Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/helleniccivilizaOObots Records of Civilization SOURCES AND STUDIES EDITED BY JAMES T. SHOTWELL, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN COLLABORATION WITH FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS, Ph.D., LL.D. JULIUS A. BEWER, PH.D. PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY AND THE HISTORY CIVILIZATION IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR OF OLD TESTAMENT EXEGESIS IN UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY MUNROE SMITH, J.U.D., LL.D. PROFESSOR OF ROMAN LAW AND COMPARATIVE JUKISPRUDENCE IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY WILLIAM R. SHEPHERD, PH.D. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY CARLTON H. HAYES, Ph.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ELLERY C. STOWELL, Ph.D. ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL LAW IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY GEORGE W. BOTSFORD, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY HAROLD H. TRYON, M.A., B.D. INSTRUCTOR IN NEW TESTAMENT AND CHURCH HISTORY IN UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1920 All rights reserved RECORDS OF CIVILIZATION SOURCES AND STUDIES EDITED BY JAMES T. SHOTWELL A COMPREHENSIVE SERIES CONSISTING OF DOCUMENTS IN TRANSLATION COMMENTARIES AND INTERPRETATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHICAL GUIDES Eor titles of volumes, see list at end of this volume. IRecorfcs of Civilisation: Sources anfc Studies HELLENIC CIVILIZATION EDITED BY G. W. BOTSFORD PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY AND E. G. SIHLER PROFESSOR OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN NEW YORK UNIVERSITY WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM Professor William L. Westermann (University of Wisconsin) Charles J. Ogden, Ph,D., and others COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1920 All rights reserved Copyright, 191 5, By COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS. Set up and electrotyped. Published August, 1915. NortoooO iPress J. S. Cushing Co. — Berwick : La chaste Sappho de Lesbos et le movement feme- niste a Athenes au IV* siecle avant J.-C. (Paris, 191 1) ; Paulides, I. I., 2a.7r<£a> yj MvTiXrjvoLLa (Leipzig, 1885), doctorate dissertation in modern Greek; Reinach, Th., "Nouveaux fragments de Sappho," in Rev. des et. gr. XV (1902). 60-70; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, V., Sappho und Simonides: Untersuchungen uber griechische Lyriker (Weidmann, 1913). Cronert, G., "Corinnae quae supersunt," in Rhein. Mus. LXIII (1908). 161-89, contains text; Herzog, R., "Auf den Spuren der Telesilla," in Philol. LXXI (1912). 1-23, a few short fragments. IV. Solon, Mimnermus, Theognis, Anacreon, and Simonides of Ceos. — Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, V '., Aristoteles und Athen, I. 39-75; II. 304-15; Keil, B., Die Solonische Verfassung in Aristoteles' Verfassungs- geschichte Athens (Gaertner, 1892) ; Mitchell, J. M., "Solon," in Encycl. Brit. nth ed. ; Piatt, A., notes on Solon, in Journ. of Philol. XXIV (1896). 248- 62; XXVI. 64-8; Jebb, R. C., "On a Fragment of Solon," ib. XXV (1897). 98-105. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, V, "Mimnermos und Properz," in Sitzb. Bed. 20 THE SOURCES Akad. 1912, pp. 100-22; Frere, J. H., Works, 2 vols. (London: Pickering, 1872), containing translations and interpretations of Theognis ; Hudson- Williams, T., Elegies of Theognis and other Elegies included in the Theognidean Sylloge (London: Bell, 1910), best edition; "Theognis and his Poems," in H. S. XXIII (1903). 1-23; Unger, G. F., "Die Heirn^t des Theognis," in Philol. XLV (1886). 18-33; Bullen, A. H., Anacreon, with Th. Stanley's translation (London, 1893); Crusius, "Anakreon," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real- Encycl. I. 2035-50; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, V., Sappho und Simonides, mentioned under III. VI. The Logographi and Herodotus In the sixth century B.C., the age that saw the birth of Hellenic science, the epics current under the name of Homer and Hesiod's genealogical poems formed in the mind of the Greeks the background of their history. Thus far they had taken no literary interest in recent or contemporary happenings, and for that reason had pro- duced no chronicles, as had the Oriental kings from immemorial time. The awakening of the scientific spirit, however, which led the Hellenes in search of the origin of the physical world, interested them equally in the beginnings of mankind, of their own race, of the various states, and of the leading families in each. Hence arose a class of writers, who, in a manner parallel with that of the contemporary " philosophers," busied themselves with such matters. They have been called logographi, " writers of prose" (logos), as distinguished from the composers of poetry (epos). If Cadmus of Miletus, reputed the earliest writer of this class, and author of the Settlement of Ionia (Pliny, Natural History, v. 112; cf. vii. 205), was a real person, at least nothing has been preserved from his book. Acusilaiis of Argos, about 500 B.C., is the earliest of whose work we have fragments. He composed Genealogies, a treatise which converted into prose and perhaps further expanded the Hesiodic genealogies. The fragments are but meager quotations by later writers. So far as we may infer from these scant remains, Acusilaiis limited himself to the beginnings of the gods, of the great things of nature, and of the human race. Nowhere does he ap- proach historical times. Such was doubtless the nature of all early logography. In no respect, therefore, could it be termed history. The change, however, from verse to prose clipped the wings of imagination and accentuated correspondingly system and reason. HECAT^US AND HERODOTUS 21 A notable advance was made by Hecataeus of Miletus, a younger contemporary of Acusilaiis. He was the author of a geography entitled Circuit oj the Earth. The voyages of the Ionians to all parts of the Mediterranean and its tributary waters for commerce and colonization supplied him with the knowledge necessary for such a work. If the fragments collected by Miiller, Frag. Hist. Grcec. I. p. i sqq., actually belong to this treatise, it must have been a great achievement for' that age. The genuineness has been questioned, seemingly on insufficient ground (see Jacoby, F., "Hekataios," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. VII. 2667 sqq.). His Genealogies differs from those of his predecessors in dealing exten- sively with the historical period. The extant fragments prove, too, that he was gifted with a nascent critical spirit. There can be no doubt that Herodotus drew extensively from him, and that though he is set down among the logographi, he deserves to be called the earliest of historians. From Hecataeus to Herodotus the advance is not so much in critical ability and accuracy of statement as in literary genius, in largeness of mind, and amiability of character. It is clear, however, that Herodotus doubted some things which Hecataeus accepted, that in the later writer there was an appreciable growth of the his- torical spirit. Herodotus was born in Halicarnassus, a Dorian city which had become so Ionized as to use the Ionic dialect for official purposes (see Hicks and Hill, no. 27 with comment). Thus it was that this dialect, which Herodotus adopted for his History, was his native speech. He was born in 484 or thereabout and lived through the early years of the Peloponnesian war, to about 425. In early life he was involved in a civil war with Lygdamis, the Carian tyrant of his city. In this struggle his uncle Panyasis, an epical poet of some note, was killed, and Herodotus had to flee into exile, about 452. Thence arose his journeyings, which resulted in the creation of his great work. It is not easy or even necessary to determine whether the historian developed from the traveler, or the traveler from the historian. Doubtless the two parallel interests stimulated each other ; and certainly the delight in geographical and ethnographical knowledge, gained by direct experience and vision, was a leading motive in his literary planning. He went to Egypt and ascended 22 THE SOURCES the Nile as far as Elephantine ; he visited Cyrene and Phoenicia ; he traversed the Persian empire as far as Susa. He came into personal acquaintance with the Black Sea region, including the Hellenic communities along its northern shore. For a time he was a citizen of the Periclean colony of Thurii in southern Italy. Attempts have been made, with partial success, to establish the chronology of his journeys and of the composition of his history. For a study of this subject the reader is referred to the bibliography given below. The object of his literary labor is expressed in his preface : "This is a presentation of the Inquiry — Historia — of Herodotus of Halicarnassus to the end that time may not obliterate the great and marvellous deeds of the Hellenes and the Barbarians, and especially that the causes for which they waged war with one another may not be forgotten." So far as we know, he is the first to apply the word Historia to the department of literature of which he was laying the foundation. In his mind the term cause (alrirj), far from signifying historical causation in the modern sense, meant in particular the grievances of the parties to the war, which expressed themselves in the series of events leading to that struggle. In tracing these events he narrates from the earliest known times the notable achievements of all the peoples engaged in the great struggle. His production may be described therefore as a universal history, the unifying element of which is the ultimate conflict. The word history in the sense of inquiry aptly describes his method of collecting information. It is true that he gathered some material from books, but the greater part of his knowledge came through personal inquiry of those who were supposed to know the facts. Not content with what he learned from one class of in- formants or from one locality, he visited different places to make inquiry of different persons (cf. ii. 3, 44) ; thus he introduced the method of comparative inquiry with a view to the sifting of his material. The object of his History, as he conceived it, required him to tell all he had thus heard, but not necessarily to accept it as fact : "I am under obligation to tell what is reported, though I am not bound altogether to believe it ; and let this saying hold good for every narrative in the History." We find him accordingly comparing the less with the more credible account and expressing doubt as to this or that story. HERODOTUS 23 One of the greatest of his qualities is his breadth of mind which enabled him to sympathize with foreigners, and to see that among them there could be good customs, able men, and admirable char- acters (cf. especially iii. 38). Ordinarily this quality lifts him above the prejudices of nationality, of states, and parties to the high level of the universal historian. On the other hand, the very lack of a well-developed critical method placed him at the mercy of his sources. It was but natural that he should gravitate to Athens, already becoming the intellectual metropolis of the world, and should write from the Athenian point of view, with the prejudices roused in Athens by the opening of the Peloponnesian war (see especially ix. 54). This prejudice colors many of the details of his chapters on Athenian and Peloponnesian history. It was but natural, too, that his chief informants on the internal affairs of Athens during the past were in the Periclean circle; and thus it happens that the enemies of the Alcmeonidae suffer at his hands. He has, for instance, no just appreciation of Themistocles, the founder of Athenian greatness, the ablest statesman who had thus far ap- peared in history. The fault is not one of character ; and in fact no historian has ever been readier to do justice to men than Herodotus. In the religious sphere Herodotus is by no means credulous, but accepts the enlightened orthodoxy of his age. Although a genera- tion younger than iEschylus, he looks upon human life and human pride essentially with the same eyes. Under the sunny gleam of his rippling narrative there is a substratum of deep melancholy and of the awe concerned with the anger and envy of the gods. King Crcesus, whom the auriferous Pactolus made the richest of men, Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, or Periander, despot of opulent Corinth — their pride and their end are merely iterations and reverberations of the stern melody of human success and divine retribution and the humiliation of man, exemplified most signally in Xerxes himself. An exponent of this doctrine is the Great King's adviser Artabanus, from whose lips issues the wisdom of i^Eschylus: "Thou seest how the Deity strikes with thunderbolt those beasts that tower above their fellows, but the little ones worry him not ; and thou seest also how his missiles always smite the largest buildings and trees of such kind ; for God loves to trun- 24 THE SOURCES cate all those things that rise too high. Thus, too, a large army may be ruined by a small one, when God in his jealousy hurls a panic or a thunderbolt, through which they are shockingly de- stroyed ; for God permits none but himself to entertain grand ideas" (vii. 10. 5). BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Logographi. — Christ, Griech. Lit. I (1909). 424-34; Bury, Ancient Greek Historians, lect. i; Busolt, Griech. Gesch, I. 146-50; Gercke and Nor- den, Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschajt, III (1912). 76-8. Schwartz, " Akusilaus," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. I. 1222 sq. Fragments in Miiller, Frag. hist, grcec. I. 100-103. Jacoby, F., "Hekataios," in Pauly- Wissowa, op. cit. VII. 2666-769; Bunbury, E. H., History of Ancient Geog- raphy (London, 1883), I. ch. v; Berger, H., Geschichte der wiss. Erdkunde bei den Griechen (Leipzig, 1903), see Index. Pirro, "Studi erodotei, Ecateo e Xanto," in Studi Storici, I (Pisa, 1893). 424 sqq. Fragments in Miiller, op. cit. I. 1-31. II. Herodotus. — Report on recent literature, in Jahresb. 1910. Stand- ard critical edition by Stein, H., 2 vols., Berlin, 1869-71. The same editor's annotated edition, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1883-93), Bks. iv-vi (1895), vii-ix (1908), ed. with excellent commentary by Macan, R. W. (London). How, W. W., and Wells, J., Commentary on Herodotus, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 191 2). English translations by Rawlinson, G., 4 vols, with abundant notes (3d ed., London, 1874) ; Macaulay, G. C, 2 vols. (Macmillan, 1890). Selections taken from the latter for this volume have been revised on the basis of the Greek text by E. G. S. Hauvette, A., Herodote historien des guerres mSdiques (Paris, 1894) ; "Hero- dote et les Ioniens," in Revue des etudes grecques, I. 257 sqq. ; Hock, A., Hero- dot und sein Geschichtswerk (Gutersloh, 1904); Kirchhoff, A., Ueber die Ent- stehungszeit des herodoteischen Geschichtswerkes (2d ed., Berlin, 1878) ; Diels, H., "Herodot und Hekataios," in Hermes, XXII (1887). 411-444; Lipsius, J. H., "Der Schluss des herod. Werks," in Leipziger Studien, XX (1902). 195-202; Grassl, A., Herodot als Ethnologe; ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Volkerkunde (Munich, 1904); Myres, J. L., "Herodotus and Anthropology," in Marett, R. R., Anthropology and the Classics (1908), 121-68; Croiset, A., "La veracite d'Herodote," in Revue des etudes grecques, I. 154 sqq. ; Sihler, E. G., Testimonium Animce, 159-68; Bury, Ancient Greek Historians, lect. ii. VII. Hellanicus and Thucydides; Inscriptions Hellanicus of Mytilene lived to see the close of the Peloponnesian war, and occupied accordingly a place next after that of Herodotus. In spirit and method, however, he connected closely with the HELLANICUS 25 logographi ; his chief interest was in myth and genealogy. It was his task to carry much farther than his predecessors the extension and systematizing of pedigrees. As a basis he seems to have taken the list of priestesses in the Argive Heraeum (see his Priestesses of Hera, in Muller, Frag. hist, grcec. I. p. 51 sq.). In the form in which he employed it, this list, beginning in the thirteenth century B.C., continued unbroken to his own time, and included the number of years that each priestess officiated (Frag. 53, Muller). It is evi- dent that the first five centuries or thereabout were fictitious, but we cannot say through whose hands the reconstruction took place. A part of the work of Hellanicus was to bring the early chronology of other states into harmony with that of Argos. In his Atthis — Attic chronicle — for example, he inserted new names in the exist- ing list of kings in order to synchronize Athenian with Argive his- tory ; and we may assume that in the case of other states his method was similar. His works, Bceotica, Argolica, Lesbica, Thettalica, Founding of Chios, etc., included all or nearly all Hellenic countries, while accounts of prominent foreign nations were given in his Concerning Lydia, Phcenicica, JEgyptiaca, Persica, etc. (cf. Muller, op. cit. I. pp. 45-69). It seems clear that the chronological outline of early Hellas accepted by later authors was largely his work. The portion dealing with the period anterior to about 750 is almost wholly fictitious, an arbitrary system of myth and actual invention joined with an extremely scant and uncertain tradition. While his chief interest was in remote antiquity, he treated meagerly of recent times. His Atthis extended to the close of the Peloponnesian war. While we possess mere shreds of the vast works of Hellanicus, we are fortunate in having the entire production of Thucydides, universally reputed the greatest of ancient historians. We do not know when he was born. He says (v. 26) that at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war he was at the height of his power, a state- ment which would make him perhaps about thirty years old at the time, and he must have died soon after the close of the Pelopon- nesian war, as he left his History of that conflict unfinished. He was related to Cimon, the Athenian general and statesman, and was probably with him a descendant of the Thracian chief Olorus. 20 THE SOURCES Evidently these connections gave him an interest in the gold mines at Scapte-Hyle, Thrace. A man of wealth and of distinguished family, he was elected to the board of generals for the year 424. His failure to protect Amphipolis from the Lacedaemonians under Brasidas, whatever may have been its cause, resulted in his exile for twenty years, 424-404. We do not know whether he was actually banished or withdrew in fear of trial and condemnation. However that may have been, his exile presented to the wealthy man of affairs a leisure which he resolutely and consistently used in the collection of information for his history of the war. From its very beginning, 431, nay even before the outbreak of hostilities, he had conceived the purpose of writing this history. It was a well-matured resolution. Probably no man in the Hellenic world, not even Herodotus, had at the time so good a knowledge and so clear a grasp of Hellenic affairs. This preparation he enlarged by the persistent industry of his long exile in gathering all possible facts relating to the conflict. The period anterior to the war he surveys by way of introduction to his theme ; and yet this portion, brief as it is, is of the highest value not only for the facts it contains, but also as an illustration of the author's method: "The character of the events which pre- ceded (the war), whether immediately or in more remote antiquity, owing to the lapse of time cannot be made out with certainty''' (i. 1). This utterance is likely to weaken our faith in the logo- graphic accounts of early Hellas. If the events of the Persian war and of the pentecontaetia which followed, 480-431, could not be made out with certainty by Thucydides, it would be absurd for us to accept the Greek stories of so remote happenings, as for instance the Dorian migration. The difficulty of knowing the past, he con- tinues, lies partly in the nature of our sources. For the Trojan war, which he regards as a fact, he has the authority of Homer : "He was a poet, and may therefore be expected to exaggerate" (i. 10). The difficulty lies partly, too, in our dependence on oral tradition: "Men do not discriminate, and too readily receive ancient traditions about their own as well as about other coun- tries" (i. 20). Even regarding events of a hundred years before his time, events of profound interest to his countrymen, they entertained the grossest misconceptions. Notwithstanding these THUCYDIDES 27 uncertainties the historian sketches the political development and the progress of civilization from the earliest time to the beginning of the war (i. 2-23) : "Yet anyone who upon the grounds I have given arrives at some such conclusion as my own about those ancient times, would not be far wrong. He must not be misled by the exaggerated fancies of the poets or by the tales of logographi, who seek to please the ear rather than to speak the truth. He cannot test their accounts ; and most of the facts in the lapse of ages have passed into the regions of romance. At such a distance he must make up his mind to be satisfied with conclusions resting upon the clearest evidence which can be had" (i. 21). He attempts to reconstruct the primitive condition of Hellas (1) from survivals of customs and conditions. Certain tribes re- mained primitive down to his own day, and he infers that all the Hellenes once lived as did these tribes in his time. These conclu- sions, he adds, are confirmed by the ancient poets (i. 5,6). (2) He makes use of archaeology. The primitive islanders he studied by means of their tombs. When the Athenians purified Delosin the Peloponnesian war and opened the tombs in that island, it appeared that more than half of the occupants were Carian, as was proved by their arms and their mode of burial (i. 8). He is wrong, however, in supposing that he here has evidence of race ; he has proved only that the occupants had a civilization like that of the present Carians. His method of drawing deductions from the survival of customs and conditions and from archaeological remains and of making allowances for the mistakes and exaggerations of earlier authors has been adopted by modern historians. Historians before Thucydides limited themselves to the time before the Persian war or to that war itself. The period interven- ing between the Persian and the Peloponnesian war was omitted by all with the exception of Hellanicus ; and he, where he touched upon it in his Attic chronicle (Syngraphe) , was very brief, and in his chronology inaccurate (i. 97). Thucydides adopts what he considers a better chronological system: "I would have a person reckon the actual periods of time and not rely upon catalogues of the archons or other official personages whose names may be used in different cities to mark the dates of past events. For whether an event occurred in the beginning or in the middle, or whatever 28 THE SOURCES might be the exact point of a magistrate's term of office, is left uncertain by such a mode of reckoning. But if he measures by- summers and winters as they are here set down, and counts each summer and each winter as a half year, he will find that ten summers and ten winters have passed in the first part of the war" (v. 20). The advantage of reckoning time by the natural year, rather than by the conflicting civil years of the various states, Thucydides fully appreciates, although he seems to have no conception of the importance of an era of chronology for fixing the period of his history in its appropriate universal relation. This shortcoming is probably due in the main to the concentra- tion of his attention upon the present, which he regards as all- important : "Former ages were not great either in their wars or in anything else" (i. 1) ; "The greatest achievement of former times was the Persian war ; yet even this conflict was decided in two battles by sea and two by land. The Peloponnesian war, on the other hand, was a protracted struggle, and attended by calam- ities such as Hellas had never known within a like period of time. Never were so many cities captured and depopulated — some by barbarians, others by Hellenes themselves fighting against one another. . . . Never were exile and slaughter more frequent, whether in the war or in civil strife. . . . There were earthquakes unparalleled in their extent and fury, and eclipses of the sun more numerous than are recorded to have happened in any former age ; there were also in some places great droughts causing famines, and lastly the plague, which did immense harm and destroyed numbers of people" (i. 23). This high valuation of the present as compared with the past he shares with the sophists. He is at one with them also in his desire to impart useful information. The chief object of Herodotus had been to entertain the public, that of Thucydides was to furnish information useful to the general and statesman : "Very likely the strict historical character of my narrative may be disappointing to the ear. But if he who desires to have before his eyes a true picture of the events which have happened, and of the like events which may be expected to happen hereafter in the order of human affairs, shall pronounce what I have written to be useful, then I shall be satisfied. My history is a possession for- ever, not a prize composition to be heard and forgotten" (i. 23). THUCYDIDES 20 Although it is now recognized that history does not repeat itself, there can be no doubt that a knowledge of the past greatly aids the statesman in maturing his judgment and in enlarging his ex- perience of human affairs. Such knowledge must above all things be accurate ; and this quality Thucydides claims for himself : "As to the events of the war I have not ventured to speak from any chance information, nor according to any notion of my own ; I have described nothing but what I either saw myself or learned from others, of whom I made the most careful and particular inquiry. The task was laborious because eye-witnesses of the same occur- rences give different accounts of them according as they remember or are interested in the actions of one side or the other" (i. 22). It is universally granted that Thucydides, though by no means infallible, possesses the quality of accuracy in an extraordinarily high degree. His theme is extremely narrow — a war rather than a period of national development ; yet within this limited field he is deep and thorough. With marvelous analytical power he lays bare the spirit of government and the soul of political factions. When he has to do with persons, he tells us nothing of their outward appear- ance, their habits, or mannerisms, but reveals the mind only. His philosophy has taught him that as a rule the individual counts for little in history. The life of a nation is the surging of mighty cur- rents, in which ordinary statesmen are mere straws whose move- ments indicate the ebb and flow and conflict of forces. A few master spirits combine reason and force in a sufficient degree to control the destinies of their people. They have their creative plan, which they are able to realize by bending the masses to their will. Such were preeminently Themis tocles and Pericles. They have a uni- versal and eternal interest, whereas a Cleon or Hyperbolus is the type of a politician ofttimes repeated. A large place in his history is occupied by the speeches, which must not be taken as verbatim reports : " As to the speeches which were made either before or during the war, it was hard for me and for others to recollect the exact words. I have therefore put into the mouth of each speaker the sentiments appropriate to the oc- casion, expressed as I thought he would be likely to express them, while at the same time I endeavored as nearly as I could to give 3° THE SOURCES the general purport of what was actually said" (i. 22). They are usually grouped in pairs expressing the opposing sides of a crisis, and may be regarded as largely the author's interpretation of the situation or the events to which they apply. In the year 411 his narrative comes abruptly to an end. At that point he seems to have ceased writing, to devote his attention to the revision of the part already written — a work which he did not complete before his death ; for the fifth and eighth books lack his stylistic finish. A means of verifying and correcting our literary sources and of greatly enlarging our knowledge of Hellenic life is afforded by the inscriptions. Reference is made to Minoan writing in the introduc- tion to Chapter II. With the decline of the Minoan civilization the art of writing seems to have been lost to Hellas, and the Greek alpha- bet was not invented before the tenth, or possibly the ninth, century. In the seventh century, with the first importation of papyrus from Egypt, writing began to be extensively used. From that century, too, come the earliest extant inscriptions. They appear in increas- ing numbers during the sixth century and in the fifth they become abundant. From that time to the end of ancient civilization they are among the most important of our sources. