 13; xcvii. 8; cxiii. 6: {Graf, in occurstim Doynini :) Is. Ix. 1 ; i. 26, 27; ii. 3; xlix. 18; Ix. 8; Ixvi. 8; Ixv. 20. {Catech. xviii. No. 34, p. 301.) And these pretexts ultimately led to the appointment of Juvenal, the Bishop of Jerusalem, as Patriarch, in lieu of the Bishop of Ca^sarea. (xxxiv. 269, 270.)* 4. Objections to the received tradition. Hadrian having demolished the whole of the ancient city, it must have been a work of considerable time to people his new city, ^lia was therefore necessarily of more restricted area than the ancient city. How, then, is it pos- sible to suppose that the toAvn of Hadrian could in any part exceed the ancient limits ?f Granted that the walls were entirely destroyed, and the foundations * The bishop and the clergy of Jerusalem have seen the zeal with which Helena has performed her pilgrimage, the simple and pious credulity with which she has listened to, and inquired after, every vague tradition; they have beheld the glorious temples rise up at her command, and the costly gifts she has bestowed upon them; and, shall they remain silent? She is already in the de- cline of life, and who knows how soon she may be carried off? One hint from them might cause her to persuade the Emperor, or resolve, even herself, to do more for Jerusalem than she had already done for Bethlehem; for the church at Bethlehem far exceeded in grandeur that of the Mount of Olives. j- Nothing can be clearer than the language of Brocardus: — " Nee verum est, ut quidam opinantur, ipsam urbem nunc in alio loco sitam esse, quam fuerit dominica) passionis tempore. . . . Talis sic dicunt quia regionem et urbem ipsam non viderunt. Situs Jerusalem est, et semper fuit, talis quod stante templo Domini intra ejus moenia vanum fuisset, imo impossibile cam ex toto ad alium PLESSING, GOLGOTHA. 327 rooted up, the external line of wall was too strongly marked by nature to allow of its being obliterated. Can we suppose that Hadrian would carry his line of wall along garden-land on the lower slope of a hill,* and thus lay it open to an enemy on the higher ground of Calvary, instead of availing himself of those strong defences, so celebrated by all writers ? (xvii : xxvi. 208.) But is it true, that the site of the Sepulchre lay outside of the city, even in the time of Con- stantine ? Eusebiu^ writes: — "In provincia autem Palestina, apud civitatem quae Hebraeorum regia quondam sedes fuit, m ipso urbis meditulUo, ad locum dominici sepulchri, Basilicam immensge amplitudinis et sedem sacram in honorem sanctae crucis omni magnificcntia? genere exornavit." Orat. de laude Const, ix. 741. (xxvi. 208; xliv. 394.) The expression used by Eusebius, " opposite to that old Jerusalem," would apply to the Temple, in opposition to which, as it were, the Christian church was erected. The discovery of the cross is not mentioned by Eusebius, and this omission is important, as it takes so principal a part in the narratives of subsequent writers. The attempt, indeed, was made to interpolate the circumstance in the writings of Eusebius, but the forgery was detected by Gelasius, Dist. xv. 3. Not only is the Aquitanian Pilgrim, who visited Jerusalem in 333, silent re- specting the cross, but Juvencus, Gregorius of Nyssa, Ambrosius, Grosius, Philo- storgius, Basilius of Seleucia, Sedulius, Alcimus Avitus, Palladius, and Eu- menius are alike silent, (xlii. 364. For various contradictions as to the period and manner of discovery, see xlii. 365, 366.) The pieces of the cross in many churches are as new as if they' had been only just cut off. Salmasius apud Bartholin, de latere Christi, pp. 269, 270. From the variety of woods of which these are composed arose the tradition, that the foot was of cedar, the body of cypress, the arms of palm-tree, and the tablet of olive-tree. " Pes crucis cedrus, corpus tenet alta cupressus, Palma manus religat, titulo Isetatur oliva." J. H. Ursini, Urh. Bihl. xv. Is it probable, that the holes for the cross would be sunk down a few inches in the live rock.f instead of being fixed and rammed into the earth? Do not locum transferre propter locorum munitioncm; ex omni parte consimilem enim munitionem alibi habere non posset ullo ingenio." {Descriptio Terr. Sanct., viii. 43.') *• The ground outside of the church of the 'Holy Sepulchre' is 25 to 30 feet higher on the north-west, than on the east and south-east sides. (Ersch imd Gruber, Encydopddie, art. Jerus. s. 315. b.) f A recent traveller, who had formed a very erroneus idea respecting Mount Calvary, had promised some of his friends to bring home some earth from "tlic place where the cross had stood," but on arriving there he found nothing but rock and marble. {Morfjenhlalte, Jan. 1843, No. 22.) VOL. IT. Z 328 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SErULCHRE. Juvencus and Cyril say that Golgotha was a field, a garden? (xliii. 38o.)*' Cyril says expressly that it was not above the ground, as the tombs of the kings, Catech. xiii. 35, p. 200. He compares it to a pit, snch as that in which Joseph was cast, and calls it Xukkov, and he believes that Jeremiah prophesied of Christ's grave, when he said, ' They have cut off my life in a dungeon, and cast a stone upon me', Lam. iii. 53 ; as David did, when he said, Ps. Ixxxviii. 4, 6, * I am counted -with them that go down into the pit'.f (xliii. 358. )| This manifest disagreement with the Scripture narrative, caused Modistus, in a sub- sequent age, to give the tomb a form entirely different from that of Cyril's, (xliv. 391, 398-400.)§ But where is the rock which rose above the pavement of the Church of the Resurrection, and in which the soros for the body was ? Had not Hakim levelled it with the ground ? Could another rock arise in which the tomb of Christ might be shown? — If the patriarch Nicephorus built a new grave it could not have been of rock. (p. 423.) William of Baldensel, in the year 1336, states, that it was not composed of one mass of rock, but of many fragments put together, and compares it to the towers of Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mari- amne, " the stones of which were so artfully joined together, that each tower looked like one entire rock," Jos. Bell. v. 4, § 4.11 (PP- 424, 426.) We are told, that Constantlne built two splendid and very large churches, one over the grave, and the other over the place of crucifixion. Let any one take the plan of the present church, and say how these two large churches could have stood, side by side, without touching; and the two sacred places being so near to each other, why they should not have been included in the * How is it, if it required digging for in order to be found, that while the adjoining parts of the ancient city are forty feet beneath the surface, Golgotha remains on a level with the ground ? '\ 'EOavaTW(Tai> ii> Xukkw ^wyv f.iov Kal eTreOrjKav \l6ov btt e/tioi. " Extmserunt in fovea vel lacu vitam meam, et posuerunt lapidern super me." AcIkko's est fovea intra terram. Putat tamen Cyrillus sepulchrum Domini ca voce intelligi non solum in hoc Jeremise loco, sed etiam in Ps. Ixxxvii. 5, (Ps. Ixxxviii. 4, 6,) ubi David non tarn de se, quam de Messia dicit : "^stimatus sum cum descen- dentibus in foveam." (e/s Xukkov). — Casaubon, Exercit. ad Amial. Baron, xvi. 99. \ Lucas Wadding states, they descended formerly to the grave by a flight of marble steps: "Ipsum Christ! per cancellos aut fenestras duntaxat cernere licet, olimque patebat aditus per scalas subterraneas marmoreas." (^AtmaV. Ord. Minor., vii. ad ann. 1342, § xxiv. p. 265.) § "Illud sepulchrum fuerat in j^etra excisum ; et ilia pctra stat super terram.^'' ( Willebald, Hodwporicon. ) II J. A. Schmid, Dc Tnmba Scrvaforis, i. 2, § 6, p. 26. I have not been able to find the book. ROBINSON, BIBLICAL RESEARCHES. 329 same structure. (pp. 486-490. See Cyril Catech. xiii. 39.) " Welch ein elendcs Gedicht ist nun niclit die Identitut des heiligen Grabes ?"* IV. Biblical Researches in Palestine. By Rev. Dr. E. Robinson and Rev. E. Smith. 3 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1841. " Such is the account which Eusebius, the cotemporary and eye-witness, gives of the churches erected in Palestine by Helena and her son Constantine. Not a word, not a hint, by which the reader would be led to suppose that the mother of the emperor had anything to do with the discovery of the holy sepul- chre, or a building of a church upon the spot. But, as I have already remarked, this was the age of credulous faith, as well as of legendary tradition and inven- tion, if not of pious fraud; and this silence of the father of church history re- specting Helena, was more than made good by his successors. All the writers of the following century relate as with one voice, that the mother of Constan- tine was from the first instigated by a strong desire to search out and discover the Holy Sepulchre and the sacred cross on which the Saviour had suffered. A divine intimation had pointed out to her the spot; and, on her arrival at Jerusalem, she inquired diligently of the inhabitants. Yet the search was un- certain and difficult, in consequence of the obstructions by which the heathen had sought to render the spot unknown. These being all removed, the sacred .sepulchre was discovered, and by its side three crosses, with the tablet bearing the inscription written by Pilate. The tablet was separated from the cross; and now arose another dilemma, how to ascertain which of these three was the true cross. Macarius, the bishop, who was present, suggested an appropriate means. A noble lady of Jerusalem lay sick of an incurable disease; the three crosses Avere presented to her in succession. The two first produced no effect; but at the approach of the third, she opened her eyes, recovered her strength, and sprang from her bed in perfect health. In consequence of this discovery, Helena caused a splendid church to be erected over the spot where the crosses were found." {Bihl. Res. ii. 14, 15. f) "Neither Cyril nor Jerome]: make mention of Helena in any connection with either the cross or the sepulchre." (ii-16.) * Such is the tradition connected with which Church of the 'Holy Sepulchre' an " English Secretary of State, in the nineteenth century, expressed with be- coming force and feeling the regret with which the unseemly altercations (of the Greek and Latin churches) about shrines sacred to the common associations of all Christiafis must be regarded by every man of piety and reflection." ( Times, Feb. 21, 1853.) f Quoting Rufinus, ob. 410; Theodoret, fl. c. 440; Socrat., fl. c. 440; and Sozomen, fl. c. 450. l Nor the Bordeaux pilgrim. (Rob., Bihl. Sacr., p. 185.) z2 330 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. The following is the substance of other arguments put for- ward by Dr. Robinson : — He asks, whether it be probable that the ' Second Wall' would have been carried along so weak a line as the lower slope of Acra, (i. 392 ;) and whe- ther it could have taken in the ' Pool of Hezekiah', and excluded the Holy Sepulchre, when in so doing it must have formed a sharp angle? and he refers to the remains of an old gateway by the Damascus Gate, which must have formed part of this second wall. (ii. 68, 69.) He also shows, as Korte and Plessing had done before him,* the possibility of their being in error in this in- stance, by their having erroneously fixed upon the site of another spot — that of the Ascension, showing from the parallel passages in St. Luke (xxiv. 50, 51) and Acts (i. 12), that the ascent took place from Bethany, on the further slope of the Mount of Olives, and not from the summit of the mountain, (ii. 77; Bibl. Sac. i. 177.) f Thus, then, in this following century, sprang up the sacred myth which we are now required to believe. Each succeeding writer embellishes the story where he thinks it wanting,! till at length Helena's name is ascribed to almost every ancient church in the country. Mr. Newman contends only for the two earlier testimonies, Eusebius and Cyril, and acknowledges that later testimony coming from foreign lands, and exaggerated by popular belief, " whether true * Korte, Reise nach clem ehemaligen gelobten Lande, ii. 9, p. 163; Plessing, Ueher Golgotha, xx, 163. f Bartholomew de Salignac, a French pilgrim in the beginning of the six- teenth century, relates of this building, — "I will acquaint you with a fact which is iindoubted by the faithful. Those who, standing near to the place of the footmarks of the Blessed Jesus, lift up their eyes towards heaven in a direct line, will see a luminous opening in the aetherial regions, as though the heavens had opened asunder. What do you suppose, O Christian brother, that this can mean, unless it show to the servants of Christ the way by which the glorified Lord Jesus ascended into Heaven ? But they say that, if you change your position a nail's breadth, this heavenly way will immediately vanish from your sight." (Barth. a Saligniaco, Itin. Terre Sancte Descript., ix. 3.) One footmark is more visible than the other ; and Treter considers it probable that, in the act of ascension, the right foot might have been supported by an angel. (Radzivili, Hieros. Pereg., Ep. ii. 82.) Other accounts say that the Turks have removed one footmark to the mosque of Omar. The writer cannot state whether there be one or two footmarks, for he did not go within the building. X Adrichomius introduces an aged Jew, who, being starved for seven days, by order of pious Helena, .consents to pray to God to reveal the site to him ; and on his prayer an earthquake ensued, and he was instantly converted. [Theatr. Terrce Sanctce, 176.) ROBINSON, BIBLICAL RESEARCHES. 331 or false, is exposed, prim A facie, to suspicion."* If so, — in what does this boasted miracle consist? That Constantine, being desirous of finding the Holy Sepulchre, found (whether recently or long excavated) a sepulchre, which he called the sepulchre of Christ; and that in a later age, according to evidence which must be view-ed with suspicion, the discovery was attributed to Helena, who is then said to have also found the true cross, the reality of wdiich was attended by an especial miracle, — the spear, the crown of thorns, the four nails, the tablet with its inscription, and the other objects of monkish evidence. f He concludes the consideration of this question by observing : '' Thus, in every view which I have been able to take of the question, both topographical and historical, whether on the spot or in the closet, and in spite of all my previous prepossessions, I am led irresistibly to the conclusion, that the Golgotha and the tomb now shown in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, are not upon the real places of the crucifixion and resurrection of our Lord. The alleged discovery of them by the aged and credulous Helena, like her dis- covery of the cross, may not improbably have been the work of pious fraud. It would perhaps not be doing injustice to the bishop Macarius and his clergy, if we regard the whole as a well laid and successful pi in for restoring jto Jerusa- lem its former consideration, and elevating his see to a higher degree of influ- ence and dignity." (ii. 80.) " Another circumstance also engaged their attention ; Cesarea was at this time the metropolitan see of Palestine ; and that of Jerusalem, which formerly had sunk so low, was now pressing its claims and striving to regain its ancient pre-eminence. Even so early as at the Council of Nicsea in 325, its claims had been presented; and they were then acknowledged and affirmed, saving, how- ever, the dignity of the metropolitan see. It is worthy of notice, that the discovery of the sepulchre took place the very next year. ^^% These were among the principal points put forward in the Biblical Researches ; in noticing which, the Quarterlu llevictv (of Dec. 1841), after doing justice to Dr. Robinson's learning and * Essay on Miracles, p. cli. f In answer to the objection — "How can the wood of the cross have been preserved in the earth for three hundred years ?" Mr. Newman asks — and I will give the question in his own words — " Moreover, if the discovery was not really made, there was imposture in the proceeding, an imputation upon the Church at Jerusalem, nay, in the event, on the whole Christian world, so heavy, as to lead us to weigh well which is the more probable hypothesis of the two, so systematic and sustained a fraud, or the discovery of a relic, or in human language, an antiquity, three hundred years old?" ;j: Robinson, Bibl. >S(ivr., i. 1 70. 332 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. research, adds : — he " has been dispassionate, almost to tender- ness, in his treatment of this poetic legend;" and concludes, by depicting " the fatal and inevitable effect of pious fraud, of long superstition : it may work its object with generations of be- lievers, but the time must at length come when it will injure, often most seriously, the cause which it wished to serve." y. Essay on the Miracles recorded in Ecclesiastical History. By (the Rev. ) J. H. N(ewman). 8vo. 1842. Sect. V, Art. 5. The Discovery of the Holy Cross. This section of Mr. Newman's Book is written to disprove and nullify, if possible, the evidence brought forward by Dr. Robinson. Though written by one who, as the title of the Essay indicates, is w believer in the miracles of the middle ages, and one, therefore, who is willing to accept traditions which are rejected by the Protestant Church, the Essay shows the writer to have been actuated by sincere motives. Though en- deavouring to vindicate the " Catholic" Church, Mr. Newman does justice to her opponent. He acknowledges that Dr. Robinson, " whose learning none can question, and w^hose zeal for Scripture all must honour, . . . writes with gravity and temper;" (pp. clviii. clxviii. ;) but he accuses him of objecting to the site, " with the view, not simply of disproving the fact, which is a point of secondary importance, but of fixing upon the Fathers and Church of the fourth century the imputation of deliberate imposture, and that for selfish ends. ... It stands to reason which party is more likely to be right in a question of topographical fact, men who lived three hundred years after it, and on the spot, or those who live in 1800, and at the antipodes." (pp. cliy. civ. clvii.) The following is the nature of his apology :— "The reality of our Lord's tomb was attested by a miracle: and Eusebius alludes to the occurrence of miracles at the Sepulchre. Nay, the very fact, that a beam of wood should be found undecoyed after so long a continuance in the earth, would, in most cases, be a miracle." [Mr Newman then adds : — ] NEWMAN, ESSAY ON MIRACLES. 333 " There are few people who woukl once acknowledge this, that would find any furtherjiifficulty in the tradition, that miracles were wrought by it." (p. cliii.) But, though Mr. Newman wishes it to be inferred that Euse- bius here alludes to the discovery of the cross, the facts of the case will not bear out the inference. It is true, that Con- stantine, in his letter to Macarius, speaks of " a miracle beyond the capacity of human reason," and writers have too hastily supposed, that this refers to the discovery of the cross, nar- rated by subsequent authors and thus tacitly acknowledged by Eusebius: but a reference to Eusebius himself, (iii. 28, im- mediately before he introduces Constantine's letter,) clearly shows that the miracle here alluded to, is simply the discovery of the sepulchre. (See the passages at length, iii. 28 and 30, of Eusebius, ante, p. 316.)* If, therefore, Mr. Newman affirms, that "the main authority for the present site of the Holy Sepulchre is Eusebius," (p. clvi.) and that it be requisite, that the reality of the tomb be attested by a miracle ; it is quite clear that Eusebius is to be acquitted of behoving, or wishing it to be inferred, that any such miracle took place as that supposed. The mistake into which later writers have been thrown, is owing to the fulsome and extravagant language in which Euse- bius writes. In answer to the objection raised against the site of the Church of the Ascension, he observes : — " One does not see how a tradition can be said to contradict Scripture, which, on the face of the matter, does but take one text instead of another." (p. clvii. note g.) Mr. Newman must have written this inad- vertently: he cannot have intended to set Scripture against Scripture, in order to support a theory which he finds to be apparently in accordance with one passage, though it is opposed * " A cave that had now been cut out in the rock, and which had received no other body. For it was necessary that it, which ivas itself a icondcr, should have the care of that corpse only ; for it is astonishing to sec even this rock, standing out erect and alone on a level land, and having only one cavern within it." (Eu.scb., Thtoplianiu, j). 199.) 334 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. to another. He objects, that Bethany is not on Mount Olivet ; but suggests, that the name was that of a district, which ex- tended to Mount Olivet. He urges, that " it is not fair to object that the Church of the Ascension falls short of a sabbath day's journey, without accounting for the circumstance, that Bethany exceeds it'." and he represents Dr. Robinson as affirming, that the Ascension did not take place from the Mount Olivet, and therefore as opposing Scripture ; (pp. 1571, 58 ;) and he finally escapes by the argument of the uncertainty of the length of a Sabbath day's journey, (pp. clvii. and clvii.) There are two mis- statements made here. Dr. Robinson, as we have seen, shews Bethany to have been on the lower slope of, and therefore on Mount Olivet :* and it is Mr. Newman, not Dr. Robinson, who misquotes Scripture ; for in the first chapter of Acts, the 10th verse, narrating the Ascension, refers to Bethany, and is there- fore in accordance with Luke xxiv. 50, while the Sabbath day's journey mentioned in verse 12, refers only to the Mount of Olives, over which they then passed, not to the village of Beth- any, or the place of the Ascension. •]• In answer to the question, " Whether the Second Wall went across Acra, or outside of it '?" he suggests, that the ruins by the Damascus gate, considered by Dr. Robinson as forming part of the Second Wall, may be of prior date to the building of that * This may be illustrated by Josephus's description of the wall which Titus built around Jerusalem, and which is said to have taken in the Mount of Olives, although we know, from the circuit of the wall being only thirty-nine stadia, that only the base of the mountain could have been included. {Bell, v, 12, § 1.) Thus, the Ascension having taken place from Bethany, the Evangelist re- presents it as occurring on the Mount of Olives. f Mr. "Williams, who repeats Mr. Newman's defence, acknowledges : " If it can be proved that this tradition, whose origin is lost in the antiquity of the Ante-Nicene period, is palpably false, this fact will serve greatly to weaken the force of traditionary evidence in general, and of that relating to the Holy Sepulchre in particular." {Holy City, 1845, p. 367.) footmarks were shown in many pagan temples of the divinities who were supposed to have stood there. A like superstition is evinced by Mussulmans on NEWMAN, ESSAY ON MIRACLES. 335 wall. (p. clxi.) Dr. Robinson, however, clearly shows it to have been a gateway.* He then reverts again to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. He contends, that Dr. Robinson's objection of the smallness of the city and its dense population, would he. but very little affected by the site of the Holy Sepulchre, (pp. clx — clxii.) Lastly, notwithstanding the various points already discussed, he pretends that " Dr. Robinson's arguments rest on a definite and single fact, and for that single fact he offers no (certain) proof." It is that connected with the 'pool of Hezekiah.' His objection is twofold: ^rst, he contends that the angle com- plained of is unimportant ; that " if Calvary were a place for execution and burial of criminals, there would be a reason why the wall should avoid it;" and that moreover, Dr. Robinson shows a bend in his own line of wall : and, secondly, he denies the, identity of Hezekiah's Pool, charging Dr. Robinson with having fixed it solely by tradition. Quoting 2 Chron. xxxii. 30, he says, " First, the inspired writer tells us that Hezekiah brought the water into the City of David, and the pretended pool is not in the city : and next, that he brought it to the ivestern side of the city, and the pool is on the north :" and he charges Dr. Robinson with disregarding the sacred text, which he professes to consult. He sums up his objection, by asking, " Coidd it be, that a pool which Scripture says was within the walls, should be situated upon a place of execution, which Scripture as surely places without them?" (pp. clx. — clxix.) In answer to this coup-de-grace it may be observed, that if the site referred to were the ancient Calvary, and the city were behalf of the footmark shown by them in the Dome of the Rock. The follow- ing is the account of a tradition respecting the Church of the Ascension held and originated by Christians : "It is a remarkable circumstance that the spot last trodden by the Divine footsteps, when the Lord was taken up to heaven in a cloud, never could be covered with pavement like the rest of the floor ; for whenever it was laid on it, the ground, impatient of every thing human, rejected it, and shook the marble in the faces of those that brought it ; forming thus a perpetual evidence of the dust being trodden by God, inasmuch as you may see the impression of his footsteps. But though what, was thus trodden, is daily and eagerly carried away by the faith of the multitudes who flock thither, the spot yet sustains no loss, for the earth still retains its own peculiar form, as if marked with the impression of his feet." (Taylor, Anct. Christianity, ii. 289, quoting Paulinus, bishop of Nola, Epist. xi. ; Sulpitius Sevcrus, Hist. Sacr., ii. 33.) Plcssing alludes to the same tradition, and asks : How is if that the impression, whicli was then in sand, is now in rock? • *• BihI. Sacr., p. 190. 336 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. restricted in its width, (which is most improbable,) it could have been purified and taken into the city, and Calvary re- moved further off; the sudden hend, which he accuses Dr. Robinson of having in his own plan, is that where the wall curves round gradually towards the Tower of Antonia, south- ward from Bezetha, which bending is perfectly independent of the sudden angle by the so-called church of the Holy Sepulchre; and which bend Mr. Williams imitates in his second edition. The charge about tradition, is entirely gratuitous, Dr. Robinson having proved the position from the Bible ; (see Bihl. Res. i. 488, 489;) and, with regard to the reference quoted, (2 Chron. xxxii. 30,) it is Mr. Newman who is in fault, in consequence of his confining the ' City of David' to the Acropolis of Zion, and thereby causing it to present a wrong bearing from the pool in question. And, lastly, if there be any w^eight in the argument of the improbability of a pool being .situated in the vicinity of a place of public execution, it is manifest that the objection in equal force will attach to the place of execution being in the vicinity of a public pool. But we must now listen again to Dr. Robinson. VI. Bihliotheca Sacra. Vol. i. Edited by Dr. Robinson. 8vo. New York, 1843. Art. III. The reputed Site of the Holy Se- pulchre, By the Editor. In this article are considered, more at large, several argu- ments for and against the Sepulchre, which were imperfectly entered into in the Biblical Researches. The following is an ab- stract of the Professor's reasoning : — The silence of the Bourdeaux Pilgrim has been considered corroborative of Eusebius' silence; but Mr. Newman objects, that the former "is silent also about the place of the ascension and of St. Helena's church there; though no one denies this part of St. Helena's history. So unsafe is it to argue from a negative." (p. ccxvi.) In answer to this, Dr. Robinson brings forward a quo- tation from this very author, to the effect that, " ibi facta est Basilica jussu Constantini." {Itin. Hieros., 595.) But it may be asked, how are the silence and indifference of the Apostles ROBINSON, BTBL. SACRA. 337 and early Christians to be accounted for? (p. 167); and how is it that Eusebius, writing ten years or more before the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre, in speak- ing of the pilgrimages to Bethlehem and the Mount of Olives, did not refer to the Holy Sepulchre, had there been any certain tradition respecting its site ? It is urged by Mr. Ne^^Tnan, that " the warrant for the preservation or recovery of the Holy Sepulchre, is the pagan temple raised over it upon the destruction of the city by Hadrian, which became a lasting record of the spot;" but if the discovery of the sepulchre was effected by a miracle, then the tradition respect- ing the temple of Venus, etc. and the assistance rendered by Jews and Christ- ians, is a fabrication; or, if this be true, then the finding of the sepulchre could be no miracle. Neither, indeed, is the testimony concurrent; some describing a temple of Venus, others a statue of Jupiter. Hadrian also is mentioned by some writers, and not by others, (pp. 182 — 184.) Not only also is the tradition itself untrustworthy, but the various particulars are alike incredible. Dr. Robin- son asks, whether it is likely that the crosses would be buried in a country where wood is so scarce that the floors and roofs are generally vaulted ? (pp. 166, 167:) but we may ask further, how is it that only three crosses were found, if this were the place for the crucifixion of criminals, and if, as is asserted, it was the custom of the Jews to bury the instruments of death with the corpses of malefactors?'^' or, if it be said, this was by miracle, then, how is it that the miracle was extended to the crosses of the two thieves, when it would have been equally apparent if the 'real cross' only had been preserved? As to the Pool of Hezekiah, independently of the difficulty which we should experience in bringing water into the acropolis of Zion, were that considered as the 'City of Da\id,' there would yet remain the reservoir in question, which, call it by whatever name one may, must, from its military importance, have been included within the walls of the city, and not exposed to an enemy ; in whatever case we view it, therefore, the city Avail must have gone round this pool or reservoir, (pp. 199, 200.) He shows how unsafe it is to trust to tradition for the determination of sacred sites, by referring to instances of former error. " In the vicinity of the Convent at Mount Sinai, there have been pointed out to all travellers for many centuries, not only the places where Aaron cast the golden calf, and Moses broke the tables of the law, and the sites of other like events, but also the spot where the earth opened and swallowed up Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, with their followers. . . . But it so happens, that according * Sanhed., xlvi. 1 ; Lightfoot, Ileb. and Tahn. Ex. on Acts, viii. 2 ; Nic. dc Sepul. Heb., iii. 5, § 5. But this custom prevailed only amongst the Jews, not among the Romans. (Plcssing, GnJrjotha, x, 62.) 338 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. to the Scriptures, tliis miraculous occurrence took place after tlie Israelites hud reached Kadesh, eleven days' journey from Horeb and Sinai. {JVum. xvi. xiii. 26. Deztt. i. 2.)" " Eusebius and Jerome both describe the site of Ramah, the city of Elkanah and Samuel, as being near to Lydda, which lies N.W. of Jerusalem. . . . Now we know that when Saul had visited Samuel at this Ramah, and was about to return home by Gibeah, 6 miles N.N.E. of Jerusalem, his way led by the sepulchre of Rachel, which is 5 miles S. of the same city, a topographical impossibility." Eusebius places Aceldama on the N. of Zion ; Jerome, 70 years later, fixes it on the S. where it remains unto the present day. In like manner the Beersheba of the Crusaders, which they placed at Beit- Jibrin, a point considerably N. of Hebron and Gaza, cannot have been the true site: and the Scala Santa of Rome, up which, for centuries, the " faithful" have painfully crawled upon their knees, cannot have been, as represented, the stairs of the ' house of Pilate ;' for this is stated, ever since the fourth century, to have been identical with the fortress Antonia, " where we know that the Roman armies during the siege of the temple, levelled evei'ything to the ground, in making their approaches." " But the most striking instance to illustrate the falsity of the claim in behalf of an ' antecedent probability,' — one, too, in which the probability, and the testimony on which it rests are even stronger than in the case of the sepulchre itself, — is that of the reputed place of our Lord's ascension on the summit of the Mount of Olives." (pp. 174-177.) .... The church of St. Stephen, erected by the Emjiress Eudocia in a.d. 460, is thus alluded to by Mr. Williams. It is " an unhappy circumstance that the site of the proto-martyr's sufferings was found for many years without the Damascus gate .... and what is more provoking is, that the Empress Eudocia erected a large church, at the supposed place of his martyrdom." {Holy City, p. 364.) Dr. Robinson then pleasantly retorts, that " the people and clergy residing on the spot must have known the place, at least they were much more likely to know it, than those of the fifteenth century, or than any partial witnesses of the nineteenth, century." {Bihl. Sacr. iii. 638-642.) He concludes his Essay by repeating his conviction, that — " The Golgotha and the tomb now shown in the Church of the Holy Sepul- chre are not upon the real places of the crucifixion and resurrection of our Lord :"* and with respect to his opponent, after accusing him of suppressio veri, and of suggestio falsi, he adds, " Indeed, I can hardly expect to find my own views subjected to a severer scrutiny by any future antagonist more able, nor probably by any one more disingenuous." (p. 202.) Alas ! he was woefully mistaken : no sooner had his last * See the same conviction similarly expressed, after a careful analysis of the whole evidence, in Bachiene, Hist, und Geog., Beschreib. von Palasl. ii. § 135; and in Ersch and Gruber, Encyclnpadic, art. Jcrus. s.s, 274 a, 315 b. WII,T,IAMS S HOLY CITY. 339 Essay been published, than a zealous advocate sat himself down to oppose it, and in two years afterwards, appeared VII. The Holy City. By the Rev. George Williams, M.A.. Lond. 1845. Plan of Jerusalem as eomposeil (JTo Mairii Land.) Acra, (No Man's Land.) Sheei) Gate, or "Valley Gate. Tower of Hananeel ? Damascus Gate — Fish Gate. Old Gate. Gate of Ephraim — Valley Gate. The " Broad Wall." The Comer Gate — The Tower of the Furnaces. The Gate Gennath. The Water Gate. The Tower Ilippious — The Armoury. Birkct es Sultan. — The "Pool that was mado." The Tomb of David. from Mr. Williams's description. Q. Fountain Gate — Valley Gate. R. Pool of Siloam — The King's Pool. S. Fountain of the Virgin — The Dragon Fountain. T. The Dung Gate. U. The Horse Gate. V. The " Tower that lioth out." W. The Water Gate. X. The "turning of the wall, even the comer." Y. The Pool Aniygdalon. Z. The Church of the " Holy Sepulchre." a. Traditional site of the " House of Herod." b. The "Porta .Judiciaria" — The Via Dolorosa. c. f, e, d. Antonia. g. Grotto of Jeremiah. The motive of the book he candidly states in his Preface, — " And now, should it be asked what occasion there was for another volume, I 340 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. . will offer the best apology I can. A work of much research has now been for some years before the world, one unavowed but ill-disguised object of which is to bring discredit on the early local traditions of Palestine, so as ultimately to involve the venerable Fathers of the Church in the charge of dishonesty, or unaccount- able ignorance. The affectation of candour and impartiality'^' with which the inquiry into the value of the ecclesiastical traditions is there conducted, has given an additional weight to the observations in the minds of those who have neither the means nor the opportunity of testing their accuracy for themselves ; so that much higher value has been set upon the arguments than they deserved. I do not hesitate to declare that one object of the present volume," &c " My only desire is to act as a humble man-at-arms in the attempt to * tear from the unbelievers the precious Tomb of the Captain of our Salvation,' and in common with all engaged in the ' Holy War,' I must feel grateful to a generous adversary for placing me under such a glorious banner, thereby, I trust unwittingly, arraying himself with the disciples of the Koran and the Crescent, the avowed enemies not of the Sepulchre alone, but of the Holy Church Catholic." (p. vi-ix.) Similar imputations to these are scattered throughout the book. After having had the privilege of reading so able, learned, pious, and Avithal so gentle and temperate an essay as that con- tained in the Biblical Researches^ it is sickening to find a work of such sterling merit set aside, by many Protestants, for one, among the principal objects of which is the endeavour to " \dndicate the ancient church" " from the objections which have been * Contrast all this with Mr. Newman's testimony (p. 332). Mr. Finlay, another advocate for the identity of the ' Holy Sepulchre', though on other grounds, thus speaks of the 'Biblical Researches': "The opponents as well as the supporters of Dr. Robinson's views, appear to consider the 'Biblical Re- searches' as the chief source of information on the subject, for they use it as their guide even while they attack its conclusions .... The most learned and impartial statement .... He states his case in a clear and candid manner." {Essay on the site of the Holy Sepidchre, 8vo., Lond., 1847, pp. 9, 10.) For similar sentiments, even more strongly expressed, see the North JBritish Review for Feb. 1845, and the Quarterly Review of Dec. 1841. See Dr. Robinson's own feel- ings, as expressed in Bill. Sacr., i. 157, 171, 172 : and see the ample testimony given to the value of the Biblical Researches, compared with the stricture on the "hateftil, spiteful controversy of Mr. Williams" in the eminent geographer of Berlin, Carl Ritter, Die Erdhunde, vol. xvi. Abtheil. i. pp. 305, 380. ■Williams's holy city. 341 raised to [what Mr. Williams considers as] her most venerable traditions." (p. -365.) Referring to the charges brought against Helena, the author says — " Such was the person whom modern Christians can pity and despise, whose name they dare to cast out as evil, and to stigmatise in language it tvould he a sin to repeats (p. 168.) He censures Dr. Robinson for not having filled his pages with the traditions of the native Christians of Jerusalem, those very persons whose fables he was desirous of exposing, (p. 257.) % Mr. Williams is an advocate of the ' Catholic ' Church, and a supporter of the prescriptive rights and dignities of the priesthood. On his being sent out as chaplain to the late excellent Bishop of Jerusalem, Dr. Alexander, he had an opportunity of assisting that prelate in his endeavours to extend the blessings of a pure Christian doctrine, " to the Jew first, but also to the gentile." So far as Mr. Williams can be understood relative to what he has thought fit to write respecting " the English Mission " at Jerusalem, (p. 473,) it would seem, that he is averse to the manner in which it has been estabhshed, if not indeed to the establishment of any mission at Jerusalem : he " believes the Greek Church, what- ever be her deficiencies, to have been, on the whole, remodelled after the pattern of the primitive and purest ages of Chris- tianity," (p. 485,) and he deprecates any interference with that church which might tend to " a schismatical separation from those who are ' over them in the Lord.' " But Mr. Wilhams's severest anger is directed against the " American Congrega- tionalists " at Jerusalem, (p. 467.) The eff"ects of this mission is " a most distressing subject" to Mr. Williams, (p. 472), and he draws an absurd and preposterous picture of the miserable state of " the most favourable specimen by far of all (the con- versions) with which he had any dealings." (p. 470.)* Speaking * Contrast this with Dr. Hogg's testimony to their usefulness. ( Visit to Alex- andria, etc., ii. 270.) 