Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/historyofsicilyf01free HISTORY OF SICILY E. A. FREEMAN HENRY FROWDE Oxford University Press Warehouse Amen Corner, E.G. THE HISTORY OF SICILY FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES BY EDWARD A. FREEMAN, M.A., Hon. D.C.L., LL.D. REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE HONORARY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE VOLUME I THE NATIVE NATIONS: THE PHCENICIAN AND GREEK SETTLEMENTS WITH MAPS AT THE CLAEENDON PHESS 1891 \Al\ rights reserved] PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE. ^JjHHESE two volumes are the beginning of a work which, if I did not think of before I thought of the History of the Norman Conquest, I certainly thought of before the plan of that work had taken any definite shape. I believe my thoughts were first drawn towards Sicily, nearly fifty years back, by a Pindar lecture of the late Isaac Williams. That gave me, and I suppose others, some dim notion of one side of the story of the great Mediter- ranean island. The other side was suggested to me some years later by Gaily Knight's Normans in Sicily. The two sides were put into their fitting relation to one another by a few memorable words of Grote (chap, xliii. vol. v. p. 277) ; "We are here introdaced to the first known instance of that series of contests between the Phcenicians and Greeks of Sicily, which, like the struggles between the Saracens and the Normans in the eleventh and twelfth centuries after the Christian sera, were destined to determine whether the island should be a part of Africa or a part of Europe — and which were only terminated, after the lapse of three centuries, by the absorption of both into the vast bosom of Eome." Those words I wish to have looked on as the text of all that I have since thought and written on Sicilian history. They go indeed to the root vi PREFACE. of the matter. They set forth the oecumenical position of the central island of Europe. They set forth its twofold share in that abiding strife of West and East which Herodotus understood so well. After reading them I do not think that I at any time forgot Sicily or the oecumenical aspect of Sicily; but the writing of the History of the Norman Conquest of England brought Sicilian history home to me from a new point of view. I better learned the points both of analogy and of direct connexion between Sicily and Britain, the points of likeness and contrast between the Norman kings in England and the Norman kings in Sicily. I began to think of treating Sicilian history specially from this point of view. But I gradually found, as I have set forth in the Introductory Chapter, that the later parts of the story could not be rightly treated apart from the earlier. I thus find myself, by several steps of a backward process, pro- moted to be the historian of Sicily from its earliest days down to a time, I trust, not earlier than the death of the great Sicilian Emperor. These volumes, as some may know, are not my first attempts at dealing with Sicilian history and topography. I have written a good deal on those subjects in various periodical publications, with and without my name, and two of the pieces so written have been reprinted in my third series of Historical Essays. I also wrote the article " Sicily " in the Encyclopaedia Britannica in its original shape, though I know not how far I have a right to claim it as PREFACE. vii mine after the improvements which have been intro- bute a short History of Sicily to the series called the " Story of the Nations," on the express ground another class of readers. In these lesser tasks T have had forerunners ; but I believe that I am the first who has undertaken to deal with Sicilian ^ For instance, among other things, I wrote, after my usual fashion, iTorZ^yra and /lamarina. Had I been told that it was wished that I should write C'orcyra and Camarina, I would gladly have done so. But I was startled when, in the published volume, the names appeared thus, " Korkyra (Corcyra)," " Kamarina (Ca- marina). ' My censor seemingly thought that there were others besides himself who would be puzzled at the difference of spelling. But he improved facts as well as letters. In that article, as in these volumes, I compared Britain and Sicily in many points ; I also compared Greek settlement in Sicily and English settlement in America. In this last view I spoke of the relation of the thirteen original English colonies to " their mother-country in Britain." In the published volume the words " mother-country in Britain " were changed into " mother-country of Great Britain." That is, T was made to say that " Great Britain," undoubtedly the mother-country of Georgia, founded after the Union of England and Scotland, was also the mother-country of the twelve colonies of England founded before the Union. Meanwhile some real cor- rections wliich I sent home from Sicily were taken no notice of, and the statements which I wished to improve were left as they were first written. All this makes one curious to know whether the writings of chemists and metaphysicians are improved in the like sort by the same hand. viii PREFACE. history as a whole on anything like the scale of the present volumes. Particular parts have been done, and well done ; but no one that I know of has attempted to treat the whole story in full as a contribution to Universal History. It is by this standard that I would ask that my work may be judged. Nowhere do we better learn than in Sicily the folly of those arbitrary divisions which have made the study of history vain and meaningless. In Sicily at least there is no room for an "Ancient" school and a "Modern." It is a poor knowledge of Gelon that shuts out Hoger, a poor knowledge of Roger that shuts out Gelon. He who would tell the mighty tale as a whole must spend his days with both alike. Nowhere do we better learn than on the soil which Gelon guarded against the Phoenician and which Roger won back from the Saracen that the strife in which each played his part is indeed " eternal." The " eternal Eastern question," words uttered in sneering by one who knew not what he said, may be taken as the truest motto of Sicilian history through the two thousand years of which I have taken on me to tell the tale. Repeated visits to Sicily have made many of the places of which I have to speak as familiar to me as my own home or my own University. The greater part of these volumes has been either written or revised, often both, on or near the spots of which I have had to speak. As things now stand, the history of Syracuse is best studied and best written in the island of Ortygia ; it might PEEFACE. ix be done better still, if it were possible, on the height of Achradina. Elsewhere in Sicily, the tale becomes more living when one can write down the legend of Kokalos, the history of Ducetius, on the evening of a day spent on the height of Kamikos or on the shore of Kale Akte. And a short visit to Africa, with no companion but Diodoros, has enabled me to write my first sketch of the most daring campaign of Agathokles in White Tunis itself In turning from the mediaeval history of our own land to deal again, as I did in times past, with the elder days of Greece, two things have struck me before all others. The method of study, the method of composition, is the same for both. In this there is no gap, no difference. But in another point the work needed for the two subjects differs widely. In writing the History of the Norman Conquest I be- lieve I may truly say that I actually brought many things to light. I was constantly lighting on facts, often minute facts but still illustrative of the story, which had never before found their place in any modern narrative, which had never been made the subject of inference by any modern writer. No one, at least since Stow, had written the history of Eadward the Confessor with the " Vita ^dwardi " before him. With such a subject as the present it is almost impossible to do the like in any part. There are very few corners into which the industry of German scholars has not peered. It is hard to find an absolutely new fact, an absolutely new reference. X PREFACE. I believe that I have here and there lighted on things which had escaped the research of Adolf Holm ; but they cannot be very many. To his book " Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum " I ov/e very deep obligations. In looking through a page of references, I often find it hard to say to which I have been guided by him and on which I have lighted for myself. He has certainly guided me into some out-of-the-way quarters into which I should never have found my way alone. But, if I have profited largely by Holm's researches, I have always used them independently. I have often had to differ from his conclusions ; but I trust that I have always differed from them with the respect due to one from whom I have learned much. And in matters of topography I owe a debt hardly less great to the endless publications of Julius Schubring. They are scattered up and down count- less German periodicals, some of which are hard to get at. I do not know Avhether I have collected everything that he has written. I have certainly collected and used a great many. But it would have been a real gain to Sicilian studies if Schubring s scattered pieces had been long ago brought together in one or mxOre volumes. Holm and Schubring are scholars of a high order. In studying or writing Sicilian history, one has them at one's elbow as naturally as one's Thucydides and one's Diodoros. But there is plenty of help besides. From the most obscure Ahhandlung or Programm or Dissertation we are sure to learn PREFACE. xi something. There is sure to be some fact, some reference, some way of putting something, which one is glad to come across. The pity is that there is no way of marking outside on which page the precious morsel is to be found. And no man can imdertake to find out every pamphlet and every article. And, when one has found what is wanted, it is sometimes forbidden to buy the number that one wants, unless one chooses to buy a whole volume that one does not want. Yet the Englishman is sure to be found fault with if he misses the smallest scrap of the whole "Litteratur" of any matter. In this our High-Dutch friends are sometimes a little un- reasonable. I at least feel that I have written a good deal, even on matters of learning, which I do not expect anybody to have heard of at Lemgo or even at Gottingen. I think I may reasonably assume that a German scholar knows something of my History of the Norman Conquest. I do not blame him if he has never come across what I have written about King Ine in the Proceedings of the Somerset Archaeological Society. But if we learn much from beyond sea, we may also learn much in our own island. For the de- mocracy of Syracuse, as well as for the democracy of Athens, we have our own Grote to our master. And, from renewed experience, I can say once more that Thirl wall is not " superseded " even by him. And I have hardly learned more from Holm and Schubring than I have from those most careful and instructive articles on Sicilian and Italian xii PREFACE. matters which were contributed by Sir Edward Bunbury to the two Dictionaries of Geography and Biography. In my immediate SiciHan range, if the letters E. H. B. stand at the end of an article in those Dictionaries, I know that I am on sure ground ; when there are any other letters, the work often proves poor enough. I think I may truly say that, when- ever one would wish to alter anything in an article of Sir Edward Bunbury's, it is because something fresh has been found out since it was written. It is strange, yet perhaps it is not strange, that I have never seen a single reference to this admirable scholar in the pages of any German writer. In all matters of plan and arrangement, as in all matters of outward form, I have tried to make these volumes conform to the method which I followed in writing the Norman Conquest. Every man does his work best by doing it in his own way, and this is the way to which I have got used. And at this point I can hardly help saying something, though I have nothing to say beyond what I said twenty- seven years ago, about the spelling of Greek names in English. It is unavoidable that this question should be looked at in different lights by different eyes. For those with whom Greek history and Greek literature simply mean the history and literature of two or three pet centuries, for those with whom those centuries are something to be shut oflP from the profane contact of all other ages, something to be marked off in its solitude by the mysterious brand of " classical," I do not doubt that it saves trouble, and PEEFACE. xiii it very likely looks prettier, to write all Greek names Latin fashion. But this will not do for those with whom the study of the Greek tongue is simply one part, though surely the noblest part, of the general study of language, for those with whom the history of Greece is simply one part, though surely the most instructive part, of the general history of the world. It will not do for those with whom the Greek tongue and the Greek nation are not things which died at some date not exactly fixed, but things which have never ceased to live, and which are still living and acting in the world of our own day. Those to whom things come in this light must have a spelling, as they must have a pronunciation, which will do for all ages of that tongue and that nation. They cannot conform to the unintelligible rule that Greek names down to a certain unfixed point are to be written as if they were Latin, and after that unfixed point to be written as if they were modern Italian. They cannot bring themselves to call a certain Greek island at one stage Melos and at another stage Milo, the later at the risk of causing a famous statue of Aphroditd to be looked on as the handiwork of a wrestler of Kroton whose name will come in my story. They must give exactly the same shape to the 'OBvaa-evs who came to QpLvaKLT) and to the 'OSvora-ev^ whose bastion the " classical " fanatics of Athens, in their strange eager- ness to wipe out the history of their land, have so cruelly swept away. Nor is it less important to write Greek names so that they may be palpably xiv PEEFACE. seen to be Greek and not Latin. There is no reason for writing them Latin-fashion rather than any other fashion, except the superstition that things Greek and things Latin have some special common natm^e by virtue of which they ought to be kept apart from all other things. But this superstition is one of those against which all sound study of language, all sound study of history, must for ever strive. It is perhaps needless to say again that this rule does not apply to really English forms of Greek names, as Philip, Athens, Corinth. I have some- times been asked why I write y and not u for Greek V, when it stands apart and is not coupled with another letter. Some, it seems, would have me write Ktfana and Ib^^kos. The whole story is rather too long to be spoken of in a Preface ; it is perhaps enough to say that the Latins invented, and the older English adopted, the letter y for the express purpose of distinguishing the Greek sound of v from the Latin and English sound of ii. And among English forms I have, perhaps weakly — the Germans are bolder — reckoned a few where the Latin form is so familiar that it may pass for an English form. And, as I write Greek names Greek-fashion, I . write Sikel names Latin-fashion, to point out what the real tongue of the Sikels was. There is a long list of additions and corrections to the first volume. This cannot be helped when new lights on minute points are constantly pouring in at the last moment. Amid such a PEEFACE. XV mass of extracts in different languages, I have done what I could to secure accuracy of writing and printing ; but the task is hard. My eyes are not so strong as they once were, and a wrong letter or accent, if it does not altogether change the look of the word, easily escapes notice, even with glasses. In the little Hebrew that I have had to bring in, I have tried hard to put Resh and Daleth in their right places, but I would not be sure that I have always succeeded. And, as I am afraid that other errors may lurk in the book which I have not found out for myself, I can only say that I count no act more friendly than to tell me of such, and to point out any kind of pos- sible improvement, if only it is done in the spirit of a friend and not in that of an unprovoked enemy. In these volumes I bring down the story to the beginning of Athenian intervention in Sicily. Of the rest of the book a great deal is already written. I have done the greater part of the Athenian inva- sion as it seemed to me on the spot with Thucy- dides and Grote ever at hand, and with many references to Holm and Schubring. But I have still to revise my account by the help of such other lights, old and new, as are to be had. In the like sort I have done the second Carthaginian invasion, the greater part of the reign of Dionysios, parts of the careers of Dion, Timoleon, and Agathokles, a good deal of the first Punic war, and most of the war which ended in the taking of Syracuse by Marcellus. Much of this has been written in Sicily; xvi PKEFACE. much that was written elsewhere has been revised there. Between Marcellus and Maniak^s I have barely touched one or two points ; but the Imperial Restoration of a.d. 1038, the rise of the House of Hauteville, and the conquest of Sicily by Count Roger, have all been written. But they all need a further revision, in which I shall doubtless be helped by a German and a French history of the Norman times, both of which have been published since mine was written. The Kings I have hardly touched. And now I have many friends to thank for much help freely and kindly given in many ways. First and far above all must come my son-in-law Arthur John Evans, my companion in so large a part of my Sicilian travels, my constant adviser, here and there, both in his own special departments of work and in many others. Next to him I would put Mr. W. W. Goodwin, Professor of Greek in Harvard University. It was indeed a privilege to go over Achradina and Epipolai, and to spell out the tale of Thucydides with him. And I was well pleased to look at the Hexapyla and some other parts of the Dionysian wall along with Mr. Strachan-Davidson of Balliol College. Nor must I forget men of Sicily itself. Professor Antonino Salinas at Palermo, and the Cavaliere Saverio Cavallari at Syracuse, quoted long ago by Grote, and who is still, I am happy to say, hearty and active. And, besides companions in Sicily, English and Sicilian, others have given me much precious help in the way of PREFACE. xvii suggestions and corrections, in the way of point- ing out books, references, points of all kinds. Such are Mr. D. B. Monro, Provost of Oriel Col- lege, Mr. Robinson Ellis, Reader in Latin, the Rev. C. W. Boase, Reader in Foreign History, the Rev. A. H. Sayce, and the Rev. North Finder. And I have specially to thank the Rev. E. L. Hicks for most kind help in his own special department of inscriptions. And I owe much, chiefly with regard to the Sicilian odes of Findar, to Mr. J. B. Bury, of Trinity College, Dublin, a scholar still young in years, but who is clearly destined to do great things for the Unity of History. Oxford : November iph, 1890. VOL. I. h CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. CHAEACTERISTICS OP SICILIAN HISTOEY. 9 PAGE Central position of Sicily ; its gwa^i-continental character . . . . . I — 2 Comparison with Sardinia and Corsica . . 2 Sicily not the home of any one nation, but the meeting-place of hostile powers and nations . 5 Its relation to Italy .... 4 Comparison with Cyprus and Spain . . 4 No Sicilian nation at any time ... 4 Wars for Sicily ..... 5 Its greatne&s not native, but colonial ; its successive masters ...... 6 — 9 Its position between Europe and Africa . . 8 Its early inhabitants : Sikans and Sikels . . 8 — 9 Migration and colonization ... 9 Place of Sicily in the strife of East and West . 10 — 12 Connexion of Greece, Italy, and Sicily . . 12—13 Colonies, Phoenician, Greek, and Roman . . 14 — 15 Effects of Carthaginian supremacy . . . 15 — 16 Relation of Italiots and Sikeliots to barbarian neighbours ..... 16 — 26 Sikels undeveloped Latins ; their 'hellenization ; comparison with Italy .... 19 — 21 Wars between Greeks and Carthaginians . . 21 — 23 Tendencies to Sicilian unity; Sicilian rule out of Sicily ...... 23—24 The invaders and deliverers . . . 24 — 27 Decay of Greek independence ; relations to Rome 25 — 26 B.C. 264 — 241 The war for Sicily between Carthage and Rome . 27—28 B.C. 241 — A.D. Sicily under the Roman power; the first province 827 (965) and the first dependent kingdom . . 29 — 30 b % XX CONTENTS. PAGE A.D. 827 — 1060 The Saracens in Sicily; opposition between Chris- tianity and Islam .... 30- -32 1038 — 1045 ? Recovery under Maniakes .... 31- -32 The East-Roman power in Italy . 32 1060 — 1090 Union of Sicily and Southern Italy under the Norman kings of Sicily . . 33- -34 Strife of Christian and Mussulman in Sicily, Spain, and Cyprus ..... 34- -37 Relations and analogies between England and Sicily ...... 37- -45 Characteristics of mediseval Sicily; Eastern do- minions of its kings .... 41- -42 The two ages of deliverers 43 Looking-back of Sicilian history . 43- -45 B.C. 735 — 241 Three divisions ; Independent Sicily 45- -46 A.D.'fo6^ Provincial Sicily 46 A,D.io6c — 1 860 The county and kingdom of Sicily 47 A.D. 1250 Death of the Emperor Frederick; Sicily loses its special character .... 47- -48 CHAPTER II. THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS." Qwrt^i-continental character of Sicily; its prse- historic state ; in history always an island . 49 — 5 1 Belief in its severance from Italy . . . 51 — 52 Its shape ; the name TH??oA-H The island ..... No akropolis at Syracuse ; misuse of the name Name of Ortygia ; legends of Alpheios and Are thousa ; relation to Artemis and Delos . Name of Syracuse ; theory of a double city Polichna .... Kyaiia ; the Olympieion; the Helorine road Sikel occupation ; tombs Question of Phoenician occupation ; relations between Syracuse and Carthage Legends of Kyana ; alleged Phoenician element 328—332 CONTENTS. xxvii § 3. The other Chalkidian Settlements on the East Coast. B.C. 728 — 726. B.C. 728 Extension of Chalkidian settlement in Sicily; foundation of Leontinoi and Katane . . 367 — 368 Inland site of Leontinoi ; reasons for the choice ; the double akropolis .... 368 — 371 The Leontine lake and fields . . . 371 The name Leontinoi ; the coins . . . 371 — 372 Foundation of Katane ; its site ; changes in the coast; position of the Greek city . . 372 — 376 A. D. 1669 Effects of the eruptions of ^tna ; the great earthquake ..... 374 — 376 Earlier occupants ; Sikels; question of Phoenicians; connexion with Italy .... 376 — 377 Name of Katane, Catina, Catania . . 377 Historical position of Katane ; Chardndas ; Stesi- choros ; legend of the Pious Brethren . . 377 — 379 Other Chalkidian settlements ; Kallipolis, Euboia, Zankle ...... 379 — 381 § 4, The Foundation of Meg ar a. B.C. 728. The old Megara ; its colonies . . . 381 Various attempts at settlement under Lamis . 382 — 388 First settlement at Trotilon . . . 382 Settlement at Leontinoi ; dealings with the Sikels ; Megarians driven out by Chalkidians . . 383 — 384 Settlement on Thapsos ; peninsulas of Thapsos and Xiphonia. ..... 385 — 389 Final settlement at Megara ; site and remains . 387 — 388 Megara and Hybla ; King Hyblon ; probable Sikel intermixture .... 388 — 390 § 5. The Foundation of Zankle. B.C. c. 715. Site and name of Zankle ; modern Messina . 390 — 392 First foundation by pirates from Kyme . . 392 — 393 B.C. c. 715 Second foundation from Kyme and Chalkis ; its probable date ..... 393 — 394 Territory of Zankle ; Peloris ; Mylai . . 394 — 395 6. The Settlements on the Southern and Northern Coasts. B.C. 688 — 580. Completion of settlement on the east coast ; cessation of Greek settlement in Sicily ; founda- tion of the Italiot cities .... 395 — 397 Greek settlement begins again ; the northern and southern coasts ..... 397 — 398 B. c. 688 Foundation of Lindioi or Gela ; joint Rhodian and Cretan settlement .... 398 — 400 xxviii CONTENTS. PAGE Origin of the name Gela .... 400 — 401 The river Gelas ; changes in its course . . 401 — 402 The territory of Gela; the hill; modern Terra- nova ; tombs ..... 401 — 404 Position of Lindioi ; Gela begins as an outpost . 404 — 405 The temple and statue of Apolldn ; other temples ; character of the city .... 405 — 407 Historic position of Gela ; most western conquest from Sikels ; question of Phoenicians . . 406 — 408 The Geloan territory ; the fields ; the lake ; Mak- torion ; Omphake ..... 408 — 410 B. C. 648 Small amount of settlement on the north coast ; foundation of Himera ; suggested by that of Gela ...... 410 — 411 Himera a colony of Zankle ; the Syracusan Myletids ; their possible connexion with Mylai ; laws and dialect of Himera . . . 411 — 412 Site of Himera ; its relation to the Phoenician settlements; extent of the city . . . 412 — 416 The river Himeras .... 413 — 414 The temple ..... 415 — 416 Territory of Himera ; the baths ; the legend of Herakles ..... 415 — 417 B.C. 628 Foundation of Selinous from Megara . . 418 Extent of its territory ; its relation to Segesta . 419 — 420 The site; the haven ; the akropolis . . 420 — 428 l^dMiQ oi Selinous ; plants; coins . . . 420 — 422 B.C. 628 — 408 Dealings with Africa; short life of the first Selinous ...... 423 The temples ; the early sculptures ; the Kerkopes 424 — 426 Temples on the outlying hills . . . 426 — 429 B.C. 580 Foundation of Akragas from Gela ; last of the old settlements ; its relation to Syracuse and to Gela 429 — 431 Position of Akragas ; not a seafaring power ; the rivers ; the haven ; the akropolis ; character of the hills ...... 432—435 B.C. 480 Enlargement of the city; comparison with Syra- cuse and with English cities . . . 434 — 438 Temples on the akropolis .... 438 Pelation to Sikans and Phoenicians; extent of Akragantine territory .... 438 — 440 Coins of Akragas ..... 439 — 440 §7. The Expedition of Peydathlos. B.C. 580— 577. B.C. 580 — 577 Expedition of Pentathlos; its connexion with tliat of Dorieus ..... 441 — 442 CONTENTS. xxix PAGE Knidian and Khodian enterprise ; attempt oi Pentathlos at Lilybaion .... 442—443 War between Selinous and feegesta ; Fentatnlos helps Selinous and is defeated . 443—444 The survivors settle at Lipara ; its later history ; the last settlement irom Old Greece ; Knidos its metropolis ..... 444—446 Extent of Greek territory in Sicily ; relation of the nations to one another 446—447 APPENDIX. Note I. Ihe Authorities tor xLarly Sicilian History . 449 II. The Breach between Sicily and Italy 458 III. The name TrinaJcna .... 462 IV. Sikans and Sikels ..... 472 V. Kokalos and Kamikos .... 495 VI. Ihe Alleged Sikel Invasion of Egypt 505 VII. The Sikel System of Weights 508 VIII. The Town of Trinakia .... 511 IX. The Three Towns called Hybla 512 X. The Palici and their Lake .... 517 "VT Xi. Henna and its Goddesses .... 530 XII. The Origin of the Elymians 542 XIII. T^l • • T 1 "XT • CI' •! Phoenician Local Names m Sicuy . 559 XIV. The First Greek Settlements in Sicily 564 XV, The Foundation of Naxos .... 570 Ji. VI. The Foundation of Syracuse 572 XVII. Epipolai ...... 578 XVIII. ihe Pious Brethren oi Katane 581 XIX. Xiphonia ...... 583 Y V A A. The Foundation of Zankle .... 584 XXI. The Expedition of Pentathlos 588 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. p. 2, 1. 9. So it used to be believed. See the articles Sicilia and Sardinia in the Dictionary of Geography. Later measurements make Sicily the larger. See Holm, i. 327. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, i. 353. The difference is of no historical importance. p. 26, 1. 9, for " successors " read "successes " p. 56, note 2, for " i, 6. 2 " read " i. 6. 3 " p. 59, 1. 13, for Calavh, " read " Calark" p. 68, last line, for "along the south coast as far" read "along the east coast as far as " p. 69, 1. I, for " Akesimes" read " Akesines " p. 69, 1. 4, for " which " read " these " p. 69, note 2. There seems a lurking reference to the derivation of Nebrocles in Gratius, Cynegetica, 525 ; " Possent /Etnaeas utinam se ferre per arces, Qui ludus Siculis. quid tum, si turpia colla Aut tenuis dorso curvatur spina? per illos Cantatus Graiis Agragas, victaeque fragosum Nebroden liquere ferae." p. 70, note 3. In the Pervigilium Veneris (51) there is a reference to Hybla in which it is coupled with Henna ; Hybla, totos funde flores, quotquot annus attulit ; Hybla florum sume vestem, quantus Ennae campus est." p. 76, 1, 5 from bottom. There is a passage in Gratius, 430, which has been thought (Wernsdorf, Excursus vi) to refer to this phenomenon ; " Est in Trinacria specus ingens rupe cavique Introsum reditus ; circum atrae mcenia silvae Alta premunt, ruptique ambustis faucibus amnes, Vulcano condicta domus, quam supter euuti Stagna sedent venis oleoque madentia vivo." But there is really nothing like this at Akragas, and others have more reasonably changed the scene to ^tna. p. 80, 1. I, for " Amenanos" read " Amenanos " p. 80, 1. 7. " Oretos " is hardly an allowable form. The name is not found in any Greek writer. See p. 255, note i. Cf. p. 83. pp. 82-83, note 2, dele "The form .... dyeiv." The derivation is not ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. xxxi that of Servius, but of Cluver himself. See more on this river at pp. 540, 541. When Silius, xiv. 230, calls it "... Facilem superari gurgite parco Pantagiam," he must have meant before it got between the rocks. p. 84, 1. I. I am told that there is really no documentary authority for assigning the bridge to George ; but the tradition, combined vp^ith the fact that the river got the name Ammiraglio, seems proof enough. Cf. p. 218. p. 86, note 3. for " Clypes " read *' Clypea " p. 102, note 2, for Ku/cAwTres kol Aaiarpvyoues read Kv/cXcunas Koi Aaiarpv- yovas. p. 106, 1. 5. See on the identification with the peninsula of Mylai, p. 587. p. 112, last two lines, dele "east" and "the volcanic Calogero their chief" p. 119, side-note, for " Sikels " read " Sikans " p. 140, note, for " 140" read " 146" p. 144,1. 16, after "Saint Mark" read "perhaps, and not Apollonia, the site on San Fratello," p. 144, last line, dele "perhaps, and not Apollonia, the site of San Fratello ; in either case it was " p. 145, 1, 4, dele " Saint " p. 152, 1. 10, for " Of" read " Among " p. 176, 1. 6 from bottom, and note 2. See p. 535. p. 187, note 6. The Macedonian purification of the army by passing through the two parts of a slain dog, is not to be found in Arrian, but comes in Q. Curtius, x. 9. 12. p. 189, last line. This version appears in the poem headed Pentadii Tumulus Acidis ; " Acidis hsec cernis montana cacumina busti, ^qvLor et ex imis fluminis ire jugis, Ista Cyclopei durant monumeiita furoris ; Hie amor, hie dolor est, Candida nympha, tuus. Sed bene, si periit, jacet hac sub mole sepultus, Nomen et exultans unda perenne vehit. Sic manet ille quidem neque mortuus esse feretui', Vitaque per liquidas cserula manat aquas." p. 190, 1. 9. It will be seen in vol. ii, p. 266 that the story, or part of it, is much older, and may be traced back to Bacchylides, nephew of Simonides. But it would seem that in the earlier versions Galates only was mentioned. One may guess that Keltos and Illjrios were added long after, when men had begun to speculate about Galli and Celtce, perhaps after Illyricum had be- come part of the Gaelish province of Caesar. One would like to know whether any form of the story had a place in the poem of Philoxenos, mentioned in p. 191 , note. p. 210, 1. 2, for " had " read " has " p. 213, note 2. See below, p. 420. The dwarf-palm is surely meant, p. 227, note 2. I should not have left out the clear case of Ashtoreth- worship on Akrokorinthos itself. See vol. ii. p. 532. Strabo, viii. 6. 20. xxxii ADDITIONS AND COREECTIONS. p. 230, 1. 17. I have since said something more on this head in an article in the Contemporary Review for September, 1890, headed " Carthage." p. 263, 1. 12 from bottom, for " even " read " ever " p. 270, note. See vol. ii. p. 552. p. 304, 1. 18, for he " read " we " p. 307, 1. II, for " Thesprotians and Molottians " read " the Thesprotian and the Molottian." p. 316, note 1, for "Strabo, v. 44" read " Strabo, v. 4. 4" p. 316, note 2, for " Strabo, vi. 22 " read ''Strabo, vi. 2. 2 " p. 326, note. Was he black, like Our Lady of Einsiedeln ? There seems to have been a black Archagetas at the elder Megara. Paus. i. 42. 5 ; 6 fx€v 81) UvOios KaXovfxfvos ml 6 A€KaTT](p6pos roTs AlyvTrrlois fiakiara koiKaai ^oavois, bv Se 'Apxr]yeTi]v hirovofxa^ovGiv AlyivTjTiKois 'ipyois hariv ofxoios. kfieuov 5e -navra opLoiws TxeTToirjTai. Benndorf, 36. p. 327, note 2. So also the Appendix to the first volume of the Paroemio- graphi, i. 72, p. 329, 1. 22, We know that Syracuse, as it stood in the Peloponnesian War, was equal in size to Athens (Thuc. vii. 28). The enlargements of Dionysios must have made it much greater than Athens, unless we take in Peiraieus. By the time that Hadrian enlarged Athens, Syracuse had begun to shrink up again. P- 3355 1- i8> foi" "settlements" read "settlement" pp. 340-1. I fear that I have not in this paragraph described the relations between Corinth and her colonies quite accurately. There is nothing to change that directly concerns Sicilian history, as the contrast between Korkyra and Syracuse holds good in any case. But the peculiar position of Corinth towards her colonies is interesting for the history of Greek colonization and of colonization in general. A chief source of knowledge about them is the seventh book of Nicolas of Damascus (C. Miiller, iii. 391), who is held to represent Ephoros. I infer that Korkyra, after establishing its independ- ence, was brought under Corinthian dominion under either Kypselos or Periandros, and won back its independence after the fall of their dynasty. That dynasty was the great time of Corinthian colonization, and the colonies, planted by tyrants, were naturally planted as dependencies, largely ruled by under-tyrants of the ruling house. Epidamnos, I infer from the whole story, was a plantation of Periandros in his character of lord both of Corinth and Korkyra. Its formal founder and part of its citizens came from Corinth ; after the renewed independence of Korkyra, it had naturally, from its position, more to do with Korkyra than with Corinth. p. 350, 1. 4, for "balk " read "bulk " P- 353j '^ote 3. A vast number of stories, conjectures, and what not, will be found in the scholiasts on Pindar, Nem. i. i. Cf. also Polybios, xii. 4(Z. p. 359, line 5 from bottom. All the singular forms of the name do seem to be late (see p. 357, note 3) ; yet one would not be surprised if one lighted ou an early form to match the Home'ic Qrj^r], MvKrjvr), and others. p. 366, note 4, for dyvoowra read dyvoovi/rcuy p. 380. The reference to note 3 should come in 1. 15 after the word " Gelon." ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. xxxiii p. 414, note I. A forthcoming paper by Mr. Arthur Evans, in the Numis- matic Chronicle for 1891, pp. 9, 10, has some further matter about the coins of Himera. The name has a remarkable number of initial letters, H in the older spelling, I in the newer, as also K (as mentioned in the note), B (a form of H), and f-, a rare form of F. The figure of the Chimaira \\hich appears in con- nexion with the K spelling is connected with the root mn (see p. 414, note 2), as applied to the hot springs. The Lykian Chimaira, it appears, was a volcano. One can only guess at these things. I should expect to find that the name of Himera had in its origin nothing to do with Greek ifxepos or rjix^pa, nothing to do with Semitic -\on, nothing to do with a Lykian Chimaira. The Greeks, it is clear, played on the name ; the Phoenicians may have done the same. The chances are that the real name is Sikan, and those who have conquered the Impossible may give us a Basque gues.s with more likelihood of success than any of the others. The point of real importance is that 'Ifi€pa and ■^/xepa came near enough in sound for the words to be played upon. p. 421, 1. 5. The plant aiXivov, I am told by Mr, Vines and Mr. Clements Markham, is really wild celery. p. 422, 1. 3. On these works of Empedokles, see vol. ii. p. 353. p. 430, note ; dele the last two lines. They are true of most of Pindar's odes, but not of this particular one, which must be older than the enlargement of Akragas. See vol. ii. p. 269. The words KaKkicTTa Pporedu iroXiav, applied to Akragas before its enlargement, answer to the title La Magnijica, applied to Girgenti, now it has again shrunk up within its oldest bounds. p. 440, note. There is another mention of Eknomos as Akragantine in Plutarch, Dion, 26. But it is Geloan in Died. xix. 104. p. 456, 1. 13 from bottom, for " contemporory " read "contemporary" p. 457, 1. I. We get the TrepippvTa rreSia in Eurip. Phoen. 209, 210, and in Plutarch, Dion, 24, we read of ^ trpoaKKv^ovoa upbs Trjv aKpuiroKiv 6a\aaaa, where aKpoiroXis means the Island. p. 460, 1. 5 from bottom. There are also two references in Manilius. In iv. 632 he says ; " Trinacria, Italia tantum praecisa recessit," And again in iv. 787 ; " Insula Trinacriae fluitantem ad jura sororem Subsequitur Cretea sub eodem condita signo, Proximaque Italia et tenui divisa profundo Ora paris sequitur leges, nec sidere rupta est." For " ad jura " Mr. Ellis suggests " aditura." We must remember that Sicily, as conceived at any time before D'Anville (see p. 53), had much more the air of drawing near to or pointing to Crete than it has in real life, p. 463, 1. 13, dele " clearly " p. 466, 1. 16. In later editions I find here the form TpivaKirj. The manuscripts seem to have both forms, O. Schneider (i. 214) has a note; "Equidem putaverim TpivaKiav poetas dixisse ab clkt] deducentes nomen velificantibus et Homerica insula Opivaicir] et urbe TpivaKia quani memoret Diod, xii. 29, atque hanc urbem hie quoque intelligendam esse aflSrmat Toup." One would be glad to add a new fact to our very small stock about the town of Trinakia, and VOL. I. C xxxiv ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. the more so as Trinakia is distinguished from ^tna. But Meineke (i6o) wants to get rid of A!tTvq and to read aSe -yap 'Iprj, meaning seemingly the Liparaian Hiera (see p. 88). The whole passage is curious ; ave yap Altvt), ave 5e TpivaKirj ^LKavwv eSos, aSe Se yetrcuv 'iraXirj, fxeyaXrjV Se ^oriv em Kvpvos dvrei. It is comforting to find Italy spoken of as near Sicily, and not the other way. And we will not correct 'iraXlas in a scholiast who says vrjcros dvTiKpv [al. npo] TT]s ^iKfX'ias Tj 'K.vpvos tOTi. Sardo, to be sure, is in the way ; but, as it is no longer the greatest of islands, it matters less. p. 471, 1. 6 from bottom. Wilamowitz-Mollendorf (Philologische Unter- suchungen, vii. 168) takes tlie derivation from Op'iva^ for granted. " Thrinakia, von Opiva^, heisst die gabelformige Insel." It is not easy to see why. H. Nissen, on the other hand (Italische Landeskunde, 4% says, " Auch der Name der Heliosinsel QpivaKir] scheint misverstanden aus TpivaKpla, ' Dreispitz,' eine Bezeichnung, die Sicilien friih in der Schiffer tradition erhalten haben mag." He naturally refers to Strabo, vi. 2. i . See p. 464. p. 474, 1. 2, dele " there quoted " p. 489, On Sikel words see a note of Busolt, G. G. i. 284, with the further instances of fxoirov for miitiuim and Kapmpov for career. Moitov comes from the excellent authority of Varro, L. L. v. 179, where I ought to have noticed it before ; ^' Si datum quod reddatur, mutuum, quod Siculi moeton ; itaque scribit Sopliron moeton anti moetu." Of these last words there are many readings, of which "moeton antimo " clearly points to the proverb (whatever it means) jiresei ved by Hesychios, seemingly from Sophron, /jloitoi avTifioi ; Trapoifji.ia St/ceAofy 77 yap x«P'5 F-oi tov OLv6xo.piv. I do not find it in the pro- fessed JJapoiixioypdipoi. The use of mutuum comes under the same head as the use of Sikel weights and measures. See more in the Appendix, p. 508. p. 491, 1. 19, dele " SttfeAoi and ^iKeXoi" p. 492, last line. I have to thank Mr. Saycefor telling me how. Stephen of Byzantium witnesses that there was a "XovdyfAa in Karia, where was the tomb of Kar himself, ws 5r]\oi Kal rovvofxa. KaXovai yap ol Kdpes oovav tov rdcpov, ye\av 5e tov fiaaiKia. I must confess that I had never looked out 'XovdyeXa. But what a leap to our chilly Sikel river. p. 497, 1. I. Diodoros (xvi. 9) has another casual reference to Min6a, in which he gives another account, attributing its foundation to Minos himself ; Atcui/ KariirXevae rrji "'AfcpayavTivrjs (Is rriv bvop.a^oixivr]v Mivcuav avTrj de TO fxev vaXaiov vno Mivojos kKTioQrj tov fiaaiXiOJS Kprjrojv, Kad' ov Kaipbv (rjrcuv Aa'iSaXov kne^ivojOr] KcoKaXq) tcv fiaaiXii toiv ^iKavwv. The other version is likely to preserve the more genuine tradition. Diodoros then goes on to speak of the place in its later character of Herakleia or Ras Melkart, but without mentioning the name. We shall come to it often in yet later times. The coins spoken of in the text are specially important, as marking a Phoenician re- action later than the Greek coins at Panormos mentioned in p. 302. p. 503, 1. 9 from bottom, for " Kriminos " read " Krimisos " P- 513? 1- 7 seqq. from bottom, read " one near to the site of the Hyblaian Megara, and also known as the Greater Hybla " ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. XXXV p. 515, 1. II from bottom. yeXdv = \dixir(iv might come from Hesychios ; ye\av avy^qi' -qKiov. p. 519, 1. 9, for " Synaithos " read " Symaithos " p. 525, ], 2 from bottom. This of course depends on the reading "Martis " or "matris " in the passage from Virgil quoted in p. 517. I do not presume to judge of such matters ; but I should be better pleased to read " Martis," as helping me to another chthonian power. p. 530, 1. 6, for which " read " whom " p. 535, line 7 from bottom. Schneider also rejects the line ; but Henna is mentioned, and seemingly with reference, though less distinctly, to Demeter and Persephone, in two other places of Kallimachos, but it is the same Hymn (31), where Henna is spoken of as beloved by Demeter ; .... O^d 8' kn€fxaiv(TO X^PV oaaov '^Xdvaivi, Tpioirad' oaov, oKicuffov ''Eri/ot. T/3t07ra5' (written many ways) will carry us on to Telines and his mysterious Upd. See vol. ii. pp. 102, 122. The other place is in a fragment, 146 (Schneider, ii. 413), A^yiroj 6ebi, ov yap eycb St'xct tm8' de'iS^iv vvixcpa, ov fJL€v dffTcpiav vv d/j.a^av rjhrj ipiXojTepa dpTi yap ol 2i«eA.a [xev "Evva. The commentator has much to say about yd and yap ; but it does not seem to have come into his head to ask, what one would have thought was the root of the matter, what his author exactly meant by St/ceAd. In a much earlier writer 2t/feAd ''Evm would have meant " Henna of the Sikels," In a much later writer it would mean simply " Henna in Sicily." Which did it mean in the mouth of Kallimachos ? TpivaKirj, ^iKavoju eSos, is rather against his accuracy in such matters, especially if he really did mean the Sikel town. But the main point is that Kallimachos does mention Henna in connexion with De- meter, though not with the same distinctness as the Latin poets. It was only gradually, during the writing of this volume, that I perceived that there is no mention of Henna in connexion with the goddesses in any early Greek writer. Had I grasped this fact from the beginning, I might have set it forth earlier and more clearly. There can be no doubt that Kallimachos is the first extant writer who mentions it. In so late a writer, a contemporary of the second Hieron, lord of Henna as well as of Syracuse, their mention is not wonderful ; he comes rather into the same class as the Latin wi iters. The holiness of Henna must have been fully established in Greek as well as in Sikel belief long before his day. It may even have been established in Pindar's day, though he did not find it convenient to say anything about it. P- 535) 15- the scholiast on Pindar, Nem. i, 20, says ; rjyovv ^epaecpovrj Trepi Tovs rfjs Airvrjs SiaTpi^ovcra Xei/xcuvas ripvdaOr] vapd tov Ukovrcovos. It does just come into one's head whether the first Greek attempt to find a place in Sicily for the story may not have planted it by ^tna. And we might take the passage from Karkinos quoted in p. 533 as looking the same way. But if this be so, it is somewhat strange that Pindar, who has much to say about xxxvi ADDITIONS AND COERECTIONS. the goddesses, much to say about ^tna, does not seem ever to bring the two together. p. 540, 1. 10, for " Crinise " read " Crimise " p. 578, 1. 4. This seems to agree very well with the last announcement about Pheidon; Busolt, i. 140. p. 588, 1. I, for " Artemisia " read " Artemision " LIST OF MAPS. I. Sicily, shewing the Early Settlements . Frontispiece to Vol. I. fa.uk II. Panormos and Solous Vol. I. 253 III. Motya and Eryx ,,271 IV. Syracuse, Megara, &c „ 348 V. Sketch Map of Selinous „ 420 VI. The Syracusan Advance Vol. II. 1 7 VII. Syracuse in the Fifth Century B.C. ... ,,139 VIII. Battle of Himera ,,187 IX. Akragas ,,224 Freeman's Sicilp, CHAPTER I. CHARACTEEISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTOEY. IN the view of universal history tlie island o£ Sicily, the greatest of Mediterranean islands, had a special calling* laid upon it by its geographical position. Placed in the Central midst of the great inland sea, it is indeed in some sort an siciiy?'^ ° appendage to the central peninsula of Southern Europe ; but it is something more. It is something more in its geography; it is something more in its history. It is a breakwater between the eastern and western divisions of the Mediterranean ; it parts the waters that wash the coasts of Spain and Gaul from the waters that wash the coasts of Greece and Asia. It has not wholly lost the character which geologists tell us that it bore in unrecorded days, when it formed a bridge uniting the European and the African continent, and parting the two great divisions of the Mediterranean into two unconnected lakes. It parts, and at the same time it brings together, Europe and Africa, Eastern and Western Europe ^. It is an island ; but it is Its qnasi- an island which has somewhat of the character of a con- character, tinent. Its size alone distinguishes it from the smaller islands which lie scattered along so many parts of the Mediterranean coast, preeminently along those of Greece itself. It belongs to another class from Chios and Lesbos and Samos, from Euboia and Korkyra and Crete, even from It has an odd sound when Skylax (13) speaks of Sicily as if it were not part of Europe ; Kara 5e 'Prj^iSv kcrri ^iKcKia vijcros drrd r^s Evpdnrrjs dnexovffa arddta t)3' ets TLeXoopidSa dnb 'Pr]yiov. VOL. I. B 2 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I, Cyprus wliose fortunes it so largely reproduced on a greater scale. A superficial glance at tlie map might tempt us to say that Sicily formed part of a group of three great islands in the Western Mediterranean. A modern habit leads us to look on S icily Sardinia^ and Corsica^ as alike insular appendages to Italy. But such is not the view of history ; such is not the view even of accurate geography. We are indeed somewhat surprised when we find that of the three islands just spoken of Sicily is physically not the greatest, that it is surpassed by Sardinia in superficial area. The two islands have indeed something in common in their geographical character. Sicily, with its solid mass, is among islands what Asia Minor is among peninsulas. Its shape, so nearly triangular, the nature of its coast, so much less cut up by gulfs and inlets, so much less fringed by smaller islands, than the coast of Greece or even the coast of Italy, all help to strengthen the ^/^(a;.:9i-continental character which it derives from its size. Sicily is an island ; its people are or should be islanders ; but language sometimes yields to facts, and we find the inhabitants of Sicily spoken of and speaking of themselves as men of the mainland ^. In no other Mediterranean island could there be spots so thoroughly cut off from the sea ; the inland parts of Sicily are perhaps more thoroughly inland than the inland parts Compavi- of Peloponncsos. Sardinia too is a solid island ; but it is Sardinia ^^^s solid than Sicily; its shape does not give it a character ^''^ . so nearly continental. But this is only a small part of the Corsica. *^ j x. difference between the two. In truth the three islands do not form a group ; Sardinia and Corsica stand in close relation to one another ; Sicily stands apart from both. Sardinia and Corsica are essentially islands of the Western Mediterranean; Sicily belongs neither to the Western ^ See the speech of Hermokrates in Thucydides (vii. 21), where he says that the Athenians rose to their naval power, having before been i.rreipuTai jj.dWov Tcjy ^vpuKoaicxJV. CENTRAL POSITION OF SICILY. 3 Mediterranean nor to the Eastern ; it parts and unites chap. i. the two. It is this central position which has g4ven Sicily its Sicily not special historical character ; it is this which has called any one it to be, before all other lands, the meeting-place o£ the pg^^pj^"^ nations. It is to this, more than to anything else, that Sicily owes its illustrious place in the history of the world; it is this which has made its fortunes so widely different from those of Corsica and Sardinia ^. It is an island ; but an island which, according to the ideas of early times, was far too great to be the home of a single power or even of a single people. No one city like those of Greece, no one village-league like those of Italy, could make the whole island its possession. And, if its size forbade it to be the home of a single power, its position no less forbade it to be the home of a single nation. Before great dominions arose, Sicily was, by its own nature, a world of its own ; it was a region large enough for the life, the interests, the disputes, of many powers, such as powers were then, to find room enough for their full action within its bounds. But the special characteristic of Sicily is that it has been Sicily the ji • J^ 11; meeting- sometmng more than a land cut up among* many powers, place of It has been a land cut up among powers and nations, p^J^^^^ ^nd specially diverse, specially hostile. Its geographical position nations, enabled it, it almost constrained it, to be, beyond all other European lands, the battle-field of rival races and rival creeds. It lay open to settlement from every quarter. The connecting link between Europe and Africa invited settlement both from Europe and from Africa ; the barrier between the Eastern and the Western Mediterranean in- vited settlement from the maritime and colonizing powers of both those regions.^ Above all, the nearness of the island to the central peninsula of Europe invited settlement, influence, conquest, relations and dealings of every kind, at ^ See the remarks of Arnold, History of Rome, i. 429. B 2, 4 CHAEACTEEISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. the hands o£ the successive masters o£ that peninsula. Its relation Being what it was and where it was, Sicily was destined, to Italy. irresistible fate, to supply a dwelling-place and a fighting-place for the chief powers of the Mediterranean world, above all for those who, in any age, were strong in the neighbouring land of Italy. Sicily, too great to be the possession of a single king or city or even league, was not merely to be, like the Cretan island and the Pelopon- nesian peninsula, the possession of many owners of kindred stock. It was to be parted out and striven for among disputants bound as it were to enmity and rivalry on every ground. This lot is indeed not peculiar to Sicily; it is shared with it by two other of the Mediterranean lands, by a lesser island to the East and by a greater peninsula Corupari- to the West. Cyprus and Spain have both, no less than Cyprus and Sicily, been the meeting-places and the battle-fields of Spam, nations. There has therefore never at any time been a Cypriot or Sicilian nationality at once united and distinct. Spain, in the geographical sense, still contains two king- doms ; one might say that it still contains more than two nations. In the ease of Sicily above all, the meeting-place of the nations, the battle-field of the nations, could never No Sicilian become the home and cradle of any one nation. All the any tirne. races of Europe and of some lands beyond Europe have played their part in the history of Sicily. For the very reason that Sicily has found dwelling-places for so many nations, a Sicilian nation there has never been. But the fact that Sicily has become the dwelling-place of contending nations at once distinguishes it from other lands which have been, in one age or another, simple places of battle. No one could speak of Sicily, no one could speak of Spain or Cyprus, as Lombardy and Belgium have in some Wars for ages been truly spoken of, as the cock-pit of Europe. Most Sicily. wars which have been waged on the soil of Sicily or on the waters that wash her shores have been wars in THE MEETING-PLACE OF THE NATIONS. 5 wliicli Sicily herself was more deeply concerned than any chap. i. other land. One of the greatest struggles in the history of the worlds the first war between the Roman and the Phoenician, was emphatically the War for Sicily^. And the other wars that Sicily has seen before and after have been in like sort wars for Sicily or for some part of Sicily. They have been wars between nations or powers already established in the island, or else wars between nations or powers that were seeking establishment, dominion, or influ- ence, on its soil. Some fought to win lands from others; some to keep the lands which themselves or their fore- fathers had won. Some came to conquer, some to deliver ; some came on an errand in which deliverance and conquest can hardly be dissevered. Eut in every strife Sicily itself was the object. If there has never been a Sicilian nation, it is because Sicily has drawn to itself the men of so many nations that none of them has been able to take and keep the whole land as its own abiding possession. The greatness of Sicily therefore has never been strictly The great- a native greatness. It has not been, like the greatness of gfcfiy^not old Greece or of old Italy, the greatness of an immemorial people, the greatness of a people who, at the beginning of recorded history, appear already in possession of the land which is their historic seat. We cannot conceive Greeks and Latins apart from Greece and Latium, or Greece and Latium apart from Greeks and Latins. Of inhabitants of Greece and Latium earlier than Greeks and Latins we can say nothing for certain; and, though we are used to Greeks and Latins in lands far away from Greece and Latium, yet we know them only as colonists from Greece and Latium who in some sort carry Greece and Latium with them. The historical greatness of Sicily was assuredly not the greatness of any people who stood to the land in the relation in which Hellenes stood to Hellas and Latins ^ Polybios, i. 13 ; 0 nepi ^iKeXias ttoMixos. (5 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. to Latium. The land took its name from one part o£ its inhabitants ; hut those v*^ho gave it their name were not its oldest recorded inhabitants, and assuredly the historic but Colo- greatness o£ the land was not their work. The history of Sicily up to the Roman conquest is like the history of America ; it is the history of a land which became great by colonization from other lands^ by colonization in the strictest sense as opposed to national migration. Its greatness is due to settlers from other lands who kept up in their new homes some kind of relation to the lands from which they set forth. Successive The greatness of Sicily was therefore essentially a Sicily!^ colonial greatness, the greatness of communities which did not form whole nations but only parts of nations, nations of which other, and commonly larger, parts re- mained in their elder homes. Sicily was never the land of a single nation, holding that one land as its own and confined to the land which was its own. She was never in historic times the chief seat of any nation, nor is there any reason to believe that her position in prae- historic times was at all different. She was at no time a land from which men set forth at all largely to settle in other lands ; she was at all times a land in which men came largely to settle from other lands. So it was with her Phoenician, her Greek, her Roman, her Arab, her Sicily Norman, and her Lombard settlers. All these nations chiVfseat of settlements on Sicilian soil; but Sicily never be- any nation, ^.^me the head seat of the power of any of them. Of none of these nations did the whole body or the greater part take up its abode in Sicily. Their Sicilian settle- ments were only offshoots of a stock whose main body remained elsewhere. There vv^as a day when Sicily con- tained the greatest city and the mightiest power in the Hellenic world ; but Sicily never became Hellas ; she never became the leading part of Hellas. Under the SUCCESSIVE SETTLEES IN SICILY. 7 Phoenician and the Arab the position of Sicily was one chap. i. of more or less dependence. From the time when Carthage Semitic rose to power, the Phoenician cities in Sicilj were de- pendencies of a greater Phcjenician city elsewhere. The Saracen lords of Sicily, besides their allegiance to the common head of Islam, always acknowledged some kind of supremacy in African princes of their own creed. Under the Roman dominion Sicily was, like other lands, a subject Roman province; and when Rome had grown into Romania, the dream of making Sicily the chief seat of Roman power never came into the head of any man, save once perhaps into the frenzied brain of an oppressor who had made the New and the Old Rome alike hateful to him^. It was NorDian under her Norman princes that Sicily, as Sicily, as an united whole, held her highest place. But she was not the only seat of Norman power; a dweller in the island of the Ocean can hardly allow that she was the chief. And the Norman lord of Sicily was lord also of lands on the adjoining mainland which in the end showed them- selves to be greater than the island. The history of Sicily then, with all its greatness and its special interest, must still be set down as in some sort a secondary history. It is a history which exists mainly in its relation to the history of other lands. So to be is implied in the position of the island as the meeting-place of the nations. The Compari- nations did not go forth in their full force to meet ia"ei^^^^^ there. It was as when North America mig-ht be called folonial ^ ^ nistones. the meeting-place and the battle-field of France, Spain, and England. The new France, the new Spain, the new England, remained secondary to the elder European homes of the three nations. And if in later times we may say that North America has become the greatest home of the English folk, it is the greatest home only in the sense ' We shall come in due course to tlie sojourn of the Emperor Constans the Second at Syracuse. 8 CHARACTERISTICS OE SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. in whicli for a while Sicily contained the greatest power of Hellas. Import- But if the history of Sicily is in this sense secondary^ SiSly°in chiefly made up of the strifes of nations whose histcr^*^^ chief seats were elsewhere, yet Sicily ever held a place which tended to make its possession of the utmost weight among the powers which strove for it. It was more than a prize to add to the strength and fame of the power which might win it. The fate of Sicily touched the very life of the contending powers ; it touched the very life of all European history. In the widest view of the world^s history, Greece and Italy must count as one whole. The dominion of Rome was the form which Europe Its place had to take in the face of Asia and Africa. The great Europe and q_uestion^ that in which Greece was the earlier champion Africa. Rome the later^ was whether Sicily should be Euro- pean or African — if African be the right word to apply to an Asiatic power planted on African soil. And in that question it turned on the possession of Sicily whether Europe or Africa should hold the first place in the Medi- terranean world. The Greek kept the greater part of Sicily for Europe till the Roman was able to secure the whole. We can hardly conceive what would have come if Gelon, Dionysios_, Timoleon, Agathokles^ and Pyrrhos — tyrants^ kings, and deliverers must for once be classed together — had all fought in vain, if, when Rome and Carthage met face to face, all Sicily had been Phoenician. We can better conceive what would have come if the result of the War for Sicily had been to leave Panormos a Carthaginian possession and Syracuse a Carthaginian dependency. To say no more, with such a starting-point in his hands^ the greatest Hannibal could hardly have needed to make his toilsome march across the Alps. The early Sicily was thus a land of many nations, but never in luit?^*' recorded times the chief seat of any one nation. And even MIGEATION AND COLONIZATION. 9 in prsehistoric days the two chief races of the island^ chap. i. Sikans and Sikels, no less than Phoenicians and Greeks_, Sikans and seem to have been settlers from other lands^ who left kins- folk behind them in their elder seats. This was undoubt- edly so with those who gave its abiding name to the island. The larger part of the Sikel people may have moved into the land which through their coming became Sikelia ; but the whole nation did not change its seats ; ages after there still were Sikels in other lands. But we Migration instinctively draw a distinction between the migrations^ nizatlon." whole or partial^ of primaeval and unrecorded days and the colonial enterprises of the great colonizing nations of history. The movements, whether of the whole or of a part, whether of a greater or a lesser part, of an undeveloped nation which has as yet no history, no defined place in the world, is something essentially different from settlements systematically sent forth to other lands by established cities or kingdoms. The former class of migrations have happened in all times and places ; but they belong mainly to the early ages of a people. The latter class are what we call colonies in the special sense, the Phoenician and Greek colonies of one age of the world, the Spanish and English colonies of another. It was the settlement of colonies of Specially this kind on its coasts which gave Sicily its special place in chimdLr history. The ffreat central island of the Mediterranean Sicilian ^ history. could not fail to draw to itself the eyes of the colonizing nations of the Mediterranean, in days when colonization in the strict sense was still one of the leading features of the world^s history. Sicily stood equally inviting to both the great colonizing nations of that age, to the men of Canaan and to the men of Hellas. It is their rivalry, the rivalry of the two races, elder and younger, Semitic and Aryan, which sought before all things the dominion of the sea, that forms the main feature of Sicilian history for several Strife of ages. It is around the strife between Greek and Phoenician Phoenician. 10 CHAEACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTOEY. CHAP. I. tliat tlie interest of Sicilian history^ as a contribution to universal history, mainly gathers, as long as Sicily had any claim to be looked on as a separate world of its own. It is the joint presence of Greek and Phoenician which gives the elder Sicilian history its highest interest and its deepest instruction. But it is the presence of the Greek, not that of the Phoenician, which gives Sicilian history its The true special and abiding charm. It was the coming of the Greek. Greek which made Sicily all that we understand by Sicily. Of a Sicily divided between Phoenicians and Sikels, of a Sicily in which Phoenicians held the mastery over Sikels, we cannot divine what the fate might have been. But we know that it could never have been the Sicily which holds so brilliant a place in the world^'s history. The Roman might still have overcome the Phoenician, the Norman might still have overcome the Saracen, but the element which in either case was the true life of the island would have been lacking. The true Sicily is the Hellenic Sicily and none other. It is the settlements from Greece, the great cities which their founders planted, the mighty monuments which they have left behind them, the contributions of Sicily to the art, the literature, and the philosophy of the common Hellenic stock — it is the thrilling interest of the internal stories of her Greek cities — it is the constant con- nexion between them and the history of the elder Hellas, the tale of attack by the Athenian and of deliverance by the Corinthian — it is all this that gives Sicily its earliest right to rank among the most historic regions of the earth. Share of But specially does the Greek side of the land stand forth thrllrife of ^'^^ great times of struggle between races and creeds East and Sicilian soil. The question had to be fought out, not West. in one age of the w^orld only, but in two distinct groups of ages — the later repeating the earlier in the most marked of all historic cycles — whether the central island of the central sea should belong to the West or to the East, to the STEIFE OF EACES AND CREEDS. 11 men of Aryan or of Semitic stock. And^ as ever lia2:)pens chap. i. when men of Semitic stock come on the field^ the strife of races was from the beginning made sharper by the strife of Strife of creeds. Sicily^ as an outpost of Europe;, had to be guarded the begin- or to be won^ first from the Phoenician and then from the Saracen. On no land has the life of the nations that dwelled in it been more thoroughly for ages a part of that eternal strife whose abiding nature was better understood by Herodotus than it has been by some in our own day. On no soil has the strife of West and East^ the strife which in its first days took the shape of the strife between Greek and barbarian^, been carried on more stoutly. It showed itself in all its fulness as a strife of creeds when it took the shape of the great strife between Christendom and Islam. Strife qf ' Eut it was a strife of creeds long before. It showed itself dom^and as such in earlier shapes ages before Christendom and Islam ^^1^^"- came into being. On the soil of Sicily the faith of Christ has been overshadowed before the faith of Mahomet^, and the faith of Mahomet has again died out before the faith of Christ. But in earlier days^ before Aryan Europe had adopted that Semitic faith, which the Semitic man himself despised_, the creed of Aryan Europe was already worth fighting for, and well was it fought for on Sicilian soil. In days when no purer light had yet been given^ it was already a crusade to strike a blow for Apollon by the shore of Naxos^ for Athene on the island of Ortygia, against the foul and bloody rites of Moloch and Ashtoreth. This callings as the abiding battle-field of East and West^ is the highest aspect of Sicilian history. And^, among all the Western races of Sicily, it was before all the Greek of Sicily to siarp"of°th'e whom it fell to be the champion of Europe, to be in the g/^^®^^ ^® second struggle more than the champion of Europe, to be the champion of Christendom. Hulers of Italy, in both ages, stepped in to make the quarrel their own and to reap the fruits of it for themselves ; but it was the Greek, whether 12 CHAEACTEEISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTOEY. CHAP. I. by blood or by adoption^ who had long done and suffered before the foreign conqueror or deliverer showed himself. Whoever it is who comes to the rescue, it is a Greek folk, at all events a folk speaking the Greek tongue, that has to be guarded or delivered in one age from the Cartha- ginian and in another from the Saracen. In truth we may even go further, and say that, close as the connexion between Sicily and Italy is for many ages it is in some sort dependent on the connexion between Sicily t'onnexion and Greece. At some stages of the history the ties which Ita?y,^aiKl ^^^i^© Sicily and Greece, the ties which unite Sicily and Sicily. Italy, and the ties which unite Italy and Greece, seem twined together into a single cord. Sicily and Italy, so far as they became Greek lands, became such in the same age and as the fruit of one great colonizing impulse. Greek Italy and Greek Sicily formed in some points a world together, a world less than the general world of Hellas, a world greater than the inner world of Sicily. And powers arose at several periods which were at home alike in Sicily, in Italy, and in the lands beyond the Hadriatic. Rulers of Sicily set up in distant ages a dominion which, starting from Sicily, stretched into both the other lands. Tyrants of Syracuse fought, colonized, and bore rule, as on both sides of the Messanian strait, so on both sides of the Ionian sea. Dukes and kings of Palermo, borne by one impulse from Apulia into Sicily and by another back again from Sicily into Apulia, did not feel their work done at either stage till they had shown them- selves east of Hadria and had established a dominion, doomed to a longer or shorter life, on Greek or Illyrian soil. Here we see the Greeks of the West and the masters of the Greeks of the West stretching forth their hands by a natural impulse to the lands of the Greeks of the East. So too the Greeks of the East and those who took the place of the Greeks of the East not seldom stretched forth GREECE, ITALY, AND SICILY. 13 their hands to deal with the affairs of the Greeks of the chap. i. West. Some came to conquer_, some to deliver ; some to Greek de- win a home for themselves and some to be beaten back or jtaliots wholly swept away. Most of all does the connexion ^^]^gjjQj.g between the older Hellenic land and the newer Hellenic land in Greece and Italy stand forth in the days when Italiot and Sikeliot cities so often cried to old Greece for help^ at one stage against domestic tyrants^ at another stage against barbarian invaders. One series of conquerors or deliverers is called westward at the bidding of Syracuse ; a later series is called at the bidding of Tarentum. And ages after, and with ages between them, fresh deliverers came from the still Greek-speaking city which had become an Eastern Rome. It was to the Eastern Eome, the Greek-speaking Home, that the Greeks of Italy and Sicily ever clave till they were cut ofE from her dominion by the arms of strangers. The history of Sicily then is in all its stages a history Teaching of settlement, a history of men who found themselves new and^Pha- homes in a strange land : in its early stages it is before all ^]^^^^ * .... mzation. things a history of colonization in the strictest sense. And surely in the whole history of colonization no pages are more instructive than those which record the fates of the Greek and Phoenician colonies in Sicily. The strife between Hellas and Canaan was indeed a colonial strife, but it was not a colonial strife in the same sense as when two colonizing powers strive with each other for a colonial dominion. It was not as when in the eighteenth century England and France strove for dominion in North America, and when England so largely annexed the colonies of Erance. Such a strife as this the strife of Greek and Phoenician could never be in any stage. It never took the form of a strife between rival powers disputing over distant dependencies. It was not this even in the later stages of the struggle, when Greek Sicily and her helpers had to 14 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. Contrast with Roman colonies. Independ- ence of the Phoenician and Greek colonies. strive against Phoenician enemies out o£ Sicily. And in the beginning", the strife, if strife we can call it in those days, was not a strife between rival nations at a distance, but between the colonies of rival nations planted side by side on the same shore. For the colonies of Greece and Phoenicia could fight each one for its own hand from the beginning. Those were the great days of colonization. No other nations, till days comparatively modern, colonized in the same fashion or to the same extent as these that first showed the way. And assuredly none in after times have ever colonized with the same wisdom. The colonies of Rome may be put out of sight, as having nothing but the name in common with the colonies of the two great sea- faring nations. In truth much confusion has been caused by applying the name of the Roman colony to something so unlike it as the settlements of the Phoenician and the Greek ^. Nothing could be wiser for its own objects than the policy which held Italy and other lands under Roman dominion by dint of Roman and Latin garrisons taking the form of separate commonwealths. But this policy had nothing in common with the objects with which men sailed from the shores of Hellas and the shores of Canaan to settle in distant lands. They sailed forth in a spirit which the men who in ages after sailed on the like errand from the shores of Spain and even of England failed to follow. They went forth to enlarge the bounds of Hellas and of Canaan, to plant Hellas and Canaan on distant shores. Bat they did not go to plant them in the shape of extending the dominion of the land or city which they left behind them. The Greek and Phoenician colonies grew up from the beginning as independent members of the Greek and the Phoenician body, new cities of the Greek and the Phoeni- ^ Modern languages have now no words in use to translate the Greek aiToiKLa, except the derivatives of the Latin colonia. But colonia comes much nearer to KKrjpovx^ot. than to diroiKia. The good old word plantation — a plantation of men, that is — seems quite forgotten. PHCENICIAN AND GREEK COLONIES. 15 cian name^ younger sisters of the older commonwealths o£ chap. i. their own people. Each owed to its special mother city the reverence of a child^ but neither the submission of a subject nor even the lighter allegiance of a vassal. Tyre was the parent but not the mistress of Carthage ; Corinth was the parent but not the mistress of Syracuse. And thus, among all the changes and revolutions of the Greek and Phoenician colonies, none of them had need of the special services of a Washington or a Bolivar. And thus too^ while the emancipated colonies of Spain and England have well nig^h cast aside the Spanish and the English name^ every colony that set forth from Greece or Phoenicia ever clave to the name of the great folk of v/hich it re- mained no less a member than the cities of the elder land. The difference is perhaps inherent in the distinction be- tween colonies which went forth from single cities and colonies which went forth from great kingdoms. The superstition of abiding allegiance to a distant sovereign on the part of his subjects settled in a new land could have no place in the mind of a citizen either of Corinth or of Tyre. But in the days when the strife between Greek and The elder Phoenician in Sicily really put on the character of rivalry settle^^^^ ""^ and more than rivalry, when each strove for the utter de- struction of the other, it was no longer a strife between Phoenician and Greek settlements in the island itself. It was only when the Phoenician settlements in Sicily had lost their original independence, when they had become, first dependents and then subjects, that the Greeks of Sicily learned what dangerous neighbours the men of Canaan could be. Both Greek and Phoenician colonies had, in course of time, to submit to masters of their own stock. But those masters were not parents but brethren. Gades Supremacy and Utica, Panormos and Motya, once free cities of the thage^ Phoenician name, lived to find another Phoenician power 16 CHAEACTEEISTICS OE SICILIAN HISTORY. Its effect on the Greek cities. Compari- son with Italy. too strong for tliem, and became parts of a great Phoe- nician dominion. But the power under whose dominion they fell was one which had grown up alongside of themselves ; they yielded, not to the venerable authority of Tyre or Sidon, but to the youthful presumption of Carthage. Hitherto the Greek element in Sicily, though far from being everywhere dominant, had been decidedly the strongest element. The Phoenicians had withdrawn into a corner of the island; the elder nations at whose cost both Phoenicians and Greeks had settled were unable to stand against the new comers, and had largely become their subjects. Carthage then, when the whole Phoenician power of Sicily and the West was gathered into her hands, was the first barbarian power by which the Greeks of Sicily were really threatened. This is a state of things which, with our modern notions of mother-country and colony, is likely to be misunderstood. Carthage, a Phoenician city in Africa, bearing rule over Phoenician cities in Sicily, has the air of a mother-country of the modern tj^pe, bearing rule over dependent colonies. It is important ever to bear in mind that Panormos, Solous, and Motya, were not colonies of Carthage, but independent Phoenician cities, colonies of the old Phoenicia, which another colony of the old Phoenicia had brought under subjection. The nearest parallel in modern times would be if we could conceive Australia and New Zealand becoming dependencies of the United States of America. Among the Greeks either of Sicily or of Italy there was nothing exactly answering to this dominion over kindred cities in another land. Whatever subjection there was among them was subjection to nearer neighbours. Sybaris, Tarentum, Syracuse, put on more or less of the character of ruling cities, cities ruling over Greek as well as barbarian subjects. But the dominion of the metropolis was no more known among the Greeks than it was among THE CAETHAGINIAN DOMINION. 17 their enemies. A dominion on the part of Chalkis or chap. i. Corinth or Achaia was unknown alike in the peninsula which came to call itself the Greater Hellas, and in the yet greater island which Semitic rivalry kept back from an equal right to that honourable name. This direct rivalry with neighbours in the same land, Relation of neighbours of an utterly hostile race and creed, was the and^°^^ special callinp" of the Greeks of Sicily. The mere ,^^^^1^^^.*^ to ^ _ barbarian neighbourhood of barbarians was common to them with neighbours, all Greeks beyond the bounds of old Hellas, and the neighbourhood of barbarians commonly implied strife with barbarians. And distinctly marked as was the special calling of the Sicilian Greeks, a calling in which the Greeks of Italy had but a small share, yet the position of the Greeks of Sicily and that of the Greeks of Italy — the Sikeliots and the Italiots, to use their own names in their own tongue — still had something in common. There are points in which the Greeks of the central island and the central peninsula agree together, and which supply a marked distinction between them and the Greeks of the old Greek land, of the further East, and of the further West. Neither Compari- Athens nor Miletos nor Massalia had to deal with Q-j.ggi^g barbarian neighbours of the same kind either as those who elsewhere; threatened Tarentum or as those who threatened Syracuse. The cities of old Greece had indeed, strictly speaking, no barbarian neighbours at all ; their strife with barbarian enemies implied that either the Greek or the barbarian had invaded the land of the other. And the Greek colonies in other lands commonly found their barbarian neighbours either so much weaker or so much stronger than themselves as to shut out that position of rivalry which in different ways marks the life both of the Sikeliots and the Italiots. Over native tribes of inferior civilization and slight material power the Greek colony could easily establish its supremacy. We cannot speak of the Sikel, hardly of the VOL. I. c 18 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. Messapian as the abiding rival of tlie Sicilian or Italian Greek. Nor on the other hand can we speak of rivalry, where, as in Asia, the Greek stood face to face with with the powerful barbarian kingdoms. The Greeks of Asia waged CtI'ggIcs of • • • • • • Asia, ^0 abiding strife against enemies who so easily became their masters. After their early struggles, first with the Lydian and then with the Persian, they remain nearly passive, save when the Athenian, the Spartan, and the Macedonian, steps in, each in turn, as a deliverer. From such subjects the Great King demanded submission and tribute, and little more. Under Persian supremacy the Greek cities were neither destroyed nor barbarized; they remained Greek cities, fallen from their old independence, but keeping their Greek life untouched. The fall of the Persian power gave actual freedom to some, and transferred the others to the rule of masters of their own speech. If all in their turn came under the rule of one great Italian city, we may in their case boldly leap over the ages, and say that their subjection to its rule was but the first step to the transfer of its name and power to the European, and even to the Asiatic side of the Bosporos. Asia was one day to be the true Romania ; by a strange turn of fortune, the true Emperor of the Romans was to reign in Greek Nikaia, and free Philadelphia was to hold out against the Ottoman, as free Seleukeia had held out against the Parthian. 'j'he The Greek colonies in Italy and Sicily led a more stirring and the and a more wearing life. Something that may be truly Italians, called rivalry with the barbarians may be seen, as in the case of the Sikeliots, so in that of the Italiots also. They had both to strive with barbarian enemies who were more nearly on their own level than the Gaulish neighbour of Massalia and the Libyan neighbour of Kyrene, or again ^ Notwithstanding one great Messapian victory over Greek neighbours, of which we still have to speak. EELATIONS TO BAEBAEIAN NEIGHBOURS. 