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Hellanicus. — Fragments in Miiller, Frag. hist, grcec. I. 45-69 ; IV. 629 sqq. Kullmer, H., "Die historiai des Hellanikos von Lesbos," in Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Supplb. XXVII (1901). 455-698, an attempt at reconstruction; Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Arist. u. Ath. II. 19 sq. ; Bury, Anc. Greek Historians, 27 sqq. ; Perrin, in Am. Journ. Philol. XXII (1901). 38 sqq. The most recent and thorough treatment is by Gudeman, " Hellanikos," in Pauly- Wissowa, Real-Encycl. VIII (191 2). 104-55. II. Thucydides. — Critical edition by Bekker (2d ed., Berlin, 1892) ; by Poppo, E. F., rev. by Stahl, J. M., 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1875-89) ; by Sitzler, J. (Gotha, 1891-1901) ; by Hude, C., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1898, 1901) ; by Jones, H. S. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902); with detailed explanatory notes by Classen, J., 8 vols. (4th ed., Berlin, 1897). The best English translation is by Jowett, B. (see review by Freeman, E. A., in Fortnightly Review, 1882, pp. 273-92). Selections from this translation for the present volume have been revised and improved by comparison with the Greek text by E. G. S. Reports of recent literature on Thucydides in Jahresb. 1905, 1908; and by Lange, E., "Die Arbeiten zu Thukydides seit 1890," in Philol. LVI (1897). COMPETITIVE GAMES 3i 658-711; LVII (1898). 436-500, 658. See also Cornford, F. M., Thucydides Mythhistoricus (London: Arnold, 1907); Grundy, G. B., Thucydides and the History of his Age (London: Murray, 191 1) ; Bury, J. B., Ancient Greek His- torians, lect. iii; Meyer, Ed., "Thukydides und die Entstehung der wissen- schaftlichen Geschichte," in Mitt, des Wiener Vereins der Freunde des hum. Gymn. XIV; Forsch. II (1899). 269-436; Kirchhoff, A., "Ueber die von Thukydides benutzten Urkunden," in Berl. Akad., 1881-1884; Budinger, M., Poesie und Urkunde bei Thukydides (Vienna, 1891) ; Jebb, R. C, "Speeches of Thucydides," in Essays and Addresses (Cambridge, 1907), 359-445 ; Lange, E., Thukydides und sein Geschichtswerk (Giitersloh, 1893) ; Von Wilamowitz- Moellendorff, "Die Thukydides-Legende," in Herm. XII (1877). 326-67; Aristoteles und Athen, I. 99-120; Milchhofer, A., "Athen und Thukydides ii. 15," in Philol. LV (1896). 170-9; Petersen, E., "Zu Thukydides. Urathen und Tettix," in Rhein. Mus. LXII (1907). 536-49; Morris, C, "Chronology of the TrevTrjK.ovTat.TLa" in Am. Journ. Philol. VII (1886). 323-43 ; Busolt, Griech. Gesch. III. 616-93; Kornemann, E., "Thukydides und die romische Historiographie," in Philol. LXIII (1904). 148-53. VIII. The Fifth-century Poets For the spirit of the great age of Hellas, 480-404 B.C., its social customs and thought, religious rites and aspirations, moral and intellectual attainments and ideals, we have to depend upon the poets even more than upon the historians. The study of Pindar leads us to the very heart of the national games, which were among the most characteristic of Hellenic activities. The devotion of the Greeks to competitions was in a high degree stimulating and fruitful. The fact that their communities were small arid isolated, either surrounded by water or narrowly limited by mountain ranges, added importance to their periodic reunions, "all-gatherings" (panegyreis) . In time as they spread in colonies to the mouth of the Nile, to Cyprus, to the Black Sea, to Sicily and southern Italy, and to the coasts of Gaul and Spain, these gatherings, with the contests which gradually grew more diversified, came to be almost the only form of union known to their national life. The competitions {agones) were connected with their legends and re- ligion, with their literature and art. They furnished, too, a sphere in which music was almost equal to the other forms of art in dignity, importance, and technical development. The games were many and were frequently held. In addition to the annual festivals of every city, there were four great national games : those at Olympia 32 THE SOURCES and Delphi came once in four years, the Isthmia and Nemea once in two years. Through his Odes of Victory (Epinikia) Pindar of Bceotia (about 520-441) is one of the most important exponents of the Greek spirit. His relations were mainly with the rich and great. They alone were able not only to contend at the national games, but also to remu- nerate the poet, whose Muse wrought for money. He was the com- poser not only of the verses but also of the accompanying music and the instructor who trained the chorus chosen to chant the Odes. As the singers had to be taken from the locality where the prize-winner resided, or at the place of the actual contest, it is clear that Pindar had the opportunity through visit and sojourn to make himself acquainted with many parts of Hellas. His rivalry with his eminent contemporary Simonides was noted by their own generation. Hieron of Syracuse was patron of both. To the modern reader Pindar's most striking feature is the heavy propor- tion of myth and legend in these choral odes. The reason is not only that the several communities, but specifically the more emi- nent families therein, so cherished legendary traditions that their very pedigree and pride of race were inextricably bound up with such myths. Thus the tone of the Odes is essentially noble and lofty, and the spirit intensely aristocratic. Pindar was a contemporary of iEschylus. There are many points of resemblance between them, and their handling of legends is not essentially different. In the nature of the case the lyre of the Boeotian devoted itself to the happy and brilliant side of myth and of human life, whereas the tragic poet necessarily presented their somber aspects. In style Pindar, like ^Eschylus, is bold, original, and elevated. Many obscurities of allusion may never be cleared up ; and the texts, without the music, without the choral chanting, without the well- ordered movements of the original production in strophe, antis- trophe, and epode, in its present effects must fall far short of the poet's actual achievement. In addition to choral lyric Pindar composed many forms of poetry. His writings were collected in seventeen books, probably by the Alexandrine scholar Aristophanes of Byzantium. Dio- nysius of Halicarnassus makes the same scholar responsible, too, for the editing of the lines and the metrical schemes. PINDAR AND ^SCHYLUS 33 Valuable to the student of Greek history are Pindar's ideas on religion, morals, and other features of society. From what has already been said it will be understood that these ideas are decidedly conservative, aristocratic. This side of Hellenic life and thought is especially recommended for examination in view of the fact that most modern histories of the fifth century treat almost exclusively of democratic ideas and movements. A contemporary of Pindar was yEschylus of Athens, who was born in 525. When the Persians were driven back to their fleet at Marathon, 490, he was in the prime of manhood and fought on that field. In the time of Xerxes' invasion he witnessed the abandon- ment of town and country, and Persian torches in the sanctuaries and homes of Athens, a requital for the burning of Sardis. These experiences were the inspiration of his life's work. In his earlier career he was a composer of what we may roughly compare with modern cantatas and oratorios. His choruses sang ; and only gradually, as two actors were introduced, his productions became more distinctly dramatic. He composed about seventy plays, not counting the so-called satyr dramas ; the function of the latter was to lighten the gloom and the severe strain superinduced by the presentation of the three tragedies which each of the authors pro- duced in competition for the first prize. ^Eschylus distinctly ex- celled the competitors of his earlier manhood and middle life, such as Phrynichus and Pratinas. He came forward for the first time in 500 B.C., and, according to the M armor Parium, gained his first victory, i.e. the First Prize, in 485. In all, he won this distinction thirteen times, each time with three pieces : thus thirty-nine of his tragedies were crowned. Twice he visited Sicily : the first time, it seems, in consequence of an invitation by Hieron, tyrant of Syracuse, whose splendid generosity to men of letters, such as Pindar and Simonides, was well known to that generation. In 468, at the first competition in which Sophocles appeared on the Attic stage, the latter triumphed over the veteran. It was not for this reason, however, as some have imagined, that ^Eschylus retired from Athens to Sicily. The brilliant court of Hieron, the great demand in Syracuse for dramatic productions, were sufficient attractions. His last days were spent in Gela, where he died in 456. 34 THE SOURCES The austere loftiness of ^Eschylus was coupled with a genuine religious spirit, deepened by the stirring experiences of the struggle with Persia. He was bold, original, and creative — in a large sense the intellectual and moral parent of the succeeding Attic dramatists and of the philosophers. Sophocles, mentioned above as a younger rival of ^schylus, lived through the greater part of the fifth century, 496-406. Though he learned much from his elder contemporary, he belongs distinctly to a new age. Whereas ^Eschylus gives expression to the notable achievements and gigantic aspirations of the war heroes, Sophocles represents the calmer and more reasoned spirit of the Periclean age. The father of Sophocles was a manufacturer, probably of knives and swords ; so that the Peloponnesian war, while impoverishing the majority of Athenians, by no means dimin- ished his income or detracted from the serenity of his life. His easy circumstances, joined with a naturally balanced character, found reflection in his dramas. For the problems of religion and of human life and character he was inclined to accept gentle solu- tions. In opposition to the sophistic movement he was strongly conservative, and in religion he represents, with Herodotus, an enlightened orthodoxy. We appreciate him as a man of wonderful intellectual and moral strength, as well as a perfect master of dra- matic art, in brief, as the highest expression of Hellenism both in the age of Pericles and in the subsequent conflict between conservatism and the more modern thought of Euripides and the sophists. Euripides was about fifteen years younger than Sophocles, though both died in 406. Throughout his life, therefore, he was a rival of the older poet. In the conflict, however, between Hellen- ism and modernism which arose within this century Euripides was wholly for the new movement. Thus it happens, that though ^Eschylus and Sophocles, when compared with one another, stand an age apart, they should be placed together in contrast with Eurip- ides. We know little of his life. His father seems to have been a landowner of moderate circumstances but of no distinction ; and certainly the gifted son was free from all aristocratic connections with the past. As a youth he had an athletic training, and it is said that he afterward studied as a painter ; at all events he had a keen eye for art and landscape. Of science and philosophy he SOPHOCLES AND EURIPIDES learned what he could from books. While attaching himself to no system, he shows a lively interest in all manner of philosophic problems. With the sophists he rejects traditional religion ; and in his own field he casts away the art of his predecessors, to build the drama anew on principles which we recognize as relatively modern. He shows a deep and varied knowledge of human nature, and especially sympathizes with the weak and unfortu- nate, with women, slaves, beggars, and cripples. While as an exponent of Hellenism Sophocles has a voice for the Greeks only and their admirers, the humanism of Euripides appeals to the world. In the use of dramatic literature as a historical source we have to consider (i) what elements are traditional, (2) what are the ideas of the poet, (3) what is contemporary thought or custom. In considering the personal element of the author we have further to distinguish between settled conviction and the passing thought or feeling assigned to a character. The persons and the essentials of the plot are an inheritance from the remote past, from the epics and especially from those of the cycle ; the rest of the drama is the poet's creation from his own imagination, character, and environ- ment*. Beyond this point the problem of analysis is complex and difficult, and incapable of solution by any ready-made process. Each drama requires individual study ; and although there is much that defies analysis, it cannot be doubted that the plays of the three great tragic poets constitute an invaluable store of informa- tion relating to the customs, thought, feeling, and character of the Hellenes in the most splendid period of their history. Much later than was the case with tragedy did the Attic govern- ment recognize comedy and provide choruses for it. This occurred probably between 465 and 460. In a certain sense the Old Comedy of Athens is but a single symptom, but certainly the most significant symptom, of that absolute freedom of speech {irapp^ala) which attained its most unbridled development in the Periclean democracy. Aristophanes, born about 450, was a mere lad when Pericles died. A few years later the young genius, incomparably endowed for political satire — beyond all Dean Swifts or Punches of a later time — secured from the archon choruses for the children of his rollicking muse. His first three plays, Daitales (Banqueters), 36 THE SOURCES 427 B.C., The Babylonians, 426, and The Acharnians, 425, were pre- sented under the imaginary authorship of an actor, Callistratus. It was long the custom, as in the heavy and ultra-serious essay by Ferdinand Ranke, to assign to the author of the Knights, Clouds, Wasps, Peace, Birds, and Frogs a niche among the thoughtful patriots, deep political thinkers, and even moral reformers who gave lasting distinction to Athens. On this subject, however, there is room for difference of opinion. It is always a question how far our poet should be taken seriously. Thucydides and his great work afford a curious foil to the political comedy of the Pelopon- nesian war : they illumine one another in the most admirable man- ner. The faculty of symbolical caricature and a drastic felicity of allegory and invective, intermingled with lofty lyrics and harle- quinade, language sometimes running on the even keel of current Attic dialogue, but often interlarded with sudden and incalculable spurts of slang and vulgarity, an abandon of obscenity and semi- intoxication of demeanor — all in close harmony with the es- sential character of the vintage festivals — sudden attacks on some familiar minor figures, with sustained persecution of some greater personage in public life — these, and many other ingredients may be found in the plays of Aristophanes. Besides the eleven plays preserved he wrote about twenty-nine others. Was the political influence of an Aristophanes comparable to that of the orators who addressed the Ecclesia directly, when all were sober and in a deliberative frame of mind? Plato has borne witness that the caricature of Socrates in the Clouds had a lasting and an evil effect on the reputation of that philosopher. The typical humanist who would duly revere both the philosopher and his reckless traducer finds himself in a somewhat difficult plight. That Aristophanes pleaded for peace, and that, with his brilliant and piercing intellect, he discerned the evils of the developed Attic democracy cannot be denied ; but it seems to be equally true that sheer love of fun in- terfered with the earnest pursuit of any serious object. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Pindar. — Edition by Christ, W. (2d ed., Teubner, 1896) ; by Schroder, O., in Bergk, Th., Poetce lyrici grceci, I (Teubner, 1900). Olympian and Pythian Odes, by Gildersleeve, B. L. (2d ed., N. Y,, 1890). The best translation is by ARISTOPHANES ; BIBLIOGRAPHY 37 Myers, E. (Macmillan, 1892), from which selections have been taken for this volume. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, V., "Hieron und Pindaros," in Sitzb. Berl. Akad. 1901, pp. 1273-1318; Christ, Griech. Lit. I. 216-35. II. Bacchylides. — Editio princeps of the newly discovered poems by Kenyon, F. G. (London, 1897) ; also by Blass, F. (3d ed., Teubner, 1904) ; by Jebb, R. C, with introduction, notes, and prose translation (Cambridge, 1905). There is also an English translation by Poste, E. (Macmillan, 1898). See further the article by Jebb on Bacchylides in Encycl. Brit, nth ed. ; Meiser, O., Mythographische Untersuchungen zu Bacchyl. (Munich, 1904), dissertation. Although no selections have been made from Bacchylides for this volume, he may be recommended for study along with Pindar. III. /Eschylus. — Edition by Weil, H. (2d ed., Teubner, 1907); by Campbell, L. (Macmillan, 1898) ; by Sidgwick, A. (Clarendon Press, 1902). English translation by Blackie, J. W. (London: Parker, 1850), verse; by Headlam, W., 5 vols. (London: Bell, 1900-08), from revised text; by Plump- tre, E. H., 2 vols. (Boston: Heath, 1901) ; text with verse translation by Way, A. S., 3 pts. (Macmillan, 1906-08), from which selections, revised by E. G. S., have been made for this volume; Persians, Seven against Thebes, Prometheus, and Suppliants, by Morsehead (Macmillan, 1908). Myers, E., "^Eschylus," in Abbott, E., Hellenica (London: Rivingtons, 1880), 1-32; Cauer, F., "Aischylos und der Areopag," in Rhein. Mus. L (1895). 348-56; Sihler, E. G., Testimonium Animce, 148-59; V. Wilamowitz- Moellendorff, "Die Biihne des ^Eschylus," in Hermes, XXI (1886). 597-622; Dieterich, "Aischylos," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. I. 1065-84. IV. Sophocles. — Edition by Schneidewin, F. W., and Nauck, A. (Ber- lin, 1897-1909) ; by Tyrrell, R. V. (London, 1897); by Campbell, L., and Abbott, E., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1899, 1900) ; with explanatory notes by Wecklein, N., 2 vols. (Munich, 1897); by Jebb, R. C, plays in separate vols, with copious notes and Eng. trans. (Cambridge : University Press) . Translations by Whitelaw, R. (Longmans, 1904) ; by Storr, F. (Loeb CI. Libr. 191 2, 1913) ; by Campbell, L. (London : Frowde, 1906) ; by Way, A. S., 2 vols. (Macmillan, 1909, 1914) ; by Coleridge, E. P. (Bohn) ; by Jebb, R. C. (Cambridge: Uni- versity Press, 191 2), from which the selections for this volume have been taken. For studies in the author, see Campbell, L., Sophocles (Macmillan, 1880) ; Abbott, E., " Theology and Ethics of Sophocles," in Hellenica (London, 1880). 33-66 ; Tyrrell, R. Y., Essays on Greek Literature (London, 1909) ; Post, C. R, "Dramatic Art of Sophocles," in Harv. St. in CI. Philol. XXIII (1912). 71-129 ; Miiller, A., Msthetischer Kommentar zu den Tragodien des Sophokles (Pader- born, 1904) ; Patin, A., Msthetisch-kritische Studien zu Sophokles (Paderborn, 191 1) ; Sihler, E. G., Testimonium Animce, ch. ix. ; Botsford, Hellenic History, ch. xvii. § 2. V. Euripides. — Edition by Prinz, R., and Wecklein, N., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1883-1902) ; by Nauck, A., 3 vols. (3d ed., Teubner, 1892-1895) ; by Murray, G., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1902, 1905). Among the editions of individual 38 THE SOURCES plays especially valuable for interpretative matter are Wilamowitz-Moellen- dorff, U. v., Herakles, 2 vols. (2d ed., Berlin, 1895) 5 Hippolytos (Berlin, 1895). The scholia are edited by Schwartz, E., 2 vols. (Berlin, 1887, 1895). Translations by Way, A. S., with text, Loeb CI. Libr., 4 vols. (Macmillan, 191 2); Coleridge, E. P., 2 vols. (Bohn) ; Medea, Trojan Women and Electra by Murray, G. (Oxford, 1907). The selections for this volume are from Coleridge and Way. For studies in Euripides, see Macurdy, G. H., Chronology of the Extant Plays of Euripides. Diss. (Lancaster, Pa., 1905) ; Decharme, P., Euripides and the Spirit of his Dramas, trans, by Loeb, J. (Macmillan, 1905) ; Murray, G., Euripides and his Age (Holt, 1913) ; Verrall, A. W., Euripides the Ra- tionalist; a Study of Art and Religion (Cambridge : University Press, 1913) ; Steiger, H., Euripides, seine Dichtung und seine Persdnlichkeit (Leipzig : Dieterich, 1912) ; Haussleiter, F., Ueber die Frage der Sittlichkeit bei Sophokles und Euripides (Erlangen, 1907) ; Bartels, R., Beziehung zu Athen und seiner Geschichte in den Dramen des Euripides, Progr. (Berlin, 1889) ; Huddilston, J. EL, Greek Art in Euripides, Aischylos and Sophokles, Diss. (Munich, 1898) ; Sihler, Testimonium Animce, ch. x. ; Kirchhoff, C, Dramatische Orchestik der Hellenen (Leipzig, 1899) ; Verrall, A. W., The Bacchants of Euripides and other Essays (Cambridge: University Press, 1910) ; Nestle, W., "Die Bacchen des Euripides," in Philol. LVIII (1899). 362-400. Fragments of all the tragic poets: Nauck, A., Tragicorum grcecorum frag- menta (2d ed., Teubner, 1889). VI. Aristophanes. — Edition by Leeuwen, J. van (Leiden, 1893-1906) ; by Hall, F. W., and others (Clarendon Press, 1902) ; facsimile of the Codex Venetus Marcianus 474 by White, J. W. (Boston, 1902) ; text with translation and explanatory notes by Rogers, B. B., each play in a separate vol. (Macmil- lan, 1902-), from which selections for the present volume have been taken. Scholia by Rutherford, W. G., 3 vols. (London, 1 896-1 905). Translations, in addition to Rogers, by Walsh, B. D., 3 vols. (London, 1837) ; by Hickie, W. J., 2 vols. (Bohn) ; select plays by Frere, J. H. (London : Routledge, 1887). Dunbar, H., Complete Concordance to the Comedies and Fragments of Aris- tophanes (Oxford, 1883) ; Muller-Striibing, H., Aristophanes und die historische Kritik, etc. (Leipzig, 1873) ; Mazon, P., Essai sur la composition des comedies d' Aristophanes (Paris, 1904) ; Leeuwen, J. van, Prolegomena ad Aristophanem (Leiden, 1908); Sihler, E. G., De parodiis comicorum grcecorum, etc. (Leipzig, 1875) ; White, J. W., "The 'Stage' in Aristophanes," in Harv. St. in CI. Philol. II (1891). 159-205; Richards, H., Aristophanes and Others (London: G. Richards, 1909) ; Suss, W r ., Aristophanes und die Nachwelt, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 191 1) ; Emerson, A., "On the Conception of Low Comedy in Aristophanes," in Am. Journ. Philol. X (1889). 265-79; Droysen, J. G., "Des Aristophanes Vogel und die Hermokopiden," in Kleine Schriften (2d ed., 1894). 1-51 ; Kock, Th., "Aristophanes als Dichter und Politiker," in Rhein. Mus. XXXIX (1884) . 118-40; Croiset, M., Aristophanes and the Political Parties at Athens, trans, by Loeb, J. (Macmillan, 1909); Willems, A., "Aristophane et la democratic XENOPHON 39 Athenienne," in Acad. roy. de Belg. Bull. 1907, pp. 338-73 ; Sheppard, J. T., "Politics in the Frogs of Aristophanes," in /. H. S. XXX (1910). 249-59; Jebb, R. C, "Aristophanes," in Encycl. Brit. s. v. (nth ed.) ; Kaibel, G., "Aristophanes," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. s. v. IX. The Fourth-century Historians and Chroniclers Whereas in general the fourth century is the great age of prose, of oratory and philosophy, in history we find a notable decline. Xenophon, whose works are preserved to us mainly by the interest of after ages in Socrates, is far inferior to Thucydides. Xenophon was born about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war and lived to 354 or thereabout. As a member of a well-to-do family of pro- nounced conservative sentiments he grew up in the narrow laco- nizing circle of aristocrats at Athens, whose most commendable interests lay in athletics, hunting, and the exercise of conventional virtue and religion. It was his good fortune to become a pupil of Socrates, whose character and teachings were henceforth the in- spiration of his life. The pupil's Memorabilia of Socrates not only gives the author's impressions of the great teacher, but forms an invaluable source for the social condition of Athens during the Peloponnesian war and the early years of the fourth century. His Anabasis describes the expedition of Cyrus the Younger against his brother Artaxerxes the Persian king, and more particularly the retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks who had accompanied Cyrus as mercenaries. Among the Greeks was Xenophon, who after the death of Cyrus in battle was elected to their board of generals, and who according to his own account was the inspiring genius of the retreat. His narrative affords us a rare insight into this mer- cenary force, its organization and spirit, and the characters of prominent officers. At the same time it gives interesting infor- mation concerning the countries and peoples along the route. The publication of the work must have had an important influence on the Hellenic attitude toward Persia. The chief historical product of this author is the Hellenica, a continuation of the history of Thucydides. It is a narrative of Hellenic affairs during the period extending from 411 to the battle of Mantineia, 362. The greater part of the work (bks. iii-vii) was composed while the author was an exile from Athens and a protege 4o THE SOURCES of Sparta. It represents, accordingly, the Lacedaemonian point of view. Although in comparison with the history of Thucydides it is shallow and partisan, we value it as our only continuous nar- rative of the period which it covers. The author has the qualities of a biographer rather than of a historian ; and for that reason the Hellenica shows an interest in personal traits and incidents, which are totally wanting in Thucydides but which appeal strongly to the student of Hellenic life and culture. Xenophon had a wide ex- perience with the world ; and in his breadth of mind, his liberal education, and his ethical and religious principles he represents the best features of the cultured class of his generation. Other works of the author, such as his Constitution of the Lacedemonians , Economicus, and Ways and Means, of great value as sources, are introduced in their appropriate places. We are made to feel keenly the loss of the great historians of the fourth century by the recent discovery of a fragment of what was evidently a far more detailed and more valuable Hellenica than that of Xenophon. It is published by Grenfell and Hunt, Oxy- rhynchus Papyri, V (1908). 147 sqq. The fragment gives an ac- count of the events of 396, and includes a surprisingly interesting digression on the Boeotian federal constitution. Scholars assign the treatise variously to Theopompus, Ephorus, and Cratippus. On the whole the weight of evidence seems to incline in favor of the last-named historian. Both Thucydides and Xenophon are philosophic, akin to the sophists and Socrates. After Xenophon and Cratippus the greater part of the historical field is usurped by rhetoric, which acquires an excessively powerful influence over literature. It was largely through Isocrates that this development took place; and accordingly the first rhetorical historians were his pupils, Ephorus of Cyme, Asia Minor, and Theopompus of Chios. The principal work of Ephorus was a History of Universal Affairs, which treated of Hellas from the Return of the Heracleidae to his own time. Our interest in this last history is due to the fact that it was the chief source of Diodorus for the period which it covered, and that Strabo and Plutarch drew extensively from it. Although Ephorus pos- sessed some degree of critical ability, his work fell lamentably below the standard of accuracy set by Thucydides. 