342 ON THE ALLECxED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. of the books distributed by the missionaries in the East, he adduces ' Luther and his Times ' " as one of many like mis- chievous books issued from the Malta press, now happily abandoned, or in better hands than formerly." (p. 469.) But though ]\Ir. Williams is thus averse to the Protestant missions, he speaks in other terms of the labours of the Jesuits, (p. 465,) though he laments the schism which they introduced into the orthodox Greek church. Nor are his views changed at the time of publishing his Second Edition. Speaking of the labours of Bishop Gobat, he gives a copy of the prelate's encouraging Report to the Home Society, of the conversion of many of the native Christians to the Protestant faith, the establishment of schools, &c. on which he observes — " A sad state of things . . . who can bid it God speedl" (ii. 617.} As for the " American and European missionaries," he endea- vours to rid himself of them altogether, as David did of Uriah, by tauntingly advising them to leave their present field, and go among savages, in order to earn for themselves a martyr's crown ! (ii. 597.) It has been necessary to give the preceding extracts that the reader may understand the principles by which Mr. Williams is actuated as an author. With one imbued with such senti- ments, with one who, being a minister of the Church of Eng- land, " felt it a pleasure to sojourn, and a privilege to suffer in the house of Saint Veronica," (p. 307,) the writer of this notice can feel no sympathy. But in order to form a just estimate of the value of Mr. Williams's arguments and opinions on matter- of-fact questions of topography, we must further see how little likely he is to be led aside by ' old wives' fables.' " It is interesting,^'' (he says) " whatever be the value of the tradition, to be she^vn the tomb of Melchizedek, the place where Abraham offered u^i Isaac, and the tree which occupies the spot where the ram was caught in a'thicket by its horns : it serves at least to bring these transactions most vividly before the mind, and to give a vitality {\) to the Sacred History," &c. {Holy City, p. 3.) After recounting a tradition of the Jews, that the ' Ark of Williams's holy city. 343 the Covenant,' with its holy contents, is miraculously preserved in a secret chamber of most difficult access, prepared by Solomon in the sacred rock, within the mosque at Jerusalem, — a tradition which is reported by the Crusaders, but who incline to believe that it was buried by Jeremiah, in a cave under Mount Nebo, — ^Mr. Williams remarks — " However unsatisfactory these accounts may appear, it is surely a matter of no little interest, and it is every ivay prohahle, that He who had honoured it as * the seat of his glory for so many centuries, would preserve it from such dese- cration as it must have undergone, had it fallen into the hands of the Chaldeans." (p. 47.) The miracle of Narcissus, who poured water into the lamps of his church on one of the Vigils of the Feast of Easter, and it was by a miraculous and Divine power, changed into the fatness of oil, being one of the miracles accepted by Mr. Newman, is naturally related by Mr. Williams, who adds : *' Another scarcely less remarkable story related of this Bishop would prove that he was under the especial protection of his Divine Master." The story is, that three men having slandered him, and prayed that some grievous evil might overtake them if they spoke falsely, — the first was consumed by fire, the second was wasted with some loathsome disease, and the third wept himself blind, (p. 152.) " The story of the luminous cross which is said to have appeared in the heavens in the time of S. Cyril, is too interesting to be passed over in silence, and too loell authenticated to be rejected as fabulous." (p. 177.) In speaking of the traditionary sites of the sepulchre, Mr. AVilliams says : " They may still be not without their use to one who is more intent on turning to good account a visit to these sacred scenes, than disposed to ridicule and despise feelings which he cannot understand or appreciate. The same may be said of other traditionary sites in and about the Holy City." (//. C, p. 307.)* * The following are some of the tiaditionary sites referred to in Mr. Williams's Avork, and which furnish materials " to turn to good account." The cave of S. James ; the cave of S. Peter, where he wept bitterly ; the cave where the lion assisted to bury the corpses of the Christians slain by the Persians and Jews in the invasion of Chosroes H ; the crypt where Solomon tormented the daemons; the chamber in which Solomon wrote the Book of Wisdoip ; the house of Hezekiah ; the house of Caiaphas ; the house of Simon VOL. II. A A 344 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPrLCHRE. " I grudge not those their faith, the credulous train, Who tread the path enthusiasts trod before. Dupes of the convent's legendary strain For pious Helena forged in days of yore ; Who fix each spot, each fancied site explore Of every deed in Scriptural annals read : — 'Tis thus, when life's pulsation beats no more, Misjudging friends o'er wasted features spread Imposture's mask to cheat the mourners for the dead." llie Pilgrimage, xx.* Atque aliqua ex illis quum Regum nomina quseret Quee loca, qui montes, quaeve ferantur aquae; Omnia responde; nee tantum si qua rogabit; Et quae nescieris. ut bene nota, refer. (Ovid. Art. Amai. i. 219-222.) These quotations are enough ; and we may therefore imagine the zeal with which the author would endeavour to repel the aspersions cast upon the ' Catholic ' church, which if proved, would, as he admits, convict her rulers of " flagrant wicked- ness." (p. 312.) "We pass on to notice some of his arguments. He endeavours to explain the silence of Eusebius as to several particulars afterwards gradually engrafted on his original narrative by Sozomen, Theodoret, and others, each furnishing his quota towards that tradition which was becoming the treasury of the church, by the assertion that — " They were quite as well informed as we can be as to what Eusebius had written on the subject, and they were following his narrative ; therefore it is highly improbable they would venture, under any circumstances, to con- tradict his statements, or even to make any important additions without some sufficient warrant ; for theg were not so very far removed from the time of these the Pharisee ; the house of St. Anne, and the birth-place of the Virgin Mary ; the postern of the good thief; the retreat of the apostles; the place of the Tower of Temptation ; the place of the chief corner-stone ; the shoe-marks on the pavement of the temple of the soldiers who slew Zachariah ; our Lord's footmark when he stood before Pilate ; the place where the friends of our Lord stood afar off; and the prison in Avhich our Lord was detained while the pre- parations were making for his crucifixion. * Lord Francis Egerton. Williams's holy city. 345 transactions as to render it impossible for them to recover from other quarters some particulars which the earlier writer had failed to record. "••' It will have been seen that Dr. Robmson has adduced as one of the reasons why it is probable that the site of the so-called Church of the Holy Sepulchre was included within the walls, the proximity of the ' Pool of Hezekiah,' founding his opinion both on the Bible and on tradition. It could not be supposed that Dr. Robinson would be allowed thus quietly to trespass upon the peculiar property of his opponents. Mr. Newman, who w^ould have considered tradition sufficient to demonstrate the truth of any legend he might have himself brought forward, most innocently accuses Dr. Robinson of having no other evi- dence than tradition. Mr. Williams on the other hand laughs at the idea of his traditional evidence mounting up no higher than to the beginning of the seventeenth century, (p. 270), though he is unable to bring forward any counter-tradition of earlier date to oppose to it. Subsequently, however, we find a lengthened and an ingenious attempt to substitute another ' Pool of Hezekiah,' and that " from Scripture alone," (without tradition !) The circumstance whether the pool in question be or not the ' pool of Hezekiah' is of considerable importance as affecting the authenticity of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre : not indeed that the rejection of this pool would prejudice the argu- ments of those who object to the site of the sepulchre ; but, as acknowledged by Mr. Williams, (p. 269,) " the pool . . . if rightly placed would bring that part of the modern city, and so the Holy Sepulchre, within the ancient walls." f Hence the labour and study with which he seeks to disprove the position. * The words in italics refer to Mr. Newman's argument relative to the com- parative weight of opinions in the third and the nineteenth centuries. See ante, p. 332. f " If the Pool of Hezekiah was included, I am equally ready to admit the ground in question must have been within the second wall, and could not have been the real place of the Holy Sepulchre." (Lord Nugent, Lands C/assirdl and Sacred, p. 31.) AA 2 346 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. He begins by changing Dr. Robinson's Acra and Bezetha, and converting the Asamonsean valley of Dr. Robinson into the TyropoDon,* thus making it rim up towards the ' Gate of Ephraim.' Outside of this gate he supposes to have once existed the ' Upper Pool,' the water of which he conducts along his Tyropoeon to the Pool of Siloam, which he makes the ' Lower Pool.' (p. 400.) It is necessary here to examine the passages relating to these pools, more especially as they are admitted by Mr. Williams to refer, one and all, to the ' Pool of Hezekiah.' (p. 393, 394, and note 2.)t " Hezekiah also stopped the upper water-course of Glhon, and brought it straight down to the icest side of the city of David." (2 Chron. xxxii. 2, 3, 4, 30.) " He made a pool and a conduit, and brought water info the city." (2 Kings, XX. 20.) " He fortified his city, and brought in water into the midst thereof; he digged the hard rock with iron, and made wells for waters." (Eccles. xlviii. 17.) " Ye gathered together the waters of the loiver pool .... ye made a ditch (reservoir) between the two icalls for the ivate)- of the old pool." (Isaiah, xxii. 9, 11.) " When Hezekiah saw that Sennacherib was come .... he took counsel with his princes and his mighty men to stop the waters of the fountains which were without the city, and they .... stopped all the fountains, and the brook that ran through the midst of the land, saying, why should the Kings of Assyria come, and find much water?" Mr. Williams thinks that he complies with all the require- ments of these particulars, by making the ' Pool of Siloam' identical with the 'Lower Pool,' the ' King's Pool,' and the 'Pool of Hezekiah.' (p. 400.) He supports this opinion by coupling together two texts. — On the capture of the city by Nebuchad- nezzar, the Jews " fled by night, by the way of the gate hetiveen tivo walls, which is by the King's garden." (2 Kings, xxv. 4; Jerem. xxxix. 4, lii. 7.) " The gate of the fountain repaired Shallun, and the wall of the Pool of Siloah, by the King's garden." (Neh. lii. 15.) The first objection that arises to this argument is the difficulty Mr. Williams would experience, and which I see he has prudently avoided, of laying dowai the situation of the gates upon his plan. Supposing, as he does, * See his plan, p. 339. f This is denied in the second edition. (See ii. 491.) Williams's holy city. 347 that the Ephraim gate is identical with the Valley gate, how is it possible for him to work his way round to the Pool of Siloam 1 (Compare Neh. iii. 13-15.) Again, Hezekiah is reported as having brought water into the city, but Mr. Williams carries it through the city, into a pool exactly opposite and outside,* and therefore liable to the same objection as formerly. In the next place, though by making Bezetha give way to Acra, he has carried the latter quarter of the city more eastw^ard, yet is he not able to comply with the Sacred text, for the water channel of his Tyropoeon intersects the city from north to south, instead of entering it on its western side. In order to give colour to this translation of ,the different quarters of the city, he represents Josephus as saying that the lower city lay over against the Temple in the manner of a theatre ; but on referring to the passage, {^Ant. xv. 11, § 5,) we find Josephus states that the whole " city (not lower city) lay over against the Tempfe, in the manner of a theatre :"t and let Mr. Williams take heed how he venture to interpret the passage as having reference to Acra, or the lower city, lest his Tyropoeon be in danger : for Josephus immediately adds, " and (the city) was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter." Again, by misinterpreting the passage in Isaiah, he makes it appear that Hezekiah collected together the waters into, the ' lower pool', instead of from the lower pool. This is evident from a con- sideration of the circumstances. The waters of the valley of Gihon were collected first in the ' upper pool', and from thence by locks and conduits, they descended to the ' lower pool.' These were outside the city ; and, on the approach of the Assyrians, Hezekiah resolved to divert the water from the upper pool into a new reservoir within the city,:}: instead of * Villalpandus states that there were two pools of Siloam : one on the south of the city, the other, identical with Gihon, on the north-west. {^Apparatus, pp. 190, 191.) See also Bachiene, Paldstina, vol. ii. § 154. ■j" 'AvriKpv jf Tlo\i9 cKcno roo 'lepov Oearpoeitif^ ovaa. X Speaking of the upper Pool in the valley of Gihon, Dr. Robinson stales that " in the winter season it becomes full ; and its waters arc then conducted, 348 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. allowing it to flow into the old reservoir of the lower pool. And lastly, the ' upper pool of Gihon,' from which he starts, cannot be placed in the position he supposes. If any other by a small rude aqueduct or channel, to the vicinity of the Jaffa Gate, and so to the Pool of Hezekiah within the city." (i. 352.) It is probable that the ancient conduit by which Hezekiah supplied his pool, lays beneath the surface of the ground, and that the rude aqueduct here spoken of is of recent date. Antoninus of Placenza (a.d. 600) records that, "on putting the ear to the ground, on the side of Golgotha, you will hear the sound of running water." Old authors affirm that the fountain of the upper Pool flowed by the place of Gol- gotha. (Reusner, Alien Jerus., fol. Ixvii. ; Korte, Reise, p. 183.) After speaking of the aqueduct which supplies the Piscina del Calvario (Pool of Hezekiah) from the Ujjper Pool, and which passes beneath the wall, Mariti says there are no traces of this aqueduct within the city, but " quanto poi ai condotti che possono essere sotto la citta, crederei che questi fossero nella maggior parte scavati nella rocca, anche all' altezza di un uomo, giacche tali esempj non mancano in quelle parti." (Gio. Mariti, Istoria dello stctto presente delict citta di Gerusalemme, Livorno, 1790, i. 196.) That several conduits lie concealed beneath the present surface of the city, would aj)pear from the discovery made on digging for the foundations of the Protestant church on Mount Zion. At a depth of about thirty-five feet they came upon " an immense conduit, partly hewn out of the solid rock ; and where this was not the case, it was solidly built in even courses, and cemented on the face with a hard coating of cement, about one inch thick, and was covered over with large stones." Its course lay east and west. After tracing two hundred feet of it towards the east, and describing a chamber connected with it, the architect, Mr. Johns, states : " There is no doubt on my own mind that they have been used for the purpose of supplying the inhabitants with pure water ; and this is proved by there being several apertures opening from the streets at distant intervals ; the aqueduct was nearly level, the fall being so slight as to allow the water to remain level, so that by means of a line and bucket water could be procured at anytime." (Bartlett, Walks about Jems., pp. 89, 90.) Notwithstanding, or rather in opposition to, this evidence, Mr. Williams calls it a seiccr, (ii. 44,) in the hope of thereby creating an argument against the Tyropoeon. "For surqly had there been 'a narrow ravine immediately under the north brow of Sion, serving as a drain for the waters falling on the adjacent part of Sion, and also for those on the southern declivity of the ridge,' Bibl. iSacr., iii. 419, this cloaca maxima would have followed that natural course, to the saving of considerable labour and expense." (//. C, ii. 32.) Although these names were known long before the subject became a controversy, Mr. Williams says "Upper Pool", "Lower Pool", "Gihon", "they are all quite recent names"; and, accordingly, he gives to the pool the name of Mamillah, or Babila, a supposed saint of the Christian era. {Stipj)/., pp. 65, 66.) [Owing to Williams's holy city. 349 argument were necessary to prove this, it would be the hill of Gihon, the name of which, Dr. Kobinson says, tradition has appropriated to the hill on which the supposed Holy Sepulchre stands, though the Professor himself disbelieved it, asserting — " There is no trace of any hill so named in Scripture, or other ancient history. The name of Gihon, as applied to this ridge, seems to be first mentioned by Brocardus, about a.d. 1283." This, however, is an oversight : Manasseh, we are informed in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 14, " built a wall without the city of David, on the ivest side of Gihon, in the valley, even to the entering in of the ' Fish Gate.' " This passage, which I think very important, seems to prove, both from the retention of the name of Gihon,* Owing to neglect, the subterranean aqueduct which supplies the Pool of Hezekiah is become obstructed, so that whereas in 1600 the pool was so full that there were only thirteen steps above the water, you now have to descend (in 1767) by forty-seven. This pool supplied the pool of Bethesda, and the other pools of the city. (Mariti, Istoria, i. 207, 208.) Mr. Williams speaks of the pool as not exhibiting ancient workmanship ; but Mariti says of it, " Era la medesima in parte una grotta naturale, alia quale aveva supplito I'arte con una grandiosa fabbrica." (i. 204, 205.) * The "Latin Convent is thought to have been on Mount Gihon." (Pococke, Descript. of the East, vol. ii. Pt. i. pp. 10, 15, 28.) "Ascending a part of Mount Gihon, we came to the Monastery of the Franciscans." (Geo. Sandys, Relation ^ of a Journey begun A.D. 1610, pp. 158 and 160.) " II y en a une partie dedans, ct I'autre dehors, beaucoup plus grande." (M. J. D(oubdan,) Voyage de laTerre Sainte, 1657, p. 107.) "La citta e situata sopra i monti celebri Sion, et Moria, sopra I'Acri, e una parte di Gion." (F. S. Mantegazzo, Relax, del Viaggio di Gieru- sal. Milan, 1616, p. 213.) The Jesuit Besson also makes Gihon one of Hie hills within the city. {La Syrie Sainte, ii. 66, 80.) " It is a broad hill or swell of land rising somewhat higher than the north-west part of the city itself." (Robinson, Bihl. Res., i. 353.) Indeed, the ground in question is the highest in the city, and therefore the least likely to have been excluded. " The highest part of the city is a little west of the Jaffa Gate, at the point where the wall leaves the top of the hill near Gihon, and runs," etc. (Rev. J. D. Paxton, Let- ters on Palestine, 1839, p. 114.) A broad ridge or swell of land which lies north of the basin at the head of the valley of Hinnom, and extends down into • the city, forming its north-west part. Indeed the north-west corner of the city- wall is directly on this .ridge, from which spot the wall descends immediately towards the north-cast, and also, though less rapidly, towards the south-east. {Id., p. 391.) The "lower extremity is more steep and rocky than the higher 350 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. from the relative position of the gates as recorded in the tliird chapter of Nehemiah, and from the precise details of the verse itself, referring, as it does, to several particulars, that the Jiill upon wliicli the so-called Ilohj Seimlchre noiv stands ivas inclosed by a double ivall^ even previoiishj to the time of Nehemiah. The following is an abstract of Mr. Williams's line of argu- ment in proof of the northerly position of the Upper Pool : — The ' Damascus Gate' is considered to be the same as the ' Gate of Ephraim.' The Gate of Ephraim appears to be identical with the .'Valley Gate:' But the Valley Gate was before the ' Dragon Well.' Now the Dragon Well may be the same as the ' Serpent's Pool,' And the Serpent's Pool was close to the ' Monuments of Herod;' While the Monuments of Herod lay on one side of the 'Camp of the Assyrians,' And on the other side of the Camp of the Assp-ians lay the ' Fuller's Monument.' But the Fuller's Monument may have been in the ' Fuller's Field,' And the Fuller's Field was near to the ' Upper Pool.' "Thus then is the 'Upper Pool' of Isaiah identified with the 'Dragon Weir of Nehemiah." But the Assyrian host once stood by the ' Conduit of the Upper Pool,' Which may therefore be imagined to denote the ' Camp of the Assp-ians.' Now the Assyrian Camp was at Bezetha, to the north-east of the new city, Therefore the Upper Pool of Isaiah was at the north-east of the city : And therefore the Upper Pool was near to the Damascus Gate. Q. e. d. {Holy City, p. 391-393.) We have already seen that some of these postulates are un- tenable. Another faulty link in the chain is the supposed identity of the Valley Gate and the Gate of Ephraim,* a position which portions." {Bihl. Sacr., i. 189.) Schultz agrees in placing it in the Christian quarter of the present city, "a rocky projection or promontory setting in from the west." {Jerus. p. 96.) Fiihrer, {Itinerarium,) C. J. Ofi"erhaus, {Exercit. Philol. vet. Hieros.) Bernardino Amico, (pi. of Jerus., pi. 43,) I. Berggren, {Voy. en Orient,) and Leeman, {Paldstina,) all place it on the north-west of the city. Other m-iters make it situate on the west of the city : indeed, Mr. Williams is the only writer who has sought to give it a different locality. * In his second edition, Mr. Williams supposes the Valley Gate to be on the east of the city, afterwards on the south, and then on the east, {post, pp. 421, 422.) The Gate of Ephraim, which v.-as right in the .first edition, he changes, in the second, to the western wall. (Vol. i. Suppl., p. 114.) Thus we see every link broken in this preposterous chain of reasoning. Williams's holy city. 351 is quite irreconcilable with Neh. iii. and xii. as I shall be prepared to show when I come to speak of the Gates of the City. Though it would appear from Josephus {Bell. v. 4, § 2; and 12, § 2.), that the ' Camp of the xlssp'ians' was near the Fuller's monument, and, therefore, at the north-ms^ of the city, it equally appears, from v. 7 § 3; and 12 § 2, that a considerable distance from Kidron intervened: "That place which was called the ' Camp of the Assyrians', having seized upon all that lay as . far as Kidron." — " Titus began the wall from the Camp of the Assyrians . . . and drew it down to the lower parts of Cocnopolis." There is nothing, therefore, to contradict the supposition, that the Assyrian camp, under Rabshakeh,* extended from the Upper Pool of Gihon down to the eastern side of Bezetha overlooking Kidron. Indeed, we are told, that Titus formed his camp in that place where the camp of the Assyrians had been, (7 § 3,) and in 4 § 3 we are told, that Titus's camp was at the north- west corner. Previous to taking the Third Wall, Titus encamped over against, and on the outside of Psej)hinus (3 § 5, and 4 § 2,) and from the passages already cited, it is evident, that on taking the Third Wall, he fixed his camp immediately inside the place of his former encampment, the position of which being close to Psephinus, was naturally chosen from its " affording, at sunrise, a prospect of Arabia, and of the Hebrew territories as far as the sea."t {Id, 4 § 3.) This subject naturally leads us to the further consideration of the Valley of the Tyropoeon, which is another point in the topography of Jerusalem which Mr. Williams strives to set aside, in order to protect the foundations of the 'holy sepulchre. '+ The motive with which Mr. Williams attacks the statements of the learned Professor is only too evident throughout the volume. * Sennacherib approached the city in an opposite direction. I That the ' Fuller's Field' was supposed, even in the middle ages, to be in this locality, appears from Adamnanus, {Theatrum Terra; Sauctcc, i. 1,) who places the " Porta Villa; Fullonis" on the west side of the city. X It cannot be too clearly stated, that it is I\Ir. Williams, nut Dr. Robinson, who seeks to (.duingc the position of Gihon, and tlic Tyrojxcon. 352 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. In the instance before us, he exposes Dr. Robinson for having described the north wall of Zion as being above the valley of the Tyropoeon : " But this," he observes, " is an assumption without any warrant from Josephus ; who says not a word of a valley^ and never in any one passage hints at the Tyropoeon being near the Hippicus:" but, curiously enough, in the preceding and opposite page he considers it necessary to " remind the reader .that Acra was the hill sustaining the lower city, separated from Zion, or the much higher hill w^hich contained the upper city, hj the valleij of the Tyropceon ;" and three pages after, Mr. Wil- liams, quoting Josephus, says, the ancient city " lay upon two hills, over against each other, separated hy an intervening valley^ at which the houses terminated ;" and in p. 10 J:, he says, " The city occujned two hills separated by a valley, called by Josephus the Tyropceon." But should it be said, that the force of Mr. Williams's objection is in the supposed circumstance that the Tyropoeon does not extend along the north side of Mount Zion (which, however, we know from other passages that it did), but that it ran along the eastern side, I would ask, how then does he define the hill of Acral As shewn in his plan,* it lay on each side of the Tyropceon; if so, the Tyropoeon does not, as described by Josephus, divide Acra from Sion. If, however, he should place it on the eastern side of that valley, then Acra would be to the east instead of the north, and entirely apart from Sion, and the Tyropoeon could only be spoken of as dividing Sion from Moriah. But, in order to show the full absurdity of Mr. Williams's proposition, we will examine where he places the line of his Asamonsean valley. " I think that the traces of it remain to this day clearly visible, in a ridge which slopes down from the traditionary site of the house of Herod to the outer inclosure of the mosque, and which is crossed by the ' Via Dolorosa,' as it approaches the Seraglio, or house of Pilate, "t (p. 280.) Fortunately, we discover the ' house of •^ See p. 339. \ This is followed by an equally absurd refutation of Dr. Robinson's Bezetha, which it is not necessary to notice here, as I inirpose oftering a different inter- Williams's holy city. 353 Herod' in Catherwood's plan of the monkish sites of Jerusalem. (Dr. Olin's Travels, vol. ii.) It is immediately in a line with the ' Cave of Jeremiah' and the Tombs of the Kings. If, therefore, we draw this line, we have the limitation of Acra on one side, as the Tyropocon forms it on the other; and we thus find his Acra restricted to 450 feet at its greatest width; or equal to half the width of the temple,* while one-half of even this space was covered with Antonia. That one of the pieces which I have called ' No-man's land' is discarded by Mr. Wil- liams, is evident, for he says, '•' what Dr. Robinson calls Be- zetha, is the Acra of Josephus." [H. C. ii. 40.) In this case, also, it would be impossible to understand how " the corres- ponding rows of houses on both hills end" at the valley of the Tyropoeon. But Mr. Williams further objects that the Professor's Valley of the Tyropoeon*!' cannot be that valley, because there is now no valley there; and that his Asmonaean Valley+ being a valley, cannot be the Asmonoean Valley, for that was filled up by the Asmonaean princes. But it is contended on the other side, that though Josephus describes the Asmonaean Valley as having been filled up, his manner of so doing might induce us to ima- gine that he is describing the object and intention rather than the result. It is quite clear that they commenced the work, but it is not equally clear that they completed it. Dr. Robinson, indeed, describes " all the western entraiuces of the mosque as being reached by an ascent, and some of them at least by steps."§ As for the Tyropoeon, Dr. Robinson describes its present state with great minuteness, || clearly showing that the valley is still pretation of the passage referred to ; but whether this be true or false, it does not lessen the absurdity of Mr. Williams appealing to this mound as connecting Bezetha with Moriah ! * See his plan of Jerusalem, nntp, p. 339. f See post, p. 3G3, Prop. i. . X The valley running from the Gate of Ephraim. § Blhl. lies., i. 394. II He* first describes the rise of ground from the Tyropoeon southwards to- wards Zion, (p. 388,) but as this is acknowledged by all, we will refer only to what he says respecthig the northern bank. *'The Tyropa'on commences, as a shallow depression, near the Yaffa Gate. When one enters this gate and lakes 354 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. perceptible.* Mr. Williams flatly denies this, and their statements are so contradictory, that, in the absence of further evidence, 1 must be excused if I accept the Professor's testimony. But, even if there were now no inequality of ground, the wonderful alter- ations in the soil which have taken place in the lapse of nearly twenty centuries, (in many parts amounting to a difference of forty feet in height, )f would render it not at all surprising that, with the vicissitudes and sieges which the city has under- gone, the northern brow of Zion, which was originally thirty cubits in height, and crowned -with lofty towers, should, on its dismantlement, have fallen down and filled up the vallum or fosse beneath. Thus then we see that the city of Jebus, like the subsequent Jerusalem, consisted of an upper and a lower city ; the former serving as an acropolis to the habitable city beneath. It was probably the lower city which the men of Benjamin conquered, but these were dislodged again by the Jebusites, who appear to have retreated to the upper city or acropolis, which fortress being subsequently taken by David, the city ever after remained in the possession of the Jews.+ the first street leading northward, he has before him, at first, a considerable ascent .... in the (second) street leading northward, below the Pool of Heze- kiah, and also in that along the Bazaars (the third) this ascent is less percep- tible." {Bibl. Res., i. 391.) One of the streets is nearly level, but it is arched over, and is believed to be let into the crest of the hill. (See Bib. Sacr., iii. p. 429.) This has lately been ascertained to be the fact. See 2Jost, p. 370. * Dr. Alton, desirous of satisfying his mind that Calvary stood on a mount, (the very worst evidence he could possibly have obtained for the truth of the sepulchre,) reports the observation of a monk who addressed him with, " Don't you see, sir, how steep every one of these streets are which lead to Calvary?" "and this was an undoubted fact." Lands of the J\[essiah, Mahomet, and the Pope, p. 197. f How strikingly does this illustrate the prophecy of Micah, (iii. 12,) " Jeru- salem shall become heaps," + In the description of this event, we are told that " David took the strong- hold of Zion: the same is the city of David." (II Sam. v. 7.) There is, how- ever, another passage of Scripture which is apparently at variance with this, and which has occasioned great difficulty to commentators : " Beautiful for situation, the joy of the whole earth, is Mount Zion : on the sides of the nortli Williams's holy city. 355 Mr. Williams's book abounds in every page with imputations of " dishonesty," " want of candour," " unfairness," etc. on the part of Dr. Robinson ; but in the instances alleged the exag- geration and dishonesty are never on the part of Dr. Robinson. Thus, in p. 267, after accusing the Professor of " mistranslating Josephus in order to avoid the obvious difficulty," " omitting" one word, and "inserting" another, adding — " Is this honest 1" Mr. Williams goes on to say — " I never could find any traces of the valley which Dr. Robinson calls the Tyropocon ; that which separated between Zion and A era. Indeed he himself seems to have had some difficulty in doing so ; his first attempt was alto- gether unsuccessful :" and he refers in a note to Bih. Res.^ i. 353. On examining this reference it will be found, that Dr. Robinson having satisfied his mind as to the position of the Tyropoeon, but, being desirous of ascertaining whether any trace of the con- tinuation of a valley existed in any other situation outside the city^ which might possibly be considered by others to lay claim to this designation, " returned across the higher ground on the north of the Upper Pool, towards the Damascus Gate, in order to ex- amine whether perhaps the valley of the Tyropceon extended up at all hmjond the city in that direction. There is, however, no trace of any valley, or of any depression, in this quarter, before reaching the declivity stretching down to the Damascus Gate."* (is) the city of the great king." (Ps. xlviii. 2.) The diificulty may be explained either by considering that " David dwelt in the fort, and called it the City of David," (II Sam. v. 9,) and that on the north side of this lay the city of the great king, and which had, for some time, been in the occujiation of the men of Judah : — or we may explain it by a passage in the prophecy of Isaiah, (xiv. 13,) in which Lucifer is described as desiring to '' sit upon the mount of the congre- gation, (Mount Zion), in the sides of the north," where it is evident that the lower city north of Zion could not be referred to, and therefore that the northern part of Zion is here signified. Josephus, in narrating the same circumstances, clearly calls the whole of the city by the name of David. {Ant., vii. 3 § 2.) * The east and westerly direction of the Tyropoeon is insisted on by Eachienc, Reisner, Bernardin Surius, Sandys, Dr. Arnold, and in Ersch and Grubcr's Encyclopddie. Mariti calls it a portion of the valley of Gihon. " Ai tempi nostri parte della valle di Gihon, cioe quella che passava presso la Porta Judi- ciaria, resta dentro la citta, ma vcdcsi rcpiena." {Historia prescnte di Gems. i. 8.) 356 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. In order to bring the church of the ' Holy Sepulchre' outside of the ancient walls, Mr. Williams endeavours to assign the greatest possible eastern extension to the gate Gennath. It will be seen, by referring to the Biblical Researches, that the northern cliifs of Mount Zion are of least altitude on their western ex- tremity, near to the tower Hippicus ;* but that from this point eastward, they increased in height owing to the fall of the Tyropoeon. But Mr. Williams, in describing these cliffs, leads us to imply, that the valley fell rapidly towards the west: (!) seemingly as if to make his readers believe that the situation which he has assigned to Gennath, is more in accordance with the nature of the ground. Thus — " the absurdity of supposing an exit for a city gate . . . down a precipice of thirty feet is obvious." " The cliff below, which would probably con- tinue (eastward) some further distance;" etc. (p. 261 — 263;) and it is not till twenty pages afterwards (285, 286) that he explains this anomaly, by describing a dip in the hill of Zion, through the centre of the Jews' quarter, near, which he sup- poses to have stood the gate Gennath, supporting the conjec- ture by the tradition of a gate, " through which St. Peter passed to the house of St. Mark," (!) So far from disputing that a gate may have existed in this locality, I conceive that there were several gateways between the upper and the lower cities. (Josephus, Bell. v. 8, § 1.) Psalmanazar considers that the 'Middle Gate' (of Jeremiah xxxix. 3) belonged to this spot.f Mr. Williams further objects to " the absurdity of supposing an exit for a city-gate through such a royal palace ;" but in- stances are too common, both in ancient and modern times, of such arrangement. :|: Many of the palaces of Europe have public thoroughfares through their courts, and we need only to call to mind the general custom of the East of administering justice * See also, Wilson, Lands of the Bible, p. 435 ; and Adrichomius, Theatr. TerrcB Sanctm, p. 167 b. t Univ. Anc. Hist., iv. p. 229. \ See several instances in Burder's Oriental Customs, and Paxton's Illustra- fio/is of Scripture. DUBLIN UNIV. MAG. 357 in the gate in ancient times, to feel that the erection of a palace in such a spot would be no impropriety. It will, moreover, be recollected that Jezebel's palace was over the gate of Jezrcel. (2 Kings, ix. 30, 31.) See also Judges v. 28. But Mr. Williams says that remains of the second wall exist in the situation which he has described.* • These remains con- sist of the pier of a gateway, the crown of a circular arch, a colonnade of four or five columns, 10 feet apart, and the spring course of an arch. (pp. 286, 287, 2nd edit. Suppl. 83.) The circumstance of a colonnade being in his supposed line of city wall, is alone sufficient to disprove the fact, and, in ii. 56-58, the colonnade is omitted. The remains are shewn by Mr. Whiting to be portions of the palace of the Knights of St. John. (Bibl. Sac. v. 96.) The spring course of an arch, Dr. Wilson shews to have formed part of a vault jf and, indeed, Herren Kraffl and Wolff,^ Avho support the position of the present sepulchre, reject the antiquity of these remains. Dr. Tobler also is said to reject them.§ VIII. Jerusalem. Dublin University Magazine, Sept. 1845. This able article, which formed a review of Mr. Williams's book, has been unanswered,]] and it is therefore only due to its talented writer to recapitulate some of the evidence there brought forward. Happily enough, the witness, whom he dis- covered, was a fellow-countryman, and it was thus that he was enabled at the same time to do honour to his mother-land, and to assist by unexceptionable evidence in the establishment of the truth. Arculfus, a French bishop, after making a pilgrimage * See also, Lord Nugent, Lands Classical and Sacred, pp. 36-39. f Lands of the Bible, p. 437. I Rcise in das Gclobten Lande, s. 81. See also Bihl. Sacr. iii. 452-461. Mr. Woodcock observes, that " a personal examination of the details of the streets of Jerusalem shows, not only in the lines mentioned, but almost everywhere, evidences of masonry as ancient and massive as that which he selects.'' /Script. Lands, p. 1.59. § Golgotha, seine Kirchen und Klnstcn, s. 310. || See page 372. 