19 than the great kingdoms that overshadowed the Greeks chap. i. o£ Asia. In Italy^ no less than in Sicily^ the Greek had to strive with barbarian commonwealths whose physical strength^ greater than that of the Greeks, was guided by a political and military skill approaching to that of the Greeks themselves. The Phoenician rivals of the Political Sikeliots, Asiatics settled on African ground, seemed, by clrthage. their settlement in the Western seas, to have been in some sort brought within the range of European polity. The constitution of Carthage was by Aristotle found worthy of careful study ; by Polybios it was found worthy of an elaborate comparison with the constitutions of Sparta and of Rome. That those three names come so close together bears directly on the position in the world of the Italiot Greeks, and of the Sikeliot Greeks also. The barbarian rivals of the Sikeliot s were utter Contrast of aliens, not only to the fellowship of HeJlas but to the dans and fellowship of Europe. Still they were aliens who could I^^^^^^^- enter into equal rivalry with Europeans and with Hel- lenes. But the barbarian rivals of the Italiots were Eu- ropeans of the same stock with themselves. They were the valiant nations of central Italy, the kinsmen and forerunners of the Homan; at a later stage the foe was the Roman himself. The great strife of the Italiot in short was waged with the native nations of Italy. The great strife of the Sikeliot was waged, not with the native nations of Sicily, but with rival colonists from other lands. This difference in the position of the Greeks of Sicily and of Italy with regard to the native inhabitants is deeply in- structive. Up to a certain stage, the relation is the same in both lands. In this rapid sketch I may assume a doctrine which at a later stage I hope to examine more fully. This The Sikel is the doctrine that the Greeks found the greater part of developed Sicily in the hands of Aryan inhabitants^ near kinsfolk of C % 20 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. the Italian nations in general, and not only near kinsfolk of the Italian nations in general, but of the same im- mediate stock as the men who fenced in the soaring height of Tusculum and the lowlier hills of the primaeval Rome. The Sikel in short I hold to be an undeveloped Latin. He had lagged far behind his kinsfolk in Italy, because his land had drawn to itself foreign settlers from the beginning. The national growth of the elder nations of Sicily was checked by the coming of the Phoenician Assimila- and the Greek. When the Sikel^s day of progress came, Sikels by "took the shape of assimilation to the Greek, of gradual (.-reeks. adoption into the Greek body. The distinction between Sikel and Sikeliot, between the folk of the land and the Greeks who had settled in their land, the distinction so strongly drawn in the days of Thucydides, died out slowly but surely, and was wholly forgotten in the days of Early hel- Ciccro. So the people of the extreme south of Italy, lenization ci-i i i i i i i • • i i in Southern Sikels and others, had so much in common with the Italy. Greeks that they could be changed into assimilated Greeks at a far earlier time. The name of Greater Hellas set forth, not only the number and power of the Greek colonies, but the extent to which the native nations had accepted the Greek tongue and general Greek culture at their hands. But the nations of central Italy could not Different be thus dealt with. Among them no Phoenician and no central ^ Greek could ever gain a lodgement ; they were able to Italy. develope for themselves after their own fashion, without being brought under the influence of foreign settlers in their own land. They were capable of receiving a large measure of Greek culture as something foreign; they were never disposed to sink their national life in that of Greece. They had reached far too high a stage of native progress to become adopted children of the Hellenic family. On the other hand, the Greeks of Italy did not come across any great Italian dominion like that of Lydia THE GREEKS OF ITALY. 21 or Persia, any power which might indeed eonqner, but chap. t. which let the conquered live on as useful tribute-paying subjects. And they had not as yet to deal with the more advanced nations of Italy. The Roman and the Samnite were not likely to be hellenized, but they were open to a certain form of Hellenic influence ; the Roman in after days carried Hellenic influence with him wherever he carried his own power. But when the ruder branches of The Greeks the Sabellian race, nations whom the Grreek could neither Sabellians. subdue nor assimilate, pressed down into the two peninsulas which the Greek had so largely made his own, they ap- peared only as destroying enemies. As they did not ask for Greek masters or Greek teachers, so neither did they ask for Greek subjects. Just as with the Carthaginians in Sicily, their object was not merely to conquer, but to root out. But the objects sought by nations at this stage are seldom steadily aimed at. A wasting attack may be followed by an interval of peace. One city is overthrown ; another is merely weakened ; another, it may be, actually gains by the losses of its fellows. The Greeks of Italy led this kind of life for a long time. Some cities were destroyed or enslaved ; others kept independence and pros- perity. The intermediate state of tributaries or provincials, the lot of the Asiatic Greeks under the Persian, their own future lot under the Roman, did not as yet present itself. Still the Italian foes of the Greeks of Italy were after Different classes of all kinsmen. They were European; they were Aryan ; barbarians, they were, however little they deemed of it, members of a common household, sharers in a common heritage. The Greek of Sicily had, as we have seen, to wage a deadlier fight with utter aliens. It is important at once to mark this distinction in the general history, and to bear in mind how utterly unthought of it was in the minds of men at the time. The Lucanian was as ruthless a destroyer as 22 CHAEACTEmSTIOS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. tlie Cartliaginian, and he was far from having reached the same level of culture and polity as the Carthaginian. The cry for help that went up from the Greeks of Italy to the cities and princes of old Greece was as bitter as the cry that went up from Sicily. And yet the difference between the kindred and the alien barbarian made itself felt even at the time. There is most likely little truth of fact, but there is the deepest truth of moral sentiment, in the tale which told that the Syracusan conqueror made it one of the terms of peace with defeated Carthage that no more victims should pass through the fire to Moloch. The prince who could impose such a condition^ the teller of history or legend who could conceive such a condition as imposed, had in him already the spirit of a crusader, one might almost say the spirit of an apostle. To us at least, sur- veying the whole field of history, the difference cannot fail Greece and cvcr to be present. From Gelon onward one calling is laid " ' on the Greeks of Sicily, on the men of Syracuse as the foremost of the Greeks of Sicily, on her very enemies when they seek to supplant her in her power, and, with her power, in her duties. When Alkibiades led the fleet of Athens to maintain the cause of Segesta against Selinous, he might seem to be the champion of the barbarian against the Greek. But the men of Segesta, if barbarians, perhaps alien barbarians, were not threatening barbarians. They were open to Hellenic culture ; and, in the wide-spreading schemes of Athenians, Syracuse and Segesta alike were but steps on the road to Carthage. The Semitic enemy was Wars ever at the gates of the Greeks of Sicily. It takes off Syracuse somcwhat from the shame of Dionysios, it adds not a little to the glory of Timoleon, to have been, though in widely different measures, champions of Hellas against Canaan. We forgive Agathoklcs half his crimes when he boldly leads the hosts of Europe into Africa. We shut our eyes to his desertion of his own army, when we remember that and Cartii ao-e. GREECE AND CARTHAGE. 23 he at least pointed out the way to Regulus and Seipio in chap. i. days near to his own^ and to Sicilian kings o£ later times, to Norman Roger and Austrian Charles. And among the long series of princely deliverers whom old Greece and the neighbouring lands sent forth to free Greek Italy from the barbarians of Europe, the highest place belongs to that one among them who also stretched forth his hand to deliver the Greeks of Sicily from the barbarians of Africa. No Pyrrhos at small place in the annals of European victory belongs to the day when Pyrrhos, if only for a moment, won Panormos for Hellas, when, before the Norman or the Roman, the Epeirot made the Golden Shell an European land. The two greatest days of Sikeliot victory on Sicilian soil, the work of the native tyrant and of the Corinthian deliverer, the day of Himera and the day of Krimisos, seem for the moment to be outdone by the king who came from a more distant land, from a land less purely Hellenic, but who, as compared with those against whom he fought, might seem a countryman indeed. This series of deliverers or conquerors who, in the fourth century before Christ and in the first years of the third, come forth from Greece and the lands near Greece to deliver or to conquer in Greek Italy and Sicily form a marked feature in the history of those ages. And, as every- thing Sicilian must have its cycle, we find their counter- parts also in later times. But their career in Sicily is Tendencies connected with a feature in Sicilian history which again ^^j^y^^^'^'^ distinguishes it from that of Italy, and which is again a natural result of the geographical structure of the land. Notwithstanding all the divisions of races in the island, notwithstanding all the disputes and wars between cities of the same race, we still see in Sicilian history a certain disposition to look on Sicily as a whole. This feeling takes the form, sometimes of attempts to unite the whole island under one power, sometimes of attempts to make all 24 CHAEACTEEISTICS OE SICILIAN HISTORY. Sicilian rule out of Sicily. Italian rule in Sicily. Invaders and de- liverers from old Greece. the independent powers of the island follow a common policy. This tendency is less strongly marked in Italy in either shape. More than one Syracusan tyrant is spoken of, somewhat laxly to be sure, as master^ or even king*^ of all Sicily ; no such language is ever used of any Italiot ruler. Sicily again was more than once made the centre of a dominion out of Sicily, whether in Italy or in more distant lands. This^ to be sure, grew at last into a state of things in which a king bearing the Sicilian title held Sicily in bondage from an Italian capital. The earliest foretaste of Italian rule in Sicily was when Anaxilas of Rhegion reigned over Sicilian Zankle. But for some generations the course of things runs the other way. Under the first Hieron a close connexion grows up be- tween Sicily and southern Italy. Under Dionysios and Agathokles the connexion is strengthened, and is further extended to the western coasts of Greece and Illyricum. These strivings after Italian and East-European dominion from a Sicilian centre, repeated as they were in the days of the Norman kings, are counterparts to the earlier and the later stage of intervention in Italian and Sicilian affairs from the other side of the Ionian sea. We may begin with the Athenian expedition. Athens sent against Sicily a would-be conqueror in the person of Alkibiades, a striver after conquest against his will in the person of Nikias. The success of that expedition might have led to the dominion of a city of old Greece in Sicily, perhaps in Africa. Presently old Greece, instead of in- vaders of Syracuse, sent her champions. Dion, Spartan by adoption, Timoleon, Corinthian by birth, came on the errand of deliverance. Then, at the call of Tarentum, Sparta and Epeiros sent forth a line of princes, who come half as deliverers, half as conquerors. They sought doubtless to do what they could to deliver the Western Greeks from barbarian attack, but they further aimed at founding a INVADEES AND DELIVEREES. 25 Greek dominion in the West, to balance the Greek chap. i. dominion which the Macedonians had founded in the East. They too have their cycle. They are repeated in Later , , • p TIT j> 1 conquerors a later series or conquerors and deliverers_, some or whom and de- come, like them, from the Greek-speaking lands of the ^^^erers. East. Belisarius, George Maniakes, Roger of Hauteville, Peter and Frederick of Aragon, perhaps even Charles of Bourbon in his own eyes, answer to the series from Archi- damos to Pyrrhos, and stand distinguished from simple conquerors like Henry the Sixth and Charles of Anjou. And, last of all, the unsullied glory of Timoleon shines forth again in the unsullied glory of Garibaldi. But the presence of foreign deliverers in any land does in truth prove the same sad truth as the presence of conquerors. The cry for help that brought the Spartan and the Epeirot to Italy and Sicily proved that the Greeks of Italy and Sicily could no longer keep their freedom for themselves. But the history of this time proves more than this. Doom of The failure of every such deliverer, whether to deliver or to indepen- conquer, showed that neither Greek independence nor Greek ^}^^^.^ f^^^ ^ dominion. dominion was fated to abide in the Italian and Sicilian in the West. lands. All schemes, whether formed east or west of the Ionian sea, which dreamed of a great Greek dominion in the Western lands, nay even all schemes which dreamed of a Sicily wholly freed from Semitic masters by the sword of the Syracusan, the Corinthian, or the Epeirot, were alike doomed to disappointment. The decree had Mission of gone forth which assigned to a Latin city the successful and New. championship of Europe against Asia and the lordship of the whole Mediterranean world. That decree was not to be tamed aside in favour of any man of Hellenic birth, whether king or tyrant or republican leader. A day was indeed to come when the very lands which were now striven for, Tarentum and Syracuse and Panormos, were to form part of the Empire of Greek-speaking 26 CHARACTEmSTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. princes, sending forth tlieir bidding from a Greek city. But that dominion was reserved for princes who^, Greek as they might be in speech, still held the name and tra- ditions of Rome. If Panormos and Syracuse came to do suit and service to Byzantium, it was because the city by the Bosporos had put on the name and g'arb of the city by the Tiber. The teachings no less than the ruling, of all the Western lands was to be the mission of the great Latin DifFerent city. The successors of Alexander in their Eastern range Greece^and helped on the destiny of Rome ; the like success on the East and ^^^'^ Pyrrhos in the "West would have stood in its way, West. perhaps checked it for ever. Greek dominion in Asia paved the way for the dominion of Rome, when the day for Rome''s Asiatic conquests had come. But a Greek dominion in Sicily and southern Italy might have grown into a Greek dominion over Latium and Etruria, over Africa and Spain and Gaul, Such a dominion would have stifled the very life of Rome before her place in the world was fully fixed, while she was still only striving for the first rank among native Italian powers. The full success even of Dionysios or Agathokles, yet more the full success of Archidamos or Alexander or Kleonymos or Pyrrhos, would have changed the whole course of the world^s history. Had they done what they sought to do, Rome could not have been what Rome was to be. Further than that it were vain to speculate. The strife between Greek and Phoenician was left un- finished so far as it was a local and national strife between Greek and Phoenician. The strife between Europe and Africa was to be decided; but it was to be decided by Eelation of another champion of Europe. It might seem a hard freak deliverers** of destiny which at last called in a barbarian city to do the to Rome, ^ork at which so many Greek commonwealths and princes had toiled in vain. When we come to the enterprises of the Spartan and Epeirot princes, we feel at once that the THE EPEIBOT DELIVEREES. 27 area of our tale is wide ied. We step out of the narrower chap. i. world of Hellas, wherever Hellas may be planted^ into the broader world in which Hellas, Rome, and Carthage all play their parts. We step in short from the world of Thucydides into the wider world of Polybios. Of the two Epeirot kings who came to support the cause of Hellas in the Westj the career of Alexander was wholly Italian, the career of Pyrrhos was both Italian and Sicilian. But by this time an Italian career meant something other than it had Alexander. meant in the days of Dionysios. It now could hardly fail to mean some contact with the city which in Alexander's day was fast growing to be the head of Italy, which by the time of Pyrrhos had all but become such. Alexander had his dealings with Rome ; but they were friendly ; in his day Rome and the Greek cities had still common enemies. When the next king of his house came all was changed. The dealings between Pyrrhos and Rome stand out Pyrrhos, among the chief events, not only in the life of Pyrrhos, but in the life of Rome. But if Pyrrhos, in his Italian his rela- career, had to fight against Rome, in his less renowned Rome^and Sicilian career he had to fight against Carthage. In his Carthage, day a Greek champion, whether the deliverer of elder Greek cities or the founder of a new Greek dominion for himself, had to deal with both the great barbarian commonwealths of the West. They might be rivals and enemies to one another ; but they were alike enemies to him. And now the truth stood forth with fearful clearness that one or other of those barbarian commonwealths was destined to be the mistress of the Italian and Sicilian Greeks. In Italy indeed the question hardly arose ; there the destiny of Rome was clear. But Sicily was to be, as Pyrrhos said, the wrestling ground for the two mighty rivals ^. The War for War for Sicily was now to be waged, a greater war bet\^?een ^ Plut. Pyrrhos, 23; oiav dTToXdirojAev, w . 535- to set up a Greek dominion in the West, but to win back Sicily and Italy, Africa and Spain, for the dominion of their own Emperor in the East. And, as Sicily passed to the rule of the New Rome while the Old Rome was still held by the Goth, so she remained under its rule after the Old Rome had passed away to the allegiance of the Frank. Sicily part When the Empire was split asunder for ever, when the Eastern Empcrors of East and West were no longer colleagues but enemies, when they represented rival nations 827(965). and rival tongues, Sicily, foremost of Greek islands, abode under the dominion of that Roman power which spake the tongue of Greece, not of that which halted between the tongues of Italy and Germany. The Saracens in Sicily. And now the greatest of all the cycles of Sicilian history was to begin. The final division of the Empire had hardly THE SARACENS IN ITALY. 31 been made, it had been but for a few years settled which of chap. i. the representatives of the Roman power should bear rule in Sicily and Southern Italy, when the same state of things came back which had been before Sicily had seen a Roman soldier. The central island of the Mediterranean was again to become the battlefield of the nations which sur- round the Mediterranean. The strife between Aryan and Renewed Semitic man was fought again on its soil, and this time in races and a shape made keener by the most sharply drawn of all differences between creed and creed. Marked as was the line between the creed of Athene and the creed of Moloch, it was faintly drawn compared with the line which parted the creed of Christ from the creed of Mahomet. The very Opposition nearness of the two creeds in origin and dogma^ both tianity and Semitic in birth^ both monotheistic in teaching, made them more distinctly rival creeds than any two forms of poly- theism could ever be. The gods of Greece and the gods of Carthage might strive v^^ith each other as the protecting powers of opposing nations ; but the new creed of Rome, the new creed of Africa, alike gave itself out as the one saving truth for all mankind. Sicily was now to be striven for between Mussulmans speaking a tongue akin to the tongue of Hamilkar and Christians who still spoke the very tongue of either Hieron. Again was Sicily divided be- tween men who had Spain and Africa in their rear, and men who had in their rear the Greek lands that now bore the name of Romania. Again was Syracuse the head of a Greek Sicily and Panormos the head of a Semitic Sicily. For two hundred years the strife went on. Africa and The Islam advanced ; Europe and Christendom fell back ; but conquest, they fell back step by step, holding fast to this fortress, ^5?'^^'^" winning back that from the enemy. Then, more than Recovery a new Pyrrhos, almost a new Timoleon, Georgios Maniakes M^^j^^k^s came from the eastern lands to free for a moment no ^- ^- 1038- small part of the great island from barbarian rule. The '^'^^ 32 CHAEACTEEISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. Saracen indeed did more than the Carthaginian ever could do ; for two periods, neither of great length, the second far less than a generation of mankind, he tore away the whole island from Europe, and made, not only lordly Syracuse, but more stout-hearted Tauromenion, into cities of Islam Complete and of Africa. In the last years of the tenth century, in possession central years of the eleventh, Sicily knew the Greek 1038^^^" ^^^8"^^ ^^^y speech, and Christianity only as the :o45?- creed, of helpless subjects of Semitic and Mussulman A.D. I< 1060. masters. Southern But the cycles of Sicilian history had to be run out in Koman.^^'^ their fulness. All this while the old connexion between Sicily and southern Italy still went on. In the ninth and tenth centuries after Christ the phsenomena of the fifth and fourth centuries before Christ seemed in those lands to have come back. At the final division of the Empire, if Sicily clave to the Eastern, the Greek-speaking, Rome, so did at least a remnant of southern Italy. And that Imperial remnant presently became more than a remnant. If the fn Italy. East-Roman power fell back in Sicily, in Calabria and Apulia it advanced. The ninth century, which saw the constant advance of the Saracen in the island, saw Saracen, Frank, and Lombard, give way before the growing power of the Eastern Csesar. The Saracen nowhere won such a lasting dominion in Italy as he won in Sicily. For the most part he appeared only as a passing ravager ; where he did establish himself more firmly, it was still not beyond the power of Christendom to dislodge him. Almost at the moment when Syracuse was lost to Christendom, Bari was A.D. 871. won back. To win Bari back needed indeed the united strength of the Eastern and Western Caesars ; but it was the lord of the East that kept the prize. In the brilliant days of the great Macedonian dynasty, there was again a Greece, if not a Greater Greece, in Italy. Our own Chronicles bear witness how the Emperor Otto went to COMING OF THE NORMANS. 33 war with the Saracens in Greehlancl ^. In the last years of chap. i. the tenth century, when not a foot of ground in Sicily remained to any Christian power_, the Eastern Emperor still held on Italian soil a dominion which might by itself have passed for no despicable kingdom. And now both the lands of Greek colonization in the Union of West were to be brought once more together under the Soutbern^ dominion of a Western power. Looking at Sicily alone^ the^Nor^^^^ we might say that, in the eleventh century after Christ, mans, as in the third century before Christ, she passed under the dominion of the power which was then supreme in the neighbouring lands of the peninsula. But the nature of the conquering power was widely different in the two cases. In the later day it was no longer an Italian power holding the supremacy over all Italy. Still less was it an Italian city bearing rule over other Italian cities and leagues. The elder day of Italian city-communities was now a thing of a past millennium ; the younger day of Italian city- communities had not yet begun. Nor was it the Caesar of the West who displaced his Eastern rival in lands in which to Western eyes the Eastern Caesar might well seem an intruder. It was not Rome in any Action of shape, except so far as the Roman Bishop found it con- ^^P®^- venient to bless the arms which he found too strong for him, except so far as every conquest wrought by men who held the Latin creed and spoke a dialect of the Latin speech might be set down among Rome's moral conquests. The power which now grew up in Southern Italy, which, when grown, passed on to the conquest or the deliverance of Sicily, was the power of a handful of adventurers from a distant land, who, from pilgrims, mercenaries, or free- booters, gradually changed into mighty princes. And the * Chron. Ab. 982 ; ''And ]>y ilcan geare for Odda Romana casere to Greclande, and J)a gemette he J)8era Sarcena mycele fyrde cumen up of sse." We may have to come to this again. VOL. I. D 34 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. land from which they came, the stock o£ which they sprang, were such as at once to bring the history of the great island of the Mediterranean into the closest con- nexion with the history of the great island of the Ocean. AdvMice of The land which sent forth the conquerors of Apulia and mans in Sicily sent forth also the conquerors of England. And if Sicily in England the prince of the Norman duchy could win himself a royal crown, in Sicily the house of a simple Norman gentleman could rise to higher honours still. The sons of Tancred of Hauteville grew into counts, dukes, kings, and emperors. Their royal crown indeed they held of an ecclesiastical superior ; but their very homage made them mightier. The vassals of the Holy See were its TheK^ing- Hereditary Legates. Rulers alike of Church and State, Sicily. t^isy grasped both the swords which in other lands were held in separate, often in hostile, hands. Under her Norman kings Sicily was the wonder and envy of the world. Reigning at the meeting-point of East and West, they had at their call all that was most precious in East and West in the age when East and West had geographically changed places. Constantinople and Cordova had found a third rival city where the lord of Palermo could command the skill alike of Greek and Saracen at pleasure. Sicily With the establishment of the Norman kingdom of European • i i p o.- -t i • • • and Sicily the special character of Sicilian history m its Christian. Qp(>^jj^gn{(3al aspect comes to an end. The Eternal Ques- tion, reopened by the sword of the Saracen, has, as far as Sicily is concerned, met with its solution by the sword of the Norman. Sicily became for ever Aryan, European, Chris- tian. As a power, she was now all these; those among her inhabitants to whom the names do not apply were doomed to die out, slowly but surely. In Sicily the great question was decided earlier than it was in either of the lands with which Sicily is most naturally compared. In those SICILY AND CYPRUS. 35 two lands, one greater than Sicily, one less, one to the chap. i. west, the other to the east, o£ the central island, in Spain Sicily, and in Cyprus, the same strife has been waged, and twice Cyprus!*"^ waged, which has been waged in Sicily. In Spain and in Cyprus, just as in Sicily, the struggle between West and East was twice waged, and in the second time of its waging, it took the shape of a strife between Christendom and Islam. Of Cyprus indeed the destinies have been so History of varied, the cycles of its history have been so complicated, ^-yP^^^'^* that it would be truer to say that there the strife has been waged thrice than twice ^. But the history of the three lands, looked at in this aspect, as it presents some striking points of likeness, presents also some instructive points of difference. In the first stage that we can see, the strife of East and West in Cyprus must have shown nearly the same features which it showed in Sicily. As in Sicily, it Phoenician was first a strife of Greek and Phoenician, then a strife of Persian. Greek and Persian, within the island. In the inherent interest of the tale the strife in Cyprus may have been fully on a level with the strife in Sicily; but it has not received — the different geographical positions of Sicily and Cyprus could hardly allow it to receive — the same measure of poetic and historic adornment which has fallen to the lot of the strife in Sicily. Yet Herodotus has told us somewhat of one act in the Cypriot drama, and Isokrates has told us somewhat of another. If Evagoras is not a Timoleon or a Garibaldi, he may rank beside the second Hieron as a prince in his own land, and beside the first as an actor in the general history of the world. The later Venetian strife, the strife of Christian and Mussulman, may be ^^'^ looked at either as a single struggle of nine hundred years, or as a struggle ended for a while with the Imperial reconquest, and beginning again with the warfare of Turk ^ See the story of Cyprus in Bishop Stubbs' Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History, p. 179 et seqq. D 2> 36 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. and Venetian. But in either case it is a strife waged rather for Cyprus than in Cyprus ; the island is tossed to and fro between endless Christian and Mussulman powers, a tale which cannot reach the interest of the long* strife waged for Spain and in Spain, for Sicily and in Sicily^ the fate of the land decided by a duel of ages A. D. 1878. on its own soil. And unless we are to bring in a strange and doubtful event of our own days, one of those meagre instalments of right which may make its final victory more distant^ the final issue of the Cypriot struggle was^ unlike those of Spain and Sicily, in favour of the worse and not the better cause. And further, in Cyprus the Latin element, the rule of Poitevin kings and Venetian dukes, was ever the rule of strangers ; the land was a Greek land, first under Latin and then under Mussulman dominion. In Sicily, on the other hand, the Greek died out along with the Saracen, and left the island wholly Latin. Sicily and If we turn more directly to compare Sicily and Spain, Spam. shall see that, in the great peninsula, the strife, in both its periods, is a strife in which the championship of Europe is in the hands of the Latin. The Roman in Spain assimilated alike the earlier races which he con- quered, and the Goth and the Suevian who conquered Strife for him. In Spain the first form of strife between East between and Wcst takes the form of a struggle, and a short Carthage^ struggle, between Carthage and Rome for the mastery of the peninsula. Against this Sicily has to set the far more stirring tale of her most brilliant Hellenic days, the days of her commonwealths and her tyrants, the days of Strife of Himera and of Krimisos. In a later stage of the cycle, man and the strife of Mussulman and Christian, Sicily may set its in^Spain^ hundred and forty years of resistance to Saracen invasion before the fall of Spain almost in a single moment. On the other hand, the far longer home crusade by which SICILY AND SPAIN. 37 the Spaniard won back his own land for his own people chap. i. outdoes the vain attempt to deliver Sicily by the sword of the East-Roman and the successful attempt to deliver her by the sword of the Norman. Spain has no time when she was so distinctly in advance of all Western kingdoms as Sicily was under her Norman kings ; yet Spain has the days of her Gothic kings to set against days when Sicily remained a mere province of Roman, Vandal, and East-Goth ; she has the days when, under her Austrian kings, she was the dread of one world and the discoverer of another, to set against days when Sicily was one of her own subject kingdoms. But tbe very fact that Sicily was so long a province, so long a dependent kingdom, makes us, in contemplating her history, fix our thoughts more wholly on the two great periods of strife, the strife with the Phoenician and the strife with the Saracen. And in Sicily too the cycles, ended in Spain four hundred years back, go on, on a local scale at least, to our own day. Timoleon has his peer; but lie finds him, not in Pyrrhos, not in Belisarius, not in Roger, but in the deliverer whose deeds we ourselves have seen. But there is another side of Sicilian history, not another The cycle, but another analogy and more than an analogy, in England which brings it specially home to all of English stock. ^^^^^ The Norman won for himself an island kingdom in the great inland sea almost at the same moment when he won for himself another island kingdom in the Ocean. The tales of those two conquests, if told in their fulness, can hardly be kept apart. In their likenesses, in their con- trasts, the Norman settlement in England and the Norman settlement in Sicily form one of the most instructive of historical parallels. Nor is it only the remoter connexion Close con- nexion of of likeness and contrast that brings the two together, the English When the French tongue was the polite and courtly ^^^^^^0^^!^^^ 38 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. speecli from Dunfermline to Jerusalem^ of all tlie courts where that tongue was spoken the court of England and the court of Sicily were the two that were the most closely drawn to one another. The two kingdoms that were ruled by Norman kings kept up more intimate relations than any other. There was constant intercourse between the subjects of the two. Men passed to and fro from the service of one island king to the service of the other. A common courtly speech led to a common literature and to com- Com- mon legends. And yet it is the remoter tie of likeness between ^^^^ contrast which^ above all in the points of contrast, teaches the deepest historical lesson. The Norman con- Norman \ conquests querors won Sicily and England alike at the point of the and in ^'^"^^ sword. Why was their position and history so wholly Sicily. different in the two islands ? The Norman conqueror of fusion of England, forcing his way into the land without a single Enoland i^^^i'^^ supporter, changes Avith wonderful speed into the national king; his followers change with a speed still more wonderful into a national nobility. A short and sharp moment of foreign dominion led to a new birth of the national being, and enabled England to keep the ties which bind her to her oldest days more unbroken than they have been kept by kindred lands in which no stranger ever Continu- ruled. Since King William came into England, none has Wngly^*''^^^^ on the throne of England who did not come of the stock in blood of William and claim to be his heir. They may England. . . . have sprung from him only by distant and complicated female succession, but every one has sat on his throne and ruled his kingdom directly as his representative. But for some ages past we cannot say that any true representative of Roger the Count and Roger the King has sat on Change of their throne and ruled their kingdom. Among the endless f;!" Sicily^ royal houses between which Sicily has been tossed to and fro, among the endless kings who have held it as an ap- pendage to some other kingdom, a subtle genealogical SICILY AND ENGLAND. 39 inquirer may find out that some faint drops o£ Roger's chap. r. blood flowed in the veins o£ this or that ruler of Sicily. But no later Kings of Sicily have been the heirs and representatives of Roger in the same sense in which the present sovereign of England is the undoubted heir and representative alike of William and of Cerdic. The Norman conqueror of Sicily, w^elcomed as a deliverer by a large part of the dwellers in the island which he con- quered, ruling as an impartial sovereign and benefactor over men differing in blood and creed and speech, founded the most splendid of dynasties and the most short-lived. The crown of William and the crown of Roger have both been often disputed by rival claimants, and disputed on the battle-field. But when the crown of William has been fought for, it has ever been fought for by Englishmen against Englishmen. If we have had kings and would-be kings from other lands, they have been at least of our own sending for. Sicily, both the Sicilies, have been the chosen Conquests sport of dynastic quarrels, quarrels with which the people ^^^^h'- of either Sicily have had but little concern. The land has been conquered by strangers, or, yet more grievous than being conquered by strangers, it has been handed over from one stranger to another as something that needed not the toil of conquest. Sicily has indeed one tale to tell to which England can supply no parallel. The men of Sicily rose against their foreign master and gave their crow^n to a king of their own choosing. But that was because a foreign master and his foreig-n following had come among them against their will. The men of England neither forestalled nor followed their exploit, because, as soon as the first days of the Conquest itself were over, they had no need to do so. And the cause of The Nor- the different meaning of the words Norman Conquest England in the two islands lies deep in the state of the two ^ English. islands at the time when the Norman conqueror came to 40 CHAEACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTOEY. CHAP. r. eaeh. In England the conqueror found a nation, a nation which proved too mighty for him and his conquering following. To rule in England^ to abide in England^ the Norman had to become an Englishman. He had to join with Englishmen of the elder stock in shaping the second growth of English law, of English freedom, of English national life in every shape. In Sicily the Norman found, not a nation, but two hostile nations, a nation of masters and a nation of bondmen. In his wake came two other nations, to make the already divided land more divided still. The Norman in England could become an English- man, because a single English nation stood ready to absorb him, a nation of his own creed, and, though not of his own The Nor- speech, yet one might almost say of his own blood. The Sicily Norman in Sicily could not become a Sicilian, because rulers over ^g^g Sicilian nation to which he could loin various J nations. himself. He found men of two races, of two languages, and of those races the creed of one stamped them in his eyes as infidels, while the creed of the other stamped them as schismatics. To rule wisely and justly over contending races and creeds is the glory of the Norman in Sicily; but it implies as its first condition that the ruler shall not cast in his own lot with any side. The Norman in Sicily there- fore could never become the national king of a Sicilian people, as the Norman in England became the national king Victory of of the English people. It is true that, after Norman rule element Tn ^lad passed away, the island did, through various causes, Sicily. become a land united, if not in blood, at any rate in speech and creed. But this union came through the driving out or dying out of the races which the Norman found in the island, and the speech which in the end won the day was neither his own speech nor the speech of either of the two races which divided the island at his coming. Among the many cycles of the land, it was another triumph, if not for Rome yet for Italy, when the tongues of the Greek, THE NOEMAN KINGS OF SICILY. 41 the Saracen^ and the Norman, all gave way to the tongue chap. i. of the Lombard settler. The tale of the Norman Conquest of England thus calls, Contrast almost as its natural sequel, for the tale of another Norman En^^ST Conquest wrought in the same age with such different results. It calls for the tale of a kingdom so closely con- history. nected with our own as the kingdom of Roger was with the kingdom of Henry the Clerk, as the kingdom of William the Good was with the kingdom of Henry Fitz- Empress. Yet it is another thing to tell the tale of an island which for ages lay outside the world, and to tell the tale of an island which for ages was the very centre of the world, the meeting-place, the battle-ground, of creeds and races. Sicily had lived through perhaps a whole millennium of stirring history before we can begin to w^ite the history of our own land. It had lived through a millennium and a half before we can begin to write the history of our own people in our own land. In the land of historic cycles, each phase of its history is the reproduction of some phase that is past, the shadow and forerunner of some phase that is to come. At no time had Sicily lost its old character of the Sicily still meeting-place of nations ; but it became so again in a jng-^ace' special way under its Norman rulers. Now, yet more than the . . . . nations, under Dionysios and Agathokles, does Sicily become the centre of a dominion which stretches into Italy, Africa, Illyria, and Greece. Close dealings with those lands was the necessary fruit of the geographical position of the island. Whether Sicily should be a power ruling in those Dealings lands, or a province ruled by the master of some or of all beyond the of them, was decided in various ages by the circumstances Hadnatic. of those several ages, and partly at least by the char- acters of particular men. A land must be badly off indeed which cannot rise to greatness under the guidance of an Agathokles or a Roger. The connexion between Sicily, Italy, and the Greek and Illyrian lands is kept up equally 42 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. whether the conquerors or deliverers go from the East to the West or from the West to the East. Pyrrhos, lord of Epeiros and Korkyra, rules at Tarentum and Syracuse ; he wins Panormos and threatens Africa. Starting from an- other point, his dominion is almost exactly reproduced in the fluctuating dominion of the Sicilian kings of the twelfth century. All ruled in Sicily and southern Italy; most of them added some dominion, greater or less, in the lands Greek do- east of Hadria or even in Africa itself. The connexion tS^^SiciHan hetween Sicily and Greece lived on after the Norman kings. Relations of Sicily and Britain. dynasty had passed away, and even after the Sicilian king- dom had been split asunder. Manfred and Charles of Anjou ruled on both sides of the Hadriatic. A day came when, of the Kings of Sicily on the two sides of the Pharos, Achaia owned the lordship of him of the mainland, and Attica owned the lordship of him of the island. A Duke of Athens owing homage to a Spanish king at Panormos did not come within the dreams of Alkibiades. Nor did the wider insight of Poly bios foresee a Gaulish king at Naples holding a supremacy over a large part of Pelopon- nesos. We might go further still. When Edmund son of Henry the Third was shown to Englishmen in a Sicilian garb as King of Sicily, it is well to remember that the realm which he claimed took in spots beyond the Hadriatic with which Englishmen had to do in earlier days, and with which they had to do again in days far later. The Sicilian realm which Popes took upon them to dispose of took in Dyrrhachion and Korkyra — we must by that time say Durazzo and Corfu. When Belisarius offered Britain to the Goth in exchange for Sicily, he hardly foresaw a prince from Britain claiming a Sicilian crown. We cannot take a glance at the central land of the elder European world without finding our range of sight presently enlarged. At every moment it takes in some distant land or other in whose destiny the THE LATER HISTORY LOOKS BACK. 43 position of that central island has called it to have some chap. i. share. The history o£ the Norman Conquest and -the Norman The later kings o£ Sicily thus follows almost of necessity on the sIcHy looks history of the Norman Conquest and the Norman kings of England. But in treating of the Normans in Sicily^ we are driven to look back to earlier times in a way in which we are not driven in treating of the Normans in England. In touching any part of the history of the great southern island_, we are irresistibly drawn to days before England was. We cannot follow the Norman across the Messanian strait, we cannot follow him as far as that strait, with- out coming face to face with the people of the two Hierons and with the near kinsmen of the people of Hamilkar and his lion brood. The coming, the advance, The two the success, of the adventurers who made their way from deUverers. Normandy to Sicily and her neighbour lands, at once calls up the coming, the advance, the failure, of those adven- turers who made their way from Sparta and Epeiros to the neighbour lands of Sicily, the most famous of them to Sicily herself. Roger the Count and Roger the King did after so many ages what Pyrrhos strove to do, what Archidamos and Alexander were not allowed even to strive to do. We shall not thoroughly take in the full significance of the later time unless we give our mind to at least the leading features of the earlier time. And, while we look earlier, we must also look later. The main charm of Sicilian history ends when the land was trodden under foot by the conqueror from Swabia. But the son of Henry and Constance was the Wonder of the World. In The Erederick-'s day a King of Sicily was lord of Rome and of fi-ederick. Jerusalem ; yet of all his realms he held Sicily the dearest, and in his grave at Palermo the Roman Empire of the West, as a true and living thing, is buried. And, as we have already seen, the oecumenical position of Sicily, its 44 CHAEACTEEISTIOS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. Albanian settlers. wide-spreading ties with East and West^ lived on when the realm o£ Eoger and Frederick was split asunder, when Anjou gave a king to Naples, and Aragon a king to Palermo. Nay, when the independence of both the Sicilies had passed away, the island could still shelter settlers from the Eastern peninsula, no longer conquerors or deliverers, but refugees seeking shelter from barbarian bondage. If the tongues of Hamilkar and Hieron are silent on Sicilian soil, the tongue of Scanderbeg is still spoken by men whose rites, if not their speech, have caused them on Sicilian lips to bear the Grecian name. Shadows then of the oecume- nical history of the island hover round it down even to the latest times. The Norman rule in Sicily, at least in its effect, lasts beyond the hundred and thirty years or so which part the coming of the first Roger from the bondage and blinding of the last William. We must say much of days that went before, and something of days that came after. The historian of the Norman Kings of Sicily, if he wishes to give that brilliant line its full position in the world^s history, can hardly fail to enlarge his subject so as to deal, not only with the Norman Kings of Sicily, but with their Forerunners and their Successors. W"e cannot, in sober truth, give their full historic sig- back to^the nificance to Roger and William the Good without going beginning, j^^^]^ Pyrrhos and Timoleon. And I venture to add that we cannot give their full historic significance to Pyrrhos and Timoleon without looking forward to Roger and William the Good. But such a comparison as this spans so vast a field of history, it sets before us the island which was the historic home of all of them in so many shapes, yet shajies all of which gather round one great central thought, that he who is carried back from Roger to Timoleon can hardly fail to be carried further back from Timoleon to Theokles and Archias. From the very beginning of Greek settlement, Sicily begins to The his LEADING THOUGHT OF THE WHOLE HISTORY. 45 play her part in that Eternal Question which in Sicily^ chap. i. where the barbarian for the more part advances from ^^^^.j^j^j the West^ has incidentally ceased to be an Eastern Question. Question. Thueydides could not have taken in the full significance of the fact which he records in its simplicity^ that^ when the Greeks came, the Phoenician withdrew. With that fact the tale begins ; that was the first stroke dealt on Sicilian soil in the long battle in which the vic- tories of Maniakes and the victories of Roger were but later stages. There is throughout one leading thought which forms the soul of the whole story, and that is a thought which brings out the greatest of all points of contrast between the history of the Mediterranean and that of the Oceanic island. The isle of Britain has, in Share of ages far apart from one another, sent forth men who did ^iTcf good work for Europe and for Christendom. But they Sicily, went forth to do it in distant lands, beneath the walls of Jerusalem or around the akropolis of Athens. The isle of Sicily has had to fight for Europe and for Christen- dom on her own soil, and that struggle has been the very life of her history. As long as that duty lay upon her, she was great; as soon as it passed away, she sank into a secondary place. But the warfare of Greek and Phoe- nician, the warfare of Norman and Saracen, are only different acts in one long drama, a drama which cannot be understood in its fulness without going back to the days when the settlement of the Greek on her shore first made Sicily in the highest sense a member of the general fellowship of the European world. The History of Sicily from the earliest times may thus Divisions be said to fall into three great divisions. There is. First, gubj^ect. the time when Sicily, the meeting-place of the nations, was settled by men of so many nations, the settlement of some of which we can trace with some approach to 46 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. CHAP. I. certainty, while the coming of others goes back even be- yond the days of trustworthy tradition. Among the earlier inhabitants come the settlers of the two great colonizing Indepen- nations, the Phoenician and the Greek. Then comes the B.C. 735-"^ history of the Greek cities in Sicily, their internal affairs, their strifes with one another, their dealings with old Greece, their wars with the Phoenicians, and the whole history of many separate commonwealths and tyrannies, till all are alike brought under the dominion of Rome. And that dominion, if it destroyed the independence of the Greek cities in Sicily, helped powerfully to make Sicily, as a whole, a Greek island. It is the time of the first period of strife between East and West, the period in which the championship of Europe belongs to the separate cities of Sicily, to Syracuse above all. We may call this period, from the earliest times to the formation of the Roman province, the time of Independent Sicily. Provincial In the second period Sicily ceases to consist of a number B^a^24i- independent cities and powers, forming largely a world A.D. 1060. Qf j^g own. Sicily, a province of a ruling city of Italy, becomes a part, and a subject part, of a greater whole. Till the coming of the Saracens, Sicily follows the fortunes of the Roman Empire or of some part of it. Then comes the second time of strife between East and West, now become a strife between Islam and Christendom. The island is torn bit by bit from the Empire by the Saracen invaders who, for two short periods, parted by a partial recovery of the island by the Empire, were in actual possession of all Sicily. The strife between Greek and Saracen is ended by the gradual conquest of the island by the Norman Count Roger. The time from the establishment of the Roman dominion to the coming of Roger may be called the time of Provincial Sicily. With the coming of the Normans Sicily ceased to be a mere province of any other power. With the death of PERIODS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. 47 Robert Wiscard it became the chief seat of Norman power chap. i. in the south. It becomes a kingdom, for a while an The independent and powerful kingdom, bearing rule over other and^mg- lands. And in all the revolutions that have followed, ^?'" Sicily. Sicily, whether held alone or with some other kingdom, a.d. 1060- whether independent or practically subject, has always, till our own century, remained a separate kingdom, giving a royal title to its king. It is only in our own day that Sicily has ceased to exist as a kingdom or even as a pro- vince, and has been altogether merged in the neighbouring kingdom on the mainland. This time, of exactly eight hundred years, we may call, though the Sicilian princes for a short time bore only the title of Count, the time of the Sicilian Ki^igdom. The great and characteristic interest of Sicilian history Death ends with the death of the Emperor Frederick. Some ^inperor of the most stirring scenes in the whole story, among Frederick, which those of our own day are not the least stirring, not the least glorious, come in later times. But the special After character of Sicilian history ends with Frederick ; he had loses^its ^ perhaps himself no small share in bringing it to an end. The tale, true or false, that in the slaughter of the Vespers the test for life or death was the power of giving its Ita- lian sound to some word like Cicerone^ shows of itself that Sicily had by that time ceased to be the meeting-place of the nations. A hundred years earlier Palermo had been the happy city of the threefold tongue, where Greek, Arabic, and Latin with its children not yet fully distin- guished from their parent, were tongues spoken side by side in equal honour. The test which is said to have been used at the Vespers would have condemned to death any Greek, any Saracen, even any Norman, who still clave to the speech of his fathers. After the death of Frederick, change in the history of Sicily became a part of the ordinary history '^^^^^S®- of mediaeval Europe, often part of the ordinary history of 48 CHAEACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTOEY. CHAP. I. mediaeval Italy ^. The great strife between Europe and Africa^ between Christian and Saracen, is over ; the lesser strife between Greek and Latin Christendom is over also. Sicily is part of Latin Christendom ; any traces of the nations, the creeds, the tongues, which the Norman found in the island have sunk to the state of mere survivals. From Theokles to Frederick there is an unbroken story which ends with Frederick. I begin then with Theokles, rather with those days before Theokles which are needful for the full understanding of Theokles and those who followed in his steps. And I trust, if life and strength are spared me, to carry on my story till the Wonder of the World is laid in his tomb at Palermo. As to even the attempt at anything further I promise nothing ; the world contains Franks and Englishmen as well as Sicilians of any speech. ^ Now at last we may, with sadness, accept the saying of Strabo (vi. 2. 7), ojcravcl yap [xipos ti rrjs 'Irakias korlv rj vrjaos. CHAPTEE II. THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS ^. A T the geographical position and character of Sicily, Quasi-oon- and at the general effect which that position and character character had on the history of Sicily and of Europe, we Sicily, have already glanced. But we have looked more to the geographical position of the island than to its geographical character, and any detailed geographical description has as yet been out of place. We have seen that Sicily was enabled to play the part in history which it did play mainly through its geographical position, but that its geographical character also largely helped in the work. ^ The first condition of the peculiar history of Sicily was its position as the central island of the civilized world ; the second condition was that that central island should be of such a size and shape as, in the ideas of those days, to approach to the character of an insular continent. As compared with the older Phoenician and Greek world, it had to be, if not as America, at least as Australia. It was this qtiasi-eontinentsil character of Sicily which determined the particular shape which the struggle of the nations should take in Sicily. Its geographical position ruled that it should be the meeting-place of the nations ; its geo- graphical character ruled on what terms they should meet in it. Because Sicily was in some sort a mainland, it followed that their strife should be, not only a strife for ^ On the Authorities see Appendix I. VOL. I. E 50 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. Sicily, but a strife in Sicily, waged largely by the in- habitants of Sicily itself. I'lie This is equally true both of the earlier and the later earliest in- p i i • p i • i i i i f» • habitants, stages of the history oi the island, both of its prse-historic ^ and its historic days ; that is, in other words, both of the days before and the days after the beginnings of Phoeni- cian and Greek settlement. In our present chapter it is with the days before those settlements that we are as yet concerned. That is, we have to look at Sicily as it was when there was no recorded history, at the island itself and its physical features, and at those among its in- habitants whom we find there when recorded history begins. As to the earliest inhabitants of all we shall not presume to guess. Of those inhabitants of Sicily of whom we know anjrthing, the oldest, the Sikans, claimed to be Aufo- cJifJwnes'^. The rest had traditions, and highly probable traditions, which spoke of them as coming into Sicily from Earlier some other land. Even the oldest may well have had phical predecessors ; but then we should be inclined to say that the^ls^nd ^^^^^ which they lived itself had a predecessor. In those geological days when the Mediterranean sea formed two — perhaps three — distinct lakes, when men could walk dry shod from what is now Africa into what is now Italy, passing over what is now Sicily on the road, there was in No Sicily truth no Sicily in our sense. So there was no Greece, no Britain, no Denmark, no Holland. The lands which were in after times to bear those names had not yet put on the geographical shape which was needful for them to play the part which they were to play in history. With those ages, with the lands as they were in those ages, with the men, if men in the fullest sense they were, who then dwelled in those lands, we have here nothing to do. They belong to other sciences than ours. We have to deal with Sicily the island, and with no older geographical form of 1 Thuc. vi. 2. yet. WAS SICILY JOINED TO ITALY? 51 the land. We have to deal with the oldest inhabitants chap. ii. of Sicilv the island of whom history, legend, tradition, or Sicily begins existing monuments, can tell us anythmg. We have to the island, deal with the land and its inhabitants in the earliest days when a ship was needed to cross from the future site of Carthage to the future site of Panormos, and when at least a raft was needed to cross from the future site of Rhegion to the future site of Messana. Those who could take either journey on foot we leave to other inquirers. We have assumed that Sicily has been an island at Sicily an least from the time when the Mediterranean lands put ^{-^qq on anythintj' like their present g-eoffraphical shape. Since existing J i=> 1 fci H 1 r geography there has been anything that could be called Africa, began. Sicily, and Italy, a wider sea has parted Sicily from Africa and a narrower sea has parted it from Italy. Of Belief these two propositions the first has perhaps never been severance disputed ; with regard to the second we are met at f/o^]^j[aiy starting by a very early and wide-spread belief the other way. It was held by most of the earliest writers that Italy and Sicily, parted by so narrow a strait, had once formed a continuous mainland, much as Peloponnesos forms a continuous mainland with Northern Greece ^, and that the isthmus which once united the two had been broken through by some violent convulsion of nature. It was indeed a region in which anything might easily be thought to have happened. The volcanic isles to the north, the volcanic mountain to the south, the fierce current sweeping daily through the strait, might suggest that this was a part of the world in which the powers both of fire and of water were likely to work their greatest wonders. An earthquake had broken the narrow bridge asunder ; a swell of the sea mightier than usual had swept it away ^. Thus ' I borrow this analogy from Polybios, i. 42. ^ See Appendix II. E 2, 52 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. the island of Sicily was broken away from the mainland of Italy, and the memory of their parting asunder was kept alive in the name of the city on the strait_, Rhegion or the Breach ^. This belief must of course be carefully distinguished from the geological teaching which has been already spoken of. The question is whether Sicily and Italy were still joined in times when Europe had put on its present general shape, when there was something that could be called Sicily and Italy. In other words, Were Sicily and Italy still joined in times when a wide sea parted Sicily and Africa ? The natural process which is held to have taken place would answer to the artificial process by which it has been so often attempted to part asunder Peloponnesos and Northern Greece, or, on a greater scale, to part asunder North and South America. But modern scientific belief seems to have decided against the reality of any such change in historical, or even in what we may call traditional, times 2. The ancient belief was a very natural guess, but one which scientific examination does not confirm. Sicily, we may safely say, has been an island during all the ages which in any way concern us. Shape of The island being thus assumed, there is something to be the island. ^^.^ about its shape. The compactness of its shape, the solidity of the island, that is, the ^«^^?*i-continental character which has been already spoken of, must strike every one at ' 'P777toj/ is thus connected with pri'^vvyLi, and the general root fpoi'y,f'>'og, hreaJc, and the like. Save one grotesque etymology which connected the name with the Latin rex (St»-abo, vi. i. 6), Rhegion was always understood as meaning the breach, and the breach was always understood of the physical breach between island and mainland. See Appendix IL 2 Admiral Smyth, to whom we owe so much as a pioneer on Sicilian matters, inclines to the ancient belief on his very first page ; but geological opinion seems now to be the other way. See Holm, i. 6 ; 328. It is always to be remembered what the question is. The likeness of the hills and the shallowness of the strait are accounted for by the undoubted union of the lands in prse-historic times. Our question is whether they were still united at a later stage. SHAPE OF THE ISLAND. 53 the first glance at the map. But a singular mistake as to chap. ii. what we may call the mathematical shape of Sicily long prevailed. It has not only always been a popular belief, but it received scientific acceptance from the days of Ptolemy to those of D^Anville ^. All the older maps show Believed Sicily as very nearly an exact acute-angled triangle, with acute- angles pointing west, north-east, and south-east. And ^^^l^g the angles are always said to end in promontories ^. And from this peculiar shape of the island it has been held that it took the descriptive name of Trinakria and other names to the same effect. But in truth Sicily is not a triangle ; of the three promontories at its corners two are certainly not promontories, and two are not at a corner. The name Trinakria was seemingly formed Name of out of an elder form Thrinahia by that familiar process '*^* which changes a name so as to give it a seeming meaning ; when the name was once adopted, the geography was fitted to the name ^. No one who ever stood at Lilybaion and Four sides looked out on the western sea could ever doubt that Sicily has four sides Lilybaion itself, one of the alleged angles of the triangle, stands in the middle of the fourth or western side ; it is the most western point of the island, but it has no right to be called a promontory at its western or north-western corner. But grant the four sides of Sicily, Eryx the and a north-western corner is at once found. And if that western corner is not exactly furnished with a headland running corner, out into the sea, yet one of the noblest heights in Sicily ^ See Bunbury, Diet. Geog., art. Sicilia. Any old map, such as that in Cluver's Sicilia Antiqua or in the Amsterdam edition of Virgil (1746), or most of all, that in Bochart's Chanaan, will show the difference. ^ See Appendix III. ^ See Appendix III. * Smyth (223) assumes the four sides of the island. ' The west coast of Sicily is different in feature from either of those before described; the northern part of it presents bold capes and highland, but the southern is low and flat, and dangerous to approach at night.' Of this last characteristic we shall see something when we come to the great siege of Lilybaion. 54 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. rises close above it. Eryx comes far nearer to the character of a promontory running into the sea and marking a corner of the island than any of the three which are commonly spoken of as so doing. In the voyage from Panormos to Lilybaion^ Eryx is the turning-point from the northern to the western side of Sicily. Men felt this even when their nomenclature confused them. Apollonios clearly under- stood that Eryx was what Lilybaion falsely claimed to be ^. Poseidonios spoke of Syracuse and Eryx as the two ahro- poleis of Sicily, while Henna rose over the midland plains 2. The description, in some things strange, shows a full understanding of the true character of Eryx. Sicily But though the usual picture of Trinakria with its three l)ractically . . i i • • ^ ^ triangular, promontorics IS a delusion, yet the triangular shape 01 Sicily is a practical, though not a mathematical, truth. The island has a fourth side to the west ; but the western side is very short, compared with the northern, the eastern. Its true or the south-western side. The real shape of Sicily is a ^ right-angled triangle, with one of its acute angles, that to the north-west, cut off. Everywhere except to the due west, the shape of the island is intensely triangular ; it comes far nearer to a mathematical triangle than Sardinia comes to a mathematical parallelogram. No shape could be better suited to combine a long range of coast, with an ^ Surely the thought that Eryx was tlie real Lilybaion was in the miucl of Apollonios of Rhodes when he wrote (iv, 917) ; Oea "EpvKos /xeSeovaa Kvirpii, €t' kv Sivais aviTpkiparo Kai p laauae TTpocppajv avrop-ivrj ^iXvfirj'iba vaup.iv aKpTjv. Cf. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 478 ; "Quaque patet Zephyro semper apertus Eryx;" though he goes on, Jamque Peloriaden, Liiybseaque, jamque Pachynon Lustrarat, terrse cornua prima su£8." ^ Strabo, vi. 2. 7 ; ^rjal 8' 6 UoaeiSuiyios otov dicponokcis kiri daKaTTijs 56o tSls ^vpaKovaas IhpvaOai koi rbv ""Epvua, piarjv 5e dp.(poiv vnfpKeTaOai rujv kvkXcv weSicov rrjv ''Eppav. SICILY PRACTICALLY TRIANGULAR. 55 inland region that should be thoroughly inland. The coast chap. ii. is indented enough to make many fine havens ; it is not Character of the indented enough to make deep fiords, like those or Pern- coast, broke or Cattaro. The nature of the land ordered its destinies. Its position invited settlers of every nation, pre- eminently settlers of the two great colonizing nations. But its shape hindered either nation from taking the whole to itself; it even hindered a division of the whole island between the two. In such a land it was not the nature of either Greek or Phoenician to spread from sea to sea, as the Greek could in the oldest Italy. The colonists therefore Distinc- kept themselves mainly to the coasts, while the older tween^the inhabitants, themselves doubtless no less settlers, but ^^^^^ ^"^^ the inland settlers of an earlier date and a different kind, still kept parts, the inland parts. We are thus brought again to the two tendencies which strive with each other throughout Sicilian history. While the position of the island invited every Sicily a new-comer, its shape made it a world of its own, with ^^^^ interests and questions of its own, a w^orld of many and often hostile nations, an image in short of the wider worlds of Europe or Asia in a smaller space. § 1. Physical Characteristics of 8icily. We have ruled the true shape of Sicily to be that of a Coasts of right-angled triangle with one of its angles cut off. No of*Greece! one will expect such a definition to be mathematically correct; there is assuredly no real right angle at any corner of Sicily. But, as compared with many other lands, above all with Greece and Italy, the definition holds good. The three great sides of Sicily come much nearer to right lines than any piece of coast in all Greece. And, though Peloris is eminently not a right angle, yet Pachynos is so very little west of Peloris, Eryx is so very little south of it, that the triangle is practically right-angled. Nowhere does the coast of Sicily turn in and out, nowhere is it 56 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. Mountain- ous char- acter of Sicily. ^tna. Contrast of the northern and southern coasts. broken up by deep inlets of the sea, like tbe coasts of many- other great islands, like at least the northern part of our own. When the Greeks began to settle in Sicily, they found themselves in an island, not only far greater than Crete or Euboia or Korkyra, but of quite another kind. Each side of the island has a character of its own, and the character of each coast is largely affected by the character of the inland parts nearest to it. No land can well be more mountainous than Sicily; flat ground of any extent is unknown; the plain of Lentini or Catania, the largest unbroken flat surface in the island, is small beside the plain of Milan or the plain of York. No spot in Sicily is out of sight of a considerable hill ; most spots are within sight of lofty mountains; a great part of the island is within sight of that Mount of Mounts to set forth whose greatness two of the tongues of the island have been pressed to contribute^, ^tna, 3Iongihello, is brought down by geologists to rank as the youngest mountain of the island; to the eye it is the crown of Sicily, round which the other heights of the island gather. It was all Sicily, not JEtna as a distinct mass, with which Zeus or Athene overwhelmed the rebellious Enkelados^. But between the summit of ^tna and the low bluffs by Syracuse there is every variety of height in the island, and the character of the coast is mainly determined by the height of the nearest hills and the measure of their distance from the shore. Along the whole north side and the northern part of the eastern side, high mountains come everywhere near enough to the water to determine ^ The local name Mongihello is made up of Latin and Arabic words which translate one another. There are plenty of such examples every- where. I need not go further than one on a very small scale, Ben Knoll in Somerset. 2 Apollod. i. 6. 2 ; 'AOrjvd Se 'EyKeXaStv Kkv^onevrj TreXdyet, 0\iiTovcra irpbs rrjv HeKo-novvrjOov Kol rbv kirl Kprjrrjs rropov. Cicero (Verr. v. 34) speaks of a " portus Pachyni." All this variety falls in with the notion of Pachynos being primarily Cape Passero, but taking in something more. Macrobius (i. 17. 24) speaks of a temple of "Apollo Libystinus " at Pachynos, who took bis surname from smiting a " Libyan " invasion with pestilence. Is this any confusion with the great plague on the Carthaginians in B.C. 396 ? VOL. I. F G6 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II, falls naturally into three parts^ tlie bay of Catania forming tlie central part of tlie three, and that through which the character of one end gradually dies away into the character The of the other. Advancing from the south, there is a region near°^^ '^^ peninsulas of various shapes and sizes. First, as we have Syracuse, ^qq^i, comes the hammer-like Maddalena, projecting to the south-east. Beyond it is the blunter sea-ward end of the hill of Syracuse, the hill o£ Epipolai and Achradina, with the island — the artificial peninsula — of Ortygia stretch- ing southward to leave a comparatively narrow channel The Great between itself and Plemmyrion. Within lies the Great Harbour of Syracuse, its historic waters and its historic coast, and the swampy plain between its waters and the hills which seem to keep themselves landward to make room for it. North of the hill of Syracuse and its cape of the Panagia, a long and, for Sicily, deep bend The Bay of the coast, once the bay of Megara, stretches as far andits^^* as the most northern peninsula of this region. This is peninsulas, ^-^g^j. ^]^ich stretches eastward and southward to the points called Santa Croce and Izzo, and northward to that of Campolato. This bay is again broken up into smaller divi- sions. The low peninsula of Thapsos, with its narrow and yet lower isthmus, a peninsula which the eye long refuses to believe to be other than an island, divides it into two marked parts, of which the southern reckons as part of the waters of Syracuse, while the northern forms the bay of Megara. At its northern end again the peninsula of Xiphonia stretches due south, making a bay on each side of it far deeper than the main bay of which it forms a part. Though Ortygia is or has been an island, while Xiphonia has ever been a peninsula, each is the exact counterpart of the other in geographical position, wide as is the difference in their historic fame. From Syracuse to Xiphonia a stretch of low ground lies between the sea and the inland mountains ; in the northern peninsula lower heights BAYS OP THE EASTERN COAST. 67 come nearer to tlie shore. After Campolato the coast of the chap. ii. Catanian bay turns for a while westward and is marked by Q^t^nia"^ two small baySj one of which receives the waters of the wide Pantakyas. Then it turns sharply to the north^ to form the seaward side of the widest plain in Sicily, the fields that once bore the name of Leontine and afterwards of The Leon- Catanian ^. From Catania itself the coast becomes more ^ broken and gradually turns towards the north-east till we again enter the Messanian strait. The memorable peninsula of Naxos, now Schiso, finds a place on the map hardly Naxos. proportionate to its place either in history or in the view from the Tauromenian heights. For Schiso is the southern Bay and horn of the bay of Taormina, and from this point, beginning Taormina. with the height of Tauros, the mountains draw near to the shore, giving to the northern part of the east side of Sicily a wealth of coast scenery at least equal to that of the north side. Over the whole east side of Sicily a5]tna reigns supreme ; in the central part of the coast we feel ourselves in his immediate presence. There are some aspects of ancient Sicilian history which The inland might tempt us to fancy that Sicily existed only on its sea-coasts, and might lead us to neglect the inland region. And the same temptation is likely still more strongly to affect the modern traveller. In Homan, Saracen, and ^ In Diodoros (iv. 24) Heraldes admires the Leontine plain (to fxev KaWos TTjs xw'/'cts eOav/xaae), and it is said (v. 2) that wheat grew there wild {ev rw AeovTivo) neSiq) ml Kara iroWovs dWovs tottovs Trjs ywe'x/3i rod vvv ' but KaXoyfpos must at starting have been the ideal monk. ^ The northern Calogero has a fountain. See Amico in Fazello, i. 372. This peak is reckoned at about 3440 feet. ^ Holm says well (p. 15), " Nach alien Seiten hin isolirt dazustehen scheint, und so ein verkleinertes Abbild des Aetna darbietet," and (p. 334), *' Seine Isolirtheit hat ihn hoher erscheinen lassen als er ist." See above, p. 54. 7b THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. wards to end in the mass of hills called Kratas behind the Thermai of Selinous. Over them another heig-ht of Calogero, an isolated volcanic mountain, keeps watch, as its northern fellow keeps watch over the springs of Himera. This we have already seen as one of the few points on the southern coast where heights of any mark come down to the sea. The western corner of Sicily is The thus cut off to form a region of plains and hills. Far to mountains ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ range the Heraian mountains ^ strike off south-westward from the Nebrodian and the Maronian^ to cut off^ far less distinctly, the flat and low land to the The Syra- south-east. They may be held to end in the hills by ' Syracuse, the long flat-topped heights ending in bold bluffs, so exactly after the manner of the hills of Somerset and Gloucestershire. The name of Hybla and its honey is familiar ; but there seems to be no particular point of the hills bearing that name, a name which we shall find full of Hybla ; interest on other grounds. Yet there are hills of Hybla ^, looking down on the Megarian bay and the low ground between them ; and modern scholars seem to have agreed to give the name of Thymbris * to the height so prominent ^ The name Kpdras seems to come from Ptolemy (iii. 4. 10) only. See Cluver, 365. ^ Diodoros, in telling the legend of Daphnis (iv. 84), writes the pane- gyric of the 'Hpaia vprj, above all of their oaks and other trees, which are assuredly not there now. He adds ; f'xfti' Se Kat toiv '^fiepcvv Kapiruv avro- fxcLTOJi/, apLiriXov re ttoAA^s (pvop.ivT]S Koi ixrjXojv d/jLvOTjTOU TrXijOos. ^ Martial, xiii. 105 ; " Cum dederis Siculos mediae de collibus Hyblae, Cecropios dicas tu licet esse favos." This does not seem to imply a hill or range of hills called Hybla, but rather the hills overlooking " media Hybla," that is, neither the northern nor the southern Hybla of which we shall have presently to speak, but the middle Hybla " by Megara. The Latin poets, in speaking of the Hyblaian honey, uses the word "Hybla" vaguely. See Cluver, 135. Cf. Silius, xiv. 199. * On Thymbris or Criniti, see Holm's note, p. 335. Surely Thymbris is a hill in the passage quoted from Theokritos, i. 117. One cannot find any river Thymbris near Syracuse. SOUTH-EASTERN AND MIDLAND SICILY. 71 from the hill of Syracuse^ the height which seems to send chap. ii. forth its rocky bluff to every point of the compass. Further to the south-east is a region which throws up no lofty peaks or ranges, but whose physical features are nevertheless of the highest interest. We may call it the region of the The lime- limestone gorges. The same causes work the same effects gorges, in all parts, in Sicily, in Wessex, in Dalmatia, and in Peloponnesos. The ravines of south-eastern Sicily call up the memory alike of the combes of Mendip and of the gorge below Mykene. Still they have a character of their own. Nowhere else is the land so full of them ; the whole country is cut up by these deep, long, winding, clefts in the limestone. Several of them often meet at a point, and the point of meeting or the height above it has often been chosen for the building of a town. But, with all their striking and picturesque effect, we may doubt whether any of these South- Sicilian gorges throws up a group of pinnacles of such bold and fantastic shape as those which watch over the West-Saxon passes of Cheddar and Ebber. Midland Sicily, the region hemmed in as it were by Midland these various mountain ranges, may be held to come down to the sea on the coast line between Kratas and the peninsular promontory of Eknomos. It is a land of hills, of valleys, of occasional flat ground among the hills. The hills are of every variety of height and shape ; some of the loftiest were early chosen as the sites of primaeval towns, and remain such still. But the Sicilian " monarch of mountains stands apart from all rivalry, from all neighbourhood, ^tna stands inland, yet he has so largely ^tna : influenced the history of the coast that we cannot speak of him as purely inland. The nurse of snow and fire ^ its isola- ^ *^ tion. ^ Pindar, P^'th. i. 19 ; kIqjv 8' ovpavia awex^i, VKpoiaa AiTva, irdt exes X'oi'os o^ems TiOrjva. 72 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. stands geographically isolated from the lesser and older mountains of the island. Mongihello is not the mightiest of a class with others of its class leading up to it ; it is not the loftiest peak of a range with other points of the same mass gathering round it. The Mount of Mounts stands alone, without fellow, almost without vassal. It is a fortress soaring over a subject land, untouched and unapproached by ought save its own bastions and outposts. Rising as it does in its solitary greatness, far above all the heights of Sicily, above all the heights of Southern Europe, its bulk is so vast, its base covers so wide an expanse of ground, the slope of its sides is so gentle, that, from most points, the tore of snow which parts the fruitful lower stage from the fiery summit is needed to remind us how far loftier it is than all the other heights of the island. From Catania above all, the overwhelming near- ness of the terrible and bountiful neighbour seems to take Various away somewhat from its seeming height, ^tna is better I^tna^^ seen alike from yet nearer points and from more distant. From the heights, and even, on a few favourable days, from the shore, of Palermo, from the road between Saracen Caltanisetta and the mouth of the southern Himeras, from Syracuse and its coasts, from the bay between the Xi- phonian promontory and the Leontine plain, we better see what the shape of the mount of fire really is. But best of all is it seen from some nearer points, points where the outlying spurs of the mountain and the ledge, so to speak, in front of it — with the homes of the ancient Sikel and of the newly-come Albanian ^ nestling beneath its mass— all come more clearly into view than from points nearer to the coast. Above all, from the hill of inland Centuripa ^, across the stream of Symaithos, ^tna is seen ^ On this ledge, by Hadranon and fallen Inessa, is Biancavilla, one of the four Albanian settlements. ^ Strabo, vi. 2. 