1 FOURTH-CENTURY HISTORIANS 41 Theopompus wrote a Hellenica in twelve books, which was a continuation of Thucydides, and, more important, a Philippica in fifty-eight books, which treated in great detail of recent and con- temporary affairs, with Philip of Macedon as a unifying center. The extant fragments, preserved especially in Athenaeus, show a noteworthy interest in culture and character, with a dispropor- tionate love of exhibiting the luxuries and vices of mankind. In spite of the shortcomings of Ephorus and Theopompus, the dis- covery of the works of either author would doubtless vastly enlarge our knowledge of Greek history and civilization. A portion of the historical field scarcely touched by rhetoric was occupied by the chroniclers of Athens, whose interest, like that of the scientists, lay in the collection and the systematizing of facts. Such chronicles of Athens were termed Atthides (plural of Atthis). They began with the earliest mythical kings ; and for the regal period they seem to have grouped events and institutions according to reigns. For the historical period the material was arranged annalistically under the appropriate archons. Far from limiting himself to political and military happenings, the atthid-writer included all kinds of institutional, personal, and cultural matter. The earliest of the class after Hellanicus (see p. 25) was Cleidemus, whose Atthis evidently appeared after 378, but of whose work we have little information. To us the chronicler of greatest interest was Androtion, a pupil of Isocrates and for thirty years a prominent statesman of Athens. While he was in exile at Megara he completed and published his Atthis in 330. His attraction for us lies in the circumstance that his chronicle was the chief source for Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, published a few years afterward. An introduction to the latter work will be found in no. 27 infra. With the help of his pupils Aristotle composed the constitutional histories of a hundred and fifty-eight states, most of them Hellenic. Each work consisted of (1) the narrative of constitutional growth to the philosopher's own time, (2) a contemporary survey of the con- stitution. The treatise on the Athenian constitution, the greater part of which was recovered in Egypt about the close of the year 1890, is the only one we have of the vast collection. To the early Hellenistic age belongs Philochorus, who was murdered about 260 at the instigation of the Macedonian ruler, and whose Atthis seems 42 THE SOURCES to have been the ablest and most extensive of the series. In addition to his chronicles he composed a variety of works on religion and other subjects. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Xenophon. — Review of recent literature on Xenophon in Jahresb. 1903, 1909. Edition by Sauppe, G. A., 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1867-70) ; by Mar- chant, E. C, 3 vols. (Clarendon Press, 1900) ; Hellenica by Keller, O. (Leipzig, 1890) ; by Breitenbach, L., with explanatory notes (Weidmann) ; Economicus by Holden, H. A., 5th ed. (London, 1895). Translation by Dakyns, H. G., 3 vols. (Macmillan, 1890-97). Selections from this work for the present volume have been compared with the Greek text and revised by E. G. S. Bury, Ancient Greek Historians, lect. v; Wachsmuth, C, Einleitung in das Studium der alten Geschichte, 529-36; Richter, E., Xenophon-Studien (Teubner, 1892) ; Lincke, K., "Xenophon's persische Politie," in Philol. LX (1901). 541-71; Taine, H., "Xenophon: L'Anabase," in Essais de critique et de Vhistoire (nth ed., Paris, 1908), 49-95; Guernsey, R., "Elements of Interest in the Anabasis," in CI. Weekly, III. 66; Morris, C. D., "Xenophon's Economicus," in Am. Joum. Philol. I (1880). 169-86; Thalheim, Th., "Zu Xenophons Oikonomikos," in Hermes, XLII (1907). 630-42; Kohler, U., "Ueber die IIoAtreta AaKeSai^ovtW," in Berl. Akad. 1896, pp. 361-77 ; Schanz, M., "Beitrage zur Kritik der Schrift Uepl Ildpcuv," in Rhein. Mus. XXXVI (1881). 215-36; Diimmler, F., "Zu Xenophons Agesilaos," in Philol. LIV (1895)- 577-86. II. The Lost Historians. — Fragments of Ephorus in Miiller, Frag, hist, grcec. I. 234-77 ; IV. 641 sq. For studies in Ephorus, see Mess, A. v., " Untersuchungen iiber Ephoros," in Rhein. Mus. LXI (1906). 360-407 ; Niese, B., "Wann hat Ephoros seine Geschichtswerk geschrieben ? " in Hermes, XLIV (1909). 170-8; Schwartz, E., "Die Zeit des Ephoros," ib. XLIV (1909). 481- 502; "Ephoros," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. VI. 1-16; Laqueur, R., "Ephorus," ib. XL VI (1911). 161-206, 321-54; Ciaceri, E., "Sulla reinte- grazione della antichissima storia greca in Eforo," etc., in Rivista di Storia antica, N. S. VI. 2. 17-24. The fragments of Theopompus are in Miiller, Frag. hist, grcec. I. 278-333 ; IV. 643-5; f° r additions, see Cronert, W., in Rhein. Mus. LXII (1907). 382 sqq. For studies in this author and in the newly discovered Oxyrhynchus Hellenica, see Meyer, Ed., Theopomps Hellenika (Halle, 1909) ; Busolt, G., "Zur Glaubwiirdigkeit Theopomps," in Hermes, XLV (1910). 220-49; "Der neue Historiker und Xenophon," ib. XLIII (1908). 255-85; Mess, A. von, "Die Hellenika von Oxyrhynchos," in Rhein. Mus. LXIII (1908). 370-91, favors Cratippus as author ; "Die Hellenika von Oxyrhynchos und die Berichte Xenophons und Diodors," ib. LXIV (1909)- 235-43; Bonner, R. J., "The New Greek Historian," in Class. Joum. V (1910). 353~9; Roberts, W. R., "Theopompus in the Greek Literary Critics," in Class. Rev. XXII (1908). BIBLIOGRAPHY- 43 118-22; Goligher, W. A., "The New Greek Historical Fragment attributed to Theopompus or Cratippus," in (Eng.) Hist. Rev. XXIII (1908). 277-83; Judeich, W., "Theopomps Hellenika," in Rhein. Mus. LXVI (1911). 94-139; Walker, E. M., The Hellenica Oxyrhynchia: Its Authorship and Authority (Clarendon Press, 19 13), contends for Ephorus. The fragments of Cratippus are in Miiller, Frag. hist, graze. II. 75 sqq. On the question as to whether he was the author of the newly discovered Hellenica, see the works cited above; also Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, V (1908). no sqq. For other studies in the historian, see Susemihl, F., "Die Zeit des Historikers Kratippos," in Philol. LIX (1900). 537 sqq. ; Schmidt, W., "Kratippos zum dritten Mai," ib. LX. 155-7. III. The Atthid-Writers and Aristotle's Constitution of the Athenians. — On the Atthis in general, see Schwartz, "Atthis," in Pauly- Wissowa, Real-Encycl. II. 2180-3; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, V., Aristoteles u. Ath. I. 260-90; Busolt, Griech. Gesch. II. 7 sqq. On Androtion, see Keil, B., Die solonische Verfassung, etc. (Berlin, 1892), 190 sqq.; Schwartz, "Androtion," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. I. 2173- 5; De Sanctis, G., "LAttide di Androzione e un papirio di Oxyrhynchos," in R. Acad. d. sci. atti. XLIII (1908). 331-56. On Philochorus, see Wright, J. H., "Did Philochorus quote the 'A^vatW UoXireta as Aristotle's?" in Am. Journ. Philol. XII (1891). 310-18. The editio princeps of Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, is that of Kenyon, F. G. (London, 1891 : 3d ed., 1892) ; the most thoroughly annotated edition is by Sandys, J. E. (2d ed., Macmillan, 1912); see also ed. by Her- werden, H. van, and Leeuwen, J. van (Leyden, 1891) ; by Blass-Thalheim (Teubner, 1909). The best complete translation is by Kenyon (London: Bell, 1912). There is one also by Poste, E. (Macmillan, 1891)., For studies in the subject, see Adcock, F. E., "Source of the Solonian Chapters," Klio, XII (191 2). 1 -1 6 ; Bauer, A., Liter arische und historische Forschungen zu Aristo- teles y A0r}vat(i)v HoXlt eta (Munich, 1891) ; Berard, J., "Aristote, la constitu- tion d'Athenes," in Rev. hist. 1892, pp. 285-305; Blass, F., "Die sogenannte drakontische Verfassung," in N. Jahrb. CLI (1895). 476-9; Botsford, G. W., Development of the Athenian Constitution (Ginn, 1893); "Beginnings of the Athenian Hegemony," in Class. Rev. VIII. 195 sq. ; "Trial of the Alcmeonidae and the Cleisthenean Constitutional Reform," in Harv. St. in Class. Philol. VIII (1897). 1-22; Bruck, S., " Heliastengerichte im 4 Jahrh." in Philol. LII (1893). 295-317, 395-421; "Heliastentafelchen," ib. LIV. 64-79; Busolt, G., "Aristoteles oder Xenophon," in Hermes, XXXIII (1898). 71-86; Cauer, F., Hat Aristoteles die Schrift vom Staate der Athener geschrieben? (Stuttgart, 1 891) ; Cauer, P., "Aristoteles Urteil iiber die Demokratie," in N. Jahrb. CXLV (1892). 581-93; Corssen, P., "Das Verhaltniss der aristotelischen zu der thukidideischen Darstellung des Tyrannenmordes," in Rhein. Mus. LI (1896). 226-39; Droysen, H., Vorlaufige Bemerkungen zu Aristoteles 'A&p/aiW IIoA.it eux (Berlin, 1891) ; Dufour, M., La constitution d'Athenes et Vceuvre d'' Aristote (Paris, 1896) ; Fowler, H. N., "Dates of the Exiles of Peisistratus," 44 THE SOURCES in Harv. St. in Class. Philol. VII (1896). 167-75; Francotte, A., VOrganisa- tion de la cite athenienne et la reforme de Clisthene (Paris, 1893) ; Frederichs, J., "La valeur de la 'AffyvaiW IIoAiTeia," in Rev. de Vinstr. publ. en Belgique, XXXVII (1894). 26-43 j Gilliard, Quelques reformesde Solon (Lausanne, 1907) ; De Sanctis, G., 'AtOis, Storia delta repubblica ateniese (2d ed., Torino, 1912) ; Hofmann, J., Studien zur drakontischen Verfassung (Straubing, 1899) ; Keil, B., Die solonische Verfassung, etc. (Berlin, 1892) ; Anonymus Argentinensis, etc. (Strassburg, 1902) ; Lecoutere, C., UArchontat . . . d'aprtela'AOvjvaLwvTLokiTeux (Louvain, 1893) ; Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., Solon of Athens, the Poet, the Merchant, and the Statesman (Liverpool, 1912); Lipsius, J. H., "Ueber das neugefundene Buch des Aristoteles," etc., in Sachs. Gesellsch. XLIII (1891). 41-69; Mess, A. v., "Aristoteles 'A^ratW UoXiTeta und die politische Schrift- stellerei Athens," in Rhein. Mus. LXVI (1911). 356-92 ; Meyer, P., Des Aris- toteles Politik und die 'AOrpnutov IIoXtTeta (Bonn, 1891) ; Milchhofer, A., Unter- suchungen iiber die Demenordnung des Kleisthenes (Berlin, 1892) ; "Attische Local verfassung," in Ath. Mitt. 1893, pp. 277-304; Newman, W. L., "Aris- totle on the Constitution of Athens," in Class. Rev. V. 155-64; Nordin, R., Themistoklesfrage (Upsala, 1893); Seeck, 0., "Quellenstudien," in Klio, IV. 164-326; Stern, E. v., "Solon und Peisistratos," in Hermes, XLVIII (1913). 426-41; Thalheim, Th., "Die drakontische Verfassung," in Hermes, XXIX (1894). 458-63; Viedebantt, O., " Metrologische Beitrage, I, II," in Hermes, XLVII (1912). 422 sqq., 562 ; Wright, J. H., "The Date of Cylon," in Harv. St. in Class. Philol. Ill (1892). 1-74; Ziehen, L., "Die drakontische Gesetz- gebung," in Rhein. Mus. LIV (1899). 321-44. X. The Attic Orators From Homeric times the Greeks had paid great attention to oratory ; but it was not till the period of the Peloponnesian war, in the mature growth of rhetoric, that men began to write their speeches. Oratory was of three kinds ; (1) epideictic for the dis- play of literary skill at funerals, great public gatherings, or similar occasions ; (2) symbouleutic, deliberative, for council or assembly, (3) judicial, for prosecution or defense in the law courts. In the democratic tribunals every man had to plead his own case, and the party to the trial who was not himself a rhetorician had his pleading composed for him by a professional speech writer, a rhetorician equipped with at least a smattering of the law. These profes- sional composers preserved their speeches chiefly that they might serve as models for similar work in the future. Literary critics of the Alexandrian age made up a list, termed the canon, of ten Attic orators to represent the various excellences of style. It is mainly LYSIAS AND ISAEUS 45 to the interest of these critics that we owe the preservation of a large body of Attic oratory. Those orators only whose works are represented in the present volume are mentioned below. Lysias belonged to a wealthy resident-alien family, whose estate was destroyed by the tyranny of the Thirty, 404-403. This mis- fortune converted him into a teacher of rhetoric and a professional writer of speeches for others to deliver. He died in 380 or shortly afterward, and could not therefore have followed this profession more than a quarter of a century ; and yet we are informed by a credible authority that he composed at least two hundred and thirty- three speeches. His productive power was in fact astound- ing. Of the whole number we have but thirty-four, of which one or two are fragmentary. Most of them are judicial. They are com- posed in a simple graceful style, resembling in appearance the lan- guage of every-day life though in fact artistic. They are dramatic in their adaptation to the characters of the individual pleaders and possess the quality known to the Greeks as ethos — the gentle current of feeling which wins the sympathy of the hearers. The orations deal fully with the parties to the trial, their characters, history, financial and social circumstances ; thus they bring us into contact with actual persons and social-economic conditions. While the other orators differ in style and mentality, it may be said once for all that their productions, equally with those of Lysias, lead us into direct touch with public and private life. Regarding the personal affairs of Isaeus we have little informa- tion. His activity as a speech writer extended from the close of the Peloponnesian war to about the middle of the fourth century, while his extant speeches lie within the years 389-353. Though he is reputed a pupil of Isocrates, he betrays no sign of that master's influence, and should be regarded rather as the successor, and younger contemporary, of Lysias, and a connecting link between that writer and Demosthenes. All the twelve extant speeches are concerned with the law cases in which the writer excelled — inherit- ances and adoptions. His best recent editor, Wyse, has added no glory to the orator's moral reputation. Isaeus was an extremely clever family lawyer who knew how to twist legal points most skilfully in order to win his case. The same thing, in a varying degree, may be said of all Greek writers of judicial speeches ; and 46 THE SOURCES with careful criticism the speeches of Isaeus may be made as profitable for history as those of Lysias. The general tendencies of life and thought during the fourth century were toward the breaking down of the city-state with all its traditional associations and the corresponding enlargement of ideas and sympathies, of social and political relations. These tendencies, recognizable in Xenophon, found more complete ex- pression in Isocrates of Athens, 436-338, whose life was contem- porary with the whole development of prose literature, and with the culmination and incipient decay of the city-state system. He was a schoolmaster, who for a fee of 1000 drachmas gave a course of three or four years in statesmanship. Along with a training in oratory he supplied the pupil with such ethical and political knowl- edge as he deemed essential to public leadership. The sons of princes and other notables throughout Hellas, particularly in the East, gathered at his feet, and received from him most helpful instruction. From his school issued generals, statesmen, orators, and historians. Undoubtedly through his pupils he exercised a wide influence on Hellenic opinion. While teaching, Isocrates engaged in the composition of Orations, which, not being intended for de- livery, may more properly be termed essays. With a delicate taste for literary form he gave the most minute and prolonged attention to the elaboration of a nicely adjusted periodology, and to the exquisite choice and arrangement of words. At least in appearance the stylist in him dominates over the thinker. His writings treat of political conditions ; he was the first and most eminent of ancient publicists. In home politics he was a conserva- tive who preferred the constitution of Solonian and Cleisthenean times when the Council of the Areopagus kept parental watch over citizens and magistrates. These views he sets forth in his Areo- pagiticus. In the larger field of inter-state politics he long favored the union of all the Hellenes, under the joint leadership of Athens and Sparta, for a war of conquest against Persia. The Panegyricus, his greatest masterpiece, 380 B.C., embodies this doctrine. Finally recognizing the futility of this hope, he appealed to various emi- nent men to take the leadership. Among them were Dionysius of Syracuse, Archidamus of Sparta, and lastly Philip of Macedon. The study of Isocrates has been given a new importance and a new ISOCRATES AND DEMOSTHENES 47 impetus by the contention of certain German scholars, among whom is Eduard Meyer, that he is the truest interpreter of his time, that the study of fourth-century conditions should proceed from his outlook (Cf. Gesch. d. Alt. V. p. 280). Although space does not permit a discussion of this view, it is to be presumed that no thinker, however useful as sources his writings may be, possesses a monopoly of the political wisdom of his age. See further on this subject the introduction and notes to the Philippus, no. 127 infra. With Isocrates, his fellow-citizen Demosthenes, 384-322, pre- sents a striking contrast, that of the practical against the theoretical, energy against lassitude, the dense massing of facts in irresistible phalanxes of persuasion as opposed to a high dilution of ideas in multitudes of perfumed, sweet-sounding words. The circumstances of his early life, his mistreatment at the hands of unfaithful guar- dians, and his prosecution of the latter are touched upon in connec- tion with the excerpt from his Oration against Aphobus, no. 156 infra. From this prosecution he emerged with a reputation as a writer of judicial speeches — the foundation of his worldly fortune. These orations have equal value with those of Lysias as sources for social, economic, judicial, and general cultural conditions. In his early life appear two forces which admirably support and supple- ment each other : the first is a certain sternness and severity, the second a clear and direct manner of going to his point and of making it. The bald truth and its intrinsic force, rather than any technical skill in rousing emotion, form the vital quality of his oratory. In the general sweep of history the private orations are lost sight of in the struggle of this rare man against the power, the policy, and the personality of Philip, who, succeeding to the throne of Macedon in 359, made of his country, formerly insignificant, the most for- midable monarchy of Europe. It was Philip's achievement to establish in his country a world power organized and fitted for the purpose which his son Alexander with dazzling promptitude accomplished — the destruction of the Persian realm and the erection on its ruins of a vast Hellenistic empire. Against the growth of this power, which overshadowed the freedom of the Greek republics, Demosthenes almost alone struggled like a hero but in vain. In the past century the pendulum of judg- ment on his character and principles has swung to violent extremes. 4 8 THE SOURCES At the time when Napoleon I was crushing Prussia beneath his iron heel, B. G. Niebuhr, the patriot scholar, saw a close resemblance between Philip of Macedon and the tyrant emperor, while he looked to Demosthenes as the champion of human freedom. But times have changed ; and the grasping imperialism of Europe cannot afford to tolerate the memory of a man who contended according to his power for the liberty of the weak commonwealth. It is true that the empire of Alexander was the means of diffusing Hellenic civilization among mankind ; it is equally true that in the end, even if not so soon as Demosthenes expected, imperialism, beginning with Alexander and continuing with Rome, crushed local freedom and brought to ruin the civilization of the world. From these con- siderations it appears clear that while the success of the Macedonian cause brought great though not unalloyed benefits to the world, there was right also on the side of the local patriot ; and though he failed, his inspired eloquence and heroic struggle are a priceless and eternal treasure. iEschines, about 389-314, remembered chiefly as the political adversary of Demosthenes, was the son of a schoolmaster of humble circumstances. In earlier life ^Eschines became a public scribe, then for a time an actor, and finally, under the patronage of Eubulus, he entered the political arena. At first he favored the formation of a Hellenic league against Philip ; but in 346 he was a member of a peace embassy to the Macedonian king. After this first contact with Philip he remained a steadfast leader of the pro-Macedonian party at Athens. Whether this somersault was due to a change of conviction or a bribe is under controversy. Demosthenes, a mem- ber of the same embassy, prosecuted him on the charge that he had sold himself to Philip to betray his country ; and he narrowly escaped condemnation (343). The opposing speeches of Demos- thenes and ^Eschines On the Faithless Embassage (Parapresbeia) are extant ; they are a hopeless tangle of contradictions. Afterward, yEschines prosecuted Ctesiphon for proposing high honors to De- mosthenes. This great case, begun in 336, was decided in 330. The aim of iEschines to destroy Demosthenes in public life called forth the noblest pleading of antiquity, the oration of Demosthenes On the Crown, a defense of the speaker's career and character. The failure of iEschines was so complete that he was forced to retire into CONTEMPORARIES OF DEMOSTHENES exile. Besides the orations of ^Eschines on these two occasions we have his speech Against Timarchus, from which an excerpt is given in this volume. It hardly need be said that modern scholars who condemn Demosthenes are equally strenuous in attempting to rehabilitate yEschines as a far-sighted statesman and a man of honor. Something can be done in this direction. Lycurgus, a distinguished contemporary and collaborator of Demosthenes, was like the latter firm in support of measures hos- tile to the aggression of Macedon. In the difficult times which followed the catastrophe of Chaeroneia he was preeminent through the firmness and the purity of his Attic patriotism. For twelve years he directed the finances, the first period of four years under his own name, the next two periods, eight years in all, under the formal control of others. During this time of twelve years, 14,000 talents, or according to some, 18,650 talents, passed through his hands. Modern scholars highly extol his financial administration. The extant discourse Against Leocrates exhibits a public character of great sternness. Of the published discourses mentioned in Suidas as genuine, eight were prosecutions. A vulnerable politi- cian as a rule eschews this form of public service. Uncompromising, vigorous no less than rigorous, he appears in the preserved speech as a man who appropriated the literature of the past in a practical and patriotic manner, to illustrate the underlying principles of right conduct and civic duty. Hypereides, 389-322, long an associate of Demosthenes in op- position to Macedon, was a man fond of the pleasures of life. In oratory he possessed in a notable degree the quality of grace (%w) in contrast with the Demosthenic power, and an all-round ability rather than preeminence in any one oratorical feature. The an- cients had fifty-two undoubted speeches ; but all were lost, and the world of scholarship could judge of him through the medium of ancient critics only, till about the middle of the nineteenth century, when individual orations began to come to light. We now have in whole or in large part six orations. Among them is the Epitaphios, delivered at the public funeral of those who had fallen in the Lamian war in defense of their country. The fact that Hypereides was chosen for this function is evidence of his repute both as a patriot and as an eloquent orator. 5o THE SOURCES BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Attic Orators. — Recent literature reviewed in Jahresb. 1907, 1912. Jebb, R. C.j Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isceus, 2 vols. (2d ed.,Macmil- lan, 1893) ; Blass, Fr., Geschichte der attischen Beredsamkeit, 4 vols. (2d ed., Teubner). II. Lysias, Is^us, and Isocrates. — Edition of Lysias by Cobet, C. G. (2ded. 1882) ; by Scheibe (2ded., Teubner, 1885) ; by Thalheim, Th. (Leipzig, 1901) ; by Hude, C. (Clarendon Press, 1913). German translation by Falk, A. (Breslau, 1843). For studies in Lysias, see Jebb, Attic Orators, I. 142-3J6; II. 1-368 ; Devries, W. L., Ethopoi'ia. A Rhetorical Study of the Types of Char- acter in the Orations of Lysias. Diss. Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore, 1892); Wolff, Ueber Lysias Epitaphios und Isokrates Panegyrikos (Berlin, 1896). The best edition of Isaeus is by Wyse, W., with detailed notes on matters of Attic law (Cambridge : University Press, 1904) ; see also the ed. of Thalheim (Leipzig, 1903). For studies in Isaeus, see Jebb, Attic Orators; Blass, Attische Beredsamkeit, II. 452-541 ; Goligher, W. A., "Isaeus and Attic Law," in Her- mathena, XIV (1907). 183-204, 481-515. Edition of Isocrates by Blass, F., 2 vols. (Teubner, 1885) ; by Drerup, E., vol. I ready (Leipzig, 1906). English translation by Freese, J. H., vol. I (Bohn), from which selections have been taken for this volume. The entire work is translated by Dinsdale, J., rev. by Young (London, 1752). A useful work is the Index Isocrateus by Preuss, S. (Teubner, 1904). For studies in this author, see Adams, C. D., "Recent Views of the Political Influence of Isocrates," in Class. Philol. VII (1912), 343-50; Gercke, A., "Isokrates und Alkidamas," in Rhein. Mus. LIV (1899). 404-13 ; "Die Replik Isokrates gegen Alkidamas," ib. (1907). 170-202; Hagen, B. v., "Isokrates und Alexander," in Philol. LXVII (1908). 113-33; Hubbell, H. M., Influence of Isocrates on Cicero, Dio- nysius, and Aristeides, Diss. (Yale University Press, 1913) ; Kessler, J., "Iso- krates und die panhellenische Idee," in St. z. Gesch. u. Kidt. des Alt. IV. 3 (191 1) ; Kopp, F., "Isokrates als Politiker," in Preuss. Jahrb. LXX (1892). 472-87; Meyer, Ed., "Isokrates' zweite Philippika," in Sitzb. Berl. Akad. 1909, pp. 758— 79; Munscher, K., "Die Isokratesiiberlieferung," in Philol. LVIII (1899). 88- 110; Pohlmann, R. v., "Isokrates und das Problem der Demokratie," in Munch. Akad. (Munich, 1913) ; Raeder, H., "Alkidamas und Platon als Gegner des Isokrates," in Rhein. Mus. LXIII (1908). 495-511; Scala, R. v., "Iso- krates und die Geschichtschreibung," in Versamml. d. Philolog. (Leipzig, 1892), 102-21 ; Wilamowitz-MoellendorrT, U. v., Aristoteles u. Ath. II. 380-99. III. Demosthenes. — Edition by Dindorff, rev. by Blass, F., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1891-1907). In 1805 there was published at Leipzig a translation of his public orations, "in order that, by an example from ancient times, the German people might be warned against the tyranny of Napoleon which threatened them." An English translation by Kennedy, C. R., 4 vols. (Bohn) from which one or two of the selections from Demosthenes for this volume have BIBLIOGRAPHY 5i been taken, after a revision, on the basis of the Greek text, by E. G. S. An Index Demosthenius by Preuss, S. (Teubner, 1892), will be found useful. For studies in this orator, in addition to Jebb and Blass, see Brodribb, W. J., Demosthenes (new ed., London, 1898) ; Butcher, G. H., Demosthenes (Macmillan, 1881) ; Droysen, J. G., "Ueber die Echtheit der Urkunden in der Rede vom Kranz," in Kleine Schr. I (Leipzig, 1893). 95-297; Hug, A., " De- mosthenes als politischer Denker," in Stud, aus dem cl. Alt. I (1881). 51-103; Kahrstedt, Forschungen zur. Gesch. d. ausgehenden 5. u. dcs 4. Jahrh. (Berlin, 1910). 1-154 (rev. Bed. Philol. Woch. XXX, 1913, p. 498 sqq. ; Gott. gelehrt. Anz. 1912, p. 17 sqq., unfavorably); Francotte, H., "Etudes sur Demosthene,'' in Mus. Belg. XVII (1913). 69-91, 237-88; Pickard-Cambridge, A. W., Demos- thenes and the last Days of Greek Freedom (Putnam, 1914) ; Schafer, A., Demos- thenes und seine Zeit, 3 vols. (Teubner, 1885-87) ; Thalheim, "Demosthenes," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. V. 169-88, with references to modern literature. IV. ^schines, Lycurgus, and Hypereides. — Edition of ^Eschines by Schultz, F. (Leipzig, 1865) ; by Weidner, A. (Leipzig, 1872) ; by Blass, F. (2d ed., Leipzig, 1908). Recent literature on ^schines reviewed in Jahresb. 1913, pp. 214-40. German translation by Benseler, G. E., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1855-60; Two Orations on the Crown by Biddle, G. W. (Phila. 1881). See also Preuss, S., Index Mschineus (Teubner, 1896). For other studies, in addition to Blass, see Bougot, A., Rivalite d'JEschine et de Demosthene (Paris, 1891) ; Bruns, I., Das liter arische Portrait der Griechen, etc. (Stuttgart, 1896), ch. iv. § 5; Thalheim, "Aischines," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. I. 1050-62. Edition of Lycurgus by Blass, F. (Leipzig, 1899) ; a new fragment by Rabe, H., in Rhein. Mus. LXIII (1908). 143 sqq. ; Index to Andocides, Lycurgus, and Dinarchus by Forman, L. L. (Oxford, 1897). German translation by Bender, H. (3d ed., 1909). See also Durrbach, F., "L'Orateur Lycurge. Etude hist, et lit.," in Bill, des ecoles franc. d'Athenes, etc. LVII (Paris, 1887) ; Droge, C, De Lycurgo atheniensi pecuniarum publicarum administrator 'e, Diss. (Bonn, 1880). Edition of Hypereides by Blass. F. (3d ed., Leipzig, 1894) ; by Kenyon F. G. (Oxford, 1907) ; Orations against Athenagoras and Philippides, with a translation, by Kenyon (London, 1893) ; Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, IV (1904). Recent literature on Hypereides in Jahresb. 19 13, pp. 186- 213 ; Sandys, J. E., "Recent Editions of Hypereides," in Class. Rev. IX (1895). 