358 ox THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. to the Holy Land, about the year 695, was shipwrecked on the island of lona, in the west of Scotland. Here he was received by Adamnanus, who was then Abbot, to whom he recounted the particulars of the holy places which he had visited. These details Adamnanus committed to writing, and obtained from the bishop a ground plan of the sacred buildings. " We made diligent inquiry of holy Arculfus, but especially as to the sepulchre of our Lord, and the church erected over the same, the plan of which he also drew for me on a waxed tablet ; which church is all of stone, of great size, rising with three concentric walls all round from the foundation upwards, having a broad aisle betwixt each pair of walls, and three altars curiously con- trived in three places in the midmost wall. Twelve columns of wonderful size sustain this round church. There are eight entrances — four to the north-east, and four to the south-east. In the centre space of this inner round church is a circular vault'^' cut all out of one and the same rock, Avherein three three-times- three men can stand and pray, and from the top of the head of a man of moderate stature, standing up, to the vault of that little house,f is a foot and a half in measure. The entrance to this little vaultj looks to the east, and on the outside it is wholly encrusted with choice marble, and sustains upon the top a large golden cross. In the northern part of this vault, in the inside, is the tomb§ of our Lord, cut out of the same rock^^ (as the vault itself); "but the floor of the vault is lower than the place of the tomb ; for from the margin to the side of the tomb is a space of about three handsbreadth in height. This, Arculfus, who often frequented the tomb of our Lord, and who accurately measured it, informed me. Here it is fit to notice the difference between what is called the monument" |1 (or sepulchre) "and the tomb; for that so often mentioned round vault is what the evangelists, by another name, call the sepulchre, from the mouth whereof they describe the stone as rolled back when our Lord arose. But the tomb is properly that place in the vault, that is to say, in the northern part of the sepulchre in which the body of our Lord, wrapped in linen grave-clothes, lay buried : the length whereof" (the tomb or soros) "Arculf measured with his proper hand, to seven feet in measure. Which said tomb is not, as many falsely allege, double, and having as it were a partition cut out of the same stone, dividing and separating the two legs and two thighs, but is all plain from the head to the feet, affording a bed large enough for one man lying on his back, having its entrance, like the opening of a cave,^ in the side, * Tegurium. (Tugurium.) A circular vaulted inclosure. (Crates erigantur inter se acclives testudineato testo, more tuguriorum. Virg. Eccl., 69.) Fac- ciolati. Lexicon. f Domuncula. J Teguriolum. § Sepulchrum. II Monumentum. ^ Spelunca, DUBLIN UNIV. MAG. 359 looking towards the south side of the tomb, and a low lid wrought into a pro- jection above .... ''The accompanying picture shews the form of the above-mentioned round church, with the roimd vault (rotundum tegurium) situated within it." (Lib. i. cap. ii.) " The stone door of the sepulchre, Arculf describes as divided into two parts, whereof the smaller part is 'wrought with iron tools, and is seen standing in the Plan of the " Holy Sepulchre," as sketched by Areulfus, in C.flo. A. Teguriuiu Rotunthim. B. Repulchrum Domini. C. AUaria Dunlia. 1>. AUaria. E. Ecclesia. F. Golgothana Ecclesia. G. In loco Altaris Abraham r. The outer Colonnade. Q. The wall of the Church K. The inner Colonnade. S. The Sepulchre. In quo loco crux Dominica cum binis latrnnum crucibus sub ten-a reperta est. Mensa lignea. Platcola in qua die et nocte lanipades ardent. Sanctse Maria; lOccIosia. Constautiana Basilica, hoc est Mnrtyriuni. Exhedra, cum calice Domini. These letters are not indici.ted by Arculphus. manner of a square altar, in the said round church, before tlic door of the above-mentioned vault or sepulchre of our Lord ; but the greater part of the same stone is also tooled round in like manner, and forms tlie altar under the VOL. II. B B 360 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. grave-clothes, which is in the east part of the church. But as to the colour of that roch, out of ichich that of ten mentioned vault has been hollowed by the irons of the stone-cutters, and which has our Lord's tomb in its northern part, cut out of one and the same rock, and which is the sepulchre, that is to say the vault, above-mentioned, Arculf, in answer to my inquiries, told me that that edifice of our Lord's sepulchre, not being covered with any decoration inside, even to this day, shews throughout the whole of its cavity the tracks of the tools which the stone-cutters or excavators used in that work ; but the colour of that same rock of the tomb and sepulchre was not uniform, but appeared mixed, and of different colours, to wit, red and white, so that the said rock is seen of a. piebald colotir." (Adamnanus, De situ Terra Sanctce, i. 3.) The following cut represents the form of the sepulchre as it existed in the seventeenth century — The reviewer goes on to say — " Here form and colour are alike conclusive against the genuineness of Macarius's cave. A circular vaulted chamber is not to be found among all the tombs of that era throughout Judea; and the mottled colour of the stone proves the structure to have been factitious, for the natural rock of the spot is grey limestone, and of grey limestone the present substituted sepulchre is composed. We say substituted, .... for the present sepulchre has not even the credit of being the original fabrication. While the form and colour alone of the cave of Macarius testify to its spuriousness, the modern cave is convicted by its form, by the colour of its material, by its size, and its site, all together. It is square, Macarius's was round; it is a square of 6 feet 9 inches;* Macarius's was a circle of about 12 feet in diameter; it is open at top, Macarius's was arched; it can hold five * Mr. Scoles, an unquestionable authority, gives the dimensions as 6 feet 8 inches by 6 feet 1 inch, and says " more than half of this chamber, on the north side, is occupied by the tomb." Consequently the standing room must be 6 feet 8 inches by less than 3 feet in width. Paschasius Radbertus says three palms, which is but little more than two feet. DUBLIN UNIV. MAG. 361 persons,* Macarius's could hold nine; it is of grey limestone, Macarius's Avas of mottled stone, red and white. It bears from Calvary north-west ; Macarius's, as shewn on Arculfs plan, due west. Every circumstance shews it to be suppositious — a forgery of a forgery, fabricated in an impossible place." (pp. 273-275. )t "t\ie '■ Holy Sepulchre." i " I bow not, therefore, in the gorgeous pile Where golden lamps irradiate the gloom, A.D. * Four is the proper number, and they must pack close, t The Church of Constantine was dedicated in Was burnt by the Persians, under Chosroes rebuilt by Modestus ..... destroyed by Emir el Omra, in time of Christopher, Patriarch of Jerusalem .... burnt by the Fatimite Khalifs rebuilt, and afterwards destroyed again utterly and purposely, by Khalif el Hakim rebuilt by Monomachus .... And burnt, ultimately ...... And rebuilt ........ ]: Favoured by the publishers of Bartlctt's Walks in Jerusalem, Messrs. Hall and Virtue. in? 2 335 614 629 936 969 1010 1048 1808 1810 362 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. And monks their votaries and themselves heguile To think they worship at their Saviour s tomb. For rites like theirs let annual crowds illume Their odorous censers, scattering far and wide Their fumes : I doubt the tales the monks assume For gospel truth, and were not this denied, Much they misuse the spot where their Redeemer died." The P'lhjrimage, xxiv. The reviewer next attacks his position of Gihon, and the pool of Hezekiah. " Mr. Williams is a good specimen of the pious sophistication and ostentatious credulity which have taken the place of the sincere reasoning and manly spirit of inquiry that used to distinguish the men of Cambridge. He makes a merit of persuading himself into the idlest beliefs by the silliest circles and ambages of argument, and is continually engaged in pious frauds on his own understand- ing. To get rid of Hezekiah's Pool he makes the most laborious exertions, and after painfully confoimding all the water courses of Jerusalem, makes out that the w^aters of Gihon, which Hezekiah brought straight down to the west side of the city of David, and gathered in the mkht of the city, are the waters of Siloam, on the east of the city of David, outside the walls altogether, brought, not from Gihon at all, but from some hidden source, as he thinks, north of the Damascus gate. " Why, how will it help your argument, though Acra and Millo were shewn to be called the city of David in every chapter of Chronicles, since Siloam is east of Acra, and east of Millo, and east of all Jerusalem? But Mr. Williams says — ' This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the reservoir which Hezekiah made is clearly placed, by the language of Holy Scripture, at the end of the valley, viz., at the pool of Siloa.' This, however, we are painfully obliged to say, is not true After contending with such blind and unscrupulous devotion for the authenticity of the sepulchre, Mr. Williams, as may be expected, yields himself up in a delirium of credulity to the superstitious genius of the spot. We have seen Mr. Wilde's account of the effects of the fire of 1808, in cracking the marble covering of the sup- posed tomb. Here is ^Mr. Williams's version of that event, with some prefatory observations, which afford a good specimen of the mystical pleonastic style affected by writers of this new monkish school." .... (p. 241.) Mr. Williams here narrates what he calls " a most remark- able fact," that although the heat was so intense that the columns of the church were completely pulverized, the lamps and chandeliers melted like wax, etc., etc., " the holy cave ROBINSON, BIBL. SACRA, VOL. Til. 363 itself received not the slightest injury externally or internally ; the silk hangings and ornaments remaining unscathed by the flame, the smell of fire not even having passed over them."* IX. Bibliotheca Sacra. Vol. iii: or Theological Review^ No. XI. Aug., and No. XII. Nov. 1846. On the Topography of Jerusalem. By E. Robinson, Prof. In this volume Dr. Robinson elaborates some of his former arguments, and refutes the objections raised against them. In the " Researches" the various topographical features of Jeru- salem are pointed out and explained, in order to give the reader a clear and correct view of the disposition of the ancient city ; but in the present volume the learned professor proves, step by step, the arguments which he had before adduced. He does this in the form of propositions : they are as follows : — 1. The T}Topoeon was a depression or ra\-ine {'''f'^^l^) running down east- ward from near the YafFa gate. The hill Akra, on which was the Lower City, was the ridge immediately north of Zion and west of Moriah. 2. The hill Bezetha was the hill immediately adjacent to the present area of Haram, on its north-north-west quarter. 3. The gate Gennath, at Avhich the second wall of Josephus began, was in the first or old wall 7iear to the tower Hippicus. 4. The second wall of Josephus ran on the west of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, and included that site within the Lower City. 5. The southern portion of the present Haram-area formed part and parcel of the ancient Temple-enclosure; and was not first built up at a later period. * This miracle of the nineteenth century will be brought forward in a suc- ceeding age as having been attested by the evidence of a minister of the Pro- testant Church of England ; and be compared to the miraculous escape, recorded in Holy Scripture, of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, " upon whose bodies the fire had no power, nor was an hair of their head singed, neither were their coats changed, nor the smell of fire had passed on them." It was thiis that the credulous Christians of the middle ages believed that the emissaries of the Khalif el Hakim " endeavoured to break in pieces even the hollow tomb of the Sepulchre, with iron hammers, but without success ;" and " when they found it impossible to break in pieces the stone of the monument, they tried to destroy it with the help of fire, but it remained firm and solid as adamant." 364: ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. 6. The fortress Antonia appears to have occupied the whole northern portion of the present Harem-area. 7. The fountain Gihon was on the west of the present city, probably in the upper part of the valley of Hinnom. &; 9. [Two other propositions follow, of a more general character.] These propositions I am willing to accept, with the exception of the second and the sixth, which I will consider in another place, but which I would thus state — 2. The hill Bezetha was the hill immediately north of the ancient Temple-ai'ea. 6. The fortress Antonia occupied the north-west angle of the ancient Temple-area. The first proposition relates to two points : first, with regard to the valley of the Tyropoean. It has been seen that Dr. Robinson bestowed considerable care to the examination of this line, and it was not without deep conviction on his mind that he asserted the former existence of a valley ; but owing to the changes wliich the valley has since undergone he advanced his proofs with caution and circumspection. Mr. WiUiams gave an unqualified denial to these statements. But Dr. Robinson is not the first to make this assertion: in fact, it has always been held to be the Tyropoeon, till Mr. AVilliams en- deavoured to place it elsewhere. Brocardus, so early as the thirteenth centmy, writes: — "The valley which ran down on the northern side of Mount Zion, from the Tower of Da\-id to Mount Moriah ; bending," etc.* The Rev. Eli * "Proinde vallis quae a turri David descendebat contra latus AquUonare montis Sion usque ad montem Moria, et reflectitur," etc. (Cap. viii.) Mr. Williams objects that '* Brocardus was no antiquary." His evidence would have been more trustworthy if he had been less so, as the "Holy Cift/^' itseK would have been increased in value had Mr. Williams "paid less deference to the traditions of antiquity. Bernard Lamy, a learned priest of the Oratory, says, " Inferior civitas a superiori urbe distinguebatur profundi, valle, quae ab occidente in orientem portendebatur : nomen hujus vallis Tyropseum." {Appar. Geog., xiii. 1, p. 316.) " Nordlich von Zion, von diesem durch den obem TheU des Tyropoum getrennt, welches als eine geringe Vertiefung beim Jafathore beginnt, ROBINSON, BIBL. SACRA, VOL. III. 365 Smith confirms the Professor's statement as to the rise of the street behind the church of the Holy SeiDulchre: (p. 431:) and Dr. Durbin, another writer, observes — " the second valley, opening fit'om the citadel, — first eastwardly, and then turning to the south, — is called the valley of the Tyropocon."* Later still, we have more complete evidence in " excavations actually made at different points in the valley itself," one of which was in the grounds belonging to the palace of the Knights Hospitalers, which stood immediately south of the church of the Holy Sepul- chre, and a few yards from the Tyropoeon. After excavating to the depth of 15 or 20 feet, they came upon the roof of an arched chamber, 'so that the level of the ground in this spot must have been at least from thirty to forty feet below the present level. Another excavation occurred about 150 yards from the Jaffa gate, and the depth here also is described as equally profound.j* All this weight of evidence Mr. Williams finds it convenient to set aside as " the shadow of an argument for the pseudo Tyropoeon. "J erhebt sich. die Hohe Akra." (Dr. Fr. Arnold, Paldstina, p. 89.) Dr. Scliultz speaks of " the large sewer in the street of the bazaars, covered with broad flat stones, and which runs from north to south." {Jerus., p. 61 ; Bihl. Sacr., iii. 431.) Bachiene, {Hist, tend Geoff. Beschreib. von Paldstina, ii. § 136, p. 307, 308, and charte viii. p. 400,) Adam Reisner, {Jerus., p. xxi. b. and pi. p. ix,) Sandys, {Relation, p. 156,) Bernardin Sui-ius, {Le pieux Pelerin, p. 374,) Ersch and Gruber, {Encyclopadie, p. 285 a, 319 a, b, and taf. ii.,) Bernardino Amico (in his map of Jerusalem, pi. 43 ;) and recently Wilde, {2)lan, and p. 231,) all give it a direction from west to east, and then to the south. * Observations in the East, i. 288. New York, 1845. t Rev. G. B. Whiting, in a letter to Dr. Robinson, printed in Bibl. Sacr., vol. V. pp. 94, 95. { Holy City, 2nd edit., Suppl., p. 130, Mr. Williams brings forward, as evidence, some authors of the middle ages who happen to say nothing respect- ing the valley; but, by the same laws of negative inference, he might insist that there was never a line of clifis along the northern brow of Zion, because these same writers are alike silent respecting it. (ii. 61, 62.) He " has confi- dence in the accurate observation, in the correct memory, and the fair statement of Mr. Eli Smith," who states that between two parallel lines running west and east from the north-west angle of wall, to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, 366 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. The second part of the first proposition asserts that the ex- tension of Acra into Bezetha, proposed by modern writers, is in want of conformity with the description by Josephns, ac- cording to which the hill lay between two valleys, whereas, by their scheme, Acra would be bounded on the east by the ridge of Bezetha. (p. 426.) Dr. Robinson refers to Adri- chomius, Villapandus, D'Anville, and many others, in sup- port of his position of the four hills, (436,) and observes — " If, on the other hand, the hill on the north of Moriah be assumed as Akra, and the valley from the Damascus gate as the Tyropceon, then Akra was not adjacent to Zion, nor did it face it ; nor was it separated from it only by a single valley ; but between these two hills there lay two valleys with an inter- vening ridge, and the distance between the nearest parts of Zion and Akra was more than a quarter of a mile." (p. 423.) If Mr. Williams .had designated the boundaries of the four hills by coloured lines, he would have left a gap of a triangular form, having Zion on the south, the ' Holy Sepulchre ' on the west, and the street of Ephraim (which he calls the " street of the vaUey") on the north-east, — without a name ;* but which, on the plan accompanying his work, he calls Acra, though in his text it can only be ascribed to Zion ; for he endeavours to identify this street with the line of the Tyropceon, which Josephus plainly says separated Zion from Acra. Thus, as Dr. Robinson observes, he is " left upon the sharp horns of a dilemma." (p. 423.) Among other arguments which Dr. Robinson adduces in sup- port of the third Proposition, he notices the passage of Josephus where Titus is described as reconnoitring the defences of the and from Hippicus along the northern brow of Zion, " there would be a decided depression between them, into which water Avould run from both," {Bill. Sacr., iii. 434,) and yet, Mr. Williams professes not to be able to withhold his " sur- prise that Dr. Robinson did not see, or, seeing, did not acknowledge, how very discordant this testimony is with his theory." (ii. 30.) * See the plan, p. 339, under letter A. ROBINSON, BIBL, SACRA, VOL. III. 367 city, and resolving to commence his attack opposite the high- priest John's monument, "because in this part the fortifications were lower, and the second wall made no junction, they having been negligent in walling up those parts where the new city was not very thickly inhabited ; but rather there was an easy approach to the third wall, through which he hoped to take the Upper City."* He endeavours to explain the passage by supposing, from the circumstance that there was " no junction," that therefore the point of junction of the second wall tvith the first had fallen into decay ; and this conjecture he supports by another passage from Josephus, where Simon is described as fortifying the wall.f (p- 446.) Here again he finds it requisite to exjylain Josephus' words ; though the efibrt is purely gra- tuitous, the want of junction evidently having reference to the third wall, and the fortifying, to the manning the walls in this portion of the city, and putting them into a state of defence. This passage, however, we shall have occasion to examine in another place. In further support of the fourth Proposition, he urges upon Mr. Wilhams the objection, that, according to the position of Acra which he insists upon, the western wall would cross the very termination or point of the ridge, and would be overlooked or commanded by the higher ground on the west and north- west.:]: (p. 450.) The fifth Proposition, though ably argued by Dr. Robinson, cannot, mider our present knowledge of the interior of the Haram-es-shereef, be considered as fully proved. Dr. Robinson affirms that the east, south, and west walls are co-existent, and then argues that the southern portion of the Haram must ne- cessarily form part of the ancient Temple area ; but his oppo- nents assert that the northern portion is one mass of rock, and therefore that it must have formed a portion : but that they * Bell, V. 6, § 2. t Id., V. 7, § 2, 3. X See, also, Wilson, Lands of the Bible, p. 436. 368 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. cannot both be right is evident from the fact, that the present Haram would contain more than two such areas as that covered by the Temple of Solomon. To these he might have added a tenth Proposition, to the effect that the Asamonaean valley was not completely, but partially filled in : for he attempts to prove this by showing that " It was in order to connect the Temple with the lower city, that the Maccabees heaped up earth in the valley ; thus either raising its bed or forming a mound across it," (p. 420,) for " the expression does not imply that they so filled up the valley as to obliterate all traces of it ; such is not the meaning of the word x^vvvfju. It may here signify one of two things, viz. either that the Maccabees, by filling in the earth, raised the general level of the valley, or that they built a mound or causeway across it." (p. 418.) Among the miscellaneous Propositions, (IX.) is one relating to the Tomb of Helena,* which Dr. Robinson wishes to sub- stitute for the ' Tombs of the Kings ; ' but I think without suflicient authority; for in describing the course of the Third Wall, Josephus, after mentioning the ' monuments of Helena,' says, " it then extended farther to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the Kings, and bent again at the corner." {Bell. v. 4, § 2.) On referring to the map, it will be seen that the distance from the tombs in question to the ' corner tower' is incompatible with this great extension spoken of by Josephus. But in another passage we have a more pre- cise indication of the locality of this monument. As Titus arrived .opposite to the city, he rode to the tower Psephinus, for the purpose of reconnoitring, but on rounding this tower, a number of Jews suddenly issued from the " ' Women's Towers' * The mention of this monument calls to our recollection the fable related of it by Pausanias, according to whom it contained a door, which opened of its own accord on a particular day and hour of the year, and then closed again ; neither was it possible to open the door on any other day, except by violence. (Paus., viii. 16.) ROBINSON, BIBL. SACR. VOL. III. 369 through that gate which was over against the monuments of Queen Helena," &c. This position of the monument in the neighbourhood of Psephinus, is very clearly indicated by Dr. Schultz, in his Map of Jerusalem.* Dr. Robinson has recently returned from another tour in the Holy Land, the results of which he has communicated to the Royal Geographical Society, and which will shortly be given to the public. After going through the arguments of his opposers, he can find no reason for changing his former opinion respecting the plan of the City of Jerusalem. Through especial permission afforded to him, of beholding the area from a house on the wall, he was enabled to confirm the accuracy of Mr. Cather- wood's plan of the Haram-es-shereef, measured witliin the area, in opposition to that of the Royal Engineers, which was taken from without. He adduces further proof of the valley of the Tyropoeon, by the accumulation of rubbish — the chapel of the church of St. John being twenty- five feet below the present level — and by careful inspection of the streets running northward from the street of the Jaff'a Gate, all of which have a very perceptible rise ; and he discovers that the reservoirs of water near the Damascus Gate, pronounced from their taste to be the " Waters of Siloam," and therefore insisted on by Mr. Williams as evidence of a northerly direction of the Tyropceon, are reservoirs of rain-water, the peculiar taste of which arises from the water being stagnant. Through the kindness of the Council of the Geographical Society I am permitted to give the following extract from Dr. Robinson's' paper : — " The street which runs North in the rear of the Church of the Sepulchre, rises very considerably in that portion of it ; although at its Southern end it appears to decline Northwards. But just at this Southern end is the Greek Church of St. John ; beneath which there has been dug out a chapel standing on ground at least twenty-five feet below the present level of the two streets at that point. In the Bazaars, the water is conducted oiF by a sewer running * Schultz, Jei'usaleyn.- 8vo., Berlin, 1845. 370 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SErULCHRE. towards the South ; and further North, opposite to the Church of the Sepulchre, the mam street is carried along a covered passage cut throucjh a ridge of solid rock. Turning down at the South end of this covered passage, along the street leading by Helena's Hospital, so called, we enter on the left the court of the Prussian Consul, and ascend by two flights of steps to his garden and dwelling, (formerly Mr. Lanneau's,) on the same ridge. Following the same street further down, we find it crossing very obliquely the crest of the descending ridge. If, again, from the street running South along the depression or valley, one enters the street next South of the one just described, he first ascends West rather steeply; the street then turns North, and he ascends quite as steeply, until it turns West again. Here another street comes into it from the South, up a rather steep ascent. From all this it appears that there is on the North of Zion a rocky ridge, on which the Church of the Holy Sepulchre stands ; and which ends below in a rather broad point, about in a line between the said Church and the great Mosque. This is the ridge which, with the adjacent tract, according to the description of Josephus, must be regarded as Akra." X. The Holy City. Second Edition. By Geo. Williams, B.D. 2 vols. 8vo. 1849. After lamenting the evils consequent ujDon his not having been enabled to revise the sheets of the first edition of his work previous to their going to Press, Mr. Williams makes the following apology to the author of the ' Biblical E-esearches.' " The chief of these (evils), and that which has occasioned me the greatest regret, is one which I must seize the earliest opportunity of acknowledging in public, as I have already done in private, to the party principally aggrieved. It is, that, in my zeal for what I held, and still hold, to be important truth, I forgot the courtesy and consideration due to those who diff'ered from me. Whatever opmion I might have formed of the arguments and conclusions of Professor Robinson, I was not justified in imputing motives, of which I could be no adequate judge ; and I would gladly recall, as I do sincerely retract, all those harsh insinuations and personal reflections, which ought not to have been applied to a gentleman and a scholar, and which would not, I hope, have escaped the censorship of a maturer judgment, had they been subjected to my revision in their passage through the press. I have endeavoured to weed them carefully from the present edition." [This apology, which would be satisfactory only if seen by all those who had perused his first edition, is nullified by the paragraph which immediately follows: — ]"and I heartily hope that person- alities which have indeed been too freely indulged on all sides, will be no more allowed to embarrass the sufficiently perplexing questions with which we arc engaged." {Preface.) "WILLIAMS, HOLY CITY, SECOND EDIT. 371 But is an apology of this nature, even if not equivocally expressed, a sufficient reparation to the evil which has been caused ? What appears to be the facts ? A predetermined spirit has been evinced to throw over the arguments of objectors at whatever cost. If counter arguments can be produced, well : if not, recourse must be had to bold assertion, to flat denial, to ridicule, to priestly censure ;* and if all this is likely to be of no avail, then insinuations of want of candour, of sinister motives, of dishonesty, must be cast out, and the matter in question so mystified, that many are led to think that he has the best argu- ments who talks loudest. The case reminds one of a dishonest lawyer, who, knowing his own client to be in the wrong, traduces and vilifies the character of the plaintifi', and then, having gained a verdict, and robbed him of his estate, turns round to the Jury, and tells them that he has just been informed, from credible authority, that the plaintiff is a person of the highest character, and of the most unblemished integrity. But is the Second Edition free from such imputations ? Far from it. There are too many expressions of contumely and bitterness, which, to say the least, are highly improper, when addressed by one Clergyman of the reformed Church to another, whose difference of opinion is owing, not to a reception of error, but to a conscientious denial of that which, if proved, is only of secondary importance, and whose reasons for doing so are, that honour should not be transferred to the inanimate substance which is due to God alone. Mr. Williams's Second Edition not being in continuation of his previous volume, but rather an amplification of his former subject, I have thought it better to incorporate the additional arguments here brought forward, with those contained in the First Edition, in order to prevent this notice from becoming too desultory and confused. To have considered these addi- *■ No sarcastic allusion to the Church is here intended: but the writer wishes to urge the impropriety of Mr. Williams' having employed such a tone to a person like Dr. Robinson. 372 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. tional arguments in this place would have necessitated the reopening of the whole subject. It is sufficient to find that Mr. Williams asserts, in his Second Edition, that " not an inch of debateable ground has been ceded. " It is proper to observe, that an enlarged plan, copied from the Ordnance Survey, accompanies this Second Edition, and that ' A historical and descriptive Memoir,' illustrative of this survey is contained in the first volume, (pp. 1-164 ;) [the arguments in which have been already considered ;] and that a long chapter, (iii. pp. 129-194) by Professor Willis, on ' the Architectural History of the Holy Sepulchre,' appears in the second volume. The latter addition does not come within the scope of this article : there is one circumstance, however, contained in this essay which it is right to notice in this place. I have stated that the objections put forward in the ' Dublin University Magazine ' have not been answered : for although the name of the Review appears in Mr. Williams's introductory Preface, no mention is made of it in the body of the work, but the argument is taken up, as if dc novo, in the following manner. Mr. Williams states, in reference to the testimony of Arculfus, that an answer to the objections will be adduced by Professor Willis, (ii. 80.) On turning then to Professor Willis's article, we meet with the following defence : " The capacity of the chamber was somewhat greater in Arculfus' time than it now is, but perhaps not more than may be accounted for by the space occupied by the artificial lining of the chamber, and the construction of the altar, which covers the loculus," (tomb.) p. 179. Then referring to the circular form described by Arculfus, he adduces a passage in Willibald, (a.d. 765) where it is stated that " The Sepulchre was cut out of the rock; and that rock Avas above ground, and is square below, and contracted above." (lUud sepulchrum fuerat in petra excisum; et ilia petra stet super terram, et est quadrans in imo, et in summo subtilis.) The Professor then argues " The quadrans in imo refers to the square form of the chamber loithin, to which Arculfus does not allude, but merely describes the external form of the 'tegurium' as round, hi summo subtilis appears to allude to the pavilion of fine work- manship which was erected on the Sepulchre." (pp. 176-179.) It is to be regretted that Professor Willis, who with this WILLIAMS, HOLY CITY, SECOND EDIT. 373 exception has confined his subject to the consideration of the architecture of the church, did not leave the defence of the Sepulchre itself to the author of the ' Holy City', who would have been so well qualified to have undertaken it. By stooping to so weak and false an argument, he has damaged the character of his otherwise, I doubt not, valuable remarks, and identified himself with the movement in favour of these ecclesiastical traditions. How can ' quadrans in imo' be proved to signify square within ? and even if it did, how could the circumstance that the Sepulchre seen by Willibald was square within, disprove the clear and precise description of Arculfus, or the equally clear and well defined double line of the jvall of the tegurium in his plan % By such a system of logic he would find no difficulty in proving, from the ' Parentalia,' that the Church of St. Paul, as built by Wren, was a Gothic Cathedral.* * Mr. Williams regards it as his " fortune and his privilege to be the first of modern travellers to put in a plea for the ancient traditions of Jerusalem." This requires some qualification. Dr. Olin, the President of the Wesleyan University in New York, published his travels in Egypt, Arabia, Petrsea, and the Holy Land, in 1843, two years before the appearance of Mr. Williams's work. Dr. Olin pleads for the antiquity of the Holy Sepulchre, and for several other sacred sites ; and many of his arguments have been subsequently re-adduced. The work, however, is quoted by Mr. Williams only on one occa- sion, and then only because it allows him to cast a fling at the uncatholicity of English travellers. (First edit., p. 426.) But there is this difference to be observed between the two writers. — The former is painfully alive to the falsity of monkish traditions, (ii. 291,) and acknowledges that "a general and indis- criminating suspicion of all monkish legends and traditions, is perhaps the true, philosophical position, but he found it extremely difficult to resist the strong current of opinion and feeling that prevailed upon the spot. Indeed (he) yielded to it for the time at least, (ii. 277) he found believing far more agree- able than cold incredulity. He endeavoured to carry with him everywhere a paramount reverence for truth, and the spirit of fair and watchful criticism, but he could not, and would not, deny himself the luxury of communing freely with the glorious objects that fill and surround the holy city." (ii. 294.) The latter writer, on the othef hand, insists upon what the former merely endeavours to believe, and endeavours to believe what he rejects. It would be folly and a cruelty to interfere with the fond reveries of the former ; it is our duly to with- stand and expose the determined errors of the latter. 374 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. XI. All Essaij on the Ancient Topography of Jerusalem. By James Fergusson, F.R.A.S. 8vo. Lond. 1847. This remarkable book, which displays, on the part of its author, great originality of purpose, a quick and acute perception, with much study and research, has the advantage of being written by one who is intimately acquainted with the history of art ; than whom, therefore, no one could be better qualified for the task he has undertaken. We cannot, however, but regret the too dogmatical style in which it has been cast. Every page abounds with some such expression as — proof p'ositive — con- clusive evidence — minutely correct — no one who knows any- thing, about the matter will think differently: — which is as much as to say. This is my opinion, and every sensible man will think with me.* The consequence of this has been, that many, who would otherwise have been disposed to accept the pre- mises, begin to question whether the evidence adduced is of that u-refragable nature which it is supposed to be. The object of the book we find to be, " To vindicate the Bible and early Christian tradition from the slur indirectly cast upon them by our inability to trace, in Jerusalem, the scenes and localities they describe; and, if possible, to place them on a sound and rational basis." (p. ult.) [Or, as he expresses it in another place,] " There is a hiatus in the arguments of all those who have opposed (the present traditions), in their not being able to say, or even hint, where the true sepulchre was,. . . and till this is done, I fear it is not in human nature to admit any argument, however reasonable; for there is, and always has been, in the human mind, or at all events, in a certain class of human minds, a principle of idolatry which has given form to the faith of millions of millions, through thousands of years, and which requires that for the calling forth or exercise of their faith, some tangible object should be presented to their corporeal senses — whether in the form of a relic — of a holy spot with which an act may be associated — or a graven image which will represent what the mind is too lazy to conceive — and which re- quires, in this instance, a sepulchre, and it matters little whether it be the true one or not; it answers their purpose." (pp. 76, 77.) * This is the more reprehensible in an author, whose arguments, however ingenious and however plausible, are necessarily of a hypothetical character. FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 375 Here I consider to lie the weakness of the book: the author should have been content to show the true church of the sepul- chre, not the true sepulchre itself; he should have striven not to obtain the consent of " millions of millions" of his readers, but to announce the truth, even though he met not with one sup- porter. But of this anon. The subjects of what we may regard as his propositions are the following: — 1. (The size and situation of Herod's Temple.) This he asserts to have been 600 feet squar^, and no more, and to have been situated at the S.W. angle of the present Haram es Shereef ; and he further asserts, that the eastern wall of the present platform formed the third wall of Agrijipa.* 2. (The position of Hippicus, and the course of the ancient walls.) The tower he places at the N.W. angle of the present city, near the Latin Convent; and the First Wall he makes to include both the Upper and Lower cities, thus denying the existence of a northern wall to the Upper city. (pp. 36, 39.) 3. (The true position of Zion:) which he makes identical with the "hill" upon which stands the rock Sakhra, now covered by the dome of the rock. (p. 58.) 