4 ; Kavrai S' vnep KaTavrjs to. KiVTopnra, avvaiTTOVTa rofs AxTvaiois opeai. 73 in all its grandeur. And the thought is strange that, if chap. ii. the learned in such matters tell us true, the hill of Centuripa stood there for untold ages before there was any ^tna to overtop it. But by the historian of Sicily ^tna must be taken for Physical granted as something that was there, something that soared historical over all as it does now, affes before any times with which working ^ , , of ^tna. history has to deal. To him it has been there from the beginning. It has had no small share in the making of his island and in working out its destinies. Its fire-floods are recorded as far back as our annals take us, and it needs no great scientific knowledge to see that they were busily at work in days of which not even the traditions have come down to us. ^tna sent forth his floods to make, in the peninsula of Naxos, the first home of the Greek ; he sent them forth to change the shape of the coast of Catania in days when Sicily had no better king than the second Charles of Spain. He has been mighty to destroy, but he has also been mighty to create and to render fruitful. If his fiery streams have swept away cities, and covered fields, they have given the cities a new material for their buildings; they have given the fields a fresh soil rich above all others in the gifts alike of Liber and of Libera ^. Sicily, and all to whom Sicily is a care, feel, under the shadow of the great mountain of the south, as under the shelter of an awful yet bounteous lord. ^Etna is the roof and crown of the island ; we are tempted to compare his abiding life and strength with the Arvernian peaks burned out long ago, with his lower and younger Cam- panian fellow, whose recorded tale begins when Rome already had Augusti, and who finds it needful ever to ^ Strabo, \d. 2. 3 ; 77 filv ovv crnoSos, Xvnrjaaaa rrpbs Kaipov, evepycreT tt^v Xojpav xpovois vcrrepov evafineXov yap irapex^Tai /cat xp-qaroKaptrov, ttJs d\XT]s ovx dfJLoicos ovcrrjs ivoivov ras Se p'l^as as kncpepci ra KararecppajOevTa Xajpia maiveiv 6' em tooovtov ra TTpofiard Is ^iKav'irjv. I 2 116 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. years ; tlien, giving up their hopes in that quarter, they withdraw to the heel o£ the boot, and there change Cretans from Cretans into lapygians of Messapia. And the lapygians. failure of the Cretans to avenge their king is thrown in their teeth by the Pythia ages after, when they were doubting whether to give help to Hellas in the days of Persian invasion^. In this story the lapygian part may either mark some primitive kindred between Greeks and lapygians, or it may be a throwing back of the process which afterwards spread Greek influences among them 2. In Later another story, though it is one of the endless attempts le^jendfe. connect this or that land or city with the heroes of the Trojan war, we may see one of the cases where a local worship is brought within the range of Greek legend. Settlement Among the accidents of the return from Troy, the Cretan rfon^s." Meriones and his comrades found their way to Sicily, where they were gladly received, not by the people of Minoa on the coast, but by those of inland Engyum ^. There they The were received to citizenship, and they helped to build Engy^um! ^ notable temple to the Mothers, the powers that had watched over the infant Zeus in his Cretan cradle. The harvests of Engyum, like those of many other parts of Sicily, grew up on stony ground. But building-stone was lacking, and the temple of the Mothers arose, so the historian of Agyrium tells us with evident pleasure, out of stone which the men of Engyum brought, by a journey of some length and difficulty, from his native place*. This last story touches Minos and his legend only very indirectly. But his memory springs up again in Sicily in historical times. In after days, when Akragas had arisen, partly at ^ Herod, vii. ^ See Mommsen, die Unteritalisclien Dialekte, p. 97 et seqq. ^ Diod, iv. 79 ; irpoffeSe^avTo rovs KaTan\ev soaring above Hadranum and the other towns on the ledge of hill in front of the great mountain. From other points we can look on the peaked hill of Agyrium^ on Imachara, if Imachara be Norman Troina, and on the mountain home of the goddesses of Sicily. The deep and wide valleys between the diverging ridges, the rays of the star, are not here, as on some other sites, mere stony ravines; the slopes of the hill-sides are fully tilled and largely green with vegetation. For an inland town of this class such a position carried with it both strength and wealth, and we find that Centuripa counted, under Roman rule at least, among the most flourishing towns of Sicily. It is in the Roman days that we get the fullest account of her state, while her surviving monuments belong to the same age or a later. Remains of walls and buildings of Eoman respectable antiquity lie thick on the hill-sides and in some places reach to the hill-tops of Centuripa, witnessing to a former extent of the city within which it has greatly shrunk up, and to a measure of architectural grandeur to which the present town can certainly lay no claim. The masonry of Imperial times, with its heavy wide- jointed bricks, is there in abundance ; fragments of stately columns lie in the front of the head church ; there is much to remind us of the Centuripa whose wrongs were set forth by Cicero, little or nothing to remind us of the city which became 158 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. the ally of Nikias and Lamachos. It is disappointing, amid such a mass o£ later fragments, to find nothing which we are tempted to refer to the days even of the hellenized Sikel. Nor is there anything in the history of the place to connect with any special local worship or local tradition. But the site is enough; the city which so many hills unite to bear aloft, the city which looks down on the richest wheat-fields in the whole island, is pre- eminently Sicilian. We might even say pre-eminently Sikel, if it were not that an older people still may put in a fair claim to the first occupation of a site which so pre- eminently answers the description of those on which the Sikan loved to dwell. Trinakia or It is disappointing to be able to say so little of another Tyrakia. ^[^q\ town whose name perhaps attracts us more than any other. This is Tyrakia, Trinakia, any of the other spellings of the city whose name at least suggests the poetic name of the whole island^. Trinakia was un- doubtedly a strong Sikel post, which drew on itself the avenging wrath of Syracuse, and the tale of whose fall is a stirring one ^. And it has commonly been looked on as continued in the later Tyrakia, a place which ap- pears under Roman rule as small but flourishing, and as clothed with a kind of mystery which does not ill befit the mythical sound of its name. On the other hand, the identity of Trinakia and Tyrakia has been doubted, and a site for Trinakia has been found at the modern Aidone. It is a central point, not ill suited for the purpose, standing on the watershed between the rivers that reach the eastern and those that reach the southern sea. More can hardly be said than that the guess is a likely one, but that it is a guess and no more. I have kept out of my list of Sikel towns a few whose ^ See Appendix VIII. ^ Diod. xii. 39. SIKEL AND GREEK GODS. 159 importance is of another kind, as illustrating above others chap. n. the interchange of religious feelings and worship which Sikel^and gradually took place between the Sikel and the Greek, gods. As in ail other lands, so in Sicily^ the Greeks were ever ready to accept the deities of the land in which they settled^ to worship them according to the rites of their native worshippers^ and at the same time to go as far as they could in bringing the foreign god within the range of their own creed. The deity of the stranger was a Helleniza- Hellenic god under a foreign name, to some extent sik^el^ perhaps under a foreign shape ; at the least he was a ^^ities. banished child of one of the gods of Hellas dwelling in a far country. If he could not well be made the same as Zeus or Apoll6n_, nothing was easier than to make him the son of Zeus or ApoUon by a nymph of the land. His story would be made to put on as far as might be a Greek character ; or one of the established tales of Greek mythology might be boldly moved to a new spot^ and tricked out with details which suited their new dwelling- place. We can see typical examples of both these pro- cesses in the way in which the Greeks dealt with several of the holy places of the Sikel and with the worship and the legends of each. Such above all is Henna^ such also Galeatic is Hadranum^ such is the Galeatic Hybla. With this last, as ^^^^^^ with the one of least moment, we will begin our picture. The name of Hybla, familiar on other grounds, is in truth the name of a deity, doubtless a native Sikel deity ^, in whose honour several spots of Sikel soil were named. There was at Olympia a statue of Zeus bearing a sceptre, an archaic work which was held to be the offering of the men of Hybla 2. Three towns of Sicily might claim to be The three the giver. There was a Hybla, known as the Greater, close to the site of that Megara which was specially distinguished as Hyblaian, of which we shall have to say more when ^ See above, p. 75. ^ Paus. v. 23. 6. See Appendix IX. 160 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. akroiDolis. CHAP. II. we come to the plantation of the Greek settlements in Sicily ^. There is another, known as the Least Hybla_, the modern Ragusa, among the limestone gorges of south- eastern Sicily. But Pausanias^ who had seen the statue, The held it to be the gift of the Hyblaians of ^tna. Their Galeatic . i i • Hybla City, the Lesser, the Galeatic, Hybla, represented by the at Patern5. j^q^j^^.j^ Paternb, sits on an isolated hill not far from the ledge which bears Hadranum, and perhaps Inessa, in front of the great mountain of all. There is little now on the spot to suggest either Sikel, Greek, or Roman days. Paterno was famous in the Norman wars, and the most prominent object there is the stern rectangular keep of The Count Roger^s castle. But that castle represents the fortifications of the akropolis of Hybla, while a whole range of churches at its side, covering the rest of the hill to the south-west, doubtless mark the site of the holy place of the patron goddess. The town lies below to the east ; to the north, ^tna, here plainly girded about by his satellites, rises in all the grandeur of his near neighbour- hood. To the west Symaithos winds to and fro through his valley, and beyond his stream Centuripa sits enthroned on her mountain- top. The hill of the Galeatic Hybla is in truth a model akropolis. Of no remarkable height, positively low beside the sites of the other towns which sur- round it, it seems from the height of Centuripa to dwindle to a hillock. But it is well isolated ; it is a marked object in the distant view, and occupied, as it still is, wholly by buildings of defence and religion, it keeps up with special force the character which the high place of a city bore in old times. But it is on the religious side that the height of Hybla sj ecially concerns us. And objects may be seen from it which directly connect themselves with the worship of the Sikel goddess. Just beyond the river is a hill pierced with ^ See Appendix IX. THE GALEATIC HYBLA. 161 primaeval tombs. Nearer to the akropolis itself, the eye is chap. ii. struck by a wide barren space which at first sight looks like a broad fiumara. It is really the ground which has The mud been made desolate by the last eruption of the mud volcano which at once connects the site with Maccaluba and the Lake of the Palici^. Not far off are mineral springs which were clearly frequented ages back_, as the mud thrown up so lately covers the abiding remains of Roman buildings. Here, we may be sure, we have the key to the nature of the original local worship, to the worship of the goddess of Hybla as a goddess of the nether- world, presiding over the natural phsenomena of the spot. Her worship seems to have run a course of its own, distinct from what we shall find to have happened to more famous forms of Sikel religion. It neither kept itself free from all Hellenic influences nor yet was it wholly absorbed into the range of Hellenic legend. It would seem that in Roman times the goddess The of Hybla became identified with the Latin Venus ^. But HyWa.^ it should be remembered that the Latin Venus was, in her first estate, a harmless goddess of growth, falling in well with one aspect of the powers of the nether-world. It was the extreme piety of the men of Hybla to their local goddess, even when the greatness of their city had passed away and when a small village only surrounded her temple, which led Pausanias to hold them for the most worthy among the bearers of the Hyblaian name to be the givers of the gift at Olympia. He quotes the statesman-historian Devotion of Sicily, Philistos himself, for a picture of the men of Hybla, peopfe of most devout among the barbarians of the island, most skilful Hybla. as interpreters of dreams. The phrase of Philistos shows that in his day the JEtntean Hybla was still distinctively Sikel, and that the sacred lore for which it was specially renowned was part of the native worship of the spot. * See above, p. 75. 2 gee Appendix IX. VOL. I. M 162 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. There is indeed a story of fhe coming of Galeos, son of Apollon and Themisto, wlio is conceived by Greek fancy as the patron of the dream-expounders of Hybla^. But this points only to the introduction of Hellenic ideas and to the modification of the old Sikel belief. Neither this legend nor the identification with Venus proves that the Sikel goddess was either displaced or changed into a purely Hellenic being. Ages after Philistos, in Pausanias^ own day, Sicily had no barbarian inhabitants — save any Roman colonists who spoke their Latin tongue — but Hybla still kept her native honours and her native name. She was reverenced by the Sikeliots with devout worship. The It is only likeness of name which can lead us to couple Hybla^or Least Hybla with that which is only the Lesser. This, Ragusa. ^}^q most southern of the three, has, as far as history goes, its existence barely proved, while geographically it belongs to the same region as Motyca and the other towns of the south-eastern corner. But as at Motyca, the characteristic and instructive nature of the site makes up for the lack of historic record. And we may be sure that each of the three Hyblas was a seat of the worship of the goddess, though it is of one only that the fact has been handed down to us. The third, the Heraian Hybla, commonly, and seemingly with good reason, looked on as represented by the modern Ragusa, occupies one of the most remarkable points among the limestone gorges ^. A few miles north-east of Motyca, at the centre of another group of gorges through one of which flows the river Hyrminos or Ragusa — a real river and not a mere fiumara — stands an all but isolated hill, joined by a low and narrow isthmus to a spur of the far higher ground to the west. This loftier ground is a dis- tinct and opposite height, not, as at Motyca, part of the same mass as the lower hill. The two heights are covered ^ See Appendix IX. ^ See Schubring, Hist, Geog. Studien, p. 109. THE HEEAIAN HYBLA. 163 by two distinct towns^ the Lower and the Upper Ragusa. chap. ii. It is hard to say how either came by the name of the renowned city on the eastern coast of Hadria; but the Lower Ragusa is pre-eminently a site for an ancient city. There is little to see but the site, but the site is clear enough. The wall of the castle occupying the top of the hill cannot fail to represent the wall of the akropolis of Hybla. In some parts we can see how the rock was used as its foundation, and some of the blocks have been used again in the later work. And, if the epithet Heraian comes directly from the Greek goddess Here and not from the Heraian mountains, it is on the height, and not at the foot of the hill, that we may place her temple. The church of Saint George is far more likely to represent a temple of Herakles. It may well be that at this Hybla the local goddess was identified with a different Greek deity from that whose name she bore at the Galeatic town. The lower wall of the town itself, as distinguished from that of the castle, is comparatively modern, but, like the wall of the castle, it doubtless represents the ancient lines. In fact the general effect of the Heraian Hybla is less changed than that of many towns which have much more to show in the way of actual ancient remains. Even the Lower Ragusa stands high above the deep bottoms at its foot, and the lower site, so nearly isolated and commanding the meeting-place of so many gorges, is really a stronger position, according to the notions of early times, than the Upper Ragusa that looks down on it. Of the three Hyblas, the one which has the least story to tell has un- doubtedly the most striking position. Its neighbourhood Remains too is rich in traces of the Sikel or of those before the ndghbour Sikel. The gorges on each side are full of primaeval burro wings ; and at a point on the high table-land above the upper town are abundant signs of early occupation. Wells not a few, stone troughs with channels, wells with M Z 164 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. IT. clutcli-holes^ — the primitive ladder — paths worn deep in the rock by the feet of man and beast^ cuttings of every kind, some which might pass for the stumps of a building with rude columns — all suggest, not so much a town or fortress, as a general meeting-place for the neatherds and shepherds of the now bare hill. And the rude art of primitive times goes on to this day. Places of shelter are still built of stones put together as the Sikan himself may have piled them, roofed in with that early attempt at the construction of the cupola which may be found at New Grange on one side of Sicily and at Mykene on the other. The words of Philistos quoted some way back show that the Galeatic Hybla was in his day distinctly Sikel. But that the barbarians of Hybla were the most devout among the barbarians of Sicily was a doctrine which would have been called in question on several spots more famous than Hybla. If we put aside the stranger goddess of Eryx from the competition, the lake of the Palici and the lake of Pergusa are distinctly the most renowned among the sacred spots of Sicily. We know that the one, we feel sure that the other, was a seat of native and imme- morial Sikel worship which the Greeks simply adopted. The Lake The worship which had its holy place by the lake of the Palici. Palici was one which the Greeks did little more than adopt as it stood. The Sikel gods were still worshipped by their Sikel names and with their Sikel rites ; no really Greek legends arose in honour of the place or its deities ; a few Greek names were thrust in by way of explanation, and that Legend of is all. Italian deities needed no parents ; the Greek mind their birth. ^^^|^ hardly think of deities without them. So the divine and merciful brethren of the Sikel creed, who in that creed sprang from the earth with no tale of birth or generation had parents found for them also. It was an ^ Polemon, ap. Macrobius (v. 19. 18); ol UaXiKol -npoaayopevufievoi irapa Tofs l7xct'/>t0's avrox^oves Oeoi vojju^ovrai. THE PALICI. 165 obvious allegory whicli called them sons of Hephaistos, or of chap. h. Sikel Hadranus^ and the personified Aitne ^ ; another stage gave them Aitne for a mother and Zeus himself for a father. In a third tale all meaning might seem to have passed away from the names, and the Palici are said to be the sons of Zeus by a nymph called Thaleia ^. Yefc even here the origin of the tales is not quite forgotten, for Thaleia is called a daughter of Hephaistos. She, like so many others who shared the love of Zeus, drew on herself the wrath of Here ; but the way in which she sought to escape from her enemy v/as well devised, and was suited to the site of the story and to the nature of the powers of which she was said to be the parent. Either at her own prayer or by the will of her divine lover, Thaleia was hidden in the earth, and there brought forth her twin sons. The earth opened, and the divine brethren came to light, the awful and kindly gods of the Sikel ^. Of the holy places of the newly-born gods, the main feature was two objects which were sacred to them, hardly to be distinguished from the gods themselves, and which are strangely spoken of as their brethren. These were two The two fountains or small lakes of unmeasured depth, ever bub- bling up with hot water, which bore the name of Delli The spot is at some distance from any modern town, near ^ Serv. ^n. ix. 584; '* Alii Vulcani et ^tnse filium tradimt." So Seilenos, author of 'S.iKiXiKa, quoted by Stephen of Byzantium ; he makea Aitne daughter of Okeanos. ^ This is the story followed by Macrobius himself, who took it from -iEschylus. According to Stephen, AlaxvKos kv Ahvalais yeveaXoyei Aios KOI Qakeias rijs 'Hcpa'iorov. ^ Macrobius, v. 19. 18; " Metu Junonis optavit ut sibi terra dehisceret. Factum est ; sed ubi venit terapus maturitatis infantum quos ilia gesta- verat, reclusa terra est et duo infantes de alvo Thalise progressi emer- serunt." * Kallias quoted by Macrobius ; ovtoi Se Kparrjpfs 5vco (Ifflv, ovs dSeXcpovs rwv UaXiKMv ol ^neeXiwrai vo/xi^ovcri. So Macrobius himself (v. 19. 19); " Incolse crateras vocant et nomine Dellos appellant, fratresque eos Pali- corum aestimant." 166 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. a village whicli, in its Arabic name of Favarotta ^, keeps up the memory o£ the sacred waters, while the name of the Palici themselves is thought to be preserved in that of the town of Palagonia. It lies in the great plain, the dale of the Menas or Gurnalunga, which stretches between the two ranges of hills on the southern of which Mensenum is a pro- minent object. Hard by, one of the low hills which break the surface of the plain, a hill steep and rocky, clearly of volcanic formation, is thought to have served as the Site of akropolis of the short-lived city of Palica ^. Without a guide it would not be easy to find out the place. Set on the right track, the traveller first smells the heavy scent of the waters; he then hears the noise, and lastly sees the waters themselves bubbling up. Once in sight, the lake thoroughly proclaims itself as one of the spots where the working of the powers beneath the earth is most clear. We feel its near fellowship with the other natural phseno- mena of Sicily from ^tna downwards, with the lake of The vol- Pergusa, with Maccaluba and Terra Pilata. A clearly volcanic crater, the survivor most likely of a pair, is sunk below the level of the plain. It has no rim like the Alban lake and its smaller neighbour ; there could never be any need of a channel to carry off its waters. But, while the waters of the Alban lake and the lake of Pergusa are as still as the waters of lakes in general, the crater of the Palici at once suggests the thought of a boiling caldron. The whole crater is not now covered with water ; it con- tains a number of spots which are so, and where the water tosses and bubbles. The bubbling reminds one of Mac- caluba on a larger scale ; but the lake of the Palici sends forth no mud ; if it did, it would, like Maccaluba and the crater by Paternb, make its presence felt at a much greater ^ The same name as the Favara near Palermo and other places, always marking hot springs. 2 Diod. xi. 88. LAKE OF THE PALICI. 167 distance. No fisli or water-fowl haunts the lake, as they chap. ii. haunt those of Pergusa and Leontinoi; the gases which are sent up from below still keep their deadly power over small animals. Even for man to lean over the water is The deadly held to be dangerous, as leading to giddiness and head- ^^^* ache. Those who have ventured to disobey the ancient law which forbade the water to be touched report it to be neither hot nor cold. Legend, if not worship, still lingers Modem round the spot. The fairy Donna Fatia has taken the place of Thaleia and her sons. One wonders that none among the many saints of Sicily has made the spot his own. Here, in the plain, stood the house of the Great Twin Brethren of the Sikels, the place of the most abiding and most unmixed worship of their folk. It was the holiest place Sanctity of in Sicily ; the oath sworn there was the most binding of P^^^^- oaths ; the breach of it was the most sure to bring down some fearful judgement on the sinner. Men who had dared to put on the slight sacred garb, to hold the sacred branch, and then to utter falsehoods in the very home of the dreaded powers, had gone forth sightless from the temple ^. They had even, so it is hinted, lost their lives in the boiling steam of the sacred founts. In the sanctuary of the shelter awful Palici the slave found a welcome and a shelter ; fiavgg^^ no master might carry him off by force. If the master^s hard dealing had driven his slave to the holy refuge, he could reclaim him only by binding himself to better treat- ment by the solemn oaths of the place. Those oaths, we are told, even Sicilian masters of later days shrank from breaking 2. No wonder then that, as we go on, we shall find the holy place of the Palici chosen, first as the ^ See Appendix X. ^ Diodoros, historian of the Slave Wars, enlarges somewhat on this head, and ventures to say, ovdeh IcrropUTai tuiv deSojKOTOJV rois o'lKirais mffriv ravT-qv irapaPds. Did masters or slaves keep the record ? 168 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. The Twin Brethren. The nether- gods. home of a revived Sikel nationality^ and afterwards as the place where revolted slaves sought for a blessing on their strife for freedom. In this, one of the most pleasing pieces of old pagan religion, we distinctly see, in a form very little touched by poetic fancy, the primitive worship of the powers of nature, and above all the powers of the earth and of all that is under the earth. The Great Twin Brethren of Palica make us think of the Great Twin Brethren of Amyklai ; and we wonder at the chance which has left the tale of the Palici, who have not even distinct names, so obscure beside that of the other DiosJcoiiroij the Kastor and Polydeukes of heroic song. The two have a common point. Men drew the name of the Palici from their sinking below the earth and again rising ^, and one version of the tale of the Dioskouroi suggests the same thought ^. But besides these faint analogies between native deities of Sicily and deities of old Greece, Sicily has Greek legends of her own, legends which grew up on her own soil, and which clothed the native deities of the land with all the splendour that the poetic imagination of Hellas could devise. But, even in its highest flights, the mythology of Sicily was, in a sense, of the earth, earthy. In a land where the powers of nature were so busily, and often so terribly, at work, men^s minds were naturally drawn to the thought of those who bore sway beneath the earth^s surface. The bounteous soil sending up its rich harvest, the mountain sending down its fiery flood to destroy for a while and to make ^ See Appendix X. ^ This chthonian view of the partnership of the Dioskouroi comes out most strongly in Pindar, Nem. x. 103 ; dfX€pav TcLv fJiev irapa. naTpl (piXo) Act viixovrai rav 5' vvb KevOeai -gala's kv yvd\oi$ QepaTrms. Homer could hardl}'^ have known this story when he made them (II. iii. 243) die and be buried like other people ; Tovs d' i]8t] Kar^x^v (pval^oos aia, kv Aa/CiSaijxovi av9i, ^tA-j? i.vl iraTpidi 70477. DIMETER AND PEESEPHONE. 169 more fruitful in the end — the more common phaenomena of chap. ii. a Hmestone country — the caves in the earth — the rivers finding their way under the earth — all led men's hearts to think with thankfulness, if with dread, of those at whose will such mighty forces were wielded. The worship of the Palici showed the powers beneath the earth in a gentle form. In another w^orship, another legend^ the gentle and the terrible powers were strangely mingled and contrasted. In that worship^ in that legend, the most famous worship and legend of all Sicily; the Sikel and the Greek had each his share. We have come to the special goddesses of the whole island, to the hill of Henna and its patronesses, the Mother and Daughter of whom all Sicily was the chosen home. The tale of Demeter and Persephone, with all the Demeter adornments of Greek fancy, is thoroughly Sikel in its g^phrnl' essence, the natural growth of a creed in which the power of the nether-world held the first place. The bounteous queen of the earth of whose gift comes the golden grain, her harmless daughter and the maidens sporting around her, are brought into strange and hostile contact with the stern ruler of the dwelling-place of the dead. Yet in the mere physical aspect, both are alike powers of the under- world; we may feel inclined to hold that the conception of the awful Persephoneia as the stern queen of Aidoneus is an older notion than that which paints her as the bright daughter of Demeter carried off against her will by the lord of the nether-realm ^. However this may be, it is easy to see in the famous Sikel origin tale sung in the verse of Ovid and Claudian, some piece of Worship, ancient Sikel worship which has wholly lost its character amid the gorgeous trappings of Greek fancy. It is so changed that the very names of the original local deities are forgotten. Greek imagination failed to take hold of the ^ See Appendix XI. 170 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. local religion of the lake o£ tlie Palici ; ifc did take hold, with no small effect, of the local religion of the lake of Pergusa. When we look at the oldest forms of the Greek tale of Demeter and the Kore, we see at once that it had at Oldest first nothing to do with Henna or with Sicily ^. It was Creek form . • , , . . . of the simply carried thither, as other stories were carried to new legend. places, when Sicily and Henna had become familiar to Greek imaginations. But if the worship had been purely Hellenic, if the Greek settlers in Sicily had simply carried their goddesses with them, the new place for the story would surely have been chosen within the range of Greek settlement. Demeter and the Kore were worshipped at Syracuse, and in the legend itself we see an Henna. attempt to connect the tale with Syracuse. But Sikel Henna is the home of the legend, the home of the goddesses of Sicily. Surely some local worship, some local story, some other tale of the nether-powers, like that of the Palici, drew to itself, first Greek worshippers and then Adoption Greek poets and expounders. In the case of the Palici, worship, the Greeks were satisfied to adopt the local worship as it stood; but something in the local worship of Henna, something in the character of the deities worshipped there, fell in with the already existing legends of Demeter, Persephone, and Aidoneus. The Sikel deities and their worship were merged in the Greek deities and their worship. Demeter and her Child became the presiding and protecting powers of all Sicily. The island itself was the gift which Zeus gave to his daughter at her marriage with her gloomy bridegroom ^. One can hardly say whether it was the Greek that led captive the Sikel or the Sikel that led captive the Greek, when the gods of Sikel worship were so thoroughly sunk in those of Greece. The very names of the Sikel goddesses might pass away, but their ^ As in the Homeridian Hymn to Demeter. See Appendix XI. 2 See Appendix XI. THE LEGEND OF HENNA. 171 holy place became the spiritual centre o£ the island for chap. ir. Sikel and Greek alike. The place was well chosen for its purpose. The city of Site of the two goddesses comes nearer than any other spot in Sicily to being a physical as well as a religious centre. Henna has in some sort kept its name to this day; for The name. Casr Janni^ Castrum Johan7iis, Castrogiovanni, is not a really distinct name which has displaced the elder one; it is simply a corruption or misunderstanding, due to Saracen occupants, of the older form Castrum TLnnce. But that a site so pre-eminently religious should come to take the word castrum as part of its usual description marks a change_, but a change which could not fail to come. In the days of Sikel, Greek, and Roman, Henna the Inex- pugnable was indeed more than once called on to play the part of a fortress ; but its religious character ever came first. And when the great cycle came round again, though its military character now comes first, yet somewhat of sanctity may be thought to cleave to a place which was so pre-eminently the battle-field of creeds, of the two rival creeds before which the faith of the Sikel and the Greek had passed away. Though Casr Janni cannot boast of being, like Its place in Rametta and like Noto, the last post held either by Christian wars.^^^^^" against Mussulman or by Mussulman against Christian, it was, in the ninth century and in the eleventh, stoutly indeed defended by the votaries of each creed in turn. For the same features which fitted Henna to be a religious centre fitted Castrum Entm to be a warlike centre. Other cities set on hills cannot be hid; but Henna is set on so high a hill that it sometimes is hid from the eyes of those who may look to the hills for help. Rising three thousand The moiin- feet and more above the sea, the loftiest inhabited spot in Sicily, the hill of Henna would anywhere in southern Britain, anywhere in northern or central Gaul, pass for a mighty mountain. It would seem a spot where 172 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. the goat might climb or the bird of prey might soar, but where man would never pitch his home or even his place of shelter, amidst ice and snow, clouds and mist. Even in the climate of Sicily, it must have always depended on the shifting vapours whether the men of Henna could catch a glimpse of the land below them_, or whether friends or enemies could see aught of the houses of defence or of worship on the height. Even round the height which fronts it_, the height of Calascibetta — whose fame dates only from the days of the Arab and the Norman and whose name proclaims the Arab as its founder — far lower as its summit is than that of Henna, the clouds sweep fitfully ; one half of the town stands out in clear daylight, while the other half is shrouded by the fleeting mist. Yet for those who did not shrink from thus becoming the sport of the powers of the air, the hill of Henna was not Strength of without its attractions. The site was in many ways fitted t epost. become the great central post of a people and its worship. The height was in itself so steep as hardly to Ancient need defences wrought by the hand of man. The modern approach. ^^^^ approached by roads on each side of the hill, by a well-engineered zigzag road on its northern side. But there is still a path of the older kind, a path steep and stony as becomes it, the path by which we may be pretty sure that all conquerors of the island, from the Sikel to the Norman, made their way to the height which could not be conquered. Here we come in by a gate, itself of no great antiquity, but which seems to have older frag- ments of wall attached to it, while a deep hole in the rock hard by, and the general air of the approach, make us feel that this is the fitting way by which to climb up to the navel of Sicily. But the true nature of the hill will hardly be taken in by any one who draws near The two to it from the north side. As seen from the other side, we might say that Henna, or at least Castrogiovannij SITE OF HENNA. 173 is built on two hills. There are two heights, with chap. ii. a deep ravine between them, of which nothing is seen from the more frequented side. As usual, the sides of the ravine are thickly hollowed with primaeval burro w- ings, which form a strange contrast to the modern houses, which here, as in other towns of the limestone gorges, coming down as low as the slope of the hill will let them, are built immediately above the homes and dwelling- places of the still unhellenized Sikel. The hill rises high on both sides, and this wild piece of scenery in the midst of an inhabited town has a stranger effect than even the general position of the mountain-city itself. The summit of the hill supplied a table-land of some The extent, enough for all the buildings of a considerable ^^°P^^^^* town. At the east end the hill rises and narrows to furnish a fit site for an akropolis, and beyond that it rises and narrows yet again to furnish the most lordly place of all either for a house of worship or for a house of warfare. That spot stands forth as the very crown and centre of all inhabited Sicily. From their high place The out- Henna and its goddesses could look up, down, and around, t^g^^ii"^ on the sea of hills, tossed up and down into their abiding shapes, and swept and curled by the passing clouds into shapes ever-shifting. Here, as everywhere else where the eye can reach him, the Mount of Mounts soars over all, lifting his imperial crown above all the smaller poten- tates around him. Yet all is not barren, all is not even mountainous. The fruits of Sicily, native and imported, climb up the mountain side; the vines of Snowdon or Skiddaw would have a strange sound indeed; but here the gift of Liber struggles far up the path towards the high place of Libera. And below the eye can rest, as did the eye of Cicero ^, on the rich fields which were the special demesne of Henna^s goddess, the fields which were one day ^ Verr. iv. 48. See Appendix XI. 174 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. n. to make Sicily the granary o£ Rome. And lest_, on this island site, the folk of Sicily should forget that their home was in an island, an island open to the coming of men of other races, it is said that in hours of special brightness the blue line of the Mediterranean can be traced, the line of its eastern waters, the waters that Mutual make the path from Hellas. By that path those were to influence of Greek and comc who were to make Henna and its temple famous among the sanctuaries of the earth. On that hill Sikel and Greek were to put forth their powers of mutual influence in their highest measure. Henna was no Greek foundation ; it must be the mere blunder of a late com- piler, unconfirmed as it is by any higher authority. Henna which makes the inland city a colony of Syracuse ^. We iiellenized. may be sure that Henna was a Sikel stronghold, a Sikel holy place, from an age altogether prse-historic. But as the Sikel was drawn to the higher culture of the Greek, as the Greek learned to worship tjie gods of the Sikel and to interweave their tales into his own mythology. Henna would naturally put on a Greek character without any sudden or violent change. The life of the Greek citizen would grow up there more easily than on other Sikel heights which did not in the same way draw foreign worshippers, and whose forms did not in the same way allow them to become the sites of considerable towns. Modern There is no spot of an historic fame so ancient and so STstroo-i^o- abiding as that of Henna which keeps so few memorials vanm. earlier history. In these later days the city has certainly not been ruined by unbroken prosperity; yet it has less to show of the days of its greatness than Messana or even than Massalia. Here and there we mark a wheel-track or a cutting of the rock, but it is disappointing that in a place so full of memories, Sikel, Greek, Boman, Saracen, and Norman, we can find ^ Stepli. Byz. in '^Evva. See Appendix XI. •MODEJaN CASTHOGIOVANNI. 175 nothing, no wall or castle or temple or cliurch or palace_, chap. ii. older than the kings of the house of Aragon. We have Small no clue to the site of the theatre which beheld the Roman re^nains massacre ; we can guess, with every likelihood, but we can only guess, at the site of the renowned temple of the Mother and her Child. The site of the temple is placed on the point already spoken of, the extreme point of the hill towards the east. We pass out of the town ; we pass by the castle of King Frederick ; we mark a piece of wall crowning the cliff, a piece of wall not of yesterday, but which we are assuredly not tempted to carry back to the days of Sikel independence. At last, a mass of rock rising sheer from the plain is reached by a flight of steps cut in the rock. From such a point Demeter could indeed look The forth over her island, and her island could look up to its goddess. In the absence of all direct evidence, we may provisionally accept this site as that of the holiest place of pagan Sicily. To this famous spot then and its neighbourhood the The legend fancy of the Greeks of Sicily transferred a legend which tm^s^ferred^ had already grown to a great place in their mythology. Henna. From the Iliad and Odyssey we should hardly be justified in inferring any connexion between the goddess of Sicilian and Eleusinian worship and the awful queen of the nether- world^. We may say the same of one passage in the Hesiodic oldest Theogony where Persephone appears as thoroughly at home pgpgg- among the powers of that world. In another passage she v^^n^- appears, according to the ordinary story, as a daughter of Zeus and Demeter, carried off by Aidoneus and bestowed on him by Zeus ^. In the Homeridian hymn to Demeter Eleusinian we have the story in its full developement ; but it is told ^J^lter! only in the interest of Eleusis, not at all in the interest of Sicily. Here we see the maiden Persephone with her ^ See Appendix XI. ^ Appendix XI. 176 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. comrades gathering flowers ; we see the wonderful flower that she gathers ; we see the sudden coming of Aidoneus, the carrying of the Kore to the nether-world, the sojourn of Demeter at Eleusis, the reconciliation with Aidoneus, the compromise by which Persephone spends part of the year above ground and part below. All these are parts of ^. the Eleusinian story. But there is no mention of Sicily. It mention ^ ^ of Sicily, is not from Sicily that the Kore is carried off; the search through all the world, and specially through Sicily, has no place in this distinctly Eleusinian version. The local features of course grew up after the Greek settlers had carried the tale to Si(,'ily, and had found a place for it at Slight Henna. Other Sicilian towns indeed claimed the honour ; Henna in it is a little striking that during the most flourishing earlier days of the Sicilian Greek we hear little of Henna as writers. the home of 'the goddesses. It may be that, while Gelon was reigning at Syracuse, while Timoleon was delivering Sicily, the Sikel sanctuary was only gradually making its way to the highest place in Greek reverence, and that its greatest day of honour belonged to a later time. But in the end the rights and the legend of Henna become undisputed ; the sanctuary of the goddesses became the birth-place of both, of the Mother no Later fame less than of the Daughter ^. The fame of Henna spread through the world. The navel of the fairest of islands was sung at the court of a Ptolemy of Egypt ^. It is somewhat strange that our first complete picture of Henna as the home of the goddesses, our first complete telling of the local tale, should come from the oratory of the Roman Cicero. pleader as he sets forth the wrongs of Sicily. Now at last ^ Cic. Verr. iv. 48 ; Nam et natas esse in his locis deas et fruges in ea terra primum repertas arbitrantur," The coupling of mother and daughter as both natives of Henna is to be noticed. It might point to some Sikel tradition quite different from the Greek Demeter. ^ See the lines of Kallimachos in Appendix XL LATER FAME OE HENNA. 177 we hear in full o£ the city on the height^ with its table-land chap. n. cut off from all approach ^. Now we hear of the reverence paid to the spot by the whole worlds a reverence which among the men of Sicily had become the very essence of their lives ^. It is from the mouth of Cicero that we first hear of the groves and the lake, the lake girded with flowers through the whole year, of the cave to the north of untold depth, from which the chariot of Dis came forth to bear away the unsuspecting Libera ^. From him we first hear of the lake by Syracuse which opened to receive the lord of the nether- world back to his own realm and of the torch which the mourning mother lighted at the furnace of ^tna to seek for her lost daughter throughout the world ^. When we hear from Latin lips the tale into which Sikel Were the beliefs had been wrought by Hellenic fancy, when for ^ nameg while we exchange Demeter and Persephone and Aidoneus • for Ceres and Libera and Dis, we ask whether these Italian words in the mouth of the Opican of Arpinum do in any way come nearer to the sacred names which were heard on the hill of Henna in the old days before the Greek had become, in the things of the spiritual world, at least as much the pupil of the Sikel as his master. It may therefore be strange, but it is after all not The Latin poets. ^ Cic, u. s. "Enna . . . est in loco prsecelso atque edito, quo in summo est sequata agri planities et aquae perennes ; tota vero ab omni aditu circura- cisa atque dirempta est." ^ lb. *'Hoc cum cseterge gentes sic arbitrantur, turn ipsis Siculis tarn persuasum est ut animis eorum insitum atque innatum esse videatur." ^ lb. " Raptam esse Liberam quam eamdem Proserpinam vocant ex Ennensium nemore, qui locus, quod in media est insula situs, umbilicus Sicilise nominatur." * lb. ''Propter est spelunca quaedam, conversa ad aquilonem, infinita altitudine, qua Ditem patrem ferunt repente cum curru exstitisse ab- reptamque ex eo loco virginem secum asportasse, et subito non longe a Syracusis penetrasse sub terras, lacumque in eo loco repente exstitisse." ^ lb. *' Quam cum investigare et conquirere Ceres vellet, dicitur in- flammasse tsedas iis ignibus qui ex ^tnse vertice erumpunt, quasi sibi cum ipsa praeferret, orbem omnium peragrasse terrarum." VOL. I. N 178 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. wholly unfitting, that the strains which set forth the glories of Henna and her goddesses in all their fulness should come from the lips, not of Greek but of Latin poets. It is but a tribute from the more lucky to the less lucky branch of the same stock. But strangest of all does it seem that we have to go to the same minstrel to hear the praises of Stilicho and the curses on Rufinus, and to hear the aged tale of Demeter and her Child wrought up to a measure of fulness which has no like among extant Claudian. poets. Yet we would gladly give them all up, Ovid and Claudian and any chance tribute from other poets, could we but find a line or two in the style of " Enos Lases juvate " sung by a Sikel bard to the Sikel deities. Yet the fate of the ancient Latin religion has in truth been much The Latin the same in Italy and in Sicily. In Italy the mere names religion in i-i Italy and of the native deities lived on ; but their character and ^^icily. personality were lost in those of the Greek gods who were supposed to answer to them. In this particular case the change has not been so violent as in some others. Demeter and the Kore have something in common with Ceres and Libera, while it is not a little hard to see how Greek Aphrodite came to be looked on as answering to Latin Venus or Greek Hermeias to Latin Mercurius. The native powers of Henna, whether called Ceres and Libera or anything else, hardly changed their characters when Greek names were given them. But the process is the same alike in Sicily and in Italy; the whole mythology of the stranger is applied to the native deity, whether so to do involves a change of character or not. Here and there a native power, say Latin Pales and the pos- sibly kindred Palici, kept both name and character; others again, like Vertumnus and Pomona, without being identified with any Greek deities, had adventures in the Greek style invented for them. And after all, the great mass of the Italian gods, the plebeian multitude which formed the Lower SIKEL AND LATIN RELIGION. 179 House in the divine Comitia^, remained untouclied throag-h chap. ti. their own insignificance. The crowd of powers^ presiding over every function of human life_, whose names Saint Augustine learned of Varro^^ have had no hellenizing legends devised for them. We have every reason to believe that^ if we knew as much of local Sikel religion as we know — little as that knowledge is — of local Italian religion, we should see much the same story in both lands. But of the Sikel Survivals of Sikel religion we have only survivals, and but few of them, religion. In the worship and legend of the Palici the Greek insertions are so small and unimportant that we may say that we have the genuine thing left to us. At the native worship of the goddesses of Henna we can only guess, but our guess is a pretty safe one. In its Greek shape it gradually came to the first place among Sicihan forms of local worship. But the spiritual pre- Later his- eminence of Henna seems not to have assured its tern- jjenna. poral prosperity. It shared in the general decline of the Sicilian towns. Not so very long after the glowing picture of Cicero, Strabo speaks of it as a declining place ^. And the most brilliant picture of the goddesses and their tale came just before the end. Soon after Claudian^s day all religious glory passed away from Henna. To her Christian inhabitants the gentle goddesses of the soil became evil beings, workers of sorcery and all wicked- ness. Her Mussulman masters most likely never heard ^ The general notion is not uncommon in the Latin writers. The parti- cular phrase "plebs" among the gods I get from two passages of Ovid, Met. i. 173, and Ibis, 81 ; " Vos quoque plebs superum, Fauni, Satyrique, Laresque, Fluminaque et Nymphse, semideumque genus." See Comparative Politics, 202-3. ^ De Civ. Dei, iv. 11. ^ Strabo, vi. 2. 6 ; 5e Trj iJ.eaoyaia, rriv /j.^v'^Evvav, kv rj to upbv rfjs Arjfxrp-pos, 'dxovaiv 6\iyoi, KUfiiv-qv IttI \6(pa}, nepici^ijfifievrjv irKaTiciv opcoTTeSLois dpoalfiois iraaLv. N % 180 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. their names. Nor did Henna^ like Syracuse^ win back her holiness in a new shape by becoming a place of spiritual rule and pilgrimage under the new creed. But the mountain city lived on, renowned among the cities o£ Sicily, though no mitred prelate ever dwelled on her height, and though the rival hill beneath her was chosen before her as a dwelling-place of kings. Lake The lake of Pergusa, we may be sure, was, like the Pergusa. j^j^^ Palici, an essential part of the worship of the goddesses from the beginning. Its character, as a marked volcanic basin, shows with what a true instinct it was chosen for a place in the legends of the powers beneath the earth. It is a lake of no great extent, one which may be walked round in little more than an hour. Of a nearly oval shape, the whole is taken in at a glance; it has surrounding hills which at some points rise into peaks of marked outline, while others are mere low downs, sometimes sinking so as to be hardly more than a rim to the lake. Pergusa may easily have been unseen from the height of Henna ; the first impres- sion of the traveller who approaches from that side, the northern side, may well be that the lake and its surroundings form a world of their own, cut off from the sight of all beyond their own surrounding hills. And so it is through a large part of the laker's circuit, though there are points from which the holy hill of the goddesses comes boldly into the view. There is some- thing striking in the solitude of the spot, something striking in the contrast between the lake of Henna and the site of Henna itself. But it hardly comes up to the elaborate pictures of the poets, and assuredly the surround- ings of the volcanic lake do not make a vale. Present Lookiuff, on the other hand, at the spot as the scene of a state of the f f lake and great manifestation of the powers of the nether- world, it is rouiidings ; thoroughly well chosen. Poisonous gases, it is said, are at LAKE PEEGUSA. 181 times sent up from beneath tlie waters of the lake^ showing chap. ii. its kindred with the more active craters of Maccaluba and the Palici. The surrounding hills are in several places burrowed into with holes which might well suggest them- selves as passages to the realm of Aidoneus. The sul- phurous hills too between Henna and the lake suggest the nether powers in another shape^ as does in a way, so widely different, the green corn, the special gift of Henna^s own goddess, thick on every piece of ground that can be made to bear it. But the poetic picture of the woods coming down to the banks of the lake is now, if it ever was otherwise, merely a poetic picture. The sur- hills ; rounding hills are mainly bare, though it is true that here and there trees do show themselves of other kinds than the utilitarian olive and almond. The eternal spring, with its boundless wealth of bloom, is hardly to be seen, at least not in the last days of February. The hundred- flowers, headed narcissus may be looked for in vain, but daisies and other simple flowers may be gathered, though in no special abundance. Not only is the song of the swans as mythical at Pergusa as elsewhere ; the swans themselves have vanished ; of smaller water-fowl there is a fair store on the rippling waves, and the place seems, unlike the deadly waters of the Palici, to be a chosen resort of birds of many kinds. But the lake remains, physically far less changed than the other lake with which we are so con- stantly led to compare and contrast it. The later legends The early which have grown around it are surely softenings or ^°^^^^P' poetic adornments of the native tradition. The first chthonian powers that were worshipped by the lake-side were doubtless in many things very unlike the sportive maiden and the mourning mother. But the nature of the legends which grew up, the analogy of the Palici, the very fact that the Greeks came to look on the deities of the place as one and the same with their 182 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. own kindly goddesses^ may lead us to think that tlie deities o£ Henna were looked on as kindly powers from the beginning. Aoyriuni. Far less famous than Henna and its temple was a holy place in a Sikel city of which we have already made some casual mention, but where we are not so much inclined to see the survival of any ancient Sikel worship, as a case in which hellenized Sikels adopted Exploits a Greek story to the exaltation of their own city. The in Sicily, exploits of Herakles in Sicily meet us in many quarters and in many shapes, and in many of them we have to con- sider how far our seemingly Greek Herakles may be truly a Phoenician Melkart. We may perhaps bring ourselves to see him in that character at the foot of the mount of Eryx. But when, after his doings there, he comes on to the site that was to be Syracuse ^ and to the city that was already Agyrium ^, we see that this part of his travels is merely tacked on in the interest of the Greek and the Sikel city. It was tacked on by men who perfectly well under- stood the relations of Greeks and Sikels as they stood in the independent times of Sicily. The story seems to have Herakles been an explanation of some local phienomenon. Not far Hum""^ from Agyrium was shown the likeness of the feet of oxen stamped in the hard rock as in wax ^. These of course Feast of were the oxen of Geryones. The men of Agyrium kept a^dlolaos, ^ feast to Herakles, in which he was honoured with worship equal to that of the gods of Olympos. This worship was first offered to the hero in person, and he accepted it gladly as a sign of his coming immortality; for it w^as the first worship of the kind that had been ^ Diod. iv. 23. ^ lb. 24 ; 'idiov Ti (Tvve^Tj yevecrOai ircpl rriv rtoKiv twv ' Ay vpivaicov. ^ lb. ; oSoC yap ovarjs ovk diroOev rrjs TruAecwj n(Tpu>5ovs, at fiovs rd tx^l KaOdirep eni Krjpov tivos d-niTVirovvro. HEEAKLES AT AGYRIUM. 183 offered to him ^. For his new worshippers he wrought chap. ii. benefits^ making for them a lake before their city which should bear his name^ as also should the place which was marked by the feet of his oxen. He then, in a fit, it would seem, of generous and friendly memories, dedicated temples both to his friend lolaos and to his defeated enemy Geryones. Both kept their honours in the days of Diodoros ^. To lolaos the youth of Agyrium dedicated their hair; the joint feast of Herakles and his chosen comrade was kept year by year with horse-races and athletic games ^. To these were added rites and banquets whose rules breathed the spirit of the Palici. When the hero came in the flesh to Agyrium, bond and free went forth to meet him. So on the day of Herakles the slave Kindness shared in all things as the equal of his master slaves. This tale, we may be sure, is practically Greek. Sikel Native and Agyrium did not devise its legend of Herakles till legends dements, of Herakles were pretty well spread throughout Sicily. But the kindly provision about the slaves was surely handed on from some native worship. And the same spirit of kindliness may be seen in the local worship of another sanctuary which has been claimed as Phoenician, but in which I venture to see yet another holy place of the Sikel. This is Hadranum, the seat of the worship of Hadrauum. ^ Diod. iv. 24 ; ev Tavrrj yap TifXTjOfh eviar}? rots 'O\.v/xmois OeoTs iravtjyvpecn teal Ovalais Xafxvpais, Kaimp Kara rovs efJ.Trpoa9ev xpovovs ovSep-iav Ova'iav irpoff- S^x^f^^^oi, Tore -npcoTWs avvevSoKrjcre . . . vop-iaas i]8r] n XafxfSdveiv Tfjs dOa- vaaias, vpoatSex^TO rds TtXovjikvas vtto tojv eyxojpioov tear' kvtavTov dvaias. ^ lb. ; Tefxevos KaOiepojcrev ijpaj'c T-qpvovy, 0 }J.expi tov vvv TipaTai Trapd TOIS l7xwpi'o£S. ^ lb. He adds some details. At Agyrium lolaos is simpl}? the comrade of Herakles. Further on (Diod. iv. 29) he appears as the colonizer of Sardinia (cf. Paus. x. 17. 2, Pseud. Arist. Mirab. Auscult, 100). This character perhaps came in when Sardinia was so much in men's minds. See Herod, i. 170 ; v. 106, 124. * Diod. u. s. ; iravZrjixov 8e Tr,s aTroSox^? kKevOipojv re KOi SovKojv yivofievqs, learedH^av nal rovs olKeras I5ia TtfxSjvTas tov O^ov didaovs re awdyeiv Koi owiovras ivwxias re /cat Qva'ias tw Oeco avvTiXiiv. 184 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. the god Hadranus^ whose name lives on almost without change in the modem Adernb. The site has been already spoken of, as placed on that lofty ledge of hill which looks down on the windings of Symaithos and looks up to the snows of ^tna. For the god and his temple an easy Hadranus Semitic derivation has been found. Adrammelech the god go(j^ of Sepharvaim, or some deity bearing a kindred name, has been translated to the inland Sicilian height^. Yet one does not see why the religious mind of the Sikel, or even of the Sikan before him, should not have been equal^ on such a spot, to devising a fire-god of his own, without Whether waiting to be enlightened by Semitic teachers. Phoe- Phcenician. . . n , , j xi • p mcian wares may well enough have made their way rrom the coast to the inland parts of the island ; Phoenician gods are less likely. There seems no reason to look on Hadranus the fire-god, identified with the Greek He- phaistos, spoken of as the father of the Palici^, as any- thing but yet another of those powers of the under- world whose worship on Sicilian ground was the natural fruit of the physical pheenomena of the land. Placed on a point which forms a more prominent object and one more constantly in view than many loftier points, close, to all appearance, to the snowy sides, the fiery top, of jEtna himself, no place could be better suited for the sanctuary of a native god of fire. The helmed and bearded Hadranus, wielding his spear ^, may also have ^ Holm (i. 94, 377) is very strong for the Phoenician origin of Hadranos. Movers (i. 340) has a Semitic fire-god or whom we find in the god of Sepliarvaim and in the undutiful son of Sennacherib. Michalis (Die Paliken, p. 51) allows him to be Sikel. Cf. Brunet de Presle, 464. ^ See above, p. 165, and Appendix X. ^ The town appears in Plutarch (Tim, 12) as ttoKis iiiKpa fiev, Upd Sc ovaa ''Adpavov, ^eo9 riuos TiiJ.cofj.evov Zia Hepl 'SiKeXlas davf^a^o/j-evajv (prjoiv on enl Ad(pvi5os 'Akis TTorafjids St/feA/aj ovk ^v. ^ Diod, iv. 84 (see above, p. 70) ; kv ravrrf Se ttj X'^P^ (XwayKe'ias divdpoiv ovarfs OeoTTpevovs, koX Ijfvfxcpais aXaovs dveifiivov, ju-vOoXoyovcri yevvrjOrjvai rbv dvoiAC^ofievov Ad rbv wKfavbv dientpaae) in Apollodoros, ii. 5, 10. The superior geo- graphical knowledge of Biodoros (iv. 17 et seqq.) hides this in a cloud of words. But a Sicilian voice had already told the story in the Geryoneid of Stesichoros, of which we have such a precious fragment; Bergk, ii. 209. VOL. I. P 210 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. rained down to tlie help of his son ^ He has passed through Italy and had cleared the site that was to be Rome from the robber Cacus ^. At last he reaches the strait of Sicily, in Sicily. Then he desires to see the land and swims across^ seem- ingly with the whole herd as his companions ^. In another tale a single bull escapes and swims across, and the hero follows in some other sort*. He goes westward; at different stages of his journey the nymphs of the land throw up the warm waters of Himera and Segesta to His wrest- refresh him on his journey ^. His exploit at Eryx is Eryx!^^*^ told with some varieties of detail ; but in any case he overcomes in wrestling the king or the king^s son of the land, who has either given his name to the mountain or has taken his name from it. The former is the earlier and more usual process; Eryx king of the Elymians was surely looked on as a founder and eponymos. In one account he is son of Poseidon ; in another he is son of the No sign of reigning king Boutas by Aphrodite®. Here there is no sign Tioy. Troy; but there is much material which a later legend- maker might weave into a Trojan story. There is no hint whence King Boutas or King Eryx came; but they are brought within a mythological range which may easily be Phoenician. In one version Herakles and Eryx wrestle on ^ So said ^^schylus in Prometheus Unbound. Strabo quotes the verses, iv. 1-7; but the bolts of Zeus were sadly misapplied when they were used to pave the streets of Aries. ^ That is, if we believe Livy's episode in i. 7. But our guide from Agyrium, who ought to know about his own patron, instead of a robber Cacus, has (iv. 21) a worthy patrician called Caecius, who joins with Pinarius in welcoming the hero. Was Cacus the eponymos of a gens Cacia ? ^ Diod. iv. 22 ; rd? n\v Povs kirepalojafv ds Tr}v 'ZiK^Kiav, avros ravpov Kepojs Xa^ofjievos, Sievrj^aTO rbv -nopov. * The story of the escaped firaXos we have heard already. See Ap- pendix II. ^ Diod. iv. 23. He goes on to mention those of Himera and Segesta. See above, pp. 76, 77. ^ See Appendix XII. THE TKOJAN STOEY. 211 the terms, that Herakles, i£ defeated, shall give Eryx the chap. ii. oxen, that Eryx, if defeated, shall ffive Herakles the land Treaty ^ ' A . • between of Eryx. The land passes to Herakles, who leaves it, as it Herakles were on lease, to its own people, who are to give it up when- ever a descendant of his comes to claim it ^. This tenure sounds very much as if it were devised Its origin, to serve the purposes of the Spartan Dorieus in the sixth century^. But the story of Dorieus shows none the less that the legend of Herakles at Eryx was by that time fully established ; it thereby, as we have said, takes away any claim to antiquity on the part of the Trojan story. That story again we have in several shapes. The oldest, we Oldest may be sure, as it is the simplest, is that which we find in Trojan Thucydides. Here we have no names ; we are merely told ^^^^y- that the Elymians who settled Segesta and Eryx were Trojans who came after the taking of Troy. The later and more detailed stories were perhaps devised by men who saw that, if the Elymians did not settle on Eryx till after the fall of Troy, Herakles could not have found a king of the Elymians reigning there. We are now told that, Later before the days of Priam, a leading man in Troy, call him Phoinodamas or anything else ^, drew on himself the wrath of Laomedon. He is slain ; his sons are slain ; but the slayer scruples to slay the dead man-'s maiden daughters, while he fears to give them in marriage to any man in Troy. He hands them over to merchants, bidding them to take them to as far a country as possible. One account says that they were to take them to the land of the Laistrygones — a dark way of naming Sicily — seemingly that they may be eaten, either by the Laistrygones them- selves or by some other of the monsters of the unknown ^ This is the version of Diodoros. See Appendix XII, as also the more meagre account of Apollodoros. ^ See Herod, v. 43. We shall come to him again. ^ These are the two versions of Lykophron and Dionysios, compared in detail in Appendix XII. P 3 212 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. Birth of his story. Elyiiios son of Anchises. Aphrodite- Aineias. land. Of two of tlie maidens we hear but little, the third becomes, either by an admiring fellow-passenger or by the river-god Krimisos, the mother of a son named Aigestos. Of these two stories of parentage the former has a prosaic and pragmatizing sound. But all three sisters seem to join in building a temple to a power who is most darkly described, but in whom we may dimly see Aphrodite, mother of the wrestler Eryx ^. Eryx him- self is not named, neither is Herakles ; but their story seems taken for granted. Aigestos, brought up in Sicily, learns the tongue and habits of the country, seemingly those of the Sikans. But he does not forget his Trojan descent ; he goes and bears arms for Ilios in the Achaian siege, and, after the fall of the city, he comes back to Sicily with a comrade named Elymos. Elymos is oddly described as a bastard of Anchises, the son, we are to suppose, of some mother even less lawful than Aphro- dite ^. Aphrodite^s own son Aineias is in one version not mentioned at all ; in another Aigestos is said to have entertained him on his way to Italy and by his help to have founded the cities of Aigesta (Segesta) and Eryx. The visit of Aineias was also witnessed by his temple at Segesta and by the altar of Aphrodite- Aineias on the height of Eryx ^. We may be tempted to guess that it was this altar, whatever meaning we put on the surname of the goddess, which suggested the visit of Aineias to Sicily. One thing is plain; in these tales there is an attempt to reconcile the date given by Thucydides to the Elymian settlement with the earlier date implied in the story of Herakles. The beginnings of settlement come before the fall of Ilios ; ^ Mrjripos ZijpvvO'ias arjKov fiiyav iu Lykophron, 958. See Appendix XII. 2 YlTopeov 'A7xto'ov voOov, says Lykophron, 965. This must be the same as the Elymos of the other story. ^ On this epithet of Aphrodite, see Appendix XII. LATER FORMS OF THE TROJAN STORY. 213 but the actual foundation of the Elymian towns, and the chap. ii. Elymian name itself, come after it. That the tale is of Evidence Greek devising, and not of native birth at Eryx or else- where, appears from the form given to the name of the epSnymos. He does not reproduce the real name of the Elymian city, namely Segesta, but its Greek shape Aigesta or Egesta. To give that city and its fellow greater dignity, Aineias is brought in in person. An opening was thereby made for many further improvements. Virgil recast the Virgil'.s tale at pleasure ; or, more truly, he made but few changes ^*^'^^* in the story itself, but he worked many of its details into his daring conception of a tale which should bring together the beginnings of Carthage and of Rome. In such a tale the geographical position of Sicily made it as impossible to leave it out as in the real story of the Punic wars. But it is worth noticing how little Virgil has to say about the Elymian corner of Sicily, as long as the scene of the story lies at Carthage or under Carthaginian influences. When Aineias tells his story to Dido, he has a good deal to tell about the eastern coast, about the Kyklopes and the Laistrygones and the fountain of Arethousa^. He sees Kamarina and Gela, and Akragas on its height, ages before they came into being, and he supplies Selinous with an epithet of doubtful meaning^. He paints the haven of Lilybaion as one who had himself felt a keel scrape on the bottom of its sluggish waters. He brings Anchises to Drepana to die ^ ; we barely hear that he is buried Of ^ iii. 554-696, with the picture of the strait put into the mouth of Helenos, iii. 414 et seqq. ^ iii. 705 ; ''Palmosa Selinus." 2 lb. 706 ; " Et vada dura lego saxis Libybeia caecis. Hinc Drepani me portus et inlsetabilis ora Accipit." * Not at all in iii. 710 ; but in v. 30 Sicily is "Quse Dardaniuni tellus mihi servat Acesten, Et patris Anchisae gremio complectitur ossa." 214 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. 11. the special attractions of tliat comer of Sicily, of the countrymen and kinsfolk he is to meet there, we hear nothing from Aineias^ own mouth ^ till Carthage is left behind and Dido has perished. Then come the funeral games of Anchises, and the chief persons of the Elymian Acestes- legend are gradually brought in. Aigestos is softened into Aigestof?. j^QQgfgg . j^g becomes the son of the river Krimisos by a Trojan mother, without any mention of the earlier stages Heiyinus. of the story ^. Helymus, so written, suggests a question as to the true form of the national name ; but the Helymus of Virgil is a youth, a youth of Trinakria ^, clearly not a son of the deceased hero of the rite. Butas is named as a wrestler, but only as one who had passed away, and who belongs to another part of the world*. The eponymos Eryx — here not connected with anything as an ejmiymos — and his fight with Herakles are remembered and referred to, and the brotherhood of Eryx and Aineias, both children Entellus of Aphrodite, is not forgotten ^. In his place as a wrestler Entella. ^^^^ come another ejo67i7/mos, Entellus, clearly meant as the representative of Entella, looked on as an Elymian town ^. Aineias is in great doubt whether he shall not ^ Ilioneus (i. 549) goes more into detail than Aineias himself at this stage of the story ; " Sunt et Siculis regionibus urbes Arvaque, Trojanoque a sanguine clarus Acestes." ^ V. 36 ; " Occurrit Acestes Horridus in jaculis et pelle Libystidis urs£e ; Troia Crimiso conceptum flumine mater Quem genuit." Why does he get his bear-skin from Libya ? ^ V. 300. * V. 372 ; " Victorem Buten immani corpore, qui se Bebrycia veniens Amyci de gente ferebat." This is a Trojan memory, but it has nothing to do with our story. ^ V. 392 et seqq. In 412 Acestes speaks to Aineias of " germanus Eryx quondam tuus," and in v. 24 he himself speaks of *' litora fraterna Erycis." The story was well known, but it was not convenient. « So Holm, G. S. i. 90, 376. THE STORY IN VIRGIL. 215 settle in Sicily with all his comrades as part of the already chap. ii. established Trojan colony. In the end he leaves only the infirm and aged, for whom he joins with his host Acestes in founding the city Acesfa to bear his name. The two join also together in founding the temple of Aphrodite on the height of Eryx ^. A truly Roman story this is^ in which Dido and Car- thage are arbitrarily brought in, but where no sign of anything of older Phoenician growth is allowed to be seen in a corner of the world where Phoenician growth was both early and rich. On that point no Roman was likely to enlarge in prose or verse. Next to the question who the Relations Elymians were, or rather in real historic importance before MynSam that question, comes the other question, what and how old . . . ... mcians. were their relations to their Phoenician neighbours ? We know that Segesta and Eryx were both Elymian settle- ments ; of the history of each with regard to communities of other races we know something; their relation to the early Phoenicians was friendly ^. But of the relation of Relations the two kindred towns to one another we know next to ^e^Ista^ nothing. We may infer with some confidence that Segesta ^^"^ -^^y^- is the older settlement, and that is all. Whether Eryx was in its beginning strictly a colony of Segesta, or a mere outpost or a dependency, or a fully independent com- monwealth, we know not. Of the internal constitution of either town, of its political or social life, so far as it was native and not touched by Greek or Phoenician elements, we know nothing^. The Elymian sites are there, plainly to be No certain seen ; we have some pages of Elymian history in Sicily ; but ofUir* who the Elymians were, whence they came, what features Elymians. 1 ^n. V. 759 ; Vicina astris Erycino in vertiee pedes Fundatur Veneri Idalise," ^ See above, p. 201. ^ The only approach to a hint seems to be in Thucydides vi. 46, where the Segestans borrow pots and cups from the temple on Eryx. 216 THE ISLAND AND ITS EARLIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. o£ national character parted them off from Sikans and Sikels_, from Greeks and Phoenicians, these are questions to which neither recorded history nor surviving monuments can give an answer. Sikans, These three nations then, Sikan, Sikel_, and Elymian, Elymians. P^ss for the primitive inhabitants of Sicily. They may be called the prse-historic occupants of the island, as distinguished from the Phoenician and Greek colonists. They are the ?iatives, as distinguished from the settlements made by the civilized nations of antiquity. Yet they differ widely among themselves. Of the origin of the Sikans, history, strictly so called, can say nothing. They were what the Greeks called ant ocliih ones ; that is to say, there was no known people before them, and nothing was really known as to whence they came. We can only notice that, not- withstanding this, the Greeks did not speak of them as autochthones ; there is a Greek version of their coming which singularly falls in with what is likely to be the result of scientific examination of other kinds ^. The Sikels are in another case ; they have no claim to be autochthones ; their coming into the island is all but historic ; we need take nothing away from the legend except the somewhat too minute date and the names of the eponymous worthies. If we speak of the Sikels as natives, barbarians, and the like, it is with the feeling that they had the easy making of civilized men in them. They are a fragment of a great race, and a fragment somewhat unfairly dealt with by fortune, constrained to become artificial Greeks instead of native Latins. The Elymians are in a different case again ; like the Sikels, they are no autochthones ; we feel as if we ought to know who they were and whence they came ; but we do not. They are perhaps set there to teach us an ^ See above, p. 109. SIKANS, SIKELS, AND ELTMIANS. 217 useful lessoii_, the lesson that^ however it may be in other chap. n. sciences^ in history there are many things v^^hich we ought to be ready freely to confess that we do not know. The history of these three nations^ as long as they were Monu- left to themselves^ is a history without dates, almost with- ^e^eLly out names ^. But it is by no means without facts^ and assuredly not without monuments. The graves at all Graves, events of the primaeval inhabitants of Sicily are thick throughout the land. The sides of well nigh every lime- stone hill are burrowed deep with them. We see them beside the sacred lakes, we see them on the hill of Henna, memorials of men who worshipped the old gods of Siculia, before the Palici had been found out to be sons of Zeus or of Hephaistos^ before the nameless goddesses had put on the Greek garb of Demeter and her Child. We see them on the hill of Syracuse and on her outpost of Akrai^ tombs of the old dwellers of the land, turned often in after days to the use of men of other races and other creeds, Greek and Roman, pagan and Christian. And, most of all, we see them in the chosen cities of the dead, in the deep ravines of Ispica and Pantalica. The presence of these ancient burrowings forms one of the most striking points of difference, among many points of likeness, between the limestone combes of Sicily and the limestone combes of Britain. Caves we have in our own land, caves that have served for places of dwelling or of burial ; but the passes of Mendip are not honeycombed with the graves of the Briton or of the men before him as the passes of Sicily are with the graves of the Sikel or of the men before him. For, as it is sometimes hard to say, among many holes Graves and pierced deep in the rock, which were the dwelling-places of the living and which were the resting-places of the dead, so it might be vain to try to distinguish the memorials of ^ Kokalos and Hyblon we may accept as traditional, but the names in the Elymian story must go for nothing. THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. the Sikan, the Sikel, and the Elymian from one another ^. It is easy to see that in their works there are many stages, belonging perhaps to dates far apart ; but their minute examination belongs to another science than ours. But besides their tombs and their dwellings, the earlier races have left us not a few of their paths. In Sicily, as elsewhere, we are often struck by the way in which the Greeks, notwithstanding their high civilization, evidently lagged behind in the arts of making roads and building bridges. In both those works, works which our own fore- fathers a few centuries back looked on directly as works of piety, the Roman w^as indeed the teacher of Europe. Per- haps he did less in Sicily than in other lands. None of the great roads of the world could pass through the island, and the streams of Sicily needed not to be spanned by such mighty bridges as the great rivers of the continent. This is a matter in which the latest times have made marked improvements. Not many years back the famous bridge of George the Admiral had no rival, earlier or later, in the island. So many places, the hill-towns especially, which can now be reached by well-engineered roads, were still to be approached only by the primaeval paths up which the laden ass — whether laden with gold or with meaner wares — had to plod his way with no small effort. Henna and Mensenum have now their zigzag roads, but he who prefers the associations of old times may still go up by stony paths which we may believe to have been trodden by Dionysios and by Ducetius. And the stony path has some merits ; it at least gives a safe foothold. The Greek is better traced by his wheel-tracks in the rock, never, it ^ I do not feel called on to go deeply into these prse-historic matters, though I have seen many of the monuments, often in company with Mr. Evans. He has spoken of them in the Manchester Guardian, April 25, 1889. The objects, skulls, remains of animals, and the like, are largely treated by the Baron Ferdinand von Andrian in his Prakisforische Studien aus Sicilien, Berlin, 1878. TRACES OF THE EAELY NATIONS. 219 would seem, mended ; when the ruts of one path had chap. ii. become too deep, it was forsaken for another. But the paths up to the hill-towns we may fully believe to be older than the Greek, to be the w^ork of Sikan, Sikel, or Elymian, as may happen. In one point, a negative point, all these races agree. Of No written not one of them have we a scrap of certified writing. For the older books we are not to look ; but we have nowhere an inscrip- tion which we can assign to any of the three. Nor has any coin come down from days when the native races were as yet wholly untouched by the influence of the Greek ^. At the tongue of the Sikan we can only guess, or feel our way through the dangerous region of nomencla- ture. Of the tongue of the Elymian we- know a smgle Traces of case-ending ; of the tongue of the Sikel we have a g^ages^^" vocabulary, short indeed, but long enough to tell us with- out all doubt what manner of tongue it was. What little we can find to say about these three nations has taken up the first stage of our history. Our next stage will be that in which the great civilizing and colonizing nations of the old world step on the scene. They come, each in turn, The rival nations, representatives of rival races, rival creeds, p^^i^^' rival systems of life. First comes the Phoenician, the q^^^^^^ representative of the elder culture of the East, the man of Asia, even when settled in Africa or Europe, the worthiest enemy of Europe and the life of Europe, but still their enemy. Strange indeed is the relation of the Phoenician to the Sikel. The highest representative of a lower culture Position comes in as the temporary superior and teacher of a race Ph^^i- destined in two ways to outstrip him. A time was when ^^^^^ > the Phoenician might seem to the Sikel almost as the ^ I must decline to make any theory as to the marks in the underground works at Euryalos, and also on some of the stones in the walls of Ortygia. If we take the whole of the castle of Euryalos for Greek work, we need hardly perplex ourselves. 