71-4. See also Bruner, L., Studien zur Gesch. u. Sprache des Hypereides, Progr. (Bamberg, 1906). IX. Plato and Aristotle Plato, 427-347, belonged to the oldest nobility of Athens, and enjoyed the literary, musical, and athletic education of his class. Through such accomplishments and more through his long pupilage under Socrates he unfolded a brilliant literary genius paralleled in 5 2 THE SOURCES the fourth century by that of Demosthenes alone. His nature was essentially poetic : his Dialogues are, in poetic prose, the creation of a wonderfully versatile imagination. His philosophy, which need not concern us here, is not, as expressed in the Dialogues, an orderly consistent system of reason ; it is rather an ever changing revelation of mingled thought and emotion. The only permanent element is idealism. In politics he was by birth and education a pronounced oligarch, whose hatred of the democracy was intensified by the condemnation of Socrates. For the attitude of men of his class the democracy was only in small part responsible. The oli- garchs had long preferred conspiracy and sedition to open political conflict or to conciliation and compromise. When opportunity offered, as in the time of Critias, a relative of Plato, they seized despotic power, throttled free speech, robbed and murdered their fellow-citizens, and tried to reduce the masses to serfdom. In times of quiet their aloofness from public life was due largely to a narrowness of political vision and class egoism and to a selfish love of sensual, social, or intellectual pleasure. If their abnegation of civic duty made the democracy worse, they and not the masses of voters should bear the weight of blame. Plato was the most refined and gifted of his class. In him an- tipathy to free institutions, the ambition of the few for class des- potism, is glorified by aspirations for perfect knowledge, justice, and righteousness. But the standard of judgment which permits him to condemn Themistocles, Pericles, and the greatest statesmen of his country is one which would equally force the condemnation of every government in the world's history to the present day. Only three or four of his masterpieces will here be mentioned. His Protagoras, a, work of great dramatic interest, assails the fun- damental principles and the thought methods of the more eminent sophists. His Gorgias is a protest against democracy as well as against rhetoric. His Republic sets forth the ideal state, in which the masses, practically serfs, are absolutely ruled by a military- aristocratic-philosophic class. It is his greatest masterpiece, the most splendid of Utopias. As the expression of a brilliant intellect on educational, social, moral, and political questions, it commands our attention ; but the state here pictured, if realized, would have crushed the genius of the author, a state that no man, not even a PLATO AND ARISTOTLE 53 member of the ruling class, could endure. The Laws, composed in later life, is a more sober and practicable construction of the ideal state, and hence more serviceable to the student of actual con- ditions. To one interested in social history., however, the ideas of Plato are less valuable than his many and diverse pictures of life, which, if not true of the individual persons portrayed, are at least representative of existing social phases. In passing from Plato to Aristotle, 384-322, we come to a new type of mind. Whereas the authors of prose and verse thus far mentioned are essentially creative, Aristotle is a scholar, in fact the greatest as well as the first scholar in history. It was his achievement to systematize and reduce to writing the knowledge which the Hellenes had thus far accumulated, and to add to this store by his own researches. His writings include metaphysics, psychology, the natural and physical sciences, logic, rhetoric, ethics, and politics. His authorship of a hundred and fifty-eight consti- tutional histories has already been noticed (p. 41). On the basis of accumulated facts relating to the institutions of individual states Aristotle constructed his Politics, the most notable treatise on the state thus far produced in the history of the world. The circum- stance that this work, published within the years 336-332, appeared somewhat earlier than the collection of individual constitutions (p. 41) presents no serious problem ; the gathering of material for the vast collection was undoubtedly far advanced before the com- position of the Politics. For an introduction to the treatise we must look to his Nicomachean Ethics, which in discussing the principles of virtuous living conducts the reader logically to the state,, as to an organism, not merely for the protection, but for the perfection of human life {Ethics, x. 10). The Politics treats exclusively of the city-state un trammeled by connection with any higher political organization. Its ap- pearance at the time when Alexander was founding his world mon- archy has puzzled modern scholars. In justification it may be said that although under Alexander and his successors Greek com- munities enjoyed a high degree of local freedom, this condition existed on sufferance only. The imperial statesmen of the ancient world failed to guarantee to the municipalities local freedom and self-government. It is only in modern times, notably in the case 54 THE SOURCES of Great Britain, that monarchy has been reconciled with democ- racy. As against the world monarchy, therefore, Aristotle was right in his exclusive devotion to the city-state. The same thing, however, cannot be said of his neglect of the federation ; but it was long after his death that Greece saw the maturity of the federal union — the most highly developed and perfected political crea- tion of the Hellenes, and in fact of the world before the founding of the United States of America. Regarding Aristotle's views of the several forms of government the selected passages, with their introductions and notes, will afford the necessary information. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Plato. — Edition by Burnet, J., 5 vols. (Oxford, 1900-1907) ; Protagoras by Sihler, E. G. (Harper) ; Gorgias and Protagoras by Sauppe, H., and Gercke, A. (Weidmann) ; Republic by Jowett, B., and Campbell, L., 3 vols. (Oxford, 1894) ; by Adams, J., 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1902). Translation of works by Jowett, 5 vols. (3d ed., Macmillan, 1892) ; of Republic by Vaughan, D. J., and Davies, J. L. (Macmillan, 191 2). The selections in this volume are from Jowett. Recent literature on Plato is reviewed in Jahresb. 191 2, 1913. For studies in Plato, see the various histories of Greek philosophy by Zeller, Gomperz, etc. ; also Adams, J., The Vitality of Platonism, etc. (Cam- bridge : University Press, 191 1) ; Adamson, J. E., Theory of Education in Plato's Republic (London, 1903) ; Barker, E., Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (London: Methuen, 1906) ; Boyd, W., Introduction to the Republic (London: Sonnenschein, 1904); Dittenberger, W., " Sprachliche Criterien fur die Chro- nologie der platonischen Dialoge," in Hermes, XVI (1881). 321-45 ; Grote, G., Plato and the Other Companions of Socrates, 4 vols, (new ed., London, 1888) ; Huit, C, Etudes sur la politique attribue a Platon (Paris, 1888) ; La vie et Vozuvre de Platon, 2 vols. (Paris, 1893) ; Miiller, J., Platons Staatslehre und der moderne Socialism-us, etc. (Sondershausen, 1886) ; Nettleship, R. L., "Theory of Educa- tion in the Republic of Plato," in Abbott, E., Hellenica, 67-180 ; Pater, W. H., Plato and Platonism (Macmillan, 1908) ; " Genius of Plato," in Contemp. Rev. 1892, pp. 249-61; Ritchie, D. G., Plato (Scribner, 1902); Ritter, C, Platon: sein Leben, seine Schriften (1909) ; Platons Gesetze; Kommentar (Teubner, 1896); Sihler, E. G., ''Vergil and Plato," in Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc. 1880; Taylor, A. E., Plato (New York: Dodge, 1908); Usener, H., "Platon und Aristoteles," in Vortrdge und Aufsdtze (Teubner, 1907). 67-102. II. Aristotle. — Edition of complete works, Acad. reg. boruss. 5 vols. (Berlin, 1831-70), the pages of which are generally cited; the fragments by Rose, V. (Teubner, 1886) ; Politics, by Susemihl, F. (Teubner, 1909) ; ed. with essays and notes, by Newman, W. L., 2 vols. (Clarendon Press, 1887). Trans- lation of works under editorship of Smith, J. A., and Ross, W. D. (under way, THE NEW COMEDY 55 Oxford: Clarendon Press). Politics, translated by Welldon, J. E. C. (Macmil- lan, 1905) ; by Jowett, B., 2 vols. (Clarendon Press, 1885), from which the selections in this volume have been taken. For literature on Aristotle prior to 1896, see Schwab, M., Bibliographie d 'Aristote (Paris, 1896). See also Barker, E., Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (Putnam, 1906) ; Bradley, "Aris- totle's Conception of the State," in Abbott, E., Hellenica, 181-243 ; Eucken, R., Lebensanschauungen der grossen Denker (7th ed., Leipzig, 1907), I. 3; Giesen, K., "Quaestiones graecae und Aristoteles Politien," in Philol. LX (1901). 446- 71; Loos, I. A., Studies in the Politics of Aristotle and the Republic of Plato (Iowa City : University Press, 1899); Oncken, W., Staatslehre des Aristoteles, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1870, 1875) ; Shute, R., History of the Process by which the Aristotelian Writings arrived at their Present Form (Clarendon Press, 1888). Further studies in the political theories of Aristotle will be found in the various histories of Greek philosophy by Zeller, Gomperz, and others, and in works on the political theories of the ancients, such as Dunning, W. A., History of Polit- ical Theories, Ancient and Mediceval (Macmillan, 1902), and Willoughby, W. W., Political Theories of the Ancient World (Longmans, 1903). XII. Writers of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods As to minor authors and those but briefly excerpted for this volume, the necessary facts are given in the introductions to the selections from their writings. This arrangement applies also to the scientific and medical works quoted in the volume. Polybius, who ranks among the greatest historians of antiquity, is given especial attention in connection with the selections from his history which illustrate the condition of historical science in the Hellenistic age (ch. xviii). A characteristic form of literature of this period is the New Comedy, which has been given fresh interest by the discovery of a considerable part of four plays of Menander, 342-290, its chief representative. Other productions in the field are the comedies of Plautus and Terence, which are translations of contemporary Greek plays modified more or less in adaptation to their Roman audience. The change in the character of comedy, beginning in the last ac- tivities of Aristophanes, was now complete ; particularly it had for- saken politics, to devote itself wholly to social life. It had also shaken off many of the coarser indecencies and immoralities of the Aristophanic period. As has been pointed out by Ferguson {Hel- lenistic Athens, 75 sqq.), however, respectable women still kept themselves for the most part modestly within doors, so that the 56 THE SOURCES female characters on the stage were as a rule those of ill repute. Restricting itself to street scenes, the New Comedy had to avoid the inner life of the family and the more respectable activities of society, to picture the exposure of infants, the intrigues of young men and hetaerae, and other such immoral or indecent aspects of life. But however one-sided and imperfect may be the information contained in this branch of literature, it throws a welcome light on its limited field of thought, feeling, character, and social customs of an age but scantily known. Another equally characteristic form of literature is the Idyll, represented in this volume by Theocritus. He was born about 305, probably in Syracuse (Christ, Griech. Lit. II. 141 sq.), and passed some years at the courts of Syracuse and Alexandria. His pictures of common life are marked by delicacy and grace. " Theocritus gives us nature, not behind the footlights, but beneath the truthful blaze of Sicily's sunlit sky" (Kynaston) ; and certainly nothing can bring us into so close and pleasing touch with life in the home and on the streets of Alexandria as the fifteenth Idyll reproduced in this volume. A few epigrams, too, of the age, whose authors are uncertain, will be found in their appropriate chapter (xix). As we pass from the Hellenistic to the Roman age, we may notice but briefly the Roman biographer Cornelius Nepos, about 99-24 B.C., a part of whose work On Famous Men {Be viris illustrious) has been preserved. The greater number of biographies in this frag- ment are of Greek generals. We see in his Epaminondas, for ex- ample, a love of artificial characterizations. His work is uni- versally pronounced unreliable, and must be used for historical purposes with great caution. His Greek contemporary, Diodorus of Sicily, affords us no better proof of the historiographic capabilities of the age. The work of the latter was a Library so named — in fact a general history of the world from the earliest times at least to 60 B.C., in forty books. In his Preface (i. 4) he makes great pretensions that he has labored thirty years on his work, and has experienced extreme sufferings and dangers in visiting the scenes of his narrative in Europe and Asia that he might write with the knowledge of an eye-witness. The truth is that he was merely a compiler. Much of his work he vitiated by the use of inferior sources ; in general he shows a lack HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN AUTHORS 57 of knowledge of military and political affairs, and still worse, a want of judgment. Some parts of his historical library, however, are better than others ; and for some subjects and periods, as for Sicily during the fifth and fourth centuries and for the earlier Hel- lenistic age, he is our only continuous source. We feel the loss, therefore, of the second half of his compilation, books xxi-xl, cov- ering 301-60 B.C., now represented only by fragments. Books vi-x likewise exist only in fragments, arranged in order with great intelligence in Vogel's edition. In Strabo we come into touch with an authority immeasurably superior to Diodorus. He was born in Pontus about 64 B.C. and lived to 19 a.d. His principal work was a history, Historical Mem- oirs, in forty-three books, mainly a continuation of Polybius. This treatise has been lost and we know little of it. As a supplement to his history he wrote a Geography in seventeen books, which is still preserved. Composed in the main under Augustus, it was revised and slightly extended under Tiberius (Pais, Ancient Italy, ch. xxvi). In his own words it was a " colossal work," requiring many years, including travel and personal inspection, for the collection of details relating to thousands of localities distributed over the known world. The treatise is not a geography pure and simple, but includes much mythical and historical information associated with the various localities. In the earlier part he gives the general views of the earth held by himself and his predecessors of the Alexandrian age. While he cannot compare in originality with Eratosthenes (no. 210), he is a credit to his generation, and his treatise is worthy of respect- ful consideration as a geographical and historical source of the first rank. Pliny the Elder, 23-79 a.d., was a native of the Roman munici- pality of Como (Novum Comum) and an officer of the empire. His leisure he devoted with amazing diligence and economy to study and authorship in many fields (Pliny the Younger, Letters, iii. 5). The only work preserved is his Natural History in thirty-seven books, an encyclopedia of arts, sciences, and antiquities by a gentleman with a keen interest in every kind of knowledge, yet lacking in scientific method and precision. In his treatment of the arts and sciences he necessarily has to do chiefly with the Greeks. Three late Hellenic writers will be briefly grouped together. THE SOURCES * Pausanias, who lived in the latter part of the second century a.d., wrote a Description of Greece in ten books, which is still extant. The author was an amateur in his subject and an archaist in style. His work, however, though compiled with mediocre talent, is a treasury of information on topography, archaeology, religion, and mythology, including much historical and biographical matter. It is the foundation of modern studies in the topography and archae- ology of Greece. Diogenes Laertius, probably belonging to the early third century, composed the Lives of the Philosophers, a work of perhaps even less ability than that of Pausanias, yet valuable for the information contained in it. Athenaeus, seemingly a con- temporary, composed a work named Symposium of the Sophists, a great part of which has come down to us. The dinner he assigns to a time shortly after the death of Commodus (Christ, Griech. Lit. II. 626 sq.). During the symposium the learned guests (sophists) hold discourse, centering in the food and the customs of banquets, but extending to a multiplicity of subjects. The aim of the writer seems to be to display his erudition by quoting as many authors — the majority of whom we know only through him — and on as wide a variety of subjects as possible. Through this work, accordingly, we come to appreciate how vast a treasure of ancient literature has been lost to the world. It is a pleasure to close this introduction with a notice of one of the most admirable and lovable spirits of classical antiquity, Plu- tarch of Chaeroneia, Bceotia, about 46-125 a.d. He belonged to an old and respectable family, and received a many-sided education in rhetoric, history, biography, physics, mathematics, and philosophy. While broadening his experiences by travel, he retained to the end his attachment to his native city. His writings on social, political, moral, and philosophic subjects are grouped together under the title Moralia. They show a surprising versatility and productive power operating in the Platonic spirit, which at that time and through him was entering a new religious-mystic path. Much of this material can be utilized in historical study. Our chief interest here, however, is in his Parallel Lives, the most popular work created by classical antiquity. Forty-six biographies are in pairs, notable Greeks and Romans compared and contrasted, with only four — Artaxerxes, Aratus, Galba, and Otho — standing as individuals. PLUTARCH 59 Several important biographies, including the Epaminondas, have been lost. The parallelism is artificial ; far better would be a his- torical order. It is to be noted, too, that Plutarch has no concep- tion of historical development. Men of primitive times, like Ly- curgus, Romulus, and Theseus, are furnished with the same mental equipment as the author himself. He is equally devoid of the fac- ulty of historical criticism. With him all sources enjoy equal credi- bility. The truth of any statement therefore can be determined only by an inquiry into its source. We must admit further that in dealing with conflicting statements regarding a person or event under consideration he rarely seems conscious of the necessity of eliminating the contradiction. Generally such critical discussions as appear in his Lives have been introduced from his authorities. By way of summary it may be stated that his biographies, only critically sifted, constitute one of the most important sources for the customs, institutions, and personal characters of Greece and Rome. The author himself regarded the Lives as a means of philosophic instruction, closely akin to his M or alia. The object of his philos- ophy was to preserve the great, the good, and the ennobling from the classic past, and to use this material as a guide and an encour- agement to virtuous living and to the upbuilding of a broad, hu- mane, moral character. He never descends to mere preaching, and therefore never grows wearisome ; but through every page shines in sunny happiness the liberal kindly human soul, warming the reader's heart to the author and awakening in it aspirations for the Beautiful and Good. BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Menander and Theocritus. — Edition of the newly found plays to- gether with the earlier fragments, by Kock, Th., Com. ait. frag. III. Ed. of the newly found Four Plays of Menander by Capps, E. (Ginn, 19 10) ; by Lefebvre and Croiset, M. (Cairo, 1907) ; ed. with translation by Unus Multorum (2d ed., Oxford : Parker, 1909), the basis for the selection in the present volume. See also Arnim, H. v., "Kunst und Weisheit in den Komodien Menanders," in N. Jahrb. XIII (1910). 241-53 ; Capps, E., "Plot of Menander's Epitrepontes," in Am. J own. Philol. XXIX (1908). 410-31 ; Gerhard, G. A., "Zu Menanders Perikeiromene," in Philol. LXIX (1910). 10-34; Leo, F., "Der neue Menan- der," in Hermes, XLIII (1908). 120-67 5 Liibke, H., Menander und seine Kunst. 6o THE SOURCES Progr. (Berlin, 1892); Post, C. R., "Dramatic Art of Menander," in Class. Philol. XXIV (1913)- m-45; Richards, H., "The New Menander," in Class. Quart. II (1908). 132-6, on the finding and the character of the plays. Edition of Theocritus with English notes by Kynaston, H. (5th ed., Claren- don Press, 1892) ; by Edmonds, J., Greek Bucolic Poets, with Eng. trans. (Mac- millan, 191 2). Translation also by Way, A. S. (Cambridge: University Press, 1913) ; by Lang, A. (Macmillan, 1892), from which the selection in this volume has been taken ; Theocritus and Vergil's Eclogues, trans, by Calverley (London : Bell, 1908). II. Nepos and Diodorus Siculus. — Edition of Nepos by Fleckeisen, A. (Teubner, 1898) ; English translation by Watson, J. S. (Bohn), the basis of the selections for this volume. Edition of Diodorus by Midler, C. (Paris: Didot, 1842-4) ; by Vogel, F., continued by Fischer, C. T., 5 vols. (Teubner, 1 888-1906). There is an old and poor English translation by Booth, G., 2 vols. (London, 1814), out of print; German translation by Wurm, J. F., 19 vols. (Stuttgart, 1827-40). See also Mess, A. v., " Untersuchungen iiber die Arbeitsweise Diodors," in Rhein. Mus. LXI (1906). 244-66; Schwartz, E., "Diodorus," in Pauly-Wissowa, Real- Encycl. V. 663-704, an especially valuable study. III. Strabo, Pliny, and Pausanias. — Edition of Strabo by Casaubon, J., (Paris, 1587), to which page citations refer; fry Miiller, C, with maps (Paris, 1858) ; by Meineke, A., 3 vols. (Teubner, 1866-77). Fragments of his History in Miiller, Frag. hist, groec. III. 490-4; Otto, P., "Strabonis 'laropiKwv viro- [xvr)iAa.Tu)v frag. ," in Leipziger Stud. XI (1889). 1-224. English translation by Hamilton and Falconer, 3 vols. (Bohn), from which selections, compared with the Greek text and revised by E. G. S., have been taken for this volume. For studies in Strabo, see Bunbury, E. H., History of Ancient Geography, II. chs. xxi, xxii; Tozer, H. F., History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge: University Press, 1897), ch. xii; Berger, H., Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen (2d ed., Leipzig, 1903), see Index; Pais, E., Ancient Italy, ch. xxvi; "Straboniana," in Rivista di filologia, 1887, pp. 97-246; Otto, P., "Quaestiones strabonianae," in Leipzig. Stud. XI (1889). 225-350; Niese, B., "Beitrage zur Biographie Strabos," in Hermes, XIII (1878). 33-45- Edition of Pliny's Natural History by Jahn and Mayhoff, 6 vols. (Teubner, 1892-1906). English translation by Bostock, J., and Riley, H. T., 6 vols. (Bohn). Chapters on the History of Art, trans, by Jex-Blake, K., with com- mentary by Sellers, E. (Macmillan, 1896), from which selections have been made for the present volume. See further Furtwangler, A., Plinius in seinen Quellen iiber die bildenden Kilnste (Teubner, 1877) ; Kalkmann, A. D., Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius (Berlin, 1898); Jahn, O., "Uber die Kunst- urtheile bei Plinius," in Sachs. Gesellsch. 1850. 2. pp. 105-42. Edition of Pausanias by Hitzig, H., and Bliimner, H., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1896-1910). English translation with extensive commentary and thirty maps by Frazer, J. G., 6 vols. (2d ed., London, 1913) ; also by Shilleto, A. R., 2 vols. (Bohn), from which have been taken the selections for this volume. See also BIBLIOGRAPHY 61 Robert, C, Pausanias als Schriftsteller. Studien und Beobachtungen (Berlin, 1909). Works on Greek topography generally serve as commentaries on Pausanias. Works for General Reference I. Works on Greek Literature and Kindred Studies. — Bergk, Th., Griechische Liter aturgesc hie hte, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1872-1887) ; Brims, I., Das lite- rarische Portrdt der Griechen, etc. (Berlin, 1896) ; Capps, E., From Homer to Theocritus (Scribner, 1901) ; Christ, W., Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur, 2 vols. rev. by Schmid, W. (Munich, 1908-19 13) ; Croiset, A. and M., Histoire de la litter attire grecque, 5 vols. (Paris, 1887); Abridged History of Greek Litera- ture (Macmillan, 1904) ; Hall, F. W., Companion to Classical Texts (London, 1913) ; Keble, A. J., Lectures on Greek Poetry 183 2-1 841, translated from the Latin by Francis, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912) ; Kirchner, J., Pro- sopographia Attica, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1901, 1902) ; Lawton, W. C, Introduction to Classical Greek Literature (Scribner, 1903) ; Jebb, R. C, Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry (London, 1893) ; The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isceus, 2 vols. (Macmillan, 1876); Mackail, J. W., Lectures on Greek Poetry (Longmans, 19 10) ; Mahaffy, J. P., History of Classical Greek Literature, 2 vols, (new ed., Macmillan, 1908) ; Murray, G., History of Ancient Greek Literature (Appleton, 1897) ; Misch, G., Geschichte der Autobiographic, I: Das Altertum (Leipzig, 1907) ; Putnam, G. H., Authors and' their Public in Ancient Times (Putnam, 1894); Peck, H. T., History of Classical Philology from the Seventh Century B.C., etc. (Macmillan, 191 1) ; Sandys, J. E., History of Classical Scholar- ship, 3 vols. ( 1 906-1 908) ; Schwartz, E., Charakterkopfe aus der antiken Litteratur (Leipzig, 1906) ; Symonds, J. A., Studies in the Greek Poets, 2 ser. (London, 1873, 1876) ; Thompson, E. M., An Introduction to Greek and Latin Palceography (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 191 2) ; Whibley, L., Companion to Greek Studies (Cambridge: University Press, 1905); Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, U. von, Krumbacher and others, Griechische und lateinische Literatur und Sprache (Teubner, 1905) ; Greek Literature: A Series of Lectures delivered at Columbia University (Columbia University Press, 191 2). II. General Histories of Greece. — Grote, G., History of Greece, 12 vols. (Harper, reprint from the edition of 1849-1853) ; Curtius, E., History of Greece, 5 vols. (Scribner, 1886) ; Abbott, E., History of Greece, 3 pts. (Put- nam, 1895-1900) ; Holm, A., History of Greece, 4 vols. (Macmillan, 1895-1898) ; Bury, J. B., History of Greece (2d ed. Macmillan, 1913) ; Hall, H. R., Ancient History of the Near East (Methuen, 1913) ; Busolt, G., Griechische Geschichte, 3 vols. (2d ed. Gotha, 1893-1904) ; Beloch, J., Griechische Geschichte, 3 vols. (I and II. 1, 2d ed. ; the remainder, 1st ed. Strassburg, 1912-1914 ; 1897-1904) ; Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 5 vols. (I, 3d ed. 1910; II-V, 1st ed. 1893- 1902); Freeman, E. A., History of Sicily, 4 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 891-1894). III. Inscriptions. — Inscriptions Grcecce, 14 vols., ed. Kirchhoff, A., Kaibel, G., and others (Berl. Akad. 1 873-1890) ; this is the new edition abbre- 62 THE SOURCES viated in this volume as Inscr. grcec, whereas the earlier edition of the Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum, occasionally cited, is abbreviated as CIA.; Ditten- berger, W., Sylloge Inscriptionum Grcecarum, 2d ed., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1898- 1901) ; Hicks, E. L., and Hill, G. F., Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions, (new ed., Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1901) ; Roberts, E. S., and Gardner, E. A., Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, 2 vols. (Cambridge: University Press, 1887, 1905) ; Michel, Ch., Recueil d' inscriptions grecques (Brussels, 1900) ; Dareste, R., Haussoullier, B., and Reinach, Th., Recueil des inscriptions juridiques grecques, 2dser. fasc. i-iii (Paris: Leroux, 1898, 1904); Collitz, H., Sammlung der griech- ische Dialektinschriften, 4 vols. (1884-1911) ; Larfeld, W., Griechische Epigraphik (3d ed., Munich: Beck, 1914) ; Wilhelm, A., Beitrdge zur Inschriftskunde (Vienna, 1909); "Attische Psephismen," in Hermes, XXIV (1889). 108-152, 326-36; Bockh, A., Urkunden iiber das Seewesen des attischen Staates (Berlin, 1840) ; Kohler, U., "Attische Inschriften des V ten Jahrhunderts," in Hermes, XXXI (1896). 137-54; Bleckmann, F., Griechische Inschriften zur griechischen Staatenkunde (Kleine Texte, no. 115, Bonn, 1913) ; Gardthausen, V., " Wieder- gefundene Originale historischer Inschriften des Altertums," in N. Jahrb. XXXIII (1914). 248-54, inscriptions quoted in ancient works; Kern, O., Tabula in usum scholarum editce, etc. (Bonn : Marcus and Weber, 1913). IV. Atlases, Dictionaries, and Kindred Helps. — Shepherd, W. R., Atlas of Ancient History (Holt, 1913), the best historical atlas; Sieglin, W., Schulatlas zur Geschichte des Altertums (imported by Lemcke and Buchner, N. Y.) ; Kiepert, H., Atlas Antiquus (Boston : Sanborn). Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and A ntiquities, by H. T. Peck (Harper, 1887), most con- venient ; Smith, W., Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, 3 vols. (Boston, 1849), useful though old; Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, 2 vols. (Boston, 1854, 1857) ; Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 2 vols. (3d ed., London: Murray, 1890, 1891) ; Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines (Paris, beginning 1873), in many volumes, still under way ; Pauly, Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, revised and greatly enlarged edition under the super- vision of Wissowa, G., and (the later volumes) of Kroll, W. (Stuttgart, begin- ning 1894), in many volumes, still under way; Hermann, K. F., Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitdten (Freiburg i. B. : Mohr), new editions of the several volumes are constantly appearing; Muller, I. von, Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft (Munich: Beck), new editions of the several volumes are constantly appearing ; Gercke, A., and Norden, E., Einleitung in die Alter- tumswissenschaft (Teubner) , in several volumes, still incomplete. Works devoted to special periods or to special subjects will be mentioned in the several chapter bibliographies. CHAPTER II THE MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS Approximately 3000-750 B.C. The Minoan period begins with the Bronze age, in which it is probable that copper was used for a time before the introduction of bronze ; see Mosso, A., Dawn of the Mediterranean Civilization. The entire period is divided by Evans {Nine Minoan Periods, 1915), into three large epochs, which he terms Early, Middle, and Late Minoan, respectively. In the Middle Minoan period Crete reached the height of her brilliant civilization ; in the Late Minoan age, called also the Mycenaean age, she stagnated and declined, while Troy ("sixth city"), Mycenae, and other cities on the Greek mainland rose to a brilliant height of culture and power. The Minoans had systems of writing, first picto- graphs, out of which developed linear scripts ; and a great store of inscribed tablets has been found in a room of the palace at Cnossus, Crete. No one as yet has been able to read the script, but there can be no doubt that the accu- mulated tablets just mentioned were the archives of accounts, of dues, receipts, etc., belonging to the king. That the Minoans, endowed as they were with splendid mentality, possessed a literature of songs, epics, and perhaps chronicles, as did the less gifted Orientals of the same period, seems certain. Such liter- ature, however, must have been consigned to less durable material, doubtless papyrus from Egypt, and for that reason perished. One of the most impor- tant questions bearing upon the relation of the Minoan civilization to that of historical Hellas is whether any of this literature survived, in any form, the downfall of the culture, so as to be used by the Greeks. The accuracy with which Homer pictures the material civilization, not of the decadent period but of the splendid Middle Minoan age, suggests the possibility of a survival to his time. If his sources were unwritten, at least the oral traditions were remarkably definite and concrete. It is noteworthy, too, that Aristotle and Ephorus speak with such confidence of the conditions and institutions of the age of Minos, and at the same time in such harmony with the facts revealed by the spade, as to tempt us to believe it possible that they or their sources made use of written material directly or indirectly transmitted from the Minoan age to their time. Notwithstanding this possibility we are forced to deal with the fact that our sources are almost wholly archaeological, and that references in Greek literature to the Minoan age can be accepted as facts or as probabilities only 63 6a MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS in so far as they are supported by archaeological discoveries. With this under- standing a few selections from literature are presented below. Preceding those which relate to the Minoan age is an excerpt from ^Eschylus which treats of the beginnings of civilized life. i. The Primitive Condition of Man and the Origin of Civilization (iEschylus, Prometheus, 442-506. Paley's translation, revised on the basis of Weil's text by G. W. B.) It is a remarkable fact that twenty-five hundred years before the dawn of anthropology a Greek dramatist should come so near the truth regarding the origin of civilization. It is interesting, too, to notice what ^Eschylus consid- ered the most vital elements of civilization, and especially the great prominence given to its religious features. Hear of the evils that existed among mortals, — how 1 1 made them, hitherto without reasoning powers, to have mind and to be possessed of intelligence. I shall tell you this, without any wish to disparage mankind, but by way of explaining the good feeling implied in my gifts. They in the first place, though seeing saw to no purpose, hearing they did not understand ; but like the forms of dreams, during all that long time they did everything in a con- fused and random way, and knew not brick-built houses turned to the sun, nor the craft of carpentry. But they used to dwell in holes made in the earth, like the tiny ants in the sunless recesses of caves. Further, they had no sign either of winter or of flowery spring, or of fruitful summer, to rely upon ; but they used to do everything without judgment, till at length I showed them the risings of the stars and their laboriously determined settings. Moreover, num- bers, the best of inventions, I devised for them, and the combining of letters, at once the origin of literature, and the means of remem- bering every event. I was the first, too, to join together under the yoke the animals that served them for drawing and for riding, that they might be used by mortals to relieve them in their severest toils. I brought also under the car horses, taught to love the rein, 1 The speaker is Prometheus, the friend of mankind, ancestor of the Hellenic race through Deucalion and his sons. THE CARIANS 65 the ornament of luxurious wealth. 1 Besides, no other than myself found out for them the sea-traversing canvas-winged cars to con- vey mariners. Such were the contrivances I devised for man. . . . If any one had fallen into an illness there were no remedies to avert it, either to be swallowed as food, or to be used as ointments, or to be taken as draughts ; but for want of drugs they used to pine and waste away, till I showed them how to compose these assuaging remedies, by which they now repel from themselves every kind of malady. 2 Many ways, too, of divination I arranged for them: first I taught them what sort of dreams were destined to prove realities : the obscure import of ominous sounds I made clear to them, and the meaning of objects met on the way. The flight too of crooked taloned birds of prey I clearly defined, both those which are lucky in their nature and the unlucky ones. ... I showed them also what the smoothness of the liver meant, and what par- ticular color it should have to be pleasing to the gods. 3 Such then were my services in these matters ; but those great benefits to man which lie hidden under the earth, — copper, iron, silver, and gold, — who can assert that he found them out before I did ? . . . In fine, hear the whole matter : all arts came to mortals from Prometheus. 2. The Carians (Herodotus i. 171) It is now generally accepted that the Minoans were not Indo-Europeans, but belonged to the " Mediterranean " race (cf. Sergi, Mediterranean Race). Of the same race were the Carians who inhabited a part of Asia Minor, and in earlier time, as Herodotus states, the islands of the ^Egean Sea. Connections between the religion of Caria, Asia Minor, and Minoan Crete have been pointed out by scholars. It is to be noted, however, that the Caria here referred to had no part in the brilliant Minoan civilization. The Carians came to the mainland from the islands ; for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they used 1 Horses were not used by the Greeks as ordinary work animals, but for riding, driving in carriages, and war. They were so expensive that only the relatively wealthy could afford to have them. 2 In the time of ^Eschylus, early fifth century, medical science was rapidly devel- oping. Hippocrates flourished in the latter part of the same century; see nos. 79-81. 3 This system of divination is now supposed to have been derived from Babylonia. 66 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am able to arrive by hearsay ; but whenever Minos required it, they used to supply his ships with seamen : and as Minos subdued much land and was fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations much the most famous at that time together with him. And they produced three inventions of which the Hellenes adopted the use : that is to say, the Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets, and of making the devices which are put upon shields, and these also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to that time all who were wont to use shields carried them without handles and with leathern straps to guide them, having them hung about their necks and their left shoulders. 1 Then after the lapse of a long time the Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they came to the mainland. 2 (Thucydides i. 8) The islanders were even more addicted to piracy than the mainlanders. They were mostly Carian or Phoenician settlers. This is proved by the fact that when the Athenians purified Delos during the Peloponnesian war and the tombs of the dead were opened, more than half of them were found to be Carians. They were known by the fashion of their arms which were buried with them, and by their mode of burial, the same which is still prac- tised among them. 3 1 The Minoans used a man-covering shield suspended from the neck as here de- scribed. The question as to the origin of the round shield is uncertain. In the opin- ion of Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, ch. vi, the round shield was introduced from central Europe by invading Hellenes. 2 In the colonization described by no. n. 3 From this passage it is clear that Thucydides, the writer, used a method of research followed by the archaeologists of to-day. By this means he proves that the people buried in past ages in the island of Delos had the same civilization as the Carians of his own time. That they were of the same race is an inference which he and most archaeologists have considered legitimate. Modern historians, on the contrary, are convinced that widely diverse races, as the Japanese, the negroes of North America, and the western Europeans, may enjoy the same civilization. THE MOST FAMOUS MINOAN 67 3. Minos (Homer, Odyssey xix. 178 sq.) In this excerpt "them" refers to the hundred cities of Crete. The "nine- year " period of the Cretan king was the same as in Laconia ; the Cretan king and the Lacedaemonian kings were compelled, on the renewal of a nine-year period, to seek divine sanction. The close connection of the Cretan king with his deity is also paralleled in Lacedaemon. In brief, the royal office in both countries seems to have been a Minoan heritage. Among them was Cnossus, a mighty city, wherein Minos ruled in nine-year periods, he who had converse with great Zeus. (Diodorus v. 78) This excerpt from Diodorus is evidently derived from early Greek sources and well represents the conventional Greek idea of Minos and his legislation and naval power. The colonization of western Hellas (Sicily and southern Italy), too, is repeated by many writers. There can be no doubt whatever that the later Minoans colonized this region ; cf. no. 6. They say that many generations after the birth of the gods many heroes arose in Crete, the most illustrious of whom were Minos and Rhadamanthys and Sarpedon, who they say were the sons of Zeus and Agenor's sister Europa. She, the story goes, had by a device of the gods been carried off on a bull's back to Crete. Minos as the eldest was king of the island, in which he planted no few cities, the most famous among them being Cnossus in the part which inclines toward Asia, Phaestus on the southern coast, and Cydonia in the western regions opposite Peloponnesus. He en- acted for the Cretans many laws, professing to receive them from his father Zeus and to hold converse with him in a certain cave. It is said, too, that he acquired a great naval power, conquered most of the islands and was the first Greek to establish an empire at sea. After winning great repute for bravery and justice, he ended his life in Sicily in an expedition against Cocalus. (Thucydides i. 8) In the opinion of Thucydides settled life and civilization made progress till the time of the Trojan war, after which came a period of confusion due to the Dorian and other migrations. Archaeological discoveries, on the contrary, seem to have proved that Troy, the "sixth" and most splendid city, was de- 68 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS stroyed in a period, probably toward the end of the period, of confusion and turmoil of migration. The chronology of these early times could not be so well known to the historical Greeks as the spade has revealed it to us. On the other hand, the connection of economy with political history is stated with remarkable clearness and accuracy : the willingness of many to submit to em- pire for the protection of their property, and the use of wealth as a means of conquest. After Minos had established a navy, communication by sea became more general. For after he had expelled the pirates, when he colonized the greater part of the islands, the dwellers on the sea- coast began to grow richer and to live in a more settled manner ; and some of them, finding their wealth increase beyond their ex- pectations, surrounded their towns with walls. The love of gain made the weaker willing to serve the stronger, and the command of wealth enabled the more powerful to subjugate the lesser cities. This was the state of society which was beginning to prevail at the time of the Trojan war. 4. Theseus and the Minotaur (Hellanicus, Atthis, quoted by Plutarch, Theseus, 15-17, who cites also Philochorus and Aristotle) There seems to be a kernel of truth in the myth related below. The favorite sport of the king and grandees of Cnossus came in the festival in which trained youths and girls grappled with bulls, turned somersaults over their backs, etc. ; Botsford, Hellenic History, ch. ii. The subject states, including some of the towns of Attica, had to furnish the girls and youths as tribute. The laby- rinth was the palace at Crete. The word is Carian and has reference to the double-ax, which was an attribute of Zeus. The Cnossian palace, in which this Zeus was worshiped, was named accordingly "the house of the double- ax." In time, however, the word labyrinth lost its original meaning, and came to refer to the intricate system of corridors and halls included in that palace. A further historical truth contained in the story is doubtless the liberation of Attica from the tribute by the hero. They (the Athenians) sent an embassy to Minos and prevailed on him to make peace on condition that every nine years they should send him a tribute of seven youths and seven girls. The most tragic of the legends states that these poor children, when they reached Crete, were thrown into the Labyrinth, and there were THE MINOTAUR 69 devoured by the Minotaur 1 or else perished with hunger, being unable to find their way out. The Minotaur, as Euripides tells us, was A form commingled, and a monstrous birth, Half man, half bull, in twofold shape combined. Philochorus states that the Cretans do not recognize this story, but say that the Labyrinth was merely a prison, like any other, from which escape was impossible, and that Minos instituted gym- nastic games in honor of Androgeus, a son who had been treacher- ously slain, in which the prizes for the victors were these children, who till then were kept in the Labyrinth. . . . Aristotle himself, in his treatise on The Constitution of the Botticeans, 2 evidently does not believe that the children were put to death by Minos, but that they lived in Crete as slaves to extreme old age, and that once the Cretans, in performance of an ancient vow, sent first-fruits of their population to Delphi. Among those who were thus sent were the descendants of the Athenians ; and as they could not maintain themselves there, they first passed over to Italy, and settled near Iapygia. 3 Thence they removed to Thrace, and took the name of Bottiaeans. For this reason the Bottiaean maidens, when performing a certain sacrifice, sing, "Let us go to Athens." Plutarch next narrates the sailing of Theseus to kill the Minotaur, after which (§ 1 7) he quotes from Hellanicus the excerpt given below. Hellariicus says that the City did not select the youths and girls by lot, but that Minos himself came thither and chose them, and that he picked out Theseus first of all upon the usual conditions, that the Athenians should furnish a ship, and that the youths should embark in it and sail with him, not carrying with them any weapon of war ; and that when the Minotaur was slain, the tribute should cease. Formerly no one had any hope of safety ; hence they used to send out the ship with a black sail, as if it were going to a certain 1 The idea and the name of the Minotaur (" Minos-bull") easily arose from stories of the great king Minos, his labyrinthine palace, and the festival of bull grappling, which circulated through Hellas. 2 Bottia, Bottiaea, was a Macedonian, not a Thracian, town ; cf. Oberhummer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. III. 794 sq. The basis of Aristotle's connection of the inhabitants with Delphi, Italy, and Crete is unknown. 3 Here again is a reference to the Minoan colonization of Italy ; cf. nos. 3, 6. 7 o MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS doom ; but now Theseus so encouraged his father, and boasted that he would overcome the Minotaur, that he gave a second sail, a white one, to the pilot, and charged him on his return, if Theseus were safe, to hoist the white one, if not, the black one as a sign of mourning. 5. Crete and the Relation of her Institutions with those of laced^mon (Aristotle, Politics, ii. 10. 1-5, 1271 b. Jowett's translation, revised on the basis of Susemihl's text, by G. W. B.) The opinion of the writer is that the Lacedaemonians adopted many of their institutions from Crete, and the Hellenic Cretans from the earlier inhab- itants. We know, however, that the Minoan civilization flourished in Laconia, and it seems to us, therefore, at least equally probable that the Lacedaemonians derived these institutions directly from the Minoans of their own country. If what Aristotle says regarding the Minoan origin is true, it follows that the institutions which we have looked upon as peculiarly Dorian belong to this earlier civilization. The view is reasonable, especially as the complex social organization of Laconia and historical Crete seems to be the product of a highly developed civilization, like the Oriental, rather than of a relatively crude race of invaders, such as were the Dorians. The Cretan constitution nearly resembles the Lacedaemonian, and in some few points is quite as good, but for the most part less perfect in form. The Lacedaemonian is said to be, and probably is, in most respects a copy of the Cretan. In fact older constitutions are generally less elaborate than later. According to tradition, Lycurgus, when he ceased to be guardian of King Charilaus, went abroad and spent most of the time of his absence in Crete. For the two countries are nearly connected ; the Lyctians are a colony of the Lacedaemonians, and the colonists, when they came to Crete, adopted the system of laws which they found existing among the inhabitants. [Even to this day the periceci are governed by the original laws which Minos enacted. The island seems to be in- tended by nature for dominion in Hellas and to be well situated ; it extends right across the sea, around which nearly all the Hellenes are settled ; and while one end is not far from Peloponnesus, the other almost reaches to the region of Asia about Triopium and CRETAN INSTITUTIONS 7i Rhodes. Hence Minos acquired the empire of the sea, subduing some of the islands and colonizing others ; at last he invaded Sicily, where he died near Camicus.] 1 The Cretan institutions resemble the Lacedaemonian. The helots were the husbandmen of the one, the periceci of the other ; and both Cretans and Lacedaemonians have common meals, which were anciently called by the Lacedaemonians, not phiditia but andreia ; and the Cretans have the same word, the use of which proves that the common meals (syssitia) originally came from Crete. 6. Occupation Classes; the Public Tables and the Colo- nization of Italy (Aristotle, Politics, vii. 10. 1-6, 1329 b. Revision by G. W. B., as in no. 5) It is no new or recent discovery that the state ought to be divided into classes, and that the warriors ought to be separated from the husbandmen. The system has continued in Egypt and in Crete to the present day, and was established, as is said, by Sesostris in Egypt and by Minos in Crete. The institution of common tables (syssitia) also appears to be of ancient date, being in Crete as old as the reign of Minos, and in Italy far older. The native historians there say that a certain Italus was king of QEnotria, from whom the inhabitants were called Italians instead of (Eno- trians, and who gave the name Italy to the promontory of Europe which lies between the Scylletic and Lametic gulfs, which are dis- tant from one another only a half-day's journey. They say that this Italus converted the (Enotrians from shepherds into husband- men, and besides giving them other laws, he was the founder of their common meals. Even in our day some who are derived from him retain this institution and certain other laws of his. On the side of Italy toward Tyrrhenia (Etruria) dwelt the Opici, who are now, as of old, called Ausones ; and on the side toward Iapygia and the Ionian Gulf, in the district called Siritis, the Chones, who are likewise of (Enotrian race. From this part of the world origi- nally came the institution of the common tables ; the separation into classes, which was much older, from Egypt ; for the reign of Sesostris is of far greater antiquity than that of Minos. 1 Bracketed by Susemihl. On the naval power of Minos, see no. 3. 72 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS (Athenaeus xii. 24, probably quoting from Clearchus, Lives, iv) As indicated by their language, the Iapygians were related to the Tllyrians, and must have migrated to Italy far later than the Minoan age. There can be no doubt, however, that toward the end of the Minoan age the Cretans or other ^gean people colonized southern Italy and Sicily ; hence there may have been a Cretan element in the Iapygian population. This passage, however, refers mainly to later time. Now the race of the Iapygians came originally from Crete, being descended from those Cretans who came to seek for Glaucus, and settled in that part of Italy. Afterward forgetting the orderly life of the Cretans, they came to such a pitch of luxury and thence to such a degree of insolence that they were the first people who painted their faces, and who wore headbands and false hair, and who clothed themselves in robes embroidered with flowers, and who considered it disgraceful to cultivate the land or to do any kind of labor. Most of them made their houses more beautiful than the temples of the Gods. Thus, they say, the leaders of the Iapygians, treating the Deity with insult, destroyed the images of the Gods in the temples, ordering them to yield place to their superiors. For this reason, stricken with fire and thunderbolts, they gave rise to this report; for in fact the thunderbolts with which they were stricken down were visible a long time afterward. To this very day all their descendants live with shaven heads and in mourning apparel, in want of the luxuries which previously belonged to them. 7. Cretan Education and the Public Tables (Ephorus, Histories, quoted by Strabo x. 4. 20) The most illustrious and powerful of the youths form troops (aye\ai) } each individual assembling together as many youths of his age as possible. Generally the governor of the troop is the father of the youth who has gathered it, the former has the function of taking them to hunt, of exercising them in running, and of pun- ishing the disobedient. They are maintained at the public expense. On certain set days troop encounters troop, marching in time to the sound of the pipe and lyre, as is their custom in actual war. They inflict blows, some with the hand and some even with iron weapons. PUBLIC TABLES 73 A certain number are selected from time to time from the troop and compelled forthwith to marry. They do not, however, take the young women whom they have married immediately to their homes, but wait until they are qualified to administer household affairs. (Dosiades, Cretica, iv, quoted by Athenaeus iv. 22, 143) Dosiades was a native of Crete of the Hellenistic age, who composed the work named above, dealing evidently with the history and antiquities of his island. Little else is known of him (cf. Schwartz, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real- Encycl. V. 1596 sq.) ; but he must have had access to abundant sources of infor- mation lost to us. The people of Lycti conduct their public tables as follows. Each brings in a tenth of the produce, and also the revenues of the state, which the authorities of the state distribute among the several houses. And each slave contributed an iEginetan stater as poll tax. On reaching manhood the youth then passed from the troop to the club (hetceria). All the citizens are grouped in clubs. These institutions they call andreia. The management of a syssition (common table of an andreion) is in charge of a woman, who calls to her assistance three or four common men (B^fjuoriKOi). Each of these men is accompanied by two slaves as wood-carriers, called /ca\ocf)6pot. In every Cretan city are two houses for syssitia. One they call the andreion : the other, in which they entertain strangers, the inn (fcoifjLrjrripLov) . In the andreion stand in the first place two tables assigned to guests, at which aliens who are present sit, then the other tables in their order. An equal portion is served to each one present, whereas a half portion is assigned to the younger men, who touch nothing of the other dishes. Then wine mixed with water is served, and all who sit at a common table drink together. When they have finished eating, a further supply of wine is furnished. For the boys, too, a common bowl is mixed, while to the elders, if they wish, the priv- ilege is given of drinking more. The best of everything the woman in charge of the syssition takes from the table in the sight of all and gives to those who have distinguished themselves in war or by their wisdom. After dinner it is customary first to deliberate on public affairs, then to converse about the deeds of war and to praise 74 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS those who have shown themselves good men, the object being to encourage the young to manliness. (Pyrgion, Cretan Customs, quoted by Athenaeus iv. 22, 143. Translated by G. W. B.) In their syssitia the Cretans eat sitting. The youngest (the children) stand and serve the rest. After pouring an offering to the gods for good fortune, they divide among all the food brought to the table. They assign to the sons who stand behind their fathers' chairs portions one half of those placed before men. The orphans, however, have equal portions. Whatever is served them is prepared without seasoning according to the specifications of their customary law. 8. The Pyrrhic Dance and the Hymn of the Curetes (Ephorus, Histories, quoted by Strabo x. 4. 16) That courage and not fear might predominate, they were ac- customed from childhood to the use of arms and to endure fatigue. Hence they disregarded heat and cold, rugged and steep roads, blows received in gymnastic exercises and in set battles. They practised archery and the dance in armor, which the curetes first invented, and which was afterward perfected by Pyrrhichus and called after him Pyrrhic. Hence even their sports were not without their use in training for war. With the same intention they used the Cretan measures in their songs. The tones of these meas- ures are extremely loud ; they were invented by Thales (Thaletas) , to whom are ascribed the paeans and other native songs and many customs. They adopted a military dress and shoes, and considered armor the most valuable of all presents. the hymn The curetes, mentioned above, were young, unmarried men, initiated into the mystic rites of the society, and worshipers of Zeus Kouros, the Divine Youth, with emotional rites and ecstatic dances in armor. See Harrison, J. E., "The Kouretes and Zeus Kouros," in the Annual of the British School at Athens, XV (1908-9). 