4. (The site of the Holy Sepulchre [which he makes this Sakhra,] and of the Christian buildings erected by Constantine and Justinian.) (pp. prima et ult.) i. e. That the so called Mosque of Omar was the church of the holy sepulchre built by Constantine; but that, in the eleventh century, the Christians trans- ferred the sacred site to its present position. (Part IH.) 5. To these may be added the following proposition, which, however, will not bear an argument. That Antonia, Barffe, the castle Acra, Millo, Bethsur, and the " City of David", were all one and the same thing, (pp. 33, 65, and pi. vi.) 1. In support of the first proposition, Mr. Fergusson shows that Josephus invariably describes the Temple as being 400 cubits square, (p. 0,) and in proof that this dimension should be reckoned according to the common cubit of six handsbreadth, or eighteen inches, which would give us a length of 600 feet, he again adduces Josephus as stating, that the circuit of the Temple was four stadia; thus giving us the same dimension of 600 feet, or thereabouts. He then points out, that the plan of substructions under the Haram exhibits a wall running N. and S. at exactly the distance of 600 feet from the S.W. corner; (p. 8;) while another striking confirmation of this location of the Temple is * It is said by Josephus to join the old wall, not the northern or eastern sides of the Temple. VOL. II. CO 376 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. exhibited in the circumstance, that the south wall of the platform of the Dome of the Rock is also at exactly 600 feet distance from the south wall of the Haram; (see pi. iv. ;) thus giving the line of the eastern and northern sides of ^(xlU of ^ect- Mr. Fergusson's Plau of the Temple. A. TLe Temple. B. Herod's Stoa Basilica. C. The Bridge. D. Tower of Autonia. E. Millo, Baris,Acra,Antonia, Bethsur, and Citj' of David. F. Council House. G. The Anastasis, or Church of tke Holy Sepul- chre — Sion. II. Justinian's Gateway. K. The Golden Gateway. L. Atrium ^ Basilica of M. Martyrium ) Constantine. N. Church of Golgotha. O. Atrium. P. Xenodochium. Q. Church of St. Mai-y. E. Parbar Suburbs. S. The Upper Market Place. T. Acra. the Temple: the western and southern being identical with the present Haram inclosure. On the western wall he finds a causeway at 600 feet distance from the S.W. angle, which causeway he supposes to be the remains of the old wall which connected the Temple with the upper city; (p. 17;) and in support of the antiquity of the southern wall, he asserts that the foundations under the mosque Aksa are of greater antiquity than the other substructions; (p. 118;)"* and that these later substructions, at the S.E. angle, terminate precisely at the extent of 600 feet from the western wall, and occur just in the position where we know, from Procopius, that Justinian built his church in honour of the Virgin Mary. * The Mahometan writers unequivocally affirm that the mosque of Aksa stands on the site of the Temple of Solomon. (See Jalal-Addin, p. 42 ; Medjir- ed-din, p. 95.) • FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 377 He then suggests, that the bridye,'^ discovered by Dr. Robinson, corresponded with the central avenue of the Basilican Stoa. The bridge f is 39 feet from the S. corner of the area, and 51 in width; its centre, therefore, is 64 feet 6 inches from the S.W. angle. The side avenues of the Royal Portico were 30 feet, which, added to half the central avenue, (45 feet,) give 52^, to which must be added the thickness of the wall, with its sets-off and amount of batter- ing, which he estimates would form a total, api^roximating to the former dimen- sions, (p. 12. )| 2. The second proposition is so unsupported by facts, and so opposed to what everybody admits, that it is sufficient to say of Mr. Fergusson's theory, that, according to his own acknow- ledgment, (p. 39,) it is opposed to the testimony of Josephus, so far as relates to the position of the three towers Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne. The reality of a north wall to the upper city is equally clear from Josephus. * The Hebrew word is Aliyah, which signifies an arched bridge. Rev, Moses Margoliouth, Pilgrimage to the Land of my Fathers, ii. 365. f The "bridge" is referred to by Bernhard, "Ubi templum in vicinia muri ab oriente locatum ipsique urbi, transitu pervio, ponie mediante, fuerat conjunc- tum," etc. Recueil de Voy., iv. p. 797. X Mr. Williams objects, that because one arch would be too low, and three arches (his own suggestion) too high, that therefore it could not have been a bridge. {^H. C, ii. 389.) It appears not to have occurred to him that it might have consisted of two archesdn height. This bridge is supposed by Dr. Robin- son to have been the ''ascent by which (Solomon) went up into the house of the Lord," (I Kings x. 5 ; H Chron. ix. 4;) but it seems more natural to con- nect this ascent %vith the stairs at which those who Avent up to the house of the Lord were annoyed by the Macedonians within the fortress of Acra, who lay in wait against the sanctuary, (I Mace, iv. 41 ;) or with the south gate of the Temple, which communicated with the palace of Solomon. Professor Willis enters into an ingenious speculation relative to the Basilican Stoa. Reckoning 10 piers in the mosque Abu-Bekr, 8 in the Aksa, 7 for the space between Aksa and the eastern substructions, and adding the 16 piers of the substructions, he obtains 41 piers, which is just the number required for the 162 columns of Josephus arranged in four rows. (//. C, Suppl., note A, pp. 125-128.) But Mr. Fergusson shows that the piers are too irregularly placed to have supported a colonnade above; though one of his objections, which is relative to the size of the columns being 37 feet in height, is answered by the fact of their being only 27 feet, according to Josephus. {Ant., xv. 11, § 5 ; Fer- gusson, Essay, p. 10.) cc 2 378 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. 3. The third proposition is still less in accordance with reason. Dr. Liglitfoot's theory, that Zion existed to the north of Acra, and Dr. Clarke's, that it lay to the sontli of the Valley of Hinnom, were less extravagant, because each of these theories had some argument in support of it; but to place Zion to the north of IVIoriah, and on a rock not fifty feet square, does seem below comment.* In endeavouring to attach Zion to the Temple Mount, Mr. Fergusson quotes several passages from the Bible, in order to prove that Zion and Jerusalem were different places: (p. 74:) but it is singular that Mr. Fergusson did not perceive that these passages, and some seventy more which might be mentioned, are all examples of parallelism or apposi- tion, and that he could not have more effectually shown that Jerusalem and Zion — in its extended sense — are put for the same thing : and it is even more singular, that he should have quoted such a passage as, " The people shall yet dwell in Zion at Jerusalem," (Isaiah xxx. 19,) when he himself endeavours to show, a few pages subsequently, (p. 78,) that this place was " outside the city," and " free from houses." 4. The fourth proposition consists of two statements : — that the Sakhra is identical with the holy sepulchre of Constantine ; and that it is in truth the Sepulchre of our Lord. Even granting the size of Solomon's Temple, and the posi- tion of Antonia, as laid down by Mr. Fergusson, the authority for which will be presently considered, and divesting it of all other difficulties, there is one argument which militates strongly * Mr. Williams's idea, that the rude rock of the Sakhrah formed a fitting threshing-floor for Auronah, is nearly as absurd, {H. C, Suppl., p. 417) ; and an equally astonishing theory is that of Professor Willis, who regards the cave of the Sakhrah as the cesspool of the Jewish altar. {Id., ii. 341.) The Turks describe a well or pit beneath the floor of this cave, which they call the "Well of Souls." It is probable that, on taking up or examining the floor, a gallery would be found, running in a southerly direction towards the site of the Temple ; this rock marking the situation of the Antonia, between which buildings a subterranean communication existed in the time of Josephus. {Ant., XV. 11, § 7.) FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 379 against it, viz., the fact that the houses had so far extended be- yond the walls, that twelve or thirteen years after the cruci- fixion of our Lord, Agrippa found it necessary to inclose a larger area of ground than the whole of the city had formerly occupied, and that the portion of this new city which was first inhabited, was that very quarter, Bezetha, which lay imme- diately north of the Temple. This spot, therefore, although then outside the wall, was in the midst of houses, and conse- quently a most unlikely place to have been selected for the place of crucifixion and burial.* That it was not the sepulchre discovered and adorned by Constantine, is not so easy to dis- prove ; on the contrary, there are " evidences of a startling na- ture in support of what (he) advances." (p. 78.) He affirms that, though modern tradition attributes the Dome of the Rock to the Turks, there is no ancient record among the Mahometans to that effect, (pp. 108, 130, 142, 179,) while several may be produced among the Christians in favour of its having been built by them. After stating his decided convic- tion that the building was erected by Constantine, (pp. 83, 84,) he adduces as a singular circumstance, that Adamnanus, who visited the city about 695, or only a few years after the time when the building is said to have been completed by Abd-el-Malek, should give us an accurate description of the Aksa, but neglect to say one word relative to the other new and handsome mosque, the Dome of the Rock; and from this circumstance he infers, that it was not a mosque, but the church of the holy Sepulchre built by Constantine. (pp. 146 — 148.) This he thinks confirmed by the account given us by Mahometan historians,| of Omar's entrance into the city. Desiring the Patriarch Sophronius to lead him to the site of the Temple of Solomon, he was taken first to the church of the Sepulchre-, then to the church on Mount Zion, then to the Castle of David, and finally to the place where he afterwards built the mosque Aksa; on which Mr. Fergusson asks, " What could have induced the Patriarch to lead Omar to the present Sepulchre, and say, 'This is the Mosque of David'? (p. 135.) But the whole account is so doubtful, that I prefer to accept the account of Euty- * He supports his argument (pp. 85, 86) by reference to Mr. Finlay's theory of a supposed census and " survey," by the Romans, of the whole of Palestine, of so minute a description that every locality was indicated, and every field measured, {Essay on the site of the Holy Sepulchre, by George Finlay;) but as this evidence is rejected by Mr. Williams, who would have been but too glad to have made use of it, it is unnecessary to notice it further. f The Christian account is different. See Eutychii, Annales, ii. 284. 380 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. chius." He next comments on what he regards as the cautious, if not suspicious language* of the interpolation to the ' history of St. Willibald,' which he be- lieves to have been written in the latter end of the eleventh century, shortly after the transference of the site — " Nttnc est ecclesia in illo loco qui dicitur Calvarioe locus : et hsec fuit prius extra Hierusalem, sed Beata Helena, quando invenei'it crucem, collocavit ilium locum mhis in Hierusalem.''^] On this circum- stance, Messrs. Michaud and Poujulat observe, " ce qui fut regarde par les Chretiens comme im miracle du ciel."X The church of Calvary, moreover, which Arculfus described as pergrandis, is now only a shed against the outside wall, (p. 160.) Saewulf, who visited the city in 1103, mentions a tradition which he discredits, that the Dome of the Rock {Templum Domini, as it is called by the Christians), was built by Justinian. § (p. 180.) Albert Aquensis even more distinctly states, that "many assert that this church, which is called Templum Domini, is not to be understood of that ancient and wonderful work of King Solomon, but the edifice which was afterwards rebuilt by Christians." |1 Jacob de Vitry affirms to the same effect.^ (p. 181.)** * Ibi nunc est ecclesia — cruces lignese ad memoriam sanctse crucis, etc. — lapis magnus in similitiidinem, etc. — in illo loco qui dicitur Calvariae locus. f Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened., Sa;c. iii. Pars ii. p. 375. \ Correspondance d' Orient, vol. v. p. 145. § " Quldam autem dicunt civitatem fuisse a Justiniano imperatore restaura- tum, et Templum Domini similiter sicut est adhuc — sed illi dicunt secundum opinionem, et non secundum veritatem, Assirii enim quorum patres coloni erant illius patriae a prima persecutione, dicunt civitatem septies esse captum et de- structum post Domini passionem, simul cum omnibus ecclesiis, sed non omnino prsecipitam." (Becueil de Voyages de la Soc. Geo. de Paris, iv. 840.) II " Hoc templum, quod dicitur Domini, non illud antiquam ac mirabile opus regis Salomonis intelligendum est verum templum hoc postea a modernis et Christianis cultoribus reaediiicatum plures attestantur." {Gesta Dei, p. 281.) ^ "Templum autem Domini sanctum — a fidelibus tamen et religiosis viris opere rotundo et decenter et magnifice — iterum est reparatum." {Gesta Dei, Ixii. pp. 1080, 1081.) ** Mr. Fergusson's reviewer here remarks : "Are we not forced to smile at the mighty deeds of chivalry — the achievements of knights and warriors — the bursts of priestly eloquence — the victories of pilgrim hosts, — when we find that after mountains of treasure lavished, and rivers of blood spilt in the cause. Christian Europe is at last discovered to have knelt before a gross imposture, and borne away the palm in triumph, without having so much as recognized the shrine it had sacrificed so much to honour ?" [Dubl. Univ. Mag., January 1848, p. 419. See also p. 42G.) William of Tyre informs us that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was round, but by reason of the adjoining and overhanging cliffs was dark. (Lib. viii. cap. 3, p. 421.) Where are these cliffs? FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 381 From the consideration of these and other passages, Mr. Fergusson believes that the Christians were turned out of tlie original sepulchre by the Mahometans, between the years 969 and 1029, during the Moslem oppression from Muez to El Hakim, and that they built another ' church of the Holy Sepulchre' in the present site, between the years 1031 and 1048. (p. 164.) But, in addition to the preceding arguments, Mr. Fergusson adduces several points of detail, which he thinks confirmatory of the transference. These are with respect to the intermediate distances of the several parts of the structure. Antoninus Martyrus says the distance from Calvary to Golgotha was 80 paces, (which we may make equivalent to 240 feet,) whereas the present distance is only 1 20 feet : and again, the place of the "invention" of the cross is described as 12 paces (or about 36 feet) from Golgotha, whereas the present distance is 150 feet. (pp. 126, 127.) But the most important argument, and that which he considers an overwhelming proof, is the architecture of the structure ; and this is undoubtedly a very strong point. To judge of it in all its force the reader must refer to Mr. Fergus- son's book, in order that he may examine the beautiful drawings prepared by Mr. Catherwood and Mr. Arundale. Here there can be no mistake, and with all deference to Mr. Williams's opinion in other respects, whoever it was built /or, the dome of the rock was evidently built hj Christian workmen, however it might subsequently have been incrusted with Saracenic detail;* as the Aksa, which he endeavours to claim as the church of the Virgin Mary, was undoubtedly built, probably, as we now see * A singular coincidence occurs in the fact, that whereas the original sepulchre is described as being "not uniform, but appearing mixed, and of different colours, to wit, red and ivhite, so that the said rock is of a piebald colour", which the present sepulchre is not, the excavation in the rock of the Sakhrah is thus described by Ali Bey : " From what I could discern, particularly in the inside of the cave, the rock seemed to be composed of a reddish-white marble." {Dub. Univ. Mckj., January 1848, p. 419.) 382 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. it, at a subsequent period, by Mahometan artificers. The Christian, not to say heathen, character of the architecture of the dome of the rock, is evident from an examination of, the plans of S, Costanza, at Rome ; Sa. Ma. Maggiore, at Nocera ; a small church near Bonn, said to be by queen Helena; S. Stefano Rotundo (which Mr. Fergusson wishes to consider as a copy of the church of the Holy Sepulchre !) ; but more espe- cially the so-called temple of Jupiter, at Spalatro ; and the bap- tistery of Constantino, at Rome; each of which latter structures are octagonal, with an inner circle of columns, the temple of Juj^iter being furnished likewise with an outer row, and porches at the four sides. The architecture of the Aksa is equally con- clusive, with its pointed arches, and its wooden architraves.* Such are some of the arguments brought forward by Mr. Fer- gusson in support of his theory. There are others which I have kept separate, from their being liable to objection. Thus his position of Goatha,like Mr. Williams's system of "juxtaposition," is made to depend uponits being mentioned in the preceding verse to the Horse Gate ( Jerem. xxxi. 39, 40,) while even this support is taken away by the fact that the Horse Gate was situated south of the temple^. The destruction of the church, and its restoration by Modistus, would be fatal to his theory, and it is therefore pronounced "apocryphal." (178.) " The age is fertile in falsehoods, but I have not met with one more startling than this." (p. 129.) But, unfortunately, we have seen that Ssewulf describes the city as having been " taken and destroyed seven times, together with all its churches." [see ante, p. 380.] Again, so far from an octagonal tomb being so " utterly anomalous, and unlike anything any Mahometan ever did in any part of the * After a feeble effort to disprove this reasoning, Mr. Williams summarily asserts, " it ignores all historical records, and sets at naught all architectural evi"dence"; "the very foundation on which the theory is based, is a foundation of sand", (//. C, Suppl. p. 418,) and he proves to his own satisfaction that "■ the architectural argument is found to halt throughout, and fairly break down at last." (p. 426.) FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 383 world," (p. Ill,) it is a common type in many parts of the east : witness the mausolea of Constantinople and the Crimea. The attempt to change the circular plan of Adimnanus into an octagon (p. 150) is ill-judged; for nothing can be clearer than his words " rotunda ecclesia," illustrated as they are by his circular plan: but as the description and plan did, not suit his church of the Holy Sepulchre, one or other must be changed, and of the two evils Mr. Fergusson chose the less. The stained glass Mr. Fergusson regards as a proof of the building being Christian, (p. 106,) though he could scarcely be ignorant that stained glass is a usual embellishment both of the sacred and domestic architecture of oriental nations. The endeavour to maintain the antiquity of the ceilings was as impolitic as it was unnecessary ; for if they had been renewed a hundred times this could not have affected the question at issue ; while that they have been renewed is, I think, evident by their appearance, which displays much more of the taste prevalent at the period of rebuilding the ' church of the Holy Sepulchre' after the fire of 1808, than that in vogue in the time of Constantino. The ceiling is certainly not Mahometan in design, though the Mahometans often execute flat ceilings, and those of the most elaborate description. Nor can I regard as of any weight the assertion that the present Sakrah was not the Sakrah of Omar. (130, 134.) The Mahometans were directed to face the Caaba, or the south : and, therefore, when congregated in the Aksa they would naturally have their backs to the Sakrah; which agrees perfectly with the account by Eutychius. Other objections are urged by Mr. WilUams. {H. a,ii. 90-116, and 416-427.)* * Mr, Williams remarks : " Bold theories require bold arguments — accord- ingly, whatever can be done to sustain his views — by suggesting the corruption of MSS., in the way of mutilation, interpolation, or omission — by variations in the original, or alterations in translating — is resorted to without scruple, some- times Avithout notice, [Mr. Williams gives no example,] always without autho- rity." {H. C, ii. 91, 92.) This opinion must be received with some qualification, 384 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. In support of the theory, however, it shoukl be remembered that on the surrender of the city to Omar, he expressly bound himself to build only one mosque, which mosque we know was that subsequently enlarged into the mosque of Aksa ; and we rc&,d of no violation of this treaty, which we might naturally suppose would have been loudly complained of had any taken place. It is singular that the following Mahometan tradition of a transference of the ' sepulchre' should have escaped the notice of Mr. Fergusson. I should premise that the ' Dome of the Rock' is called by Mahometan writers Bait-el-Mukaddas, 'the holy house,' or ' the holy abode;' and that the ' church of the Holy Sepulchre' was originally called by the much more appro- priate designation ' the church of the Resurrection.'* " The Rock of the Baitu-1-Mukaddas, in the days of Solomon, was of the height of 12,000 cubits .... upon it was a Chapel formed of aloes (or sandal wood), in height twelve miles .... and the space between it and Heaven was no more than twelve miles Subsequently to its devastation by Nebuchad- nezzar, when the Greeks obtained possession of it, they said. Let us bviild thereon a building far excelling that which was before. Therefore they built upon it a building as broad at the base as it was high in the sky, and gilded it with gold, and silvered it with sUver. Then entering therein, they began to practise their associated (polytheistical) paganism, upon which it fell upon them, so that not one of them came out Hereupon he caused a second Temple to be built, which they did, spending a greater sum thereon, and having finished the second building, 70,000 entered it, as they had entered the first. But it happened to them as it had happened to the first Therefore coming, as it does, from one, *' through the whole of whose book", according to another writer, *'we find that the superstitions, mistakes, foolish and corrupt observances and ceremonies, which have crept in and awfully disfigured the ancient churches in the East, are described with the most tender sjonpathy and respect, while he speaks of Protestants and Protestantism in terms of suspicion and contempt." {Jetvish IntelL, Aug. 1845. Compare the Churchnan^ s Monthly Review, of May 1845.) * The change of name from the * church of the Resurrection' to the * church of the Holy Sepulchre,' is to be attributed to the circumstance, that the Resur- rection of Christ afforded no material or tangible object to the sensual wor- shipper. FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 385 he assembled them a third time, and said, What think ye ? and they said, We think that our God is not well pleased with us, because we have not offered unto him abundantly, therefore he has destroyed what we have done ; therefore we should greatly wish to build a third. They then built a third, until they thought they had carried it to the greatest possible height, and sur- rounded it with crosses of gold and silver Then having entered it, they began to practice their associated paganism, as the others had done before them, whereupon down fell the third building upon them. Hereupon the King again summoned them together, and asked their counsel about what he should do. But their dread was very great ; and whilst they were deliberating, there came up to them a very old man, in a white robe, and a black turban : his back was bent double, and he was leaning upon a staff. So he said, O Christian people, listen to me, listen to me ! for I am the oldest of any of you in years, and am now come forth from among the retired votaries of religion, in order to inform you that with respect to this place, all its possessprs are accursed, and all holiness hath departed from it, and hath been transferred to this other iilace. I will therefore point out this as the place wherein to build the Church of the Resurrection. I will show you the spot, but you will never see me after this day for ever. Thus he cheated them, and augmented their accursed state, and commanded them to cut up the rock, and to build with its stones upon the place which he commanded them. So, whilst he was talking with them he became concealed, and they saw him no more. Thereupon, they increased in their infidelity, and said, This is the Great Word. Then they demolished the Mosques (churches) and carried away the columns, and the stones, and all the rest, and built therewith the Church of the Resurrection, and the Church which is in the Valley of Hinnom. Moreover, this cursed old man commanded them. When ye have finished the building upon this other place, then take that place whose owners are accursed, and whence all holiness hath departed, to be a common sewer to receive the dung. By this they gratified their Lord. Also, they did this .... and all filth and excrement was thrown upon the rock, until God awoke our prophet Mahomet." (^History of the Temple of Jerusalem: By Imam Jalal Addin al Siuti, pp. 44-48.)* According to another tradition, — " We learn also from Omad, that .... glad tidings were received of ... . the Spirit (Christ) having taken up his abode in the halting place of the night- * Translated by Rev. Jas. Reynolds, B.A., for the Oriental Translation Fund, 8vo., Lond., 1836. This story, though a confused mixture of Eastern fable, a tradition of Julian's attempt to rebuild the Temple, and a tradition of the transference of the Holy Sepulchre by the Christians, is so clear respecting the latter statement as nut lightly to be set aside. 386 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. journey, the resting-place of the Lord of tJie Apostles, and signet of prophets, the resting-place of Apostles and Prophets, the mansion of Abraham." (/c?. p. 213.) "This is the reposing spot of the Prophets : this the burial-place of the Apostles ; this the region to which God sent his servant, and his apostle, and his Word, which he cast upon Marj', from whence came that Spirit, Jesus, whom God honoured by his Apostleship, and by his glory, and by his gift of prophecy." {Id. p. 235.)* '• Omad proceeds to say. To return to the Sakhrah. The Christians had built a church upon it, (on their capture of it from the Saracens) and had never ceased to lift up their hands in blessing it, and raising their eyes to salute and extol it." {Id. p. 246. )f Abulfeda states that a building formerly stood upon the site afterwards occupied by the Bait-el-Mukaddas, but leads us to infer that it was the Jewish temple.:}: Nor are Christian writers wanting, who claim for it a Christian origin. § Bernard says there are various opinions respecting the building. Some assert that the church Avas re- built by the Emperor' Constantine, and his mother Helena, in reverence of the Holy Cross found by her.lj The state- ments of Albertus Aquensis,^ and of the Cardinal Jacobus de Yitriaco,** are already before the reader. The former adds the particulars, that a golden vase of about 200 marks' weight was suspended in the middle, containing, according to some authors, the 'blood of our Lord,' but according to others, ' Manna.' * The Mussulmen pretend that the body of Christ was buried there. {Les deux Jar dins, in Michaud, Bibliographie des Croisades, ii. 603.) t See also pp. 246, 409, of Jalal-Addin. \ Speaking of Helena, hs says : " Quae quidem super sepulchrum, in quo Christiani dicunt Jesum esse conditum, extruxit templum, dirutaque ilia quse super 'as Szachrat' erat sede, conferri curavit super ipsam coenum totius oppidi ad segre faciendum Judgeis. Itaque mansit usque dum ea potiretur Abd- al-Malekh, qui in ea extruxit ' Kubbat as Szachrat' eo modo quo adhuc hodie superstes conspicitur." (Abulfedae, Tahida Syria;, pp. 86, 87.) § See Sandys, Relat. of a Voy., p. 192. II " De hujus templi restauratore, ut nunc est, variae sunt opiniones. Qui- dam enim sub Constantino imperatore, ab Helena matre sua resedificatum fuisse perhibent pro reverentia Sanctaj Crucis ab ea repertae." (Bern. Thesaur., Be Acquisitione Terra: Sanctce ; in Murator., Rer. Ital. Script., vii. 712.) ^ Hist. HierosoL, vi. 24. ** Historia Orientalis, cap. 62, fol. 1220. FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 387 The Bait-el-Mukaddas was surmounted by a cross of gold, which is thus referred to by Ibn-Alatir. — " There was a large gold cross over the dome of the Sakhrah. The day that the city was surrendered (to Saladin), the cross was cut down. At this spectacle, the eyes of Christians, as well as of Mussulmen, were turned in this direction. When the cross fell, a general cry arose throughout the city and its environs : they were cries of joy to the Mussulmen, and of grief and rage to the Christians. The noise was such as if the world were about to be destroyed."* But while these vague traditions furnish us with little beyond a possible inference of Mr. Fergusson's theory, that " the Dome of the Rock was the Sepulchre of Christ," we must not close our eyes to the clear, and, with these exceptions, explicit testimony of history, that the Dome of the Rock was built for Mahometan purposes. "According to the Muthlr Alfaram, Abdul-Malik-ibn-Marwan built al- Sakhrah and the temple of the Baitu-el-Mukaddas : he spent upon this building the produce of a seven years' tax upon Egypt, Again, it is said by Sabat-ibn- Juzi, in his book on the Changes of Dynasties, that Abdul-Malik — began the building in the year 69 Heg. and finished it in the year 72. Also, it is said, (that his son) Said-ibn-Abdul-Malik-Marwan built the Chapel of the Baitu-el- " Mukaddas, and its outward covering. Again, we learn from Taher-ibn-Rija, and Yazid-ibn-Salam, that Abdul -Malik — wished to build a Chapel upon the Sakhrah of the Holy City, to be a free and lasting Chapel to Mussulmen ; and did wish to do this without consulting, and asking the assistance of his subjects Then the Khalif assembled the best artificers of all his workmen, and commanded them to labour diligently at the work of the Chapel, and made a vaulted crypt in it, before he puilt the Chapel. Then he laid the foundation in the middle of the Mosque, and commanded that the Treasury f should be built upon the east side of the Sakhrah Thus he built and loaded it with riches ; and he nominated as Commissioners for this purpose Rija-ibn-Haywah, and Yazid-ibn-Salam, and committed to the care of these the expenses of the building, and the things necessary for the undertaking, and that they should * Reinaud, Extraits des Hist. Arabes, p 218. \ " The ' Dome of the Chain' is of great beauty. We have spoken of it in treating of the works of Abd-el-Melik-ibn-Mirvan. It served as a model for the dome of the Sakhrah." Medjir-ed-din, in Ftmdgriiben des Orients, ii. 89 ; see also Jalal Addin, p. 21, 24. S88 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. expend the treasure upon it to the last dinar, so as just to lay it out in the pay- ment of expenses. They therefore undertook the building and the fitting-up, until the work was finished, and the building brought to a conclusion ; and Bait-el-Mukaddaa— The Holy Abude. Dome of the Rock. there was not a word left to be spoken of it. Then they wrote thus to him, he being at Damascus, — ' God hath brought to an end that which the Commander of Believers hath commanded us respecting the erection of the Chapel of the Sakhrah, the Sakhrah of the Holy City, and the Mosque el Aksa, and there remains not a word to be spoken about it. Moreover, there remains some surplus above the money granted to us by the Commander of Believers to that end, after 100,000 dinars have been expended thereon. Let the Commander of the Faithful convert it to the object he likes best.' And the Khalif wrote to them, ' The Commander of Believers committed to your charge whatsoever should be fit and proper when he appointed you superintendents of the restora- tion of this glorious and blessed Temple.' Then they wrote to him, * We have thought that it well deserved of us that we should augment the amount by the ornaments of our women, taking the superfluity of our wealth. Convert it, then, to the purposes you like best.' Then he wrote to them, 'A great sum hath been expended and paid by the public for the Chapel ; therefore I will spend and lay out upon it for that which every one may look at, — gold work, and ornament, a sort of common part of mosaic outside ; and then also FERGUSSON, JERUSALEM. 389 a second, to be a covering against rain, and wind, and snow,' But Rija-ibn- Haywah and Yazid-ibn-Salam had already surrounded it with a screen of lattice -work, with small interstices, and a cxirtain of silk hanging loosely between pillars. " Also there were, every day, two and fifty, to whom were committed the safiron, which they were pulverizing and grinding. Some worked in the night, and perfumed it with the vapour of musk, and amber, and rose-water, for the purpose of making incense Then they began the descent of the structure behind the Sakhrah, and every part as far as their hands could reach was considered as polluted, until they had poured a stream of water upon the whole of it; and that which their hands could not reach, they washed upon the surface Then they came with censers of gold, and silver, and aloes-wood of Kimar, and incense perfumed with musk and amber. And the curtain was hanging all loosely round the pillars. Then they took the incense, and made a circuit around (the Chapel) until the space between them and the Chapel was filled with abundance of the smoke of incense. Then they lifted up a corner of the veil, and the incense escaped, and the grateful odour was difi'used until it arrived at the head of the market. Therefore the passers by smelt the odour of the incense, and put a stop to the business in which they were engaged. Then a crier cried out among the people, •' The Sakhrah is now open to all men — whosoever desires to pray, let him come.' "* I have here exhibited some of the arguments for and against the theory, that the ' Dome of the Rock' was originally the 'church of the Resurrection' built by Constantine: others may be seen in Mr. Fergusson's book. I must confess that, as far as the evidence at present goes, I cannot accept the theory : the reader must judge for himself: it is sufficient for me to show that the building does not occupy the site of Calvary. On the one hand is the preceding Mahorhetan tradition, that the church of the Resurrection originally occupied the site of the Dome of the Rock; and some floating Christian traditions, that the Dome of the Rock was originally built by Christians: on the other hand is the circumstantial evidence of Mahometan histo- rians, that the Dome of the Rock was built by Mahometans ; in addition to which are numerous Christian traditions, which de- scribe the church of the Resurrection as lying north of Sion and west of the Temple. The church of the ' sepulchre' was destroyed seven times by fire : the Dome of the Rock, if we may believe * Jalal-Addift, HisL of the Temple of Jerus., ■pp. 184-189. 390 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. Mr. Fergusson, is in the same state as when finished by Constantine. Cyril describes the church of the Resurrection as shadowed by overhanging chffs. It is difficult to imagine them in its present situation, or indeed anywhere but in the valley of Hinnom : it would be impossible to find them in the Temple area. Some Christian writers are brought forward, who hint at a transference of site, but their forms of expression are attri- butable, on the other hand, to an ambiguity of style. The im- probability of the circumstance may be alleged against the site proposed by Mr. Fergusson; but who would have supposed, looking merely at the Bible narrative, and the plan of Jerusa- lem, that the Christians would ever have selected the present site for the building of their church ? On the one hand, then, is the strong evidence of the architecture of the building : on the other, is the testimony of history and tradition. Perhaps the key to the difficulty arising from the contradic- tion of traditional evidence may be found in the parallelism which exists between the two structures, and between the pur- poses for which they were erected. The religion of Constantine, as that of Mahomet, was founded by the sword ; but there is this difference between them — the one made war the instrument of supporting his religious imposture, the other made religion a means of strengthening his political power. The motives which probably induced Constantine to build the Church of the 'Holy Sepulchre', and to make Jerusalem a holy city, have been already depicted :* precisely similar were the causes which led to the establishment of Jerusalem as a Mahometan city, and to the erection of its sacred edifices. j* Do the * Supra, pp. 324-326. f " Abdel-Malik built at Jerusalem, in the year 72, (Hegira,) the cupola which covers the rock Sakhrah, and the mosque called Aksa : the motive of which was to prevent the people from going to Mecca, which city was in the posses- sion of his rival, Abd-allah-ben-Zobair. . . .They went round the rock, as they had been accustomed to do round the Kaaba." {Vie cT Abd-allah-ben-Zobair, par M. Quatremere. Journ. Asiat., 2nd serie, vol. x. p. 141.) "Inauguratus est Abdul-Malek-ibn-Merwan, anno 75. Mittens hie Hiero- solyma templum auxit donee petram in ipsum inferet hominesque Hierosolyma FERGUSSON. JERUSALEM. 391 Christians point to the pious Constantine, and hold forth to admiration his ardent zeal and Christian humility ? — The Mos- lems record the saint-like Omar, entering as a conqueror into Jerusalem, clothed in his garments of camel's hair. Do the Chris- tians tell of the pollution Avith which the ' Holy SejDulchre' had been covered by Hadrian ? — The Moslems describe the desecra- tion of the site of their temple, by the Christians in hatred of the Jews, by heaping over it piles of dung,* 'and the cleansing of it by Omar, who carried away the filth in the folds of his mantle. Have the Christians selected a false site for their ' Holy Sepulchre V — and shall the Mahometans hesitate in setting up a supposititious site for their sacred temple 1 If the Chris- tians designate their shrine as the ' Holy Sepulchre,' — the Moslems will call theirs Bait-el-Mukaddas, the ' Holy Abode.' If the Christians venerate a grotto hewn out of a rock, — the Moslems also will have a rock with a sacred grotto. -j* If prayers are considered to be more especially heard when offered in the grot of Calvary, — the Moslems believe that peculiar efficacy is to be attributed to prayers offered within the grotto of the Sakhrah.ij: The one shows the stone on which the angel sat, — the other shows where the destroying angel sat in the time of David. If all the Fathers of the Church affirm that Adam lies buried beneath the rock of Calvary, — the Moslem Doctors will assert that he is buried with his head towards the rock Sakh- rah.§ If the Christians believe themselves to be authorized by Scripture in asserting that Golgotha occupies the ' midst of the peregrinari jussit, Meccham vero adire vetuit propter Abdollaum-ibn-Zobair." Eutychius, Annales, v. 364. Jalal-Addin, p. 241. * Jalal-Addin, p. 179. f "This grotto is one of the most holy places of the earth." Medjir-ed-din, in Fimdgruben, ii. 88. I " Under the rock is a grotto in which the prayers of men are answered tinder all circumstances." — /(/. " Holy pilgrims [Mussulmen] entering it, come forth quite free from sin." — Jalal-Addin, p. 52. See also pp. 48-50 ; 70-83 : and Medjir-ed-din, Fundyrnhcn, ii. 380. § Medjir-ed-din, ii. 375. VOL. n. DD 392 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. earth,'* — the Moslems (certainly with equal reason) narrate that Sakhrah is the centre of the earth, and that it rests upon the body of a huge serpent, whose head is in the east, and its tail in the west, supporting the whole world. t If the Christians insist upon the efficacy of pilgrimages, — the Moslems point to pilgrimages to the ' Holy House,' of far greater antiquity than anything of which they can boast. + Do the Christians show you the tomb of Melchizedek, and the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea, and the exact places where all imaginable things took place-? — The Moslems show you the stone on which Jacob slept, and tell you of the place of Joseph's burial,§ and of " the palm-tree upon which the rock Sakhrah reposes, and under which issues one of the rivers of Paradise, beneath which sit Asia, the wife of Pharaoh, and Maria, the son of Amran."|| Do the Christians give out that men shall be judged at the ' Holy Sepulchre,' — The Moslems insist that " Israfil wdll call men to judgment from the rock Sakhrah.^ Nor are the Christians particular as to what they allege, so that it conduce to their pecuniary advantage. They are even willing to copy from the Turks. Even Omar's cloak of camel's hair they would be content to call the garment of John the Baptist, did they think the relic*"* would fill the cofi'ers of their treasury. Not * Ps. Ixxiv. 12: "Thou hast wrought salvation in the midst of the earth." (Cyril, Catech., xiii. 28.) f Medjir-ed-din, ii. 387. Jalal-Addin, p. 18. X "It was one of the rocks of Paradise ; it was the first place cultivated on the earth, and it will remain forty years after the rest of the world is destroyed." Jalal-Addin, p. 19 : Medjir-ed-din, ii. 385, 387. " It is not known whether in the life-time of Adam there existed any founda- tion of the Baitu-el-Mukaddas." " This foundation was laid by Shem, the son of Noah." "Another tradition relates, that Adam performed the second pilgrimage to the Baitu-el-Mukaddas." Jalal-Addin, pp. 100, 101. § " The Khalif al Muktadir-Billah saw Joseph in all his beauty, and grace- fulness of form." Jalal-Addin, p. 365. II Medjired-din, quoting Ybad-ibn-Samit, who had it from the lips of the Prophet. Fimdgruhen, ii. 384. % Id. p. 378. ** When the Christians had gained possession of the Sakhra, they " erected PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATIOX. 