220 THE ISLAND AND ITS EAELIEST INHABITANTS. CHAP. II. modem European seems to the dwellers on distant shores and islands. Yet the kinsman of Rome, the aptest pupil of Greece, was to hold the higher place in the long run. of the Next comes the Greek himself, charged_, in the freshness of his national being, with the noblest errand of his time, the representative of the younger and more abiding culture of the West, the beginner of that historic life of Europe which we still live. We have now to trace the coming of each in his turn, in the one case dimly, in the other more fully. There is no greater drawback in our whole story than the utter lack of Phoenician records. Yet we must put together the tale of Canaan in Sicily in such sort as we can; it is at least clear compared with the tale of Eryx and Segesta. CHAPTER HI. THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY S rriHUS far have we been dealing with those among* the inhabitants o£ Sicily whom we may fairly speak of as the native races of the island. Of the coming* ^ We have still no special authorities for this chapter ; our knowledge still comes from sources altogether fragmentary. Indeed we are in some sort worse off than we were when dealing with the earlier time. For the Phoenician settlement we have not even such an approach to a continuous, if largely mythical, narrative as Diodoros gives us of the migrations of Sikans and Sikels. We have no Phoenician history, at all events none that concerns Sicily. I have looked at the remains of the work in which Philon of Byblos professed to translate Sanchuniathon (C. Miiller, Fragmenta, iii. 561. This is at least Philon, for the Sanchoniathon published by Wagen- feld, Bremen, 1837, ^ double forgery). To the Western mind it seems a hopeless mixture of every kind of mythology, Greek and barbarian, among which a few genuine Semitic names peep out now and then. But I see that Duncker (Geschichte des Alterthums, i. 323) seems to attribute rather more importance to the forgery than is done by Movers (Phonizier, i. 116 et seqq,, cf. 5). He has at least taken the trouble to translate the Greek of Phil&n into German. I have had the works of Movers and Duncker, and Meltzer, Geschichte der Karthager (Berlin, 1879), which one volume only has yet appeared, largely by me while writing this chapter, as well as in other parts of the work. But the more I read of Duncker, as of some other writers who deal with Eastern matters, the more am I amazed at the kind of evidence on which they venture to make the most positive assertions. Any guess, plausible or otherwise, the faintest likeness be- tween a Greek and a barbarian name, seems to be thought enough to prove anything, above all to prove something Greek to be barbarian. It is, for instance, perfectly clear that the Greeks identified the Phoenician Melkart with their own Herakles. A story of Herakles may therefore always turn out to be a story of Melkart. But it needs some corroborative evidence, it needs at the very least some likelihood in the particular case, to make us assert that it is so with any particular story. Because stories of Melkart have fixed themselves on to Herakles, it does not follow that Herakles was Melkart and nothing else from the beginning. 222 THE PHCENTCIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. cHAr. III. in of Sikans and Elymians we can say nothing ; of the Elymians we cannot in strictness say anything at all. At the affinities of the Sikans we can only guess, though the guess is one which carries with it a strong likelihood. With the coming of the Sikels the island has been brought within the range of the European world; we are now dealing with the kinsfolk of the ruling people of all European history. But their coming is part of the Wan- dering of the Nations, an earlier Wandering of the Nations than that to which the name is commonly given, Migration but One which is strictly analogous to it. We can talk zation, of Sikel migration, of Sikel settlement; we can hardly talk of Sikel colonization or plantation^. The Sikel nation, or the greater part of it, changed its seats ; it was not till a far later day that there was such a thing as Sikel colonization in the strict sense. A day came when settled Sikel communities planted other communities of their own people, while they themselves abode on their old sites and kept on their old being. This process, that of colonization in the strict sense, on Sicilian soil, is now to begin on the part of other nations. It is to begin on the part of both the great colonizing nations of the old Mediterranean world. National The Sikel migration brought us within the bounds of Europe, of that Aryan Europe that still is. It brought us across its abiding Aryan nations and their abiding Aryan tongues. But it brought us across them only in the shape of national migration. The whole, or the great mass of a people, changes its seats ; it makes itself a new national home ; it leaves behind it, perhaps an empty land for some other folk to occupy, perhaps a mere survival of its own folk, who die out in their old land, while their Coloniza- more venturous brethren flourish in a new one. A higher stage than this is marked by colonization in the strict ^ See above, p. 9. migration. tion. MIGRATION AND COLONIZATION. 223 sense. Here there is no movement of a nation ; a band chap. hi. of men goes forth from an established city or kingdom to seek homes in another land; but the city or kingdom from which they set forth is neither destroyed nor weak- ened by their going forth. The movement of the Angles in the sixth century to their second home in Britain left their first home on the European mainland empty; no such results followed on the colonization of the third England in the seventeenth century. It is this last stage of the growth of man which we have reached in our Sicilian story. Yet we reach it thus early only by in one sense going back^ by going again out of the European range, or rather by bringing men of other races and tongues, of the races and tongues of Asia and Africa, to settle on soil which had already become European. We have to meet Advance the fact that for the moment such settlement was an by ^Phoeni- advance : we have to meet the fact that there was a stag-e cian settle- ^ ment, when in all material arts Asia stood before Europe. The next comers, the first colonists in the strict sense in Sicily, perhaps in the world, brought with them much that could en- lighten the Sikel, much that could even enlighten the Greek. As far as Sicily is concerned, the Wandering of the Nations is over. From the national migrations of Sikans, Sikels, and Elymians, we have to pass to those settlements from the Phoenician cities which made a new Phoenicia without uprooting the old. In speaking of them we are driven to use such modern-sounding words as factory, plantation, and With minute or controversial points of Phoenician history origin of we have here no concern. Whence the men who founded ci^anf^^^' Sidon and Tyre, Gades and Panormos and Carthage, made their way to that strip of the eastern Mediterranean coast on which history first finds them — how they came by the familiar name which, in various shapes, they bore on Greek and Latin lips, so different from the yet more 224 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. familiar name which they bore on their own hps — these are questions which in no way touch the factory on the island of Ortygia or the colony between the two havens Their old- of Panormos. Was there an elder Phoenicia far to the Eastj by the coasts of the Persian gulf or elsewhere ^ ? It matters little to those whose calling lies with that younger Phoenicia which looks up at Eryx and at Herkte, and who have no need to look further back than to the older Phoenicia which looks up at Lebanon. Then again, had the Greek name of the people a meaning Their in the Greek tongue ? Were they the men of blood, name. perhaps only the blood of the mollusk that gives the purple dye ? Were they the men of the land of the palm, the tree barren on Sicilian soil, but fertile on the shores whence men took their voyage to Solous and Motya ? Or was the name which with the Greek became P/ioinix and with the Latin Poemis really a corruption of a name borne by some place or people in the tongue of those whom the strangers so miscalled^? Such points may well be left by the historian of Sicily, even by the historian of the Phoenicians in Sicily, to those with whom such questions Sicily deals are a matter of their own special science. From our theVhoe^ Central point in our central island, we may look eastward nicia of ^ westward as far as the waters of the Great Sea will the Medi- terranean, carry us, but we need look no fui-ther. From Sidon to Gades is our range ; the Phoenicia at the foot of Lebanon is our starting-point. We need not even search into the ^ The passage at the very beginning of Herodotus about the Phoenicians coming from the Erythraean Sea is known to every one (cf. vii. 89). Their carrying-trade is well set forth in the words d-n-ayiviovTas (popria AlyvirTid re Kot 'Aacrvpia (we are now told that the alphabet was part of the cargo). I need hardly say that Strabo and Dionysios Periegetes also have some- thing to say about the matter. The question is discussed by Movers, Phonizier, ii. i, 38 et seqq. ; Meltzer, Karthager, i. 4, 419. 2 Movers, ii. 3 et seqq. ; Meltzer, i. 5, 419. It has been connected with the " holy land of Punt." NAMES OF PHCENICIA OR CANAAN. 225 shiftings of power and preeminence among its cities ; we chap. hi. need not fix the several days of greatness of Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre. Coming more directly into our immediate range^ we may leave it to others to fix the exact order and relation of the Phoenician cities on the coast of Africa. We need not strive to fix the exact birthday of Tyrian Carthage, or take on ourselves to rule whether there was or was not a Sidonian Carthage before it ^. It is enough Phoenician for us that the Pho3nician settlements in Sicily became in ments the end subjects of Carthage^ but that they were not her JJJ,^ q^^/ children. They were children of the old Phoenicia, the thaginian. Phoenicia of Sidon and Tyre and Arvad, whom a sister, most likely a younger sister, came in after days to bring under her jDower. These two points, which we may assume without ques- tion, are of the deepest moment in the history of Sicily and of the world. When we speak of Phoenicians and of Name of Punic wars it is well to remember the true name of the Phoenician people. They were the men of Canaan, the men of the low land by the sea, a fitting name for the old Phoenicia between Lebanon and the Mediterranean, a name no less fitting for that younger Phoenicia which forms the short western side of Sicily. For our part we may accept the genealogy which says that Canaan begat Zidon his first-born^, without entering on the possible claims of the Giblite of Byblos to dispute his birth- right^. And we may accept Zidon the first-born as the venerable ejponymos of a race which has done great things in the world of Europe, while we cheerfully leave his second brother Heth to those with whom the fates of Asia stand foremost. It is well ever to bear in mind Relation that the men of Tyre and Sidon, the men of Gades and Hebrews ^ Movers, ii. 2, 137 et seqq. ; Meltzer, i. 104 et seqq. ; Duncker, ii. 209. ^ Genesis x. 15. ^ Movers, ii. 107. VOL. I. Q 226 THE PHOENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. Commu- nity of language. The Phoe- nician names. Carthage, the men of Panormos and Motya, came of the stock of the nations against whom the invading Hebrew waged his warfare. Long after Phoenician Carthage had passed away, when a Roman and Christian city stood on its site, the name of Canaan still lived on as the national name of the remnant whose settlement in Africa was older than that of Carthage ^. The warfare of the Hebrew in Palestine in many things calls up the warfare which settled our own fore- fathers in the land in which we dwell. But in one point the two invasions were most unlike. By whatever name the Hebrew might choose to brand the nations whom he subdued or failed to subdue, he had at least no temptation to speak of them by whatever Semitic name might best answer to the Teutonic Welsh. Invaders and invaded spoke the same tongue in at least as full a sense as when we say that the Dorian and the Ionian Greek spoke the same tongue. In the Hebrew writings the Egyptians are marked as a people of a strange lan- guage ^ ; the invading Chaldees are held up to terror as a nation whose " language thou knowest not ^ no such names are ever applied to the nations of that family of which Zidon was the firstborn. Hamilkar and Hannibal and Asdrubal spoke the same tongue as Joshua and David, and Hannibal and Asdrubal need only the name of the patron deity to be changed, and they at once take the shape of the familiar Hananiah and Azariah of the Old Testament. The men of Canaan brought the gods of Canaan with them to Carthage and to Panormos. It was by the grace of Baal that the greatest Hannibal so well kept the oath that he sware in his childhood to the gods of Carthage. It was ^ Movers, ii. 6. ^ Psalm cxiv. i, where for the a-na^ Xeyofji-evov U'"? the LXX have ^dpPapos, q. d. Welsh ; cf, Ixxxi. 5 ; Ezekiel iii. 5 ; and the same is implied in Daniel i. 4. ^ Jeremiah v. 15. PHCENICIANS AND HEBREWS. 227 Maharbal — the haste of Baal — who longed to press with chap. hi. his Numidian horse from the field of Cannae to the gates of Rome. It was Asdrubal — the help of Baal — who brought to the banks of Metaurus the help which never reached his brother. And the gods of Canaan were wor- Phoeniciau shipped with the rites of Canaan. It was after heavy ^^^^ blows from the Sikeliot sword that the elders of Carthage awakened to a forgotten duty; they had failed to give their first-born for their transgression, the fruit of their bodies for the sin of their souls And side by side with the rites of blood stood the rites of lewdness. The most abiding legacy that the men of Canaan left in Sicily was the worship of the goddess of Eryx. The Ashtoreth, the Aphrodite, of that high place was a power of the same type as the Mylitta of Babel, or as the goddess whose rites Dido found already in full force as she halted in Cyprus on her memorable voyage^. It was these characteristics of Phoenician religion, characteristics which lingered on in the most brilliant days of Carthaginian civilization, which made the war which Europe and Africa waged in Sicily somewhat of a holy war from the be- ginning. If we doubt whether a Syracusan prince ever called on defeated Carthage to quench the fires of Moloch, he who devised the story had no mean insight into all that kept Hellas and Canaan poles asunder. Yet none the less it was in the Phoenician, whether in Relations his earliest home or transplanted to the soil of Africa, that phoeni- cians and 1 Diod. XX. 14. Greeks. ^ I am not greatly concerned with the worship of Istar, Ash tore th, or any other form of the goddess or her name. Something to the purpose will be found in Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, p. 266. The Babylonian story in Herodotus is familiar to all. Strabo (vi. 2, 6) witnesses to the UpoSovXoi on Eryx ; oiKiliai hi kol 6 ""Epv^ Xotpos vif/rjXbs, Upbv exc^y ' A.(ppo- S'lTTjs, Tijjiwfxevov Sia^epovTOJS, iepoSovKoov yvvaiKuiv irXrjpcs to iraXaiov, as dveOeffav Kar' (vxt)v 01 t Ik Trjs ]Si«f Am? Kai e^ojOev noXXol. Mylitta herself appears in full force in Cyprus ; Justin, xviii. 5. Cf . the strange story of the Lokrians of Italy in xxi. 3. 228 THE PHOENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. the Greeks not yet brought face to face with the kindred barbarian of central Italy, found his worthiest rival. In earlier days indeed he had to acknowledge him_, not only "^'^^ as a rival but as a master. The dealings between Greek stages ; , ^ ^ ^ Old-Phoe- Phoenician fall naturally into two great epochs. There nician ; dealings of the early Greeks with the men of the old Phoenicia, and there are the dealings of the later Greeks, that is in truth of the Sicilian Greeks, with the Phoenicians of the day when, in the general affairs of the world, the only Phoenicia was Carthage. The history of Sicily, as a history, not only of the Greeks of Sicily, but of all the races of the island, has to do with both these stages. Only in the former stage, the Phoenician in Sicily had to deal, not as in Old Greece and its islands with the Greek in his childhood, but with the Sikan and the Sikel. The Phoenician of the first stage is a voyager, certainly a trader, haply a kidnapper ; he is a settler, we may add a civilizer ; we can hardly anywhere call him a conqueror. He scatters his factories, his plantations, over a large part of the Mediterranean world ; he builds cities which win more or less of power and influence over the ruder races around him ; but he nowhere founds a great Phoenician Cartha- dominion. So to do was the mission of Carthage. It is ginian. ^ ^ with the advance of Carthage, above all with her advance in Sicily, that the stirring tale of rivalry between Greek and Phoenician really begins. The name of Carthage bespoke her as the New City^, and the New City she was in truth, as opening an alto- gether new state of things, of which neither the men of Tyre and Sidon nor the men of Utica and Gades had ever dreamed. It was this youngest and greatest of Phoenician ^ See Meltzer, i. 90,450; Solinus, xxvii. 10; " Carthada, quod Phoeniceo ore exprimit civitatem novam." It used to be opposed to Utica, 'IrvKrj, Np'ns:' from pns-, the Alton or liaKa'nroXis, but Movers (ii. 149, 340, 512) rejects this, and makes Utica riDny " diversorium." See Meltzer, i. 451. PHCENICIAN POLITY. 229 cities which, alone o£ barbarian states^ devised forms of chap. hi. political life whieh Aristotle and Polybios did not scorn to J'oli^y of Carthage. study, and which Polybios thought worthy to compare at leng'th with the polity of Sparta and the polity of Rome ^. In the elder Phoenician cities, cities still ruled by kings and priests, we see only the beginnings of the life of common- wealths At Carthage we see all the elements of that life in their full growth, the elective magistrates, the senate, the people ; we see every detail of a highly developed system of government, as clearly shown as in any aristocratic or democratic commonwealth of Greece. Even beyond Sparta and Athens and Rome, Carthage was emphatically the ruling city. None was so thoroughly the mistress standing Cartilage apart from her subjects. We see her, not only ruling, like ruihig^ a Greek or Italian city, over dependent commonwealths ^^^y- of her own race, not only sending forth colonies of her own race as outposts of her power, but holding, here under her dominion, here under her influence, nations of utter strangers, whom she knew how to use to her own ends, and to make them shed their blood to advance her greatness. The advance of Rome was a growth, not only Compari- of the Roman power, but of Rome herself ; step by step the world was, hardly in a figure, merged, not only in the Roman dominion, but in the Roman city. But while the power of Carthage grows far and wide over land and sea, Carthage herself never grows. She has sub- jects ; she has allies ; but she does not train her subjects to grow into allies and her allies to grow into citizens. Nor does she ever fail in men to do her work, as she * See above, p. 12. Arist. Pol. ii. 11. i ; HoXireveadai 5e hoKovffi ical Kapxr]56vioi KaXws [see Arnold's Rome, ii. 546] real ttoWoL ■nepiTTojs irpos roiis aWovs, fidXicTTa 8' evia TrapaTTXrjaiais rois AciKcooiv, iv. 7. 4 ; v. 12. 14 ; vi. 5. 9. The comparison suggested by Aristotle is worked out more fully by the wider experience of Polybios, vi. 47 et seqq. ^ On the beginnings of republican life in the old Phoenicia and its fur- ther growth in the colonies, see Duncker, ii. 212-214. 230 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. deemed her work to be. From age to age she has states- men, she has captains, who know how to guide her policy, how to lead her motley hosts of subjects and hirelings The House to victory over men fighting for their homes. And in of ara . ^^^^ sends forth sons above all Greek, above all Roman fame." In her Sons of Thunder, in her greatest Hamilkar and her greatest Hannibal, Africa could for once boast of children whom Europe could not rival. In her own day, through the ages of her being and her power, Compari- Carthage had no parallel. Her likeness comes again when Venice/ the merchant city on the Venetian islands rules at once on the mainland of Italy and over cities, islands, peninsulas, and kingdoms, scattered over every shore of the eastern Mediterranean. And, now that the world has outstripped its old limits, now that the Ocean is what the inland sea once was, now that nations have taken the place of cities and an European island can bear rule over an Asiatic empire, it may be that we should look for a newer likeness of Carthage nearer home. § 1. T/^e Old-Fhcenician Colonies in Sicily. Tiie Old- The most striking and memorable part of the history cians" Sicily in relation to Phoenician settlers and Phoenician enemies is undoubtedly that abiding struggle between Carthage and the Greeks of Sicily which forms one of the greatest chapters in the long tale of the strife of East and West. But our first business is with those more ancient Phoenician settlers who came straight from the elder Canaan before Carthage was mighty, most likely before Carthage was. And from these early settle- ments we are almost unavoidably led to earlier settlements still. We are led to a more general glance at that de- velopement of Phoenician activity on the Mediterranean waters of which the first Phoenician dealings with Sicily HISTORICAL POSITION OF PHCENICIA. 231 were only a stage, and seemingly by no means an early chap. hi. stage. The greatest contribution o£ the Phoenician race to the Historical political history of the world is the position of Carthage ^hit'icia ^ as a ruling city. But had Carthage never been founded, had Hannibal never overthrown the legions of Rome, had his native city never ruled in Sicily and Spain, the position of Phoenicia in the world^s history would still be a great and an unique one. The men of Ca- naan were the only men of barbarian stock whom the Greek, at all events the Greek of old Greece, could not refuse to acknowledge as direct teachers. This may be Results of safely said, without venturing either to accept or to J^gearch deny the results of modern Oriental research. Those results are sometimes a little startling to those who were brought up in an elder time of scholarship. They some- times break the repose of those who made their first acquaintance with Hellenic studies at the happy moment when the old literal belief in the tales of Pelops and Kadmos had passed away and when those tales had not yet come back again to challenge belief in a more scientific shape. We could then, without dispute or gainsaying, wrap ourselves in the belief that the Aryans of Europe formed a single family, that, of that family, the Greeks, the elder brethren, were the teachers of the rest, and that what they taught their younger kinsfolk, they taught mainly out of their own stores. Another teach- ing has since arisen, a teaching which it may be wise for the men of my generation to leave to another generation for final judgement. We are now told that much that we had once fondly believed that the Greek devised of his own heart really came to him from lands even further off than Tyre and Sidon. We presume not to deny; but it is hard to keep back the gentle protest that our new THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. teachers sometimes seem to accept doctrines of great moment on evidence whicli we ourselves should hardly think enough to prove much smaller points in any Hellenic or Teutonic matter. And we seem still to be allowed to believe that the noblest forms both of our art and our polity are our own. It does not appear either that the temples of Babylon were surrounded by a peri- style of Doric columns or that the tongue of the Hittites contained any formulae exactly answering to eSofe tw 677/20) and ^' omnis liber homo/^ But even in our earlier stage, before the Hittite was heard of, the Phoenician had his place. At no time did we doubt that it was from him that we learned, seemingly every form of writing, at all events that precious system of letters whose name of alphahet proclaims its Semitic birth to all time. Indeed we never doubted that many of the Eastern nations were, in material prosperity, even in material civilization, far ahead of the men of early Hellas. Only we doubted, and we still doubt, whether all the wealth and splendour, even all the art, of a lord of slaves can be put alongside of the higher powers of the mind of man, the powers which were wielded when a free assembly bowed willingly to the magic speech of Perikles or Hermokrates. I have already ^ pointed out the analogy between Cyprus and Sicily, how the history of Cyprus is the history of Sicily in miniature. But it is emphatically in minia- ture. The same strife is waged between the same dis- putants in Sicily and in Cyprus. Both were battle-fields of Greek and Phoenician ; both were seats of the same eternal strife when in later years it was waged by other champions. But Cyprus, set in a corner of the Mediter- ranean, could not provide either group of combatants with such a battle-field as was supplied by Sicily set in its very ^ See above, p. 35. SICILY AND CYPRUS. 233 midst. The strife in Sicily is waged in the sight of the chap. hi. worlds with the full powers of contending nations, races, and creeds ; it is a pitched battle for life and death. In Cyprus it is little more than a skirmish in a corner, whose decision either way could not seriously affect the power of Greek and Phoenician, of Christendom and Islam. Each Compari- island had its Frank kings ; but the house of Lusignan Jtrife^in"^ hardly stands on the same historic level as the house of *^ ^ _ ^ islands. Hauteville, and Katharine, daughter of Saint Mark, hardly sat on so high a throne as the Augusta who gave birth to the Wonder of the World. Add again that the latest strife in Cyprus is waged by new champions on both sides. The main disputants are no longer Greek and Semitic ; the strife is waged between the Venetian and the Turk. But geography itself makes an essential difference in Different the position of the rival elements in Cyprus and in ^he^^ Sicily. Sicily is surely part of Europe ; if there be any disputants, rival claimant, it is Africa. In Sicily again the Greeks were far from being the first European inhabitants. Earlier men of Europe, men of Aryan stock, were already dwelling there when the Phoenician came. But we can hardly claim Cyprus as geographically part of Europe ; it is rather an Asiatic land which has been more than once won for Europe. Its Semitic occupation, both strictly Phoenician Early and any other, dates from a time before the beginning of occupation anything that we can properly call Phoenician colonization. Cyprus. It is rather part of the Asiatic Wandering of the Nations, part of the same movement which made the Phoenician coast itself Phoenician^. In Cyprus, the Greek, the European of any kind, is an invader, a benefactor perhaps, but still an invader. The island did in the end, under Boman rule, become a Greek land ; till then, the Greek was a stranger, the barbarian was at home. Without going deeply into the distinctions between one ^ See Duncker, ii. 42 ; Movers, ii. 2. 203. 234 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. Early dealings of Greeks and Phoe- nicians. Rhodes, Crete, and other islands. Semitic race and another, to us of the West Cyprus is a Phoenician island, the seat of a renowned Asiatic worship, into which the Greeks made their way and in the end made the land their own. The special characteristics of the Phoenicians as traders and colonizers, founders of factories here and plantations there, could not be shown till they had reached lands less clearly part of their own world than Cyprus. It is on the coasts of old Greece and in the islands of the vEgsean sea that we get our first picture of the Phoeni- cian trader from any Greek source. We see him as far back as we can see anything ; he appears in the Homeric poems in days when Zidon, at least in the Western mind, still kept his place as firstborn^. In Rhodes^, in Crete we see his settlements without wonder ; both lands came in after days under the rule of Semitic masters. Rhodes, like Cyprus, might pass for a piece of Asia won for Europe. Crete seems like a guard-ship moored off the mouth of the sea which might pass for a great Hellenic haven, a guard-ship which, as events showed, might, on some day of ill-luck, be boarded by the enemy. That the Phoenician should trade, that he should settle, that he should found either factories or colonies, on any of the ^gsean islands or even on the eastern coasts of Greece, was in the natural course of things. Thera, Melos"^, assuredly Thasos, received Phoenician settlers; the gold of the last-named island led them to the north in those early days ^, just as the gold of Tharshish led them to the far West when their range was widened. The wealth ^ See Strabo, xvi. 2. 22. He remarks on the rivalry between Tyre and Sidon and the disputes as to antiquity. European feeling comes out in the words, 01 jxev ovv noirjTal ttjv ^iSova ri6pv\T]Kaai fidWov, "O/xrjpos 5^ ovde fxefivTjTai rrjs Tvpov. * Movers, ii. 2. 246. ^ lb. 258. * Herod, iv. 147 ; Mover?, ii. 2. 266, 268. * Herod, vi. 46 ; Paus. v. 25. 12 ; Movers, ii. 2. 273. EAELY NOTICES OF THE PHCENICIANS. 235 too of its mines led them to the neighbouring coast of chap. hi. Thrace and they may be traced on many a site of the Lesser Asia and on the Pontic coast ^. We can hardly phoeniciau fail to acknowledge the Ashtoreth of Paphos in the S^*^^^- Aphrodite of Kythera, and we may see the Tyrian Melkart^ King of the City, in some of the exploits of the wandering Herakles ^, and more surely in the name of the baby-god Melikertes And it was once Phceni- believed, and we are called on to believe again, that Boiotia. Kadmos, the Man of the East, planted a settlement of Canaan, not only on the shore of Chalkis ^, which we might believe without an effort, but in the inland plain which saw the rise of the Boiotian Thebes ^. Be these things as they may, one figure in our earliest picture of Greek life is the Phoenician trader. We see him ready on Tlie Phoe- , , . T - , . Q , nicians in occasion to grow mto the kidnapper ^ or the pirate ^, but early ready too to keep himself to the gainful trade w^hich the f^^^end ^ Movers, ib. 279. 2 286. ^ See above, p. 221. But may not even the name of Herakles be left to us? It is hard to read (Duncker, v. 45; cf. ii. 66), "Herakles ist der Archal, der arbeitende, ringende, kampfende Baal Melkart der Phoeniker." By this kind of guessing at names anything might be proved. Some passages quoted by Preller, Griechische Mythologie, ii. 122, might suggest quite another line of thought, * Here we do seem to have the name itself ; and the sturdiest Hel- lenists do not refuse it. See Duncker, v. 50. ^ Ka^ixos may be Dip ; yet it is odd if he called himself so. Duncker quotes the Eaaterlings in England ; but they did not call themselves so ; the Ostmen in Ireland would be more to his purpose. See Keightley, Mythology, 327. Duncker does not require us to accept the barbarian origin of Kekrops and Pelops. Why then may one not "use one's reason about Kadmos ? Homer clearly knew nothing of any of these stories. It must always be remembered that, while guessing at names proves nothing, the finding of objects always proves something. But it proves only intercourse, not settlement, and it need not be direct intercourse. English and French wares are found far beyond the range of English and French colonization. ' Od. xiii. 272 et seqq. ^ Thuc. i. 8. 236 THE PH(ENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. man o£ craft and guile ^ knows liow to practise. Strange it is when he displays his many and motley gauds before the eyes of men as yet below him in all material crafts, but destined to do greater things for mankind than ever fell to the lot of any son of Asia. The al- It is not altogether pleasing^ when we are told that this sai?not exceptional people, these men of Asia whom Europe cannot disclaim as masters, these shipmen, these builders, these Phoenician 5 x 5 j invention, miners, these makers and sellers of purple, were after all not men of artistic invention, and that even the great gift that they gave us was not their own. One would be well pleased to hold that the letters Cadmus gave were the genuine birth of his own Sidon, rather than be taught that alepli and heth^ alj^ha and heta^ are in truth the invention of Egypt ^. Yet be it so ; we thereby gain another analogy for the cycles of Sicilian history. The Saracen in all his splendour, in all his science, in all the mighty works of his artistic skill, had nothing strictly his own. He became, by a strange calling, the mouthpiece of Greece and Italy to nations by whom the earlier teaching of Greece and Italy, and of Greece and Italy fused into one in the Eastern Rome, had been for a while forgotten. And so it may well have been with his Semitic forerunners in Cyprus and Sicily and Spain. It may be that all that the Phoenicians had themselves, all that they gave to Greece and to the rest of Europe, was largely in the nature of that carry- ing-trade by which the men of Tyre and Sidon did in truth make great gain. The civilization that he spread may not have been his own ; it may all have come from Analogy with the Saracens. ^ See above, p. 127. 2 Yet it is comfortable when Dimcker (ii. 221, 222) allows us to believe with Dionysios of Miletos (fr. i C. Miiller, ii. 5) ^rt *otVi«€s iilv ivpov ra OTotx^Ta, or, as he puts it himself, that Phoenicia was "Vaterland der Buchstabenschrift." THE ALPHABET. 237 Egypt or from the further East. Yet to us he is none the chap. m. less the giver and the teacher. And he none the less ^onal posi stands alone among" barbarians as the one rival of the ^l^^J!^ ^ the P hoe- Greek on his own ground, the one who could make the nicians sea his own dominion, the one who could call distant barbarians. cities into being, and give them forms of political life which the wisest men of Greece should not scorn to study. From the shores and islands of Greece the Phoenician Inter- was driven back early ; the Homeric poems know him between not as a neighbour ; it is straight from Sidon that the fnd^"'^^^' Phoenician shipmen bring their goodly wares, sometimes Greece, as merchandize, sometimes as costly gifts ^. The inter- course of traffic went on into the historic age, long after Phoenician fleets had come, at the bidding of a Persian lord, to work the bondage of Hellas ^. And when that Phoenicia under Persian lord needed the sharpened intellect of a skilled Persia. engineer, it was with the Phoenician alone that he could find it ^. But those were days in which the greatness of the old Phoenicia had passed away; Sidon and Tyre still had their kings, but they had sunk to be the counsellors of the Persian The true life of Phoenicia had moved Carthage westward, to the great ruling city which was then of later fast pushing on to its full might, and to those other ^^'^^'c^''^" western outposts of Canaan, which, if by that time they owned a master, at least owned a master of their own blood. The beginnings of Phoenician history start from a time Early be- T 1 1 • T • 1 1 • ginning of tar earlier than anything to which we are used m our Phoenician ordinary European studies. It is therefore not wonderful to ^ II. vi. 290 ; xxiii. 743 ; Od. iv. 617. ^ See specially the description of the Phoenician ship in Xenophon's (Economus, viii. 11. It must have outdone anything usual at Athens, Cf. Herod, vii. 96. ^ Herod, vii. 23. * lb. viii. 67. Mark that the Sidonian king takes the first place. 238 THE PHOENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. find its second stage at a time when in Greece we are as yet far from dates and when we can dare to guess at an event here and there only with fear and trembhng. There is no reason to doubt that, even in the eleventh and twelfth centuries before our sera, the Phoenicians had made their way into the western Mediterranean and into the Ocean itself. Here they set up a factory, there they founded an actual colony, along the African coast and in the Iberian peninsula. Exactly as when, ages after, the Greek set forth on a like errand, the most distant settle- F^)unda- ment was believed to be the oldest. Gades, Gadeira, was Gades Canaan what the Campanian Kyme was to Hellas, the c. B.C. I loo. jj^Qgt distant outpost of all, founded before the younger fellows that were nearer ^. For the Phoenician shipman to leave the outer sea, to pass the pillars of his own Melkart, the pillars which fenced in the world of the Greek ^, to face the wonders and the dangers of the mysterious Ocean, was hardly a greater exploit than it was fcr the Greek to leave his familiar ^gsean and Ionian waters, and to fix himself on the western side of the land which to him was still specially the western, the Hesperian, land. The fate of the Compa- two settlements has been widely different. Kyme, after rison with i i • c i • t i i Kyme. a long history, arter bemg won and lost by many masters, has no longer a place among the cities of the earth. Her hill, so long the western outpost of Hellas, now stands desolate. But Gades, western outpost of Canaan, without even a change of name, has lived on, through all conquests, through all revolutions of race and speech and creed, as a dwelling-place of man and a flourishing seat of commerce ^\ ^ See Movers, ii. 2. 588 et seqq., specially 619 et seqq ; Meltzer, i. 36 et seqq. ; Duncker, ii. 64. About 1 100 B.C. seems to be the received date of foundation. But it is wise not to rule that Gades really was the eldest. 2 Pindar, 01. iii. 79; Nem. iii. 35, iv. 112 ; Isth. iv. 21. The second and third passages are the most emphatic. ^113, rddupa, Gades, Cadiz. " Wohl die alteste Stadt Europa's, die ihren Namen bewahrt hat," says Duncker (ii. 66). Athens and Argos PHCENICIAN COLONIES. 239 On the African shore arose Utica, Hadrumetum, the two chap. hi. o£ Hippo ^. Of these the memories of Hadrumetum gather mainly round the name of the greatest Hannibal ; its modern name of Susa strangely keeps our thoughts within the Eastern world. But Utica is most famous in European memories as the place of the death of a Roman pagan, and Hippo as the place of the life of a Roman Christian. Thus the Phoenician stock became a ruling stock on both the continents that fence in the western basin of the great inland sea. The land of gold in southern Tberia, the Tharshish. Tharshish of the Hebrew, the Tartessos of the Greek ^, became a rich field for the settlers from the East. The long voyage to the West set the standard ; the ship of Tharshish became the name of any ship destined for a distant and wealth -bearing errand; it was the ship of Tharshish that bore the gold, even when the gold was brought, not from western Tharshish but from far eastern Ophir ^. Yet Spain, with its southern shore studded with Spain and Phcenician settlements, ever remained a mere outpost of the Phoenician stock. It was Africa that became its second home, a wider and mightier, and in some sort a more abiding home, than the older dwelling-place on the Syrian coast. For there grew up the greatest city of the Phoenician name, the city which was to found a dominion forestalling that of Rome herself, a dominion of which Phoenician may be as old ; but they have had their ups and downs. The special fate of Gades has been to be always a prosperous city without ever being a ruling city. Massalia is younger, and she has been a ruling city. ^ ND« or nSN. See Movers, ii. 2. 144. 2 ©■'Mjnn. See Movers, ii. 2. 594 et seqq. ; Meltzer, i. 37. On the gold see the well-known stories in Herod, i. 163; iv. 152. Strabo has much to say on this head in iii. 2. 11, and he quotes our Sikeliot Stesichoros ; cities that on European lips bore the Greek-sounding name Colonies in Africa. (Bergk. iii. 208.) Kings xxii. 48. 240 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IX SICILY. CHAP. III. Africa was to be the centre and seat o£ rule, as Italy was to be the centre and seat of rule for all Romania. Carthage But as yet the New City was not ; we are dealing only not yet. ^j^}^ elder sisters. Kossoura. Arabic tongue of Malta. Settle- But while the Phoenicians of the West thus spread the^islands. "themselves over the most tempting spots of a large range of African and European mainland, they were not likely to pass without heed by the islands which met Melita and them on their road. The twin islands of Melita and Gaulos and the solitary Kossoura^ lay immediately in the way of the Phoenician adventurers, while they lay a little out of the way of the Greeks. They became Phoenician settlements ; they never became Greek ; it was as possessions of Rome that they first entered the European fold. The accidents of a later conquest caused a tongue akin to that of Canaan again to take root in the two chief of them, and that tongue has lived on through union with Sicily and through union with Britain^. And these smaller islands might well pass for stepping-stones between Phoenician Africa and the great central island. But Sicily itself lay no less directly in the way of settlers from the old Phoenician land. Of the date and circum- stances of the planning of the first Phoenician settlements in the island nothing is recorded. It may well have been that some came straight from the old Phoenicia, that some came from the Phoenician settlements in Africa. The oldest Sicilian homes of the men of Canaan may have been colonies of Tyre and Sidon or they may have been colonies of Utica and Hippo. It is an obvious guess that the settle- ments in the western part of the island, nearer to Africa, ^ Movers, ii. 2. 347 et seqq. Strabo, vi. 2. II, defines MeXirt], o9ev ra Kvvidia a KaXovai MeAtrafa. See above, p. 86. 2 But it must be remembered that the present Semit'c tongue of Malta is not, as some seem still to fancy, a Phoenician inheritance, but simply a dialect of Arabic. Settle- ments in Sicily. SICILY AND SARDINIA. 241 were made from the earlier settlements in that land, while chap. m. those on the eastern coast, looking to Phoenicia as well as to Greece, were made from the old Phoenicia itself. The one point to be insisted on is that their settlement belongs to the earlier period of Phoenician history, that, from whatever havens their founders set forth, it was at least not from the perhaps still unoccupied haven of Carthage. In all this we cannot help again pointing the contrast Sicily and between Sicily and Sardinia ^, the contrast which necessarily follows from the geographical position of the two islands. Sardinia lies just out of the way of greatness. Sicily blocks the road. The historic insignificance of an island greater than Sicily may largely be owing to the air which was trusted to carry off the Jew ^, and which was hardly more healthful to the Greek or to the Roman. But it is mainly owing to the fact that Sicily stood in its way, inviting both Phoenician and Hellenic settlement. Sardo, greatest of islands, was often going to be colonized by the Greeks ; but it never was colonized. It became a possession of the Carthaginian ; it seems to have received earlier settlements from the African or even from the Asiatic Phoenicia ^. But it contains no spots which call up such memories as Panormos, Motya, and Lilybaion. That its people fought stoutly against Rome we infer from the time which it took Rome to get full possession, and from the repeated triumphs celebrated over the same enemies. As a Roman province, there is even less to tell of Sardinia than there is to tell of provinces in general. From the Roman it passed to the Saracen, from the Saracen to the Pisan ; but no tale of either process rivals the tale of the conquest and of the deliverance of Sicily. It was a poor exchange indeed when Victor Amadeus sank from a Sicilian to a Sardinian throne, and it was by a bitter irony that the Sardinian name, as that of an European power, came some- ^ See above, p. 3. ^ ^ac. Ann. ii. 85. ^ Movers, ii. 2. 556. VOL. I. B, 242 THE PHOENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. HI. times to supplant the names of Piedmont_, Savoy, and Genoa. The nearest approacli to a date that can be anywhere found for the beginning of Phoenician settlement in Sicily is that Thucydides believed the Sikels to have crossed from Italy in the eleventh century before Christ, and that he clearly looked on the coming of the Phoenicians as later than the coming of the Sikels ^. We have other hints that the settlements in Sicily were later than the settle- ments in Spain ''^^ as is indeed implied in the belief that Objects of Gades was the oldest of all. The land of gold was the settle- fii'st and great object ; other places were sought for, be- sides such advantages as they might have in themselves, as houses of call on the way to the richest of all goals. Factories The settlements in Sicily seem specially to have borne this colonies, character ; those on the east coast at least were factories rather than colonies. The description of them given by our chief guide sets them forth in that light ; their object was that of trade with the Sikels. This of course specially applies to the eastern part of the island ; it may not shut out settlements of other kinds in other parts. On the Sikel coast at least the Phoenicians seem not to have founded cities or occupied territories ; they sat down, likely enough with the good will of the earlier inhabitants, on the promontories and small islands lying oft the coast ^. In neither of these is Sicily so rich as old Greece; and ^ Tliuc. vi. 2. The Phoenicians come to trade with the Sikels ; there- fore the Sikels were there first. ^ Movers, ii. 2. 309 et seqq. (but why does he call Agyrium a SiJcaner- stadfi); Duncker, ii. 61. In the next page we have the acitounding asser- tion that Phoenicians founded Eryx. Not a scrap of evidence is given for this direct contradiction of Thucydides. ^ Thuc. vi. 2 ; wkow de Koi ^oiviKes vepl iraaav jxev Tr)v "SiKeXiav d/ipas re enl TTf 6a\daar) diroKa^ovTis fcal rd eniKelfieva vrjaldia kfLwopias epenev ttJj vpos Tovs 'XiiceXovs. This is the whole matter, all that is wanted and not too much. EARLY PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS. 243 the seas which water it are specially lackirxg in islands chap. hi. answering to so many in the iEg8ean_, islands of some size, fit for the foundation of a single town, lying near, but not close, both to one another and to the mainland. Except perhaps Aigousa and its fellows, the islands spoken of must be very small islands, like Ortygia on one side and Motya on the other. Melita, Gaulos, and Kossoura, are too far Melita and off to come into the reckoning. Those at least were sites, not of mere factories but of independent Phoenician com- munities. In promontories and small peninsulas Sicily is richer, and we may take for granted, without further evi- dence — and direct evidence V\^e shall find none — that any tempting site of this kind along the whole Sicilian coast was once occupied by the busy traffickers of Canaan. Their Compa- settlements had more in common with the first settlements European of European nations in the Eastern seas of Asia, than with ^^^^^f' ^ ^ ments. the true colonies of Greece in Sicily, of England in America, of Phoenicia herself in Africa and Spain. Some of those far-eastern outposts of Europe have grown into colonies, dominions, empires ; they were in their beginning simple factories for commerce. So in Sicily the Phoenician traf- fickers most likely in no way disturbed the Sikel in- habitants in the sovereignty or in the possession of the soil. This accounts for the way in which, all along the eastern coast, the Phoenician settlers vanish before the Greeks. There were no Phoenician cities to take, no Phoenician territories to conquer. In the north-west corner things may well have been otherwise; to that point we shall come presently. There is no direct evidence to show with absolute cer- No direct tainty that any one site in Sicily, out of the actual bar- foi- p^j.- barian corner, was ever held by a Phoenician settlement, ticular set- ' tlements. This is carefully to be borne in mind ; yet, besides the statement of Thucydides as to the promontories and islands in general, there is the strongest measure of mere likelihood R 2 244 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. that not a few famous spots were once seats of at least Phoenician factories. It is prudent to keep the temptation to both etymological and mythological guessing in good Phoenician order ; but it would be unreasonable to doubt that along the Sicilian coast some Semitic names may be traced even in modern nomenclature, and that some of the local legends may be fairly referred to Semitic gods and heroes. From both sides of the hill of Syracuse we look down on sites which we may well believe once held Phoenician factories, and where it might be unsafe to deny that names for which we can supply no Greek explanation may be in truth a legacy of the Phoenician. Yet the possible claims of the Sikel and the earlier Sikan must not be put out of sight ; and we must remember that those are nations which appear m forma pauperis, who have never engaged such learned and zealous counsel as have been instructed on the side of both Greek and Phoenician. The island of Ortygia itself, the opposite point of Plemmyrion^ the peninsulas of Thapsos and Xiphonia, are all points which well answer the description of Thucydides as likely places for Phoenician settlement. And Semitic scholars have not failed to find a Phoenician origin for the names of more than one among them. A Semitic root has been found for the name of Syracuse itself, a root which strangely enough connects the name of the Sicilian city with the name of the Semitic masters who were ages afterwards to reign in it ^. In our peninsula of Thapsos we are asked to see a fellow to Tiphsach or Thapsakos on the Euphrates ; Pachynos is the point of watching; Makara keeps the name of a Semitic deity; Katane and Kamarina too bear names of Canaan, and Selinous is called from Sela, the rock of its akropolis, not from the herb that grows in the space between its hills. The like ingenuity has been employed on the names of the inland towns of the Sikel. We are ^ See Appendix XIII. PH(ENICIAN NAMES. 245 bidden to see the traces of Ashtoreth at Mytistratus, and chap. hi. we must confess that the obvious Greek word which suggests itself is the less likely of the two. Rude hands have even been laid on the most cherished relic of the Latin-speaking Sikel, and we are told that Gela_, stream and city, was called from some other cause than the cold- ness of its waters. The decision of points like these may be left to scholars whose first business lies with language. There can be no reasonable doubt that many of these points did receive Phoenician settlers. And these settlers may well have given them names which took root both among the Sikels among whom they settled and among the Greeks to whom they gave way. For the next fact in the history The Ph<»- of Phoenician dealings with Sicily is that from the more ^^ye^^ay part of the spots which they had occupied in Sicily they ^^^^^g did give way before the Greeks. The details of Greek settlement in the island will come in another chapter ; we have now to deal only with the general fact that the Phoenicians withdrew from these various points along different parts of the coast, from the promontories and islands where, according to the distinct witness of Thucy- dides, they had planted their factories. They withdrew to The three form three more considerable settlements in the north- J^ents in western part of Sicily ^. The date of this change can only be vaguely guessed at. The retreat would doubtless be gradual ; as the Greek came on, the Phoenician fell back ; the resolution to forsake all the smaller posts, and to gather together the whole Phoenician power in a few strong places in one corner, must have been the completion of a process which had been long going on. It must ^ Thuc. iKKmovTis TO it\h(u MoTVTjv Koi 'XoXoevTa Kol Tiduopfxov tyyvs raiv 'EXvpicuv ivvotKicravT€s kv^fiovro. I take ^woi/ciaavTes to imply that these points were already occupied. 246 TEE PH(ENIOIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. Relations towards Carthaee. The cliange completed in the seventh century B.C. E fleet of tlie found- ation of Himera ; R. c, 648 ; of Selinous B. c. 628. have taken place at a time wlien the Greek had decidedly got the upper hand in eastern Sicily, and before Carthage had begun to exercise the supremacy which she held in later times over the other Phoenician colonies o£ the western seas, Carthage was in being before Greek settlement in Sicily began, and nearness to her is spoken of as one of the advantages offered by these north-western posts ^ But there is no reason to understand anything more by this than that the neighbourhood of a kindred and powerful city was an attraction. It was well for the Phoenicians of Sicily, if they did not choose altogether to forsake Sicily, to strengthen themselves in those parts of the island which lay nearest to the settlements of their kinsfolk in Africa. If we ask for the date of this change, we may perhaps draw some help from the fact that they did not occupy one particular site most convenient for traffic, with Africa. The final withdrawal from east, north, and south, the final establishment in the north-west only, can hardly have been accomplished till late in the second half of the seventh century before Christ. It was in that half- century that the Greeks founded those two of their settlements in Sicily which most directly threatened Phoe- nician interests. First came Himera, the one Greek city on the north coast of the island, an intrusion of the Greek into a region which the Phoenician had hitherto either made his own or left to the native races of whom he stood in no fear ^. Himera lay within sight of Solous ; but the foundation of Himera was presently to be followed by the foundation of a Greek settlement in a yet more dangerous position. Selinous arose at one of the turning-points of ^ Thuc. vi. 2 ; on evTtvOev ekaxtcTTOV nXovi' Kapxr}S(^v ^iKtXias dnix^^' ^ We get the date of the foundation only from the reckoning of Dio- doros (xiii. 62) that at its destruction in 408 B.C. it was noXis o'lKLffQuaa iTj] biaKoaia TeaaapaKovra. THE PHCENICIAN EETEEAT. 247 the island^ on a spot chosen as it were to watch the path chap. hi. across the sea between Sicily and Africa. A spot so singularly suited for Phoenician settlement must surely have been already in the hands of Greek settlers who were not likely to be easily dislodged. Otherwise Phoenicians retreating from eastern to western Sicily could hardly have failed to choose its site as one of the posts which they kept and strengthened. It may be that Selinous was actually won from Phoenicians and not from Sikans ^ ; and we might expect that such a site would have received^ if not a Phoenician colony, at least a Phoenician factory. In any Himera case, if Selinous had been, at the time of the Phoenician geHnous retreat, either unoccupied or in any kind of Phoenician ^^^^^^ ^j^^ occupation, it would surely have been kept as a barrier final against Greek advance along the southern coast. The inference is that it was already in Greek hands ; and, if it was already in Greek hands, it was assuredly time for the Phoenician to strengthen himself in the posts which he had left, if he would not be driven out of the island altogether. It must be remembered that the change which now took The three , '11 p • j^' Q posts not place was simply a change irom one existing seat or newly Phoenician settlement to another. There was a surrender fo^^^^^^^- of Phoenician possessions at one end of Sicily ; but there was no foundation of new ones at the other. No one can suppose that the three points to which the Phoenicians of western Sicily withdrew, Motya, Panormos, and Solous, now passed for the first time into Phoenician occupation. At their exact age w^e cannot even guess ; we have seen Their date reason to think that the Sicilian settlements in general belong to the elder Phoenician time ; we may, if we will, believe that the All-haven dates from an elder day than the New City. Still, if any of the Sicilian settlements were planted, not from the old Phoenicia but from the ^ Benndorf, die Metopen von Selinunt, p. 6. 248 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. Their strengthen- ing by the surrender of the eastern posts. Panormos. Phoenician colonies in Africa^ these are they. And it may be thatj while the settlements on the eastern promontories and islands were merely factories, these western settle- ments were true cities and colonies from the beginning. But the three posts which it was now resolved to keep and strengthen and defend must have put on a new life and strength when the whole Phoenician population of Sicily was gathered within them. Panormos^ above all, was no mere factory on an islet off the shore ; it was — - it surely was from the beginning — a city on a spot where a city once planted could not fail to rise to greatness. With this second colonization begins the history of the head of Semitic Sicily, for a thousand years past the head of all Sicily, a city which has ever held a chief place among the cities and havens of the Mediterranean, and which has won for itself a place in history which is unique. It has been in two distant ages the centre of the warfare waged to determine whether the island of which it was the head should be reckoned, in the eternal strife, on the side of Africa or on the side of Europe. Asia in Africa. The East in the West. Of Africa we must say here, not of Asia. This is the marked peculiarity of the history of Sicily, as of Spain, that the powers of Asia are transferred to Africa, and do their work from an African starting-point. The Phoenicia and the Arabia with which those lands have to deal are not the old Phoenicia and the old Arabia far to the East, but a new Phoenicia, a new Arabia, destined to spring up, each in its turn, on the western shores of the Mediterranean. The East in short, the better to carry on its strife with the West, transfers itself to the further West. In Sicily, above all, the geographical relations of creeds, tongues, and races, seem to be turned about in both the times of strife with the Semitic enemy. The East has become the West and the West the East. The Phoenician in one age, HISTOEIC POSITION OF PANOEMOS, 249 the Saracen in tlie other, holds western Sicily as his sure chap. hi. home, and thence marches to the conquest or attempted conquest of the eastern parts of the island. In truth, even before the first great strife in Sicily began^ the Phoenician power had become wholly a power in the western seas. The elder Canaan was in subjection to foreign masters. Her life had passed away to the West^ to Utica and Panormos and more distant Gades; it had passed to the youngest and greatest of them all_, to the New City^ proclaiming in her name her abiding youth^ and marching fast to become lady and mistress over all her elder fellows^. In the long strife of which Sicily was the centre, the strife, to put it geographically, between Africa and Europe, Panormos had her special calling. As an independent Panormos Phoenician city, neither Panormos nor any of her fellows head.^°^^^^° seems to have taken up the mission which fell to their lot under Carthaginian dominion. Under that dominion she was to become, what she so long remained, the head of African, of Semitic, power in Sicily, whenever any African, any Semitic, power existed there. She was the head of Phoeni- cian Sicily; she was the head of Saracen Sicily. Thrice The three won for Europe by Greek, Roman, and Norman arms, she of^an-^*^ never became the head of an European Sicily till after ormos. the last of those three conquests. When Panormos, under an European and Christian ruler, could call herself the First of Seats, the Crown of the King and the Head of the Kingdom ^, it was a sign that a Semitic capital was never again to be needed for the island which Europe now claimed as her own for ever. A city with such a destiny as this was fittingly Semitic, Panormos African, Oriental, whatever the word is to be, from its phSnSn. historic birth. I have assumed throughout that Panormos, ^ See above, p. i6. ^ ''Prima sedes, corona regis, et regni caput." 250 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. ciiAP, III. the Panormos o£ liistory, was in its beginnings a settle- ment strictly Phoenician. I see no reason to accept the suggestion of a modern scholar that Panormos was of Greek origin or had a Greek element among its people^. For such a belief there does not seem to be a scrap of direct evidence, and it is surely in no way proved or sug- gested by the fact that we know the city only by the name The Greek which it bore on Greek lips. Its Greek name is one name. shared by not a few other havens m many parts of the Greek seas ; but it was never more worthily applied than to this_, so truly and specially the All-haven, which the native historian of the island ruled to be the fairest haven of all Sicily ^. For a town to bear different names on the lips of its own people and on the lips of strangers is nothing wonderful. It was easier to give such a spot a descriptive Greek name than to adapt its Semitic name to Hellenic ears. For the name Fmiormos seems to have been a perfectly independent Greek name of the town ; it is certainly not a translation of any of the Punic names by which Panormos has been said to have been called. Greek When Greek influences spread themselves over the Phoeni- coins at . . . Panormos. cians of Sicily, when the coinage of Panormos was wrought in a high style of Greek art and Greek became the language of its legends, the Greek name of the town was adopted, and Fmiormos appears freely on the moneys of the ^ On this view, suggested by Holm, Studii di Storia Palermitana, in the Archivio Storico-Siciliano, Anno iv., Palermo, 1880, I shall say- something in Appendix XIX. ^ l iod. xxii. 14; rjK^v [o Tivppos^ km twv UavopixnSjv iruXiv, exovaav Xi/j-iva KaWicTTOv twv Kara TTjv 'S.iKiXiav, a(p' ov ml rrjv iroXiv avfxfie^TjKe ravT7]s iijs irpoa-q^opias. In the Odyssey (xiii. 195) Xiixiva iravoppLoi appear as a class, happily in Ithake itself, or we might have got another piece of haphazard Sicilian geography. Eustathios makes his comment ; iravopixoi hi XijjLtves ol a'yxL^aOiis, els ovs 5ia tovto vdoa vav9 ital kv iravTi dve/xo) opfxi- C^Tai. Some harbours, he tells us most truly, are not irdvopfioi, according to this definition. Can it be our Panormos of which Sappho speaks as a home of Aphrodite ? fr. 6 ; -q ae Kvirpos Kal Udcpos rj Ildvopfios. We shall come to her again. THE NAME PANORMOS. 251 Phoenician city ^. The fact is not wonderful ; wherever_, from chap. hi. whatever cause_, two languages are in use, a place very commonly has two names, names which sometimes trans- late one another and sometimes not. In such cases which name is to be used depends upon the language which is spoken. When Panormos was fully established as the Greek name of the city, even a Phoenician in speaking- Greek would not think of calling it by any other. But The it is a singular chance that the true Phoenician name of name Panormos is still uncertain. Semitic scholars were for- ""certain, merly divided between two names. There was Ma- choshbim, the camp of the Workers in Colour, and Machmiat, more directly proclaiming its kinship to the Malianaim of the Old Testament. Then the name was said to be Ziz ; it seems now to be left an open question among those who should best know ^. The remarkable thing is that neither of Afac/ios/ibim, of Maclianat^ or of Ziz, is Panormos in any sort a rendering. It may be that some day a Semitic name for the All-haven may be brought to light. Till then we must believe that Greek visitors, Greek enemies, strangers who wished that such a site was a possession of their own people, looked at it wistfully and named it for themselves. But they would hardly have so named it if what they Changes in looked at had been the Palermo of the present day. A visitor * ^ ^ Coins of Sicily, 121. There are some of the "Period of Transition," with Greelc letters from right to left. 2 See Movers, ii. 2. 335 ; Holm, i. 84, 372 ; Schubring, Eistorische Topo- graphie von Panormos, p. 9. But it is now held that the coins with the names n^no and amunD do not belong to Panormos. See Coins of Sicily, 246. Yet one is a little sorry to lose the riDna coins, as they have on the reverse nttJin mp, that is Carthage, which so well fits to the NfaTroAtj, the Khalesa, of Panormos. Ziz, yir^, as a name of the place, I have heard first suggested and then withdrawn by an eminent eastern scholar. Some- thing will be found about it in Head, 151. But it is enough for me to leave the matter as Meltzer leaves it (i. 483) : " Die Frage nach dem phoenikischen Namen der Stadt Panormus muss auch zur Zeit noch, soweit wir sehen, in jeder Eichtung als eine offene bezeichnet werden." 252 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. who had no other guide than his own first glimpses of the three^ mighty after seeing the Great Harbour of Syracuse and the Zanklon of Messana, be inclined to wonder at the judgement of the native historian which placed the haven of Panormos first of all ^. But the Panormos of which we have to speak^ the Panormos of Phoenician, Roman, Arab, and even Norman, guarded by the same mountains, washed by the same waves, fanned by the same breezes, was, as regards the relations of land and water in the city itself, something wholly unlike the Palermo of our own time. Those relations had greatly changed before man walked the earth, and they went on changing down to a time when the main interest of Sicilian history has passed away. Yet after all, Palermo has changed less than Nar- bonne and Aries, than Pisa and Ravenna. She still re- mains a royal city and no small haven of the sea. But she is no longer the All-haven, with the waters enfolding the land and the land enfolding the waters. It was on a spot wholly unlike the present Palermo that the Phoenician first bade a city of men arise, that the Arab in after days took the place of the Phoenician, and that the Epeirot, the Roman, and the Norman, each in his day, won or won back the precious spoil for Europe. Land and water around Panormos have won for them- selves picturesque and sacred names in the modern tongue The of the land. The plain of Palermo is the Golden Shell ; Shell."^^ the sea that washes it is the Gulf of Angels ; the height that keeps watch over land and sea is the Mount of Pilgrims. What devotional names the worshippers of Baalim and Ashtaroth gave either to the sea or to the high places of their gods we know not. But the Golden Shell, the plain of Palermo, the rich garden of nature ^ with its crops and fruits — fruits both inborn and welcomed from other lands — the plain fenced in by its bold arc of moun- ^ See p. 250, note 2. ^ See above, p. 59. THE EASTERN OUTLOOK. 253 tains^ like a theatre looking down on the broad Mediter- chap. hi. ranean as its stage — all this ranks among those marked facts o£ physical geograpliy which rule the destinies of cities and nations. The exact geography needs a little pains thoroughly to master it. Panormos stands in such Panormos a marked way on the north coast of Sicily that we carry thither a kind of feeling that the city itself looks north- ward. But Panormos stands at a point of the coast where the land turns northward to form the gulf from which the city itself looks forth, not towards the norths but towards the morning-land. Looking straight from Palermo, the eye ranges far away along the broken masses of mountains which guard the northern coast of Sicily, ^tna himself, in favourable moments, raises his snowy tore above his lowlier fellows, and now and then, on the bosom of the i Tyrrhenian waters, may be seen the most western of the fiery isles of Aiolos. The spot looks east, as if to invite the men of Canaan and the men of Hellas, each in their turn. But it looks not straight towards the land of either folk. Its true look-out is towards the lands which bar the path to both, the lands from which, not the Pha3nician, the Greek, or the Arab, but the Boman and the Norman were to come. The immediate bay of Panormos is fenced in by two The bay marked bulwarks, both of them islands in an earlier state boundaries of the world^s being, now isolated masses of hill, standing in advance of the mountain range, like strong outposts in advance of a long rampart of town or castle. Of these bold promontories, the isolated mass of hills to the south- east, throwing out its bold spurs into the Mediterranean waters, bore the sister city of Solous on a lower level of one of the hills which form it. At the northern end, far The north- nearer to the city, the gulf is bounded by a more famous Herktror isolated rock, known in one age as Herkte, the stronghold Pellegnno. of Hamilkar, in another age as Monte Pellegrino, the holy 254 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. Never the akropolia of Pjinornios. (-'oiitrast with Corinth and Athens. The horn 3 bound the bay, but not the Cam- paijna. place of the virgin Rosalia. This is a steep mass of lime- stone^ rising slieer from the sea on one side and from the plain on the other, a mighty mass, reckoning, as Polybios, somewhat overstripping the truth, recorded, a hundred stadia in its girth ^. Seen from below, its summit seems to be made up of small peaks thrown fantastically towards the sky; in truth those peaks shelter ground which is nearly level, ground which could serve for the encampment of armies, and even, we are told, for the nourishment of the armies which were there encamped 2. Had it stood but a little nearer to the haven of Panormos, the heio-ht of Herkte might have become the akropolis of the city. But for men who, if they came to dwell and to rule, came before all things to traffic, no site could have such charms as that which they actually chose. Herkte could not — unless by long walls like those of Themistokles — have been yoked into actual unity with the city which was to arise among the waters. The guardian rock remained an out- post, an outpost of all importance whether it were in the hands of friends or enemies, but which has never to this day become part of the city itself. Herkte, looking down on Panormos, has in no age been to Panormos as the heights which look down on later Corinth and Athens have been to those cities. For those heights were themselves the oldest Corinth and the oldest Athens. Panormos belongs to a later stage, the stage w^hich the Phoenician reached sooner than the Greek, the stage when men no longer dreaded the sea, but learned to find themselves close on its shore and sometimes on its very waters. Of the bay of Panormos Herkte at the one end, the hills of Solous at the other, may be fairly set down as the boundaries. But neither of them is a boundary of the land. ^ Polybios, i. 56 ; tovtov S' 77 irepi/xeTpos tt]S avoj ffTCcp&vrjs ov Xeind twv 2 lb. ; vcp' ?is o TTfpiex'^H'^^os Tonos evPoros virapx^i tal yecupyrjcriixos. PELLEGRINO AND CAPO GALLO. 255 the plain^ the garden, of Panormos. The hill of Solous chap. m. stands from all points of view palpably isolated, parted from the main line of mountains by a considerable stretch of low ground. But besides this^, the Camjoagna cli Palermo has several outlets, both landwards and seawards. The The Mont- Montagna di Palermo seems to sweep round as a mighty Sermo. wall ; but it is a wall pierced with several breaches. To the south-west of the city, the plain sends a branch inland, where the vale of the Oreto ^ or Ammiraglio makes a gap in the mountain range. Overlooking the mouth of this gap, in front of the loftier heights, rises the hill which was crowned in later days by the renowned church of Monreale and the town which grew up around it. From thence the mountains stretch northwards to the point where they reach the sea ; but that point is nowhere in the bay of Palermo, but on the actual northern coast of Sicily. The Golden Shell has, Other north of the city, two openings to the sea, besides the bay to the"sea. itself. It opens to the northern sea at a point which bears the strange name, not unknown elsewhere, of Sferracavallo. In front of it is the small island which bears the no CapoGallo. less strange name of Isola delle Femmine'^, To the left of this opening is the actual ending of the mountain-range. To its right stands another huge isolated rock, now known as Cajpo Gallo. This is parted from Herkte or Pellegrino by a smaller opening to the sea, looking eastward like the bay itself, and again parted by Pellegrino from the bay. Capo Gallo is very prominent from the sea, as the most northern point of this part of Sicily, very nearly the most northern point of the whole island. As we draw near to Palermo from Trapani, both hills distinctly stand out as islands ^ The name Orethus comes only from Vibius Sequester, p. 14 ; " Orethus Panormi Sicilise." See above, p. 83. Polybios (i. 40) has simply 0 rrpb rrjs TToAfcyy TroTafXos, ^ See Smyth, p. 70, and above, p. 86. It is odd that anybody should have taken it for Motya ; see below, p. 272. 256 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. with branches o£ the plain reaching* to the sea on each side of them. Looked at from the land^ in the shifting view from various points of the hills^ sometimes one open- ing is seen, sometimes the other ; sometimes the isolation of Capo Gallo is most prominent, sometimes that of Pelle- grino. But it is the opening between Capo Gallo and Pelle- grino, not that between Capo Gallo and the main line of mountains, which plays its part in history. It in truth gives the plain a lesser haven besides the All-haven itself. Haven of It now bears the name of Mondello, from a small village, with two small military towers, nestling at the end of Capo Gallo which looks towards Pellegrino. Like the All- haven itself, it has been affected by the changes of land and water. The side of it lying under Capo Gallo once formed a deep bay, where the waves swept over ground which has changed from sea to marsh and from marsh to dry land. The land is still unhealthy and uninhabited, and it has undergone large artificial works of draining. The hill above it must in past times, in not very distant times, have come much nearer to the nature of a real island than it does now. On the side of Herkte the withdrawal of the sea has not been so great; still it has gone back on this side also ^. This haven is still in actual use ; but it is now small and unimportant. But had a city ever arisen on the top of Herkte, Mondello, and not the All-haven, would have been its natural harbour. And when the height was occupied in the wars of Hamilkar, while Panormos was in the hands of his enemies, this lesser opening actually served as the haven, if not of a city, at least of the Punic camp on the mountain. The Mont- The great inland range of heights to the west, and ^Palermo, again to the south on the right bank of the Oreto, is ^ See Amari, Musulmani in Sicilia, i. 318, and Biblioteca Arabo-Sicula, cap. XXXV. p. 31 (i. 376 oct. ed.). THE MOUNTAINS OF PALERMO. 257 far higher tlian any of the isolated outposts. Yet the chap. in. whole system of mountains is of only moderate height. The loftiest point of the mountains of Palermo throws up its sharply marked peak to a height which, after all, hardly outtops the Snowdon of Gwynedd^. Other points range northward and southward. On the south side the most marked feature is the heavy mass of Monte Grifone, sheltering in its side a deep hole, the Giants' Cave, The Giants' once set thick with remains which were doubtless as truly things of the past when the Phoenician first landed as they are now. Relics they were of days when Europe and Africa had not yet been rent asunder, days when the elephant of the southern continent stalked at his free will amid the woods of what should be Sicily, and needed not the sails of Carthage to bring him thither as an invader. And, nearer to the sea, as if to bring together all the epochs of Sicilian history, a sinking in the heights, over- looked by peaks of wildly fantastic outline, whose name of Gihelrosso, like not a few other names among these hills, suggests the second Semitic masters of the land, marks the spot which in our own days beheld the crossing of Gari- baldi and his Thousand. The plain is well watered by springs and streams, a feature on which all descriptions of the land, specially those of the Arabian writers, do not fail to enlarge. The The river chief among the streams, the Oreto, plays its part in one of the great moments of Panormitan history. Its bed, even at a small distance from the sea, is deep and reedy, and its banks are steep. In some parts they are, like so many of the hills of Sicily, burrowed into by caves, at one stage perhaps the dwelling-places, at another the burial-places, of unrecorded occupants. Nearer to the city, rain easily changes the stream into a rushing torrent, of a hue rivalling that of the yellow Tiber. But ^ See p. 69. VOL. I. S 258 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. much tampering' with the course o£ the river has made the bed at ordinary times wide and shallow. It is but a feeble stream that trickles into the Mediterranean, and the famous bridge of George of Antioch stands almost dry, with water running under one only of its twelve arches. If Oreto had not once had a richer supply of water, we should hardly have heard of it in the fight of Metellus and Asdrubal. Site of Between the stream of Oreto and the rock of Herkte lay the site so specially made to draw to itself the eyes and the hearts of the men of Tyre and Sidon, the site of the All-haven itself. Its look now is far different from what it was when the glance of the first Phoenician ship- man marked it as formed by the hand of nature for the Changes of great purpose of his being. His ships could then anchor wattr^^^ in waters which have since changed into the streets of a great and busy city. An inlet of the sea, making its way inland by a narrow mouth, presently parted off into two branches^ and left a tongue of land between them. Of these branches, each of which had a stream running into it, the northern one ran much further inland than the other, and with a more direct course to the west. The southern arm, going far less deep into the land, took a turn to the south, leaving a small peninsula between itself and the outer The two sea. There was thus an inner peninsula and an outer. The peninsulas, -^^^j. ^^^^ between the two inlets, ran east and west ; the outer one, guarding the approach to the inner, ran more nearly north and south. Such a site as this, a little inland sea, with the land sheltering the water and the water sheltering the land, was indeed a haven of rest for the wearied merchantman of Phoenicia, seeking a safe harbour for his ships and their burthens. The spot was seized on ; the well-placed piece of land, with water on both sides of it, became the site of the oldest Phoenician settlement. Ships sailed and rode in safety in both branches of the truly SITE OF PANOEMOS. 259 called All-haven. The elder city was wholly confined to chap. m. the tongue of land ; but the peninsula between the southern ^^^^^^ arm of the haven and the main sea must have been early occupied and fortified. Suburbs grew up, in this case not only beyond the walls, but beyond the waters. The penin- The New sula became the New City, on Greek lips Neapolis, an elder Naples, on Phoenician lips no doubt a lesser Carthage ^. Our history leads us to believe that, even in Phoenician times, not only the peninsula but a considerable extent of ground south of the haven was already fenced in, walled and ditched to withstand an enemy. How far this fortified Fortified suburbs. suburb stretched to the south, whether to the full extent of the modem walls, it is vain to guess. It is enough that there was a fortified suburb beyond the mere peninsula, that there was, at least when Carthage ruled over Pan- ormos, a southern wall ready to meet an enemy advancing from the side of the Oreto. Of the northern side of the double haven we can in these days say nothing ^. The main thing to be borne in mind, when we get our first picture of Phoenician Panormos at the time of its taking by the Romans, is that it had already become, ^ See above, p. 228. ^ Since this was written, a work has appeared, Xa Topograjia Antica di Palermo, dal Seculo Xal XV, by Professor Vincenzo di Giovanni (Palermo, 1889). The writer's attention is chiefly given to later times, but he could not help saying something about the earlier times also. Most of the points raised in the book will concern me in future volumes ; but it is of import- ance here to note that, as Schubring gave the waters a less extent inland than Morso and the older writers, Di Giovaimi gives them an extent still less than Schubring. But it is not denied that the sea came in much further than it does now, and that the tongue of land was divided from the land on which the suburbs arose by some wa,ter, more or less, whether merely a stream or something entitled to be called part of the haven. I have in my plan provisionally followed Schubring ; absolute certainty as to the earliest times cannot be liad, and the details of Saracen and Norman times will be discussed elsewhere. As far as I can judg-e at present, Pro- fessor di Giovanni seems stronger in the later times than in the earlier. It is very odd in the year 1889 to quote Poly bios and Procopius in Latin cribs, and very ^^t^ange cribs too. S 2 260 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. in all essential features, the same as it remained under the Roman, the Arab, and even the Norman. The old central city was still, long after it had been won back for Christendom, planted on its tongue of land between the two inlets, with suburbs gradually growing up on the northern Modern and southern shores of the haven. Since the fourteenth cen- • the havens. ^^^T of o^r sera the two branches of the haven have been gradually filled up, and have become dry land ^ ; a small survival only of the All-haven abides in the little port called the Cala. And we may be sure that the changes which have gone on so actively in these later centuries had begun much earlier. The relations of land and water in the days of the Arab and the Norman are fairly well ascertained. The chances are that even then a good deal of change had happened since the days of early Phoenician settlement. We are tempted to think that Atilius found a greater All-haven than Belisarius, and Belisarius a greater one than The great Roger. And one point must be specially marked. The long straight street running east and west, the Casr of the Arab, the Via Marmorea of the Norman, the heirloom, we may well deem, not only of Roman but of Phoenician times, the street which once traversed the whole length of the older city on the tongue of land, has been carried far eastward, over what was haven, over what was peninsula. It now opens, by an outlet of Spanish times, to the wide Mediterranean itself. . This is indeed a change to have come upon a great city. The All-haven is no more; beyond the little Cala, the modern port of Palermo stretches along the coast in the direction of Pellegrino, and has caused a great extension of suburb on that side. This change must always be borne in mind ; for throughout our story, unless it be prolonged till almost modern times, we shall be ^ Fazello, who had seen the later stages of the process, describes it in i. 339. CHANGES OF LAND AND WATER. 