308-338. A hymn of the curetes, recently discovered and published in op. cit. XV. 357 sqq., is translated as follows by Gilbert Murray. HYMN OF THE CURETES 75 Io, Kouros most Great, I give thee hail, Kronion, Lord of all that is wet and gleaming, thou art come at the head of thy Daimones (spirits). To Dicte for the year, Oh, march, and rejoice in the dance and song, That we make to thee with harps and pipes mingled together, and sing as we come to a stand at thy well-fenced altar. Io, etc. For here the shielded Nurturers took thee, a babe immortal, from Rhea, and with noise of beating feet hid thee away. Io, etc. (The next stanza is unintelligible.) And the seasons began to be fruitful year by year (?) and Justice to possess mankind, and all wild living things were held about by wealth-loving Peace. Io, etc. To us also leap for full jars, and leap for fleecy flocks, and leap for fields of fruit, and for hives to bring increase. Io, etc. Leap for our cities and leap for our sea-borne ships and leap for young citizens and for goodly law. 1 9. The Condition of Greece during and after the Hellenic Migration (Thucydides i. 2-12. Jowett, verified on the basis of the Greek text by E. G. S.) This passage best applies to the period of Indo-European immigration into Greece and of the gradual emergence of Hellenic civilization from the blending of the invaders with the decadent Minoans. At the same time the selection illustrates the method of Thucydides in dealing with early times. 2. The country which is now called Hellas was not regularly settled in ancient times. The people were migratory, and readily left their homes whenever they were overpowered by numbers. 1 The curetes were themselves the daimones, spirits, attendant on the god. He was a year god, who brought fertility, increase, and prosperity. The curetes are called nurturers because they received the child Zeus from his mother Rhea and hid him from the father Cronos. Though the exhortation " leap " is addressed to Zeus, the curetes themselves performed the act while singing. From Crete the institution of the curetes extended to many parts of Greece. 76 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS There was no commerce, and they could not safely hold intercourse with one another either by land or sea. The several tribes culti- vated their own soil just enough to obtain a maintenance from it. But they had no accumulations of wealth, and did not plant the ground ; for, being without walls, they were never sure that an invader might not come and despoil them. Living in this manner and knowing that they could anywhere obtain a bare subsistence, they were always ready to migrate ; so that they had neither great cities nor any considerable resources. The richest districts were most constantly changing their inhabitants ; for example, the coun- tries which are now called Thessaly and Bceotia, the greater part of the Peloponnesus with the exception of Arcadia, 1 and all the best parts of Hellas. For the productiveness of the land increased the power of individuals ; this in turn was a source of quarrels by which communities were ruined, while at the same time they were more exposed to attacks from without. Certainly Attica, of which the soil was poor and thin, enjoyed a long freedom from civil strife, and therefore retained its original inhabitants. And a striking confirmation of my argument is afforded by the fact that Attica through immigration increased in population more than any other region. For the leading men of Hellas, when driven out of their own country by war or revolution, sought an asylum at Athens ; and from the very earliest times, being admitted to rights of citizen- ship, so greatly increased the number of inhabitants that Attica became incapable of containing them, and was at last obliged to send out colonies to Ionia. 2 3. The feebleness of antiquity is further proved to me by the circumstance that there appears to have been no common action in Hellas before the Trojan War. And I am inclined to think that the very name was not as yet given to the whole country, and in fact did not exist at all before the time of Hellen, the son of Deu- calion ; the different tribes, of which the Pelasgian 3 was the most 1 It was the common belief of his time that Arcadia alone of all Peloponnesian states had never changed inhabitants; it is certain that they were among the oldest of Hellenic races. 2 Thucydides has in mind especially the tradition that the inhabitants of northern Peloponnese, expelled by the invading Dorians, took refuge in Attica and afterward joined in the colonization of Ionia. 3 In the time of Thucydides it was commonly believed that the Pelasgians had HELLENES AND BARBARIANS 77 widely spread, gave their own names to different districts. But when Hellen and his sons became powerful in Phthiotis, their aid was invoked by other cities, and those who associated with them gradually began to be called Hellenes, though a long time elapsed before the name prevailed over the whole country. Of this Homer affords the best evidence ; for he, although he lived long after the Trojan War, nowhere uses this name collectively, but con- fines it to the followers of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were the original Hellenes ; when speaking of the entire host he called them Danaans, or Argives, or Achaeans. Neither is there any mention of Barbarians in his poems, clearly because there were as yet no Hellenes opposed to them by a common distinctive name. Thus the several Hellenic tribes (and I mean by the term Hellenes those who, while forming separate communities, had a common language, and were afterward called by a common name), owing to their weakness and isolation, were never united in any great enterprise before the Trojan War. And they only made the ex- pedition against Troy after they had gained considerable experience of the sea. 4. Minos is the first to whom tradition ascribes the possession of a navy. He made himself master of a great part of what is now termed the Hellenic sea ; he conquered the Cyclades, and was the first colonizer of most of them, expelling the Carians and appointing his own sons to govern in them. Lastly, it was he who, from a natural desire to protect his growing revenues, sought, as far as he was able, to clear the sea of pirates. 5. For in ancient times both Hellenes and Barbarians, as well the inhabitants of the coast as of the islands, when they began to find their way to one another by sea had recourse to piracy. They were commanded by powerful chiefs, who took this means of in- creasing their wealth and providing for their poorer followers. They would fall upon the unwalled and straggling towns, or rather villages, which they plundered, and maintained themselves by the plunder of them ; for, as yet, such an occupation was held to be once occupied a great part of Hellas. This opinion, however, seems to have been due to an erroneous method of reconstructing the past. Homer knew only of a Pelasgic Argos and Pelasgians in Crete ; from such small beginnings the antiquarians developed their great theory; cf. Meyer, E., Forsch. zur alten Geschichte, I. 1-124. 78 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS honorable and not disgraceful. This is proved by the practice of certain tribes on the mainland who, to the present day, glory in piratical exploits, and by the witness of the ancient poets, in whose verses the question is invariably asked of newly-arrived voyagers, whether they are pirates ; which implies that neither those who are questioned disclaim, nor those who are interested in knowing censure, the occupation. The land too was infested by robbers ; and there are parts of Hellas in which the old practices still continue, as for example among the Ozolian Locrians, iEtolians, Acarnanians, and the adjacent regions of the continent. The fashion of wearing arms among these continental tribes is a relic of their old predatory habits. 1 6. For in ancient times all Hellenes carried weapons because their homes were undefended and intercourse was unsafe ; like the Barbarians they went armed in their every-day life. And the con- tinuance of the custom in certain parts of the country proves that it once prevailed everywhere. The Athenians were the first who laid aside arms and adopted an easier and more luxurious way of life. Quite recently the old- fashioned refinement of dress still lingered among the elder men of their richer class, who wore undergarments of linen, and bound back their hair in a knot with golden clasps in the form of grass- hoppers ; and the same customs long survived among the elders of Ionia, having been derived from their Athenian ancestors. On the other hand, the simple dress which is now common was first worn at Sparta ; and there, more than anywhere else, the life of the rich was assimilated to that of the people. The Lacedaemo- nians too were the first who in their athletic exercises stripped naked and rubbed themselves over with oil. But this was not the ancient custom ; athletes formerly, even when they were contending at Olympia, wore girdles about their loins, a practice which lasted until quite lately, and still prevails among Barbarians, especially those of Asia, where the combatants at boxing and wrestling matches wear girdles. And many other customs which are now confined 1 The method of the historian is to study the undeveloped peoples of Hellas for information on the early condition of those peoples who had made progress. The same method is employed at present in the study of religion, social conditions, and other elements of civilization. KINGS OF MYCEN^L 79 to the Barbarians might be shown to have existed formerly in Hellas. 1 7. In later times, when navigation had become general and wealth was beginning to accumulate, cities were built upon the seashore and fortified ; peninsulas too were occupied and walled- off with a view to commerce and defence against the neighboring tribes. But the older towns both in the islands and on the con- tinent, in order to protect themselves against the piracy which so long prevailed, were built inland ; and there they remain to this day. For the piratical tribes plundered, not only one another, but all those who, without being sailors, lived on the sea-coast. ... 9. I am inclined to think that Agamemnon succeeded in col- lecting the expedition, 2 not because the suitors of Helen had bound themselves by oath to Tyndareus, but because he was the most powerful king of his time. Those Peloponnesians who possess the most accurate traditions say that originally Pelops gained his power by the great wealth which he brought with him from Asia into a poor country, whereby he was enabled, although a stranger, to give his name to the Peloponnesus ; and that still greater fortune attended his descendants after the death of Eurystheus, king of Mycenae, who was slain in Attica by the Heraclidae. For Atreus the son of Pelops was the maternal uncle of Eurystheus, who, when he went on the expedition, naturally committed to his charge the kingdom of Mycenae. Now Atreus had been banished by his father on account of the murder of Chrysippus. But Eurystheus never returned ; and the Mycenaeans, dreading the Heraclidae, were ready to welcome Atreus, who was considered a powerful man and had ingratiated himself with the multitude. Thus he succeeded to the throne of Mycenae and the other dominions of Eurystheus. The house of Pelops accordingly prevailed over that of Perseus. 1 In their admiration for the human form, their recognition of its nobility, and their pleasure in viewing it unclad, especially in action, the Hellenes contrasted with the Orientals, who thought it shameful to expose the body to view. It was this atti- tude of the Greeks which made possible the creation of their art and the elevation of the human being to a dignity and nobility of which the Orientals appear never even to have dreamed. 2 Ch. 8 has not been omitted, but merely transferred ; see nos. 2,3. At the close of the chapter Thucydides speaks of the Trojan war. The expedition here men- tioned, therefore, is that of the Hellenes against Troy. 8o MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS And it was, as I believe, because Agamemnon inherited this power and also because he was the greatest naval potentate of his time that he was able to assemble the expedition ; and the other princes followed him, not from good-will, but from fear. Of the chiefs who came to Troy, he, if the witness of Homer be accepted, brought the greatest number of ships himself, besides supplying the Arcadians with them. In the 'Handing down of the Sceptre' he is described as ' The king of many islands, and of all Argos.' But, living on the mainland, he could not have ruled over any except the adjacent islands (which would not be 'many') unless he had possessed a considerable navy. From this expedition we must form our conjectures about the character of still earlier times. 10. When it is said that Mycenae was but a small place, or that any other city which existed in those days is inconsiderable in our own, this argument will hardly prove that the expedition was not as great as the poets relate and as is commonly imagined. Suppose the city of Sparta to be deserted, and nothing left but the temples and the ground-plan, distant ages would be very unwilling to be- lieve that the power of the Lacedaemonians was at all equal to their fame. And yet they own two-fifths of the Peloponnesus, and are acknowledged leaders of the whole, as well as of numerous allies in the rest of Hellas. But their city is not regularly built, and has no splendid temples or other edifices ; it rather resembles a strag- gling village like the ancient towns of Hellas, and would therefore make a poor show. Whereas if the same fate befell the Athenians, the ruins of Athens would strike the eye, and we should infer their power to have been twice as great as it really is. We ought not then to be unduly sceptical. The greatness of cities should be estimated by their real power and not by appearances. And we may fairly suppose the Trojan expedition to have been greater than any which preceded it, although according to Homer, if we may once more appeal to his testimony, not equal to those of our own day. He was a poet, and may therefore be expected to ex- aggerate ; yet, even upon his showing, the expedition was compara- tively small. For it numbered, as he tells us, twelve hundred ships, those of the Boeotians carrying one hundred and twenty men each, those of Philoctetes fifty ; and by these numbers he may be pre- sumed to indicate the largest and the smallest ships ; else why in THE TROJAN WAR 81 the catalogue is nothing said about the size of any others ? That the crews were all righting men as well as rowers he clearly implies when speaking of the ships of Philoctetes ; for he tells us that all the oarsmen were likewise archers. And it is not to be supposed that many who were not sailors would accompany the expedition, except the kings and principal officers ; for the troops had to cross the sea, bringing with them the materials of war, in vessels without decks, built after the old piratical fashion. Now if we take a mean between the crews, the invading forces will appear not to have been very numerous when we remember that they were drawn from the whole of Hellas. 1 ii. The cause of the inferiority was not so much the want of men as the want of money ; the invading army was limited by the difficulty of obtaining supplies to such a number as might be ex- pected to live on the country in which they were to fight. After their arrival at Troy, when they had won a battle (as they clearly did, for otherwise they could not have fortified their camp), even they appear not to have used the whole of their force, but to have been driven by want of provisions to the cultivation of the Cher- sonese and to pillage. And in consequence of this dispersion of their forces, the Trojans were enabled to hold out against them during the whole ten years, being always a match for those who remained on the spot. Whereas if the besieging army had brought abundant supplies, and, instead of betaking themselves to agri- culture or pillage, had carried on the war persistently with all their forces, they would easily have been masters of the field and have taken the city ; since, even divided as they were, and with only a part of their army available at any one time, they held their ground. Or, again, they might have regularly invested Troy, and the place would have been captured in less time and with less trouble. Pov- erty was the real reason why the achievements of former ages were insignificant, and why the Trojan War, the most celebrated of them all, when brought to the test of facts, falls short of its fame and of the prevailing traditions to which the poets have given authority. 1 From this passage it is evident that Thucydides regarded the Iliad as history, modified somewhat by poetic exaggeration. Historians of to-day do not take this view ; they regard the persons and events of the poem as mainly fictitious, while admitting that the story may contain a nucleus of fact. 82 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS 12. Even in the age which followed the Trojan War, Hellas was still in process of ferment and settlement, and had not time for peaceful growth. The return of the Hellenes from Troy after their long absence led to many changes ; quarrels too arose in nearly every city, and those who were expelled by them went forth and founded other cities. Thus in the sixtieth year after the fall of Troy, the Boeotian people, having been expelled from Arne by the Thessalians, settled in the country formerly called Cadmeis, but now Bceotia : a portion of the tribe already dwelt there, and some of them had joined in the Trojan expedition. In the eightieth year after the war, the Dorians led by the Heraclidae conquered the Peloponnesus. A considerable time elapsed before Hellas became finally settled ; after a while, however, she recovered tranquillity and began to send out colonies. The Athenians colonized Ionia and most of the islands ; the Peloponnesians the greater part of Italy and Sicily, and various places in Hellas. These colonies were all founded after the Trojan War. 10. Crete after the Hellenic Colonization (Homer, Odyssey, 170-9) This excerpt describes the ethnic composition of Crete as it was in the time of Homer. The "Cretans of Crete" (Eteo-Cretans, "genuine Cretans") and the Cydonians were the pre-Hellenic inhabitants, the Minoans. The Pelas- gians had possibly migrated from Thessaly, where, according to Homer, was a "Pelasgic Argos"; cf. no. 9, n. 3. The Achaeans and Dorians were Greeks. Although the idea arose in ancient times, and has found modern supporters, that the Dorians here mentioned came directly from Thessaly, it is far more probable that they were from Peloponnese. The selection is especially interesting as a description of a part of Hellas after the immigration of the Indo-Europeans but before assimilation had per- ceptibly advanced. Yet even so I will tell thee what thou askest and inquirest. There is a land called Crete in the midst of the wine-dark sea, a fair land and a rich, begirt with water, and therein are many men in- numerable, and ninety cities. And all have not the same speech, but there is confusion of tongues ; there dwell Achaeans and there too Cretans of Crete, high of heart, 1 and Cydonians there and 1 Naturally the natives prided themselves on their descent. COLONIZATION Or ASIA MINOR 83 Dorians of waving plumes 1 and goodly Pelasgians. And among these cities is the mighty city Cnossus, wherein Minos ruled in nine-year periods, 2 he who held converse with great Zeus, and was the father of my father, even of Deucalion, high of heart. 11. Ionian, Dorian, and ^Eolian Colonization (Herodotus i. 142-50. Macaulay, revised by E. G. S.) The material contained in this selection Herodotus drew from a study of the situation, climate, soil, customs, and traditions of the Greek cities of Asia Minor. It is highly probable that he found considerable of this work already done by the logographers and especially by Hecataeus, his most distinguished predecessor (see p. 21). While he correctly described the customs, his expla- nation of their origin, for instance the separation of women and men at tables, does not always seem probable. 142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion 3 had the fortune to build their cities in the most favorable position for climate and seasons of any men whom we know : for neither the regions above Ionia nor those below, neither those toward the East nor those toward the West, produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one direction being oppressed by cold and mois- ture, and those in the other by heat and drought. These people do not use all the same speech, but have four different variations of language. First of their cities on the side of the South lies Miletus, and next to it Myus and Priene. These are settlements made in Caria, and speak the same language with one another; and the following are in Lydia, — Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus, Teos, Clazomenae, Phocaea : these cities resemble not at all those men- tioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with another. There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two 1 Of all the inhabitants the Dorians were most conspicuously warriors. 2 See no. 3 (introd.). 3 The Panionion was a shrine of all the Ionians for the worship of Poseidon. It was situated on the promontory of Mycale in the territory of Priene, one of the twelve Ionic cities; see ch. 148 of this selection. The league of twelve cities was for protec- tion from foreign enemies, especially from the Lydians and Persians ; but the union was loose and the component states often fought among themselves or failed to support one another in foreign wars; see Wilamowitz-Moellendorfl, U. v., "Panionion," in Sitzb. Berl. Akad. 1906. pp. 38-57. 84 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS are established in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the mainland, namely Erythrae. Now the men of Chios and of Erythrae use the same form of language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone. Thus there result four separate forms of language. 143. Of these Ionians those of Miletus were sheltered from the danger, since they had sworn an agreement ; and those of them who lived in islands had no cause of fear, 1 for the Phoenicians were not yet subjects of the Persians and the Persians themselves were not seamen. Now these were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than this : the whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its races the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account. With the exception of Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. The other Ionians, and among them the Athe- nians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number of them are ashamed of the name ; 2 but these twelve cities not only prided themselves on the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave the name of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in it to any other Ionians ; nor indeed did any ask to share it except those of Smyrna. 3 144. Likewise the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five Cities, but was formerly called the Six Cities, take care not to admit any of the neighboring Dorians to the temple of Tri- opion, and even exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any offence as regards the temple. For example, 1 Herodotus has in mind the situation in 546, after Cyrus had conquered Lydia and was on the point of proceeding against the Greek cities along the coast; see Botsford, Hellenic History, ch. x. 2 At the time when the History of Herodotus was being composed, third quarter of the fifth century, the Ionians had greatly declined in creative power and personal worth, and were subject allies of the Athenians. There was reason then that the x\thenians should be ashamed of kinship with them; but in the time of which he writes no such reason existed ; in fact the Athenians claimed the Ionians as their colo- nists. The true reason why the Athenians did not call themselves Ionians seems to be, (1) the Ionians were only in part of the same race, having come from other places besides Attica and having mixed extensively with the natives of Asia Minor, (2) the name " Ionian " seems to have originated in Asia Minor and to have extended but faintly as far west as Attica. 3 The people of Smyrna were originally ^Eolian, but their city had afterward been taken by the Ionians ; see ch. 1 50. DORIANS AND IONIANS 35 in the games of the Triopian Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the victors, and the rule was that those who received them should not carry them out of the temple but dedicate them then and there to the god. There was a man then of Hali- carnassus, whose name was Agasicles, who being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the tripod to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground the other five cities, Lindus, Ialysus and Cameirus, Cos and Cnidus, excluded the sixth city Halicarnassus from sharing in the temple. 1 145. Upon these people they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think that the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would not receive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt in Peloponnesus there were of them twelve di- visions, just as now there are twelve divisions of the Achaeans who drove the Ionians out : 2 for first, (beginning from the side of Sicyon) comes Pellene, then iEgeira and Aigae, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence the river of the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and Helice, to which the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by the Achaeans in fight, and iEgion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis and Olenus, where is the great river Peirus, and Dyme and Tritaeeis, of which the last alone has an inland position. These now form twelve divisions of the Achaeans, and in former times they were divisions of the Ionians. 146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve cities ; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than the other Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly, considering that a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyae of Or- 1 Originally a Dorian city, Halicarnassus became so Ionized before the fifth century as to use the Ionic language for official purposes ; see the inscription in Ionic of about 460-455 B.C. in Hicks and Hill, no. 27. Herodotus, who was a native of this city, and who wrote in the Ionic dialect, undoubtedly learned it at home. 2 The supposition of Herodotus is that the northern coast land of Peloponnese, in his time called Achaea, was formerly inhabited by Ionians, who at the time of the Dorian invasion were expelled by the Achaeans. These Ionians passed ultimately to Ionia in Asia Minor. The notion that the Ionians of Asia Minor in any way imitated those of northern Peloponnese is baseless. It was usual for early peoples to adopt an arithmetical scheme of organization, in which the numbers three and four play an important part. 86 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS chomenus have been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryo- pians and Phocians who seceded from their native State, and Mo- lossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia, and Dorians of Epidaurus, and many other races have been mingled with them. Those of them who set forth to their settlements from the Prytaneum 1 of Athens and who esteem themselves the most noble by descent of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to their settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew : and on account of this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule, im- posing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their daughters, that they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife call her own husband by name, for this reason, because the Ionians had slain their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had them to wife. This happened at Miletus. 2 147. Moreover some of them set Lycian kings over them, de- scendants of Glaucus and Hippolochus, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos, descendants of Codrus the son of Melanthus, and others again by princes of these two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more than the other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of truly pure descent ; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia ; 3 and this they all keep except the men of Ephesus and Colophon : for these alone of all the Ionians do not keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed. 148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale, set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helice; and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland run- ning out westward towards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities used to hold a festival which they called the Panionia. [And not only the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally are subject to this rule, that their 1 The City Hall, containing a sacred hearth of the community. 