393 satisfied with breaking fragments from the Holy Sepulchre, which they carried off to other lands, they are accused by the Turks of breaking off pieces of the Sakhrah, which they sold for their weight in gold.* They adopt the Bait-el-Mukaddas, though they call it the house of Anna the prophetess, where the Virgin Mary lived, busied with the care of the Temple till the period of her espousals with Joseph,t and they believe that the Ark of the Covenant lies concealed beneath the rock. J From these considerations, I would submit the possibility that the form of the Bait-el-Mukaddas of Abdel- Malik was copied from that of the Church of the ' Holy Sepulchre' by Constantine. XII. PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATION. The Objections hitherto urged against the site now believed to be that of the ' holy sepulchre' are — its being in the centre of the modern city; its requiring the position of the western wall of Acra to be such as to greatly restrict the area of the ancient city ; its requiring such wall to be built on greatly disadvan- tageous ground, across the lower slope of a hill ; its being in such immediate neighbourhood of the Pool of Ilezekiah, which separately from the other buildings, at the 'place of Mahomet's foot' a little Chapel, raised upon marble pillars, and said, " This is the place whereon Christ set his foot." Jalal-Addin, p. 246 : Emad — Eddin, in Reinaud, Exlr. des Hist. Arabes, p. 217. Michaud, v. 151. Les deuxJardins in the BIhl. des Crois. ii.602. * " The Christians had covered the rock witb marble, because the priests had been surprised several times in knocking off fragments, which they sold for their weight in gold, to their brethren in the west. The stone was believed to insure happiness. Ibn-Alatyr, in Reinaud, Ext. des Hist. Arabes, p. 217. Jalal- Addin, p. 249. Michaud, v. 153. f Michaud, v. 150. \ Alb. Aquen. vi. 24, p. 281. The friends of Catholic tradition may object to this comparison of the ' holy places ' with the fables of Mahommedanism ; but it is this very fabulousness which makes the Oriental traditions more honest. The Eastern writers indulge their fancy to the extreme : they make use of the most extravagant hyperboles, and then, to show that all is fiction, they add — " But God knows." " Thus men say : but Allah knows best." UD 2 394 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. we know to have been within the city, that the wall could not have inclosed one without taking in the other; its being con- siderably to the east of the position, which must have been oc- cupied by the gate Gennath; its too great proximity to what its advocates show as the line of the Second Wall; its locating the place of crucifixion and the place of burial at too close vicinity to each other; the probability of mistake, owing to the acknow- ledged error of several traditional sites, the absence of proof of many others, and the certain falsehood of all the rest. . To these topographical objections are to be added others of an his- torical nature, and others which must be received as valid from the very absurdity of their opposites ; viz. — that the Christians and Jews were driven out of the city by the Romans; that no pilgrimages had taken place, and that the tomb of Christ had remained unknown, for three centuries; that its pretended dis- covery is rendered questionable by the lying wonders that were afterwards said to have accompanied it, (as the restoring to life a dead body, the finding the cross undestroyed, with its tablet written in Greek, and Latin, and Hebrew, the nails, the sponge, the spear, etc. etc.;) as also by the probability that Helena was deceived by Macarius; the inventing an exact location for each event which is narrated in the New Testament; and the de- moralizing influence of the whole tradition; — all these and many other objections* have been urged against the accepted site of the ' Holy Sepulchre,' with such ability and eloquence, by various writers, that it would be unbecoming, as it is unneces- sary, to consider them in detail: for what reader is so little interested in the question as to have abstained from examining the evidence which has been adduced? Each and every one of these allegations had been met by the advocates of tradition, in a spirit of pre-determined hos- tility : no argument, however conclusive, is admitted to be of * The Mahometan writers speak of " the place of magical incantations," the " fascinating trick, and her net, and the priesthood with its spectres," the " se- cret lurking places," the " cheating magicians." Jalal Addin, pp. 204, 205, 235. PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATION. 395 any avail; it is either not listened to, or it is set aside from a secret conviction of the infallibility of holy tradition. The principal pleas, however, which have been raised against these allega- tions are the following : — 1. An appeal to the high character of Eusebius and Cyril, the chief wit- nesses, showing the improbability of their lending a hand to so infamous an imposture. 2. The argument of Qui bono? : or. Admitting that Eusebius and Macarius were so disposed, of what advantage could it have been to them to have fixed uj)on a wrong position ;* one which, at that early period, must have been more evident than it is now, when it was so easy for them to have selected a site free from all suspicion. 3. Even if the Sepulchre and the site be false, Is it not better to believe them true, than to be in unhappy ignorance of this monument of our Lord's resur- rection ? 1. There is no action so good but Avhat has an alloy of evil ; so there is no action so evil but what carries with it some ex- tenuation. We have already seen the motives which may have influenced Macarius. f Might he not, by simply taking advan- tage of the credulity of Helena, strengthen his influence in Jerusalem, and raise a monument which should be the means of quickening the faith of all succeeding generations \ Granted that the site be fictitious, would not the worship of devotees be equally meritorious, if oflered in faith \ Might it not be the means, by promoting pilgrimages, of extending Christianity to foreign lands \ Shall all these advantages be set aside by over- scrupulousness \ Might not such a course have the eftcct of de- pressing the holy ardour of Helena's temperament? — It would be folly and sin to abstain from so salutary an act. Again, shall Eusebius refuse his connivance at so laudable an undertaking % Shall he forego this golden opportunity of causing the Church to triumph over her enemies ? May it not be the harbinger of further bounties to the Church X Will not the action please the Emperor'? Shall he afllict the aged Helena, and perchance give oflence to Constantino, whom he affects to reverence as a Xewman, Essay, clvii. \ Sec ante, p. 324, 326. 396 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. god ] — His consent cannot be withheld. Again, shall Cyril, after twenty-five years experience of the advantages Avhich have accrued, confess the pious fraud ? Shall he destroy by an un- timely word, the good which his predecessors have so wisely brought to pass ? Shall he bring anguish to the souls of thou- sands who have felt consolation by a visit to the sacred shrine "? Shall he incur the danger to which he might be exposed by the anger of an offended priesthood ] — No, let him rather lengthen its cords, and strengthen its stakes.* Mr. Newman observes, " What is to be urged against Euse- bius,I know not."*j* The following are some of the extravagancies of Eusebius's style of writing, taken at random : — He considers that the new quarter of the city, where Constantine built his church, was the ' New Jerusalem' spoken of in Revelations. ( Vita Const, iii. 33.) In his oration in honour of the sepulchre, he is reported by his commentator, Valesius, to apply to it Zeph. iii. 8, " Therefore wait upon me, saith the Lord, until the day that I rise up for a witness." {^SejHuag.) Thus he " endeavoured to gain from the prophetic visions apt illustrations of the symbols it contained." (iv. 45.) In the same manner he applied to Ps. Ixxxviii. 10, "Dost thou show wonders among the dead?" {Comm. p. 549.) He maintained that Constantine was, as it were, endued with a prophetical spirit; (iii. 29.) He resembled him to "his Saviour, who as the sown corn, multiplied from a single grain, so did our thrice blessed prince become multiplied, as it were, through the succession of his sons," (iv. 72,) whom he designates " a Trinity, as it were, of pious sons." (iv. 40.) As for his pupil, the blessed Constantine " considered it evident that the * Or, we may acquit all these of any knowledge or participation in the act, and lay the whole blame on the workmen, who would be only too willing to carry out their wishes, — like their descendants of Rome and Naples, who, if a suitable recompense be held out to them, are ready to find vases, statues, or bronzes, or anything else you "may desire. f In speaking of the 'invention of the cross,' Mr. Williams says: "How- ever strange or startling the fact may appear, it is better to suspend the judg- ment, if we are not satisfied with the evidence, than to impute so great a crime as imposture and fraud to men who, for aught we know to the contrary, may have been eminent saints." {Holy City, p. 306.) But surely the Holy Scriptures prove that those whom we do knoiv to have been "eminent saints" were guilty of dishonesty and falsehood, under the influence of temptation, even in the apostolic times : and it is to be feared that instances are by no means wanting, even in later times, of a like failing. PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATION. 397 virgin (Erythraean Sibyl) uttered these verses [an acrostic, the initial letters of which read ' Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour, Cross,'] under the influence of Divine inspiration," and he esteemed ''her blessed, \vhom the Saviour thus selected to unfold his gracious purpose towards us." [Constaniine's Orat. 18.) Let us now examine what credibility is to be attached to the testimony of the second witness, Cyril. Listen to the proofs which he adduces in confirmation of the Sepulchre, in his two Sermons on the Crucifixion and on the Hesurrection. Christ's death took place at Easter, for God created man in the spring of the year. — " Let the earth bring forth grass." (Gen. i. 11.) See the time typified also in Solomon's Sony ii. 11. The 'Place of a slmlV is a type of Christ, as head of the Church. (Eph. v. 23; 1 Cor. xi. 3.) "The head suffered in the 'place of a skull': O wondrous prophetic adaj^tation ! ' ' "Tell us, prophets, the exact truth concerning his tomb, also where it is placed, and where we shall seek it. And they say, Look unto the rock ivhence ye are heivn. Look and behold. (Is. li. 1. Sept.) Thou hast in the gospel. In a sepulchre hewn in stone, which was hewn out of a rock. (Luke xxiii. 53; Mark xv. 46.) And what happens next? What kind of a door has the se- pulchre? Again, another prophet says, — They cut off my If e in the dungeon, and cast a stone u2J07i me. (Lam. iii. 53.)" "Whence did the Saviour arise? He says, in the Song of Songs, (ii. 10,) Rise up, my love, and come aioay: and afterwards, Ln the cleft of th^ rock. But Avhere is the rock which has in it this cleft ? Lies it in the midst of the city, or near the walls and the outskirts ? And is it in the ancient walls, or in the outer walls which were built afterwards ? He says then, in the Canticles, (ii. 14. Sept.,) hi the cleft of the rock, near to the outer wall." Now, in the place where he was crucified there was a garden, (John xix. 41.) The garden. of Paradise was a type of the garden of Golgotha. In the Canticles (v. 1.) we read, lam come into my garden, my sister, my sjxnise: Again, (iv. 12,) J garden inclosed, a fountain sealed. Again, (vi. 11,) I went down irdo the garden of nuts. " The place of his burial was a garden, and that which was planted therein was a vine." (John xv. 1 ; Ps. Ixxxv. 11.) They gave him wine mingled with myrrh. (Mark xv. 23.) 1 have gathered my myrrh. (Sol's. Song v. 1.) The graves were opened. (He refers to Psalm Ixxxviii. 5.) " As the resurrection took place early in the morning, so Zephaniah, in tlie person of Christ, says to his disciples. Prepare thyself, rise up early.'' (iii. 7 Sept.) Mary's seeking the Lord at the sepulchre is typified by Sol's. Song iii. 1-4. The women's bringing spices to the tomb is foretold in Sol's. Song (iv. 14 and v. 1), Myrrh and aloes and all the chief spices. 398 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. Therefore await me, saith the Lord, on the daxj of my Resurrection^ at the 'Testimony. (Zeph. iii. 8 Sept.) " Seest thou that the prophet foresaw even that the place of the resurrection should be called the Testhnony?" They gave him a piece of a broiled fish, and of an honeycomb. " Thou seest how was fulfilled the Scripture, / have eaten my bread ivith my honey.'" (Sol's. So7ig V. 1. Sept.) He alludes to Peter's warming himself by the fire as a fulfilment of Zech. xiv. 6, 7, Sept. ; and he brings forward, as witnesses of the resurrection, " Tabitha, who was, in his name, raised from the dead — the shadow of Peter passing by — the handkerchiefs and aprons — the palm tree — even the stone, which was then rolled away, itself testifies of the resurrection, lying there to this day — the draught of fishes and the fire of coals with the fish laid thereon — among reeds the reed, among herbs the hyssop, among the things of the sea the sponge, among trees the wood of the cross." But this may be considered as the extravagant effusion of a heated imagination. But what must be said of the follow- ing'? Must we not confess that the testimony of one who adduces as proof of the truth of Christianity, the wood of the cross, — the shameful traffic in which he himself had instituted ; by whose command the trees of the distant forests were cut down and distributed piecemeal over the whole of Christendom — cannot* be received as evidence of the truth of that which the Church at Jerusalem felt it its policy to call the ' Holy Sepulchre.' " For though I should deny it, (the Resurrection,) this Golgotha confutes me, near which we are now assembled : the wood of the cross confutes me, which has from hence been distributed piecemeal to all the world." (xiii. 4.) " The holy wood of the cross is His witness, which is seen among us to this day, and by means of those who have in faith taken thereof, has from this place now almost filled the whole world." (x. 19.) " Shouldest thou be disposed to deny it, (the crucifixion,) the very place, which all can see, refutes thee, even this blessed Golgotha .... and further, the whole world is filled with portions of the wood of the cross." (iv. 7.) {^Catechetical Lectures of S. Cyril, in " Library of Fathers." Vol. ii. By Newman. 8vo. Oxford, 1838.) The matter is explained by Paulinus more fully. He says, " Though chips are almost daily cut off from it, and given to devout persons, yet the sacred wood suffers thereby no diminu- tion:" and Cyril in another place, compares the wonder to the PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATION. 399 miraculous feeding of 5,000 persons, as recorded in the gospel. This same Paulinus feels no difficulty in interpreting Ps. xcix. 5; cxxxii. 7, Let us worsliii^ at his footstool — at the iilace tvherc his feet stood, (Sept.)* as prophetical of the church of the Resurrection; (Epist. xi. ;) and in another half century, Theo- doret (Jlist. Ecel. i. 17,) adapts Zech. xiv. 20, to the bridle of Constantine's horse, (formed out of one of the nails of the cross';) In that day there shall he upon the hells of the horses, "^ Holiness unto the Lord.' Even in Jerome's time it was asserted"!* that Adam was buried under Calvary, and that the blood of Christ, distilling through the ground, reached his skull, thus fulfilling the prophecy, (Ephes. v. 14,) AtvaJce from the dead, thou that steepest, and Christ shall give thee life : and this is adopted by Epiphanius, Augustine, Cyprian, Athanasius, Ambrose, Origen, Theophylactus, Chrysostom and Basil. + " The existence of the cave was appealed to as a fulfilment of Scripture prophecy ; for the prophet speaking concerning the Lord Jesus buried in it, says — He dwelt in the lofty cave of an exceeding strong rode, (Is. xxiii. 16 Sept.,) and its adornment is thought to be foretold by the same prophet, when he writes (xi. 10,) and his resting place shall he glorious.''^ I cannot do better than quote here the remarks of the learned Lightfoot : — " The stucUum imrtium (favour to party) is officiousness sworn and engaged to a side. What this hath done in all stories, he knows but little of story that hath not observed. Officiousness to religion in general, and to good men in general, who were unknown, and unrelated to, hath done much, — this, more. When writers, in their relations, arc minded to honour singular places, persons, and actions, it is hard to find them keeping within bounds. He is an historian, indeed, that can keep ah od'io procul ct favors, (free from envy and affection,) * And, lest we should make a mistake, Villalpandus tells us, " non quidam in figura, aut in umbra, scd vere pedes ejus.^' {Apparatus Urh. ac I'emjdi Ilie- ros., i. 8, p. 32 a.) I S. Hieron. in Eplst. Patili ad liar eel. This fable he refutes in his Comm. on Matth. xxvii. 33. X See the references in \'illaljnindus, pp. 34, 35. § Williams, Hol-i/ (Sty, ii. 81. AcUimnanus. 400 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. especially when he writes near the time of those persons and actions which he treats of. "When I read Eusebius, De Vita Constantini, and Sozomcn, and Julian, In Cccsarihus — de Constantino, I cannot but be suspicious on both hands that stadium partiam, odium et favor have made the contrary parties lay on so much black and white, that it is impossible to discern the true visage. Thou- sands of such relations, thus tainted, might be produced. Hence are more martyrs in the calendar than ever were in the world ; and more miracles than ever men of reason, especially that know Scripture, did, or well can, believe " Another origin of falsehood in ecclesiastical history, is animus decipiendi. And this hath been sometimes Aone pia fraude ; because histories do affect, and men are led by example. And, therefore, if piety and religion be promoted, no matter whether it be done by truth or falsehood. But sometimes this hath been done imjnissima impudentia. Some there have been who have made it a trade to impose upon the belief of mankind, — either to amuse men's minds, or to abuse them, or to interrupt their study and believing of better things." — {Sermon on the Church at Babylon, 1 Pet. v. 13.) What matters it whether Constantme did really pretend to see a cross in the heavens, and Helena pretend to find the true cross, and whether Eusebius and Macarius did or not give in their acquiescence \ or whether these fables were invented in the following century \ — It is enough to know that a gross fraud has been practised on the Church. What matters it }vhether " more intelligent pilgrims " of that period " placed no confidence in the minor traditions'?" {H, C. p. 308.) — It is too much to know that many a weak brother has thereby fallen, for whom Christ died. 2. The argument of Ciii bono ? is not so easily answered. For, as Mr. AVilliams in some measure well observes — The less likely the situation, the more probable is it to be the true one. Indeed, from the very nature of the argument, it is one which can only be met by inference : and, therefore, the reader is re- ferred to what has already been said on this subject. Either Macarius and his clergy must have been deceived as to the real site, and as to the ancient line of walls, — or they must have built their church within the city from motives of convenience or security, — or, as asserted by Mr. Fergusson, they must have sub- sequently transferred the site on occasion of their persecution by PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATION. 401 the Mahometans. With the exception of a portion of the northern and western walls of Mount Zion, which were left standing by Titus, " the rest of the wall was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundations, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe that the city had ever been inhabited." (Jos. Bell. vi. 9, § 1, vii. 1, § 1.) On the rebuilding of the city by Hadrian, he found the Christian community limited to a few huts grouped round the 'Coenaculum' of ' David's tomb,' and the possibility therefore is, that the new city was so restricted in its area, as to take in only a small portion of the ancient Acra, and its western wall might thus run eastward of the ' Holy Sepulchre.' Why should we give Macarius credit for more discernment in finding the place of burial, than he had exhibited in select- ing the place of ascension X In the one case he builds his church on the summit of the Mount of Olives, esteeming that to be the most likely place for an ascent into heaven : in the other, he builds it outside the visible wall, regarding that to be the most convincing evidence of its accordance with Scri23ture. For if in the one case he acted with such precipitancy as to be insensible of the objection which in a more enlightened age would be brought forward to the spot he had selected, by reason of its want of agreement with Holy Scripture, so in the other case it is probable that the idea never occurred to him that the line of old wall, then no longer visible, would, after the lapse of so many centuries, in a thinking and antiquarian age be investigated, and its true position brought to light. This pro- bability is strengthened by the many instances in which the sites handed down by tradition have been changed. Not only has the original site pointed out as that of the martyrdom of St. Stephen, and consecrated by a church, been acknowledged to be in error, and transferred to another spot,* but different "' 111 the )car GOO it was stated to be outside the Jaffa Gate, or to tlie west of the city; in 695, it was ['oiind at the Ccrnaculuin on Mount Sion, or outside the south wall of the city : during the Crusades it was outside the Damascus 402 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. sites have been pointed out for the Aceldama, the place where Judas hung himself, the Fuller's field, and the position of the several gates and pools. Indeed, if we trusted to tradition alone, we should still find ourselves in doubt respecting many of the ' holy places.' The spirit which planned the sacred sites in geometrical arrangement and proximity within the church of the 'holy sepulchre' is equally manifest in the similar arrange- ment observable within the Cocnaculum, where one corner marks the precise spot where the Holy Supper was instituted ; the second, where the Holy Spuit descended ; the third, where the Virgin Mary died ; and the fourth corner is occupied by the column to which Christ was tied and flogged. (Adamnanus,i. 13.) 3. The Third Plea, that even if the Sepulchre and the site be false, Is it not better to believe them true, than to be in un- happy ignorance of this monument of our Lord's resurrection ? is alleged in various ways according to the feelings of different writers.* They repudiate the idea that the saints originated Gate, on the 7iorth of the city : and since the fourteenth century it has been established on the east of the city. (Fergusson, Essay, pp. 168, 169.) * Chateaubriand looks at the matter only in a poetical light — "Le seul moyen de voir unpays tel qu'il est, c'est de le voir avec ses traditions et ses souvenirs." {It'meraire, torn, ii.) AUioli, in noticing Dr. Robinson's arguments, pictures to himself the misery of disbelief — " In wandering into the pathless and desolate wilderness of doubt, nevermore will the lips of the wearied pilgrim be refreshed with the living fountain, nevermore will his sight be gladdened by the palm-tree of joy." {Handhuch der Bihl. Alter thumslunde, ii. 276, § 133.) Prokesch consoles himself by saying — " I vv'ill not allow myself to be led into a controversy on the identity of the ' holy places.' Faith here is the most essential ; and a few ells to the right or left are of little consequence." {Benh. und Erinnerungen aus dem Orient, 54.) The author of Nozrani in Egypt and Syria says — " If this is what we wish to believe, we may believe it." (p. 423, 2nd edit.) The same sentiment is expressed in nearly similar terms in Leeman, Palastina, s. 52 ; and in Ida Hahn Hahn, Letters of a German Countess, ii. 206. Von-Raumer confesses — " Were I even fully persuaded that the true sepulchre were a quarter, or half a mile from the present site — it can hardly be more — I would kneel down in entreaty to the objector, but not take him by the shoulder, and would say : You are mistaken, this is not the site." {Beitrage zur bibl., Geog., art. Palastina, Jerus. § 3, s. 56.) Another writer gets over the dif- PLEAS TN JUSTIFICATION. 403 an imposture, but urge that it is good to continue an error, supposing such to exist. But then why defend the saints from the charge ? If it is good to keep up and circulate an error, it was good to originate it. But let us consider what is the effect produced by this sys- tem, and by pilgrimages. If the ' Easter Ceremonies' of Je- rusalem had not been described in a more graphic manner than the writer of this notice could pretend to, he would lay before the reader a statement of the pagan spectacle which he beheld on the occasion of his pilgrimage to the ' Holy City ;' the remembrance of which spectacle can never be effaced from the mmds of those who have once witnessed it. By the false position in which the Greek Church annually places itself on this occasion, it appears to less advantage than the Church of Rome : but it should not be forgotten that the ' holy fire' of the Greeks, now so ridiculed by the Romanists, was practised, if not invented, by their infallible Church, though the period of its abrogation has long since passed. But irre- spectively of the solemnities of this Easter bear-garden, let any one consider the disgraceful wranglings* here exhibited be- tween the Greek and Roman Churches, let him inspect the ficulty by affirming of Macarius and his colleagues — " Je repondrai, qu'ils etaient diriges par I'Esprit de Dieu :" (Monseigr. Mislin, Les Saints Lieiix, ii. 34 :) while another asserts that " There is one passage of Scripture, and it is one of the most important in the New Testament, which explains this whole mystery, and proves the miracle beyond dispute — ' The Comforter, which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he shall tell you all things, and bring all things to your remembrance Avhich I have said unto you.' " (Dr. Alton, Lands of the Messiah, Mahomet, and the Pope, p. 195.) * What a disgrace to Christendom, that a Turkish pasha should feel it requi- site to address the following exhortation to the Latin, Greek, and Armenian Christians of Jerusalem! "Seeing the anniversary of your Founder's death draws nigh, when pilgrims from all parts of the world are expected, I entreat you to live peaceably and harmoniously together, and approve yourselves as worthy examples to the various sheep which come under your care. I sum- moned you, on purpose, to this place, that this tomb — which, you say, once contained the body of your Lord and Master — may testify against you. Jesus, 404 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. parti-coloured plan of the Church prepared by Mr. Williams, let him read in the public journals the shameless contentions of the two Churches relative to the employment of money generously offered for the repairs of the structure by the liberal-minded Commander of the Faithful, let him reflect on the mercenary and heartless exactions on the poor pilgrims, on the profane traditions and awful superstitions of the place and its boasted meritorious eflicacy, and he must confess that the system is one of incalculable injury to the souls of its devotees. So far then from the Church of the ' Holy Sepulchre ' being the means of promoting a lively sympathy in the merits of Christ's suffer- ings, such feelings would be much enhanced were the edifice destroyed. Who can doubt that now the Valley of Geth- semane, with its gnarled olives, is viewed with greater interest as the probable site of the garden of Christ's sufferings, than was this same valley when the church which it once possessed was still existing 1 " Oh ! if the lichen now were free to twine O'er the dark entrance of that rock-hewn cell, Say, should we miss the gold-encrusted shrine, Or incense fumes' intoxicating spell ? Would not the whispering breeze, as evening fell, Mark deeper music in the palm-tree's shade Than choral prayer, or chaunted ritual's swell ? Can the proud shafts of Helena's colonnade Match thy time-hallowed stems, Gethsemane's holy glade ? The Pilgrimage, xxiii. Quanto prsestantius esset Numen aquse, viridi si margine clauderet undas Herha, nee ingenuum ^•iolarent marmora tophum ! Juv. Sat. iii. The following passages from Gregory of Xyssa (a.d. 370.) the son of Mary, enjoined peace upon all his followers. Follow ye, therefore, the path he appointed you." This took place in the year 1850. One would think that the honest Turk had discovered, in the Bible, that touchstone of Christianity — " By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, If ye have love one io another.'''' PLEAS IN JUSTIFICATION. 405 and Jerome have been often quoted or referred to, but they cannot be too often repeated : — "St. Gregory of'Nyssa visited Jerusalem, where he had Avitnessed the grievous scandals which the rage for pilgrimages occasioned. On his return to his diocese, he was consulted by a Cappadocian priest on this subject, and his reply, Avhich is still extant, contains a full exposition of his views on the benefit and expediency of such miracles. He sets forth, that the sacred writings do not reckon a visit to Jerusalem among the number of good works : that such journeys conduce not to virtue, and make nothing to heaven. . . What advantage then is to be derived from the holy places ? Is it that Christ is still personally conversant among them, and cannot come to us ? or is it that the Holy Spirit there abounds, and cannot pass hither ? If the case were really so, if Jerusalem were more enriched with grace than other countries, it might be expected that its inhabitants should be less wicked ; but so far as he had observed, the very contrary was the fact ; there was no place more addicted to crime of the blackest dye."^' [Then apologizing for his own pilgrimage, he continues : — ] " Neither was the journey necessary for the increase of his faith. Before he saw Bethlehem, he believed that the Son of God had assumed flesh in the womb of the Virgin ; he believed the Resurrection, before he saw the Holy Sepulchre ; and confessed the glorious Ascension, before he saluted the Mount of Olives. One only thing he had learnt on the journey, — that his own country was far more holy than foreign lands. It is not by change of clime that we shall come to God, but rather He will come to us wheresoever we be, if our soul be made meet for His habitation ; while, on the contrary, if with hearts full of iniquity we fly to Golgotha, to Mount Olivet, or the Holy Sepulchre, we shall still be as far from Christ as though we had never known the principles of the faith. My friend," [he concludes,] "persuade your brethren not to quit Cappadocia for Jerusalem, but to go out of their bodies that they may be joined to the Lord The Divine Spirit ' bloweth where it listeth,' and believers in this land shall partake of the gifts of grace according to the measure of faith, not by a visit to Jerusalem."! * Damoiseau, in 1818, writes — "Je ne vis, dans leur enceinte, que des hommes, avec I'ignorance, les passions, les faiblesses qu'ils ont presque partout." ( Voy. en Syrie, ii. 204.) t S. Greg. Nyss. Op. vol. ii. pp. 1084-7, edit. Par. 1615. Mr. Williams, from whom I have quoted this extract, [vol. i. pp. 266-268] adduces this pas- sage, and the following one from S. Jerome, with the object of showing that all the early fathers were influenced by similar sentiments, and, therefore, that it is exceedingly unjust to accuse them of superstitious doctrine. " Is this really one of those ancient doctors who arc so frequently and freely charged with superstitious ignorance for their veneration for the sacred localities, and who, it is represented, took such pains to palm upon others the inventions of their own imagination, for filthy lucre's sake ?" 406 ON THE ALLEGED SITE OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE. Jerome testifies to the same effect : — " The city to be sought after and extolled, is not that Avhich killed the Prophets and shed the blood of Christ,"' but that which is made glad by the streams of the river ; that which is set upon a hill and cannot be hid ; that which the Apostle calls ' the Mother of the Saints^,' in which he glories to be a fellow-citizen with the righteous. I dare not confine the Omnipotence of God in so narrow a boundary, nor limit Avithin a certain district Him Avhom the Heavens cannot contain. Believers will be weighed, not by diversity of clime, but by their measure of faith; and ' the true worshippers worship the Father neither at Jerusalem, nor yet on Mount Gerizim ;' for God is a Spirit, and they that worship Him, must worship Him in spirit and in truth.' ' The wind bloweth where itlisteth' — 'The earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof.' After that the fleece of Jvidsea was dry, and the whole world sprinkled with the heavenly dew, and ' many have come from the east and from the west, and laid down in Abraham's bosom,' from thenceforth God is no more known in Jewry only ; His name is great not in Israel alone ; but the voice of the Apostles has ' gone forth into all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world.' The place of .the Cross and the Resurrection may be profitable to those who take up their cross daily, and rise with Christ, and show themselves meet for such an habitation ; but for those who say ' The Temple of the Lord, t]ie Temple of the Lord,' they must be reminded of the Apostle's words, ' Ye are the temple of the Lord, and the Holy Spirit divelleth in you.^ An entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven is open equally from Britain, as from Jerusalem ; for ' the Kingdom of God is within you.' " f " Well may the Turk, when Easter-tide collects Its thousands for the Christian's holiest week. Scowl in contempt upon the wrangling sects Who desecrate the shrine at which they seek To bid their rival clouds of incense reek. If to the grave, whence angels rolled the stone. Alike by Latin, Copt, Armenian, Greek, This be the reverence paid, the homage shown, — Well had its site remained unnoticed and unknown ! " The Pilyrimage, xxv. *•' The rebuke of our Lord to those who built the tombs of the prophets, and garnished the sepulchres of the righteous, is as instructive to Christians now, as it was to the Jews at the time it was uttered. t S. Hieron., Epist. No. xlix ; Williams, H. C, i. 268-270. To a similar effect is the language of Justin MartjT, Dial, cum Tryphon., p. 344, Edit. Thalem. THE MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES. No. VIIL— MAY 1853. SUPPLEMENT. XVIII. ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY (Continued.) CONCLUSIONS. pr AVING thus given as full a view of the opinions of previous writers as my space would permit, I proceed to put for- ward my own conclusions on the subject. In order to assist the reader in his investigation of the questions, I will put them in the form of j)ropositions. I maintain — • 1. That the situation of the Gates of the City, as described by Nehemiah, is clear and explicit; and that it is precisely conformable to what we may believe to have been the line of wall. 2. That a portion of the southern part of the city was defended by a Second Avail, called the ' Great Wall,' probably erected by Agri^ipa at the time of building the Third or Outer wall on the northern side. 3. That the site of the so-called ' Holy Sepulchre' was inclosed by two walls on its western side. 4. That the ' Second Wall' must have commenced near to Hippicus, from consideration of the position of the Monument of the High Priest John. 5. That the filling in of the ' Asamonscan Valley' was merely a narrow em- bankment, or causeway, connecting the acropolis of Antiochus with the Temple ; and that the hill Acra, lowered by the Maccabees, was not the ' Lower City,' but the acropolis of the lower cily. • VOL. II. EE 408 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALYARY. 6. That the ' Second "Wall' was not cui-ved on plan, as hitherto supposed; and that Bezetha occupied the entire northern side of the Temple. 7. That the supposed site of the ' Holy Sepulchre' is disproved, in addition to other evidence, — by 2 Chron. xxxiii. 14; — Jerem. xxxi. 39, 40; — by the traditional Pool of Bathsheba, — and by the position of the High Priest John's monument. 8. Tliat the ' Second' Temple, or Herod's Temple, was not, as is generally supposed, 400 cubits, or 500 according to the Talmud, but 600 cubits every way, and that it occupied, including Antonia, a perfect square. 9. That Golgotha was situate in the Valley of Hinnom, and that the Tomb of Joseph of Arimathea was among the neighbouring rocks. The situation of the Gates of the City, as described by Xehemiah, is clear and explicit, and is precisely conformable to what we may believe to have been the line of wall. A most important point in the topography of Jerusalem, and one \Yhich is of vital consequence to the consideration of its antiquities, is the determination of the correct site of its gates and towers. Various have been the endeavours to effect this object, but hitherto without success. Even the critic'al Dr. Robinson acknowledges " In regard to the gates of the ancient Jerusalem there exists so much uncertainty that it would seem to be a vain undertaking to investigate the relative positions of them all."* With his usual discernment, however, he selects the right position for the Valley gate — " Now the North-west corner of Zion lies just at the head of the Valley of Gihon, or the upper part of Hinnom, and here would naturally be, and so far as we know, always has been, a gate — the Gen- nath of Josephus. Here probably stood the Valley Gate, over against the Dragon Well of Gihon." He rightly conjectures, also, that the Dung Gate was probably on the West or South of Sion. But he is less precise in imagining that the Fountain Gate was by Siloam, for by this position he signifies, in com- mon with previous writers, the position of my Water Gate : and * Bihl Res., i. 471. STREETS OF THE CITY. 409 he is still more in error, by following these writers, in supposing that those of Benjamin and Ephraim were identical, and that the " Horse Gate, and some others," were in the internal walls of the city. He concludes by observing — " Further than this I could not venture to announce."