261 speaking of tlie physical features_, not of Palermo that isj chap. hi. but of Panormos that was. It was in ancient Panormos^ not in modern Palermo, that Frederick the Emperor reigned and left his dust. An observant eye might well find out Signs of the change without being told of it. The fall from the central ridge to those parts which once were covered with water is strongly marked on both sides of the great central street. The parts of the town which cover the bed of the northern arm lie in a deep hollow, and the fall is no less marked on the south side in the steep sides of what once was the bed of the stream that ran into the southern arm. It also soon strikes the inquirer that in these Lack of lower parts of the city there is an utter lack of ancient remithis buildings. Only the question might be raised whether in the Palermo that now is we have any right to speak of ancient buildings at all. The oldest that now are, with all their surpassing historic and artistic value^ do not go further back than the Norman reigns. A few frag- ments only proclaim the former dwelling of the Saracen and the Homan. Of the Phoenician nothing certain seems to be left beyond what is sheltered within the walls of the Museum alongside of the earliest efforts of Greek art from Selinous.. There at least are the tombs and the graven forms of two of the daughters of Canaan, sisters alike of Sophonisba and of Jezebel, dwellers in the Panormitan land, though not within the Panormitan city. But of Phcenician buildings, even of Roman or Saracen No certain buildings, such as are at Aries and Nimes, at Cordova and ^aces'^^^^^ Granada, standing where their builders planted them, modern Palermo can show none. Yet ever and anon, among her streets and walls and palaces, above all in the long-enduring wall which fences in the inner city, the eye lights on mighty stones which have, we are tempted to think, known some earlier resting-place. Is it too fond a dream that some of them may have been once piled by 262 THE PHOENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. the kinsmen of the sons of Anak, to make towers and temples fated to become the quarry of the Roman in his day and of the Norman in his ^ ? The terri- Such was the head of Phoenician Sicily, the chief among Panormos. three cities of refuge of the Phoenician fleeing before the Greek. In Sicily, as in Greece, the territories of the several cities are well marked out by the hand of nature. At all points save one, the immediate land of Panormos, notwithstanding the gaps in its mountain wall, is almost as clearly defined as the immediate land of Athens. West and north, and south-west also, it is well fenced in. The dweller in the Golden Shell could know no more of aught beyond the hills than the dweller in Athens could know of the Thriasian plain or the Tetrapolis of Marathon. Even where the plain of Palermo opens to the further plain to the south-east, there is still practically a barrier, though a barrier which suggests what it hides. Yet no marked feature parts off the territory of Panormos from that of the sister city, the most eastern stronghold of Canaan on Sela, the north coast of Sicily. Its later names, Solous and Solimt'um. Soluntum, are said to be forms of the descriptive Semitic name, Sela, the city of the rock ^. With the rock, but not the city on it, before our eyes, we pass throug-h the garden which still lies between the mountains and the sea. A garden it was in the days of the Phoenician, and a garden it still remains. Between the two cities lay a smaller ^ On the other hand, speculations of this kind are dangerous, because of the later Palermitan fashion of building with large stones which anywhere else would be thought to be ancient. I have seen some fresh-hewn stones, nut yet set in the wall, which looked as if they were of the days of Eth-baal. ^ ybc, the true name of Petra ; 2 Kings xiv. 7; Isaiah xvi. i; Movers, ii. 2. 337. But see Holm, i. 373, for another name So Coins of Sicily, 242; Head, 149. The earliest coins have Greek legends. There was another Soloeis or Solous, SoAoeij OLKprj, tt} T€\(VTa ra ttjs A.i0vrjs (Herod, ii. 32), to aKpcuTrjpiov ttjs Aifivr]S, tw ovvopa 2o\o6(s (iv. 43). Hanno, Periplus, 3 ; Skylax, 112. PANORMOS AND SOLOUS. 263 home of the men of the East^ whose remains still crown the chap. hi. bold isolated rock of Cannita. Thence^ from the foot of Cannita. the hill^ came the tombs of the two Phoenician women in the Palermitan Museum^ and there the later Semitic comers kept an abiding home after the Norman had made his way into the land. No two sites can be conceived more unlike each other Sites of than the sites of the two kindred and neighbouring cities ^nd Solous. of Panormos and Solous. Panormos reposes luxuriously on her rich plain, with her guardian rock rising above her. She had no temptation to fix even her akropolis on the height of Herkte. But what did not happen at Panormos did happen at Solous. The city sits on the height^ a height doubtless won from earlier possessors. Solous can never have begun its career as a mere factory. It must have been a military outpost from the beginning. Holes in the hill-side, tombs most likely of the Sikan, bespeak the presence of more ancient dwellers ; for the later dead the plain was left. The traveller now finds himself within the nekropolis of Solous, and thence looks up to the city of the living far above him. Yet^ if Solous sits on her height. The town . . on the side she does not sit proudly on its summit ; she seems rather of the hill. as if engaged in an endless struggle, ever climbing up the sloping side, even putting forth all her strength to keep the vantage-ground which she has gained. For while Panor- mos^ self-contained in her Golden Shell, was the centre of Phoenician power, less open than her fellows to the attacks of enemies, Solous was the most exposed of outposts in the teeth of the Hellenic foe. Yet the city arose on a spot which might in some sort be called sheltered. The imme- diate site of Solous is altogether cut off from the northern waters. The city looks east, west, south; to the north a loftier height soars above it. The isolated mass of which the hill of Solous forms a part rises to its greatest height by the name of Mount Catalfano, a hybrid name^ half Catalfano. 264 THE PH(ENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. Arabic^ half Greek^ which may show that the Saracen conquerors found it the seat of a watch-tower and beacon. This central height throws out two bold promontories into Monger- the Tyrrhenian waters. On the western side, the headland now known as Mongerbino, the immediate rival or fellow of Pelligrino, the horn that guards the south-eastern end of the bay of Palermo naturally looks slightly to the west- Zaffarana. ward. The eastern headland^ known as Cape Zaffarana, hardly seen from Palermo itself, is clearly seen from Pel- legrino as a bold and isolated rock, joined to the mountain mass by a low isthmus. A deep and narrow chasm parts these natural outposts from the actual hill of Solous. They shelter it from the direct assaults of the open sea, and leave it as a barrier, though an isolated one, between the low land on each side and the gulfs which wash it, the bay of Palermo to the north-west and what was once the bay of Himera to the east. The town The city itself sat on the south-eastern slope of the hill, of Solous. a city most unlike either those towns which have struggled up a hill from a site at the foot, and no less unlike those towns which have struggled down a hill from a site at the top. Walls there must surely have been, at least on the lower side; the great chasm and the steep rocks which part the hill of Solous from the mass of the mountain may have made them needless on that side. But all walls have vanished. After no slight climb from the foot of the hill, the traveller knows that he is entering the city. The ancient path by which he has made his way up gradually changes into the main street of Solous. That is, the foundations and ruins of the buildings lie on each side of it. The street runs horizontally across the hill, with smaller streets sloping upwards and downwards from it. The streets largely keep their pavements ; on such a slope the High Street alone would be available for carriages; the side- streets are often simple flights of steps. One of them SITE OF SOLOUS. 265 however was carried on over a separate spur of the hill at chap. m. a height rather below the High Street and nearly at right angles to it. No greater contrast can be conceived to the great street of Panormos, with the waters of the twofold haven close beneath it on each side. Panormos and Solous stand so near to each other as to The out- be ever aware of each other^s being and nearness ; but they Solous. stand so that each seems purposely to avoid the direct sight of the other. Solous seems designedly to turn her back on her sister ; or rather the outpost of the race of which both were members was bound to keep her face towards the enemies of both. Panormos may be seen from some points of the higher ground of Solous ; but the true view from the Soluntine hill is eastward, along the northern coast of Sicily, as far as the headland which shuts out the further view, the height of Sikel Cephaloe- dium with Norman Cefalu at its foot. Thus, from the border fortress of the Phoenician against the Greek we look out on spots that are memorable indeed in the long tale of Greek and Phoenician warfare. The eye first lights on a monument of Phoenician victory. There stands the Termini promontory crowned by the modern Termini, the Thermal of Himera ^. That w^e look on the Thermai of Himera while Himera. we cannot look on Himera itself, shows how well the Phoe- nician knew both how to sweep away and how to call into being. But as the eye ranges one step further, we look forth from Phoenician Solous on the spot where once was Greek Himera, a name that calls up one of the brightest and one of the saddest days in the long tale of the Eternal Strife. There, as it were before our eyes, as we gaze from the stronghold of the enemy, was fought the fight fellow to Salamis, fought, as men believed, on the day of Salamis. And from the darker and grimmer Semitic side, few acts even in the drama of Sicilian story can outdo the gloomy ^ See above, p. 77. 266 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. interest o£ the offering and the end of the earlier and lesser Hamilkar, o£ the fearful vengeance of the earlier and lesser Hannibal. No Phoe- It is from the site of Phoenician Solous that we look out on traces. these memories of alternate Greek and Phoenician victory; but it is not from Phoenician Solous that we look on them. We tread the pavement of ancient streets ; we walk with ancient houses on each side of us ; the eye rests,, here on a column, there on a statue, relics of a city from which every living habitation of man has passed away for ages. But the city whose streets we walk is not the Phoenician ^ela, Roman not the Greek Solous, but the Roman Soluntum, into which the Phoenician city changed. Greek, save for one moment it never was, except in that wider sense in which, under Roman, specially under East-Roman rule, all things in Sicily at last became Greek. A Greek column alongside of a Roman fellow proves only Hellenic influence of this kind. On this hill did Japheth, in a marked way, dwell in the tents of Shem, but it was in his Italian, not in his Greek form, that he settled there. Its modern There is no modern town of Soluntum, nor is there any- tives!^^^^^' tliiiig" ^1^^^ ^6 called a haven. Yet ships must have anchored there in Phoenician times, and several fishing villages are still scattered along the shore. One of them, which has some fame in mediaeval story, is known as Solanto, keeping the ancient name in a corrupted shape, and with an accent which is neither Greek nor Latin ^. Another, at the base of the hill, bears a Semitic name which was not brought thither by men of Canaan, but ^ It is said to have been once betrayed to Dionysios ; Diod. xiv. 78. ^ In some names in Sicily and soutliern Italy there seems a tendency to throw back the accent in an almost English fashion. Tdranto, one would say, follows Greek Tdpavra, but Otranto cannot be got out of either 'Tdpovvra or Hydruntam. So with Solanto. And while the Latin Lucia of Naples and Syracuse is accented as if she were a Greek AfVKia, the modern forms of XiKekla and 'IraA/a always follow the Latin rule. ORIGIN OF PANOEMOS AND SOLOUS. 267 which, in the days of East-Roman power, should rather chap. hi. have wandered from the base to the summit. It bears the Saint Elias. name of the awful saint of the old law, Elias^ prophet of Carmel and of countless heights besides. Here it seems as if the prophets of Baal had kept the high place in spite of him. To the hill itself, even before aught of the remains of Soluntum had been brought to light_, the name of La Citta clave by a long and true tradition, which the re- searches of learned inquirers did but confirm. As we have seen, we are altogether without records as Origin of to the date and circumstances of the first Phoenician occu- PanoiTnosf pation of the sites of Panormos and Solous. The striking difference between the two spots naturally sets us thinking as to the state of each when the old colonists from Tyre or Sidon, or from Hippo or Utica, took possession. Some people doubtless already held the soil, and it is Sikans for whom we should most naturally look in this corner of Sicily. We are tempted to think that Solous may have been at the beginning, as we know that it became after- wards, an outpost of race against race. It may well be that on its site the Phoenician settlers thought it wise to occupy a Sikan stronghold, while at Panormos, sheltered by Solous and with the All-haven offering so tempting a site, there was no thought of planting the city on Herkte. That Herkte was occupied before the Phoenicians came can be distinctly proved ; only who would have doubted it ? The cave-dwellings or cave-tombs — the two run easily Prae- into each other — of some primitive folk look out from remains the hill over the sea, and the skulls, the weapons, the food, g"j^^^^^' of unrecorded times, have all been preserved^. But with savages like these our story has slight concern ; we may feel sure that they had either vanished from the earth or had been improved into quite another people before the * Many such things may be seen in the University Museum at Palermo. 268 THE PHOENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. days of Phoenician settlement. It would be dangerous to rule wliether they were undeveloped Sikans or some yet earlier people whom the Sikans found in possession. And for the political history of Sicily the question matters not. Skulls. But when we are told that the prevalent type of skull even in modern Palermo agrees with what we should expect the Sikan skull to be^, the fact or conjecture, as it may be, has all historical likelihood on its side. The Phoenicians, we may be sure, never wholly displaced the earlier in- habitants ; they rather sat down, as did Romans, Arabs, and Normans in later times, as a ruling race among them. We may conceive Panormos, as we please, either as a factory growing into a ruling city or as a ruling city from its foundation. In the former case Sikans may have gone on dwelling on Herkte long after the Phoenician had seated himself between the two branches of the All-haven. But at questions like these we can only guess ; that the Phoe- nicians ruled over subject Sikans we may take for granted. Solous then may, from its very beginning, have stood as a frontier stronghold against independent Sikans or whatever other people held the coast to the east of it. Solous a It is certain that, from the time when the Phoenicians of border • • post Sicily gathered themselves up into their three north- western settlements, it became one of the bulwarks of the western Canaan against Hellas. The point that it imme- diately sheltered was Panormos. To the immediate west of that central settlement no such bulwark was needed. To the north-western corner of Sicily no Greek adven- turer had made his way. There Elymians and Sikans only had to be dealt with. The territory of those nations, the friendly Elymians, the most commonly hostile Sikans, completely shut out the Phoenician settlements on the ^ So I have been told by one practised in measuring skulls; but I do not commit myself to tbe fact. against the Greeks PANORMOS, SOLOUS, AND MOTYA. 269 north coast of Sicily from those on the west. Neither chap. hi. Panormos nor Solous looks directly northward : yet Panormoa and Solous the position of both is northward ; they are altogether look cut off from Africa ; they do not point towards Spain. Europe. They look rather to Italy and Sardinia ; they are parts of that wider Phoenician extension to the north which no doubt began at an early stage of Phoenician settle- ment^ but which reached a far higher measure of import- ance as Carthage rose to dominion. Then the Phoenician growth northwards took the shape of the Carthaginian oc- cupation of Sardinia and Corsica, and was marked by the treaties of Carthage with the Etruscan and the Roman. But, long before that day, Phoenicians had made their way, in whatever character, to the Gaulish coast of Massalia, and their first settlement on the northern coast of Sicily, the choice of posts on that coast among those which were specially to be kept, all point to views in a northern direction at both dates. Panormos and Solous do both in some sort look out towards Europe with a defiant air. It may well have been on the height of Herkte that Hamilkar Barak learned what he and his son could do in Spain and Gaul and Italy. Wholly unlike the position of Panormos and Solous was the position of the third point which it was determined to keep as a Phoenician possession in Sicily. It was altogether cut off from the other two by Elymian and Sikan territory. But its connexion with Africa was far closer than that of Panormos and Solous. Motya lay off Lilybaion, the sup- Motya. posed western promontory of Trinakria, and in sober truth the most western point of the Sicilian mainland. We have seen that, if it does not look towards Libya, Libya certainly looks towards it ^. Following the coast line to the west, the Voyage Phoenician seaman, making his way between the northern and paJJ^rmos to Motya, ^ See above, p. 6i. Cf. Diod. xiii. 54; ttjv dupav ttjv dnevavTi Trjs Aifivrjs, KaXovjxivrjv Aikv^aiov. 270 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. the western settlements of his race in Sicily, would first pass the shallow bay of Sikan Hykkara, and then find himself off the Elymian land which occupies the north-west corner of the island. Passing the deep gulf, deep for Sicily, where Elymian Segesta had her haven, doubling the most northern cape of Sicily, turning to the south by the jagged rock which forms the most northern but- tress of the island against the western waves, passing on by lofty Eryx and by the future haven of Eryx at lowly Drepana, leaving Aigousa and her fellows out in the western sea, he would, between Drepana and Lily- baion, come to a region in which land and water have Changes of largely changed places. They have changed places, not only since the first settlements of the free Phoenician, but since those settlements, changed into dependencies of Carthage, had to bear the assaults, first of the Greek and then of the Roman. Off that coast the change is easy. The land is low; the water is shallow. We there find a group of islands, some of which were not always islands. The central one among them, now bearing the name of the Nikomedeian Saint Pantaleon, was in those days Motya, the isle of the Weavers, the chosen seat of Phoenician power on the fourth side of Sicily ^. It was that one of the three which was best fitted for communication with the Phoenician settlements in Africa, with Utica, never more than its sister, with Carthage presently to grow from sister into mistress. Position This western outpost of Phoenician life in Sicily was of Motya. ^1^^^^^^^ ^ ^^^.^ ([[^Q^Qnt region from the northern coast of Panormos or Solous. Save only the vast mass of Eryx, the ^ Motya, Hilton, as it appears on the coins (Coins of Sicily, 243 ; Head, 1 38), is explained by Movers (ii. 2. 334) "Spinnerei." Many of its Phoenician coins have the Akragantine crab, of which we may have to speak again, as also the hound. Of its Greek coins (115) there are some old enough to read noiavtom, Eastern fashion. MOTYA SxcUy,Vol.I.p.271. 12*30' 3S' 40' StanforaL's Geo^^lEstaJbP POSITION OF MOTYA. 271 mountains do not come so near to the shore as those which chap. hi. fence in the land of Palermo. And Eryx itself, though on The west T j_i coast. one side almost washed by the waves, is not so directly a headland in the waters as the hill of Solous or even as Herkte. Instead of the Golden Shell, we have on this side of Sicily a true Canaan, a long* low land by the sea, looking up to distant heights. For neighbouring heights with really bold and mountainous outlines we must look to the sea itself ; we shall not find them in the western headlands of Sicily. Lilybaion itself, with its holy Lilybaion. spring of the Sibyl ^, renowned as the headland which divides the Libyan and the Sardinian seas ^, is somewhat higher than the long natural mole at Drepana ; but it would be an abuse of language to speak of it as a hill. That point became at a later time the stronghold of Phoenician power in Sicily, and the spot must from the beginning have been occupied as an outpost for the defence of the Feraia which the Phoenicians of Motya cannot fail to have had on the Sicilian mainland. But there was as yet no town of Lilybaion ; the later city of that name did not arise till the Carthaginian dominion had long been estab- lished in Sicily. The centre of elder settlement on this side of Sicily was the island of Motya itself ^. Phoenician Motya ^ Diod. xiii. 54 ; ap^apLevos anb toG cppiaros, b Kar (Ke'vovs roiis Kaipovs wvofid^ero AiXv0aiov. ^ Poly bios, i. 42, brings in the supposed promontory (dKpojTrjpiov) as one of the three ; to Se rpiTOV riTpairrai pXv els avrrjv rrjv Aifivrjv, emKeirai 5e ToTs TTpoKeiix^vois T7]s KapXT]56vos aKpcur-qpiois evKalpcos (see above, p. 61). He adds ; vevei et's x^'/^^P'^*^^ Svcreis, Siaipa Se to Al^vkov kol to ^apSSiov veXayos. In all these cases wliere a«/3aand aKpcuTrjpiov are used, there seems a lurking confusion between the senses of "promontory" and that of a mere extremity of the supposed triangle. He makes the distance 1000 stadia only. Greek fancy, embodied in Hekataios (Steph. Byz. in Motu?;), made Motya a woman who showed Herakles the thieves who had driven off his cows. One would be better pleased to have the piece of Philistos where Motya is spoken of a3 . But by that day the democratic element was greatly strengthened ; ttjv irXdaTrjv dvvapiv iv rots diaPovXiois irapa fi(v Kapxr]8ovlois 6 drj/xos 7)dT] fX€T€i\y(p€i. ' Arist. Pol. vi. 5. 5. THE CAETHAGINIAN CONSTITUTION. 291 popular government^. And the calm surveyor of all chap. hi. time_, who stood by and saw what Cato longed for, draws Polybios. his picture also of the mixture of the three elements, though in changed proportions, down to the last days of the city. But the picture of Polybios is that of a declining commonwealth, a commonwealth weakened by the surpassing victories won for it by two generations of a single house ^. The historian of Sicily has to deal with Carthage in the days of her first youth and her full aggressive vigour. But nations and cities of the Semitic Character stock change less in the course of ages than Greeks and clrtha- Teutons, and in any age of Carthaginian history there was giiii^ns. doubtless some measure of truth in the character which a clearly hostile critic drew of the Carthaginian people in some unknown time. They are set before us as bitter, gloomy, obedient to rulers, harsh to subjects, most ignoble in their panic fears, most savage in their anger, abiding in their purpose, taking no pleasure in joy or grace ^. We thus see in them the Semitic nature in all its fulness, the nature which never puts forth its full strength till the strength of any other people would have given way. Such a temper well suited the calling which Carthage had taken to herself, as well in Sicily as in other parts of the world. That calling was to win wealth and dominion at the cost The do- of all other nations and cities, whether kinsfolk or utter Carthagl ^ Servius ad ^n. iv. 628 ; *' Quidam hoc loco volunt tres partes politiae comprehensas, populi, optimatiura, regiae potestatis. Cato enim ait de tribus istis partibus ordinatam fuisse Carthaginem." ^ vi. 51; KaO^ oaov yap 17 KapxrjSovlojv irpoTtpov tcrxy? kcu vporepov evTvx^t Trjs 'Pco/xaicvv, Kara roaovTov ^ ixkv Kapxri^^v ^8t] t6t€ irapriK- ^ Plut. Rep. Ger. Praec. 3 ; ^9os tov Kapx'']^ovla!v SrjfjLov, -niKpuv, CKvOpoj- irbv, vTTrjKoov rots dp^ovai, Papv rois iTTrjKooii, dyevvearaTov (v cpo^ois. dypicj- TOTOV hv opyaTs, ivifjiovov rots yvooaOelcri, npos vaiSidv nai X'^-P'-^ dvrjdvvTov Koi OKKrjpuv. I do not think with Mr. Newman (ii. 361) that the description belongs to the Carthaginian brnxos in the political sense ; it is surely a general national picture, as contrasted with the Athenians. U 2 292 THE PHCENICIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. III. Her mer- cenaries. In the Sicilian wars the Shophets led the strangers. Her policy was to save the blood of her citizens as no other state ever did, and to fight her wars by the arms of men hired to risk their lives for the sole interest of their paymistress. Here no doubt lay the weakness of the Carthaginian state. Her mercenaries at last gave way to the stronger endurance of the Roman people^; so they had given way when any Greek state or gathering of states could put forth its full and un- divided power at Himera or at Krimisos. Yet in the employment of mercenaries lay the strength of Carthage as well as her weakness. Such a dominion as hers could never have been won by the arms of her own citizens. And it shows the wonderful wisdom of her rulers from age to age that she could for so many generations continue to wield so dangerous a weapon, and could live through that frightful revolt of her own mercenaries which has no parallel in history unless we are allowed to seek one in the history of our own day. In one point the Carthage which we have to deal with in the early days of her Sicilian wars shows a sign of youth which passes away at no late time of our own story. The chiefs of the state still lead the armies of the state. It was a SJiophet in his own person who led the mingled hosts of Carthage on the day of Himera. In later wars the practice seems to be different ; the civil and military authority is kept apart. This is the kind of change which sooner or later takes place in most states. At Carthage the change seems to have come early, and we shall perhaps see that the time of its coming was not without bearing on the fortunes of Sicily. As yet the S/iojjhetim still keep their place as captains alongside of Spartan kings and Roman ^ Pol. vi. 52 ; Kapxrilovioi 8e twv fxiv ne^iKujv ds reKos okiycopovcn, twv S' Ittitikuv ^paxftdv Tiva wciovvTai irpovoiav. a'hiov hi rovrojv karlv on ^eviKais ml fxicrdocpopois XP^'^'^^'- ^vvdfiecri, 'Pcy/iatot 5* kyx^jp'tois Koi iroKi- TtKaTs. CAETHAGINIAN ARMIES. 293 consuls. The difference lay in the contrast between the chap. hi. motley hosts which the chiefs of Carthage led, hired from all lands to shed their blood in a cause for which they recked not, and the armies of citizens that marched forth to obey the laws of Sparta and of Rome. It marks Service the importance which was attached to some stages of gin^a?^^' Sicilian warfare that in more than one expedition we see ^^^^^^ens, Carthaginians^ and Carthaginians of rank and wealth, serving in considerable numbers^. But the men of Carthage, like the men of every Semitic state, kept their full strength for the hour when strength of heart and hand was most needed. When destruction seemed drawing near on her own soil, the Sacred Band of Carthage could march forth to do like the Sacred Band of Thebes, When destruction was doing its full work within her own walls, her sons could strive to the last gasp as none have striven since save her own kinsfolk of J erusalem ^, At one important point in the Carthaginian constitution The Car- we are left to guess. What was the origin of her Demos, commons! her commons, so broadly distinguished from the ruling order, and yet not wholly in subjection to them ? We can hardly fancy that the commons of Carthage were of the same strictly Tyrian blood as the great houses of the city. ^ Preeminently at the Krimisos (Diod. xvi. 80; Plut. Tim. 27), when the Sacred Band itself was sent into Sicily ; so to a less extt-nt in other invasions. ^ Polybios (vi. 52) seems to make the opposite remark; kolv irore TTToiacuffi Kara ras dpxo.s, 'Pw/xaioi fxev avaixaxovrai rois oKois, KapxijSovioi 5e Tovvavriov. vTilp narpiSos d-yojvi^ofxevoi koI reKvwv ovSenoTC bvvavTai Krj^ai t7]s opyrjsj dAXSpecial ^ digious antiquity. Kyme always stands quite apart from Kyme. the other Greek colonies in Italy. In truth, in the language even of a much later time, it was not in Italy at all; it was founded in the Opican land far north of Italy, that earliest Italy whose name did not go beyond the bounds of the newest Calabria ^. Kyme stands at the head of a body of Greek settlements on its own coast which have very little to do with the Greek settlements in the land specially known as Italy. But to reach the site of Kyme men must have passed by Charybdis and Peloris. That one corner of Sicily may therefore have been heard of in Greece while the Great Harbour of Syracuse and the peninsula of Naxos were yet unknown. Some enterprising shipman may have been led by accident to the Campanian coast before the Kyme geneial colonization of Sicily and Southern Italy began, the^oldestf But it need not have been three hundred years before. It oW aTthe enough if we suppose that Kyme was planted only so story. long before the other Western colonies as to suggest their plantation. Questions Ingenious attempts have been made, by arguments Greek drawn from names, legends and forms of worship, to prove settle- ^Yie existence of Greek settlements in Sicily earlier than ments in Sicily. the date which, on the authority of Thucydides, has been Campanian Kyme older than the Aiolian. But we need not cast aside the sober statement of Strabo (v. 4. 4) ; Kvixtj, XakKidiuv teal Kvpaiouv ira\ai6- rarov KTicrfM' traauv yap kari TtpeafivTarrj tujv t6 ^ikcKikSiv Kai twv 'IraXt- ojt'iSwv. * See Dionysios, i. 73 (see above, p. 125); Strabo, vi. i. 4; v. i. i ; Thuc. vii. 33 ; Arist. Pol. vii. 10. 2. Cf. Skymnos, 300. KYME. 313 commonly received as their beginning ^ . I confess that I chap. iv. see nothing in the arguments by which those views are supported to awaken any distrust in the received belief. It seems to me that all the points that are alleged may be fully accounted for by the local developement of legend after Greek settlement had begun. I have no hesitation in accepting the main inference from the account in Thucy- dides, namely that Greek colonization in Sicily did not begin till the middle of the eighth century before Christ. We Dates may indeed be tempted to wonder at the minuteness of the gfttie- dates which he gives for the foundation of the several ^^^^^s- cities. We may be sure that neither Thucydides nor Antiochos had before him any trustworthy written narra- tive of such early times. Eut we have seen that chronology is older than narrative history 2, and primitive ways of reckoning may have handed down the exact year of many events whose details, left to mere tradition, had, long before the days of Antiochos, fought their way into the region of things passing belief ^. And it is something in favour of the dates that are given that in some cases we find no date at all as if for those cities no such notices were to be had as were at hand in the case of the others. There is really no presumption against the dates, either from any unlikelihood in themselves or from any impossibility of handing them down. The story hangs well together, and, though we see from other authors that other versions were current, the differences are not of a kind which need seriously disturb our acceptance of the facts and the dates which are given us by the great master. ^ Holm, i. 108. See Appendix XIV. ^ See above, p. 128, and Dion. Halik., i. 22. ^ Thuc. i. 21 ; oVra dve^^KeyKTa Kai to. iroWa vtto x/)oj/ov avrcuv diricTTais Im TO fiv6u)b€s (KveviKTjKOTa. * Thucydides (vi. 4, 5) records the foundations of Zankle and Himera without any date. 314 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. § 1. The Foundation of Naxos. B.C. 735. Accidental The Greek colonization of Sicily began^ we are told, by of settle^° accident. Whatever measure of intercourse had existed ment. between Sicily and Greece in the state of things repre- sented by the Homeric poems had come to an end. The slave-trade itself would seem to have ceased. Men dreaded the Tyrrhenian pirates ; they dreaded the fierce- ness and power of the barbarians of the island ^ We may here safely see tales spread abroad by Phoenician cunning to hinder other nations from making their way into a land which was meant to be a special preserve of Phoenician trade. But_, after the colonization of Kyme^ the thought of settlement in Sicily and in the Italy of those days was one which could not fail to come into men^s minds. Still the actual beginning may likely enough have been the result of accident ^. As the story goes^ the spell was broken by such a chance as at a later time revealed to Greece the existence of the golden land of Tartessos ^5 such a chance as we have just supposed may have led to the settlement Voyage of of less distant Kyme. The ship of one Theokles was driven by adverse winds to the shores of Sicily. He marked the goodness of the land^ and he found out that the barbarians who had been painted in such terrible colours were a folk whom it would be easy to subdue ^. He came back and told his tale in Greece^ in the ears of the men of his ovm ^ Strabo, vi. 2. 2 ; tovs yap irportpov Sebiivai to. Xicrrrjpia ruiv Tvppevwv not rrfV ojjJioTriTa twv Tavrrj fiapfidpcov, wffTe firjde Kar' (pLTropiav irXeTv. He quotes Ephoros, who placed the first settlements fifteen generations after the Trojan war. 2 It would only be an application of the great law laid down by Aristotle, Pol. V. 3. 16. ^ Herod, iv. 152. See above, p. 239. * Strabo, vi. 2. 2 ; QeoKkia 8' 'AOrjvaiov irapevex^ivai dvepois ds rrjv XiKiXiav, fcaTavorjaai ttjv tc ovSiveiav twv dv6p6jirojv Koi t^j/ dp€T7)v rijs yrjs. VOYAGE OF THEOKLES. 315 city. There can be no reasonable doubt that that city chap. iv. was the Euboian Chalkis. That Chalkis was the first city that answered to his call is allowed ; but one Alleged version described Theokles as an Athenian, who turned ^^th^of " to Chalkis only when he could not convince his own Theokles. citizens of the advantages o£ a Sicilian settlement ^. This tale is clearly an invention o£ Athenian vanity in later times. It is one o£ a crowd o£ stories devised to claim Worthless- £or Athens in early times a position in Greece like that gt^ry^^ which she won only long a£ter. When Athens held Chalkis as a dependency, when the thoughts o£ Athens were largely turned towards influence and dominion in Sicily, it was needful that the name o£ Athens should find a place in the earliest dealings between Sicily and Hellas. And as all men knew that Athens had no share in the settlement o£ Sicily, nothing was left but to say that she had been asked to take the first part in it and had refused. It was Chalkis then, in those early times one of the The chief colonizing cities in Greece, whose men began the work chalk- of Greek settlement in Sicily. Nor is there any reason to doubt that Theokles, who went forth as founder of the first Greek city that arose on Sicilian soil, was himself a Chalkidian citizen. Of his voyage, of his landing, of the No details circumstances of his settlement, how the first Greek settlers settlement, had to bear themselves in the face of the Sikels on whose land they were intruding and of the Phoenicians whose cherished monopoly of trade and settlement they were breaking down — how the houses and walls and temples of the new city arose — what relations its citizens established among themselves and towards their neighbours — of all this we know nothing. It is merely by chance, at secondhand, that we get any clew to the remarkable name of the new settlement. The colony of Chalkis neither ^ See Appendix XVI. 316 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. Its name ; Nuxos. partial analogy" with Kyme. took the name of its parent nor adopted a native or de- scriptive name ; it took the name of the ^gsean island of Naxos. It was not indeed the first time that a newly founded city had taken the name of an elder one. How often that may have happened in the many cases where we find two cities bearing the same name it were vain to guess; it is enough that it had already happened once at least in the case of Kyme. But Kyme bore the name of one of the cities which divided the rank of its metropolis between them ^, and the transfer of the name of the city was less strange. There a city of one mainland gave its name to a city of another ; here the name of an island was transferred to a city which^ though strictly founded on island soil, might by the side of the elder Naxos seem a city of the mainland. More than one version implies that the Chalkidians of Euboia were not the only people who had a share in the first Sikeliot settlement. We may safely set aside a tale which represents Theokles as setting forth at the head of a mixed company, Ionian and Dorian, of whom the lonians settled Naxos and the Dorians Settlement Megara ^. It is another matter when the Chalkidians are ciiaFk-^^^^ given Ionian comrades in the settlement of Naxos, and when, among those lonians, colonists from the elder Naxos are specially mentioned ^. Here is the key to the name and the relation of the new city. We may safely presume some such agreement as took place in the case of Kyme. Naxos gave the name, while Chalkis took the honours of the metropolis. idian. Sicily and Britain. In the view of Sicilian history with which we started, ^ Strabo, v. 44 ; ot 5e rbv (TtoKov dyovTis, 'iTrnoKXrjs 6 KvfxaTos fcai Me7a- oOiv-qs b XaXicidevs, 8ilish ment in America in the seventeenth century than with settle- ment m English settlement in Britain in the fifth and sixth. It America, was natural that it should be. The Greek and the later English settlement belong to the same stage of settlement, to that of real colonization, settlement from established cities or kingdoms, as distinguished from national migration. In such cases the settler is almost sure to belong to a more advanced race than those among whom he settles. The English settlement in Britain, with all that it was slowly to lead to in after ages, was not, at the time, an ad- vance in civilization. In truth, as an advance of heathen destroyers, it was eminently the opposite. But the advance of the Greek over the Sikel was in every way the advance of the higher over the lower man. The English advance in America was so far more strongly. For the advance of the Greek against the Sikel was after all only the advance of European against European; it was the advance of 320 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. kinsmen to whom tlie lamp had been first handed against The older kinsmen who had lag-ged behind them in the race. That is in the two ^^7' Sikel was not as the Briton^ still less was he lands. Indian. The truth is that the heathen destroyer, slaughtering and burning as he goes, is in the end less of a destroyer than the missionary of the highest civilization when he settles among a people by whom that civilization cannot be received. Those whom the Englishman found in Kent and in Massachusetts died out before him, from opposite reasons in the two lands. But a day came when the kinsfolk of those who died out before him in Kent died SiJcelia out before him no longer. Sikel Sicily was to be in the Cornwall, end to the Greek neither as Kent nor as Massachusetts, but as Cornwall. The Sikel could become a Greek yet more thoroughly than the Briton could become an Englishman. But the later land of English settlement supplies no parallel to Cornwall, no parallel to Henna and Agyrium^. The Sikel of Diodoros^ day, from whom all thought of his Sikel descent had passed away, could give us the history of Sicily and the world in the Hellenic speech which his forefathers had adopted as their own. That so it should be was no more wonderful than it is now for a man of Cornwall to deal with the history of England as a common possession of himself and the man of Kent. But no kinsman of Pocahontas or of King Philip has as yet written the history of America in the tongue of the English settlers of Virginia and New England. Still, with all these differences, there are enough points of likeness in the two great settlements to justify us in saying that Naxos, first home of the Greek on Sicilian ' It is worth noting that in modern colonization of what we may venture to call a lower type, we do feel the parallel here suggested. In the Spanish American settlements we do find men of native descent speaking Spanish and adopting Spanish ways, just like the hellenized Sikels. NAXOS. 321 soil^ holds a place in Sicilian history answering to that chap. iv. which is held by Ebbsfleet in the history of Britain. And Site of Naxos, like Ebbsfleet, lives wholly in its memories. Neither ^^^^^ ' has much to show, Naxos certainly somewhat more than Ebbsfleet^, in the way either of ancient remains or of natural charm. The chief attraction of the actual Naxos is that the geologist finds there living witnesses indeed to the working of the fiery powers in days of which history and tradition have kept no record. Few sites look up to a nobler prospect rising above them ; but Naxos itself, not an island, not a headland, hardly a peninsula, a mere piece of flat ground running into the sea, seems but a dull site for the eldest Hellenic city of Sicily. For a time not far Naxos short of six and twenty centuries, Naxos has lain desolate, with small traces indeed to show of what once was there ^. Or it might be truer to say that Naxos is not desolate, and that it is the fact that it is not desolate which makes its ancient memories so specially dumb on their ancient site. The fiery stream which wrought havoc in unrecorded times has supplied a fertile soil for the vines and all else that grows in richness on the point which has exchanged the name of Naxos for that of Schiso. A shattered castle, a later house, the fields and gardens that surround it, at once save Naxos from being a spot wholly desolate, and hinder the presence of those witnesses of earlier times which stand forth so clearly on other sites from which man has alto- gether fled. Yet the first home of the Greek in Sicily is not without its teaching and its meaning, nor are we left wholly with- out traces of the work of its first settlers. Could we Naxos conceive Theokles and his comrades plying their oars right g^g^^ ^ On Ebbsfleet, see Green, History of the English People, i. 23. ^ Pausanias (vi. 13. 8) says a little too strongly, TroAews fxev ovde kpeima (XfiTTfTo Is 77/ias en. He adds that its very name would not be known save for the fame of the athlete Tisandros. VOL. I. Y 322 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. across the open sea, tlie point of Naxos is one which stands forth^ i£ not boldly, yet prominently, to welcome comers from the East. And Theokles and his comrades were surely not the first comers from the East. One can hardly doubt that the Naxian peninsula must have early drawn to it the eyes of Phoenician merchants, in this case likely Possible enough coming straight from Tyre or Sidon. There, as factory. ^^^.s been suggested in the case of Cephaloedium ^, the strangers would set up at least a factory, and would have their dealings with the Sikels on the heights. This does not at all imply the existence of a Phoenician colony in the strictest sense, a colony holding land and bearing rule. For the Greeks to take possession, Sikels had to be driven out ^ ; we are left to guess whether in such a case — a case to which we shall come again — the Phoenicians would be driven out too or allowed to stay on as foreign traders. The site is certainly one of the class of which Thucydides speaks of the Phoenicians as everywhere taking advantage ^. The peninsula is a peninsula in the same sense as India, and, when the fimnara to the south of it was a real river, it must have been more strictly peninsular than it now is. It narrows, but not quite to a point ; a small square face looks to the east with volcanic rocks scattered in front of it. Naxos and It forms the southern horn of the bay of Tauros, a sandy Taurome- bay fenced in to the north by the rugged cape of Tauros and the isolated rocks beside it. Naxos might indeed pass for the northern horn of another bay to the south of it ; but its fellow in this reckoning would be far more distant, and the curve of the coast is far less marked. Naxos belongs in every sense to the northern bay, the bay of ^ See above, p. 142. ^ Diod. xiv. 88 (when speaking of the Sikels on Tauromenion) ; 01 Z\ ^iKeXol napa rojv Trarepcov l/f rraXaiov 'nap€i\r](p6T€s, on ra fM^prj ravra ttjs vrjaov "SiKeXojv KaTixovTwv^ "EWrjves vpojTOJS KarairkevaavTes 'iKTiaav fxlv Na^oj/, l^ifiaKov 5' (Ktos tov tottov tovs t6t€ KaToiKovvras SttfeAovs. ^ vi. 2. nion. SITE OF NAXOS. 323 Taiiromenion. On that side is the present landing-place, chap. iv. and that landing-place, there can be no reasonable doubt, represents the ancient haven. Hard by it some small Small fragments may still be traced which enable ns to form ^emahis. some notion of the general look of a city which has left such slight remains to speak for it. Naxos had preemi- nently the right to share with Angers the epithet of the Black. The same powers which had called the site of Naxos into being had furnished its settlers with an endless store of building materials for their walls and houses. We The lava, can safely say that Theokles fenced in his new-founded town with a wall built of blocks of lava. Hard by the landing-place, below the castle of later times, we ven- tm-e to trace its basement for a little way, near to the water-gate. We can see also remains of the ancient road which led up to the town, with an inner gate, it would seem, at the top of its small ascent. And the general line The walls, of the wall can be traced, here and there, for some way inland to the right of the landing-place, sometimes by actual pieces of the wall still keeping their place, some- times by the appearance of blocks which have evidently been taken from it and used again in mediaeval and modern buildings ^. But a far more striking piece of the defences of Naxos is to be seen on the southern side, parallel with the fiumara, in its lower course near the sea. Here are large remains of a wall of early date, the work of the very first Greek settlers, if not of inhabitants older than they. It is irregularly built of large blocks of lava, of various shapes, hardly to be called regular polygons, but on some of which we can see signs of human workmanship to bring them to a convenient shape ^. There seem also to be ^ I have to thank, first Mr. Sayce and then Mr. Arthur Evatis, for guiding me to this wall, which is somewhat hard to find. I saw it in March, 1890. The remains on the other side were traced out by Mr. Evans in 1889. Y 2 324 THE greek: settlements in SICILY. CHAP. IV. signs, slight indeed, of the southern gate. On such a site as Naxos there was no place for a fortress on any height near enough to form part of the town. But following the lines of the wall on the northern side, we are led to a small rising ground near the present railway which we are tempted to guess — we can hardly do more — may have served as the somewhat lowly akropolis of the eldest of Sikeliot cities. The hill of Naxos, it was just now said, belongs to the bay which lies to the north of the peninsula, and which contains its small haven. From that haven we look up at the heights which fence in the bay. The eye is more naturally drawn to the mountain-mass of Tauros, with its knolls^ its peaks, its deep valleys and its stony gullies — to the works of man enthroned on the mountain-side and to those which crown the loftier peaks above them — than even to the lordlier height of ^tna himself. The fate of the soil below seems linked with the fate of that memorable hill_, memorable alike in the wars of Greek and Sikel and Phoenician and in the wars of Roman and Saracen and Destruc- Norman. Naxos had not yet stood for four hundred years tion of Naxds. on her flat with the sea on both sides of her^ when she was B.C. 403. ^^^gpiy swept away from the earth. Her name was struck out from the roll of the cities of men, and Tauromenion high on the mountain-side in some sort took her place. And what the mountain city is^ and how it stands, can be seen so well from no other point as from the site of forsaken Naxos. That the lower site should be the elder suggests many thoughts. The elder in strictness^ simply as a habi- linport- tation of men, it need not be. The hill-tops and the hill- choice of ' sides may have been chosen for dwellings from the earliest times ; but as a city, as a commonwealth with a place in recorded history, the city on the hill-side is not only younger than the city on the flat peninsula, it did not come into being till the elder city had perished. That the HISTORY OF NAXOS. 325 Chalkidian settlers chose the low ground rather than the chap. iv. high shows that a vast change in the choice of sites for settlements had come over the Hellenic mind since the unrecorded days when men first made their homes on the hills of Corinth and Athens and shrank from the sea which was to make Corinth and Athens great. That is to say, the Greek had in these matters now risen to the level which the Phoenician had reached long before him. The Advance foundation of Naxos marks no small advance since that ^J^^' first stage of Hellenic settlement in the West when solitary Kyme arose, on a lofty hill indeed, but with the sea far closer at its feet than either of the seas of Corinth reaches to the foot of her akropolis. The men who founded Corinth, perhaps even the men who founded Kyme, would surely, had fate brought them to this shore, have fixed their dwellings, not on the flat of Naxos, but on the hill-side of Tauros, if not on the eagles^ nests which soar above and guard the mountain city. The foundation of Kyme, an almost casual settlement, may be said to mark the last stage of the elder type of cities on high places, while Naxos, the beginning of a period of systematic colonization, begins the series of cities of which the sea and its immediate neighbourhood were the very life. The Sikel, driven back from his own shores by the invading Greek, did not fully reach this stage till a far later time. Naxos, eldest born of the Sikeliot family, was thus destined English to a short life alongside of her more abiding sisters. And during that short life she never asserted the temporal privileges of the eldest-born. Naxos could no more boast herself to be the head of Hellenic Sicily than Kent, with her one Bretwalda, could boast herself to be the abiding head of Teutonic Britain. But, as Canterbury remained the spiritual parent and centre of all England, so did the men of Naxos keep on their soil the most venerated holy 326 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. place of Hellenic Sicily. The Greeks in Sicily adopted and developed the local deities and legends o£ the island, and found for them a brilliant and abiding place in their The altar of own mythology. But the Greek also found in his new land Arche^-^ ^ home for the gods of his own fathers. The patron god of getes. ^Yie Sikeliot, as a Greek settled in a foreign land, had his chosen dwelling on that spot of Sicilian soil which had been first won for Hellenic life and Hellenic worship. It was Apollon at whose bidding the men of Chalkis had set forth and under whose guidance they had made their voyage ; to Apollon, founder and guide, their first act was to set up an altar outside the walls of the new city. Temples might rise in after days ; the altar by the shore could be set up in the first thankfulness of landing ; and at some point of the southern curve of the Tauromenitan bay, Apollon Archegetes stood, not only as the patron of Naxos, but as the common patron of Hellenic Sicily \ Thither, when any Sikeliot city sent sacred embassies to the gods and the games of old Greece, the envoys first came to sacrifice at this common sanctuary of a crowd of common- wealths, which, torn as they often were by bitter warfare, still felt themselves to be men of one nation and of one creed. Thither came the men who bore the gifts of Theron and the first Hieron to Zeus at Olympia or to Apollon himself at Pytho. There they made their vows for the success of the horses of Sicily before the eyes of the mightiest gatherings of the mother-land. And thither doubtless came the embassies of Dionysios himself, who swept away Naxos from the earth, but who spared the holy place of all Greek Sicily, embassies charged with perhaps more ^ Thuc. vi. 3 ; ^AttuWqjvos apxqyirov Pcuf^ov, ootls vvv e^cxi Trjs TroXedis iOTiv, IdpvaavTO, ((p' a> orav Ik ^iKeX'ias 0€wpoi irkiojai, npuirov $vov(Ti. App. BelL Civ. V. 109 ; 6 5e 'Apxvy^'^1^ 'AvoWojpos dyaXfj-CLTiov kariv, o -npSjTov korrjaavTo Na^laiu ol eh 'XiKe\iav dTraiKiajxevoi. The dyaKfiaTiov, where one might rather have looked for a colossus, suggests that the lowly work of the first settlers had lived on to Appian's day. APOLLON ARCHEGET^JS. 327 costly gifts to implore the blessing of the god of song and chap, iv. poetry on the efforts of the tyrant^s muse in the theatre of Athens. Whatever may have been the exact spot^ as we look down from the height of Tauros, we may be sure that at some point of that long sandy beach we see the place where the devotions of Hellenic Sicily were paid to that special god of Hellas who had given to his own Hellenes so fair a land to dwell in. Yet it is a little unpleasant to find from casual sources The Aphro- that hard by the sanctuary of the Hellenic Apollon there arose a worship less pure, less strictly Hellenic^ which proved no less abiding than his own. Hard by the image of the Archegetes, nearer it would seem to the walls of the city, stood a house of Aphrodite, perhaps of Phoenician Ashtoreth, who at Naxos was fain to dwell on the flats by the sea, instead of her lofty homes at Corinth and at Eryx ^. The presence of her worship, with its unclean Signs of ritual and symbolism ^, may strongly incline us to believe influence, that, when Theokles set foot on Naxos, the Canaanite was then in the land, and that the idols of Canaan here, as elsewhere, led away the hearts of the new settlers. The The coins coinage of Naxos also commemorates a less noble worship than that of the pure god of Delos and Lykia. Not the head of Apollon, but the head of Dionysos on the one side and the form of Seilenos on the other, are the badges of the first Sikeliot colony^. The coins of Naxos * The position of the Aphrodision is marked in the narrative of Appian just quoted. The younger Csesar, kXOwv k-nX to Tavpofjiei/iov .... irapenXei rbv TTOTajxbv tov 'OvofiaKav Kot to Upbv to 'A SovKoi dW' oiioioi Tois XeiTTOfxevois €ivai eKire/jLTTOvrai. ^ Ambrakia and Leukas seem often to act as perfectly independent states. Cf. among other cases the treaty between Ambrakia and Akar- nania, Thucydides iii. 114. But directly after we read, fierd 5e ravra KoplvOioi (pvXaKriv kavrufv ks ttjv ' kjjLvpaKiav dniareiKav, which, under the circumstances, looks like the act of a superior. 342 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. tlie worst side of the relation between metropolis and colony, the worst side of the relation between independent city-commonwealths of any kind. Between Corinth and Syracuse we see the best side. We shall presently see Syracuse that Syracuse herself did not fully learn the lesson. The Kamarina ^^^^ Syracuse and Kamarina is the tale of Corinth and Korkyra once more ^. But between Corinth and Syracuse the picture is perfect at all times. Because Syracuse never needed a War of Independence to make her free, the parent was ever ready to help the child and the child to help the parent; down to the last days of her freedom the folk of Syracuse remained proud of their Corinthian origin and of the Corinthian name ^. Lack of It would be a gain indeed to our knowledge, not only to the^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^P^^ people, but of the general history foundation mankind, if we could be admitted to see in detail of colonies. the growth of any one colonial settlement of Greek or Phoenician days in the same way in which we can trace the early stages of not a few settlements of later times. We would fain be admitted to the acquaintance of the Smiths, the Bradfords, and the Winthrops, of Syracuse or of any other settlement in our story ^. We would fain see the exact steps by which a Greek city in a foreign land came into being, a city for the most part founded in a land already inhabited, and which, in the case of eastern Sicily at least, was certainly not founded in a land of mere savages. How, we at once ask, did Archias and his followers deal with those whom they found on the site which was to be Syracuse ? What, we would fain know, ^ Thuc. vi. 5. We shall come to these relations in full in the next Chapter. 2 See above, p. 334, note i. ^ I am writing with Mr. Doyle's Puritan Colonies beside me. I can never think of America without something suggesting Sicily, or of Sicily without something suggesting America. LACK OP DETAILS. 343 was the state and aspect of such a newly founded city, say chap. iv. at the end of a year or two from its first founding ? How far had the civic life of Corinth begun to repeat itself on Sicilian soil ? The amazing speed with which some of these colonial cities sprang to a prosperity outstripping that of the cities of the motherland seems to show that the first steps to greatness on the part of Syracuse or Sybaris or Akragas must have been at once speedy and sure. But we are seldom allowed to know more than the most general results. A city arose ; a greater or smaller district around it formed its territory; that territory was parcelled out, partly as the folhland of the new commonwealth, partly as the private estates of its citizens. As to the details of the process by which this result was brought about, we are commonly left in darkness. We are thankful when we have so much as some legendary tale to guide us. At Syracuse we have not so much as a legend of the actual settlement. We have tales of the setting forth and Founda- of the voyage, but none of the landing on Sicilian soil. Nor Syracuse, have we any notice, such as we do get in some cases, of the class of people out of whom the colonists of Syracuse chiefly came. Was it want or political discontent or love of adven- ture which led men to forsake their own city for what must Who were then have seemed a settlement at the ends of the earth ? grants!^ All that we hear is a tradition here and there, which may well be genuine, but which tells us little. The settlers are said to have come largely from the village of Tenea in Settlers the Corinthian territory, a place which had legends of its Tenea. own apart from those of Corinth and which, in the latest days of Corinthian independence, was said to have separated its fate from that of the ruling city ^. This might look ^ Strabo, viii. 6. 22; 'H Tcj/ea kari KufiTj t^s KopivO'ias, ev rj tov Ttvedrov 'AiroWoJvos Upbv Keyerai Se /cat 'Apxia to) areiKavTi rfjv ds XvpaKovaas airoiKiav tovs irXeiarovs rouv kitoUojv kvTtvOev avveiraKoXovOrjaai. He goes on to mention their adhesion to the Romans in the time of Mummius, 344 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. as if some at least o£ the settlers were led beyond tlie sea by local grievances, by the hope of finding in another land a higher political state than they held at home under the dominion of the city and its oligarchic rulers. Nor is such a suggestion cast aside by the fact that the settlers went out under a Bacchiad leader and that they had other Bacchiads among them. Still less is it set aside by the fact that they cherished in so eminent a degree the usual love and Levelling reverence of a Greek colony for its metropolis. A common t)di(l6rici6S of a colony, enterprise^ a common settlement, levels many distinctions. Normans and English soon forgot their own differences when they had to fight against the Briton. And Archias himself; whatever were his offences in other ways, is shown by the result to have been a man not lacking in the gifts by which cities and nations are called into being. But of the few personal stories connected with the settlement of Syracuse there is one which sets before us its founder as coming to an end singularly fitting after his first recorded Story of beginning. He dies by the practice of another favourite, of\rcbias. Tclcphos by name, whom he has taken with him into The poet Sicily as master of his own ship ^. Among the few other Eumelos. pg^orded settlers is the Bacchiad Eumelos, one of the latest of the line of cyclic poets, who joined the enter- story of prise in his old age ^. We hear too a strange tale of a Aithiopb. ^gp^^jj^ Aithiops, a follower of Archias, a reckless man, who which may be connected with tlie further report of Pausanias (ii. 5. 4) ; ot de dvOpooTToi iodyLo) Trpovxovaa I? to irkKayos, rfjs 5e Supa- Koaiwv TToXfo;? ovre ttXovv ovt€ d5dy iroWrjv dTre'xct. 2 See Appendix XIX. THE HILL OF SYRACUSE. 349 Its height and steepness greatly varies. Sometimes the chap. iv. cliff rises nearly sheer from the plain ; in some places it sinks to a mere slope ; at the most striking points it rises Terraces, in two stages, sometimes more, with terraces between them. Tiers of cliff rise over tiers of cliff, like the aisles and clerestory of a great church. This is well marked on part of the south side, where the lower terrace makes an inter- mediate level between the height and the marshy ground near the harbour. In some parts it is much fainter, and where the line of the harbour turns from mainly north and south to mainly east and west, the lower range fails alto- gether, and the marshy ground comes up to the foot of the higher range. But the double range is perhaps marked best of all at the east end, where the cliffs that rise sheer from the sea are only a lower range, but rough and jagged and fretted by the waves, broken up into endless caves running deep among the rocks, and further burrowed into by the tombs of primseval races. This end of the hill has but few points of access. But there is one deep gorge in the eastern face, with two isolated rocks keeping its mouth, and one or two less marked inlets. And there is another deeper gorge in that small part of the north side of the hill which also rises sheer from the waters. This is at the point corruptedly called Santa Bonagia, Point of more truly the Panagia of the days when Christian Syra- Bon^o-ia. cuse had not forgotten her own tongue. Here we have a small bay, opening inland into a deep and winding combe ; and the hill is cleft in other and inland points by rocky passes of the same kind. The hill of Syracuse is not Compar- high enough to allow such long valleys of cliffs as pierce the Meudip. less rugged sides of Mendip, the truer Sicilian fellows of which are to be found further south. Yet even here, to one familiar with the British range, the comparison suggests itself every moment. In each alike the wall of hill, a natural barrier, rises from the low ground by the waters. To the 350 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. low ground by the Great Harbour the hill seems indeed a barrier^ fencing off the world to the north^ whose being is suggested only by Thymbris stretching away from its southern bluff and by the snowy balk of ^tna rising in solitary greatness above all. Memorable indeed in the his- tory of Sicily and the world has been that long and rocky hill over which advancing Syracuse spread itself step by step. For the hill as a whole it is hard to find a name ; in Syra- cusan history it comes in piecemeal^ made up of quarters Epipolai. each of which has a name of its own. But the western part of it at least was known on Syracusan lips as Epi- jpolai and the name speaks its purpose and history. It was no akropolis of a city lying at its foot; it was the upland, the hill above, the hill rising above or sloping down to a lower spot which gives the hill its character and mean- ing. The hill of Syracuse is somewhat; but the island at its foot is more. The In Syracusan topography the word Islmul is name Ibland. gj^ough ; even in Latin writers it keeps its Doric shape of Nasos ^. That Island is the kernel and cradle of Syracusan history. It is the oldest city and the newest. It is the first settlement of Archias before Syracuse became mighty ; and now that Syracuse has ceased to be mighty, it is all that remains to be the local capital of a province of the kingdom on the mainland. The shape of the hill, while at its east end it rises sheer from the sea, leaves a wide piece of flat ground to the south of its western part. To this low ground the Island is an appendage. An island it was, by the general consent of all witnesses, at the time of the Corinthian settlement ^, and an island it has become again. 1 See Appendix XVII. 2 Livy, XXV. 24; " Insula, quam ipsi Nason vocant." That is, the Latins took down the true native forms from the lips of the inhabitants, Nasos, Messana, Corcyra. This sometimes startles those who are used only to the high-polite Attic. ^ Nothing can be clearer than the notice in Thucydides, vi. 3 ; 17 vriao^ THE ISLAND. 351 But so many changes have been made at so many times, chap. iv. the channel has been so often filled up with a dam or yoked with a bridge, that it is not easy to say what were the original relations of land and water at the point where the mainland and the island come nearest together. But something projects from the mainland which we are tempted to call an isthmus, and which suggests that, in some earlier state of things, the island may have been a peninsula, like Plemmyrion, Thapsos, and Xiphonia. It is certain that the sea has advanced, both on the east side of the island itself and on both sides of the lower ground, towards the Great Harbour and also towards the open sea. Rows of scattered rocks which the waves have eaten away from the shore, signs of occupation even on rocks which are now covered by the waters, tell their own tale. The The Little Lesser Harbour of Syracuse, the harbour known as Lakkios ^, lying between the mainland, the isthmus, and the island, seems to have once had a narrower mouth than it has now ^. The island itself lies nearly at right angles to the hill. Far lower than the hill, but higher than the low ground between them, the greater part of the island con- sists of a ridge sloping down to the water on each side, east and west. As soon as it is set free from the channel, isthmus, mole, bridge, which has at any time joined it to, or parted it from, the mainland, it widens, and, before the sea cut it short to the east, it was wider still. Then it narrows; in its southern part, where, in fellowship with the peninsula of Plemmyrion, it watches over the kv rj vvv ovKeri ircpiKkv^ofievr} fj rroKis evros koTiv. Of the various artificial changes which have taken place we shall speak afterwards. ^ The name AaKKios comes from Dioddros, xiv. 7. The two havens are well marked by Ovid, Met. v. 407 ; Et qua Bacchiadae bimari gens orta Corintho, Inter insequales posuerunt moenia portus." ^ This seems plain from the appearances of the rocks. The sea has clearly encroached. See Topografia, 28 ; Lupus, 25. 352 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. moutli of the Great Harbour, it becomes narrow indeed, and ends in a small part trending to the east. As the only part o£ Syracuse which is now covered with buildings, buildings so often shining white in the Sicilian sunlight, the Island holds a place in the general view quite beyond Position of its real size. On the map we see how small it is as com- pared, not only with the hill as a whole, but with some of the divisions into which the hill was, in the progress of settlement, parcelled out. Of the many cities which grew to make up the mighty whole of Syracuse ^, the city on the Island was not the greatest. Yet it was the head and centre of all. The Island is physically a satellite of the hill ; yet the hill followed the fortunes of the Island, not the Island the fortunes of the hill. The life of the Island was older than the life of the hill ; it has also been the more lasting. The choice of the Island for a settlement, and its relation to the height that rises above it, mark how far the Greek settlers in Sicily had advanced beyond the earlier choice of sites, both in Greece and elsewhere. It was not by chance that the founder of Naxos had planted his colony all but in the sea, with the waves round it on every side but one. Archias went a step further; he planted his colony in the sea itself. Syracuse, like Corinth, has two havens ; yet the site of the colony is a contrast indeed to the site of the mother-city. There is nothing at Syracuse answering to the great stronghold of Corinth, the height of Akrokorin- thos. There is nothing answering even to such a lowlier akropolis as that of Athens. It is a peculiarity in the topographical nomenclature of Syracuse that the word Choice of the site. No akro- polis of Syracuse. Misuse of the name. ^ Four in Cicero, Verres, iv. 53. Five in Strabo, vi. 2. Does the phrase fX€ya\oTT6\us a) 'Xvpa.Kooai in Pindar (Pyth. ii. i) refer to the beginning of this process under Gelon, or is it simply " Syracuse that great city " ? In Pyth. vii. I we have at fx^yaXonokies 'AOduai, which it would be a little forced to apply to the ovvo'iKioi^ of Attica, while to the city of Athens it would hardly apply till Hadrian's day. USE OF THE WORD AKROPOLIS. 353 akropolis and other equivalent names are often applied to chap. iv. the lowest of the main quarters of the city. In a Greek town of the elder type the highest part was the strongest part, and commonly the oldest part^ the part of the city which contained its most ancient and honoured temples. At Syracuse the oldest part of the city, the part ever chosen for its chief stronghold, was the lower ground of the Island itself. The Island was what the hill was at Athens, what the soaring mountain was at Corinth. And the habit of thinking of the strongest part of a town as its highest point was so strong that at Syracuse the words akra and ahropolis are constantly, however inappropriately, applied to the Island ^. The city of Archias was Syracuse, and that name spread The Island itself wider and wider with every expansion of the city ^ot^^m- which he founded. But the Island itself, as an island, ^^^^e. seems never to be so called. Its proper name in every Greek mouth was Ortygia^ a name which we might represent in our own tongue by Quail-ey ^. In that name lurks all that was most revered in the religious and legendary history of the spot. The name carries us back Sisterliood to the very birth-place of the Delian goddess ; the Syra- ^^^^ I^elos. cusan Island was hailed as the bed of Artemis, the sister of Delos. It was hailed too as the worshipful breathing- Legend of place of Alpheios ^ ; and the legend of Alpheios and Ar?- Arethousa in the Island of Syracuse has become hardly ^^^usa. less famous in Sicilian mythology than the legend of ^ See among other places, Diodoros, xiv. 7 ; Plutarch, Dion, 28, 29, 30. ^ The various places called 'Oprvyla in different parts are collected by Holm (Topografia, 145; Lupus, 61). It is only the Delian Ortygia that concerns us in Sicily. ^ Pindar, Nem. i. i ; d/xiTV€Vf^a acfivov 'AXcpeov kKhvclv ^vpaKocradv 6a.\os, ^OpTvyia, hipviov 'ApTf/xiSos, Ad\ov maiyvrjTa. VOL. I. A a 354 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. Compari- son with the legend of Henna. Fountain of Are- thousa. Aidoneus and Persephone by the Lake Pergusa^. The ingenious comparer of legends might rule that the two tales were in their origin the same, and the two un- doubtedly spring from the same source. Like all Sicilian tales, like all local Sicilian beliefs, they both tell of the powers beneath the earth ; only in the Syracusan legend the waters that are beneath the earth supplant alike the fire and the nether darkness. The two taken together show us two sides of Sicilian belief. In the legend of Henna the maiden is carried away from the central spot of Old-Sicilian ground, the very hearth of all Sikel life. In the legend of Syracuse she makes her way from old Hellas to the most famous spot in the history of the Sikeliot. That is, the legend of Persephone is a piece of local Sikel belief decked out by Greek imagination; the legend of Arethousa was wrought on Sicilian soil and adapted to a Sicilian sjDot, but it was wrought, as a tale, out of purely Hellenic elements. The legend has gathered round the most marked natural feature of the Syracusan island, the greatest of not a few springs that bubble up to its surface. The sweet fountain so near the sea, needed in Cicero^s day a wall to shelter it against the waters of the Great Harbour 2, and in the days of William the Good the shock of an earthquake — the stroke of Poseidon it would have been called in earlier days — broke down the barrier, ^ Arethousa supplies a periphrase for S3rracuse in the oracle in Athenaios, vii, 8 ; i'lTirov ©eaaaXiKTiv, AaKcdatfiovLTjv re ^vvaiKa, dvdpas S' 01 mvovacv vdojp KaXrjs *Ap€9ov(Tj]S. ^ Cicero, Verres, iv. 53 ; " In hac insula extrema est fons aquae dulcis, cui nomen Arethusa est, incredibili magnitiidine, plenissimus piscium, qui fluctu totus operiretur, nisi munitione ac mole lapidum a mari disjunctus esset." According to Diodoros, v. 3, the fish were holy and might not be eaten ; Upol ovres Kal ddiKToi dvOpwirois. It is a relief when Holm (Topografia, 160 ; Lupus, 77) allows us to believe that Arethousa really is a fountain, and not, as Schubring (Bewasserung, pp. 607, 633-633 b) will have it, a mere watercourse. LEGEND OF AEETHOUSA. 355 and the salt waves made their way among* the pure waters ^. chap. iv. Hard by the shore, another fresh spring is said to bubble up amid the waters of the harbour itself ^. To the Greek mind the nearness of the two suggested a legend; some mythical relation must be found to bring them together, and the well-known story arose. As the tale is commonly told, Arethousa, one of the Alpheios attendant nymphs of Artemis, flees from the pursuit of thousa. the river-god Alpheios in Peloponnesos. Changed by her mistress into a watery shape, she flows under or through the waves of the Ionian sea, and comes to the upper world again in the Sicilian Ortygia^. Alpheios follows; in proof of the legend it was gravely said that cups and other objects thrown into the waters of the Peloponnesian stream had been known to come again to light in the Syracusan fountain*. Science came to the help of the story; in a Scientific land of katahotJira, where it was not uncommon for streams tkma!"^ to hide themselves in the earth and to show themselves again, often at a considerable distance, it was argued with all the philosophy of the time that a river might in this sort make its way by an underground course from Elis to Sicily ^. * To this Hugo Falcandus alludes (ap. Muratori, Scriptt. vii. 255) ; " Vae tibi fons Celebris et prseclari nominis Arethusa, quae ad banc devoluta es miseriam ut quae poetarum solebas carmina modulari, nunc Theutonicorum ebrietatem mitiges et eorum servias foeditati. Ideone solum natale fagiens et immensa maris spatia longis tractibus subter laben? in civitate Syra- cusana caput attollis, proximoque mari influens Alphaeum, quem ante fuge- ras, in majori portu se tibi immiscentem offendis?" 2 See Topografia,, 161 ; Lupus, 77, 259. ^ Holm has collected all these stories in the section which begins in Topografia, 153 ; Lupus, 69. * Strabo (vi. 2. 4) tells the story, and adds, TeKfiTjpLovvrat Se toiovtois Tiai. Koi yap (pidXrjv Tiva hKireaovaav iis tov TToraf^bv kvo/xicav iv 'OXvfima, devpo av€V€-)(6fjvai fXs tt)v Kprjvrjv ml 6oKova9ai dird twv ev 'OX-Vfiniq fiovOvaiuv. The story came from Ibykos. See the fragment in Bergk, iii. 244, from the Scholiast on Theokritos. Cf. Seneca, Qusest. Nat. iii. 26. It is less easy to understand the ceremony described by Pausanias (vii. 24. 3) at Aigion ; Xafx^dvovres irapd rrjs Oeov [^cDTrjp'ias] Tre/xynara ItnxujpLa^ d€iovla in Strabo, viii. 3. 1 2, where he breaks forth into the curious remark, ixfarrj 8' eariv 17 7^ [Elis] vciffa ' ApTipiaioov re «at ' Acppodiffiojv Kal Nvfi({>aio:v «v dkcrecriv dvOecov, us to iroXv 5ia Tr^v evvdp'iav. cuse. AEETHOUSA AND ARTEMIS. 357 version said, they threw up from the earth the cold foun- cuap. iv. tain of Arethousa, as other nymphs, at the bidding of Athene, threw up the warm baths of Himera to refresh the wearied Herakles^. This version knows nothing of Alpheios, nothing of the maiden Arethousa; it is most likely the earliest local form. A more romantic fancy gradually worked the legend into the shape in which we are familiar with it. In Syracusan history, as dis- tinguished from legend and poetry, the value of the whole tale and of the name lies in the witness which it bears fco the early worship of Artemis on the s^Dot. The name of Ortygia is not confined to the Delian and the Relation to Syracusan island ; but it is the Delian and the Syracusan Ortygia which are emphatically sisters. The name is simply transferred from Delos to Sicily. Some landing of the tired quails on their flight from Africa may have suggested the transfer; but any further research into the name and its origin is the affair of Delian and not of Syracusan anti- quaries. That Ortygia was, as the alleged oracle to Archias implies, a name of the island older than the Corinthian settlement cannot be believed for a moment^. The only inference to be drawn from its appearance there is the late date of the alleged oracle. Ortygia then, the name of the Island, is a Greek name given to it by its Greek settlers, in honour of the goddess of Delos. Syracuse, in its various forms and spellings. Name of always the name of the city, never the name of the Island, ^y^^^^"-'^^' is far less easy to explain. In its oldest use, it takes, like so many other Greek cities, the plural form^. As ^ Diod. V. 3. He speaks of Himera, and adds ; ttiv S' ''Apreixiv rrjv hv Tais 'XvpaKovffais vfjaov irapa rwv Oecuv, ttjv art' kKeivrjs 'Oprvyiav viro T6 Tuiv xprjap-ljjv kol rufv avdpwirwv ovo/xaadeiffav. bfxoioos Se Koi Kara r-qv vrjaov TavTTjv, dveivai ras Uvp.u Kocpojv tovtcov virep tols dcppvs oIkiwv k^ naXov- fjLfvov. One thinks of the A'lvSioi at Gela (see below, p. 401), but there is not the same obvious reason for giving the Phokaian name to anything at Leontinoi, ^ Polybios, vii. 6 ; ev w [avXwvi] ov/xPaivei rds tc twv apx^lajv Kot SiKaa- rrjpiojv KaraffKevas nal KaOoKov t^v dyopav viTdpx(t.v. He does not mark at which end the agora was. ^ This suburb must have stood on the western slope of the western hill. So Polybios, u. s. ; tovto} [ra> Atcca;] (ivrai TrapdXXrjXoi fcal nXdovs in avTov rbv Kprjfxvdv oiKiai avv^x^^^^ ficTa^v koi tov irorapiov ovpiPaivei rrjv TTpoeiprjixevqv obov vnapx^iv- (This reference to the road is lost.) This, as Schubring says (p. 385), is most likely the vea iroXis of Diodoros, xvil, 72. * The full form is, as Polybios has it, 17 twv Aeovrivuv ttSXis (though that B b 2 372 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. in the neighbouring Italy; so it was with the lands which Saxons and Angles wrested from the Briton ; so it is still with the lands which later Saxons have wrested from the Slave and the Let ^. And however city or people may have come by the name^ local belief held that they were a lion-folk and their city a city of lions. Whether the kingly beast that once dwelled in Mendip and in later days in Argolis and Thrace ever kept his lair among the hills of Leontinoi, it is not for the historian of recorded Sicily to decide. It is enough that on the coins of Leon- tinoi the greatest of carnivora shows himself in various forms, most terrible when we see his head alone^ opening wide his devouring jaws ^. That Demeter appears on the Leontine moneys means only that we are in Sicily; but the head of Apollon had a special meaning for men who were the first who could sacrifice to Apollon Archegetes as they went forth from Naxos to seek them a new home. The lion on the coins. Kataue. The second Naxian settlement^ that of Katane^, followed soon after the first. But though it is described^ along with Leontinoi, as a settlement of the Chalkidians of Naxos^ it would seem that it was not^ like Leontinoi, Its founder founded under the leadership of Theokles himself. Its acknowledged founder bore the name of Evarchos, and it is added that the men of Katane themselves made him Evarchos. form is also used when the town has a distinct name). Is^^ovtiov is found only in Ptolemy, iii. 4. 