2 For a time after the colonization the social condition of Ionia closely resembled that of Crete and Laconia ; there were lords, serfs, public tables for the men, and mili- tary training; cf. Botsford, Hellenic History, ch. iii. These facts help explain the separation of women and men at table, a custom afterward accentuated by the Ori- entalizing tendency to seclude women. 3 The phratric festival of the Ionians; see no. 144. ^OLIANS 87 names all end in the same letter, just like the names of the Persians.] 1 149. These then are the Ionian cities ; and those of ^olis are as follows : Kyme, which is called Phriconis, Larisae, Neonteichus, Temnus, Cilia, Notion, iEgiroessa, Pitane, yEgaiae, Myrina, Gry- neia ; these are the ancient cities of the ^Eolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them by the Ionians ; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used also formerly to be twelve in number. The iEolians had the fortune to settle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in respect of climate less favored .^150. Now the Cohans lost Smyrna in the following man- ner : certain men of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven from their native city, were received there for refuge : and after this the Colophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna were celebrating a festival to Dionysus outside the walls, and then they closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After this, when the whole body of iEolians came to the rescue, they made an agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that on this con- dition the Cohans should abandon Smyrna. When the men of Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst themselves and made them their own citizens. 151. These then are the dorian cities upon the mainland, with the exception of those situated on Mount Ida, for they are separate from the rest. Of those which are in the islands, there are five in Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same race as they ; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are called the "Hundred Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos, like those Ionians who dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear ; but the remaining cities came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians whithersoever they should lead. 2 1 Evidently an interpolation by a Greek grammarian. 2 Before narrating the conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by the Persians, Herodotus pauses to describe, in the selection here given, the condition of the Greek colonies of Asia Minor. The " common agreement to follow the Ionians " refers to measures of defence against Persia. 88 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS 12. Homeric Council and Assembly; Preparation for Battle (Homer, Iliad, ii. 1-483. The following selections from Homer, translated by Lang, have been verified on the bases of the Greek text by E. G. S.) The selection here given presents an interesting view of public life as pic- tured by Homer. At the same time it affords information on social classes and social feeling as Homer conceives them. Noteworthy are the vast pretensions of the king, and only in a less degree, of the councilors, and their utter contempt for the commons. We may learn from it, too, the essentials of Homeric religion. Now all other gods and chariot-driving men slept all night long, only Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep ; rather was he pondering in his heart how he should do honor to Achilles and destroy many beside the Achaeans' 1 ships. And this design seemed to his mind the best, to wit, to send a baneful dream upon Agamemnon son of Atreus. So he spake, and uttered to him winged words: "Come now, thou baneful Dream, go to the Achaeans' fleet ships, enter into the hut of Agamemnon son of Atreus, and tell him every word plainly as I charge thee. Bid him call to arms the flowing-haired Achaeans with all speed, for that now he may take the wide-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that dwell in the halls of Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath turned the minds of all by her beseeching, and over the Trojans sorrows hang." 2 So spake he, and the Dream went his way when he had heard the charge. With speed he came to the Achaeans' fleet ships, and went to Agamemnon son of Atreus, and found him sleeping in his hut, and ambrosial slumber poured over him. So he stood over his head in seeming like unto the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom most of all the elders 3 Agamemnon honored ; in his likeness spake to him the heavenly Dream : 1 The host besieging Troy are called Achaeans, Argives, and Danaans, apparently without discrimination. It is not likely that all who are represented as taking part in the expedition against Troy had a common name (Thuc. i. 3 ; no. 9) ; but a common name was necessary for Homer's literary purpose, and we may accordingly suppose that the use of the terms Achaean in his poems is essentially literary. 2 Zeus seems to have harbored no scruple about practising deception, and in general the Homeric gods were far from being patterns of virtue. 3 The " elders " were the members of his council. Throughout the Iliad we find Nestor initiating most of the plans of the council. AGAMEMNON'S DREAM 89 "Sleepest thou, son of wise Atreus tamer of horses? To sleep all night through beseemeth not one that is a counsellor, to whom peoples are entrusted 1 and so many cares belong. But now hearken straightway to me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who though he be afar yet hath great care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee call to arms the flowing-haired Achaeans with all speed, for that now thou mayest take the wide-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that dwell in the halls of Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath turned the minds of all by her beseeching, and over the Trojans sorrows hang by the will of Zeus. But do thou keep this in thy heart, nor let forgetfulness come upon thee when honeyed sleep shall leave thee." So spake the Dream, and departed and left him there, deeming in his mind things that were not to- be fulfilled. For indeed he thought to take Priam's city that very day ; fond man, in that he knew not the plans that Zeus had in mind, who was willed to bring yet more grief and wailing on Trojans alike and Danaans through- out the course of stubborn fights. Then woke he from sleep, and the heavenly voice was in his ears. So he rose up sitting, and donned his soft chiton, fair and bright, and cast around him his great cloak, and beneath his glistening feet he bound his fair sandals, and over his shoulder cast his silver-studded sword, and grasped his sire's sceptre, imperishable for ever, wherewith he took his way amid the mail-clad Achaeans' ships. Now went the goddess Dawn to high Olympus, foretelling day- light to Zeus and all the immortals ; and the king bade the clear- voiced heralds summon to the assembly the flowing-haired Achaeans. So did those summon, and these gathered with speed. 2 But first the council 3 of the great-hearted elders met beside the ship of king Nestor the Pylos-born. And he that had assembled 1 Here is a hint of the divine basis of the king's office. Immediately below is an indication that the king was the special object of Zeus' care. 2 The usual Homeric manner of calling the assembly of the people is here indi- cated. Ordinarily the warriors formed the assembly, but sometimes the working- people on the ships attended ; in fact it was not in this age in any way exclusive. 3 Here are pictured the summoning of the council of elders and with great brevity the procedure of its meeting . From other meetings we learn that it was customary to continue the discussion till opposition to the proposal ceased. There was no idea of a majority vote. go MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS them framed his cunning counsel : " Hearken, my friends. A dream from heaven came to me in my sleep through the ambrosial night, and chiefly to goodly Nestor was very like in shape and bulk and stature. And it stood over my head and charged me saying : 'Sleepest thou, son of wise Atreus tamer of horses? To sleep all night through beseemeth not one that is a counsellor, to whom peoples are entrusted and so many cares belong. But now hearken straightway to me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who though he be afar yet hath great care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee call to arms the flowing-haired Achaeans with all speed, for that now thou mayest take the wide-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that dwell in the palaces of Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath turned the minds of all by her beseeching, and over the Trojans sorrows hang by the will of Zeus. But keep thou this in thy heart.' So spake the dream and was flown away, and sweet sleep left me. So come, let us now call to arms as we may the sons of the Achaeans. But first I will speak to make trial of them as is fitting, and will bid them flee with their benched ships ; only do ye from this side and from that speak to hold them back." So spake he and sat him down ; and there stood up among them Nestor, who was king of sandy Pylos. He of good intent made harangue to them and said: "My friends, captains and rulers of the Argives, had any other of the Achaeans told us this dream we might deem it a false thing, and rather turn away therefrom ; but now he hath seen it who of all Achaeans avoweth himself far greatest. So come, let us call to arms as we may the sons of the Achaeans." So spake he, and led the way forth from the council, and all the other sceptred chiefs rose with him and obeyed the shepherd of the host ; and the people hastened to them. 1 Even as when the tribes of thronging bees issue from some hollow rock, ever in fresh pro- cession, and fly clustering among the flowers of spring, and some on this hand and some on that fly thick ; even so from ships and huts before the low beach marched forth their many tribes by companies to the place of assembly. And in their midst blazed forth Rumor, messenger of Zeus, urging them to go ; and so they gathered. And 1 Here begins the gathering of the people in the assembly. There can be no doubt that the popular assemblies of the Hellenic states originally had this informal character. » THE ASSEMBLY 91 the place of assemblage was in an uproar, and the earth echoed again as the hosts sat them down, and there was turmoil. Nine heralds restrained them with shouting, if perchance they might refrain from clamor, and hearken to their kings, the fosterlings of Zeus. 1 And hardly at the last would the people sit, and keep them to their benches and cease from noise. Then stood up lord Agamemnon bearing his sceptre, that Hephaestus had wrought curiously. Hephaestus gave it to king Zeus son of Cronos, and then Zeus gave it to the messenger-god the slayer of Argus ; 2 and king Hermes gave it to Pelops the charioteer, and Pelops again gave it to Atreus shep- herd of the host. And Atreus dying left it to Thyestes rich in flocks, and Thyestes in his turn left it to Agamemnon to bear, that over many islands and all Argos he should be lord. Thereon he leaned and spake his saying to the Argives 3 : — "My friends, Danaan warriors, men of Ares' company, Zeus Cronos' son hath bound mg with might in grievous blindness of soul ; hard of heart is he, for that erewhile he promised me and pledged his nod that not till I had wasted well-walled Ilios should I return ; but now see I that he planned a cruel wile and biddeth me return to Argos dishonored, with the loss of many of my folk. So meseems it pleaseth most mighty Zeus, who hath laid low the head of many a city, yea, and shall lay low ; for his is highest power. Shame is this even for them that come after to hear ; how so goodly and great a folk of the Achaeans thus vainly warred a bootless war, and fought scantier enemies, and no end thereof is yet seen. For if perchance we were minded, both Achaeans and Trojans, to swear a solemn truce, and to number ourselves, and if the Trojans should gather together all that have their dwellings in the city, and we Achaeans should marshal ourselves by tens, and every company choose a Trojan to pour their wine, then would many tens lack a cup-bearer : so much, I say, do the sons of the Achaeans outnumber the Trojans that dwell within the city. But allies from many cities, even warriors that wield the spear, are therein, and they 1 These were Agamemnon, the over-lord, and the members of his council, all of them " kings " (basilees) and all under divine protection. 2 The meaning of the word ' ApyeKpdvrrjs, Argeiphontes, is uncertain; possibly it signifies, not " slayer of Argus," but " appearing in brightness." 3 The history of the scepter is further evidence of the divine origin of Agamemnon's royalty. f 92 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS hinder me perforce, and for all my will suffer me not to waste the populous citadel of Ilios. Already have nine years of great Zeus passed away, and our ships' timbers have rotted and the tackling is loosed ; while there our wives and little children sit in our halls awaiting us ; yet is our task utterly unaccomplished wherefor we came hither. So come, even as I shall bid let us all obey. Let us flee with our ships to our dear native land ; for now shall we never take wide- way ed Troy." So spake he, and stirred the spirit in the breasts of all throughout the multitude, as many as had not heard the council. And the assembly swayed like high sea-waves of the Icarian Main that east wind and south wind raise, rushing upon them from the clouds of father Zeus ; and even as when the west wind cometh to stir a deep cornfield with violent blast, and the ears bow down, so was all the assembly stirred, and they with shouting hasted toward the ships ; and the dust from beneath their feet ljpse and stood on high. And they bade each man his neighbor to seize the ships and drag them into the bright salt sea, and cleared out the launching-ways, and the noise went up to heaven of their hurrying homeward ; and they began to take the props from beneath the ships. Then would the Argives have accomplished their return against the will of fate, but that Hera spake a word to Athene : " Out on it, daughter of aegis-bearing Zeus, unwearied maiden ! Shall the Argives thus indeed flee homeward to their dear native land over the sea's broad back? But they would leave to Priam and the Trojans their boast, even Helen of Argos, for whose sake many an Achaean hath perished in Troy, far away from his dear native land. But go thou now amid the host of the mail-clad Achaeans ; with thy gentle words restrain thou every man, neither suffer them to draw their curved ships down to the salt sea." So spake she, and the bright-eyed goddess Athene disregarded not ; but went darting down from the peaks of Olympus, and came with speed to the fleet ships of the Achaeans. There found she Odysseus standing, peer of Zeus in counsel, neither laid he any hand upon his decked black ship, because grief had entered into his heart and soul. And bright-eyed Athene stood by him and said " Heaven- sprung son of Laertes, Odysseus of many devices, will ye indeed fling yourselves upon your benched ships to flee homeward SOCIAL CLASSES IN THE ARMY 93 to your dear native land? But ye would leave to Priam and the Trojans their boast, even Helen of Argos, for whose sake many an Achaean hath perished in Troy, far from his dear native land. But go thou now amid the host of the Achaeans, and tarry not; and with thy gentle words refrain every man, neither suffer them to draw their curved ships down to the salt sea." So said she, and he knew the voice of the goddess speaking to him, and set him to run, and cast away his mantle, the which his herald gathered up, even Eurybates of Ithaca, that waited on him. And himself he went to meet Agamemnon son of Atreus, and at his hand received the sceptre of his sires, imperishable for ever, where- with he took his way amid the ships of the mail-clad Achaeans. Whenever he found one that was a captain and a man of mark, he stood by his side, and refrained him with gentle words : 1 " Good sir, it is not seemly to affright thee like a coward, but do thou sit thyself and make all thy folk sit down. For thou knowest not yet clearly what is the purpose of Atreus' son ; now is he but making trial, and soon he will afflict the sons of the Achaeans. And heard we not all of us what he spake in the council ? Beware lest in his anger he evilly entreat the sons of the Achaeans. For proud is the soul of heaven-fostered kings ; because their honor is of Zeus, and the god of counsel loveth them." But whatever man of the people he saw and found him shouting, him he drave with his sceptre and chode him with loud words : "Good sir, sit still and hearken to the words of others that are thy betters ; but thou art no warrior, and a weakling, never reckoned whether in battle or in council. In no wise can we Achaeans all be kings here. A multitude of masters is no good thing ; let there be one master, one king, to whom the son of crooked-counselling Cronos hath granted it, [even the sceptre and judgments, that he may rule among you"]. 2 So masterfully ranged he the host ; and they hasted back to the assembly from ships and huts, with noise as when a wave of the loud-sounding sea roareth on the long beach and the main re- soundeth. 1 Contrast the bearing of Odysseus toward the captains and the people respec- tively. 2 This line seems to have been interpolated. MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS Now all the rest sat down and kept their place upon the benches, only Thersites 1 still chattered on, the uncontrolled of speech, whose mind was full of words many and disorderly, wherewith to strive against the chiefs idly and in no good order, but even as he deemed that he should make the Argives laugh. And he was ill-favored beyond all men that came to Ilios. Bandy-legged was he, and lame of one foot, and his two shoulders rounded, arched down upon his chest ; and over them his head was warped, and a scanty stubble sprouted on it. Hateful was he to Achilles above all and to Odys- seus, for them he was wont to revile. But now with shrill shout he poured forth his upbrai dings upon goodly Agamemnon. With him the Achaeans were sore vexed and had indignation in their souls. But he with loud shout spake and reviled Agamemnon : "Atreides, for what art thou now ill content and lacking? Surely thy huts are full of bronze and many women are in thy huts, the chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whene'er we take a town. Can it be that thou yet wantest gold as well, such as some one of the horse-taming Trojans may bring from Ilios to ran- som his son, whom I perchance or some other Achaean have led captive ; or else some young girl, to know in love, whom thou mayest keep apart to thyself? 2 But it is not seemly for one that is their captain to bring the sons of the Achaeans to ill. Soft fools, base things of shame, ye women of Achaea and men no more, let us depart home with our ships, and leave this fellow here in Troy-land to gorge him with meeds of honor, that he may see whether our aid avail him aught or no ; even he that hath now done dishonor to Achilles, a far better man than he ; for he hath taken away his meed of honor and keepeth it by his own violent deed. Of a very surety is there no wrath at all in Achilles' mind, but he is slack ; else this despite, thou son of Atreus, were thy last." So spake Thersites, reviling Agamemnon shepherd of the host. But goodly Odysseus came straight to his side, and looking sternly at him with hard words rebuked him : " Thersites, reckless in words, 1 Thersites was a man of the people. It was not forbidden such people to speak in the assembly, but they were under obligations to show respect to the nobles. Ther- sites failed in the requirement and was punished. 2 A right of the assembly of warriors after a victory was to divide the spoil and assign shares even to the leaders. THERSITES 95 shrill orator though thou art, refrain thyself , nor aim to strive singly against kings. For I deem that no mortal is baser than thou of all that with the sons of Atreus came before Ilios. Therefore were it well that thou shouldest not have kings in thy mouth as thou talkest, and utter revilings against them and be on the watch for departure. We know not yet clearly how these things shall be, whether we sons of the Achaeans shall return for good or for ill. Therefore now dost thou revile continually Agamemnon son of Atreus, shepherd of the host, because the Danaan warriors give him many gifts, and so thou talkest tauntingly. But I will tell thee plain, and that I say shall even be brought to pass : if I find thee again raving as now thou art, then may Odysseus' head no longer abide upon his shoulders, nor may I any more be called father of Telemachus, if I take thee not and strip from thee thy garments, thy mantle and chiton that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee weeping to the fleet ships, and beat thee out of the assembly with shameful blows." So spake he, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders : and he bowed' down and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal |(ps^ stood up from his back beneath the golden sceptre. Then he sat £it<*vu*t down and was amazed, and in pain with helpless look wiped away /, the tear. But the rest, though they were sorry, laughed lightly at him, and thus would one speak looking at another standing by : Q**<*L***+*? "Go to, of a truth Odysseus hath wrought good deeds without number ere now, standing foremost in wise counsels and setting battle in array, but now is this thing the best by far that he hath wrought among the Argives, to wit, that he hath stayed this prating railer from his harangues. Never again, forsooth, will his proud soul henceforth bid him revile the kings with slanderous words." So said the common sort ; but up rose Odysseus waster of cities, with the sceptre in his hand. And by his side bright-eyed Athene in the likeness of a herald bade the multitude keep silence, that the sons of the Achaeans, both the nearest and the farthest, might hear his words together and give heed to his counsel. He of good intent made harangue to them and said: "Atreides, now surely are the Achaeans for making thee, O king, most despised among all mortal men, nor will they fulfil the promise that they pledged thee when they still were marching hither from horse-pasturing Argos ; that thou shouldest not return till thou hadst laid well-walled Ilios waste. 9 6 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS For like young children or widow women do they wail each to the other of returning home. Yea, here is toil to make a man depart disheartened. For he that stayeth away but one single month far from his wife in his benched ship fretteth himself when winter storms and the furious sea imprison him ; but for us, the ninth year of our stay here is upon us in its course. Therefore do I not marvel that the Achaeans should fret beside their beaked ships ; yet nevertheless is it shameful to wait long and to depart empty. Be of good heart, my friends, and wait a while, until we learn whether Calchas 1 be a true prophet or no. For this thing verily we know well in our hearts, and ye all are witnesses thereof, even as many as the fates of death have not borne away. It was as it were but yesterday or the day before that the Achaeans' ships were gathering in Aulis, freighted with trouble for Priam and the Trojans ; and we round about a spring were offering on the holy altars unblemished hecatombs to the immortals, beneath a fair plane-tree whence flowed bright water, when there was seen a great portent : a snake blood-red on the back, terrible, whom the god of Olympus himself had sent forth to the light of day, sprang from beneath the altar and darted to the plane- tree. Now there were there the brood of a sparrow, tender little ones, upon the topmost branch, nestling beneath the leaves ; eight were they and the mother of the little ones was the ninth, and the snake swallowed these cheeping pitifully. And the mother fluttered around wailing for her dear little ones ; but he coiled himself and caught her by the wing as she screamed about him. Now when he had swallowed the sparrow's little ones and the mother with them, the god who revealed him made of him a sign ; for the son of crooked- counselling Cronos turned him to stone, and we stood by and mar- velled to see what was done. So when the dread portent brake in upon the hecatombs of the gods, then did Calchas forthwith prophesy, and said : ' Why hold ye your peace, ye flowing-haired Achaeans ? To us hath Zeus the counsellor shown this great sign, late come, of late fulfilment, the fame whereof shall never perish. Even as he swallowed the sparrow's little ones and herself, the eight wherewith the mother that bare the little ones was the ninth, so shall we war there so many years, but in the tenth year shall we 1 Calchas the seer (//. i. 68 sqq.). THE ASSEMBLY DECIDES 97 take the wide-wayed city.' So spake the seer; and now are all these things being fulfilled. So come, abide ye all, ye well-greaved Achaeans, even where ye are, until we have taken the great city of Priam." So spake he, and the Argives shouted aloud, and all round the ships echoed terribly to the voice of the Achaeans as they praised the saying of god-like Odysseus. And then spake among them knightly Nestor of Gerenia : "Out on it; in very truth ye hold assembly like silly boys that have no care for deeds of war. What shall come of our covenants and our oaths? Let all counsels be cast into the fire and all devices of warriors and the pure drink-offer- ings and the right hands of fellowship wherein we trusted. For we are vainly striving with words nor can we find any device at all, for all our long tarrying here. Son of Atreus, do thou still, as erst, keep steadfast purpose and lead the Argives amid the violent fray ; and for these, let them perish, the one or two Achaeans that take secret counsel — ■ though fulfilment shall not come thereof — to depart to Argos first, before they know whether the promise of aegis-bearing Zeus be a lie or no. Yea, for I say that most mighty Cronion pledged us his word that day when the Argives embarked upon their fleet ships, bearing unto the Trojans death and fate ; for by his lightning upon our right he manifested signs of good. Therefore let no man hasten to depart home till each have lain by some Trojan's wife and paid back his strivings and groans for Helen's sake. But if any man is overmuch desirous to depart homeward, let him lay his hand upon his decked black ship, that before all men he may encounter death and fate. But do thou, my king, take good counsel thyself, and hearken to another that shall give it ; the word that I speak, whate'er it be, shall not be cast away. Separate thy warriors by tribes and by phratries, » Agamemnon, that phratry may give aid to phratry and tribe to tribe. 