* Mr. Williams is not thus cautious. He attempts to fix them all, with what success shall be presently seen. Now the reason of this diflaculty and per- plexity has been owing to the " traditions" with wliich the sub- ject is enveloped. The well-meaning (I) monks, in their desire to account for every thing, have given Scriptural names to many of the gates, and these names, subject to occasional changes, have been too readily adopted by modern writers : and their starting points thus being wrong, they have found themselves involved in inextricable confusion. If we have made up our minds to believe all that the monks tell us, we must accept their data ; but if we are desirous of ascertaining the truth, we must, as an unbiassed judge, dismiss from our minds whatever we have been told, and judge only from the facts laid before us. ' The principal authoritative account of the Gates of the City is that contained in the Book of Nehemiah, which we will presently proceed to consider ; though few explanations will be necessary, the plan itself being the best interpreter. In order to render this account as clear as possible, I have arranged the third and twelfth chapters in parallel columns. A few pi'e- liminary remarks on the streets of Jerusalem will help us more easily to understand the position of the gates. The principal streets of Jerusalem appear to have been those which gave access to the principal Gates. Thus we have the ' Street of the Gate of Ephraim,' (Neh. viii. 16,) the ' East Street,' (2 Chron. xxix. 4,) and the ' Street of the Water Gate.' (Neh. viii. 1, 3, 16.) Another large area appears to have been the Sheep Market, (John V. 2,) which was possibly contiguous to the Sheep Gate,-]* * Id., p. 473, 474. j- See Brocardus ; and IIoli/ City, p. 401. EE 2 410 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. which supposition is confirmed by the circumstance of Nehe- miah's beginning to build the walls from this point. So far as we can judge from the order of names in the third Chapter of Nehemiah, this cannot have been far from the present St. Ste- phen's Gate, more especially as we know that the ' Sheep Pool' was in this neighbourhood. The ' Street of the AVater Gate' appears to have corresponded with the Southern branch of the Tyropoeon. This part of the city, which formed a suburb to the other portions, appears to have been called Millo.* It was " at the going down to Silla."t (or Siloah ]) The gate probably received its name from being that through or near which the conduits from the Pools of Siloam passed. The ' East Street' may have led to the most easterly part of the city. The ' Street of the House of God' (Ezra x. 9) may have led to one of the Western Gates of the Temple, from Zion or Acra ; or to the Southern Gate, from Ophel, and Solomon's Palace. Another principal street was probably along the upper por- tion of the Valley of the Tyropoeon, leading up to the ' Valley Gate.' When we .consider that Jerusalem is girt about on three sides with deep valleys, the reason is not at first sight obvious why one of the gates of the city should be called, jK>«r excellence, the "Gate of the Valley." But it so happens that the Joppa Gate is the only gate of the city which opens in a line with a valley, and there is therefore no doubt that it acquired this name in consequence thereof, especially when it must always have been the most frequented entrance into the city. A strong corroboration of this supposition is afforded by finding these streets, with the exception of the East Street, continuing to be * "Millo" signifies a " filling-in." {Univ. Anc. Hist, iv. 229.) The probability of this interpretation is rendered questionable, by finding the word occur in the Book of Judges, (see ix. 6.) f II Kings^ xii. 20. Compare Holy City, p. 23, note. GATES OF THE CITY. 411 the principal streets of the modern city.* It was therefore in the Street of the Valley Gate that the princes and the priests assembled on the occasion of the dedication of the walls by Nehemiah : and it was probably this same ' Street of the (Valley) Gate of the City' where Hezekiah, after he had brought water into the city, assembled the captains : (2 Chron. xxxii. 6 : ) and it is further remarkable that Josephus begins his de- scription at this same point. [Bell. v. 4, § 2.) It was probably from this circumstance that it acquired the name of the ' First Gate,' (Zech. xiv. 10,) and it would appear from this that all the gates may have been numbered, especially as we find mention of a 'Second Gate.'f (Zeph. i. 10.) On reaching the Valley Gate, the princes and the people parted in two companies ; one company going Northward to the Prison Gate, the other Southward, to the AVater Gate. This, then, is the reason why the Valley Gate is not mentioned in the twelfth Chapter of Nehemiah, and not, as imagined by Mr. Williams, that it was identical with the Gate of Ephraim ; for the 'Tower of the Furnaces' and the ' Broad Wall,' lay between these two gateways.:!: * " The principal modern streets are . . . the one leading to the YafFa Gate ... that leading to St. Stephen's Gate, [the Via Dolorosa,] that below the Pool of Hezekiah, that of the Bazaar, and that along the hollow parallel to the Haram." (Robinson, Bibl. Res., p. 395.) To these might have been added "the street leading to the Damascus gate. The street parallel to the Haram, I believe to be the Street of the Water Gate. " In some of the principal streets very large flags are seen, polished by long use, and said, not without probability, to have belonged to the ancient city. The direction of the principal thoroughfares is determined by the nature of the ground, and must always have been essentially the same as at present. It is in these that the ancient flags are found." (Dr. Olin's Travels, ii. 133.) See also Rosenmueller, Bibl, Geoc/., ii. ii. 224. " Da Jerusalem auf mehreren Hijgeln lag, so mussen da, wo diesc durch Thaler gctrennt sind, die Strassen hergab begangen scyn." f One of the gates of the Temple was called " the Third Entry tluil is in tlie House of the Lord." Jerem. xxxviii. 14. \ Compare Neh. iii. 8, 11 ; xii. 38, and Holij Cidj, p. 391. 412 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. WALL OF NEIIEMIAH. CHAPX. III. 1. Sheep Gate. Tower of Meah. Tower of Hauaneel. 2. Jfen "f Jeric/io. Zaccur, the son of Iinri. 3. Fish Gate. 4. Meremoth, the son of Urijah. Meshullam, the son of Berechiah. Zadoh, the son of Baana. 5. The Tekoites. 6. Old Gate. 7. Melatiah, Jadon, the men of Gibeon and the men of Mizpah. The throne of the governor on this side the river. 8. Uzziel, the goldsmith, and Hwnaniah the apo- thecary. The Broad-wall. 9. Rephaiah,the ruler of the half part of Jerusalem. 10. Jedaiah, the son of Harumaph. Hattush, the son of Hashabniah. 11. The other piece. Tower of the Furnaces. 12. 8hallum,the rider of the half part of Jerusalem. 13. Valley Gate. (See also ii. 13.) (1000 cubits to the) 14. Dung Gate, by the rider of part of B^th-haccerem. 15. Fountain Gate. The wall of the Pool of Siloah. (by the) King's Garden. Stairs that go down from the city of David. 16. Nehemiah,the rider of the half part of Bethzur. Place over against the sepulchres of David. To the Pool that was made. (See also ii. 14.) To the house of the mighty. 17. The Levites. JIashabiah,the ruler of the half part of Keilah. 18. Bavai, the ruler of the half part of Keilah. 19. Ezer, the ruler of Mizpah. Piece over against the going up to the Armoury, (at the) Turning of the wall. 20. The other piece, to the house of Eliashib, the high priest. 21. Over against the house of Eliashib, the high priest. 22. The Priests. The men of the 2>lo-in 23. Over against the house of Benjamin and Hashub. Over against the house of Azariah. 24. Turning of the wall, even the corner 25. Tov/er which lieth out of the King's high house, (that was by the) Court of the Prison. Pedaiah, the son of Parosh. 26. The jVethinims icho dwelt in Ophil, unto The place over against the Water Gate, towards the east. Tower that lieth out. 27. The Ttkoites CHAPT. XII. 39. Sheep Gate. 39. Tower of Neah. 39. Tower of Hananeel. 39. Fish Gate. 39. Old Gate. 39. Gate of Ephi-aim. 38. The Broad-wall. 38. Tower of the Furnaces. 31. Dung Gate. (ii. 13.) 37. Fountain Gate. (ii. 14.) 37. Stairs of the City of Da- vid, at the going up of the wall, above the house of David. 37. Water Gate. 39. Prison Gate. GATES OF THE CITY. 413 Over agaist the Great Tower that lieth out. Wall of Ophel. 28. Horse Gate, hy the Priests. 29. Over against the house of Zadok,the son of Immer. Shemaiah, the son of Shechaniah, the keeper of the East Gate. 30. Ilananiah, the son of Shelamiah, and Hanum the sixth son of Zalaph . Over against the house of Meshullam. 31. Malchiah the goldsmith. Place of the Methinims. Place of the Merchants. Over against the gate Miphkad (and to the) Going up of the corner. 32. Thi Goldsmiths and the Merchants. Sheep Gate. 39. Sheep Gate. We have already seen the evidence Avhich exists for the probabihty of the Sheep Gate being in the position indicated on the plan. After leaving this, the first point we can identify is the Tower of Hananeel.* This, it is certain, stood at the north-east corner of the second wall ; for in two other passages, where the name of this tower is mentioned, it is described as occupying one extremity of the city. (Jerem. xxxi. 38, Zech. xiv. 10.) Near this was the Fish Gate, for this also is spoken of as being at one extreme end of the city. (Zeph., i. 10.)"|* The name of the ' Gate of Ephraim ' does not occur in the third chapter, but we meet with it in the parallel passage in the twelfth chapter, as also in II. Kings, xiv. 13, and II. Chron., XXV. 23, where we are told that it was 400 cubits west of the Tower of Hananeel. (II. Kings, xiv. 3.) Its position, more- over, has been long identified with the present Damascus Gate. The ' Broad- wall' seems to correspond pretty well with the length of wall which follows this. The Valley Gate I have already endeavoured to identify with Hippicus.+ (pp. 410, 411.) * The Tower of Meah, or Emath, I conjecture to have stood at the angle of the old wall. f Its situation is possibly to be fixed at about 300 feet distance from the Gate of Ephraim, where remains of an old gateway may yet be traced. (Traill's Josephtis, p. XXV.) It is supposed by some to have supplied the city with fish from the Jordan. X The towers, Hippicus and Phasat'lus, correspond with the N.W. and N.E. towers of the 'castle of David.' {J^oJij City, Suppl. p. 75, and vol. ii. 14-16.) As the position of the Valley Gate and the Dung Gate is niost important 414 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. It was before this gate that the ' Dragon- well' existed, (Neh. ii. 13,) which there is little doubt is represented by the 'upper pool.' A tower was built at this gateway by Uzziah. (II. Chron. xxvi. 9.) At the distance of 1000 cubits from this stood the " Dung Gate.' Up to this point we have had no difficulty. The ' Fountain Gate,' which comes next, is generally placed opposite to my Water Gate: but that it could not have been there is obvious from the places which are mentioned subsequently. I therefore conclude that the ' Fountain Gate ' was so named because it was over against the fountain of Silo- am. KrafFt places the Fountain Gate in this position, and says, — " K pathway still exists, going down to the valley." After this, for the same reason, follows the ' Wall of the Pool of Siloah.'* This, the narrative goes on to say, was " by the to a correct understanding of the topography of Jerusalem, especially as regards the site of Calvary, it is satisfactory to find that the position assigned to these gates in the accompanying map is approved of by Offerhaus, Rosenmliller, The- nius, and Leeman : "Porta maxime Boream respiciens nuncupatur Porta Vallis, siquidem hue patebat aditus in vallem Gihon, qute ad occidentem erat. Inter Portam Vallis, et Portam Fontis, ad occidentem intermedia erat Porta Fimeti, quae et Stercoris, ac Sterquilinii vocatur." (C. G. OfFerhausii, Exercit. Philolog. vet. Hieros., 1718, xii. 24; xix. 38.) " Geht man von Norden nach Siiden zu, kommt man zuerst an das Thalthor, welches vermuthlich von dem Thale Gihon seinen Namen erhalten hat." (E. F. K. RosenmliUer, Bibl. Geog. ii. Bd. ii. Th.) See the plans accompanying Leeman's Paldstina, and Thenius, Vorex- ilische Jerusalem. Villalpandus and Lamy, as we shall presently see, also place these gates on the west of the city, but more northward, so as to suit the church of the 'Holy Sepulchre.' Krafi't also places them on the west side. {Jerus., plan, and pp. 20, 151.) *" A large pool is mentioned as having formerly existed at a short distance south of the pool of Siloam, but now converted into a garden. {Holy City, Suppl., p. 110.) It is evident from Nehemiah, ii. 14, that the king's pool was outside the city. In iii. 15, the pool of Siloah is connected with the king's garden; and this pool is mentioned long before Ophel is described, (vv. 24-27.) Again, in Josephus {Bell. v. 6, § 1), we find that Siloam was in the occupation of Simon, and Ophla in that of John, which they could not have been if they had been together: and from vi. 9, § 4 it would appear that the Romans had had possession of Siloam from an early period of the siege, probably at the period of taking the lower city, when the valley of the Tyropoeon would thus be opened to them : for it was by this same valley that the Romans, after t GATES OF THE CITY. 415 king's garden:" and the nature of this valley, sheltered by the " two walls," seems to render it a desirable place for such a purpose. It was probably by some concealed sally-port, or private door, that Zedekiah fled, '• by the way of the king's garden, by the way betwixt the two w^alls." (II. Kings xxv. 4, Jerem. xxxix. 4.) The circumstance that the ' king's garden' is mentioned before the ' way betwixt the two w^alls,' is con- firmatory of the position here assigned for the king's garden, in preference to that usually pointed out. Next, we meet with the ' Stairs that go down from the City of David,' the situation of which well agrees witli the locality. It was in this spot, as we shall presently see, that the ' Water Gate ' existed, although in the detailed account of chapter ii. it is not mentioned till in the 26th verse. Whether the phrase ' the street that w-as hefore the Water Gate' signifies the inside or the outside of that gate is uncertain, but either situation would be alike favourable for the congregation of a large multitude ; some of whom would line the walls, and others clothe the banks in the manner of a theatre. (Neh. viii. 1, 3.) The next paragraph clearly shows that the ' Sepulchres of David' could not have been at the site pointed out by tradition, on the south side of Zion.* It will be seen by the map, that I have placed the Sepulchre of David, conjecturally, at some distance conquest of the temple, drove the Jews out of the lower city, and set all on fire, as far as Siloam. (vi. 7, § 2.) May there not, therefore, have been another pool in this neighbourhood, as we know that others have existed in the valley of the Tyropoeon, and in the vicinity of the temple, and may not this pool have been on the slope of Zion, by the ' king's garden,' and in a line with the aque- duct from Solomon's pools ? It would appear that the pool of Siloam is dif- ferent from this pool in Nehemiah, for the proper reading here is " The pool of Shclahh, in the king's garden." (Lightfoot, Chorog. Inq., v. 3.) Pocock describes a large vaulted cistern at the N.W. angle of the temple: (ii. i. 10:) and the Placentine Pilgrim refers to a large pool on each side of the temple. * " The ' sepvJchres of the house of David' were removed out of their places." (Lightfoot, Chorog. Cent. xxx\aii.) Compare with this the prophecy in Jerem. viii. 1. Dion Cassius relates that in the year u.c. 886 (a.d. 133) the Sepulchre of Solomon (or David) fell down of itself. " Monumentum Salomonis, qucm illi summa rcvcrentia colunt, sua spontc dissolutum corrucrat." (lib. Ixix. 14, p. 1 102.) 416 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. within the walls, or outside of them. This appears to be expressed by the words '■'■over against." It seems very possible that they AVe have no notice of this tomb from the time of St. Luke (Acts ii. 29) to the 11th century, when we find the following Jewish tradition: — " Fifteen years ago, (.v.d. 1173,) one of the walls of the place of worship on Mount Sion fell down, which the patriarch ordered the priests to repair. He commanded to take stones from the original wall of Sion and to employ them for that purjiose : which command was obeyed. About twenty journeymen were hired at stated wages, who broke stones from the very foundations of the walls of Sion. Two of these labourers, who were intimate friends, upon a certain day treated one another and repaired to their work after their friendly meal. The overseer questioned them about their tardiness, but they answered that they would still perform their day's work, and would employ thereupon the time during which their fellow-labourers were at meals. They then continued to break out stones, and happened to meet with one which formed the mouth of a cavern. They agreed with one another to enter the same and to search for treasure, in pur- suit of which they proceeded onward until they reached a large hall supported by pillars of marble, encrusted with gold and silver, and before which stood a table with a golden sceptre and crown. This was the sepulchre of David, king of Israel, to the left of which they saw that of Solomon in a similar state, and so on the sepulchres of all the kings of Judah who were buried there. They further saw locked chests the contents of which nobody knew, and they desired to enter the hall, but a blast of wind like a storm issued forth from the mouth of the cavern, strong enough to throw them down, almost lifeless, on the ground. There they lay until evening, when another wind rushed forth, from which they heard a noise, like that of a human being, calling aloud — ' Get up, and go forth from this place.' The men came out in great haste and full of fear, and proceeded to the patriarch and reported what had hajopened to them. This ecclesiastic summoned into his presence Rabbi Abraham el Constantini, a pious ascetic, one of the mourners of the fall of Jerusalem, and caused the two labourers to repeat what they had previously reported. Rabbi Abraham there- upon informed the patriarch that they had discovered the sepulchres of the house of Da\'id and of the kings of Judah. The following morning the labourers were sent for again, but they were found stretched on their beds, and still full of fear ; they declared that they would not attempt to go again to the cave, as it was not God's will to discover it to anyone. The patriarch ordered the place to be walled up, so as to hide it effectually from everyone until the present day. The above-mentioned Rabbi Abraham told me all this." (Rabbi Benjamin, of Tudela, Itinerary, translated by A. Ashcr, pp. 73-75.) This story is defended by Klenker, Salomon. Denhcurclig., 124 ; Michaelis, Zerstreiite Kleine Schriften, 457-460; and Mijnter, Bishop of Zealand, Anfiq. Abhancl, 106-116; all of whom attribute the story to an explosion of foul air. GATES OF THE CITY. 417 may have been without the walls.* After the Sepulchres, passing the wall over against ' the pool that was made' and the ' house of the' mighty,' or the giants' house, we have the 'piece over against the going up to the Armoury,' by which notice we have a conclu- sive proof of the general accuracy of the disposition of the gates we have akeady fixed, in the circumstance that Josephus describes the ' Armoury' as existing in the Temple. (Ant. ix. 7, § 2.') This was situated at the ' turning of the wall,' at which place may have been the third tower built by Uzziah,j- and it is precisely at this point that we find the wall turning down southward to enclose Ophel. Here again we have evidence of this determination of the walls being the right one. It has been shewn by the learned Psalmanazar,:{: that the Hebrew wor.d here employed, Mikzoah^ signifies a re-entering or internal angle ; and it is a happy coincidence, that of the many corners and turnings of the wall this is the only one which is described as being an open angle. The learned Jesuit, Villalpandus, makes a simi- lar observation, and defines Michtsoagh to be " recessus nempe et sinus'' The same word occurs in II. Chron. xxvi. 9, where we learn that it was at this turning that Uzziah built a tower. After passing a considerable distance we again come to a ' turn- ing of the wall, even the corner,' which would be that by the Pool of Siloam, and close by this is the ' tower that lieth out from the king's high house,'§ which tower may be that built by Uzziah, and here was probably the ' Gate of the Corner,' men- .tioned in Jeremiah (xxxi. 38), which would, therefore, be diff'er- ent from the 'Corner Gate' of Zechariah (i. 10.) This Tower, the * Dr. Pococke considered it "probable that the 'garden of the kings' was the fixed burial place of the kings, it being the ancient eastern custom to bury in their own houses or gardens." {Desc. of the East, vol. ii. pt. I. p. 9.) Dr. Thenius places the tombs in this position in his map of Jerusalem. (Otto The- nius, Das vorexiUsche Jerusalem, und (lessen Tempel, taf". i.) This vicinity to the Temple seems indicated by Ezek. xliii. 7, 9. (Hitzig, Ezek., Bdttcher, Exeg. Krit. Aehrenlese z. Alt. Test.) f II. Chron. xxvi. 9. J Univ. Anc. Hist. iv. 221. § Solomon is believed to have had a palace either on the temple mount, or south of it, (Wil. Tyr. viii. 7, p. 748 ; xii. 7, p. 820,) which paiace might after- wards have been enclosed bv Jot ham. 418 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. sacred narrative goes on to say, 'was by the court of the prison,' and in this locality, 'therefore, we must place the 'Prison Gate.' The next part described is ' the place over against the Water Gate, towards the east:' the words over against clearly indicating that the Water Gate was not on this point, but in some other wall oj)posite to it on the vjest ; and this fact is remarkably and most satisfactorily confirmed by the twelfth chapter, where we find one company proceeding along the west and south walls to the Water Gate ; and the other company going along the west, north, and east walls, and stopping at the Prison Gate, the situa- tion of which, if we regarded the order of the 26th verse, rather than its signification, would carry us beyond the Water Gate,* where the other company was assembled, which would be an impossibility. On examining the plan it will be seen that the two companies were thus assembled on the south of the temple, where I have imagined to have been the grand ascent to the House of the Lord, built by Solomon. The presump- tion therefore is that they met in this spot, in order to proceed together to the Temple to complete the ceremonies of con- secration. The situation of the Water Gate is rightly as- signed by Brocardus — " The place where is now the Water Gate, between Mount Zion and Solomon's palace which stood on the south side of Mount Moriah." [Itin. viii.) From here extended the eastern ' wall of Ophel,'*}* the .enclosure of which was commenced by Jotham, (II. Chron. xxvii. 3,) and completed by Manasseh. (II. Chron. xxxiii. 14.);}: The next gate mentioned. * This position of the "Watei- Gate agrees with the Talmud, according to which it was near the south of the temple, close by the chamber where the council of the Sanhedrim sat: {Jliddot/i i. 4, p. 237.) The place of the 'coming down, of the waters' was also in this locality. {Holy City, ii. 465.) f The word Ophel occurs twice in the plan. I have supposed that at first a small portion of ground adjoining the Temple was lifted up, [as it is explained by Psalmanazar, Anc. Univ. Hist., iv. 229,] so as to make the palace of Solo- mon, which might have been afterwards built upon it, more nearly on a level with the Temple ; and that the name was subsequently given to the whole tongue of land. Respecting the position of Solomon's palace, see Ezek. xliii. 8. \ Dr. Robinson describes scarped rocks 960 feet south of the temjole area, as evidently having once formed a portion of the line of wall. (i. 460 n. 5.) GATES OF THE CITY. 419 is the Horse Gate, which was repaired by the priests, and, therefore, was near the temple, on its south side : * it was also " by the king's house," (II. Cliron., xxiii. 15 ; II. Kings, xi. 16,) and looked " towards the east, unto the brook of Kidron." (Je- rem. xxxi. 40. ) The ' East Gate,' mentioned in Neh. v. 29, might probably be the eastern gate of the outer court, but it is more probable that it was the principal gate of the temple, which was the eastern gate of the inner court. The goldsmiths, the Nethinims, and the merchants, mentioned in the 31st and 32nd verses, may refer to the temple, where we know that they formed their place of business, t or they may refer to the in- habitants of Maktesh,+ which signifies a hollow ; for it was here that the merchants resided. § The Gate Miphkad was another internal gate, " over against" which the wall was carried. The * going up of the corner,' next specified, may designate the north-east angle of the temple, or the angle of junction of the second wall with the wall of the temple ; and thus we get again to the Sheep Gate.|| By this arrangement of the gates, we find the description given to us by Nehemiah, clear, full, and distinct, instead of being contradictory and uncertain, as hitherto supposed : and thus, by having a clear idea of the true position of the gates, we are enabled to understand other passages of the Bible which refer to them. Thus in Zeph. i. 10, at the denouncement of * In confirmation of this we find the Hippodrome, mentioned by Josephus, as existing to the south of the temple: {Bell, ii, 3, § 1.; Ant. xvii. 10, § 2 :) and a Jewish and Moslem tradition attaches the name of ' Solomon's stables' to the vaults under the southern part of the Haram. (Benjamin of Tudela, and Mejr-ed-din, ii. 95.) f There were shops on each side of the East Gate. (Sanhed., xi. 2, quoted by Lightfoot, Chorog. Cent., xxviii.) See also Prospect of the Temple, ch. ix ; and Bibl. Res., i. 417, referring to Matt. xxi. 12, and the parallel passages. § Psalmanazar, Univ. Anc. Hist., iv. 227. \ Zeph. i. 11. II One other gate requires to be noticed, though it is not referred to in Nehe- miah. It is ' the High Gate of Benjamin, that was by the house of the Lord,' (Jerem. xx. 2,) which definition clearly shows that it could not have been as often stated, identical with the gate of Ephraim. Arculphus placed it about 1000 feet west of the north-cast angle. This gate appears to have been of some conse- 420 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. woes against Jerusalem, it is said — " there shall be the noise of a cry from the Fish Gate, and an howling from the Second (Gate), and a great crashing from the hills :" meaning from the north to the south, from one end of the city to the other, even round about : and at the re- establishment of the city, it is said — " the city shall be built to the Lord, from the tower of Hananeel unto the gate of the corner;" (Jerem. xxxi. 38;) and in Zech. xiv. 10 — " It shall be lifted up, and inhabited in her place, from Benjamin's Gate unto the place of the First Gate, unto the Corner Gate ; and from the tower of Hananeel unto the king's winepresses;" (or gardens;) signifying from east to west and from north to south.* The reader who has gone through the examination of these passages, Avill now be in a position to judge of the value of Mr. Williams's arrangement. The ^licep Gate he places to the north of the temple. [Suppl. p. 109.) On the position of the Fish Gate he thus reasons : — " The Fish Gate is \\\ juxtaposition with the 'second' in Zeph. i. 10: [on the contrary, it is in antithesis :] by which ' second ' must be understood that part of Jerusalem which was inhabited by Huldah the prophetess, and quence, both from its vicinity, if not connexion with the Temple, and from its being furnished with stocks for the punishment of criminals. It is also referred to in Jerem. xxxvii. 13, and Zech. xiv. 10. * Some discrepancy exists as to the circuit of the walls. The ' Syrian land surveyor' gives it as 27 stadia; Josephus at 33; Timochares and Aristeas at 40; while Hecatseus augments the measure to 50 stadia. D'Anville (Appendix IV to Chateaubriand's Travels in Greece, Palestine, Sfc.) endeavours to reconcile the first two statements, by supposing a difierence in the length of the cubit; but there is no necessity for such an expedient. The accompanying plan happens to be of exactly 33 stadia in circumference, though drawn without re- ference to that measure; it being based on the ordnance survey, but carrying the outer wall more northward, so as to inclose the ' tombs of the kings', and to follow the sinuosities of the brook Kidron. Again, the ' Syrian land-sur- veyor' lived in the time of Eusebius, at which period the greater portion of Bezetha had reverted into cornfields and olive groves, arid the remaining portion of the city, supposing the whole of Zion and Ophel to have been inclosed as formerly, would then difi'er only one stadium and a half from the 27 stadia then given. The other dimensions probably included the suburbs of the city. GATES OF THE CITY. 421 of which Judah, the son of Senuah, was governor. (II. Chron. xxxiv. 22 ; Neh. xi. 9.) And I have no doubt that this is the part of the city which was fortified with a second^ or ' another wall,' by Hezekiah." (p. 113.) On this foundation he pro- ceeds to build an argument in support of his favourite Tyropceon. Quoting II. Chron. xxxiii. 14, " he (Manasseh) built a wall . . . on the west side of Gihon, in the valley, even to the entering in at the Fish Gate," and then finding the Fish Gate and Gihon in " juxtaposition," (though separated by an adverb and a pre- position, denoting considerable distance,) he argues : " The Tyropocon of Josephus will then be the Gihon, on whose west side Manasseh built the w^all in the valley ; and this will be identical with ' Millo, the city of David,' repaired by Hezekiah, the same with Parbar, or the suburbs." (p. 114.) The Corner Gatehe places near the Gate Gennath. " It was so named from the angle at the junction of the first and second walls .... and the totuer of the Furnaces was the tower built by Uzziah at that Corner Gate. The Gate of Ephraim would then be 400 cubits to the north of this, not far from the Porta Judiciaria, and the Broad-wall between the two might be the part strengthened with a double wall by Hezekiah. The Old Gate would then be in the same west wall, between the Gate of Ephraim and the Fish Gate^ which last corresponded perhaps in position with the present Damascus Gate." (Id.) The towers of Meah and Hananeel " may have afterwards formed part of the tower Antonia."* (p. 115, vol. i, p. 75, 76.) The Valle?j Gate, which he considered to be identical with the Gate of Ephraim, he placed in the first edition (p. 391 and 285) at the present Damascus Gate, in the north wall : (see ante, p. 350:) in his second edition, {Siipj^l., p. 42,) he makes the Sheep Gate and the Valley Gate identical, and places them at St. Stephen's Gate, and in p. 115, he says — " It must, I think, be a gate leading into a valley of the Kcdron," that is to say, on the east of the city : a few pages after, he acknowledges, that * He adds, with reason, — " But I would rather place the tower of Hananeel at the north-east angle." 422 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. with respect to the Valley Gate " I have some misgivings, because I could rather believe that the Valley Gate led into the valley of Hinnom, than into the Kedron. But I see no escape from the conclusion at which I have arrived." He then goes on to identify the Dragon-well, which w^as before the Valley Gate, with the Fountain of the Virgin : " and it is a curious coincidence, mentioned by Dr. Schultz, in confirmation of this hypothesis, that the rise and fall of the water in this intermit- ting spring, is popularly ascribed to a dragon that lies concealed in it;" (p. 119,120;) thus fixing it on the south of the city : and lastly, in vol. ii, p. bb^ he states that " the Valley Gate would probably be found in the ivest wall" of what he appears to con- sider as his lower Acra, in contradistinction of his hill Acra. Thus we have this Valley Gate, like the man in the play, changing his dress, and performing a different part in four different scenes : and yet this is the writer who says of Dr. Robinson — " Diruit, aedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis"! The Sepulchres of David he naturally places at the traditional tomb : the Armoury at the turning " will very well suit the position of the Hippie tower:" and he refers to SoVs. Song^ iv. 4 : (p. 117 :} " there can be no question," etc. (1st edit., p. 415.) " The turning of the wall, in Neh. iii. 24, is probably the north- east angle of Mount Sion." (p. 118.) " The ' court of the Prison in the king's house of Judah', in which the prophet Jeremiah was confined, is evidently the same with this in Nehemiah, and since the ' stocks that were in the high gate of Benjamin^ which was by the house of the Lord ', were probably connected with this prison, I think that we may assume the identity of the high gate with the ' third entry that is in the house of the Lord,' where king Zedekiah conferred with the captive prophet, which gate I believe to be called ' Miphkad by Nehemiah, [impossible,] the Shallecheth of more ancient times, the Bab-es-Salsala, or gate of the chain of the modern Haram, a sufficiently appropriate synonym for the Prison Gate, and another remarkable instance of happy coin- GATES OF THE CITY. 423 cidence, probably* not accidental." {Id.) The reader will not fail to perceive that this ' Court of the Prison' being recognized by Mr. Williams in the ' Gate of Benjamin', and in the ' Third Entry', is made to exist on the north, west, and south sides at the same time ; but what will the reader say when he is told that this dreadful chain is common to the doors of nearly all the khans, and some other buildings in the east, and is used in way of protection, or to suspend a lantern ! The Water Gate., like the Valley Gate, is made to do suit and service on more than one occasion. In vol. ii. 23, he places it near to Hippicus, in order to shew that the gate near that tower, mentioned by Josephus, [Bell. v. 6, § 6,) could not have been, as supposed by Dr. Kobinson-, the Gate Gennath ; for this would have been fatal to his Second Wall : and subsequently, by means of a double transformation, he changes the position of the Water Gate to that of the south gate of the temple ; and the fortress Acra in the Lower City, to the fortress Baris or Antonia on the Temple Mount ; and then quoting Neh. xii. 37, " And at the Fountain Gate, which was over against them," (which he places at Siloam,) " they went up by the stairs of the citij of David*. . . even unto the Water Gate," he deduces that Ophel, and Moriah, and consequently his fortress Acra, must have been called the ' city of David' (!) (ii. 476) ; the object of all this laboured dis- tortion of the truth being to reconcile his supposed line of Hezekiah's aqueduct with the simple statement of Holy Scripture, that " Hezekiah brought the upper watercourse of Gihon straight down to the west side of the Cit>/ of David.'' Thus then we see that in his elucidation of the clear and explicit account of Nehemiah, Mr. Williams has broken the continuity of the narrative, and actually reads a considerable portion of it backwards; making the north wall, described in verses 1 — 12, run from the east to the west : and the remain- ing verses, 13 — 32, refer to the southern wall, running also * See also First Edit. p. 39C. VOL. II. FF 424 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. from east to west. (Instead of from west to east.) With Siloam as a " starting point " he traces the wall " round the upper city, to its junction with the second wall." " Hence following the course of the north wall of Sion . . . we come to . . . the north-east angle of Mount Sion." (Suppl. p. 121.) Two cir- cumstances suggest themselves on this subject: one is, how little reliance can be placed on mere tradition, unless supported by facts ; the other, how little weight can be attached to argu- ments brought forward by a writer like Mr. Williams, who is so little scrupulous about the justice of his fundamental pre- mises.* II. A portion of the Southern part of the City ^as defended by a 'Second Wall,' called the * Great Wall,' probably erected by Agrippa, at the time of building the Third or outer wall, on the Northern side. Having thus examined the line of walls repaired by Nehe- miah, let us turn to Josephus, who describes the walls of this portion of the city. " Simon held the Upper City, and the Great Wall as far as Cedron, and as much of the Old W^all as bent from Siloam to the East, and which went down to the Palace of Monobazus, who was King of the Adiabeni beyond Euphrates : he also held that fountain and A era But John held the Temple, and the parts thereto adjoining for a great way, as also Ophla, and the valley called the Valley of Cedron." [Bell. V. 6, § 1.) This description, which by former plans must have appeared perplexing and contradictory, becomes, by the arrangement here given, clear and intelligible. A wall had been built across the valley, from the Southern parts of Zion to Ophel, probably by Agrippa, and enclosing the King's gardens, * Though the conjectural lines of wall in the accompanying plan are repre- sented as nearly straight, we must suppose them to be varied by the introduc- tion of towers. Tacitus thus describes them : — " Two hills that rose to a pro- digious height, were inclosed by walls constructed with skill; in some places projecting forwards, and in others retiring inwardly; with the angles so formed that the besiegers were always liable to*be annoyed in flank." {Ilisf. v. 11.) The towers were 60 to 120 feet high : Antonia rose above all. WALLS OF THE CITY. 425 and Siloam. This wall, extending as far as Kidron, is, from its length and possible magnitude, called by Josej^hus, the ' Great Wall,' being thus distinguished from the ' Old Wall ' which bent from Siloam towards the East,* (correctly speaking North- east,) and which then went down by the Palace of Monobazus,t (which probably occupied the site of the ' King's high house ' of Nehemiah :) that is to say, Simon's portion of the city extended up to this wall ; for the wall itself, as forming part of Ophel, must have belonged to John. III. IV. The site of the so-called ' Holy Sepulchre' was enclosed by two walls on its Western side. The Second Wall must have commenced near to Hippicus, from considera- tion of the monument of the High Priest John. An objection has been ui'ged by Dr. Olin as to the line of Second Wall being placed westward of the accepted site of the ' Holy Sepulchre,' that if this wall were so near to the outer wall, how could Titus be supposed to attack the upper City- at a point where he would be exposed to the missiles cast from the side wall, and where he would be fighting with more disad- vantage than in any other position. This objection is met by Dr. Robinson, in showing that Titus, after he had broken through the outer wall, was conscious of the weakness of his position, and therefore, instead of turning to attack the Wall of Zion, and thereby expose his flank to the enemy posted on the line of the second wall, he resolved to make himself master of this second wall, before he attempted to attack the first. * This passage has been misunderstood by Mr. Williams, who in intei-pret- ing it as referring to the east wall of Mount Sion, takes occasion to state, that Dr. Robinson has " overlooked the important passage," when, in fact, it has no connexion with such wall. {Holy City, p. 105.) \ For other notices of this palace, which was built by Grcptc, a relation of Izates, King of the Adiabeni, see Bell. iv. 9, §11; and vi. 7, § 1 . It was a place of great strength, [Id.') as we might infer from the 'words of Nehemiah respect- ing the former buildings. Mr, Williams erroneously identifies it with Agrippa's palace on Mount Zion. {Jloly City, p. 105.) Y V 2 426 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. But, as exhibited on my plan, I conceive that the North- west angle of the City was enclosed with a separate wall by Manasseh, and therefore that this portion of the City was defended with a double or second wall, equally with Acra or the Lower City, This supposition, though in apparent opposi- tion to Josephus, (according to whom the portion of wall between Gennath and Hippicus was not defended by the ' Second wall,') will be found liable to no objection, but rather confirmed by the apparent difiiculty. If, as has been hitherto supposed, and as at first appears from the statement by Josephus, the Second Wall had no communication with the outer wall, and consequently the portion of the wall of Mount Zion from Hip- picus to the Gennath Gate, was protected only by the outer or Third wall, then there could have been no object in Titus's having commenced his attack at this portion of the outer wall, rather than at the more Northerly parts of the new city. On the contrary, the more distant the part might lie from the other walls, so much less easily could it be defended. This point then was selected, because it opposed to him one less wall to overcome : and having once passed the outer wall in a position between Hippicus and the Tower of the Furnaces, Titus v»ould have turned the portion of wall connecting the Tower of the Furnaces and the Broad Wall, which would thus assist him in gaining the Second Wall ; and then, by the same process, making use of this second Wall as a bulwark from which to annoy the enemy, and to protect the advance of his machines, he would prepare to attack the old or First Wall. This plan of operations we find to have been followed out : having taken the Second Wail, Titus destroyed the Northern portion, but " put men into the Towers of the Southern extremities, in order that he might attack the Old Wall." * An important point in the topography of Jerusalem as indi- cating the line of the Second Wall, is the position of the High Priest John's monument. Judging only from the first mention of this monument it would appear that it stood near the outer * Bell. V. 8. S 2. WALLS OF THE CITY. 427 or Third wall, for it marked the spot where Titus attacked the outer wall. * Then, further on, we are told, that when Titus had taken the outer wall, and was preparing to attack the Second wall, Simon fortified the walls from the point in the Second Wall opposite to the monument of the High Priest John, round about to Hippicus,t. thus identifying the monu- ment with the Second wall : but afterwards, when Titus had taken both the outer and the second walls, and laid siege to the first wall, we read that he planted two machines, one at the Pool Amygdalon, and the other nearer to Hippicus at John's monument,^ thus clearly proving that the monument was near the Fwst wall. These perplexing accounts are satisfactorily explained, when we consider the High Priest's monument to have been situated about equidistant from all three walls ; the walls forming three sides of a square, and the monument standing in the middle. § The exact position, may be deter- mined from Josephus, for he states that the machine by the High Priest's monument was thirty cubits only distant from that which stood by the Pool Amygdalon.