13. ^ We are driven in modern English to talk of Wessex, East-Anglia, as the names of lands ; but West-Seaxe, East-Engle, and the like are strictly names of tribes or nations which have got transferred to the land. So now with Sessen, Freussen, Polen. 2 Unlike Syracuse, Leontinoi has plenty of the coins with the letters running from right to left. But the lion seems not to appear till the later usage has set in. That is to say, letters had begun to be written from left to right before the guess had been made at the meaning of the name. In pp. 89-92 of the Catalogue of Coins the lion looks very terrible. FOUNDATION OF KATAN^:. 373 their founder ^ Some distinction is here hinted at between chap. iv. the foundation of Leontinoi and the foundation of Katane. It may point to some possible dissension or secession of which we can say no more. But we may safely say that Contrast the founders of the two cities must have had different Katane tastes and different obiects. The site of Katane is a ^""^ ^. . Leontmoi. marked contrast to the inland position of Leontinoi. Here the men of Hellas, the men of Chalkis_, come again to a place more like the common fashion of Hellenic settle- ments. Katane was close on the sea^ not indeed in it, Site of like Naxos and the oldest Syracuse, but seated close upon ^^^^^^ ' its shores. In none other of the cities, Phoenician and changes in Greek, of which we have as yet had to speak, have changes ^ ^ wrought by the hand of nature so utterly destroyed the appearance of the coast as it must have stood at the time of the first settlement. At Panormos the actual amount of change has perhaps been greater ; but it is easier for the imagination to call up the state of things that was there before change began. If the two branches of the harbour are there no longer, they have left abundant witness of their former presence. At Katane we can only guess at the coast-line as it stood when Evarchos led his settlers thither; the coast-line as it stands now is little more than two hundred years older ^than our own time. But we can see that Evarchos chose out the most central site in the whole eastern coast of Sicily. It was a Position of site in the innermost recess of a bay, where a stream of Us^bulwark fresh water flows into the sea, where the ground slopes gently down to the water, and where a low range of hills to the back fences in the immediate territory of the settle- ment ^. This last feature is hardly felt by land ; but the view from the sea at a very slight distance from the shore * Thuc. vi. 3 ; Qov/cXfjs koi 6 XaXKiSris .... Aeovrivovs re ... . ol/ci^ovai Koi fjLci' avToiis Karavrji/' oiKiarriv Se avroi Karavaioi hnoirjoavTo Evapxov. ^ This is well brought out by Holm, Das Alte Catania, 1-3. 374 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. Its rela- tion to yEtna. Etfects of the erup- tions. Form of the name Kaiane. ^tna. shows how well Katane was provided against all ordinary enemies and neighbours. But the chief neighbour and enemy of Katane was of no ordinary kind, if indeed we can give the name of enemy to a power which has shown itself as a creator as well as a destroyer. The distinctive feature of Katane, in its scenery and in its history, is that it is the city at the foot of ^tna. There are dwelling- places of men, there are even historic towns, holy-places of the ancient gods, far nearer than Katane to the actual foot of the Mount of Mounts. But Katane is the only one among the great Sikeliot cities which looks up to the nurse of snow and fire rising immediately above her streets. In and about Katane the fire-flood has made and it has unmade. The lava has covered and blackened the land; it has set new bounds to the sea ; it has at once over- whelmed the works of man and supplied his hand with a fresh material for newer works. Here it covers the ground like a sheet ; here it has taken the fantastic shape of the sea-cliffs. Here we tread it under our feet as the most abiding form of pavement ; here we see blocks of it carried off to make the mole of the haven ; here we see it wrought into artistic shapes in every form of architecture that the long-lived and much-enduring city has known. By lava and by earthquake Katane has been destroyed over and over again, and out of the lava it has been rebuilt OA^er and over again on the same site. The city has changed its inhabitants even more commonly than other Sicilian cities. Its name has been abiding; yet it was once thrown aside; and, when it was thrown aside, it was to take the name of the Mount of Mounts for its own. We barely mark the change in Katane y Catina^ Catayiia ; but we must re- member that for a few years of its long life the city bore another name, and that that name was JEtna. In a city which has been in this way a sport of the powers of nature we must not look for monuments of its EFFECTS OF THE ERUPTIONS. 375 earlier days such as we see at Syracuse and at Akragas, or chap. iv. for such speaking fragments as still abide in the sister- colony of Leontinoi. There is something left of Greek Slight Katane : there is much left of Roman Catina ; but the l^^^^^^ monuments of both have to be looked for in out-of-the- Catania, way comers, and largely below the present level of the ground. Among the grievously modern streets of the Changes in Catania that now is, we find no fellow to the Syracusan of ^the dty. or to the Akragantine Olympieion, no fellow to the wall of Theron or to the wall of Dionysios. We have not, as we have at Syracuse and Akragas, an inhabited quarter, at once oldest and newest, looking down on or looking up to a wide region once inhabited, but now forsaken. Roman Catina spread itself far beyond the bounds of Greek Katane. Mediaeval Catania did indeed shrink up within narrower bounds than those of Roman Catina ; but modern Catania has again spread far beyond the bounds of either. On the The earth- other hand, while the whole or nearly the whole of the site 2"d.^i669. of Katane still remains part of the inhabited city, a large part of Roman Catina is now covered by the lava poured forth in the great eruption of the seventeenth century. But the most important change of all is that which has given the sea itself new bounds. The ancient city had a spacious haven, sheltered, somewhat after the manner of Drepana and Zankle, by a tongue of land, in tliis case a tongue of lava, running out into the sea. But the haven Changes in was greatly straitened by the eruption, which poured a ^^^en. mass of lava into the sea, altogether changing the line of coast. The castle which the Emperor Frederick built on the edge of the sea, wonderfully spared by the lava, now stands quite away from the haven. Each successive city which has arisen on this doomed site has been overthrown either by the earthquake or by the fire-flood. But each time the city has been built afresh out of the burning mass which overwhelmed its predecessor. 376 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. The river Amenanos. Position of the Greek city. Fertilizing effect of the lava. Early oc- cupants. Sikels. The Greek city, the foundation of Evarehos, occupied the western part of the site of the enlarged modern city ^ To the east of it ran the stream of Amenanos, whose pre- siding deity is, with the local piety usual in a Greek city, commemorated on many of the local coins. His course is short, and his stream is for the most part, like the Frome at Bristol, covered by modern buildings. But hard by the sea his branches of fresh and clear water, lacking neither fish nor fowl, show themselves again, first to form a small island, and then to find their mouth in the waves of the haven. The earliest city thus lay mainly on the high ground which now rises so suddenly in the middle of modern Catania, giving so strange an air to one of its chief streets. One can hardly speak of an akropolis ; the city itself lay on this inconsiderable height and on its slope, looking down on the sea, the river, and the rich land to the west and north. The fire-flood, which furnishes man with a material for his buildings, furnishes him also with a rich soil for the vine and other fruits of the earth ^. The territory of Katane was fertile indeed ; but it must be remembered that the specially fruitful fields which came in later times to be renowned as the plain of Katane, are those which in the original division belonged, not to Katane but to Leontinoi ^. At Katane, as at other places, we come to the inevitable question, who it was that the Greek settlers found in possession of the site of their new settlements. We are not so distinctly told that Katane was planted at the expense of Sikels as that Leontinoi was; but there can be no reasonable doubt as to the Sikel occupation of the place at the time of the coming of Evarchos and his Chalkidians. But again Sikel occupation does not shut ^ The topographical points are all brought out in Holm's mono- graph. ^ See above, p. 87. ^ See above, p. 87. NAME OF KATANE, 377 out the possibility o£ the presence of Phoenicians ; only we chap. iv. feel somewhat less inclined to assume the existence of a Question Phoenician factory in a site like that of Katane than we are niciaiT on the island of Ortygia or the peninsula of Xiphonia. occupation. Phoenician derivations have been found for the names of the Sikel town and of its river ; but we may perhaps be satisfied to go the^imme. no further than the obvious meaning of the name in the Sikel tongue, preserved in the Roman form of the name of the town. Cafhia, Catimm, is surely the dishy no unnatural de- scription of the land fenced in between the hills and the sea ^ The name is of a piece with the Golden Shell of Panormos, the nobler site suggesting the nobler similitude. The Sikel name may be taken together with the seemingly pointed contrast between the foundation of , Katane on which no comment is made, and the forcible driving out of Sikels from Leontinoi. The two may possibly suggest that at Connexion Katane the mixture of the native inhabitants with the with^taly. Greek settlers was larger than it was in some other places. If so, it was not altogether by an inappropriate fate that Katane was the first of the great Greek cities of Sicily to be peopled afresh by Italian settlers, and in due time to become a colony of Rome. Katane may be fairly called one of the great Sikeliot Historical cities. It holds in all ages an important place in Sicilian Katan^. history; but it can never be said to hold a foremost place; and in the Greek period of our story it is decidedly secondary. It lived and flourished ; it doubtless grew ; but we have no tale of its growth to tell, such as we have at Syracuse and 4»kragas ; we have no such glimpses of its early politics as we have of those of Syracuse. Yet memorable names hold their place in its history, though names, it would seem, rather of men who came to it from without than those of its own children. We shall have to Chardndas. speak of the legislation of Charondas and of the poetry ^ See Appendix XIII. 378 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. of Stesichoros ; but Charondas seems to have been no Stesichoros. more a native o£ Katane than Stesichoros. The most famous thing about Katane in its earlier days, is a legend — it may be more than a legend — the earliest of many tales which set Katane before us in her special character of the chosen victim of the fires of ^tna. Coins. Of the Katanaian coins none seem to go back to the days of writing from right to left. In the earlier ones the river-god is perhaps personified under the form of the man-headed bull ; in the later he takes the head of a Legend of beardless youth, the rival of the young Apollon ^. But in Brethren, these later coins we find also the forms of the Pious Brethren Amphinomos and Anapios^, who held in the pagan belief of Katane the same place which in Christian legend is held by the virgin Agatha. As her veil drove back the lava of a later day, so it was when ^Etna first showed himself in his might to Hellenic Sicily, in his first recorded eruption since Greeks had made a home on Sicilian soil. The two dutiful sons bore off on their shoulders, the one their father, the other their mother; the stream of lava turned aside to leave them unhurt, and the spot was ever after known as the Field of the Pious Ones ^. In their own city they were commemorated by statues which Claudian deemed a scanty honour ; all Sicily should have joined to build them temples He, laureate * Coins of Sicily, Head, 41 . The bulls, accompanied by fish and waterfowl, come in the archaic period, the head of Apoll6n in the Transition, that of Amenanos (p. 49), sometimes with his name, in the " period of finest art." ^ The brethren seem not to come till the " period of decline." Some- times both brothers are shown on the coins, sometimes one only. ^ The different accounts are spoken of in Appendix XVIII. * Claudian, Eidyllia, vii. 41 ; " Cur non Amphinomo, cur non tibi, fortis Anapi, Sternum Siculus templa dicavit honos ? Plura licet summae dederit Trinacria laudi, Noverit hoc majus se genuisse nihil." THE PIOUS BRETHREN. 379 o£ the goddesses of Sicily, found in the tale the materials chap. iv. of an idyll, as Apollonios had before him found in it the Notices of materials of a sermon. The prophet of Tyana, being" * ^ ^^^^y- at Latin Catina, naturally made a discourse on ^tna, Typhos, and whatever was locally edifying, and wound up with the story which was most edifying of alP. Ausonius, poet and consul, gave to Catina, on the strength of this tale, a place along with Syracuse among noble cities, a place which no other Sicilian city shares with those two, and he places the story of the Catanian brethren on a level with the Syracusan tale of Arethousa herself ^. Prose writers too told the tale as well as poets and sculptors. Pausanias above all, when he saw at Delphoi a picture wrought by the hand of Polygnotos setting forth the punishment of undutiful children, took the opportunity to tell the tale of the brethren of Katane, as the highest instance of the opposite virtue within his knowledge ^. Besides Naxos, Leontinoi, and Katane, there were two other Chalkidian settlements in Sicily, of whose site and of the date of whose foundation we can say nothing for certain, but which, we can hardly doubt, were somewhere on the east coast of the island. Kallipolis is spoken of by Kallipolis ; Herodotus as one of the cities besieged by Hippokrates of Gela along with the other Ionian cities of Naxos, Zankle, and Leontinoi We know nothing more of it, except that, as we might have expected, it is called a colony of Naxos ^. It vanishes so utterly from history that we are ' See Appendix XVIII. ^ Ausonius, Ordo Urbium Nobilium, 92 ; " Quis Catinam sileat, quis quadruplices Syracusas ? Hanc ambustorum fratrum pietate celebrem, Illam complexam miracula fontis et amnis." 3 See Appendix XVIII. * Herod, vii. 154. ' Strabo, vi. 2. 6. He reckons Kallipolis among the towns no longer inhabited, and adds ; KaWinoKiv Se eKTiaav Na£tot. Stephen of Byzantium 380 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. tempted to think that it was swept away by Hippokrates or Gelon, and to see a piece of geographical or poetical licence, when we come across its very unlooked-for appear- Euboia ; ance in the Punic wars of Rome ^. Its site can only be guessed at ; but both this and the other vanished city of Euboia are most likely to be looked for somewhere between Naxos and Messana, a long piece of coast which would otherwise be left without any Greek settlements^. There are more sites than one along that coast which seem almost to ask for settlement. One spot a little way north of Naxos, the modern Letojanni, with its open bay at the foot of the hills, seems just the place where a Greek town might their have sprung up. Of Euboia we know that it was a settle- by Gelon. ment from Leontinoi, which, there seems no reason to doubt, was swept away by Gelon. Its name, recording the home- memories of the men of Leontinoi, is the earliest distinct instance of the name of a land being used as the name of a town ; for there was a town as well as an island of Naxos, but there was no town of Euboia. Owing to the early over- throw of these towns, there are no known coins of either. Zankle. Another Greek city which ranks as Chalkidian, for whose foundation Thucydides gives no date, but whose site has simply 7r<5Ats Si/ccAtas. The same seems to be the meaning of Skymnos, 283; /xera ravTa 5' and Nn^ou AeovTivoi -noXis, ****** ZdyKXrj, Kardi/?;, KaAAtrroAts Icrx' dnoiKiav. ^ Silius, xiv. 248 ; . . . "Eomana petivit Foedera Callipolis." 2 See Cluver, 387; Holm, i. 389. ^ Herodotus (vii. 156) records the treatment of the Ev^oecs ol Iv ^imXia along with the Megarians, but he does not actually mention the destruction of the town. Strabo (vi. 2.6) says eKTicrav AeovrTvoi, and again (x. I. 15), 8e KOI (V 2t«eAta Evpoia, XaA/fiSeW toiv Iku KTiafia, f\v ViXojv e^aviffTijcre KOL kyivfTo (ppovpiov ^BvpaKovaiwv. So in the lines of Skymnos which follow those already quoted ; iraXiv S' uTTo tovtcuv Svo voXds EujSom Kol EMIGRATION FROM MEGARA. 381 is well known indeed, is the more famous Zankle or chap. iv. Messana. But its early history has so distinct a character that it is better to speak of it in a separate section at the point to which its foundation, if not certainly, yet most likely, belongs. § 4. The Foundation ofMegaray c. B. c. 728. The next movement towards Greek colonization in Sicily The old came direct from old Greece. It can hardly fail to have -"^^sara. been suggested by the foundation of Syracuse. The new settlers came from the city nearest to Corinth and most like Corinth, the other Dorian city by the isthmus, the other city of the two havens. Megara was in early days as busy by sea as Corinth. She was as famous for her settle- ments eastward as Corinth was for her settlements west- ward j and as Corinth also tried her hand at settlement in Thrace, so Megara tried hers at settlement in Sicily. Soon after the foundation of Leontinoi and Katane, a body Emigra- of emigrants set forth from the elder Megara under the Megara™ leadership of Lamis. The history of their settlement has been handed down in several shapes. We have already Other seen one version, according to which Megara was older than Syracuse, as old as Naxos ^. We may safely set aside this tale as the growth of a later time when Syracuse had awakened jealousy by her power and her dealings with other Sikeliot cities, and, among other such acts, by the sweeping away of Megara from the earth. We may, as ever, accept the main tale as told us by Thucy- dides. From later sources we gain a few details which are in no way inconsistent with it. ^ See above, p. 338, and Appendix XVL 382 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. Lamis then led his settlers from the old, the Nisaian, Various Megara ; but he did not lead them at once to the site attempts at . settlement which was to become the younger, the Hyblaian, Megara Lamis. Sicily. The settlement which was in the end actually made there was the last of four attempts made by Lamis and by his followers after him. All were made in nearly the same region, on or near the coast between Catania and Syracuse. They were made in the neighbourhood of the peninsula which lies between the two, the peninsula which forms the northern horn of the long and shallow bay of which the Syracusan hill forms the southern Settle- horn^. But the first settlement of all was not on the Trotilon. ^^Ji 0^ peninsula itself, on its northern side. Here, where the coast, which has stretched southwards in nearly a straight line from Catania, takes a south- eastern turn, a small bay is found whose eastern horn is the north-western point of the peninsula, the cape called Campolato or Edera. The bay is altogether overshadowed by the distant bulk of iEtna, which rises almost directly to the north of it. Its west side received the waters of the short-lived Pantakyas ^, at whose mouth a castle of the later middle age rises over the small fishing- village of Brucoli. This most likely marks the site of the place called Trotilon, where Lamis planted his first settlement^. The colony was actually founded ; whether under the name of Trotilon or of Megara we are not told. Nor do we know the exact length of the Megarian sojourn at Trotilon ; but it came to an end during the life-time of Theokles, the founder of Naxos and Leontinoi. It was to his second settlement, lying nearly due west from Trotilon, that Lamis and his ^ On the whole region see Schubring, Umwanderung, p. 434 et seqq. ^ See above, p. 82. ^ Thuc. vi. 4 ; Kara Se tov avrov y^povov Koi Adfus (K Meydpojv dnoiKiav aycov Is ^iKeKiav dcp'iKCTO, ml vnep UavraKvov re irorafiov IpwTiXov ti ovo/xa Xwp'iov olKiaas. WANDEEINGS OF LAMIS. 383 aims Sikels. followers now moved. The dissatisfied settlers of Trotilon chap. iv. found for a moment a home in newly founded Leontinoi. Our main story tells us only that the Megarians The left Trotilon^ that they moved to Leontinoi, that they ceivedYt^ were admitted to joint citizenship with the older Chal- Leontmoi. kidian settlers, and were in the end driven out by them ^. There is nothing here, whether there be anything or not in the account of the foundation of Leontinoi, to throw doubt on the fuller story which tells us how the Megarians came into Leontinoi and how they went out of it ^. Lamis is seemingly disposed to make an attack on Dealings Leontinoi, which is still occupied by Theokles and his and ^ Chalkidians in joint holding with the Sikels. Theokles, on ^^^^ the other hand, invites the Megarians to help him to get rid of the Sikel element in Leontinoi. No story better illustrates the doctrine that the Greek owed no duties to the barbarian, unless he took them upon him by special agreement. None better illustrates the fashion, so com- mon between Greek and barbarian, sometimes even between Greek and Greek, of fulfilling such agreements in the letter, while breaking them in the spirit. Theokles and his companions can do nothing against their Sikel fellow- townsmen, because they are bound to them by oaths. But Lamis and his companions are bound by no such tie ; they therefore may do what they will to the barbarians without scruple. He, Theokles, will himself do no harm to any Sikel ; but he will give Lamis every opportunity in that way ^. By agreement then between the two Greek leaders, the gates are opened by night ; the Megarians come in ; they occupy the agora and the akropolis ; they set upon the un- * Thuc. vi. 4; vffTfpov avToOev rots Xa\Ki5evcriv kv Afovrivovs 6\iyov Xpovov ^vfiiroKiTcvaas, kcu vnb avTuiv 6kit€(Tuv. 2 The story is given by Polyainos, v, 5. See above, p. 369. ^ Polyainos, v. 5 ; ©eo/fA^s . . . avrbs fxev eKpaXttv e(pT) tovs crvvoiKOvvras 2<«f Aouj /i^ bvvaaOai Sia tovs opKovs' €khvois Se vvktos dvoi^eiv tols TrvKas, Kai TiapiKOovTas avrovs XPV^&O-^ toTs 'XtKeXois us TroAc/xtots. 384 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. Alleged vow of the Chal kidians. CHAP. IV. armed Sikels and drive them out of the city. This done, the Chalkidians andMegarians dwell together in Leontinoi ^. In this story either Theokles designs from the be- ginning to entrap the Megarians no less than the Sikels, or else the presence of Dorians in the Chalki- dian city becomes as irksome as the presence of Sikels. After six months of joint possession, the Chalkidian leader began to devise devices against the Megarians. Before the new settlers came, while the Chalkidians were still engaged in war with the Sikels, they had vowed — or Theokles found it convenient to give out that they had vowed — that, if ever they should have full possession of the city, they would do sacrifice to the twelve gods and make a procession in full armour in their honour ^. The Sikels were gone, and the fulfilment of the vow should be no longer delayed. But the vow bound only the Chalkidians ; the Megarians could have no share in the rite. The Megarians suspected nothing ; they bade the Chalkidians discharge their vow, and wished them good luck of it^. The Chalkidians then put on their harness and girded themselves with their weapons. The sacrifice was done ; the armed worshippers marched in solemn state to the agora. There, at Theokles' bidding, a herald pro- driven" out. claimed that all Megarians must leave the city before sunset. The Megarians, taken by surprise, fled to the altars as suppliants. They craved that they might not be pursued; they craved that they might be allowed to take their arms with them*. To this last demand Theokles did not agree. The Megarians left Leontinoi unhurt but unarmed ^. The Me irarians ^ Polyainos, v. 5 ; Meyapeis Se dvTi 'XiiceXuiv XakKibevai avvwKT}ry which they won for their city must, like the city Himera. itself, have advanced from east to west. There is nothing very distinctly to mark the extent of the possessions of Hi- mera to the east. There is nothing to imply that they ever took in Cephaloedium. Yet one would think that they must have stretched some way to the east of the river ; the city itself would hardly have been planted immediately on the THE BA.THS OF HIMEEA. 417 frontier, Cephalcedmiji itself, it is worth noting, is not chap. iv. seen from Himera ; another point of land comes in the way, and this may likely enough mark the boundary. To the west it is easy to see how far the dominion of Himera came to stretch, though it may not have reached so far from the beginning. A prominent object in the view from Himera The Baths is the present town of Termini, the Hot Baths, the Thermal of Himera. Here doubtless was the furthest outpost of the new city, an outpost which in some sort kept on the name and life of Himera after Himera itself had fallen. Its site must have been in many things more attractive to Greek settlers than the site of Himera. A steep hill, but not a cloud-touching mountain, overhangs the sea. On the level groimd at its foot the hot waters spring up as a gift from the nether-powers. Here was not only a site for an akropolis and a haven, but abundant materials for a local legend. The latter at least was not wanting. The health-giving waters of Himera are those which the The nymphs of the land, at the bidding of Athene, caused to Hel-akles. burst forth for the refreshment of the wearied Herakles ^. Legends of another age and another creed have given the mountain which rises between Himera and its baths the name of the holy Kalogeros, in his name the embodiment of Eastern monasticism, in his function the finder and patron of hot springs and vapours for the benefit of others and not of himself. Strangely has he supplanted Herakles, as Herakles may have supplanted powers of creeds yet more ancient. Without holding that the Herakles of the Himeraian Thermai is in himself a Phoenician Melkart, and without denying that Phoenician elements have found their way into his story, the site of the Baths of Himera is in every way likely to have been a Phoenician settlement. Its existence may have driven the Zanklaian adventurers to plant themselves at Himera rather than on this more ^ See above, pp. 77, 209, and the passage from ^schylus in p. 414, note 2. VOL. I. E e 418 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. promising spot. At Himera there were only Sikans to be displaced or brought into bondage ; the harder task of driving out Phoenician occupants was one which would hardly be undertaken till the new settlement had grown in extent and power. Himera, shut out from the view of both Greek and Sikel, but with the whole range of the Phoenician settlements on the north coast spread out before her as in a map, had one duty laid upon her before all others, to be the solitary fortress of Hellas on the most exposed of her Sicilian frontiers. Founda- tion of Sell nous. B.C. 628. Founded from Megara. The next Greek city that was founded in Sicily was again, like Himera, a settlement formed by men who simply changed their place of abode within the island. In the second half of the sixth century before Christ, the Sicilian Megara, the Megara by Hybla, planted a colony which, short as its course was, outlived its metropolis. This was Selinons ^, a city planted to fulfil the same duty on the south-western coast which Himera fulfilled on the north coast, a city which was to be, even beyond Himera, the furthest outpost of Hellas against Canaan. According to the rules of Greek settle- ment, the founder of the new city was sought in the parent of its parent ; Pamillos of the elder Megara led the band of settlers who were to carry the bounds of Greek life on Sicilian soil to their most distant point westward. And the founders of Selinous, like the founders of Himera, passed by several promising sites, nearer to older Hellenic settle- ments, in order to occupy this distant spot. On that coast Gela was as yet the most western city of Hellas ; to reach ^ On Selinous there are several important monographs. Schubring in the Gottingen Nachrichten for 1865, p. 401, and again in the Berlin Archdologische Zeitimg, 1873, p. 97. Benndorf, Die Meiopen von Selinunt (which deals also with the history and topograpliy), Berlin, 1873. Caval- lari, Sulla Topografia di falune Citici Greche di Sicilia, Palermo, 1879. Also Bunbury, art. Selinus in the Dictionary of Geography, and Holm, G. S. i. 137, 393. FOUNDATION OF SELINOUS. 419 the site of Selinous^ the Megarian colonists passed by the chap. iv. site of Akragas and all that was to be her territory. Selinous arose as a solitary Hellenic outpost, with the Phoenician on one side and the Sikan on the other. It is therefore hard to fix the extent of the original Selinuntine territory to the east. In after days_, its boundary was, like the western boundary of Himera, its own baths, the Selinuntine Thermal, represented by the modern Sciacca. Here Herakles seems to have no special legend. But tales of yet earlier times are not lacking. It was held that in the sulphurous vapour baths Daidalos had left some of the choicest works of his skill, alike in the valley below Sciacca and on the mountain above. He had found out and he had adapted to human use the hot steam sent forth by the chtho- nian powers of Sicily alike on the mountain top and in the vale below ^. Here too in later days Kalogeros supplanted Daidalos, as he supplanted Herakles on the other side of the island. The wondrous cave is there, and its virtues have not failed ; we see the bed of the Christian hermit, which we strongly suspect to have been the tomb of a Sikan king. Here was the last Selinuntine possession to the east, at least after Akragas came into being. To the north-west, the border turned the neighbouring corner, and stretched for a little way along that short western face of the island which the Phoenician had made specially his own. The boundary of Greek and Phoenician on this side was the Mazzara. river Mazaros, and on the flat ground on the left bank of the mouth of that stream, the Selinuntines, in the days of their power, kept a fortified mercantile station, represented by the present town of Mazzara^. To the north the territory Kelations of the settlement stretched so far inland as to make Selinous and Se-"" a neighbour of Segesta, and to give occasion for the usual gesta. ^ Diod. iv. 78. See Appendix V, and above, p. 244. ^ On Mazara, see above, p. 304, and Appendix XIII, and Schubring, Nachrichten, p. 436. 420 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. border quarrels between tlie Greek and the Elymian city^. But Selinous itself was planted immediately on the southern coast of the island, towards the middle of the shallow bay formed by the two promontories now known as Granitola and San Marco ^. The coast is comparatively low^ and the whole neighbourhood is rather flat and somewhat dreary. Mountains are seen only at a distance, and the hills by the Site of shore are of no great height. Still the actual site of Selinous Selinous. . . hi. ^ '^^ - • may give it some smalJ claim to rank among the hill -cities. It may do so at least as compared with the sites of Naxos, Ortygia^ and Katane. Two sandy and swampy valleys, each watered by its own stream, open to the sea ; a ridge divides them, and a sinking of the ground makes the southern end of this ridge put on somewhat of the character of an isolated hill. Its southern face rises immediately above the water. Its height, less than a hundred feet, is small indeed com- pared with that even of Himera ; it is even lower than the highest point of the ridge to the north. But it is high com- pared with the flat ground of Drepana or Panormos, or even with the low foreland of Lilybaion. This hill was chosen by the Megarian emigrants for the site of their new city. As the city spread, though it was not actually the highest ground within the compass of Selinous, it practi- cally played the part of the akropolis. We shall see, as The akro- time goes on, it was, as in so many other cases, at once the poL^. Qi(Jest city and the newest. The name of Selinous, shared, as at Himera and Gela, by the town with the stream that flows through the western valley, has had a Phoenician origin claimed for it, which would make it a namesake of Solous, the City of the Rock, ^ To the district disputed between Segesta and Selinous we shall come again. See Diod. xii. 82 ; xiii. 43. Schuhrmg (Nachrichten, p. 21 et seqq.) makes the boundary to be the western Halykos or Delia. But he makes Entella Elymian, though it had not occurred to him (p. 422), nor to Benn- dorfi (p. 8), that Halikyai was other than Sikan, ^ See above, p. 63. (3rigiu of the name. SITE AND NAME OF SELINOUS. 421 on the other side of the island ^. But Solous is a true Sela, chap. iv. worthy of its name ; the name would be quite out of place if applied to the little hill of Selinous. Its own Plants, citizens held that town and river were called after a plant which grows freely on the spot^ a plant quite dis- tinct from our parsley with which it is commonly con- founded, a plant at once familiar in funeral rites and renowned as furnishing the wreath of victory in the games of the Corinthian isthmus 2. Another plant with which the soil is thickly covered is the dwarf palm of Sicily^ which, some have thought, has supplied Virgil with an epithet for the city ^. But the parsley, if parsley we are to call it, is the plant which has become inseparable from the city. It is its earliest and most usual badge on its coinage ; it was dedicated in gold at Delphoi as the special symbol of the city Other physical features of the spot were Coins of also symbolized by the money ers of Selinous. The river of that name, and the Hypsas or Belice, which flows further to the east, are personified as usual ^. When Hypsas offers ^ See above, p. 262. It must not be forgotten that our Selinous, river and town, are not the only ones in the world. See art. Selinus (No. II) in Diet. Geog., and Holm, i. 394. Of the others, stretching from Elis to Kilikia (see Lucan, viii. 260), some m«?/ be Phoenician, but all may be Greek. 2 See above all. Pint. Tim. 26. Cf. Athenaios, ix. 9, for a icpafx^rj ae\i- vovaia, which concerns us only indirectly. ^ ^n. iii. 705 ; "Teque datis linquo ventis, palmosa Selinus." So Silius, xiv. 200; Audax Hybla fa vis, palmseque arbusta Selinus." Servius says ; *' Civitas est juxta Lilybseum abundans palmis quibus vescuntur et apio." Cf. Cicero, Yerres, v. 38 ; " Te prgetore, Siculi milites palmaruni stirpibus . . . alebantur." Holm objects that the dwarf-palm is not eaten. But I have seen it eaten at Kamarina. Schubring {Nachrichten, 412, 428) found these })alms helpful in tracing out the sites of buildings. Cf. Dennis, 173. * Plut. Pyth. Or. 2 ; 'S.iKivovvTioi irore XP^^^^^ aeMvov dvaOeivai X^yovrcs. It is classed with other plants offered elsewhere as ovjx^oXov fj -napaarjixov rrjs woXeojs. ^ On the coins, see Imhoof-Blumer, in the Appendix to Benndorff, Coins of Sicily, 138 ; Head, 146. The true spelling of the name seems to be 2E- AIN02 (once 2EAIN0E2) and 2EAIN0NTI0N. The river is HT^AS. 422 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. sacrifice to Asklepios, and a bird of the marsli withdraws^ it was no badly devised emblem of works of drainage^ those perhaps for which we shall find Empedokles famous works fittingly placed under the patronage of the healing god. Selinous, as a horned youth^ sacrificing with a cock beside him, proclaims himself a votary of the same deity. At other times the stream appears in the familiar shape of a bull^ and Herakles and a bull — here surely Boiotian Herakles and not Phoenician Melkart — seem to have been the badge on the official seal of the city. ^^^'^ A Greek city close by the sea must have its haven ; but the rocky hill of the Selinuntine akropoiis could at most supply anchorage. Yet Selinous seems to have had one or more havens created for it at the mouths of its two valleys. In the eastern valley^ where the sea, before its choking up with sand, seems to have come in further than it now does^ the walls of the quay on both sides of the small bay thus formed were to be seen until they were covered up with sand ^. Indeed a second haven of the like sort has been found at the mouth of the Selinous in the western valley, making a kind of miniature^ if we should not rather call it a mockery, of the two branches of the All-haven at Panormos ^. But the real haven of Selinous, the real outlet and inlet for the Selinuntine territory towards the rest of the world, was at the border fortress and empormm of Mazara*. Both look towards the land with which Selinous was fated to have overmuch to do, and whose island outpost of Kossoura lies within sight. The city of Greece which stood nearest to Africa_, ^ See Schubriug, NachrieJiten, p. 416. ^ They are sLown in Dennis' plan, and they are described by Schu- bring (p. 418) and others; but I must confess that I have never seen them myself. I gather that they were covered with sand before 1887. ^ BenndorfF, 14; Cavallari, 118. * Suhubring, 418. Cf. BenndorfF, 13. HISTORY OF SELINOUS. 423 the outpost of Greece against Phoenician settlement in chap. iv. Sicily itself^ Selinous found a large part of her history Dealings made up of her dealings with Carthage in war and peace, ^jth^^^"^"^ On one of the greatest days in the whole tale of Hellas, ^^ica. Selinous^ by her ill luck rather than of her own will, was ' "^^^ leagued with the Semitic enemy. On another day, two b.c. 408. generations later, she made herself a name by a stout resist- ance to the invading barbarian, and by a glorious overthrow at his hands. During the great time of Sikeliot prosperity, in the fifth century before Christ, Selinous had her full share of the general prosperity. But, as in the case of so many other colonial cities, her life was short. Two hundred and b.c. 628- twenty years were the measure of the being of Selinous as a city playing her part in the history of Hellas and the world. But alongside of her stirring historic memories, the The tem- name of Selinous further calls up that wonderful series of Selinous. monuments which crown her hills, more wonderful in their overthrow, lying as heaps amid utter solitude, than they could have been when they rose in their glory as the ornaments of a strong and well-peopled city. But the The quar- • • • • rics of temples of Selinous, so precious in the history of Greek art, Campo- so overwhelming in their actual presence — most wonderful of all when we see the mig-hty drums still, as it were, in hewing out of the solid rocks of their native quarry^ — belong, with one or two exceptions, to a time of her history far nearer to her overthrow than to her birth. The walls too which gird her akropolis belong, in by far the greater part of their extent, to a reconstruction later than that overthrow ^. Of these later works we shall have to speak ' These are to be seen at Rocca di Cusa, near Campobello, north-west of Selinous. The drums appear in every stage of hewing. Nowhere do we better take in the full force of the name "Pillars of the Giants." 2 Sehubring (431) carefully distinguishes the older walls from the re- storation by Hermokrates, to which ^we shall come in due courcse. 424 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. when their place in our story comes ; but it is well that something is left at Selinous, something of works both of defence and of worship, which we may fairly assign to the days of her first founders. As we draw near to the The wall akropolis from the eastern hill, the eye lights on a piece Akropolis defensive work which reminds us of the mighty walls of Alatrium and of the oldest masonry on the Palatine of Eome. Stones, rectangular indeed and laid not without care, but far less regular than the works of skilful en- gineers on the other side, form a wall, not standing free as an independent bulwark, but doing its duty by strengthening the scarped side of the hill. In this earlier mode of defence we may surely trace the hand of the first settlei^ from the Hyblaian Megara. T]ie early But the walls are not the only monuments of early date. .sculptuies, Q^_^^ temple at least within the oldest circuit proclaims itself by its primitive architecture, by its yet more primi- tive sculpture, to belong to the first stage of Doric art, the stage of the Olympieion of Syracuse and of the seven columns below the hill of Corinth. Selinous, we must re- member, was a hundred years younger than Syracuse, so that work of this early style is likely to belong to the very first days of the city. From the figures which once filled the spaces between the triglyphs of the oldest temple of Selinous we may learn what the sculptors of the seventh century before Christ looked on as adornment. Placed beside the sculptures of a Selinuntine temple of the fifth century, the contrast is marked indeed. The gap between the rugged art of the early time and works which the chisel of Pheidias only could surpass answers to the contrast be- tween the sculptures of the thirteenth century at Wells and the rude strivings after the human form which we find in the English works of the eleventh and twelfth. Or, to keep within the bounds of Sicily, the contrast is the same as that which we see between a classic coin of Frederick, THE EAELY SCULPTURES. 425 Emperor and King, and the rude image and superscription chap. iv. which marks the mintage o£ his grandfather and his father. In the oldest Selinuntine sculptures Herakles carries the The mocking Kerkopes behind his back with their heads down- -^^^^^P®^- wards ^. Athene stands by while Perseus strikes off the Gorgon''s head — no snakes wreathing round it — and Pegasos springs by a strange birth from the gushing blood of his slaughtered mother^. The art is of the very rudest_, the most grotesque^ kind; the forms, divine, heroic_, and human^ might seem to need millenniums of evolution to change them into the finished shapes of their neighbours. Yet we may be .sure that they were in their day the choicest offering that Selinuntine piety could bring to its divine protectors. In this age^ exactly as in the later age with which we have compared it^ the building art itself was immeasur- ably in advance of the subsidiary arts. No works of man can surpass the massive and simple grandeur either of an early Doric temple or of a minster of the Northern Romanesque. What those who could build so well could do in the way of adorning their buildings was once to be seen in its place at Selinous. The works of the men who guarded the western outpost of Hellas in its early days, torn far away from the charm and teaching of local presence, now look down on the transplanted tombs of the ^ Benndorff gives a speaking photograph of them. Their story is dimly suggested in one of the gravest narratives of Herodotus, vii. 206. He who wishes for a more intimate knowledge of the beings there referred to will find it at length in Lobeck's Aglaophamus, ii. 1206, and more easily in Mure's History of the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece, ii. 367. Something will be found in Zenobios, i. 5, and in the Appendix Nar- rationum (39) in Westermann's MvOoypdcpoi. Ovid (Met. xiv. 90) turns them into monkeys, which we do not see in our metope. It concerns us more that, according to our own Diodoros (iv. 31), Herakles, when in bondage to Omphale, tovs ixlv ovofia^opicvovs KkpKOJiras, XriarevovTas Koi ttoXXol KaKoL Siepya^ofiivovs, ovs fxev dveKTeivev, ovs 5e ^coyp-qaas SeSefxivovs Trapedoofce rfj 'O/xcpctXr}. But from this we should never have found out how he carried them. 2 This sculpture, fully described and figured by Benndorff, is really more grotesque than the otlier, as it is meant to be perfectly grave. 426 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. Walls of the outer city. CHAP. IV. daughters o£ Canaan among the antiquarian plunder o£ the Sicilian capital. The soutliern part of the central hill was, as we have seen, the original city. It is convenient to speak o£ it as the akropolis, though its extent in proportion to the enlarged town is much larger than is usual with the akropolis of a Greek city. It is the only part where the walls stand out to tell their own tale distinctly and without any manner of doubt. But the town undoubtedly spread over the northern part of the hill, and parts of its walls may be traced ^. On the eastern side the evidence is but slight. On the western side we clearly see a fortification of that class which takes the native rock as its substructure and ekes it out with built stones where needful. A gateway is clearly marked at one point of the line. This wall was a defence separate from that of the akropolis, which kept its separate northern wall and gate ^. Between the two some have placed the affora ; Burying- some have found a theatre ^. On the detached hills further giounds. ^1^^ north lay more than one burying-ground, the nekro- poleis of Selinous ^. Thus far we have, on the ridge between the two valleys, a city complete in itself, looking down on a haven, perhaps on both sides, certainly on one. But the most distinctive features of Selinuntine topography con- cern, not the hills of the city itself, but the hills east and west of them, on the eastern and western sides of the two The out- valleys. The eastern hill, the edge of a wide table-land stretching towards the more distant Hypsas, has always ^ See above, p. 261. ^ Schubring, 408. ^ The precious smaller gate with the apparent arch, matching those on Eryx, seems to be of the work of Hermokrates. * See Schubring, Nachrichten, 410, where he places the agora in this dip. In the Berlin discourse (100) he moves it within the akropolis, on the strength of the supposed theatre. In that theatre I could never bring myself to believe, and it now seems to be given up. BenndorfF (14) seems to place the agora in the central valley. We shall come to its site again at the time of the second siege. 5 Schubring, 409; Cavallari, 121. lying hills. BUILDINGS ON THE HILLS. 427 been known as the site of the greatest buildings of Selinous. chap. iv. Very late discoveries have shown that the phsenomena on the right bank of the Selinous were merely the same as those on the eastern hill. Not strictly on the western hill Buildings itself, but on a smaller hill between it and the river, build- western ings have been brought to light which give us a wholly new conception of the topography of the spot. Prop^/laia at the base of this small hill, with buildings not as yet fully explored above them, show that this hill at least, if not the greater one beyond it, must have been fully covered. There were temples and other buildings on this side also, as well as on the hill where their mighty ruins speak for themselves ^. It is not likely that on either side they stood absolutely alone, without any human dwellings near them. But on neither side did the ground on which they stood form any part of the fortified and thickly inhabited city^. For some of the most honoured temples to stand outside the walls is in no way wonderful ; we have already seen the familiar examples at Syracuse. Only at Syracuse the temples of Olympian Zeus and of Apollon Temenitcs were ancient outposts as well as sanctuaries ^ ; the temple of Demeter and the Kore, the work of Gelon*, is the nearest parallel to the temples of Selinous. At Selinous it was the peculiar local position Position of of the town which caused this peculiar position of its later nunt^ne" temples. There was no room for them in the city itself ; ^^n^pl^s. they could not be placed in the swampy valleys. The only places where they could stand with fitting dignity were on the two opposite hills, east and west. But on those hills ^ An inscription in honour of (Persephone) MaXoipupos, a name already known from another insciiption, tells us what we are to look for. See Schubring, Berlin discourse, 102. ^ Schubring (428) has found signs of walls on the west side of the eastern hill ; but he allows that it was not fully fortified. ^ See above, p. 361. * This we shall come to in the next volume. 428 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. they had to stand outside the defences of the city^ pro- tected only by their own holiness. It is only the distance at which the Selinuntine temples stood, parted on each side from the fortified city by a deep valley, which makes any difference between them and other cases of temples outside the walls. But that distance is in truth everything. As we now see Selinous, two hills, each covered by vast heaps of ruins, look out on each other. They might almost pass for the sites of separate and rival towns. But this view shuts out the western hill, where the visible remains of the temples no longer show themselves as they still do on the eastern. When all the temples of Selinous on all its hills were standing, when those on the central hill were surrounded by the dwellings of the city, when one valley, perhaps both, had its haven, the central hill and those to the east and west were not isolated from one another as they are now. The city and the hills Analogies, crowned with temples formed parts of one whole. Seli- nous had on each side of it a range of holy places, standing to it as Monreale stands to Palermo, as West- minster stood to London when the West Minster vv^as first founded, as the great Boman basilicas outside the walls of Aurelian, as any great minster outside the walls of any city. Only at Selinous there was the double range; there were the wide gaps of the two valleys which had no parallel elsewhere. From either of the valleys, from either of the havens, of Selinous, men looked up to the akropolis rising above them, the cradle of the city, its military stronghold, the seat of the most ancient of its holy places. On each of the other sides they looked up, The at least in the great days of the city, at a sublime range akropohs. temples, newly built or still in building. But it was only in the view from the valleys that the akropolis could have been felt as an akropolis. It could have been no akropolis as men looked at it either from the eastern or POSITION OF THE TEMPLES. 429 from the western hill, or again from the northern part of chap. iv. the city, which continued it at a height at least equal to its own. The growth of Selinous, as of other cities, the building of its later temples, belong in strictness to other divisions of our history. But the whole story of Selinous has so directly arisen out of the local circumstances of the ground, and, in its short life, the expansion of the town and its temples must have come so soon after its first foundation, that it was hard to avoid saying something of the later topography of the city, even when the proper subject before us is its first beginnings. We now come to the birth of a city which we are Founda- tempted to call the youngest of Greek cities founded on the Akra^s. mainland of Sicily. And so it practically is. We shall 5^°- have to record the foundation of more than one Greek town in Sicily in much later times ; but they are foundations of quite another class. Creations of particular men, of kings The last or tyrants, bearing, in one case at least, the name of a per- series of ^ sonal founder ^, they have more in common with the cities ^^^jJJ!^^ called into being by the Macedonian kings than with Hellenic colonies of the elder type. Of these more ancient cities the last that arose on the Sicilian mainland was all but the greatest. Akragas, Agrigentum, Girgenti — the three forms of the name conveniently mark three periods of its history — has, with many ups and downs, lived through the whole life of Sicily. And in the special story Its posi- of Greek Sicily Akragas holds the next place after second cily Syracuse 2. It holds the place that often falls to that city of Sicily. ^ Pbintias, the modern Licata, called after Phintlas, tyrant or king of Akragas. Akragns is most clearly described in a short notice of Polybios, ix. 27. Of recent writers, besides Bunbury, Dennis, Holm, we have the special monographs of Siefert, Akragas und sein Gebiet (Hamburg, 1845) 5 Schu- bring, Historische Topographic von Akragas in Sicilien (Leipzig, 1870) ; Cavallari, Sulla Topografiadi talune Cittk Greche di Sicilia (Palermo, 1879), 430 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. Its rela- tions to Syracuse. The south coast at the time of its foun- dation. or other state among a certain group which is the un- doubted second, and which believes that it has been or ought to be the first. Akragas is sometimes the friend of Syracuse ; it is more commonly the enemy; most com- monly of all it is a rival standing aloof in sullen discontent. It is only at some special call of common danger, when to think of smaller differences would be treason to the whole Hellenic name, that the first and the second of Sikeliot cities are found working side by side. An analogous position, modified of course by special differences in each case, is held by Orcliomenos in Boiotia and by Argos in Peloponnesos, But the bitterness between the two Sikeliot cities never reached such a height as that which raged between Thebes and Orcliomenos. Syracuse and Akragas were rivals ; but they were not rivals striving for the headship of a confederation ; and, when Akragas was overthrown, it was not by Syracusan hands. The fairest of mortal cities — so Pindar calls it when singing the praises of an Akragantine victor ^ — was another example of settlement by migration from one Sikeliot city to another. The settlement of Selinous by the Megarians of Hybla left a large extent of the south- western coast of Sicily unoccupied by any Greek city. There was no independent Greek settlement between Seli- nous and Gela. The town at the mouth of the Halykos — Makara, Minoa, Herakleia, Ras Melkart — if it was p. 73. Schubring is undoubtedly the safest guide, though I have had once or twice to part company with him. ^ Pyth. xii. I ; ahio} T(, (pLXdyKaf, Ka\- Xiara fiporedv ttoXiojv, ^(pfficpovas eSoj, a- t' 6x0o.Li €7ri fxaXofioTOV va'ieis ^ AfcpdyavTOS kv- Sfiarov KoXwvav. By Pindar's time, we must remember, the city must have spread far beyond the akropolis, and the extended walls must have been built or in building. FOUNDATION OF AKEAGAS. 431 already in Greek hands, was merely an outpost o£ Selinous ^. chap. iv. From the Halykos to the southern Himeras, the coast lay open for settlement, and since the foundation of Selinous it lay yet more invitingly open than before. But when Gela Akragas determined to win this unoccupied land for Hellas, the course Qeia. taken was not that which would now be taken by any modern kingdom or commonwealth. There was no thought of a simple enlargement of the Geloan territory to the north- west. What was done was to fill up the gap with an inde- An inde- pendent colony of Gela, owing to Gela only the reverence neig^kJur due from colony to metropolis, and in whose foundation Gela did not forget to show all due reverence to her own metropolis. The vacant space was filled up by the new Greek city of Akragas and its territory. It was a colony of Gela, carrying on the laws and traditions of Gela ; but. The according to rule, it had to its formal founders the Rhodians founders, Aristonous and Pystilos, whose presence caused it to be ^^^^p" ^^"^ sometimes spoken of as a Rhodian settlement ^. Other stilos. settlers from Rhodes ^, some perhaps from other islands joined in the plantation. Thus, while in the case of Megara and Selinous parent and child sat far apart, in the case of Gela and Akragas they sat side by side. The happy relations of Greek colonial life could bear such a strain. The site of Akragas, lofty Akragas, spreading its walls Position of the city ; ^ We shall come to this point in the story of Dorieus. See Herod, v. 46, Mivunjv r^v "X^Xivovaiojv dwoiKiTjv, and above, p. 115. ^ Thuc. vi. 4 ; eTCcri be kyyvTara oktoj icai iKarbv ixera Tr]v acperepav oiKiaiv TeXwot 'A/cpdyavra wKiaav, Trjv filv iroXiv ditb tov 'AKpdyavTOs TTorafjLov ovofxacxavTcs, olKiards Se iroi cavns ' Apiorovovv koi HvariXov, vofxt/xa Se rd TeXcvojv Sovrcs. One niigh almost infer from these last words that the founders were Rhodian, to say nothing of the universal custom. Polybios (ix. 27) speaks of Akragas as vtto 'PoS(W dirofKicrpLevos. In Strabo, vi. 2. 5, 'AKpdyas 5e 'Iwvqjv ovaa, we must surely read 'Podicuv. ^ As the forefathers of Theron are said (Schol. Pind. 01. ii. 29) KfK/jLTjKevai Kara rrjv 'Pobov, tSjv irpayfidTOJv araaia^ofxivajv Koi ovtoi t^v els "SiKcXiav fiCTOiKeaiav (TT€iXa/x4va)v. Cf. on ii 15. * As most likely Phalaris himself. See Appendix VII. vol. ii. 432 THE GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. far and wide is one of the stateliest on whicli any city was ever planted. But, compared with the sites of most other Sikeliot cities, it seems like a falling back upon an elder state of things. The city set on an hill was no longer the model commonly followed by Greek founders. Save Leontinoi only, the other Greek cities of Sicily were close on the sea ; Naxos and Syracuse were actually in the sea. Akragas arose on the top of a high hill, with the sea full in sight, and with hill and city sloping down towards it. But the sea nowhere came near to its walls, and no Akragas haven brought ships close up to the city itself. Akragas not a sea- t ^ . -,. , . faring had its haven at no great distance ; but it was quite apart power. from the city, and it was small compared with the havens of Syracuse and Zankle. In truth Akragas never grew to any importance as a seafaring power. She grew rich by an easy trade with the opposite coast of Africa ; but she had nothing of the wide-reaching commerce of Corinth or Massalia, and her military strength was wholly by land. Vv^e hear often of the horsemen of Akragas ; of her triremes never a word. The rivers. The city took its name from the smaller of two rivers of no OTeat size between which it stands At a little distance from its later walls they join to flow into the sea with a single mouth. The western stream, the modern Drago, bore the same name as the Selinuntine Hypsas; the eastern, whose muddy waters were called yellow by local poets, once Akragas^, is now the stream of Saint ^ Virgil, JEn. iii. 703 ; " Arduus inde Acragas ostentat maxima longe Moenia, magnanimUm quondam generator equorum." ^ So Thucydides, vi. 4. Cf. Steph. Byz. in 'AKpdyavres, who mentions other rivers of the name. (Why he says ti6/\€ls it€vt€ 2(/ffAms it is hard to understand.) Cf. Pindar, Pyth. vi. 6 ; iroTafxia t' 'Afcpdyavri. Schubring has gone fully into all matters about the rivers. See Polybios, ix. 27. ^ So Empedokles in Diog. Laert. viii. 2 ; w i[)i\oi, 01 jxiya dffTV Kara ^avOov 'AKpdyavTos vaUr dv dupa -rroXecus. SITE OF AKRAGAS. 433 Blaise. The meaning o£ the name must be looked for chap. iv. in some other tongue than Greek ^ ; but it was naturally played upon in Greek mouths^ and was made to refer to the lofty position of a city which still bears the name of " La Magnifica Each stream runs down its own deep ravine among the hills to meet its fellow in a plain, broken by some smaller hills, which lies between the high ground and the sea. The haven at their mouth, a mere open The haven. and stony beach, is now forsaken ; the new haven of Girgenti, called in modern fashion the haven of Empe- dokles, is placed further to the west. The traveller who comes fresh from the waters on each side of Syracuse, from the havens and bays which range from Plemmyrion to Xiphonia, is amazed at the contrast. Even the first point to which Lamis took his Megarians, the little bay of Trotilon, seems a worthier site for the haven of a Greek city than the joint mouth of Hypsas and Akragas. But, as an inland site, the position chosen by Aristonous and Pystilos could hardly be surpassed. As we look up from the coast, or indeed from any lower point, even the modern city, shrunk up again, like Syracuse, within the oldest circuit, seems fully to deserve its surname. Of the hill The between the ravines of the two rivers, the modern town, the old akropolis, occupies, not quite the highest point, but the highest point at all suited for the foundation of a town and fortress. It is slightly outtopped by a height somewhat to the east, a small platform of rock, which now bears the name of the Rock of Athene ^. But no akropolis could ever have arisen on that small ledge, while the spot on which modern Girgenti actually stands is admirably fitted ^ Steph. Byz. in ^AKpa-yavre^ ; TloKvPios tov iroTafibv Kal Trju ttoXlv anb rrjs Xft^pas wvofxaaOai 'AKpdyrjs 5ia to evyciov. ^ As by Empedokles just above. ^ Diod. xiii. 85 ; tov virlp Trjs it6\€Q}s Xocpov tov 'AOrjvaiov fiev bvoixa^ojxi- vov fcaTo. de tt]s ttoXccds cvcpvSjs Kcifxevov. This, there can be no doubt, is the point now called, but hardly by a continuous tradition, Bape Atenea. VOL. I. F f 434 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. for such a purpose. It is nearly isolated ; a narrow neck of land lower than the ground on either side joins it to the mass of the hill to the east. Rising steeply on the north, the inland, side, it rises no less steeply over the ravine formed by a small tributary of the Hypsas, and now known as the valley of Saint Leonard ^. The later Neither the Hypsas nor the Akragas comes near this slope!" * ^ earliest site of the city. Akragas flows far to the east, and Hypsas is parted from the akropolis by another hill which was always kept without the walls to form the nehro- polls or burying-ground of the city. From the isthmus of the akropolis, the inhabited town spread itself over the whole southern side of the eastern part of the hill, over the whole space between the narrow ravine of Saint Leonard and the wider valley of Saint Blaise. The northern and steeper side of the hill remained untouched ; it was on the southern slope that the enlarged city grew up. Its downward growth stopped pretty much where the slope of the hill stops, where a wall of rock running east and west stood ready to form the southern Character defence of an enlarged Akragas. In this part the whole hill slopes towards the sea ; but the ground is irregular and broken. It is of much the same character as many of the neighbouring hills. Downs, with the rock cropping out here and there, are broken up by the deep gullies of small streams, and by better defined hills thrown up at one or two points of the descent. As for the north side, he who looks up at Akragas from the low ground towards the sea ^ Pol. ix. 27 ; 17 8' a.Kpa t^j ttoAccus virepKHTai Kar* avras ras Ocpivas dva- roXds, Kara p\v rrjv e^wOev (irKpavciav dnpocrirw cpdyayyi wepiexof^^' V' f^o-T^ d\ rfjv evrds fiiav exovaa vpocroSov l/f rrjs ir6\ecos. That this dnpa is the present Girgenti is clear from the (pdpay^ and the fi'ia vpoaoSos. But the Oepival avaroXai are puzzling, as the akropolis lies north-west of the later city. See Schubring, p. 22. But it is dangerous to alter the text. It is far more likely that Polybibs, like many of us, had the weakness of calling east west and west east. Anyhow he does not mean that the akropolis ovei'looks the city exactly at the south-east." THE HILL. 435 has no thought o£ the existence of any north side or of chap. iv. the need for one. The hill of Akragas, if it does not lift its head to heaven like the hills of Henna and Eryx^ at least shuts out all sight and thought of everything beyond itself. To the east and west it has supporters or rivals ; to the north it might be itself the end of the world. As a matter of fact, the hill on its northern side is of the same general character as it is to the south. The northern side is also largely a sloping down, but the slope is much steeper, the ground is far more broken up with small gullies. And its upper part takes the shape of a wall, a ruined wall, one might say, in many parts, as huge masses of rock have been hurled away from the general mass. There is, so to speak, no top to the hill, only sides. The north side knows as little of the existence of the south as the south does of that of the north. When the southern slope was covered with buildings, nothing could have been seen of them from the northern slope of the hill. He who climbs up from either side, comes, when he reaches the ridge, on the sight of a world which below there was nothing to suggest. The akropolis alone, steeper on the south side, but loftier to the north, has a being on both sides. It looks down on the deep valley just below ; it looks on other hills to the north, nearer and further off; but to the enlarged city on the great southern slope to the east of it, the inland parts of Sicily must have been as though they were not. From thence the eye looks out only on the sea, the sea of Libya. Over that sea fancy wanders to the land beyond it, the land from which Akragas drew her wealth and from which came her overthrow. The general view of Akragas is only less striking than Analogies the general view of Syracuse. Between the two there is trasts^with something of likeness, or rather of analogy, but far ^y^^^^^^- more of contrast. In each case the most modern town has shrunk up within the bounds of the oldest, leaving a vast -E i 2, 436 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. space, once inhabited, but now again forsaken. In each case imagination fails to call up the image of the huge city which must once have been, when dwellings or build- ings of men covered the whole or the more part of the vast space which was fenced lq when Syracuse and Akragas were at their greatest. But between the actual character of the two cities thus seen or imagined there is the most marked contrast. At Syracuse the oldest and newest town floats on the waves ; the city grew on to the main- land, and in so growing it partly forsook the immediate neighbourhood of the sea. At Akragas the oldest and newest town stands on the height ; from that height the city has grown downwards, spreading towards the sea, but never reaching it. At Syracuse the site of the city itself is made by its havens; at Akragas the haven, such as it is, stands quite apart, not an afterthought — for its presence must have helped to fix the choice of the site — but as something altogether secondary from the beginning. Add to this that Syracuse, as is implied by its proudest epithet^, is made up of several towns added one to the other. At Akragas we can at most reckon two. There is the old akropolis, and there is the later city, added, it would seem, by a single effort. All Akragas then, save the akropolis only, lies in a compact mass on one side of a hill. There is nothing like the variety, the ever-shifting relations, of the several parts of Syracuse. English To take comparisons from our own cities, comparisons analogies. m which the important element of the sea must be left out, Syracuse, like Bath, has climbed its hill from the bottom; Akragas, like Lincoln, has crept down its hill from the top. Yet in the actual view, whatever like- ness there is must have been the other way. Akragas on its hill-side must have had some likeness to Bath on its hill-side; it must have risen above its Olympieion some- 1 MfyaXoTToXies. See above, p. 352. GEOWTH OF THE CITY. 437 what as Bath rises above its abbey o£ Saint Peter. If chap. iv. Lincoln has crept down its hill like Akragas, it has so crept down it as to leave the same kind of gap between the highest and the lowest ground which is left between the upper and the lower level of Achradina. I have throughout taken for granted that the original The first town of Aristonous and Phystilos took in only the akro- akropolis polis of the enlarged Akragas, answering to the modern town of Girgenti. When Akragas was founded_, Syracuse, after a life of a hundred and fifty years, still consisted only of the Island and some detached outposts in no way fused together into one whole. It is hard then to believe that the founders of Akragas laid out from the first so gigantic an enclosure as that of the Akragas of the fifth century before Christ. It is still less likely in the case of founders whose ideas seem to have gone back to an earlier time, who took for their model the Sikan perched on his hill-top rather than the Phoenician dwelling at the haven of the sea. Even if such thoughts came into their heads, they were assuredly not carried out at once. We shall find, as is not wonderful, that, ten years after the first plantation, the oldest temple on the akropolis was only beginning to be built, and that the akropolis itself was not fully surrounded by its wall ^. We must not Short life forget within how short a time the first history, so to Greek speak, of Akragas is shut up. From the first settlement ^^^y- to the Carthaginian overthrow we number only a hundred b.c. 580- and seventy -four years. At the time of that overthrow Akragas was far yomiger than New York is now. To an Athenian, even to a Spartan, of the time of the Persian wars, the greatness of Akragas must have sounded as the greatness, it would hardly be fair to say of Chicago, but certainly of Cincinnati, sounds to us. I know of no record Extension of the of the growth of Akragas such as we have of the growth town. ^ Poljainos, v. i. See the next Chapter. 438 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. CHAP. IV. c. 480. Temples in the akropolis. Older in- habitants Sikan. of Syracuse ; but we may assume with confidence that the town first founded took in the akropolis only, that dwellings gradually spread beyond the walls^ and that at last it was found needful to defend the newly settled quarter with an extended line of fortification. And we shall see as we go on that we can hardly be wrong in fixing it to a time as nearly as possible a hundred years after the first settlement ^. The akropolis always remained a separate fortress. It had two gates, one to the west, leading outside, the other to the east, on the neck of the isthmus that joins the akropolis to the main body of the hill, leading to the later city. This last gate was long represented by a mediaeval successor called Porta del Ponte, which has been swept away in recent times. And within the akropolis, within the modern town, we certainly see something like a higher and a lower range, an akro- polis within an akropolis. The oldest temple of Akragas, that of Zeus Polieus, Zeus of the City, Zeus of the Atabyrian hill of ancestral Rhodes, stood on the highest point of all, well seen doubtless from every quarter, even from the forgotten north 2. We shall in time come to the story of its building, a notable point in the history of Akragas. We may assume that the founders of Akragas, like other founders of Greek colonies, found older inhabitants to dis- possess. And we may assume with hardly less confidence that those older inhabitants were of the Sikan stock. There is no ground for connecting the hill of Akragas 1 That is, in the time of Ther6n. We shall come to this in a later Chapter. ^ Polybios, u. s. ; Im hi ttjs Kopvov 462 APPENDIX. KaXovvT(ov TOV haixakiv ovltovKov, coanep Koi vvv Xeyerat, ano tov ^cbou Tr]v Xcopav ovondaat Tvacrav, oarjv 6 ddfxoXis diriXdev Ov'tTaXlav. This, seem- ingly by a slight change, but one involving the whole history of the letters F, V, and W, became 'iTokla. Apollodoros (Bibl. ii. 5) has much the same story, with another derivation of Rhegion, though from the same root as the old one ; otto 'Prjylov els dTropprjyvvai Tavpos Koi Taxecos eU Trjv daXa^raav epnearcjv Kol diavrj^dfievos fls 2cK€\lav Koi Trjv 7r\r](TL0v xu>pav dicXOoov, Trjv an eKeivov Koi Ta^^oos els Tr]v dakacraav epneau) KKrjdelaav 'iraXlav (Tvpprjvol yap ItoXov tov Tavpov cKaXeaav^, rjXdev (Is Treblov "EpvKos os e^aaiXcvev 'E\vpa>v. In this version it is not very clear why Italy should be so called because any creature ran through Sicily ; but it is pleasant to find vitulus in the implied shape of firaXos, though this is hardly a fragment of the tongue of the Rasena. John Lydus, writing in Christian times, gives (De Mensibus, iv. 60) the story a new turn by connecting it with Noah's flood ; Trpo TOV peyaXov KnraKkvcrpov ttjv StfceXiai/ prj vrjaov civat (jiaaiv cos arjpepov, aXX' rlneipov yeueadai avvijpfieurjv ttj vcrTepov ^iToXlaf fK be Trjs (jiopds tcov eic TTjs eniKXvaecos pevparav tcov pi^oov drvodTracrBeicrav vrjaov aTroKaTaaTrjvaL. He adds the usual derivation of 'PriyLov, and the order of the names '2iKavla and SiKeX/a. The good Fazello (i. 15) is naturally of the same belief. NOTE III. p. 53. The Name Trinakria. I HERE make two remarks, closely connected, but still distinct. That Sicily really has four sides, and not three only, becomes clear enough when you stand on the fourth side ; but it is a truth of no great consequence. The fourth side is so very short as compared with the other three that practically Sicily is triangular. But the notion that Sicily is an exact triangle, with a lofty promontory at each angle, is sheer delusion, and a delusion which seems to have sprung out of tricks played with a name. The notion is well nigh as old as our first distinct notices of Sicily. Thucydides (vi. 2) brings in TpivaKpia as a name of the island, older than either SiKfXi'a or liKavia. Herodotus however (vii. 170) does not seem to know the name TpivaKplt], but only ^iKavir] as an older name than THE NAME TRINAKRIA 463 ^iKeXiT]. This is most likely because nothing in his story led Herodotus across the name, while his story did lead him across both Sikans and Sikels. But Thucydides, giving a formal sketch of the early history of the island, naturally brought in the name, which he may have found in Antiochos or in the older Hippys. One can hardly doubt that tlie name TpivaKpta was suggested, though perhaps not immediately, by the QpivaKir] of Homer (Od. xii. 1 06), according to the usual way of attempting to find places on the real earth for the spots recorded in the mythical geography of the Odyssey. It is the same spirit which peopled Sicily, and Italy too, ' with Laistrygones and Kyklopes, Homer places Thrinakie near Skylla and Charybdis ; that, in his conception of it, it was clearly a small island, inhabited only by the daughters and the cattle of Helios (see p. 105), is perfectly clear. But, being near Skylla and Charybdis, it must be Sicily or some part of Sicily. Timaios, or somebody else who is quoted by the scholiast on Apollonios (iv. 965, C. Miiller, i. 192), had got hold of an explana- tion one degree less unreasonable than some, when he planted the sacred flocks and herds on a Sicilian peninsula. MuXas Se x^PP^^W^^ 2iK€Xlas, iv § alrov 'HXiov /Sues ivipovro. But here is nothing touching the name Trinakria. Whence is that ? It is not to be forgotten that there was a Sikel town called Trinakia (Diod. xii. 29 ; see p. 158, and below, Appendix VIII), and another, or the same, called Tyrakinai (Steph.B.Typf7Kti/at),with other possible forms, Tyrake (Steph.B.,u.s.) and Tirakia (Plin. N". H. iii. 14). Of these, Thrinakie and Trin- akia can hardly fail to be connected. We may make any number of guesses. The existence of a real town of Trinakia in Sicily may have helped to strengthen the notion of Sicily being the Homeric Thrinakie. Or the name may have been given to the town after that belief had got afloat. All this does not much matter ; the point is that in GpivaKirj, or something like it, we have the oldest form of the word. But we must not leap at once from QpivaKir) to TptvaKpia. There is an intermediate set of forms applied to the island. Strabo (vi. 2. l) describes Sicily; earn/ r] 2iK€\ia rplyavos T&> (TxrjpaTi, Ka\ Sta TovTO TptvaKpia pev TrpOTfpov, QpivaKis 8' varepov irpocrr^yopevdrj, perovopacrdelaa ev(pu)v6Tepov' to de crx^pci diopi^ovai rpety aKpai. But it is much more likely that the form without the p, TpivaKca perhaps rather than TpivaKis, is the older of the two. And we are not without other signs of TpivaKia. It lurks in a most curious 464 APPENDIX. way in the entry of TpivaKpla in Stephen of Byzantium ; eKkrjdr] S' ovTcos Tj OTi rpels aKpas ^ ort dpivaKL icxTiv opoLa. This derivation from Oplva^ or Tplva^ points to the triangular shape, but has as yet no suggestion of a/cpat, of anything with p ; aKr) is the more likely source. We find the form TpivaKia in Dionysios Periegetes, 467 (Geog. Grsec. ii. 131). After the Aiolian islands comes Trinakia; TpLvaKiT] S' Itti Trjffiv virep iriSov Avffovi-qctiV e/cTeTarai, TrXevpfjffiv ctti rpialv karrjKvTa. He adds, aKpa Se ol Haxvvos t€ UeXojpis re AiXvfft) re, and goes on to describe them as usual, but he does not hint at any connexion between the words aKpa and TpivaKL-q. The p in truth came in very easily. One might say that the process took the exactly opposite course to that spoken of by Strabo. It does not greatly matter whether TpivaKia slided into TpivaKpla and the aKpai were then thouglit of to explain it, or whether the aKpai suggested themselves as the fitting endings of the triangle, and the name was changed to bring them in. The nature of the process by which the name came about is shown by the presence of the v. If a man were called on to coin a Greek name to express rpfis aKpai, he would certainly not coin TpivaKpia ; the word would more likely be TpiaKpla. The v gives the name a curiously Latin sound. It suggests the Latin (and Sikel) ending in -inus, common in Sicilian gentile names. But this likeness is pretty sure to be quite accidental; the v has lived on from GpivaKirj. Its presence in all cases, the absence of the p in some cases, surely shows that TpivaKpia was made out of QpivaKir) by a piece of Volksetymologie, with the intermediate form TpivaKia going between. Still, as the Introduction of Thucydides witnesses, by the time that Sicilian history began to be written, TpivaKpla was accepted as the ancient descriptive name of the island, which had been sup- planted by the two names formed from the successive settlements of Sikans and Sikels. Diodoros sets this forth at the beginning of his description (v. 2); 57 vriaos rb TvaXaiov aiTO pev rov o-p^iyjuaTos TpivaKpla Kk-qOeiaa, arrb be Ta>v KaToiKr)aavT(ov avrrjv 2iKava>v 2iKavla 7rpoaayop(v6e7(ra, reXevralov de dnb twv "SiKeXav tcov €K t^s IraXias Travdrjpel n^paKcdevTcov u)v6pao-Tai '2iKe\la. (Cf. Justin, iv. 2.) It does not seem to have struck any one as odd that the island should have got a name of a sound so thoroughly Greek as TpivaKla THE NAME TRINAKRIA. 