1 If thou do thus and the Achaeans hearken to thee, then wilt thou know who among thy captains and who of the common sort is a coward, and who too is brave ; for they will fight each after their sort. So wilt thou know whether it is even by divine com- 1 The division of the host into tribes and phratries was doubtless the military organization of the primitive Greeks. In time the phratries disappeared from the army, but in many states, as in Athens, the tribes continued in it to the end. 9 8 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS mand that thou shalt not take the city, or by the baseness of thy warriors and their ill skill in battle." And lord Agamemnon answered and said to him : "Verily hast thou again outdone the sons of the Achaeans in speech, old man. Ah, father Zeus and Athene and Apollo, would that among the Achaeans I had ten such councillors ; then would the city of king Priam soon bow beneath our hands, captive and wasted. But aegis-bearing Zeus, the son of Cronos, hath brought sorrows upon me, in that he casteth my lot amid fruitless wranglings and strifes. For in truth I and Achilles fought about a damsel with violent words, and I was first to be angry ; but if we can only be at one in council, then will there no more be any putting off the day of evil for the Trojans, no not for an instant. But now go ye to your meal that we may join battle. Let each man sharpen well his spear and be- stow well his shield, and let him well give his fleet-footed steeds their meal, and look well to his chariot on every side and take *** thought for battle, that all day long we may contend in hateful y **u«> wH «ft wa j. For of respite shall there intervene no, not a whit, only that tf/_^Athe coming of night shall part the fury of warriors. On each man's 'breast shall the baldrick of his covering shield be wet with sweat, and his hand shall grow faint about the spear, and each man's horse shall sweat as he draweth the polished chariot. And whom- soever I perceive minded to tarry far from the fight beside the beaked ships, for him shall there be no hope hereafter to escape the dogs and birds of prey." So spake he, and the Argives shouted aloud, 1 like to a wave on a steep shore, when the south wind cometh and stirreth it ; even on a jutting rock, that is never left at peace by the waves of all winds that rise from this side and from that. And they stood up and scattered in haste throughout the ships, 2 and made fires in the huts and took their meal. And they did sacrifice each man to one of the everlasting gods, praying for escape from death and the tumult of battle. But Agamemnon king of men slew a fat bull of five years to most mighty Cronion, and called the elders, the princes of the Achaean host, Nestor first and king Idomeneus, and then the two Aiantes and Tydeus' son, and sixthly Odysseus peer of Zeus 1 This was an emphatic affirmative, dissent being indicated by silence. 2 This closes the fullest account of the popular assembly given in Homer's poems. THE CALL TO ARMS QQ in counsel. And Menelaiis of the loud war-cry came to him un- bidden, for he knew in his heart how his brother toiled. Then stood they around the bull and took the barley-meal. And Aga- memnon made his prayer in their midst and said: "Zeus, most glorious, most great, god of the storm-cloud, that dwellest'in the heaven, vouchsafe that the sun set not upon us nor the darkness come near, till I have laid low upon the earth Priam's palace smirched with smoke, and burnt the doorways thereof with con- suming fire, and rent on Hector's breast his doublet cleft with the blade ; and about him may full many of his comrades prone in the dust bite the earth." So spake he, but not as yet would Crbnion grant him fulfilment ; he accepted the sacrifice, but made toil to wax unceasingly. Now when they had prayed and sprinkled the barley-meal they first drew back the bull's head and cut his throat and flayed him, and cut slices from the thighs and wrapped them in fat, making a double fold, and laid raw collops thereon. And these they burnt on cleft wood stript of leaves, and spitted the vitals and held them over Hephaestus' flame. Now when the thighs were burnt and they had tasted the vitals, then sliced they all the rest and pierced it through with spits, and roasted it carefully and drew all off again. So when they had rest from the task and had made ready the ban- quet, they feasted, nor was their heart aught stinted of the fair banquet. But when they had put away from them the desire of meat and drink, then did knightly Nestor of Gerenia open his saying to them : "Most noble son of Atreus, Agamemnon king of men, let us not any more hold long converse here, nor for long delay the work that god putteth in our hands ; but come, let the heralds of the mail-clad Achaeans make proclamation to the folk and gather them throughout the ships ; and let us go thus in concert through the wide host of the Achaeans, that the speedier we may arouse keen war." So spake he and Agamemnon king of men disregarded not. Straightway he bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to battle the flowing-haired Achaeans. So those summoned and these gathered with all speed. And the kings, the fosterlings of Zeus that were about Atreus' son, eagerly marshalled them, and bright- eyed Athene in the midst, bearing the holy aegis that knoweth neither ioo MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS age nor death, whereon wave an hundred tassels of pure gold, all deftly woven and each one an hundred oxen worth. Therewith she passed dazzling through the Achaean folk, urging them forth ; and in every man's heart she roused strength to battle without ceasing and to fight. So was war made sweeter to them than to depart in their hollow ships to their dear native land. Even as ravaging fire kindleth a boundless forest on a mountain's peaks, and the blaze is seen from afar, even so as they marched went the dazzling gleam from the innumerable bronze through the sky even unto the heavens. And as the many tribes of feathered birds, wild geese or cranes or long-necked swans, on the Asian mead by Cayster's stream, fly hither and thither joying in their plumage, and with loud cries settle ever onwards, and the mead resounds ; even so poured forth the many tribes of warriors from ships and huts into the Scaman- drian plain. And the earth echoed terribly beneath the tread of men and horses. So stood they in the flowery Scamandrian plain, unnumbered as are leaves and flowers in their season. Even as the many tribes of thick flies that hover about a herdsman's stead- ing in the spring season, when milk drencheth the pails, even in like number stood the flowing-haired Achaeans upon the plain in face of the Trojans, eager to rend them asunder. And even as the goatherds easily divide the ranging flocks of goats when they mingle in the pasture, so did their captains marshal them on this side and on that, to enter into the fray, and in their midst lord Agamemnon, his head and eyes like unto Zeus whose joy is in the thunder, and his waist like unto Ares and his breast unto Poseidon. Even as a bull standeth out far foremost amid the herd, for he is pre-eminent amid the pasturing kine, even such did Zeus make Atreides on that day, pre-eminent among many and chief amid heroes. 13. The Shield of Achilles and the Scenes from Life that were wrought upon it (Homer, Iliad, xviii. 467-608) At the request of the goddess Thetis, Hephaestus the divine artisan fashions for her son Achilles a great shield and adorns it with scenes from life. It was formerly supposed that such Homeric creations were purely imagi- PICTURES FROM LIFE IOI nary ; but since the explorations at Mycenae, Troy, Cnossus, and other Minoan sites have revealed a pre-Homeric skill in the fashioning and decoration of metals that fills us with astonishment, we can no longer doubt that his pictures of art objects have a basis of reality. We are by no means to suppose that he had knowledge, for example, of a shield precisely like the one here described, but rather that many of the elements of his pictures are real. In like manner the scenes from life wrought on the shield were probably taken from the world about him but idealized after the manner of a great creative poet. Thus saying he left her there and went unto his bellows and turned them upon the fire and bade them work. And the bellows, twenty in all, blew on the crucibles, sending deft blasts on every side, now to aid his labor and now anon howsoever Hephaestus willed, and the work went on. And he threw bronze that weareth not into the fire, and tin and precious gold and silver, and next he set on an anvil-stand a great anvil, and took in his hand a sturdy hammer, and in the other he took the tongs. First fashioned he a shield great and strong, adorning it all over, and set thereto a shining rim, triple, bright-glancing, and there- from a silver baldrick. Five were the folds of the shield itself ; and therein fashioned he much cunning work from his wise heart. There wrought he the earth, and the heavens, and the sea, and the unwearying sun, and the moon waxing to the full, and the signs every one wherewith the heavens are crowned, Pleiads and Hyads and Orion's might, and the Bear that men call also the Wain, her that turneth in her place and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. Also he fashioned therein two fair cities of mortal men. In the one were espousals and marriage feasts, and beneath the blaze of torches they were leading the brides from their chambers through the city, and loud arose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and among them flutes and viols sounded high ; and the women standing each at her door were marvelling. But the folk were gathered in the assembly place ; for there a strife was arisen, two men striving about the blood-price of a man slain ; the one claimed to pay full atonement, expounding to the people, but the other denied him and would take naught ; and both were fain to receive arbitrament at the hand of a daysman. And the folk were cheering both, as they took part on either side. And io2 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS heralds kept order among the folk, while the elders on polished stones were sitting in the sacred circle, and holding in their hands staves from the loud-voiced heralds. Then before the people they rose up and gave judgment each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given unto him who should plead among them most righteously. 1 But around the other city were two armies in siege with glitter- ing arms. And two counsels found favor among them, either to sack the town or to share all with the townsfolk even whatsoever substance the fair city held within. But the besieged were not yet yielding, but arming for an ambushment. On the wall there stood to guard it their dear wives and infant children, and with these the old men ; but the rest went forth, and their leaders were Ares and Pallas Athene, both wrought in gold, and golden was the vesture they had on./KGoodly and great were they in their armor, even as gods, far seen around, and the folk at their feet were smaller/^ And Vvt Vu**^ when they came where it seemed good to them to lay ambush, in #J|vml juSua-c a river bed where there was a common watering-place of herds, *J Uu &v»*. there they set them, clad in glittering bronze. And two scouts ^-y^ were posted by them afar off to spy the coming of flocks and of oxen with crooked horns. And presently came the cattle, and with them two herdsmen playing on pipes, that took no thought of the guile. Then the others when they beheld these ran upon them and quickly cut off the herds of oxen and fair flocks of white sheep, and slew the shepherds withal. But the besiegers, as they sat before the speech-places 2 and heard much din among the oxen, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and came up with speed. Then they arrayed their battle and fought beside the river banks, and smote one another with bronze-shod spears. And among them mingled Strife and Tumult, and fell Death, grasping one man alive fresh- wounded, another without wound, and drag- ging another dead through the mellay by the feet ; and the raiment 1 We notice that the court was made up of " elders " without the king. The case was not criminal ; it was a question of property, brought before the elders for arbitra- tion. The elders gave their opinion in succession while the people cheered. Probably that elder was thought to have spoken most wisely whom the people most vigorously cheered. Here, then, was the germ of popular jurisdiction. The talent here mentioned must have been a small weight, far less than the later Attic talent. 2 From which the orators spoke ; Aristarchus, cited by Lang, Leaf, and Myres. RURAL SCENES , IG3 on her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Like living mor- tals they hurled together and fought, and haled the corpses each of the other's slain. Furthermore he set in the shield a soft fresh-ploughed field, rich tilth and wide, the third time ploughed ; and many ploughers therein drave their yokes to and fro as they wheeled about. Whensoever they came to the boundary of the field and turned, then would a man come to each and give into his hands a goblet of sweet wine, while others would be turning back along the furrows, fain to reach the boundary of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed as it were a-ploughing, albeit of gold, for this was the great marvel of the work. Furthermore he set therein the demesne-land of a king, where hinds were reaping with sharp sickles in their hands. Some arm- fuls along the swathe were falling in rows to the earth, whilst others the sheaf-binders were binding in twisted bands of straw. Three sheaf-binders stood over them, while behind boys gathering corn and bearing it in their arms gave it constantly to the binders ; and among them the king in silence was standing at the swathe with his staff, rejoicing in his heart. And henchmen apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and preparing a great ox they had sacrificed; while the women were strewing much white barley to be a supper for the hinds. Also he set therein a vineyard teeming plenteously with clusters, wrought fair in gold ; black were the grapes, but the vines hung throughout on silver poles. And around it he ran a ditch of cyanus, and round that a fence of tin ; and one single pathway led to it,' whereby the vintagers might go when they should gather the vin- tage. ^ And maidens and striplings in childish glee bare the sweet fruit in plaited baskets. And in the midst of them a boy made pleasant music on a clear-toned viol, and sang thereto a sweet Linos-song 1 with delicate voice ; while the rest with feet falling together kept time with the music and song. Also he wrought therein a herd of kine with upright horns, and the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, and with lowing they hurried from the byre to pasture beside a murmuring river, beside the 1 "Probably a lament for departing summer;" Lang, Leaf, and Myres. io4 MINOAN „ AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS waving reed. And herdsmen of gold were following with the kine, four of them, and nine dogs fleet of foot came after them. But two terrible lions among the foremost kine had seized a loud-roaring bull that bellowed mightily as they haled him, and the dogs and the young men sped after him. The lions rending the great bull's hide were devouring his vitals and his black blood ; while the herds- men in vain tarred on their fleet dogs to set on, for they shrank from biting the lions but stood hard by and barked and swerved away. Also the glorious lame god wrought therein a pasture in a fair glen, a great pasture of white sheep, and a steading, and roofed huts, and folds. [Also did the glorious lame god devise a dancing-place like unto that which once in wide Cnossus Daedalus 1 wrought for Ariadne of the lovely tresses. There were youths dancing and maidens of costly wooing, their hands upon one another's wrists. Fine linen the maidens had on, and the youths well-woven doublets faintly glistening with oil. Fair wreaths had the maidens, and the youths daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. And now would they run round with deft feet exceeding light, as when a potter sitting by his wheel that fitteth between his hands maketh trial of it whether it run : and now anon they would run in lines to meet each other. And a great company stood round the lovely dance in joy; and among them a divine minstrel was making music on his lyre, and through the midst of them, leading the measure, two tumblers whirled.] 2 Also he set therein the great might of the River of Ocean around the uttermost rim of the cunningly-fashioned shield. 14 (a). A Visit to the Homeric Palace at Sparta (Homer, Odyssey, iv. 1-46) Telemachus, son of Odysseus, king of Ithaca, resolves to go to Sparta to make inquiry of King Menelaus concerning his father, who in returning from Troy has been wandering far and wide, driven by angry Poseidon. Telemachus 1 Such a dancing-place, orchestra, actually exists in the ruins of the palace at Cnossus ; Botsford, Hellenic History, ch. ii. 2 This entire passage is bracketed by Dindorf-Hentze, ed. of 1909. THE PALACE AT SPARTA is accompanied by Peisistratus, son of Nestor, king of Pylos. They make their journey in a two-horse car. The account of the palace, given in this selection and in the number follow- ing, corresponds so closely with the palaces unearthed at Tiryns, Mycenae, and elsewhere as to force us to the conclusion that Homer either actually saw palaces of the kind or learned of them through a perfectly reliable source. Excavations on the site of Sparta have shown that no Minoan city had existed there, and that the settlement was made about iooo B.C. There were, however, Minoan cities in the vicinity and in various parts of Laconia. We should keep in mind the fact that whereas the ancients supposed Homer to have lived before the "Dorian migration," evidence now exists that he lived afterward: he knew, for instance, that there were Dorians in Crete (no. 10) and that at Sparta were Castor and Pollux, deities of the two royal families. And they came to Lacedaemon lying low among the caverned hills, and drave to the dwelling of renowned Menelaiis. Him they found giving a feast in his house to many friends of his kin, a feast for the wedding of his noble son and daughter. His daughter he was sending to the son of Achilles cleaver of the ranks of men, for in Troy he first had promised and covenanted to give her, and now the gods were bringing about their marriage. So now he was speed- ing her on her way with chariot and horses, to the famous city of the Myrmidons 1 among whom her lord bare rule. And for his son he was bringing to his home the daughter of Alector out of Sparta, for his well-beloved son, strong Megapenthes, born of a slave woman, for the gods no more showed promise of seed to Helen, from the day that she bare a lovely child, Hermione, as fair as golden Aphrodite. So they were feasting through the great vaulted hall, the neighbors and the kinsmen of renowned Menelaiis, making merry ; and among them a divine minstrel was singing to the lyre, and as he began the song two tumblers in the company whirled through the midst of them. Meanwhile those twain, the hero Telemachus and the splendid son of Nestor, made halt at the entry of the gate, they and their horses. And the lord Eteoneus came forth and saw them, the ready squire of renowned Menelaiis ; and he went through the palace to 1 A tribe in Thessaly non-existent in historical times. The intermarriage between families of different states continued down to the early fifth century, when Athens and doubtless other states became too exclusive to permit the continuance of the custom ; Botsford, Hellenic History, ch. xiii. io6 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS bear the tidings to the shepherd of the people, 1 and standing near spake to him winged words : ' Menelaus, fosterling of Zeus, here are two strangers, whosoever they be, two men like to the lineage of great Zeus. Say, shall we loose their swift horses from under the yoke, or send them onward to some other host who shall receive them kindly ? ' Then in sore displeasure spake to him Menelaus of the fair hair : 'Eteoneus son of Boethous, truly thou wert not a fool aforetime, but now for this once like a child thou talkest folly. Surely our- selves ate much hospitable cheer of other men, ere we twain came hither, even if in time to come Zeus haply give us rest from affliction. Nay go, unyoke the horses of the strangers, and as for the men, lead them forward to the house to feast with us.' So spake he, and Eteoneus hasted from the hall, and called the other ready squires to follow him. So they loosed the sweating horses from beneath the yoke, and fastened them at the stalls of the horses, and threw beside them spelt, and therewith mixed white barley, and tilted the chariot against the shining faces of the gate- way, and led the men into the hall divine. And they beheld and marvelled as they gazed throughout the palace of the king, the fosterling of Zeus ; for there was a gleam as it were of sun or moon through the lofty palace of renowned Menelaus. But after they had gazed their fill they went to the polished baths and bathed them. 2 Now when the maidens had bathed them and anointed them with olive oil, and cast about them thick cloaks and doublets, they sat on chairs by Menelaus, son of Atreus. And a handmaid bare water for the hands in a goodly golden ewer, and poured it forth over a silver basin to wash withal; and to their side she drew a polished table, and a grave dame bare food and set it by them, and laid upon the board many dainties, giving freely of such things as she had by her, and a carver lifted and placed by them platters of divers kinds of flesh, and nigh them he set golden bowls. So Mene- laus of the fair hair greeted the twain and spake: 'Taste ye food and be glad and thereafter when ye have supped, we will ask what men you are ; for the blood of your parents is not 1 A common designation of the Homeric king. 8 A bathroom with drains has been found in the palace at Tiryns. THE PHEACIAN PALACE lost in you, but ye are of the line of men that are sceptered kings the fosterlings of Zeus ; for no churls could beget sons like you.' So spake he, and took and set before them the fat ox-chine roasted, which they had given him as his own mess by way of honor. And they stretched forth their hands upon the good cheer set before them. Now when they had put from them the desire of meat and drink Telemachus spake to the son of Nestor, holding his head close to him, that those others might not hear: "Son of Nestor, delight of my heart, mark the flashing of bronze through the echoing halls, and the flashing of gold and of amber and of silver and of ivory. Such like, methinks, is the court of Olym- pian Zeus within, for the world of things that are here ; wonder comes over me as I look thereon." 1 14 (b). The Visit of Odysseus to the Palace of Alcinous, the Ph^acian King (Homer, Odyssey, vii. 78-132) Odysseus in his wanderings has been wrecked on Scheria, the Phaeacian island, and rescued by the princess Nausicaa, who sends him to the palace of her father Alcinous. The goddess Athena has met and conversed with him on the way, after which she takes her flight to Athens, and Odysseus enters the palace. This selection gives some features of the palace not mentioned in no. 14(a), and presents a charming picture of the garden attached to the palace. Therewith grey-eyed Athene departed over the unharvested seas, and left pleasant Scheria, and came to Marathon and wide- wayed Athens, and entered the good house of Erechtheus. 2 Mean- while Odysseus went to the famous palace of Alcinous, and his heart was full of many thoughts as he stood there or ever he had reached the threshold of bronze. For there was a gleam as it were of sun or moon through the high-roofed hall of great-hearted Al- cinous. Brazen were the walls which ran this way and that from the threshold to the inmost chamber, and round them was a frieze of 1 Excavations of palaces and tombs show that this passage is no great exaggera- tion of their interior decorations. 2 These lines have been included in this selection in order to call attention to the existence of a temple to Athena and Erechtheus at Athens at the time of the com- position of this poem. It is curious that the poet thought of Marathon as the proper way of approach to Athens. io8 MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS blue, 1 and golden were the doors that closed in the good house. Silver were the door posts that were set on the brazen threshold, and silver the lintel thereupon, and the hook of the door was of gold. And on either side stood golden hounds and silver, which Hephaestus wrought by his cunning, to guard the palace of great- hearted Alcinous being free from death and age all their days. And within were seats arrayed against the wall this way and that, from the threshold even to the inmost chamber 2 and thereon were spread light coverings finely woven, the handiwork of women. There the Phaeacian chieftains were wont to sit eating and drinking, for they had continual store. Yea, and there were youths fashioned in gold, standing on firm-set bases, with flaming torches in their hands, giving light through the night to the feasters in the palace. And he had fifty handmaids in the house, and some grind the yellow grain on the millstone, and others weave webs and turn the yarn as they sit, restless as the leaves of the tall poplar tree : 3 and the soft olive oil drops off that linen, so closely is it woven. For as the Phaeacian men are skilled beyond all others in driving a swift ship upon the deep, even so are the women the most cunning at the loom, for Athene hath given them notable wisdom in all fair handiwork and cunning wit. And without the courtyard hard by the door is a great garden, of four ploughgates, 4 and a hedge runs round on either side. And there grow tall trees blossoming, pear- trees and pomegranates, and apple-trees with bright fruit, and sweet figs, and olives in their bloom. The fruit of these trees never perisheth neither faileth, winter nor summer, enduring through all the year. Evermore the West Wind blowing brings some fruits to birth and ripens others. Pear upon pear waxes old, and apple 1 This blue-glass paste has been found in considerable quantities at Tiryns, a fact which proves that Homer in speaking of the frieze is dealing with something real. For patterns of friezes and other interior decorations, see any illustrated work on Minoan civilization. 2 Such seats, arrayed along the wall, have been found in the palace at Cnossus. For an illustration, see Botsford, Ancient World, 71. 3 In the palace at Cnossus an "industrial quarter" has been found, in which were manufactured by hundreds of hands the objects of use and luxury of the royal family and their attendants. The palace of Alcinous was far more modest, and the industrial equipment was on a correspondingly smaller scale. In Homeric life most of the working people of the palace were women. 4 This measure is unknown. THE PALACE GARDEN 109 upon apple, yea and cluster ripens upon cluster of the grape, and fig upon rig. There too hath he a fruitful vineyard planted, whereof the one part is being dried by the heat, a sunny plot on level ground, while other grapes men are gathering, and yet others they are treading in the wine-press. In the foremost row are unripe grapes that cast the blossom, and others there be that are growing black to vintaging. 1 There too, skirting the furthest line, are all manner of garden beds, planted trimly, that are perpetually fresh, and therein are two fountains of water, whereof one scatters his streams all about the garden, and the other runs over against it beneath the threshold of the courtyard, and issues by the lofty house, and thence did the townsfolk draw water. These were the splendid gifts of the gods in the palace of Alcinous. 15. The Creation of Earth, Heaven, and the Gods (Hesiod, Theogony, 1 16-138) When the Greeks first began to think of the origin of things, their lively imagination hit upon birth as the process of creation. In the following passage Hesiod expresses no idea of the manner in which Chaos, Earth, Tartarus, and Love were formed, but of them were born the remaining elements of the world. First verily was created Chaos, and then broad-bosomed Earth, the habitation unshaken forever of all the deathless gods' who keep the top of snowy Olympus, and misty Tartarus within the wide- wayed Earth, and Love (Eros) which is the fairest among the death- less gods; which looseth the limbs and overcometh within the breasts of all gods and all men their mind and counsel wise. From Chaos sprang Erebus and black Night ; and from Night in turn sprang Bright Sky (Ether) and Day, whom Night conceived and bare after loving union with Erebus. Earth first bare the starry Heaven, of equal stature to herself, that he might cover her utterly about, to the end that there might be for the blessed gods a habitation steadfast forever ; and she bare the lofty Hills, the pleasant haunts of the goddess Nymphs who dwell among the gladed Hills. Also she bare the unharvested deep with raging flood, 1 It is evident that Homer was acquainted with all these fruits, although the garden, particularly with reference to the seasons, is idealized. no MINOAN AND HOMERIC CIVILIZATIONS even the Sea (Pontus), without the sweet rites of love. And then in the couch of Heaven (Ouranos) she bare the deep-eddying Oceanus, and Cceus and Crius, and Hyperion and Iapetus and Theia and Rhea and Themis and Mnemosyne and Thebe of the golden crown and lovely Tethys. After these was born her young- est son, even Cronos of crooked counsels, of all her children most terrible, and he hated his lusty sire. 16. Earliest Attempts at History in Prose (Acusilaus, Genealogies) The numbers of the excerpts are those of Miiller, Frag. Hist. Grcsc. I. p. 100 ^-av** irl- i faur r) saa - Translated by G. W. B. *f*^** ^^J**^ 7- Deucalion, in whose time was the Deluge, was the son of futlJU ' , *~ Prometheus and, as most writers say, of Clymene, according to ^.tii--«" jj es i oc [ however, of Pandora ; but the authority of Acusilaus is that X)**_Ln fog wag b orn f Hesione, daughter of Oceanus, and of Prometheus. 0