|| But the determination of the position of the High Priest's monument is useful, not only in showing the point where Titus made his breach in the outer wall; it also enables us to fix with great precision the line of the second wall. It is very remark- able, that all attacks on the upper City were made opposite to *• Id. V. 6, § 2. t Id- V- 7, § 3. X Id. V. 9, § 2. § Mr. Williams objects that the monument was a tomb, and therefore out- side the walls. But this is by no means necessary. Not only were the tombs of David, and of the children of Huldah within the walls, (Lightfoot, Chorog. Cent, xxxviii,) but a parallel example occurs in that of King Alexander Janneus, opposite to whose monument the Romans attacked Antonia. (Jos. Bell. v. 7, § 3.) II Id. V. 11, § 4. Mr. Williams perversely places the high priest's monument eastumrd of Amygdalon ; which is at direct variance with this passage of Jose- phus. This mis-statement can scarcely be from error in judgment, though it comes from .one who accuses others of wilful " variations and alterations, resorted to without scruple, sometimes without notice, and always without authority." Mr. Williams's words are: "The monument of John I cannot hesitate to assign to a position thirty cubits cast of Amygdalon." (7/. C. ii. 24.) 428 WALLS OF THE CITY. the three strong towers* described by Josephus, and left standing by Titus on account of their immense strength, while all attacks on the Temple were over against the yet stronger tower of Antonia ; and this circumstance enables us to prove the truth of Josephus's assertion, that neither the Temple nor the upper City could be attacked on any other quarter. Thus, after Titus had been repulsed from his former position, he returned and raised his banks " on the West side of the City, over against the Royal Palace ;"'|' " at the three towers.":}: Here, therefore, must have stood the fourth machine, thirty cubits from which was the third machine by the Pool Amygdalon, the twq machines being separated from each other by the line of Second Wall, and the Gate Gennath. Thus, then, by the High Priest's monument we are enabled to prove, not only that the Second Wall lay to the West of the Pool of Hezekiah, or Amygdalon, but that an o\iter wall existed yet more to the West, occupying the position of the present modern wall, of the same antiquity with the other walls. But it is not only to Josephus that we are indebted for evi- dence respecting this outer wall, the Bible itself, as we have seen,§ shows us that this outer Avail is identical with the wall which Manasseh built " without the City of David," i. e. without the " Second Wall" built by David or Joab,|| " on the ivest side of Gihon," " in the valleij ;"5[ and as this circumstance affords an argument in favour of the identity of the modern line of western wall with that of the ancient city, so does it militate strongly against the idea of those who suppose all this portion of the present city to have been excluded in the ancient ; and it shows that a city could not have been described as compactly * This corresponds with Josephus' account of the siege hy Titus, and the steepness of the north wall. {Bell. v. 6, § 2 ; \i. 8, § 1.) The portion of wall attacked was always that towards the west — " at John's monument," (v. 9, § 2,) "over against the royal palace," (vi, 8, § 1,) at the very same _place where Cestius had formerly endeavoui-ed to enter the city, (ii, 19, § 4.) f/rf. vi. 8, §1. + /rf. vi. 8, § 4. § See p. 349. || 1 Chron. xi. 8. ^ Contrast with this Mr. Williams's theory — " the Tyropoeon of Josephus is WALLS OF THE CITY. 429 built, or securely fortified, that had a ridge of rock projecting into the very heart of the city, of greater altitude than any por- tion of the city itself: and by thus filling in this hollow angle, we obtain a squareness of plan more compatible with the Psalm- ist's description, "Jerusalem is builded as a city which is compact together." (Ps. cxxii. 3.) One other circumstance may be mentioned relative to the western extension of the Second AVall. We read in II. Kings xviii. 26, 28, that when Rabshakeh besieged Jerusalem, and stood by the Upper Pool, his words were heard by the men of Israel on the walls of Jerusalem, — a circumstance which would be perfectly impossible had the line of Second Wall existed so much further eastward, in the position assigned by the advo- cates of the Sepulchre. V. The "Asamonsean Valley" was merely a narrow embankment or causeway connecting the Acropolis of Antiochus with the Temple : and the hill, Acra, lowered by the Maccabees, was not the " Lower City," but the Acropolis of the Lower City. It is surprising that Dr. Robinson as well as Mr. Williams should have fallen into the error of supposing a long line of valley to have been filled up by the Asamonsean princes. The reader is aware that Dr. Robinson's valley runs towards Antonia from the Damascus gate, and that Mr. Williams's proceeds to the same point from my position of the Fish gate. Now it is the valley of Gihon." {H. C. Suppl. p. 1 14. See his plan, ante, p. 339.) The wall was built on the west side of this. On which side of this wall does he pretend the city to have been? If on the S.W., he proves Dr. Robinson's position of Acra, which he has laboured so incessantly to disprove. If on the N.E., he places the city wall on the outside of a. fosse, where the enemy would have the advantage of the high ground, while the inhabitants would be sunk in the hol- low of the fosse. But this wall was " outside" the original wall : where then did the original wall run ? and what would then become of his Acra ? It is absurd to combat such a theory. Schultz acknowledges that the passage seems to intimate a wall to the west of the city, and confesses that the addition of the words "in the valley," is a "difficuUij:' {Jems., p. 86.) 430 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. manifest, that neither of these lines, taken in its integral and extended length, can be said to have ever divided Acra from Moriah, for it was in order to unite these hills, that the valley was said to have been filled in.* Mr, Williams objects to Dr. Robinson's position, inasmuch as it is now a hollow ; and his own line may with equal reason be objected to as being an embankment. Another objection to each of these lines occurs in the fact that Mr. Williams acknowledges that both his own Acra and that of Dr. Robinson are " higher than Moriah ; whereas Josephus says, that the height of Acra was reduced by the Asamonseans, so as to become lower than the temple." f But the most fatal objection, and one which amounts to an absurdity, consists in the difficulty, that in order to lower the hill, as specified by Josephus, all the houses of the lower city must first have been destroy ed.+ The Jewish historian informs us, that " Antiochus (Epi- phanes) built a citadel in the lower part of the city," (in " a place to lie in wait against the sanctuary ;" 1 Mace. iv. 41 ;) " for the place was high and overlooked the temple, on which account he fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. In that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. "§ " The garrison in the citadel at Jerusalem, with the Jemsh runagates, did a great deal of harm to the Jews ; for the soldiers that were in that garrison rushed out upon the sudden, and destroyed such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their * Jos. Bell. V. 4, § \. t H. C. ii. 53, 54. :|: This difficulty has been felt by both writers. Dr. Robinson, in a note, (i. 410,) says: "There is some doubt as to the correctness of this account. Josephus elsewhere connects this lowering of the hill Akra with the demolition of a fortress built upon it by Antiochus and the Syrians," etc. ; and Mr. Williams states : " But the object of the Asamonseans was to remove the annoyance of the fortress," etc., which he identifies with Antonia : and yet neither writer thought of changing their position of the valley so as to suit the position which they assign to the fortress. According to Mr. Williams's site of the fortress, his Asamonsean valley should have been between it and the Temple area. § Jos. Ant. xn. 5, § 4. WALLS OF THE CITY. 431 sacrifices ; for this citadel adjoined to, and overlooked the temple."* " Simon took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it best, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it This work cost three whole years, "t With this agrees another passage, where it is added : " the intervening valley was filled up with earth, the Asamonseans having a mind to join the city to the temple. "J Dr. Robinson clearly shows that this fortress could not have been Antonia,§ (as assumed by Williams, Fergusson, and many recent writers,) and he rightly places it at the south-eastern ex- tremity of the lower city : for it is evident, from the two former quotations from Josephus, that the Acra so lowered must have been the fortress Acra, and not the Lower city. This fortress gave its name, by synecdoche, to the whole of the Lower city, a figure of speech frequently employed in the topography of Jerusalem. || The natural inference, therefore, is that the Asamongeans, on destroying the fortress, and lowering the rock, raised an embank- ment or causeway across the valley, between this fortress and the Temple, in order to prevent its being again selected for a hostile purpose.^ * Id. xii. 9, § 3. t 1'^- xiii- 6, § 7. :|: BeU. v. 4, § 1. § If Acra had been Antonia, it could not have given its name to tlie Lower City, from which it was separated by the Broad Valley : besides, the rock on which Acra stood was lowered so as to be of less he'ujht than the Temple area, whereas the rock on which Antonia is believed to have stood still rises above the modern Haram, as it was raised above the Temple area in the time of Titus. II Thus Bezetha, Zion, the City of David, Gihon, all have a double applica- tion. The Bait-el-Mukaddas, or ' the holy abode', (Dome of the Rock) has given its name to the whole enclosure ofthellaram, and even to the whole city. ^ Mr. Williams cannot object to this " Asamonacan valley" not being filled up, for this very mound across the Tyropocon he connects with what he trans- lates '' \X\Q filling up of the valley, or by the causeway, as it is called in Scrip- ture," {H. C. p. 345,) endeavouring to identify it with the bridge or causeway between Zion and the Temple. 432 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. VI. The " Second Wall" was not curved on plan, as hitherto supposed ; and Be- zetha occupied the entire northern side of the Temple. It has been a common mistake of the topographers of Je- rusalem, following Dr. Robinson* and Mr. Williams,']* to under- stand by the words of JoSephuS, (^KVK\ovfievov to npoaupicriov K\ifia,) that the Second Wall had a circular course :% and accordingly we find the plans of these writers making a merit of showing some unnecessary curve. But, that the expression signifies merely to encompass, to begirt, to surround, to enclose, — without reference to form, is evident from Josephus's description of the Temple, which we know to have been square, and which he speaks of as encircled by walls, using the same word kvkKw. Various have been the positions assigned to Bezetha. The specification of Josephus is too minute to allow of its being placed otherwise than northward of the Temple : but while Dr. Robinson gives it a north-west extension, Mr. Williams restricts it to the north-eastern part of the Temple, or to speak more accurately, northward of the eastern half of the Temple, while again Catherwood, Dr. Olin, and Schultz, make Acra ex- tend along the whole northern side of the Temple area, thus separating it from Bezetha, which they place beyond the line of modern wall. To say nothing of this last theory, which is contrary to every passage of Josephus, Dr. Robinson appears to have been led into error by a WTong inference from two pas- sages of Josephus : in one of which he states that Antonia lay to the north-west of the Temple, and in the other, that Bezetha was northward of Antonia ; from whence Dr. Robinson deduces that Bezetha was to the north west of the Temple. Mr. Williams draws the western boundary of Bezetha in a line * "Which wall, Josephus describes as running in a circle,^'' &c. {Bibl. Sacr. i. 192.) t The second wall had a " circular course.'''' {II. C. ii. 58.) X Lord Nugent supposed the curve to be concave. {Lands Classical and Sacred, 2nd edit. ii. 28.) WALLS OF THE CITY. 433 with the eastern side of Antonia, considering that Antonia must have been enclosed by the Second Wall, " for it was not until he had taken the Second Wall that Titus could bring his engines against the town itself."* Now, independently of Mr. Williams's argument being inconclusive, for Josephus states nothing of the kind, and the case is precisely analogous to that of the attack at the north-western extremity of ' the Upper City,' where the Second AVall was taken by Titus in order to prevent his flank being exposed while besieging Hip- picus, — we are distinctly told by Josephus, that " Bezetha lay over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose, in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior eleva- tion, for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable." •]* Nor is the Professor's line of boundary more defensible ; for we have seen that the Fish gate was by the Tower of Hananeel, which we know to have been at the north-eastern corner of the city, and that it was 400 cubits east of the gate of Ephraim, from which point the line must have descended almost in a direct southerly direction to the north-west angle of the Temple ; and it is remarkable that this line is precisely identical with what Mr. Williams assumed to be that of the Asamonasan valley, " the traces of which remain to this day clearly visible, in a ridge which slopes down," etc.:{: VII. The supposed site of the "Holy Sepulchre" is disproved, in addition to other evidence, — by II. Chron. xxxiii. 14 ; — Jerem. xxxi. 39, 40 : — by the traditional Pool of Bathsheba ; — and by the position of the High Priest John's Monument. The argument which relates to the high priest John's monument, has already been adduced :§ it need only be added, * H. C. ii. 51: compare Bell. v. 7, § 3. t Bell. V. 4, % 2; and 5, § 8. j Sec ante, p. 352. § See ante, pp. 426-42R. 434 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. that the fall of ground seems favourable to the positions selected both for the Second and the outer wall, and it would seem little else than extraordinary, had the city, — which is represented as encircled and protected on three sides \vith deep valleys, and which on its northern side had lofty cliffs extending from the gate Gennath to Antonia, the whole of which line was further strengthened by a second wall, — been left exposed pre- cisely at that spot where, by the less height of the cliffs, and the neighbouring heights of Gihon, it was most likely to be assaulted, and where accordingly, Herod had taken the precaution to build three of the largest towers of all the circuit of the walls, and which spot was always selected for attack, even when the be- siegers had obtained possession of the ' Lower City.' The argument afforded by the Pool of Bathsheba, I throw out for the consideration of those lovers of tradition who might be disposed to reject other evidence: and certainly no other pool can stand so good a chance of being the genuine pool of Bathsheba as the pool which lies so immediately at the foot of ' David's castle.' Here then, according to this tradition, stood the house of Uriah the Hittite, and here accordingly the city must have been inclosed by an outer wall. The argument contained in II. Chron. xxxiii. 14, has also been laid before the reader in determining the position of the Pools of Gihon and of Hezekiah,* and it has been more fully considered in examining the line of the outer wall.t The statement of Holy Scripture, therefore, which declares that Hezekiah " built a wall, without the City of David, on the west side of Gihon, in the valley" is inimical to the reputed site of the " holy Sepulchre." The next evidence is afforded by a prophecy of Jeremiah: ^ — " Behold, the day's come, saith the Lord, that the city shall be built to the Lord, from the tower of Harianeel unto the gate of the corner. And the mea- suring line shall yet go forth over against it upon the hill Gareb, and shall compass about to Goath. And the whole valley of the dead bodies and of the *■ See ante, pp. 345-349. f See Prop. iv. | Jerem. xxxi. 38 — 40. ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. 435 ashes, and all the fields unto the brook Kidron, unto the corner of the Horse Gate, toward the east, shall be holy unto the Lord."* This passage has been invariably considered by those com- mentators who have endeavoured to explain it, to be descrip- tive of the ' Prophetical Jerusalem,' and one writer has actually laid down a prophetical square on his map of Jerusalem. t Starting from the Tower of Hananeel, at the north-eastern angle of the city, they place the corner gate at the north-west angle, beyond which point they are all unanimous in placing Gareb. Southward, but contiguous to this, they place Goatha ; and southward still they come to the valley of Hinnom, and from thence across to the brook Kidron and the Horse Gate. More than one objection, however, may be urged to this interpretation. In the first place, though several ' corner- gates ' are recorded by Nehemiah, there is no mention of a corner gate at the north-western quarter of the city : then the position of Goatha, so immediately adjacent to Gareb, and in a line with the reputed site of the Holy Sepulchre, is too evidently determined from respect to the traditions connected with that spot : and lastly, after describing three sides of the prophetical square, it terminates at the south-east angle of the city, leaving the whole eastern side open to the assaults of • objectors. Though the interpretation which I am about to oifer is very diiferent, yet there is one circumstance which is equally con- clusive in whatever way these verses are explained, and that is, that the place of Goatha, — which all writers, even those who do not attempt to illustrate this passage, acknowledge to be identical with Golgotha, — cannot be attributed to the reputed site of the ' Holy Sepulchre.' For a glance at the plan is sufficient to show, that this site, whether or not at any time outside the city wall, is too immediately in the centre of the whole mass, to render it possible that it could ever have been * E. Henderson, Book of the Prophet Jcrem. 8vo. Lond. 1851. t Wilde, Narrative of a Voyage, &c., Svo. Dubl. 18-10, pi 22; and see pp. 26C-264. Villalpandus endeavours to i)rove the stjuarc form. {Apparatus, 165 b. lib. iii. 8.) 436 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. referred to in this prophecy, which as evidently relates to the external boundaries of the city ; and therefore, as stated at the outset, the reputed site of the ' Holy Sepulchre ' is disproved by this passage of Jeremiah. VIII. The ' Second Temple,' or Herod's Temple, was not, as is generally supposed, 400 cubits, or 500 according to the Talmud, but 600 cubits every way, and it occupied, including Antonia, a perfect square. If there is one point which the Protestant pilgrim regards as more certain than another in the topography of Jerusa- lem, it is the site of the Temple of Solomon. After loath- ing the abominations with which every spot within the City has been defiled by the superstitions of corrupt churches, after sickening at the thought that they who have done all this are looked upon by the simple-minded Turk as the representa- tives and embodiment of the Christian religion, he issues by the Bab-es-Subat, feeling it a relief to be once more in the open air, and capable of worshipping God without the intervention of falsehood and materialism. He descends into the valley of the Kidron, he passes the enclosure of olive trees, the aged, twisted, gnarled, and molten stems of which remind him of Gethsemane, he climbs the zigzag path of Mount Olivet, thinking of Him, in whose very footsteps when on earth he now is following, and he turns round, and " beholds the city." .... After glancing at the gate at which he issued, in order to identify his position, that gate, the Christian name of which brings to his mind the delusions of the priesthood, after calling to memory the lying legends and the conflicting tradi- tions which have been thrust upon him wdthin the city, his eye falls upon the platform of the Haram-es-Shereef, in the centre of which rises majestically the Bait-el-Mukaddas,* and he ex- claims, " There, at least, is the site of the Temple of Solomon." But even here he is doomed to be disappointed. He finds on enquiry, that the Temple was but 600 feet square, and the * Vulgarly called the Mosque of Omar. herod's temple. 437 mountain on which it stood was scarcely sufficient to contain it ; Avhile the present platform measures about 900 feet* by 1,500, so that the portion of it which he might consider to lay claim to the greatest probability, might be without the boundary of the sacred site. This difficulty I now proceed to lay before the reader. The dimensions of the Temple are stated by Josephus to have been 400 cubits, by the Jewish Rabbles 500 cubits,t which is the number also specified in the Prophecies of Eze- kiel.^ Mr. Fergusson, as we have seen, argues for the 400 cubits of Josephus, which he insists upon regarding as the common cubit of 18 inches, thus giving 600 feet for each side. Dr. Robin- son, Mr. Williams, and all other writers, following the footsteps of Lightfoot, take the 500 cubits of the Rabbles, which they reduce into feet by the cubit of 21 inches,§ but even then the quantity which they obtain is so far short of the width of the present platform, that they are forced to explain the 500 cubits to be the measurement ivithin the porticoes. || Adding in these, which were thirty cubits each, they get an excess, to remedy 932 915 906i 877 * The measurements of the south wall are as follow : — Dr. Robmson's (about) . . . 955 Mr. Catherwood's (from notes) Messrs. Wolcott and Tipping's Rev. E. Smith's . Ordnance Survey f Middoth, cap. ii. sec. 1. % Ezek. xlii. 16, 11^ § Psalmanazar states, that the cubit of 22 inches, or more, was sometimes used. (iv. 195, note d.) But Lightfoot shows it is expressly stated in the Tal- mud, that " the cubit by which the temple buildings were measured was six handbreadths". {Kelim, c. 17.) This is equivalent to 18 inches only. [Prospect of the Temple, c. 1.) II Notwithstanding this lame explanation, Mr. Williams succeeds in showing "a difference of only 10 feet! I ask, if it be not a most gratifying result, that the comparison thus instituted shows so close an agreement. ... I confess it surpasses my most sanguine expectations; and I think that such a result should dispose us to attach some weight to the other observations [of Josephus] on the same subject." [//. C. p. 325.] And this he says, after having rejected the 400 cubits of Josephus, and accepted in preference the 500 of the Rabbles. 438 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. which they calculate the porticoes by the smaller cubit. "Making a square of this dimension, Dr. Robinson places it on the South of the platform, and gives the excess on the North to the Tower of Antonia : * while Mr. Williams places it on the North, and gives the excess to the Church of the Virgin Mary, built by Justinian. •]• It has been concluded by all writers, that the 400 cubits recorded by Joseplms have reference to the ' Second,' or ' Herod's Temple.' Mr. Fergusson states, " There is perhaps no single assertion in the whole works of Josephus in v/hich he is so perfectly consistent and undeviating as this." Now, not only is this incapable of proof, but the probability is, that the dimension of " one stadium," or " 400 cubits," has reference to Solomon's Temple, and not to that of Herod. Mr. Fergusson adduces five passages in support of his asser- tion. Whether the first {Ant. xv. 11, § 3) refers to the Temple of Solomon, or to that of Herod, is uncertain ; but the fourth [A^it. xx. 9, § 7) most assuredly relates to Solo- mon's Temple, l|! and if so, then all subsequent deductions are necessarily erroneous, and the accuracy of Josephus's measure- ments is fully vindicated. § The Temple of Solomf)n, then, measured 400 cubits on each side : but so far fiom Herod having rebuilt the whole of the Temple, we find that 18,000 workmen (according to Josephus) continued to be employed for about sixty-five years ; (working, it seems, at uncertain periods ;) for it was not till the time of * Bib. Res. i. 430, 431. f H. C. p. 324, 325: 331, 332. X Of the other examples cited by Mr. Fergusson, the second \_Bell. v. 5, § 2] asserts nothing of the kind, as will be presently seen; the third \_Ant. xv. 11, § 9] requires consideration; and the fifth \_Ant. viii. 3, § 9] is descriptive of the height of the walls of Solomon's temple, not the length of the Avails of Herod's temple. § Mr. Fergusson's theory of the ' Holy Sepulchre' being the true one, de- pends upon Herod's Temple being only 600 feet square ; for unless this can be proved to be the case, the Dome of the Rock could not, by any possibility, have been outside of the Temple enclosure. Herod's temple. 439 Agrippa that the Temple was finished.* When this, at length, happened, they tried to persuade him to pull down and rebuild the Eastern portico. " This portico belonged to the outer court : it was situated in a deep valley, and had walls which extended in length 400 cubits, and which were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was 20 cubits, and their height 6 cubits. TJiis was the ivorJc of King Solomon^ who first of all built the entire Temple, "f Here we have a clear and distinct statement, that one of the porticoes of Solomon's Temple (and the building was a square, and therefore the other sides must also have) measured 400 cubits in extent. But Mr. Fergusson may contend that this Eastern portico, like the others, was built by Herod, but that it was called ' Solomon's Portico,' from occupying the position of the original portico built by that King ; but this is disproved by the assertion of Josephus, that it was the ivork of King Solo- mon, and by the absurdity of supposing that Agrippa was re- quested to pull down the portico, had it been erected so recently as by Herod. With this as a starting point, I proceed to draw out the plan of the Temple of Solomon as a square of 400 cubits. This area of the Temple was gradually enlarged, by taking in more ground. " When King Solomon had built a wall for it on its Eastern side, there was then added one portico founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the house stood naked. But in future ages, the people added new embank- ments, and the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the wall on the North side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for the compass of the entire Temple. And * Compare S. John, ii. 20. f Ant. XX. 9, § 7. Josephus goes on to say, "But King Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Ca)sar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly difficult to do it to this portico, which would require a con- siderable time, and great sums of money, denied the petitioners their request." VOL. II. GG 440 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. when they had built walls on three sides of the Temple round about," &c.* Subsequently to this we are told that " Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, undertook a very great work, that is, to build the Temple of God, and to make it larger in compass^ and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude." f " Accordingly,:!: Herod rebuilt the Temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, tuhicli land was twice as large as that before inclosed." § This relation of the enlargement of the area, making it tmce as large as it was before, has been unnoticed by all Avriters : but there is one other circumstance connected with the area, which has not been sufficiently considered. Josephus has been quoted, and re quoted, as stating that " the Temple measured four stadia in circuit, but with the addition of Antonia, it measured six stadia." Now these statements of Josephus, instead of being mentioned together, refer to two different buildings : the Temple of Solomon was one stadium square, or four stadia in circuit; [Ant. xv. 11, § 3 ;) and the Temple of Herod^ including Antonia, Avas six stadia in circumference : [Bell. V. 5, § 2.) One other particular recorded by Josephus was the ancient prophecy, — that " The City and the Holy House should he taken, tvhen once the Temple shoidd become four-square.'' On which Josephus remarks, that " the Jews, by demolishing the tower of Antonia, had made their Temple four-square." (Bell. vi. 5, § 4.) From these various particulars we perceive that the Temple of Solomon was four stadia in circumference ; and that the Temple of Herod, including the Tower of Antonia, was a perfect square of six stadia in circuit, and that it was double in area to the size of Solomon's Temple. || * Bell. V. 5, § 1. The latter part of this might refer to the time of Herod, t Ant. XV. 11, § 1. :j: Josephus adds, "in his sixteenth year," ■which was prohably when he com- menced the foundations. § Bell. i. xxi. § 1. II Dr. Robinson endeavours to embrace these conditions by making Antonia Herod's temple. 441 Three remarkable circumstances result from this arrange- ment : one is, that a square of one-and-a-half stadium, or six stadia in circumference, exceeds only by one-eighth part, the double of a square of one stadium, or four stadia in circumfer- ence ; that it is impossible to make these two assertions of Josephus agree more nearly ; and that this eighth part^ cor- responding to an area of 300 by 300 feet,:|: might be occupied by Antonia, were the area of the Temple required to be exactly double : — the second, that on the destruction of this tower, occupying the internal angle of the area on the N.W., the Temple area became ' four-square ;' — and the third is, that such square of one and a-half stadium, or 600 cubits, or 900 feet, exactly amounts to the width of the present Haram-es-Shereef, and the temple two equal squares of 900 to 1000 feet, and supposing that when Antonia was destroyed, then the temple square was left alone. Mr. Williams rejects this "ingenious" explanation, though he himself cannot comprehend the solution of this "most perplexing observation," which is to him " wholly unin- telligible on every hypothesis." H. C. ii. 347, 403, 410. X I have only allowed a space of 150 by 300 feet on my plan, though the area might be doubled if considered necessary, by placing Solomon's temple in the S.E. angle of Herod's platform. The extravagant dimensions assigned to this fortress on other plans, is owing partly to their authors endeavouring to make out the circuit of six stadia ; and partly from the grandiloquent description of Josephus. " It was built upon a rock 50 cubits in height, and was on every side precipitous. . . . The inner space rose to an altitude of 40 cubits. The in- terior resembled a palace in extent and arrangement, being distributed into apartments of every description, and for every use, with cloistered courts and baths, and spacious barracks for the accommodation of troops ; so that its va- rious conveniences gave it the semblance of a town, its magnificence that of a palace. The general appearance of the whole was that of a tower, with other towers at each of the four corners,. three of which were 50 cubits high, while that at the S. E. angle rose to an elevation of 70 cubits, so that from thence there was a complete view of the temple." \_BeU. v. 5, § 8.] But if this de- scription is thought to require a greater extension of area, let the reader refer to the description of the towers of Hippicus, Phasaelus and Mariamne, measur- ing only from 30 to 60 feet square, and note the extraordinary accommodation which Josephus ascribes to them. {lb. v. 4, § 3, 4.) gg2 442 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. the dimension of which has for so long a time been a " diffi- culty " with the topographers of the ' Holy City.' But it was only the total area of the Temple which was doubled by Herod ; the Temple itself remained of the same size as formerly.* This appears from two circumstances ; first, the Basilican Stoa on the South side, is said to have been but one stadium in length ;■]* and, secondly, the Eastern, or Solomon's Portico, which was never pulled down by Herod, :|: but which formed part of his Temple, was also one stadium in length ; which would not have fitted the new work, had the new porticoes been increased by Herod in extent. This is yet more clearly shown by Josephus, who states, " Herod rebuilt the Temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before inclosed." § The enlargement by Herod was therefore an enlargement of the outer courts, or what aj^pears to have been sometimes called the ' Mountain of the House.' The Talmud, which gives us the dimension of 500 cubits, also states, that " the Mount was far larger than 500 cubits square, but only so much was taken in for the holy ground. "|| This agrees with Ezekiel, xlii. 20, " It had a wall round about, five hundred (cubits) long, and five hundred broad, to make a separation hetiveen the Sanctuary and the profane place r which space round about is described in xlv. 2, as fifty cubits wide, the four corners of which appear to have been set apart for ' boiling-houses :' (xlvi. 23.) and it was possibly in these angles that John erected his towers : (Bell. iv. 9, § 12 :) and we should remember that it is said of the Temple built by Zerubbabel, from which, as we have seen, that of Herod diff'ered very little, that " the children of the captivity made the building according to the form that they saw in the building of Ezekiel, in divers things:" (JSlidr. 2, 3 ;)•[ and the * Dr. Lightfoot, in referring to the Talmud, states that the former temple differed but little from that of Herod. {Prospect of the Temple, x.) t Ant. XV. 11, § 5. X Ant. xx. 9, § 7, § Bell. i. 21 § 1. II Maim, in Beth Hahhechir, 5 ; quoted by Dr, Lightfoot, Prospect, &c. i. ^ Lightfoot, Prospect, &c. x. HEROD S TEMPLE. 443 Open space without the Temple seems alluded to, likewise, in Rev. xi. 2. I have supposed that Herod's enlargement of the area ex- tended on three sides of the temple, but should Mr. Fergusson insist on Solomon's Temple occupying the south-western angle of the present platform, the accompanying diagram will show that my theory is by no means injured by such arrangement. Having thus found the form and dimensions of the temple to be coincident with the width of the platform of the present Haram, our next difficulty, and perhaps an insuperable diffi- culty, occurs in the uncertainty of its position in the length of the platform. A choice is offered in the two equally " inge- nious" theories of Dr. Robinson and Mr. Williams, but Mr. Williams has shown that Antonia, as suggested by Dr. Robin- son, could not have occuj)ied the whole northern side of the Temple ; while his own theory of the substructions on the south of the Temple area being those of Justinian's church of the Virgin Mary, particularly described by Procopius, is so plausi- ble, that T might willingly have acquiesced in his opinion, were we to have agreed on other subjects. We arc informed that, " at first, the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy house, . . . but in future ages the people added new banks, and 444 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the ■wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed after- ward for the compass of the entire temple;" [Bell. v. 5, § 1;) " and on the south side rocks were laid together, and bound one to another with lead." [Ant. xv. H, § 3.) The excuse which Herod made for pulling down Zerubbabel's temple and rebuild- ing it was, that it did not equal the altitude of Solomon's temple by sixty cubits ;* it would seem, therefore, that Zerub- babel's temple was built upon the natural soil, but that Herod, in raising his temple had to do so by means of lofty substruc- tions. This we find confirmed by the Talmud. The temple was built over " arches upon arches;" [Beth Hahhechirah^ 5;)f and it seems probable that these substructions are referred to when, in the account of John's attack upon the temple, the zealots leaped down from their battlements, " and fled away into the subterranean vaults of the temple. "+ [Bell. v. 3, § 1.) *• Ant. XV. 11 § 1. I lA^iiiooi Prospect, etc., 1. "And the whole platform stood upon arches and pillars." [Chorog. Cent, xxvii.) \ Michaelis believes that these vaults served as magazines for the temple, and that here were stored up the wine, oil, corn, etc. which was annually collected as tithes and first-fruits. " Provision would also be made for warming the pavement of the temple, on which the priests had to walk with naked feet. That large vaults, used for a variety of purposes, existed under the temple, appears from Ezek. viii. 7-12: and it is probable that the immense annual poll- tax of silver and gold would be secured here in secret chambers, known only to a few of the chief priests. The treasury burnt during the siege, (^Bell. vi. 5, § 2,) was above ground, and not the real one; and as Titus found no treasure, and as all the chief priests were killed during the siege, it is possible that vast treasure yet remains concealed beneath the temple site." {Zerstreiite Kleine Schriften, pp. 436-452.) " It is probable that Jerusalem will one day be ex- plored and discoveries made, which will be of consequence, not only to the antiquary and the historian, but to the knowledge of the religious ceremonies connected with the Jewish temple; and future generations will perhaps dis- cover vaults, not only for warming the pavement of the temple, for preserving water, and for other purposes, but even for magazines and treasuries, in which during many centuries the temple-tax was deposited. It is even not impro- bable that inscriptions on wood or stone, perhaps copies of the Law, the Psalms Herod's temple. 