465 or TpLvaKpia, before even Sikans or Sikels came into it. The dif- ficulty is hardly solved by the writer who goes by the name of Skymnos (264); k^rjs 'XiKcXia vrjcros (VTvx^(^TdTr), TO TTporepov /xev kTepoykcuacra Pdpfiapa Xcyovai ttXtjOt] KaravefifaO' '10T]piKa, 8id TTjV krepovXevpov Se t^s x^P^^ (pvcriv VTTO TOUV 'I/Srjpojv TpivaKpiav KaXov/xevrjv. Then the name is changed to Sikelia from a king Sikelos, of what nation we are not told. Then come the Greeks, who were hardly needed, if the Iberians were capable of coining such a name as TpLvaKp'ia. One hardly knows what to make of the Scholiast on Apollonios, iv. 965, in the passage just before that which was quoted in p. 463, at least in the version in which he is made to say, Tlfxaios QpivaKiav t^rjdX KoKfiaOai Tijv ^iiceXlau, otl rpels aKpas e'xft. No doubt the real reading of Timaios is preserved in the other form (C. Miiller, i. 103), TpivaKpla de rj StfceXta, Kara fiev Tijxaiov, dia to Tpds ('x^i-v aKpas. Still, though the name was generally held to be descriptive, there were some to whom the iitoivvpos was so dear that he made his way in here also. Of the two scholiasts just quoted the first goes on to say; Ot 5e toTopiKoi [a class seemingly distinct from Timaios] OpmiKov (paaiv ap^ai tj]s ^iKeXlas. The other goes on, Kara de TLvas tcov lo-TopiKcov dno TplvaKos rov tt]s StKeXias ap^avros. So also Stephen of Byzantium, besides his rpels (Upai and his 6plm^, goes on to quote the Sibyl as speaking of TptvaKpirjs vrjcrov, -qv eKTicrc Tpivafcpos ijpojs, vlos TTOVTOjxedoio Hoffeibdaivos dvaKTOs. One is here tempted to see an older irrcowpos called TplvaKos, who was afterwards improved, just as the name of the island was. And we shall presently find him in more places than one. Servius (JEn. i. 196) preserves more than one curious notice. On Yirgil's words "Litore Trinacrio" his comment is, " Graecum est propter tria aKpa, id est promunturia, Lilybseum, Pachynum, Pelorum. Latine autem Triquetra dicitur. Sane Philostephanus Trepi roiv vfjcrwv sine r litera Trinaciam appellat, on TpivaKos avTrjs Trpcoros eldaaiXevaev." But in another fragment of Philostephanos (Hist. Grsec. Frag. iii. 31) he brings in the p ; yalrj S' eV SiiceXaji/ TpivaKpidi. The inujvvpos Trinakos appears also in the commentary of Eusta- VOL. I. H h 466 APPENDIX. thios on Dionysios Perieget^s (Geog. Graec. Min. ii. pp. 305, 306). Eustathios lias a good deal to say of which we have heard already, and he quotes Strabo ; 6 Teaypdcjios Xeyei on oTro TpiuaKplas QpivaKia irpoa-qyopevOr), p.eTovop.aadda-a cixpcovorepov, which is not exactly what he does say. But in his own person, as a dutiful commentator, he uses the same form Tpivaxia as his original, and he quotes (with the needful change) the Sibyl quoted by Stephen ; he also brings in the Opiva^ ; ■^AXXot Se (paaiv on QpivaKia Xeyerai 8ta to ioLKevai OpivaKL' onep dndSet rfi T(ou TToXaicov 86^i]' ov yap SoKet toiovtov (TXTjixaros elvai rj SifCfXia. StjSuXXa de c})r)aiv dno TpivdKov ^ovkoXov KXrjdrjvai, elirova-a Qpivafc'iTj vrjaos, tt)v iKTiae Ipivcutos ijpoos, vios irovTop.iSoio TloffdSdoovos dva/CTOs. It is needless to heap together instances of the use of the name TpivaKpla. It seems after all not to have been much in favour with the Greeks. One is rather startled when one finds in Kallimachos' Hymn to Artemis, 57; av€ 5e TpivaKpir), "^iKavwv eSos. It seems to be found only in one passage of Theokritos, xxviii. (xxii.) 17 ; Kol yap Toi TTarpis, av oJ^ 'Ecpvpas KTiaai ttot 'Apxt'as, vdaca TpivaKplas p.veXbv, dvSpaiv doKifxcov ttoXlv. Other Greek names or epithets to the same effect are the rplyXcoxi-^ of Pindar in a fragment quoted by Eustathios in the note just referred to (ii. 305), and the line of Lykophron (966), d'^et rpldeipov vrjaov els \r)KTrjplav. With Lykophron it is good to look to the Scholiasts. At the meaning of rpldeipos we might have guessed ; Tpideipos ydp rj StxeXia, Tpe7s e'xovo-a uKpas, K.r.X. But XrjKTrjpla did indeed need a commen- tator ; perhaps the commentator himself does also. Xrjyeiv ydp doKovaiv al urjaoi, vtto rrjs 6a\d(raT]s 7repL€)(dp€vai, ety ra rpia dKpcorrjpia exovo'av 2t/ceXtai/ rrjv vno dakdao-rjs TeppaTOvp,evr]v. John Tzetzes makes the matter a trifle clearer, and helps us to a form of the name which one feels (see above, p. 465) that we ought to have had before ; rr^v 2iK€\iav Xeyei, icai QpivaKiau Koi TpivaKpiav Koi TpiaKp lav Xeyovai. rpia ydp aKpcoTrjpia e;^6i, k.t.X. And directly; XrjKTrjpiav eirrev on vrjaos rj SiKeXta* al de prjcroi vtto 6aXd(Tcrr]s Trepiexovrai Ka\ XrjycLv 8ov ycovicou iKaar-qs ciKpoiTrjpLcov \ap^avovm rd^eis). Of these Pachynos points to the south ; Pelorias to the north (to ds ra? apKTOvs K€kKiix€vov, opl^ei fxkv tov Trop6p.ov to npos Svcret [xepos) of Lilybaion there is this fuller account ; THE NAME TRINAKRIA. 469 TO Se Tp'iTOv TerpaTTTai fiev els avrrjv rrjv AlI3vt]V, eniKeiTaL roTs npoKfi- fxevois Tr]s Kap\rjb6i/os aKpcor-qplois evKaipcos, die)(OV as ;^tXtot;? (TTadlovs, V€V€C 6' els xeifxepivas dvaeis, diaipc7 de to Ai^vkov koi to 'Snp^aov jreXnyos, TTpoaayopeveTat de AiKvlBaiov. Nothing can be plainer than that Polybios placed Lilybaion to the south of its real place, and conceived the northern and southern sides of Sicily to meet there at a sharp angle. The scientific seal was set on the mistake by Ptolemy (ii. 4), whose whole descrip- tion — Lilybaion and Mazara being placed on the south side (§ 5) — shows that he saw with the same eyes as Polybios. A Latin poet meanwhile, though accepting the traditional points of the heavens, had better grasped the nature of the countr}^ Ovid (Met. xiii. 74) says ; ..." Intrant Sicaniam, tribus hsec excurrit in sequora Unguis, E quibus imbriferos obversa Pachynos ad Austros ; Mollibus expositum Zephyiis Lilybseon ; ad Arctos -^quoris expertes spectat Boreanque Peloros." The three Ungues here are much more to the purpose than aKpccTrjpia, Kopvv [al. 2i/ceXt/<6//] noXiapa. The Sikels show themselves oftener in the story than the Sikans ; that is all. Now we may take these passages of Thucydides and look at them from all points. He distinctly asserts. First, that the Sikans were an Iberian people ; Secondly, that the Sikels were an Italian people ; Thirdly, that both existed as distinct nations in his own day. He records and rejects the tradition of the Sikans that they were airoxOoves, while he accepts the Sikel tradition of a migration from Italy. A claim to be avroxOoves on the part of any people is worth very little. If honest, it proves only that they knew of no earlier home, and no kind of claim is more likely to be sheer invention. The Sikel tradition, on the other hand, has all likelihood in its favour. The doctrine of Thucydides then, that the Sikans were Iberians, and Iberian settlers from Spain, is not a tradition, but an inference made by himself or by some earlier observer, be it Antiochos or any other. Exactly the same statement is quoted by Diodoros (v. 6) from Philistos ; ^ikiaTos cjirjaiv ^ll^rjpias avTovs \2iicavovs] anoiKicyOevras KaTOLKqaaL rrjv vrjaov, dno rivos 2iKavov norapov kut ^l^rjplav ovTos rerevxoras Tavrrjs rrjs npoarjyoplas. (Either ThucydideS or Philistos is quoted by the Scholiast on Od. xxiv. 307.) This is a different account from that which Strabo (vi. 2. 4) quotes from Ephoros. His list of nations in Sicily stands thus ; SifCfXoi, Ka\ '2iKavo\^ Kcu MopyriTes, K(u aXXoi Tives vepopevoi rrjv vrjaov, a>v rjaav Ka\ "l^rjpes, ovanep npcoTOvs (prjal tS)V ^ap^dpa>v ''ELKavia. Timaios, as quoted by Diodoros (v. 6), rejected all statements which brought the Sikans from Spain or seemingly from Italy. SIKANS AND SIKELS. 479 He accepted their own tradition, recorded by Thucydides, which made them avroxBoves. He took upon him severely to rebuke Philistos — did he know his place better with regard to Thucydides 1 — for his supposed ignorance in asserting their Iberian origin (T/fiaioy de rrjv ayvoiav tovtov tov crvyypac^ea)^ eXey^ay, uKpi^cos dnocjiaiveTaL tovtovs avToxOovas etvai). Now we are not concerned to assert any actual migration out of Spain. The Iberian origin of the Sikans is in no way inconsistent with their being airoxdoves in the only sense in which any people can be called avroxdoves. That is, they are the oldest people in the land of whom history can say anything. If there were any other people in Sicily before them, Eskimos or any other, they belong to a time before history and even before tradition. Thucydides had very likely seen Sikans ; at any rate Nikias had. Nobody had seen any people in Sicily of any earlier race. In maintaining ^iKavoi and StfceXot, notwithstanding the philolo- gical presumption in favour of their identity, to be quite distinct names, I do not greatly rely on the seeming difference in quantity between them. Homer, or at least the Homeridian poet, un- doubtedly has 2iK€\6s and 2i Koi (jivXa^avres Kariovra tov povv, dno Trjs 'WaXlas bLejSrjo-av eVt rrjv eyyiaTa vr](TOV^. There they find the Sikans, as already described (see above, p. 476) ; oidy there must be some mistake when the Sikels are said to have settled first in the western part of the island (t6 p.ev npcoTov iv toIs ea-ne plots pepeaiv (OKrjaav, eneiTa koi aXXrj TroXXaxf]^ To fxev ovv liKeXiKov yivos ovtoos e^eXnrev 'iraXiW is the formula With which Dionysios winds up his story. According to Hellanikos, as quoted by Dionysios (i. 22), there were two migrations from Italy into Sicily. The first was that of the Elymians, who were driven out by the GEnotrians (rbv p.ev npoTfpov [o-roXoi/] ^EXvpcov, ovs (prjaiv vtto OlvuiTp(ov e^avaa-Trjvai^. Of VOL. I. I i 482 APPENDIX. them we shall speak presently. Five years later, in the third generation before the war of Troy, in the six and twentieth year of Alkyone as priestess of Hera at Argos, lapygians, fleeing from the Ausonians, crossed into Sicily under their king Sikelos, who gave his name both to his people and to the island. Antiochos gave no date ; he made the Sikels be driven out by (Enotrians and Opicans, and he seemingly carried them over under a king Sikelos. That is, if, in the words ^laaBevra^ vn6 re Oli/wrptou Koi 'OTTtfccoj/ urpaTwv rj-yefiova Trjs anoiKias noirjaaiievovs, for (TTparcov we read 2iKe\6v. Brunet de Presle (67) prudently declines to invent a leader Straton out of a correction "STpdrava, According to Philis- tos, the migration happened eighty years before the war of Troy. The settlers were Ligurians ; edvos de to hiavopiaOev e| 'lTa\ias ovre StKeXwi/, ovT€ Avaovcov, ovre *E\vpa>v, aXXa Aiyucoj/, ayovTos StfceXoO. Here the words ovre St/ceXwi/ are not meant to deny that those who crossed were the people afterwards known as StxeXoi, but to affirm that they were Ligurians who took the name of liKeXol from their king Sikelos, son of Italos (rolls' dvOpanovs eni TovTOv 8vvacrT€vovTOs ovopaaBrjvai 2iK(\ovs). They were driven out by Umbrians and Pelasgians. From other places in Dionysios (i. 12, 73) it appears that Antiochos had a good deal more to say about the Sikels and about Sikelos, on which Thucydides in any case did not enter. Italos was king of the (Enotrians, who from him were called 'iraXoi. He was succeeded by Merges, who gave his name to the Morgetes. In his day Sikelos took off a part of the people under his own name (SikcXos, eni^evcoBe^s MopyrjTi, Iblav TTpuTTcap dpxrjv, 8i€- (TTrjo-e TO i'dvos). DionysioS adds ; cmcfi'pei ^Avrloxoi] TavTL. ovTcos de 2iKeXo\ koi M6pyT]T€s eyevovTO Ka\ 'iraXiJJrey, eovTes OiVcorpoi, Who Sikelos was appears from another quotation from Antiochos (i. ; dvrjp d(f)lK€TO eK 'Pco/xt/s (^u-yay* SiKeXos ovopa avrw. We must remember that Antiochos assigned a very early date to the founda- tion of Eome, and gave to King Morges a dominion over all that he counted for Italy. So it appears from a passage quoted by George Synkellos (i. 364, ed. Bonn) ; ^AvtIoxos 6 2vpaK6v 2i/ceXa)j/ e'di^os Travdrjfxu nepaicodev els Ti]v ^iKeXiav ti)v vtto TOiv 2iKavcov €K\(i(})6el(Tav X<^pav KaratKrjaav) . The word Travdrjfxei in no way contradicts the statement of Thucydides about Sikels in Italy. No doubt the great mass of the nation passed over. The Sikels in Italy were a small survival even in Thucydides' time ; by Diodoros' time the name was forgotten in Italy, but was remembered iu Sicily. The Sikels, having thus entered, kept constantly advancing against the Sikans, till at last their boundaries were settled by treaty (aet TrXeove^la npo^aivovTcov tcou 2ik€\5)v Koi tt)u ofiopov irop6ovvT(ov^ eyeuovTo noXepLoc nXeomKis avrols npos rovs '2iKapovs, eois avvOt'jKas noirjo-dpfvoi (rv}ji(f)a)vuvs opovs edePTO rrjs p^copav). He then goes On with a very important passage about the process by which the Sikels were hellenized, of which we may speak elsewhere. All this is sound tradition enough. But a little way on (v. 8, 9), Diodoros brings in, clearly from some other source, a number of tales which must be sheer inventions. Aiolos is now quartered in the isles of Hephaistos, and kingdoms have to be found for his six sons. Astyoclios keeps Lipara. lokastos reigns in the oldest Italy (rijy pev 'iraXi'd? dvrexop^i'os, e/3ucriXeucre t^s napa\las p^XP'' "^^^ Kara to 'Prjyiov roncov). Plieraimon and Androkles hold a great dominion in Sicily, from the strait to Lilybaion {edvpaa-reva-av r^? 2iK€\las dno tov nopdpov p^xpi- to)v KaTO. to AiXv^aiov Toncov). He tl:en goes on to explain how they and their brothers came to reign in Sicily. The Sikels in the east part of the island and the Sikans in the west were always disputing {ravTrjs r^s x^P"^ P^^ npos €0) KCKXtpeua peprj KnTcoKovv SikcXoi, to. 8e npos dvapas '2iKavol. TavTa de TO. edvr) npos aXXrjXa hi((^epovTo). But both accept the rule of the Aiolids, on account of their own virtues and those of their (ather. So Xouthos reigns in the parts of Leontinoi, which from him were called Xouthia. Agathyrnos founds Agathyrnum. The Aiolid dynasty reigns for many generations with great glory ; then it becomes extinct. Then the Sikels seemingly founded an SIKANS AND SIKELS. 485 aristocracy in the strictest sense — toU dpia-rois rav av^pwv ras riycjiovlas ivex^lpi(ov, Tlie Sikans were divided by dynastic wars among themselves {n^pX rrjs dvuaaTelas 8ia(pep6fX€Voi Trpbs dWrjXovs, inoKepovv ini noXKovs xpovovs). Then the story stops, and Diodoros goes on to tell the tale of the Knidian settlement in Lipara. One can hardly have a better example of the difference in value of the witness of Diodoros in differeiit places, according to the writer whom he follows, however dangerous it may sometimes be to rule who that writer is. From very good tradition we have wandered into the weakest kind of legends of iniivvpoi. Eustathios, at his time of day, had two forms of error to grapple with. By his time Siculi, and StKfXoi too, had come to mean any- body living in Sicily, Greeks, Saracens, Normans, anything else. He finds it needful therefore (Odyss. xx. 383) first of all to explain the difference between 2lk€\oI and 2iKeXi5)Tai, as between 'iTokol and 'IraXioiTui, forms distinguishing Greeks and barbarians, for which he quotes ^lius Dionysius, the descendant, as some say, of him of Halikarnassos. He further adds, lareov di otl 01 StfceXoi Koi "EiKavoi doKovcn \iyc(r6ai, enel koI 'Hpo^oTos '2iKavLav eoiKc ttjv vvv iLicikiav Xeyeiv. Aio^copos fievTOi dia(popav tovtcov oiSei/, iv ois Xeyet nepi 2iKavu)u /cat SixeXwi'. The existence of Sikels as a people of Latium is witnessed by several Latin writers. This brings us within the range of Sir George Lewis' Liquiry, who has gathered together (Credibility of the Early Roman History, i. 272) pretty well all that can be found about the matter. His object of course WiiS only to come to negative conclu- sions. So to do might save some trouble ; but one can hardly bring oneself to it. Varro, in a passage (LL. v. loi) which I shall have to quote soon, accounts for the likeness between Latin and Sicilian words ; " a Roma quod orti Siculi, ut annales veteres nostri dicunt. ' This seems to imply that Roman writers had found or adopted a story something like that which Dionysios quotes from Antiochos. Virgil, as we have seen, mentions " Sicani " rather than " Siculi " among the ancient inhabitants of Italy, but we cannot feel quite certain (see above, p. 477) how far he distinguished the two names. We distinctly see Sikels on the very oldest Rome, when Festus (321) tells us how " Sacrani appellati sunt Reate orti, qui ex Septimontio Ligures Siculosque exegerunt." These Sacrani from Reate must be Sabines ; and this driving out of 486 APPENDIX. Sikels hy Sabines is really the same story as that which Servius yet again (ad JEi\. viii. 638) quotes in a much wilder shape; " Sabini a Lacedaemoniis originem ducunt, ut Hyginus ait de Origine Urbium Italicarum, a Sabo, qui de Perside Lacedsemonios transiens ad Italiam venit, et expulsis Siculis, tenuit loca quae Sabini habent." Pliny (N. H. iii. 10) reckons " Pelasgi, Oenotrii, Itali, Morgetes, Siculi, Grsecise maxime populi," among the inhabitants of Southern Italy; it will be remembered that is the Sicani (see above, p. 477) whom he places on the Alban mount. And, to go back to Dionysios, besides his general description of the Sikel migration, he often speaks of j)articular Latin and other Italian towns as having formerly been Sikel, as Agylla, Pisa, Falerii, Fescennium, Cseniiia, Crustumerium (i. 21, ii. 35). At this last town we meet (Serv. ad ^n. vii. 631) our friend Sikelos in the strangest shape of all ; " Cassius Hemina tradidit, Siculum quendam, nomine uxoris suae Clytemnestras condidisse Clytemes- trum, mox corrupto nomine Crustumerium dictum." Solinus has also a good deal to say about Sikels. In Sicily itself (v. 8) he has nothing special, except a more exalted father for their iirtow^ios ; " Sicanise diu ante Trojana bella Sicanus rex nomen dedit, advectus cum amplissima Hiberorum manu ; post Siculus NejDtuni filius." But of Siculian Italy he has several curious notices. Among the early inhabitants of Italy (ii. 3) are " Abori- gines Aurunci, Pelasgi, Arcades, Siculi." Then the three grand- sons of Amphiaraos, Tiburtus, Cora, Catillus, find Tibur on this wise (ii. 8) ; " Depulsis ex oppido Sicilise veteribus Sicimis a nomine Tiburti fratris natu maximi urbem vocaverunt." This is not easy to understand, unless Tibur was once called Sicilia " and was occuj)ied by Sikans, a people of whom he seems not to speak elsewhere. But in ii. 10, Ancona is founded by " Siculi" (a con- fusion, one may suppose, with its real foundation by Dionysios), Gabii, " a Galatio et Bio Siculis fratribus " (cf. the parentage of Galas in p. 190), and Aricia " ab Archilocho Siculo." In xxvii. 8, " Clypeam civitatem Siculi extruunt, et Aspida primum nominant, Veneriam etiam in quam Veneris Erycinse religiones transtulerunt." This seems oddly made up of the building of Clypea or Aspis by Agathokles and the presence of the rites of Ashtoreth both on Eryx and at Sicca Veneria (perhaps Succoth Benoth). From central Italy we must suppose that the Sikels pressed southwards into the special Italy, the modern Calabria. There it SIKANS AND SIKELS. 487 must have been that the remnant still dwelled in the days of Thucydides. Their presence was remembered long after, as appears from the account which Polybios (xii. 5) gives of their settle- ments. He not only speaks of Sikels as the inhabitants of the country, but he rather takes their presence for granted ; KaO' ov Kaipbv Tovs St/feXous eK^aXocev tovs Karaaxovras top tottov tovtov Trjs 'iraXias. He then goes on to speak of the Sikel customs which lived on at Lokroi. Ijastly, we have a mention, if not of StAceXoi, yet of liKeXla, where we Bhould hardly have looked for it. According to Pausanias (viii. II. 12), there was a hill so called, rj Si/ceX/a Xocpos, near Athens. What then comes of our evidence ? The general result of the examination of the Latin writers seems to be that they prove very little about Sikans, but that they prove a great deal about Sikels. "When we come to the name Sicani in a Latin writer, we never feel quite sure whether it is used with any definite meaning, or whether it is, as to a Latin writer it would naturally seem, a mere alias for Siculi. Many of the Latin passages may be taken as asserting the distinction ; but most of them may also be taken the other way. It is on the distinct witness of the Greek writers, with Thucydides at their head, that I venture, in opposition to Forbiger, Schwegler ("die TJnterscheidung der Sicaner und Siculer als verschiedne Volker ist sicher grundlos ; " R. G. i. 203), and Holm, to look on 2iKavoi and Si/ceXot as distinct nations, belonging to distinct races. But if we are driven to know so much better than Thucydides about a matter on which Thucydides could use his own eyes and ears, all that is proved is that there were two migrations from Italy into Sicily, that the Sikans were the advanced guard of the Sikels. For surely, if we are to make Sikans and Sikels the same, it must be by making the Sikans Sikels, that is Italians, not by making the Sikels Sikans, that is Iberians. (See Busolt, i. 235, who has arguments both ways.) For the evidence, Greek and Latin, to show that the Sikels were an Italian people settled in Sicily seems overwhelming. It was the universal tradition of Sikels, Greeks, and Latins. And to establish the Italian character of the Sikels is of far greater moment than to establish the non- Italian character of the Sikans. I believe the evidence is distinctly in favour of this last belief ; but if the Sikans can be proved to be 488 APPENDIX. Italian as well as the Sikels, the general course of Sicilian history will not be npset thereby. Of the language of the Sikans I am not aware that a single word, other than pi oper names, has been preserved. The language of the Sikels, I do not scruple to say, was Latin, or something which did not differ more widely from Latin than one dialect of Greek dif- fered from another. The difficulty sometimes is to distinguish be- tween strictly Sikel and Sikeliot words (see Brunet de Presle, 570). Many of the words come from Athenaios, and many from the dictionary- makers. In their days the difference between StfceXoi' and SiffeXiwrnt was practically forgotten. If they quote a word as Si/ffXiKoi/, it may mean only that it was used in the Sicilian dialect of Greek, at Agyrium no less than at Syracuse. But we must not forget the strong likelihood that a word peculiar to the Greek of Sicily would be of Sikel origin. It is easy to find words which are distinctly said to be Sikel, and also words which can have got into Sicilian Greek only from the Sikels. I have spoken in the text (see p. 125) of one specially clear case, how Sikels and Opicans alike called a river Gelas from its cold waters. Varro too (LL. V. 1 01) has a memorable passage which shows that the hare was known in Sicily by its common Latin name ; " Lepus, quod Siculi quidam Gmeci dicunt Xenopiv." This last bit of language is indeed attributed not to Sikels but to Sicilian Greeks ; but Sicilian Greeks could have learned the name XeVoptf only from Sikels, and in Yarro's day the descendants of StKfXoi as well as the descendants of SiAceXtwrat counted as " Siculi Grseci." The only question is whether the Greeks did not get the word from Sikels in Italy rather than in Sicily. For one is tempted to connect the use of a Latin name for the hare with the odd statement preserved by Pollux (v. 75) about the lack of hares in Sicily up to the time of Anaxilas of Rhegion. It is no less clear when Varro (v. 120) gives us another Latin word as Sikel ; " Ubi pultem aut jurulenti quid ponebant a capiendo calinum nominarunt, nisi quod Siculi dicunt kutivov ubi assa ponebant." Then there is the great case of the Sikel weights, of which we shall have to speak more at large (see Appendix VII). Julius Pollux again (ii. 141) gives us a Dorian word from Sicily, which is clearly Latin ; koI kv^ltov fiirois au, as 'ImroKpdTrjs. doKd. 5' fivat ^(jipiKov Tovviiiia roiv iv 'SiKeXla Acopucov, odev ^E7TL)(app.o5 Koi to rraieiv TO) dyKa>ui Kv^irl^eiv Xeyet. So Epicharmos is quoted also by Photios SIKANS AND SIKELS. 489 (Lex. 183. 5); Kv^rjTTOV. "icoves, to aKpov tov dyKMVos' ovtcos ^ETTixapixos (Lorenz, Epich. 284). Here the Latin is perfectly plain. So it is when Pollux quotes, also from Epicharmos, nuTdviov rj naTdva in the sense of diah. But when we read, raGra (ra aiTo^oXia, to. Trvpoiv Tafiidaj poyovs 2;KeXtcorat wvopd^ov, Koi ecrTi Tovvojxa iv ^Em^dp^ov Bou- alpibi, we can only say that the word has a Latin sound, but that we cannot find any certain Latin kindred for it. The word pvWos, discussed at some length by Ebert {iLKeXiav, 33), with obvious reference to Horace and to Theokritos (iv. 38), belongs to a class in which both very old and very new forms are likely to be found. Lastly, we hear of a Latin word which got into Sicilian Greek, not from Sikels, but from Messapians. Athenaios (iii. 76) says ; navos, apTos, Meaadnioi. koI ttjv TTK-qafxovriv naviav koi ndvLa to. nXr]- (Tfxia, BXaiaos iv Mecrorpt/Sa Koi AcivoXoxos iv Ti]\e(f)(o 'PlvOoov re iv ^Apcpi- Tpvavi. Koi 'PcojLtatoi 8e nava tov apTOv KoKoxxri. Of these poets, Deinolochos and Khinthon belonged either to Sicily or to South Italy ; Blsesus, with his Italian name, was in the more remarkable position of an Italian writing in Greek. We have been taught to believe that Messapian would be something quite different from Sikel ; but either way we get an illustration of the way in which native words passed into colonial Greek. We have other words, either quoted directly as Sikel or as Sikeliot and therefore likely to be Sikel, for which we cannot at once point to a Latin cognate. We must begin with the one Sikel word which is handed down to us by Thucydides himself; TO fie bpeTTavov ol St/ceXoi ^dyKkov koXovcti. He of COUrse by StKeXot means ^iks'Kol. The oldest coins show that SdyKkov would be the truer form, and some (see Holm, i. 390) connect this with two entries in Hesychios ; dyKaXis' axOos, koI hpiiravov MaKeSdvey, and again (col. 365) MkoXov hpeiravov. It would be pleasant, but a little dangerous, to coin a word MyKkov out of huKoXov and dyKa\lv Olvcorpav. a(ri de tlv€s koi to MopydvTtov ivTevOev Trjv TrpocrTjyopiau dno Ta>v MopyfjTcov f'xetv. We might fancy that the Morgetes were inferred from Morgan- tium; but in that case we should more likely have liad Morges as the diiect founder, perhaps without any Morgetes. Given the Morgetes as a people, the statement that Morgantium was their foundation might easily be either a mere inference from the name or a bit of real tradition. We may fancy, according to a crowd of analogies in all times, the Morgetes to have been a kindred people with the Sikels, who joined in their migration, but took a secondary position alongside of them. Unless as inhabitants of Morgantina, they play no visible part in the history of Sicily. I cannot quite follow the treatment of Sikans and Sikels by E. Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, i. 358 et seqq. He begins by saying, "Die eingebornen Sikuler waren desselben Stammes wie die Siiditaliker : man bezeichnete daher Land und Volk mit gleichen Namen ; eine Bezeichnung, welche sich bis heute in der Benennung des Kouigreichs beider Sicilien erhalten hat." There were 2iKeXoi' in Southern Italy, as we have seen ; but was Southern Italy ever called liKeXla 1 and wliat can the kingdom of the Two Sicilies have to do with it 1 At the same time the phrase " Two Sicilies " is older than its use as a royal title. He is a little dark about the Sikans ; " Man glaubte sie sogar als ein eingewandertes Volk aus Keltischer Heimath ansehen zu miissen." Does he mean from Spain, according to the general belief — it would be an odd way of putting it — or from the Sequana — or perhaps the Sequani —in Gaul % And why is Gela " der Karische Name des Flusses " ? A Phoe- nician origin has been found for the name, as for most other names in Sicily. But how is this plain bit of Latin Karian ? SIKANS AND SIKELS. 493 Lastly, since these notes were written, there has appeared the work of Heisterbergk, quoted in the last note. He goes very minutely into many matters which have to do with Sikans and Sikels and with Elymians also ; and he comes to some conclusions that are certainly strange. He is not always easy to follow, as he often falls back on the fashion, now happily dying out in Germany, of writing sentences so long that it is a hard matter to " find the verb." He professes not to deal with ethnology; but he seems (64, 65, 70, 94) fully to admit the distinction between Sikel and Sikan, though he holds them (p. 83) to be kindred races. The Sikans and the land Sikania took their name from a river Sikanos j but that river is not to be looked for in Spain, Gaul, or anywhere out of Sicily. It is no other than the southern Himeras. Sikania is the country about Akragas. The Elymians are a greater people than has been commonly tliought. Sikan is simply the geographical name of part of them, that part which did not enter into any special relation with the Phoenicians. The Sikels are an Italian people who came into Sicily later than the Phoenicians; the name Siculi is akin to secare and secula (Varro, LL. v. 137). ZayKkov is not a Sikel, but a Greek word, connected with ayKoXos, 'AyKoor, and a great deal more (cf. Etjm. Magn. in Zay/cXoV, where bpeiravov is so called as (ayKkov^ t6 'Kiav ayKokov), The Sikel invasion of Egypt is not to be believed. It will be seen that I have some points in common with the author of this new theory, while other parts of it seem to me to be very wild. I cannot undertake to go into every detail ; but I may mention some special points. His view about Sikania will perhaps be best treated in the note devoted to Kokalos and Kamikos, and that about the relations between Sikans and Elymians in the note devoted to the Elymians. His views about the Sikels come most naturally here. I am quite unable to follow his argument, which is to show that the Sikels came in after the Phoenicians. It is very strange (p. 72) in a discussion on the seafaring capacity of the Sikels, to speak of them as being in historical times a purely inland people (" die Thatsache, dass die Siculer zur Zeit der ersten griechischen Historiker bereits von den Griechen gegen das Innere der Insel zuriickgedrangt waren und folglich damids keine Schiffe besassen "). This leaves out their possession of the coast between Himera and Mylai, the colonizing ground of Ducetius and Archonides, which Thucydides (vi. 2) carefully notices ; en /cat vvv 494 APPENDIX. TO. fxea-a Koi to. npbs ^oppav t^s vrjaov e'xova-i. It is certainly hard to believe (p. 77) that the Sikels deprived the Phoenicians of their eastern havens in Sicily. He oddly (p. 83) places Motya among ** Stadte des Elymergebiets." But one stops for a moment's thought over one saying, " Der siculische Ortsname Imachara erinnert in Stamm und Endung an das sicanische Makara in der Endung an Hyccara, Mazzara." One would be glad if Imachara or anything else could relieve us from the necessity of looking on Makara or Mazzara either as Semitic. In my view Sikan local names may be looked for anywhere. He remarks furtlier that the Sikel ending in -Ivos or -inus is found beyond Sikel territory, as at Akragas and Eryx. Nothing surely would be more likely, when the Greeks had once adopted it ; and the Greeks might hear it on Sikel mouths even of Sikan or Elymian places. It is surely not needful to infer (p. 88) that Thucydides looked on Lilybaion as the most southern point of Sicily, because he says (vi. 2) that the Sikels drove the Sikans irphs ra pL^a-qp^pLva kcli eanepta avT^s [StKeXias], Though the Sikels, holding the east coast, did actually hold the most southern parts of the island, and though at Hykkara the Sikans actually kept a hold on the northern coast, yet on the whole Sikania lies to the south of Sikelia. And it would seem so still more in the old conception of the island, in which, though Lilybaion was not looked on as the southern point of the island, it was looked on as being much less to the north of Pachynos than it really is. I ought to have remembered that the connexion between Siculi and secare was suggested long ago by Mommsen (R. G. i. 16), followed by Lange (R. A. i. 60). All such guesses are doubtful and dangerous. I will not say that we are not the people of the angel (not the " angelica facies ") or the seax, or that our continental neighbours are not the people of the franca ; but I would not lightly say that it is so. But if we are the folk of the angel, it looks as if we might have something to do with Zankle. Ancus, Anxur, Ancona, ayKvXov, di-ayKv'kou in High-Dutch it seems, Zweihug, p. loi), seem to be stages on the road. It would cer- tainly save a vast deal of trouble if we could believe (ayKkov to be a Greek and not a Sikel word (see above, p. 489); but the master whose word is far above clever guesses says expressly ; "Ovopa TO pev irpcorov ZdyK\rj rjv vno ra>v ^ikcXcov KXrjOdaa, on Spana- voeides rrjv Ideav rc x^P^^^ ear), to de dperravou ol SiKeXot ^ay/fXoj/ KoXovaiv, KOKALOS AND KAMIKOS. 495 NOTE V. p. 112. K6KAL0S AND KaMIKOS. KoKALOS and his land are carefully marked as Sikan in the earliest accounts of them that we have. The earliest of all, that of Herodotus (vii. 170), does not mention Kokalos by name; but he gives a summary of the story, and takes great pains to mark the Sikan character of the land. He first speaks of the death of Minos as iv KafxiKco yeuoixeuos, and adds by way of exjDlanation, Xeyerat yap Mivoov Kara ^rjTrjcriu AaibdXuv aTiLKofievov es lLKavLr]v rrjv vvv 1iK€k'Lr)v KoXeoixevrjv diroOuvelv ^laico Oavarco. Diodoros (iv. 77) ^ degree less precise. There Daidalos is said KaravexBrivai rrjs 2cKeXlas Trpos ;(a)paj/ rjs iSao-iXfvovTa Ku3Ka\ov, k.t.X. ; and in C. 78 we read ; AaldaXos napd T€ ro) KcokoKm Koi tols '2LKavois 8ieTpi\f/6 TrXei'o) )(p6vov. That is, he speaks of "EiKcXia, as some now speak of England and France, before it became such. (So Arist. Pol. ii. 10. 4 ; MtVcos fie iivi6ep.^vos rrj SiKeXt'a Tov ^iov ereXcvTrjaev eWt Trepi KdpiKov.^ But he is equally precise as to the people among whom Minos came being Sikans. And the name of Kokalos has been pressed at once to prove his own Sikan nationality and the Celtic origin of the Sikans. For Hesychios says, KaKoXov. TraXatoy, Koi eibos dXeKrpvovos. Here may seem to lurk a hidden connexion between KmkoKos and Coq, especially if the 2LKav6s should turn out to be the Sequana (see above, p. 475). (The other dictionary -makers are less fruitful.) Pausanias (vii. 4. 6) is less accurate ; he says that Daidalos 4s"Ivvkov 2ik(XS)v ttoXiv dcj^iKuelraL irapa KrWaXov, Koi 7roXep.ov Trapecr^e rots SifceXot? cuTLav. He had forgotten the distinction which he himself drew in v. 25. 3 ; see p. 477. Pausanias places the royal city of Kokalos at Inykon. Yet his version does not contradict the story in Herodotus and Diodoros. Minos is killed at Kamikos, but, as Daidalos, according to Diodoros, built Kamikos for Kokalos, it may have supplanted Inykon. Charax of Pergamos, quoted by Stephen of Byzantium, perhaps did the same; or perhaps he took Inykon and Kamikos for the same place. Stephen, under KapiKos, says, noXis SiKeXta? iu § KcbfcaXo? rjpx^v 6 AaidaXov. (Did he take Kokalos for a son of Daidalos'?) Under Alpovia he casually mentions Kamikos as an island settled by an inoovvpo^, and under 'AKpdyavres he quotes Douris of Samos (Hist. Fragm. ii. 480) as mentioning Kamikos as an example of a town named from a river. Strabo (vi. 2. 6) mentions KapiKot in 496 APPENDIX. the plural without fixing its site, and adds, t6 KaKokov ^aalXeiov, Trap' o) Mlvcos ho\o<^ovr]6rivai Xcyerat. Kamikos has been sometimes placed on the site of Akragas or its akropolis. Admiral Smyth (204) believed himself to have walked along a road engineered by Daidalos (cf. Serradifalco, iii. 25). But when Herodotus (vii. 1 70) says that the Cretans besieged noKiv KafiiKov rfjv Kar kfie ' AKpayaur^voi evefiovTo, he assuredly means that it was in the Akragantine territory, but not on the site of Akragas. Diodoros (iv. 78) is still clearer; Kara ttjv vvv 'AKpayavTLurjv iv ra Kap.iKa KoXovfxevrjv. And that the site was distinct from Akragas appears from two later notices. In the scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. vi. 4, certain malecontents in the days of Theron KdfxiKov Kareaxov, ^ikcXkotikov noXiapa' KaB^ koi 6 MtVcos vno rais KcoKokov OvyaTpaaiv dnaXfro Kara (fjTrjaiv AaibaXov i\da)v. By that time it doubtless was Si^feXtcortKoi/. And in a fragment of Diodoros (xxiii), it appears during the Punic War as Kd/Lxixos (fipnvpiov ' AKpayavrlvtov. (See more in Fazello, i. 240, 244, 480; Cluver, 220, who places Kamikos at Siculiana, which is also accepted by Siefert, Akragas, 17, 18 ; Bunbury, Diet. Geog., Camicus.) Schubring (Zeitschrift fiir allgemeine Erdkunde, 1865, pp. 133-153) goes largely into the question of the site and, as I have said in the text, places it on the hills of Caltabellotta. There is this difficulty about this site, that it lies beyond the boundaries of the Akragantine territory, as they are commonly understood. This is so far in favour of the elder notion of Kamikos being Siculiana, a town of mediaeval foundation, but wliich might none the less mark an ancient site. Cavallari (Topografia di talune Citta Greche di Sicilia, 50) follows Schubring. Inykon will meet us once or twice in our history. It seems in later times to be connected with Selinous rather than with Akragas ; but this need not affect mythical geography. Kokalos may have moved from Inykon to Kamikos after Daidalos had fortified his stronghold for him. Schubring, on the other hand, moves it eastwards, close to Eknomos (Gela, 128). It was, accord- ing to Hesychius, ttoKlxviov evoivov. Inykon brings us to the story of Minos and Daidalos. I have ventured to hint that the name of Minoa, which has every chance of being Phoenician, suggested the story. But in the legend it is of course called after him. So Diodoros (iv. 79); Kar^pe rrjs ^ AKpayavrivri<; els t^v an eKcipov Mivmiv KaXovfxivr]v. According to KOKALOS AND KAMIKOS. 497 Diodoros the name was given by his followers after his death (see p. 1 1 5) j H-^^ ivravOa irokiv aKia-av, rjv dno tov ^aaikecos avrSiV Mivcoav wvofxaaav. This seems to me to be the genuine legend, rather than one preserved by H^rakleides of Pontes (Hist. Grsec. Fragm. ii. 220), which attributes the giving of the name to Minos himself ; "NiLvcoav TTjV iv 'S.LKekia McKapav eKoXovv npoTepoV erreiTa Miucos, aKovcov AalSaXov evravOa, fxeTO. aroXov TrepLcyevcTO, Koi dm^as eVi tov Avkov TTOTafxov, Trjs TroXews Tavrrji eKvpUvae' koi viKrjaas tovs ^ap^dpovs, dc})* iavTov 7rpocrcov6p,aa€V avTrjv, vofxovs KprjTiKovs 6e\s avTols. The name Makara may well be Phoenician, as well as Minoa. Here the name has good authority and is quite in place. Its Phoenician coins, dating from a much later time of Carthaginian dominion, have the legend nnpi^D ^i'Xl (Duncker, G. A. ii. 62 ; Coins of Sicily, 251 ; Head, 124), of which Mmapa is said to be a corruption. The Amos is of course (see p. 80) the Halykos. This Minoa is that which we shall hear of again by the name of Herakleia; but, when it first makes its appearance in recorded history, it has to do with Selinous, not with Akragas. Other places of the name, of which there are not a few, I must leave to those whom they may concern. I think they are all found in places where Phoenicians are likely to have shown themselves. As for Daidalos, he surely flies to Sikania. Such seems to be the meaning of the lines which end his story in Ovid's Metamor- phoses, viii. 260 j " Jamque fatigatum tellus ^tnaea tenebat Dsedalon." It is prosaic in Diodoros (iv. 77) to make him fly only to Ikaria and thence sail to Sikania. Pausanias (i. 6) says simply, is ^iKeXlav efcStSpaaKei irpos KaxaXov, His works in Sicily are de- scribed by Diodoros, iv. 78. First comes the building of Kamikos itself; Kara TTjV vvv * AKpayavTivrjv iv t(o KafiiKw KaXovp-evTjv nokiv irri neTpas ovarav nacrcov 6xvpa>TdTr]v KaTeaKfvaae Koi navTeXcos /S/ay dvd- \q)tov' (TTevrjv yap Koi aKoXiav Trjv dvd^aaiv avTtjs ^ikoT€)(yr](Tas, iiro'irjcre dvvaardai bta TpiSav rj TeTTapav dvBpcoTrcov cfivXaTTeadai. dionep 6 Keo/caXos iv TavTTj TTOirjaas to. ^acriXeia Koi to, )(pr)p,aTa KaTaTi6ip.evos, dvaXcoTOV eax^v avTTjv dia Ttjv inlvoiav tov tcxvitov. This does not shut OUt walls and towers, but it makes them secondary. The description reads as if Diodoros had seen what he took to be the place. Then come his other works. First, the KoXvfi^rjdpa in the Megarian VOL. I. K k 498 APPENDIX. territory, out of which the river Alabon ran into the sea (see p. 387); secondly, the cave on the hill now called Calogero, above the Baths of Selinous (see p. 419) ; thirdly, the temple on Eryx (see pp. 114, 278). As for the death of Minos, Herodotus says simply aTrodave^v ^iaipi<>>v cos ^A(f)po8trr}s ovros TOV 1/60). It is not easy to understand the exact relation between the two tombs ; and do the last words imply that Minos was passed off on the worshippers for Aphrodite 1 Whether Minos himself in any way savoured of Canaan or not. Aphrodite, in our island at least, is always suspicious of Ashtoreth. Cf. Siefert, Akragas, 18. Next comes the story of the invention of the tomb; Kara 8e rovs vecorepovs Kaipovs KTiaBetarjs fiev r^s rcov ^AKpayavrivcov TToXecos, yvaa-Beia-rjs de rrjs rcov oarSav Bicrecos, avve^r} rbv pev rd(j)ov KaBaipeBrjvai, ra oora rols Kprjalv vTrodoBrjvai, Qrjpcovos dwaa-revovros Tcov ^AKpayavrivcov, The temple of Aphrodite would seem to have KOKALOS AND KAMIKOS. 499 gone on while the tomb was hidden. But we need not seek for these things at Akragas itself. The story of the settlement at Engyum is also from Diodoros, iv. 79, 80. He is very full on the worship of the temple and on the bringing of the stone. The men of Agyrium are daTvyeiToves to those of Engyum ; but the distance is a hundred stadia and the road is hard ; rpa^das koI TTavTeXS)<: dvatropevTov. So the stone was brought by a hundred yoke of oxen drawing four-wheeled carts. Silius too (xiv. 249) speaks of "lapidosi Enguion [al. Engyon] arvi." The real point of interest in this tale is whether any Sikel traditions lingered on in the worship of the Mothers. According to Diodoros the Mothers became the Bears — avras els t6u ovpavov dva^i^ao-Orjvai Koi Karao-Tepia-Beia-as apKTOVi irpoa-ayopevdrivai. He quotes Aratos. This is quite another story from that of Kallisto and Arkas. The worship of the Mothers is mentioned also by Plutarch, Marcellus, 20 ; Tvokis icTTi T^s SiKeXias 'Eyyui'oi/ ov fxeydXTj, dpxala de ndvv Koi dia 6eu)v inLcfjdveiav evdo^os as KoXovai Marepas, He then mentions the Cretan story, and adds that the men of Engyum showed spears and brazen helmets, to. pfv e^ovra Mr]pi6uov, ra de OvXl^ov, TovTeaTiv 'Ofiucro-ecos, eniypacjids, dvaredeiKOTcov rats deals. Are these WOrds Marepas and OvXi^ov simply Latin — but for OvXl^ov, one would have taken Marepas for nothing more unusual than Doric Greek — or can they possibly be Sikel ? A Latin inscription would surely be too late for anybody to pass it ofP as belonging to the days of Meriones and Odysseus. But when these stories first gained vogue in Engyum, one can fancy that Sikel and Greek would be struggling, and that Sikel might be preferred as the more archaic. Yet before Plutarch's day, the Mothers of Engyum would seem to have become singular; Cicero (Verr. iv. 44; v. 72), when he calls on the gods plundered by Yerres, calls, as far as Engyum is concerned, not on the Marepes of Diodoros and Plutarch, but on the " sanctissima mater Idaea." She has " augustissimum et re- ligiosissimum templum," " Matris magnse fanum." He records the offerings of Scipio, "loricas galeasque aeneas, cselatas opere Corinthio, hydriasque grandes.'' There is something strange about this. Cicero no doubt knew the place, or was thoroughly well informed about it. Yet, if the temple had by that time become a temple of the one Idaean Mother, it is odd that the old Marepes should have turned up again in Plutarch's time. Kk 2> 500 APPENDIX. The story of the second Cretan invasion of Sicily and the seven years' siege of Kamikos comes from Herodotus (vii. 169, 170). At the time of the invasion of Xerxes, the Cretans ask the oracle at Delphi whether they shall give help to Hellas. The Pythia mocks them because they helped Menelaos against Troy, but did not avenge the death of their own king Minos in Sicily. It is by this road that his whole mention of Kamikos comes casually in. Unable to take Kamikos, unable to stay in Sicily for lack of food, unable to get home because of a storm off the coast of lapygia, they stay in Italy, found Hyria, and go through the national change spoken of; fiera^aXovTas dvr\ jxev Kprjrcov yeveadai 'iTjTTvyas Meaaaniovs. The expression is singular. The double name may be meant to distinguish the Messapian lapygia from one in Illyria. Hekataios (Hist. Greec. Frag. i. 4) is quoted by Stephen of Byzantium for the two ; 'lanvyla' 8vo noXei^, \xia iv Tf] 'iTokla KOI €T€pa iv TT] *lXXup/Si. But cities called 'lanvyla are somewhat strange. One would like to know how the whole story was treated by Sophokles in his play of KafiUioi, of which two fragments are quoted by Athenaios. The first (iii. 32) proves nothing for our purpose. In the second (ix. 41), there is a clear reference to the story of Daidalos ; opviOos rjv kTtojvvjxos irepSiKOS Iv kKhvoTs 'Adrjvaicov irdyois. Perdix is one name of the murdered nephew of Daidalos, who is changed into the bird so called. See Ovid, Metam. viii. 256 et seqq. There was also the Kokalos of Aristophanes, said to have been a parody on that of Sophokles. Several fragments remain (Bekker, ii. 284), but they contain nothing bearing on the story. Pliotios (135) quotes a strange version of the story from the Airjyrja-eis of Konon. He first carefully says that Minos sailed els 2iKaviav {avrrj 6' icrriv rj vvv 2iKeXla), but directly after says of Koka^ los, ejSao-tXeve 6' ovtos 2iKe\v. Now here the sentence beginning rrju 8e "Y^Xav is corrupt on the face of it. The first sentence too seems strange. It is oddly worded, and its apparent meaning brings in a difficulty. Stephen seems to identify his piKpa "Y/SXa at once with Megara and with Hybla Geleatis (for his TaXecorai must surely be the same word as the last), while in the other accounts Hybla Geleatis and Hyblaiau Megara are distinct. But the ingenious emendation of Schubring (TJmwanderung, 452 ; Holm, i. 362) sets all right, by simply moving a single word back to its right place. The opening sentence now reads ; Y/3Xat. rpels noXeis StfCfXias, r) fxel^cov f)s oi ttoXItol *Y/3Xatot Meyapels, Tj fJLiKpa rj^ ol noXirai 'Y^Xaloi FaXewrai, 17 be eXdrToiV ^Yipaia KoXelrai. We thus get a Greater Hybla, the same as Megara, and a Lesser, the same as Geleatis. But the matter becomes yet clearer when Schubring goes on to correct the manifestly corrupt sentence in the middle. On the road, besides putting 'Hpaia for "Upa, he turns King Hyblos into the form which he has in Thucydides. The passage now stands ; 17 de pei^oiv "Y/3Xa otto "Y/3Xcoi/os tov ^acrtXecos. 8ia de to noXXas 'Y/SXas KaXelaBai Ta>v liKeXav rroXecou tovs evoiKovvTas eKoXovv Meyapels' pia de to)V "YiSXcoi/ SrveXXa KaXelTai. The Greater Hybla then is the same as Megara, or was represented by Megara, or perhaps in the end represented Megara. We shall better trace its fates when we come to the history of the Greek cities. We shall then find that it stood a little to the north of the site where Megara was planted (see p. 388). It is hard to say what became of it while Megara was either a Greek city or a fortress of Syracuse. It was certainly in being in Eoman times, when it struck coins (Head, 129), bearing the head of the goddess Hybla on one side, and a bee on the other. The bee is enough to show that they belong to a Hybla near to the " Hyblsei montes," and not to the Galeatic Hybla at Paterno. This last, the Lesser or Galeatic Hybla, remained Sikel while anything remained Sikel, and kept the temple of the local goddess Hybla or Hyblaia. Pausanias, immediately after the passage THE THEEE TOWNS CALLED HYELA. 515 already quoted, goes on to make a very important statement on the highest authority; repdroiv o-cjias koI ivvTrvioav ^tXiaros 6 * Apxojxepldov 516 APPENDIX. poets. Stephen quotes these lines from Archippos in his play of rt Xeyeis ; gv jxavTis' etcri -yap OaKaacrioi '^aXeoi yi -navTOJv fiavrecvv oocfxIuTaToi. This suggests that the play, acted in B.C. 415, may have contained some references to Sicilian matters. As for the genealogical story, as far as one can make out anything from the confused version of it in Stephen, Galeos and Telmissos were two brothers, or at least two fellow Hyperboreans, who are bidden by the oracle at Dodona to sail, one to the east and the other to the west, and wherever an eagle should carry off the thighs of the victims which they sacri- ficed, there to build an altar {rov fjLeu eVi dvaroXas, tov 5e eVi Svo-juas TvKeiv, OTTOv av avTwu dvofxevcov derbs dpTrdar] to. p^rjpla, ^(Ojxov euravda IdpvaaL). This, it would seem, happened to Telmissos in Karia, where he founded the temple of Apollon of Telmissos. To Galeos it happened somewhere in Sicily, and j^resumably at Hybla. See Brunet de Presle, 466. The relation between the worship of Tel- missos and that of Hybla is a matter for professed mythologists. But it may be noticed that in Atlienaios, xv. 13, there is a story of Karians consulting Apollon at Hybla. It seems now pretty well agreed to fix the Galeatic Hybla at Paternb. So say Schubring, Holm, and others. That Paternb re- presents one of the Hyblas is shown by an inscription found there and now preserved at Catania, veneki victrici hyblensi. That is to say, among other Greek imaginings, the local goddess got identified with the Greek Aphrodite. And there is every reason to believe that the Hybla at Paterno is the Galeatic Hybla, the Lesser Hybla, the Hybla of Thucydides, Diodoros, Livy, and Plutarch. The last writer speaks of it (Nik. 15) as noXixviov fjLiKpov. Livy (xxvi. 21) seems to class it among " igiiobiliores terrae," as opposed to Morgantia. Fazello in his day, and Bun- bury in ours, were misled by the corrupt reading of Stephen. Fazello (i. 160) confounded Greater and Lesser, and placed it at Judica (but see Araico, i. 410). But Bunbury merely took the Galeatic Hybla to be also pdCov ; he put it in the right place at Paternb. Head (Hist. Num. 129, 132) more distinctly confounds fxeiCov and TeXearis, fixing the coins which bear the legend "Y/SXas MeyaXa? to the Hybla " on the southern slope of Mount Aetna, not far from the river Symaetlius." This is more like Adernb than Paternb, but Paternb must be meant. Paternb distinctly answers THE PALICI AND THEIR LAKE. 517 tlie description of Thucydides (vi. 94), in that it lay between Katane and Centuripa, and also that of Pausanias that it was in the Katanaian territory. The odd thing is that Pausanias places the Greater, the Megarian, Hybla also in the Katanaian territory. It may have been so in his day. The third Hybla, the Heraian, the Less than the Lesser, seems to be satisfactorily placed by Schubring (Historisch-geographische Studien, p. 109) at the Sicilian Eagusa. This is doubtless, as he remarks, the Sikel Hybla besieged by Hippokrates (Herod, vii. 155). To the questions, or perhaps rather guesses, which the place suggests, I have given a few words in the text. And it is somewhere in its neighbourhood that one is tempted to place the site of the battle between Phintias and Hiketas recorded by Dio- doros, xxii. 4, which happened nepl top "Y^Xaiov. One does not quite see what 6 "Y^Xaios is ; but the text is clearly corrupt. A little way off we see the very late form iv IvpaKovarj. There remains the curious entry in Stephen, }xla rcov "Y/SXcoi/ TteXXa [SrueXXa] KaXelraL. Srt^eXXa seems a perfectly Safe correction from his other entry* SrveXXa, (ppovpiov rrjs iv liKcKia Meyapidos' to iOvLKov 2tv€\\Ivos, cos 'EpTeWlvos. This fixes the geography. This Styella was a fortress in the territory of Megara, and might likely enough get the epithet of Hyblaian. Hence Stephen's confusion. It is therefore only as a likeness of name that we have anything to do with the Stylla or Atalla in Lykophron's story of Aigestes (see below, p. 548). A Sikan name might easily be repeated at both ends. See Schubring, TJmwanderung des Megarischen Meerbusens, 462. NOTE X. p. 164. The Palici and their Lake. The Lake of the Palici and the local worship are spoken of by a good many writers. The chief source about them is Macrobius, V. 18. 15. He is led to the subject by a well-known passage in Virgil, ^n. ix. 581 ; " Stabat in egregiis Arcentis filius armis Pictus acu chlamydem et ferrugine clarus Hibera Insignia facie, genitor quern miserat Arcens Ecluctum Martis [al. matris] luco Symsethia circum Elumina, pinguis ubi et placabilis ara Palici." 518 APPENDIX. Here we gladly welcome a genuine Sikel hero, though we are allowed to know only his father's i name and not his own. (It is somewhat harsh to make him, with Servius, Arcens, son of Arcens.) Macrobius remarks that the reference shows Virgil's careful study of Greek writers, as the Palici were hardly mentioned in any Latin book — that is, we must suppose, any book older than Virgil ; " apud nullum penitus auctorem Latinum quod sciam repperi, sed de Graecorum penitissimis litteris banc historian! eruit Maro." And again, " haec est omnis historia quae de Palicis eorumque fratribus in Grsecis tantum modo litteris invenitur, quas Maro non minus quam Latinas hausit." He quotes a number of Greek writers who mentioned the twin-gods, beginning with iEschylus, in his play of the Ahvami, who, he remarks, shows his Sicilian tendencies utpote vir Siculus," as Macrobius calls him ; see above, p. 489) both in this particular reference and in the general subject of the tragedy. AVe have also other Greek notices besides those collected by Ma- crobius, and some Latin. In our own time the subject has been largely gone into in a dissertation by K. G. Micbalis, " Die Pali- ken. Ein Beitrag zur Wiirdigung Altitalischer Culte." Halle, 1856. Let us first look to the site. Of this there can be no reason- able doubt. The physical phsenomena, though somewhat modified in the lapse of ages, are there to speak for themselves. The site in the plain between the height of Mineo and the height of Rammacca is clearly marked out, and I do not know that there has been an}^ dispute about it (see Fazello, i. 144; Brunet de Presle, 462 ; Schubring, die Landschaft des Menas und Erykes ; A. J. Evans, Manchester Guardian, May 14, 1889 ; and the guide- books of Dennis and Gsell Fels). The only one of Macrobius' Greek writers who at all clearly marks the geography is Kallias of Syra- cuse, the historian of Agatliokles, in a passage which has been already quoted (see p. 153) for the site of Eryca. He goes on; TO naXaibv SiiceXcoi' yfyevtjfxevr) noXis' v(p' fj koi tovs AeXXovf KoXovfievovs ilvai avfx^e^r]K€v. Diodoros (xi. 79, 80) is equally clear. He looks at the spot from the other side of the plain, and brings in the lake, not among the general wonders of Sicily, but when he has to describe the career of Ducetius, and his foundation of the town of Palica, of which we shall have to speak hereafter. Strabo and other writers speak of the wonders as happening in Sicily, or iv UaXcKols, or at Palica the city, without saying in what part of Sicily THE PALICI AND THEIR LAKE. 519 it is. So Polemon in Macrobius ; nepl t6v tottov tovtov mrat vo[i,L^ov(riVj ras dvacpopas rcov TroficpoXvyaiv ^apajrXrjcriai ftpa^ovaais ex^vaiu, Polemon, that is the geographer, 6 rrepirjyrjrrjfj in a special treatise Trepl twv h St/ceXi'a Oavfia^ofxevcov TTOTafjLcov, also brings out this odd piece of genealogy, and is much clearer about the physical properties of the water ; ol be naXiKoi Trpoa-ayopevofxevoi Tvapa rois iyxa>plois avroxGoves 6eoi vopi^ovrai. V7rdp)(0vaiv 8e tovtcov rav deoov ap(pa> ddeXcfyoi KpaTrjpes Xap'O.LC^Xoi (fiepeTaL 8e dn avTwv oapLrj ^apfia delov, koI toIs TrXrjarLov Icrrapevois Kaprj^dprjaLv efinoiovaa deivrjVj to de vdcop earl OoXepbv avToiv Koi TTjv )(p6av opowTarov ;^aju.aipu7r<«) XevKoi. (peperai di koXttov- pevov re Kai Trav e^opevoav, tcls be TTTjyas eivai y^vxpds. Toav be TrXrjaia^ovTav avTols to pev opviOoiV yevos dnoOvrjCTKeLv ev6vs, tovs be avOpairovs peTO. TpLTrjv rjnepav. This last is certainly not true of the lake of the Palici — I cannot say what might happen if one lay down. But this story seems to be the same as that in Pliny, N. H. xxxi. 19; " Necare aquas . . . . THE PALICI AND THEIR LAKE. 521 dicit Lycus in Leontinis tertio die quam quis biberit/' (Cf. more on Sicilian lakes in c. i8.) Only the Leontines had a lake of their own, and Diodoros at least would never have thought of drinking the holy waters of the Palici. And are we, with Holm (i. 369), to see a reference to our Palici in a story in Solinus (iv. 6) of waters which discovered thieves by washing their eyes 1 " Qui oculis medentur, et coarguendis valent furibus ; nam quisquis Sacramento raptum negat, lumina aquis attractat; ubi perjurium non est, cernit clarius, si perfidia abnuit, detegitur facinus ceeci- tate, et captis oculis admissum fatetur." This comes under Sardinia, just before Solinus reaches Sicily. It was, as Michalis (p. 30) says, from Solinus, or from the same source as Solinus, that Priscian, in his Periegesis (456; Miiller, Geog. ii. 194) found the description which has nothing to answer to it in Dionysios ; " Sardinise post quam pelago circumflua tell us Fontibus e liquidis prsebet miracula mundo. Quod sanant oculis jjegros, damnantque nefando Perjuros furto quos tacto flumine csecant." It is hard to have our Sicilian marvels so calmly moved off to the other kingdom of Victor Amadeus ; but the marvel-mongers seem to have thought that they might say anything about the lake of the Palici, with its name or without. It is not easy to see, with Michalis (p. 14), our lake in Solinus description (v. 2) of the lake by Peloros (see p. 58). But it may be so; and one would not venture to say that the Lake of the Palici is not the one described by Philostephanos of Kyrene in the same collection ("Westermann, p. 180); 70/77 5' kv ^iKeXwv Tpiva/epidi x*^A*<^ SldeiKTai alvoraTOV \lfxvr}, Kalnep kova' dXiyrj, laxvpov Sivycriv b irplv iroal navpa Tiva^rjs, ai(pvi5icus iijprjv a 7]Xav opKcov tovtoov dvaipeaei KpivovTai. This last at once leads to the sanctity of the precinct as an asylum for slaves. This will concern us more at a later stage of our story, and on it Diodoros, who for that time is all but a contemporary writer, is naturally emphatic. This witness of the historian of Agyrium is in some sort the best that we have. In him alone we are able to read the actual writings 524 APPENDIX. of a man who had doubtless seen what he writes about. We may set this advantage against his late date. The earlier writers we have only in scraps, and many of them may have been writing at secondhand. In all there is a marked general agreement, com- bined with singular differences in detail. It is of course possible that the ritual may have differed at different times ; yet a ritual of this kind is one of the things which are commonly most abiding. In one account only do we hear of an oracle of the Palici. Macrobius says ; " Nec sine divinatione est Palicorum templum. Nam cum Siciliam sterilis annus arefecisset, divino Palicorum responso ad- moniti Siculi heroi cuidam certum sacrificium celebraverunt, et revertit ubertas." It was, so Macrobius says, from the abundance of offerings of fruits (" omne genus frugum congesserunt in aram Palicorum") that the altar of the twin-gods got the epithet of " pinguis." It is more important to know who is the " heros quidam ; " and this we learn from Macrobius' own extract from Xenagoras, a writer seemingly of the second century B.C. ; Kat 01 SiKfXoi Trjs yrjs a.(j)opov(jr]s edvcrav Ue^ioKpaTd Tivi rjpai, npocr- rd^auTos avrois tov eK HoXikcou ^pr]arT]piov, Koi fxeTci Trjv iivdvohop rrjs (v(popias TToWois 89ip,r]V ddp,r]T' tri TropavvkcKov dppiya pe\Tr6p.evai. (Cf. Ov. Met. v. 555.) One might half suspect that these other water-maidens were sug- gested by the Okeanids, and were brought nearer within the range of Sicilian geography. Still here is no distinct mention of Sicily, and the story could be told without it. Apollodoros (i. 5. i) makes Demeter carry a torch, but again there is no hint of her lighting it at ^Etna. And as Demeter is told of her loss by the people of Hermione, one may suppose that he placed the story in some quite different part of the Greek world. Euripides again tells the story in a very beautiful chorus of his drama of Helen (1301). An Athenian was too much bound to claim the goddesses for his own land to say a word about Sicily. The phrase of fiaTrjp 6ea)v with which he sets out at once suggests Asia, and his only geographical indication is that the goddess XiovoOpepfiovds r k-nepaa 'lhaidv "Nvficpdi/ (TKomds. On the other hand, another Attic poet, Karkinos, quoted by Diodoros (v. 5), though he does not mention the site of the carrying off— (keyovcri A-qprirpos ttot dpprjrov Kopijv UXovTouva KpvcpLOLS dpnaa'ai fiovKevpaaiv dvvai T6 ya'ias els p,(\ap.es ais ttoKiojv dcpveais. Henna surely comes under this last head ; but the name is not mentioned. In another passage, again addressing a Syracusan (01. vi. 156), he speaks of the worship of Demeter and her daughter, but wholly with reference to Syracuse ; eiitbv be /xefivdaOai "Svpa- Koaadv re koX 'Oprvyias' rdv 'lepcuv KaOapcv aKdirra) bieiruv, dpTia fxrjbofxevos, cpoiviKOTie^av dfKperrfi Adfxarpa, XevK- inirov re Ovyarpbs eoprdv Kot Zrjvbs Alrvalov Kpdros. The epithet here applied to Persephone clearly refers to the legend, and contrasts her white horses with the black ones of her husband. But we have no mention of Henna. It was no part of the dominions of Hieron, and therefore could not come in for his poet's praise. In his day no doubt it was still too purely Sikel for one of its citizens to have appeared in any Grreek games. Pindar therefore had no opportunity of getting yet nearer to the subject in the praises of any man of Henna. In the next century too we find the whole creed of the goddesses fully established with regard to Sicily in general ; but there is not a word specially about HENNA AND ITS GODDESSES. 535 Henna. Plutarch tells (Timoleon, 8) of the dream of the priestesses of the Kore at Corinth, how she invited Timoleon to her island, how the Corinthians dedicated his trireme to both Daughter and Mother [Upav raiu deaiv iirayvojJLaaav). But all that is said belongs to Sicily in general ; dvaL yap Upav ttis Koprjs Trjv ^iK(\iav, cVei Koi ra TxepX Trjv apTrayrjv avTodi pvBoXoyovai yeueadai Koi rrjv vrjcrov iv Tois yafxais dvaKaXvnTTjpiou avrfj dodrjvai. In this strictly Corinthian and Syra- cusan way of looking at things, there is no more thought of Henna than we find in Pindar. So in the next century, in Theokritos and the other bucolic poets, while references to the goddesses generally are fewer and more casual than we might have looked for, of Henna and its special legend there is not a word. In one passage of Moschos (iii. 124, et seqq.) there even seems to be a direct reference to another story, placing the carrying off of the Kore somewhere by JEtna ; . . . KT/ycb rax' av Is Sofiov -qKOov nXovrios, ws Ke o' iSoifii, ml, el TIKovttji fj-eXiabrf us av OLKovaai/xav, ri fieXlaSeai, a\K' 'in Kwpa 'XiKiXiKov re K'lyaive koi dSu rt PajKoXid^ev. Kal tceiva 2 and the eWa Tvpacis in Diod. xi. 38 may have somehow suggested one another 1 NOTE XII. p. 195. The Oeigin of the Elymians. The Trojan origin of the Elymians is asserted or assumed by nearly all the ancient writers who speak of the matter. Hellanikos, THE ORIGIN OF THE ELYMIANS. 643 as quoted by Dionysios, i. 22, brings them from another quarter. In his view (see above, p. 481) they were driven out of Italy by the (Enotrians. This is most likely a wholly distinct tradition ; it does not tell us whom Hellanikos took the Elymians to be ; but it pretty well proves that lie did not take them for Trojans. Yet there is another story which seems to unite both notions. The Elymians come out of Italy, and yet they are Trojans or at least under a Trojan leader. This is the version preserved by Strabo, vi. 2. 5 j A.iyf arrav KTiad^vai cfyatriv vno tcov fxeTo. ^tXoKTrjTov dia^dvTa>v els TTjV KpoTcoviariv . . . Trap* avrov o-raXevToyv els rrju StKfXtai' fxera Klyeo-Tov tov Tpcoos. This seems quite another version from that which Strabo preserves in xiii. i. 53, in which he brings in Aineias. Several versions of the voyage of Aineias were told in the Troad ; of one Strabo says ; oi be els A'lyea-rav Karapai Tris ^iKeXlas (xvv 'EXvp-co Tpcol Koi "EpvKa Koi AiKv^aiov Karaa-x^^v Koi TTorapLOVs ivepi AXyearav Trpoa-ayopevaai 2KafxavBpov Koi 2ifx6euTa. From Segesta he goes to Italy. Thucydides says nothing about Aineias, and he gives the Greek element which appears in the first version of Strabo another turn, vi. 2 J 'iXiou dXiaKop-euov Ta>v Tpwodv nves 8ia(f)vy6vTes Tovs *Axo.Lovs TrXoiois d(f}iKVovvTai npos Tt)v SiKeXtav, Koi ofiopoL tols EiKavois olKTjo-avres ^vp-TravTes pev "EXvpoi eKkrjdTjarav^ TToXeis 8' avTUiV "Epv^ re koi "Eyecrra, Trpoa^vvcoKrjaav de avTois Koi ^coKeoiv rives twv citto Tpolas Tore X^tpoiVL es Ai^vrjv npcoTOP, eireira els ^iKeXiav an avTrjs KarevexOevres. (I certainly always understood this simply to mean that the whole people were called Elymoi, just like Greeks or Phoenicians, but that there were two separate Elymian cities, like Athens and Argos, Sidon and Tyre.) The Libyan voyage here mentioned by Thu- cydides is remarkable; one could almost fancy it was suggested by the attempted Libyan settlement of Dorieus before he went to Sicily. We may be sure that all kinds of stories about Eryx and that part of Sicily were afloat just then. Pausaiiias (v. 25, 2 ; see above, p. 477) counts ^pvyes — that is of course Trojans — among the barbarian nations of Sicily. Sikans and Sikels have come out of Italy ; ^pvyes 8e dno tov 2Kapdv8pov TTorapov kcCi x^P^s t^s Tpadbos. Skylax (13) somewhat oddly makes Elymians and Trojans distinct; ev SifceXm edvrj ^dplBapa raSe eariv' "EXvpoi, 2tfcai/o(, Si/ceXot, ^oLviKes, Tpcoes. ovTOi pev ^dp^apoi, olKovai be Ka\ 'EXXrjves. In all these accounts — for the second one in Strabo stands apart — there is no mention of Aineias. But the presence or absence of his name is not of very great moment. The point is that this class 544 APPENDIX. of stories conceived the Trojans to have come into Sicily after the fall of Troy, and then to have founded Segesta and whatever else they did found. Aineias was the type of a Trojan escaping from the fall of Troy, and his name would naturally come to be brought in. But Aineias was not so famous wdien Thucydides wrote as he became when the Romans had spread his story everywhere. Names which seem kindred with his are found in various places, and they may have helped the spread of his legend. I have suggested (see p. 2 12) that we may perhaps have one such in the altar on the height of Eryx, rrjs Aheid^o? ^AcPpo^LTTjs 6 /3a)/ioj enl ttj Kec^akfj rov 'EXviiov idpvfxeuos, Dion. i. 53. (For 'EXv/iov we must in some shape reRd"EpvKos, both here and in the passage just before.) It is quite as likely that the altar led to the story as that the story led to the altar. The temple of Aineias himself at Segesta in the same chapter is different ; that would seem to imply the story. But, whether we bring in Aineias or not, these stories agree in making the Elymian settlement later than the fall of Troy. That, as I have said in the text (see p. 2 n), is inconsistent with the legend of Herakles at Eryx, and the Herakles-legend must surely be the older, as it was current in the time of Dorieus in the sixth century B. c. One would be glad to know its earliest shape, whether it was or was not connected from the beginning with the journey to the hither or further shore of Ocean, which, in the hands of Stesichoros, made part of the received story of Geryones in its fullest development. In the oldest form of the tale, Geryones and his oxen were placed, not in any distant part of the world, nor in any island anywhere, but on the mainland of what we may certainly call Greece, if not Hellas. This comes from Hekataios of Miletos, as quoted by Arrian, ii. 16. 5. Hekataios may have put the story forth in a controversial way; Arrian does very much so ; Tijpvovrjv, €<^' ovTLva 6 ^Apyelos 'HpaKXrjs ecrToXr] Tvp6<: Evpvadeoos, ras ^ovs (TrfXaaai ras Trjpvovov, kol dyayeiv es MvKrjvas, ovhev ri TrpoarjKdP rrj yrj tcov l^rjpcov, 'EKaraios 6 Xoyonoios Xeyet, ovbe in\ pfjcrou riva 'EpvSciav e^co r^y p.eyaXr]S SaXdaaqs v peydXais dvvdpecriv dvTiTa^apevcov), and that on or hard by the spot where Syracuse was to be. This is unusually lucky, as in Herakles' day the Sikels could hardly have come. But the names of the Sikan chiefs are remarkable, and some of them, as Leukaspis and Bouphonas, have a singularly Greek sound. Of one of them, Pediokrates, we have already heard elsewhere (see above, p. 524). Another version of the tale of Herakles seems to be preserved in the quotation from Timaios in the opening chapter of Plutarch's Life of Nikias. In the great Athenian invasion Herakles favoured the Syracusans and was wroth with the Athenians, and for good reasons in both cases. He owed help to Syracuse did rr)v Koprjv, nap' rjs eXa/3e tov Kep^epov. Against the Athenians he had a grudge, because they were the allies of Segesta, a Trojan town, which he had once destroyed to avenge the wrongs which he had suffered from Laomedon (opyl^eadaL Se rots- 'Adrjmlots, oTi rovs AiyecTTeas, diToyovovs ovras Tpo^cop, eaco^ov^ avTos 6' vno Aaopedovros ddiKrjdus, THE OEIGIN OF THE ELYMIANS. 547 avdaTarov inoiTjae ttjv ttoXlv). One hardly knows how far any real legend may lurk in a story tricked out by Timaios ; anyhow it gives quite a new version of the exploit of Herakles, which is here transferred from Eryx to Segesta, still however keeping within Elymian bounds. It is plain that, according to this doctrine, Segesta and, one may suppose, Eryx too, was a Trojan settlement much older than the war of Ilios. With all these stories we have little to do, least of all with the last. We have but to keep the thread of our argument, that the part of the legend of Herakles which concerns Eryx is earlier than the later and fuller shape of the Trojan story. The tale of the great wrestling-match was too picturesque to be altogether thrown aside ; but it was felt to be inconsistent with a story which put the beginnings of Eryx, and of the Elymian settlement generally, later than the fall of Troy. The device employed to reconcile the two was a little awkward. Aineias and his contemporaries cannot be left out, but they must at most reinforce an earlier Trojan settle- ment, and Herakles must be kept in the back-ground. The earliest form of this stage is in that mysterious poem of Lykophroii of which it is not too much to say that, but for his kindly scholiasts, it would be past all understanding. The passage (951) runs ; dWoi S' kvoiKrjaovai ^iKavuv x66va, TrXayKToi jjLoXuvrfs, €v6a AavfjLeSojv rpiirkas vavTais edojKC ^oivoM/xavTos Kopas, rais KrjToSopiTOis GVjX(popaTs SeoTjypievos, T-qKov npoOeivai Orjpatv w/JirjaTais ^opav, fjLoXovras us yrju tairepov AaiGrpvyovcov, oTTov avvoiKU baipiKr}S hprju'ia. at 5' av TTaXaiffTOv pirjTepos ZrjpvuOias Gr]Kov fiiyav deipLavTO, SojTivrjp Oca, fiopov (pvyovaai nai jxovoiK-qrovs eSpas, wv drj jxiav, Kpifiiads, hdaXOeis kvvc, e^eu^e XeKTpois TroTa/xos' fj 5e Saifiovi TO) Orjpofx'iKTO) GKvXaKa ycvvaiov tckvoi, TpiGGiiv (XvvoiKiaTrjpa ml KriaTtjv tottqjv. OS 8rj TTodTjyufu nTopOov 'Ayx^crov v66ov, d^d rpihcipov vTjffov, iis XrjKTrjpiav, Tobv AapSavdaiv €K tottcdv vavadkovp-cvov. Alyirrra rXripiov, croi 5e 5aip,6va}v cppabcus irevOos ptiyiarov Kal di' alSjvos Trnrpas 'dcrrai irvpos pinaiaiv y6aXd)p,evr]s. We do indeed need a scholiast, and we may be thankful for these that we get, both the older and smaller and the enlarged version N n 2, 548 APPENDIX. of J ohn Tzetzes. The ground of Laomedon's wrath against Phaino- damas was that it was he who counselled tlie Trojans to expose Hesione to the sea-monster, for fear lest the lot should fall on one of his own daughters (euXa^or/xei/os nepi roop dvyarepcov avrov Ta>v Tpibiv f.ir) avras hduxri). They are given to the sailors, ha eKdwatv avTcis iv ItKeXla Brjp'ioi^ ^opav ; but Aphrodite or Herakles saves them. It is rather strange that these daughters of Phainodamas have no names; one would have expected them to be the ejydnymoi of the alleged three Elymian towns, Entella, we shall presently see, being reckoned as one. But the foundation of all three seems to be attributed to the son of the one who bears a son, her whom the river Krimisos visits in the form of a dog, a form not without meaning at Eryx. But all join to build the temple, " the temple of the Zerynthian mother of the wrestler." The scholiast explains that the wrestler is Eryx son of Aphrodite. That is to saj^, though Herakles is left out, yet the story of Herakles and Eryx was perfectly well known to Lykophron. He does not explain why Aphrodite is called pr]Tr]p Zrjpwdla; Lykophron had already (77) spoken of ZrjpwOov avrpov tj)? Kvvoacfiayovs deas, that is, according to the scholiast on that passage, either Rhea or Hekate. So Steph. Byz. in Zrjpwdos. But in Livy xxxviii. we have the temple of Apollon Zerynthias in the territory of Ainos (so John Tzetzes explains ZrjpivOias by GpaKiKrjs), which is suggestive of Aineias, and thereby of his mother. Ovid (Tristia, i. 10. 19) speaks of " Zerinthia litora" without any further notice, and Lykophron himself in another passage (449) says Moppovpiov took its name from the river rather than the other way, and a river is hardly likely to be called " Castell." When we are told that Phoenician Solous is y5?D, Sela, the Rock, fellow of Arabian Petra, we gladly believe (see p. 202). The pre- sumption is that the Phoenician place will bear a Phoenician name, and no name could better describe the Sicilian Sela on its rocky hill above the sea. But it is another thing when we are asked (Movers, ii. 332) to cross the island and to give exactly the same derivation to Greek Selinous. Here again we have the river ; as we have rivers of the same name in Elis and Achaia, and another place called Selinous in Lakonia. At Selinous too the Semitic name has no such special fitness as it has at Solous, and there is an obvious and commonly accepted Greek derivation from the plant aeXivov. But in these matters Hellas may not so much as take tithe of the meanest herbs. As we may not gather our aeXivov at ^eXivovs (see p. 421), nor our Od^ov or Sayjrla (see Hesychics, and pp. 244, 348) on Qdyj/os, neither may we gather our /xapaOov at Mapadoov, HOY presumably either at Mapado^ of the Phokians or on the islands of MapaOovoraa. For is there not a • Mdpndo^ in Phoenicia, and at Mapa6di>v was there net once a bull (see Duncker, v. 48), For, according to the new school, the nation- ality of a bull is not to be called in question anywhere. He is to be at once hailed as Semitic, even, one may presume, by the waters of Clitumnus. It is needless to go through the whole vocabulary. With Movers (ii. 2. 340) to his guide, the Canaanite marches inland, and annexes no small store of names which are presumably Sikel or Sikan. Here we may take up our geographical position on the strength of being inland. Here we have a right to ask for yet stronger corroborative evidence than we ask on the coast. Is there any such evidence to make 'Aprja-Tparos, MvriaTpaTov, names and spellings which have puzzled us enough already (see p. 143), into the folk or the commune of Ashtoreth ? (" nnc^yroy oder n^ntJ^yDj;, nin^yno an- stalt ninti^yntDy," Movers, ii. 2. 342). I am far from thinking that the name has really anything to do with arpuTos; the pre- sumption is that the Greeks, as in so many other cases, 'lepoa-oXvpa for instance, gave a Sikan or Sikel name a turn which should seem to have a meaning in their own tongue. And it is a wound in a 0 0 2 564 APPENDIX. tender point when we are told of our head and front, our crowning headland, our Sikel Capitolium (Movers, ii. 2. 338), " Kephalodium lag auf eiiiem Vorgebirge, wie sein (wohl aus dem Phonizischen Bus ubersetzter) Name andeutet." We are told, truly enough, that in local names answers to K€(f)o\r), cajw, anything of the kind, ncos yap ov ; so it does to this day, wherever a Semitic tongue is spoken. But why need Greek or Sikel have translated from the Phoenician ? Are not the chances a thousand to one that both the colonizing nations translated from the Sikel name 1 We may fairly look for Phoenician names on any part of the Sicilian coast. Of the suggested derivations some are very likely, some are almost certain. But it does not do to assume that every name must have a Semitic origin, and that any Semitic word that is the least like the name must be its Semitic origin. We must remember that derivations in several other languages are at least as likely. We must allow for accidents of all kinds ; for changes, for corruptions, for mistranslations and misconceptions, perhaps for mere caprice and perversity. Within the bounds of what passes for English, one hemisphere has seen the birth of Saltaire and Camberley — made ingeniously out of Cambridge Town — and an- other has seen the yet more wonderful Mechanicsburg and Variety- ville. Nearer to the times with which we are dealing, very odd results came of looking for the meaning of MaXoei'y, 'Enl8aixvos, and "EyecTTu in the wrong language. Can we guarantee Sikans and Sikels, Phoenicians and Greeks, against the like accidents of human weakness 1 NOTE XIV. p. 313. The First Greek Settlements in Sicily. I HAVE in the text mainly followed the sketch of Greek coloniza- tion in Sicily at the beginning of the sixth book of Thucydides. It is clear from the extracts from Ephoros and other writers given in Strabo and elsewhere that other versions were afloat. Of these versions some are inconsistent with the account in Thucydides, wJiile others fall in happily to fill it up. Most of these I have THE FIRST GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. 565 examined when dealing with the particular cities to which they refer. The sketch as given by Thucydides, whether founded on An- tiochos or not, it is needless to praise. No human writing ever was clearer. But our guide seems carefully to keep himself from touching on the Greek settlements in Italy, though he often has to mention them in the course of his history. Yet the Sicilian and the Italian settlements stood in a near relation to one another ; both may pass as branches of one great plan of Hellenic expansion in the West. In this way our secondary sources often enable us to see the relations of things more clearly than we could from the Sicilian summary taken alone. Yet one could have wished for a few more words from Thucydides himself to confirm or to refute these other stories. I trust that I have not been too bold in work- ing in such notices from the secondary sources as did not seem to contradict the main narrative. The joint settlement of Korkyra and Syracuse has surely everything in its favour short of the direct statement of the great master. It is certainly to be regretted that we have not that part of the work of Diodoros in which he must have recorded the Greek settle- ments in Sicily. In his own island he is always at his best ; and he would doubtless have preserved to us many valuable notices from his authorities besides those to be found in Strabo and else- where. Following Thucydides then, I accept the Greek settlements in Sicily as beginning in the third quarter of the eighth century before Christ, and as beginning with Naxos. But the order seems to me of far greater importance than the exact date. The main point is that Theokles of Chalkis and his followers were the first Greeks really to settle in Sicily, and that they settled at Naxos. It does not follow that they were actually the first Greeks to visit the island. We must not forget that such a traffic as the Odyssey points to between Greeks and Sikels does not necessarily prove any direct intercourse between the two ends of the voyage. The Phoenician carrying-trade is enough to account for everything. On the other hand, there is no need to assert that Theokles was abso- lutely the first Greek to set foot on Sicilian soil. If we put the foundation of Kyme earlier, even ever so little earlier, than the beginnings of Greek settlement in Sicily, the chances are that some accident of traffic or piracy would carry some Kymaian adventurer.^ to the island which they or their fathers must have all but touched 566 APPENDIX. on tlieir first voyage. If any one chooses to believe that the first piratical occupation of Zankle (see p. 392) came before the regular settlement of Naxos, though I see no reason for such a belief, the acceptance of it would not greatly disturb the order of things. But I cannot accept the doctrine to which Holm seems to incline (G. S. i. 113 et seqq) that there was an Aitolian settlement at Syracuse earlier than that of Archias of Corinth. The ^ priori argument seems to be that we hear so little of settlements from Western Greece, and that thei'e must have been some. The positive evi- dence seems of the very weakest. It comes from a passage in the Scholiast on Apollo nios of Rhodes, i. 419, which really comes to nothing more than, what nobody ever doubted, that more places than one bore the name of Ortygia. The Scholiast quotes (and oddly mismetres) some verses of the Alexandrine Nikandros in the third book of his AiVcoXiku, in which he affirms the existence of an Aitolian Ortygia of which the Delian and the Syracusan were alike colonies. oi 6' ^OpTvyirjs TiTrjvidos 6pfir]BiVT€S, 01 jxev Trjv''E(j)€(TOV, oi be rrjv irpoTepov ArjXov Kakovpevrjv' aXXot Se Trjv opLOTepjxova ^iKeXias vrjcroV oOev ^OpTvy'iat naaaL ^ooavTai. kol t) ArjXos p.(v ov^, &)? jxejxvBevTai, ano rrjs ^AtrrepLas p€Tap,op(Pa)a€(os Trjs Arjrovs aSeX^^y, dXXa Ka6a naaat aVOprvycai anoiKiai etai Trjs kqt AircaXtai' 'Oprvyius. I really cannot see anything in this, even though we find in the Townley Scholia to the Iliad ix. 557 (v. 333 Maass) a mention of 'OpTvyia r) iv rfj XaXKibi. (the Aitolian Chalkis), which is doubtless the same. Nor do I see that the case is strengthened by the existence, witnessed by Thucydides himself, of a river Anapos near Stratos in Akarnania (ii. 82). (There seems also to be an 'Ivojttos in the Delian Ortygia itself.) Even if the likeness of river-names proved more than the likeness between the Macedonian Axios and all the British Axes and Exes, between the Russian Don and all the British Dons, how does all this bear on an earlier settlement than that from Corinth? It would rather seem that some daring Aitolian s, knowing so much better than the Syracusans themselves, claimed Syracuse as an Aitolian settlement. As a real Aitolian settlement had reached the Alpheios, there might be some tempta- tion to claim Arethousa as well. Holm refers also to the legend of the foundation of the Sikel town of Alantiam by Patron from Thyrion in Akarnania (see above, p. 540), which is a mere part of the Trojan story. He refers also THE FIEST GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. 567 to tlae worship of Greek gods at Sikel places and the introduction of Greek gods into Sikel legends, as that of Apollon into the legends of the Galeatic Hybla (see p. 162, and above, p. 515). Surely all this came of the intercourse between Greeks and Sikels as com- monly understood. Holm further refers (i. 381), as " ein Zeugniss fiir sehr alten Verkehr zwischen Sicilien und dem Osten" to the story of Polychares the Messenian and Euaiphnos the Spartan told by Pausanias iv. 4. 5, and in a fragment of Diodoros de Virt. et Vit. Exc. Hoesch. p. 78. Euaiphnos has the cows of Polychares to agist, and he sells them and the herdsmen to merchants. Pausanias says nothing about the course of their traffic, but Diodoros adds, tovs e/jLTTopovs els ^iKeXlav TrXeovras KOfii^eaBai napa Trjv IlikoTTovvrjcrov. If this were in Thucydides himself, it could hardly prove a Greek colony in Sicily; but it most likely comes from the poem of Ehianos. In his mind, as we shall presently see, Messene and Sicily had a good deal to do with one another, and the notion of selling people to Sicily is surely a remembrance of the threat of the suitors to Odysseus, which need not have been a sale into Sicily after all. As for Panormos (see p. 250), Holm in his History (i. 84) fol- lowed the ordinary view ; " Es ist eigenthiimlich, dass die Stadt Panormos, die nie von Griechen beherrscht wurde, einen hellenischen Namen fiihrt, den noch manche andere Hafenorte in Europa und Asien tragen." But in an Italian article in the A rchivio Storico Siciliano (Nuova Serie, Anno iv. p. 421, Palermo, i88o), he main- tains a new doctrine, namely that Panormos was founded by Greeks at some unfixed date. For this of course he cannot bring any direct evidence, just as it is impossible to briug any direct evidence the other way. The question is whether there is enough evidence of any other kind to upset the likelihood of the case and the natural inferences from the account of Thucydides. An outlying Greek settlement might have been planted at Panormos as easily as at Kyme ; only there is the general belief of antiquity on behalf of Kyme ; there is only the guess of a modern scholar on behalf of Panormos. Holm begins with an odd little difficulty that Panor- mos does not answer the description given by Thucydides — Thucy- dides whom he is setting aside on such far weightier matters — of the Phoenician settlements. It is neither an aVpa nor a vr^alhov (vi. 2). But he allows that it may pass ; "la lingua di terra occu- 568 APPENDIX. pata da Panormos aveva di certo le quality volute dai Fenici." He sees plainly that the time of withdrawal, which he places about 700-640 before Christ (that is, after the founding of Himera; see p. 410), was not necessarily the time of the foundation of Panormos and her two fellows ; " Eesta dunque almeno possibile clie, come lo erano certo Motye e Soloeis, cosi fosse anche Panormos di gia abitata da Fenici, quando questi nel corso del primo secolo di Roma, si concentrarano in questa parte della Sicilia." Following Movers, he rules that the Phoenician foundation may have come in times from the eleventh to the ninth century. But, however old it was, there was a Greek foundation older still. For this belief the chief argument is the name. A Phoenician city would not have used a Greek name. And Panormos was the real formal name of the city not merely a name given to the haven by Greeks who frequented it. (" Non si pub dire che questo nome sia stato in uso soltanto presso i Greci che potevano frequentare il porto, no; era il nome ufficiale della citta, il nome che le davano gli stessi abitanti; lo provano le moneta coUa legenda ElANOPMOS.") Those who, after the words of Thucydides, assert the Phoenician origin of Panormos, have therefore been driven to hold that the city had two names, a Greek and a Phoenician. They have there- fore sought for the Phoenician name of Panormos. He then dis- cusses Machanat, Machoshbim, and Ziz, and decides with some hesitation that Ziz was the name, but tliat the city was also called Panormos, "non soltanto da forestieri, bensi dagli abitanti stessi." He then gives a list of places called Udvopfio^, all, as he remarks, in Greek lands or lands under Greek influence, the latter — in Roman times — stretching as far as a Uavopfios \ipriv in the Red Sea (Diod. iii. 38). If then a city in Sicily could be called Panormos by its own inhabitants, it could only be because the name had been given to it by Greek founders. How then. Holm asks, is this to be reconciled with what he calls the "official account" in Thucydides ("quella storia ufficiale, per cosi dire, della colonizzazione greca in Sicilia ") 1 That account speaks the truth, but not the whole truth. He then goes on to re- capitulate his other supposed examples of earlier Greek settlement of which we have spoken above. The " official " story grew up in the interest of Eastern Greece. The doings of other and earlier Greeks were forgotten, like the discovery of America by the Northmen. THE FIKST GEEEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. 569 Even the legend of Telmissos and Galeotes (see above, p. 515) is pressed into the service to show that the Greek Apollon-worship was carried into Sicily before the eighth century. A Greek colony has been supposed by others, as Kiepert, to account for the name. It is easier to suppose an unrecorded settlement, Greeks " senza nome, senza storia," who were driven out when the Phoenicians withdrew to the three north-western points, if not before. Holm further refers to Cluver as having maintained his view before him. But Cluver proves rather too much. His words (p. 275) are; " Grseca quum sint Udvopfios et SoXoety vocabula, a Graecis fuisse conditas eas urbeis suspicari pronum erat, hinc doctissimus Marianus Yalgvarnera, in libro de primordio urbis Panormitanse, deque primis Sicilise atque Italise cultoribus, ubi Cyclopes, primos hujus insulae cultores, Grseci fuisse generis primosque Panormi conditores, compluribus demonstrare laborat conjecturis ; hoc etiam Grseci vocabuli ceu firmissimo usus est argumento. Verum nos Motyam a Cnidiis Graecis praedicta Olympiade L fuisse conditam, moxque eam Phoenices cum Carthaginiensibus, pulsis primis con- ditoribus atque incolis, occupasse. . . . Ex hoc igitur argumento quid vet at colligere, Panormum quoque ac Soluntem a Graecis, non a Phoenicibus, primum ortum nomenque accepisse." Cluver s reference to Motya is to his own notion (p. 255) about the expedition of Pentathlos. He conceives Motya to have been founded as a Greek city, and to have been afterwards occupied by Phoenicians. I really see nothing to answer in all this. It seems all to turn on the name, and on its use on coins of the city. But it is only found on coins where everything else is Greek. Under the influence of Greek art, the Phoenicians of Ziz — if it was Ziz — chose to have their coins struck with Greek legends. The name Udvopyios came as part of the Greek legend. Many towns have quite di&tinct names in two languages, and they do not always translate one another. The same town is called Cardigan and Aberteifi. An Englishman speaking in Welsh would say " Aber- teifi/' and a Welshman speaking in English says " Cardigan." So a Phoenician, speaking Greek, paid Udvopfxo^. That is all. If a Phoenician coin should ever be found with the Greek name lldvopp.os transliterated into Seraiticj as was afterwards done when 570 APPENDIX. it became Saracen Balarm, that would pretty well prove Holm's theory, but nothing short of that. As the case stands ; a/x^olv oPT(ov (plXoau, oaiov npoTLfidu top QovKvbL^rjv. NOTE XV. p. 314. The Foundation of Naxos. The account in Thucydides (vi. 3) is perfectly clear and simple ; 'EWrjvcov npcoTOL XaXfciS^ff Eii/Soia? TrXevaavres fiera QovKheovs oIklcttov Nd^ov aKLo-av. Do we wish to know how a colony from Chalkis came to be called Naxos ? Stephen of Byzantium, who under Nd|os has nothing special to tell us, has under XoXkIs preserved a valuable fragment of Hellanikos ; 'EWdviKos Upeiojv "Upas devrepeo. QeoKXrjs €K XaXfci'Sor pera XaXKidecov kul TSia^lcov ev SiKfXi'j; noXeis 'iKTLne. In Miiller's Fragments (i. 51) the extract appears in another shape ; 0fo/cXrj? (K XaXKidos perd XaXKLbecov tt]v Na^i'coj/ eV St/ceXtJ; ttoXlv eKTiae. No comment is given ; but the changes destroy the whole force of the passage. It was hardly needed to say that Theokles set forth from Chalkis with Chalkidians ; to say that he set forth with Chalkidians and Naxians tells us something. It tells us why the new city was called Naxos, though it owned Chalkis as its metropolis. There was surely the same kind of agreement between the two classes of settlers which there is said to have been in the case of the Campanian Kyme (see p. 316). Again, TToXds in the plural refers to the two cities founded by Theokles, Naxos and Leontinoi, of which Hellanikos most likely went on to speak. One would greatly like to know on what ground such a change has been made. Cf. Brunet de Presle, 74. The account of Ephoros, which makes Theokles an Athenian, is given by Strabo, vi. 2. 2. After the passage quoted in p. 314 he goes on ; inaveXdovTa Be ^Adrjvaiovs pev prj Trelaai, XaXKideas 8e tovs ev Ev^oia avxvovs napaXa^ovTa, Ka\ tcov ^loavcov rivas en 8e Acopiicov 01 nXeiovs rjaav Meyapels TrXevcrai' tovs pev ovv XdkKibias KTiaaL Nd^ov, rovs Acopieas Meyapa, rrjp "Yl^Xav irporepov KaXovpevijv. This account is versified by Skymnos, 270; . . . €T6' 'EWrjvims ecrx^v [77 SttffXi'a] voXeis, ws cpaaiv, dird tuv TpcviKuiv BeKaTT) yevea p^rd ravra ©eo/cAeovs arokov THE FOUNDATION OF NAXOS. 571 irapa XaXKidecov Xapovror -qv S' ovtos yiuei l/f Twv 'hOrjvojV Koi avvT)KOov, ws A.070S, "Iwvis elra Acjpieis oiK'qTopes. He then goes on to tell tliat version of the foundation of Megara and Syracuse which Strabo tells a little way further on (vi. 2. 2), and which we shall have to discuss presently. The question is whether this is enough, in the face of the significant silence of Thucydides, to make us accept the story of the Athenian birth of Theokles and of his earlier attempt to persuade the Athenians to colonize. To me it reads simply like a piece of Athenian vanity; and there seem to have been other stories afloat which sprang from the same source. Pausanias (vi. 13. 8) distinctly speaks of the Chalkidian settlement of Naxos; Na^ov olKiadelarjs nori iv ^iKeXia vtto XaXKideau roav in\ r« Et/pLirco. In another place (v. 25. 6, cf. Holm, i. 385), reckoning up the in- habitants of Sicily, he says ; 'EXX-qvcov be AcopLeU re exova-iv avTTjV Koi "icoves Kal tov ^(okikov koi tov * A.ttikov yevovs cKarepov fxolpa ov noWr]. It seems inconceivable that this mention of an 'Attkov yevos in Sicily can have anything to do with the Athenian birth of Theokles. The ^(oKiKov yeuos can only refer to the companions of Philoktetes who are brought into the Elymiaa story (see above, p. 543) ; so it rather looks as if Athens had set up a claim to Sicilian settlement in mythical times. The story of the joint Ionian and Dorian expedition which founded Naxos and Megara will be better treated a little later ; no one asserts any Doric element in Naxos itself. There can, I think, be no reasonable doubt that the first settle- ment was made on the peninsula. Grote (iii. 478, not ii. 283, as Holm quotes him) thought, it is hard to see why, that Naxos was first founded on the heights of Tauros and then came down. Holm (i. 386) points this out, and adds, **Diese willktirliche Annahme hat dann Duncker, Gesch. des Alterthums, weiter dahin ausge- bildet, dass Naxos anfangs auf dem Berge gelegen habe, wofiir Nichts spricht." Most true ; but when I search Duncker (to whom Holm gives no reference) I find him (v. 484) fully accepting the peninsular site, and referring to Holm, i. 381 ff. But in p. 381 Holm discusses, not the site but the date. See also Clinton, ii. 322. Cluver's emendation in the text of Strabo (vi. 2), TrepTeKaideKciTr] yevea fxera to. Tpoi'iKa., seems quite reasonable. Skymiios 572 APPENDIX. makes only two generations; perhaps the larger number did not suit his verse. I am not specially concerned as to the exact date. See Clinton, ii. 321; Busolt, i. 242. The reckoning of the Parian Chronicle puts the foundation of Syracuse in B.C. 757 ; it does not mention that of Naxos. If one can be right within twenty years in these times, it does very well. NOTE XVI. p. 328. The Foundation of Syracuse. I HAVE in the text followed the plain narrative of Thucydides, vi. 3, accepting also the story of Archias and Aktaion in Plutarch, Am. Nar. 2. In this Archias is described simply as a Herakleid and a powerful man in Corinth (yeVou? fxev mv tov tcov 'HpaKKeidSiv, TrXouTcp 5e KOL rfj a\\r] bwu/xei XafxnpoTaTos KopivOloou). (So inThucydides, vi. 3 ; 'Apxias Toiv 'WpaKkfthoiv €k KopivOov aKiae.) In the Parian Chronicle, 47 (C. Miiller, i. 546), he appears as ^Apxia^ Evayerov, deKGTos dno Trjfifvov. Holm (i. 386) truly remarks that the Herakleids of Corinth traced their descent, not through Temenos but through Aletes. He further remarks that Archias is nowhere expressly said to be a Bacchiad, and on the other hand, that the generations in the Tarian Chronicle may be meant as a mere note of time. I cannot conceive that ScKaro? a)u dn-o Tr]p.epov can mean anything but the tenth in natural descent from Temenos ; it is far more likely that the compiler of the Chronicle put Temenos by mistake for Aletes. The Bacchiad descent of Archias may surely be taken for granted when we find him one of the chief men in Corinth in the days of Bacchiad dominion. In Plutarch's story, Abron, at the Isthmian games, Kare^oa rwv BaKxiad^v. One Bacchiad had wronged him ; the others had refused to redress the wrong. By the Scholiast on Apollonios (iv. 1212) the personal Archias seems to be forgotten, and the crime is made that of the Bacchiads as a body [ol BaKxtddat wktos ineXdovTCS rf] olKia TOVTov, e^ovXopTo dirocTTTav tov naiba ^AKTaluva). More amazingly still, as if we had already come to Kypselos, the Corinthians, in wrath at their doings, turn out the Bacchiads. But, if Archias is not mentioned, Chersikrates is, and is perhaps confounded with him ; XepaiKpdrTjs, THE FOUNDATION OF SYRACUSE. 573 els t5>v BaKxiaboiV, eKTLae KepKvpav, eK^aXcov tovs ivoiKovvras KoX;^ou?. The text here records the settlement of Korkyra under Bacchiads ; Colchians and Phaiakians were there ; eiVoVe BaKxid^ai, yeuerju 'Ecpv- prjOev eovTes avepes evdaaavTO fxera xP^vov, Almost directly after, in V. 1216. with the usual confusion of scholiasts, comes another account of the settlement of Chersikrates, copied from Timaios, in which — more likely by the scholiast than by Timaios — he seems to be mixed up with Archias ; TlfiaLos cprjai fxeTo. '4rr) e^aKocria tS)v Tpco'iKcov XepaiKparrj, diroyovov rtov BaKxiahSiv, eire eKneaovTa tt^s Koplvdov, eire kol cKovra dn-eXdeiv dia driplav KOL KaraiKrjKevai rrjv vrjaov. Ovid too, whose keen eye had clearly compared the tv^o havens of Corinth and the two havens of Syracuse, connects the founda- tion of Syracuse with the Bacchiads. Met. v. 1 2 1 6 ; *'Et qua Bacchiadge bimari gens orta Corintho Inter inaequales posuerunt mcenia portus." We assume then Archias, and Chersikrates too, as belonging to the ruling family of Corinth. It proves nothing against it that he is not marked as a Bacchiad, but simply as a Corinthian, in the fragment of Diodoros (viii. 4) in which he tells the story of Aktaion much as Plutarch does, but goes no further than the boy's death. Plutarch himself goes on to record the two appeals made by Melissos. The first time ; Tou vcKpov Tov nat86s els rrjv dyopav tcov Kopivdicov TrapaKO/JLLaas, iirebe'iKwe, tiiKrjv dnaircov napct twv ravra Trpa^dvrcov' 01 8e ttXcov ovdev rj TOV avbpa T]\€Ovu. Then comes the second appeal at the Games, and the death of Melissos. Then comes the pestilence, the oracle, and the founda- tion of Syracuse ; /xer ov TToXv fi* avxP'OS Ka\ Xoifxos KareXdfjLlBave rrjv rroXiv' Koi rayv KopivdicdV nepl aTTaXXayrjs xP'^f^^^^^, o Oeos dvelXe fxrjviv elvai TLoaeihoavos ovK dvrjcrovTos ecos au tov ^AKTalcovos 6dvaTov peTeXOniev' Tavra 7iv66p.evos ^Apx^as [avTos yap Beoopos rjv) els fiev Trjv KopivBov ev ovk enavrjXde, nXevaas els ttjv 2iKeXlav ^vpaKovcras eKTiae. The foundation of Syracuse was for Plutarch's purposes quite a secondary point in the story; but a Greek colony could not be founded in quite such an offhand way as this. To Thucydides, on the other hand, at this point, the foundation of Korkyra was of no interest, just as when he had occasion to speak of Korkyra in the 574 APPENDIX. first book (i. 13. 34), he had no need to speak of Syracuse. Pau- sanias again (v. 7. 3) was not concerned about anything except the oracle which spoke of Alpheios and Arethousa (see p. 338), and he brings it in with a simple reference to the god 6? 'Apxiav tov Kopiv6iov (s TOV 'SvpaKovacov anoTTeXXoiu oiKicrixov Koi raSe eiTre rot eVr/. Our fuller account of the settlement comes from Strabo, vi. 2. 4, who seems to me to have mixed up three accounts. It is from him that we get, wherever he found it, the j)erfectly credible and instructive account of the real relations between Archias and Chersikrates ; HXeovra be tov kp-)(lav els ttjv ^iKeXiav Karaknre'iv pera pepovs ttjs (TTpareias tov Tciv 'HpaKXeibatv yevovs Xep(TiKpaTT] avvoiKiovvra Trjv vvv KepKvpav KaXovpevrjv, rrporepov 8e '^xeplav, eKelvov pev ovv eK^dkovTa Ai^vpvovs KUTexovTas olKiaai ttju vrjcrov. But this is mixed up with two other stories with which it seems to have nothing to do, and which must surely come from other sources. There is first that in which Archias and Myskellos go together to Delphoi, or perhaps meet at Delphoi, and receive the oracle about health and wealth ; apa be MvaKeWov re (^ai6i/oi', epeaOai tov 6ebv, k.t.X, This story is told also by Stephen of Byzantium (under ^vpaKovaai) exactly to the same effect as in Strabo, but with so much difference in the words that it seems less likely that he copied Strabo than that he copied the writer whom Strabo followed. That can hardly be Hekataios, whom Stephen begins by quoting ; 2upa- Kovaai. 7roX) Theokles founded Naxos. Five years after that, Theokles founded Leontinoi. About the same time {Kara top avrov xpovov)^ but later rather than earlier, come those wanderings of Lamis from Old Megara which end in the foundation of New Megara. "We admit nothing that contradicts this. But we admit the joint action of Chersikrates and Archias ; only we should like to know where Strabo found it. The joint action of Myskellos and Archias we leave to those whose work lies at Kroton. Another point, of interest in itself, though not directly con- cerning Sicily, is the way in which Abron, grandfather of Aktaion, had won for himself his settlement at Corinth. The story is told by Plutarch (Amat. Narr. 2), and in a confused way by the Scholiast on Apollonios, iv. 121 2, who makes Melissos himself the benefactor instead of his father Abron. Pheidon, King of Argos, has designs on the liberty of Corinth. He demands a thousand of the best Corinthian warriors, who are sent under a captain called Dexandros. (One is a little reminded of the story in Polyainos, v. 6, to which we shall come in time, of Hippokrates and his Sikel troops.) Pheidon purposes to destroy them, and tells his design to some of his friends, among others to Abron. Abron is a friend of Dexandros, and warns him ; koi ovTa>s ol fxiv ^Xida-ioi npo Trjs emdecrecos els rrjv Kopipdov €cra>dq(Tav, — where SOme other word must be read for <^\idcnoi. Abron then flees to Corinth to escape the wrath of Pheidon. It is added that his son was called Melissos from his dwelling-place ; dno tov tottov 6efxevos rovvofia aira. VOL. I. P p 578 APPENDIX. So he belongs to the same class as Hyblon of Hybla, Gelon of Gela, and Agyris of Agyrium. It will be remembered that the height of Pheidon's power is placed in B. c. 747 (see Grote, ii. 419). Other dates given are 895 and 660. Neither of these agrees with our story; but the inter- mediate one will do, if we place Pheidon's design on Corinth early in his reign, 783-744. NOTE XVII. p. 350. Epipolai. The visitor to Syracuse is a little puzzled by the modern local use of the name Epipolai. It seems to have come to be almost the same as Euryalos, and to mean only the extreme west of the hill. This is clearly not the use of Thucydides, with whom Euryalos is a part of Epipolai. Stephen of Byzantium, with some confusion and oddness of expression, sets forth the distinction very clearly ; 'ETTtTToXat. )((opLOV CLTTOKprj^vov iTpo(Te)(es 2vpaKovv rrpos to, Meyapa. We come to another TTpoa^aais EPIPOLAI. 579 further on (vi. lOl) ,* iT^lxiC^vol ^AOrjvaioiTov Kprjjxvbv TOP vnep rov eXovs, OS rSiv 'EttittoXcov ravrrj irpos rov peyav Xcpeva opa, koi ^Trep avrois ^pa- Xvrarov iylyvero Kara^acri dici rov ofiaKov Koi rov cXovs es rov Xifieva, This is clearly the approach at Portella del Fusco. In c. 102 the Athenian kvkXos, which must have been a good way from Euryalos, is 6 kvkXos 6 €m raU ''EmiroXais. In vii. 4 the Syracusans build 8ia Ta>v ^EmivoXSiv, clt^o t^? ttoX^ods dp^dixevoi. In c. 43 we find three Syracusan forts eVt ra>v ^EmnoXcov, and the Boiotians guard rovro rb ficpos ra)v 'EmnoXMv, namely the ascent by Euryalos. Diodoros brings in the name at an earlier stage in Syracusan history, namely at the overthrow of the tyrants (vi. 72). The mer- cenaries rrjs n6Xea>s KarcXdlBovro rrjv *Axpcibivr}v Koi rrjv N^croi' ... 01 "EvpaKoarioi ro Xoinbv rrjs noXews Karex^ov, kcli rb irpbs ras ^EmivoXas rerpafipevov avrrjs (TrerelxKrav. Of the Athenian ascent (xiii. 7) he simply says KaraXa^opevoi ras ^EinitoXas. In xiv. 1 8 Dionysios eixpvws ia>pa K€ip.€vas ras KoXovpevas 'ETnnoXds ; SO he begins reixio-ai ras 'Etti- TToXds fi vvv rb irpbs rols 'E^aTrvXois VTrdpx^t rei;)(o?. This is the point not far from Scala Greca, where his wall begins. Both Thucydides and Diodoros knew the ground, though Thucydides had the better gift of describing it. We do not learn much when Plutarch (Dion. 29) says only ras 'EmnoXds iXSv. Livy (xxv. 34) is not very clear as to Epipolai as a whole ; it is merely " Epipolse, frequens cus- todise locus." About Euryalos he is a little more precise in the next chapter ; it is thus ; " Tumulus in extrema parte urbis versus a mari, viseque imminens ferenti in agros mediterraneaque insulse, percommode situs ad com- meatus excipiendos." This is a good practical view of things as they doubtless looked to Marcellus. The result seems to be that the word 'EmTroXai in itself means whatever is above, that is, at the beginning, above Ortygia. It would therefore naturally be the name, or rather description, of the whole hill. But its application would be narrowed by each extension of the city. It may perhaps be defined as so much of the hill as at any time lay outside the city. In all our accounts therefore it shuts out Achradina, the eastern end of the hill. The matter cannot be better put than by Sir Edward Bunbury, Diet. Geog., art. Syracusee, p. 1066 ; " Epipolse was the name originally given to the upper part of the table-land which, as already described, slopes gradually from its P p a §80 APPENDIX. highest point towards the sea. Its form is that of a tolerably- regular triangle, having its vertex at Euryalus, and its base formed by the western wall of Achradina. The name is always used by Thucydides in this sense, as including the whole upper part of the plateau, and was doubtless so employed as long as the space was uninhabited ; but as the suburbs of Tycha and Teminitis gradually spread themselves over a considerable part of the heights the name of Epipolse came to be applied in a more restricted sense to that portion only which was nearest to the vertex of the triangle/' Cavallari, Holm, and Lupus follow to the same efPect (Topo- grafia, 59 ; Lupus, 43). There can be no doubt that Euryalos, in its historical and military sense, means, not the extreme point of the hill, the modern Belvedere, but the site of the Dionysian castle just to the east of the isthmus which joins Belvedere to the main hill. But there is a sense in which it takes in the hill of Bel- vedere. As Holm says (Topografia, 206, 208 ; Lupus, 126, 127), Evpva\o9, EvpvrjXos — the Latin writer, as usual, helps us to the true local form— is the " Broad Nail." The spike is the narrow ridge or isthmus ; the head is the Belvedere hill. It is one of the strangest things in the whole of our story tliat there is no sign of that most important point being fortified or occupied. Nor do we hear of any occupation of the site of the Dionysian castle till the Athenian siege. That is to say, there is no sign of its being occupied in any relation to the Greek city of Syracuse. For it is hard to avoid speculations as to its condition in Sikel times. One used to indulge the belief that the underground works of the castle belonged to the days of the older inhabitants, and that the mysterious marks on some of the door-posts pointed to some alphabet at the nature of which one did not presume to guess. But it seems now to be ruled that nothing is earlier than Dionysios, and that the marks — found also on some stones in the walls of Ortygia — are mere reckonings of numbers (Topografia, 368 et seqq.; Lupus, 276 et seqq.). But it is impossible to doubt that the post once had Sikel occupiers ; their graves are there to prove it (Topografia, 62 ; Lupus, 44). And one is tempted to believe that here was the Sikel stronghold, while the Phoenicians had their factory in Ortygia. Such a belief does not seem inconsistent with the words of Thucy- dides ; 2tK€Xovs e^eXdaas TrpatTov €K rrjs vrjaov. The island WOuld be in Sikel occupation, under Sikel rule and with Sikel inhabitants, THE PIOUS BEETHREN OF KATAN^!. 581 even though the main seat of Sikel power was on the hill, while the chief aspect of Ortygia was that of a seat of Phoenician traffic. But all this is guess-work, even if pleasing and likely guess-work. Our history begins with Archias ; after him there are still some things at which we wonder and can only wonder. NOTE XYIII. p. 378. The Pious Brethren of Katane. All the accounts of this legend are rather late, and we have seen that the representations of it on the coins are not among the earliest. But this does not at all show that the legend is not an early one. Such stories are not likely to find their visible memo- rials till they are well vno xp^vov diria-Tcos enl TO ixvdabes eKveviKrjKOTa. The grave Strabo (vi. 2. 3) gives the tale in a few words ; kol to. ncpl TOVS (vae^eis CKel TeOpvXrjTai tov ^Apcpivopov koi top ^Avaniav, ol tovs yoveas eVt tcov Spcov dpdpevoi dieacoaav (nKp^popevov tov kukov. Konon (43), as quoted by Photios (139, Bekker ; Westermann, Mvdoypdcjioij 145), tells the story ; <^€vyovTes oiS (ixov Taxovs oi pep xp^o-ov 01 de apyvpov ((pepov, 01 de 6 ri av Tis ^ovkoLTO eniKovprjpa Trjs (^vyrjs. *Avanlas de Kat ^Appe6a be rots oata TrpoTTovcn yrjv pev naaav a.acf)aXr] ^copov eivai, dakar- Tav 8' evnopov ov nXeovcrt povov dWa Koi velv TTfipcopevois. Among Latin writers, Valerius Maximus (v. 4, Ext. 4) couples our brethren with the Argeian Kleobis and Biton ; " Notiora sunt fratrum paria, Cleobis et Biton, Amphinomus et Anapius, illi quod ad sacra Junonis peragenda matrem vexerint ; hi quod patrera et matrem humeris per medios ignes portarint ; sed neutris pro spiritu parentum expirare propositum fuit." Solinus (v. 15) preserves the fact that there was an opposition pair of brothers at Syracuse. Emantias and Kriton take the place of Amphinomos and Anapios, though one might have thought that Anapios would be a Syracusan name. He adds ; " Catinensis tamen regio causam dedit facto in quam se cum ^tnse incendia protulissent, juvenes duo sublatos parentes evex- erunt inter flammas inlsesi ignibus. Horum memoriam ita pos- teritas munerata est ut sepulcri locus nominaretur campus piorum." Of the Latin poets who speak of the story the two best known have been quoted in the text. Silius has a reference, xiv. 196. The younger Lucilius makes the Pious Brethren the wind-up of his poem on JEtna. He describes the eruption, and how the in- habitants of Katane were trying to carry off, each man his gold or whatever he valued. Then (ver. 623) ; " NuUis parsura incendia pascunt, Vel solis parsura piis. Namque optima proles Amphinomus fraterque pari sub munere fortes, Quum jam vicinis streperent incendia tectis, Adspiciunt pigrumque patrem, matremque senecta, Eheu, defessos posuisse in limine membra." They do not seek to save their wealth ; " lUis divitiae solse materque paterque." XIPHONIA. 583 They carry the old people off, and the miracle follows ; "Erubuere pios juvenes attingere flammse, Et quacunque ferunt illi vestigia, cedunt." Their passage is described at some length ; and the poem ends with the canonization of the Pious Brethren ; ** Illos mirantur carmina vatum; Illos seposuit claro sub nomine Ditis, Nec sanctos juvenes attingunt sordida fata; Siderese cessere domus et jura Piorum." The story has a most legendary sound, and a most suspicious likeness to several other stories. Yet one would like to believe that it grew round some kernel of fact, like the strange preserva- tion of the Benedictine monastery in a later eruption. To the kindred tale of the veil of Agatha we shall come in due time. It gives one a strange feeling, as of a certain turning-about of chro- nology, when we find that some of the most emphatic references to the pagan miracle belong to a time later than the Christian one. It is like the temple built by Prsetextatus in the Roman forum later than the foundation of some Christian churches. NOTE XIX. p. 382. XiPHONIA. "Was there a town of Xiphonia on the site of the present Augusta? It is passing strange if so tempting a site was not occupied ; it is no less strange, if there was such a town, that we hear so little about it. When Strabo (vi. 2. 2) speaks of t6 rrjs SKpovias cLKpcoTrjpiov as coming after the mouth of the Symaithos, he can hardly mean the peninsula on which Augusta stands, but rather (see Bunbury in Hist. Geog., art. Xiphonia) the point of Santa Croce. The SLCpooveios Xifxrjv of Skylax (17) must be the haven between Augusta and Santa Croce. Diodoros alone (xxiii. p. 5) speaks of a Carthaginian fleet sailing to SKpcovla, as if it were the name of a town. And the words of Strabo which immediately follow the mention of the aKpooTrjpiov (^/yo-l ravras "Ecf>opos 7rpa>Tas KTi(r6rivaL ttoXcis 'EWrji^ibas iv ^iiceXla) might, if any one chose, be taken in the same way. In Stephen of Byzantium, Xiphonia ap- pears distinctly as the name of a town {jSicjicopia, noXis ^iKeXias ©so- 584 APPENDIX. TTOfxnos ^iXiTTTriKwv TpiaKoara euvdrco). This has commonly been set down among Stephen's many mistakes ; but Schubring, who has gone largely into the matter, accepts it (Umwanderung des Mega- rischen Meerbusens in the Zeitschrift fiir allgemeine Erdkunde, vol. xvi. p. 463, Berlin, 1864). If the name does come from ^i(pos, it certainly best applies to the peninsula of Augusta. NOTE XX. p. 390. The Foundation of Zankle. OuK starting-point, here as elsewhere, is the clear statement of Thucydides, vi. 4 ; ZdyKkr] de rrjv dp)(f)V vno Kvfxrjs rrjs iv ^OttikIo. XaXKcBiKrjs TToXecos Xrja-Tcov d(f)iKOfxeva)v coniadr}, vcrrepov de Koi dno XaXKi'So? Koi rrjs (iWrjs Ev/3oi'as n\rjOos eXdov ^vyKarevcLfMavTO rrju yrju' koi olKiarai Hepirjpr)^ Koi Kparai- p-ei^rji eyevovTO avTrji, 6 pev otto Kd/xt^s, 6 Se otto XaX/ti8oy. The meaning of this I think is clearly that which I have given in the text. Brunet de Presle (82) oddly takes Perieres to be the leader of the first piratical settlement. The passage has been strangely misunderstood by Pausanias (iv. 23. 7), though it is possible that he has preserved a local fact which Thucydides has not mentioned. He first gives a tale which I shall have to speak of more fully in another volume, a tale which sets all chronology at defiance by placing Anaxilas of Rhegion in the time of the Messenian wars. He then adds, having, one would think, either Thucydides or Antiochos before him ; ZdyKkr]v Se to pev dp^rfs KareXa^ou XrjcTTai, Koi iv iprjpco rfj yfj rcLxicravTfs oaov nepl top Xipeva Spprjrrjpico npos ray Karabpopas koi es tovs eViTrXovs exp(i>VTO' Tjyepoves be rjaav avTutv Kparaipevrjs '2dpios Koi Uepirjprjs CK XaXfCiSoy. Uepirjpei be varepov Koi Kparaipevei Ka\ aXXovs enayayeadai rav *EXXr]va>v ebo^ev oLKTjTopas. That they found the spot altogether empty is most unlikely (see Bunbury, in Diet. Geog., art. Messana); but the bit about the first wall sounds as if it came from Antiochos or some other good source. But he has altogether mistaken the position of Perieres and Kratai- menes. It is a strange confusion to call either a Samian ; but it is easy to see how the mistake came about. It is the story of the Samians at Zankle in Herodotus (vi. 23) carried backwards together with all that concerns Anaxilas. THE FOUNDATION OF ZANKL^. 585 Strabo (vi. 2. 3) might seem to have followed another account; rj fx€v Mecrarjur] Trjs UeXcopiddos iv koXttco KeiTui, KafinTOfjLevrjs eVi ttoXv npos CO) Koi iiau Kara Trjv *A(riav ^acriXecov, eyvoacrav dnoLKiav cKTreixneivj. Yet the Lydian kings could hardly have troubled the Rhodians on their island, or even the Knidians on their peninsula ; and one would not like to believe that Diodoros was already dreaming of Antigonos and Demetrios. Pentathlos and his company sailed to Lilybaion (TrXevaavres Trjs St/ceXiay ds rovs Kara to At\v jSaiov tottovs). There is no mention of their founding a city, as in Pausanias. They find the people of Selinous and Segesta at war — there is no mention of Phoenicians — and they help the Greek side. The death of Pentathlos is distinctly asserted (noXXovs arre^aXov Kara Trjv jJiaxqv, iv oh rjv Ka\ avTos 6 TlevTaOXos), and the names of the leaders are given who were chosen in his place (eXo/xez/ot i)y€ii6vas rovs olKelovs Tov TlevTaOXov, Topyov /cat Qearopa Ka\ ^E7n6epai8r}Vj dnenXeov dia, Tov TvpprjnKov neXayovs). It is they, and not Pentathlos himself, who found a colony on Lipara. On the other hand, Pausanias quotes Antiochos as saying that Pentathlos himself founded the colony (ot Be Ainapaloi ovtoi Kvidicov fxev rjcrav uttoikoi, rrjs 8e dnoiKlas Tjyefxova yeveadai (j)acr\v av8pa KviSiov' ovofxa 8e eiva'i oi HevraOXov *Avr[oxos 6 Sevocpdvovs '2vpaKov(rios ev Tfj 2t/feXicori8i avyypacf)^ (pijaCj. It is Diodoros who makes the wanderers be kindly received by the inhabitants of Lipara {ivpoaTrXevcravTOiv S' avToav rrj Aindpa, Ka\ (ptXo- (f)p6va>s d'7Todo)(Tji TvxovTcoUj eneladrjaau KOivrj fierd twv €y)(<^pla)V KaroiKijcrai TYjv AiTrdpav, ovtcov t(ov drr AloXov 7repiXeX€ifjLp.eva>v cos nevTaKoo-icovJ. Parthenios (Narr. Amat. 2) has an odd legend about this family. Pausanias represents them as acting more after the ordinary manner of Greek settlers (ras vrjo-ovs Se eaxpv eprjixovs en rj dmaTrjaav- T€s Toiis ivoiKovvras). Now if we were quite sure that Pausanias accurately represents the story in Antiochos, his account would have very great weight. But the blunder about Pachynos throws great doubt on his accuracy. One would think that he could not have had his Antiochos before him when he wrote, and we may be sure that Diodoros also had read Antiochos. In the account of Pausanias there is a certain slovenliness either in the reporter or in the original writer. He does not know how the Knidian settlers dealt 590 APPENDIX. with tlie island. He simply guesses that they must have acted in the usual way. Diodoros, on the other hand, has a distinct state- ment, which may be only legend or tradition ; but still even legend or tradition is better than a mere guess. And, though his story is brought in in a legendary way, and though he gives a legendary name to the inhabitants of the island, yet that legendary name no more disproves their historic being than talk about "fsex Romuli" and " turba Remi " disproves the existence of Romans. Then again, from Diodoros we have a distinct statement of the death of Pentathlos in the battle, and the names of his successors, which can hardly have been dreamed or invented. But the sons or kins- men of Pentathlos, in founding their colony, may, instead of taking the honours of the founder to themselves, have given them to their father or kinsman in the character of a hero, as we hear in other cases of gods and heroes being reckoned as founders. This would reconcile the narrative of Diodoros with the statement of Pausanias that Pentathlos was revered as the founder of Lipara. But one cannot help thinking that Pausanias believed that a living Pentathlos led the settlement in person. Thucydides also, in a passage quoted in p. 88 (iii. 88), has a short notice of Lipara. The Liparaians were colonists of Knidos (who occupied {vefiovrai Atnapaioi avras Kvi8l(ov ottoikoi owes) the islands called after Aiolos (ras Alokov vfjaovs KoXovnevas). Their geographical position is carefully described as being Kara rrjv liKeXwv koI Mea-arj- vLcov yrju. The Liparaians lived in one island, of no great size, called Liipara (AtTrapaToi . . . OLKovaLV iv fxia tChv vr]ao3V ov ixcyaXr}^ KaXnrai 8e Anrdpa), whence they tilled the other three, Didyme, Strongyle, and Hiera (ras 8e oXXa? €< TavTTjs Spfxafifvoi yecopyovaiv). He then goes on with the local belief about Hephaistos. These words of Thucydides explain Strabo's phrase (vi. 2. lo), ras Anrapal(ov vrjcrovs Koi avrrjv rrjv Anrapav. His description should be compared with the account given by Diodoros (v. 9) of the various schemes of common and divided property which were to have been tried in Lipara. Being troubled by Tyrrhenian pirates, they form a navy ; KaTea-Kevaaav to vavTi<6u, Koi SieXo/x€j/ot pyovv ras vrjaovs Koivas TfOLrjaavres, oi de irpos tovs XrjaTas aure- TCLTTOVTO' Koi Tus ovaiai Se kolvus noirjadpevoL Koi ^(ovres Kara avaaiTia dureXeaav ini rivas ;^/?di^ovs kolvcovikcos ^lovvt^s. The communist plan seems not to have answered as regards the head island ; for next THE EXPEDITION OF PENTATHLOS. 591 conies the state of things spoken of by Thucydides ; varepov de rrjv IJL€v AnrdpaVj koB* r^v Ka\ r] ttoXi? rjv, difveipavTO, ras 8e aWas ey€a>pyovv Koivfj. Lastly came a system of something like twenty years' leases ; to be TeXevToiov ndaas ras vrjaovs fls e'lKoai ctt] SieXo/txei'ot, naXiu K\r]pov)(^ov(Tiv, oTav 6 xpdvos ovToy dieXdrj. Then came victory over the pirates. The account in Thucydides should be compared with his treat- ment of Sicilian places in the sixth and seventh books. He writes here with a kind of pleased curiosity, as if he were setting down travellers' tales which he had heard lately. The manner is quite different from that of the narrative of the great siege. There he treads with a firm step on ground every inch of which he clearly knew as well as Antiochos and Philistos them- selves. The connexion of this expedition of Pentathlos with the later one of Dorieus had struck Meltzer (Gresch. d. Karth. i. 158); " Wir diirfen vermuthen, dass die neue Griechenstadt hatte Heracleia heissen sollen." He goes on to speak of Dorieus and Pyrrhos. The legend of Herakles and Eryx — though Eryx is not directly mentioned in the story of Pentathlos — must have been fully estab- lished by this time. That is, the story itself, whatever we may think of particular details, was not invented to serve the purposes of Dorieus. In p. 484 Meltzer comes back to the story of Pentathlos, to show that Pausanias and Diodoros did not represent different authorities. He of course knows exactly what books both Pau- sanias and Diodoros had read. I cannot undertake to do so, except when, like Pausanias in this case, they are kind enough to tell us for themselves. I must add the last thing in Sikel words from the Rlieinische Museum fiir Philologie, xlv. 334. I do not venture to do more than to copy the " Conjectanea " of F. Buecheler ; " Prseterierunt etiam litteratissimi viri qui Siculorum et Lati- norum communia vocabula recensuerunt, Ahrens ceterique, hoc testimonium quod Nonnus poeta in Dionysiacis perhibet IX. 22, deductum ut opinor ex grammaticorum ut Tryphonis vel Philoxeni de dialecto Syracusana commentariis : Aiowa-ov vocatum esse quod 592 APPENDIX. claudicarit luppiter eum gestans femori insutum, vvaos on ykaaa-r] 2,vpaK0(r(TLdL ;^coX6s' aKovei. Nam quomodo pvaos et pyrldes cognata sunt, similiter vva-os et nutus, Latinique nutandi et nutabundi verbis eandem istam notionem vacillandi et claudicandi adnexuerunt quam ex vv- Syracusani elicuerant seorsum a ceteris Grsecis. Claudianus in podagrum LXXIX. Gesn. ^ Claudicat hie versus, hcec' inquit ' syllaba nutat ' atque nihil 2)rorsus stare 2)ufat 2)odager." There is a reference to the Palici in the third stanza of Spenser's " Teares of the Muses " which is not easy to understand ; " Nor since that faire Calliope did lose Her loved Twinnes, the dearlings of her ioy, Her Palici, whom her unkindly foes, The Fatall Sisters, did for spight destroy, Whom all the Muses did bewaile long space ; Was ever heard such wayling in this place." There seems no mention elsewhere of Kalliope as the mother of the Palici or of any destruction of them on the part of the fatal sisters. INDEX. A. Abacsenum, position of, p. 145 ; its coins, ib. Abron, his settlement at Melissa, 336, 577 ; his services to Corintli, 336. Accent, place of, in modern Italian, 266. Acesta, town, 215, 551. Acestes, his story in Virgil, 214, 551. Aci. See Akis. Adernb. See Hadranum. Admiral, origin of the name, 84. Adramraelech. See Hadranus. Agates. See Aigousa. ^lius Dionysius, on Sikans and Sikels, 485. ^schylus, his notice of the breach, 459 ; his use of Sicilian words, 4S9 ; his mention of the Palici, 527. ^tna, 56; its position and character, 71, 74 ; legends of, 78 ; its effects on Katane, 374 ; its place in the legend of Demeter, 533, 535. Africa, counted to Europe, 301 ; Phoe- nician settlements in, 239. Agatha, Saint, compared with the Pious Brethren, 583. Agathyrnos, legend of, 145, 484. Agathyrnum, its position, T45. Agira. See Agyrium. Agyrium its site, history and coinage, 155; birth-place of Diodoros, ib. ; lesiend and worship of Herakles at, 182, 183. Aidone. See Trinakia. Aidoneus, his carrying off of Per e - phone, 540. Aigestos, his legend, 212, 548, 550. Aigousa, isles of, 62, S6 ; never Greek, 445- Aineias, legend of, 205, 212; legend of, at Carthage, 284. Aiolids in Lipara, 589. Aiolos, legends of, in Lipara, 87, 91, 484; his sons, 145, 152, 484. Aithiops, sells his lot of land, 344. Aitolia, alleged settlement from at Syracuse, 566. Akesines, river, 69, 79. Akis, legend of, 189. ''AKpa, use of the word, 271. Akragas, its territory, 63 ; its site Sikan, 118, 438; founded from Gela, 429-431 ; its position and history, 429, 430; its relation to Syracuse, 430; its site, 431-438; not a sea- faring power, 432 ; its rivers, ih. ; its haven, 433 ; its akropolis, 433, 437; extension of the city, 434-438; comparison with Syracuse, 435, 436 ; temples in the akropolis, 438 ; its coins, 439, 440 ; extent of its terri- tory, 440 ; origin of the name, 562. Akragas, river, 434. Akragas, river-god, 440. Akrai, its Sikel origin, 149, OLKpat, cLKpcoTripia, applied to the corners of Sicily, 464. Aktaion, son of Melissos, 336, 337. Akte, use of the word, 391. Alabon, river, 387. Alba, Albania, use of the names, 107. Albanians, settle in Sicily, 44. Alexander of Epeiros, 27. Alicudi. See Erikoussa. Alphabet, whether of Phoenician in- vention, 232, 236. 'AX(peia'ia, epithet of Artemis, 356. Alpheios, his legend, 353-356 ; com- pared with the legend of Henna, 354 ; scientific explanations, 355 ; his re- lation to Artemis, 356. Amastra. See Mytistratus. Ambrakia, its relations to Corinth, 341. Amenanos, river, 80, 376. VOL. I. 594 INDEX. America, settlement in, compared with Sicily, 319, 320. Ameselum, Sikel town, ] 56. Amestratus. See Mytistratus. AmicOj corrects Fazello, 542. Ammiraglio, river, origin of the name, 83. . Amphiaraos, settlement of his grand- sons, 4S6. Anapos, river, 80, 84, 347. Anaxilas, first Italian ruler in Sicily, 24 ; brings hares into Sicily, 488. Anchises, legend of, 212, 213, 548. Ancona, foundation of, 486. Ankyra, Sikan town, 121. Antiochos of Syracuse, his relation to Thucydides, 313,456; his writings, 455 ; on the earl}' inhabitants of Sicily, 482. Antiphates, son of Sikanos, 467. Antiphemos, founder of Gela, 399. Aones, 460. Aphrodision at Naxos, 327. Aphrodite, her connexion with Eryx, 205 ; her temple, 207, 215, 277, 279 ; her badges, 279 ; her place in the legend of Demeter, 539. Aphrodite-Aineias, altar of, 212. Apollo Libystinus, his temple, 95. A})oll6n, his statue and worship at Gela, 405. Apollon Archegetes, his altar, 326. Apollonia, Sikel site, 144. Apollonios of Ehodes, his scholiast on Thrinakia, 463, 465. Apollonios of Tyana, 470 ; his sermon at Catina, 379. Appian, his pedigree of the Gauls, 190. Aquaiarha, whether Achaians, 507. Archias, founder of Syracuse, story of, 336 ; oracles given to, 337, 338 ; his relations to Myskellos, 339, 574-576; story of his death, 344 ; his foundation abides, 346 ; a Eacchiad, 573 ; his relations to Chersikrates, 574. Ai-ethousa, her fountain, 77, 354, 357 ; her legend, 353-356 ; a form of Arte- mis, 356. Aricia, foundation of, 486. Aristonous, founder of Akragas, 431. Aristophanes, his play of Kokalos, 500. Aristotle, his account of the Cartha- ginian constitution, 229, 289 ; his notices of Sicilian history, 451 ; on Arnold, T., liis remarks on Sicily and Sardinia, 3. Artemis, her worship at Syracuse, 353 ; her relation to Arethousa and to Alpheios, 356; her settlement at Syracuse, ih. ; her place in the legend of Demeter, 539. Asca, foundation of Helymus, 549. aax^^ojpos, Sicilian word, 490. Asdrubal, meaning of the name, 227. Ashtoreth, worship of, at Eryx, 207, 227, 279, 305; her origin, 227; her worship in Cyprus and Kythera, 235. Asia, position of the Greeks in, 18. Asses, kinds of, in Sicily, 94. Assorus, its site and history, 154, 155. Atabyrios, epithet of Zeus, its Phoeni- cian origin, 562. Atalla, wife of Aigestos, 517, 548. Athenaios,his notices of Sicilian history, 451 ; of Sicilian words, 4S8, 489. Athene, her place in the legend of De- meter, 539. Athens, Western schemes of, 22, 24; her relation to Sicilian history, 450 ; her historic materials compared with those of Syracuse, 451. Augusta. See Xiphonia. Augustine, Saint, preserves the names of the lesser gods, 179. Ausonius, his verses on Catina, 379. Auvergne, its extinct volcanoes, 73 ; its hills compared with those of Sicily, 98. B. Barharian, use of the name, 306. Barbarians, different classes of, 21, 22. Bari, recovery of, 32. Basques, their relations to Sikans, no. Belice. See Hypsas. Belisarius, recovers Sicily, 30 ; his occupation of Carthage, 285. Benndorf, O., On the Metopes of Seli- nous, 418. Bentley, on weights and coins, 510. Biancavilla, Albanian settlement, 72. Boiotia, question of Phoenician settle- ment in, 235. Bottiaia, Cretan settlement of, 500. Bouphonas, Sikan hero, 546. Boutas, father of Eryx, 210, 545. Bozrah, akropolis of Carthage, 285. Bridges, few in Sicily, 218. Bright, W., quoted, 526. Brucoli. See Trotilon. Buecheler, F., on Sikel names, 591. Bunbury, Sir E. H., quoted, 328 ; on Epipolai, 579, 580. Byrsa. See Bozrah. INDEX. 595 C. Cacus, legend of, 210. Caecius, legend of, 210. Caesar, on the shape of Britain, 467. Cala, port of Palermo, 260. Calark, Cape, 59. Calat, Arabic element in Sicilian no- menclature, 97. Calogero, Mount, northern, 69; southern, 70. Caltabellotta, whether Kamikos, 503 ; description, 503, 504 ; origin of the name, 504. Caltanisetta, probable site of Nisa, 122, Canaan, national name of Phoenicians, 225 ; pedigree of the race, ih. Cannita, Phoenician tombs from, 261, 263. Cantara, river, 387. Capitium, position of, 146 ; force of the name, 147. Capizzi. See Capitium. Capo Gallo, 255. Capolato, Cape, 66, 67. Carini, bay of, 60 ; represents Hykkara, Carlentini. See Leontinoi. Carthage, her relation to Sicily, 15, 16, 228; her position and constitution, 19 ; her rivalry with Greece, 22, 295, 296, 298-300 ; origin of the name, 228, 286; her constitution, 229, 288- 291 ; type of the ruling city, ih. ; com- pared with Rome, ih. ; with Venice, 2 30 ; her great men, ih. ; centre of later Phoenician life, 237, 249; her relation to the older Phoenician set- tlements, 246 ; her historic position, 283 ; compared witli Rome and Athens, ib. ; foundation of, ih., 287; site of, 284, 285; her history, 285 ; her position in Africa, ib. ; her relation to Tyre, 287 ; her magis- trates, 288, 292 ; no tyrants at, 289; comments on, by Greek and Roman writers, 289-291 ; national character of, 291 ; nature of her dominion, 291, 298 ; the sacred band, 293 ; the commons, ib. ; date of its first settle- tlements, 295 ; her treaty with Rome, 297 ; date of her conquests in Sicil.y, ih.', her destructive position in Sicily, 303- Carthalo, son of Malchus, 297, Carts, painted, 94. Caar, great street of Pa,lermo, 260. CasrJanni. ^SVe Henna. Casteliamare, bay of, 60. Q Castrogiovanni, its title of Insuperahile, 98. See Henna. Catalfano, Mount, 263, Catania. See Katane. Catina, meaning of the name, 377. Cato, on the Carthaginian constitution, 290. Cavallari, F. S. and C, their work on Syracuse, 32S. Cave dwellings, where found, 475. Cefalu. See Cephaloedium. Centorbi. See Centuripa. Centuripa, hill of, 73 ; rebuilt, 97 ; its site, name, and character, 156-158. Cephaloedium, 59 ; origin and forms of the name, 139, 140 ; its position, 140 ; Sikel remains at, T41, 142 ; Phoeni- cian settlements at or near, 142, 143 ; transformation of Daphnis at, 193 ; alleged Phoenician origin of the name, 564. Chalkidians, their extension in Sicih'', 367; Chalkis, metropolis of Naxos, 315-516 ; settlers from, at Zankle, 393. Chalkis, Aitolian, 566. Charles of Anjou, his Eastern dominion, 42. Charles the Fifth, Emperor, founder of Carlentini, 370. Charondas, 377. Charybdi?, 77; legend of, 106. Chersikrates, founder of Korkyra, 335, 345, 574' 575- Chersonesos, name of Mylai, 587. See Mylai. Christendom, its strife with Islam in Sicily, II, 31. Chrysas, river, 81, 153, 155. Cicero, his description of Henna, 177, 536 ; his notices of Sicily, 457 ; of Engyum, 499. Citadella. See Engetium. Claudian, his poem on Persephone, 178, 538-540 ; his verses on Catina, 378 ; his notice of the breach, 461. Clement of Rome, writings forged in his name, their account of the Palici, 526. Cluver, on Pantakyas, 83; on Panormoa and Motva, 569; on Naxos, 571. Clypea, foundation of, 486. Clytaemnestra, wife of Siculus, 486. Cola Pesce, 77. Colonies, levelling tendencies in, 344- Colonies, Greek and Phoenician, their teaching, 13-15; Roman, 16; their independence, ih. ; rules for their foundation, 393. 2 59G INDEX. Colonization distinguished from migra- tion, 9, 223, 309. Colony, use of the word, 14. Constans the Second, Emperor, his visit to Sicily, 7. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, quoted, 482. Corinth, compared with Eryx, 208 ; her relations to Syracuse, 334 ; to her colonies generally, 340. Corn in Sicily, 91. Cornwall, compared with Sikelia, 320. Corsica, its relation to Sardinia and to Sicily, 2. Crete, legendary settlements from, in Sicily, 115; siege of Kaniikos, 116, 500; settlement in Messapia, 116, 500 ; Phoenician settlement in, 233. Criniti. See Thymbris. Curtius, E., on Sikans and Sikels, 492 ; on Elymians, 558. Cyprus, cycles in its history, 35, 36 ; compared with Sicily, 232-234 ; its early Semitic occupation, 233. D. Daidalos, legend of hi.s flight to Sic'ly and buildings, 113, 114, 495-497; arch of, at Eryx, 278. MynXov, Sikel word, its cognates, 489, 493- Dankle. See Zankle. Danklon, meaning of the name, 390, 391- Daphnis, his legend, 192 ; his trans- formation, 193. Daskon, bay and promontory, 347, Daughters, set to wash guests, 498. Delia, See Halykos. AeAAoi, brothers of the Palici, 519. Delos, its relation to Ortygia, 353, 357, Demeter, her original character, 77 ; legend of, 169, 530-541 ; Sikel origin of her worship, 169 ; transfei i ed from Greece to Sicily, 175 ; her Eleusinian worship, ih., 176; her worship at Gela, 406 ; her title of Erinny.s, 532. Dependencies, Phoenician and Greek, 299. Dido, story of, 283, 287. Di Giovanni, Professor, on the Topo- graphy of Panormos, 259. Diodoros, his bivth at Agyrium, 155; our chief guide for Sicilian history, 449, 450 ; his account of the breach, 459 ; of Tt inakria, 464 ; on the Sikel migration, 484 ; of Kamikos, 496 ; of Kokalos and Minos, 495, 498 ; of Engyum, 499 ; of the town of Trinakia, 511 ; of the Palici, 519, 523 ; of Henna, 536 ; on the foun- dation of Syracuse, 576 ; his mention of Epipolai, 579 ; of the expedition of Pentathlos, 588 ; of Lipara, 590. Dionysios, tyrant, his mother's dream, Dionysios of Halikarnassos, his notices of Sicily, 453 ; preserves the opening of Antiochos, 456; his account of the breach, 461 ; his account of Sikans and Sikels, 476, 480, 481. Dionysios Periegetes, his notice of the breach, 460 ; on Trinakia, 464. Dittaino. See Chrysas. Documents, lack of, in early Sicilian history, 4:3. Dogs of Hadranus, 187, 188. Dorieus, his expedition to Sicily, 209, 211, 297 ; its connexion with that of Pentathlos, 441, 443. Douri^*, his version of the tale of Galateia, 191. Drago. See Hypsas. Drepana, peninsula of, 62 ; haven of Eryx, 199, 200, 207 ; wall of, 281. Ducetius, 152. Duncker, M., his History of Antiquity, 221. E. East and West, their strife in Sicily, 10, II; a strife of creeds from the beginning, 11 ; sharpened by the opposition between Christianity and Islam, 31 ; settled in Sicily by the Normans, 34 ; share of England and of Sicily in, 45. East-Goths, their dominion in Sicily, 30. Eastern scholarship compared with Western, 505. Ebbsfleet, compared with Naxos, 317, 321. Ebusus, Carthaginian settlement in, 295. Echetla, its name and history, 153. Echetos of Epeiros, whether Sikel, 490, 491. Edmund of Lancaster, 42. Egesta, origin of the form, 202. See Segesta. Egypt, alleged Sikel invasion of, 129, 505-508. Eknomos, hill of, 63 ; outpost of Akragas, 440. INDEX. 597 Elam, name connected with the Ely- mians, 197. Eleusis, its worship of Demeter, 175, 176, 532. Elimiotis in Macedonia, 197. Elisha, taken for Sicily, 556, Elymia in Arkadia, 197. Elymians, tlieir presence in Sicily, loi ; their alleged Trojan origin, 195, 542-550; alleged Greek element, 197, 543 ; counted as barbarians, 197 ; ori- gin of the name, 197, 198 ; alleged migration from Italy, 198, 481, 55.^ ; strictly colonists, ib.; language of their coins, 198, 557; their sites, 200, 201 ; no trace of their language, 202, 219 ; extent of their territory, 204 ; begin as a land-folk, 208 ; their relation to Phoenicians, 215, 275, 276 ; no certain account of their origin, 215-217, .^52-553; their Sikel coinage, 510; Libyan voyage of the Trojan settlers, 543 ; growth of the story of Aineias, 544-550; inconsis- tent with the oldei- legends of Hera- kles, 544-549; version of Lykophron, 547-549 ; number of their towna, 551, 552 ; signs of Eastern oi igin, 553-554; their alleged relation to Sikans, 555-556. Elyraos, son of Anohises, 212; his appearance in Virgil, 214, 539, Empedokles, his works at Selinous, 422. England, points of likeness and con- trast with Sicily, 38-41, 45. English settlements, compared with Greek, 317-320. Engyum, fable of its foundation, 115- 117; change of the dedication of its temple, 146, 499 ; offerings at, 146. Enkelados, legend of, 58, 78. Ennus, supposed founder of Henna, 542. Entella, Sikan rather than Elymian, 122, 123, 201, 214, 552. Entellus, story of, in Virgil, 214. Entimos, founder of Gela, 399. Epeiros, question of Sikels in, 126, 490 ; its relation to Greece, 307 ; its kings in the West, 26, 27. Ephoros, on the inhabitants of Sicily, 474 ; on the foundation of Naxos, 570 ; on the foundation of Syracuse, 573-577- Epicharmos, preserves Sikel words, 489, 509- Epipolai, use of the name, 350, 578 ; Thucydides' description of, 578; Livy's description of, 579. Eponymoi, invention of, 104. Ergetium, Sikel town, 153. Erikoussa, island, 89. Eryca, Sikel town, 153 ; origin of the name, ih. Erykaa, river, 82. Eryx, his parentage, 210, 545 ; his wrest- ling and treaty with Herakles, 210, 211, 545- Eryx, mountain and town, its position, 53, 54, 57, 199, 200, 203 ; its temple, 205, 207, 276, 279; compared with yEtna, 206; mistake of Polybios about, ih. ; compared with Henna, 207 ; with Segesta, 208 ; Phoenician influence at, 276 ; the akropolis, 277 ; the wall, 279, 280; legend of its foundation, 550- Euaiphnos, story of, 567. Euboia (Sikeliot town), its foundation and destruction, 380. Eukleides, founder of Himera, 411. Eumelos, cyclic poet, one of the first settlers at Syracuse, 344. Euripides, his use of tlie name Phry- gian, 197 ; on the legend of Demeter, 533- Euryalos, its name and position, 580; a Sikel stronghold, ih. Eustathios, his notice of the breach, 460; of Trinakria, 467, 469; on Sikans and Sikels, 485, 491 ; on Echetos, 491. Evam, A. J., quoted, 218, 323 ; on the Triquetra, 470 ; on tlie Palici, 528- 530. Evarchos, founder of Katane, 372. F. Faro, name of the strait, 129. See Pharos. Fazello, T., quoted, 462 ; on Henna, 542. Festus, his notice of Sikels, 485 ; on the name Segesta, 551, Fish of Si(dly, 93. /^italos, form of Vilnius, 210. Fiumare, 79. Forbiger, on Sikans and Sikels, 487, Frederick, Emperor and King of Sicily, 43 ; change after his death, 47 ; his influence on language, 132 ; his price in the slave-market, 137; his castle at Catania, 375 ; his coinage, 405. Frederick of Aragon, story of, 77. French language, its spread, 37, 38. Fruits of Sicily, native and foreign, 92, 93. 598 INDEX. G. Gades, its foundation and abiding life, 238? 239 ; compared with Syracuse, 332. Gagiiano. See Galaria. Galaria, its position and coins, 147. Galas, son of Polyphemos and Galateia, 190. Galateia, legend of, 189; its various forms, 190 ; ancestress of the Gauls, TaXedris, TaKeouTaij Tepfdris, &c., mean- ing and cognates of the name, 515. Galeos, legend of, 516. Galeotes, legend of, 569. Gallo, Ca,pe, 59. Gangi. See Engyum. Garibaldi, compared with Timoleon, 25. Gaulos, island, 87; Phoenician settle- ment in, 240, 243. Gela, extent of its territory, 63, 401, 408 ; its fields, 81, 408 ; origin of the name, 125, 401, 488; founded from Rhotles and Crete, 399 ; its site, 402-407 ; the haven, 404 ; its rela- tions to Lindioi, 404 ; its temples, 405, 406 ; its historic position, 406 ; its relations to Sikans and Sikels, 407 ; its lake, 408, 409 ; metropolis of Akragas, 431. Gtlas, river, 79, 80 ; changes in its course, 401 ; poetic descriptions, 79, 402 ; meaning of the name, 488. Geleon, Geleontes, legend of, 515. Gelon, his treaty with Carthage, 22, 305 ; his destruction of Euboia, 380. Gemelli coUes, 69. George of Antioch, 83 ; his bridge, 258. Geryones, his oxen, 182, 209; his wor- ship at Agyrium, 183; his original place, 544, 545. Giarretta, river, 83. See Symaitlios. Gibel Rosso, its name and history, 257. Goats, various kinds of, in Sicily, 95. Gothi, GothoiiCK, Geatas, 473. Graves, primitive, in Sicily, 217. Greater Greece, force of the name, 20, Greeks, their relation to Sicily, 8-13; their European championship in Sicily, 9, II ; their relation to bar- barians, 17, 18, 295 ; their career in the West, 25, 231, 232 ; their rivalry with Carthage, 22 ; their influence on Sikels and Latins, 134; adopt the Sikel measures, 134, 136, 488; their relation to barbarians, 306, 308; their settlements in Asia, 309 ; beginning of their settlement in the West, 310 ; their settlements in Sicily, 310, 312, 564-569 ; no details of their foun- dation, 342, 343 ; their accidental beginning, 314; their early inter- course with Phoenicia, 234-237 ; their settlements compared with those of the English, 317-320; set- tlements in Italy, 396 ; in northern and soutliern Sicily, 397,410; extent of their settlements in Sicily, 446 ; their relation to other races, 446, 447- Grote, G., on the expedition of Dorieus, 442 ; on the site of Naxos, 571. H. Hadranum, its position and temple, 148, 185, 186; seat of the worship of Hadranus, 184. Hadranus, Sikel fire-god, 91, 184 ; alleged Phoenician origin of his name, ih. ; his image, ih., 1S6 ; his worship, 186-189 ; father of the Palici, 525. Hadrumetum, 239. Halsesa, Sik<.l foundation, 143. Halikyai, Sikan town, 1 20, 552 ; its site, 121. Halikyai, Sikel town, 121 {note). Haluntium, Sikel town, 144; founda- tion of, 549. Halykos, boundai'y river, 80 ; Halykos, western, 420. Haniilkar, his camp on Herkte, 266, 269. Hannibal, meaning of the name, 226, Hauteville, house of, 34. Hebrews, their relation to Phoenicians, 226. Heisterbergk, B., on the origin of Trinahria, 471, 472 ; on Sikans and Sikels, 493-494 ; on Sikanos and Sikania, 501, 502 ; on Elymians, 555. 55<3- Hekataios of Miletos, his writings, 454 ; his account of Herakles and Geryones, 544, Hekate, 531. Hellanikos, his notice of Sicily, 454 ; his account of the breach, 461 ; of the nations of Sicily, 481, 482, 483. Heloron, its Sikel origin, 149 ; road to, 361. Heloros, poetic descriptions of, 79, 80. Helymus. See Elymos. Henna, 154 ; Sikel origin of its wor- ship, 1 70 ; its site, name, and history, 1 7 i-i 74 ; early hellenized, 174; its INDEX. 599 modern state, ib., 175; its worship not mentioned in earlier writers, 176, 534? 535 ; fame due to Latin writers, 176-179, 535-541 ; its later history, 179; its coins, 541 ; not a colony of Syracuse, 542 ; confounded with ^tna, 535, 542. Hephaistos, legends of, 78 ; in Lipara, 87, 88, 525 ; identified with Hadranus, 186 ; father of the Palici, ib. Heraian Mountains, 70. Herakleia, 430 ; its Phoenician coins, 496. Herakles, legend of, 76, 544 ; his ex- ploits in Sicily, 182, 461,544-547; his worship at Agyrium, 182, 183 ; origin of the legend, ib. ; his legend at Eryx, 196, 209, 545-547; his western journey and return, 209 ; his wrestling and treaty with Eryx, 210, 211 ; his relation to Melkart, 221 ; his part in the legend of Kyana, 365 ; his legend at Himera, 417; his oxen, 461 ; favours Syra- cuse, 546. Herbessos, Sikan town, 121. Herbessus, Sikel town, 122 ; its site uncertain, 149. Herbita, Sikel town, 147. Herkte, 60 ; its relation to Panormos, 254; prEehistoric remains on, 267. Hermokrates, his speech at Gela, 2 ; his work at Selinous, 426. Herodotus, our first continous author- ity, 455 ; his account of Kamikos and Minos, 495, 498, 500. Hesiod, his notions of Italy, 105 ; his scholiast on the legend of Demeter, 532. Hill-towns of Sicily, 95-99 ; compared with those of Gaul, 98. Hills, nomenclature of, 83. Himera, its hot baths, 59, 76, 41 7 ; effects of its foundation on the Phoenician retreat, 243 ; its foundation and his- tory, 410; a colony of Zankle, 411 ; its dialect and laws, 412 ; its site, 41 2-416 ; extent of its territory, 416, 417; its relations to Sikans and Phoenicians, 413, 417, 418 ; its coins, 414. Himeras, Northern and Southern, 80, 81, 414 ; boundary of Sikan and Sikel, 124; whether Sikanos, 502. Hipparis, river, 80. Hippo, 239. Hip[)otes, legend of, 549. Hippys of Rhegion, his Sicilian history, 454- Hirom, king of Tyre, 287. Holm, Adolf, his work on Syracuse, 328 ; on Katane, 367 ; on Sikans and Sikels, 487; on early Greek settle- ment in Sicily, 564-569. Homer, notices of Sicily and Sikans, 105-107; his Thrinakia, 463. Horace, his use of Triquefrus, 467. Horses in Sicily, 94. Hot baths, 76. Human sacrifice, 367. Hybla, use of the name, 70, 388 ; three towns so called, 159, 512-517. Hybla, Sikel goddess, 159, 161 ; identi- fied with various Greek goddesses, 161, 163. Hybla, Galeatic, mud volcano at, 75, 161; site and description of, 160-162, 516; its people expounders of dreams, 161,515 ; still Sikel in Philistos'time, 515- Hybla, Greater, 1 59 ; its relations to Megara, 388, 513, 514. Hybla, Heraian, its site and descrip- tion, 162-164, 517- Hyblon, helps the Megarian settlers, 389 ; his name, ib. Hykk;ira, Sikan town, 119, 199, 201. Hypsas, river, at Selinous, 80, 421 ; at Akragas, 432 ; origin of the name, 562. Hyria, foundation of, 500. Hyrminos, river, 162. I. laita, Sikan town, 121. lapygia, legendary Cretan settlement in, 116. lapygia, Illyrian, 500. lasioii, legend of, 531. Iberians, their connexion with Sicily, 100 ; relation to the Sikans, 10 1, 102, 109. Illyrios, son of Polyphemos and Gala- teia, 190. Imachara, Sikel town, 148 ; whether Troina, ib. ; origin of the name, 494. Indara, Sikan town, T20. Inessa, its position and history, 148, 149. -Tvos, Sikel ending, 490. Inscriptions, place of, as evidence, 453. Inykon, Sikan town, 118 ; city of Kokalos, 495, 496. lokastos, son of Aiolos, 460, 484. lolaos, his worship at Agyrium, 183 ; colonizer of Sardinia, ib. Ipsostratos, legend of, 549. Islam, its strife with Christendom in Sicily, II, 31. 600 INDEX. Island, use of name at Syracuse, 350. See Ortygia. Islands near Sicily, 84, 85. li^ola delle Correnti, 64. Isola delle Fenine, 85. 'iraXia, origin of the name, 462. Italiots, force of the word, 1 7 ; their re- lation to the Italians, ]8, 19. Italy, its relations to Sicily and Greece, 12 ; Greek settlements in, 20 ; rela- tion of its central nations to the Greeks, 20, 21 ; Imperial advance in the ninth century, 32 ; Saracen pos- sessions in, ib. ; how conceived by Hesiod, 105 ; early use of the name, 480. Ivifa. See Ebusus. J. Jato, site of laita, 121. Judges and Kings, 288, 289. J ustin, his notice of the breach, 459. K. Kadmos, his name and legend, 235. Kale Akte, Sikel foumlation, 143. Kallias of Syracuse, on the Palici, 518. Kallimachos, first to mention Henna in relation to Demeter, 176, 535. Kallipolis, its foundation and destruc- tion, 379, 380. Kalogeros, Saint, 419. Kamarina, its territory, 63 ; its rela- tions to Syracuse, 342 ; origin of the name, 561, 562. Kamikos, its si.e, history, and legend, 1 1 2-1 14, 495-504 ; the Cretan siege, 500 ; whether Caltabellotta, 503, 504. Kapys, father of Anchises, 549. Karkinos, on the legend of Demeter, 533- Kasinenai, its Sikel origin, 150. Katabothra, 78. Katane, its bay and fields, 67 ; its foundation, 372 ; its site, 373-376 ; effect of ^^tna on, 374, 376 ; earth- quakes at, 375 ; its relations to Sikels and Phoenicians, 376, 377 ; its his- torical position, 377 ; its name, 377, 561 ; its coins, 378. KCLTivov, Sikel word, 488. Kaukana, its harbour, 63. Keightley, T., quoted, 531. Keltos, son of Polyphemos and Galateia, 190. Kerkopes, legend and sculptures of, 405- Kinch, K. F., on Elymian coins, 557- Knidos, expedition from, to Sicily, 442 ; metropolis of Lipa-ra, 444. Kokalos, king of Kamikos, 1 1 2-1 18, 405 ; other notices of him, 118 ; his name and nationality, 495 ; manner of his death, 498. Korkyra, joint foundation with Syi-a- cuse, 335 ; its sites, 336, 345 ; names f>f> 336 ; its relations to Corinth, 340, 341 ; contrast with Syracuse, 340-342 ; its foundation by Chersi- krates, 574, 575. Korypho, supplants Korkyra, 336, 345. Kossoura, island, S6 ; Phoenician settle- ment in, 240. Krataimenes, founder of Zankle, 393. Kratas, hills, 70. Krates, quoted, 481. Krimisos, river, 80. Krimisos, river-god, 212 ; father of Aigestes, 548. Kronos, his reign in Sicily and Italy, 481. Kroton, foundation of, 77, 338, 339, ,396,576,577- Kvl^TjTTou, icv^iTov, Sikel word, 488. Kyamosofo^, river, 8r, 157. Kyana, fountain of, 360, 365; temple of, ih. ; legend of, 364-367 ; his re- lation to Persephone, 538, 540. Kyanipi)OS, legi nd of, 366. Kyklopes, their change of charactei", Kyklop^, son of Sikanos, 467. Kyme, its position, 125, 312 ; compared with Gades, 238 ; its foundation, 311,312; compared with Naxos, 3 1 6, 321 ; settlers from, at Zankle, 392, 393- Kythera, worship of Ashtoreth in, 235. L. Laertes, his Sikel bondwoman, 126, 127. Laistrygones, seats of, in Italy and Sicily, 106; Sicily called their land, 211. Lakios, oracle given to him, 399. Lamis, his attempt at settlement in Sicily, 382-386; his dealings with Sikels at Leontinoi, 383; dies at Thapsos, 387. Lampedusa. See Lopedusa. Laomeddn, legend of, 548. \aTdyr], Sicilian word, 490. Latin, language of Sikels, 488. INDEX. 601 Latin names of gods, 178. Latin poets, tlieir notices of Sicily, 452 ; their notices of the breach, 460, 461. Aarivui, uses of the name, 107. Latins, their history compared with the Sikels, 131, 133. Latium, pi esence of Sikans and Sikels in, 1 10, 485. Lava, use of, for building, 323, 374, 376. Legend, different forms of, 102-105. Lenormant, quoted, 506. Lentini. iSee Leontinoi. Leontinoi, its fields, 67, 368, 371 ; Sikel site, 136 ; its foundation, 368 ; an inland town, ib. ; its site, 369-371 ; Sikel remains at, 370 ; its name and coinage, 371, 372 ; Euboia settled from, 380; Megarian settlers at, 383; their driving out, 384, Xenopiv, Sikel word, 488. Leukas, its relations to Corinth, 341. Leukaspis, Sikan hero, 546. Lewis, Saint, his church at Carthage, 285. Libera. See Persephone. Licodia. whether the site of Inessa, 148. Ligurians, their relations to Iberians and Sikans, 476, 483 Lilybaion, its position, 53; western point of Sicily, 61, 271 ; origin of the name, ih. ; its relation to Libya, 269 ; town of continued Motya, 274 ; attempt of Dorieus on, 443. Limestone gorges in Sicily and else- where, 7 1 . Lindioi, akropolis of Gela, 401, 404. LinijucB, applied to the corners of Sicily, 469. Lipara, isles of, 61, 80, 87, 89 ; legends of, 90, 91 ; settlement of, 296 ; Kni- dian settlement, 444-446 ; their his- tory, 445 ; Aiolids in, 589 ; Thucy- dides' account of, 590. Lissos, river, 82. AtVpa, from Latin libra, 510. Livy, his description of Henna, 536. Lobeck, quoted, 531. Lokroi, Sikel site, 136 ; survival of Sikel customs at, 193 ; its foundation, 396. Lopedusa, island, 87. Lucan, his mention of Henna, 538. Lucian, his Dialogue of Galateia, 190. Lucilius, the Younger, his poem of ^tna, 452 ; on the Pious Brethren, 582, 583. Lupus, Bernhard, his work on Syra- cuse, 328. Lydus, John, his account of the breach, 462 ; quotes Krates, 481. Lykophron, his account of the Elymian settlement, 547-549. Lykos, river, 497. iSee Halykos. M. Maccaluba, mud volcano, 74. MacJumat, alleged Phoenician name of Panoi-mos, 251. Macho>. ; under Van- dals, 30 ; under East-Goths, ih. ; re- covered by Belisarius, ih. ; part of the Eastern Empire, ih. ; Saracen do- minion in, 30-33 ; its relation to Southern Italy under the Eastern Empire, 32 ; under the Normans, 33, 44; creation of the kingdom, 34; be- come definitely European and Chris- tian, ib. ; its connexion with England, 37j 42 ; contrast with England, 38-41 ; its later conquests, 39 ; the Italian element prevails in, 40 ; its history looks back, 43, 45 ; Al- banian settlers in, 44; divisicms of its history, 45, 46 ; county and king- dom of, 47 ; character of its later history, 47, 48, 132; change in its language, 47 ; continuity of its his- tory, 48; its pne-historic geography, ih. ; its history begins as an island, 51 ; its alleged severance from Italy, 51, 52, 462, 468; mistakes as to its shape, 52, 53, 458-462 ; its four sides, 53, 462 ; practically triangular, 54, 55 ; character of the coast, 55-57 ; compared with Greece, 55 ; its mountains, 56 ; its western side, 61, 271 ; its south-western side, 62 ; its midland region, 67, 68, 71 ; its limestone ravines, 71 ; its relation to tlie nether gods, 74, 168; its lakes and fountain-^, 75-77 ; its rivers, 78-84; its corn, 91 ; its fruits, 92 ; foreign plants, 92, 93 ; lack of forest trees, 93 ; lack of animal life, 93 ; fish, 93 ; horses, 94 ; carts, 94; sheep and goats, 95 ; swine, 95 ; prevalence of town life, 96 ; the hill-towns. 96-99; ancient religion of, 98; its importance due to Phoenicians and Greeks, ih. ; its various names, 100 ; early Greek knowledge of, 106, 107, 132, 168, 310; three primitive races of, 216 ; their records, 217-219; distinguished from the colonists, 219, 220; Phoenician element in its nomen- clature, 244, 559-564; changes in the westcoasit, 272 : its barbarian coi-ner, 276, 281 ; Carthaginian and Roman province in, 300 ; effects of Cartha- ginian presence in, 303, 304 ; destiny of its primitive nations, 308 ; Hel- lenized through Rome, ih. ; beginning of Greek settlement in, 310-313, 314, 564-569 ; compared with Britain, 316-320 ; with America, 319, 320 ; settlements on its northern and south- ern coasts, 397, 410; their character, 398 ; extent of Greek settlement in, 446 ; hellenized by assimilation, 446 ; authorities for it^ early history, 449- 458 ; compared with those from Old Greece, 452 ; largely secondhand, 453; its poetry fragmentary, 452; notices of, by Latin poets, 460 ; measurements of, 470 ; its shape compared with Britain, 467; its sup- posed three promontories, 469. Sicoris, river. See Sikanos. Siculi, relation of the name to Sicani, 472, 473; its quantity, 479; later use of the name, 485, 488; its use in Italy, 485, 486 ; origin of the name, 493, 494. Sicali, in Transsilvania, 130. Siculiana, alleged site of Kamikos, 112, 496. Sidon, its rivalry with Tyre, 234. Siefert, 0., on Zankle, 367. Sikania, name of Sicily, 100 ; Homeric use of, 106 ; at Akragas, 493, 494, 501-502. :SiKavoi, form of the name, 472, 473; its relation to 'Xik€\o'i, 473. Sikanos, king, 104 ; his sons, 467. Sikanos, river, 109. 475, 501, 502. Sikans, autochthones, 50, 102, 103, 479, 487 ; their relation to Sikels, 100, 107, 473-479; to lijerians, loi, 109,474-479; prae- Aryan, loi ; their presence in Italy, 110, 477, 478 ; in Sicily, no, in ; their love of hill- tops, III; their history, ih.; their decline, 123, 124; give way to the Sikels, 135; their skulls, 268 ; their relation to Etruscans, 476 ; their language unknown, 488. Sikelia, origin of the name, 100 ; its relation to Sikania, 107 ; fitness of the name, 194. Si/ceAta, hill near Athens, 487. Sikeliots, force of the word, 17; their position compared with that of the Italiots, 19. St/iTeAjW at Tibur, 481. 'SmeXoi, later use of the word, 488. Sikelos, king, 104, 465, 483, 483, 486. Sikels, 17 ; undeveloped Latin?, 19, 20; 12 4, ] 25 ; assimilated by the Greeks, INDEX. 607 20; their relation to Sikans, 100, 107, 473-479, 487 ; Homeric notices of, 106, 126; tlieir presence in Italy, 124, 485-487, 491 ; their language, 125, 400, 488-4QO ; their flight before the Opicans, 125; question of their presence in Epeiros, 126, 490 ; their early dealings with Greece, i 26-1 28 ; date of their migration, 1 28, 480, 482 ; their alleged invasion of Egypt, 129, 130, 505-509; their history com- paredwith the Latins, 131,133; their remains, 132; their relations to Phoe- nicians and Greeks, 133, 134; their advance against the Sikans, 135, 484; their sites, 136, 137; their weights and measures adojjted by the Greeks, ih., 488, 508-510; their in- land and northern posts, 138; their later foundations, 143 ; exchange of gods with the Greeks, 144, 159, 169, 170; their sites on the east coast, 149 ; their inland towns hellenized without conquest, 151; names of their gods, 178; survivals of their religion, 179 ; traces of, out of Sicily, 193 ; survival of their relics of customs at Lokri, 193, 487; their fusion with the Greeks, 194 ; their traces at Syracuse, 362 ; their tombs at Leontinoi, 370; intermixture of at Katane, 376, 377 ; their presence at Zankle, 390, 392 ; Gela conquered from, 407. Silius Italicus, his notice of the breach, 460 ; on the corners of Sicily, 469 ; on Sikans and Sikels, 478, 483 ; his mention of Henna, 538. Sirens, their relation to the legend of Demeter, 533. Skulls, types of, at Palermo, 268. Skylax, his mention of Sicily, i , Skylla, legend of, 106. Skymnos, on Trinakria, 465 : on the inhabitants of Sicily, 475. Slaves, favoured by Sikel gods, 167, 183. Smyth, Admiral, quoted, 52, 53, 63, 77, 89,91,496. Solanto, 266. Solinus, on Sikels, 486 ; on Henna, Solous, 59 ; date of its foundation un- known, 247 ; its position, 255, 263 ; origin of the name, 262 ; remains of the town, 264, 266 ; its outlook, 265 ; a Phoenician border-post, 267, 268, 269 ; origin of the name, 563. Soluntum, Roman form of Solous, 262, 266. Sophokles, his play of KafiiKtoi, 500. Sorello, Cape, south-western point of Sicily, 63. Spain, cycles of its history compared with Sicily, 36, 37 ; Phoenician settle- ments in, 239. Spenser, E., on the Palici, 592. Sperlenga. See Herbita. Springs and fountains, 76. Stephen of Byzantium, on Trinakria, 465 ; on Kamikos, 495 ; on Sikans and Sikania, 500, 501, 502 ; on the Palici, 520. Stesichoros, 378 ; his Geryoneid, 209. Strabo, quoted, 78, 451 ; his notices of Sicily, 306, 457 ; h^s use of the word TpivaKpia, 463 ; his notice of the breach, 459, 460 ; of the Morgetes, 492 ; of K-.imikos, 495 ; of Hybla, 513; of the Palici, 520; on the foundation of Syracuse, 574; of Zankle, 584 ; on Lipara, 590. Strait of Messina, its geography and currents, 58. Stromboli. See Strongyle. Strongyle, island, 88. Styella, its site, 517. Stylla, wife of Aigestos, 517, 548. Styx, mother of Persephone, 531. Susa, name of Hadrumetum, 239. Swine in Sicily, 95. Sybaris, foundation of, 396. Symaithos, river, 81. Syracuse, its people called mainlanders, 2 ; its relations and wars with Car- thage, 22, 23, 364; effect of geo- graphy on its history, 65, 66; its hills, 70, 347, 348-350; Sikel site, 136, 362 ; her position and history, 328-334 ; greatest of Sikel iot and European cities, 328, 329 ; compared with Athens, 329-331 ; with other cities, 331, 332; her Greek and European championship, 332 ; her conquest by the Saracens and its eff"ects, 332, 333 ; her relations to Corinth, 334, 340, 341 ; story of her foundation, 335-345 ; compared with Kroton, 338 ; with Korkyi-a, 340, 341 ; its relations to Kamarina, 342 ; its site, 345-352 ; its havens, 346, 351 ; no akropolis at, 352 ; use of the name, 353, 357-359 5 sisterhood with Delos, 354, 357; early coins of, 358 ; whether a double city, 359 ; Sikel remains at, 362, 363 ; question of Phoenician occupation at, 363 ; its relations to Akragas, 430 ; compared with Akragas, 435, 436 ; lack of incidental sources for its history, 451 ; favoured by Hera- kles, 546 ; alleged settlement before 608 INDEX. Archias, 566 ; Thucydides' account of its foundation, 572 ; other versions, 572-577- Szeklers. See Siculi. T. Tamaricium, origin of the name, 561, Taniasos, not the Temessa of Homer, 127. Taormina. See Tauromenion. Taras, Tarentum, its foundation, 396. Tartessos, Phoenician voyages to, 239. Tauromenion, bay and hills of, 67. Tauros, hill by Tauromenion, 67 ; southern hill of, 324. Telephos, slayer of Archias, 344. Telmissos, legend of, 516, 569. Temesa, iron trade of, 126, 127. Tempsa. See Temesa. Tenea, settlers from, at Syracuse, 343 ; origin of, 344. Terias, river, 82. Termini. See Thermal, Terra Pilata, mud volcano, 75. Terraiiova. See Gela. Teutos, Sikan king, 118. Thaleia, mother of the Palici, 165, 526. Thapsos, peninsula, 66, 386 ; Megarian settlement at, 385, 386 ; origin of the name, 563. Tharshish, ships of, 239. Thasos, Phoenician settlement in, 234. Theokles, his voyage and settlement at Naxos, 314-316 ; whether Chalkidian or Athenian, 315, 570, 571 ; founder of Leontinoi, 368; his dealings with Sikels and Megarians, 383, 384. Theokritos, on the legend of Demeter, 535- Theia, Plioenician settlement in, 234. Thermai of Himera, 59, 76, 4T7. Thermai of Selinous, 63, 76, 419. Thermesa, island, 88, Thesprotians, their language, 307. Thrinakie, use of the name, 53 ; its relation to Sicily, 105, 106; Homeric picture of, 105, 106, 463 ; localized at Mylai, ih. OpLva^, derivation of Thrinakia from, 464, 471. Thucydides, his view of mythical history, lOD, 102 ; his view of Sikans and Sikels, 102, 474; his use of the ar- ticle, 149; his account of the settle- ment of Sicily, 306 ; our one con- temporary authority, 449; his rela- tion to Antioohos, 456, 457, 475 ; his use of the word Trinalcria, 463, 464 ; his relations to Philistos, 475 ; influenced by eponymoi, 480 ; his mention of Hybla, 513 ; of the Ely- mians, 543, 552; of the Greek settle- ments, 564, 570, 586 ; of the founda- tion of Syracuse, 572 ; of Epipolai, 578 ; of the foundation of Zankl^, 584 ; of Lipara, 590. Thymbris, Mount, 70, 388. Tibur, traces of Sikels at, 481, 486, Tiella. See Styella. Tiniaios, on Trinakria, 465 ; on the Sikans, 479. Timoleon, compared with Garibaldi, 25 ; his dealings with Demeter and Per- sephone, 535. Tii-acinum, See Trinakia. Tissa, Sikel town, 156. Tradition, different forms of, 102-105. Trapani. See Drepana. Triakria, 466. TpiyXojxis, epithet of Sicily, 466. Tp'idiipos, epithet of Sicily, 466. Trinakia. town, its position and history, 158, 463, 511,512; its relation to the name Trinakria, ih. Trinakos, eponymos of Trinakia, 465. Trinakria, origin of the name, 53, 100, 463, 464-467, 470; its relation to the GpiuaKiT] of Homer, 463 ; to the town of Trinakia, ih. ; notice of in Diodoros, 465 ; use of in Latin writers, 467 ; applicati(m of by Apollonios of Tyana, 470 ; modern theories about, 471 ; use of in Kallimachos, 466, Triokala, Sikan town, 121 ; its site, 5^2. Triqiietra, Latin equivalent for Trina- kria, 46 7 ; symbol, 470. Trisl-elis, symbol of Sicily, its origin, 470,471. Trojan origin of the Elymians, 195 ; suspicious character of all such stories, ih. ; practical efi^ects of the tradition, 197, 203; oldest form of the tale, 211; later versions, 211, 212 ; version of Virgil, 213-215. Trotilon, first Megarian settlement at, 382. Tunis, its antiquity, 286. Tyndaris, foundation of Dionysius, 145. Typhos, legend of, 78, 470. Tyrakia. See Trinakia. Tyrakinai. See Trinakia. Tyre, its rivalry with Sidon, 234. Tyrrhenian Sea, 60. Tyrtaios, date of, 587, Tzetzea, John, on Trinakria and Tria- kria, 466; on Sikans and Sikels, 500 ; on the Elymian legend, 548. INDEX. 609 U. "rPkaios, 517. Ulixes, whether Sikel name of Odysseus, 146. Ustica, island, 89. Utica, 239 ; origin of the name, 228. V, Vandals, their dominion in Sicily, 30. Varro, his witness to Sikel words, 485, 488, 509. Venus, identified with Hybla, 161. Vessa. See Ouessa. Vesuvius, comjjared with ^tna, 74. Victor Amadeus, his change of king- doms, 241. Vinizzi. See Echetla. Virgil, his account of the Kyklopes, 78 ; his epithets, 79 ; his use of names, 1 10 ; his account of Aineias and Eryx, 213, 214; his notice of the breach, 460 ; his use of Sicani, 477, 478 ; his notice of the Palici, 517-522. Volscians, 125. Vulcanello, island, 89. Vulcani, Cicei'o's list of, 528. Vulcano, island, 89. W. War for Sicily, 5 ; its character, 27, 28. West and East, their strife in Sicily, 10, II. See East and West. Wiltzi, Wiltahurg, Wiltshire, 473. Wolfflin, E., on Antiochos of Syracuse, 357- X. Xiphonia, peninsula, 66, 385, 583 ; why not occupied by Greeks, 388, 389 ; town of, 583. Xouthia, Sikel town, 152. Xouthos, legend of, 484. Z. Zaffarana, Cape, 264. ^dy/cXov. See ba/yKKov. Zankle, afterwards Messana, Sikel site, 136; its first foundation, 390, 392, 584; its site, 390-392 ; its name, 390, 39i> 585 ; Phoenicians and Sikels at, 392 ; second foundation of, 393, 584 ; its date, 393, 394 ; extent of its territory, 394 ; its settlement at Mylai, 395 ; metropolis of Himera, 41 1 ; founded from Chalkis, 585 ; called colony of Naxos, ih. ; its date, 586. Zanklos, eponymos of Zankle, 390. Zerynthia, Zerynthias, surname of Ar- temis and Apollon, 548. Zeus, his relation to Demeter and Per- sephone, 530, 531- Zeus Atabyrios, 438. Ziz, alleged Phoenician name of Panor- mos, 251. END OF VOL. I. VOL. I. 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