445 We have seen that the fortress Antonia was situated in the north-western angle of the temple-area,* and that it was wholly within the area. It was originally called Baris,"]' and was built by the Maccabaean princes. It had flights of stairs leading down to the northern and western porticoes, and was divided from Bezetha by a " deep artificial valley. "+ This trench or valley has been thought to have been the pool of Bethesda, but its want of length must be fatal to the argument, § for it stops at the ' Governor's house,' which occupies a position outside of the present platform, || and which is thought to correspond with the site of Antonia. Thus then, the trench exists north of the supposed temple-area, where, though it probably did exist, it is not described; and it does not exist northward of the presumed Antonia, where it is described.^ But, while this objection occurs relative to the position of the artificial trench as held by these writers, an equal difficulty exists as to substituting a site in any other direction. And here it must be confessed lies the great difficulty of the ques- and the Prophets, preserved carefully in these vaults, may be found uninjured." (Miinter, Antiq. Abhandl. 87-90.) * Bell.-Y. 5, § 8; i. 21, § 1. f Bell. i. 3, § 3; Ant. xv. 11, § 4. It is by many writers identified with Nehem. ii. 8. <'The castle belonging to the temple," or "the castle of the house." X Bell. v. 4, § 2 ; i. 7, § 3. § The trench is described by Strabo as being 250 feet wide, and 70 feet in depth, (p. 763, lib. xvi.) The pool is 360 (with niches 460) long, 103 wide, and 75 deep. II While the external position of the governor's house is opposed to its occupying the site of Antonia, the raised platform of rock on which it stands is fatal to the theory of writers, who, with the exception of Dr. Robinson, all assume it to have been identical with Acra, — an evident absurdity ; for Josc- phus says that the rock of Acra was reduced, so as to be lotoer than the temple mount. The rock rises 25 to 30 feet above the level of the Haram. (Krafi't, Topog. Jerus., p. 12.) ^ " From the evidence produced by Mr. Wilde, the ' pool of Bethesda' cannot have been the fosse of the Temple." (K. von llaumer, Bibl. Geog., art. Paliis- tina, § 5.) 446 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. tion. Unless it can be shown that the trench was outside of the present platform, we must conclude that it lay across the Haram, though the hypothesis be incapable of proof while the Haram is in its present occupation. Nor is the supposition so improbable as it might at first appear. At the end of 913 feet from the S.E. angle, we find a break in the eastern wall,* and others occur beyond this point, though the 900 feet are in a straight line. And not only do the theories of Mr. Fer- gusson, who restricts the temple-area to 600 feet, but those of Dr. Schultz, Herr Krafft, and others, who believe Antonia to be identical with Acra, require a trench in this direction.t My attention not having been directed to the point when at Jerusalem, I feel myself fortunate in procuring evidence from one of my opposers — the Prussian Consul at Jerusalem, who thinks he " can perhaps even now detect the traces of the artificial filling in of the valley which formerly separated Acra from the Temple-mount, running across the parallelogram of the present Haram, and which indeed is indicated by the character of the soil towards the eastern side of the area.":}: Krafi't also sup- ■^ H. C, ii. 358, 314, and 355. f Mr. "Williams gets out of this dilemma by the more awkward position of the Asamona;an valley in another direction. \ " So muss das Thai, welches ehedem Akra vom Tempelberge trennte, mitten durch das parallelogramm gegangen sein, welches auf dem Platz -den Umfang des heutigen Haram angiebt ; und in der That ist auf der Ostseite desselben an der betrefFenden Stelle der Boden von solcher Beschaffenheit, das sich vielleicht noch jelzt die Spuren der Kiinstlichen Ausfiillung erkennen lassen. (Schultz, Jerus., p. 55.) This would be rendered impossible, if we believe a statement in the Walks about Jerusalem, (pp. 156, 157,) to the effect that " The Serraiyah or government house .... rests upon a precipice of rock which formerly swept down abruptly, and has ob-vdously been cut away to form the level below, which also bears marks of having been scarped. The natural foundation of rock extends beyond the great mosque seen in the centre, and then the hill slopes away." Mr. Bartlett, however, has not been within the area, and the statement rests upon an observation by Mr. Catherwood, that the " site occupied by the temple was originally called Mount Moriah, and declined steeply from the N.W. towards the S.E. ; and in order to render it applicable Herod's temple. 447 poses a valley to have run across the platform of the Haram.* I am therefore inclmecl to believe, that a trench formerly existed across the line of the present Haram, and that this ditch, at the time of Pompey's siege, was " filled up, though but rudely, by reason of its immense depth,"f and that it has been subse- quently more completely filled in. And I am the more inclined to this opinion, because we nowhere read of a wet fosse in the account of the siege, and because the cement lining is an evi- dent indication:}: of the ' Pool of Bethesda' having formed an ancient pool or reservoir§ within the city Bezetha. Indeed, according to some traditions, it is called a " pool of Hezekiah." Till the area of the Haram, therefore, has been carefully ex- amined, I am disposed to concur with Robinson, KrafFt, and Fergusson,in considering that the Temple occupied the southern portion of the present enclosure. In disputing the position of Antonia as the rock on which now exists the Serraiyah, it is requisite to find another rock rising above the general level of the area, for in all accounts of this fortress we find such an elevation to be expressed. This requirement is afforded us in the venerated Sakhrah with the for the building of a magnificent temple, it was necessary to cut away a con- siderable portion of the rock at the N.W., and raise the ground at the S.E. angle, Both of these works still exist, and in perfect preservation." {Walks about Jerus., p. 175.) Mr. Catherwood, it is very evident, is here quoting Josephus, rather than giving us his own topographical opinion : and so far from the rock being apparent, " the outer court of the Haram Schereef is a fine smooth level space all round the stoa Sakhara, falling with a gentle slope towards the east, and covered with a thick sward of grass, with orange, olive, cypress, and other trees." (Robert Richardson, M.D., Travels along the Mediterra?iea7i, ii. 292.) Mr. Bonomi describes it as an "expanse of verdure sprinkled with trees." (Ed. Hogg, M.D., Visit to Alexandria, etc., ii. 270.) * See his plan, and p. 79 Topog. Jenisalem^s. f Jos. Ant. xiv. 4, § 2. The filling in is more completely described in Bell. i. 7, § 3, together with the difficulty of so doing, and the amazing labour employed. J See also Lord Nugent, Lands Class, and Sac, pp. 46, 47. § Bib. Res. i. 434 ; //. C. ii. 325. 448 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. platform of rock on which it stands.* Thus we read of the Roman forces under Sabinus leaping out into the temple area to quell the tumult of the Jews ; and")* of Julian the centurion leaping out from the tower of Antonia, in order to inspire courage into the minds of the Romans :% and on Titus's pre- paration to storm the Temple, we are told he proposed to go doivn to the Temple area at the head of his forces. § So again, in the New Testament, we read of the chief captain and centu- rions who ran doivn unto the people in the outer court of the Temple; and of Paul's addressing the people //'o^^e tlie stairs; and of Paul's being brought down again on the morrow, when, by reason of the great disturbance, the chief captain com- manded tlie soldiers to go doivn to his rescue. || This ascent from the outside of 50 cubits, and descent within towards the Temple area, must have caused a serious obstruction to the advance of a large body of Romans,^ though it afforded those within it a safe refuge from the attacks of the Jews ; and thus we see the reason why the Romans had not force sufficient to advance, nor the Jews power enough to compel them to retreat. But though the lower story of Antonia was raised above the level of the temple-area, with which it communicated by flights of steps descending from the tower,** it might have been on a level, or nearly so, with the galleries of the porticoes, and thus have afforded a ready access to the whole area. To cut off this connection, the Jews set fire to the ■* The platform of the Sakhrah is 12 feet above the level of the Haram, and the Sakhrah rises to an additional height of 17 feet. (KrafFt, Topog. Jerusalem^ s, s. 69.) t Bell. ii. 3, § 2. J Id. vi. 1, § 8. § Id. vi. 2, § 5. II Acts xxi. 32, 35, 40; xxii. 30; xxiii. 10, 20. ^ It is said to rise 20 feet above the platform. H. C. i. 174; ii. 324. ** Bell. V. 5, § 8. This circumstance may explain how Antonia was still occupied by Titus even after the fortress had been razed, as an elevated plat- form of rock from which he could conveniently superintend the action of his troops. (Jos. Bell. vi. 2, § 1, 7; vi. 4, § 4, 5.) herod's temple. 449 porticoes,* and destroyed 35 cubits in length ; and then con- cealing combustible materials between the timbers they feigned a retreat, and induced the Romans first to descend from Antonia to the temple area, — the communication of the porticoes being now cut oif, — and then to scale the galleries of the porticoes by means of ladders ; but being enveloped in flame, they leaped down into the city, (the Tyropoeon,) and on to the pavement, and were dashed to pieces, t These porticoes were works to be admired both on account of their magnitude and costliness ;+ they were vast works of the highest value and esteem, adorned with deep sculptures in cedar-wood,§ curiously wrought with many sorts of figures,! | and enriched with gold laid on with wax.^ In the Temple described by Ezekiel, the porticoes are described as consisting of three stages or galle- ries.**^ In order to remedy the impediment just narrated, Titus gave orders to destroy the fortress and to demolish its foundations, so that a ready passage might be afforded for his army.f-j* Thus was fulfilled the prophecy of the four-square plan of the enclosure. Battering-rams were then brought to play against the walls of the inner courts, which were 40 cubits in height on the outside, and 25 within. These were surmounted by porticoes as in the outer court, but not so large :++ thus these porticoes were a strong defence,§§ and the whole Temple was built in the nature of a citadel, the several courts rising one above the other, and the Temple itself being elevated 100 cubits. |||| The wall of the second court was of such strength that the battering rams battered the wall for six days incessantly with- * Bell. vi. 2, § 9. The Jews defended themselves effectually against Florus, by the same means, Bell, ii, 15, § 5, 6 ; ii. 16, § 5. t Bell. vi. 3, § 1. X ii. 3, § 3. § Ant. xv..ll, § 5. II Bell. V. 5, § 2, see II. Chron. ix. 11. % Ant. xvii. 10, § 2. ** Ezek. xli. 16; xlii. 3. ff Bell. vi. 2, § 1, 7. %% vi. 5, § 2. §§ Tacitus, Hist. v. 12; Joseph Bell. iv. 9, § 12. |||| Bell. v. 5, § 5. 460 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. out producing the slightest eifect.* The gates of the inner court are said to have been 30 cubits in height, and plated with gold and silver : the East Gate was of Corinthian brass, and 40 cubits in height, and required twenty men to close it.f This inner court was adorned with porticoes, but the columns were of less height. IX. Golgotha was situate in the Valley of Hinnom ; and the Tomb of Joseph of Arimathea was among the neighbouring rocks. This proposition I attempt to show by the prophecy of Jeremiah, already referred to. The passage, as given in the more literal translation of Dr. Henderson stands thus ::|: — "Behold, the days come, saith Jehovah, That the city shall be built for Jehovah, From the Tower of Hananeel to the Corner Gate. And there shall yet go forth the measuring line, Right along over the hill Gareb, And it shall wind round to Goatha. And all the valley of the dead bodies and the ashes, And all the fields, — to the brook Kidron, To the corner of the Horse Gate, towards the sun-rise, Shall be holy to Jehovah. "§ That the passage is descriptive of the restoration of Israel must readily be admitted from an examination of the context, and it is probable even that the square form exhibited by the prophet Ezekiel is here pre-figured. The chief difficulty in the interpretation occurs in the position of the hill Gareb, and secondarily in the completion of the square. I might content myself with referring to former writers for * Bell. vi. 4, § 1. f vi. 5, § 3. \ The word " Goath" has been changed to Goatha, in conformity with the translations of Calmet, Lightfoot, Dr. Blayney, and other authorities : and a dash has been inserted after the word "fields." § Rev. E. Henderson, D.Ph., Book of the Prophet Jerem. 8vo. Lond., 1851. GOLGOTHA. 451 the position of Gareb, as the position which they advocate* coincides with that required by my own hypothesis ; but I fear that such position has been selected without authority, — for none is referred to, — and that it has been fixed upon solely with the view of making Goathat work in with the vicinity of the presumed Golgotha. Gareb signifies a leper ^ and it therefore indicates the hill where the lepers had their habitation ; who were compelled by the Mosaic law to reside outside the city, and to live together as a separate community. + The only confirma- tion that I can find of this hill being to the North-west of the * Adrichomius places Gareb to the north of the city. {Theatrum Terr. Sanct,, 108, b.) Villalpandus assigns it to the north-west. {Apjmr. Urb. ac TenipU Hieros., p. 19 a, lib. i. 6: and plan, pp. 71, 72.) Psalmanazar makes the ' Corner Gate' identical with the ' Old Gate,' which he supposed was towards the north-west of the city," where stood the hills Gareb and Goath." {^Append, to Hist, of Jews in Univ. Hist. iv. 237.) Vitringa agrees in a N.W, location: — " Flexus a septentrione ad occiduum est apud Garef." (Comm. in lesaiam, pars ii. p. 194 n. a.) Dahler, to the same effect, "La coline de Gareb doit avoir ete situe hors des murs de la villa, peut-etre a I'extremite du cote septen- trional, vers I'ouest." {Jeremie, sect. xlv. p. 288.) Bachiene, {Hist, und Geog. Beschr. von Paldstina, ii. § 136, ss. 307, 308,) the Jesuit Besson, (Za Syrie Sainte, ii. 66,) and of recent writers, Wilde, {Narrative of a Voy. p. 262,) Krafft, {Jerus. p. 158,) and Bannister, [Survey of the Holy Land,) place it on the north-west. Jerome and Lyranus interpret the whole passage in a mystical manner. (Hieron. Comm. in Esaiam, lib. v. Nicolaus de Lyra, Postilla.) The latter author says of Gareb, " id est montem Calvaricc, ubi Christus fuit passus." Michaelis assigns it to the north of the city. {Obs. phil. et crit. in Jerem. p. 255.) The Capuchin commentators on Les Propheties de Jeremie, (Par. 1780,) state, " cette coline etoit vers I'occidcnt;" and Fergusson makes it a portion of Bezetha, without specifying the particular position. (Jerusalem, p. 68.) The last-mentioned writer cannot be accused of placing it here out of respect to the accepted site of Golgotha; Lightfoot, alone, places it on the south side of the valley of Hinnom. (Animad. in Tab. Chorog. Hieros. x. 403.) f Venema is the only commentator who assigns to Goatha a different locality: he places it to the south of Zion, ' usque ad collem Gareb, et Goatham usque circuibit.' " Per latus totum occidentale, duobus coUibus definitum, altero versus septentrionem, altero versus meridionem." (Ilermani Venema, Comm. ad lib. Jerem., xxxi. 39.) X Lightfoot: Krafft, Jerusalem, p. 158. Lev. xiii. 40; Numb. v. 3. 452 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. city, occurs in the fact that on the occasion of the leprosy being departed, the leper had to shew himself to the priests in a chamber of the Temple towards the Xorth-west.* On the other hand, Dr. Lightfoot's position, on the South of the Valley of Hinnom, is supported by the circumstance that the ' Lepers' huts ' in the modern city, are on the South of Mount Zion, though he does not ground his opinion on that circumstance. "f" But the most satisfactory argument for a Xorth-westerly position is that afforded by the prophecy itself; and assuming it as a fact, I vnl\ now proceed to explain the passage. The Prophet gives us four dimensions — two from Xorth to South, and two from "West to East. He first gives us the extent of the city on the Eastern side measured from North to South ; then that of the West side, measured in like manner : after which he gives us the Northern side, measured from "West to East ; and then the South side in like manner. He begins at the Tower of Hananeel.J from which he describes the first extension of the city, which is to the ' Corner Gate.' This can be no otlier than the South point of Ophel, which is in an imme- diately opposite direction to the starting-point, and which spot we know, from Xehemiah, to have been occupied by a ' corner gate.' Then starting from Gareb, we naturally find Goatha on the South-west of the city. The Prophet next describes the "\"alley of Hinnom, " the valley of dead bodies and (the valley) of ashes," in this same South-western quarter, after which he returns to the Xorth-east, and describes the " fields," for this is the only portion of the suburbs where fields can be found ; — * Lightfoot, Temple Service, x^■ii. 4. f It is possible that the ' Sepulchre' advocates may seize this argument, in order to prove Golgotha to be on the north : but not only is this position at va- riance with the construction of the latter part of the prophecy, but Goatha could not, by any possibility, be assigned to so central a position as that of the ' Sepulchre.' X Turris ayigulus Hananeel. (Drusius Vet. Int. Gr. Frag, quoting Theo- doretus.) GOLGOTHA. 40 o from thence he crosses over to the brook Kidron, at the North- east of the city ; and then gives us the remaining dimension (from the ' Valley of dead bodies ' which he had previously men- tioned) to the " corner of the Horse Gate at the sun-rise." The Horse Gate is mentioned instead of the Prison Gate, in con- sequence of its being the most Easterly point of the city. The word Goath, or Goatha, is considered by Psalmanazar* to be identical with the Golgotha of the New Testament. This identification has been accepted by modern writers, as indeed it was asserted by earlier authors, who all unite in considering that Goatha is the spot upon which took place the crucifixion of our Lord.t Golgotha is supposed to have been the place of public exe- cution. + It being specified that a garden existed in its vicinity, has been considered a confirmation of its being near to the gate Gennath, which signifies a garden : but this gate adjoined the palace of Herod, which we are informed by Josephus con- tained " porticoes, and groves of trees with long walks through * Univ. Hist. vol. iv. p. 237: Dissert, on the Temple, xlviii. 10. The Latin word Calvaria also signifies a skull. f " Mens Calvarise, Hebraice, Golgotha alias Goatha dictus." (Adricho- mius, Theatrum Terr. Sanct. 175 a.) "Goatha vero esse Calvariae locum, ubi est sanctissimum Domini sepulchrum, est plurium sententia." (Quaresmius, Elucid. Terr. Sanct. ii. 515, b. Lib. v. Per. ii. cap. 14. " Iste videtur ills locus quem Isaia (xix.) dicit Golgotha." (Nic. de Lp-a, Postilla.) Villalpan- dus, Apparat. urh. ac Tempi. Hieros. 19. a; and 33 a, lib. i. 6 and 8. Vi- tringa, Comm. in Isaiam, Pars ii. p. 194, n. a. B. Lamy, Apparatus. Geog. xiii. 3, p. 321. Psalmanazar, Mod. Univ. Hist. iv. 282. Blayney in Jerem. xxxi. 39. Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 434. Krafft, Jerus. pp. 158, 159. Wilde, Narrative, p. 234. X Golgotha, alias Goatha, in quo noxii, publico judicio damnati, extreme supplicio plectebantur, ubi quovis tempore, sicuti circa patibula videre est, passim jacebant Calvariae ossa viscera et sanies hominum suspensorum, decol- latonim, vel alio mortis genere occisorum. (Adrichomius, Theatr. Terr. Sane, 175 a.) " Yallem Cadaverum, sic nominatam quia ibi punicbantur ad mortem judicati : quoque cadavera ibi remanebant, et eadem ratione dicitur regie mortis et cineres." (Nic. de L)Ta, Postilla.) Hieron. in Math, xxvii. 33. Krafil, Je- rusalem, pp. 28, 158, 170. Besides many other authorities. 454 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. them,"* and it seems probable that the gate took its name from these gardens of the palace."!* ^^ i^ ^^'^^ ^^^^ gardens were planted all round Jerusalem, for none were allowed within the city:{: — the royal palace, of course, being an exception. It was among such gardens that Titus was entangled on the occasion of his surveying the walls of the city.§ This was near the tower of Psephinus, by the women's towers : but it seems pro- bable, we might almost say certain, that the principal gardens lay along the valleys round about the city, where they could be most easily watered by the streams of Gihon and the Kidron. We read of one such garden at Gethsemane in the eastern valley, and of the king's gardens in the valley of Siloah on the south-east ; but one of the most favorable spots in the vicinity of the city, for garden purposes, appears to have been the southern valley, on account of the rocky character of its sides, and the consequent shade which it would obtain. Here was situated Tophet, or the pleasant valley^W for the original mean- * Bell, V. 4, § 4. \ Villalpandus, Apparatus Urb. ac Tempi., 215 b., lib. iii. 26. \ Ligbtfoot, Chorog. Cent., xxi. vol. x. p. 46. § Jos., Bell., v. 2, § 2. II S. Jerome says, " Sua primaria significatione voluptuosum amoenumque locum significat." " Locus erat in suburbanis Jerusalem .... amoenissimus .... viridaris et hortis consitus, totusque nemorosus ac deliciis plenus." (Hie- ron., in Jerem., vii. 19, 32;) Brocardus, Itin. 6; Adrichomius, Theatrum Terr. Sane, 169 b. Villaljiandus, among other derivations, gives that of HS* japhah, beauty. {Apparatus, 213 b., lib. iii. 23.) He also allows that the name may be derived from a drum ; but in order to preserve the antithesis, he supposes it to have been a joyful instrument : " Dicendum arbitramur, non tantum propter ejusmodi tympana dictam vallem Topheth, sive tym- pani ; verum etiam propter festiva tympana, quae in hortis, amoenisque ejus vallis lucis, ac locis choreas ducentes, vel idolis, vel sibi ipsis indulgentes hila- riter tangere consueverant Hierosol}Tnitani cives," referring to Isaiah xxiv. 8; (^Id., 99 b., lib. ii. 13;) and describes it as "locum deliciis et voluptatibus repletum," comparing the antithesis to Job xvii. 6. (Lib. iii. 24.) So also Quaresmius, [£leuc. Terr. Sanct., lib. iv. Pereg. vii. 18, vol. ii. 277 a,) and the Capuchin commentators on Les PropliHies de Jerhnie, 12 Par. 1780. "Forte sic dici potuit, quod cum vallis amoena esset, ut credibile 'est, et testatur Hiero- nymus, delectioni honestse civium Hierosolymitanorum, a tympanistriis, cytha- GOLGOTHA. " 455 ing of the name undoubtedly had an antithetical signification to that which it afterwards obtained, though the circumstance is lost sight of by all recent commentators.* This meaning is corroborated by the actual appearance of the valley of Ilinnom, which is described by writers who were unconscious of the pre- ceding fact, as " planted with olive and other fruit trees, and in some places tilled,... the southern hill is steep, rocky and full of tombs. "t It is " a pleasant shaded valley. "J " It lay to the west of the city, winding to the south. "§ St. Jerome, who knew its ancient character, speaks of Tophet as " a pleasant spot in the valley of Hinnom, with trees and gardens watered from. Siloam."|| This opinion as to its former fruitfulness is confirmed by Isaiah, (xvii. 5.) This consideration of the name of Tophet leads us naturally to examine the nature of the predictions respecting it. " Therefore, behold, the day's come, saith the Lord, that it shall no more be called Tophet, nor the Valley of the son of Hinnom, but the Valley of Slaugh- ter: for they shall bury in Tophet, till there be no place." Jerem. vii. 32.; xix. 6. We are told in another passage of the same prophet, (xix. 2,) that " the valley of the son of Hinnom was by the entry (or opposite) to the gate Harsith," (or as it is in our Bibles, the East Gate, and in the margin the Sun Gate.) The Vulgate translates Harsith by Porta fictilis, deriving it from a ^wtsherd;^ rsedis, fidicinis, more Veterum excitandae inservierit." (Vitringa, Comm. in Iesaiam,r\ * By these it is generally derived from loathing, abhorrence, spitting on; though by some, from the beating of drums used to drown the voices of Moloch's victims. Gesenius, Ewald, and some others, derive it from a burning, and subsequently burying. t Bibl. Res., i. 404. X Bonar and M'Cheyne, Narrative of a Mission of Inquiry to the Jews, in 1839. § BlajTiey, Jerem., xxxi. 40. II Hieron., Comm. (lib. ii.) in Jerem. vii. 32. But it would seem that he refers to the gardens at the conjunction of the valleys of Hinnom and Jchosha- phat. But in another place, lib. iv. cap. xix. 2, he places the valley opposite to the Dung Gate. ^ It is remarkable that in each prophecy relating to this valley, the prophet VOL. II. H H 456 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. in which opinion Grotius coincides, considering that potsherds were cast out from this gate. The Chaldee paraphrast inter- prets it Dung Gate* Here then is another confirmation of the position of the gates as recorded by Nehemiah. — But we have to consider the nature of the prophecy. The valley of Hinnom had been selected for the sacrifice to the god Moloch : it was here that " they burned their sons and their daughters in the fire." To divert the efi'ects of God's wrath Josiah "defiled the high places ; . . .he brake in pieces the images, and cut down the groves, and filled the places with the bones of men."f But shortly afterwards we find the prophet predicting the vengeance of God on the Jews on account of their conti- nued idolatries. + The punishment was to consist in the destruc- tion of their city, and the conversion of the pleasant vale of Tophet into a vast Necropolis ;§ which, from the horrible sacri- fices formerly there consummated, took the name of Gehenna,|| and became a picture of hell or the grave.^ Thus we see the takes for his imagery the fragment of a potter's vessel, being the object most appropriate to the locality. " He shall break it as the breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces, so that there shall not be found in the burst- ing of it a sherd to take fire from the hearth, or to take water ^^'ithal out of the pit." (Isaiah xxx. 14.) "Take a potter's earthen vessel and go unto the valley of the son of Hinnom, by the Gate of Potsherds, .... and break the bottle and say Even so will I break this people and this city, as one breaketh a potter's vessel, that cannot be made whole again." (Jerem. xix. 1, 2, 10, 11.) * Blayney, Jeremiah xix. 2. f 2 Kings xxiii. 10, 13, 14. Adrichomius, Theatr, Terr. Sane, 170 a. I Jerem. vii. xix. § See a long description of this Necropolis in Williams's Holt/ City, 2nd edit. The tomb of Joseph of Arimathea would probably be in that part of the valley of Hinnom, which immediately adjoined the place of capital punishment. The cave of Machpelah was in a garden. Gen. xxiii. 17. II This change of name by a slight difference of spelling, as from Gehinnom to Gehenna, was very common among the Jews. A well-kno^^Tl example occurs in the Jewish rebel, Bar-cochba, Son of a star, who on his defeat had his name changed to Bar-coziba, Son of a lie. *l Matth. V. 22, 29, 30; x. 28; xviii. 9; xxiii. 15, 33. Mark Ix. 43, 45, 47. Luke xii. 5. James iii. 6. Is. xxxiii. 14. GOLGOTHA. 457 appropriateness of its descriptron, in the prophecy relating to the re-establishment of the city, as the " Valley of the dead honest* But another, and a more remarkable prophecy connected with this valley, is delivered by the prophet Isaiah : — "For Tophet is ordained of old; yea for the King it is prepared; he hath made it deep and large : the pile thereof is fire and much wood, the breath of the Lord, like a stream of brimstone, doth kindle it." Is. xxx. ult. From the reference to the Assyrians in the verse immediately preceding, this passage has been, with few exceptions,-]* con- sidered to point to the destruction of Sennacherib's hosts. + * " This was imdoubtedly the valley of Hinnom, so called from its being made a common burial place, and a receptacle for the rubbish and filth of the city." (Blayney, Jeremiah, xxxi. 40.) f "It is emblematical of the destruction of the Assyrians and' of Antichrist y (Rev. E. Henderson, D. Ph. Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Isaiah.) " The prophecy in Jeremiah has reference to the Jews ; and that in Isaiah to their enemies." (Rev. Alex. Keith, M.A., Isaiah as it is.) J "The sense is, that the armies of the Assyrians would be completely de- stroyed, as it were, by a large pile of wood in the valley of Hinnom — the seat of the worship of Moloch — the cries of whose victims were drowned by the beating of drums, {tophim.) Tophet was afterwards a receptacle for filth and dead bodies, and to prevent contagion fires were kept constantly kindled. Thus it * was ordained' that Hezekiah should pollute this valley, fitting up this place as ifiox the appropriate punishment of the Assyrians; for Sennacherib advanced from the N. or N.E. ' For the King it is prepared.' For Hezekiah, as if hy his order. The meaning is, that the destruction of the Assyrians would as really come from Jehovah as if he should by his own agency ignite the vast piles that were collected in the valley of Hinnom." (A. Barnes, Notes on the book of Isaiah, xxx. 33.) " The term is used for the place of destruction of the Assyrian host, by a metonymy.'" (Bp. Lowth, Isaiah xxxiii. 14.) "The destruc- tion of Sennacherib is likened to a burning of bodies on a funeral pile. It can- not, therefore, refer to the Jews." (Prof. Joseph Addison Alexander, Earlier Prophecies of Isaiah.) This, however, does not follow, for the bodies of the Kings of Judah appear to have been burnt, in the Plioenician manner, after the time of Asa. See II. Chron. xxi. 19, and compare Michaelis ^Syn/a^mo Comm. p. 225. (Comment, de combust, ct humat. mortuorum apud Hebrtcos.) Hitzig, Hcndewerk, Calmet, Jahn, Docdcrlcin, Schcgg, and Dahlcr refer it to Senna- cherib : Vitringa and Berthier refer it figuratively to Sennacherib, and ultimately HH 2 458 ON THE TRUE SITE OF CALVARY. But the site of that event is clearly indicated by Scripture as having occurred on the N.E. of the city ;* and it is therefore impossible to believe that the event is referred to, even by a metonymy. But, while the commencement of the chapter is an imprecation of God's judgment upon the Jews for their manifokl transgressions, the remainder of the chapter, from the 18th to the 26th verse is a promise of their ultimate restora- tion. It is not a promise of temporary relief from a threaten- ing and afflicting foe, but of ultimate and permanent triumph over all their enemies. Zion shall be re-established, her teachers shall not be removed into a corner any more, the produce of her fields shall be fat and plenteous. Bivers of water shall flow from the hills round about " in the day of the great slaughter, when the towers fall." " Moreover, the light of the moon shall "be as the light of the sun, and the light of the sun shall be sevenfold, as the light of seven days, in the day that the Lord hindetli up the breach of his people, and healeth the stroke of their ivoundy Then follows an indication of God's judgment against the nations, from the 27th to the 30th verse, " sifting the nations with the sieve of vanity," after which is the trans- ient allusion to Assyria, which country is put in a synechdochal manner for the nations at large, and the chapter closes with the prophecy of the preparations for the final judgment of the nations in the valley of Jehosaphat, which as we see in other passages is put not only for the valley of Hinnom, but for all the valleys and hills about the city.t The word Jehosaphat is said to be derived from Jehovah-shaphat, signifying the judgment of Jehovah: a signification which is confirmed by another name given to the valley, the ' Valley of Decision.' (Joel iii. 14.) It to Hell: "Topheth hoc in loco sensu spirituali notat locum suppllcii Assyriis ex ira Dei ardente infligendi; perinde ac Gehenna notat locum supplicii repro- borum." (Vitringa, Comm. in lesaiam xxx. 33, vol. ii. 194 b.) Qilcolampa- dius, following Jerome, makes it relate exclusively to hell. Cjnril interprets it as the casting of Satan into hell. (Comm. in Hesaiam, lib. iii. tom. iii. p. 207.) * Is. X. 32, as quoted by Albert Barnes, Isaiah, ad loc. f See Joel, ch. iii. GOLGOTHA. 459 would therefore be a general name, comprehending the valley of Hinnom, in accordance with other Scripture prophecies. " Tophet is ordained of old : for the Icing it is jrrejmredy " The place was appointed from the creation of the world, rather, I should say, from the beginning of creation, when Christ was ' declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the Spirit of holiness'."* In this ' Valley of slaughter shall the nations be gathered together, and " they shall look on him whom they pierced."f Isidor connects this place of judgment with Calvary^ — referring it, of course, to the mythical Calvary or Golgotha. Jerome, Adrichomius, and Villalpandus, believe that the ' Valley of the dead bodies' — which they place between the reputed Golgotha and the supposed wall of the city — was the spot where the bodies and bones of those who had been crucified on Golgotha were cast away : § while the latter author, with Lamy,|| places this Golgotha, or place of capital punishment, opposite to the Dung Gate,^ (though he supposed this to have *" Quaresmius, Elucid. Terrce Sanctce, ii. 435 a. Lib. v. Per. i. c. 32. f Id. ii. 154 b. Lib. iv. Per. v. c. 3, quoting Zach. xii. 10. \ De Nativitate, 61. " Hac Porta Stercoraria Dominus qui induerat sordcs nostras, ut sanguine sue nos lavaret, ductus videtur ad mortem Calvarise in quo passus est." (Bern. Lamy, Appar. Geocj. xiii. 3, p. 321.) § Hieron. Comm. in Jerem. xxxi. 39: Villalpandus, Apparatus, 33 a, b, lib. i. 8. " Vallis Cadaverum quae inter montem Calvaria) et moenia Jerusalem sita est, nomen inde habens, quod ibi cadavera, ossa, et cincres eorum, qui in Monte Calvariae morte puniti, aut combusti erant, projicebantur. Quamobrem, et milites Christi crucifixores, postquam latronum qui cum Christo crucifixi erant, fregissent crura, ob iminentem vesperam et diem festum, corum cadavera ct cruces, simul et Christi jam sepulti Crucem ac titulum in banc vallcm pra.%^ /titnou'y WO REFERENCES '"'^' '-,^ / 1. ifi'itiiini/i/ 1 1 tJii Hull, I'm ./ / /;/ '-'•- 2. f7uircii. or ate iJnlit !- . . . . ^V tapp .i'ni/e i*t' Feet. 1 . *.*"*' :&=S^ „ Xnile ,JtMiiili,i 1 2 ] ^^-^Kl 171 (XIX.) APPENDIX. "While the foregoing sheets were passing through the press, the writer received from abroad SchafFter's work " On the True Site of the Holy Sepulchre," the title of which being so identical with his own paper, he thought himself called upon to examine and report upon the book itself. At the same time, Dr. Tob'- ler's work on " Golgotha, its Churches and Convents," fell into his hands ; and, through this book, he became aware* of the " Descriptive Geography, and Brief Historical Sketch, of Palestine," by Rabbi Joseph Schwarz ; and ulti- mately, a few days only before the end of the month, he received a visit from Dr. Zimpel, from whom he took a copy of his " New local and topographical Exposition of the Holy City, Jerusalem, the Capital of the "World." On each of these works it is requisite to say a few words. 1. Ai/BEKT ScHAFfTER, "V.D.M. Die Aechte Lage des heiligen Grabes. 8vo. Bern, 1849. This book, which I had anticipated would be an able supporter of my opi- nions, if not a precursor of my theory, I find to be written with " the object of enfeebling the doubts as to the authenticity of the localities now pointed out as connected with the Holy Sepulchre." {Einleitung, iv.) The map of Jerusalem which accompanies this notice of his essay, has been copied by the Anastatic process ; so that it will, at the same time, serve to exhibit his argument, and afford proof of the general delineation of the ground, as exhibited in my plan. Its chief peculiarity is the limitation of Acra, or the Lower City, to the supposed * Those acquainted with German literature must be struck with the great variety of notes, and the intimate acquaintance with the works connected with the subject treated of, in any particular book. This is, in great measure, owing to the existence of Classified Catalogues in all the public libraries of the country. It is much to be regretted that no such catalogue exists in the library of the British Museum. Such a catalogue was in preparation some years ago, and three parts finished, when the annual sum appropriated to the purpose was withdrawn by the liberal policy of Lord Melbourne's administration. VOL. II. I I 472 APPENDIX. site of Antonia, — a space which, as measured by the plan, is equal to about one-fourth part of Eussell-square. In his text, however, he supposes Acra and Moriah to form but one hill, (" wirklich 7nir einen Bery, nur einen Hiigelzug,^^) (15, 16, 29.) This he considers that he is able to assert "without hesitation, and with the greatest certainty," (13,) and he actually alleges as an argument against Dr. Robinson's plan, the non-compliance with this supposed axiom. He acknowledges that the fourteen towers described by Josephus as encircling the Lower City, cannot be placed round his Acra ; but then he imagines Jose- phus to be under a mistake. (44.) He forgets to explain how it is that Josephus could so circumstantially describe Acra with its fourteen towers, and then An- tonia with its four corner, and one great central tower ; but perhaps he would say, — and he would do so with great truth, — Josephus must have been " think- ing of something else" when he wrote this. But it is astonishing that the author does not reflect that whether or no Antonia did ever bear the name of Acra, it existed as the castle of Antonia in the time of Josephus, and that Mount Moriah was then occupied by the Temple. Where then could his Lower City have existed ? He has not room even for a single house ! Neither will it avail him to say that he shows the commencement of the Second Wall consider- ably to the westward, and that there was room for the city in that direction ; for he quotes Josephus in saying, " die Unterstadt sei auf Akra gestanden." (14.) We have Mr. Williams to thank for this grievous distortion of Jose- phus's description. The author supposes the Lower City, (Acra,) to have been destroyed and lowered by the Asamonaeans, (14,) the absurdity of which notion I have already shown. {Ante, p. 436.) But we see the reason for this deter- mined endeavour to shift the situation of Acra, for he states, — "If the hill Acra were, as Robinson supposes, the hill lying north of Zion, which hill is the pro- longation and extremity of a broad tongue of land lying northward from the commencement of the "Valley of Hinnom, and stretching down into the north- west portion of the city, then w'ould our opinion of the identity of the Holy Sepulchre be entirely groundless, and the controversy respecting it be for ever terminated. For if the rocky spur projecting from the west, and upon which stands the neighbouring church of the Holy Sepulchre, belonged to Acra, then must another site be sought for the Holy Sepulchre in lieu of that which is now pointed out, and one, moreover, outside of the walls of the ancient Jerusalem," (12.) But let us suppose that Acra existed where he has shown it, how is it pos- sible for him to draw a line of valley which shall, at the same time, (as Josephus describes,) separate Acra from Bezetha, and Acra from Moriah? Is it not evi- dent to everybody, that, in order to comply with this condition, Bezetha and Moriah must be on one and the same side of the valley, and Acra on the other ? Is it not also extraordinary, that, with what these writers acknowledge as " a broad valley running down from the Damascus Gate," they do not see that this PLAN OF JERUSALEM. (From Schaffter's Achte La^e des Hetlt^en Grabe^.) js-mip •prrTTTifflnw-TWHJf 'LT. ilontion : TRiJBNER & CO., 1-2, PATERNOSTER ROW. GETTY CENTER LIBRARY 3 3125 00131 5460